Digitized by the Internet Archive UNIiftBerev OF ILLINO 3 LiBRAR AT URBANA CHAMP/ STACKS https://archive.org/details/historyofirelandOOsmil The person charging this material is re- sponsible for its return to the library from which it was withdrawn on or before the Latest Date stamped below. Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. To renew call Telephone Center, 333-8400 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN SEP 2 7 198i NOV 08^ 995 L161— O-1096 HISTORY OF IRELAND THE IRISH PEOPLE, THE GOVERNMENT OF ENGLAND BY SAMUEL SMILES, M.D. 9 D'^'SP^TT^' the inierijiix'au'e of races, and the settlements and transactions of every hue which the course of ages has prudnced, the old hatred of English government -till subsLts as a native passion inherent in the mass of the Insh nation. Prom the first day of the invasion the will of that race of men has been censtai.tlv opposed to the arbitrary will of the conquerors: it has detested what they have loved, and loved' what they have detested. They, whose long xnisfortunes were in a gi-eat measurt caused by the ambition of ihe popes, wedded thexnst'ves to the dogmas of Catholicism, with a sort of fury, so soon as England freed herself from the ssrae. This unconquerable obstinacy, this f-Ci.iiy Gf preserving and nourishing, through ages of physical misery, the remembrance of their lost /Uberty, the disposition never to despoil of a :Tnstantiy vanquished cause, that has always been ratal ' to all such among them as have dared to espouse and defend it, is perhaps the most extra., rdniary and tlj^^greatest example that a people has ever given.— Augustik Thiekry's Hhtory of the Norman LONDON: QBLISHED BY WM. STRANGE, PATERNOSTER ROW ; DUBLIN; T. LE MESSUEIER, LOWER ABBEY STREET. M D CC C X I, I V, PREFACE. The origin of the following book may be shortly stated. Some time ago, desiring to obtain a full acquaintance with the history of Ireland subsequent to its connection with England, the author sought among the libraries and pubhshers for a work upon the subject. He was doomed to be disappointed ; for, though he f&und that many books had been written about Ireland,— one ^Moore's) giving its history previous to the 'Reformation'; another (Leland's) bringing it down to the Revolution of 1688; a third (Taylors) detailing the history of the Civil Wars of Ireland, but hastily passing over the last and (to the present generation of readers) the most important of all — the Rebellion of 1798 ; a fourth (Barrington's) giving the history of the Irisli Parliament during the short, bright period of its glory, com- mencing in the year 1781 ; a fifth (Madden's) giving the history of the United Irishmen at great length ; — yet in none could he find a clear and connected account of the current of Irish events down to^the present time, such as is so much needed at this day, when Irish questions engross so large a share of public attention. In short, it was found that a very large number of books- — many of them very expensive ones— must be perused, before anything like a correct idea could be formed of Irish history. The author therefore conceived the design of writing a book which should in some measure supply the deficiency, and give the English reader, within a small compass, a history of Ireland and the Irish People under the government of England, down to the period at which we hve. No time was lost in putting this design into execution, and the following book is the result. IV. The scarcity of works upon Irish history, as compared with those on the other portions of the British Empire, shows that, hitherto, but little interest has been felt by the English people in the condition of the sister country. The statement of Lord Normanby, in the House of Lords,* that, " there exists and prevails in England the greatest possible ignorance as to the state and wants of Ireland," seems to be unfortunately but too well- founded. In fact, a large portion of the people of England are still as ignorant of the condition of Ireland as Swift alleged they were in his time, — when all they knew of Ireland was, that it was a country subject to the crown of England, full of bogs, and inhabited by " wild Irish papists," who were kept in awe only by means of English troops. But the time for the prevalence of such dangerous ignorance is now past. England must be informed of the real condition of Ireland, and adopt the necessary steps to raise her people from the deep degradation into which the English government stands chargeable with having sunk them. Indeed, the English people must bestir themselves to better the condition of Ireland, were it only as the means of ensuring their own preservation. Our intimate connection, and our easy com- munication w'lth the Irish nation, cannot continue, without our population being ultimately dragged down to the same level with themselves. To do justice to Ireland, to elevate her people, to enlarge their resources, and to establish their liberties, is neither more nor less than doing justice to England, and increasing the well-being and happiness of the English people. And in order to do full justice to Ireland, it is necessary that Irish history should be known and studie^d; for we are persuaded that there only is the true key to its present position to be found — there only are the secret springs of Irish discontentment to be traced. '^'^he stiident of Irish History will find that Ireland stands out from the history of the rest of Europe in striking relief. Like England, Scotland, and most European countries, the sword of Conquest has passed over Ireland ; but, unlike them, the evils of that Conquest have never for a moment subsided, and they arc al the present day almost as rife as they were seven hundred * Ddxitr in tin- Ilonxr of Lords n,i llir slatr of Irrlniid, iM'brutiry I'Mh, IH-M. V. years ago. In England and Scotland, tlie conquering and the conquered races — Danes, Normans, Saxons, Britons, &c. — ^have, in a great measure, fused down into one people ; but in Ireland, the two races of the Conquest are still at war; and after a resistance which has lasted for centuries, the struggle is almost as inveterate now as at the period of its commencement. The blame of this protracted and destructive enmity between race and race, rests with the conquering classes themselves, as well as with the English Government, which has supported them throughout in their anti-national and inhuman policy. Instead of amalgamating them- selves with the nation, the Norman invaders, and afterwards the Enghsh and Scotch colonists who settled in Ireland, erected them- selves into an Ascendancy of the most despotic and tyrannical kind. In course of time, they possessed themselves of almost the entire soil of Ireland, treating the natives as Helots and slaves, and with a cruelty that has never been exceeded in any age or country. Laws were passed for the express purpose of keeping the nation distinct from the settlers, and thus preventing them from merging into one people. Mere Irish " were deprived of the protection of the Enghsh law, and might be killed with impu- nity. Statutes were even passed expressly to prevent the Enghsh settlers from conforming to Irish language, dress, and manners, on pain of forfeiture of goods, imprisonment, and being dealt with as " Irish enemies." And thus were the Irish peop]^ placed under the ban of proscription and exclusion by their conquerors, and a mark was set upon them to be shunned and hated by their fellow-men. The evils of the Conquest were never allowed to subside. The Barons, who had at first monopolized so large a proportion of the soil of Ireland, at length grew so powerful and dangerous, that it became the pohcy of the English crown to destroy them, to confiscate their estates, and divide them anew among English and Scotch settlers. Hence the wars of extermination and con- fiscation of Ehzabeth; and the extensive confiscations of James 1. The Civil War also, during v/hich the native Irish clung to the cause of their legitimate sovereign, issued in extensive confiscations of Irish estates by Cromwell, which were afterwards confirmed vi. on the restoration of Charles II. This, however, was not the end of the confiscation of Irish lands ; for, at the Revolution of 1688, in consequence of the Irish adhering to the cause of James II, after the rest of his subjects had deserted him, there was another extensive seizure of Irish estates by the English government. During the seventeenth century, the confiscations of lands on account of " rebelHon," amounted to about eleven milhons and a half acres, — the entire surface of Ireland amounting to only about twelve millions of acres ! Thus more than eleven-twelfths of the soil of Ireland were seized by the red hand of power from the original Irish people, and conferred upon an English colony, who, owing their possessions to the sword, have ever since trusted to the same for maintaining themselves in their occupancy. " Con- fiscation," said the Earl of Clare, at the Union, " is their common title ; and from their first settlement they have been hemmed in on every side by the old inhabitants of the island, brooding over their discontent in sullen indignation." All the evils springing out of the Conquest of Ireland have been immensely aggravated by religious causes. At the Reformation, the English colony in Ireland, like the English people, adopted the new doctrines ; the native Irish, alone among the northern nations, cHnging fondly to their ancient faith. They seem to have loved ii^the more that it had been renounced by their conquerors. From henceforward the Catholic religion became the test of Irish race ; Protestantism was associated in native minds, with spolia- tion, confiscation, and massacre ; and the Protestant Church was regarded as an abomination, the mere badge of English usurpation and conquest. The constancy of the Catholic priesthood also, to the cause of their suiFering flock, in all times and circumstances, endeared the old religion-^sanctified as it was by the most vene- rable associations — to the minds of the Irish people. Thus, the Church of the Irish became ranged in direct hostility to the Church of the English from a very early period, and continues down even to the present day, to be the great engine of opposition to British power. Hence, from an early period, it was conceived to be the true policy of the Ascendancy to crush the Catholic religion, in order to keep down the spirit of resistance among the Irish people. vii, " Extirpation of the Catholics has been spoken of at various periods,— and laws of the most ferocious cruelty have been devised against the Catholic priesthood. They have been hunted like- wild beasts, hanged, tortured, beheaded and quartered,— yet still Catholicism grew and flourished,-^and, by these very measures against their priesthood, it was only more deeply imbedded than before in the hearts of the Irish people. At the Rebellion of 1688, the sanguinary and cruel policy of open force was abandoned ; but a system of penal persecution was devised and enforced, w^hich was not less oppressive and crushing in its operation. The CathoHc Irishman was degraded into a mere serf and bondsman of the soil, from all proprietorship in which he was to be completely debarred. His property (if he had any) might now be seized by Protestants, the child might plunder his father, the wife her husband, the servant his master. The nation lay at the mercy of the vilest class of discoverers and informers. They had at their command, to use the words of Burke, "a machine of wise and elaborate contrivance ; and, as well fitted for the oppression, impoverishment, and degTadation of a people, and the debasement in them of human nature itself, as ever proceeded from the perverted ingenuity of man." It has been said that during the century of legalized oppression by means of the penal laws, " Ireland had no history,"— and JMoore has observed that " with this part of his country's history an Irish chronicler has little else to do than to mourn over it and be silent.'''' But in our opinion, the history of that century is one of the most eloquent in the history of Ireland ; — eloquent, not of heroism or achievement, but of suffering and endurance under the deadliest wrongs. The century of penal persecution is the most instructive of all the epochs in Irish history, and must be read before the temper, character, and social and political condition of the people at the present time, can be clearly comprehended and understood- Almost the only bright period in Irish history is that between 1780 and 1785, when a splendid effort was made by the Irish people, headed by the Liberal Protestant party, to achieve for their unhappy country a place among nations. Catholic Relief viii. fbllo>?ed ; but the course of improvement was suddenly and harshly arrested by the English government, and the RebelKon of 1798 broke out, which was ferociously crushed and shortly after followed by the Union. This measure, which might have been a great step in civihzation, has hitherto proved the reverse. It was carried when the country was bristling with bayonets, and the people were placed under martial law by the government. From the first it was hated and distrusted, and would have been resisted, but that the people were pinioned down to the earth by mil tary force. The CathoKcs, who might have been reconciled to the Union by benefits, were deceived by it ; henceforward it became identified in their minds with violated faith ; and, in course of time, opposition to it became a national movement. The number of Coercion Acts passed for Ireland since the Union, shows that during almost the whole of that period the country has been in a state of " smothered war." The government is, down to the present day, sullenly and reluctantly obeyed, — the laws being still regarded as the mere instruments of an ascendancy class for the subjugation of the rest of the nation. The hostile attitude of the Irish paople has even increased of late years ; and it would some- times seem as if the prediction of Mr. Grattan were yet to be fulfilled in reference to the Union — a measure which, he said " would be fatal to England ; beginning with a false compromise which they might call a Union, to end in eternal separation, through the process of two civil wars.'' That the Union has been of little or no advantage to the mass of the Irish people, may be inferred from the fact that, according to the Poor Law Commissioners in 183G, of the 8,175,124 persons in Ireland, 2,385,000 are absolute paupers. With the rapid increase of population since the Union, misery of all kinds has greatly increased ; agrarian revolt and outrage have also increased, until of late years, when they have been somewhat held in check by the leaders of the' Irish people. The " clearing " system has recently been enforced with unwonted severity, as many as 70,000 persons liaviiig been expelled from their homes and their forms in the course of a single year. In short, according to the testimony of all travellers, English, French, and German^ the Irish peasantry. ix. of which seven-eighths of the Irish nation consist, are the most miserable and destitute people on the face of the earth. " Was change and reformation needed in Ireland V asks Carlyle. " Has Ireland been governed in a wise and loving manner I A govern- ment and guidance of white- European men, which has issued in perennial hunger of potatoes to the third man extant, ought to drop a veil over its face, and walk out of court under conduct of proper officers ; saying no word ; expecting now of a surety sentence, either to change or die." If History be regarded, as it ought to be, as the grand store- house of Experience of the human race, — not as a mere record of tyranny and slaughter, but a general accumulation of experi- ments, successful and unsuccessful, all tending towards the solution of the grand problem — how mankind can be governed so as to secure for the mass the largest possible amount of happiness and liljerty, — then a careful perusal of the history of Ireland cannot fail to teach a most impressive and instructive lesson. It teaches that centuries of Physical Force have utterly failed to attach the people of Ireland to the Enghsh government, — that seven hundred years of coercion — instead of producing ' Union,'' affectionate allegiance, peacefulness, contentment, and prosperity,— have issued only in disunion, in ' constitutional resistance,' in national agitation and ' passive ' rebelhon — ready, on a m-oment's notice, to become 'active,' in burning discontent and deep-seated hostility to the governing classes, and in a mass of national pauperism and misery unequalled in the history of the world. What failure could be more complete ? What experiment could be more conclusive as to the utter inefficiency of all the means which have heretofore been employed in the government of Ireland ? And what more calculated to rouse the people of Great Britain, to demand that an entirely different course of pohcy should be hencefor ward pursued with reference to the sister country I It were, indeed, full time that the Enghsh people made them- selves acquainted with the condition of Ireland. It is in no small degree to their apathy and indifference as to her fate, that her pre- sent sufferings are to be attributed. Let them consider the expense X. of governing Ireland by force ; it has cost for many years past, more than a million sterling a-year in soldiers, and half a million in police. The Union, indeed, exists merely by force. And yet no people are more easily governed than the Irish — none are more grateful for acts of justice and kindness. It has been truly said- of them, by one who knew them well, that " the Irish are indeed a tractable nation, and though they have resisted chains of iron, they may easily be conducted by a kindly hand with a silken thread." When the English people and the Enghsh government hiow Ireland, they will give up attempting to govern them by the sword — that old and used-up instrument of despots, — and betake themselves to J ustice ; employing, instead of the weapons of the soldier and policeman, the more powerful instrument of Redress. That the publication of this book may hasten that period, by diffus- ing among the English people a knowledge of the past history and sufferings of Ireland, is the foremost hope and desire of its author. Though, in the course of the following work, considerable sym- pathy and partiaHty are expressed for the Irish people — a sympathy and partiality which are based upon the feeling that where force and fraud alone are rehed upon for the maintenance of power, the nation that resists is much more Hkely to be right than the nation that oppresses — yet the wi'iter has not allowed his partiality (which is not that of either an Irishman or a Catholic) to interfere with the strict and impartial statement of facts, which he has, for the most part, purposely cited from the works of Protestant writers themselves. He has consulted a very large number of authorities, and has put forward no assertion, of which he is conscious, that cannot be supported by abundance of creditable evidence. CONTENTS. PAGE PREFACE CHAPTER I.— Early History of Ireland, and its state previous to the Anglo- Norman Invasion ^ CHAPTER II.— Causes which led to the Anglo-Norman Invasion— The Irish Church— Dermot Macmurchad intrigues with the foreigners— Landing of the Normans > ^ CHAPTER III.— The Norman Invasion— The resistance of the Irish— Strong- bow's conquests — Norman and Irish methods of fighting 10 CHAPTER IV.— IJenry lands in Ireland with an army— Submission made by the Irish chiefs— His triumphal progress to Dublin— General rising of the Irish— Their feuds ••••• 15 CHAPTER v.— State of Ireland at the death of Henry— The Pale— The " mere Irish" 20 CHAPTER VI.— Ireland in the reigns of Richard I.— John— Henry III.— Edward I. 25 CHAPTER VII.— Ireland invaded by Edward Bruce— Joined by the Irish— Is defeated and slain • 29 * CHAPTER VIII.— Reign of Edward III.— Statutes of Kilkenny— Richard II. —Henry IV. to Richard III 33 CHAPTER IX.— Reign of Henry VIII.— Rebellion of Simnel and Perkin Warbeck— The Irish Parliament— Poyning's Act ^ 39 CHAPTER X.— Accession of Henry VIII.— The " Reformation"— Is extended to Ireland and rejected— The Irish Church and priesthood— Edward VI. — Mary — A massacre commemorated 44 CHAPTER XI.— Reign of Elizabeth— The Acts of Supremacy and Conformity —Civil wars— Destruction of John O'Neill and confiscation of his estates — Rebellion of the Earl of Desmond— Devastation of Munster— Confiscation of the Desmond Estates— The war against Hugh O'Neill— The Earl of Essex— Devastation of Ulster— Persecutions of the Catholics— The Pro- testant clergy •••• • CHAPTER XII.— Reign of James I.— Abolition of the Irish laws— Immense Estates of the Earl of Tyrone and Tyrconnel confiscated— Settlement of English and Scotch in Ulster— Organized system of confiscation— Religious historv — Condition of the people 66 xii. PAGE CHAPTER XIII.— Reign of Charles I.— Wentworth sent to Ireland— His arbitrary measures— Renewed confiscations, &c.— Civil War in England ... 76 CHAPTER XIV.— Insurrection of 1641— The Lords Justices— The Earl of Ormond— Temporizing policy of Charles— Battle of Kilrush— General Mun- roe and the Scotch army in Ulster— Owen Roe O'Neill and ,the Irish army —General representative assembly of the nation at Kilkenny — The con- federates — Their successes 83 CHAPTER XV.— Continuation of the- Civil War— Lord Inchequin— Rinunc- cini, the Pope's nuncio , 97 CHAPTER XVI.— Civil War continued— Battle of Benburb— Dublin sur- rendered to the Parliament — Execution of Charles, &c. " ! 107 CHAPTER XVIL— The Commonwealth— Oliver Cromwell in Ireland— Siege and massacre of Drogheda— Massacre of Wexford— Defence of Duncannon —Death of O'Neill— Lord Broghill— Revolt of the Southei'n towns 115 CHAPTER XVIII.— The war continued— Siege of Clonmel— Hugh O'Neill— Waterford and Limerick taken— Conclusion of the war— Dreadful condition of the people J29 CHAPTER XIX.— Extensive confiscation of Irish estates— Banishment of the Irish to Connaught— Awful sufferings of the people— Cromwellian atrocities _ —Priest hunting— Henry Cromwell's able administration— The Restoration 145 CHAPTER XX.— Reign of Charles IL— The Catholics excluded from the Act of Indemnity— The policy of Cromwell enforced— Cruel decisions of the Commissioners— The Doubling ordinance— Acts of settlement and expla- nation , _ 25g CHAPTER XXL— Distress in England— Importation of Irish cattle prohibited -Free trade conceded to Ireland— Her prosperity— Lord Robarts— Lord Berkeley— The parties of Remonstrants and Anti-Remonstrants— The Duke, of Ormond— Sham popish plots— Execution of the*^ Archbishop .of Ardagh'- — Death of Charles II \ ^ '^ ^ jgg CHAPTER XXIL— Reign of James II.— The Lords Justices Forbes and Boyle— The Earl of Clarendon Lord Lieutenant— The Earl of Tyrconnel —Attempted overturn of the Act of Settlement— Landing of the Prince of Orange— Flight of James— The " Glorious Revolution" 179 CHAPTER XXIII.— Excitement in Ireland, and panic of the Protestants— Dcrry shuts its gates on the Highlanders— Landing of King James— Siege ' of Derry— James's Parliament— Its acts jgc) CHAPTER XXIV.— Schomberg's army lands in Ireland— Carrickfergus taken —Encamps at Dundalk, and is reduced to great distress— Landing of King William— Battle of the Boyne— Flight of James t 204 CHAPTER XXV.— Entry of William into Dublin— General Douglas repulsed from Athlone— William repulsed from Limerick— Brave feat of General xiii. PAGE Sarsfield— Arrival of General Marlborough and capture of Cork— Raparees —State of the Country • 217 CHAPTER XXVI.— Campaign of 1691 — Saint Ruth appointed Commander of the Irish Army — Siege of Athlone — The Battle of Aughrim — Disastrous retreat of the Irish — Surrender of Galway — Siege and treaty of Limerick, and close of the war ....227 CHAPTER XXVII. — Condition of Ireland at the close of the war — Extensive confiscation of Estates — Flagrant violation of the treaty of Limerick— Com- mencement of the penal code — Prohibition of the Irish Woollen trade— The century of penal persecution ^ 251 CHAPTER XXVIII. — Reign of Queen Anne— Legal oppression of the Irish — Resistance to the penal code— The oppressive character and operation of the Act — Its demoralizing and destructive effects 261 CHAPTER XXIX.— Ireland at the Accession of George I. State of Agricul- ture — Trade— Manufacture — Oppressions of the Catholics — The people crushed — Ascendancy of the English Parliament — Dean Swift — His efforts to excite national resistance— The Drapier's letters 272 CHAPTER XXX.— Ireland in the reign of George II.— The Irish Parliaments — Famines in Ireland — Protestant horror of the Catholics — 1745 — Irish in the French service — Penal cruelties revived — Stone, the Primate — Charles Lucas — The "Scrambling" Committee — Condition of society during this reign — The Landlords — The Clergy — The Peasantry — Secret Associations — " The Whiteboys — Case of Nicholas Sheehy — Reign of terror 289 CHAPTER XXXI.— Growth of the Catholics in wealth and intelligence— The Catholic merchants— Dr. Curry, Mr. O' Conor, Mr. Wyse— The first Catholic Association formed— Their address to the throne — Accession of George III. — Remonstrance of Grievances— Lords Trimlestone and Taafe — Administra- tion of Lord Townshend — Shortening of Parliaments — Concessions to the Catholics— The first Relief Bill 309 CHAPTER XXXII.— The American Revolution— Its influence on Irish politics — Embargo on the provision trade— Relief Bill of 1798 — Government reduced to a state of bankruptcy — Ireland defenceless — The Volunteers — Their organization, constitution, and designs 329 CHAPTER XXXIII.— Irish Parliament of 1779-80— Grattan, Flood, Burgh, Yelverton, Perry, Fitzgibbon, &c. — Grattan's amendment to the Address carried — Enthusiasm of the House — Extraordinary rejoicings of the Volun- teers — A Free Parliament demanded — Resistance of the English Govern- ment — Progress of the Volunteers — Lord Charlemont 340 CHAPTER XXXIV.— Irish Parliament of 1781— The Patriots defeated— Renewed exertions of the Volunteers — Convention of Dungannon — Strength of the Volunteers — The Bishop of Derry— The Duke of Portland sent to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant — Meeting of Parliament — The Royal message — The amendment to the Address adopted— Mr. Grattan's splendid oration — Insincerity of the Government— The Volunteers prepare for action— The xiv. English ministry yield— Objection to the proposed arrangements— Bill to repeal the Act 6 George I. carried— Nature and extent of the charges of 1782 CHAPTER XXXV.— Prosperity of the Irish people— The British Parliament asserts its right to legislate for Ireland— Alarm of the Volunteers— The Act of Renunciation passed — The second Dungannon Convention — Meeting of the National Convention at Dublin — Its proceedings — Mr. Flood's plan of Reform adopted — The measure introduced into the Irish Parliament — Awful uproar— Mr. Flood's motion rejected— Dilemma of the Convention- Lord Charlemont's desertion— Disbandment of the Volunteers CHAPTER XXXVI.— The Duke of Rutland's administration— Pitt's resist- ance to Parliamentary Reform— The commercial propositions defeated — The Regency Bill — Extraordinary proceedings consequent thereon — Rapid progress of Parliamentary corruption— The Place Bill passed— Re-organiza- tion of the Catholic Committee— John Keogh— The Catholics and Northern Dissenters fraternize— Catholic Relief Bill of 1793— Lord Fitzwilliam ap- pointed Viceroy— Is resisted by the Beresfords and recalled— Exasperation of the Irish people CHAPTER XXXVII. — The United Irishmen — Their origin, objects, organ- ization, «&c.— Great Conventir a meetings— Coercive measures of Government —Suppression of public meetings— Military organization of the United Irishmen— Theobald Wolfe Tone— Negociations with France— Lord Edward Fitzgerald— Heche's expedition—Military Law proclaimed— Atrocities of the soldiery and yeomanry— The Orangemen— The second French expedition —Military force of the United Irishmen— Government Spies and Informers —Arrest of ihe Directory— Arrest of Lord Edward Fitzgerald— The kingdom declared in a state of Rebellion— Renewed tortures of the people— The outbreak CHAPTER XXXVIII.— The Insurrection of 1798— Threatened attack on Dublin averted— Rising of Wexford, and successes of the Peasantry— Defeat of General Fawcett — Wexford occupied by the insurgents — Capture of Gorey —The battle of New Ross— The Irish defeated— Battle of Arklow— The rising in Carlow, Meath, and Kildare— Slaughter of Kilcomney— Battle of Tara— Slaughter at the Gibbet Rath of Kildare— Battles of Antrim and Ballynahinch, and defeat of the United Irish — Battle of Vinegar-hill, and dispersion of the Peasantry— Desultory warfare protracted— Landing of the French under Humbert— The British defeated— " Races of Castlebar"— Capture of the French by Lord Cornwallis— The last French armament- Desperate engagement— Theobald Wolfe Tone taken— His death— Suppres- sion of the Insurrection . CHAPTER XXXIX. — Proposals for a Union received with indignation— Defeat of the government— Arguments for and against tlic Union— Public excite- ment—Lords Castlercagli and Clare — Prorogation of Parliament— Lord Castlercagh's Fighting Club— Petitions for and against the Union— Meetings dispersed by the Military— The Catliolics promised Emancipation —The Bishops deceived — A portion of the Catliolics protest against the Union- Daniel O'Connell's first public appearance as an Anti-Unionist — The last Session of Parliament, 1800— Lord Castlercagh's proposal to bribe tlie entire XV. PAGE Parliament — Majority for the government— Re-appearance of Mr. Grattan, affecting scene — The Act of Union carried 452 CONCLUSION— Failure of the Union— Followed by Coercion Acts— Insurrec- tion of 1803— Robert Emmett— The Catholics deceived— Renewal of Catholic Agitation — The veto controversy — The General Committee of 1809 — Government Prosecution of the members— The government defeated — Dissensions of the Catholics and dissolution of the Catholic Board — George IVth's visit to Ireland — Daniel O'Connell succeeds in rousing the people — Origin of the Catholic Association — Its first Meeting — Its rapid growth in numbers and influence — Is suppressed by the 'Algerine Act ' — The Associa- tion revived— The Waterford Election— Defeat of the Beresfords— Perfect organization of the people— The Clare Election— Return of Mr. O'Connell — Catholic Emancipation — Conclusion 470 EEliATA. < Page 191, line 18, for were read was. Page 203, 4th line from bottom, for measures read meanness. Page 242, line 6, for fortunes read fortresses. Page 243. The quotation commencing in this page ought to be acknowledged-from Tat/Jor's Civil S * ^^S^' 1^"^ the note, for armies read services Page 247, line 16, for preshyterians in Scotland read presbyterians ; in Scotland ' &ic. Page 251 , hne 21 , for natural read national. ' Hmsl's x;:a" 0/ a'colnelL' "^'^^^^ '^"'''^ ^^^'"^ ^ text-from Page 252, line 20, for noticed read resolved. Page 253, lowest line, for ascending read ascendancy. CMi!%'so}Llion. '° acknowledged-from Wyse's Historical Sketch of the se^lfZdprelcribld^''^^^^^ ""'"^ cAar^^m^; and line 12, dele upon his face ; and line 19, for pre- il^Sifa^^^^^^^^^^^^ -ad converted them Page 302, line 25 , for w/io read as. Page 331, line 9, for to read for. Page 350, line 10 from bottom, for beiny read been. Page 354, 3rd line from the bottom, for 1791 read 1 781. THE HISTORY OF IRELAND. CHAPTER 1. Early history of Ireland— Introduction of the Christian religion— Saint Patrick- State of Society in Ireland at the period of the Anglo-Norman invasion— The kingdoms of Ireland— Party feuds and battles— Bravery of the Irish. The early history of Ireland, like the early history of , all other countries, is involved in obscurity. Poetry and romance have indeed told us of the early glories of Ireland— of the wisdom and wealth of her people^ and of the might and power of her kingdoms. Viewed through the magnifying lens of tradition, the " Bright Isle of the West'' has thus been made to shine resplendent in ancient glory and grandeur. But alas ! the vision is stript of its most gorgeous hues, when examined by the sober light of reason and judgment ; and we find that the early glory of Ireland, Hke the boasted early glory of all other countries, exists rather in the mind of ^ the poet, than in the veritable records of the past. But the Irishman is to be excused, who, turning from the authentic records of the misery, plunder, bloodsh'-d, and crime, so long inflicted on his country by a foreign g /ern..ient, seeks to refresh his saddened mind in the regions of poetry and romance, which fond imagination has peopled with images of early power and civilization. The early history of all European countries is very nearly the same. The great mass of the people were Pagans in their religion, the worshippers of stocks and stones. They were governed by chiefs, who were distinguished by a restless thirst for aggression and plunder, and were generally at war with each other. The sword was then the only law, and might constituted the only right to govern. ^ This state ripened into the feudal system, during which a raci ' v ? "u grew up partially civiHzed, and from them spread downwards among their followers a partial refinement and civiliza- tion. Then coalitions of chiefs took place, who recognized some one or other of their order as King. This king was generally their creature : if he refused to accede to their demands, he was at once dethroned, or assassinated.* Feuds became perpetual between * In tlie list of 178 monarchs of the Milesian line enumerated by the Irish historians, onlr 47 died natural deaths 77 were slain in battle, and 60 murdered.— Taylor's History of tkk Civil Wars of Ireland. Vol. i. p. 19. History of Ireland. kingdoms. Tm-bulence pervaded the entire frame of society. Arms was the only noble profession ; and the most successful destroyer of his fellow-creatures was lauded as a hero, and almost worshipped as a god. A fierce and ruling animal will was the great characte- ristic of this period. The mass of the people remained sunk to a great depth in civilization. While the kings and chiefs of the time occupied the page of history, we find that the people who fought and bled for them passed away unnoticed. But thus has it ever been. The units have always monopohzed the ear of society. While they have made the world clamorous with their deeds, their achievements, their joys, and their sufferings ; the " dumb millions," doomed to pine on in thick obscuration, have toiled, suffered, bled, and died for others, and then passed away into silent oblivion, without a record. Such was the general condition of European society prior to the introduction of the Christian religion. This was a new element thrown into social mass, which was yet destined to germinate and bring forth abundant fruits. By degrees, the teachers of the new religion obtained an immense influence over the people ; and even chiefs and kings themselves bowed down before them in awe. Then learning was diffused, and knowledge was extended, and the arts and sciences flourished. Ireland still holds dear the memory of the Apostle who first carried the glad message of the gospel among her people. This was about the middle of the fifth centur}^ and from this time it is that the authentic history of Ireland may be traced. Saint Patrick is said to have laboured for thirty years with immense success among the Irish, demolishing Druidism, and establishing in its place the religion which Ireland fervently cherishes down to the present day. After him, a succession of pious and faithful men arose, who, ere long, made Ireland famous for its learning throughout the civilized world. Civil communities were formed in various parts of the country by the monks, which in course of time became well-policed cities, and thither youths, not only of the island, but of the neighbouring nations came to be educated. From these seats of learning emanated the men who founded most of the celebrated monasteries and colleges of the time, in France, Switzerland, Italy, and England : many of which flourish down to the present day. And thus did the priest- hood continue to exercise an increasing influence, un+il they became the arbiters and almost the lawgivers of the peopk ^ iown lu Jie period of the Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland in the twelfth century. The state of society in Ireland, at the time of the English invasion, merits some notice here, as explanatory of certain future passages in the history of the country. At an early period, Troland was divided into the' five kingdoms of Ulster, Leinstcr, Munster, Connaught, and Meath. 'IMie four kingdoms first named were each ruled over l)y tlu'ir iudependent king, ajid the whole were governed History of Ireland. -3 by one paramount sovereign, who, while lie reigned, claimed the smaller but more central and abundantly fertile kingdom of Meath as his peculiar property. These kingdoms were again subdivided into principalities, which were inhabited by district clans or septs, each ruled by its own chieftain (or carfinny.) Each chieftain was independent in his own domain, administering justice, and exer- cising the right of making war and peace with his neighbour, at his own pleasure. The power and government of each provincial king were thus similar to those of the monarch himself : he also received tributes from inferior chiefs, paid for their services when he wanted their aid in war, and was entertained by tliem in his progress throughout the country. The same system extended downwards among all the ranks of society. The obedience of the chieftains to their provincial king, and of these again to their lord paramount sovereign, depended solely on the physical powers which the superiors possessed of enforcing their authority. And often these were of a kind so inefficient as to render the name of sovereign a mere empty sound. Occasionally the central and sovereign power was completely overthrown by the subordinate kings, — as, for instance, in the eighth century, when the ancient dynasty of Tara was overturned by the throne of Munster ; and, at all times, was it in an enfeebled and inefficient condition, from the want of power to enforce obedience to its authority among the provincial governments. The king paramount was looked upon with jealousy by the inferior kings, who watched and seized upon every opportunity of weakening his power and diminishing his resources. Thus the regal system of Ireland was, from the begin- ning, productive of insubordination, feuds, and warlike contention. The monarch as well as the provincial kings, were also elective^ which was another source of confusion and weakness. The manner in which the kings were elected was another pregnant source of mischief. This was regulated by what was called the law of Tanistry^ which confined hereditary right to certain families, but not to individuals. Thus the chiefs and kings could only be elected from royal houses ; but then there was not an individual of a royal or noble family, no matter how numerous it might be, who might not become a candidate for the office of tanist^ or chieftain-elect. The custom was to elect this tanist immediately after the accession of the chief, and to assign to him a portion of the mesnal land. When the chief died, the tanist succeeded him, and another was immediately elected in his room. This practice was found pro- ductive of the greatest mischief. The accession of a chief or a king was generally the signal for party-feuds, and often pitched battles, to determine who should be the tanist to succeed him. The chiefs also looked with suspicion on the person thus elected, who often eagerly longed for their death, to attain the rank of prince ; and the tanists too often gave them room for this suspicion, by openly making war on them, or secretly assassinating them. 4 History of Ireland. So distracted and torn to pieces was Ireland, from these and other causes, for a long time previous to the Anglo-Norman invasion that the country might have fallen an easy prey to any foreign invader disposed to make the experiment. It seems to have been the fate of this noble country, from the first, to be the prey of social discord, convulsion and strife. The cause of the common vrelfare of all, has almost throughout been sacrificed in the selfish struggles between rival factions ; and while the people have been tearing each other to pieces at the bidding of their respective chiefs, the common enemy has been enabled to forge the chains of their national coercion and enslavement. Notwithstanding, however, the fierceness of the feuds which raged among the native chiefs and kings of Ireland, it is extraordinary to observe with what spirit and unanimity they occasionally acted when attacked by foreign invaders. While England, during the period of the invasion of the Northmen or Danes, was laid com- pletely prostrate, and hcT king was a fugitive in foreign lands, Ireland continued to struggle an^ resist to the last, pouring out her princes and her clans to oppose their progress, to the death, till they at length succeeded in striking the fatal blow at their power on the field of Clontarf. The tremendous exertions which the Irish people made on such occasions were sufficient evidence of the energies of which Ireland is capable, in a cause that rallies around it cordially the arms and hearts of her sons. We cannot avoid here quoting a passage from an old English historian, in proof of the brave and patriotic spirit of the Irish people, down to a comparatively recent period, in resisting every attempt to bring them under a foreign yoke : " It is a matter of wonder,'"* says William of Newbridge, " that Britain, which is of larger extent, and equally an island of the ocean, should have been so often, by the chances of war, made the prey of foreign nations, and subjected to foreign rule, having* been first subduedandpossessedbythe Romans, then by the Germans, afterwards by the Danes, and, lastly, by the Normans ; while her neighbour, Hibernia, inaccessible to the Homans themselves, even when the Orkneys were in their power, has been but rarely, and then imperfectly subdued ; nor even, in reality, has been brought to submit to foreign domination, till the year of our Lord 1171. CHAPTER II. Causes which led to the Anglo-Norman invasion — Early independence of the Irish Church — The supremacy of the Pope acknowledged — Pope Adrian's Bull, granting the Lordship of Ireland to Henry II. — Dermot Macmurchad, the betrayer of Ireland — Dermot is dethroned, and flies to England for help — State of England at this period — Tyranny of the nobles, and slavery of the people — Dermot obtains help from Norman adventurers — They land in Ireland. 'I'heri: have been many disputes about the causes which led to # History of Ireland. 5 the first invasion of Ireland by the Enghsh. The Norman kings, whose army of freebooters had overawed 'and conquered England, long looked with an eye of envy towards the neighbouring king- dom ; and the more so, that it had always been ready to aid the Saxon people in their struggles for independence. After the defeat at Hastings, three sons of the conquered king sought refuge and succour in Ireland, and were there enabled to fit out a large fleet and army for the invasion of England. Hence, William " the Conqueror," and the first Henry, are said to have early entertained serious thoughts of adding Ireland to their dominions; and William Rufus, in one of his expeditions against the Welsh, (who were generally aided in their incursions on England by large bodies of Irish troops), is reported to have said, as he stood on the rocks at St. Davids, looking towards Ireland — " I will have the shippes of my kingdome brought hither, wherewith I will make a bridge to invade this land." It was not, however, until the reign of Henry the Second, one of the most ambitious and powerful of the Anglo- Norman monarchs, that the invasion of Ireland was seriously resolved upon. The peculiar position of the church in Ireland, at this period, auspiciously favoured his designs. It would appear that though, at the time of which we speak, Ireland was Catholic throughout nearly its whole extent — the Druids being extinct, except in the remote districts of Ulster and Connaught— there was a degree of sturdy independence among the clergy of the Irish church, which was not to be observed in any other portion of Christendom. They zealously maintained their independence, and refused as yet to recognize the spiritual authority of Rome. Hence they were placed under the ban of the early Popes, and spoken of in terms of angry reproach and sometimes of bitter denunciation. But, as the feuds among the rival factions of Ireland increased, the strength and vigour of the national church became terribly shaken. Numerous abuses crept in ; religious ordinances were neglected ; seminaries for the instruction of pastors were destroyed ; monasteries and churches were seized by ambitious chiefs ; and religion was fast going under foot. The heads of the Irish church deplored and lamented this state of things ; especially when they contrasted it with the prosperous state of the Anglo- Norman church, which had now fully acknowledged the Papal authority. Accordingly, a party soon sprung up in Ireland, and rapidly increased in numbers and influence, in favour of a recog- nition of the Roman see ; which, on its part, was not slow to avail itself of these dispositions in its favour. At length, after various and gradual steps, the papal authority was formally recognised, and the last of the western national churches was finally united to the Roman ee. This union, however, was far from being complete. It was with great difficulty that the inferior clergy could be induced to resign their independence, and give up their ancient usages. The native 6 History of Ireland. chiefs and kings also resisted a system wliicli tended greatly to limit and control their power; and, in spite of the new arrangement, they still continued to nominate to ecclesiastical office and dignities. Adrian IV., originally an Englishman, named Breakspear, was now Pope, and longed for the opportunity of fully estahlishing the supremacy of the Romish see in Ireland. He found that some ally was needed to aid him in his designs ; and the ambition of the young Norman king pointed him out as a likely auxiliary. Probably, also, the Norman monarch was nothing loth to seize the opportunity of extending his power and his conquests, even under the hypocritical plea of religion. He accordingly sent an envoy to Rome, acknow- ledging an amount of temporal power in the Pope, such as no one had ever before thought of assuming ; and Adrian, on his part, granted Henry the lordship of Ireland, with full leave to take possession of it, provided only that he would maintain the papal supremacy and its ecclesiastical constitution. In the words of the bull issued by his holiness, full permission was granted that " Henry II. should enter the kingdom of Ireland, with the pious purpose of extending the borders of the church, restraining the progress of vice, correcting the manners of its inhabitants, and increasing the influence of religion; and that, in consideration for this power so vested in the English monarch, the annual pension of one penny for every house be levied and delivered over to the service of St. Peter."'* With this bull, containing the grant and stipulation, Avas also sent a gold ring, adorned with a valuable emerald, as a token of Henrj^'s investiture of the right to rule over Ireland. It was many years, however, before Henry could avail himself of the warrant granted to him by the Pope. He had rebelKons of his own subjects to quell, headed by his own sons ; and he was also engaged in possessing himself forcibly of his brother's territories in Anjou, in France, which he had been left by his father's will, — a will which Henry himself (the pious missionary who had undertaken to " extend the borders of the church" in Ireland) had sworn faithfully to fulfil ! But, in the meantime, an incident occurred, which hastened the Norman invasion, and brought over to the Irish soil a swarm of the same freebooting' adventurers who had already divided among them for a spoil the national wealth and property of England. * Dr. Taylor, in his "History of the Civil Wars of Ireland," gives a circumstantial account of this convention between Adrian IV. and Henry II. ; and notices that " by a very rare coin- cidence, the zealous Protestant and Catholic writers of Irisli liistory have agreed in suppressing the important fact — tliat to establish the spiritual authority of the Pope -was the avowed object /of tlic expedition, and on the Papal gift alone did the Norman monarch rest his claim to rho sovereignty of thccoimtry. The Protestants (continues he) were unwilling to acknowledge that their ascendancy, which they justly identified Avith English connection, Avas derived from the great object of tlieir fear and hatred ; Avhilc the Catholics, eq\u\lly attached to their country and their religion, were disinclined to confess that their spiritual head had destroyed their national church, and given the dominion over their native land to a stranger, in order to extend his om'u power."— See vol. i., pp. Thomas Moore also, in his "History of Ireland," takes a similar view of this transaction, which, ho says, " presents in all respects a perfect instance of that sort of hyi)ocrilica] prelude to wrong, that holy league for purposes of rapine, between the papal and regal powers, in which most of the usurpations, frauds, and violences of those dark and demoralized times originated." — LAunNFa's Cv( i.op.tidia. Hist, ar Iuf.i.ano, vol. ii. p. 204. History of Ireland. 7 The immediate cause of the invasion of Ireland was the malignant treachery of one of her own chiefs. As the name of Menteith, the betrayer of Wallace, Scotland's preserver, yet stinks in the nostrils of the people of Scotland,— so does that of Dermot Macmurchad, king of Leinster, the traitorous betrayer of Ireland,^ yet call forth the loathing and abhorrence of every patriotic Irishman. This Dermot was a thorough monster ; but a fitting enough instrument for the freebooters whom he at length succeeded in introducing and settling upon his native soil. He had early made himself obnoxious for his cruelty, having on one occasion treacherously seized seventeen of the principal nobles of Leinster, and put the greater part of them to death ; the rest he served by plucking their eyes out ! Such was the fiend who introduced the Normans into Ireland ! He afterwards seduced and carried off Devorgilla, wife of O'Ruarc, lord of BrefFny, which led to a war, in which the adulterer was defeated with great loss. With this event, many historians have connected the expulsion of Dermot from his kingdom, and his subsequent flight into England, to solicit aid from Henry. But this did not occur for some sixteen years after ; and in the mean- time, many desolating and bloody wars had taken place, during which the king of Leinster retained his sovereignty, and even considerably augmented his power. Dermot was a warm espouser of the Hy-nial faction, the heredi- tary rulers of Ulster, as opposed to the O'Connors, who were the hereditary rulers of Connaught. So long as O'Lachlan, a chief of the Hy-nial race, preserved the sovereignty of Ireland, Dermot, protected by this powerful monarch, was safe in the possession of his throne and his dominions. But, no sooner had O'Lachlan's power been overthrown, and he himself slain in battle, than Roderick O'Connor ascended the vacant throne, and immediately prepared to take vengeance on the opposite faction. Dermot's territories were invaded, when his feudatories and vassals, by whom he was hated, at once deserted him on all sides ; and finding himself unable to make any effective resistance to his enemies, he set fire to his capital, Ferns, and fled to England, with a suiall train of followers, to solicit the aid of the Normans. On reaching Bristol, he found that Henry was absent froni England, in France, where he was engaged in subduing some of his rebellious barons in Bretagne, over whom he had recently acquired authority. Dermot immediately set out for the Norman king's camp, and laid his case before him, tendering his allegiance. The traitor was at once received into high favour, and ample promises were made of military assistance in order to set him again on the throne of Leinster. Though Henry could not himself personally come to the assistance of Dermot, he gave him letters patent, to be employed throughout his dominions, granting "license and favour" to all such of his liegemen, " English, Norman, Welsh, and Scotch," who should be disposed to aid Dermot in the recovery of his dominions. Dermot ■ -I. S History of Ireland, could iiot wait for the subsidence of the rebellions, in crushino- which Henry was engaged. But he immediately resolved to avail himself of the king^s letter, and to solicit the assistance of those JNorman adventurers who had then settled in Wales, or were still engaged in its conquest. Let us just glance, for a moment, at the condition of England at this period. But a short time had elapsed since the Norman con- quest, when the country had been overrun and plundered by the armies of William of Normandy, who had routed the Saxon monarchs and chiefs, divided their lands among his followers, and made slaves of the great body of the Saxon people. That the iron was yet burning m their souls, was obvious enough from the frequent insurrections and rebelhons of the people which took place at this il^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ possession of by mere physical force ; the barons, with their vassals, free tenants, and socmen, holding in stern thrall the original Saxon inhabitants of the soil. The latter were excluded from all civil rights; they could possess no kind of property ; they had not a right to even their own wives, the droits de^ seigneur intervening; they themselves were bought and sold with the soil, and were considered as mere chattels and regular articles of commerce. Giraldus states that the number of them exported to Ireland for sale, even in the reign of Henry II., was w-?r^^^ t^^* market was absolutely overstocked; and from Wil ham I. to the reign of John, there was scarcely a cottage in Scotland but possessed an English slave. The condition of the country was meanwhile wretched. An old writer, speaking of the transactions during the reign of Stephen, who immediately preceded Henry II., says, " The nobles burnt all the towns : thou mightest go a whole day's journey and not find a man sitting in a town, nor an acre of land tilled. Wretclied men starved of hunger ; to till the ground was to plough the sands of the sea.'' Meanwhile the land had been parcelled out among the Norman chiefs and their vassals. While the king of the freebooters retained all the riches of the ancient kings of the country, the church plate and the most precious articles found in the warehouses of the merchants,— the barons and knights who followed in his train, a collection of desperado adventurers from all parts of Europe,* received vast domains, castles, villages, and even entire towns, while the vassals were rewarded by smaller portions. Fortified towers and strong places were built in every direction : the natives were completely disarmed : the name of ^axon became a term of reproach, wlnle the followers of the successful Normans were held to be "noble," in right of their victory and foreion birth. But while so many of the Nornian chiefs were thus richlv rewarded by large portions of the spoil wrung Irom the conquered haxons, there were others, who arrived later from the European boLt^of k!ing\£ ^'''^^ "'"""^ ""^ ^"S^'^^' atistocracy of the present day History of Ireland. 9 continent, as smaller birds of prey follow in the wake of the great vulture, who were not so fortunate in obtaining a share of the plundered lands of England. They were still ready for any kind of murderous work which might offer them a fair prospect of booty . There were also many of the original invaders who had already wasted in riot and dissipation the lands which they had acquired at the conquest. To these needy and unprincipled chiefs, with their following of knights and vassals, drawn from the scum of the French, Italian, and Flemish cities, the Norman kings gave letters of license to conquer for themselves domains in Wales. These men were now engaged in subduing the southern part of that country, under Gilbert, Earl of Pembroke, and had been in a great measure successful. It was to the son of this leader, by name Strongbow, that the traitor Dermot finally made^ appli- cation for assistance in the effort to recover his dominions in Ireland. Strongbow was ruined in fortune, from his past profligacy and dissipation; but he had the reputation of great valour and military skill: he had derived his name (Strongbow) from his brilliant feats in archery. Dermot promised, that if he was restored to his kingdom by Strongbow's aid, he would give him his daughter Eva in marriage, and secure him the inheritance of his kingdom of Leinster. Strongbow assented to these propositions, and, with the permission of the Anglo-Norman sovereign, prepared himself for the invasi9n of Ireland. Dermot also succeeded in obtaining the aid of other adventurers of rank, among whom were Maurice Fitzgerald and Robert Fitz-Stephen, both thoroughly broken in fortune, and ready to embark in any desperate enterprize. ^ Fitz-Stephen had been confined in jail for three years previous to his release, by Rhees-ap-Griffith, one of the Welsh princes. Dermot promised to these brothers, as an inducement to undertake the enterprise, the perpetual fee of the town of Wexford, with two cantreds of land adjoining. There were also Meiler Fitz-Henry, Maurice de Prendergast, Herve de Montmorais, and some other knights of desperate fortunes, but of considerable military reputa- tion, who were also induced to follow in the train of the invaders. Dermot having made these arrangements, set out for Ireland,where he landed elated with hopes of success, and prematurely declared himself. He was soon exposed to the utmost danger, as Roderick O'Connor, the Irish menarch, lost no time in marching against him with a powerful army. Dermot, however, made good his retreat into the fastnesses of Hy-Kinsellagh, a wild district on the banks of the Slaney. Several skirmishes took place between the troops of Dermot and Roderick. But the traitor, anxious only to gain time, at length professedly submitted to the Irish monarch, and gave hostages for his future fealty ; renouncing all claim to the government of Leinster, and agreeing to hold a certain portion of territory, on condition of paying annual tribute. In the mean- time, he dispatched messengers to Wales, to expedite the arrival History of Ireland. of the adventurers who had promised their assistance. The longnigs of the traitorous renegade were at length gratified ; for, in the commencement of May, a.d. 1170, the Norman invaders landed, for the first time, on the shore of Ireland. CHAPTER III. The Norman army of Invasion — Is joined by Der mot —Wexford taken — The Ossorians defeated— Roderick, the Irish monarch, takes alarm— Advances with an army, but makes an ignominious treaty with Dermot and the Normans- Terrible massacre of the Irish— Arrival of Strongbow— Marches upon Dublin, which is carried by assault— More incursions and massacres— Dermot dies, and' Strongbow succeeds him — Dangers of his position — Confederacy against his power defeated— Causes of the success of the Norman army— Norman and Irish methods of warfare. Behold, then, the first Norman army on the soil of Ireland ! The insignificance of the body, indeed, scarcely entitles it to the name of "army"; for it numbered only 40 knights, 60 men in coats of mail, and 500 archers ! With this force, under the command of Fitz-Stephen and Maurice de Prendergast, (for Strongbow did not accompany the first expedition), the invasion of Ireland was undertaken ! The attempt seems to savour of all the crusadino- folly and madness of the military enterprises of those ages ; and yet it succeeded ! Had the Irish monarch directed the patriotism and valour of Ireland against the invading force, it would have been crushed with the utmost ease, and the desperate adventurers would never have returned to tell the tale of their rashness and their folly. But alas ! it was then the fate of Ireland, always imfortunate, to be embroiled and distracted by contending interests and factions, which paralysed its energies, and tended to demoralise its people. The foreign force was allowed to find a footing, and once gained, they availed themselves of every advantage to extend their power and increase their possessions. As they owed their first hold of power in Ireland to the villainy of a traitor, so they maintained their grasp of it afterwards by a system of relentless cruelty and despotism. The Norman army of 600 men landed on the southern coast of Wexford, at a creek called the Bann, in the beginning of May, 1170. Dermot immediately collected together all tlie^ forces he could muster, amounting to 'not more than 500 men, and hastened to join the invaders. The united forces were immediately marched upon the town of Wexford, then a place of considerable streno-th and imjwrtance, and situated about twelve miles from the place of landing. At tlu; first assault, tlic invaders were repelknl witli some loss—the inhabitants defending thcmsflves with great bravery and obstinacy. The im])ression produced upon the garrison wag such Hutory of Ireland. 11 however, that, at the instigation of the clergy,* they offered to capitulate ; and, after the lapse of three days, Wexford was surrendered to Dermot and his Norman allies. According to promise, Fitz-Stephen and Fitz- Maurice were immediately invested with the lordship of the city and its domain, and grants of land were made to some of the other adventurers who followed in their train. Dermot next proceeded to take revenge on his enemies, — first among whom was Mac-Gilla-Patrick, or Fitz-Patrick, king of Ossory, a monster almost as savage as himself, though high in reputation as a warrior. The Ossorians, entrenching themselves within their morasses and forests, for a time triumphantly repelled all the assaults of Dermot's army; but, drawn out by a feigned retreat of the Normans, in a moment of confusion and of fancied triumph, they were charged by the mounted men-at-arms clad in steel, ^ and a great number of them were cut to pieces. The Ossorians fled, and their country was immediately ravaged with fire and sword by the enemy. But, again rallying, they collected another army, resolved to attack the Normans on their return, and when laden with booty. They took possession of a narrow pass, and would have gained a decisive advantage over the foe, but were again deceived by a feigned retreat, abandoned their position in the fancied pursuit of the flying horsemen, and ere they could recover themselves, great numbers of them were cut to pieces. It is said that the native Irish of Dermot's force, on this occasion, made a fierce slaughter of their countrymen, cutting ofl* the heads of some 300 of them, and laying them at the feet of Dermot as a trophy. It is said that the traitor leaped with delight on viewing these ghastly spoils : discerning among them the head of one of his fornier persecutors, he indulged his ferocious revenge by lifting it to his mouth by both the ears, and biting off the nose and lips ! This second victory was followed by the ravagement of the entire territory of Ossory, Roderick, the Irish monarch, at length became alarmed for the safety of his kingdom, and prepared to act against the invaders. But he seems to have been a man of Kttle fixity of purpose, too easily swayed by the opinions and influence of others. He convoked a meeting of the princes and nobles of Tara, — the site of the traditional glory of Ireland. From thence he marched with a large army to Dublin; but scarcely had he arrived there, than dissension, the curse of Ireland, began to work, and in a few weeks several of the most powerful princes drew off their troops, and returned home. Roderick, nevertheless, proceeded to invest * It is alleged that among the motives which disposed them to surrender were some feelings of compunction at the rebellious part they had been led to take against their king,— feelings, which the clergy within the walls would not fail, it is supposed, to encourage, being, like most ot their_ clerical brethren throughout the country, disposed to view with indulgent eyes the enormities of Derraot's career, in consideration of the extent and munificence of his contri- butions to the church,— Moohe's History, vol. ii., p. 215. History of Ireland. Ferns with the large army which still remained ; but, instead of adopting the bold and energetic policy which the occasion demanded, he opened negociations with the treacherous Dermot and the Norman chiefs ; and a treaty was entered into, by which Dermot was recognised as king of Leinster, on the condition of his acknowledging the supremacy of Roderick, and rendei'ing him homage as his subject. Scarcely had this ignominious treaty been concluded, than a new reinforcement of Norman troops arrived from England, and Dermot immediately availed himself of their arrival, to make a ravaging expedition to Dublin, when he com- pelled the citizens, at the point of the sword, to acknowledge his supremacy. On this occasion, such was the cruelty of Dermot, that the Norman chiefs actually interposed to allay the fury of his vengeance. Elated by his success, the king of Leinster was not merely satisfied with the re-establishment of his own sovereignty, but now openly aimed at the suj^reme throne itself. With this in view, he again turned to England for help, and renewed his applications to Strongbow. The success of the expedition hitherto was a strong inducement with Strongbow to accede to the repeated requests of Dermot. Having obtained the half-consent of Henry, he prepared for an expedition to Ireland, on a somewhat larger scale than the first. As soon as the season permitted, (a.d. 1171), he sent over Raymond Fitzwilliam, surnamed Le Gros, with ten knights and seventy archers, to secure a landing place for his army. This little body of men was, shortly after their disembarkation at Dundolf, a little below the city of Waterford, attacked by the natives, and placed in circumstances of great danger. The Normans had fortified themselves behind entrenchments of wood and turf, expecting to make good their position until the arrival of Strongbow. A tumultuous force of some 3,000 Irish marched to the attack; but Raymond, driving a great number of cattle against the lines of the besiegers, and charging them before they could recover from their confusion, struck terror into their ranks, and put them completely to the rout. A terrible massacre was the consequence ; above 1,000 men were slain in the pursuit, and many more were seized and cast headlong into the sea. Among those who were treated in the latter mar^i'ier were seventy of the principal inhabitants of Waterford, whose limbs were broken previously to their being hurled from the rocks. The object of this monstrous cruelty was to " strike terror into the Irish"' — a policy which the same party has madly pursued through six long centuries of grinding tyranny and wrong. Three months elapsed, and at length Strongbow landed in the neighbourhood, with an army of 1200 men, of whom !^00 were knights. Waterford was immediately attacked, and, after a vigorous rc^sistance, was carried by assault. A general slaughter followed, without distinction of rank, or age, or sex. In the midst History of Ireland. IS of this massacre, Dermot arrived, and the promised marriage of his daughter Eva to Strongbow was forthwith " solemnized," almost in the midst of these revolting scenes of carnage and murder. This first union of England and Ireland, like the last, was perpetrated amid treachery, corruption, bloodshed, and civil war. A march upon Dublin was immediately thereafter determined on. Roderick, alarmed, again meditated resistance, and assembled an army to resist the invaders ; but the sight of the Norman force dissipated their courage, and they dispersed without coming to an engagement. Strongbow accordingly reached Dublin unopposed, and summoned it to surrender ; and while the citizens were meditating about terms, the city was suddenly carried by assault. A terrible slaughter of * the inhabitants took place, and the city was given up to plunder. An excursion was next made into Meath, which was spoiled and laid waste. Fire, rapine, and murder, everywhere followed in the track of the invaders. Churches and religious houses were burnt down, after being plundered ; life was mercilessly sacrificed, without regard to sex or age ; and nothing was too sacred or valuable to be for a moment safe from the ravages of the invaders. They returned to Dublin, laden with booty. Roderick, meanwhile, endeavoured to expostulate with Dermot ; but it was of no use. Dermot treated the monarch's messengers with contempt ; and Roderick, in retaliation, struck off the head of Dermof s natural son, whom he held as a hostage. This completed the alienation of the traitor from the cause of his country. He now bequeathed his dominions to Strongbow, strongly exhorting him to maintain the possession of them ; and shortly after, he died, universally detested and abhorred by his countrymen. Strongbow, in defiance of the law of the land, forthwith took possession of the vacant throne of Leinster ; but the act was fol- lowed by the immediate desertion of his subjects. At the same time, a formidable confederacy of the native Irish, aided by the Danes^ of the Hebrides and the Isle of Man, was formed against his government. They invested Dublin with an army amounting, it is said, to 80,000 men ; and now Strong'bow deemed himself on the brink of ruin. Wexford had " rebelled" (as the resistance to foreign oppression was, even in these early days, invariably termed), and destroyed the Norman garrison left to guard the town. Defection was now universal, and there wanted but a single com- bined effort to crush the adventurers' power, and sweep them from the land. ^ Strongbow, after enduring a two months' siege, offered to treat v/ith Roderick, who refused to enter into any terms, unless the Normans consented forthwith to leave the island. The besieged, rather than tamely submit to such terms, determined on a desperate assault of the Irish camp. They succeeded; and the besieging army fled terror-stricken, almost without striking a blow. Thus, m a few hours, was the aspect of affairs completely changed, and the chains of the foreigner, which seemed about to be rent asunder, c 14 History of Ireland. were now more firmly rivetted upon Ireland tlian ever. Strongbow followed up liis victory by invasions of Wexford, Waterford, Wicklow, and other districts, in all of which he proved suc- cessful, and established his power more than before. It may appear surprising, that with so small a force as that under Strongbow and the first Norman invaders, such great results should have been achieved. The Irish had their fatherland to fight for, whereas the Normans fought for mere adventure or plunder. Yet, in almost every instance, the former were defeated with great loss. Not that the Irish showed any want of valour, for they often fought w^ith the most determined bravery. But their great weakness con- sisted in their want of discipline, in their want of arms, and in the want of that complete subordination to their leaders which is absolutely necessary for the success of mihtary movements. The Irish Kerns, or light-armed infantry, fought in no regular order. They kept constantly in motion, from one part of the field to the other ; often, however, doing great damage to those whom they found oif their guard. They were exceedingly active in their movements, and possessed great dexterity in the use of missile weapons. They retreated, returned to the attack, shifted their position, retreated and attacked again and again, with extraordinary alacrity. Their horsemen also were of the same irregular and skirmishing character. They were mounted on the light and active horses of the country, but they were generally undriiled, and consequently confused in their movements. Contrasted with the Norman men-at-arms and archers, the native Irish were comparatively powerless, no matter how brave and valorous they might naturally be. The Norman knights were clad in complete steel, themselves as well as their horses. They were trained from infancy to the use of arms and in the exercise of chivalry. Arms was their trade, their profession, by which they lived. Depending, as they did, upon their swords, for their subsistence, they perfected themselves in the art of using them to the best advantage for themselves, no matter what the cause or the service might be in which they were engaged. The Norman archers also were a highly disciplined and effective body, of soldiers; it was their cross-bows and cloth j^ard shafts which decided the battle of Hastings. Unlike the Irish Kerns, they alwaj's moved in orderly array, and were protected on either flank by the knights and men-at-arms. What chance had untrained and light-armed men against such formidable antagonists as these \ How could half naked infantry stand before the shock of heavy cavalry clad in steel ? The thing was impossible : they Avere trodden down and slaughtered, or fled panick-stricken in all direc- tions. And thus was it, that the success of the Normans was so invariable in almost all their early eneounters with the Irish ])eo])le. History of Ireland. 15 CHAPTER IV. Henry's alarm at the success of Strongbow — Arrives in Ireland with an army- The Irish chiefs make their siibmission to him — Triumphal progress to Dublin- Henry's "Reforms" of the church— Returns to England— Fresh feuds and discords — The Irish chiefs endeavour to shake off the yoke, and fail — Wretched state of the country— Prince John sent over to Ireland as its lord — Insults the Irish chiefs — General rising of the Irish, and their success — Are again destroyed by their feuds — Death of Henry II. At length Henry, the Anglo-Norman king, became alarmed at the success of Strongbow, and issued an edict, peremptorily forbidding the exportation of men, arms, or ammunition, to Ireland ; and com- manding all his subjects in that country immediately to return home, on pain of banishment and forfeiture of their estates. Strongbow, alarmed at this edict, immediately despatched an envoy to Henry to make his entire submission to him; but this being taken no notice of, Strongbow himself set out, and by the exertion of all his influence, obtained a reconciliation with the monarch. Strongbow renewed his homage and oath of fealty to Henry, and surrendered to him the city of Dubhn and the adjacent country, together with all the seaport towns and forts possessed by him in Ireland ; while . Henry consented that Strongbow should retain all his Irish pos- sessions under homage and fealty to the English crown. Henry also prepared to follow up this arrangement by an expedition to Ireland, conducted by himself in person. A powerful fleet and army were assembled at Milford Haven, in Wales, with which Henry set sail, and landed at Waterford about the latter end of October, 1171. Ireland, though now threatened with the utter extinction of her national independence, made no effort to avert the evil. The compietest apathy prevailed ; not a sign of alarm or resistance was made ; and Henry landed, to take possession of Ireland, and leave it virtually a subjected nation. Not only were the Irish princes apathetic of the danger of the new invasion, but they even made haste to resign themselves to the will of the invader ! Enamoured, as it were, of political slavery, they allowed its gilded collar to be slipped round their necks. As for the people, they soon felt the iron in their hearts ; the dungeon and the sword, chains and fetters, Are and devastation, were their lot for hundreds of years to come. Probably it favoured the designs of Henry, that at the time when he landed, civil war was raging in the heart of Ireland. When the invading prince made his appearance on the Irish shores, the unnatural spectacle was to be observed of the Irish people mercilessly spoiling and slaying each other, hounded on by their respective chiefs and princes ! Henry took advantage of this revolting state of things, and entered' Ireland in the pretended 3 6 History of Ireland. cliaracter of a " protector" ; and hence, perhaps, the tacit sub- mission of the people to his sway. Scarcely had he landed, ere the powerful king of Desmond, or South Munster, came forward and resigned his estates into the hands of the English king, who re-granted them immediately, on the usual conditions of feudal tenure, excepting the city of Cork, which he reserved for himself. Other princes, among whom were those of Thomond, Ossory, and the Desies, immediately followed the example. They even vied with each other in the alacrity of their submissions. Thus Henry's march to Dublin was a kind of triumphal procession — not the slightest opposition being offered to his progress. Arrived there he gave a splendid entertainment to the vassal princes, who, hugging their chains, seemed delighted with the privilege of serving so noble and mighty a master. Henry, in his capacity of religious missionary, took an early opportunity of reforming" the Irish church. He summoned a synod of the Irish princes and prelates, at Cashel, when the fol- lowing decrees were enacted — exposing the miserable pretence of Henry for the invasion of Ireland, and the uselessness of his presence there, so far as the reform of the church was con- cerned :— It was decreed : "1. That all the faithful throughout Ireland should contract and observe lawful marriages, rejecting those with their relatives, either by consanguinity or affinity. %, That infants should be catechised before the doors of the church, and baptised in the holy font in the baptismal churches. 8. That all the faithful should pay the tithe of animals, corn, and other produce, to the church of which they are parishioners. 4. That all ecclesiastical lands, and property connected wdth them, be quite exempt from the exactions of all laymen. And especially, that neither the petty kings, nor counts, nor any powerful men in Ireland, ^ nor their sons Avith their families, should exact, as was usual, victuals and hospitality, or entertainments, in the ecclesi- astical districts, or presume to extort them by force ; and that the detestable food or contributions which used to be required four times in the year, by the neighbouring counts, from forms belonging to the churches, should not be claimed any more." Such wcre'the whole of those wonderful church " reforms" of the Anglo-Norman king, for which the liberties of a kingdom were not "thought too dear a price. As Henry was preparing to secure and extend his conquests, he was suddenly interrupted by the alarming intelligence of the rebellion of his sons in ]^]ngland. He hastened home, leaving the Norman barons in charge of tlie newly conquered districts. A large part of Ireland still remained indei)endent, among which were the powcrfid kingdoms of Connaught and Ulster. These were still ruled by their own chiefs, and governed by their own laws. Indeed, Henry did not seem to have any desire to exteiul the English laws and usages further than for the protection of the Anglo-Norman History of Ireland. 17 subjects whom he left behind him. No sooner had he left, than feuds and discords broke out afresh. The extension of the English po wer being now intrusted to unprincipled adventurers, the doomed Irish were not long in feeling all the tortures of the scourge which Henry had delivered into their hands. Lands were seized, and districts ravaged and plundered on all sides, with or without pre- tence — it was all the same. The cruelty and treachery of the Normans soon alienated the aifection (as it was called) of the Irish chiefs who had submit1?ed to Henry ; and they determined on making a unanimous effort for independence. Roderick, the Irish monarch, who had hitherto been an inactive spectator of the rapid progress of the Norman power, consented to place himself at the head of the confederacy. Seizing a fitting opportunity, he made a sudden incursion into Meath, destroyed all the forts raised by the Norman lords, and advancing into Leinster, laid waste the whole county, as far as the confines of Dublin. Roderick, however, had but little of the qualities of a general, and his men had few of the requisites of steady soldiers ; for, scarcely had they reached thus far, than they dispersed without coming into colHsion with the enemy, leaving the Normans again to take possession of the country, and rebuild the forts which had been torn down. The Norman force also made an incursion into Limerick, when the city of that name was taken and plundered, and a large number of the inhabitants slaughtered in cold blood. Their army was now no better than a mere band of well organized freebooters, who waded to booty through blood, and trampled all honour, honesty, and virtue completely under foot. They disregarded everything that had formerly been held sacred ; they burned down monasteries, plundered churches, and polluted sanctuaries of all kinds. The invaders also quarrelled frequently among themselves, which, added to the bloody feuds that raged from time to time between the rival chiefs and kings of Ireland, completed the horrible picture of this period. It only needed the submission of the Irish monarch, which took place k. d. 1175, to complete the nation's humiliation. Roderick acknowledged 'the Anglo-Norman king as his hege lord, and bound himself to pay an annual tribute ; in return for which, he was confirmed in his possessions, and allowed to retain the empty title of king of Ireland. The kings of Eiigland were accordingly henceforward to be consi- dered as the lords paramount of Ireland, and the Irish kings but as the mere vassals of the Norman princes. On the death of Strongbow, which took place soon after, Ireland was cast into fresh troubles, from the quarrels and jealousies of her new governors. It would be futile to describe in detail the feuds of the adventurers ; and their destructive invasions of the Irish territory yet unsubdued. - Whichever of the Anglo-Norman parties gained the ascendancy,— whoever was chief governor, or king's deputy,— it was all the same to the Irish. The result to them 18 History of Ireland. invariably was, invasion, massacre, and plunder. Thus Ulster and Connaiight were invaded and laid waste in 1177, while Munster was torn ft) pieces by the feuds of its native chiefs. The entire nation ^vas plunged in anarchy, and both natives and foreigners seem to have alike completely set at nought the restraints of law, of religion,' and of humanity. The Normans were ready to take advantage of every domestic feud, for extending their power and increasing their wealth ; they set son against father, and father against son, and lent their arms to promote the most unnatural crime and rebellion. Thus, it was to aid the sons of the Irish monarch in a rebellion against their ovm father, that the destruc- tive but unsuccessful invasion of Connaught was undertaken. One governor succeeded another, and the result was almost invariably the same. Cruelty, rapine, and murder, followed everywhere in the steps of the invaders. About this time, however, the arrogance of the Norman monarch received a sudden check, and the spirit of independence in Ireland, though now fast flickering towards its extinction, seemed as if on the point of rescuing the kingdom from the hands of his followers. It is not improbable that, by this time, the Normans had learnt to despise the Irish, as they had long despised the Anglo-Saxons, for their pusillanimity in defending their native soil ; and imagined that no slight was too marked, no insult so gross, as not to be endured by them -with patient submission and forbearance. But the Norman king here reckoned without his host, as the events we are about to relate will sufficiently show. It appears that from an .early period, Henry had designed Ireland as an inheritance for his son John, now (a.d. 1184<) a boy of only twelve years of age. This was quite in accordance with the ancient as well as modern method of handing over kingdoms of people from one person to another, just like a herd of sheep, or a flock of geese. In accord- ance with this design of the Norman king, Prince John was invested with the lordship of Ireland, and the Pope immediately confirmed the grant. And straightway, this boy of scarce twelve years old, set out for Ireland, to take possession of his kingdom ! — a kingdom, be it remembered, which was yet only partially in the possession of the invaders, and was held from day to day only by a strong and well disciplined army. Yet this boy was now sent to rule Ireland ! — an act savouring of all the wantonness and arrogance of uncontrolled and despotic power. Scarcely had the prince landed, ere many of the Irish chieftains, who, since their first submission, had been living quietly under the Anglo- Norman government, hastened to olier their respects to him, as the son of their sovereign. They came clad in their fine national costume, wearing linen vests, flowing mantles, long locks, and bushy beards. Prince John and his icirrogant young Normnn courtiers, received the chiefs, many of whom were venerable old men, with mockery and insult. They broke out in derision of History of Ireland. 19 their dress, mimicked their gestures, went so far as to pluck them by the beard, and finally thrust them with repeated insults from their presence. The hot blood of these Irish chiefs "could not brook this treatment. They hastened home, burning for revenge ; they represented to their neighbour chiefs the galhng insults they had received, and asked " if such be the manners in which our loyal submission is received, what other hope remains for the country, but united and determined resistance?" The flame caught and spread with amazing rapidity ; a spirit of hostihty to the invaders sprung up, such as had never before been witnessed almost the entire island being animated by the sentiments of deadly hate against the Anglo-Norman government. The chiefs now agreed to sink all minor differences, and pledged themselves by the most solemn oaths to defend their country and its libexties to the death. " While such was the spirit of determined resistance awakened by Norman arrogance and insolence, the youngprince, with his courtiers and advisers, were heedlessly pursuing their foolish and dissipated career. The storm burst upon their heads with terrible fury. Almost a simultaneous attack was made upon the Norman forces at all points, with extraordinary and unprecedented success. Castles were daringly assaulted, and their garrisons put to the sword ; bodies of Norman troops were attacked and cut to pieces, many of the most celebrated of the Norman chiefs falling victims to the outraged . feelings of the people. In some places, the Irifeh were repulsed with great loss ; but such was the result of the struggle, that by the end of the season, (according to the testimony, of the Enghsh chroniclers themselves), John had lost almost his whole army ! Henry heard with dismay of the ruin which threatened his cause in Ireland; and lost no time in recalling John, and entrusting the government to an old and experienced'', but fierce and blood-thirsty warrior, by name De Courcy, who had long been engaged in ravaging and desolating the province of Ulster. He acted with the utmost vigour, in recovering the lost ground, and restoring the tottering Norman influence ; but even he and all his powers would have failed, but for the dissensions which again began to appear among the Irish chiefs at the very time of their greatest success. Alas ! the liberties of Ireland were again lost by the treachery of her chiefs ! One or other of the rival factions called in the aid of the foreigners, for the purpose of destroying their native enemy ; and thus were they again enabled to repossess themselves of all the ground they had lost. Ulster was distracted with civil war, and thus De Courcy was enabled to i-ecover his original position there, almost without interruption. In Connaught, the sons of Roderick were at war with their father, whom they succeeded in deposing, when he took shelter in a monastery, and shortly afterwards ended his unfortunate career. Thus distracted and torn to pieces was Ireland, and thus ^0 History of Ireland, miserable find wretched was its population, when the death of Henry 11. , at Chinon, in Normandy, (a. d. 1189), closed for ever any hope which might yet be entertained, of a more pacific and rational course of policy, on the part of that monarch, in the government of unfortunate Ireland. CHAPTER V. State of Ireland at Henry's death— The Church: introduction of Tithes— English Laws — The English Pale — Ireland beyond the Pale — The native Irish in relation to the soil — Irishmen might be plundered and murdered with impunity — Proofs — The quarrel hereditary. The condition of Ireland, at the death of Henry, was indeed wretched in the extreme. The country had been repeatedly ravaged throughout almost its whole extent ; crops, flocks, and herds, had been destroyed ; and thousands of people whom the sword had spared, died of hunger. But anarchy did not die : for the elements of mischief still existed in all their force, and were even carefully fostered by the invaders of Ireland, as their best protection and safety, as v/ell as their surest means of future encroachment and conquest. To the demoralization consequent upon such a long continued warfare, and the frequency of scenes of violence and bloodshed, was also to be added the worse demoralization how introduced among the Irish, of hiring themselves out to fight on any side, regardless of aught but rapine and plunder, — a practice which could not but have the most injurious and debasing eifects on the character of the Irish people. 'No surer method than this could have been devised of obliterating all distinctions between right and wrong, and producing that state of moral degradation which •both disposes and fits men to be slaves. Among the other methods adopted by Henry to undermine the independence of Ireland, was the attempted attachment to his cause, by bribery and corruption, of the Irish clergy. Despots have in all times eagerly embraced alliances with the religious teachers of the people, in order to suit their own unholy purposes ; and all experience proves that there is no more eftectual means of extinguishing the liberties of a nation, than by placing over it a corrupt and venal priesthood. Henry, it will be remembered, first appeared in Ireland in the character of a missionary : he had a commission to " reform" the church, and we have shown what were the amount of his reforms. Among other things, he endea- vour(5d to attach to his interests the Irish clergy, by considerably increasing their power and privileges. He also exempted lands and otlier property belonging to the church iVom all impositions exacted by the laity ; enjoijiing also, for the first time in Ireland, the payment of tithes to the priesthood by the people. This, it was no doubt hoped, would prove a lasting bribe to the church. History of Ireland. 21 # But Henry was mistaken : tithes could not be collected : the great body of the Irish clergy preferred the old independent usages of the church ; and for a long time after the passing of this decree, the priesthood remained unbribed, and tithes remained unpaid. At length Henry, finding that the Irish were but unwilling instruments in his hands, resolved to promote his Norman followers to the high offices in the English church ; and, on the death of the famous / Lawrence O'Toole, John Comyn, an Englishman, was made Arch- bishop of Dublin. This was the commencement of a system of corruption in the Irish church, which has continued down to the present day. TJie church in Ireland is still the badge of conquest, as much as when Henry placed his English bishops over the Irish people nearly seven hundred years ago. When Henry died, but a small portion of Ireland, comparatively speaking, was under the rule of the Norman chiefs, and subject to the English law and authority. Not more than one- third part of the kingdom then acknowledged the foreign power. The rest was ruled over by the native chieftains, who exercised the same rights of sovereignty as under the ancient monarchy. And thus the laws, language, and customs, of the native Irish, continued unchanged ; the English remaining an isolated and circumscribed colony, in the midst of a hostile and ever resisting people. All the elements, however, of national anarchy were preserved ; and the peace and happiness of Ireland continued to be sacrificed for centuries to come. The extension of the English pov/er being henceforward entrusted to private adventurers, who were rewarded with the spoils which they were able to seize from the natives, plunder was thus legalised, and the security of native life and property set at naught. To kill " mere Irish" was not considered a crime, while to seize their pro- perty was deemed an honourable act, to be rewarded by honours and offices in the state. Irishmen might be oppressed, spoiled, or killed, without controul ; and thus were they rendered outlaws and perpetual enemies of the crown of England.* Had Henry given the country a uniform system of law and government at the first, when he had the opportunity, much of this future misery and mischief might have been spared. A com- munity of interests would thus have sprung up ; both invaders and natives would ere long have merged into one people ; the invidious distinctions, as of conquerors and conquered, would have been removed ; factious practices and unsocial manners would have yielded to the restraints of regular government ; and the genial fruits of protected industry and progressing civilization would ere * " It was certainly a great defect (says Sir John Davies, an English Attorney-General) in the civil policy of Ireland, that, for the space of three hundred and fifty years, at least, after the conquest first attempted, the English laws were not communicated to its people, nor the benefit nor protection thereof allowed them ; for, as long as they were out of the protection of the laws, so as every Englishman might oppress, spoil, and kill them without controul, how was it possible they could be other than outlaws, and enemies to the crown of England."—. Davies' Historical Relations. # 22 History of Ireland. long have been gathered and enjoyed by all classes of the com- munity. Instead of this, however, an opposite course was adopted, which produced as opposite results. An English Pale was formed, consisting of the first acquisitions of the Anglo-Normans, and extending along the eastern and south-eastern shores of Ireland. Within this pale only, the laws, language, and institutions of England prevailed ; all the Irish people beyond it being regarded in the light of savages, " enemies," and outlaws. The most deadly rancour sprung up, and became hereditary, between the two races; the Normans and their descendants adding to their haughty con- tempt for the Irish a deep and inveterate hatred, which displayed itself in every form of insult and injury that devilish ingenuity could devise ; while the Irish people amply repaid it on their side, by deadly enmity, by perpetual harrassments, by nocturnal attacks, by destructive invasions, and by all the contrivances of a people driven mad and desperate by oppression and insult. Who does not see in that first invasion and settlement of Ireland by the Normans, a clear unravelment of the condition of Ireland down to the present day ? There were the two races, distinct and hostile, hating and hated by each other, the one denounced as foreigners* and tyrants, the other as serfs and rebels, f — the one assuming the right of conquerors, the other resisting them often to the death, — the one race, constituting a small minority, enjoying with trembling the wealth and property which was theirs by right of physical force only, while the great mass of the people were plunged by oppression into deep poverty, misery, and suffering, — the -soil monopolized by a small band of rapacious foreigners, while the native inhabitants, counted only as outlaws and enemies, were hunted from the soil v/hich they occupied, and thus rendered homeless and destitute, perished by multitudes iji the land of their birth. It was one of the evils of the native Irish system, previous to the Norman invasion, that the land was held by the people * At the present day, the foreign invaders of Ireland are very erroneously stigmatized as "Saxons." If there be any use in names at all, why not call them by their right name of " Normans," as we have above shown it to be the true one ? The fact is, almost the only *' Saxons" in Ireland at the time of its invasion, in 1170, were those who had been sold to the Irish people as slaves, after the conquest of England by the Normans! At a general council of the Irish clergy held at Armagh, shortly after the invasion of Ireland by Dermot and his Norman allies, they declared that the success of the invaders was owing to the anger of heaven, which the Irish had provoked by purchasing English slaves (the vanquished Saxons) from the merchants of Bristol ; and the slaves tliroughout the country were accordingly ordered to be immediately liberated, in order thus to avert the divine wrath from the Irish nation. — See Moore, Taylor, O'IIalloran, &c, •\ It is a singular fact, that the very first resistance which the Irish made to the Norman troops, namely, at tlie siege of AVexford, was designated as " rebellion," by tho English chrouiclers ! " Thus early, says Moore, " was it considered rebellion" in tho Irish to defend their own rightful possessions. A similar view of tho historical relations between the two counlrioH has continued to be entertained ever since. Thus Thomas "Wharton, in the preface to his spirited Ode, " Stately the feast, and high the cheer," speaks of Henry II, " undertaking an expedition into Ireland to suppress a rebellion raised by Roderick, king of Couuaught" and dcsciibcs him in tho ode as " Prepared to stain the briny flood Of Shannon's lake with rebel blood!" History of Ireland, 23 at the pleasure of their chiefs; consequently, they might all be dispossessed at a moment's warning. " The possession of similar power," says a well-informed Irish writer,* " was ardently desired by the Norman barons. With short-sighted policy, they preferred a horde of miserable serfs to a body of substantial yeomanry ; and they sacrificed readily their true interests, and the interests of both countries, to secure this object of their unworthy ambition. A similar folly seems to have seized on the successive oligarchies that have wielded the destinies of Ireland. Nothing was deemed so formidable as an independent tenantry ; no possession more desirable than an estate stocked with beings who were slaves in all but the name. Hence, for many centuries, the valuable class of substantial farmers was utterly unknown in Ireland — hence the number of such is even now inconsiderable — and hence the great mass is always ready for insurrection, when summoned by popular leaders, or by their own passions ; men possessing no sympathy with their landlords, for never did community of feeling exist between master and slave ; men having nothing to lose in agrarian tumult, and every thing to hope from the prospect of revolution. The Norman oligarchs (if such a word may be used) were bad masters, and worse subjects. The monarchs soon found the da- generate English who had adopted Irish customs more obstin& . and formidable enemies than the natives. In the language of the/ old historians, " they were more Irish than the Irish themselves and, from their first settlement, their principal object and that of their successors was, to control, and if possible' prevent, the wholesome influence of the British government, in order to main- tain their own monopoly of oppression. Had Henry remained a sufficient time to complete his prudent plans, he might really have established an English interest in Ireland ; but he only left behind him an oligarchy, which, like all other oligarchies in a country possessing the semblance of freedom, was ever jealous to the sovereign, and odious to the people." Besides the merciless sword', the law was also as mercilessly turned against the Irish people. We have said that Henry refused to extend the English laws beyond the English pale. ' Many of the Irish pressed for admission to the rank of subjects, and for enjoyment of the " privileges" of the English constitution. But Henry and his advisers refused; and with the exception of the five families of O'Neills of Ulster, O'Connors of Connaughi, O'Briens of Thomond, O'Lachlans of Meath, and Mac Murroughs (Mc Murchads) of Leinster, the Irish people were held to be aliens^ and enemies, and could neither sue nor be sued in the English courts of law. This was the case down even to the reign of Queen Elizabeth, a period of nearly 850 years ! The Irish were not only denied all protection from the laws of their invaders; they * Taylor's " History of the Civil Wars of Ireland." 24 History of Ireland. were even delared by those laws to be " enemies." All intercourse between the races was interdicted. The Irish could not enter any town or city without peril of their lives. They might be plundered and murdered with impunity, and even with the sanction of the laws. Numberless cases are on record, of complaints made for attacks on life and property, to which the defendants plead that " the plaintilF is an Irishman^ and not of the five bloods" — ^namely, the five Irish families above-named, — an answer which, if verified, was always found sufficient to secure the liberation of the accused.* Tims, in the 4th of Edward II., Robert Wallace was accused at Waterford for feloniously slaying John Mac Giliimory. The prisoner confessed the fact, but pleaded that " by his slaying the aforesaid John he coidd not commit felony^ because the aforesaid John teas A MEUE Irishman, and not of the fve hloodsf and so forth. On another occasion it is recorded that William Fitz Roger was charged with slaying one O'Driscoll ; the which having confessed, he (Fitz Roger) pleaded that he could not commit felony by means of such hilling ; because the aforesaid Roger icas an Irishman, and not of free blood; therefore the said William, as far as regards the aforesaid felony, is acgiuitted." But, as O'Driscoll was " an Irishman of our Lord the King," the said William Fitz Roger was sentenced to pay " five maeks to our Lord the King^ for the 'calue of the aforesaid Irishman /" From this may be learned the highest price at which the life of an Irishman was in those days estimated by the Anglo-Norman government. Such was the system of separation between the two races, persevered in from the first. The colony was thus enabled to preserve itself from merging into the nation, and the foreigners from amalgamating with the Irish people. Though living together in the same land, in a comparatively narrow and insulated territory, the same feelings of hostility and hatred have descended in all their bitterness and fervour down even to the present day. Nearly seven centuries have passed, and still the conquerors and the con- quered are fighting out the same old battle on the soil of Ireland. * To give a single instance from tbe Historical Tracts of Sir Jolm Davies : — "In the 29tli Edward I., before the justices in Oyer, at Droglieda, Thomas le Bottclcr, brought an action of (Ictenue against Robert de AImain!| for certain'goods. Tlie defendant pleiuleth^ that he is not bound to answer the plaintilF for this — that ihe pla'uiUJJ' is an Iris/nnan, and not of free blood. And the aforesaid Tliomas says that he is an Knglislinian, and this he jirays may be enquired of by the country. Therefore let a jury come fortli, and so forth. And the 'jurors, on their oath, say that the aforesaid Thomas is an Englishman. Thercforo it is adjudged that ho do receive his damages." Thus these records do demonstrate (says iNIr.O'Connell, in his IMemoirs of Ireland) tliat tlie Irisliman had no protection for his property, because, if the ])laintilV, in either case, had been declared by tlie jury to be an Irishman, the action wouUl be barred ; though the injury was not denied upon the record to have been committed. The vali(Hty of the plea in point of hnv was also admitted ; so that, no matter Avhat injury might bo committed upon tlie real or jjcrsonal ])roperty of an Irishman, the courts of law allbrdcd him no species of remedy. — Ireland and the Irish, pp. 51-2. HistoTy of Ireland. 25 CHAPTER VI. Richard Cvson of Marj^ciy O'Rovkc ; but it bciu"; found that " the aforesaid Miirgcry was uu Irishivornan" the accused Mere innnediatcly acquitted. -y At Roxburgh, says Dr. Lingard, the lung found himself at the head of 8,000 horse aiid J)0,000 foot, principally Irhh and Welsh. ^ Hhtory of Irdand. one, and shows how much despotism had ah'eady done for the moral degradation of the Irish people, CHAPTER VII. Edward's attempts upon the crown of Scotland — Wallace— Struggle for liberty- Robert Bruce— Death of Edward I.— Edward II. — Defeat at Bannockburn — Ireland imitates Scotland — The Irish chiefs invite Edward Bruce over to Ireland — Lands at Carrickfergus — Is crowned king of Ireland — Fedlim O'Connor — Civil war in Connaught — Famine and destitution of the people — Total defeat of Bruce by the English— National independence, how to be accomplished. One of the chief objects to which Edward the First devoted him- self, from almost the commencement of his reign, was the entire subjugation of Scotland to his authority. The rival claims of Bruce and Bahol to the throne, accompanied by the consequent divisions among the Scottish nobles, favoured his designs upon that kingdom. He was appointed umpire between the disputants, and the issue was, that he at length claimed to be lord paramount, as Henry had done in Ireland. He took possession of the country, garrisoned all its castles with English troops, and appointed Baliol to the nominal sovereignty, who did homage and paid tribute to the EngHsh monarch. The Scottish nobles permitted all this, and crowded to the English king to give in their allegiance. As the aristocracy are generally ready to do, when it suits their oMi interests, they betrayed their country into the hands of its enemies. But do not let us confound the Scottish ^^o^?^ with their nobles. They ^YQYQ still the same hardy and valorous race which withstood the Roman eagles of old. They were indigenous to the soil, which their nobles were not. They still remained faithful to the inde- pendence of their country, though their barons and chiefs had shamelessly betrayed it. The patriotic principle still burned pure in their breasts, though for a time they had been drawn into the toils of the crafty Edward. Their resistance to the new usurpation soon showed itself. Scarcely had Edward " settled" Scotland, and re-crossed the Border, ere the uncorrupted people took up arms, and, headed by Wallace, — a name which ranks in history with those of Tell, Kosciusko, Gustavus Vasa, Hofer, and Washington, — retook most of the strong places in the hands of the English, and swept the invaders across the Border. Edward, alarmed for his " conquests" immediately despatched an army into Scotland, of fifty thousand foot, and one thousand horse, under the command of Warrenne, Earl of Surrey. Wallace met and utterly routed them in the battle of Stirling; nearly one-half of the inva^^ing army being cut to pieces. Edward now determined to take the field in person ; and, assembling an immense army of nearly 100,000 men, chiefly Welsh and Irish, comprehending about 15,000 horse, he D 80 tlistory of Ireland. again entered Scotland to overpower and subdue it. The Scottish nobles again deserted their country in its hour of need, and joined Edward with all the men they could muster. As was to be expected, Wallace and his gallant little army were completely defeated by this monster force of Edward, at the battle of Falkirk, The country was again overrun, and its castles garrisoned with ^ the Enoiish ; but again and again did the Scotch people rise in "rebellion,'' against the foreign power ; and again and again did the Eng]l;:li mcjiarch re-conquer the country with his armies. Fifteen years were thus spent ; Wallace had been betrayed, and ignominicusly executed in London ; and the strength and spirit of the Scottish nation seemed completely exhausted. But this was not really the case. After Wallace, rose up Bruce, who renewed the struggle fcr national independence ; and brave people enough were still found to support him in his glorious enterprise. It was when on his way to the North, with an immense army, to suppress the "rebellion'' of the Scots under Bruce, that Edward I. died, at Burgh-upon-Sands, in June, 1307, leaving the cro.wn to his son, Edward II., a man who was in military enterprise and all other respects greatly his inferior. His first act v/as to return with the greater part of his army into his own dominions, leaving the Earl of Pembroke guardian of Scotland. Bruce, however, continued his determined efforts to release his country : aiid succeeded so well, that in the course of little more than a year after Edward's death, he had re-taken almost all the castles nm'th of the Tweed, and expelled the English from the country. At length Edward IL, alarmed for the safety of his own dominions (for the Scots were now making frequent incursions into England as far south as Yorkshire), determined to make another desperate attempt to reduce Scotland under English sway. An immense army was collected, of English, Welsh, and Irish, — the largest that was ever led by any former monarch into Scotland. It consisted of 100,000 men, including a body of 40,000 cavalry.* To oppose this overwhelming force, Bruce could only bring into the field an army of less than 40,000 men, of whom only 500 were cavalry.f He resolved, notwithstanding this fearful di.^parity of force, to give » battle to the English army, upon the field of Bannockburn. A terrible struggle took place, in which the invaders were completely . defeated. Thirty thousand of the Engli^sh and their allies were left dead upon the field ; the independence of Scotland was estab- lished, and all hopes upon the part of England of accomplishing its conquest were for ever annihilated. All the military power and energies of a monarch and his barons fighting for conquest, were found of no avail when brought to boar upon a gallant people fighting for their freedom, it was thus that Scotland, though a poor and comparatively scantily peopled country, instead of * TvllovN History of Scotland, vol. i., p. 258. + Ibid, vol, i.,p. 'JGO. Hutory of Ireland. becoming a mere conquered province of England, asserted and maintained its independence as a nation ; the advantages resulting from wliicli are undoubtedly enjoyed by her people dovv^n to the present day. At the Union, Scotland, unlike Ireland, was treated as an equal, and not as a vassal ; and ever since, her people have enjoyed equal rights and privileges with their English brethren. It was natural that Ireland should watch with deep interest the struggle of the Scottish nation for independence, against the powers of the English crown. Besides the sympathy which they had for them as men struggling in a noble cause, the Irish had also a sympathy for the Scots in many other respects, — as sprung from a common stock with themselves, speaking nearly the same language, and resembling them in many of their ancient laws and institutions. It may accordingly be conceived with what hope and enthusiasm the Irish looked forward to their own emancipation, when they heard of the glorious victory of Bannockburn, which so completely humbled the monarch, and prostrated the power of the mail-clad barons, who had trodden her own princes, chiefs, and people underfoot. The Ulster chiefs accordingly made all possible haste to fraternize with Robert the Bruce ; and sent deputies over to Scotland, inviting him over to aid them in their struggle for inde- pendence. They insisted that, if he himself could not proceed to their aid, he would at least send his brother, Sir Edward Bruce^ to whom they made offer of the crown of Ireland. Bruce, willing to find a vent for the ambition of his brother, and at the same time to harass England in her most vulnerable quarter, ere long acceded to their request. Edward Bruce accordingly landed at Carrick- fergus, (in May, a.d.^ 1315), with an army of six thousand men. He was immediately joined by immense numbers of the Irish, and proceeded to overrun the northern provinces, slaughtering the colonists, and burning their towns and settlements. The English barons advanced against him with an army, aided by Fedlim O'Connor, king of Connaught, and his vassals ; but they wfere defeated, with considerable loss. Fedlim retreated to his own dominions, to put down an insurrection among his vassals, hikded f by a new claimant to his throne. By the help of his English allies, he was enabled to subdue the insurrection and slay his opponent ; but, instead of reciprocrating the assistance, he immediately declared for Bruce, and drew his sword against his country's enemies. Even many of the English settlers, who by this time had amalgamated with the Irish, declared for Bruce, who, confident of success, was solemnly crowned at Dundalk, and proceeded to march southwards to Dubhn. When arrived at Meath, he encountered a formidable force under the lord justice, and put them to rout with great slaughter. The Scots, however, from want of provisions, were compelled again to return into Ulster ; where, at Northburgh Castle, Bruce held his court, and performed the functions and kept the state of an Irish monarch. History of Ireland. The arrival of supplies from Scotland, in the following year, enabled Bruce to renew the contest. But, in the meantime, his ally, Fedlim Con nor, king of Connaught, had been encountered in a pitched battle, by the English forces under William de Burgh, and defeated with terrible slaughter. This engagement, said to be the most bloody and decisive that had ever been fought from the time of the English invasion, took place near Athenry, in the county of Galway. Eleven thousand Irish are said to have been left dead on the field ; the gallant Fedlim himself was slain, and the power of the O'Connors in Ireland completely prostrated. This was a sad blow for Bruce, who had looked to Fedlim for great aid in the coming contest. But he was not daunted. On the arrival of his brother Robert from Scotland, with reinforcements, he took the field with his army, and proceeding southwards, laid waste the country to the very walls of Dublin. The expedition, however, was fruitless, for it ended in a retreat into Ulster, in 1317 ; after which. King Robert returned to his own dominions in Scotland. The English, on their part, were now preparing to put forth all their strength, to drive the new invaders from the country. Meanwhile, dig'eord continued to prevail among the Irish chiefs ; and about this time another battle took place in Connaught, between two rival chiefs, which was attended by the slaughter of 4,000 of their respective followers.* Famine also raged throughout the land, and especially in the northern provinces, to such an extent, in consequence of the long-continued warfare between so many rival parties, that the wretched people, it is said, took the very dead out of their graves, and boiling the flesh of the corpses in the sculls, thus frightfully appeased thieir hunger The Scottish army, under Bruce, was also reduced to the greatest extremities, and very much diminished in numbers. After a long period of inaction, the final blow was at length to be struck. The English army had been joined by large reinforce- ments of men, in excellent condition ; and now advanced into Ulster, in a body of 15,000 strong, under the command of Sir John Bermingham. To this force Edward Bruce could oppose only 2,000 Scots, together with about 1,000 badly-armed Irish. if Edward, contrary to the advice of his best captains, and notwithstanding the tremendous disparity of force, determined to risk a battle. Ho had already engaged the Anglo- Irish forces eighteen times, and had been uniformly victorious. But his success was noAv to desert him for ever. The armies met at Taglier, near Dundalk, on the 5th of October, 1318. The struggle w\as short, but fierce. At the first onset, the Scots, worn out by famine, and paltry in numbers, * " It was this discord among tlicmsclvos," says the Iiisli liistoriun Moore, "the inherent vico of the Irish nation, that i)aral}scd then, as it has done ever since, every effort lor their ciifVanchiseincnt, and which, at tlmt time, would have kept thcin liclnlctis and conlirnied shives, liiid oven a whole army of Robert Braces throrgcd to thoir deliverance. — History or Iueland, vol. iii. p. 68. f Camden. X Biuhour p. 317. History of Ireland. SS were as if swallowed up by their enemies. Almost the entire 2,000 were cut to pieces. Edward Bruce was found dead, and Sir John Maupas, who had undertaken to kill him at the com- mencement of the contest, was found stretched lifeless on his body. Thus ended an expedition, which, if properly seconded by the Irish people, and ^conducted with more judicious valour by its leaders, might have re-established the independence of the Irish nation. But it is almost next to impossible for the independence of a people to be accomplished by the intervention of foreign influence. A people, to do this work successfully, must do it for themselves. To maintain their independence, they themselves must have been able to effect it by their own exertions. It is not improbable, therefore, that had Edward Bruce even succeeded in his object, the Irish people would only have exchanged one set of tyrant masters for another. The time had not yet arrived for the appear- ance of a Wallace or a Bruce in Ireland. It has been reserved for modern times to produce the man, who has yet to prove himself the Liberator of the Irish people. CHAPTER VIII. Edward III Dreadful treatment of the Irish — Separation of the races' by the invaders — Assimilation of the invaders to the Irish — Monstrous enactments to prevent this — " English rebels" and " Irish enemies" — Statute of Kilkenny — Richard II Capricious act — Absenteeism — Richard visits Ireland — Henry IV. — Henry V Encroachments of the Irish on the Pale — Henry VI — The White and Red Roses — The Duke of York sent to Ireland — His wise administration — Civil war in England — Richard is aided by the Irish — Richard slain — Edward IV. —Edward V.— Richard III. The reign of Edward III., who succeeded to the English crown A. D. 1327, presents another revolting record of oppression, blood- shed, and crime. The aristocracy were more rapacious, and the people more defenceless, than ever. The lordly invaders now treated the Irish, as all men who fancy themselves endowed with " the right divine to govern wrong" invariably do, — with contumely and insult, and often with horrid cruelty. The English barons of this period seem to have been a kind of upper class savages, the more dangerous that they had generally large bodies of armed ruffians at their disposal, to aid them in their deeds of rapacity and vengeance. Often bloody feuds broke out among themselves, in which they were respectively aided by large bodies of the native Irish, led by their chiefs, and which ended in the defeat and destruction of one or other of the contending factions. It is melan- choly to contemplate a kingdom and people thus given up to almost indiscriminate riot, plunder, and slaughter. Occasionally, the 34 History of Ireland. Irish rose against the barons, routed their forces, burnt their dwelHngs, and laid waste their possessions ; but every thing hke effort at national deliverance was as yet afar off. About this time, the Irish again applied for admission to the privileges and the laws of England, but in vain. The system of separation was inveterately persevered in by those who wielded the powers of the government. Yet a certain degree of intercourse and admixture could not but take place between the settlers and the natives. In the more remote districts, intermarriages took place ; and not unfrequently alliances with the Irish septs were made with the view of crushing their rival within the Pale. The first distinguished instance of the open assumption of the character of Irish chiefs, on the part of the English barons, presented itself on the death of the powerful head of the De Burgh family. Im- mediately on the earPs assassination by his servants at Carrick- fergus, two chiefs of the junior branches of the family, fearing the transfer of his immense estates into strange hands, resolved to seize on the estates, and declare themselves independent. They at once did so ; and in order to enlist the sympathy of the natives on their side, they renounced the English dress, habits, and language, and adopted those of the Irish, assuming the respective Irish cognomens of Mac William Eighter and Mac William Oughter.* This example was soon very extensively followed throughout the country. The number of the " degenerated EngKsh," as they were called, increased ; the Irish language and manners became predominant, so that many of the English became " mere Irish'^ or, as a writer of the times, expressed it, " even more Irish than the Irish inha- bitants themselves." To check this defection from the mother country, as it was generally considered to be, new expedients were adopted for restricting the colony. Those of the English settlers who allied themselves with the native Irish, were characterised as " English rebels," to distinguish them from the " Irish enemies for the Irish were never otherwise recognised by the English Government, for several hundred years after their arrival in Ireland. The crown began to look with great jealousy upon the great Anglo-Irish lords, who had now monopolized in their hands so large apportion of the soil of Ireland ; and the attempt was about to be made to break them up and disperse them, if possible. A royal proclamation was issued, excluding from all share in the government the old colonists of the country, and confining the eligibihty to ofiice only to those of English birth. This proposal was received with such indigna- tion, and such a formidable resistance to it was threatened, that Edward was glad to give up his project, limiting the exclusion to the native Irish, and eventually excepting from the operation of * The V.n\ \ of Cl;iriric!U\lc is dcscciulcil IVom tho fi'iincr, ami llic Eail of M;n o fiouv tlic Jntlcr family. History of Ireland. SB the law all who had obtained charters of privileges. The distinc- tion between English by birth and English by descent was now, however, ftilly introduced, and was a source of strife, discord, and weakness in the colony, for along time to come. In the fortieth year of king Edward's reign (a. d. 1867) a Par- liament of the Lords of the Pale was held at Kilkenny, to consult on the state of the country. At that parliament was passed the ever-memorable and infamous act, afterwards generally known as the Statutes of Kilkenny. They enacted, "that intermarriage with the natives, or any connection with them in the way of fostering or gossipred, should be considered and punished as high treason ; — that any man of English race, assuming an Irish name, or using the Irish langniage, apparel, or customs, should all his lands and teneraents ,•— that to adopt or submit to the Brehon law (the ancient law of Ireland), was treason i—i^^i the presentation of "mere Irishmen" to any ecclesiastical benefice, or the admission of them to religious houses, penal that to admit Irish cattle to pasture or graze upon the lands of the EngHsh, was also penal as well as to entertain any Irish bard, minstrel, or story-teller, "who perverted the imagination by romantic tales" ! Such were the principal enact- ments of the celebrated Statutes of Kilkenny,— which put the whole native people of Ireland under the ban of proscription and exclusion, and set a mark upon them, to be shunned and hated by their fellow-men. But we do not need to inveigh against the cruel and iniquitous character of the enactments : the mere simple statement of them is sufficient : they speak for themselves. In the words of Lord Clare, this act " was a perpetual declaration of war, not only against the native Irish, but against every person of English blood, who had settled beyond the limits of the pale, and from motives of personal interest, or convenience, had formed connections with the natives, or adopted their laws and customs. And it had the full effect which might have been expected: it drew closer the confederacy which it was meant to dissolve, and implicated the colony of the pale in ceaseless warfare and con- tention with each other, and with the inhabitants of the adjacent district." The authority of the English rapidly declined; the natives made considerable encroachments on the possessions of the barons ; who, meanwhile, by their unrestrained excesses and cruelties, kept the country in a state of the utmost misery and suliermg. Insurrections, feuds, rebellions, and slaughters, characterized the reign of Richard II., as of all his predecessors. He was a minor when his father died ; but that mattered nothing to the Irish : the rule for them was always the same. According to the English writers of that day, they were " a race utterly irreclaimable ;" accordingly, no mercy was shown them. The distinctions between JNormans and Saxons were by this time disappearing in England ; but the Statutes of Kilkenny meant that in Ireland the distinction History of Ireland, between the invaders and the natives should be perpetuated for ever. And, sure enough, they have descended down to our own times in almost a direct line. We have still the Norman barons and the Irish natives, — the " English rebels," the " Irish enemies," and the " Lords of the pale," — as distinctly marked on the soil of Ireland, as ever. In England, the amalgamation between the two races was carefully fostered by the government : the king even forbade the use of Norman French in legal proceedings and deeds, in order to elFace one of the remaining marks of the conquest. The same manners and language accordingly soon pervaded the people. In Ireland, how different it was ! The barons pertina- ciously refused the Irish admission within the pale of the Eng- lish laws ; the}^ were consequently forced to retain their ancient system, their ancient laws, their ancient manners and language, which the Kilkenny Statutes actually made penal and treasonable. Was there ever such refinement of legal cruelty and barbarity as this? There are no occurrences in the reign of Richard II. which are worthy of particular remark. The young monarch, in one of his capricious frolics, created his favourite, De Vere, Earl of Oxford, successively Marquis of Dublin and Duke of Ireland, investing him with the entire sovereignty of the kingdom during his hfe ; an act which was actually confirmed by the Parliament of England ! A law, the first of the kind, was passed against absenteeism ; for, such was the condition of the country, that in the first years of this reign, the Pale was left nearly depopulated by the great influx of Anglo-Irish landholders into England. An act waspassed, compelling them to reside on and protect their own estates ; but it seems to have had very little effect, for new acts, more stringent than the first, were afterwards passed from time to time, in this and suc- ceeding reigns. Another of the events of this period was a vain-glorious visit which Richard himself made to Ireland (a. d. 1394), attended by a large army, for the purpose of carving out for himself a military reputation, at the expence of the Irish people. No resistance, however, was offered. The native chiefs, to the number of seventy-five, performed homage to him, and, after traversing the country in military pomp, he returned home again. After the lapse of five years, he paid Ireland a second military visit, for the purpose of reducing to subjection Macmurchad, one of the most powerful chiefs of Leinster ; who, though a pensioner of England, had risen in arms against the royal authority, and severely harassed the English settlements. The expedition was without any results ; for, before he could make any progress against Macmurchad, he was re-called hastily to England, to defend his own crown. He reached Wales only to fnid that his power liad completely departed from him, and that he was considered an enemy in the very land from which he had so lately set out a powerfiil and mighty monarch. Betrayed into History of Ireland. ^9 one, and shows , how much despotism had ah'eady done for the moral degradation of the Irish people, CHAPTER VIL Edward's attempts upon the crown of Scotland— Wallace—Struggle for liberty- Robert Bruce— Death of Edward I.— Edward II —Defeat at Bannopkburn— Ireland imitates Scotland— The Irish chiefs invite Edward Bruce over to Ireland —Lands at Carrickfergus— Is crowned king of Ireland— Fedlim O'Connor— Civil war in Connaught— Famine and destitution of the people— Total defeat of Bruce by the English— National independence, how to be accomplished. One of the chief objects to which Edward the First devoted him- self, from almost the commencement of his reign, was the entire subjugation of Scotland to his authority. The rival claims of Bruce and Baliol- to the throne, accompanied by the consequent divisions among the Scottish nobles, favoured his designs upon that kingdom. •He was appointed umpire between the disputants, and the issue was, that he at length claimed to be lord paramount, as Henry had done in Ireland. He took possession of the country, garrisoned all its castles with EngKsh troops, and appointed Baliol to the nominal sovereignty, who did homage and paid tribute to the EngHsh monarch. The Scottish nobles permitted all this, and crowded to the EngHsh king to give in their allegiance. As the aristocracy are generally ready to do, when it suits^ their own interests, they betrayed their country into the hands of its enemies. But do not let us confound the Scottish people with their nobles. They were still the same hardy and valorous race which withstood the Roman eagles of old. They were indigenous to the soil, which their nobles were not. They still remained faithful to the inde- pendence of their country, though their barons and chiefs had shamelessly betrayed it. The patriotic principle still burned pure in their breasts, though for a time they had been drawn into the toils of the crafty Edward. Their resistance to the new usurpation soon showed itself. Scarcely had Edward " settled" Scotland, and re-crossed the Border, ere the uncorrupted people took up arms, and, headed by Wallace,— a name which ranks in history with those of Tell, Kosciusko, Gustavus Vasa, Hofer, and Washington, —retook most of the strong places in the hands of the Enghsh, and swept the invaders across the Border. Edward, alarmed for his " conquests'' immediately despatched an army into Scotland, of fifty thousand foot, and one thousand horse, under the command of Warrenne, Earl of Sun-ey. Wallace met and utterly routed them in the battle of Stirling ; nearly one-half of the invading arniy being cut to pieces. Edward now determined to take the field in person ; and,' assembling an immense army of nearly 100,000 men, chiefly Welsh and Irish, comprehending about 15,000 horse, he D 30 History of Ireland. again entered Scotland to overpower and subdue it. The Scottish nobles again deserted their country in its hour of need, and joined Edward with all the men they could muster. As was to be expected, Wallace and his gallant little army were completely defeated by this monster force of Edward, at the battle of Falkirk. The country was again overrun, and its castles garrisoned with the English ; biit again and again did the Scotch people rise in " rebellion,'' against the foreign power ; and again and again did the English monarch re-conquer the country with his armies. Fifteen years were thus spent ; Wallace had been betrayed, and ignominiously executed in London ; and the strength and spirit of the Scottish nation seemed completely exhausted. But this was not really the case. ^ After Wallace, rose up Bruce, who renewed the struggle for national independence ; and brave people enough were still found to support him in his glorious enterprise. It was when on his way to the North, with an immense army, to suppress the "rebeUion" of the Scots under Bruce, that Edward I. died, at Burgh-upon-Sands, in June, 1307, leaving the cro.wn to his son, Edward IL, a man who was in military enterprise and all other respects gi-eatly his inferior. His first act was to return with the greater part of his army into his own dominions, leaving the Earl of Pembroke guardian of Scotland. Bruce, however, continued his determined efforts to release his country : and succeeded so well, that in the course of little more than a year after Edward's death, he had re-taken almost all the castles north of the Tweed, and expelled the English from the country. At length Edward II., alarmed for the safety of his own dominions (for the Scots were now making frequent incursions into England as far south as Yorkshire), determined to make another desperate attempt to reduce Scotland under English sway. An immense army was collected, of English, Welsh, and Irish,— the largest that was ever led by any former monarch into Scotland. It consisted of 100,000 men, including a body of 40,000 cavalry.* To oppose this overwhelming force, Bruce could only bring into the field an army of less than 40,000 men, of whom only 500 were cavalry.f He resolved, notwithstanding this fearful disparity offeree, to give battle to the English army, upon the field of Bannockburn. A terrible struggle took place, in which the invaders were completely defeated. Thirty thousand of the English and their allies were left dead upon the field ; the independence of Scotland was estab- lished, and all hopes upon the part of England of accomplishing its conquest were for ever annihilated. All" the military power and energies of a monarch and his barons fighting for conquest, were found of no avail when brought to bear upon a gallant people fighting for their freedom. It was thus that Scotland, though a poor and comparatively scantily peopled country, instead of * Tytlor's History of Sfotliunl, vol. i., i). 258. + Ibid, vol, i.,p. 'JGO, History of Ireland, 81 becoming a mere conquered province of England, asserted and maintained its independence as a nation ; the advantages resulting from which are undoubtedly enjoyed by her people down to the present day. At the Union, Scotland, unlike Ireland, was treated as an equal, and not as a vassal ; and ever since, her people have enjoyed equal rights and privileges with their English brethren. It was natural that Ireland should watch with deep interest the struggle of the Scottish nation for independence, against the powers of the English crown. Besides the sympathy which they had for them as men struggling in a noble cause, the Irish had also a sympathy for the Scots in many other respects, — as sprung from a common stock with themselves, speaking nearly the same language, and resembling them in many of their ancient laws and institutions. It may accordingly be conceived with what hope and enthusiasm the Irish looked forward to their own emancipation, when they heard of the glorious victory of Bannockburn, which so completely humbled the monarch, and prostrated the power of -the mail-clad barons, who had trodden her own princes, chiefs, and people underfoot. The Ulster chiefs accordingly made all possible haste to fraternize with Robert the Bruce ; and sent deputies over to Scotland, inviting him over to aid them in their struggle for inde- pendence. They insisted that, if he himself could not proceed to their aid, he would at least send his brother, Sir Edward Bruce^ to whom they made offer of the crown of Ireland. Bruce, willing to find a vent for the ambition of his brother, and at the same time to harass England in her most vulnerable quarter, ere long acceded to their request. Edward Bruce accordingly landed at Carrick- fergus, (in May, a.d.^ 1815), with an army of six thousand men. He was immediately joined by immense numbers of the Irish, and proceeded to overrun the northern provinces, slaughtering the colonists, and burning their towns and settlements. The English barons advanced against him with an army, aided by Fedhm O'Connor, king of Connaught, and his vassals; but they wfere defeated, with considerable loss. Fedlim retreated to his own dominions, to put down an insurrection among his vassals, headed by a new claimant to his throne. By the help of his English allies, he was enabled to subdue the insurrection and slay his opponent ; butf instead of reciprocrating the assistance, he immediately declared for Bruce, and drew his sword against his country's enemies. Even many of the English settlers, who by this time had amalgamated with the Irish, declared for Bruce, who, confident of success, was solemnly crowned at Dundalk, and proceeded to march southwards to Dublin. When arrived at Meath, he encountered a formidable force under the lord justice, and put them to rout with great slaughter. The Scots, however, from want of provisions, were compelled again to return into Ulster ; where, at. Northburgh Castle, Bruce held his court, and performed the functions and kept the state of an Irish monarch. History of Ireland. The arrival of supplies from Scotland, in the following year^ enabled Bruce to renew the contest. But, in the meantime, his ally, Fedlim O'Connor, king of Connaught, had been encountered in a pitched battle, by the English forces under William de Burgh, and defeated with terrible slaughter. This engagement, said to be the most bloody and decisive that had ever been fought from the time of the English invasion, took place near Athenry, in the county of Galway. Eleven thousand Irish are said to have been left dead on the field ; the gallant Fedlim himself was slain, and the power of the O'Connors in Ireland completely prostrated. This was a sad blow for Bruce, who had looked to Fedlim for great aid in the coming contest. But he was not daunted. On the arrival of his brother Robert from Scotland, with reinforcements, he took the field with his army, and proceeding southwards, laid waste the country to the very walls of Dublin. The expedition, however, was fruitless, for it ended in a retreat into Ulster, in 1817 ; after which. King Robert returned to his own dominions in Scotland. The English, on their part, were now preparing to put forth all their strength, to drive the new invaders from the country. Meanwhile, discord continued to prevail among the Irish chiefs ; and about this time another battle took place in Connaught, between two rival chiefs, which was attended by the slaughter of 4,000 of their respective followers.* Famine also raged throughout the land, and especially in the northern provinces, to such an extent, in consequence of the long-continued warfare between so many rival parties, that the wretched people, it is said, took the very dead out of their graves, and boiling the flesh of the corpses in the sculls, thus frightfully appeased thieir hunger \-\ The Scottish army, under Bruce, was also reduced to the greatest extremities, and very much diminished in numbers. After a long period of inaction, the final blow was at length to be struck. The English army had been joined by large reinforce- ments of men, in excellent condition ; and now advanced into Ulster, in a body of 15,000 strong, under the command of Sir John Bermingham. To this force Edward Bruce could oppose only 2,000 Scots, together with about 1,000 badly-armed Irish. J Edward, contrary to the advice of his best captains, and notwithstanding the tremendous disparity of force, determined to risk a battle. He had already engaged the Anglo-Irish forces eighteen times, and had been uniformly victorious. But his success was now to desert him for ever. The armies met at Tagher, near Dundalk, on the 5th of October, 1318. The struggle was short, but fierce. A t the first onset, the Scots, worn out by famine, and paltry in numbers, * " It was tliis discord among tliomsclvos," says the Irish historian Mooro, " the inherent vice -of tlic Irish nation, that jiaralyscd then, as it has done over since, every effort for their enfranchisement, and which, at that time, MonUl have kept them helpless and confirmed slaves, had even a whole army of Robert Braces throjigod to their deliverance.''— - lIisTonv or Iueland, vol, iii. p. 68. -|- Camden. :j: Ihuhinir p. ,'517. History of Ireland. were as if swallowed up by their enemies. Almost the entire 2,000 were cut to pieces. Edward Bruce was found dead, and Sir John Maupas, who had undertaken to kill him at the com- mencement of the contest, was found stretched lifeless on his body. Thus ended an expedition, which, if properly seconded by the Irish people, and ^conducted with more judicious valour by its leaders, might have re-established the independence of the Irish nation. But it is almost next to impossible for the independence of a people to be accomplished by the intervention of foreign influence. A people, to do this work successfully, must do it for themselves. To maintain their independence, they themselves must have been able to effect it by their own exertions. It is not improbable, therefore, that had Edward Bruce even succeeded in his object, the Irish people v/ould only have exchanged one set of tyrant masters for another. The time had not yet arrived for the appear- ance of a Wallace or a Bruce in Ireland. It has been reserved for modern times to produce the man, who has yet to prove himself the Liberator of the Irish people. CHAPTER VIII. Edward III Dreadful treatment of the Irish— Separation of the races by the invaders— Assimilation of the invaders to the Irish— Monstrous enactments to prevent this—" English rebels" and " Irish enemies"— Statute of Kilkenny- Richard II Capricious act — Absenteeism— Richard visits Ireland — Henry IV. —Henry V Encroachments of the Irish on the Pale— Henry VI — The White and Red Roses— The Duke of York sent to Ireland— His wise administration- Civil war in England— Richard is aided by the Irish— Richard slain— Edward IV. —Edward V.— Richard III. The reign of Edward III., who succeeded to the English crown A. D. presents another revolting record of oppression, blood- shed, and crime. The aristocracy were more rapacious, and the people more defenceless, than ever. The lordly invaders now treated the Irish, as all men who fancy themselves endowed with " the right divine to govern wrong" invariably do, — with contumely and insult, and often with horrid cruelty. The English barons of this period seem to have been a kind of upper class savages, the more dangerous that they had generally large bodies of armed ruffians at their disposal, to aid them in their deeds of rapacity and vengeance. Often bloody feuds broke out among themselves, in which they were respectively aided by large bodies of the native Irish, led by their chiefs, and which ended in the defeat and destruction of one or other of the contending factions. It is melan- choly to contemplate a kingdom and people thus given up to almost indiscriminate riot, plunder, and slaughter. Occasionally, the 34 History of Ireland. Irish rose against the barons, routed their forces, burnt their dwelHngs, and laid waste their ^possessions ; but every thing hke effort at national deliverance was as yet afar off. About this time, the Irish again applied for admission to the privileges V and the laws of England, but in vain. The system of separation was inveterately persevered in by those who wielded the powers of the government. Yet a certain degree of intercourse and admixture could not but take place between the settlers and the natives. In the more remote districts, intermarriages took place ; and not unfrequently alliances with the Irish septs were made with the view of crushing their rival within the Pale. The first distinguished instance of the open assumption of the character of Irish chiefs, on the part of the English barons, presented itself on the death of the powerful head of the De Burgh family. Im- mediately on the earPs assassination by his servants at Carrick- fergus, two chiefs of the junior branches of the family, fearing the transfer of his immense estates into strange hands, resolved to seize on the estates, and declare themselves independent. They at once did so ; and in order to enHst the sympathy of the natives on their side, they renounced the English dress, habits, and language, and adopted those of the Irish, assuming the respective Irish cognomens of Mac WilHam Eighter and Mac William Oughter.* This example was soon very extensively followed throughout the country. The number of the " degenerated English," as they were called, increased ; the Irish language and manners became predominant, so that many of the English became " mere Irish" or, as a writer of the times expressed it, " even more Irish than the Irish inha- bitants themselves." To check this defection from the mother country, as it was generally considered to be, new expedients were adopted for restricting the colony. Those of the English settlers who allied themselves with the native Irish, were characterised as " English rebels," to distinguish them from the " Irish enemies ;" for the Irish were never otherwise recognised by the English Government, for several hundred years after their arrival in Ireland. The crown began to look with great jealousy upon the great Anglo-Irish lords, who had now monopolized in their hands so large a portion of the soil of Ireland ; and the attempt was about to be made to break them up and disperse them, if possible. A royal proclamation was issued, excluding from all share in the government the old colonists of the country, and confining the eligibility to office only to those of English birth. This proposal was received with such indigna- tion, and such a formidable resistance to it was threatened, Uiat Edward was glad to give up his project, limiting the exclusion to the native Irish, and eventually excepting from the operation of * The Karl of Cl;imic;uilo is dc^cciuK'a from tlio Ibriucr, and Oic Earl of Mavo from the l.illcr faiml^v. History of Ireland. S5 the law all who had obtained charters of privileges. The distinc- tion between English by birth and English by descent was now, however, folly introduced, and was a source of strife, discord, and weakness in the colony, for a long time to come. ^ In the fortieth year of king Edward's reign (a. d. 1867) a Par- Hament of the Lords of the Pale was held at Kilkenny, to consult on the state of the country. At that parhament was passed the ever-memorable and infamous act, afterwards generally known as the Statutes of Kilkenny. They enacted, " that intermarriage with the natives, or any connection with them in the way of fostering or gossipred, should be considered and punished as Ugh treason that any man of Enghsh race, assuming an Irish name, or using the Irish language, apparel, or customs, should forfeit all his lajids and tenements that to adopt or submit to the Brehon law (the ancient law of Ireland), was treason ;—ih2it the presentation of "mere Irishmen" to any ecclesiastical benefice, or the admission of them to religious houses, w^spenal that to admit Irish cattle to pasture or graze upon the lands of the English, was also penal ,•— as well as to entertain any Irish bard, minstrel, or story-teller, "who perverted the imagination by romantic tales'' ! Such were the principal enact- ments of the celebrated Statutes of Kilkenny,— which put the whole native people of Ireland under the ban of proscription and exclusion, and set a mark upon them, to be shunned and hated by their fellow-men. But we do not need to inveigh against the cruel and iniquitous character of the enactments : the mere simple statement of them is sufficient : they speak for themselves. In the words of Lord Clare, this act " was a perpetual declaration of war, not only against the native Irish, but against every person of Enghsh blood, who had settled beyond the limits of the pale, and from motives of personal interest, or convenience, had formed connections with the natives, or adopted their laws and customs. And it had the full effect which might have been expected: it drew closer the confederacy which it was meant to dissolve, and implicated the colony of the pale in ceaseless warfare and con- tention with each other, and with the inhabitants of the adjacent district." The authority of the English rapidly dechned ; the natives made considerable encroachments on the possessions of the barons ; who, meanwhile, by their unrestrained excesses and cruelties, kept the country in a state of the utmost misery and suliermg. Insurrections, feuds, rebellions, and slaughters, characterized the reign of Richard II., as pf all his predecessors. He was a minor when his tather died ; but that mattered nothing to the Irish : the rule for them was always the same. According to the Enghsh writers of that day, they were " a race utterly irreclaimable accordingly, no mercy was shown them. The distinctions between ^'^^^I^^"!^^ Saxons were by this time disappearing in England ; but the Statutes of Kilkenny meant that in Ireland the distinction 36 History of Ireland. between the invaders and the natives shonld be perpetuated for ever. And, sure enough, they have descended down to our own times in ahnost a direct Kne. " We have still the Norman barons and the Irish natives,— the " Enghsh rebels,'' the " Irish enemies," and the " Lords of the pale,'' — as distinctly marked on the sod of Ireland, as ever. In England, the amalgamation between the two races was carefully fostered by the government: the king even forbade the use of Norman French in legal proceedings and deeds, in order to efface one of the remaining marks of the conquest. The same manners and language accordingly soon pervaded the people. In Ireland, how different it was ! The barons pertina- ciously refused the Irish admission within the pale of the Eng- lish laws ; they were consequently forced to retain their ancient system, their ancient laws, their ancient manners and langTiage, which the Kilkenny Statutes actually made penal and treasonable. Was there ever such refinement of legal cruelty and barbarity as this \ There are no occurrences in the reign of Richard II. which are worthy of particular remark. The young monarch, in one of his capricious frolics, created his favourite, De Vere, Earl of Oxford, successively Marquis of Dublin and Duke of Ireland, investing him with the entire sovereignty of the kingdom during his hfe ; an act which was actually confirmed by the Parliament of England ! A law, the first of the kind, was passed against absenteeism ; for, such was the condition of the country, that in the first years of this reign, the Pale was left nearly depopulated by the great influx of Anglo-Irish landholders into England. An actwaspassed, compelhng them to reside on and protect their o^\ti estates ; but it seems to have hi.d very little efi'ect, for new acts, more stringent than the first, were afterwards passed fe'om time to time, in this and suc- ceeding reigns. Another of the events of this period was a vain-glorious visit which Richard himself made to Ireland (a. d. 1394), attended by a large army, for the purpose of carving out for himself a miUtary reputation, at the expence of the Irish peop e. No resistance, however, was oftered. The native chiefs, to the number of seventy-five, performed homage to him, and, after traversing the country in military pomp, he returned home again. After the lapse of five years, he paid Ireland a second military visit, for the purpose of reducing to subjection Macmurchad, one of the most powerful chiefs of Leinster ; who though a pensioner of England, had risen in arms against the royal authority, and severely harassed the English settlements. 1 he expedition was without any results ; for, before he could make any progress against Macmurchad, he was re-called hastily to England, to defend his own crown. He reached AVales only to find that his power had completely departed from him, and tliat he was considered an enemy in the very land from winch he Imd so lately set out a powerful and mighty monarch. Betrayed into History of Ireland. 37 the hands of his rival, Henry of Lancaster, he shortly afterwards terminated his life, it is supposed by violence, in Pontefract castle. Henry IV. (a. d. 1899) now usurped the English throne, and during almost the whole period of his reign was engaged in quelling insurrections amongst his English subjects. He had consequently little time to spare for poor Ireland, which, as before, was left to the individual rapacity and cruelty of the barons. The feud between the Butlers and the Geraldines reached to a dreadful height during this period ; and furious battles were fought, with varying success to them, but always with the same destructive results to the native Irish. Henry died, after a disturbed reign of four- teen years, and was succeeded by Henry V., who was engaged j during most of his reign, in carrying on a vigorous and successful war v/ith France, which ended in his obtaining the succession to the throne of that kingdom. Nothing, however, was done for Ireland, which v^as left to take its own course. The power of England consequently decliued, both within and beyond the Pale ; and the Irish chiefs, taking advantage of the weakness of the government, vigorously exerted themselves to recover back their possessions from the English. To such an extent did they succeed, that the Speaker of the House of Commons, in an address about this time, in reference to the " dangerous" state of Ireland^ openly admits that " the greater part of the lordship of Ireland'"* had been " conquered" by the natives. The chiefs also kept the settlers in a state of such constant terror, by their wild and des- tructive inroads, that many of them were driven to the humiliating expedient of buying off the hostility of the Irish by means of an annual payment under the name of Black Rent— of a kind similar to that levied at a later period by Rob Roy and the Highland Caterans upon the inhabitants of tiie Scottish Lowlands. Henry VI. was an infant when his father died, and in his reign it was that the fierce and bloody wars between the factions of York and Lancaster first broke out. During this period, the Ormonds, Desmonds, and other old Anglo-Irish families, greatly augmented their power and increased their possessions. One of the most important events to Ireland, in this reign, was the appointment of Richard, Duke of York, the lineal heir to the crown of England, to the lieutenancy of Ireland. Richard's branch of the family had been cut off from the possession of royal power, by the usurpation of Henry IV. ; and his grandson, Henry VI., fearing that his powerful rival of York, who was generally beloved in England, and looked upon by many as the rightful hefr of the throne, would prove troublesome if allowed to remain in his immediate neigh- bourhood, appointed him to the government of Ireland, and sent him over to take charge of that part of the kingdom. Richard found the country in a wretched state, and the English power reduced to a mere shadow. But lie had secured Inr^^e powers from the English king, before assuming' tl/e jir^^^'err; ^ S8 History of Ireland. and he at once set himself to work in good earnest, as no other governor of Ireland had yet done, to restrain the excesses of faction, to promote the prosperity of the country, and bestow upon the Irish people the^benefits of good government. It may be, that he was induced to do this, as is alleged, because he wished to secure for himself such a hold upon the affections of the Irish people, as would render them afterwards subservient to the advancement of his designs on the English throne. However this may be, it is certain that the brief administration of Richard, Duke of York, is one of the brightest periods in Irish history. For the first time since the Anglo-Norman invasion, the Irish were treated with fairness, the violence and persecuting spirit of the English was repressed, and all classes made to feel that they were alike under the protection and oversight of the government. Before, however, sufficient time was given for any permanent good to spring out of Richard's administration, the troubled state of affairs in England induced him to return home. An insurrection headed by Jack Cade, an Irishman,* broke out, it is said at the instigation of Richard's partizans, with the view of sounding the feelings of the English people in his favour. Henry publicly denounced Richard as the instigator of the rebellion ; and, determined to vindicate himself, he immediately set out, with a body of retainers, for the English court. After an apparent reconcilement with the king, the disaffection of the public broke out with great vehemence ; Richard put him- self at their head, made Henry a prisoner, and forthwith assumed the reins of government. But Margaret of Anjou, Henry's queen consort, a bold and courageous woman, assembling her partizans, put herself at their head, and marching against the Yoikists, defeated them at Blore Heath with terrible slaughter. Richard fled to Ireland, when the Irish flocked round him with their tenders of support. He was hailed as their prince ; the par- liament passed laws for his especial protection, even though he and his adherents had been attainted by the English legislature. After * That there were many Irish now in England, appears obvious enough frona several of the acts of this period. Thus, in the year 1413, it was enacted by the king and i);irliavncnt, that, " for the peace and quieuicss of England, and the increase and prosperity of Ireland, all Irish- men, l7'ish clerics, beggars, &c,, should be removed ont of England before All Saints follow- ing, with the exception of graduates in schools, sergeants and api)rcntices at law," &c. By another stroke of tyranny, about the same period, the Anglo-Irish law students were even excluded from the inns of court ! At the same time, laws were actually passed by the Parlia- ment of the Pale, ordaining that no " Irish enemy" — that is, Irish man or woman — should be ' permitted to depart from the realm, without special leave under the great seal of Ireland ; and tluit any subject who should seize the person and gooils of a native attempting to transport himself without such licence, was to recoive one moiety of his goods, while the other was to bo forfeited to the crown! "The Irish enemy," says Moore, in his Mkmoirs of Captain Rock, " sliowcd, naturally enough, a disposition to emigrate ; but, by a relincd mixture of cruelty and absurdity, wliich is only to be found, goni'mc, in Irish legislation, an act of Par- liament was passed to prevent them. Those whom tho li'-nglish vefusinl to incorporate with sulnects, tlioy could yet comjjel to remain as rebels or as slaves. We have heard of a bridge of pold for a flying onomy, but an act of Parliament to compel hiui to stand his ground, could only have been passed l>y nn Irish legislature." History of Ireland. 39 the lapse of a short period, encouraged by the results of the battle of Northampton, Richard passed over into England with a body of about 5,000 men, chiefly Irish, to aid his son Edward in the struggle for the English throne. Before, however, he could rally his partizans, he w^as unexpectedly attacked by Margaret, in the neighbourhood of Wakefield, with an army four times more nume- rous than his own, and completely defeated, with the loss of about 6,000 men. Richard himself fell in the battle, or was afterwards taken and killed on the spot. And thus passed away all hope which the Irish may have entertained of the blessings of equal laws and good government, from the accession of Richard, Duke of York, to the English throne. The struggle, however, between the rival houses of York and Lancaster was not yet ended. It was renewed by Richard's son, Edward, who struck down the house of Lancaster on the field of Towton. Edward IV. then ascended the throne ; but was for a ti 'ae again displaced by Henry, through the aid of the " King-maker" (as he was surnamed), the Earl of Warwick. But Edward finally prevailed ; and, dying in 1483, left his son, Edward V., to succeed him. The reign of this prince was, however, cut short by his uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, who murdered the young prince and his brother in the Tower, and himself ascended the throne under the name of Richard III. His reign was short ; for he was unseated by Henry, Earl of Richmond, who slew the tyrant, and completely defeated his army, on the field of Bosworth, in 1485. Richmond immediately ascended the throne, and reigned for twenty-four years, as Henry VII. One of the events of his reign constitutes an important epoch in the history of Ireland. CHAPTER IX. Henry VII. — The territory of the Pale — Invasions of the natives— Tyrannical edicts of the Irish Parliament — Rebellions of Simnel and Perkin Warbeck — Henry attempts to bring the Irish people under the influence of English law — Former Parliaments in Ireland — Sir Edward Poyning's administration — Summonses a Parliament — Poyning's act— Its objects — State of the country. At the accession of Henry VII., the power of the English in Ireland had become very much curtailed. The jurisdiction of the crown extended only over the four counties of Dublin, Louth, Kildare, and Meath. This constituted the territory of the Pale : all beyond it was still subject to Irish laws, not recognising the authority of the EngHsh parhament. The natives now, led by the native chiefs, who, though in many cases stript of their possessions by the invaders, were still recognised by the people as their rightful rulers, made frequent inroads even upon the Pale itself, and suc- ceeded^ in taking forcible possession of estates, from, which it was found impossible to dislodge them. This was especially the case 40 Histon/ of Ireland. during the wars of the houses of York and Lancaster, — the absence of many of the great landed lords furnishing the native chiefs with the opportunity of recovering their original inheritances, of which they were not slow to take advantage. Those who did not lose their estates, were glad, at least along the borders of the Pale, to purchase exemption from attack, by the payment of annual pensions to the native chiefs. Occasional attempts were made by the English of the Pale to defend themselves against these inroads. One of these was, the formation of a fraternity of arms, under the name of the " Brothers of St. George.'' At the time it was instituted, it consisted of thirteen persons of "the highest rank, belonging to the four counties above named; who had at their command a force of 120 archers on horseback, 40 men-at-arms, and 40 pages. Contemptible as it was, this force was still further reduced, on the death of the Duke of Clarence (a. d. 1478), to 80 archers on horseback, and 40 " spears and lest the sum of cf'GOO, annually required for its maintenance, should prove too burdensome for the country, it was provided that should Ireland be unable to pay it, the sum was to be sent thither from England!* And such was then the entire standing army of the English government in Ireland ! With what perfect "ease the native Irish could have crushed this contemptible force, had they been actuated by a spirit of unanimity in favom* of national independence ! But they then knew nothing whatever of this. The nation was still broken up into septs, each at war with the other ; and they would not relinquish their discord for even the prospect of a victory over their common enemy. One would almost have thought that the conscious weakness of the English would now have restrained their insolence, as dis- played in the acts of the Parliament of the Pale. But no : their edicts continued as barbarous and as unnatural as ever 1 We give a few of the more remarkable instances : — At a parliament, held at Trim, in 1446, it was enacted, that any man icko does not hep his upper Up shared, mail treated as an Irish enenujy This act continued unrepealed down to the period of Charles I. Another enactment of the same parliament was, that " if an Irishman who is denizened kill or rob, he may be used as an Irish enemy, and slain on the spoty In 1463, a 'parlianunit, held at the same place, passed enactments to tlie following eflect : — That any body may kill thieves or robbers, or any person aoinp to rob or steal, harina no faithful men of good name and English apparel in their conipanf/;'^ and that the Irish within the Pale shall wear English habit, take Enalish names, and swear allegiance^ on pain o f forfeiture of goods. ''^ The first mentioned of these enactments was virtually a permission to kill Irishmen with perfect impunity, under the pretence that tliey were ''going to rob or steal.'' How could the miserable Irish prove • Soe Cox ; who Moore. History of Ireland. 41 that they were not ! Surely, this was murderer's law, with a ven- geance. In 1475, another barbarous law was passed in a parlia- ment held by WiUiam Sherwood, Bishop of Meath, enacting that " any Englishman, injured by a native not amenable to law, might reprise himself on the whole sepjt and nation!''' Thus, the entire Irish nation being pertinaciously refused the benefits of English law, it was made legal for any Englishman, who had received an injury, to wreak his vengeance upon them. ! How unlike is this Bishoply law to the precepts inculcated in Christ's sermon on the mount ! But already were the English bishops in Ireland, although^atholics.l^^^^ the Irish themselves, " ravenous^ wolves, wdiose gospel was their, maw." We shall just mention one more instance of legislative bar- barity at this period ; it occurred at a parliament held at Dubhn in 1485, when an act was passed authorising the men of the town of Ross to " reprise themsehes against robbers^'''' — " In other words," says Sir WilKam • Betham, "they might rob the innocent, to indemnify themselves for having been previously plundered."* Let us now return to the course of events under the reign of Henry VII. Shortly after his accession to the throne, a rebellion broke out against his authority^ headed by a young man named Simnel, who was put forward by the Yorkist party, to personate the young Earl of Warwick, then a prisoner in the Tower. The Irish barons, headed by the Earl of Kildare, immediately declared for the impostor, and had him crowned king in Dublin, under the title of Edward VI. The Irish chiefs and their foUow^ers also crowded round him, to support his right to the English throne by force of arms. They invaded England, were met by Henry, and completely defeated. Thus again were the Irish made the dupes and the victims of unprincipled adventurers. Yet this failure, it seems, was not sufficient; for, in a few years after, Perkin Warbeck, another impostor of a similar kind, was brought forward as Richard, Duke of York, the second son of Edward IV., who, it was pretended, made his escape from the Tower, where his elder brother was murdered. This attempt failed as signally as the other; and Henry was confirmed in the possession of his throre more strongly than ever. But the time had now arrived when it was necessary that something should be done for Ireland, in order that it might continue attached to the English crown, Henry saw that it was at present only a source of weakness, and a point through which the m.ost fatal blows might be inflicted on his power. His attention was accordingly now directed to the state of his dominions in Ireland, with a view to check the progress of anarchy and agrarian despotism. The time was certainly most favourable for carrying into eiTect an enlarged system of policy for the pacification of "ire- land, and for the promotion of her domestic industry. The swo' d had been tried for more than three hundred years, anil mangling and ' Origin and History of the early Parliaments of Irelan 1. 42 History of Ireland, bloody work had been done by it. Yet Ireland was as little under the dominion of England as at the commencement of that period, and was to her a source of weakness far more than of strength. The English monarchs had hitherto been engaged either in defend- ing their possessions in France, pursuing conquests in Scotland and Wales, or putting down rebellions among their own subjects. But England was now in a state of comparative peace, and the juncture was favourable for attaching the people of Ireland as subjects to the English crown, by means of wise and judicious legislation. Henry, though incompetent to tread in the higher walks of statesmanship, had sufficient sense to perceive that it would be much easier to govern the Irish by the law than by the sword ; and he accordingly set himself to devise ways and means of bringing the Irish people under the authority of English laws and institutions. Sir Edward Poyning was the person selected by the king to carry his views into execution ; a man possessed of much influence in Ireland, and nearly connected with the families of several powerful Irish chiefs. He possessed the confidence of the monarch, and was feared, because of his severity, by the people. Poyning was accom- panied to Ireland by several eminent English lawyers, and he was also attended by a well appointed little army of about 1000 men. The pen and the sword were now to be tried in conjunction as the subjugators and peacemakers of Ireland. The first great cause of mis- chief to which the new Lord-Deputy^s attention was directed was the Parliament of the Pale, which was an irresponsible, self-elected Zrbody, packed by the Anglo-Irish aristocracy, and had hitherto been a mere instrument for furthering the despotic designs of those who composed it. Down to the time of which we speak, representative parliaments were unknown in Ireland. The ancient assemblies of the Irish people upon the hill of Tara partook more of the character of military musters under their respective chiefs, than of parliaments for the purpose of deliberation and legislation, as they have since been assumed to be. When the English obtained a footing in the country, frequent meetings of the barons of course took place, to devise measures of further conquest and spoliation. In course of time, the barons, in addition to the sword, employed the weapon of the legislator — a still more efficient one for their purpose. All the cruel acts which we have referred to, together with a great many more of kindred spirit, emanated from this body. Though called by the name of Parliament, it had none of the essential features of such a body — no constituencies, no election, no regular return. It was merely an assembly of the men of influence and property (however acquired) met for their own purposes.* In course of * " Until the period," says Moore, " wlien regular parliaments began to bo held in Ireland, it was usual to transmit tliither, from time to time, the laws made by the English legislature, to be there proclaitncd, enrolled, and executed, as laws also of Ireland ; and there can be little doubt that what was then styled a parliamei\t in that kingdom was no more than the summoning of the great men of the realm togetlicr, reading over to them the law or laws transmitted from England, and enjoining that tliey should obey them." History of Ireland, 43 time, however, such assemblies assumed to themselves large powers, to which they were most probably tempted by the weak and dis- tracted state of England, and the little care that its monarchs took of all affairs relating to the government of Ireland. Many infamous and revengeful acts had been passed by this parliament of the Pale, which had been productive of vast mischief, but tended greatly to enlarge the powers and authorities of the feudal barons. Henry was resolved to check this provincial despotism of the Anglo- Irish chiefs, and, as we have already seen, sent over Sir Edward Poyning with the view of devising measures for their restraint, as well as to establish more effectually the authority of the English law in Ireland. One of the first acts of Poyning, after repressing several outbreaks of the natives, was to summon a parliament at Drogheda ; at which was passed the celebrated measure, generally known as Poyning's Act, or Poyning's Law. By this act, a provision was made that, before a parliament could be held in Ireland, the license of the King of England and his council should be obtained for the hold- ing of it, and for all acts to be submitted to it. It also made all statutes which had been passed by the parhament of England effectual in Ireland. Another of the abuses against which this act was aimed, was the maintenance of great numbers of armed retainers by the barons, who had hitherto assumed the power of making peace and war with whom they pleased. All private wars were hence- forward prohibited ; and to stir up the " Irishry" against the peo- ple of the Pale, or to make war upon the chief governor, was declared high treason. It was made felony to permit any "enemies'' or rebels to pass the marshes; and all proprietors of marsh lands were obliged to reside there themselves, or, when absent, to leave sufiicient deputies in their place, on pain of losing their estates. Another act of the same parliament was directed against the ancient Irish exaction, called "coyne and livery;"* and also against the English method of extortion of a similar kind, called purveyance. The war-cries of the baronsf were also strictly prohibited, as pro- vocative of riot and emblems of faction. " What was called " coyne and livery," was only a compendious method of supporting an army, by quartering it immediately upon the people. It meant pay, food and entertainment for the men ; and forage for the horses. It was a fertile source of discontent and rebellion ; expos- ing the natives, as it did, to arbitrary exactions, cruelty, rapine, and insult. " Every inconsi- derable party," says Leland, " who^ under pretence of loyalty, received the Idng's commission to repel the adversary in some particular district, became pestilent enemies to the inhabitants. Their properties, their lives, the chastity of their families, were all exposed to these barbarians." t " The general war-cry of the native Irish was ' Farrah ! Farrah !' an exclamation of encou- ragement. The gathering cries of the different chiefs were taken either from their cognizance as in the case of the O'Briens, whose crest is a naked arm holding a sword, or from some acci- dental circumstance, as in the instance of the Geraldines. The other most remarkable warisons were of the O'Neals, ' Lamhdearg-aboe,' (the cause of the red or bloody hand,) from their cognizance; of the Fitz-Patricks, ' Gear-laidir-aboe,' (the cause of the strong and sharp ) from gie same circumstance; and of the De Burghos, Gal-Riagh-aboe,' (the cause of the red li.ngli8hman), m honour of the second Earl of Ulster, who was commonly called the ' Red Earl ' and looked upon as the founder of the prosperity of the De Burghos."--TAYtoR. ' 44 Historij of Ireland. The object of these various enactments, it will be observed, was to keep down the power of the barons of the Pale, and at the same time to extend the authority of the EngUsh crown in Ireland. The effect of them was to extend the domination of England, together with the influence of the Irish parliament ; whatever territory became subject to its influence, at the same time became a province under the English government. Thus, though at first, the influence of Poyning's Act extended no further than the Pale, as the autho- rity of the crovtTi increased, it at length came to be in force over the entire kingdom. Besides this famous act of Poyning's, there is no other Irish event during this reign worthy of particular conimemoration. There was the usual .number of rebellions, assassinations, and slaughters. Among others, there were the rebelhons, at different times, of the Earl of Desmond, and Macwilliam, Lord of Clanricarde, against the lord-lieutenant, then the Earl of Kildare ; both of which issued in the rout of the " rebels," attended with great slaughter of their Irish allies. But these were events of usual occurrence in every reign. The reader may just imagine the wretched state of the people of a country, when such things were looked upon as mere matters of course, of almost constant occurrence — civil war, and native and baronial feuds, being the rule — ^peace and tranquil-. Hty the very rare exception ! CHAPTER X. Distracted state of the country after the death of Henry VII.— Commission of inquiry into the state of Ireland— Their reports— Accession of Henry VIII.— The " Reformation"— Henry's six wives— His murders of several of them— Means by which Henry accomplished the Reformation"— His persecutions— His blas- phemous assumptions— The " Reformation" extended to Ireland—Introduced by the Archbishop of Dublin— Protestantism rejected by the Irish —The Catholic priesthood— Sketch of the church in Ireland— Early separation between the English and Irish clergy— Henry calls a Parliament— Its slavish subserviency- Henry recognised king of Ireland— Henry dies, and is succeeded by Edward VI. —Persecutions of Somerset the Protector— Sacrilege and spoliation of the churches— Re-establishment of Catholicism by Mary— Forbearance of the Catholics— Acts of Mary's reign— A massacre commemorated. The laws passed by Poyning's parliament remained a long time in abeyance, in consequence of the distracted state of Ireland after the death of Henry VII. The destructive feuds between the Butlers and the Geraldines,— the wars of incursion waged by the lord lieutenant, the Earl of Kildare, against the O'Neils of Ulster, and other powerful chiefs,— the insurrections and inroads of the native chiefs, now become more frequent, in consequence of the weakened executive power of the government, — prevented every thing like a regular system of legislation from being carried into History of Ireland. 45 effect. There was such a constant succession of lords-deputies also, that it was impossible for any system, even had it been desired, to be persevered in so steadily, and for such a time, as to insure its success. The sole power relied on^ by each successive governor, for maintaining the English dominion, was force and terror. The sword was their only instrument of pohcy, and conqu^ their leading object. The system pursued at this time, by th^epresentatives of the government in Ireland, may be gathered from a letter of the Earl of Surrey (then lord-deputy) to Cardinal Wolsey, the prime minister of Henry VIII. " This land,'' says he, will never be brought to due obedience, but only with compulsion and conquest'' ; and he adds, " most humbly I beseech your grace that, if the king's pleasure be not to go tJiorough with the conquest of this land, which would be a marvellous charg<^, no longer to suffer me to waste his grace's treasure here." In a subsequent communication, he states the means by which the land is to be reduced to general obedience : and these seem to amount to neither more nor less than the entire extirpation of the natives, and supplying their places with a new race of inhabitants, — and this, even though, as is stated in another letter, there were then " but few Enghsh inhabitants in the four shires of the Pale." An illustration of the spirit of the times is furnished in an anecdote related by Leland,— that, immediately after a sanguinary fight, in which the English lord-deputy had been victorious against the rebel Clanricarde of Connaught, chiefly by the aid of his Irish allies, a brother baron turned round to him and said, " We have now slaughtered our enemies, but to complete the good deed, we must proceed yet farther, and cut the throats of those Irish of our own party''' b-' i • • i We shall not enter into a detail of the petty wars of this period, which present a dreary and revolting record, unredeemed by a single trait of heroism or patriotism ; nor of the struggles of the rival barons for power, in which much blood was shed, and wanton mis- chief committed. One of the most stirring events of the period was the revolt of Lord Thomas, son of the Earl of Kildare, against the authority of England. In the course of the civil war which ensued, a great part of Ireland was ravaged ; and thetjoun- ties of the Pale were laid waste up to the gates of DubHn. The royal authority was, however, maintained, after a protracted struggle ; the young lord was taken captive, with many of his relatives, and sent to England, where he was executed ; and thus the house of the Geraldines, which for more than two centuries had kept Ireland in a state of constant broils and contentions, was pros- trated for a long time to come. The attention of the English Government being painfully directed to the distressed state of Ireland at this period, some inquiry was made into its causes ; and John Alen, the master of the Irish rolls, was sent over to England by the council, to inform the king of the 46 History of Ireland, state of his Irish dominions. The report which he made was lately published under the authority of a commission from the crown, and gives considerable insight into the condition of the country in the reign of Henry VIII. From this curious document it appears that as yet the " English order, tongue, and habit," were used, and the English laws obeyed, within a district of not more than " twenty miles in compass''' ! Sixty " regions'' or districts of Ireland were stated to be under the dominion and authority of Irish chief- tains ; and no less than thirty similar " regions" were under the authority of chiefs of Anglo-Norman descent, but who did not acknowledge the English laws and government. There were only five counties in which the English authority was recognized ; and even in these only partially so. The council also declared it to be their opinion, that unless measures were adopted to execute the laws, even this " little piece," namely, the Pale, would soon be reduced to the same condition as the rest of the kingdom. From another report of the same period, it appears that the Anglo-Irish lords had now become so powerful and so independent within their several territories, that the king's writ had ceased to have any authority on them ! In those shires over which the Earls of Desmond, Kildare, and Ossory, held almost the en^tire power, no legal measures of any kind could be taken, even in behalf of the king's subjects, without the leave first asked and obtained of the lord to whom the seignory belonged. No revenue was obtained from these extensive domains ; their respective chiefs ruling over them with an absolutely despotic power. They quartered their men and horses upon the poor inhabitants, compelling them to support them in idle profligacy. The conclusion come to in this report was, that though the " wild Irish lords and captains" were blamed for " the destruction of the land of Ireland, it is not they only, but the treason, rebellion, extortion, and wilful war of the aforesaid earls and other English lords," who were in reality answerable for the ruin. The report says, in one place, vnih great truth, " As to the surmise of the great bruteness of the people and the incivilitie of them ; no doubt, if there icere justice used among them, they icould he found as civil, tvise, politic, and active, as any other nation.'''' " It has often been asked," observes Mr. O'Connell,* " why the Irish, who deprived the English government of so much of the island, and reduced them within such narrow limits, did not totally expel that government, and establish one of their own ? This document at once clearly shows the causes that prevented such a desirable result. It shows that the Irish had no point of union, or centralization ; tliat tliey were totally divided among themselves — the enemies of one another. The same cause that, in a more miti- gated form, 71011' prevents Ireland from being a nation, did at that *■ Memoir on liol;iinl, Native ami Saxoii, i>|>. lOO-l. History of Ireland. 47 time preclude, in a more rude and savage manner, the establishment of nationality. The Irish chieftains had the power, and seldom wanted either the inclination or the incitement to make war upon each other. Mutual injuries, reciprocal devastations, created and continued strife and hatred amongst them. The worst elements of continued dissension subsisted. When upon particular occasions some universal or general oppression made them combine, their confederacy was but of short duration. When the English party was strong, it endeavoured by force to put down such confederacy. But the forcible attempts were in general successfully resisted by the Irish ; who gained the futile glory of many a victory over some of the most accomplished commanders of the English forces. But these defeats taught the English officers that cunning which is called political wisdom. They assailed the avarice, or fomented the resentments of particular chieftains, and succeeded in detaching them from the general cause. These chieftains betrayed their companions in arms ; joined their forces with those of the English ; and participated in the councils, and united with the force, which by degrees broke down the power of the chieftains. But the traitors obtained no permanent profit ; and no length of fidelity to the English commanders secured them the confidence or the kind- ness of their unprincipled seducers." The chief public event in connection with the reign of Henry VIII. was what has been called "the Reformation from Popery" in England, and its attempted extension to Ireland at a subsequent period. Henry, the agent by whom this great work was ap- pointed to be accomplished, was one of the greatest monsters that ever filled a throne. Religion, in his hands, became the mere instrument of satisfying his lusts and justifying his crimes. At the outset of life he was a furious enemy of the Reformed tenets, which were then making rapid progress throughout Germany, and even wrote a book against Luther, entitled "a Treatise in Defence of the Seven Sacraments," for which the Pope conferred on him the title of " Defender of the Faith." But Henry soon threw overboard the religion which he bad thus publicly defended, when he found it to interfere with the gratification of his unhallowed desires. Having first married his sister-in-law, Catherine of Arragon, and become satiated with her, he was next seized with a violent passion for Anna Boleyn, one of her maids of honour. He applied to the Pope for a divorce, which was refused. He then resolved to estab- lish a church of his own, and set the Pope at defiance. He assumed the title of "Supreme Head of the Church ^in England;" and the parliament and the clergy immediately acknowledged him as such. Wolsey having been trodden down, and Cranmer raised to the archiepiscopal see, a sentence of divorce was pronounced by him against Catherine, and Henry at once married Anna Boleyn, the virtual mother of the Reformation ! * In two years. Anna Boleyn "'Twaslovc tliat taught tliis inonai'cli to be nise, And Gospel light first beam'd from Bolevn's eyes." Cuay. 48 History of Ireland. had grown a stale pleasure with the "Supreme head of the Church," and he had her beheaded on a charge of adultery. The day after her execution, Henry married Jane Seymour, one of the murdered queen's maids of honour ; ail of which deeds parliament ccnfirmed by their acts, making it treason not to say that Henry had done well. ^. But we have not yet done with Henry's wives. Jane Seymour dying in the year foUov/ing Henry's marriage to her, he afterwards became united with Anne, daughter of the Duke of Cleves. But, not satisfying the " Defender of the Faith," he was shortly after- wards divorced from her, and married Lady Catherine Howard, niece of the Duke of Norfolk. After living with her for eighteen months, he had her beheaded on a charge of incontinence both before and after marriage. His sixth and last wife was Catherine Parr, widow of the Lord Latimer. These, be it observed, are merely Henry's legalized lusts : over the others, decency requires that a dense veil should be drawn. We cannot here enumerate the crimes and blasphemies perpetrated by Henry in completing the establishment of the Anglican Church, and separating the English clergy and people from the Church of Rome. Acting as if he were the absolute master of the bodies and minds of his subjects, he made creeds and burned those who would not publicly conform to them. It was treason to deny their truth, no matter though of the most contradictory and absurd character. The adherents of the Pope and of Luther were alike hateful to Henry. To doubt the roi^al orthodoxy, was to be beheaded or burnt without mercy. Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas !More were executed for refusing to take the oath of supremacy to him as " Supreme Head of the Church," and for not swearing that his daughter Mary, by his first wife, was a bastard ! At the same time, he burned Protestants at the stake for speaking against the sacraments of the Romish church. Shortly after he had burnt ^ Lambert for disputing the Real Presence, he made a general attack on the monasteries, confiscating the property belonging to them to the use of the crown. He then concocted and prtmiulgated a national faith, which he ordered to be adopted throughout his dominions, under pain of death. The rack, the gibbet, and the stake, were his principal "reforming" instruments: and the jailer, the torturer, and the executioner, were his gospel missionaries. CathoHcs and Protestants who presumed to judge for themselves, in opposition to him, were mercilessly destroyed. On one occa- sion, the same cart conveyed to execution at the same time, three protestants and three catholics : the former Avcre burned, the latter were hanged, drawn, anil quartered. The Parhament became a mere tool for the perpetration of Henry's brutal tyranny. It voted all his intolerance legal, by the famous l)ill of the Six Articles, called the liloody Statute. By this hiAv, the real presence and connnunion were asserted, the marriage of j)riests was forbidden, the utility oi' private masses and the necessity of auricular conrcsbion were declared, together History of Ireland. 49 with the principal doctrines of the Catholic church. The penalty for refusing to believe the first article, viz. the real presence, was death ; and for the others, confiscation of property and imprison- Ment during the king's pleasure. Not only did the parliament enact this monstrous law, but they even basely surrendered into the monarch's hands their own power, giving to the royal procla- mation the force of statute law. Such is a brief sketch of the " Reformation" enacted by Henry VIII., the first " supreme head of the church'' in England ! Attempts were soon made to extend the new system to Ireland. According to Poyning's law, all the acts passed by the EngKsh legislature were equally operative in Ireland ; hence, Irish as well as English consciences must now submit to swallow the creed con- cocted for them by Henry. As the most pliable of consciences are generally found in connection with a state-church, so the first men who declared for the new faith in Ireland, as in England, were the highest dignitaries of that church. George Brown, archbishop of Dublin, immediately adopted the new state-creed ; and to his hands was committed the task of introducing it to the people. But of all the nations of Europe, the Irish were the most tena- cious of their ancient Catholic faith, and the archbishop soon found that the " reformation" of Ireland would be a work of extreme difiiculty. We have already alluded to the early indepen- dence of the Irish church, especially manifested by the great body of the working priesthood — the Wn who mixed with the people, and immediately ministered to their spiritual wants. The same sj^it still remained among them after the lapse of more than four hundred years, from the period of the first invasion of Ireland by the Normans. However much the priesthood of England, Catholic or Episcopalian, may have indulged in licentious prac- tices, certainly the Irish priesthood have always been distinguished for the chastity of their lives and the purity of their morals. Giraldus, the first English writer on Ireland, (a.d. 1198), though he gives a dark and repulsive picture of the Irish people, speaks in a tone of unmixed eulogy of the character and conduct of their clergy, especially in regard to temperance, chastity, purity, and strict attention to religious duties. The only charge against the Irish prelates which Giraldus could make, was, that they could not boast of a single martyr ! "It is true," repKed Maurice, archbishop of Cashel, to whom this observation was made, — " it is true our nation may seem to be barbarous, uncultivated, and cruel; yet have they always shewn reverence and honour to men of the church, nor ever would raise their hands in violence against the saints of God. But there is now come among us a people, who not only know how, but have been accustomed to make martyrs. From henceforth, therefore, Ireland will, like other nations, have martyrs." Unfortunately the subsequent history of Ireland fully testifies to the truth of this prediction. 50 History of Ireland. From a very early period, tlie cliurcli in Ireland was attempted to be made the tool of the English government. We have seen that as early as the year 1180, in the reign of Henry II., one John Corny n, an Englishman, was appointed archbishop of Dublin ; and from this time downwards. Englishmen were on every occasion appointed to high offices in the church, when it was within the power of the invading party. In fact, the ad- mission of natives into any of the religious commmiities estab- lished within English bounds, was strictly forbidden, under heavy penalties. The presentation of a native clerg}Tnan to any ecclesiastical office or benefice was also forbidden (a.d. 1417), on pain of forfeiting all temporalities on the part of the presentee. Thus, even though the whole nation w^as Catholic, there was the church of the English and the church of the Irish almost from the commencement of the English ascendancy in Ireland. The former was an instrument wielded by the government to maintain its influence ; its officiating clergy being generally the mere tools of despotic power : the latter was the church of the people, and its priests were their advisers, councillors, and comforters, often in temporal as well as spiritual affiiirs. The former was the church of the invaders, a badge of conquest : the latter was the native institution, based on the affections of the people, and at all times found ranged on their side in opposition to despotic power and authority. From the first, then, these two churches, though both Catholic, w^ere greatly at variance with each other; and were separated by differences in race, in language, in political feeHng, and even in ecclesiastical discipline. All attempts to assimilate them to each other completely failed. Such was the state of church affairs in Ireland when the attempt was made to introduce " the Reformation" by the English government. And from this time forward, the Roman Catholic church in Ireland, backed by the great body of the people, may be looked upon as the great engine of opposition to the royal power. The first step adopted by Henry's agents in introducing the new creed was to call a Parliament, which, subservient as usual to the royal power, followed the example of the English legislature, de- claring the King's supremacy in the church, and his right to first fruits instead of the Pope, — granting him and his heirs for ever, the twentieth part of the annual profits of all ecclesiastical promotions, — and also acknowledging the king's right to dispose of the kingdom of England and the lordship of Ireland, by letters patent or by will. All opposition to these measures was sternly borne down, 'i'ho spiritual proctors, who resisted successfully at fii'st, were,'^pelled from the parliament in order to allow them to pass. Portly afterwards an act was passed for the suppression of the roligious houses, and the confiscation of tlieir projHM'ty to the crown, which was immediately carried quietly into efiect. Lord Grey, the lord-lieutenant, also collected a numerous army, and mavching History of Ireland. 51 through Lemster, obtained the submission of the most eminent of the native chiefs, who took the oath of supremacy, and acknowledged the king supreme head of the church. Several of the remoter chiefs attempted resistance, but without effect. 0'N,eil, of Ulster, assem- bled a numerous army, and marched to Tara, where he indulged in an ostentatious parade of his force, and then returned home, col- lecting booty as he went. But before he could reach his own for- tresses, he was attacked by the English at Bellahoe, and completely routed. The power of Henry was now generally acknowledged in Ireland. Parliament proceeded to grant him the title of King of Ireland, instead of Lord of Ireland, the title originally granted to Henry II. by the Pope. By this assumption of the monarchy, the authority of Rome to bestow the sovereignty of the kingdom was completely disclaimed. The passing of the bill conferring on Henry the title of King of Ireland was made the subject of general rejoic- ing by the government. A general pardon was proclaimed, bonfires were set a-blazing, and wine was placed in the streets for the public drinking. Many of the native chiefs were at the same time induced to lay aside their Milesian pre-eminence, and accepted of English peerages. O'Neil was created Earl of Tyrone ; De Burgh, Earl of Clanricarde ; and O'Brien, Earl of Thomond. These had for- merly' been the greatest disturbers of the peace of the government : and the policy of conciliating them was soon made apparent in the general tranquillity and peacefulness which prevailed throughout the land. This continued till the death of Henry ; when the country was in such a state of repose as it had not been for centuries past, though no particularly active measures had been adopted as in England, (where the most dreadful persecutions now prevailed,) for enforcing the newly established creed upon the Irish people. The repose which prevailed at the close of Henry's reign was broken in upon during the reign of Edward VI., when the Protector, Somerset, attempted to introduce the reformed Liturgy into Ireland. Persecution then commenced its hideous course, and the Irish were victimized by thousands under the pretence of zeal for the propagation of the gospel of Jesus. Churches were robbed, and the spoils sold to the highest bidder. New and coercive Acts of Parliament were passed, and soldiers were sent among the people to enforce them. The reformed clergy left every thing to the state to do : they made no exertion to " convert" the people, or shew forth in their own lives the beauty of the precepts which they were paid to teach : their sole dependence was on the sword of the state. An Irish Lord Chancellor of the time states that the reformed clergy did not preach more than once a year : the ministrations of the king's soldiers were vastly more regular. To give an instance of the zeal of these missionaries, we quote the following passage from Leland, a celebrated Protestant writer : — " Under pretence,'' says he, " of obeying the orders of the state, they seized all the most valuable furniture of the churches, which they exposed to sale 5^ History''l^gr$land. without secrecy or reserve. Tliel|p^ annalists pathetically des- cribe the garrison of Athlone issuing forth with a barbarous and heathen fury, and pillaging the famous church of Clonmacnoise, tearing away the most inoffensive Ornaments, so as to leave the shrine of their favourite Saint Kieran a hideous monument of sacri- lege." Taylor, another Protestant writer, says — "The first impression produced by the advocates of the reformed religion was^ that the new system sanctioned sacrilege and robbery." On the death of Edward, and the accession of Mary, the Cathohc religion was again re-estabhshed in England, the great body of the priesthood were again found as ready to declare for Cathohcism as they had formerly been for Protestantism. All the furies of perse- cution were again let loose in England, and in the course of five years not fewer than 800 persons were burnt to death for their adherence to the reformed religion. But though Mary thus earned for herself in England the title of "the Bloody," in Ireland the pohcy of the government and the temper of the people were of an entirely oppo- site description. The Catholic religion was again quietly established; not a life was taken; not the slightest persecution was attempted. Many Protestant families even fled from the fury of their own government and took refuge in Ireland, where they continued to worship God freely after their own consciences. It is highly honour- able to the Irish Catholics that they have never followed the example of their Protestant persecutors, when they had the power in their hands. They have, on the other hand, set a lesson of charity and forbearance such as Protestants at all times would have done well to imitate. How different was the conduct of the Protestant ascendancy in Ireland, in the reign of Mary's sister, Elizabeth, we shall see in our next chapter. The civil events in the reign of Mary, are of comparatively little note. Petty civil wars occasionally broke out, and were put down by force of arms. The two septs of O'Connors and O'Moores, chiefly inhabiting the counties of Leix and Ofalley, were nearly extirpated, and their lands occupied by colonists from England. To commemorate the horrible massacre, the two counties were named King's and Quee" county, and their chief towns Philips- town and Maryborough, after the English queen and her hus- band, which names these places retain down to the present day. It is a refinement of cruelty, such as has been attempted in no other country, for the cone/ 1 ring party to take every pos- sible method, even "down to the naming of counties and of towns, to root into the memory of the nati^ destructive spoliation and massacres which have been inflicted on them. Other con(|uerors have adopted every means of effacing the memory of their subjection from the minds of the conquered, and thus eiidoavounHl to 'blond the two races into one people. But in Ireland exactly the contrary practice has been pursued. The' most hateful distinctions have been carefully preserved, as iT History of Ireland. 53 the view of keeping green the memory of their oppressions in the minds of the plmidered natives. And so successful has this practice of the Enghsh government in Ireland been, that, after the lapse of nearly seven centuries, the Lord Chancellor of England, in his official position in the House of Lords, amidst " hear, hears," and "great applause," feels himself justified in branding the entire Irish people as " aliens in blood, ahens in language, and aliens in religion"! CHAPTER XL Elizabeth re-establishes the reformed religion— Instantaneous conversion of the state priesthood in England — Ireland remains Catholic— Civil wars raging throughout Ireland— The Acts of Supremacy and Conformity passed— The new state clergy and the old— Means by which the power of the English government was extended— Destruction of John O'Neill of Ulster, and confiscation of his estates— Rebellion of the Earl of Desmond— Horrible devastation of Munster by the royal army— Resistance of the Earl— Massacre of his Spanish auxiliaries — Spenser's short and easy method with the Irish — Destruction of Desmond — Holinshed's account of the state of the country— « Hibernia pacata"— Confiscation and partition of the Desmond estates — Sir John Perrot — Rebellion stirred up in Ulster— The war against Hugh O'Neill— The English armies repeatedly defeated —Insurrection becomes general— the Earl of Essex made lord lieutenant— Is defeated by the policy of O'Neill — Essex is succeeded by Montjoy— Help arrives from Spain— Siege of Kinsale— The Irish army is defeated— 0 'Sullivan of Dunborg— Devastation of Ulster— Horrible sufferings of the peasantry— O'Neill makes peace with Elizabeth — How the "reformed" religion was propagated Persecutions of the Catholics — Character of the Protestant clergy — Summary of Elizabeth's reign — The " Reformation completed." Elizabeth ascended the throne of England, and re-established the reformed religion by act of parliament. She ordered all the estabHshed clergy to swear to the new order of things. What a wonderful power there is in an act of parliament ! At once, and as if by miracle, the whole national priesthood changed their religion. Out of the immense host of clergy, spread over the ten thousand parishes of England, not more than two hundred refused to become Protestants at the order of her Majesty, the "good Queen Bess." The act of parliament passed, and the eifect was almost instantaneous : the state priesthood were at once re-converted to Protestantism ! Probably there is not such another instance of degrading mental slavery in the entire history, degrading though it be throughout, of established and state-paid churchism. But it was otherwise in Ireland. Many of the English clergy of the Pale were, it is true, re-converted back to Protestantism*'* * Lkland says, that " in the Parliament convened in Ireland, on the accession of Queen Elizabeth, most of the temporal lords were those whose descendants, even to our own days continue firmly attached to the Romish communion ; but far the greater part of the prelates were such as quietly enjoyed their sees, by conforming occasionally to different MODES OF RELIGION." F 54, History of Ireland. but the great body of the Irish clergy and people remained Catholic as before The mere passing of an act of parhament, at the indi- vidual will of the Enghsh queen, had no convincing influence upon their minds. Thev refused to be thus converted. Elizabeth,however, immediately had recourse to the sword, the rack, and the galloAvs,— those ancient and venerable allies of state churches. In the course of her reio-n, numbers of Cathohc priests Avere barbarously put to death, tor worshipping- their God according to their conscience, and after the manner of their fathers. The Irish clergy and people were tortured, murdered, hanged and quartered, by the agents ot the English queen, because they were Catholics ; just as the Enghsh clera-v and people had been, a few years before, by her sister Mar^s because they were Protestants ! Such is the barbarous cruelty and inconsistency of state churchism ! . ^ ^ At the accession of Ehzabeth, Ireland was m a state ot great distraction. In the north, O^Neiil was struggling to make himse f master of Ulster, in which he had nearly succeeded ; m Connaught, the rival branches of the De Burgh family were making herce and destructive war upon each other ; jNIunster was again distracted by the feuds of the Butlers and the Geraldines, and by struggles tor the chieftaincy of the province; while Leinster was overrun by the men, whom the barbarous persecution of the English government had made landless, homeless, and desperate. , i \ One of the first acts of the Earl of Essex, the Queen s lord- deputv, was to convene a Parliament, and pass the famous Acts of Supremacy and Conformity, for the re-establishment ot the reformed worship. These acts were levelled at the whole tabnc of Catholicism in Ireland : they transferred the primacv trom the Pope to the Queen, and vested in her and the English Parliament the spiritual power to decide on all errors and heresies m the church The work of Protestantizing the Irish then commenced in earnest The priesthood who refused to change their opinions at the command of the queen, were driven at once trom their cures, and their places supplied by the scum of the Enghsh church,— men whom the English poet Spenser describes as guilty ot '\^toss simony, oreedv covetousness, fleshly incontinence, careless sloth, and gene- rally 'all disordered life.^' The new clergy, besides were men who did not know a word of the language of the people among whom they were sent to minister ; they had no sympathy tor them, but, on the other hand, were leagued with those whom the Irish uoturallv looked upon as their malignant enemies^ and oppressors. How diH'erent from the native Catholic clergy ot Ireland !— men .nnino- from the people, devotedly attached to them, sympathizing with iliolr sorrows, sharing in their sutferings, and sparing no toil or labour in the pcu-formauce of theh- religious duties. All the powers of the most persecuting government that ever existed could have no influence upon the convictions of a people ministered to bv :i priesthood such as this. And they had not. Elizabeth tried all History of Ireland. 55 forms of persecution with the Irish, even to the length of exter- mination, and they failed. She and her armies might conquer the soil of Ireland ; but they could not conquer the deeply-rooted religious convictions of its inhabitants. Long, indeed, before the conclusion of her reign. Protestantism had made itself thoroughly odious and intolerable to the great mass of the Irish people. The plan which the government of Elizabeth seems to have premeditatedly adopted, and rigidly adhered to during her reign, was that of coercion and subjugation of the Irish. At one period, nothing short of utter extermination was thought of. With this view, chieftains were incited to make war upon each other, the agents of the government watching the opportunity to pounce upon them, and divide their estates among themselves. When districts could not be goaded to rebellion, other excuses were always found ready at hand. An infamous act was never yet done by wicked men, but there was an excuse to prop it up with. Thus, when chiefs did not actually rebel, it was easy to accuse them of intending to rebel ; and the same object was accomplished, as if they had been taken in actual rebellion. The first chief with whom the new policy was tried was the powerful John O'Neill of Ulster. A large force was marched against him, which O'Neill prepared rigorously to resist. An accommodation was, however, effected between the lord-deputy and the chief, and bloodshed was for a time averted. The chief seized the opportunity of proceeding to London with all speed, to lay his case before Queen Elizabeth in person. His appearance at the English court, in the character, dress, and following of an Irish chief, caused a great sensation. The sight-loving Londoners were delighted with the novelty, and Elizabeth felt flattered by the deference of the " wild Irish chief.'"* The result was, that O'Neill gained his point ; and returned to Ireland, confirmed in all his honours, and in the possession of his vast estates. The Queen's English agents in Ireland were enraged at being thus out-manoeuvered by O'Neill. They continued to represent to the Queen the danger of allowing such a person to remain possessed of such powers, and constantly asserted that he was on the brink of insurrection. " Well," at length replied Elizabeth, " if he do revolt, it will be the better for you, as there will then be estates enough for you all^ However Elizabeth may have meant this, — and she was a woman who was heartless and selfish enough for anything, — her Irish retainers construed it into a license to provoke the native chiefs into revolt, that they might share among them- selves the estates which might thus be forfeited. Certainly, means were immediately thereafter adopted to provoke O'Neill to rebellion. His resistance to the government was at first effectual ; but only a short time elapsed before he Avas completely crushed by their overwhelming power, as well as by the defection of those whom he had counted on as allies. In his last extremity, he fled 56 History of Ireland. to the Hebridean Scots, whom he had formerly attacked and routed with great slaughter, to gain the favour of the English queen: In revenge, and instigated by Piers, a British officer, tliey slew him^ and his head was sent to Dublin as a trophy of the victory. Such was the first war, after the Reformation, in Ireland. ^ Its effects were fatal to the progress of the new rehgion, for it identified the new system in the minds of the people with rapine, treachery, and murder. To these were soon added wholesale spoliation and robbery ; for, at a packed Parliament assembled by the Queen's deputy in Dublin, a bill was introduced and passed with wonderful speed'^and unanimity, for the forfeitm-e of O'NeilFs vast estates in Ulster, and vesting them in the crown. No doubt, the hope of sharing in the spoil was the secret of this ready comphance of the Parhament with the wishes of the English deputy. Elizabeth, however, had no such design. Her object was, to " clear oif " the natives, and plant in their places colonies of Protestants from England. AYith this Yiew, extensive grants of the confiscated estates were made to Devereux, Earl of Essex, who long perse- vered in his attempts at Protestant colonization, but was com- pletely defeated by the obstinate resistance of the Ulster Irish. The Earl of Desmond, a descendant of one of the Anglo-Norman barons who first invaded Ireland, and who now possessed large domains in Munster, was the next object of attack. ]Means were adopted to sting him into rebelhon ; which, with a man so fierce and high-spirited as he, very soon succeeded. Irritated by what he considered a flagrantly unjust decision as to the boundaries of his estates, he flatly refused obedience to the decision of the Lord- Deputy; on which he was immediately seized, and sent to the Tower of London, where he lay for a long time a prisoner. ^ War was waged by the partizans of the government against his kinsmen at home, who maintained a stout resistance at intervals, until the escape of Desmond from London again placed the chief at the head of his sept. A hollow truce was preserved between him and the government for some time ; until at length the precipitancy of some of his kinsmen, who, entirely contrary to his wishes, landed on the coast with a force of some eighty Spaniards to re-conquer Ireland (!), brought down upon him all tlie fury of the government, who had long been waiting its opportunity. He was ordered to surrender himself a prisoner within twenty \lays, and he refused. He M'as at once proclaimed as a traitor, and a powerful army was marched against him for his destruction. " The ferocity and cruelty with which this war was conducted, is perhaps unsurpassed in tlie records of crime. Slaughter, famine, and desolation, marked the route of the English army. No quarter was given. ]\Ien, women and children, wherever found, were indis- criminately put to death. The soldiery were mad for blood, l^riosts were nuirdered at the altar, and children at their mothers' breasts. The beauty of woman, the venerabloness of age, the History of Ireland. 57 innocence of youth, were no protection against these sanguinary demons in human form. "The soldiers in the camp," says HoKnshed, the English chronicler, " were so hot upon the spur, and so eager upon the vile rebels, that they spared neither man, woman, nor child, but all were committed to the sword." Their cruelty was not glutted even with bloodshed.^ According to Lombard, a contemporary writer, "great companies of these pro- vincials, men, women, and children, were often forced into castles and other houses, which were then set on fire." All the cattle were carried away by the invaders, and the crops cut down in sheer wantonness. What they could not carry with them, they destroyed with the flames. Famine and desolation were their handmaids ; those who were not slain by the sword, perished -of hunger. "They performed," says Cox, another old English writer, " their duty so effectually, and brought the rebels to so low a condition, that they saw three children eating the entrails of their dead mother, upon whose flesh they had fed many days, and roasted it with a slow fire." Or, take a poet's description of the hideous scenes of desolation which Ireland presented at this period : " Notwithstanding," says Edmund Spenser, " that the same was a most rich and plentiful country, yet, ere one year and a half, they * were brought to such wretchedness, as that any stony heart would rue the same. Out of every corner of the woods and glynns, they came creeping forth upon their hands, for their legs could not bear them ; they looked like anatomies of death ; they spake Hke ghosts crying out of their graves ; they did eat the dead carrions, happy where they could find them, yea, and one another soon after; insomuch, as the very carcasses they spared not to scrape out of their graves ; and if they found a plot of water-cresses or sham- rocks, there they flocked as to a feast for the time, yet not able to continue withal ; that in short space there was none almost left, and a most populous and plentiful country suddenly left void of man and beast." The brave old Earl of Desmond, who had a large share of that bull-dog courage which was considered the highest virtue in those days, made a most desperate defence ; but what could that avail him against all the powers of England ? He assaulted and captured the town of Youghal, totally defeating his mortal enemy, the Earl of Ormond. It was about this period that Lord Grey, a man of almost unrivalled cruelty, was appointed the lord-deputy ; and he determined at once to put an end to the Desmond war. He was the more urged to this, on understanding that a Spanish force of about seven hundred men had landed in Munster, bringing with them a considerable sum of money, and arms for five thousand men. Entrenching themselves in the garrison of Smerwick, in Kerry, they were almost immediately attacked by the English forces under Lord Grey. After a short resistance, they surren- dered themselves up on mercy ; but were immediately ordered to be 58 History of Ireland. butchered. Wiiigfield was commissioned,''"' says Leland, " to disarm them ; and when this service was performed, an English company was sent into the fort, and the garrison was butchered in cold blood ; nor is it without pain that we find a service so horrible and detestable committed to Sir Walter Raleigh."*"* The fame of Edmund Spenser is also sullied by being mixed up with this infamous transaction, which he stood forward to vindicate before the English people. And not only this — but Spenser was even the advocate of extermination by famine and pestilence, as the only means of subjugating Ireland to the English power ! He recom- mended that twenty days should be given to the Irish to come in and submit ; and after that time they were to be shown no mercy ; those who could not be slain by the sword, were to be starved out of being by hunger. This was Spenser's short and easy method of pacifying Ireland. He insists that it will work very well — " The end (says he) will, I assure mee, bee very short, and much sooner than it can be in so great a trouble, as it seemeth, hoped for : altho"' there should none of them fall by the sword, nor be slain by the soldiour, yet thus being kept from manurance, and their cattle from running abroad, by this hard restraint, they tcould quietly consume themselves and devoure one another.'''' The savage deputy acted upon the savage poet's advice. Ruthless butcheries of the Irish people, throughout the Desmond country, took place ; their lands were laid waste ; their cattle were slaugh- tered ; their homes were made desolate ; the population perished of hunger ; and the pestilence completed the destruction of what the famine had spared. Thus Desmond was soon reduced to extremity, and at last he was hunted and run down like a wild beast. After enduring untold hardships, he was tracked to his retreat in the wilds, by Kelly, an Irishman ; who slew him, and then cut off his head, and sent it to his rival, Ormond. This chief, after glutting his vengeance on the remains of his victim, forwarded the head to Queen Elizabeth, as the richest and rarest present he could otfer her — a specimen of the civilities of that age of English barbarism in Ireland. The work of destruction in INIunster was now nearly completed. There were no more lives to destroy ; there was no more property to devastate. Lord Grey had done his work so Avell, that, as Queen Elizabeth was assured, there was now "little left in Ireland for her Majesty to reign over, hut carcasses and ashes.'''' Holinshed's description of the state of things at this period gives but a faint idea of the actual truth. "The land itself, which, before these wars, was populous, well inhabited, and rich in all the blessings of God — being plenteous of corn, full of cattle, well stored with fruit and sundry other good conmiodities — is now waste and barren, yielding no fruits ; the pastures no cattle ; the fields no corn ; the air no birds ; the seas, though full of fish, yet to them yielding nothing. Einally. evorv wmv, the curst^ of God was so groa(, and History of Ireland. 59 the land so barren both of man and beast, that whosoever did travel from the one end unto the other of all Mnnster, even from Waterford to the heart of Limerick, which is about six-score miles, he should not meet any man, woman, or child, saving in towns or cities, nor yet see any beast, but the very wolves, the foxes, and other like ravening beasts." This period of destruction and desolation was appropriately enough celebrated by the pubhcation of a book by Sir Geo. Carew, one of the actors in the horrid scene,— entitled " Hihernia Pacata;' or " Ireland Pacified r The victors had converted a blooming country into a desert waste ; they had extirpated the inhabitants by famine and slaughter, and made desolate ahke the scenes of domestic joy and the haunts of busy industry ; they had destroyed every sign of Kfe in the land, and spread over all things the stillness and quiet of the grave ; and then they sat down and called this Peace ! They had famished and massacred the unfortunate Irish, and then said Ireland was pacified'' i Yet such have, unfortu- nately, been almost the only methods employed to "pacify" the people of the sister kingdom, down even to the present day. The barbarous outrages we have just detailed w^e followed, as was to be expected, by a general confiscation of the Desmond estates. Six hundred thousand acres of arable and pasture land in Munster, besides immense tracts of waste, were declared forfeited to the crown, and were shortly afterwards divided among English adventurers. Sir .Walter Raleigh had for his share forty thousand acres in the county of Cork, the price, of his cold-blooded massacre of the Spanish garrison of Smerwick. It was one of the conditions of these grants that the lands should be let to none but Enghsh tenants ; and that no Irish were to be permitted to settle on them. The colony was to be English exclusively ; the natives were to be hunted off* like vermin. The plantations, however, completely failed. The Irish were found indispensable as labourers ; the estates were, in fact, worth nothing without them. The contractors accordingly had no hesitation in at once violating their contracts, disregarding the royal authority ; and the rural population again became Irish as before. , • It is but justice to the memory of Sir John Perrot, the Queen s Loyd- deputy at this time, that he did every thing that lay in his power to check the wanton effusion of blood in Ireland ; and to give the country the benefit of a firm and impartial government. But all his efforts were thwarted by the swarm of greedy officials, whose interests lay in confiscation, devastation, and plunder. After - a sway of several years, he resigned the reins of government m disgust, and returned to England, amidst the regrets and^ lamen- tations alike of the English settlers and of the native Irish,— as indeed of all who wished for the pacification and prosperity of unhappy and suffering Ireland. During Perrot's administration, it was openly recommended, in the English Parliament, that 60 History of Ireland. rebellions among the Irish should be stirred up, that the English government might take advantage of them, to promote its owti ends. It was advocated as sound pohcv, to "connive at their disorders," and " let the rebels murder one another,'' for that thus the royal coffers would be saved, and " the public service be advanced"!* Sir John Perrot spoke of this horrid scheme of policy in terms of just indignation; but he had not the power to resist it ; and on his resignation, it was carried into effect with all the celerity that English chicanery and plotting, and English arms and money, could accomphsh. The scene of rapine and cruelty was next changed to Ulster ; where Hugh O'Neill, like his uncle John, had been taken into Elizabeth's favour, and restored to the possession of his estates ; but, Hke his progenitor, was fated to the same treacherous oppo- sition from the English settlers. It was an easy matter for the avaricious harpies at Dublin to invent rumours and to imagine plots, about the period of the invasion of the Spanish armada ; and the Protestant government, alarmed by its own fears, was ever ready to pounce upon the objects of its suspicion and jealousy throughout Ireland. It was excuse enough for them that " Pro- testantism" ^fas "in danger," and immediately they were ready to lay waste with fire and sword, and put to death all who offered to resist their orthodox progress. Means were soon adopted to sting the Irish chief into rebeUion, and at last he determined to make a resolute effort to free Ireland from the dominion of the usurpers. A powerful force, under Sir John Norris, was led against him, but made no progress in reducing him to subjection. Lord Burgh was then invested mth the command, with orders to prosecute the war vigorously, and bring it to a speedy termination. He led a powerfid army rgainst O'Neill, but without success. In a fierce engagement, near Armagh, the English were completely defeated, De Burgh was himself slain, and the flower of his troops cut down in the conflict. Sir Henry Bagnal was sent against the brave O'Neill with a second army, which succeeded no better than the first. O'Neill was engaged in laying close siege to the fort of Blackwater, when the English army approached. Bagnal's determination was to relieve the place, and O'Neill's was to prevent him. The rival armies met a second time near Armagh ; in numbers they were nearly equal ; thoi%h the English were considerably superior, as regarded discipline and appointments. The struggle which took " Sec Leland, book iv. chap, iii ; Sir Georgf. Carew's ITibfunia Pacata, &c. &c.— Leland says— " Some of Ijcr (Elizabeth's) councilloi-s appear to liave conceived an odious jealousy, -vvhich reconciled them to the distractions and miseries of Ireland, 'Should we exert ourselves,' say they, ' in reducing the country to order and civility, it must soon acquiix" power, consequence, ami riches. The inhabitants will thiis be alienated 'from England; thev will cast themselves into the arms of some foreign power, or perhaps erect themselves into an indepen- dent and separate state. Let us rather connive at their disorders ; for a we;ik and disordered people never can attempt to det;ich themselves from the cro^ni of England.' " History of Ireland. 61 place was a desperate one, but of short duration. The English army was completely defeated; 1,500 of the royal soldiers were left dead upon the field ; Bagnal and many of his best officers were found among the slain ; and an immense amount of artillery, arms, and ammunition, fell into the hands of the conquerors. Insurrection immediately spread far and wide. The English were at once driven out of their new settlements, and took shelter in the fortified towns along the sea-coast. O'Neill, with con- summate policy, endeavoured to unite the rival chiefs of Ireland in a firm and combined resistance to the English ; and he succeeded to an almost unprecedented degree. Old feuds were reconciled, and ancient animosities allayed, in the prospect of a complete deliverance from the common enemy. O'Neill also endeavoured to obtain the aid of Spain, in the assertion of the independence of Ireland; and a body of troops was promised by the Spanish king. Elizabeth now trembled for her dominions in Ireland; and determined to make a vigorous effort to put down the insurrection. She created her favourite, the Earl of Essex, lord lieutenant, and sent him over with an army of 20,000 men. O'Neill was not cowed by the approach of this immense force, but ^\\ determined to resist. Essex, however, did not give him the opportunity ; for he marched his army southwards into Munster, where, instead of armed men, he encountered only famine and desolation. In his rogress through the country, however, straggling detachments of is army were occasionally attacked and defeated. In one of these actions, which occurred in the passage of the royal cavalry through Leix (King's county), they were vigorously attacked by O'Moore and his followers ; when the gay young cavaliers of Essex were so plucked of their feathers by the uneourtly Irish, that the place of action is known by the name of the " Pass of the Plumes," down to the present day. Essex, after a fruitless campaign in the county of Munster, was perenaptorily ordered to march into the north against the vahant O'Neill. And here his success was no better than before. The wily chief, aware of the susceptible nature of Essex, offered to treat with him ; and he so won upon the earl, by his gallant and chivalrous bearing, that Essex was soon completely captivated : a truce was established, and the royal army retired from the province. Elizabeth, was enraged when she heard of this termination of a campaign, which she expected to end so brilliantly. She severely reprimanded Essex, who returned to England in disgrace; and his place was supplied by Blount, Lord Mountjoy, a much less scrupulous man of war than the gallant and courtly earl who had preceded him. He was assisted ip^ his administration by several men of great ability and experience ; and backed by a numerous and well-disciplined army. Mountjoy immediately endeavoured to draw O'Neill to a decisive engagement ; but the wary chief eluded all such attempts to entrap him into defeat. G 6^ History of Ireland. At length the long-expected help from Spain arrived : a force of about 2,000 men, mider Don Juan d'Aquila, a weak and thoroughly incompetent leader — the first proof of which was, that he deter- mined to land in the south, where he was immediately blockaded by the English army under ^lountjoy. O'Neill, however, who was then in the north, determined to make an effort to liberate him. He set out with his army, and, by making forced marches, succeeded in reaching Kinsale m an incredibly short time, and so suddenly as to surprise the English army, and blockade them in their be- sieging quarters. In this position the armies lay for some days ; MomSjov's forces being in the singular position, at the same time, of both besiegers and besieged. At last, the foolish, bravadoing Spaniard, eager to fight the enemy, resolved upon a sally by night. Into this project O'Neill and O'Domiell, the Irish leaders, were entrapped ; the whole scheme, when matured, being revealed by spies to the English general. The sally was made, and the Spanish and Irish forces were defeated with great slaughter. The conse- quences of the victory to the Enghsh were, the capitulation of the Spaniards and the retreat of O'NeilFs army to the north. An episode in the history of this short struggle is worthy of mention. A brave Irish chieftain, O'Siilhvan of Dunboy, dissatis- fied with the Spanish garrison which occupied his castle, and fearing their disposition to capitulate, turned them out, and garrisoned the fort with Irishmen of his own sept. Thus defended, the castle kept the English general and army at defiance for a considerable time. At length they effected a breach, but still the garrison would not yield. They disputed every inch of ground, opposing their bodies at every point to the weapons of the besiegers. They were driven from room to room, and from floor to floor. The governor, with a party, was at last driven to the cellar, where he desperately, though unsuccessfolly, endeavoured, by plunging a lighted torch into a barrel of gunpowder, to blow up both victors and vanquished, and bury them in the ruins of his own castle. Mountjoy now determined to carry out the same policy with O'Neill in Ulster, that had been found so effectual in subjugating Munster and destroying the Earl of Desmond. The country was laid waste ; every thing that could be destroyed, was de- stroyed ; houses were burnt and rased; cattle were slaughtered; ripe and unripe crops were cut down ; the lands were prevented being sown and cultivated ; every human being that could be laid ^ hands on, was butchered, no respect being paid to either age or ' gex ;— in short, the country was as nearly as possible reduced to the condition of a desert,* having no subsistence in it for either man or beast. The horrid expedients resorted to by the miserable people to allay their hunger, as recorded by the old English writers, are ahiiost too revolting for detail. Children were found feeding ^n their parents' flesli, 'and women upon children and each other. Morrison mentions a dreadlid instance of the manner in which f?ome of the wretched people allayed the rage of their hunger :— History of Irehnd. gg "Some of tlie old women " say., he, "about Newry, used to make a fire m the fields, and divers little children driving out the cattle in the cold mornings, and coming thither to warm themselves, were by these women surprised, killed, and eaten ; which was at last dLscovered, by a great g-irl breaking from them by the strength of trnth tl^' r ,*^.1P*^'"J''7'' ''^"'^'"8- ««Wiers to knoithe truth they found the children's skulls and bones, and apprehended the old women who were executed for the fact"*— executed for 7 "rf-' ""l *f if'^ English government, to the state of cannibalism ! " No spectacle," adds llorrison, " was more fi-equent m the ditches of towns, and especially in the wasted countries, han o see multitudes of these poor people dead, with ttws th ' S'-een by eating nettles, docks, a'nd all wovf S 7 eould rend rip above ground." In all this fiendish woik. Sir George Carew, the author of Hibernia Pacata, was pre- eminently di.stmguished. He was merciless, un.sparing, persecuting toituna ely Tov the cause of human kind, he was not permitted to accomplrsh his object. ' anJfeJ^r' ^^'^"^^""S'' reduced to great extremities by want and famme resisted for a long time ; his adversaries still ravaging Snfin rT r At last, when all hope fVon? bnC nff "^'f PP^tf '''^''v? "^"^ '"'^ ^^'^^ ''^d accepted the biibes offered by the English government to desert his cause,- ^^ hen he saw the bravest of his followers wasting from famine and unable longer to meet the enemy in the field,-ihen all his h^es ZTa \i T'f ' """"^ "?"""8 remained for him and his followers but death by famine or the sword,-the brave old man's firmness Fnll V he offered terms of accommodation to the waf el^'^'! ■ ^"""'-""^ """''Vied them, and a treaty made wi h A"n- ■/'''r,^^' concluded. A general amnesty was made with O Neill and his confederates, granting them the free and open exercise of the Catholic religion, and the full enjolent of .heir estates; O'Neill on his part'rei^uncing the na^rpTe. eminence, and sovereignty of an Irish chieftain. And thus ended ZthL ^^""^"^ determined struggles which has ever m Ireland"'' ascendancy and dominion of the English It now remains for us .shortly to notice the measures employed n Ii"i„d ^u''''''!' P™P^»«te the " reformed" rgon ost sfX V M ""^f^ ''"PP"^*^ "^^t r«%i°» had been wh c wL T * • ^la^^fil'ter, devastation, and hideous cruelty ProtL w 1 "''^ propagation of the b. the fIi f '^ct.ually one of the pretences' put forward b} the Englrsh government for its " vigorous policy" towards the " -AIorkison's History of Ibeiand, fjlio ccj. p. 272. g4 History of Ireland, Irish ' Protestantism and persecution went hand in hand ; and while Grey, Carew, and Mountjoy were burning and devastating in Munster, Leinster, and Ulster, the zealous propagandists ot the new religion were labouring to extend their creed by means of torture and cruelty. Many Catholic bishops and priests were put to death, during Lord Greys administration, for exercismg their spiritual functions;* some were hanged and quartered; others were beaten about the head with stones, till their brains gushed out • others were murdered in cold blood, sometimes at the very altar • others had their bowels torn open, their nails and hngers torn off, and were thus painfully destroyed by slow torture, their remains beiup- afterwards treated with the most revolting indignity. , The most common method, however, of executing the sentence ot the law upon these Catholic recusants was as follows :— Ihey were first hanged up, and then cut down ahve ; they were next dis- membered, ripped up, and had their bowels burned before their faces ; after which, they were beheaded and quartered ; the whole process lasting above half an hour, during which the^unfortunate victims remained conscious and writhing under the agonies innicted on them by their Protestant persecutors. And thus did the emissaries of the reformed religion in Ireland endeavour to show forth the efficiency of physical torture as a means of converting, sinners, together with the beauty of state-church bigotry, and the righteousness of orthodox hatred. -r* ^ ^ ^ While the Cathohc clergy were thus treated, the Protestants who had been created teachers of the state-rehgion by act of pai- liament, were notoriously profligate, lewd, simoniacal, slothful, and intemperate, even according to the testimony of English Protestant writers themselves. They were the refuse of the English clmrch —we had almost said, of lEngland,— of whom nothing else could be » » In this reign " says br. Curry, " among many other Roman Catholic priests and Wshops, there were put to dea'hffor the exeVcise of their function in Ireland Glahy O Boyle abbot of Boyk of the diocese of Eiphin, and Owen O'Mulkeren, abbot of the monasteTy of the Holy TrYnity n that diocese, hanged and quartered by Lord Gray in 1580 ; John Stephens, pnest, to thaU e aid mass to Teagife M'Hugh, was hanged and quartered by the Lord Burroughs m 1597 ThadrO'Boy guardian of the monastery of Donegal, was slam by the Eng hsh m his ownmonSy ; six fdars were slain in the monastery of Moynihigan; • O'^alj^ior ami sTyan O'Trcvoi', of the order of St. Bernard, were slain in then- own monastery, de Santa Mam, ^Ti Tllster- as also Felimy O'Hara, a lay brother; so was Eneas Penny, pansli pnest ot KiUagli, slain It the alTa iri is pan church there ; Cahall M^Goran, Rory O'Donncllan Peter g'Q^ifL PatSl O'Kennl George Power, vice-general '^^""f Glo^S' DoS:: Stretch of Limerick, Bryan O'Muirihirtagh, vicar-gener,a of the diocese of Clonfeit, Doioho O Molony of Thomond, John Kelly of Louth, Stephen Patrick of Annaly, John P.lhs fuai, Rory micnlca, Tirrilagh M'Inisky, a lay brother. All those that come after Eneas Penny, fogcthcr with Walter Farnan, priest, died in the Castle of Dublin either through luml usage and restraint, or the violence of torture."— Curry's Historical Review, ch. n. t Sec Milkers Letters to a PREnENOARv; Curry's Historical K^view ok the Civil Wars of Ireland ; Bourle's Hibernia Dominicana; Carkw s Hibera Pacata, &^c. Milner mentions the case' of F. O'Hurle, Catholic Avdibisliop of Cashe , f^^^^P^ tortured by the orders of Sir William Drury, in 1573. On fa ling inlo the hands of this Winavy governor, the unfortunate archbishop "was first tortured by his legs bemg mimersed nTc^^^^^^^^^^ filled with qnick-linie, water, &c., until they were burnt to the J" ^/^er to force him to take tho oath of supremacy ; auid then, with other circumstances of barbarity, executed on the gallows." History of Ireland. 65 made but Irfeh parsons. They went to Ireland for gain, for tithes, for plunder ; caring nothing for the souls of the flock, and watching over them rather with the care of the wolf than that of the shepherd. The Irish church was, in fact, henceforward looked upon as a mere refuge for hungry adventurers fi^om England,* who, born within the atmosphere of gentility, were too idle to v/ork, but were not beneath extracting from the hard earnings of the poor the means of profligate luxury and riotous extravagance. What was the consequence 1 That the great body of the Irish people, in whose eyes Protestantism had become identified with every thing that was odious and intolerable, clung to their ancient faith, and to the native pastors who had been faithful to them for centuries ; while they despised the English interlopers as upstarts and intruders, and hated them as bigotted persecutors and oppressors. Such was the reign of " good Queen Bess" in Ireland — one of the darkest and bloodiest passages to be found in history. In her time, almost the entire country was reduced to the condition of a desert, and at least half the entire population perished by famine or the sword. f Nearly forty rebellions occurred during the half century that she occupied the throne, — many of which rebellions were stirred up and fomented merely for purposes of rapine, confiscation, and plunder. Famine and pestilence were then openly advocated as the only pacificators of Ireland, by one who is known in England as the most elegant and graceful of her early poets. In Irish minds, however, Edmund Spenser is associated, not with the Faery Queen, but with the royal vixen of England, of whose cruelty and ambition he was found the unscrupulous .advocate. Sir Walter Raleigh J too, the chivalrous and polite, is known to Ireland only as the * Spenser, in his View of the State of Ireland, which is written in the form of a dialogue between Eudoxus and Irenaeus, attributes the chief evils of Ireland to the religion of the Irish people. " They be all papists (says he) by profession." These are represented by Irenasus to be ignorant of the gi-ounds of their faith. Eudoxus inquires, why not instruct them ? To this Irenssus observes, that " this needeth quiet times," and " that it is ill time to preach among swords." "Eudoxus: But is there no law or ordinance to meet this mischief." Irenaeus : Yes, it seems it hath ; for there is a statute there enacted in Ireland, which seems to have been grounded on a good meaning : that whatsoever Englishman of good conversation and sufficiency shall be brought unto any of the bishops, and nominated unto any living within their diocese that is perfectly free, that he shall (without contradiction) be admitted thereunto, before any Irish. Eudoxus: This surely is a very good lawP This "very good law" is but an instance of the system then, as now, pursued towards the Irish people. The case, at the present day, remains as it was then. " Whatsoever Englishman" presents himself, is still almost certain to be preferred " before the Irish.'''' + Taylor's Civil Wars of Ireland, vol. i., p. 232, _ X Sir Walter Raleigh was the first who introduced the 'potatoe into Ireland, which he did upon his Cork estate. Opinion is divided as to whether this was a blessing or a curse to Ireland. Most probably, like almost every thing else introduced from the same quarter, it was the latter. Cobbett was strongly of opinion that the cultivation of the potatoe was the curse of Ireland ; and the author of the " Landlord's Suggestions for Checking the Repeal Agit-ation," says — " I sin- cerely believe that of all Sir Walter Raleigh's cruelties committed in Ireland, the planting of the potatoe on his Cork estate was the most cruel. It taught the landlord how cheaply poor • Paddy could be supported; and, giving him this root for his labour, they have ever since taken all the rest in rent,"— It is, however, looking only at the Surface of things to attribute all, or even a large portion, of the miseries of Ireland to this cause. The evil lies much deeper, as will be made evident enough hereafter. 66 Hhtorii of Trdaud. instrument of ruthless tyranny and barbarity. Eiizftetli's entire reign, indeed, was a continued series of disgusting cruelties and crimes.* Famine and devastation were the " good queen s" hand- maidens ; the rack, the gibbet, and the dungeon, her Protestant missionaries. And thus, at last, was Ireland " pacified"; and, after a contest of 44^0 years, brought under the dominion of the grown of England. The cost to Elizabeth was most serious. More than =£•3, 000, 000 sterling was expended on the conquest, with an incal- culable number of her bravest soldiers. And after all, as the Queen was assured by her own servants, " little was left in Ireland for her majesty to reign over, but carcasses and ashes" ! The " Reformation from Popery" was also "completed" in Eliza- beth's reign. The history of this movement in Ireland is, throughout, one of merciless persecution, of wholesale spoliation, and of mur- derous cruelty. The instruments by which it was accomplished were, despotic monarchs, unprincipled ministers, a rapacious aris- tocracy, and venal and slavish parliaments. It sprung from brutal passion, was nurtured in selfish and corrupt policy, and was con- summated in bloodshed and horrid crime. " The ^^rk," observes a contemporary, " which had been begun by Henry, -the murderer of his wives, was contimied by Somerset, the murderer of his brother, and completed by Elizabeth, the murderer of her fguest." Such was the " Reformation," and such were its instruments ; and the consequences which flowed from it, at lea^t to Ireland, were of a ^ kindred character for centuries to come. ^ ^l^Ac^^^^^ — Co^imences his reign as a persecutor — Abolition of the old Irish laAvs — /■ T / Invented plots and conspiracies — the Earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel accused — ^^"^^^^^^^ Their immense estates in Ulster confiscated, and planted with English and Scotch . - settlers — An Irish Parliament assembled to sanction the robbery — A stroke of .gftycc *^c^ ' arbitrary power— James's defence of packed Parliaments — the venal Parliament ^^^^ assembled — Fight for the speakership — Division of the confiscated Lands — the ^ / London companies— Organized system of confiscation — Its success — Proposed 7y '^^'^^nfiscation of the province of Connaught— Death of James— Religious History /j^C^r , ^ ^^P^ this reign— Persecutions of the catholics — Their continued hostility to protes- "l^h^rl^^ was . reserved for .Tames I., the Prince of royal pedants, to ^;^2^J^"coiitluue the system of confiscation and extermination which Queen. J^ili/abeth liad prosecuted with such vigour during her reign. I'rom , ' . y<^' the fact that .Tanies's mother, tlj^e beautiful but unlbrtunate T^larv ^ h-e^4^ * ^^'"^ odious and barbarous cMUcllios of this period (which wc find wc have '/ ' omitted to nicntiou in the propiT i>lacc) was the coUM)Ii>(kU'(1 massacre )u>rpi-tvulod ill MuUouii- ^z* /^- I'naston, or us it is now abbrcviaU-d, ]\l ullgbmasl, in the l!Ub year oi' Mli/.abotb s roign. On tbat ' , of Scotland, liad died a martyr to the catholic faith, having been beheaded by the connivance, if not at the express command, of her rival the " good Queen Bess," the Irish CathoKcs now hoped for toleration and protection in the enjoyment of their worship, at the hands of the new monarch. But they hoped in vain. James commenced and closed his reign as an inveterate hater of "papists." One of his first acts was to proclaim a general gaol delivery, except to rdurderers and papists-; and he pledged himself never to grant any toleration to the catholics, entailing a curse on his posterity if they failed to follow in his steps. Those of the Irish catholics, therefore, who, in the towns of Munster and Leinster, had incau- tiously proceeded to exercise their worship in public, were soon undeceived in their hopes of the new monarch. An army under Mountjoy was immediately marched against them, for the purpose of repressing all demonstrations of attachment to the ancient faith. Waterford, Clonmel, and Cashel, at once yielded; and Cork, after a short siege, also surrendered, where several of the leaders in the demonstration v»^ere put to death, and all was quiet again. And thus, says Sir John Davies, describing the condition of Ireland on the ascension of King James, " the multitude being brayed, as it were, in a mortar, with sword, famine, and pestilence together, submitted themselves to the EngKsh government, received the laws, and magistrates, and most gladly embraced the King's pardon and peace in all parts of the realm, with demonstrations of joy and comfort." What the "joy and comfort" was, our readers may judge from what follows. An attempt was made, early in this reign, to abolish entirely the ancient system of Irish jurisdiction, and substitute the English laws in its place. Circuits were established,, and itinerant judges appointed ; the customs of tanistry and gavel kind were declared illegal ; and the tenures of land were appointed to be modelled after the^ English fashion. Had the object of these measures been, to estabhsh security of property, order, and good government, the results might have been of incalculable benefit to Ireland. But the real object being, as soon afterwards appeared, the wholesale conhscation of Irish property, the results were only increased inse- curity, and more general and deep-rooted hatred of the English government. At the same time, the penal laws, enacted in the Ij^^Sjl^T.^'^rf n ^°''S^-r E"gl^«^" s^ys I^i- Curry, in his literal translation from I^-Lf f T • w Queen Elizabeth's reign, "published a proclamation, inviting all the well- ■ W tW f •? 'T''' Rathmore, at Mulloghmaston ; engaging arthe same time t \t^.TT^ ^' l^^i *^T>'* r ^^'^ -mi^n^le^. In consequence of !his engagement, the well-affected came to the Rathmore aforesaid ; and soon after they were assemb]ed,'.they fmmd «toT.id h™r^'.^ or four lines of English and Irish horse and foot com^pletely LTSJ^'^ A'^.nlfJ iTT "°g^"r"'^^ attacked, and cut to pieces, and not asinyle Fnr? S Et 1. !l barbarous act committed in this reign was that of Walter Devereux, ^reatnnS?'J iJ^/r.^'l ^ P"'"'^' ^""^^^"^ Bryan O'Neill of Cianfeboy, with a K^^rC^ I entertainment, and after three days feasting, they were ONcill himself, with his brother and l^afe, were sent to Dublin, where they were cut in quartern. —See Curry s Historical Review, pp. 10, 11, 12. v cui iiqudiitis. Histonj of Ireland. reiffii of Elizabeth, were revived in all tlieir original liar^huess. Sir Arthur Chichester, the new lord-hentenant, a man cruel and avaricious in his character, and eager to amass wealth and possessions, no matter in what manner, willingly seconded all the designs of the persecuting monarch. The cathohc chapels were shut up ; and the ■most wanton oppressions and extortions were resorted to such as fine, imprisonment, and deprivation of office, for enforcmg attendance on the protestant service. To put an end to all doubts, also, as to Jameses being favourable to rehgious toleration, he issued a procla- mation* Qiving due notice to all concerned of his thoroughly intolerant disposition and character. This singailar proclamation commences thus:—" Whereas, his Majesty is mformed that his eubiects of Ireland have been deceived by ^ false report that his Ma esty was disposed to allow them liberty of conscience and the free choice of a religion : he hereby declares to his beloved subjects of Ireland, that he will not admit of any such liberty of conscience they were made to expect by such report," &c , &c. And then the proclamation goes on to order the expulsion of the cathohc bishops, fesuits, and all other ministers of the catholic worship, and to pro- hibitt altogether the exercise of the Cathohc religion. At the same time, sham "Popish plots" and " conspiracies were hatched, and the pretext thus afforded for putting down by force and perse- cution the adherents of the Catholic religion both in England and ^"^Thf 'celebrated Gunpowder Plot, a thing of perplexity and obscurity down to the present day, occurred about this period ; and whether real or invented, it certainly proved a God-send to the confiscators and exterminators in Ireland. Among the parties charged with the projected crime, were the Irish catholic lords, prominent among whom were the Earls of Tyrone and T3Tconnel Without any proofs of their guilt, an accusation was brought against these lords, the meaning of which they well knew. Conscious that their properties were marked for confiscation by a government which wai ready to adopt every expedient to increase i s power and at the same time break the spirit of the Irish people, they tx)ok to flight, when their immense estates in Ulster were^immediately seized upon by the harpies of the crown. Sir Cahir O Doherty, a northern chieftain, took up arms to resist the government, but he " Sec IIlBERNlA DOMINICANA, p. ()19. AlsO LeLAND, V. ii, p. 421. t All catholics .CO ol,li,ocl to assist at the protestant f --^^^t? iS^^'lo tlalln hollav; and thus they,. ho ha.l hcen called 'V'"P^11^ l"' ^ ; Fn^/.i^^ ^ ineinualcd into the heaits ..f ihc Iri.h.-MooRr.'s Mkmo.ks or Captain Kock. I History of Ireland. 69 was immediately crushed, and his possessions added to the forfei- tures of Tyrone and Tyrconnel. By these means, upwards of five hundred thousand acres of the richest and best cultivated land in Ireland, —constituting the six entire counties of Donegal, Tyrone, Derry, Fermanagh, Cavan, and Armagh, — a tract of country equal in extent to the whole of Yorkshire and Lancashire, — were forfeited to the crown, and immediately distributed among the adherents and favourites of the English king. The native population, as if they had been involved in the suspected guilt of their chiefs, were at once driven off the confiscated lands, into the woods and mountains ; and their holdmgs and habitations were conferred upon adventurers from England and Scotland, who were animated by a strong national antipathy against the Irish, as well as against the Cathohc religion which they professed. It was by means such as these that almost the entire province of Ulster was thrown into the scale of the protestaiit interest, and continues so down to the present day. The manner in which James, who was scrupulously regardful of the proper forms of law (!), procured the assent of the Irish Par- liament to these extensive forfeitures, is not unworthy of notice, — exhibiting, as it does, a stretch of parliamentary corruption and of royal despotism which has rarely, if ever, been equalled. J ames knew that he would have great difficulty in gaining the assent of the English cathohc party in Ireland, the descendants of the barons of the Pale, and the other Enghsh invaders of Ireland. This party, be it remembered, was always quite distinct from the Irish catholics, from whom they were separated by the barriers of race and conquest. Agreement in religious sentiment between them constituted no bond of mutual interest ; on the contrary, they hated each other as if they had been the professors of creeds of the most opposite possible character. The English government, however, now regarded both in the same light : the protestant adherents of Elizabeth and James abhorred them equally as Irishmen and idolaters. The English catholics now felt that they were under the ban as much as those whom they had for centuries oppressed ; and they feared that the same tyranny which they had inflicted upon the Irish would soon, be visited upon themselves. Still they possessed considerable power in Ireland ; and of this, James, who was resolved to crush them, was fully acquainted. The first blow which he struck at their influence was by means of a Parliament, which he now, for the first time, summoned, after a lapse of twenty-six years. We have already shown, in a previous chapter, that Parliaments in Ireland were mere assemblies of the principal men of property and influence in the country ; and that representation of the people was as yet completely unknown. Parliament, however, grew into a custom ; and the name had a " constitutional" sound in it, which is always a satisfactory thing to English ears. They were also found exceedingly useful tools to the English monarchs in extending Eng- lish influence in Ireland ; and they were generally summoned when 70 History of Ireland. there was any oppressive law to be carried into effect, or any exten» sive spoliation to be achieved. As the last Irish parliament m the reip-n of Elizabeth, had been held for the purpose of completnig the confiscation of the vast estates of the Earl of Desmond m Munster, so the first Parhament held in the reign of James was for the pur- pose of sanctioning by legislative enactment the confiscation of the immense estates of the Earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel in Ulster • The hostility, however, of the catholic lords and gentry of English descent, was greatly feared by James and his party; they had still a considerable superiority over the protestant settlers introduced during the last two reigns, and were thus enabled to send a considerable preponderance of their members into the Irish Houses of Parhament. But this was no obstacle whatever in the way of the despotic monarch. By a stroke of his pen, he, at once, created fourteen new peers, who were bribed by the promise of a large share in the northern plunder ; and, at the same time, he created no fewer than forty of the most wretched villages and hamlets m Ireland into boroughs, which were so constituted as to be completely under the will of the crown. These seats were chiefly filled by attornies' clerks, and servants of the lord deputy, ready, of course, to obey, m every point, the behests of their lord and master. This arbitrary measure caused great alarm among the old ascendancy party in Ireland, and a remonstrance against it was at once sent to James, signed by some of the principal proprietors in Ireland. But Jameses kingly answer was :— " You complain of the new boroughs ? It was never before heard that any good sub- jects did dispute the king s power in this point. What is it to you whether I make many or few boroughs l My council may consider the fitness, if I require it ; but what if I had made forty noblemen and four hundred boroughs I The more the merrier, the fewer the better cheer" ! Here was the answer of a constitutional monarcJi to his faithful and loving subjects ! The Irish lords also petitioned against the measure ; but James at once seized then; messengers and sent them into confinement. There was no spirit m Ireland to resist this tyrannical act; for the Irish people had long been divorced from all sympathy with the Anglo-Irish lords whom James was now tyrannizing over'. Tlie measure was accordingly consum- mated, and the venal Parliament at length assembled. What the parliament did, may be inferred from its thorouglily servile constitution. It did all that its master required ; though not without a resolute, but futile, resistance from the old Englisii party. The influence of the crown greatly preponderated in tlie upper house, cliiefiy in consequence of the English prelates (at all times the serviU^, tools of aesi)otIsm) being unanimous in support ot the govcM-nment. The chief resistance was made in the Mouse ot Conimons, where a most unseemly struggle took place lor tlie Speakership, in which the respective parti/ans of the government and anti-government parties endeavoured by force to obtain History of Ireland. 71 possession of the chair. The two candidates for the speakership were Sir John Davis on the part of the government, and Sir John Everard on the part of " the recusants." A majority of votes appeared for the former ; hut, some dispute occurring about the result, it was agreed that the supporters of Davies should go out to be counted, and those of Everard remain in. No sooner had the majority left the house than the partizans of Everard immediately shut the door, and put their candidate in the speaker's chair, declaring him to be duly elected. Upon the entrance of Sir John Davies's supporters, a row took place, during which Everard was pulled out of his chair, and the other thrust into his place. The result of the whole was, the withdrawal of the recusants, protesting against the proceedings of the assembly. Matters, however, were at length made up between the two parties ; and they then pro- ceeded unanimously to pass a bill of attainder against the Earls of Tyrone and Tyrconnel, and Sir Cahir O'Doherty, — giving the entire fee-simple of the six confiscated counties to the crown. They also voted a large subsidy to the king out of the public property, both parties claiming an equal share of merit in the grant. In return for this, James addressed his "gracious*" thanks in a letter to the deputy. Sir Arthur Chichester, who was himself a large sharer in the government spoils ; having received as his own reward the greater part of the estates which had been possessed by Sir Cahir O'Doherty. The confiscated lands of Tyrone and Tyrconnel were then distri- buted in portions of from one to two thousand acres, among English and Scotch settlers, who were required to plant their proportions of EngHsh and Scotch tenants. Persons of Irish descent, or " mere Irish," as they were called, were not to be permitted to reside on the lands at all ; nor were catholics, either English or Irish, who were excluded by the condition attached to the occupancy of the lands, — namely, taking the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, recognizing the king as the head of the church, &c. — which no con- sistent catholic could possibly do. Several of the trading Companies in London obtained large grants of the confiscated land, which they retain down to the present day. The Fishmongers' Company, the Skinners' Company, and others, still possess extensive and valuable estates in Ulster. The estates of the Irish society (which is a committee of aldermen and common council men of the London corporation, for the managing of their Irish estates) at one time embraced the whole counties of Londonderi y and Coleraine : they now consist of the city of Derry, with 15,000 acres ; the town of Coleraine, with 9,000 acres, and the fisheries and other lands inca- pable of equal divisions or proportions. The revenue from these Irish estates of the London corporation amounts to upwards of ^12,000 a-year. The share of the Fishmonger's Compaliy is said to produce J^7,000 a-year. The Skinner's Company, it is said. 72 History of Ireland. have been offered ^1,500 per annum, and a fine of .^100,000 for a lease in perpetuity of their proportion.* This system of general confiscation and " plantation'' succeeded so well in Ulster, and gave James such a taste for the vrork, that it was henceforward persevered in with greater vigour than ever. Commissions of inquiry were obtained into defective titles of estates, and, where a flaw in them was found, the property was immediately seized by the crown. "When flaws in the title did not exist, it was easy to invent them ; the ingenuity of the inventors being generally rewarded with the principal share of the spoil. The old rolls in the Tower were searched for the original grants, and when it was found that their conditions had not been complied with, — that rents to the crown had been left unpaid, or feudal services neglected, the estates were either at once confiscated, or the possessors were compelled to accept of new grants at greatly advanced rents. The creatures of the crown did not scruple to resort to the most shocking acts of cruelty, subornation, and per- jury, to accomplish their nefarious object. Witnesses were tortured, and jurors were not only imprisoned and fined, but had their ears and other parts cut off, if they refused to swear as the government ofiicers required them. This system of royal jobbing and plunder was presided over by Sir William Parsons, ancestor of the present Earl of Rosse, who then laid the foundations of that family's fortunes in Ireland, f * See an elaborate article on " The Corporation of London and Municipal Reform,^'' in the Westminster Review^ for May, 1843, p. 545. At a meeting of the Repeal Association in Dublin, Mr. O'Connell explained the fraud by which they were obtained ; and then said as follows : — " It is enough for me to observe that these companies have no other titles t j those lands except this monstrous piece of iniquity that I have described. It has been often said that tho origin of these bad titles ought not to be inquired into, because they have been followed up by contracts between man and man in the open market, and sold to innocent holders from whom they have been transmitted, through perhaps 20 generations. I agree in the doctrine perfectly, but it does not apply at all to those corporations ; for it has never passed from their hands, and no man is the richer for the incomes they produce, for they are spent in feasting and ornaments, and no members of that society can have any individual interest in them. The clear inference to be drawn from such possessions is, that the rents drawn from such lands must go out of Ireland. Every shilling of them is spent in England, and even if absenteeism were abolished, still it could not affect these companies, for it would be unjust to expect that these fishmongers, and larimers, and haberdashers' companies should come over and spend their incomes in Ireland. The course I would propose is, to sell these estates, giving the right of pre-emption in every case to the occupying tenants. I would then be for handing the purchase money to the English compa- nies, who would be thus done full justice to, or rather more justice than tbey deserve." + Tho following statement exhibits the manner in which this aristocratic family acquired its great possessions. To do them justice, however, their origin is no worse than those of many other " noblo" families in (Jrcat Britain and Ireland :— " One case may be quoted, as a specimen of Irish justice in those days. Bryan and Turlogli Byrne were the rightful owners of a tract in Leinster, called the Ranolagbs, Its viohiity to the capital made it a desirable plunder ; and accordingly Parsons, Lord Esmond, and some others, determined that it should bo forfeited. Tho Byrnes" however, had powerful interest in England, and obtained a patent gnint of their lands from'ihc King. Parsons and Esmond wore not to be diHnpi)ointc(l so easily. Tlioy iliitly refused to pass tho royal grant; and, deeming the destruc- tion of the Byrnes necessary to their safety, they hnd them arrested on a cliargc of treason. The witnesses provided to support tho charge, were DuiVe, whoni Turlogh Byrne, as a justice of the peace had sent to prison for cow-stealing, Mac Art and Mac Gritlin, two notorious thieves and a farmer named Archer, This last long resisted the attempts to force him to become a pcr- j\ircd witness ; and Ms obslinacy was pxinished by the most horrible tortures. lie teas History of Ireland. 78 These unscrupulous measures completely succeeded : immense additional confiscations of property were made,— friend and foe being alike ruthlessly plundered by the harpies of the government. Sixty-six thousand acres, between DubHn and Waterford, were declared by inquisition to be the property of the crown ; three hundred and eighty-five thousand acres, situated in the counties of Westmeath, Longford, Leitrim,and King's and Queen's county, were also seized and planted by new settlers, as Ulster had been ; the immense possessions of the O'Rourkes, in Leitrim ; the O'Farrells, of Longford ; and the Boynes, of Wicklow, were also confiscated and put into the King's hands ; almost the entire county of Wex- ford was appropriated ; and the result was, that more than a million of acres of the best land in L^eland were seized from the original proprietors and declared to be the property of the crown. James and his rapacious adherents were not yet satisfied. A still more extensive scheme of confiscation was devised, for the confiscation of the entire province of Connaught, on the pretence that its proprietors had neglected to take out letters patent when their estates were compounded for in the preceding reign. In consideration, however, of large sums paid into the exchequer, their possessions were again confirmed to them by an act of state, and a commission was appointed to receive surrenders and issue letters patent. But, as if the clerks in the record office had been secretly in league with the confiscators, the patents were not enrolled, the titles of the patentees were declared null, and James and his burned in the fleshy parts of the body with hot irons ; placed on a gridiron over a charcoal fire; and, finally, flogged until nature could support him no longer^ and he promised to swear any thing that the commissioners pleased. Bills of indictment were presented to two successive grand juries in the county of Carlow, and at once ignored, as the suborned witnesses ■were unworthy of credit, and contradicted thenaselves and each other. " For this opposition to the will of government, the jurors were summoned to the Star-Chamher in Dublin, and heavily fined. The witiiessss, Mac Art and Mac Griffin, being no longer useful, were given up to the vengeance of the law. They were hanged for robbery at Kilkenny ; and, with then- dying breath, declared the innocence of the Byrnes. The ingenuity of Parsons and his accomphces was not yet exhausted. The Byrnes presented them- selves before the Court of King's Bench in Dublin, to answer any charge that might be brought against them. No prosecutor appeared, and yet the Chief-justice refused to grant their discharge. During two years, repeated orders were transmitted from England, directing that the Byrnes should be freed from further process, and restored to their estates ; but the faction in the castle evaded and disobeyed every mandate. At length, on learning that the Duke of Kichmond, the generous patron of the persecuted Irishmen, was dead, it was determined by Parsons to complete the destruction of the victims. He had before been baffled by the integrity of a grand juiy; on this occasion, he took proper precautions to pre- vent a similar disappointment. The bills were sent before the grand jurors of Wicklow, the majority of whom had obtained grants of the Byrne property, and all were intimately connected with the prosecu- tors. The evidence placed before this impartial body was the depositions of four criminals, who were pardoned on condition of giving evidence; but even these . wretches were not brought in person before the jury. Their depositions were taken in Irish by one ot the prosecutors, and translated by one of his creatures. These suspicious documents, however, proved sufficient, and the bills were found. > " To procure additional evidence, it was necessary to use expedients still more atrocious. A number of persons were seized, and subjected to the mockery of trial by martial law, though the regular courts were sitting. The most horrid tortures were inflicted on those who refused to accuse the Byrnes ; and some of the most obstinate were punished with death. But the firmness of the victims presented obsta- cles which were not overcome, before some virtuous Englishmen represented the affair so strongly to the King that he was shamed into interference. He sent over commissioners from England to investigate the entire afi"air. The , Byrnes were brought before them, and honourably acquitted. Their hves were thus saved ; but Parsons had previously contrived to obtain a great portion of their estates by patent, and was pei-mitted to keep them undisturbed. " This narrative, which has been rather softened in its horrible details, may appear (o many too shock- ing to be believed ; but all the documents connected with it are still preserved in the library of the Dublin University, and it is circumstantially related by Carte, a historian remarkable for his hostility to the Irish."— Tayloe's History of the Civil Wars of Ireland, vol. i, p. 243-4-5-6, ■"^ " Histortj of Ireland. servants were aboiif to proceed to the wholesale confiscation of the provmce ot Connaught. The cathoKc proprietors eudeavoHred to avert the rum which was impending over them by oflerin-otestaut ascendancy, or ^reat v ni pie.. their mmds with a conviction of the beauties of the new rcJigion. On the contrary, they must necessarilv have produced a feeling of i„ve crate hostility, in the niiuds of -the people, to the aiithors of such cold blooded cruelty and m.princip ed'sp, 1 atio^! Was ,t to be expected that a whole nation would at once' abandon the cherished fa.th of their fathers, and overturn all that had bee « cl hey ha.l been taught to belie, e were heretical, blasphemous, and da, gerons to salvation,-espociallv when the professors of the new faith came before them in the guise of robbers aiul persecutors liists. If one exaggerates the murders and cruelties iierjietrated by O'Neill and his savage mob, the other adds to the excesses connnitted by the Scotch in the island of Magee, and by Cooto at Santrv and Clontarf, in the Bame i)ro])ortion. There were doubtless many disgraceful atrocities on both sides ; but are they not inseprirabic from civil war.^' These crimes were owing to the wickedness of particular men. We wish lu'ither to palliate nor to disguise them; but they were disapproved of bv the leadere on both sides; and it is but fair to add, that all •Urocities were not only discouraged,'but punished by the ^'atholic nobility and gentry. It is equally wicked and foolish to make tJicsc sad events the subject of charge apiinst sects and parties at the present day. This was a \var for property, riithcr than religion. The northern Irish wished to recover their estates : IVsons and his sup- porters desired to enrich ihemselvcy by new confiscations. Both eniplovrd the name of Deity to cover their real designs ; but absurcdly religious principle of any kind had little iufliicnco on History of Ireland. 8 ' beino- for the purpose of Protestant extirpation, that, in the des- patches of the time, sent over to the King and Parliament, detadmg [he transaction, not a word is said of the hornble massacre, upon which subsequ;nt writers have commented with such mdignant eloquence. And had such a massacre really taken place, certamly so favourable an opportunity would l'f7%^'^^«'\ l'^* ^^jPif whetting the public Vengeance agamst the Catholic body, and thus promoting th^ object which the lords^ustices were "o-' J> ™^ to accomoUsh,-namely, the wholesa e confiscation of the Catholic property,' and the complete extirpation of the Catholic people of Ireland; Unfortunately, there were cruelties committed on both sides, as there alwavs will be in such public commotions when there has been great tyranny practised on the ^'de'.X^f the wrong and suffering experienced on the other. Certainly, if the Trish did commit outrages, it was not for want of bloody enough examples which were set them by the enemy. The men of property belong to the Catholic body alarmed lest the government should take advantage of the msurrection to cijish them, sued for accommodation with the king,--askmg a fre« exercise of their religion, and a repeal of the penal laws But ihe'r appeals were unheeded; and, instead of justice. Sir Charles Coote was sent out with an army, to lay waste the country with fire and sword. The records of the bloody deeds of this man are most horrible. Hecaused numbersof Catholic priests to be hanged ; among others. Father Higgins, the parish priest of Naas. He also ordered women, some with child, to be hanged. Even suckmg infants were cruelly butchered. The rack and dungeon were put m requisition. Roastinq to death was a method employed by him m sending some of his Victims out of the world. " Sir Charles Coote, _ says Leland, "committed such unpro^ked, such ruthless, and mdiscriminate carnage, in the town of Wicklow, as rivalled the utmost extrava- gances of the Northerns." And what was his reward « Imme- diately after his inhuman executions and promiscuous murders ot . the people in Wicklow, he was made governor ot i>"blin • The Irish Parliament, in which there were many Catholic landed pronrietors, endeavoured to avert the horrors of a civil war, and tried to bring the insurgents to terms, and to obtain justice from the English Idng. But all their efforts were destmed to be thwarted bv the infamous machinations of the lords-justices. Rebellion was the goose that laid their golden eggs, and they were determined it should not die. The Catholic lords of the Pale, rather than take • Among the other cruellies of this period, the masssere at the island of Ma|ee wth^^^^ particuhar n°otiee On this occasion abont 3,000 Irish, unarmed men, children W In the first alarm of the insurrection, set upon and cruelly massacred, many "[ " bods, by the Scottish Puritan soldiers, who then garnsoned Carrickfergus. leland ende-avoura to exph in away the more repulsive features of this hornble tragedy, but in vain J^'- ' JJ'' his "Review of the Civil Wars of Ireland," eotnpletely refutes Ins ''»'<^."'<="' i,!"* ."^^^^^ the above case of wanton cruelty, from the accounts of Protestant writers themselves. -»ee Curry's Review, cd. 1830, p. 170-1, &c. S8 History of Ireland, part with the Irish CathoHcs, whom they hated, then offered their aid to the government, to put down the insurrection. Even this was refused, and they were immediately disarmed, and perempto- rily ordered to quit Dublin. The object of these measures was, to expose the gentry to the necessity of receiving the insurgents, and thus give a colour to the imputations of their treasonable intercourse. Shortly after, they were arbitrarily summoned to appear at the council board, Dublin, to answer such a charge ; and foreseeing their fate if they obeyed, they met at Swords, and resolved to refuse to comply with the state summons; alleging that the savage military excursions of Sir Charles Coote had put them in fear of their lives, and that they now had no other alternative but to act upon the defensive. They next met on the hill of Crofty, and afterwards on the hill of Tara, where they put themselves in a posture of defence, and drew up a petition to the king, stating their grievances, and setting forth the necessity they were under of recurring to arms for their self-defence and self- preservation. The ranks of the insurgents being thus reinforced, the war soon became general throughout the country. Moore and the other Irish leaders pushed their advantages. The greater part of Leinster and U Ister was soon at their disposal ; the authority of the lords-justices being confined to the city of Dublin and the town of Drogheda, which latter place was closely besieged. Meanwhile, Sir William fet. Leger, the Enghsh president of Munster, signalized himself by the cruelties which he perpetrated upon the native population of that province. His despotic and tyrannical acts at length drore the Munster lords also to join the confederates. Almost the entire province was soon reduced under their sway ; and though they had the power to retahate upon their enemies, they opposed themselves hrmly to all assaults upon Protestant life and property. The lords-justices. Parsons and Borlase, now carried on the work of confiscation with great vigour. In two days, they found bills of indictment for high treason against all the Catholic nobility and gentry of the counties of Meath, Wicklow, Dublin, and K'ildare. At the same time, the Earl of Ormond was appointed commander- in-chief of the royal army, and ordered to proceed against the rebels with ferocious vigour. He was commanded to burn, waste, con- sume, and demolish, all the places, towns, and houses, where the rebels had been relieved and harboured, with all the corn and hay there ; and also to kill and destroy all the male inhabitants capable of bearing arms.* These orders were mercilessly carried into if i! fiV'.'i ''';V"'V"V?-'' ^!*''>' ^^"'^ "ti-*>(''0"s sanguinniy document It is resolved, tl.at 1118 U Uiiit Ins lordslnp do endeavour with his Majest/s forces to wound, kill, slay, and destrov by all the ways and means he may, all the said rebels their adherents, and re icvc . ; :u d I u 'T'^'"/"'*'^^''';"^'' and denn.lish, all the places, towns, and houses, whae the aid Hm n • -i 'f'cio ';;l'=il>'t".f^ . apable to hear arms. CJiven at his Majesty's Casilc of Dublin, i.Jrd Icbruary, l(,'U-2. K. Dillon, Tho. Kolhc.ha.n, Ab. l.nltus, k (villouohbv History of Ireland. 89 effect. Leland says, that in their execution, " The justices declare, that the soldiers slew all persons promiscuously, not sparing the women, and sometimes not the children P And Dr. Borlase, a relation of one of these justices, boasts, that Sir W. Coles regiment killed two thousand five hundred rebels in several engagements, and also that "there were starved and famished, of the mlgar sort, whose goods were seized upon by this regiment, seven thousani) ! Any thing more monstrous than those sanguinary orders, dehbe- rately planned by the chiefs of the government, and obeyed to the letter by the English commanders, can scarcely be imagined. The position of affairs was now as follows :— Sir Phelim O Neill, together with several other native leaders, it is said, having under them a force of nearly 30,000 Irish, were masters of about the entire province of Ulster. The government still held possession ot several strongly fortified places ; but the open country was overrun by the " rebels." The powerful Earl of Clanricarde still remained faithful to the government, in Connaugh^ ; but had wilhngly entered into terms with the confederate leaders, who had under their con- troul the greater part of the province. Munster |\so chiefly acknowledged their sway ; though the cruel president. Sir Wilham St. Leger, still struggled to maintain his influence. Lemster also was, in a great measure, in the possession of the confederates, with the exception of the fortified towns and castles. The government possessed little or no authority throughout the country ; the army at their command, under the Earl of Ormond, was extremely dis- proportionate to the retention of the country or the subjection of the alhed chiefs ; and even its power was greatly curtailed by the contradictory orders of the lords-justices, who feared that Ormond, by his reduction of the " rebellion," would greatly gain in influence, and be promoted over their heads. The Irish parliament, from which all the Catholic lords were now expelled, was again found the servile tool of the government it now held a session of three days, during which it enacted several oppressive penal laws against the Cathohcs, and prepared an address to the English parliament, calling for new and more severe laws against the recusants. But the English parliament was now engaged in its ever memorable contest with Charles, and made no exertion to aid their ' Protestant brethren' in Ireland. They contented themselves with passing an act for the sale of two milli- ons and a half of acres confiscated by the lords-justices, and intro- duced several clauses to prevent the king from entering into any terms of accoinmoclation v/ith his Irish subjects.* But Charles J. Temple, Robert Meredith."— The cordial manner in which these brutal orders were executed is thus described by Leland : " In the execution of these orders, the justices declare, that the soldiers slew all persons promiscuously, not sparing the women, and sometimes not the children, — Leland's History of Ireland, book v. * It has been alleged that the Irish rebellion of 1641 was originally commenced with the connivance, if not at the express desire of Charles ; and the publication, by Sir Phelim O Neill, of a document purporting to be the king's commission for taking up arras, gave some colour ot 90 History of Ireland. seems to have had no such intention ; for he issued several procla- mations, denouncing the Irish confederated forces as rebels and traitors, and even eagerly demanded to be put at the head of the army that he might treat their rebellion with the severe punishment that it deserved. The offers of Charles were, however, contemp- tuously refused by the parliament. The miserable monarch was now suspected by all parties ; his despotism had completely alienated from him the affections of the great body of his subjects, and his perfidy and duplicity had excited only their despisal and disgust. His will was now completely disregarded, and the nation was on the brink of an open rebellion against his authority. After the first fury of the insurrection had spent itself, the insur- gents languished in their exertions. The English settlers recovered from their surprise, and took the necessary steps for their defence, and, in many cases, they were able to repel the attacks of their assailants. But they were unsupported by the government, and they did no more than hold*their ground. The confederate chiefs, on their part, adopted no decided or vigorous measures. They were for temporizing from the first, — hoping still to preserve their pos- sessions from the clutches of the lords-justices. With this view, they laboured to come to terms with the government, and merely kept up such a warlike attitude as they thought might ensure them safe and equitable terms of submission to the government. Besides, they hated the native Irish, as well as their leaders, and never could amalgamate with them thoroughly. It was only the fear of a common ruin and extermination that had driven them into the field, and so soon as they saw the prospect of safely retreating from their position, they were willing to do so, and abandon the natives, as before, to the tender mercies of the government. But the arbitrary measures of the lords-justices, and the wholesale confiscation of their estates which had now been effected and legalized, left them no alternative but to take up arms in their own defence. Still they cherished hopes of accommodation with the government, having no other object in view than the preservation of their lives and pro- perties, and the free exercise of their religion. The lords-justices, truth to the fillcgation. But there is every reason to suppose that Charles had no share M'hat- ovtr in the trimsaction ; Sir Phclim O'Neill declaring at his trial, and afterwards at his death (when ^conliimrilion of his original statement might have saved his life), that the said document was ii forgery of his own, and that he had never received any commission from the king. So anxious were the i)arliamcntary ])arty to implicate the king in the alleged guilt of the Irish revolt, that they applied torture to extort confessions to this eilect, from several witnesses. Sir John Heed, an Mnglish protestant gentleman, who had mnlertaken to carry the petition of the nobility of the Pale to the king in Dublin, was immediately seized and compelled to sutler the indignity and excruciating agony of tue rack. Mr. Hugh M'lMahon was also tortured in the same way, and also a respectable gentleman, Mr. Patrick narnwell, of Kilbrew, at the advanced age of sixty-six. The latter gentleman spent his time chielly in retirement and seclusion, taking little interest in political movements, but respected by all parties for his honour aud integrity. That such a man should be put to the rack, excited general hjrror and indignation, particularly when it was innnediatcly afterwards acknowledged that he was wholly innocent of the charges laid against him, and was afterwards allowed to reside in Dublin immolested. It was bv means so atrocious as these that the government was at last enabled to lash the country in a wild fury, which found a vent in organized resistance to the constituted authorities of the country. History of Ireland. 91 however, took care efFectimlly to thwart every attempt which they made m this direction ; and accordingly they were more completely divorced than ever from their allegiance to the government. The catholic lords of the Pale, therefore, did not rush at once into the arms of Moore and his associates. They rather held aloof, occasionally making overtures of concihation to the govern- ment, which were invariably refused. Lord Gormanstown, who was their'teader, at length on seeing no hope of a reconcihation, and lamenting the condition to which his family and friends were reduced, died of grief. The forces which were under his com- mand now joined themselves to Lord Montgarret and his party ; and, shortly after, they were joined by Roger Moore, Hugh Byrne, Lords Dunboyne and Ikerrin, and the forces at their disposal, to the number of 8,000 men. The confederate army was posted in the neighbourkood of Kilrush, when the Earl of Ormond, who had been reinforced by a considerable body of troops from England, made his approach, but shrunk back, dismayed by the greater numbers of the enemy. The Irish, however, pressed the English so closely, that an engagement became inevitable. But the numbers and bravery of the Irish force did not make up for their want of order and discipline : they seemed to have exhsflisted themselves in the boldness of their first attack, which was withstood by Ormond's army. Their left wing was immediately broken ; and the right, after stoutly maintaining their ground for a "considerable time, retreated to a neighbouriug eminence, where they broke up, and fled precipitately in all directions. Seven hundred of their number were killed, while the loss of the Enghsh wg^ inconsiderable. The confederate force was totally dispersed ; but Ormond, in consequence of his want of provisions and ammunition, could not follow up his victory. The Earl was loaded with encomiums by the government, five hundred pounds were, voted him by the English parHament for a jewel, and his majesty was beseeched to create him a Knight of the Garter. The war now Kngered for many months, and was carried on without energy on both sides. The royalist forces were mutinous for want of pay, provisions, and clothing ; while the confederates - were broken up into detached parties, each carrying on a desultory warfare on their own account. The civil war was raging in all the four provinces of Ireland. Ulster was almoS entirely under th^con- trol of the confederates. Connaught was distracted, but was kept in check by the poKcy of the Earl of Clanricarde. Munster^was now at the disposal of the confederates, — the president, Saint Leg^, being shut up, with his small army, and closely besieged in Cork ; where he died, worn out by anxiety, grief, and disappointment, — and was succeeded by Lord Inchiquin, a noBleman of the ancient house of O'Brien. Finding himself surrounded by difiiculties, he pressed the English parliament for supplies. They provided him 92 * History of Ireland. ten thousand pounds for the support of his own army ; and sent Lord Forbes, at the head of a body of twelve hundred men, to his aid. But this lord, thoroughly imbued with the bigotted sectarian spirit of the age, refused to unite himself with the royal troops ; he would keep company only with the devout and the " godly,"' * and would not even plunder or massacre in the company of the profane. After landing at Kinsale, and making a series of depre- dations in the neighbourhood, in which he made no distinction between the " rebels" and the loyahsts, he re-embarked, and pro- ceeded to Gal way, where he vented his fury chiefly against the loyalist party. He failed, however, to produce a rebellion there, as he seems to have intended ; and, after having defaced St. Mary's church, dug up the graves, and burned the coffins and bones of those who lay interred,-)- he again re-embarked, leaving behind him a general feehng of hate and indignation. Meanwhile, Inchiquin was reduced to great extremities at Cork ; when he at length determined to make a desperate effort to release himself, and strike terror into the Irish forces. He collected an army of about 2,000 men, and marched against the enemy : he found them posted near Liscarrol, to the number of 5,000 foot and 500 horse ; t and, after a severe and protracted contest, defeated them with considerable loss. Inchiquin was, however, unable to follow up his success ; and con- tinued to be reduced to the greatest straits, as before. In Ulster, the war seemed about to be renewed with new vigour on the part of the Parliament. After protracted negociations, the assistance of the Scottish forces was at last accepted; and 2,500men, under the command of General Munroe, landed at Carrickfergus, which was immediately delivered into their hands. Being joined by the royal provincial forces, amounting to 1,800 foot and seven troops of cavalry, they advanced to Newry, and gained possession of that town and castle. Other towns were taken. Sir PheUm O'Neill retreating before the advance of the Scottish force, unable, from want of ammunition, to offer a successfid resistance to their progress. There seemed, indeed, to be every probability of the complete break-up of the confederate forces ; and Monroe was urged to pursue them vigorously, and effect their total dispersion and destruction, before they could receive their anticipated supplies from abroad. Monroe, however, had instructions to the contrary ; and lifter putting sixty men, eighteen women, and two priests to death at Newry^|| he returned to Carrickfergus. From hence his forces made incursions into the neighbouring counties, seizing immense herds of cattle, and transporting them over to Scotland, and acting rather like a body of unprincipled freebooters, than an army in the service of the British Parliament. The Earl of Antrim, who was a Catholic and a royalist, and had acted with great vigour * Loland, vol. iii. p. 173. f Cox-tes's Ormond. X I^c'and. II Lelund, vol. iii., p. '203. History of Ireland. against the Irish "rebels," was treacherously made a prisoner, his castle was seized, and his estates ravaged.* ^ Encouraged by the inactivity of Monroe, the Irish again gathered spirit ; they issued from their retreats, and appeared in the field m considerable force. The Scottish general having refused to aid the loyalist party, it was left to Sir Robert and Sir William Stewart, two Enghsh commanders, to take the field, and make head against the confederate forces. The two armies met, and, after a severe contest, the latter were beaten, with the loss of 500 men and a large number of prisoners. The English generals were, however, unable to improve their victory, though they followed it up by seizing several castles from the enemy, and garrisoning them with English troops. The Irish were reduced to great extremities ; and had the parliamentary forces resolved to act against them with vigour, the war might at once have been terminated. Indeed, on Monroe, shortly after, showing some disposition to take the field and pro- secute the war, the Irish chieftains held a council, and resolved to abandon a cause rendered utterly hopeless by repeated defeats and disappointments, and to fly to foreign countries, from the rage of their victorious enemles.f It was at this juncture that the cele- brated Colonel O'Neill arrived from the Low Countries to their Owen Roe O'Neill was grand-nephew to the famous Hugh O'Neill, one of the greatest men of his race. He had served in the Spanish armies with great reputation ; and was known upon the continent as one of the most gallant and skilful soldiers of his day. He was sagacious, calm, and resolute ; abundant in resources ; patient and persevering \ quick to discern, and diligeiit to improve advantages ; and, above all, cautious and calculating, in a remark- able degree. These great qualities, so admirably adapting him for the position of leader of his countrymen, were all perfected in the school of experience. He also possessed, in an eminent measure, the art of winning men to his side, by his candoui-, generosity, and true gentlemanly demeanour. He was beloved by his friends, and admired and respected even by his enemies. The influence which he possessed over his followers, was extraordinary. He seems as if to have infused into them his own brave and generous soul, and inspired them with his own eminent virtues of humanity and mode- ration. His first act, on assuming the command to which he wa^ called, was eminently characteristic of him. He denounced, in the most decided terms, the cruelties which had been practised by^ his kinsman. Sir Phelim O'Neill, and declared that if such barbarities * The Earl of Antrim ^says Leland), though zealous against the rebels, was a papist and a cavalier ; reasons sufficient for wasting his lands and seizing^^iis person. The latter was effected in a manner not unusual in the earlier and more barbarous times. Monroe, with an appearance of amity and respect, visited the earl at his castle at Dunluce; was hospitably received ; but, at the conclusion of an entertainment, gave the signal to his followers. The earl was made prisoner, his castle seized, and all his bouses committed to the custody of the Scottish forces. — Lelano, yol. ill. p, 176. Lklano. I 94 History of Ireland. were again perpetrated, he would at once return to the contmetit. Such was the man who was now unanimously declared, by the northern Irish, to be the head and leader of the Catholic confederacy. About this time the Earl of Leven arrived in the north, with a large force, which increased the Scottish army there to 10,000 men. The entire force, belonging to the government, in the province of Ulster, now amounted to 20,000 foot and 1,000 horse; so that Leven was able, had he been disposed to make the eifort, St once to crush the raw levies of O'Neill. But he contented himself with addressing a letter to the Irish general, expressing his concern that a tnan of his reputation should have come to Ireland for the main- tenance of so bad a cause. O'Neill replied that he had better reason for coming to the relief of his country than Leven had for entering England in arms against his king'. As if this had been the sole object of Leven's expedition, he retired, and returned to Scot- land, leaving the command to Monroe, — assuring him, on his departure, that if Owen O'Neill succeeded in assembling an armyy he (Monroe) might expect a total overthrow ! The Irish were much encouraged by the retreat of Leven, and proceeded to collect and organize their forces, and, while the royal and parliamentary armies remained cooped up in the towns, suffering the extremities of want and famine, the confederates were enabled to repossess themselves of many places of strength and consequence, and to range, freely and undisputed, the open country at their will. Several vessels also arrived from abroad, laden with arms and ammunition^ and bringing home an immense number of experienced officers and soldiers, who had been discharged the French service by Cardinal Richelieu, and sent into Ireland to the aid of their struggling coun- trymen. The Confederates, vho now held possession of nearly all Ireland,, resolved to organize a civil government ; and in.this excellent work v:;- the Catholic clergy took the lead. Although several Protestant writers have ascribed the insurrection of 1 6*41 to the intriguings of the priests, there is no evidence whaterer in support of the allega- tion. On the contrary, all the authentic documents of the period show, that they were not even privy to the schemes of the original promoters of the movement, and were never admitted to any of their '^meetings. It was only after the barbarous cruelties inflicted by Sir Charles Coote upon their order, and the repeated avoAvals of the agents of the goverment of their determination to extirpate them and their flocks, that they resolved upon throwing themselves heartily into the ranks of the confederates. Indeed, they had no other alternative : they must either resist, or be extirpated : they nmst cither take part wirti the Catholic people, or resign themselves to tlie sword of the exterminator. Belonging also, as they did, to the Irish people, — sympathising with them, — sutleringwith them, — triumphing with them, — the Catholic priesthood were impelled no History of Ireland. 95 less by feelings of affection and sympathy, than of duty and justice, to aid the Irish in their struggle against spiritual and civil despotism. Accordingly, in March, 1642, the Roman CathoKc bishop of Ulster assembled a provincial synod at Kells, and declared the insurrection justifiable on every principle of national law and religion. Contrary "to those slavish principles of passive obedience to tyranny, which had become ingrafted in the public mind, they inculcated that the right of resistance in self-defence, Was not only constitutional and justifiable, but that in certain cases, of which the present was one, 'it was a bounden and imperative Christian duty. A National Synod of the clergy, held at Kilkenny in the subse- quent month of May, confirmed these resolutions, and declared the Irish war to be just and necessary. They ordained the abolition of all distinctions between the native Irish and the old English. They declared that they would defend and uphold the royal authority^ though they would not now obey the king's orders, until they were certified by his own agents of his real intentions, beheving him to be only an unwilling instrument in the hands of his enemies. They denounced neutrality, and prohibited, under pain of severe penalties, all injury or retaliation inflicted on Protestants or others adversary to their cause. They upheld the free exercise of the ^ Cathohc religion, without claiming for themselves any exclusive privilege over others ; and, finally, they ordained that the local government should be carried on by means of provincial assemblies, composed of the laity dnd clergy, while the chief authority should be lodged in a natioi^ council, to which the others should be subordinate. Such were the chief acts of this important Catholic assembly ;— hov/ different, in their spirit from the big^otted, sanguinary, and intole- rant decrees, promulgated by the " Protestant" council at Dublin ! We look in vain, in the resolutions of the Catholic body, for evidences of that persecuting and illiberal spirit which has been so generally ascribed .to them in this country. On the other hand, we see in them the resolutions of men, guided by an eminently charitable and Christian spirit ; and, framed as if in entire forget- fulness of the bitter provocations they had received, and the ignominious insults that had been heaped upon them. The General Assembly of the whole Nation, through means of their representatives, took place at Kilkenny in the following October. They consisted of deputies from the several counties and principal towns of every province in Ireland.-* This constituted the lower house, resembling the Commons house of parliament. There was also another house, analogous to our Upper house, consisting of the Irish temporal peers and prelates. Both, however, sat and deliberated in the same chamber ; the lords having their places of retirement for private consultation, and tlie result of their delibera- tions being regularly communicated to the commons. The proceed- ings of this noble body were of the most orderly and indeed solemn description. They were highly honourable to them, and will bear 96 Hhtovy of Ireland . comparison with those of any other body assembled under similar circumstances. They protested that they did not assume the pov/ers and authorities of a regular parliament, but were merely a general meeting for the regulation of the public alFairs, until the present troubles should be settled. They proposed to accept the common law of England and the statutes of Ireland as their rule of government, so far as they were not contrary to the national religion or the national liberties. They declared their resolution to main- tain the rights and immunities of the national church (the Roman Catholic) agreeably to the great charter. The administration of public justice they assumed to themselves. To each county they allotted a council, consisting of twelve persons, who were to decide all matters cognizable by justices of the peace, pleas of the crown, and suits of debt and personal actions. From these there lay an appeal to the provincial councils, consisting of two deputies out of each county, who were to meet four times a year, and hold courts somewhat like those of judges of assize. From these again there lay an appeal to "The Supreme Council of the Confederate Catholics of Ireland." Tb^is body consisted of twenty-four persons, chosen by the general convention ; and exercised all the functions of the execu- tive government, — such as choosing the Sheriiis nominated by the provincial councils, commanding all military officers and civil magistrates, determining all matters left undecided by the general assembly, directing the conduct of war, and every matter relative to the interest of the confederacy. ^ No fewer than nine members were to compose a council, and of those present, a majority of tvv'o- thirds was required to decide on any measure. For the honour and security of this important body, a guard was assigned, consisting of five hundred foot, and two hundred horse. Soon after this arrangement had been completed, the provincial generals were chosen : Owen Roe O'Neill for Ulster ; Preston for Leinster; Garret Barry for Munster ; and Colonel John Burke for Connaught. Several of the leading men in the rebellion were purposely overlooked ; particularly Sir Phelim O'Neill and Roger Moore. The death of the latter, which occurred shortly after, at Kilkenny, probably was not displeasing to the Confederates. Great success attended the confederate forces in the course of their first campaign : Owen O'Neill defeated Monro in Ulster. Lord Castleliaven, who had been driven into the Catholic ranks by the lords-justices, together witli Lord Muskerry, obtained a victory over Sir Charles Vavasour in JNIunster, and confined Lord Icchive e flying in disorder, without so mucli as discharging their pieces on the enemy. Thus Jones, to his own great surprise, instead ^ot a mere successful sally, found himself the gainer ot a complete v.ctor^^ About six hundred'werc slain ; fifteen hundred privates, and tluce hundred officers, were made prisonei< many ot « hom wore oriiollj butchered, even aiter they had accepted quarter and '-''d^ " ' ';' arms. The artlHcvy, baggage, tents, m.d military "I'^^f^f tlH. ban.ls of the victors. Cromwell was intormed ol tins 'ctoiy ot Katb.nincs, when on board the Jolni, in tlie port ot Bnstol about to set sail for DubUn ; and he speaks ot it, m a letter to JM Major, as " an adonhhhifle mercic so great mid seasonable, as nuU tcl we arc like to them tliat dreamed." History of Ireland. 119 Cromwell set sail with liis army, and reached DuLlin on the 15th of August, 1649. There he rested two weeks, to allow his men to prepare for the labours of the campaign. He then resolved to commence the war by an attack on Tredagh, or Drogheda. Ormond who had suspected that this would be the first point of attack, from its exposed situation, as well as from its great conse- quence in opening a communication with the northern provinces, had strongly fortified it, and committed it to the government of Sir Arthur Aston, a gallant and intrepid Catholic officer. This garrison was increased by 2,000 foot and 800 horse, all picked men, together with many officers of high reputation. A full proportion, also, of provision, ammunition, artillery, and all the muniments of war, was also furnished to the garrison ; and, thus provided, Ormond deemed Drogheda secure from all the attacks of the roundheads. He indulged the hope that the numbers of the enemy would be greatly diminished by their unsuccessful assault, and by the severities of a protracted siege. This, however, Cromwell wag resolved not to undergo. His eager intrepidity disdained all pro- tracted negociations ; besides, he had no time for carrying on a lengthened war, the alFairs of England being yet in a most insecure state. Accordingly, he determined to carry it by a desperate assault. Arrived before the town, Cromwell immediately summoned the governor to surrender, which was refused. Some delay occurred in the arrival of the artillery from Dublin, but no sooner had it come up, than he commenced thundering against the walls, and speedily effected a breach. He now determined to take the place by storm. Twice did his bravest men mount the breach, and twice were they repelled with great slaughter. Cromwell rallied them to a third effort, and himself led the assault. A terrible struggle ensued, but the impetuosity of the besiegers bore down every opposition, and they were at last successful. Colonel Wall being killed at the head of his regiment, his solders threw down their arms, on the promise of quarter ; and Cromwell and his men now rushed into the town. The garrison, however, was not yet subdued. They had thrown up three intrenchments behind the walls, and defended every inch of ground, fighting bravely and desperately at the corner of every street. At last, the town was completely in the hands of the enemy, and all resistance ceased. A dreadful slaughter imme- diately ensued. Cromwell, with an infernal coolness, issued his orders for the massacre of the entire garrison, and they were accordinghr indiscriminately put to the sword. A number of the inhabitantg^soldiers, officers, priests, women, and children — took shelter in the great church of the town, where they imagined they would be safe from the fury of Cromwell's soldiers. But the eacredness of the place did not save them from destruction : they were butchered like the rest. The brave governor Sir Arthur Aston, Sir Edward Verney,£lolonels Warren, Fleming, and Byrne, IQQ History of Ireland. too-ether with all the officers, were put to the sword, though they had been promised mercy when they laid down their arms Ihe horrible slaughter continued for several days: it is said that tor nearly a week the streets of Drogheda ran with blood, ihirty only of the brave defenders of Drogheda survived ; and these, even more luckless than the rest, were shipped off as slaves to the plan- tations in Barbadoes. Lest our statement of the above transaction may appear exagge- ratef we shall give CromwelFs own account of it, m a dispatch written. on the spot, immediately after.the town had been taken. After describing the desperate resistance of the enemy, admitting that "through the advantages of the place, and the courage Grod was pleased to give the defenders, our men were forced to retreat quite out of the breach, not without some considerable loss ; —he adds that his veterans were induced to make a second attempt, "wherein," says he, "God- was pleased to animate them so that they got ground of the enemy, and, by the goodness of God, forced him to quit his intrenchments, and after a very hot dispute, the enemy having both horse and foot, and we foot only withm the walls, the enemy gave ground, and our men became masters Then he adds, having effected a passage for his cavalry into the town "the enemy retreated, diverse into the Mill-Mount, a place very strong and of difficult access, being exceeding high, having a good graft, and strongly pahsadoed ; the governor. Sir Arthur Aston, and diverse considerable officers being there, our men getting up to them, were ordered by me to put them all to the sword ; and indeed, being in the heat of action, I forbade them to spare any that were in arms in the town, and I thinh that nigU they put to the sword about two thousand men. Diverse of the officers and soldiers being fled over the bridge into the other part of the town, where about one hundred of them possessed St. Peter^s church steeple, some the west gate, and others a strong round tower next the gate called St. Sunday,— these being summoned to yield to mercy, retused ; whereupon / ordered the steeple of St. Peter's churci to^ be fred. The next day the other two towers were summoned, in one ot which was about six or seven score, but they refused to yield them- selves ; and we, knowing that hunger must compel tlieni, set only good guards to secure them from running away, tdl their stomaclis were come down. From one of the said towers, notwithstanding their condition, they killed and wounded some of our men : when they submitted, their officers were hwched on the head, and every tenth man of the soldiers killed, and the rest shipped for the Barbadoes ; the soldiers in the other tower were all spared, as to their lives only, and shipped UJceidse for the Barbadoes. 1 believe all the friars were knoch'd on the head promiscuously but two, the one ot which was l^^itlier Peter Taaf, brollier to the Lord Taaf, whom t/ie soldiers too/^: the ne.rt day and made an end of; the other was taken in the round tower, nuder the repute of lientcnant, and wlien he mulersloort that History of Irei the officers m that town had no quarter, he confessed he was a friar, but that did not save himy^ Such was the siege and butchery of Drogheda— the successful issue of which Cromwell, in his - dispatches to the Parliament, ascribes "^0 God alone'''' I characterising it as '''' a marvellous great mercy T It is indeed horrible to find the name of the Most High so often employed by legahsed destroyers, to give a sanction to their works of carnage. The Mahomedan conqueror puts a whole nation to the sword, and straightway he falls on his face and cries, '"''Allah^ il Allah I God is great f The Imperial Catholic tramples down the population of the richest and most fertile countries in the world, and then -goes in procession to the magnificent cathedral, where, amidst the hallelujahs of a thousand choristers, he gives praise to God, as the worker of all this cruelty ! And the avenging Pro- testant, mad with fury and fanaticism, immolates crowds of defence- less beings, and while still reeking with the blood of slaughtered women and children, he turns up his eyes to God, and returns Him thanks for the " marvellous great mercy'''' ! " / wish'''' — thus runs the conclusion of CromwelFs dispatch to the Parlia- ment — " / wish that all honest hearts may give the glory of this to God alone^ to whom the praise of this mercy belongs^'' And the Parliament responded to the call of Cromwell, for it forthwith appointed " A Thanksgiving Day" to be held throughout the nation, to celebrate the triumph of Protestantism amidst the blackened walls and the mangled corpses of the ill-fated inhabitants of Drogheda ! The excuse made by Cromwell for these horrible atrocities, as appears from a subsequent part of the same dispatch, was, that those whom he had put to the sword had been concerned in the massacre of 1641. Whereas the fact was, that the garrison of Drogheda consisted chiefly of English troops ; for Ludlow assures us, that when Cromwell arrived at Dublin, the royalists "put most of their army into their garrisons ; having placed three or four thousand of the best of their men, being mostly English^ in the town of Tredagh, and made Sir Arthur Aston governor thereof." But even if the garrison had been Irish, that was no excuse whatever for the horrible barbarity committed by Cromwell. And though the men had been engaged in the "massacre" of 1641, certainly the women, children and priests were not; yet these, together with the garrison, were indiscriminately and brutally put to death. Another reason, which is the more probable one, is, that Cromwell, who had no time to lose in Ireland, expected by this means to strike terror into the minds of the Irish, and, as it were, paralyse them by the very sound of his name. That this was the real secret of CromwelFs bloody policy, appears from his own confessions. In one of his letters, written after the taking of Drogheda, he sajs, * Forster's Life of Cromwell. Lardnev's Cyclopeedia, vol. i., p. 270-L History of Ireland. " I am persuaded tliat this is a righteous judgment of God upon these barbarous wretches, who have imbrued their hands in so much innocent blood, and that it will tend to prevent the effusion of blood for the future ; which are the satisfactory grounds to such actions as cannot otherwise but w^ork remorse and regret." CromwelFs anticipations proved w^ell-founded, as to the eifects of this policy of terror. His army now marched through the country in a kind of grim and bloody triumph. Castles and tow^ers threw open their gates at his approach. Towns Were delivered up to him without a struggle. Trim and Dundalk at once surrendered ; and directing his course southw-ards, he met wdth not the shadow^ of resistance, until he arrived at Wexford, before wdiich place he sat down on the first of October. Ormond had contrived to throw into the tow^n about 2,000 of the best Catholic troops, so that it did not want for defenders. But such provision was of but little avail against secret treachery. Cromwell first summoned the governor to surrender ; and being refused, he at once opened his batteries upon the town. Scarcely had the firing commenced, when Strafford, the governor, betrayed the castle to the besiegers ; and, admitting a body of CromwelFs men, the town w^as immediately in their hands. Another massacre took place, similar to that at Drogheda; Cromwell ordering that no quarter should be given, and thus glutting the anti-popish passions of his soldiery. No distinction was made betw^een the armed soldier and the defenceless townsman. Women as well as men w^ere ruthlessly put to the sword. Three hundred shrieking women, wdio had gathered round the great cross which stood in the street, in the hope that Christian soldiers would be restrained by this emblem of mercy from taking their lives, were all slaughtered in one mass.* The governor, Sir E. Butler, with some others, attempted to escape by swimming their horses over the Slaney. A few succeeded, but the greater number were drowned, including the brave governor himself. The loss of Cromwell was not more than thirty men ; that of the besieged at least 2,000. The following is CromwelFs own account of the aflair in his dispatch to the Parliament :— ''Upon Thursday the 11th instant, (our batteries being finished the night before), w^e began to play betimes in the morning, and having spent near a hundred shot, the governor's stomach came down, and he sent to me to give leave for four persons intrusted by him to come to me, and offer terms of surrender; Avhich I condescending to, two officers with an alderman of the town and the captain of the castle, brought out the propositions inclosed, which for their abominableness, mani- • " No distinction was made between the armed soldier and the defenceless townsman. Even women were put to the cdirc of the sword. Tlirec hundred of the latter flocked round tlie preat cross which stood in the street, hoping that Christian soldiers would he so far softened by the sight of that cnihleni of mcrcv, as to spare the lives of unresisting wouumi ; hut tlie victors, enraged at such superstition, and regarding it perhaps as a proof that they were Koman Catholics, and there- fore tit objects for military fury, rushed forward and put them all to death."— Forstrk s Life or Cromwkll, vol. i., p. 'J72. History of Ireland. festing also the impudency of the men, I thought fit to present to your view, together with my answer, which indeed had no effect : for whilst I was preparing of it, studying to preserve the town from plunder, that it might be of more use to you and your army, the captain who was one of the commissioners,- being fairly treated, yielded up the castle to us : upon the top of which our men no sooner appeared, but the enemy quitted the walls of the town, which our men perceiving, ran violently upon the town with their ladders, and stormed it. And when they were come into the market-place, the enemy making a stiff resistance, our forces brake them, and then put all to the sword that came in their way. Two hoatfidls of the enemy attempting to escape^ being overprest with numbers^ simjc^ whereby were drowned near three hundred of them. I believe in all there was lost of the enemy not many less than tioo thousand^ and I believe not twenty of yours were killed from first to last of the siege." Towards the close of the same dispatch, he says, "This town is now so in your power, that of the former inhabitants, I believe scarce one iji twenty, can challenge any property in their houses. Most of them have run away, and many of them ivere killed in this service Thus it hath pleased God to give into your hands this other mercy, for which, as for all, we pray God may have all the glory'''' I From Wexford Cromwell passed on to Ross, a town then of considerable importance, situated on the river Barrow, and imme- diately laid siege to it. After three days, the town was surrendered; the garrison obtaining honourable terms, were permitted to retire to Kilkenny with their arms and baggage. In this case, the articles of the treaty were respected.* At the same time that Cromwell laid siege to Ross, he dispatched his son-in-law, Ireton, with a strong party, to invest the fort of Duncannon. Here he met with a stout and successful resistance. The fort was invested only on the land side, and the Earl " jf Castlehaven, one of the Confederate generals, contrived to send into the fort, by means of ferry boats, eighty horses, from the oppose side of the bay. Upon these, some of the best men^ in the garrison were mounted, and at daybreak they made a vigorous sally on the besiegers. Ireton's army, believing that they were attacked by some new forces — for they knew there were no cavalry in the fort— surprised and panicstruck, fled precipitately, leaving a considerable part of their artillery behmd them. On reaching the main body, they found Cromwell engaged in transporting his troops over the Barrow, by means of a bridge of boats,— a proceeding which was both novel and A circumstance, says For&ter, "claims our notice in the terms of this surrender, which proves how thoroughly Cromwell had now entered into rehearsal for the protectorate. He con- sented to give up the town, on condition of heing pennitted to march out with the honours of war and to assure the inhabitants that their private property would be respected. An attempt vva& made to^secure the free exercise of religion, on the usual plea of liberty of conscience. Cromwell replied, 1 medole not with any man's conscience ; but if hy liberty of conscience yau mean a liberty to exercise the rnass, I judge it best to use plain dealing, and to let vou know, where the Parliament of England have power, that will not be allowed off"— Forster's Life, p. 272. ^ 124 History of Ireland. alarming to the Irish forces assembled to oppose him.^ Ormond made preparations to dispute the passage; and his Irish troops, especially the reinforcements which had just been sent him by Owen Roe O'Neill, clamoured for battle. But Ormond, who was inferior to Cromwell in vigilance, in military skill, as well as in numbers, retired without a struggle, and Cromwell pushed on towards the city of Kilkenny. The real friends of Ireland had long before this foreseen that the issue of the present contest depended, in a great measure, on the fate of Owen O'NeilFs army. This noble patriot, it will be remem- bered, had been treated with great indignity by the Catholic confederates, as well as by Ormond, whose first act, on resuming the government of Ireland for the king, had been to declare him a traitor. It may naturally be supposed that O'Neill, whose sole object in taking up arms had been the liberation of his country, feit this mahcious and insulting treatment with great keenness. Yet he did not allow his wounded feelings to interfere, on this occasion, with his duty to his country. When ruin seemed impen- ding overOrmond and the confederate party, he generously interposed and lent his hearty aid to rescue them from destruction. Cromwell, who was aware of the great popularity of O'Neill among the Irish people, and who calculated upon the provocation which he had received from the confederates, in the hopes of drawing over the Irish chief to his party, made him highly advantageous offers ;.but O'Neill, equally superior to motives of resentment and personal interest where the fortunes of his country were at stake, refused to come to tern\s with the English general, and declared that he could do nothing that was prejudicial to the crown of England.* ^ At the same time Ormond, in the desperate state to which the royal cause was reduced, resolved to make overtures of reconciliation with O'Neill. He was now thoroughly sick of the jealousies and distrusts of the confederates, who would neither do any thing them- selves nor allow others to adopt the necessary measui;es for the preservation of their country. Disregarding their implacable hostihty to the Ulster chief, Ormond dispatched a messenger to him with favourable propositions, which O'Neill accepted. Assembling his officers, he described to them the prostrate condition of the Irish people^ and urged the necessity of burying all private feelings and personal considerations, in one common ettbrt for the emancipation of their country. " Gentlem^i," said he, " to demonstrate to the world that I value the service of my King and the interest ot my Nation as I always did, I now forgive the supreme council and my enemies their ill practices and the wrongs they did me. I will now embrace that peace which I formerly rejected out of good intent, t At this time, however, O'Neill was fettered by a treaty which he * O'Connor's History of the Trisli Catholics, p. 70. + O'Noill's Journal, p. 521. History of Ireland. 125 had concluded with Monroe, the Scotch general, in Ulster. But so soon as it had expired, without waiting for a ratification of the terms which Ormond proposed to him, he despatched his lieutenant- general, O'Farreil, to the aid of the Confederates, with a force of about 4,000 men, advising at the same time to avoid an engagement without a certain prospect of success, as " the passes and the season," he added, " would defeat Cromwell without hazard."* O'Neill himself, with the main body of his army, proceeded by slow marches to join the royal forces. But he was fated never to reach his destination ; for he was attacked on the journey by a " defluxion of the knees," supposed to have been occasioned by a pair of poisoned boots prepared for him by one Plunkett, an agent of the confederates. This illness, however, did not prevent him from proceeding on his march : he had himself carried in a litter at the head of his army, which considerably exasperated the malignity of his complaint, and, after lingeriilg for a short time, the mortal disease terminated his life at Clough-Oughter Castle, on the 6th of November, 1649, to the great grief of his men, and amidst the general lamentations of the Irish nation. With O'Neill, indeed, perished the last hope of the Irish cause. There was now no other leader in Ireland fit to contend with the Herculean spirit of Crom- well. O'NeilFs thorough knowledge of the country, — his great popularity among the Irish people, and the readiness with which they furnished him resources of all kinds, — his admirable talents for protracting a war, as well as for discerning and taking advan- tage of an enemy's mistakes, — would have enabled him to contend with Cromwell on more than equal terms, and most probably to overcome him. At a juncture so critical, the loss of O'Neill war. an irreparable one, as the issue soon proved. Owen O'Neill v/as a true hero, in every sense of the word. He was brave, virtuous, generous, and merciful. In a time of gross cruelty, he was humane and compassionate. Though his trade was that of war, his arm was ever found raised on the side of freedom and justice. He never stained his hands with the blood of the innocent and defenceless. At the risk of alienating his kinsmen, on assuming the command of the Ulster forces, he severely censured the excesses of his uncle, Sir Phelim O'Neill, and declared that if such things continued to be enacted, he would at once throw up the command and leave the country. He considered that even all the provocation and insult which the native Irish had suffered, furnished no excuse for the perpetration of cruelty upon their enemies. He preserved inviolate every treaty, he fulfilled every promise. Though he had an army of intractable and often ill-disciplined men under his command, yet he succeeded in all his enterprises, f ^ He kept * Carte's Ormond, vol. ii, p. 83, '+ " His only error," says Dr. Taylor, " was, that he did not treat the council of Kilkenny as C rem well afterwards did the British parliament, by dispersing, at the point of the bayonet, an imbecile assembly whose folly and stubbornness were manifestly accelerating the nun of llie L 126 History of Ireland. his army together for eight years, in an impoverished and devastated country, without any other supphes than those which he derived from his own fertihty in resources. O'NeilFs remains were interred in the abbey of Cavan, and it is to the disgrace^ of his countrymen that no memorial has yet been erected there to mark the place where the ashes of the gallant hero lie buried. The death of O'Neill at this juncture was more keenly felt from the obvious incapacity of Orm.ond to conduct the war. His refusal to attack Cromwell on his passage of the river Barrow, greatly shook the confidence of his soldiers, and only served to increase the general distrust with which he was now regarded. The fortified towns, fearing treachery, refused to admit his soldiers into their garrisons ; consequently many of them were exposed to the assaults of Cromwell's terrible army. After Cromwell had crossed the Barrow, Ormond retreated before him to the city of Kilkenny. Here he was joined by the main 'body of O'Neill's Ulster arm}', in fine condition . So powerful a reinforcement encouraged Ormond to take the field with the design of meeting the enemy. But Crom- well, who had marched to within five miles of Kilkenny, suddenly changed his mind, crossed the Sure with his army, and marched to besiege Waterford. Ormond pushed on after him, and succeeded, with considerable difficulty, in prevailing upon the citizens of Waterford to receive 1,500 of the Ulster troops into the town. He then returned to Carrick-on-Suir, which he had left a part of his army to reduce, but they were compelled to abandon it for want of artillery. Ormond now resolved to concentrate his forces and raise the siege of Waterford. He reached the place, after a tedious march, " through a country filled with terror ; the inhabitants collecting their wretched effects, abandoning their habitations ; peasants, citi- zens, women, children, all flying different ways, to find some shelter from the English army." On reaching Waterford, he found the enemy in considerable terror at his approach ; and from a hill overloeking Cromwell's camp, ho saw the Palriamentary army in full retreat, and in such a state of confusion, that an attack in their rear at that time could scarcely have failed to prove successful. Cromwell's soldiers, also, were so wasted by fatione and sickness at this time that they were ill able to resist the attack of an army so healthy and vigorous as that of Ormond. But again the same indecision and suspicion niarred the cause of the royalists and catholics. In order to attack Cromwell, it was necessary that Ormond's force should pass through the city; but the citizens refusing him aduiission within the gates, until it was too late, the op[)ortunity of attacking the enemy was irretrievably lost. It was counliy. But O'Neill \vas too noMy inimlod to cIToct even a pooil purpose by criminal means, iiiul his virtues even served to injure the cause whirli lio supported, since a reverence for good faith ke|)t him from taking the only measures which wo\ild ensure its succoes." * Lelanp, vol. iii,p. l!5o. History of Ireland, 127 • shortly afterwards discovered that the treacherous Earl of Antnm who was plotting for the government of Ireland in place of Ormond, was at the hottom of this secret hostility of the Waterford citizens. He also forged articles of agreement between Lord Ilichiquin, and Jones, the governor of Dublin, and at the same time he opened a communication with Cromwell, encouraging him to various designs against the royalist party. After Cromwell had raised the siege of Waterford, he found himself with his army in a very dangerous position. His troops were in the midst of a hostile and difficult country ; they were harassed by marches and counter-marches in the depth of winter; they were destitute of quarters, and almost of provisions, and dis- heartened not only by repulses, but by disease and hunger. In a letter to the parliament, craving for help, Cromwell at this time says, " I tell you a considerable part of your army is fitter for an hospital than the field ; if the enemy did not know it, I should have held it impoliticke to have writ this : they know it, yet they know not what to doe." Cromwell also presses parliament for the necessary supplies, of which they had run short, " I desire," said he, "that the charge of England as to this war may be abated as much as may be, and as we know you do desire out of your care to the commonwealth ; but if you expect your worke to be done, (if the marching army be not constantly paid, and the course taken that hath been humbly represented), indeed it will not be for the thrift of England, as far as England is concerned in tJie speedy reduction of Ireland. The money we raise upon the counties main- tains the garrison forces, and hardly that; if the active^ force be not maintained, and all contingencies defrayed, how can you expect but to have a lingering businesse of it V At this time, when all appeared so dark to Cromwell and his army, the sudden revolt of the parliamentary faction throughout the chief towns of Munster, reHeved them from all their difficulties, and afforded them secure quarters for the winter. This was chiefly brought about through the instrumentality of Lord Broghill, fifth son of the Earl of Cork, who had been brought up in the strictest discipline of the English Puritans. At the beginning of the war, he had taken part against the Confederates, and displayed no sm^ll vigour and ability in the field. At the peace of 1646, he withdrew from Irish affairs, being indignant at the legal toleration of Popery, which he detested with all a Puritan's hatred. He continued, however, to correspond with Ormond, and at his instigation, under.- took a journey to Holland, to persuade the king to come over iji person to Ireland. Lord Broghill having occasion to pass through London on his way, Cromwell, then in the metropolis, preparing for his Irish expedition, learned the object of his journey, and surprised his lordship by a visit,— informing him that all his designs were known to the Council of State, that orders were already issued for his arrest and imprisonment, but promising that if his lordship History of Ireland. would join the cause of the Parliament, no disagreealxle oaths would be imposed on him, and that he should immediately be invested with honourable command. Broghill needed but little persuasion : he consented to serve under Cromwell against his old friends, and on his arrival in Ireland raised a strong force among his friends for the aid of the Parliament. He also opened a secret communication with the Protestants in all the southern towns of Munster, and in a short time they were ripe for a general revolt from the royal and confederate authority. It was at the juncture at which Cromwell had now arrived, that the sudden defection took place. Lord Broghill, taking advantage of Lord Inchiquin's absence, marched southwards with only a small detachment of troops, and the strong- garrisons of Youghail, Kinsale, Bandon, and even Cork, threw open their gates" at his approach. Dungarvan also was reduced by Cromwell, after a short resistance ; and thus, at the time of his greatest need, the parliamentary general obtained commodious quarters for his harrassed and diseased forces, without conducting them by a tedious and dangerous march to Dublin. This sudden defection, at so critical a juncture for Cromwell, and when he seemed on the eve of defeat and destruction, completely dissolved the power of the royalist party, and extinguished all remains of confidence between the Catholic and Protestant loyalists, and between the Irish and Anglo-Irish confederates. The towns now shut their gates upon Ormond and his army, and would not allow them to enter, even to save them from assault. Waterford continued exceedingly obstinate ; and Ormond approached the city with his army with the intention of remonstrating with the autho- rities. On his arrival, he found O'Farrel, the Ulster general, flying^ in disorder, from an unsuccessful attempt to recover the fort of Passage, which Cromwell had taken and besieged. He entreated to be allowed to march to the succour of the Irish general ; but the authorities of Waterford peremptorily refused to let him pass through the city to his aid ; and nearly half the detachment sent against the fort was cut off before Ormond and a few of his retainers could hasten by a circuitous rout to their assistance. The citizens also refused Ormond permission to quarter his forces in huts outside the walls of Waterford while he reduced the fort, which he con- sidered of great importance. But he was again refused, and dismissing his soldiers to their winter-quarters, he gave up the campaign in despair. Witli the exception of Kilkenny and Clonmel, most of the garrison towns in the south now refused submission to the royal authority. Leinster was completely in the hands of the Parlia- mentarians ; and all Ulster ackno\vledged their sway, with the exception of the forts of Claremont and Kninskilkni. The prospects KSeoined so gloomy for the royalists, and Ormond found his party so broken up by dissensions and rivalries, that he wrote to the king, entreating permission to retire from the government of his aifairSj History of Ireland. 129 and to resign liis powers into other hands, if he should find himself unable to further the royal cause. Charles, however, refused his consent. And thus did matters stand at the close of the campaign of 1649. CHAPTER XVIII. Cromwell re-opens tlie cahipaign — His renewed successes — Kilkenny taken — Siege of Clonmel — Its desperate defence by Hugh O'Neill — The siege is converted into a blockade — Defeat and death of the Bishop of Boss — Surrender of Clonmel — Cromwell's departure for England — Cromwell's memory among the Irish — His policy — The Anti-popish spirit of his army — Hereditary in our own day — Con- dition of the Royalist party — Their disasters — General distrust of Ormond — Is refused admission into Limerick — Base conduct of Charles in reference to the Irish Catholics — Successes of the Parliamentary generals — Waterford taken — Ormond leaves Ireland — Dilemma of the Catholics — Campaign of 1651— Limerick besieged and taken — Ireton's barbarous treatment of his prisoners — The exe- cutions — Death of Ireton — Ludlow succeeds him— The war prosecuted — Galway taken — Emigration of the Irish soldiers — Conclusion of the war — The retrospect — Dreadful consdition of the people. Cromwell allowed his army to rest only six weeks in their winter quarters. He took the field early in February ; and again his efforts were followed by a success almost without parallel. He bore down every thing before him. Stronghold after stronghold fell into his hands. His first attempt upon Kilkenny, however, was unsuccessful. He was induced to approach that place by the offer of Colonel Tickle to deliver it into his hands. But the plot was discovered in time to display such an appearance of defence, that Cromwell on perceiving it again retired with his force. Tickle himself was put to death. But the fate of Kilkenny was only suspended. For, Cromwell, drawing together all his forces from the towns in which they had been quartered, was soon after enabled to invest it with a considerable army. In the meantime, he had taken Callan and Gowran, after a short resistance. The towns of Cashel and Fethard, including! the castle of Cahir, yielded to him without opposition. The following is CromwelFs own account of this portion of the campaign : — " I marched from Roghill Castle over the Shewer with very much difficulty, and from thence to Fethard, almost in the heart of the county of Tipperary, where was a garrison of the enemy. The town is most pleasantly seated, having a very good wall with round and square bulwarks, after the old manner of fortifications. * * After almost a whole night spent in treaty, the towne was delivered to me the next morning upon terms, which we usually call honourable, which I was the willinger to give, because I had little above SOO foot, and neither ladders nor guns, nor anything else to force them that night. There being about seventeen companies of the Ulster foot in Cashel, above five niiles from thence, they quit it in some disorder, and the sovereigne and the aldermen since sent to me a petition, desiring 130 History of Ireland, that I would protect them, which I have also made a quarter. From thence I marched towards Callen, hearmg that Colonel Reynolds was there with the party before mentioned ; when I came thither I found he had fallen upon the enemy's horse, and routed them, being about 100, with his forlorne, took my Lord of Ossory's capt .-lieutenant, and another lieutenant of horse, prisoners ; and one of those who betrayed our garrison of Eniscorfy, whom we hanged. The enemy had possessed three castles in the town, one of them belonging to one Butler, very considerable ; the other two had about 100 or 120 men, which he attempted, and they refusing conditions seasonably offered, were put all to the sword. Indeed some of our soldiers did attempt very notably in this service, I doe not hear there were 6 men of ours lost. Butlear's castle was delivered upon conditions for all to march away, leaving their arms behinde them ; wherein I have placed a company of foot, and a troop of horse, under the command of my lord Colvil, the place being six miles from Kilkenny. From hence col. Reynolds was sent with his regiment to remove a garrison of the enemies from Knocktofer (being the way of our communication to Rosse), which accordingly he did. We marched back with the rest of the body to Fethard and Cashel, where we *are now quartered, having good plenty both of horse meat and man's meat for a time ; and being indeed, we may say, almost in the heart and bowells of the enemy, ready to attempt what God shall next direct. And blessed he his name only for this good successe ; and for this, that wee doe not finde that our men are at all considerably sicke upon this expedition, though indeed it hath been very blustering weather." The plague was raging in the south of Ireland when Cromwell laid siege to Kilkenny. The garrison had been considerably reduced by its ravages ; and at the time that Cromwell sat down before it, did not amount to more than 450 men. The governor, Sir Edward Butler, nevertheless, made so gallant a defence, that he had almost compelled the besiegers to retreat. A breach was made, and an assault ordered, but it was repelled with great loss to the assailants. The second attack was attended with no better success ; and Cromwell was meditating a retreat, when he received a message from the mayor and citizens inviting him to stay, and they would admit him iiito the town. A third assault was made, and again defeated with great loss ; but the garrison being now much weak- ened, ai]d despairing of any assistance from Lord Castlehaven, at the same time that Ircton came up with great reinforcements to Cromwell, the governor entered into terms with the besiegers, and a capitulation took place. The garrison received the most honourable conditions : they marched out with arms and baggage, Cromwell complimenting the officers and soldiers on their gallant defence of the place, and declaring that but for the treachery of the luvic jiutliorities, he would have raised the siege. From Kilkenny Cromwell marched to invest Clonmel, where he History of Ireland. 181 met with a still more determined resistance. This place was garri- soned by a detachment of the Ulster Irish, about 1,500 strong. They were commanded by a brave officer, Hugh O'Neill, who, in this struggle, proved himself worthy of the illustrious name he bore. Cromwell having sent him a summons to surrender, which was treated with scorn, the cannon was set a-thundering against the w^alls, and, ere long, a practicable breach was eifected. An assault was now ordered, but was resisted with such valour by the besieged, that the English were compelled to retire after a loss of not less than S,000 men.* Another attack was resolved upon, but Cromw^elFs infantry had sulFered so much in the first assault that they refused to advance a second time, and an appeal was made to the cavalry. A volunteer storming party w^as soon formed under the command of Colonel Culin, and preparations were made for a second attack more desperate than the first. Meanwhile the besieged were not idle. Every preparation was made for resistance. The breach was fortified, and rendered as difficult to the assailants as possible ; and v»^ithiu it, at the head of the street, O'Neill erected a new wall which completely commanded the opening through which the besiegers must enter. He algo lined the adjacent houses with his best marksmen. The assautt at length took place, and it was fierce, bloody, and destructive. The men fought hand to hand, and foot to foot, with terrible fury. At length the assailants succeeded in driving the Irish from the breach, and they rushed into the town over the dead bodies of their comrades. But here new obstacles met them for which they were not prepared. The wall raised by O'Neill obstructed their further progress : they w^ere placed in a cul-de-sac, exposed to a heavy fire of musketry from the adjoining houses, and had a bold and determined enemy in front of them. The Colonel of the assailing party was already killed, together with most of the commanding officers. Lieutenant Langley, who was one of the first to volunteer for the service, had his left hand cut off by the blow of a scythe. Most of the men were either killed or wounded. The survivors had no alternative but retreat, and they were again driven through the breach, terribly shorn of their numbers. Cromwell did not venture on a third assault, but converted the siege into a blockade, and determined to accompKsh by famine what he could not accomplish by force. Cromwell was now eager to return to England, where events were taking a new turn, and danger was anticipated from an inva- sion from Scotland headed by the king in person. He, therefore, fretted and fumed at the obstinate defence of Clonmel ; and pressed Lord Broghill and others to hasten to his assistance. O'Neill also, on his part, pressed Ormond and the Catholic lords to come to his aid. But Ormond, anxious and indefatigable though he proved himself, was defeated in all his attempts, by the commissio- ners of trust, who refused to co-operate with him for the rescue of * Leland. 1S2 Histovji of Irelatid. O'Neill and the relief of Clonmel. He prevailed, nevertheless, on Lord Roche, to collect a body of troops in the south, in which he was assisted by the Catholic bishop of Ross. This body, though numerous, w^as ill-disciplined, badly armed and appointed, and therefore unable to take the field against the veteran troops of the parliament. It was therefore no matter of surprise that Lord Broghill, who had been sent against them with a select body of troops, encountered and defeated them with great ease. Lord Roche himself escaped through a morass, with the greater part of his forces ; but the Bishop of Ross was taken prisoner in the engage- ment, and afterwards put to death under circumstances of great atrocity. The folio Aving is the relation of the Protestant historian Leland : — " A man so distinguished in his opposition to the parliamentarians could expect no mercy : Broghill, however, promised to spare his life, on condition that he would use his spiritual a^uthority with the garrison of a fort adjacent to the field of battle, and prevail on them to surrender. For this purpose he was conducted to the fort ; but the gallant captive, unshaken by the fear of death, exhorted the garrison to maintain their post resolutely against the enemies of^eir religion and their country, and instantly resigned himself to execution (he was forthwith hanged). His enemies could discover nothing in his conduct but insolence and obstinacy, for he was a papist and a prelate.""* The siege of Clonmel had now lasted two months, and the garrison of the brave O'Neill, though unsubdued, were reduced to great extremities. Provisions were entirely exhausted, and almost the last charge of powder had been spent. Finding it im- possible to protract the siege any longer, the general withdrew his forces during the night, without being discovered by Cromwell ; and on the following day, the townsmen treated with the besiegers, and surrendered the place on very favourable conditions. Thus endecfc^the siege of Clonmel, one of the best contested struggles during the war. An eminent English commander, who assisted in that action, reported: "We found in Clonmel the stoutest enemy our army had encountered in Ireland ; and it is my opinion, and that of many more, that no storm of so long continuance, and so gallantly contended, hath been seen in these wars, either in England or Ireland." Immediately after the surrender, Cromwell proceeded to Youglial and embarked for England, leaving the prosecution of the war to his son-in-law. General Ireton. Cromwell left behind him a name in Ireland, Avhich is mentioned with horror down even to the present day. " The curse of Crom- well light on you or, may you sufier all that a tyrant like Cromwell would inflict, — is one of the most blighting imprecations which an Irishman can use. The massacres of Wexford and Droghoda are yet green in the memory of the people of Ireland ; and not only is * Lklano, iii., p. 362-3. History of Ireland, 13S Cromwell hated as the author of these horrible atrocities, but, as if these were not enough, he is also denounced as the author of num- berless cruelties and acts of destruction in places that he never so much as visited. In almost all parts of Ireland, traditions are preserved of the atrocity of the "bloody Cromwell," and ruins are pointed out, hundreds of miles distant from the tract of country to which his operations were confined, as the work of this cruel and exterminating destroyer. It would seem as if upon his memory were thrown the infamy of all the crimes which the Royalists, Confederates, and Puritans had committed, even before he dreamed of coming to the country. The atrocities, also, of the parliamen- tarian army, which he left behind him to complete the subjugation of the country, seem all to have been set down to the account of the " bloody Cromwell." " This is partly owing," says Dr. Taylor, " to the artifices of those who wished to persuade the Irish, in a subsequent generation, to take up arms in defence of the House of Stuart ; and still more to the conduct of his soldiers and their descendants, who so long swayed the destinies of Ireland." With all his cruelty, Cromwell, in certain cases, manifested a whimsical concern for the security of the lives and properties of the peaceable inhabitants of the country which he passed through ; though this may have been good poHcy, and more in order to pre- serve strict discipline among his men, than out of regard to the security and well-being of the Irish peasantry. Thus, before he left Dublin with his army for Drogheda, he published two proclama- tions, forbidding his soldiers, on pain of death, to hurt any of the peaceable inhabitants, or to take provisions, or any thing else from them, without paying in ready money. And this order was so ^ strictly executed, that, on the march to Drogheda, Cromwell ordered two of his private soldiers to be put to death, for stealing from an Irishman two hens, which were not worth sixpence ! The policy of this step was soon obvious; for, ere long, upon the repeated assurances made by Cromwell and his officers, of protection and safety, both in life and liberty, civil and religious, " that all the country people flocked to them, with all kinds of provisions ; and due payment being made for the same, his army was much better supphed than even that of the Irish ever had been."* It would appear that the confederates were much less scrupulous in their seizures of the property of the Irish peasantry. The army of Lord Inchiquin was especially reckless ; being composed chiefly of descendants of English settlers, who, though Cathohcs, and fighting on the same side as the native Irish, still detested them quite as much as CromwelFs puritans ever could do. Their leaders were proud of their Norman descent, and had a supreme contempt for the "mere Irish," whom they treated as serfs and outcasts. Hence their hostility to Owen Roe O'Neill and his Irish army, and * Carte's Ormond, vol. ii, p. 90. 134 History of Ireland. their refusal to accept their co-operation until they felt themselves within the iron grip of thfe parliamentary general. Much of the cruelty perpetrated by Cromwell's army was to be traced to the fiercely anti-popish spirit which then prevailed, and which was found embodied in all its intensity in the troops purposely set apart by the Parhament for the invasion of Ireland. Inflamed by the pictures of Popish cruelty set before them by their preachers, filled with the idea that the object of the " Papists" was to extirpate Protestantism in England, and to estabhsh Romanism in its stead, and aggravated by the grossly false accounts published in England of the "alleged Protestant massacre in Ulster,* — the fanatics of CromwelFs army entered Ireland breathing fire and slaughter ao-ainst the people, their leader teUing them that they were to be treated as the Canaanites were by Joshua, their preachers enforcing upon them that the sparing of the Papists was a heinous sin, and urging them to the slaughter, " even as Samuel had hewed AgTig in pieces before the Lord at Gilgal." The first effects of these horrible exhortations were, as we have seen, the indiscriminate slaughters of Drogheda and Wexford ; and the same ruthless and exterminating pohcy continued to be persisted in long after Crom- well had taken his final departure from Ireland. It is to be remarked that the same horror of " Popery ^ has descended down to the present day, and is almost invariably found to be the greatest in those who are the m.ost ignorant of what popery consists. In the same way, episcopacy is hated in Scotland from being the chief persecuting religion known to the people ot that portion of the united kingdom. As the Enghsh " orthodox breathe hatred of " popery," so do Scotch Presbyterians express a horror of " black prelacy,"— religions which, to both these people, are known chiefly by name. Thus, not only do professions of faith, but also hatreds of faith, become traditionary and hereditary Christians misconstrue the leading injunction of their Lord and Master which is to "love one another ;" their acts more generally denoting that they regard each other with an entirely opposite ^^^wf ao-ain return to the progress of events in Ireland, after the departure of Oliver Cromwell. The royalist party still held * The ercat discrepancies in the accounts of the Protestant historians, as to the m""^^;- «f Protestanfs Avho Mcrc destroyed during the insurrection, shew that thou- fo n do entirely o.i fancy. For instance. Clarendon esturiatcs the number at troni 40 000 to mio Sir JolLTanple at 150,000; Milton ^ho scu-ond edU.on ot Ins " 154 000 - there l.eins^ at that time, according to the coniputation ot feir -W illiam 1 cttv n t no e than 200,()()() Protestanls in Ireland. War.ier, a Protestant clergyman and 1^ torian t te " u, m positive evidence collected in two years after the insurrection broke out lia the n nber-U H.unted to 2,10!); on the reports of other Protestants, 1,018 more; and on othci ^ Sl:^i^ -iOO more, making i^ all 4,1)2». In tact, the thing --SS^s^ U fiction- for there is not the slightest mention of it in the dispatches o the ^^^^f "JS^^^ preserved But " the great Irish massacre" suited the purpose of the J>arliament in '-•anjmg on t he wa. tainst the king, by inllaming the minds of the people against the - bloody and ex e - i i^tJ^g l^apists," at w5u Jhead Charles was sunposed to be P J" J-J^ e'xrVProtSa^^ Dr. Warner, "it is easy enough to demonstrate the talschood of the relation ot CNCiy frotestani historian of this rebellion." History of Ireland, 135 possession of a large part of Ireland. The entire province of ConnaiTglit ^acknowledged the king's sway, together with a large part of Munster. Waterford, Galway, and Limerick still remained in their hands — places of great strength and importance, which, if well supplied by sea, might maintain a war against the whole kingdom. They also held the strong forts of Sligo and Duncannon, and the castles of Carlow, Athlone, Nenagh, and Charlemont. The royalists were also supported by the great body of the Irish people, as well as their chiefs and nobles ; and in numerical force far outnumbered their enemies. But, unfortunately, there was neither order, union, nor cooperation, among the royalist parties ; and faction, discord, and ill-management, did for Ireton far more than all his militarj^ force could have accomplished. The first grievous failure of the royalists, after the departure of Cromwell, was in Ulster ; where the Irish, in conjunction with the British royahsts of that province, attempted to recover it from the hands of the parliamentarians. The royalists and the natives, however, fell out among themselves, — the Irish refusing to follow any leaders unless chosen by themselves, and the British fearing that their proposed allies cherished some secret design for their extirpation. The design was thus defeated ; but the Irish never- theless chose for their own general, Mac Mahon, Bishop of Clogher, a man totally imfitted by education and experience for the command of an army, especially when matched with such skilful opponents. Soon after his election, the Bishop, contrary to the advice of his most experienced officers, ventured, with inferior numbers, to attack Sir Charles Coote, who was advantageously posted in the neigh- bourhood of Letterkenny. The result was as might have been expected. The Irish army was defeated with great slaughter, and the Bishop himself was taken prisoner. We need scarcely add that he was shortly after hanged, by the order of Parliament, which made a poiat of never sparing an ecclesiastic taken in arms against them. The victors then proceeded to lay siege to Charlemont, which they took after a short but brave defence ; and now, almost the whole of Ulster was in the hands of the parliamentary army. Ormond, now hemmed in by difficulties, which he had no means of overcoming, endeavoured to throw himself into the city of Lime- rick, as the next place which would probably be attempted by the parliamentary army. But in proposing to the citizens to receive a strong detachment of his army, such was their distrust and hatred of the lord-lieutenant and the troops under his command, that they immediately rejected his proposal ; and not only this, but they even meditated to seize his person. Ormond, who was now sick of the contest, proposed leaving the kingdom ; but the commissioners of trust, who saw the ruin of the Irish cause in this step, prevailed on him to remain, and promised to use thtir utmost endeavours to re-estabhsh his authority. An assembly of the bishops was called together at Loughrea, and they declared that they would do 136 History of Ireland, what they could to root out of men's hearts all jealousy and disaft- ection of the marquis. A deputation of their number was appomted to prevail on the citizens of Limerick to accept a garrison, but altogether without success. They even refased to treat Ormond with the ordinary forms due to his station ; when, mortified at the result, he retired with the bishops to Loughrea. Shortly afterwards, the parliamentary general offered to treat with the citizens, on favom-able terms, — promising them the free exercise of their religion, the enjo^Tnent of their estates, churches, and church hvings, a free trade and commerce, and exemption from a garrison, provided only they would allow him a free passage through the town, with his army, into Clare. The propositions were, however, at once rejected ; and again Ormond felt encouraged to approach, and di'ew his forces to Clare, witliin about twelve miles of Limerick. While here, Ormond received a respectfril deputation fi'om the magistrates of the city, inviting him to visit Limerick, and regulate its garrison. He consented ; but when he had approached the walls, a fi'iar named Wolfe, heading the popidace, seized the keys of the gates, and forcibly opposed his admission. In the midst^ of the tumult, the magazines were broken open, and the corn distributed among the multitude. The obstinacy of Lunerick was imitated by the town ot (ralway, which also refrised to admit any garrison but such as shoidd be commanded bv their own magistrates. The excuse was, the treacherous disposition of Ormond, and the suspicion which gene- rally prevailed, that he was in league with the Protestant rovahsts to betray the Irish a second time into the hands of the parhameii- taiians. These suspicions were increased by the intelligence which now arrived from Scotland, where the young king, Chanes (afterwards kno^^m as " the Second") had arrived, and at once signed the Covenant,— pubhshing a declaration, that he would have no enemies but the enemies of the Covenant; and that he did detest and abhor all popery, superstition, and idolatry, together with prelacy; resolving not to tolerate, much less to allow those, in any part of his dominions, and to endeavour the extirpation thereof to the utmost of his power." At the same time, Charles > -j^iypocritically and basely, but Stuart-like, declared, that all the ^ ^.^loodshcd of the late war was to be chai;g-ed to his fother, who had ^^^/.^nmitted a great sin by marrying into an idolatrous taimly. Charles also (who afterwards proved the greatest libertine in England) promised repentance for his past life, Avhich had been a course of enmity to God^s work, and expressed^a deep his former prcjndices ajrainst the cause of true religion, U itli reference to the peace of 1649, which he had concluded with tlie confederates at the Hao-ne, at the same time expressing his deter- mination to re-aniniate'his Irish adlierents by his presence, he now expressly pronounced it to be null and void; adding, that 'Mie was convinced in his conscience of the sinfulness and unlawfulness ot it, Ilktory of Ireland. 137 and of allowing them (the confederates) the Hberty of the popish rehgion ; from which he did, from his heart, desire to be deeply humbled before the Lord ; and for having sought unto such unlawful help, for the restoring of him to his throne." At the same time, Charles dismissed some of his most faithful Irish adherents from about his person ; among others, Daniel O'Neill, nephew to Owen ^ Roe, who, though a Protestant, was exposed to the peril of an ignominious death, by following the fortunes of his master. As it was, sentence of perpetual banishment was pronounced upon him, to which was attached the penalty of death should he ever after be found in the country. These measures greatly exasperated the native Irish, and led to mcreased jealousy and hatred of the Marquis of Ormond, who was supposed to be accessory to them all. The Cathohc bishops and prelates, in this crisis, assembled at James' Town, to concert mea- sures for the public safety. They sent a deputation to Ormond, to represent to him the general distrust of the people, and to urge that he would resign the royal authority, and deposit it in the hands of persons possessed of puMic confidence. Two days after, they pub- lished a declaration against the lord-lieutenant, filled with severe charges as to his pubhc conduct. At the same time, a sentence of excommunication was pronounced against all who should enlist with, assist, or supply him and his troops, unless under the pressure of inevitable necessity. They then proceeded to levy forces by their own authority, so that Ormond had now a new enemy to contend with, in addition to the Parliamentary armies. But it was impossible for resistance to go on much longer in such a distracted state of affairs. General Ireton, CromwelFs son-in-law, who had been left in command of the parliamentary army, was now enabled to range at will over almost the entire kingdom. Shortly after the surrender of Clonmel, Trecrohan fell into liis hands, together with the great stores of artillery and ammunition that it contained. Naas, Athy, Maryborough, Castledermot, and other strong places, fell into the ^ hands of Huson, the republican general ; the strong fort of Dun- ^ cannon also fell almost without resistance. Carlow was invested by Sir Hardress Waller, and bombarded with his artillery. After a short resistance. Captain Bellew, the governor of the castle, surrendered on favourable terms. The garrison marched out with the honours of war ; but there are grounds for suspicion that its surrender was effected by treachery. " This treachery," says Carte, " was now universal, arising sometimes from the fears of the inhabitants, and sometimes from the corruption, avarice, or cowardice of the garrisons of the towns, and was the cause of the loss of the castle of Catherlogh." The city of Waterford, also, which was commanded by Preston, soon after shared the same fate. The manner in which it was taken was singular. It seems that two brothers, named Croker, (whose 138 History of Ireland. descendants are still found in the neighbonrhood), belonging to the parliamentary army, were sent with thirty musketeers to set fire to a few houses in a suburb. A great smoke was raised, and the Irish, alarmed, fled, leaving some of their ladders on the ramparts. The bold idea suddenly struck one of the Crokers, that " it would be a brave thing, if they should set upon the town and take it." No sooner said than done. Calling their thirty men together, they mounted the wall, and rushing into the town, hallooing and firing as they advanced, their numbers being meanwhile concealed by the smoke of the burning suburb, the inhabitants believing the whole English army to be upon them, abandoned the city to the besiegers. One of the Crokers was killed ; the other opened the gates to the besieging army, and was shortly afterwards invested with the valuable estate of Sir Walter Coppinger, an Irish Catholic whose property was confiscated by the parliament. Ormond resisted the progress of Ireton's army as well as he could, with the few troops that he was able to muster. At last, he prepared for his departure, finding that he could no longer be of service to the royal cause. After transferring his power to the ISIarquis of Clanricarde, he embarked at Galway, in December,^ in a frigate provided for him by the Duke of York, and, accompanied by Lord Inchiquin, Colonel Wogan, and several others, set sail for France, and arrived there after a tempestuous and dangerous voyage. The season was now far advanced, and the campaign almost brought to an end. Ireton, however, advanced to Limerick, with the view of blockading it ; but Lord Castlehaven had thrown rein- forcements into the city, and it was able for the present to bid defiance^ to the enemy. Ireton, therefore, retreated, after seizing most of the strongholds in the neighbourhood, and retired into winter- quarters. The chief part of Ireland was now in the hands of the parliamentary army, though Connaught and a considerable part of JMunster still remained in "the power of the Irish. They had still, therefore, the means of carrying on a formidable warfare ; they had an able Catholic general, and a by no means inconsiderable army at their disposal. But the fixtal spirit of foction still prevailed, an(J poisoned all the sources of the Catholic strength. ^ The bishops and prelates now wished the war to be carried on Avithout regard to the royal authority, but solely in reforence to the main- tenance and defence of their religion. Some were for calHng in the aid of a foreign power, to prevent the utter ruin of the nation,^ and a negociation was actually entered into with the Duke of Lorraine,^to invest him with the dignity and power of ^' Protector Royal" of Ireland :* others were for submitting to the parliament * Towards tlic close of the \vnr, euch were the straits to which the confiHleratcs wci-o rcilucctj, that tlic Marquis of Ohinricnr(k> was imhiccd to receive the sinu of £-^(t,000 from tlic duke 8 ainbassador, upon a mortgage of Galway aiul Limerick ; but, before any further slops coiiid bo (aken, these towns were in Iho hands of the parliamentary army. History of Ireland. ISO on terms ; and others, among whom was Lord Clanricarde, were for maintaining the royal authority at all hazards. At the assembly which was held at Loughrea, after the departure of Ormond, Ireton forwarded to them his proposals for peace, urging the Catholics to abandon their desperate cause, and to treat with the parliament, which would grant much more favourable conditions to the nation than to particular individuals. These proposals were the subject of long and earnest debate. Nicholas French, bishop of Ferns, in a speech, full of pathos, depicted the miseries, weakness, and distrac- tions of the country, and pressed the necessity of coming to an accommodation. His counsel, however, was neglected, and the idea of a treaty with the enemy was soon completely abandoned. Ireton opened the campaign of 1651 with great vigour, and determined to bring the war speedily to an end. After receiving considerable reinforcements from England, he took the field, and resolved to ^ commence with the siege of Limerick. But in order that Limerick might be invested on all sides, it was necessary to penetrate into Connaught ; accordingly Sir Charles Coote was ordered to advance from his position in Ulster towards Sligo. The Ins^i hastened to the relief of this place, but Coote suddenly drawing olt his men, crossed the Curlew mountains, penetrated southwards, and invested Athlone. Before Clanricarde could collect his forces, and march to its relief, this town was taken ; and Coote, pursuing his advantages, wasnowin full march upon Gal way. In themeantime Ireton, having concentrated his forces at Cashel, advanced towards the Shannon, opposite Killaloe, with the intention of crossing it. Castlehaven had posted a strong body of Irish under Colonel Fennel to defend the passage ; but instead of doing so, this officer treacher- ously abandoned the post without firing a shot, and Ireton, having thusobtamed possession of the town and secured a safe and easy com- mumcation with the county of Clare, the English troops crossed the river and burst rapidly into the western province ; when, having made the necessary preparations, the siege of the city of Limerick was commenced in regular form. Hugh O'Neill, the brave defender of the town of Clonmel, was the commander of the garrison of Limerick. He was appointed to tins post by the citizens themselves, who refused to admit within their walls either Lord Castlehaven or the Marquis of Clanricarde, ivho offered to take the command of the city in person. The sieo-e was prosecuted with great vigour by Ireton, and the defence was conducted with equal bravery by the gallant O'Neill. He infused his own spirit mto the garrison and the town's-.people, who emulated each other s deeds of daring and valour. Several salHes were made, in which large numbers of the besiegers were slain. An attempt was niade by Lord Muskerry, one of the Irish leaders, to reheve tne city ,^ and he advanced towards it with a strong party from the county of Kerry. Lord Broghill marched to oppose him, and after 140 History of Ireland. a severe struggle, well maintained on both sides, Muskerry was compelled to retire Avith considerable loss. Six months had now passed in the siege of Limerick, wmter was at hand bnt as yet Ireton had made no impression on the strength of the city. Nor did he seem likely to do so ; for the seventy ot the season, and the plague, which now raged among his army, as well as in the garrison, must soon have obhged him to abandon the enterprise. It was at this juncture that treachery and faction accomplished against O^Neill what Ireton and all his army could not effect. A correspondence had for some time been maintained between the besiegers and a party of the citizens, by means of those Irish who had already compounded with Ireton. A surrender was proposed, and pardon was proffered to all but twenty-iour, including the Bishops of Limerick and Emly, together with most of the leading Roman Cathohc clergy, then within the walls. The bishops protested against being thus barbarously sacrificed, and OiS'eill determined to hold out to the last. The clergy proclaimed seiitence of excommunication against those who proposed to surrender on such terms ; but in the hour of terror their authority was neglected. Fennel, the same traitor who had abandoned the pass at Killaloe, at the head of a riotous mob of soldiers and citizens seized the two forts, called St. John^s Tower and Princess Mill, and turned their cannon on the town. He then sent commissioners to treat with Ireton, and on the S7th of October, a treaty was signed, granting to the inhabitants their hves and property, with the exception, by name, of twenty-four individuals, including the brave governor, O'Neill " who'had opposed and restrained the deluded people trom accepting the conditions so often offered to them." Limerick was then delivered to the Parliamentary general, for the use of the Parliament and the Commonwealth of England. Ireton, on taking possession of the city, immediately proceeded to execute vengeance on the leaders of the Insh, and the opposers of the Enghsh government. The Bishop ot^ Emly,t one of the most active and resolute soldiers of the garrison, was seized and instantly executed. Friar Wolfe, the leader of the populace, when * Nov 29 1651. Tho parliament approved of the articles of Limerick. Thc>v gave the messenger one hundred polls .ho hrJight news of tl,e --end ot a towci, ucai tlic centie iho city. — Boimiir's IIibf.rnia Dominicana. History of Ireland. 141 tliey excluded tlie Marquis of Ormond from the city, was found concealed in the pest-house, and immediately beheaded. General Purcell and many more were executed at the same time. Indeed, of all those who had been excepted from mercy, only O'Dwyer, bishop of Lim^erick, and O'Neill, the governor of the city, were spared. The former escaped in the disguise of a private soldier, when the garrison marched out. The brave O'Neill, whose conduct was calculated to excite the admiration of every soldier, was tried by a court-martial, and condemned to death. O'Neill defended himself by saying that he had taken no part in the original con- spiracy, that he had been invited into Ireland by his countrymen, and had always acted the part of an honourable enemy. Ireton, however, was bent on his execution, and had sentence of death recorded against him ; but some of the officers, more generous than their chief, protested against the sentence, and represented the odium which such an execution would bring upon the English name abroad ; when at last Ireton agreed to take the verdict of a second trial, and the life of O'Neill was spared by a single voice. In addition to the above executions, the traitor Fennel had also his reward ; for he was almost immediately apprehended and tried for several murders he had committed ; and he w^as condemned to death and executed shortly after the surrender of the city. This wretch had even the effrontery to plead his treachery to his own country at Youghall, and more recently at Killaloe, as recom- mendations to the favour of the parliamentary general ; but not all his infamy could save him from the fangs of the executioner. Geoffry Browne also, who had taken an active part in Irish affairs during the period that the Nuncio was in Ireland, and had occa- sionally acted as emissary to the court of Charles in Holland, was apprehended on his return from Brussels, and, like the rest, con- demned and executed.* According to the terms of the treaty, the garrison, having first laid down their arms, were allowed to march out of the city unmolested. The spectacle of their departure was a most awful one. The men exhibited marks of the most dreadful suffering. They were wounded, diseased, famished, and destitute ; yet were they unsubdued. Ludlow, in his Memoirs, says that the troops in marching out of the city, had more the appearance of skeletons * " He pleaded," says Ludlow, " that it was not just to exclude him from mercy, because he had been enaaged m the same cause as we pretended to fight for, the liberty and religion of his coiintry._ The deputy replied, that "Ireland being a conquered country, the English nation might with justice, assert their right and conquest ; that they had been treated by the Lite govenimcnt far beyond their merits, or the rules of reason : notwithstanding which, they had barbarously murdered all the English that fell into their hands, and robbed them of their ooods which they had gained by their industry, and taken away the lands which they had purchased with their money. That, touching the point of religion, there was also a widediifcreiice between us; we only contending to preserve our natural right therein, without imposing our opinions upon other men ; whereas they would not be contented, unless they might have powei' to comi.el all others to submit to their imposition, on pain of death." These men of tolercmt principles it £-eems, thought tins i^ full refutation of the prisoner's plea.— Leland, vol. iii., p''. 390. M History of Ireland. than of men ; some of tliem dropping dead of the plague as they staggered along ; while the bodies of many were left disinterred in the yard of St. Mary^s church, where the soldiers were ordered to deposit their arms. The war was now fast drawing to a close. The Irish armies were scattered and nearly destitute ; and almost the only strong place now remaining in their hands was the town of Gal way. Ireton summoned it to surrender, and while the citizens were meditating about the terms, Ireton caught the plague, and died at Limerick on the 26tli of November. The citizens of Galway imme- diately grew resolute at this event, and refused to surrender. They invited the Marquis of Clanricarde to take the command, promising all obedience to his authority. But Ludlow, who succeeded to the command of the parliamentary forces, on Ireton's death, gave them no time to rest and prepare for the conflict. Early in the spring of 1652, he took the field, and vigorously prosecuted the war. Sir Charles Coote laid siege to Galway, and almost immediately the place was deserted by the governor, Preston, who fled by sea ; when the city was delivered up to the astonished besiegers almost without an eirort. Several other towns, of smaller note, were immediately after reduced without difficulty, and the signs of resistance became more faint from day to day. A few of the Irish leaders, with small" bodies of ill-appointed men, still maintained a kind of guerilla warfare in the woods and wilds ; but these were soon compelled to yield to the parliamentary troops. Sir Pliehm O'Neill, who played such a prominent part at the commencement of the war, again appeared in Ulster, and, in conjunction with the Marquis of Clan- ricarde, captured the forts of Ballyshannon and Donegal, which, however, were soon after retaken. Sir Phelim himself fell into the hands of the enemy, and was shortly after executed. Lord Mayo, in Connaught, and Colonel Bagnal in Munster, were also con- demned to death, for " murdering the Englislu" Commissions were issued in the various provinces, to try the more distinguished of the prisoners who had been made, and of these about 200 were condemned and put to death. Several of the more distinguished of the Irish chiefs, amoug whom were the Marquis of Clanricarde, the Earl of Westmeath, Colonels Fitzpatrick, O'Dwyer, and others, compounded with the government, and were allowed to depart with their troops into the service of foreign powers at peace with England. It is comi)uted that not fewer than 27,000 men* left L-eland in the course of one year (1652), to fill the armies of Europe with complaints of England's cruelty and admiration of their own valour, liy means such as these, all resistance was soon bi-ougbt completely to an end ; so tliat, on the 26th of Se])tember, tlic iOiiiilisli parliament declared that " the rebels in Ireland were * Borlaso's Irish Hobollioii. Dalryniplo, in his Monioirs of Croat Britain, states tlrc entire nnnihcr who emigrated to the continent at this peiiod at 40,000 men. History of Ireland, 148 subdued, and the rebellion appeased and ended and forthwith they set about dividing the land as a spoil among themselves. Let us now pause for a moment, and look back upon the dreary region that we have passed. Ten years of civil war, during which we find leaders and their followers repeatedly changing sides ; at one time in close alliance with each other, at another engaged in deadly strife ; — English Catholics warring against Irish Catholics, whom they denounced as rebels ; Protestants leagued against both, . and persecuting both as recusants and malignants ; — P]:otestant loyalists and Catholic loyalists fighting against Protestant republi- cans ; each denouncing the other as rebels, the one from the king"'s authority, the other from the parliament's; — loyalty at length crushed as rebellion, and rebellion elevated into the place of loyalty and allegiance; — the Irish people first persecuted by the king as recusants, and then by the parliament as royalists; — tribe fighting against tribe, friend against friend, and often brother against brother ; — famine, ^ desolation, and pestilence, contributing with the sword to spread misery, death, and destruction throughout the land ;— such is the dreadful picture which Ireland presents during the ten years of her history that we have just traversed. First, we find Charles plundering the Catholics, cheating them of ^ their " Graces," confiscating their lands, — and thenapplying to them for help against his rebel subjects in England. His demand is com- plied with, and the Irish Catholics send him both money and men, in the hope of finally obtaining justice. But in vain. The Irish Catholics are sacrificed, and next we have Charles denouncing them as rebels, and asking to be led against them in person to put them down.,^ They are finally stung into active rebellion, and now Charles, at war with his parliament, again seeks their aid: they become royalists, and are forthwith put under the ban of the English parlia- ment and government. At one period, we find Ormond, the king's lieutenant, proclaiming the Catholics as rebels ; at another, we find him in active cooperation with them, and himself pronounced a rebel by the legislature. Now, Ormond and the Anglo- Catholics proclaim Owen O'Neill a traitor ; and immediately after, Ormond himself is pronounced a traitor, and treats with the Ulster rebel chief for aid against the government. At one and the same time, we find five distinct armies in the field : the Royalists under Ormond, ^* the Catholic Confederates under Castlehaven, the Irish under O'Neill,;^ the Parliamentarians under Jones,\ and the Scotch Covenanters in Ulster under Monroe. All these Vere to a greater or less extent " rebels" to each other ; for though the two latter forces were under the control and direction of the English parliament, they were con- siderably at variance with each other, and never cordially cooperated for the same common object. The other three armies, the Irish, the Confederates, and the Royalists, had all a connnon interest, yet they never would act cordially together. The Catholics of tlie Pale hated the native Irish, and the Protestant Royalists hated the 144 History of Irelmid. Catholics of all grades and complexions. Hence tlie dissensions, the weaknesses, and tlie constant jealousies of these three divisions of the royalist party. At length, Cromwell appears, and with his strong iron hand he crushes all these warring parties to the dust. Such is a short outline of a period which, for vicissitudes, calamities, transpositions of parties, and dreadful cruelties, stands quite un- equalled in the history of nations. We need scarcely state that during these ten years the great mass of the Irish people were reduced to a state of deplorable suiFering and misery. The country had been so repeatedly ravaged by the contending armies during this ten years' war, that at length men ceased to till the ground and to cast in the seed, from the uncertainty of reaping the fruits, and the probability that they would only be the more exposed to the ravages of the contending parties. The peasantry also, in many parts of the country, especially in Ulster and Munster, were slain while at work — cut down in the half-ploughed field. The sufferings of the poor people, during this- calamitous period, would exceed credibility, if they^were not attested by the actors themselves who perpetrated the horrid cruelties. Wherever an Irishman was encountered, he was killed. The order given out by the Parliamentarians was, " No quarter to he given to the Irish soldiers ^'^ Ludlow himself describes the atrocious devices of his soldiers to smoke the Irish out of the caves in which they had taken refuge. The survivors of these barbarities, destitute of food and habitations, were forced to join one or other of the rival armies careering through the country. The consequence of all this was an awful famine, followed by disease, pestilence, and death. The misery of the people was excru- ciating. Thousands perished of cold and hunger ; many^ threw themselves headlong from precipices, and into lakes and rivers — death being their last refuge from such direful cal amities. f_ The following account, by an eye-witness, conveys but a faint idea of the horrors of this awful period : — "About the year 165?. and 1653, the plague and famine had so swept away whole countries, that a man might travel twenty or thirty miles and not see a living creature, either man, beast, or bird; they* being either all dead, or' had quit those desolate places; our soldiers would tell stories of the place where they saw a snioak ; it was so rare to sec either smoak by day, or fire or candle by night. And when we did meet with two or three poor cabins, none but V(5ry aged men, with women and children, and those, like the prophet, mig]it liave complained, ' AVe are become as a bottle in th(3 smoak, our skin is black like an oven because of the terrible famijie.' — / have seen those miserable creatures pinching stinMnp * This order Whs, for a short time, strictly adhered to ; but Prince Rupert, ou the King's pnrt, luaking retaliation, this most siinguiuary measure was quickly rescinded. -|- O'Connor's History of the Irish Catholics, p. >>7. History of Ireland. 145 carrion out of a ditch., black and rotten., and been credibly in- formed tliat they digged corpses out of the gra'ce to eat ; but tlie most tragical story I ever heard was from an officer commanding a party of horse, who, hunting for tories in a dark night., discovered a light, which they supposed to be a fire, which the tories usually made in those waste countries to dress their provisions and warm them- selves ; but drawing near, they found it a ruined cabin, and besetting it round, some did alight, and peeping at the window, where they saw a great fire of wood, and a company of miserable old women and children sitting round about it, and betwixt them and the fire a dead corpse lay broiling, which, as the fire roasted, they cut oiF collops and eat."* The picture is a horrible one, — enough to make the blood run cold. But it is not one to be lingered over; accordingly we leave it to hasten onwards with our sad and melancholy recital. CHAPTER XIX. Fleetwood made lord-deputy — Subdued state of Ireland — The division of the spOil by the Parliament — Extensive scheme of confiscation — High courts of justice, or " Cromwell's slaughter-houses" — Allocation of land among the soldiers and adventurers — They enter on their estates — Banishment of the Irish to Connaught — Cruel laws — Fearful sufferings of the natives — The scheme fails — The Irish retained as serfs— Atrocities committed upon them — Measures for the extirpation of the Catholic religion — Moral effects of tyranny — The Cromwellian atrocities — Priest-hunting— Henry Cromwell appointed to the Irish government — His able administration — Death of Oliver Cromwell — Renewed dissensions — The Resto- ration — The Union first projected by Cromwell. Fleetwood succeeded to Ireton's wife, and to Ireton's command in Ireland, at one and the same time. Having married that general's widow, who was CromwelFs daughter, and being thus devoted to the interests of his father-in-law, he was appointed lord-deputy of Ireland, and sent ovpr to carry out the plans of the parliament for the final settlement of that country. When Fleetwood landed in Ireland, all signs of resistance had ceased most of the male adults, capable of bearing arms, had been transported to France, Spain, and the West Indies ; an immense number, even of the women, were transported to Virginia, Jamaica, and New England ; and the unfortunate people who remained, bruised in spirit and devoid of all means of resistance, were of course obliged to submit to the terms imposed on them by their conquerors. Ireland never had been so subdued since the period of the Anglo-Norman invasion, in the reign of Henry II. Besides the vast numbers who were banished the- country at this period, multitudes had been destroyed by the sword during the last ten * Colonel Laurence's Interest of Ireland, part ii. p, 86, C7. 146 History of Ireland. years, and many more had been destroyed by famine and pestilence. Seventeen thousand persons died in Dublin alone, in the summer of 1650, * and the average mortality was not by any means so great there as in many other populous tomis and cities throughout the kingdom. The consequence was, that Ireland was now nearly depopulated, and one of the first measures of the parliamentary lord-deputy was to invite over settlers from England, on the most tempting conditions, the consequence of which was that numbers of all sorts and sexes flocked into the kingdom. The parliament, which had now disposed of the Irish people, next proceeded to dispose of their property, and set on foot a system of confiscation and plantation more extensive than any English monarch had yet contemplated. The confiscations of Elizabeth and James were now to be thrown far into the shade, v^^. Ireland was now to be dealt with as a mere " conquered country,"'"' and divided as a booty among the successful soldiery of Cromwell. The English parliament looked upon Ireland as the absolute pro- perty of England, regarding the natives as no more entitled to the land than the beasts of the field or the fowls of the air. They came to the same summary conclusion with regard to Ireland and its inhabitants, that the Puritans of Massachussets did about the same time, on the other side of the Atlantic, on taking possession of the hunting-grounds of the Indians. Their argument was as follows : — " The Earth is the Lord's, and the frilness thereof: ice are the Lord's : therefore the Earth is ours."" And so the heathen natives were, like the Catholic Irish, forcibly dispossessed, and their lands divided among " the Lord's people." The proposal was even made by some of the more fanatical of the party to extirpate the Irish as some of the idolatrous tribes had been by the chikh-en of Israel in the time of Moses ; but this counsel was over ruled ; and the first clause of the new ordinance for the settlement of Ireland actually declared, as if it were necessary to convince the public on this point, that it was not the intention of the English parliament to extirpate the Irish nation ! The first act passed by the parliament was for the confiscation of all the lands of the " rebels."" The following is a brief summary of its provisions : — that all who had been engaged in the rebellion of 1641, or had contrived, aided, or in any way abetted it, or had slain any person in arms for the English, or were now in arms and refused to lay them down and submit to the authority of the parlia- ment, were excepted from pardon of life and estate , that all who had borne command in the war against the English parliament, were to be banished, two-thirds of tlicir estates to be forfeited, and the value of the remaining tbird assigned to their wives and chil- dren at the pleasure of the pa) liament ; that all persons of tlio Popish religion who had been resident in Ireland from 1641 to 1650, * Boilasc's History of the Irish Rebellion. History of Ireland. 147 and had not manifested their constant good affection to the Com mon wealth of England, were to forfeit one-third of their estates, and be assigned the value of the other two-thirds according to the pleasm^e of the parliament ; that all persons who had resided in Ireland during the above period, who had not been in arms for the parliament, or shown their good affection to it, were to forfeit one- fifth of their estates ; among those expressly exempted from pardon for life and estate, were the Marquis of Ormond, Lord Inchiquin, the Earl of Roscommon, and Bramhal, the Protestant Bishop of Derry. A new kind of tribunal was now erected, under the name of the High Courts of Justice, for the trial of those chargeable under the above act. These courts, v/hich were held in different parts of the kingdom, were of the most arbitrary constitution and character; being, in fact, mere courts-martial, in which the parliamentary officers sat as both judges and jurors. The courts decided entirely according to their prejudices. Law and justice were alike dis- regarded by them; and it was enough that a man was ''a papist,"" to secure his instant condemnation. Such were the cruel and ini- quitous sentences passed in these courts that they were generally knov/n as Cromtvelfs slaughter kozises ; " for no articles were plead- able in them ; and against a charge of things said to be done in them twelve years before, little or no defence could be made : and that the cry was made of blood, aggravated with expressions of so much horror, and the no less daunting aspect of the courts, quite confounded the amazed prisoners, so that they came like sheep to the slaughter.*" The next act passed by the • parliament had for its object the satisfaction of the claims of the parliamentary soldiers, and the partition among them of the Irish estates. An act had been passed at the commencement of the civil war (17 Charles I.) com- monly known as the Adventurers' Act, which provided that those who adventured money in the service of the parliament should be repaid in the lands of those who were in arms against their authority. The partition accordingly now took place ; and two millions and a half of acres were at once assigned in the fol- lowing proportions : — each adventurer of £^00 was to have allotted to him 1000 acres in Ulster ; of ^^^800, 1000 acres in Connaught ; of i?450, 1000 acres in Munster ; and of ^600, 1000 acres in Leinster. Those who held lands in Ulster to pay a yearly quit-rent to the crown of one penny per acre ; in Con- naught, three-half-pence per acre; in Munster, two-pence farthing per acre ; and in Leinster, threepence per acre. Various manorial powers and privileges were also attached to the possession of these splendid allotments. Preparations were then made for carrying this arrangement into * Borlase's History of the Irish Rebellion. us Historij of Irdand. effect, and four Commissioners were appointed by the parliament, to act in conjunction with the Lord-deputv, in carf3-ing the law into execution. A council of war was held in Dublin, of all the chief commanders for the parliament, at which Lord Broghill pro- posed " that the whole kingdom should be sm-veyed, and the number of acres taken, and the quality of them ; and then, that all the soldiers should bring in their demands of arrears ; and so, give every man, by lot, as many acres as should answer the value of his demand." This was agreed to, and a survey and valuation of all Ireland was accordingly made. The best land was valued at only four shillings an acre, and some of it at only a penny.* As much as 605,670 acres were returned a-s unprofitable: the distinc- tion was merely arbitrary, for some of these lands returned as unprofitable, were in reality among the best in the kingdom. But by this means, they were obtained gratis, and of comse the soldiers and adventurers of money did not find fault with the arrangement. The division then took place, the soldiers drawing lots in what part of the kingdom their portions should be assigned them.-f- Many immediately took possession of their lots ; others re-sold them to the original proprietors for a trifling recompense ; while others parted with them to their ofiicers, vrho entered on their possession. ^ -A 'f^- ' It is astonishing with what ease and quiet the national property changed its o^-ners. The original proprietors of nearly three-fourths of Ireland were plundered of the possessions which had belonged to their families for centuries, and without ceremony taken possession of by adventurers and soldiers from England. The act was im- questionably one of atrocious spoliation, of unprincipled plunder, of barefaced robbery : strange that it should have been recognized as laii-fid, not only by the government of Cromwell, but by suc- ceeding governments of the most opposite character ! But, to do them justice, these soldiers and adventurers showed that they valued their possessions much more highly than their Anglo-Irish predecessors had done. They clung to them with extreme tenacity, and were on all occasions found ready to defend them with resolute firmness; whereas the Catholic aristocracy, most of ^^hom they • Lord Antrim's estate, condsting of 107,611 acres, was allotted to Sir John Clotworthy (afterwards Lord Massareiic) and a few otlu-i-s, in consideration of their adventures and pay, which did not in all exceed the sum of i.'7,0U0.— Carte's Ormond, vol. II., p. -78. •f- Foifeit lands were assigned to satisfy the arrears dnc to the English army; hnt this satis- faction was confined to those who had served from the arrival of Croiinvell, in the year 104',]. The distresses of those wlio had horne arms hefore this period were nmeh more lamentahle; but thov were infected by a mixture of the ungodly and malignant, and no provision could now bo obtained for them, except a small portion of hinds in Wicklow, and the adjacent counties, not suttieient to discharge a fourth part of their arrc;irs. — Lf.land, vol. 111., p. 3.%. + The writer has frcqiiently seen the muster rolls of the troops that have assigned their grants to their cai)tain9, gratuitously, or for a trifling recompense. Tnidilion, in many instances, records, that the oiruers mairied the heiresses of the estates whi. h they had been granted. And this is not ininr(diahle ; for so manv of the nobility and gentry h.id either fallen in tlie war, or gone iiili) exile, that the riulit of inheritance must, in countless instances, have vested in females.— Taylor's Civil Wars of helaiid, vol. 11., p. CI. History of Ireland. 149 permanently superseded, resigned tlieir country with extraordinary equanimity, and sought a refuge with their followers in foreign countries. The new proprietors immediately set about im- proving their possessions. In less than two years after Lord Clanricarde left Ireland,"' says Clarendon, in his Autobiography, " the new government seemed to be perfectly established ; -insomuch that there were many buildings erected for ornament as well as use ; orderly and regular plantations of trees, fences, and enclosures, raised throughout the kingdom ; purchases made from one to the other at very valuable rates ; and jointures settled upon marriages ; and all the conveyances and settlements executed, as in a kingdom at peace within itself, and where no doubt could be made of the vahdity of titles."* One of the most notable and monstrous parts of the scheme of the Commissioners ^^as, the banishment and strict confinement of all the Irish who liad forfeited one-third or two-thirds of their estates, together with all who survived of the Irish labouring classes, to the most barjen, desolate, and mountainous regions of the pro- vince of Connaught. This part of the country had been almost depopulated by massacres and the plague together ; it was com- paratively an isolated district, being separated from the rest of Ireland by the broad and magnificent river Shannon, and on the other side being surrounded by the sea. Along the shore, and not reaching above four miles inwards, allotments of land were made to CromwelPs soldiers, after the same manner as in the other parts of the kingdom, the object being thus to cut olF the Irish from communication with the sea, as the Shannon and the castles held by CromwelFs army cut them off from communication with the rest of Ireland. Within this barren and desolate region the remnant of the Irish people were now to be driven and cooped up. The native inhabitants, of all ages and sexes, the young, the aged, and the infirm, were ordered to repair thither, by the first day of March, ] 654, imder the penalty of death ; and " all who after that time should be found in any other part of the kingdom, man, woman, or child, might be killed by any body who saw or met them.f Commissioners were appointed to 'superintend this wholesale trans- portation of the Irish people beyond the Shannon ; one court sat at Athlone, to determine the quaHfications of Papist proprietors to their new lands ; and, upon their decrees, another court sat at Loughrea, to arrange their transplantation. + Before entering on their new possessions, the Catholics were required to give releases ^ of all their former rights and titles to the land which was taken * Life of Clarendon, vol. ii. p. 117-18. f Curry's Historical Review, p. 389. X Father Walsh, who was thoroughly acquainted with the affairs of these transplahted gen- tlemen, asserts, that he knew some of those who had not ten pounds per annum assigned tliem m Connaught, whose proper estates at home, in their own countries, whence they had been removed were worth a thousand a year. Others were transplanted, that got nothing at all, — CuRBY S Historical Review, p. 390. 150 History of Ireland. from tliem, and tlius debar themselves and their heirs, for ever, from laying claim to their inheritance. ^ ^ This'barbarous and merciless scheme was for some time vigorously carried into effect. The people, without leaders, undisciplined, and spirit-broken, were compelled to submit to the hardest terms of their conquerors, they were hunted off their possessions^ from their homes and their hearths, and banished into the wilds ot Clare -nd ConnauMit. For a long time destitute of food and habitations, they there endured privations such as have rarely or never been irflicted on any other people. Thousands perished of cold and hunoer and many voluntarily rushed upon death to rid themselves of their fearful sufferings. Their chiefs also, were obliged to submit to the cruel terms of the parliament : they signed such conveyances and releases as were prepared for them, and were then settled upon the Dossessions of which their own countrymen had been plundered in order to make room for them, to suit the schemes of their coni- mon enemies. And thus was the plantation of Connaught effected, and the Irish proprietors* banished beyond the Shannon,— the rest of Ireland, which was by far the most rich and fruitful, being almost exclusively abandoned to the English soldiers and adventurers. But, however desirable it might be as regarded the security ot the new settlers, thus to transport the native Irish to the wilds ot Connauo-ht, it was soon found a most unprofitable policy as regarded the cultivation of the estates which had newly come into the pos- session of the victors. They soon found their land to be utterly useless without labour ; and' as yet the English labourers who had settled in Ireland were comparatively few. J ust as migar planters in our own day have pleaded that their estates would be valueless without slaves, so did Cromwell's soldiers plead that their estates would be valueless without Irish. They were still needed, _ there- fore, to cultivate the farms of their conquerors— to minister to their wants— to toil and sweat for them— and to die for them, when such a sacrifice was found wanting to their caprice. 1 He proiect, therefore, of shutting up the miserable remnant ot Irish who yet survived, in the wilds of Connaught, was soon abandoned ; and the more wretched doom was reserved for them, of pertormmg the office of bondsman and serfs for their task masters. And never were slaves more cruelly treated than these poor Irish bonds- men were. Regarded by their owners as an inferior race ot beings, speaking another language, and professing a religion which their ovc or four cou,aic9 of Co„n-auoht ami Tho.nond, pilch in n.i. place, or .x ^''^'^'^'^^f^ "^-''^^ ^^^^^^^ akc any lauds willm, two uuics of the Shauuon, four of tho sea, and fou ^'f > ' ^^^^^^^ city ^viLl^n U.oir precincts : they .nust not enter this town, or any other e o, S-^ VflTu' phvco,^vithoutp^rticuhu• orders; at tlieir peril, even of being taken by the iluoat.-.-M alsh . KcrLY TO A Tekson or Quality, p. U5. History of Ireland. 151 souk hated, there was not the slightest sympathy between the two classes, and no interchange of feeling save that of bitter contempt on the one hand and of dark revenge on the other. The possession of the conquered lands of the Irish proved indeed no peacefnl tenure. The cmel slaughter by means of which their possessors had obtained them, often returned to their own hearths in the shape of stern murder and midnight incendiarism. Vengeance was indeed the only inheritance of those whom successful crime had deprived of both heritage and home. The instances of cruelty committed on the Irish natives, as recorded by the Puritan writers themselves, are almost beyond belief. Wherever found lurking or hiding, they were killed on the spot. Sometimes thej^ took refuge in caves of the earth, and if discovered by the soldiers, they were smoked out and slaughtered.* The name of Irishman and rebel was held to be synonimous. But it was deemed worst and most unpardonable of all to be a Papist ; then, woe to the unfortunate, who was at once knocked on the head as a wretch unworthy to live ! The peasantry were strictly prohibited from attending mass, the celebration of which was a capital offence. They vv^ere strictly forbidden to leave their respective districts, under pain of death, without trial or any form of law. It was a capital offence for any four of them to meet together ; and to have arms of any kind was high treason. To harbour, conceal, or have intercourse with priests, — or to meet them on the highways, or be acquainted with their lurking-places, without informing a magis- trate, — were punishable with forfeiture of goods and chattels, imprisonment and whipping.. When any robbery was committed on the masters, the dfects of the unfortunate peasantry were chargeable with treble the amount, no matter by whom the robbery had been perpetrated.f By means such as these, existence was rendered so intolerable to the poor Irish, that death was often welcomed as a mercy. Life had no charms for them ; and they became quite indifferent to its possession. Hence, on one occasion, _ Ludlow, in his Memoirs, tells us that on one occasion he found some poor people retired withm a hollow rock, "which (he says) was so thick, that he thought it impossil)lc to digit down upon them, and tiierefore resolved to reduce them by smoke. After some of his men had spent most part of the day in endeavouring to smother those within hy fire placed at the mouth of the cave, they withdrew the fire; and the next morning, supposing the Irish to be incapable of resistance by the smoke, some of them crawled into the rock; but one of the Irish, with a pisto], shot the first of his men, by which he found the smoke had not taken the desired effect ^ because, though a great smoke went into the cavity of the rock, yet it cams out again at other crevices; upon which he ordered those places to be closely stopped, and another smoke to be made ; and the fire was continued till about midnight, and then taken away, that the place might be cool enough for his men to enter next morning: at which time tliey went in armed with back, breast, and head-piece, found the man who had fired the pistol, dead, and put about fifteen to tlic sword ; but brougbt out four or five alive, with priests' i^jbcs, a crucifix, cbalicc, and other lurmture ol that kind (but no arms)." Such, says Dr. Curry, were the kind of enemies whose lives these gallant regicides were incessantly hunting after. A score of despoiled people, lurking m caverns from the fury of their pursuers, and furnished with but one pistol to guard the entrance of their hidmg-place. , ^ ^ . + .^^'^ ^ ?iore parlicuiar account of these infamous acts, see Clarknook's Rebellion, 152 History of Ireland. Ludlow mentions, that "'being on liis march, an advanced party found two of the rebels ; one of whom, says he, was killed by the guard before I came up : the other was saved, and being brought before me, I asked him, Hf he had d mind to be hanged T And he only answered, 'if you please.'' So insensibly stupid, adds he, were many of these poor creatures."* The measures adopted by the Puritan government to extirpate the CathoKc religion, were of the most atrocious kind. One of the first acts of the Commissioners was to pubhsh a proclamation, ordering the act of the 2Tth of Elizabeth, to be most strictly put in execution. By that act, " every Romish priest, so found, was deemed guilty of rebeUion, and sentenced to be hanged until he was half-dead : then to have his head taken oiF, and his body cut in quarters ; his bow^els to be drawn out and burnt ; and his head fixed upon a pole in some pubhc place.'' By the same act, those who entertained a priest were to be punished by the confiscation of their goods and chattels, and the ignominious death of the gallows. Shortly after this edict was renewed, it was made a capital crime for any one even to know where a priest was hid and not inform the government. Even the private exercise of the Roman Catholic ^ religion was made a capital crime ; and an oath of a^bjuration of popery was required to be taken by all the inhabitants, under penalty of forfeiture of two-thirds of their goods and chattels^in case of refusal. By an ordinance of parliament, passed in 1657, it was also ordered that all Catholic children attaining the age of twelve years, v/ere to be educated in England, in the principles of the Protestant religion.* • The most barbarous atrocities followed the promulgation of these orders by the government. Irresponsible authority — the liberty to act the tyrant — has never yet been placed within the reach of any class of men, that it has not been atrociously abused. Uncontrolled power steels the heart, and hardens the nature. It blunts the finex feelings and sensibilities, and withers up that quality of mercy" which is one of the most beautiful attributes of our being. ^ It gives the rein to lust, to rage, to cruelty, to passion, to horrid bigotry and prejudice. The example becomes contagious, . and multitudes are infected with the same mad and unreasoning impulses. _ Charity, mercy, kindness, and all the virtues, are swept ^ away in the tor- rent, and there only remains a wide waste of ruin and appalling desolation. What a horrible scene now presents itself in the his- tory of Ireland ! The religion of the people sentenced to extirpa- tioii ; its teachers banished or doomed to execution wherever met with ; its votaries ])nnished with fine, and c(nifiscation, and death. Wwi tyranny, which is no less a curse to the tyrant than to his • Ludlow was niialiilcen ; tlicrc was no slupiaity here. Both the history and character of the Irisl) - tlicir familiarity with the plurima mortis imago'' anil then- careless conlenipt for it— were all expressed in the answer of this " rebel". —Mkmoihs of C\rTAiN Hock, p. M. + For a detail of these several acts, see Clarendons Uisloiy oHho CIrcat Rebellion, p. 70G.0. V History of Ireland. 153 victim, kept the new conquerors of Ireland in a state of constant fear. They now lived in the midst of terror and alarm. Their own deeds of vengeance returned upon themselves. Their homes knew no peace, and their hearths no security. Theirs was the repose of the murderer who hears in every approaching footstep the sound of the officers of justice coming to arrest him. Their Vvdckedness and cruelty thus proved their own avengers. And the truth of this maxim will in almost all such cases be found strictly correct, that when human policy fastens one end of its chain to the ancle of the slave, divine justice always winds its other end round the neck of the tyrant. The Cromwellians threw themselves into the work of persecution with a fiendish enthusiasm. Catholic priests, whenever and wherever found, were hanged without mercy. The exhibitions of such atrocities about this period were almost of daily occurrence : to use the words of Morrison, a contemporary writer and eye witness of the events, " neither the Israelites were more cruelly persecuted by Pharaoh, nor the innocent infants by Herod, nor the Christians ^by Nero, or any other of the Pagan tyrants, than were the Roman Catholics of Ireland, at that fatal juncture, by these savage Commissioners." Meanwhile the Catholic clergy, on whom sen- tence of banishment from the country had been pronounced, with the penalty of death if they remained, — continued, in spite of the dangers which they ran, to administer the consolations of religion to their miserable flocks. They betook themselves to the wild fastnesses of the mountains, and to the deserted bogs and wastes of the land, or, they hid themselves in dens and caves, from Avhich they issued by night, or whenever the vigilance of their enemies had abated,- to comfort their beloved congregations in their afflic- tions, to encourage them in their trials, and to proclaim to them, notwithstanding their persecution, ' good tidings of great joy\ The Cromwellians, enraged to learn that the " abominations of Popery" were still practised in the land, set on foot the most hideous means to trace the priests to their hiding places and put them to death. Blood-hounds, the very last device of human cruelty, vf ere employed to track these devoted men to their haunts ; and the sport of " priest-hunting" soon became a favourite with the zealous Protestants of Ireland.* A reward of five pounds was also offered for the head of every priest, -f- the same sum being given for the head of every wolf ; for at this period, Ireland was * During the latter part of the seventeenth, and the early part of the eighteenth century, priest-hunting was a favourite field sport in Ireland. — Dr. Taylor's TJivil Wars of Ireland, vol ^ II,, p. 62. -f- The Athenians, we are told, encouraged the destruction of wolves by a similar reward, (five drachmas) ; but it does not appear that these heathens bought up the heads of priests at the same rate — such zeal in the cause of religion being reserved for times of Christianity and Protestantism.— Moore's Memoirs of Captain Rock, p. 99. Hutory of Ireland. overrun with wolves, the effects of a reduced population, and of war, famine, and the plfg^e- „ , ^ ^j^;, of these atrocities, We willingly turn from '-^nj ™ *XnS the Protectorate ; to notice the prog.^ss of elan^^ ^^^^ and now we come to a brief ghmje ot s^^nsii ^ Cromwell had to be met with in the History of he andL^ W assumed the supreme power, the Insli^aim^^^^^ secured large most strenuous ot "«/7P^>'?\V^i^^^^^ masses of property ^jt'^^'l^*^^^^ of his poweras their leader, and they looked tothe fimestaw;^^ I ^ essential to the securi v of their new possessions ^^^^ few more of the '"'^f*!--? P^.^^^,^^^^^^^^^ no avail, for they ' weirs usurpation ; but then '^^^^P^.^y Cromwell appointed were entirely unsupported. ^Wtly attei m Fleetwood, his son Henry, to the g«;«— afe sSai"y enough agreed that who was dismissed. .^1^ P^^L^'^^^/^^^^ftas^one of the^^est that this administration of Hen^ ,^^1^ Ireland had ever known, ^e immecliateij c ^ , of the commissioners ; '^rt^.^lUT deplored%he abuses which prevailed in comts ot law. ^ountrjnnen, universal desolation arising from ^^jj^^ towns unde- who had scarcely left ^«"]gl^'^"" fr*J*^*„tiorand endeavoured molished.t He abated tto i^ouro^^^^^^ to secm-e the ^ftections of the J^eoplc dj^ ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ Impressed with a sense of he 'i~,^out abi^>st its whole which he surveyed with his own XT/Sfor developing its great extent, he demised numerous beneficial pl»s ^ opportunity of resources, but which, unfortunately, ^^^^^ " ; ^^,,4^ among his completing. He took learnmg under pecu^ ca ^^^^ .^^^^ other munificent acts, he purchased ^^ 't his o« ^ ^ library of Bishop Usher which he pi^^^^^^ endeavoui-ed Dublin. Uninfected with the bigotiy ot the time., to subdue the zealotry of Ins ««Wieiy,J^^d to ^« y;,, ^ ^ exercise of religion to some '^egvoe of decency n ^^^^^^^^^-^ authority so firmly in the hearts « J'^Lt wU a petition kindness, and just and bumane govcumun^^ tl a ^^ ^^ I was forwarded to Cromwell, by the oWc;^^^ immediately against his admin stration, «7 "".Xabilauts of every county in transmitted from the army '"i'^*;'^'; "''fX^n- to the protector Ireland, expressing their ''''^'^ "i i^ endeavoured to against dl those ^.-^-^^y' " i to" y mid disinterestedness," re-cinbroil the pnblic.| '"^J ^ J . , j,, i.jy admims- says Dr. Curry, "he gave '^w'/ ' tp.tedenled, as that tratioM ; but none so signal, m uulcc^l so n ^^^^^^ ^^^^^ whi.'li api)cared at the conclusion of it. 1 oi upon History of Ireland. 155 Ireland, although he had held the government of that kingdom four years, he was not master of money enough, after all, to carry him back to England ; and was, therefore, under the necessity to crave some from thence for that purpose."* At the very time when Ireland was beginning to settle down into peace and comparative prosperity under the able sway of Henry Cromwell, his father died, and again the country became the scene of turmoil and confusion. Richard Cromwell, who suc- ceeded to the Protectorate, proved altogether unable to hold in command the stormy elements which his father had controlled with so much ease ; and it was soon evident that the government was slipping through his fingers. The army became divided ^against itself ; the parliament plotted against the protector, the presbyte- rians against the independents, and the whole frame of society threatened to become rent asunder. In the meantime, the parlia- mentary leaders in Ireland, foreseeing the speedy return of the Stuarts* to power, made haste to offer their services to Charles, now in exile. Sir Charles Coote, who had hitherto been one of the most vehement opponents of the royal authority, took the lead in this negociation. He was also joined by Lord Broghill, Sir Audley Marvin, Sir John Clotworthy, and others, all notorious for their hostility to the king in the course of the wars of the rebellion. Means were taken by the parliament, who were now also coquetting with Charles, to remove Henry Cromwell from the government of Ireland. They feared his popularity, and his power in the country; and imagined that he would endeavour to maintain his authority by force. Sir Hardress W aller was employed to seize the Castle of Dublin, which he did without the least resistance, Henry Cromwell quietly retiring to a house in the Phoenix Park. ^^V' After a series of plottings and schemings, the royalists openly shewed themselves, and made a vigorous attack on the parliamen- tary government. A party of them, under Lord Montgomery and others, seized the castle of Dublin, making prisoners of one of the Commissioners and two of his colleagues. Sir Charles Coote seized the town and fort of Galway, declaring for a free parliament, which, however, meant the restoral of the royal power. Collect- ing a considerable army, he next surprised Athlone ; then marched to Dublin, and impeached Ludlow and the Commissioners, of high treason. The royalists in other places seized Youghal, Clonmel, Carlow, Limerick, and Drogheda ; so that within a week the strong-est places in Ireland had revolted to the side of the king. A council of officers now assumed the government of Ireland, and set the English Council of State at defiance. They beseiged ,Sir Hardress Waller, who had again seized Dublin Castle, and after five days' resistance, took him prisoner and sent him to England. Loyalty now became the rage ; the body of the nation caught See C'un'y's Review, p. 400 ; Warner's Irisli Rebellion, &c. 156 History of Ireland. tlie flame, and emulation gradually increased among the leaders as to who should now, after so many years of disloyalty and rebel- lion, prove the most loyal and devoted subject. After a discussion in a convention and council of officers, held in Dublin, as to whether they should stipulate for a confirmation of the estates to the adven- turers and soldiers, 6t submit all their interests implicitly to the king, the latter resolution was almost unanimously adopted. The king's declaration at Breda was now presented to the convention, and received with great demonstrations of joy. A present of twenty thousand pounds was voted to his Majesty, four thousand to the Duke of York, and two thousand to the Duke of Glouces- ter. Charles was also proclaimed in all the chief towns in Ireland ; and an urgent invitation was sent to him to come to Ireland. But the revolution which was now taking place in England through the agency of General Monk, rendered this step unnecessary, enabled him, shortly after, to regain possession of the British throne ; and on the 29th of May, Charles was publicly acknowledged King, and the British Commonwealth ceased to exist. Before concluding our history of the Protectorate, it may not be uninteresting'to mention that Cromwell was the first who projected the Union of the English and Irish legislatures. His * Instrument of Government' required that a Parliament should be summoned for the three nations, to be thus united into one Commonwealth. The number of members chosen for Ireland was thirty. They were nominated and returned through the influence of the government ; for in a time of military violence, crime, and outrage, popular election was entirely out of the question. At CromwelFs death, however, all these arrangements were thrown aside, and Charles entered upon an inheritance of political strife and social discord unsurpassed even in the history of unhappy Ireland itself. CHAPTER XX. Expectations of the Catholics disappointed — Are excluded from the act of indem- nity— The adventurers and soldiers of Cromwell confirmed in the possession of their estates — Cromwell's severe laws put in force against the Catholics — tho loyalists treated as rebels, the rebels as loyalists — Great discontent of the Irish —Lord Roche— Colonel Costcllo's severe rebuke of Charles— Declaration for the Settlement of Ireland— Re-estabfishment of the Episcopalian religion— Tho Puritans become allied to the State church— Cruel decisions of the Commissioners — Coil finned liy ti^o Irish Tarliament— Expostulation of the Catholics— The Doubliii!!, oidiiiance — The English council bribed- -Gross impositions practised on the English government — Irish petitions rejected — A Trotestunt rebellion threatened — Acts of settlement and explanation. It was but natural that those Catholics who had sacrificed them- selves, their fortunes, and their estates, for the mahitenance of the royal ])ovver in Ireland, sliould look to the king, on liis restoration, History of Ireland. 157 for some acknowledgment for their loyalty and devotedness to his service. They expected, at least, that the estates of which they had been plundered by the soldiers of Cromwell, on account of their attachment to the king's party, would be restored to them when that king again ascended his throne. They expected thanks, they expected gratitude, they expected justice. So con- , ' fident were they of the restoration of their lost estates at' the restoration of the monarchy, that many of them, even before the king had been proclaimed, reentered upon their patrimonial inheri- tances, and expelled the Cromwellian intruders. But the Catholics reckoned without their host, when they counted on royal gratitude. They forgot that justice and mercy have rarely a place in the cabinets of kings. But this they soon discovered to their cost, for they were again doomed to be sacrificed to the heart- less selfishness of the Stuarts. Means were artfully taken to represent to Charles the dangerous state of the Irish, and that they were on the eve of another " rebellion"; and, without further con- sideration, he at once agreed to exclude the Irish from the general act of indemnity passed on his arrival. All who had aided in the late " rebellion" — that is, in the attempt to maintain Charles I. on his throne — were expressly excluded ; and a proclamation was issued confirming all the confiscations of Cromwell, and coolly and unblushingly declaring the Irish Catholics and loyalists who had been excluded from their possessions to be "rebels," and that, having been conquered by his majesty's protestant subjects, their ^ estates and possessions had now become vested in the crown ! In the proclamation of the 5th of June, 1660, Charles said he held it to be " his duty to God, and the whole protestant interest, to com- mand, pubhsh and declare, that all Irish rebels, other than such as by articles had liberty to reside in his dominions, and had not forfeited the benefits thereof, that should resort to England or Ireland, should be forthwith apprehended and proceeded against as rebels and traitors ; and that the adventurers, soldiers, and others, who were on the first of January last past in possession of any of the manors, castles, houses, or lands, of any of the said Irish rebels, should not be disturbed in their possessions, till either legally ejected by due course of law, or till his majesty, by the advice of parlia- ment, had taken further order therein." By means such as these did usurpation become law, rebellion the constitution, and robbery justice. At the same time, Charles ordered to be put in force the severe laws passed by the Cromwellians against thelrish. The ordinances issued against their quitting the respective districts into which they had been " planted," were rigidly enforced. They were not allowed to go from one province to another to transact business; the nobility and gentry were forbidden to meet together, their letters were intercepted, and many of them were thrown into prison. They were thus deprived of every opportunity of devising means N 158 History of Ireland, for their own protection, and for appointing agents to lay their just chiims before the king. The puritans, however, and their descend- ants in Ireland, through whose instrumentality Charles I. had been dethroned and beheaded, were at once taken into favour by. his restored son. Sir Charles Coote, under the title of Earl of Montrath, and Lord Broghill, under that of Earl of Orrery, were invested with" the administration, ai>d loaded with honours and affluence. Only the Marquis of Ormond, with a few of his friends, were excepted, though with the greatest difficulty, from the general sentence of denunciation passed upon the "rebels,'" in other words, the loyalists of Ireland. But Charles was now possessed by the idea that his interest lay in mollifying the republicans and puritans settled in Ire- land, even though at the expense of his most ardent friends and sup- porters. The puritans, on the other hand, who had abandoned their notions of republicanism so soon as the property of others came into their hands, were now impressed with the idea that the sanction of the royal authority was necessary to their complete security in the enjoyment of their possessions. And hence the efforts which they and their leaders now made, to represent the Irish people as "rebels," and themselves as the only loyal and devoted supporters of the English government. On the other hand, Ormond endeavoured to persuade Charles, that the puritans had imconsciously done him a great service by establishing an " English interest" in Ireland, and thus carrjdng out the plantation schemes of his royal predecessors : it was averred that the new proprietors, would only be so much the more devoted to the interests of the monarch, as the retention of their property depended entirely on his sanction and support. Charles, thoroughly unprincipled like his father, resolved at once on sacrificing his friends, and purchasing with the property of which they had been plundered, the favour of his enemies. As was to be expected, tli^re was loudly expressed discontent at this infamous conduct on the part of Charles. There were still those about his court who had followed him into exile, and sacrificed their all for his sake, — who had even shared their pay with him, and endured poverty, that he might enjoy comparative abundance, — and who had returned with him to England, in the hope that at least they would be allowed to enjoy that which was their own, but had been wrung from them by violence and fraud. To give an instance, we may mention the case of Lord Roche, who, it will be remembered, raised a body of troops at his own expense, to attempt the relief of Clonmcl, when besieged by Oliver Cromwell. After the war, he left Ireland with many other of the Irish nobility and gentry, — refusing the offer of " composition" wliich the parliament liad ])rofrei'ed to him. He obtained a regiment in Flanders, and joyfully shared his pay with diaries, to support him in his exile. Uoche was soon reduced to poverty by the sacrifices which he had made for his king ; and was eventually obliged to dispose of his History of Ireland. 159 commission, to pay liis debts. In common with many others, in circumstances similar to his own, he was overjoyed at the restor- ation, and trusted at leng-th to regain the property and honours of which he had been deprived in consequence of his devotion to his monarch. But Charles now "forgot" and "did not know" the friend of his adversity; and when he recalled to his mind cir- cumstances which he could not forget, theti Charles treated his supplications first with indifference and then with insulting levity. Roche was refused all aid from the heartless and frivolous monarch, and would have perished of want, but for the charity of the Duke of Ormond. On another occasion, Colonel Castelloe, who had sacrificed his entire fortune and estate in the king's service, thus addressed the ungrateful monarch, in reply to his customary taunt of insolent condolence : — " Please your majesty, I ask no com- pensation for my services and losses in your majesty's cause ; I see that to your friends, and to my countryTiien in particular, you give nothing ; and that it is your enemies alone who receive favour and reward. For ten years' service, for many wounds, and for the total loss of my estates, I ask nothing ; but, in the ardour of youth, and in the belief that I was asserting the sacred cause of liberty, I fought for one year, in the service of the usurper — gim me bach such portion of my estates as that years service entitles me to'''' ! Urged by the pertinacity of his best friends, and perhaps stung by such bitter words as these, Charles at last resolved to take some steps towards satisfying the various claimants, and allaying the clashing interests among his Irish subjects. With this view various plans were proposed in the privy council, examined, and rejected. At length, the Earl of Orrery, Lord Broghill, Sir John Clotworthy, and Sir Arthur Mervyn, brought forward an estimate of lands, which seemed, in theory, sufficient to reprise, or compensate, all the innocent or meritorious Irish, after confirming the adventurers and soldiers in their possessions. Charles eagerly embraced this plan, and his celebrated declaration for the Settlement of Ireland was immedi- ately afterwards published. By that declaration, the adventurers and soldiers were all confirmed in the possession of their lands, with the exception of such as held lands which belonged to the church : officers who had served before June, 1649, were to receive lands in payment of their arrears, at the rate of 12s. 6d. in the pound ; protestants, whose estates had been given to adventurers, were to be restored, and the adventurers remunerated for their outlay; innocent papists were to be restored in the same way, with the exception of those whose estates had lain within walled towns — in heu of these, they were to be provided with estates of equivalent value in the neighbourhood; papists who had submitted to the peace of 1648, and taken lands in Connaught, were to be bound by that act; those who had served abroad under the king's ensign were to be restored to their estates, making the necessary recom- pense to the adventurer* ; thirty-six of the Irish nobility aiid gentry ]60 History of Ireland. were also named by the king* as objects of his favour, and ordered to be restored to their estates on the same terms ; extensive pro- visions were also made for the Duke of Ormond, Lord Inchiquin, the Duke of Albemarle (General Monk), and several others, who had large grants made to them of Irish estates. His majesty, for his own share, accepted, as a free gift from the soldiers and adven- turers, half of their pent for two years, to be applied to his own service, and that of sufferers in his cause. This settlement was to be confirmed by a parliament, to be summoned without delay, and acts of oblivion and indemnity were then to be passed. At the same time that this royal declaration was promulgated, twelve episcopalian bishops were publicly consecrated, and with such a display of ceremony as indicated a determination on the part of the government to maintain the Irish ecclesiastical establish- ment in all its power and uselessness. The puritans in the south, and the Scotch covenanters in Ulster, had laboured strenuously to effect the abolition of Prelacy, and to plant Independency and Pres- byterianism in its place ; and on the restoration of Charles, they petitioned to have their several forms of church government estab- lished. But the episcopalians, alarmed at these proceedings, exerted every influence with Ormond to counteract their plans. This zealous protestant, devoted to his party, took care to represent to Charles that episcopacy and the liturgy were as yet the legal establishment of Ireland ; and he urged him at once to fill up the ecclesiastical preferments, and thus summarily put an end to the dispute. Charles took his advice, and the bishops were now consecrated with such pomp as to indicate a marked triumph over the puritanic pkrty. But the latter, who were now in fear of losing their estates, were not disposed to be so squeamish about the establishment of episcopacy, as they Avere when they entered Ireland with merely their swords in their hands. Their rigid asceticism had now given way before the softening influence of property ; and it was not long before they found that an alliance with the church was necessary for their interests, — accordingly, their dread of episcopacy soon disappeared, and a close alliance sprung up between them and the established sect, both joining in compelling the Irish peasantry to pay for the support of the state church. The royal declaration caused great dissatisfaction among the Irish people. The protestant royalists saw the soldiers of Crom- well, the king's bitter enemies, preferred to themselves, and paid in full of all demands, while they received only a composition for their arrears. The catholics found that they were to be sacrificed on all hands to the interests of the protestants and puritans. They Avere not to be put in possession of their estates, till the occupiers of them had been reprised, — a means of keeping most of them out of possession altogether. None were to be restored who had belonged to the royal party, or lived within the lilies of the confederated CathoHcs, (into which, it will be remembered, many of the catholic History of Ireland. 161 gentry were driven, on their forcible expulsion from Dublin by the lords-justices Parsons and Borlase), at or before the end of the year 1648 ; excepting only the inhabitants of Cork and Youghal, who had been forcibly expelled from these towns by the puritans. All who had been engaged in the confederacy before the peace of 1 648, or had adhered to the nuncio, the clergy, or the papal power, in opposition to the royal authority, were h»ld to be excluded also from the terms of the declaration : all who derived their titles to their estates from persons guilty of these crimes — who claimed their property on the articles of peace, thus acknowledging a concurrence in the rebellion — who had sat in any council or assembly of the confederates previous to the period above named — who had employed agents to treat with foreign powers to bring troops into Ireland — who had harassed the country as Woodkerns or Tories* before the departure of the Marquis of Clanricarde — were all to be considered as guilty of rebellion, and incapable of restitution. The monstrous injustice of these provisions must be obvious at a glance. They exhibit the loyalists as severely punished by the king for their loyalty, and rebels as richly rewarded for their rebellion. The decisions of the commissioners appointed to carry the king's declaration into effect corresponded with their principles. They had all been prominent actors in the war against the royal authority, and entertained an inveterate party hatred of Catholicism. The streets of Dublin were now seen crowded with widows robbed of their jointures, and orphans of their birthrights ; while valuable grants were made to party friends, without regard to character or decency. A parliament was next called, in 1661, to ratify the decisions : it consisted of 260 members, a large majority of whom belonged to the puritan party. The catholics were not only virtually excluded by their exclusion from their properties, but actually so by a vote of the house. They commenced their proceedings by a declaration requiring all persons to conform to the church-government and liturgy established by law ; censuring at the same time their own " solemn league and covenant," and condemning their former oaths of association. The lower house also resolved, " that no members should be qualified to sit in that house, but such as had taken the oaths of allegiance and supremacy." With the view, also, of banishing the catholic peers from the upper house. Primate Bram- hall, the speaker, procured an order to be passed there, "that all the members should receive the sacrament of the Lord's supper from his grace's own hands."-|- Thus, preparatory to performing the vilest acts of spoliation, nothing would serve the protestant * The meaning of this word in the original Irish is "robhers." The term was originally- applied by the government to those independent guerilla parties who, driven out of house and home by the English armies, found shelter in the woods and wilds, fi'om which they occasionally made predatory incursions on their English invaders. Since that time, the term " Tories" has got into more respectable society, though it still retains nearly its original meaning. -|- These decisions were afterwards set aside by the English privy council and the lords-justices, as invasions of the royal prerogative. 162 Illstorij of Ireland. party but the hypocritical performance of one of the most sacred ordinances of religion. After these preliminary measures for the exclusion of the catholics, the lower house next addressed the lords-justices to shut up the courts of law, in order to prevent the reversal of outlawries, and to stop proceedings by ejectment, until their possessions should be placed by statute be^'ond the reach of the rightful proprietors ; to which demand the lords-justices agreed. They lastly applied themselves to framing the Act of Settlement, according to the king's declaration and the decisions of the com- missioners of claims. These measures caused great dissatisfaction among the catholic body, and they endeavoured to avert the ruin which they saw impending over them. But the better to carry the act into effect, the house of commons, not satisfied with the advantages they already possessed, resolved to render the catholics as odious as possible, and thus obtain the sanction of the English government to their atrocious designs. With this view they hatched rumours of plots, conspiracies, and rebellions, among the Irish people, — rumours which generally took effect in England, and were made the pretence for repeated acts of coercion and injustice. Pretended discoveries of treasonable letters were made, and then proclamations were issued, condemning the "papists"' to still more strict surveil- lance, and deprivation of rights and privileges, than before. By one of these proclamations, "all artificers and shopkeepers, who had been left in their habitations by the usurpers, at the time of the trans- plantation, were declared banished from Kilkenny and other great towns.'' All such imputations of conspiracy were completely repudiated by the catholic body. The nobility and gentry drew up a strong remonstrance, which was presented to his majesty. The clergy also held a national synod in Dublin, at which a strong- remonstrance, and declaration of ardent loyalty, was unanimously agreed to. This remonstrance, however, the Duke of Ormond (now lord-lieutenant) refused to accept, ordering the synod imme- diately to disperse. \s, or I'olibora, mti o tlic ronnrms of the tlispossossod iulinbltauts of Ulster aiul ollior fdirts of Iroliiiul, inaiiy of whom liad hooii cMigaucd in iho civil and, aflor hcini; disbanded, itiving no houses to lm) to, lived by uluuder. Their chief resorts were the mountains and bogs of Ulster iind Conuaugiit. History of Ireland. 177 were expelled, by a new enactment, from the legislature*, and Ormond was recommended to arrest all tlie nobility and gentry of Irish name, and to banish the catholic inhabitants froi^ all the cities and walled towns. Ormond, however, refused to adopt these barbarous suggestions, though every method was secretly adopted to urge him into overt acts against the catholics. 'The English plot- ters were sorely discomfited at the fruitlessness of their labours as regarded Ireland ; but as nothing but blood would suit them, they were slill resolved not to be defrauded of their victims. They des- patched emissaries throughout the country in search of informers and witnesses, and a proclamation was issued for encouraging all persons, " that could make any further discoveries of the horrid popish plot, to come in and declare the same." The example of the pensioned Gates was held out, and villains of every creed and class were invited into the same golden path of prosperity. A whole year had elapsed since the announcement of the plot before a single witness presented himself from Ireland, to give information of the conspiracy ; but scarcely had this proclamation been issued than it took effect. Numbers of tories and other criminals, confined in the jails, now discovered that they had something to reveal on the sub- ject : the loathsome objects were accordingly drawn forth from their dens, and sent over to England at the public expense, where, properly instructed by the contrivers of the plot, they gave such evidence as their paymasters required. It was upon the evidence of three of these suborned wretches that Archbishop Plunkett, the Roman catholic primate of Ireland, was apprehended, and, contrary to the laws of the realm, sent over to England to be tried. Of course he was found guilty, and condemned to death ; though some diffi- culty was experienced in accomplishing his destruction, even by a protestant jury. He was hanged at Tyburn, and died solemnly professing his entire innocence to the last. Burnet, the protestant divine, describes the primate Plunkett, on the authority of the Earl of Essex, " as a wise and sober man, fond of living quietly and in due subjection to the government, without engaging in intrigues of state." There cannot now be the slightest question as to the entire innocence of the venerable archbishop.-f* * This disgraceful act was not repealed until the year 1829. The door of the house of com- mons was still more closely shut against the catholics : an act, passed in the preceding session (1677), imposing upon members the oath of supremacy, and the declaration against substantia- tion; thus it became the practice, as it had long been the principle, to exclude from the pale of the constitution all those who adhered to the ancient religion of the country. .j. u Plunkett," says Bishop Burnet, "was at this time brought to his trial. Some lewd Irish priests, and others of that nation, hearing that England was then disposed to hearken to good SWEARERS, thought thcmselvcs well qualified for the employment ; so they came over to swear that there was a great plot in Ireland. The witnesses were 'brutal and profligate men ; yet the Earl of Shaftesbury cherished them much ; they were examined by Parliament at Westminster, yet what they said was believed. Some of these priests had been censured by him, for their lewdness. Plunkett had nothing to say in his defence, but to deny all ; so he was condemned, and suffered very decently, expressing himself in many particulars as became a bishop ; he died denying everything that had been sworn against him.— Burnet's History of his own Times, vol. i. p. 230. 178 History of Ireland. At last tlie anti-popisli zeal began to subside, and the people by degrees returned to tlieir senses. After a number of lives had been taken, they awoke from their frenzy, and found they had been made the dupes of a faction. The object of the cabal, at the head of which was Shaftesbury, was to effect a revolution in the govern- ment, and to exclude the Duke of York (afterwards James II.) from the throne. They imagined that the only means of accom- plishing their object was by playing upon the anti-popish passions of the multitude; and hence their horrible concoction of the "plot," by which so many lives were sacrificed, — an instance of national bigotry, crime, insanity, and disgrace, which, perhaps, has not its parallel in the history of civilized nations. The knavery and villany of Gates* and his accomplices were now discovered, and they were driven into disgrace. Charles and his brother turned upon the Shaftesbury party, and trod them down. The arts of the pro- testant party were now turned against themselves. A counter- plot, known as the Ryehouse Plot, was invented by the king's party ; and Lord Russell, Algernon Sidney, Baillie of Jerviswood, and other noble patriots, fell victims to it. Shaftesbury fled beyond seas, and died in misery and exile. The cabal was now exploded, and the royal power again reigned supreme. The monarch was absolute, but, indolent and exhausted by excess, he resigned the powers of government into the hands of his brother James. This prince, who was an avowed Roman catholic, indulged hopes of the final ascendancy of his party, and was not disposed to scruple" at the methods he employed to advance it. One of his first suggestions to the king, on his being entrusted with the reins of government, was, that means ought immediately to be taken to maintain the superiority he had acquired by the defeat of the conspirators against his power, and that, for this purpose, an Irish catholic army was indispensable. Charles hastily adopted the recommendation ; and it was then resolved to remove the Duke of Ormond, who was firmly attached to the protestant cause, from the government of Ireland. The Earl of Rochester * T1TU8 Oatks was tlie son of an anabaptist preacher, bnt on tlio restoration, be conformed to the church, got himself ordained a minister of the establishment, and obtained a miserable appointment as a country curate. Wliilc in this condition, he was twice convicted of perjury. He was afterwards clKiplain on board of a man-of-war, whence he was expelled for an unnatural crime, lie next went to the continent, and was admitted into tlie Jesuits' college at Valladolid, in Spain, from which, after the lapse of five months, he was disgracefully expelled. He next appeared as a mendicant at the gate of tho Jesuits' college of St. Ouicr, where ho was admitted, and entortaiued for some tiuie, b\it was soon after exnel led with shame. He then returned hoiiio without coat or cossack and in tiiis desperate state ho commenced tlio trade of witnessing and plot-revealing. It turned out a most inofitablo affiiir; for ho was imniediatelv voted a pension of £Vim a ye;ir, and was splendidly lodirod at Whitehall. On tlie accession ol James 11., Gates was convieU'd of perjury, and sentenced to the following hard punishment :— To pay a Unc of 2,000 marks, to be stripped of his canonical habit, to bo whipped twice in three days by tho common hauginan, and' to sliuid in the pillory at Westniinstcr-liall-gato and at tho Royal Lx- cliauge,— ami, moreover, to be pilloried five times every year, and to be imprisoned during life. Tlio liangman did his duty with great rigour, and Oatcs boro his minishnicnt with the serenity of a martyr. On tlie accession of Wiliiiiin, he was released from duranoo vilc^ and a pension ot ^ .cm a vear was ronfcrrod upon tlu' ilUondilioued tniscicant. ^^Lt_^ ^^4„Jlf^a.lirf History of Ireland. 179 was named as his successor. Before, however, these designs could be carried into effect, Charles died, and left the vacant throne to his brother James,'' who was now enabled to carry his favourite schemes into effect — with what success, will be shown in the next chapter. CHAPTER XXII. Accession of James IL— His despotic tendencies— Expectations of the Irish Catholics —Dismissal of Ormond— Lords-Justices Forbes and Boyle—The Monmouth Rebellion— Proceedings of the New Government— Earl of Clarendon appointed Lord Lieutenant Favours granted to the Catholics — Alarm of the Protestant party— Recall of Clarendon— Earl of Tyrconnel appointed Lord-Deputy— His acts highly favourable to the Catholics— The Corporations and the University- Attempted overturn of the Act of Settlement— Affairs in England— James's despotic conduct— Excites the hostility of the Church— James grants a general Toleration— Servile conduct of the Dissenters— James's reckless acts— Trial and acquittal of the Bishops— Birth of a Prince— The Prince of Orange lands in England — Flight of James— The " Glorious Revolution." James II. ascended the throne on the death of his brother Charles. The nation was in a critical state, and required delicate manage- ment : the protestant party especially, who were still exceedingly powerful, were greatly discontented with the policy of the court, and alarmed at the favours openly shown to the catholic body. The accession of James increased their fears, for he was an avowed and zealous catholic, and did not scruple to declare that his object was to estabhsh that religion by the law of the land. On the first Sunday after his brother's funeral, he went to mass publicly with all the ensigns of royalty, ordering the chapel doors to be thrown wide open. Besides this open demonstration in favour of the old creed, James had also a disposition to stretch the royal prerogative in regard to points on which the nation was extremely sensitive : he ordered the levy of taxes without the sanction of parliament, and thus was guilty of the same acts of arbitrary power which had brought his father's head to the block. But James at this time calculated on the support of the French king, Louis XIV., whose degrading gold he was now receiving ; for the English monarch and his courtiers were now, and for a long time had been, the pensioned slaves of a foreign prince ! It was Louis' policy at this time to keep England weak, in order that he might be enabled to pursue his plans of European conquest unmolested. One of the first things that Louis did, after the accession of James, was to secure him by a bribe of 500,000 livres, which the slavish monarch accepted with tears of gratitude, assuring the French envoy that his trust, after God, was in the French king ! Rochester also plainly told Barillon, that " Your master (Louis) must place (James) in a situation to be indopcndcDt of parliaraoiits ' ; as - 180 Hutory of Ireland, James, shortly afterwards, renewed his applications for more money. The people of Ireland regarded the accession of James to the throne with feelings of great hope and expectation. Now that a monarch of their own religious persuasion was king, the Irish catholics anticipated not only tranquillity and happiness, but also the redress of wrongs and grievances, restoration to the possessions of their fathers, and many other advantages desir- able from having a king of their own way of thinking. On the other hand, the protestant party looked on the accession of a catholic king with very diiferent feelings. They feared lest their estates should be taken from them, and restored to the catholics to whom they had formerly belonged. They had been in possession of them scarcely twenty years, and the feelings which prevailed at the settlement still remained as keen on both sides as ever. It is true most of the old Cromwellian warriors had now died out, or their spirits were broken down by old age and its infirmities ; but their successors retained all the hate and fear, if they had not the courage and power of endurance, which distinguished the puritan invaders of Ireland. One of the first steps which the new Idng adopted with regard to Ireland was to dismiss Ormond, who was regarded as a mortal enemy by the party in power. Two lords-justices were appointed in his stead — Forbes Earl of Granard, and Boyle the primate and chancellor of Ireland. The appointment gave great dissatisfaction to the protestants, inasmuch as the lords-justices were deemed hostile to the "tru**" protestant church. Their government, however, went on smoothly enough ; and though the rebclKon of the Duke of Monmouth occurred during their administration, — a rebellion, the professed object of which was the maintenance of the protestant interests — there was not the slightest movement in Ireland in its favour. A general abhorrence of JMonmouth's attempt was expressed, and a resolution to support the reigning prince. The cruel and brutal manner in which this futile rebellion was suppressed, tended in no small degree to alienate the affections of the English pco])le from King James, and to pafe the way for the accession of a ])rotestaut prince. The wholesaleiliangings of Judge Jefferies, and the inl\uman bntcheries of Kirke, struck the nation with horror. They saw tlic hand of government, and of the king, wlu) the government, in tlu^ bloody transaction, and their hearts drew back in all(\giance from the author of tliis cruel iy. Tliei-c is litt](» doubt tliat i\u\ excxnition of Monmouth made the protestants of riiigland and Scotland tnni their eyes henceforward to the l*i-inc(M)f (>rang<', as tlie only h()i)e of their canse. .lames, Iiowever, was blind and r(H*lvl(\^M as he was bigotted and narrow-minded. lie rushed on r(\o-;irdl(\^s of consequences, and with the confidence «l(M ived from his successful suppression of the rebellion, he proceeded History of Ireland. 181 to act with the most self-willed obstinacy and despotism. In direct violation of the laws, he asserted a dispensing, suspending, and repealing power over all la,ws and acts of parliament whatsoever ; and making the Test Act a mere dead letter, he forthwith suspended protestants from the highest civil and military offices, substituting catholics in their place. By means of quo warranto writs, the corporations throughout the kingdom were remodelled, in order that catholics might be admitted to them ; and gentlemen of the same persuasion were made lieutenants of counties, sheriffs, and justices of the peace. In Scotland, the same course was pursued, and a fierce and bloody persecution was waged against the covenanters, because they dared to differ from his majesty in their notions on religious subjects. In Ireland, the proceedings of James were of an equally reckless character, though they had in them a far greater show of justice. His first object was to disarm the militia, which consisted entirely of protestants, and had been embodied, armed, and disciplined, by the Duke of Ormond. It was with the greatest difficulty that they could be prevailed upon to yield up their arms in obedience to the king's proclamation ; though at last they did so, at the urgent solicitation of the justices. The appointment of the Earl of Clarendon to the lord-lieutenancy, and of Talbot, Earl of Tyrconnel, to the command of the army, immediately followed this step. The catholics were now introduced to all high civil and military offices, while protestants were excluded, though not nearly to the same extent as catholics had been under former governments. Catholics were now promoted to the bench, and admitted to the privy council, in preference to protestants, who were discouraged. In all this there was nothings but what was fair and just, in a nation nine- tenths of v/hich professed the catholic religion. The protestants, however, did not fail to denounce it as a monstrous grievance, because they had grown so accustomed to monopolize all places of power and profit, that they looked upon their privation of them as an act of public robbery and rank injustice. The great fear, however, of the protestants was for their estates. They lived in constant dread of some change being made in the acts of settlement and explanation ; though James had com- manded Clarendon to declare, on his taking office, that his majesty had no intention of altering those acts of parliament. Petitions were, nevertheless, presented, desiring a general revisal of the outlawries occasioned by the " rebelhon" of 1641. But Clarendon saw that these petitions, if entertained and granted, would only be regarded as the first step towards the subversion of the entire landed property of Ireland. They were accordingly refused ; but the petitioners sent over deputations to the court at London, where they were received with great favour. This gave great alarm to the protestants in Ireland, many of whom sold off all their effects, and precipitately quitted the country. This terror was augmented 182 History of Ireland. by the increasing hopes and confidence of the Irish in an entire reversal of the present system of things. TyrconneFs chanp;'es in the army added to the protestant alarm on the one hand, and the catholic expectations on the other. The old officers, who were mostly zealous protestants, and many of them inheritors of the spirit of the commonwealth, were summarily dismissed, and catholic officers appointed in their place. Many of the old soldiers were also driven out of the ranks, as many as four thousand of them being stript of their uniforms and abandoned to misery and want. The officers flocked to the standard of the Prince of Orange, who was now organizing his army of invasion in the Low countries ; while the dismissed privates waited their opportunity for joining the ranks of the same prince. Clarendon was alarmed at the injudicious proceedings of Tyr- connel, and repeatedly remonstrated with him. But the latter had been invested with a power independent of the lord lieutenant, and accordingly he v/as enabled to proceed on his course unopposed. Clarendon's remonstrances with James himself produced no effect, unless that of hostility to Clarendon, who was soon after recalled from the Irish government. His departure from Dublin caused great alarm among the protestant party, and hundreds of families left the city on the same day, believing their lives and properties no longer safe under Irish administrations. Their alarm was not lessened when they heard that the Earl of Tyrconnel had been invested with the chief governorship of Ireland, with the title of lord-deputy. The new judicial appointments also were all catholics ; only three protestants being left on the Irish bench. All this has been severely censured by protestant writers, who wilfully blind their eyes to the fact, that v/hen the protestants had the power, they did not leave a single catholic in any position of influence, but excluded them in all cases with the utmost rigour. Richard Talbot, Earl of Tyrconnel, the new governor of Ireland, was a man of warm impulses, of ardent likings, and of as violent hates. He was a most decided character : impetuous and incautious, as the policy above noticed sufficiently shows ; but devoted and determined in his support of the master he served. He was a native of Ireland, though descended from the old English of the pale, as his name bespeaks. He was but a child, living at Drogheda, when Cromwell took that town by assault ; and he liad been a witness to many of the horrors of the subsequent massacre. The event made a deep impression on his mind, which was never afterwards effaced: it gave him a horror of puritanism, with which he confounded protestantism of all kinds. After Ireland had been subdued by the Cromwellians, he followed the royal family to the continent, and entered hito the service of Charles, who became much attached to liim. His sprightly and vivacious m^niers, his passion for amour and intrigue, peculiarly recommended nim to the exile monarch ; .'ind on Charlcs\s restoration, he was one of the .very History of Ireland. 183 few who were held in remembrance, and rewarded by power arid honours for their fidelity in adversity. Although regarded as the champion of the catholics, there is little reason to beheve that his Catholicism amounted to more than a mere profession of the faith. He was on the side of the catholics, because he was an Irishman, and because he detested puritanism : his profligate and immoral life, his profane and often indecent conversation, his seeming relish for court profligacy and intrigue, point him out as a man of the true cavaher breed — a zealous devotee . of royalty, and as zealous a hater of the "crop-eared" fanaticism of that age of extremes both in politics and religion. One of the first acts of Tyrconnel was, to remodel the corpora- tions of the kingdom ; they were forced to surrender their charters, and a new arrangement was made, by which it was provided that those bodies should consist, for the future, of two-thirds catholics and one-third protestants ; an improvement certainly upon the preceding arrangement, by which protestants claimed the exclusive power, though still an arbitrary and illegal act, indefensible on the sound principles of civil and religious liberty. The attempt was next made to introduce catholics into the University of Dublin, causing great alarm within the walls of that venerable seminary of protestant exclusiveness. A quarrel took place between Tyrconnel and the heads of colleges, on account of the latter attempting to sell the college plate to prevent its being seized by the government. In this struggle Tyrconnel was baffled, and punished the university by immediately stopping the pension annually paid to it by the state. The revenue was now falling off rapidly, in consequence of the disturbed state of society and the suspension of most industrial pursuits. Complaints were forwarded to the English government on the subject ; and Tyrconnel was censured by many as the cause of the retrograde condition of affairs. The tone of complaint was taken up by some of the English ministers themselves, — Lord Bellasis, a catholic peer and leading member of James's ministry, declaring that Tyrconnel was "madman enough to ruin ten king- doms." In consequence of these complaints, the lord-deputy obtained permission to wait upon his royal master, then on his pro- gress at the city of Chester. Judge Rice accompanied him, and so represented the state of affairs in Ireland, that Tyrconnel was at once recommitted to his government, with new honours. The next effort of Tyrconnel was the most alarming of all to the protestants. It was neither more nor less than a bill whose tendency was to overturn the act of settlement and explanation, and thus to alter the proprietorship of almost all the land in Ireland. The declared object of the measure was " to indemnify those catholics who had been declared innocent by the court of claims, and to provide that a new commission should issue for the hearing of such claims as had not been hitherto heard, for want of time or other 181 History of Ireland. cause, without fault of the parties;' A deputation was sent over to England, to urge this bill upon the government, and, if possible, to obtain their consent to its enactment. James regarded the deputation with favour, but the English ministers were alarmed, and lay in wait for an opportunity of rejecting it. This was soon aiForded them, in the conduct of Nugent, the lord chief justice, whose foolish advocacy of the measure completely neutralized the able pleadings of Judge Rice, his colleague. The council, seizing the opportunity, rejected the bill, and it was at once quashed. Probably the council were urged to this step also, by the great unpopularity of the proposed measure in London. The Irish — deputies were everyv^^here hooted and insulted in public. When 5 they appeared, the populace attended them with potatoes stuck upon the tops of poles, and shouting, " Room for the Irish ambas- sadors The deputation returned to Dubhn, and the disappoint- ment of the Irish at their ill-success may easily be imagined. ^ While such was the distracted condition of Ireland, aifairs in England vrere rapidly verging towards another revolution. James was now carrying his despotism in the airairs of both church and state with a high hand. In his proclamations he boldly made assertions of his " absolute power," and seemed resolved to put / down every shadow of responsible government in Britain. He was also bent on carrying out his notions as to the spiritual supremacy 'y^^^ of Catholicism in the state. To this he was encouraged by the "^^"^^ obsequious and slavish conduct of the established clergy themselves, who asserted the cowardly doctrine of non-resistance to the royal '^A^ power, no matter how mad and despotic; and denounced as ^^^JiZ% " blasphemous and heretical" every principle on which any govern- Ictn^jg^L, ment short of royal absolutism could be established. The attempt t^tJ^'oi James to obtain the control of the seminaries and schools of Af^^ learning, with the view of filling them with cathoUc teachers and professors, roused even these servile adulators of monarchy to some- thing like active resistance. On James ordering the college of Oxford to elect Bishop Parker to the mastership of Magdalen, they refused, even though the order came from the lips of one , whom but a short time before they had characterised as the U'^yi ^ Lord's anointed," whom it was "heretical and blasphemous" to i disobey. James insisted, and the college resisted, and the issue was, that the refractory c Hogians were expelled from their places to make way for the king's creatures, and were at once thrown into the ranks of those hostile to the royal authority. James's continued attacks in the same quarter and for the same purpose, soon had the clfcct of uniting against liim the high church, or, as it was noV called, the Tory party, and of thus reinforcing the presbytcriau and l)uritan, or Whig interest, which now looked to William, Prince of Oi-ange, as tlie great hope of the British nation. In the midst of this contention, James issued a singular and seemingly inexplicable proclamation, — namely, one in favour of History of Ireland. 185 equal indulgence and toleration of all religious sects ! The manner in which this declaration was issued showed the despot ; for it was done without the advice of parliament — that published in Edinburgh running in the following absolute style : — " We, by our sovereign authority^ royal prerogative^ and absolute power ^ do hereby give and grant our royal toleration." And then it went on to state that the king did ''^ allow and tolerate moderate presbyterians " to worship in their private houses, and to hear such ministers as had accepted of the king's indulgences; at the same time stopping, suspending, and disabling all laws or acts of parliament which had been made or executed against Roman catholics, — declaring them to be hence- forward " free to exercise their rehgion and to enjoy all." The manner in which this "declaration for liberty of conscience" was issued, shows that James had not all of a sudden changed his principles and thrown off his despot skin, but that he had merely assumed the new garb to suit his own purposes. The principle of despotism is always involved in such acts of " toleration." Man "tolerates" his brother man to worship the Maker of all !— places himself between his fellows and their God ! — "tolerating" them to offer up their worship, and by the same act blasphemously "tole- rating" the Almighty to receive it ! Toleration is indeed only another name for intolerance : both are alike despotisms, though the former attempts to conceal the nature of the tiger under the clothing of the sheep. The right to withhold liberty of conscience and to grant liberty of conscience, are both founded on tyranny. Human nature and human intellect spurn alike the despotism that prohibits and the despotism that tolerates religion. Worship is like the air we breathe : it must hQ free., or we die. „___,,^ The protestant dissenters looked with great suspicion on James's proclamation of toleration. They rejected the boon as "a snare," and though they loved " toleration" themselves, they would rather not have it, than that " papists" should be admitted to the same privilege with themselves ! They now prepared to stand by the threatened episcopal church, which they had just before been*' reviling with all their might, and threw themselves into the ranks of opposition to the king, whom they had previously been beslaver- ing with their servile addresses and congratulations. The Enghsh dissenters of James's reign had sunk into a mean and factious pack, utterly devoid of spirit and courage: /'they were loud (says Taylor) in proclaiming the slavish doctrine of unconditional obedi- ence to the mandates of the sovereign, and their addresses on the accession of Jam'es could not be exceeded in servility by that of the meanest slaves that ever grovelled at the feet of an eastern despot."* James now proceeded with headlong' haste in his attempts to establish arbitrary power. The parliament, which had been kept * Taylor's Civil Wars of Ireland, vol. p. 115. 186 History of Ireland. from meeting by repeated prorogations, was absolutely dissolved ; tlie liberty of the press was completely extinguished ; and both tlie legislative and executive authority of the country now centred in the sovereign. CathoHcs were promoted to high offices in the state; catholic bishops were publicly consecrated in the chapel royal ; and catholic priests thronged the court and its purlieus in the habits of their order. The English bishops and the church, who had sup- . ^ ported James in all his projects of despotism, had he not trenched upon their powers and temporahties, now took the lead in the war against him. The spark which fired the train , was James's new Declaration of Indulgence, which he ordered to be read in all the churches. The majority of the clergy vefused to read the delaration. Six of the bishops took their side, and presented a petition to the king, setting forth the unconstitutional nature of the act, inasmuch as it had not been " considered and settled in parliament and con- vocation.'''' James was enraged at their opposition, and scolded them as having raised "the standard of rebellion" against him, and declared that their petition "was the most seditious paper that ever was penned." The bishops, nevertheless, persisted in their course: and the great body of the clergy and the people supported them. They were sent to the Tower, and episcopacy, for the first time, became popular. It was regarded as a persecuted religion, and its bishops as persecuted men. The bishops were shortly afterwards tried, and acquitted, amid the enthusiastic joy of the populace. J ames was reviewing his army at Honslow Heath, on the morning of the trial and acquittal of the bishops, when suddenly an immense noise, like the roaring of a distant cataract, rose from the vast cit}^. soon rolled on to the camp, and was echoed back by what seemed a universal shout. James, it is said, was startled, and asked Lord Feversham the meaning of the noise. The general rephed that it was nothing but the soldiers shouting for the acquittal of the bishops. "And call you that nothing?" said James,— " but so much the worse for them."* In the midst of these noisy contentions, a prince was born, and great was the joy of the catholic party at the event, as it seemed to promise permanency and security to the Stuart dynasty. The joy was excessive in Dublin, where the mayor even conunittcd the 'officers of Christ church to gaol, because " their bells did not ring merrily enough" on the occasion ; but in Loudon, where the mayor was enjoined to ])rovide bonfires, the populace would not rejoice, and accoi-dingly bonfires were not forthcoming. The English l)(M)ple would not acknowledge the young prince to be the bona fide child of ihi}, : they nKiintained that it was an^ imposture, and liad been introduced into the queen's bed in the interior of a warming-pan ! All this, no doubt, was merely the contrivance of disappointed faction, which, in such cases, does not stick at * Pictorial History of Engluiul, vol. ill., p. 7D3. History of Ireland. 187 expedients to accomplish its objects. Certainly, however, the circumstances of the child's birth accelerated the progress of events, and precipitated the downfall of the Stuarts. Now tliat the pro- testant party, including both of the factions now known as whig and tory, saw that there was a chance of a Stuart succession to the throne, they hastened on the negociations with William, Prince of Orange, and a large number of the leading noblemen and gentle- men in the country invited him to come over with an armed force, to redress the grievances of the nation. James was early warned of his da^nger, but adopted no means to avert it. Tyrconnel received notice of the design from Amsterdam, and immediately commu- nicated it to his master. But James and his ministers treated the message with ridicule : so little did they know of the dangers that were impending over them ! At length the truth came upon James like a thunder-clap, and he was struck powerless with despair. It is said that when Louis XIV. imparted to him positive intelligence about the intended invasion, the contemptible tyrant turned pale and stood motionless ; the letter dropt from his hands and womanly tears from his eyes. Louis offered the aid of French ships and French troops, which James at first refused ; but no sooner had he done so, than he repented, and Louis was secretly implored to keep a fleet and army ready for him at Brest. Shortly after, the Prince of Orange reached the English coast, and landed at Torbay on the 5th of K^ovember, 1688, on the auspicious anniversary of the " gunpowder plot." William, on landing, immediately marched to Exeter. He had with him about 15,000 men, of whom 2,000 were English, Scotch, and Irish protestants, who had been serving with him on the continent. At first, few of the people joined WiUiam's standard, and he seemed disheartened for want of success. He continued for a week to remain close to his fleet ; and it was understood that he meditated returning, threatening at the same time that he would publish the names of all those who had invited him over, as a reward for their treachery and cowardice. By degrees, however, accessions came dropping in. Lord Colchester was the first who openly deserted, with a few of the men imder his command. Lord Cornbury, son of the Earl of Clarendon, next came over, his soldiers at first refusing to follow him, though the greater part of them afterwards deserted with their master. Churchill and the Duke of Grafton, one of Charles the Second's illegitimates, next deserted ; and now that the tide had set in, numbers more followed. James set out for his head-quarters, at SaKsbury ; but, meeting signs of disaffection wherever he appeared, he lost heart, and retraced his steps towards the metropolis. The poor trembling monarch now became an object of pity. He was deserted by his nearest relatives, and by 'friends' whom he had raised from obscurity to afiluence. His own daughter Anne, and her husband. Prince George of Denmark, fled from him in the night, to the quarters of the Prince 188 History of Ireland. of Orange. James, on being told of their flight, in a paroxysm of grief exclaimed, with tears, " God help me ! my very children have forsaken me V The stupified king next betook himself to flight, but was seized at the Isle of Sheppey, as a fugitive Jesuit, and shortly after, he returned to London, which he entered amid the smoke of burning "popish" chapels. Four battahons of Dutch guards were set to watch the king, and he got frequent hints that his absence would be very acceptable. He professed an inclination to go to Rochester, and he was immediately shipped for Gravesend, whither he was conveyed to Rochester, where he remained for four days, watched or rather dogged by Dutch troops. At length he took leave of that place, dropped down the river in a boat, attended by a few of his remaining friends, and gaining a fishing smack hired for the voyage, he set sail for France, which he reached on the 25th of December. Thus was England dehvered from the - perverse and tyrannical race 'of the Stuarts, and thus was accom- 'plished the "Glorious Revolution" of 1688. But, indeed, the revolution of 1688 was anything but " glorious." Its history is one of baseness, cowardice, and treachery throughout. We find the aristocracy, almost in a body, deserting the prince to whom they had sworn allegiance : colonels deserting to the foreign invaders with their troops, though, owing to the greater faithfulness of the privates, they not unfrequently refused to follow their masters. Almost all the principal officers in the army and navy had been in the receipt of bribes from the Prince of Orange's agents. All parties practised lying and deception as a cloak for their base- ness and treachery. On no side was there a particle of honour, princip le, or spirit. The whig and tory aristocracy, who had invited WilHam to invade the country, were afraid to join him on his arrival; and the adventurer was enabled to succeed only through the cowardice and spiritlessness of the reigning monarch. The instances of unnatural and heartless desertion of the monarch in his hour of trial, are too numerous to mention. That of the king s two daughters, Mary and Anne, exhibited an instance of fdial ingratitude such as the world has rarely witnessed. ^The design of William himself does not from the first appear 7 4*4. very obvious. Certainly they who invited him to England did not ^ seem to antici])ate his elevation to the throne ; nor is it probable Ij^tliat he himself calculated on such a result. His course of pro- cedure S(Hnned to be that of a clever, unscrupulous man, who was resolved to make the best use he could of the distracted condition of the British empire. Tempted by the prospect of the crown, which he saw within his reach, he did not scruple at tlie^ueans he iMiiployed to secure it for himself; while, by a mixture of craft and violence, ho drove the reigning monarch into exile. As for the aristoci-acy, who effected the revolution, they all seem to have acted without tiie slightest regard to ])rinciple. But they had AVdlnim's Dutch guards at their command ; and after James had been driven History of Ireland, 189 away, they proclaimed his throne empty, without even the form of a trial, and soon after they voted the foreign prince into the empty seat. The Tories, who had joined in the invitation, withdrew in alarm, and it was accordingly left to the Whigs to complete the "glorious revolution." The Whig and Tory aristocrats took care to turn the event to their own advantage. They then laid the foundation of that monopo- lizing power which has lain so heavy on this country ever since. It is true they curtailed the power of the monarch ; but all the power of which they deprived him, they retained in their own hands. The revolution was one mainly for the benefit of the aristocracy. William got a good slice of the cake, and they divided ^^^v^y*^ the rest among themselves. The political and religious tyranny of ^ the Stuarts was, it is true, put an end to — namely, governing without parliaments, levying taxes without the usual forms of voting them by the house of commons, and forcing the people to join in a system of religion to which they could not conscientiously give their assent. But the great defect of the revolution was, that it kept all political power as much out of the hands of the people as before, and left the power of governing in the hands of an ex- clusive class, whose interests were diametrically opposed to those of the industrious portion of the community. The tyranny of the crown was checked; but the tyranny of the aristocracy reared itself in its place. The government was still irresponsible to the mass of the people : taxes were still levied without the consent of the nation : the communitT^ had still no security against the wanton abuse of power by the ruling few. The king could no longer victimize the nation; but the united aristocracy of Whigs and Tories could do so whenever they chose. In short, the despotism of One was now at an end ; but it had extended itself into a despotism of hundreds. Monarchy in England was henceforward a cypher ; but aristocracy was politically omnipotent. The revolution of 1 688, therefore, may have been a " glorious" one to the Whig and Tory aristocracy ; bui it certainly was not so to either the English, Scotch, or Irish people. CHAPTER XXni. The Revolution of 1688 — Its consequences to England and Ireland — Excitement in Ireland — Panic of the Protestants — Derry shuts its gates on the Highlanders — Schemes of Tyrconnel— King James lands at Kinsale— His measures of Govern- ment—Siege of Londonderry — Brave defence of the Citizens— Cruel threat of General Rosen— The Garrison relieved, and the Siege raised— The Enniskilleners —King James's Irish Parliament— Its acts— James's absolutism— Adminis- tration of Justice— Military affairs. The revolution of 1688 was of a very different import to Ireland, from what it was to the people of Britain. Though the expulsion 190 Ilutory of Ireland. of James from the English throne was justified on the ground of constitutional right and privilege, Ireland felt that she had no interest in the transaction. What was the EngHsh constitution to Ireland \ It was associated with crime, and oppression, and con- fiscation. It was a cruel and relentless enemy ; and as it grew in strength and vigour, Ireland knew the change only by its increased . energy in persecution. While successive revolutions, in which the best blood of England had been freely shed, had endeared the constitution to the Englishman, and made him cling to it with an honour and a pride,— the Irishman hated it as his unceasing enemy and oppressor. What were the privileges of parhament to Ireland? , Ireland had no representatives; its parliament was a name — a mere close corporation of aristocracy, and even those were overruled by the English parliament, which invariably legislated for Ireland^ in a spirit of hostihty and rancour. And if the British constitution had no claims on the Irishman's support, the protestant religion ^t^^ had still less. Protestantism was associated in the mind of almost ^f^f*^&VQxy Irishman with rapine and murder and sacrilege — with ruined ^T^^omes and desecrated altars— with savage persecution for conscience sake— with a whole century of ruin and strife, of oppression and insult, of confiscation and massacre. It was not, therefore, to be expected that Ireland should hail the revolution of '88, for the maintainance of constitutional principles and the defence of the protestant religion, with feelings at all akin to those with which it was regarded by the mass of the English and Scotch natives. It must also be borne in mind that James was one of the first EngHsh monarchs that conceded anything like religious liberty to : the Irish people. He had granted a relaxation of the penal laAvs, which had before been kept in constant operation against them. I i He had thrown open the bench, the bar, the corporations, the i army, and all posts of honour and emolument, to the honourable competition of the Roman catholics. Though the advancement of catholics to high office in the state was considered a great grievance in England, it was not so in Ireland : but rather a public i recognition of the equality of catholics with protestants in the eye of the law, and a mark of public respect paid t? the religious belief ; of the great majority of the people. Ireland experienced none of ; ; James's attempts at despotism, as England had done: James had r done nothing to forfeit the allegiance of the Irish, but, on the , contrary, had done a great deal, which no English monarch had ever done before, to attach them firmly to his interests. But James was expelled by the English parliament, and a foreign prince taken in his place. No notification of this change was made to tlie Irish nation. And were they, therefore, because the English parliament, which had ever oppressed them, chose to change their king,— were • they to prove faithless to the monarch who had done so much for them, and in a fit of ca])rlce, or with the submission of slaves, to bestow their anogiaiice on a foieign prince, whom they had ^^^^n^ History of Ireland, 191 led to regard as a usurper \ Were they, when James at last threw himself upon their faith and loyalty for protection, to reject him as a pretender \ No I They would have been less than men, if they had done this. So they rose in arms to resist the revolution, and in defence of their lawful king. Again they acted the part of loyal and faithful subjects, and again were they doomed to be sacrificed for their loyalty and their faithfiilness.* We now retrace our steps for a little, and again take up the thread of our history. The alarm of all parties in Ireland was very great, on the arrival of the intelligence that James had fled, and that William was likely to be raised to the vacant throne. The protestants feared the loss of their properties, while the Catholics dreaded that they would again be plunged into the horrors of a civil war. Meanwhile, Tyrconnel acted with great policy. He strengthened and organized his forces, which were almost exclu- sively catholic, and kept the protestants in play, by pretending to negociate with the Prince of Orange. The alarm of the protestants, however, were suddenly raised almost to a pitch of phrenzy, by the artful propagation and extensive publication of a report that a general rising of the Irish was intended, and that an indiscriminate massacre of the protestants would take place, on a certain day. The utmost consternation immediately prevailed, and crowds of men, women, and children, rushed to the shore, imploring to be conveyed away from the daggers of the Irish. Tyrconnel sent messengers among them to allay their terror, but altogether without effect. The panic rapidly spread into the northern counties, and thousands fled to England and Scotland, or took shelter in the walled towns^ leaving all their property and effects to the mercy of the Irish. Some of the protestants of Ulster, however, with greater spirit resolved to defend themselves, and with that view they took up arms and prepared for the coming struggle. * Sir Jonah Barrington puts the case of the Irish people, at this period, in the following terse and pithy style : — " James, a monarch de jure and de facto, expelled from one portion of his empire, threw himself for protection upon the loyalty and faith of another ; and Ireland did not shrink from affording that protection. She defended her legitimate monarch against the usurpation of a /orei^wer ; and whilst & Dutch guard possessed themselves of the British capital, the Irish people rernained faithful to their king, and fought against the invader. " In strict matter of fact, therefore, England became a nation of decided rebels, .ind Ireland remained a country of decided royalists. Historic records leave that point beyond the power of refutation " James was the hereditary king of both countries, jointly and severally. The third consti- tutional estate, only of one of them (England) had deposed him by their own simple vote ; but Ireland had never been consulted on that subject ; and the deposition of the king of Ireland by the Commons of England could have no paramount authority in Ireland, or supersede the rights, and dispense with the loyalty of the Irish parliament. The Irish people had held no treasonable intercourse with William ; they knew him not ; they only knew that he was a foreigner and Tio^ their prince ; that he was supported by a /om^/i power, and had suc- ceeded by /om Fall of the luiyn Nation, new ed., pp, 273, 275. 192 History of Ireland. The city of Derry, or Londonderry, was the first to offer resist- . ance to the Irish government, as we may still term the adminis- tration of Tyrconnel. This place was inhabited chiefly by Scottish Presbyterian famihes and their descendants, and had lately been one of the chief places of resort for the fugitive protestants of the north. Tyrconnel had withdrawn the garrison from Londonderry, on the first intelligence reaching him of William's invasion of England. But soon perceiving the error he had committed m leaving this important place to the government of its protestant inhabitants, he dispatched the Earl of Antrim to take possession of it with a body of twelve thousand Scottish highlanders. This wild and savage looking force, whose exploits in the west of Scotland had spread a general horror throughout the land, had halted at the village of Limavaddy, about twelve miles from the city, at the very time when the rumour of the intended massacre reached the ears of the people of Londonderry. ^ The citizens, alarmed at the approaching danger, were collected m the streets, consulting as to what was to be done, when messengers arrived from the village where the highlanders had halted, giving the most alarming account of -their numbers and savage appearance. There was obviously no time to lose. Already were two companies of the force in sight, and two officers of the corps were actually in the town seeking quarters for their men, when at this critical moment, nine young men of the populace, '"prentice lads," as they were termed, drawing their swords, snatched up the keys of the city, and making towards the ferry-gate, they suddenly raised the draw- bridge, and shut the gates in the face of the approaching enemy. The adventurous spirit of the youths spread like wildfire. They were soon joined by numbers of citizens of their own class, and the guns were 'pointed against the advancing troops, who retired without farther trouble. The example of Derry quickened the protestant spirit of the north ; numbers of men from the surrounding neigh- bourhood flocked into the city to aid in its defence ; and several other places, Enniskillen among the number, determined also to hold out for the protestant cause. In tlie meantime Tyrconnel was playing a deep game,— amusing the friends of the revolution with delusive assurances of subniission and aid, and at the same time urgently inviting James to make his appearance in Irelaud, where he assured him that all the homau catholics would take up arms on his behalf. Tyrconnel also resorted to a wily expedient to get rid of Montjoy, the great loader ot tlie protestants in the north of Ireland. He persuaded him to underiake a mission to France, to assure .lames that the delencc of Ireland was impossible, and that the lord-deputy, in making his submission, was compelled to yield only to tibsolute necessity. At the sauK^ time, James was secretly told to make the dangerous Montjoy fast, and accordingly, as soon as ho reached I'avis, he was H:ifely immured in the Bastille. The iiegociation with William^ History of Ireland. 193 IioTVever, continued ; that prince offering to the catholics full security of person and property, and the possession of one- third of the churches in the kingdom, if they would suhmit to his authority. The agent whom William employed was an unfortunate one for the purpose,— namely, Richard Hamilton, who had led over a body of Irish troops to England on the invasion of William, and was at heart a violent partizan of James. Instead of persuading Tyrconnel to submit, Hamilton urged him to hold out, as it required only a general effort to restore their monarch to his throne, and rid the kingdom of "the usurper." Tyrconnel accordingly proceeded vigorously in the completion of his plans : after disarming the pro- testants, he set to work and recruited his army, and in the course of two months he had raised it to between 40 and 50,000 men, all catholics, and all eager to establish their religion, and to recover their ancient possessions. It is but justice to William to state, that the terms which he proposed to Tyrconnel were of a liberal character, — -namely, to the catholics liberty in the exercise of their religion, an equality of civil rights, full security of person and property, and the possession of one-third of the churches in the kingdom. It may be said that these promises were offered with the reserved intention of breaking them at the first opportunity, as the treaty of Limerick was afterwards so shamefully violated. But it is more than probable that William was in all these transactions made the instrument of the violence and intolerance of the English parliament, and acted rather in obedience to English hostilities and prejudices, rather than to his own deeply-cherished feelings and convictions. When he found himself obliged to give in to the rehgious violence of the protestant sectaries as regarded England, how much more likely was he to yield to "them in the case of the catholic, despised, and persecuted Irish people. Everything now seemed to promise success, and all that was wanted was the appearance of James himself as the signal for a general demonstration in his favour. James had been well received at the French court, and Louis was now making great preparations to aid him in the recovery of his dominions. A fleet and army were now assembled at Brest, whither crowds of English and Irish were also resorting, to take part with James in his expedition to Ireland. The French army amounted to 2,500 men, under a skilful German general, De Rosen : the fleet consisted of fifteen sail, manned and commanded by some of the best sailors and marine officers of France. At last James embarked, and after being long detained by contrary winds, he landed, on the 12th of March, at Kinsale, in the south of Ireland, and was received with great demonstrations of joy by the native Irish. He advanced to Cork, where he met Tyrconnel, whom he immediately created a duke. His progress towards the capital was a continued jubilee ; and he entered Dublin amidst the enthusiastic plaudits of an immense multitude of people. He was followed by a splendid train of Irish ]94? History of Ireland. and French troops, and was attended by the Connt d'Avaux, ui the character of ambassador of France. On his entrance to the city, he was met by the magistrates, and by the cathohc prelates and priesthood in their state habits, bearing the host before them in solemn procession. A silken canopy was hnng over his course and forty young and beautiful maidens, clad in white, walked before his horse, strewing flowers in his path, untd he arrived at the Castle, where the people greeted him with long and entliusiastic shouts of "God save the king " Long live the king !" Centuries had passed since a monarch had been seen m Ireland; and now Dubhn rejoiced with its whole soul, because it dreamt that the time of Ireland^s tribulation had passed, and that of national glory and deliverance had begun. Loyal addresses poured in upon James from all sides and the nation rang with the sound of the general jubilee. All Ireland, with the exception of the towns of Londonderry and Enniskillen, now acknowledged the sway of King J ames. The protestants m the north had been beaten by General Hamilton s forces, aiid had fled from all quarters, to these two places of refage. Thither James proposed immediately to repair with his army, m order to reduce the entire island under his sway. Before, however, he set out he issued five proclamations of some importance. By these, he ordered all Irish subjects (meaning the protestant settlers) who had lately abandoned the kingdom to return home under assurance of protection, and on pain of outlawry and confiscation ; he also ordered all his subjects of every persuasion to unite with him against the Prince of Orange ; he expressed his gratitude to the catholics of Ireland for the readiness and cheerfulness with which they had taken up arms in his service, but he required such as were not in actual pay and under regular commanders, to lay up their arms in their several abodes, to prevent robberies which even their meritorious arming had given rise to ; he called upon the country people in the north to supply his army with provisions, and forbade the soldiery to take anything without payment; he altered the currency, by declaring that twenty shillings should pass for a guinea ; and lastly he summoned an Irish parhament to meet at Dublin on the ^^^^egiments arrived from England and Scotland, when the general /^^^ ^&*lbresolved to remove to a more healthy situation, in order that the C id^^^^^ new troops might not catch the infection. The shifting of the army ^was one of the most melancholy sights. Numbers of the sick men lied on being removed ; all along the route the corpses were cast )ut of the waggons, the rough motion of which proved fatal to hun- dreds ; and such was the fearful mortality, that it is said the rear- guard of the army literall}^ marched through a lane formed of the dead bodies of their comrades. Schomberg at length disposed of the miserable remains of his army in those of the northern to^ais which acknowledged the authority of William ; and thus ended a futile and disgraceful campaign, the only memorable circumstances of which were the deplorable suffering of the men and the sheepish incapacity of their officers. The clamours w hich arose in England, on the arrival of the intel- ligence from Ireland as to the real position of Schomberg's army, — the charges of incapacity which were made against those who had been appointed to the command of the expedition, — induced William at length to take decided steps for the speedy settlement of the war. He resolved to call a new parliament, to commit the reins of government to his popular wife. Queen Mary, and to under- take the management of the war in Ireland in person. Schomberg's forces were encouraged by this intelhgence, and made several attacks upon the Irish forces during the winter, which were attended with varying success. Stores of arms, ammunition, and provisions, meanwhile arrived from England, and a reinforcement of Danish troops, to the number of 7,000, landed at Belfast, under the com- mand of the Prince of Wirtemberg. Nor was King James's government less assiduous in their efforts to prepare for the ensuing campaign. Fortifications were repaired, recruits raised, troops drilled, and all the necessary preparations made for a severe and decisive encounter. A great mistake, however, was committed by James, in exchanging five thousand of his most veteran Irish troops, under the command of Macarty ^lore, one of his bravest genei»ls, for five thousand French troops, under the command of the Duke of Lausun. These afterwards proved a hinderance rather than a help. They were refractory and disobedient, and would aknowledge no authority but that of their French commander, who looked rather to the interests of his French master than to the establishment of the liberties of Ireland. The capture of Charlemont by Schomberg's troops, about this time, was felt by James as a severe loss. This fort was one of the strongest in the north of Ireland ; it occupied the summit of a hill which commanded a very important pass, and os^erlooked the History of Ireland. Blackwater. It was surrounded by a morass, and approachable only by two narrow causeways. The place was now held for J ames by a brave but eccentric old Irish officer, Teague O'Regan. On Schom- berg summoning him to surrender, O' Regan's gruff answer was* " Schomberg. is an old rogue, and shall not have this castle." Schomberg, however, closely invested the castle ; and while sat down before it, an Irish officer, named Mac Mahon, at the head of 500 men, gallantly fought his way through the besiegers with a small supply of provisions, and reached the v/alls of the fort. O'Regan accepted the provisions, of which he was very short, but he refused to admit the men, of whom he had quite sufficient for the defence of the place. He therefore bade Mac Mahon and his men fight their way back again. But old Schomberg, who was alive to the movement, resolutely opposed their return, and twice were they driven back to the walls of the castle with great loss. Still old Teague would not admit them : he sv/ore that " if they coiild not make their way out they should have no lodging or entertainment within." Accordingly, the unlucky detachment were compelled to take up their quarters on the counter-scarp, between the fortress and the enemy, where they were reduced to great privations. At last the brave old governor was starved into submission ; he surrendered on the most favourable terms, marching out with all the honours of war. ^ * At length William arrived in Ireland ; landing at Belfast, on the 14th of June, 1690. Several strong bodies of troops had pre- ceded him, a mixture of EngHsh, Dutch, and Brandenburghers. After joining their forces to the army of Schomberg, William found himself at the head of a body of 36,000 men. Though composed of the most heterogeneous materials, it was complete as regarded equipment, discipline, and spirit. Most of the men were veterans who had served under the greatest generals of the continent. Many of them were stimulated by the feelings of the bigot persecuted into fury. The French Huguenots of William's army had been driven out of France by the relentless persecution under Louis XIV. ; and it is said that on being opposed, as they were on several occa- sions, to the French catholics in the Irish service, they rushed upon them like furies, their leaders whetting their rage by the cry of "-Mes- sieurs^ Voila ws persecuteurs /" The Enniskilleners, and many of the Scotch troops, were also instigated by the same bitterly hostile feeling towards " popeij." As for the majority of the men, how- ever, composing WiUiam's army, their main objects in following him, were pay, plunder, and hcense. A set of greater monsters in human form were perhaps never let loose upon an unhappy country, than these mercenaries of Wilham's army. They had acquired a taste for every species of vice in their continental campaigns. The abomi- nations of Sodom and Gomorrah were revived among these embruted bands, the refuse of the continental cities. Such was the scourge now visited upon Ireland ; such was the agency by which the cause ^03 History of Ireland. of British protestantism was now to be maintained ! But monarchs do not look to means, but ends. So that their pohcy be successful, it matters not through what disgusting and abominable instruments it is accomplished. } William had scarcely landed, ere he set about commencing the campaign with vigour. He assembled and reviewed his army at Loughbrickland ; personally inspecting the condition and discipline of each troop and company — though the day was tempestuous and stormy on which they took the field. WiUiam then issued his orders that the army should immediately march southwards, to bring the enemy to an engagement, and put as speedy a termination as possible to the war. Some of his more cautious officers expos- tulated ; but his remark was — " I came not to Ireland to let the grass grow beneath my feet." Before he set out, WiUiam per- formed an act liighly acceptable to the northern presbyterians, who had been among the most zealous of his friends, and shared in all the distresses of the wars. He issued his warrant, granting them an annual pension of =£^1,200, to be paid by the collector of customs in the port of Belfast ; which pension was afterwards transferred to the civil list, and made payable from the exchequer.* Vy^illiam was on his march southward, ere James so much as * TMs grant M-as tte origin of tlie Regium Donum, or Royal Gift, whicTi continues to be paid to dissenting ministers in Ireland to the present day. The sum was at first granted, by letters patent passed under the gi'eat seal of Ireland, to seven ministers, during pleasure, to be bv them applied to the use of the dissenting ministers of the north of Ireland. "On the death of William, the trustees of the bounty petitioned Queen Anne to renew the grant, which she did, under the following limitations : — " Upon trust nevertheless that the money which shall be received thereupon shall be distributed to and amongst the said presbvterian niinisters, or such of them, and in such proportions, as shall be appointed from time to time, in lists to be approved of and signed by our lieutenant deputy, or other chief governor or governors, of our said kingdom of Ireland for the time being." — Various augmentations of the above annual grant were made in succeeding reigns, the English government deeming it necessary thus to bribe the northern presbyterians, in order to maintain the English ascendancy in Ireland. In the reign of George I. £800 per annum were granted to the ministers of the Synod of Ulster and those of the Southern Association, in acknowledgment of their services in the Hanoverian succession. In 1786, a farther grant of X'lOO per annum was made to the ministers of the Synod of Ulster, to be dis- tributed according to the pleasure of the government: and in 1 792, "a further grant of £5,000 per annum was made, to be divided among the ministers of the Synod, the Secedei-s, the Presbytery of Antrim, the Southern Association, and the French Church, Dublin. About the beginning of the present century, the distribution of the Regium Donum became the subject of re- consideration with the English government. In consequence of some of the dissenting ministers having been mixed up with the unfortunate proceedings of the United Irishmen in 11^98, Lord Castlercagh aud his coadjutors determined, in order that the administrators of the grant should havi^a check upon the clergy, that each minister should receive the bounty as for himself, while the gift should be granted according to the congregation. Thus certain ministers, if judged necessary, might be deprived of their pension by the decree of the secretary of state ; the Regium Donum, however, still continuing to be drawn, and its benefits appropriated to a widow's fund. The congregations were arranged in three classes ; and according to the number of families belonging to them and the stipend of each, wore the allowances of the ministers — some being £50, others -£75, and the highest i.' 100 per annum. Thus the Regium Donum has gone on gradually increasing with the increase of Presbyterian congregations. Thus, in 1833, nearly L24,0()0 nf the public money were voted for the support of Presbyterian ministers in Ireland"; and in 1842, the vote had reached to no less than L35,156 4s. 2d!, besides a grant of LI, 950, for the Belfast Institution -the Presbyterian College, Belfast. The groat increase in the Regium Donum of late years is the result of a " new scale of prices" made by the Melbourne government. The do ium has been equalized ; the ministers of those concrcixations lowest in the .scale being raised to tlie middle sum, and those Btimding the highest being reduced lo the same price. History of Ireland. 209 heard of his arrival in Ireland. Dissensions were now appearing among the followers of James, which had been greatly stimulated by the arrival of the Count de Lauzun. This nobleman, as well as most of the French officers, affected a supercilious contempt for their Irish allies, which James, who seemed to depend entirely upon French influence for the recovery of his throne, soon came to imitate. He conferred the chief offices about his person, and the principal command of his army, upon Frenchmen, while Irish noblemen and gentlemen, of even the highest merit, were passed over without notice. By this foolish favouritism, the enthusiasm of the Irish troops was damped, they lost confidence in their leader, and felt as if the issue of their struggles was to be a mere change of ascendancy, from the crown of England to that of France. It was currently rumoured, and James''s conduct gave abundant confirm- ation to the rumour, that he had agreed to place Ireland under the protection of Louis, the French king, — at which the Irish were justly indignant, and resolved not to submit to the insult. Such were the jealousies and dissensions which prevailed among the adherents of James, when the intelligence arrived that William had landed at Belfast, and was on his march southward to Dublin. It was now William's policy to bring the Irish army at once to an engagement, and to strike a blow, if possible, at the rising power of his enemies. For, it must be remembered that, after all, this struggle was one not merely of local or national, but of European importance. Ireland was the field upon which the relative positions of the Catholic and Protestant interests of Europe were now to be decided. William was the head of the Protestant cause, and Louis of the Catholic ; and hence the help which the latter afforded to James, in officers, men, and the munitions of warfare. William felt fully conscious of the dangers of his present position ; he had so slender a hold on the English throne, that on several occasions he was on the point of abandoning it, and returning to Holland. A numerous and influential party in England were still favourable to the cause of James, and were engaged in plotting for his restoration. All the northern parts of Scotland were disaffected towards William. His hereditary Dutch dominions were also threatened, and he felt that he had scarcely a foot of firm ground to stand upon. A defeat would have proved his ruin: even pro- crastination would have proved fatal to him in the end, or it would have given his opponents time to rally their strength against him. Urged on, therefore, by the dangers of his position, he determined, if possible, to bring the Irish army under James to a speedy and decisive engagement. * As it was. the interest of WilHam to bring the Irish campaign tc a close, so it was that of James to protract it. The Irish forces were inferior in number to those of William's, and not so well appointed. Most of them were new levies, while the army of the enemy consisted chiefly of veteran soldiers, whose valour had £10 History of Ireland, already been tried on many famous battle-fields. Strange to say, at this very jmictnre, James first began to display a disposition for fighting. Often had he allowed the fairest opportmiities for attack to pass tmimproved ; but now, when the contrary policy was required, James was suddenly seized with a braggart fit, and nothing would serve him but an immediate engagement with the enemy. The French and Irish ofiicers both joined in endeavouring to dissuade their leader from such an enterprise. They represented that they would be much better able to fight the enemy, when the promised fleet of Louis had arrived with reinforcements. Delay would also enable the friends of James in England and Scotland, who were on the eve of an insurrection, to carry their plans into effect. They strenuously urged him to wait the issue of these designs, and, instead of hazarding a battle against superior numbers, to strengthen his garrisons and retire to the Shannon, where he would be able to maintain a defensive war against an enemy, which, without provisions and succours, and in a hostile country, must eventually be worn out and destroyed by famine and disease. But all these representations proved fruitless : James had at last resolved to fight, and fight he would. Meanwhile he adopted the ominous precaution of dispatching one of his friends to Waterford, to prepare a ship to convey him to France in case of misfortune. After advancing as far as Dundalk, when he joined the main body of his army, now 33,000 strong, James fell back upon Ardee, but, on the approach of William's forces, he retired to Duiiilane, and on the £8th of June, he reached the river Boyne, which he crossed on the following day, and took up a strong position on its right bank. The Boyne is here a beautiful and picturesque river, between fifty and sixty yards wide ; its banks are rather rugged, though not precipitous ; its current is moderate, and the depth in all parts considerable. To ford it, in the face of a determined enemy, would obviously be a work of no slight difiiculty and danger. To the right of James's position lay the town of Drogheda, filled with Irish soldiers. His left was lined by a deep morass, and defended by breast-works, with huts and hedges which were well lined with infantry. Behind was a rising ground stretching along the whole of the field. In the rear lay the church and village of Donore, at which James fixed his own tent. The position com- manded an extensive view of the adjacent country, — of the whole district, indeed, from Drogheda to the village of Oldbridge, — and immediately overlooked the valley of the Boyne on which the Irish army now lay encamped. About three miles to the rear was the pass of Duleek, on which James depended for a retreat, in case of necessity. William reached the Boyne at the head of his advanced guard, early on tlie morning of -the 30th of June. After carefully sur- veying the lines of tlie Irish on the opposite side of the river, he resolved to force the passnge on the following day. As his arm v History of Ireland. 211 was marching into camp, he himself went out to reconnoitre with some of his staff. The rich plains of Meath were within sight ; the clear and joyous river ran sparkling through a fair and fertile pasture land ; and the very summits of the hills were clad in verdure. ^'Behold," said William, "turning to his officers,-- behold a land worth fighting for !" As he advanced along the left • bank, however, a circumstance occurred which had nearly proved fatal to WilHam, and checked the career of his ambition. He had advanced to within musket-shot of Oldbridge, on the opposite side, when he fixed on the place where his batteries were to be planted, and decided upon the spot at which his army should pass the river ; after which he alighted, and sat down to refresh himself on a rising- ground. The motions of William and his staff were carefully watched from the other side of the river. Berwick, Tyrconnel, Sarsfield, and some other generals, observed the position of William, and ordered up a detachment of men with two field-pieces, which immediately opened a fire on the opposite party. William, however, saw his danger, and took to horse ; but, ere he could do this, a man and two horses along side of him were killed by the first shot ; the second had like to have proved fatal to him : the ball having struck the bank of the river, rising en richochet^ slanted on the king's right shoulder, took out a piece of his coat, and tore the skin and flesh. Some confusion immediately took place among the attendants of Wilham, and he rode off stooping in his saddle ; on seeing which the report immediately arose in the Irish army that the Prince of Orange was killed. This intelligence was imme- diately conveyed to Dublin ; and from thence to the continent, where it caused both sadness and rejoicing. At Paris, the guns of the Bastille were fired, the church bells were set ringing, and bon- fires were lit in the streets, in commemoration of the event. William, however, was but slightly hurt ; and having got his wound dressed, he continued on horseback duringthe greater part of the day. On the side of James, there was little of the resolute determina- tion that was so conspicuous on the part of his opponent. After his sudden bravado, the cowardly monarch gradually cooled down until he at length became as anxious to avoid an engagement as he had formerly been to court one. At the appearance of William's army marching into quarters on the opposite side of the Boyne, the last vestiges of James's courage completely evaporated. A council of war was held late in the evening, when the French generals, who had perceived William's superiority in numbers and artillery, seconded James in his efforts to avert an encounter. On the other hand, the Irish generals were eager to engage with the enemy, and urged that William's passage of the Boyne should be despe- rately resisted. The result was, that James resolved to risk a par- tial battle, keeping himself out of harm's way the while, and then to retreat » by the pass of Duleek, without risking a general action. Hamilton, the Irish general, advised the sending of eight History of Ireland. regiments to protect the bridge of Slane,— a post of great conse- quence, inasmuch as it commanded the left of James''s position, and there was little doubt that Wilham's right wing would there attempt a passage, — but James received the proposition with indifference, and said he would order thither fifty dragoons! Hamilton, surprised and chagrined, bowed, and was silent. In the meantime, James, in anticipation of a retreat, ordered the baggao-e and the principal part of the artillery to be immediately sent forward to Dublin. The fighting part of the atfair on the morrow was entrusted to the Irish ; while the six thousand French, the best appointed part of the army, were to take care of the wretched monarch, and conduct him in safety from the field of battle. Thus did James deliberately make his preparations to throw away his last chance for his own throne, and to sacrifice without a struggle his brave and loyal adherents among the Irish people. At William's council, a very different spirit prevailed. The mmd of the leader gives the tone to every council : William was resolute, and bent on an engagement. He at once declared his de- ^rmmation to cross tl^ river on the morrow, in front of the enemv. The hazardous nature of such an attempt, however, startled some of VVilliam's best officers. Duke Schomberg, now above eighty years of age, endeavoured to dissuade him 'from the enterprise. When he could not prevail, he urged that a strong body of men should be immediately detached to secure the bridge of Slane, so as to flank the enemy and cut them off from the pass of Duleek. SchombeiVs advice was received with indifference, and the old general retired, it is said, m disgust : he afterwards received the order of battle in his tent, remarking, that it had been "the first ever sent to him." The order of William was, that the river should be passed in three places ; by his right wing, commanded by Count Schomberg (son of the Duke), and Lieutenant-General Douglas, at the fords near the bridge of Slane,— the former commanding the cavalry, the latter the infantry; by the centre, commanded by Duke Schomberg ; and by the left wmg, commanded by William'in person. Orders were issued that every soldier should be provided with a plentiful stock of ammunition, and that all should be ready to march by break of day, and that every man should wear a green bouo-h or sprig iu his hat, to distinguish them from the Irish, who wore the white cockade. He rode through his whole army, about twelve oVlock at night, inspecting them by torch-light,— and after oiving out the pass- word, " Westminster,"— he retired to his tent,^ impatient for the struggle of the morrow. The shades of night lay still and quiet over the sleeping host. I he stars looked down in peace upon fhese 60,000 brothers of one great human family, ready to rise with the sun, and imbue their hands HI each others' blood. God and nature had formed them in one common nnage, and breathed into them a deep sympathy for t heir kind ; but tyrant factions and warring creeds had set them at History of Ireland. bitter enmity to each other, and turned all the sweetness of their existence into gall. Nature now lay peaceful around them, as a sleeping child ; a few twinkling lights gleamed through the dark, froija the distant watch-towers of Drogheda ; the murmur of the river which separated the two armies fell faintly on the ear ; and the only sounds of life which arose from the vast host that now lay encamped in the valley of the Boyne, were the hoarse challenges of the sentinels as they paced their midnight rounds. The sun rose clear and beautiful. It was the first day of July — an ever-memorable day to poor Ireland. The generate was beat in the camp of William before daybreak ; and as soon as the sun was up, the battle commenced. Count Schomberg and General Douglas at once moved forward with the right wing towards Slane. The Irish also brought up their left wing towards the same place ; but they were too late, owing to James's indecision of the previous night. Before their resistance could be brought to bear with effect upon the enemy's ranks, they had dashed into the river and forded it there. After a smart fight, the Irish retreated, and 10,000 English horse, foot, and artillery, gained a firm footing upon the right bank of the Boyne. There still, however, lay between them and the Irish position several fields enclosed by deep ditches difficult to be crossed ; and beyond these lay the morass, which was a still more embarrassing obstacle in their way. They forced their way through, nevertheless ; when the Irish fled towards Duleek, and were pursued with great slaughter. The centre, under Duke Schomberg, so soon as it was supposed that the right wing had effected their passage, prepared to enter the river at Oldbridge. The Dutch blue guards, beating a march till they reached the water's edge, then went in eight or ten abreast, the water reaching above their girdles. When they had gained the centre of the stream, they vrere saluted with a tremendous fire from the breastworks, houses, and hedges, on the Irish side of the river. But they pushed on, and reaching the opposite bank, drove the Irish skirmishers before them. Hamilton now brought the Irish battalions of infantry to bear on them, but without effect. The Irish cavalry also charged them with vigour, but the Dutch squares remained unbroken. William, observing that his favourite troops were hardly pressed, ordered two regiments of French Huguenots and one English regiment to their assistance. Hamilton's infantry met them in the stream, yet they made good their passage. But a body of Irish dragoons, at the moment of their landing, charged them on their flank, broke their ranks, and cut the greater part of them to pieces. Caillemote, their commander, was killed, dying, like a Frenchman, with the words in his mouth, — "^4. la gloire^ mes enfansl A lagloire /" A squadron of Danish horse now pushed across ; but the Irish dragoons, in another of their dashing* charges, broke and defeated them in a moment, di'iving them back across the river in great confusion and distoay. Hiitorii of Ireland. The brilliant, rapid, and successful attacks of the Irish cavalry spread a general alarm through the ranks of the enemy. As they approached, the general cry of " Horse! horse!"'' was raised, which was mistaken by William's advancing soldiers, for " Halt ! halt The confusion was rapidly extending, when old Schonberg, per- ceiving the disorder, and that the remaining French Huguenots had no commander to lead them, crossed the river with a few followers, and put himself at their head. Pointing to the French- men in James's ranks, he cried, " AUons, messieurs^ mila vos perse- cuteurs /"* and was preparing to rush forward : but, scarcely were these words out of his mouth, ere he was shot through the neck by an Irish dragoon, or, as some supposed, by a fatal mistake of one of his own men.-[- The critical moment had now arrived. The enemy's centre was in complete confusion. The Irish cavalry rode through their ranks. Their leaders, Schomberg and Caillemote, were both killed ; and the men were waiting for orders, exposed to the galling fire of the Irish infantry and the furious charges of their cavalry. Had James improved the moment, and ordered the French troops to the instant aid of the Irish, there can be little doubt but the day would have been decided in his favour. But James looked idly down from the heights of Donore, surrounded by his u.noccupied French body-guard of 6,000 men, — a safe and inglorious spectator of a struggle, on the issue of which his croT^Ti depended. He watched the tide of battle veering, now here, now there ; his enemies pushing their way in triumph, and the brave Irish falling beneath the swords of the foreigner ; then the dashing charge of the Irish cavalry, the route, the melee, the pursuit. Now was the time for the electric word "Onward!" to be sent along the line. But no: the miserable monarch did not even sympathize with the success of his own soldiers ; for it is said that, on observing the Irish dragoons of Hamilton cleaving down the cavalrj", and riding over the broken infantry of William, he exclaimed, with a mawkish sensibilit}^, " Spare, oh ! spare my English subjects !" The firing had now lasted, uninterruptedly, for more than an hour, when William of Orange seized the opportunity to turn the tide of battle against his spiritless adversary. He entered the action at the head of the left wing, which consisted chiefiy of Dutch, Danish, and English cavalry, and directed it upon J ames's centre, where the Irish now had the decided advantage. Crossing the river through a dangerous and difficult pas9| hi which he was exposed to considerable danger, he made his appearance at the * " Come on, gentlemen : behold your persecutors V — namely, the French catholics. -f- About the same time, George Walker, the clergyinan, whose success behind the walls of Derry seems to have given liini a fatal predilection for the military profession, fell in the melee : when William was told of his fate, he merely remarked, " The fool ! what business had ho there ?" William was right : after the siege of Deny, Walker might with much more propriety have resumed his Cencva gown, and left the war to the professional killing-men. History of Ireland. 215 head of his squadrons, with his drawn sword, and soon forced back the Irish infantry. But the Irish dragoons still maintained their superiority. They again vigorously charged the foreign troops, and completely broke their ranks. Wilham hastened up to the Enniskilleners, and asked, " What will you do for me V They answered by a shout, and immediately declared their readiness to follow him. They advanced, but at the first volley from the Irish ranks, they wheeled and fled.* On William bringing up his Dutch cavalry, they returned again to the charge. The struggle now became very close, and the superior strength of William began to tell. The Irish, unsupported as they were by their French alhes, while Wilham's entire army was in action, slowly gave way : but, again and again they rallied, driving back the enemy ; the Irish cavalry dashing in among the advancing troops, scorning all toil and danger. WiUiam fought with great courage, mingling in the hottest part of the fight. Several times he was driven back by the Irish horse, but at last his superior physical power enabled him to force back the Irish troops, and they retired slowly towards Donore. Here they again made a gallant stand, beating back the troops of William several times. The farm-house of Sheephouse for a long time withstood their attacks, and was taken and re-taken again and again. Again Hamilton endeavoured to retrieve the fortune of the day, by a desperate charge at the head of his horse. The British infantry withstood the furious shock; the cavalry were repulsed ; and Hamilton, their general, was left a prisoner in the hands of the enemy.f Having thus resisted to the last, the Irish retreated slowly to the pass of Duleek. James had already meditated a retreat with his French troops. Sarsfield had implored him to put himself at their head, and make a last effort for his crown. With 6,000 fresh men coming into the field when the enemy's troops were exhausted by fatigue, there is little doubt but James would have succeeded. But the effort would cost him trouble, exertion, danger,— neither of which the royal poltroon would risk. Accordingly, James put himself at the head of his French troops — the first occasion on which he had led in the course of the day,— and set out on his route towards DuUin, leaving the rear of his army to shift for themselves. The Irish army now poured through the pass ; and when they had reached the other side, they faced about, and vigorously de- fended it with their scanty artillery. From Duleek, they pressed forward towards the Neal,' another defile on their route, the enemy following without pressing upon them at all, until night closed upon * Most of the accounts of this battle state, in exciise of the Enniskilleners, that they mistook their orders. However this may be, William ever afterwards regarded them with dislike. t On being conducted before William, the king asked Hamilton whether the Irish would fight more. " Upon my honour," said Hamilton, " I believe they will : for they have yet a good body of horse." William surveyed the man who had betrayed him in his transactions with Tyrconnel, and in a sullen and contemptuous tone, epcclaimed, " Honour ! your honour !' ...Lelakd. History of Ireland. the rival armies, and William sat down with his army on the ground which James had occupied in the morning. Though " the Boyne^' has since become a party word of triumph among the protestants of Ireland, it seems to us that after all there was very little to boast of at the close of that day's battle. All the advantage that William had gained was, that he had succeeded in crossmg the Boyne, in the face of a very inferior force,— inferior in numbers, m appointments, in discipline, and in artillery. His best troopshad been repeatedly repulsed; hisbest generals killed; William himself was compelled to fall back, and more than once was in danger of overthrow ; and would have been overthrown, but for his great superiority m cavalry, infantry, and artillery. The best part of James s force, the French, were never brought into action. Yet with all these disadvantages, the issue was doubtful, even to the close ot the aay. William gained nothing but the ground on which his army encamped at night, and the dead bodies with which the field was strewed. For, with the exception of Hamilton, he made no prisoners. Neither did he take any spoil from the Irish, who retreated m excellent order, with all their baggage and artillery, /-ihere is little doubt that had not the Irish the misfortune to - be commanded by a coward, the result would have been very different. The cry of the Irish after the battle was, - Change generals, and we will fight the battle over again." The brilliant and successflil charges of the Irish cavalry under Hamilton, shewed what might have been accomphshed had James but possessed a tythe of the chivalrous spirit of this leader. The Boyne was neither more nor less than a drawn battle, though to William it had ail the advantages of a complete victory. The loss of life in this battle was comparatively small, considering the severity and duration of the conflict. Little more than 500 fell on either side during the engagement, though many of the peasantry, who had come to witness the fray, were after^vards murdered by the Ji^nniskilleners, and added by them to the loss sustained by the enemy. It is said also that many of the Irish foot threw a^ray their arms, and dispersed after dark, and were cut down by rovino- parties ^iAr ^'"'^''^^^ principal loss of officers on the side of VVilliam were Duke Schomberg, Colonel Caillemoto, and Georo-e Walker ; and among the persons of note who fell on the side of the xt' .'A'^^xT^' Dungan, the Earl of Carlingford, Fitzoerald, Sir JNeal O Neal, the Marquis d'Hoquincour, and Colonel C^asanova James fled to Dublin without halting, and, immediately on reaching the city, summoned a council of his friends. He told them that his Irish army had refused to support him in his hour of dano-er ' He declared that they could not be persuaded to rally, thouoh their loss vvas inconsiderable. The malignant coward "fui-ther charo-ed J rovidcnce with the misfortunes which were chiefly caused byliis own imbecility. " It seems,'' said he, - that (Jod is with my enemies. ' Ho told the council that " in England he had an armV History of Ireland. 217 which would fight, but deserted him ; and that in Ireland he had an army which stood by him, but would not fight."* Thus saying, the flying James resumed his route southwards. He set out forthwith for Waterford, breaking down all the bridges behind him to prevent a pursuit. The Irish were glad to get rid of him. He had long since lost every thing like the respect of the nation, who only despised him too much to hate him. "James had no royal quality about him," says an able Catholic historian ; — " Nature had made him a coward, a monk, and a gourmand ; and in spite of the freaks of fortune, that had placed him on a throne, and seemed inclined to keep him there, she vindicated her autho- rity, and dropped him ultimately in the niche that suited him :— " The meanest slave of France's despot lord !" CHAPTER XXV. Surrender of Drogheda — State of Dublin — Protestant mobs — Entry of William- Issues a Commission of Forfeitures — The Irish prepare to resume the War — William reduces the southern towns of Waterford, &c. — General Douglas reaches Athlone — His reception by the governor — Athlone, Limericl^ and the Shannon — Colonel Grace — Douglas is repulsed, and retreats — Advance of William to Limerick — Lays siege to the city — Brave defence of the garrison — Sarsfield surprises and destroys an escort — Attempt to carry Limerick by storm — Terrible resistance of the Irish — William raises the siege and retreats — Embarkation for England — Arrival of Marlborough— Siege and^capture of Cork — Further successes Withdrawal of the French — General Ginckle carries on the War — Rapparees ^ — State of the Country. Drogheda surrendered to William on the day following the battle of the Boyne ; the garrison was allowed to depart unarmed, and immediately marched oiF to Athlone, over whose strong walls the standard of James was still flying. William then directed his march slowly upon Dublin. In the meantime, the capital had been thrown into a state of great confusion by the flight of James. All his civil officers shortly after followed his example, and fled from the city. The military leaders, left entirely to themselves, though James had left them no instructions, resolved to continue the struggle, as their own rights and liberties were deeply concerned in its issue. They determined * It is pleasant to think that at least one of the subjects he had betrayed had the spirit to resent an insult to the country and the people. On reaching Dublin Castle, be was met by the Duchess of Tyrconnel, the lady of his viceroy. " Your countrymen , madam," he Said, as he was ascending the stairs, " your countrymen can run well." Not quite so well as yom' majesty," replied the high-souled woman, "for I see you have won the raceP Even at the moment of his embarking from Ireland, for ever, he bequeathed it a sarcasm. Passing along the quay of Waterford, a sudden gust of wind carried away bis hat. A venerable officer, named O'Farrall, immediately took off his own, and presented it to the exile. He took it without ceremony, merely observing, as he placed it on his head, " If he had lost a crown by the Irish, he had gained a hat by them.— Hall's Ireland. S18 Hiitorif of Ireland. now to adopt their original plan, and to retire behind the Shannon, where they would protract the war to its utmost extent. Before leaving Dubhn, they set free all the protestant prisoners who had been put in confinement by James ; and then marched off their forces to Limerick and Athlone. The Irish army had scarcely withdrawn, when a protestant mob assembled, breathing vengeance against "the papists,"" and pro- ceeded to rob and set fire to the^houses of most of the leading cathoKcs of the city. Among others, General Sarsfield's house was robbed, gutted, and totally destroyed. The city was, however, saved from destruction by a protestant mihtary officer, named Fitzgerald, a member of the Kildare family, who assmned the command at this juncture, restrained the excesses of the mob, and sent expresses to William for immediate assistance. On the ord of J uly, the Duke of Ormond arrived with nine troops of horse, and took possession of the qHj in the name of King William. It was not until the 8th that William himself entered the capital in triumph, when he went direct to the cathedral church of St. Patrick, now again restored to the protestant faith, and returned public thanks for his victory. The protestants, wdio again hungered and thirsted after for- feitures, now urged WilHam to adopt the policy of his predecessor, Cromwell, and to seize all the property of the Irish who had adhered to the party of King James. William, thus driven by his own friends, forthwith issued a commission for seizing and securino- all forfeitures accruing to the crown from the rebellion of the Irish. The commissioners, in their great eagerness to signalize themselves, seized without mercy; and the result was, that the Irish were confirmed in their aversion to the new government ; and the peasantry, who were treated by William's agents with great severity, were forced again to take up arms for their o^vn security, and crowded in large bodies to their old leaders behind the strong line of the Shannon. On the 9th of July, William left Dubl in, and marched south- wards with part of his army ; detaching General Douglas, with ten regiments of infentry and five of cavalry, to reduce Athlone. The position of ^Villiam was now most critical. During his absence, the English and Scotch Jacobites were accelerating' their arrang'ements for a general insurrection, and only waited an opportunity. The combined Dutch and English fleets had also been defeated bv the F rench, and James was daily expected to land in England at the head of a foreign army. William was now most anxious to secure some of the southern Irish towns, to gain a secure station for his transport s]ii])s ; and he hastened to reduce them with his army. Wexford declared for him, and admitted his garrison. Waterford and Dun- cannon threatened resistance, but yielded without a struo-ole ; Clonmel was abandoned by the garrison, and thus William M ithin a very short time secured all the objects of his mission southwards. History of Ireland. But, in fact, most of the southern towns were now untenable : their fortifications were in ruins : and as the Irish generals had deter- mined to make their grand struggle behind the Shannon, no effort was made to save them. Let us now follow Douglas and his division of the army, on their march westwards to Athlone. On their route, they committed the most horrible cruelties on the defenceless peasantry, whom they plundered and murdered in utter defiance of the orders of their generals. Allured by the proclamation of King William, that the labourers, farmers, and peasantry, would be protected in the exer- cise of ther industry, numbers of them had returned to their dwel- lings, and were now exposed to the merciless cruelties of a ruffian soldiery. Many of them fled to Athlone, carrying with them accounts of the brutality of the approaching army ; and when Douglas reached the place, he found that he had to contend with an army excited against him to the highest pitch of exasperation. On summoning the garrison to surrender, the gallant old governor, Colonel Richard Grace, returned a passionate defiance. " These are my terms," said he, discharging a pistol at the messenger, " these only will I give or receive ; and when my provisions are consumed, I will defend my trust till I have eaten ipy boots." Athlone and Limerick were the two grand points on which the Irish forces now concentrated. A glance at the map of Ire- land will satisfy the reader as to the vast importance of maintaining these two positions. They are situated at a distance from each other, of between seventy and eighty miles. Between them flows the Shannon, a bold and wide river, almost impassable to an army in the face of any hostile force ; — sometimes widening into broad and beautiful loughs, and again contracting>"into a deep and rapid stream ; until, on reaching Limerick, it finally expands into an arm of the sea, and becomes navigable to ships of the largest burden. Athlone, before which Douglas's army had now arrived, is situated on the Shannon near the lower end of Lough Ree. The river divides the town into two parts — the English and the Irish quarters. For centuries this town had formed the great gateway into Con- naught, and many a bloody battle had been fought under its walls long before the period of which we now speak. Its castle, which to this day exhibits proofs of prodigious strength, is situated close upon the Shannon, on the Connaught side of the river, and protects the passage at the only place where it can be forded within a distance of twenty or thirty miles. The bridge which leads to it from the Leinster side, is remarkably narrow, and completely commanded by the guns of the castle. The governor of Athlone, Colonel Richard Grace, was a man worthy of the important post which he was appointed to defend. He was an aged officer, and had gained great experience in the wars of the continent. In the war of the Commonwealth, he was one of the very last persons who resisted the power of Cromwell in Ireland ; 220 History of Ireland. and' was so obnoxious to government that a price of J'SOO was set upon liis lieacL He was active, brave, and humane, yet a strict and severe disciplinarian. It is said that on the approach of Douglas's army, several of the lifeless bodies of his soldiers were found beyond the walls of the town, who had been executed for breach of mili- tary discipKne. It was by means such as these, however, that he maintained the completest tranquillity in his neighbourhood, and protected alike the protestants and the cathoKcs in the enjoyment of the fruits of their industry. Grace was an old man when he was appointed to the command of Athlone; and Douglas calculated on an easy triumph over him. But he was doomed to be mistaken ; the old veteran hurled back his defiance, and immediately prepared to make a desperate defence. The garrison of Athlone consisted of three regiments of foot, and eleven troops of horse ; a stronger force lay at a distance, to support them in case of necessity, Abandoning as indefensible the English part of the town, situated on the eastern side of the Shannon, Grace set fire to it, and conveyed all his force over to the Irish side, breaking down the stone bridge behind him, to prevent the transit of the enemy. He also fortified the Irish town with great care, and made every preparation for a vigorous resistance. Douglas approached, and his summons met with the blulF and rough re- joinder which we have already given. He then determined to undertake the siege in form. He opened a battery of six guns on the town, and commenced playing on the castle, but without effect. The Irish returned his fire with superior art: their guns were better served, and consequently proved more destructive. Douglas's best gunners were killed, and his works destroyed ; at the same time his men were growing discontented and dispirited for want of pro- visions. Determined to make another effort, he sent a part of his force to try and force the passage of the river at Lanesborough, a few miles north of Athlone. But the place was already found occupied by the Irish, who forced the Enghsh troops almost immediately to retire with considerable loss. Another attempt to ford the river at a short distance from the bridge also failed ; for the Irish had so secured the pass by a line of fieldworks, that Douglas's troops soon abandoned it in despair. In fact, the defence of the Irish was complete ; and Douglas began to meditate a retreat. This was precipitated by the report that the indefatigable Sarsfield was on the march with a body of 15,000 men, to raise the siege and cut off the retreat of the English. The English camp was" immediately broken up. Douglas drew off his forces with great precipitation, and fled by night, leaving behind him all his heavy baggage. He quitted the higli road, and took a wide circuit, in order to evade a pursuit ; subjecting liis army to a succession of disasters and suf- ferings almost unequalled in the history of tlie war. William had now effected the objects of his expedition to tlie south, and was on his march est\vard to Limerick, of which he History of Irelafid. expected to obtain an ea§y possession. He was encouraged in forming such sanguine anticipations, by the rumoured dissensions which prevailed among the French and Irish leaders, which dis- sensions had also become communicated to the troops. The former, it was reported to William, were on the eve of abandoning the city. Accordingly, he hasted onv/ard, now joined by the forces of Douglas, which had been beaten from Athlone. He arrived before Limerick on the 9th of August, and after driving in the Irish out- posts, and approaching within cannon-shot of the city, he boldly summoned it to surrender. General Boileau, the French officer in command of the garrison, returned for an answer that " he was surprised at the summons, and thought the best way to gaiti the good opinion of the Prince of Orange, was to defend the place for his master King James."' William, finding that there was no in- tention to surrender, accordingly resolved immediately to invest the city in form. The city of Limerick is famous for the successful resistance which it has oiFered at various periods to the progress of the invaders of Ireland. Under its walls were defeated the chivalry of the Anglo- Norman monarch, and afterwards the Ironsides of Cromwell ; and nov/ the victorious army of William was fated to meet with a still more decisive repulse from its gates. Limerick is situated in an extensive plain, watered by the noble Shannon, which is here a broad and beautiful river, navigable to ships of large burden. Like Athlone, the city is divided into the English and Irish towns, con- nected together by a bridge. The English town was by far the strongest, being built on an island, and surrounded on all sides by morasses, which could at any time be flooded on the approach of an enemy. At the time of which we speak, it was strongly fortified by walls, batteries, and ramparts ; and defended by a castle and a citadel. The castle was then four centuries old, and, after all the battles and sieges that it has witnessed, still stands frowning, like an old giant, on the waters of the mighty Shannon. The city was well supplied with troops ; for the flower of the Irish army was within its walls, or in the immediate neighbourhood. It was also well supplied with provisions ; the counties of Clare and Galway lying open to the besieged, from whence they could draw supplies ; and a French fleet rode triumphantly on the waters of the Shannon. Notwithstanding the great strength of the place, William, urged by the considerations above mentioned, resolved to push the siege. He had under him a force of about 20,000 men, which, however, were very inefficiently provided with artillery. He had with him only a field train ; having left his heavy ordnance to be forwarded from Dubhn. But so soon as he found the nature of the task he had to accomplish, he sent urgent orders to hasten the arrival of his train of artillery. These were now on the road, consisting- of six twenty- four-pounders, and two eighteen -pounders, escorted by two troops of horse. 11 History of Ireland. The interception and destruction of this escort by the Irish, was one of the most hrilhant events of the campaign. Learning the strat- ened position of Wilham, through a French deserter from the English camp, who also brought intelligence of the route, the motions, and the strength of the convoy, Sarsfield formed the daring plan of inter- cepting and destroying it. For this purpose he immediately set out with a body of 500 horse, and, crossing the Shannon at Killaloe, he struck across the country, with whose passes and cross- roads he was quite familiar, and reached Ballyneety, about seven miles in the rear of the English army. Here he waited the arrival of the escort, his troops lurking all day in the mountains. In the meantime, Wilham had been informed of the rapid movement of Sarsfield's horse, and fearful for the safety of the battery train, dispatched Sir John Lanier, with a heavy body of horse, to meet the convoy and bring it safe to camp. Lanier, however, arrived too late. Before he made his appearance on the field of action,-. Sarsfield had gallantly accomplished his object. The convoy arrived near the place where Sarsfield''s troops lay concealed, and seeing no enemy, they carelessly turned out their horses to graze, .and went to sleep in a full sense of security. Suddenly Sarsfield's horse burst upon them w^ith a terrific shout, cut the sentinels and waggon- drivers to pieces, and slew, took prisoners, or dispersed in a moment, the whole of the convoy. Sarsfield, however, could not convey the prizes into Limerick : he was, therefore, compelled to destroy them. Cramming the guns with powder up to the muzzles, and burying their mouths deep in the earth, — then piling the other stores, waggons, carriages, and baggage over them,^ — he laid a train, and fired it just as the troops of Lanier were making their appearance. The explosion was tre- mendous, and was felt to the very camp of William, more than seven miles distant. Lanier's party attempted to intercept Sarsfield, but on coming up with his rear, they were beaten off with loss, and compelled to retreat. Bodies of troops were, however, on the alert in every direction to intercept the Irish cavalry ; but, knowing- every pass in the mountains, they escaped all dangers, and returned to Limerick in triumph. This adventurous enterprise raised the spirits of the besieged, and proportionably depressed those of their enemies. Still William resolved to persevere. Two of his guns having escaped uninjured from the liavock committed by Sarsfield, and others being procured from Waterford, he finished his batteries, and re-opened his fire upon the walls, A breach was soon effected, about twelve yards in length, flanked by two towers on each side, which William now ordered to be assaulted. A brave storming party was formed, consisting of the best soldiers of William's army. The British grenadiers took the lead, and were supported by the Dutch guards, and some English and Brandenburgh regiments. The day was the '^TiiXx of Angust : it was intensely hot, tlie sun History of Irdand, slilniiio' in unclouded splendour, as the storming party drew up behind their entrenchments to start upon their dangerous enterprise. Silence pervaded alike the camp and the city : the period was one of agonizing suspense ; even " the boldest held his breath for a time." The besieged watched all the preparations of the enemy, and were prepared for a desperate resistance. The silence was broken by the loud report of three cannon shots in rapid succession. This was the fatal signal. And now the stormers spring forward to the breach. As they approach, the Irish open on them from the walls destructive vollies of shot. Five hundred grenadiers at the farthest angle of the trenches have rushed forward, and after a furious and bloody encounter, have gained the counterscarp and elFected a lodgement. They press on to the breach, amidst a tremendous fire, fighting foot to foot and hand to hand. And now they enter : but the Irish closing behind them, they are cut to pieces almost to a man. The charges become faster and more furious ; the shouts of the combatants and the groans of the wounded are drowned by the din of the cannon of the besiegers thundering against the walls. The masses of the Irish citizens and soldiers stem all further pro- gress of the besiegers. Death lies in wait for them at the breach : the Irishmen fight like lions, contemning every danger, — and even the women seem inspired by a terrible fury,* using against the enemy the weapons they had seized from the slain. At length the attacks become less furious. The dreadful contest has now raged for three long hours, and ^till the resistance of the Irish abates not. At this juncture, a tremendous explosion is heard. Four hundred Bran- denburghers, in the pay of William, had thrown themselves into a battery, which formed part of the breach ; when, some self-devoted patriot setting fire to the powder it contained, the whole detach- ment are blown into the air, and their blackened bodies now lie scattered in all directions. At length, after a hot contest of four hours, the attacks of the besiegers ceased : William saw that success was hopeless, and he sounded a retreat, after having lost in killed and wounded more than 2,000 men, the very flower of his force. William now resolved to raise the siege ; and after destroying his batteries, he retreated from the walls of Limerick, on the 80th of August, followed by his diminished and dispirited army. He was attended by a crowd of destitute protestants, who, though they had been plundered and ravaged by the blacl^uard soldiery of William, were still under the deplorable necessity of clinging to them as their only defence and protection from the retaliation of the long-oppressed but now victorious Irish. The excesses com- mitted by William's soldiery upon the unfortunate peasantry, during their route, were of the most horrible and revolting description. * Crowds of women mingled with the soldiers, and fought as bravely as the men. They re- proached William's soldiers with the nameless abominations of which they had been guilty, and vowed, in their own nervous language, to be torn in piece-meal, before they would submit to the power of such wretches.— Taylor's Civil Wars of Ireland, vol. ii., p. 186. 224 History of Ireland. The men seemed influenced by the malignity and wanton cruelty of demons, and neither William nor his generals were able to controul or restrain them. William's campaign in Ireland, however, was now at an end. After conducting his troops to Clonmel, and placing them under the command of Count Solmes and General Ginckle, he proceeded to Waterford, and embarked at Duncannon fort, for England, accompanied by a small train of attendants. Notwithstanding the advanced season of the year, the campaign was not yet ended on the part of the English army ; another general now appeared for the first time in the field, namely, the Earl of Marlborough. This lord, ambitious to make a name for himself (for he was as yet unknown), and anxious to have a share in the glory and profits of the Irish war, represented to the government the immense importance of Cork and Kinsale to the English, and the necessity for securing them without delay. There were now lying in England five thousand men ready for the service, and with these and other reinforcements which he trusted to obtain in Ireland, he undertook to reduce these two towns. William yielded a reluc- tant assent to the earl's requests ; after which he set sail with his army, and reached the harbour of Cork towards the end of September. Shortly after landing, he was joined by 4,000 Danes, under the command of the Duke of Wirtemberg. Some dissension arose between the two generals as to the respective shares which they were to bear in the command of the combined force ; but at length they came to an arrangement, and the siege of Cork was pushed with vigour. The city being commanded on almost all sides by hills, and the defences being in a very incomplete state, the garrison was ill able to resist the assaults of the English army. The castle of Shandon, which commanded the city on the north side, was in so dilapidated a state, that, without defence, it was at once abandoned to the besiegers. Thus circumstanced, the governor prepared to surrender, but not until he had bravely resisted for three (lays, a nd the ammunition of the garrison was entirely exhausted. The city was then yielded up, and the garrison surrendered them- selves prisoners of war, on condition that the lives and properties of the citizens should be respected. But no sooner had the capitula- tion taken place than a general plunder of the catholic inhabitants commenced. The soldiers and the protestant mob joined in the work of licentiotiiness and rapine, and it was with the utmost difficulty that Marlborough and Wirtemberg could restore order throughout the city. The loss sustained by the besiegers was not great : the only person of distinction who fell was the Duke of Grafton, one of the numerous illegitimate children of Charles 11. As a military exploit, the taking of Cork was of little note, though it was magnified into importance for party purposeSs From Cork, Marlborough proceeded with his army to Kinsale, and after a short but gallant resistance, compelled it to surrender ; the garrison marching out with arms and baggage. Marlborough History of Ireland. having* thus effected the objects for which he had landed in Ireland, he returned to England, having been scarcely a month absent, and was received with general acclamations by the English people. They were loud in their praises of their native hero, and boasted that he had accomplished more in one month than the king's phleg- matic Dutch generals had done in two campaigns. The dissensions between the French and Irish still continuing after the defeat of the English before Limerick, Boileau drew off his troops, and marched them to Galway, where they waited the arrival of transports to carry them to France.* The brave and active Sarsfield was left to carry on the war, which he did with remarkable skill and intrepidity. Ginckle, for some time, kept his forces posted on different parts of the Shannon, ready to combine, in case of necessity ; and, after the capture of Cork, he attempted to harass the Irish by a winter campaign. But in this he egregiously failed. Sarsfield and his troops, who knew every foot of ground, beat them back from the mountain passes ; they cut up their detachments, and surprised their convoys ; keeping the English in a state of constant terror and alarm. The Irish cavalry were especially active during this season. They swept the country around the posts of the English, and dashed in among them at all hours, regardless of danger or death. Although on most occasions the Irish were successful, they met with a severe and dispiriting repulse on attempting to surprise the frontier garrison of Mullingar. The miserable condition of the peasantry of Ireland, at this time, may be imagined rather than described. The country had now been in a state of civil war, with long-er or shorter intervals of peace, for nearly a century. It had scarcely known what repose was, since the reign of Henry the Vlllth. Since then extensive confis- cations of lands had taken place in every part of Ireland ; and in some places estates had been confiscated three or four times during the century. The native owners of the soil had been reduced, in innumerable instances, to the lowest level of existence ; while the miserable peasants were treated as outcasts and Helots in the land. Treatment such as this was calculated, in the very nature to things, to give rise to feelings of revenge, of hatred, and of savage retalia- tion. Treat the meanest thing with contumely, with scorn, or with bitter hate, and it will rebel at the insult against its nature : even the worm is impelled to turn against the foot that tramples on it. Are we to wonder that the poor Irish peasants, long deadened to every thing like a sense of mercy for their oppressors, now circled round them in every direction, and plundered and slew them at * The Irisli were by no means mortified at the departure of the French. That superiority which these foreigners affected to assume, the partiality which James had discovered to his Fjench auxiliaries, and the preference given to their officers in all promotions, disgusted and exasperated the natives. The French spoke with contempt of the meanness of the Irish ; the Irish affected to ridicule the pomp and pageantry of the French. They cursed those proud fellows who strutted in their " leathern tnmks," as they called their great boots, and lamented that they were even preferred to their own brave countrymen, tience the ecparation was equally agreeable to both parties. — Leland, vol. iii, p. 587. « 4^' History of Ireland. every opportunity. The Irish peasantry were now what the English government had made them : all that their conquerors left to them was hunger, destitution, and the hope of vengeance. This deadly feeling, in the horrible jubilee which now reigned throughout the wasted and ravaged country, had become elevated almost to the rank of a virtue ! In the awful hell of violence, crime, murder, and' famine, which the invaders had caused, vengeance and hatred sur- vived, to remind them that man cannot be brutalized and oppressed by his fellow-man, without entailing equal misery and suffering upon the tyrant as on the victim. For a long time, there had been a floating population of homeless misery throughout Ireland. In Ulster, tens of thousands had been driven into the wilds and mountain wastes, to make room for James's settlers from England and Scotland. Expelled from their homes, these miserable families were reduced to the lowest abyss of misery. In course of time, however, they became familiar with famine : destitution became their daily companion : misery became habitual to them. They soon grew accustomed to the savage life into which they had been driven, and became a regular and recognized j^art of the population. They were first known as the Creaghts, and lived almost exclusively by the plunder of the settlers upon their lands. They were deprived of their honest means of living, and compelled to rob for a subsistence. The appetites implanted in us by God are stronger than the laws forged for us by man ; and if the impulses of nature be outrageously violated, human legislation proves weaker than a cobweb in its power to resist them. The result of all such violation on the part of man, is suffering, both social and individual. The Creaghts were imbruted by the cruelty, selfishness, and bigotry of their invaders ; and the result was, the new settlers lived in constant terror of their lives and properties. In every succeeding stage of civil war, the number of this out- lawed and destitute population increased. In CromwelFs time, the rival armies burnt down towns, villages, and hamlets, in their route ; and the number of the homeless Avas thus regularly aug- mented. Many of the peasants were by this means driven into the ranks of the patriots ; but by far the largest proportion of them roved at large about the country for a subsistence. From preying upon their enemies, they were at length driven to prey upon their own countrymen. They lived by robbery and plunder, being generally known ,by the name of Tories ; and under this name they were regularly hunted by the soldiers of Cromwell. Tory- hunting, like priest-hunting, was a favourite field-sport of the new military occupants of Ireland. The same class of the population became greatly augmented during the invasion of William of Orange. His mercenaries treated the peasantry with brutal cruelty; pursuing them with fire and sword, and plundering alike the jirotestjints who chuig to them for pro- tection, and the catholics who fiod i'roni them for safety. Driven History of Ii^eland. from their homes in multitudes, they drew together in bands, armed with half-pikes, from whence arose the name by which they were now knoAvn, — that of Rapparees. They plundered the country in all directions, but generally within the English lines, — hung about the skirts of the English army, and cut off every straggler, whom they instantly stripped to the skin, in the rage of their hatred not unfrequently mangling the dead body. Concealing their arms by day, they drew them forth at night, and assembling in large bodies, they rushed upon their prey, which they carried off with them to their fastnesses in the bogs and mountains, before the English forces could collect to resist them. During the whole winter, the army of William w^as harassed by the attacks of these guerillas. To oppose them, the government organized a body of Protestant Rapparees, which only served to increase the mischief ; for, imitating the tactics of their opponents, they spent their time in the robbery and plunder of the country-people. Such was the deplorable state of Ireland at this period: such were the horrors and agonies which awaited on this awful time of civil strife. CHAPTER XXVI. ^ Campaign of 1691 — James supersedes Sarsfield in the command, and appoints Saint Ruth — His preparations — General Ginckle lays siege to Athlone — Is driven back — His devices all baffled — Saint Ruth withdraws the garrison — His arrogance and confidence — The English resolve on a general assault — The English cross the river — The two armies concentrate — The heights of Kilcommeden — The battle of Aughrim — Death of Saint Ruth, and defeat of the Irish — The disastrous retreat — Ginckle advances to Galway — Its surrender— The celebrated siege and treaty of Limerick — Close of the war — and departure of the Irish army. The campaign of 1691 commenced with great preparations on both sides. The Irish were elated by their triumphs at Athlone and Limerick, and iiq^ anticipated a successful conclusion to the war under their own favourite leaders. But they were again doomed to be cursed by the infatuated imbecility of the monarch for whom they were in arms. He had already done all that he could to destroy their chances of success ; most probably being piqued at the gal- lantry of their resistance, after his cowardly abandonment of them. Now that he saw that there was some honour to be gained in the Irish war, he determined that the Irish generals should have as little of it as possible. Accordingly, on the arrival of the intelligence of the successful management of the campaign under the Irish generals, and the gallant defence of Athlone and Limerick, one of J ames's first acts was to supersede Sarsfield in the command of the army, and bestow it upon a vain and frivolous Frenchman, Monsieur Saint Ruth. Sarsfield was disgusted at this ungrateful treatment of his services ; nor did the empty title of Earl of Lucan, conferred upon him by James, at all .tend to reconcile him to the insult. ^^2S History of Ireland. Great assistance had been expected from Louis in the approaching campaign ; but, farther than a supply of mihtary stores, a small sum of money, and a few French officers, the expected aid was not forthcoming. What was worst of all, the new general, St. Ruth, was ignorant of the country, and ignorant of the army under his command. He treated both the Irish soldiers and officers with supercilious contempt ; so that there wanted that complete sympathy and mutual understanding between the army and its head, which is absolutely necessary to the success of every patriotic military movement. Saint Ruth, after frittering away his time in giving a series of balls and festivals, resolved on his plan of the campaign : it was to maintain a defensive war behind the Shannon, according to the plan originally fixed upon by the Irish generals. But he too implicitly trusted to the present state of its defences, considering them to be impregnable. Had he improved the opportunity of strengthening them while there was yet time, he might have defied all the strength which England could have brought against him. Leaving strong garrisons at Limerick and Athlone, Saint Ruth took up his position, with the main body of his army, behind the latter town. General Ginckle, warned by the results of the last campaign, had made the most careful preparations for renewing the war, and his army was now in a highly effective state for taking the field. He had been reinforced by some excellent troops from Scotland, and was well supplied, through the vigilance of William, with all the necessaries of war. He was also aided by many brave and experienced officers. Assembling his army together at Mullingar, he resolved to open the campaign by an attack upon Athlone. This place was strongly fortified, and was occupied both on the Irish and Enghsh side by the troops of Saint Ruth. Ginckle, after reducing the fort of Ballynore, sat down before Athlone on the 18th of June. The Enghsh town, on the Leinster side of the river, which Colonel Grace had on the former occasion abandoned as untenable, was first assaulted and carried, but not until after a fierce and desperate resistance had been made by the Irish troops. When they found they could no longer maintain the place, they retreated across the bridge to the Irish town, breaking down the arch nearest the Connaught side of the river. The Enghsh now lay entrenched on the one side, and the Irish on the other. A furious fire was opened and kept up on both sides ; though the English had greatly the advantage in the number of artillery and the weight of metal. The cannonade continued for nine days, during which the Eng- lish expended not less than 12,000 cannon balls, COO bombs, nearly 50 tons of powder, and a great many tons of stone shot.* The havock which those instruments of destruction caused was tre- mendous. Athlone was soon a heap of ruins. Yet still the garrison • Story's Wars of Ireland. History of Ireland, 229 fainted not ; tliey stuck by the battered fragments of the desolated city, and fought with unabated heroism. In the meantime, various attempts were made to cross the river by wooden pontoons at Lanes- borough, but the Irish had thrown up works which enabled them to defend the pass, and the enemy retreated. Ginckle had no other alternative left but to cross the river by the bridge, in front of the Irish. Preparatory to doing so, he made the attempt to repair the broken arch, to enable his troops to pass over. Under cover of a tremendous fire from his batteries and mortars, a detachment of his men succeeded in raising a wood-work for the purpose of spanning the broken arch. The work was nearly completed, when a sergeant and ten bold Scots from MaxwelFs brigade pushed across from the Irish side, with the intention of destroying the erection, biit they failed in doing so, and were all slain. Their fate, however, did not deter others of the Irish army from undertaking the same service : a second brave party was more successful than the first ; succeeding in throwing all the planks and beams into the river — only two of the party escaping with their Hves. Ginckle was not yet discouraged : he made another attempt to repair the arch, carrying on the work by a close gallery under the bridge. This was soon completed, and the order of assault arranged. It was resolved to cross the river in three places : one party forcing the bridge, and two other parties crossing below it by fording and pontoons. The Irish, however, received notice of the intended attack, and were fully prepared. On the morning on which the assault was to take place, the Irish sent a volley of grenades among the wooden work of the bridge ; when some fascines took fire, and soon the whole fabric was in a blaze. The smoke blew with violence in the faces of the English ; and it was found impossible to cross. Thus disconcerted, the attack was countermanded ; and the enemy were again completely frustrated. Thus baffled, General Ginckle contemplated raising the siege, and called a council of war to debate the subject. Though considerably cast down by failure, the majority of the officers were in favour of a general assault on the following day, — seeing more danger in returning than advancing. It had already been ascertained where the river was easiest fordable, * and the enterprise was thus stript of its most serious difficulties. On the other side, the Irish ima- gined that the enemy must now abandon the siege, and the with- drawal of some of the cannon of the besiegers seemed to countenance the expectation. Saint Ruth, confident in the strength of Athlone, and blinded by his recent success, made no preparations to meet the * Three Daniah soldiers, under sentence of death, were offered their pardon, if they would undertake to trj the river. The men readily consented, and putting on armour, entered at tliree several places. The English in the trenches were ordered to fire, seemingly at them, \mi to ;um over their heads ; wlience the enemy concluded them to be deserters, and did not fiic til! they saw them returning : the men were preserved, two of them being only slightly wounded ; anil it was discovered that the deepest part of the river did not reach their breasts, the water having never been known so shallow in the memory of man.... Harris's Life of King William. 230 Hiistorii of Ireland. dangers impending over him. On the other hand, he fooHshly threw away all his advantages over the enemy. Scarcely had the attack of the 25th been successfully frustrated, ere St. Ruth ordered the brave defenders of Athlone to withdraw, supplying their places by three of the worst regiments in his service. At the same time he issued general invitations to a splendid entertainment at his quarters ; and at the time of his greatest peril, and when the enemy's officers were completing their arrangements for a general attack, he was acting as petlt-maitre, and ' doing the honours' of a ball given to the ladies and gentlemen of the neighbourhood. Sarsfield was not so easily deceived : he knew English valour better than Saint Ruth : at all events, he was too good a general to under-estimate the strength and resolution of his adversary. Even when the English had entered the ford to cross the river, and Saint Ruth was informed of the circumstance, he would not beheve it : " It is impossible," said he, " for the English to take the town, when / am so near with my army and he offered a thousand louis to any one who would assure him that the English durst attempt to pass ! " Spare your money and mind your business," was the bluff retort of Sars- field, " for I know that no enterprise is too difficult for British courage to attempt." ^ The assault took place on the morning of the 80th of June ; the signal to enter the ford being the tolling of the church-bell. The time chosen was the usual hour of relieving guards, so that the Irish might not be alarmed by any unwonted bustle among the English troops. Two thousand men were appointed for the dangerous service of crossing the ford in the face of the garrison. They had now all assembled ready for the duty ; and awaited in silence the sigoal of attack. Hearts beat quick, as the moment drew nigh, and anxious looks were cast towards the other side, where the Irish were now mustering in alarm, in anticipation of attack. At length the church-bell tolled, and the men rushed towards the river —locking their arms together they went across twenty a-breast, IMackay, the old Scotch commander, wading by the side of his men. Thus they gained the opposite bank, amid a thundering fire from the garrison — the English at the same time covering their approach by a furious cannonade. The river crossed, the detachment mounted the breaches, and entered the town, driving the surprised Irish before them. Meanwhile, planks were laid over the broken bridge, Ginckle's army rushed into the town, and thus, in less than half an hour, Athlone was taken. The negligence and carelessness of the Irish and their generals on this occasion was unpardonable. Most of the garrison were in bed and asleep at the time that the attack was made ; M'lien they found the enemy was upon tliem, they rushed out half-clad, and 'in that •state the greater part of them made their cscapcto Saint Ruth's cam]>. AVhen that general, exhausted with the fatigues of the ball over- mght, was roused from his slumbers, and iiiformed of the loss of History of Ireland. 281 Atlilone, his pettish remark was — " Well, let the army advance and beat them back again But St. Ruth himself was soon under the necessity of retreating ; for the enemy now possessed the works over against his camp, and, turning his own guns against him, com- pelled him almost immediately to retire. The castle of Athlone shared the fate of the town, and the garrison were made prisoners of war. The entire loss of the Irish, in killed and prisoners in this disastrous affair, amounted to nearly S,000 men. The Irish had now lost all confidence in their French commander; who, on his part, treated them with contumely and reproach. But they were now fairly committed to the war, and had no other alter- native but to fight it out. It is true, Ginckle, who, in his intercourse with the Irish, was humane and generous, endeavoured to bring the Irish to terms ; and he was especially induced to do so by the stout resistance they had already made, and the consideration of the numerous army which they were yet able to bring into the field. In order, if possible, to induce the Irish to lay down their arms, and acknowledge the sovereignty of Wilham, Ginckle issued a pro- clamation, offering a free pardon to all soldiers and officers who should surrender within three weeks ; the full possession of their estates to those officers who should bring with them the troops they com- manded ; together with the free exercise of their religion secured to them by act of parliament. Saint Ruth was jealous of the effects of this proclamation. He had for some time been intriguing with the view of effecting a union between Ireland and France ; and, it was said, he already issued his orders in the name, not of James, but of Louis, his royal master. The Irish were disgusted with this presumption ; but the rancorous and malignant conduct of the lords-justices at Dublin, spurred on by those who longed for further seizures and confiscations of pro- perty, left them no other alternative but to carry on the war. Saint Ruth now concentrated his forces and resolved to decide the fate of Ireland by a battle. Ginckle also drew his army together, though he thereby left many very important posts at the mercy of the enemy. The public anxiety now reached to a high pitch : the future destiny of Ireland depended on the approaching battle ; and both sides alike waited for the issue with mingled fear and expec- tation. The position chosen by Saint Ruth was one of great natural strength. It extended along the heights of Kilcommeden, near the village and castle of Aughrim, about twenty miles from Athlone, and three from Ballinasloe. A rivulet run upon their left, descen- ding from the hills and morasses beyond. They were further protected on that side by a bog, nearly a mile in breadth, on the , side of which stood the old castle of Aughrim, which was now entrenched and filled with musketeers, completely commanding the only pass to the Irish camp on this side. The right of the position was also protected by a bog, and in advance of which lay the pass History of Ireland. of Uracliree, behind which were a range of small hills. The entire front of the position was equally well defended ; for along- the low ground, about half a mile from' the Irish encampment, a deep bog extended nearly two miles, from left to right, thus completely protecting the army encamped behind it. The slope of the hill, almost to the edge of the bog, was intersected by hedges and ditches, which were lined with masses of the Irish infantry. Strong though this position was, Ginckle determined to attack it. • It was a bold venture. His army was inferior in numbers to the Irish, — being eighteen thousand strong while they were twenty-five thousand ; * but what he wanted in numbers he more than made up by his great superiority in artillery, and in all the munitions of war. The day on which the English advanced to the attack of this important position, was the 12th of July. It was already noon ere the army was put in motion ; for the thick fogs of the morning had prevented them advancing sooner. Saint Ruth, who was posted on the hill of Kilcommeden, and had a full view of all the movements of the enemy, observed them advancing with the intention of giving him battle. He rode through his ranks, exhorting the officers and men to deeds of daring. He urged upon the former that they were now to fight for their honours and estates, and the men for their Kves and liberties. The priests also exerted all their influence, and fired the religious feelings of the soldiers by holding forth to them the prospect of eternal happiness as the high reward of their faithfulness and valour on that occasion. The courage of the army was raised to the highest pitch, and they impatiently awaited the opportunity of proving that the high expec- tations formed of them had not been in vain. The battle commenced by an attack on the pass of Urachree. Ginckle sent a party of Danish horse to force it, but they immedi- ately broke and fled on coming in contact with the Irish. Two squadrons of Dutch and English dragoons next made the attempt, but were beaten back with loss ; and a second assault met with the same success as. the first. The Earl of Portland then advanced with his regiment, together with Eppinger's dragoons ; but, i^n the meantime, the Irish had retired, and taken up a stronger position nearer to their main body. The EngHsh pressed forward, sustained by fresh bodies of troops, and it was only after an hour's hard fighting that they were able to force their way beyond the bog. Ginckle, however, was dismayed by the vigorous resistance of the Irish, and drawing off* his men, summoned a council of war, to consider whether the attack should bo persevered in, or deferred till the following morning. It Avas resolved immediately to renew the engagement, General Mackay advising that the attack should be made on the right wing of the Irish. It was live in the evening before the serious part of the battle commenced. The left wing of the English army now advanced, Leland. History of Ireland. S33 pushing boldly across the ground that had so often been the scene of skirmish throughout the day. They again met with an obstinate and successful resistance. No sooner had they crossed the rivulet, and come within reach of the Irish infantry lining the hedges and ditches, than a close and destructive fire was poured in upon them. The English advanced, but, charged by the cavalry, and galled on their flanks by the Irish musketry, they were compelled to give ground. And thus the battle raged for a fall hour and a half, when Saint Ruth, anxious for his right wing, drew olF a considerable body of cavalry from the centre, and sent them to their support. This was the opportunity which General Mackay had been anti- cipating, and he immediately took advantage of it — pushing several regiments of infantry across the bog directly in front of the enemy, while he dispatched a considerable body of cavalry under Talmash to force the pass of Aughrim to the left. The infantry plunged boldly into the bog, and after struggling through mud and water, often up to their middle, they emerged on the other side, and pushed up the hill. But the Irish infantry lay in their path ; and poured in destructive vollies on them as they advanced. Still the English struggled forward, the Irish feigning retreat, until they had pushed their way almost up to the main body of the army ; when, suddenly, horse and foot charged down upon them, broke and scattered their force, and drove them back across the bog with great slaughter, most of their officers remaining prisoners in the hands of the Irish. Saint Ruth was in an ecstacy of joy, and exclaimed, as he saw the enemy flying across the bog, " Now will I drive the English to the very gates of Dublin !" At this juncture, when the English seemed on the brink of defeat, Saint Ruth's attention was directed to the movement of Talmash's cavalry on the left. This was, indeed, the last hope of Ginckle — the only means, desperate though it was, by which he could save himself from utter defe^xt. And there seemed every probability, that, with ordinary management, this enterprise of Talmash's would be defeated. In ordei* to reach the scene of action, he had to push through the pass of Aughrim, which would admit of only two horsemen a-breast. And this pass was commanded by a fort, which, if well served, would have rendered the success of the enterprise next to impossible. Saint Ruth could scarcely believe his eyes when he saw them pushing close by the walls of the old castle, and forcing their way through the pass : he asked some of the officers near him, " what these EngHsh meant V " To force their way to the right," was the reply. " They are brave fellows," said he, " but it is a pity they should be so exposed." Ordering up the Irish cavalry, a splendid body of soldiers, far superior in numbers to those under Talmash, and at least equal in bravery and discipline to any in the English force, Saint Ruth himself rode down from the hill of Kilcommeden, and went forward to direct the fire of the battery. Having done so, he returned to lead the charge in person. There 234 History of Ireland. could have been no doubt of their success. It seemed to need only this to render the defeat of the English complete. The Irish cavalry, who had ridden down the best troops of WilHam at the Boyne, had now before them only a small and exhausted detach- ment, struggling through a narrow defile in haste and disorder. Forward, then Irishmen, and crown your victory ! But no ; Pro- vidence has ordered it otherwise ; for -at this critical moment, Saint Ruth was killed by a cannon ball from the other side of the bog. In a moment the tide of battle turned. The death of the French general decided the fate of Ireland. The victory that before seemed certain, was immediately turned into a defeat. For, in his con- summate vanity, Saint Ruth having entrusted none of the Irish generals with the order of battle, his dispositions and arrangements, they were completely unable to follow up his success. On his fall, the Irish troops suddenly halted, and, after waiting for orders, and receiving none, they hastily returned to their former position. The death of Saint Ruth also got noised abput, although, as he fell, some of his officers threw a cloak over his body to conceal the lamentable event from the army. At ^ the same time, the Irish, posted on the hill of Kilcommeden, saw their cavalry return to their position, and mistook the movement for a retreat : then, Tal- mash's cavalry, themselves suprised at their unlooked for success, appeared unexpectedly in the field, galloping to take a share in the contest at the centre. The Enghsh also, perceiving the success of Talmash's movement, immediately began to push across the bog. They had now comparatively little resistance. Anticipating a defeat, they now rushed forward to a victory. The Irish without a general* to direct their movements, began to retreat. For some time they preserved order, repelling with spirit the attack of the enemy. But at length they became confused and disordered, cavalry and infantry mingled together, and the retreat soon became a complete rout. While such was the state of aiFairs at the left and centre, a severe contest was waging on the right, where a Danish force had been sent to drive in the Irish in that quarter. Seeing the success of the English in the centre, they charged upon the Irish, but were received by them with such intrepidity, that they were compelled to fall back. The Irish kept them at bay for a considerable time ; but, seeing the fate of their comrades, they retreated like the rest, and joined the general route of their countrymen. The slaughter that ensued was terrific. The Irish were cut down in crowds : the fight had now changed to a savage butchery. For three lon^ miles the bloody chase continued, till night closed upon the scene of * It is impossiblo to discover the circiimstanco that left tlie Irfsh without a commander after the fulioi Saint Ruth. Sarsfickl was probably not in the field, for his indignation after the fall , ot Athlonc led him into a serious quarrel with the French general. No other leader would vniturc to undertake the direction, and the couscquenco, of course, was ftvtaU— Taylor's Civil Wars of Ihkland, vol. ii,, p. 211. History of Ireland. 235 havoc and murder, and the victors lay down amidst their heaps of slaughtered dead. Such was the battle of Aughrim, — a contest fatal to the Irish, but crowning to their English enemy". So long as the fighting continued, victory was decidedly on the side of the Irish ; and the defeat of their opponents seemed certain. They had been driven back at all points, and needed only the decisive charge and rout of Talmash's weakened and broken cavalry, to render their route complete. Ten minutes more would have seen the Irish victorious ; when the sudden death of Saint Ruth, — an event totally unprovided for, — altogether changed the fortune of the day, and converted what ought to have been a victory into a bloody defeat. Seven thousand Irish fell in the pursuit ; the loss of the English in killed and wounded, amounting to about 1,700 men. All the cannon, ammunition, and baggage of the Irish were taken, together with a great quantity of small arms, standards, and colours. Only 400 prisoners were made ; a sufficient proof of the fury of the victors during the pursuit. Ginckle made all haste to press on the war and to reap all the fruits of his victory. But he was not greatly elated by his success on the field of Aughrim ; conscious that he owed his victory rather to a lucky accident than to any real superiority over the Irish army. He still feared a protracted struggle, judging from the determined resistance which he had already encountered. After securing Portumna, Banagher, Loughrea, and other places on the Shannon, Ginckle advanced to Gal way with the main body of his army. Before the place, the formality of a siege was com- menced ; but it was merely a formality. The garrison was weak, and the town ill-fortified and unable to stand a siege. The French general, D'Ussone, trusted to the aid of one Balderog O'Donnell, who had already sold himself to the English general. The town made a show of resistance for a few days, after which the mayor and magistrates made proposals for a surrender, in which the gar- rison soon after joined. The result was, that a capitulation took place, Ginckle granting the most liberal terms. The garrison marched out with the honours of war, and were conveyed to Limerick ; a free pardon was granted to the governor, magistrates, and inhabitants, with full possession of their estates, and the free exercise of their religion. Ginckle was severely blamed by the protestant ascendancy faction for his leniency towards the Irish catholics ; but his object was, by such means, to induce the Irish to submit as speedily as possible to William's authority, and thus get rid of a war which was both inglorious and burdensome. And the policy of Ginckle was not without its effects, for now numbers of the Irish withdrew from the contest, and retired to their homes under the protection of the government. Thus successful on all hands, Ginckle advanced towards Limer- ick, now the last hope of the Irish army. All the other strong- History of Ireland. holds were in possession of William's generals. It was anticipated in England that, after the foil of Galway, Limerick would sur- render without a blow, and that the struggle was now entirely at an end. The queen even 'gave orders that a fleet of transports should be got ready to embark immediately 10,000 foot and 600 horse from Cork and Kinsale, to the aid of William, now fighting at the head of the protestant army in Flanders. This enterprize, however, was delayed to a much longer period, in consequence of the gallant resistance of the Irish forces at Limerick, under the able generalship of Sarsfield. For, though considerable discord pre- vailed in the counsels of the Irish, — one party willing to submit, provided favourable terms could be granted, and another wishing to protract the war until promised assistance from France could be procured, — still the result which they arrived at was, to hold out a determined resistance to the army of WilHam. In the midst of the discussions of the li'ish councils about this time, Tyrconnel died, worn out by grief, vexation, and disappointment. Ginclde made his approaches to the city with great caution, mindful of the severe repulse which king William had already re- ceived before its walls. He carefully strengthened his army, by withdrawing fi-om all the neiglibouring garrisons the principal part of their force : he secured the passes of the Shannon, and brought an English fleet up the river as far as it could safely venture. All the smaU forts in the neighbourhood were reduced, which might after- wards affect his communications with Kerry. His artillery was brought up under a powerful escort, and careftilly guarded against surprise or ambuscade. These slow and cautious preparations seemed altogether unnecessary to the English government ; and they urged him^ to bring the war to a conclusion without fiirther delay. But Ginckle knew well the enemy with whom he had to deal ; and he was fully conscious of the nature of a repulse in such a country and at such a season. It was already the 2oth of Au- gust beforejie sat down with his army before the walls of Limer- ick, within which were enclosed all the remaining means and hopes of J ames's party. Not venturing to try their fortune outside the walls, the Irish abandoned the outposts after a slight resistance, and devoted all their energies and strength to a determined and protracted defence of their last stronghold. Ginckle's army occupied nearly the same ground, and made their approaches in the same manner, as in the former siege. For some days they directed their artillery against the Irish town, on which they committed great havoc. ^ They next erected batteries against the English town, on the other side of the river ; but the/ soon became conscious of the impolicy of this step, — the Englisli town being impregnable, and the garrison very numerous, and well sup- ])lied with the means of resktanee. Coiisidemble destruction was, however, done ; the town was on more than one occasion set fire to, but the flames were easily extinguished by the inhabitants, who History of Ireland. were constantly on the alert. Tlie principal part of the town's people, together with a large proportion of the Irish army, inclu- ding nearly all the cavalry, were encamped on the Clare side of the river ; and, as the place was not invested on that side, they were beyond reach of danger from the guns of the enemy. Oinckle, finding that the siege made no progress, and that his present bat- teries were of no avail, erected another near the river over against King's Island. After a furious fire of several days' duration, a breach was made ; but, after all, he dare not attempt to storm it, without risking the destruction o'f his whole army. In despair, he was on the point of fortifying Kilmallock, and retiring into winter quarters, when treachery came to his aid, and induced him to persevere in his operations against the city. Before Ginckle should assail Limerick with any probable chance of success, it was necessary that he should be able to invest it on the opposite side of the river, and by commanding the Thomond- Bridge, cut off all communication of the garrison with the county of Clare. But to ford the river was a work of great difficulty ; as a small body of determined men posted on the opposite side could successfully oppose the strongest force. Then, there was the whole of the Irish cavalry to contend against- — still a most formid- able and effective force. To produce any impression, Ginckle must also transport a large detachment of his force ; and if, in the weakened state of his camp, the garrison should determine on a general assault, the result must almost inevitably be a general defeat. At this juncture, and while placed in this dilemma, an opportunity presented itself of crossing the river. The place selected was opposite to where a small island is situated, from which the Shannon is easily fordable to the Clare side. This pass was now guarded by an Irish officer named Clifford,* at the head of four regiments of dragoons. This person had sold the pass to the English, and promised to allow them to cross without opposi- tion. Ginckle was not slow to take advantage of this treachery, and immediately concerted his plans for crossing to the Clare side of the river, with a strong body of his troops. Before doing so, he dismounted his batteries, and seemed to be making every arrangement preparatory to raising the siege. The garrison shouted with joy when they savv^ the enemy, as they thought, preparing for a retreat. They imagined the contest to be now at an end, and had not the slightest anticipation of danger. At length Ginckle had completed his preparations, and unknown to the Irish, had prepared a bridge of ten boats, which he laid in safety in the darkness of night, and passed over the island with 600 * The name of Colonel Henry Luttrel is generally associated with this infamous transaction, and unjustly. He was tried by a court martial, arid acquitted. It was most probably liis treachery in other respects which caused him to be suspected in this. Tlie name of Ijiittrel in the south of Ireland, is to this day associated with treachery and infamy. " He sonld Ihc pass'''' is a common expression among the peasantry, now used by them to denote tlio iTiiquiiy of " informing."— ^S'ee Hall's Ireland. 238 History of Ireland. grenadiers, and a considerable body of horse and foot, witliout being discovered by the Irish. Having formed in order, they proceeded to ford to the main-land. The sentinels gave the alarm, and a slight resistance was offered ; bnt Clifford rode off with his troops, as had been agreed upon, and did not even warn the Irish army of the approach of the enemy. As was to have been expected, the Irish camp was completely taken by surprise. The inhabitants, who lay near them, for security's sake, were thrown into a state of extreme alarm, and fled in all directions. Most of them rushed to Thomond bridge, to cross into the town, and many were crushed to death in the effort to crush across. Fortunately, Ginckle did not press the pursuit, else the slaughter would have been fearful. The English general, fearing an ambuscade, drew off his troops, and the greater part of the inhabitants found their way into the town. The Irish cavalry had left behind them their saddles and accoutrements, and were thus disabled, in a great measure, for future service. This was regarded as no slight advantage by Ginckle, who greatly dreaded this part of the Irish army. Notwithstanding this success of the besieging army, there was still some doubt as to whether the siege should be persevered in, abandoned, or converted into a blockade. The season was now far advanced, and winter was at hand. The fortifications of Limer- ick were still uninjured ; their garrison was healthy, numerous, and determined ; King's island, an important position lying north of the English town, was still in their hands, and there was little hope of success unless this port could be secured. In this period of suspense and doubt, Ginckle hoping to induce the garrison to sub- mit by offers of favourable terms, issued a proclamation, promising the officers and garrison of Limerick, if they should submit within eight days, free pardon for all past offences, restitution of their estates, and the free exercise of their religion. Sarsfield also was secretly communicated with, and the most brilliant offers were made to him, of honours and promotion in the service of William. But the virtue of the brave old general remained unshaken. The offers were all courteously, but decidedly, refused. Nor did the pro- clamation of pardon and favour to the garrison produce any effect, for the resistance continued the same as before. Considerable dissension now prevailed in the English councils, as to whether the siege should be raised or not. The majority were of opinion that the season was now too far advanced to prose- cute the operations of the siege ; and it was with great difficulty that Tahn.ash prevailed on the general to order another attack, which, it was understood, should be the last, if not attended with some very decided success. Accordingly, on the morning of the Sf^nd of September, a powerful body of cavalry and infantry was marched across the pontoons, connnandod by Ginckle in person, Wirteniberg, and Scravenmore. A strong body of the Irish was posted at the Thomond bridge, to oppose their approach. A severe BistGiy of Ireland. struggle took place and tlie British forces were repulsed with slaughter. Their cavalry were thrown into confusion ; and the infantry were terribly galled by the fire kept up on them from the gravel pits in their front, which were lined by Irish musketeers. Sustained, however, by ft-esh reinforcements, the English again returned to the attack. The struggle was renewed. Fresh masses pressed on amidst shouts and cheers on either side. As those in the front rank fell, fresh men started at once into their places, and thus the deadly struggle went on. Those who were behind pressed on those who were before, the vast body of angry combatants swayed to and fro, like the waves of an angry ocean. Above all, roared the din of the life-devouring cannon. A hailstone of shot was poured from the batteries on the devoted English, carrying- havoc and destruction through their ranks. Thus did the stru^'gle continue, until about four o'clock in the afternoon. The English seemed about to be on the eve of defeat, when the British grena- diers were ordered to the charge. They threw themselves forward upon the Irish with a dreadful impetuosity. With desperate valour they rushed on through the fire of the forts, pierced or bore down the Irish columns opposed to them, and threw themselves with all their weight upon the defenders of the bridge. The struggle was here for some time desperately maintained. The Irish, again rein- forced, held their ground ; and the piles of their dead showed the awful valour of their resistance. There was no flinching, no retreat, — but stern, inflexible, and deadly resistance. In this state were matters ; the English still bearing down with their dense masses of infantry, when the French ofiicer command- ing the bridge, fearing that the grenadiers would press forward through the gate, ordered ftie drawbridge to be raised ! The Irish detachment, seeing their retreat thus, as if treacherously, cut ofl*, and themselves exposed to certain destruction, broke and dispersed. Many rushed into the Shannon, to swim across into the city ; but many were drowned : of the remainder, some 600 were bayonetted by the English grenadiers. The bridge was encumbered and blocked up with the dead bodies. Upwards of 100 were made prisoners, and their lives were only spared at the intercession of the English officers. Ginckle now made a lodgement within ten yards from the bridge ; yet still matters were little advanced towards a conclusion. His army had been weakened by its severe conflicts with the Irish, and • he had no means of making up his loss by recruits ; whereas the Irish could at once fill up their losses by fresh men. Had the gar- rison been united in their resistalfce, they could still have bid defiance to all the force which the besiegers could bring against them. But dissensions now prevailed within the walls, and did for Ginckle what fighting could not effect. The Irish party now became more anxious for peace than ever ; especially after the raising of Thomond bridge by the French, and the copsequent 240 History of Ireland. massacre of their countrymen, which they imagined to be the "* result of the treachery of their allies. Since the disastrous battle of Aughrim, the Irish had also lost confidence in their leaders, and were dispirited by the sufferings and reverses which their frequent mismanagement and neglect had entailed upon them. They were therefore willing to come to terms with the enemy, before it was too late. After a three days' truce, the Irish offered terms of capitulation to Ginckle : they demanded a free pardon for all who were now in arms for king James, restitution of their estates, freedom of religious worship, civil equality of catholics with protestants, and the pay- ment of the Irish army by king William the same as his own troops. Ginckle refused these terms, biit offered others of a liberal character. Negociations went forward ; and, at length, after a siege of six weeks, during which the English army had, in fact, made no impression on the strength of Limerick, the terms of a treaty were agreed upon, and signed on the 8rd of October, by the different authorities : thus putting an end to the Irish war. It is said that at the very time when the proposals for a capitu- lation reached the English camp, Ginckle was about to publish a proclamation, offering' the Irish leaders terms of peace, as full and as honourable, as if the Irish had just gained a decisive victory. And, indeed, the position of Ginckle was now so critical, that it was his intent to bring the war to a conclusion at almost any cost. Winter was coming on, and his army was in great difficulties : Limerick was now better able to sustain a siege than when it drove William and his army from its walls ; the garrison was, at least, 14,000, and abundantly supplied with the means of protracted resistance ; added to which, a French fleet was daily expected, with reinforcements of men and supplies of arms, ammunition, and money, and wdiich, in fact, arrived two days aftet the treaty was signed. All these were reasons why Ginckle should have been induced to offer favourable terms to the Irish, in order to bring the war to a conclusion ; though, by doing so, he drew down upon him the reprobation of the bigots of protestantism and those men who still hungered and thirsted after more forfeitures and confiscations. The celebrated treaty of Limerick consisted of two parts, civil* * Wc subjoin the Civil articles of this most important document, the siihjcct of so much after altercation and dispute : — " AVilliani and Mary, by the grace of God, &c. To all to -whom those presents shall come, greeting. AVIicrcas certain articles, bearing date the third day of October last past, made and ' agreed on between our justices of o\u' kingdom of Ireland, and our general of our foices there on the one part; and several officers there, commanding uitliin the ciiy of Limerick, in our said kingdom, on the other part. Whereby 6iff said justices ami general did undertake that we should ratify those articles, within the space of eight months, or sooner ; and use their utmost endeavours that tlie same should be ratified and confirmed in parliament. The tenour of which said articles is as follows, viz. ARTICLES agreed upon tho third of October, One Thousand Six Hundred and Ninety-one. Between the Right ITonourablo Sir Charles Porter, Knight, and Thomas Conningsby, Esq., lyords Justices of Ireland ; aiul his Excellency the Baroii Do (Ginckle, Lieutenant General, nud Coiiunaiulcr in Chief of the English Army on the one part. History of Ireland. and military. Xlie Civil Aiiticles provided that all Roman catholics further security in this particular. Roman catholics were to be required to take only the oath of allegiance, and no other. The Inhabitants of Limerick, an^ all those under commission of James in the counties of Limerick, Clare, Kerry, Cork, and Mayo, And the Eight Honourable Patrick Earl of Lucau, Piercy Viscount Gallmoy, Colonel Nicholas Purcel, Colonel Nicholas Cusack, Sir Toby Butler, Colonel Garret Dillon, and Colonel John Brown on the other part. In behalf of the Irish Inhabitants in the City and County of Limerick, the Counties of Clare, Kerry, Cork, Sligo, and Mayo. In consideration of the surrender of the City of Limerick, and other Agi'eements made between the said Lieutenant General Ginckle, the Governour of the City of Limerick, and the Gene- rals of the Irish Army, bearing date with these presents, for the surrender of the said City, and submission of the said Army : it is agreed,- That, L The Roman catholics of this kingdom shall enjoy such privileges in the exercise of their religion, as are consistent with the laws of Ireland ; or as they did enjoy in the reign of king Charles the Second; and their majesties, as soon as their affairs will permit them to summon a parliament in this kingdom, wall endeavour to procure the said Roman Catholics such farther security in that particular, as may preserve them from any disturbance on account of their said religion. II. All the inhabitants or residents of Limerick, or any other garrison now in the possession of the Irish, and all officers and soldiers, now in arms, under any commission of king James, or those authorized by him, to gi'ant the same in the several counties of Limerick, Clare, Kerry, Cork, and Mayo, or any of them; and all the commissioned officers in their majesties' quarters that belong to the Irish regiments, now in being, that are treated with, and Avho are not prisoners of war, or have taken protection, and w4io shall return and submit to their majesties obedience ; and their and every of their heirs, shall hold, possess, and enjoy, all and every their estates of freehold and inheritance ; and all the rights, titles, and interests, privileges and immunities, which they, and every or any of them held, enjoyed, or were rightfully and lawfully entitled to, in the reign of king Charles II. or at any time since, by the laws and statutes that were in force in the said reign of king Charles II. and shall be put in possession, by order of the government, of such of them as are in the king's hands, or the hands of his tenants, without being put to any suit or trouble therein ; and all such estates shall be freed and discharged from all arrears of crown-rents, quit-rents, and other public charges, incun'ed and become due since Michaelmas 1G88, to the day of the date hereof : and all persons comprehended in this article shall have, hold, and enjoy all their goods and chattels, real and personal, to them, or any of them belong- ing, and remaining either in their own hands, or the hands of any person whatsoever, in trust for, or for the use of them, or any of them : and all, and every tlie said persons, of what profes- sion, trade, or calling soever they be, shall and may use, exercise, and practise their several and respective professions, trades, and callings, as freely as they did use, exercise, and enjoy the same in the reign of king Charles II. provided that nothing in this article contained be construed to extend to, or restore any forfeiting person now out of the kingdom, except what are hereafter comprised : provided also, that no person whatsoever shall have or. enjoy the benefit of this article, that shall neglect or refuse to take the oath of allegiance, made by act of parliament in lilngland, in the first year of the reign of their present majesties, when thereunto required. III. All merchants, or reputed merchants of the city of Limerick, or of any other garrison now possessed by the Irish, or of any town or place in the counties of Clare or Kerry, who are absent beyond the seas, that have not bore arms since their majesties' declaration in February 1688, shall have the benefit of the second article, in the same manner as if they were present ; provi- ded such merchants, and reputed merchants, do repair into this kingdom within the space of eight months from the date hereof. IV. The following officers, viz. colonel Simon Luttrel, captain Rowland White, Maurice Eustace of Yermanstown, Chievers of Maystown, cqpi.monly called Mount Leinster, now belong- ing to the regiments in the aforesaid garrisons and quarters of the Irish army, who were beyond the seas, and sent thither upon affairs of their respective regiments, or the army in general, shall have the benefit and advantage of the second article, provided they return hither within the space of eight months from the date of these presents, and submit to their majesties' government, and take the above-mentioned oath. V. That all and singular the said persons comprised in the second and third articles, shall have a general pardon of all attainders, outlawries, treasons, misprisions of treason, premuuire's, felo- nies, trespasses, and other crimes and misdemeanours wiiatsoever, by them, or any of tbeni, com- mitted sinco the beginning of the reign of king James IL and if any of them are attainted by Hlstorif of Ireland. and all the commissioned officers then serving in the Irish army, were to enjoy free possession of their properties and estates, with full liberty to exercise their professions and callings as in the reign of Charles II. The catholic gentry were also allowed the use of arms as gentlemen. The Military articles stipnlated for the sur- render of Limerick, and the other fortunes in the possessions of the Irish, and provided that the garrison should march out Avith all the honours of war, and be supplied with shipping if required, to convey them to France, or elsewhere, at the expense of the British government. That the Irish should have gained such terms as parliament, tlie lords justices, and general, ■will usetlieir best endeavours to get the same repealed by parliament, and the outla^vrics to be reversed gratis, all but writing-cleiks' fees. VI. And whereas these present wars have drawn on great violences on both parts ; and that if leave were given to the bringing all sorts of private actions, the animosities would probably con- tinue that have been too long on foot, and the public disturbances last : for the quieting and settling therefore of this kingdom, and avoiding those inconveniences which would be the neces- sary consequence of the contrary, no person or persons whatsoever, comprised in the foregoing articles shall be sued, molested, or impleaded at the suit of any party or parties whatsoever, for any trespasses by them committed, or for any anns, horses, money, goods, chatties, merchandizes, or pro%nsions whatsoever, by them seized or taken during the time of the war. And no person or persons whatsoever, in the second or third articles comprised, shall be sued, impleaded, or made accountable for the rents, or mean rates of any lands, tenements, or houses, by him or them received, or enjoyed in this kingdom, eince tlie beginning of the present war, to the day of the date hereof, nor for any waste or trespass by him or them committed in any such lands, ten- ements, or houses : and it is also agreed, that this article shall be mutual and reciprocal on . both sides. TIL Every nobleman and gentleman compnsed in the said second and third article, shall have liberty to ride with a sword, and case of pistols, if they think fit ; and keep a gun in their houses, for the defence of the same, or for fowling. VIII. The inhabitants and residents in the city of Limerick, and other garrisons, shall be per- mitted to remove their goods, chattlea, and provisions, out of the same, without being viewed and searched, or paying any manner of duties, and shall not be compelled to leave the houses or lodgings they now have, for the space of six weeks next ensuing the date hereof. IX. The oath to be administered to such Roman catholics as submit to their majesties' govern- ^ ment, shall be the oath abovesaid, and no other. X. No pei^son or persons who shall at any time hereafter break these articles, or any of them, shall thereby make, or cause any other person or persons to forfeit or lose the benefit of the same. ^I. The lords justices and general do promise to use their utmost endeavours, that all persons comprehended in the above-mentioned articles, shall be protected and defended from all arrests and executions for debt or damage, for the space of eiglit mouths next ensuing the date hereof. XII. Lastly, the lords justices and general do undertake, that their majesties will ratify these articles within the space of eight months, or sooner, and use their utmost endeavours that the same shall be ratified and confirmed in parliament. XIII. And Avhereas colonel John Brown stood indebted to several protestants, by judgments of record, which appearing to the late government, the lord Tyrconnel, and lord Lucan, took away the eftects the said John Brown had to answer the said debts, and promised to clear tlie said John Brown of the said debts ; which effects were taken for the public use of the Irish, and their army : for freeing the said lord Lucan of his said engagement, past on their public account, for payment of the said protestants, and for prevcntincr the ruin of the said John Brown, and for satisfaction of his creditors, at the instance of the lord Lucan, and the rest of the persons afore- said, it is agreed, that the said lortls justices, and the said baron Dc Ginckle, shall intcj'cced •with the king and parliament, to have the estates secured to Roman catholics, by articles and cajutulation in this kingdom, charged with, and equally liable to the payment of so much of the said debts, as the said lord Lucan, upon stating accomi)ts with the said John Brown, shall certify under his hand, that the etl'ects taken from the said Brown amount unto ; which accompt is to he stated, and the balance certified by the said lord Lucan in one and twenty days after the date hereof. 1^'or the true pcfformancc hereof, wc have hereunto set our hands, CtlAIt. BOKTFU, rrrsent. Tuo. Coningsuv, SciiAVfCMOHK, • Bar. Di; (Jincklc. il. Maccav, T Taimasu. "'^ History of Ireland, Mo these was liigUy honourable to their valour, and sufficiently proved the estimation in which the British generals held them. Certainly, a nation of poltroons could never have obtained such favourable terms. But the British were also urged to a speedy settlement of the war, by the consideration that if it were longer protracted, all the advantages they had gained might be snatched from their hands. Already, indeed, was it known that a French armament had sailed from Brest, laden with miHtary stores and reinforce- lil. ments, for the aid of the Irish. The French fleet, however, arrived ' too late ; for the treaty had been agreed upon and signed two days before it entered the waters of the Shannon. The French exclaimed against the treachery" of their alHes ; but the Irish had now suffered enough through their French alliance, and were sincerely anxious for obtaining a peace on the most favourable terms. Limerick was taken possession of by the British army, on the 4th of October, when general Talmash entered it at the head of five British regiments. The town was found exceedingly strong, though many of its buildings had been reduced to ruins. On the following day, a scene occurred that has, perhaps, no parallel in history. The Irish army was drawn up on King's Island, to choose between the service of England and France. Ginckle's object was to induce as many of the Irish as possible to enter the British service, or to disband and return to their homes. On the^ other hand, the object of generals Sarsfield* and Wanchope was to induce them to enter the service of France, which offered promotion to the officers in proportion to the number of men they brought over with them. Separate proclamations were issued by Ginclde and Sarsfield, setting forth the advantages they should enjoy in the services of England and France. The Irish clergy, also, haran- gued the Irish troafs in favour of the service of France. It was then agreed that, on the following day, the Irish army should^ be drawn up at Thomond gate, and, after the addresses to the men from both sides had been concluded, they should be marched past a flag, raised at a given point, — and that those who chose England were to file off to the left, while those who preferred France were to march onwards. " The sun, perhaps," says a popular writer, " scarcely ever rose on a more interesting spectacle than was exhibited on King's Island, when the morning for the decision of the Irish soldiery ar- rived. The men paraded at an early hour; the chaplains said mass, and preached each a sermon at the head of their regiments. * General Sarsfield, created by James, Earl of Lucan, was the darling- of his army ; and his memory is yet fondly cherished among the Irish people. After the Irish war had beeiv brought to a conclusion, Sarsfield entered the service of France, and gathei ed immortal honour in the wars of the Low Countries. His name, with that of the Irish brigade, is associated with the most brilliant parts of French history. Sarsfield was killed at the battle of Lauden, in 1693, in the very arms of victory. It is recorded that, as he lay on the field, after having received his death-wound, he put his hand to his breast, and feeling the life-tide ebbing forth, he drew it awav covered with blood, when gazing wistfully at it for amoment, he said, as if to himself, " Oh! that tins were, for Ireland !" Alas, for poor Ireland J The most bj'illiant aiufli/ss of its sous have been to the glory of the stranger and the foreigner, ratlier than to that ''f their own country. History of Ireland, The catholic bishops then went through the lines, blessing the troops as they passed. They were received with military honours, rendered more imposing by the affectionate devotion which the native Irish have ever shown to their prelates. After this ceremony, refreshments were distributed to the troops, and a message sent to Ginckle and the Lords-justices that "alh was ready." The Irish army, fifteen thousand strong, received the British cortege with presented arms. The Lords-justices and the generals rode slowly through their lines, and declared that they had never seen a finer body of men. Adjutant-general Withers then addressed them in an excellent speech, recommending the English service in very forcible terms ; after which the army broke into column, and the word " march" was given. The walls of the town were covered with citizens ; the neigh- bouring hills were crowded with the peasantry of Clare and Limer- ick ; the deputies of the three kings stood near the flag ; but, when the decisive word was given, the deepest silence reigned through the vast and varied multitude, and not a sound was heard but the heavy tread of the advancing battalions. The column was headed by the Irish Guards, fourteen hundred strong, a regiment that had excited Ginckle's warmest admiration. They marched past the flag, and seven men only ranged themselves on the side of England. The next two regiments were the Ulster Irish, and they all filed to the left. Their example, however, was not generally followed ; the greater part of the remainder declared in favour of France. A similar scene took place at the cavalry-camp ; and, out of the whole, Ginckle only obtained about one thousand horse and fifteen hundred foot. So little pleased was he with this result, that he was inclined to pick a quarrel with the Irish leaders; and the treaty would have been broken almost as soon as signed, but for the presence of the French fleet, which forced the English author- ities to suppress their resentment. On the twelfth of October, the Irish cavalry that had chosen the service of France passed through Limerick, on their way to Cork from Clare. This gallant body had been the darling and the pride of the Irish during the eventful war, and their departure was viewed with deep and bitter regvet. The citizens assembled to bid them a final farewell ; but their hearts died within them ; a few faint cheers, as faintly answered, spoke the sadness, as well as the depth, of their mutual affection. Tears and blessings accompanied them to the Water-gate ; and when the last file lia^l passed out, a deep groan burst from the citizens of Limerick, who felt that their national hope was now destroyed. The infantry followed in a few days ; but their number was greatly thinned by desertion, be- fore they reached tlie place of embarkation. There are no persons so strongly attached to their native soil as the Irish peasants. Those who have witnessed the administration of justice at the assizes, \\ ell luiow, that transportation is more dreaded than hanQ- History of Ireland. in^, by the criminals who stand at an Irish bar. It is not wonderful therefore, that many, after the momentary excitement was over, shonlcl repent of their determination, and resolve to stay in the land of their affection^. The reluctance to embark was greatly increased by the accounts which were received from France of the receptions given to the first divisions. Louis was enraged at the termination of a war which employed so large a portion of the forces of his great enemy ; and, though his own niggardliness in sending supplies, and the long delay of reinforcements, was the chief cause of the evil, he unjustly vented his resentment on those who had voluntarily chosen his service. No quarter was assigned to the troops ; the regiments were broken up, and the officers reduced to inferior ranks, and the generals excluded from the court. This disgraceful treatment was not, however, long continued. In a few years, the Irish brigades were deservedly esteemed the most valu- able part of the French army." Shortly after the treaty had been signed, the chief part of the British army was removed from Ireland ; the resisting spirit of Ireland was now considered crushed ; hostilities entirely ceased ; and the war was ended. CHAPTER XXVII. Condition of Ireland at the close of the war — Measure of William — Confiscation of Estates — Penal laws against the Catholics. The condition of the Irish people at the termination of the Civil War was most lamentable. All the pursuits of industry had been checked ; there was no inducement to labour, for men knew not whether they or their enemies would reap that which they had sown ; the tenure of property was most insecure, depending on the issue of the great struggle, on which the entire nation looked on in agonizing suspense ; the most active labourers were drawn into the ranks of the Irish army ; the country was overrun by rapparees, brutalized by oppression, and often desperate from want. In such a state of things, all civilizing influences were impossible. War, especially civil war, is utterly destructive of social progress. It degrades, prostrates, de-humanizes, and often brutalizes, an entire people. And yet Ireland perhaps suffered less during the Civil War than at any other period during the century. The reason was, that the ordinary state of Ireland when at peace was invariably one of quiet oppression, — a state as destructive of civilization, and as gall- ing and degrading to a people, as the short and sharp struggle of actual insurrection and warfare. But, during the administration of Tyrconnel, the Irish people were governed somewhat after the manner that they wished to be. The popular wishes were at least History of Ireland. consulted. The popular religion was recognized and honoured, and the popular leaders were admitted to a share in the controul of the government. The people w6re also imbued with a new spirit during the present contest. They felt that they were now struggling for their existence as a nation, — one of the most enno- bling and inspiriting of all ambitions. Besides, during the greater part of the war, the country was under the sway of the Catholic armies, by whom the people were efficiently protected in the enjoy- ment of their industries and properties. Hence, we say that the suiFerings of the great mass of the Irish people were perhaps less at this period, than during the ordinary state of peace in which the Irish lived under the English government. We regret that there are so few records of the real state of the people at the period of which we write, that our statements on this head must be mainly grounded on inference. All the historians of the period are too busily occupied with the detail of parliament- ary and military operations, to recollect that such a thing as a peo- ple was in existence. The history they write is merely that of a few of the more prominent individuals on the stage, while the great mass of the nation — ^unless in so far as they contributed to swell the ranks of the combatants on either side — was passed over and forgotten. As far, however, as can be gathered from the accounts that have come down to us, the sufferings of the Irish people during the Civil War, especially in those districts which were the scene of military operations, must have been very great. The barbarities inflicted by William's army upon the defenceless peasantry, both catholic and protestant, were of the most horrible kind. No demons could have revelled in cruelty, and gloated over suffering more keenly than they did. The struggle was thus embittered, and excesses rendered more frequent on both sides, — though, to the honour of the Irish, their army and generals were throughout actuated by the most chivalrous and honourable spirit towards their enemies. The pecuniary exactions, and imposts of various kinds, levied on the Irish people, for the maintenance of the war, must have been grievously felt by them ; and would have been so even in the .most flourishing condition of trade and industry ; how much more so in a time of general embarrassment, of bank restrictions, of deranged currency, of interrupted industry, of civil war. The immense number of desperate rapparrees now roving idle and desperate about the country, gives some idea of the ruin that had been wrought upon the homes and industrial i)ursuits of the Irish people. All this could not fail to cause, for a long time to come, a feebleness and lethargy of all the powers of the social system, and a retro- grade movement both of the wealth and population of the countr3^ At the conclusion of the war, also, Ireland was drained of its best and bravest sons, who in crowds souglit refuge in the armies of the continent, — causing anotlier source of Aveakness to the poor, distracted, and trodden -down countiy. Nor was the conduct of William and his governmeiit, subsequent to the Peace of Limerick, calculated to raise Ireland from the deep mire of poverty into vdiich oppression had sunk her. It is probable that William liimself was not disposed to act with cruelty towards Ireland ; indeed, there is good reason to suppose, that he would have treated her with comparative kindness and forbearance. But, unfortunately, he w^as in the hands of the " protestant ascen- dancy"' party, both in England, Scotland, and Ireland, who com- pelled him to carry out their bigotted and tyrannical measures upon the now-subdued and crushed Irish catholic party. William could not do justice to Ireland, even had he wished it : he was completely at the mercy of a bigotted faction, who used him as an instrument for their own selfish and detestable purposes. William, throughout, had a strange mixture of parties to deal with. In England, the episcopalians urged him to persecute the presbyterians in Scotland ; the presbyterians called on him to put down the episcopalians ; and in Ireland, a "protestant ascendancy" called on him to subject a whole nation of catholics to oppression. As opposed to all these parties, William was powerless ; and though they compelled him to pass severe laws, yet it is to his honour, that he generally endeavoured to administer them in a spirit of mercy. In the course of his reign, he discovered symptoms of lenity towards the catholics, which seemed to show, that if he had not been king of England, he would not have been the oppres- sor of Ireland. The lenity of William was, however, completely overborne by the insolent and domineering faction, to which the people of Ireland were now delivered over. They inveighed loudly against the fovourable terms granted to the Irish people by the treaty of Lim- erick ; and determined to take the first opportunity of violating them. They were especially enraged at those articles of the treaty which secured civil rights to the catholics ; and assailed General Ginckle with the utmost virulence, because of his liberal concession to his enemies. Those true inheritors of the old Cromwellian spirit, declared that they would be satisfied with nothing short of the extirpation of the catholics ; and justified their demand, as their bigotted fathers had done, by quoting the most bloody example of religious extirpation from the books of the Old Testament. The protestant clergy in general, of all sects, denounced the treaty in terms of unmeasured violence ; and it was not long before the same hideous spirit was embodied in the acts of the protestant ascendancy in parliament. One of the first points on which the spirit of the ascendancy was shov/n, after the success of William''s army, was in reference to the properties of the Irish catholics. It was obvious, immediately after the battle of the Boyne, that the war, like all those which had preceded it, was to become one of confiscations and forfeitures. William was, no doubt, urged to this policy by the avaricious MS History/ of Ireland. harpies constituting tlie English ascendancy and " Okl Castle ^' parties. They remembered the plunder that ha^ been obtained in the days of Cromwell and James, and^ longed for a repetition of the same disgraceful system ; nor did they wait long. For, it appears from a report presented to the English House of Com- mon^, that the forfeitures made by the government of king Wil- liam, amounted to no less than one million, sixty^ihousand and odd acres, stripping three thousand, nine hundred ahcl twenty-one per- sons of lands, valued at that day, at ^8,819,943 sterling.* The most extensive forfeiture was that of the Earl of Clancarty, whose extensive estates in Cork, Limerick, and Kerry, were seized, and fraudulently sold by the commissioners at Chichester house. Ah attempt was made by William to preserve the family from destruction ; but it was of no avail : the " protestant ascen- dancy " — some of the leading members of which, among others Sir Richard Cox, had already obtained grants of confiscated lands, — obtained a declaration from the county of Cork Grand Jury, that the restoration of the EarFs estates would be " prejudicial to the protestant interest," — in other w^ords, that it would be disagree- able for the holders of the property to disgorge the plunder they had obtained. This extensive seizure of Irish Estates by the government of William, completed the confiscations of the seventeenth century, — a century of injury, exasperation, and revenge — of war, bloodshed, and spoliation. The forfeitures for " rebellion" during the century amounted to about eleven millions and a half acres, — the entire surface of Ireland amounting to only about twelve millions of acres ! " It is a subject of curious and important speculation," says Lord Clare, in his celebrated speech on the Union,i- " to look back to the forfeitures of Ireland incurred in the last century. The super- ficial contents of the island are calculated at eleven millions and forty-two thousand six hundred and eighty-two acres. Let us now examine the case of the forfeitures : — Confiscated in the reign of James I. the whole of the province of Ulster, containing acres Set out by the Court of Claims, at the Restoration, acres 7,800,000 Forfeitures of 1688, acres 1,060,792 Total 11,697,629 *" The mode in wliicb the lord -justices and the " Castle party " proceeded, is an edifying example of tlie mode by which the forms of law have been so often prostituted, to sanction injustice to Ireland. They indicted the Irish gentlemen who possessed any cstiitcs, of high treason, in the several counties over which they had jurisdiction ; and then removed them all by certiorari^ to the Court of King''s Bench in Dublin. V>y this ingenious contrivance, those who were to be robbed lost all opportunity of making tlicir defence; indeed, in most cases, they were ignorant of their being accused; and the Irish government were saved the troulile of showing how the Irish pcoi)le could bo guilty of high treason, for supporting the cause of their rightful monarch against a foicign invader. They felt conscious, that this was not a nuittcr to be proved easily ; and wo must give them due credit for the prudent modesty of their silence." — Taylor. , -I" Delivered February lJUh, HJOO. Be it remembered tliat there was no man loss likely than liord Claro to exaggerate the above picture in its outliuc or colouring. History of Ireland. 249 So that the whole of your island has been confiscated, with the exception of the estates|of five or six old families of English blood, some of whom had been attainted in the reign of Henry VIII. ; but recovered their possessions before Tyrone's rebellion, and had the good fortune to escape the pillage of the English Republic inflicted by Cromwell ; and no inconsiderable portion of the island has been confiscated twice, or perhaps thrice, in the course of a century. The situation^ therefore^ of the Irish nation^ at the Betolu- tion^ stands unparalleled in the history of the inhabited world. If the wars of England, carried on here from the reign of Elizabeth, had been waged against a foreign enemy, the inhabitants would have retained their possessions under the established law of civihzed nations, and their country have been annexed as a province to the British empire. But the continued and persevering resistance of Ireland to the British Crown during the whole of the last century, was mere rebelhon, and the municipal law of England attached upon the crime. What, then, was the situation of Ireland at the time of the Revolution, and what is it at this day ? The whole power and property of the country has been conferred by successive monarchs of England upon an English colony., composed of three sets of English adventurers., who poured into this country at the termination of three successive rebellions. Confiscation is their common title; and from their first settlement they have been hemmed in on evert/ side by the old inhabitants of the island^ brooding over their discontent in sullen indignation.'''' But the hand of the oppressor was most clearly discernible in the severe penal laws against the catholic Irish, enacted in the course of William's reign. In flagrant violation of the treaty of Limerick, which stipulated that the catholics should " enjoy such privileges in the exercise of their religion, as are consistent with the laws of Ireland, and such as they enjoyed in the reign of Charles II.," the earliest opportunity was adopted to crush them down by a series of cruel and insulting penal enactments, unexampled in the history of any other age or country. The condition on which persons claim- ing the benefit of the acts founded on this Treaty, should take the oath of allegiance, was in these simple terms : " I, A. B., do sin- cerely promise and swear, that I will be faithful, and bear true allegiance to their Majesties, King William and Queen Mary. So help me God ! " The government, regarding this as a concession to the catholics, resolved to throw it overboard : nineteen days after the signing of the Treaty of Limerick, they passed an act professing to abolish the old oath of supremacy, and impose a new one, requiring a declaration which no conscientious catholic could make, and which commenced as follows : " I, A. B., do solemnly and sincerely, in the presence of God, confess, testify, and declare, that I do believe that in the sacrament in the Lord's Supper, there is not any transubstantiation of the elements of bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ, at, and after the consecration thereof 250 Historif of Ireland. by miy person whatsoever, — and that the invocation or adoration of the Virgin Mary, or any other saint, and the sacrifice of the mass, as they are now nsed in the Church of Rome, are supersti- tions and idolatrous," &c., &c. This declaration, it will be perceived, was levelled at the entire Irish catholic people, who were now and henceforward to be placed under the ban of protestant exclusiveness and cruelty, and thrust beyond the pale of social privilege and brotherhood. It was ordered that every member of the Irish parliament should take the above oath and declaration ; consequently, catholics were at once and entirely excluded from all share in the government of the country. All persons holding office under government, were also compelled to take the oath ; consequently, the catholics were wholly excluded from all civil, military, or ecclesiastical offices in the state. Even barristers were compelled to take it, under a penalty of £bO^ ; consequently, the entire rights, liberties, pro- perties, and industries of the Irish nation were left to be prosecuted, defended, adjudicated, and disposed of, by a protestant bar and a protestant bench. This was only the commencement of a series of persecutions, which increased in cruelty and rancour, as the catho- lics sunk under the weight of their oppression. All^ resistance among them had now ceased, their arms were wrested from them. Their own army had quitted Ireland for continental service, imme- diately after the surrender of Limerick. The Irish cathoUcs were now, and henceforward, treated as a nation of hereditary slaves, who had no legal existence, and were allowed to survive only that they might subserve the purposes of their protestant lords and. masters. It is revolting to trace the proceedings of the Irish parliament subsequent to this period. The catholics being completely shut out from the legislature, it became a mere instrument of cruelty and tyranny in the hands of a vulgar and bigotted religious ascend- ancy. Henceforward the legislation of these banded tyrants was a legislation of coercion and barbarism. Their object, which they zealously pursued throughout the long century which followed, was to crush and trample down all Irish and national spirit, to extin- guish all mind and intelligence, and reduce the Irish people to a state of worse than Eastern servitude and degradation. The parliament, which should have been the instrument of popidar government, and general protection for all classes, became the instrument of aggrandizement for the feav, and of enslavement for the great mass of the people. Indeed, the most absolute rule of a despot woukl have been preferable to the ingeniously multiplied ^^iBiannies of these Irish Protestant Parliaments. !^^ne of the first acts of the Irish parliament in the reign of 'W'illiam, was to enact that catholic clergymen of every description should leave the kingdom before the Ist of May, 1698, under penalty of imprisonment and transportation ; and if they returned History of Ireland. S51 from transportation, they were to be adjudged guilty of high treason and to suffer death accordingly ! Such was the first attempt at fulfilment of the Treaty of Limerick by the Irish parliament ! — > But we have not told all. It was further enacted that whoever should harbour a catholic priest, should be fined for the first olFence, double that sum in the second, and forfeiture of moveable property and the life rent of landed property, for the third offence. Attendance on public worship was also enforced, under a penalty according to a harassing statute passed in the reign of queen Elizabeth.* Another enactment of the same parliament was of a still more degrading and insulting nature. It was directed against the intel- ligence of the nation. Aware that there is no more effective method of poisoning or enslaving the minds of a people, than by obtaining a direction of the education of its youth, — and that, so long as Irish parents and Irish teachers educated Irish children, the hatred of the Irish people to Enghsh and protestant ascendancy would be perpetrated, the Parhament next passed an infamous act to restrain the education of the Irish youth both at home and abroad. The feeling of servitude was thus to be engrafted in the natural mind. The intellect of Ireland was to be held in tram- mels, "^o be rendered patient under oppression, everything that could give them a knowledge of their rights was forbidden. To make them passive under insult and suffering, it was necessary that they should be degraded and crushed, if possible, below the condition of ordinary humanity. The statute for this purpose is so expressive, and its object, as an instrument of persecution, so unambiguous, that it cannot better be described than in its own words. It provided, " that, if any subjects of Ireland should after that session of parhament, go, or send any child or person, to be educated in any popish university, college, or school, or in any private family, or if such child should, by any popish person, be instructed in the popish religion, or if any subjects of Ireland should send money or things toward the maintenance of such child or other person, already sent, or to be sent, every such offender, * 7 & 9 Wm. 3. sess. 1. c. 26. All popish archbishops, bishops, vicars general, cleans, Jesuits, monks, friars, anrl all other regular popish clergy, and all papists exercising any ecclesiastical jurisdiction, shall depart this kingdom before the 1st of May, 1698. And if any of them shall be at any time after the said day wilhm this kingdom, they shall be imprisoned, and remain there without bail till they are trans- ported beyond the seas out of the king's dominions, wherever the king, his heirs or successors, or chief governors of this kingdom shall think fit: And if any, so transported, shall return again into this king- dom, then to be guilty of high treason, and to suffer accordingly. And from the 29th of December, 1697, no popish archbishop, &c., shall come into this kingdom from any parts beyond the seas, on pain of twelve months' imprisonment, and then to be transpoited in man- ner aforesaid ; and if, after such transportation, any of them return again into this kingdom, they shall be guilty of high treason, and suffer accordingly. And any person that shall, from the 1st of May, knowingly conceal, or entertain any such popish archbishops, bishops, &c., hereby required to depart out of this kingdom, or that after the said da} shall come into this kingdom, shall for the first offence forfeit £20, for the second double the sum, andj&he offend the third time, shall forfeit all his lands and tenements of freehold or inheritance, duri^pKis life ; and also all his goods and chattels ; one moiety to the king, his heirs and sucosissors, and the other moiety to the informer (so as it do not exceed .£100) and the surplusage of what shall remain, to the king. December 1st, 1697. Resolved, that part of the act 2d. Eliz. chap. 2d. which obliges every person, not having a lawful or reasonable excuse to be absent, to resort every Sunday to church, and theie abide dunng the time of common prayer, preaching, and other service of God be' there ministered, under pair ol /orleitmg lor every neglect, 12d., ought to be put in execution.— Com. Jour. vol. ii, f. 984. Uistorij of Ireland. being thereof convicted, should be for ever disabled to sue, or prosc- cute°any action, bill, plaint, or information in law or equity ; to be Q-uardian, administrator, or executor to any person, or to be capable of any legacy or deed of gift, and besides, should forfeit all their estates, both real and personal during their lives." The framers of this law were not contented that a measured punishment should be dealt agaiust this offender; but he was deprived of the protection of the law ; he could never, even after having paid the penally of an entire forfeiture of his property, againlL-einstate himself as a member of society. His debtor could not be compelled to pay him. He could not secure by laws the fruits^f his labour, forcibly seized from him by ruffians. He^ must be coment to live beyond the pale of society, providing for himself like one of the.beasts of the field, having no ties which bound him to mankind, or mankind to him. To what would the nature of such a man be hkely to turn ? This act was immediately carried into rigorous execution. About the same time, in equal violation of the1:reaty, an act was passed for the general disarmment of the Irish catholics. The ascendancy, who had learnt what Irish bravery could do, at Limerick and Athlone, \^'ere noticed to do every thing they could to prevent all armed resistance for the future. They feared that the lion might become enraged by their tortures, and they took the precaution of paring his claws ! After all these infamous acts had been perpetrated, and the treaty of Limerick so shamefully violated, the government had the wonderful impudence gravely to bring in a bill to confirm the Articles of Limerick ! This had now been deferred to the ninth year of William's reign, by which time, the acts already passed,' imposing severe penal disabilities on the catholics, rendered the confirmation of the treaty a mere farce. And after all, the treaty was only nominalhf confirmed. The first and most^ important article, which provided for the security of the catholics trom all disturbances on account of their religion, was entirely omitted ; those parts of the second article, which confirmed the catholic gv-ntrv of Limerick, Clare, Cork, Kerry, and JNIayo, in the possession of their estates, and allowed all catholics freely to exercise their several trades and professions, were also omitted ; likewise, the fourth, the seventh, the ninth, and other articles which extended the benefits of the peace to Irish officers abroad, which allowed the catholic gentry to ride armed, and which provided that the oath of allegiance agreed upon, should be the only oath required from the catholics. Never was any legislature guilty of so atrocious a breach of public faith : but it mattered not, the Irish parliament had no character to lose, and the bill passed through the Commons with but slender opposition. Several of the Lords strenuously resisted the bill, insisting that it put the catholics in a worse condition than before; and they had even the spirit to enter their protest against it, by which they were joined by six bishops, whom AVilliam — History of Ireland. actuated by a spirit more liberal than that of his government, had recently elevated to the episcopal bench. This monstrous act was shortly followed by three others, passed in the same spirit, namely one for the prevention of marriages between catholics and protest- ants ; another, to prevent " papists from being solicitors ; and a third, to prohibit their being employed as gamekeepers ! Another series of barbarous acts were directed at this time against the commerce and manufactures of Ireland. For, even though civil war had wasted the country, the industry of th*^ Irish had been making steady progress, and the manufpcturing activity of the country was gradually on the increase. Perhaps we are ready to over-estimate the mischief inflicted by war on the v~ ^nstry of ^peo- ple ; forgetting that, unless in the very midst o^ struggle the ordinary pursuits of life go forward unmolested a. uninterrupted. Nothwithstanding the dangers and excitement of the period, men still keep their eye on the main chance, and occupy their time in industrial occupations, just as in times of general peace and pros- perity. Certain it is, that during the Civil War which ended with the capitulation of Limerick, the industry of Ireland had prospered more than it had done during the peace which it enjoyed under the government of England. Even war, with all its horrors, proved less injurious to Irish interests than tranquility and "protection" under English law and English government ! It will be remembered that, in the reign of Charles II., certain ^cts had been passed, prohibiting the export of Irish wool, cattle, &c., to England or her colonies ; but at the same time granting FREE TRADE between Ireland and all other countries, whether at war or peace with England. In consequence of these measures, the Irish directed their attention to the growth of home manufac- tures. In consequence of the prohibition laid by the English government on the export of their wool, they were compelled, as it were, to manufacture for themselves, in order to work up their raw material, and thus find a market for their produce. The Irish woollen and other manufactures thus received a great impetus, and factories were erected in various parts of the country. Trade increased, and Ireland seemed in a fair way of becoming a wealthy and happy nation. These prospects were, however, interrupted by the Civil War of 1689, which for a time deranged or suspended the pursuits of industry in various parts of the country. But after the restoral of peace, Ireland again began to show signs of returning prosperity. William, who was willing to encourage the growth of Irish com- merce and manufacture, during the first . four years of his reign, when he governed in his own sense, acted with judgment and lenity towards his Irish subjects in reference to their pursuits of industry. The island, again restored to peace, assumed a new aspect ; the land became better cultivated, and plenty abounded ; the catholics, who, greatly to the exasperation of the ascending party, were at T 254 History of Ireland. first dealt leniently with by William — having restored to them some 233,106 acres of the confiscated estates, — engaged extensively in the export and import trade to the continent, particularly in the linen, yarn, and frieze trade. The woollen manufacture, especially, continued to increase ; and Ireland promised soon to take the lead in this department of national industry. England now looked on with a jealous eye, for she saw her neighbour growing rich by the pursuits of trade. England could never bear that Ireland should outstrip, or even rival her, in any department ; and accordingly means were soon adopted to check the growing prosperity of Irish manufactures. As the English parliament had compelled Charles to prohibit the exportation of IrisWvool, so they now wished to compel Wilham to prohibit the exportation of Irish woollen manufactures. They accordingly pre- sented a joint petition to the king,* stating that " the growth and increase of the woollen manufacture in Ireland had long been, and would be ever^ looked upon with great jealousy by his English subjects, and praying him, by very strict laws, totally to prohibit and suppress the same." The reply of William was brief, but characteristic ; it ran as follows : — " My Lords and Gentlemen, — I shall do all that in me lies to discourage the " woollen manufacture of Ireland, and to encourage the linen manufacture there : " and to promote the trade of England. July 2, 1698." The servile answer of the Irish parliament to this peremptory statement of William, was to the effect that " the woollen manu- facture being the settled staple trade of England^ from whence all foreign markets are supplied, can never be encouraged here (namely in Ireland ) for the purpose." The Irish parliament, always anti- national and anti- Irish, thus willingly lent themselves as tools to crush Irish industry, 'satisfied with obtaining in return the wretched equivalent of a vile anti-national " No Popery" code, which grati- fied their bigotted hatred at the cost of the very best interests of the Irish people. So far as the discouragement of the Irish woollen trade was concerned, William was as good as his word Various acts were * The Address of the House of Commons to king William was couched in a most slavish tone. According to this document, the Irish owed the universal gifts of light and air, life, and a soil to tread upon, mo're to the English parliament than to God Almighty. It stated that " being very sinsihlc that the wealth and power of this kingdom do, in a great measure, depend on preserving the woollen niauu- factures as much as possible to this realm, they thought it became tliem, like then' anci stors, to be jealous of the establishment and the increase thereof elsewheie, and to use iheir utmost eiuleavouis to prevent it. That they could not without trouble observe, that Ireland, which is depeiulout on and ]m o- tectiMl l)y, Kii'^land, in the enjoyment of all they have, and which is so proiiei' for the linen manutac ture, tlir rslnidishiiiciit and growth of which there would be so enriching to themselves, and as prolitable to iMighiiid, should of late ai)ply itself to the wo(dleu manufacture, to the great henelit of both nations; tliat tlie (u)us('((ii('iie(' thereof would necessitalv his lu iji'sty's parliament of l^nsland to interpose to pre- vent this mischicd', uulrss his iiia/|('siy , liis aulhorily and great ^\isdou>, should lind means to secure the trade of bhigland, iiy uialing llic sulij.cis oC hxdaud ))reserve the joint interests of both kingdoms; wherefore they implored his majesty's prolccliou anee. to hinder the exporiation of wool from lypland (except to be ini)iorle(l hithi r^, and for the disconrnging the woollen mauul'actnreH and encouraging llu^ linen manufactures in Ireland; to which the Commons of England sliould ever be l eady to give tbeir utmost assistance." IThtory of Ireland. 255 passed by the English parliament,* which were afterwards recog- nised and confirmed by the Irish parliament, -f- for the prostration and ultimate destruction of this important branch of manufacture, for which the natural resources of Ireland so admirably adapt it. A duty of 20 per cent, was imposed on broad, and of 10 per cent, on narrow cloths ; the exportation of all woollen goods from Ireland to other countries, was strictly prohibited, except to England and Wales, and with the licence of the commissioners of the revenue. But previous to this, heavy duties had been laid on the importation of Irish woollens into England, which amounted to a prohibition, consequently these acts were levelled at the entire export trade of Ireland in this branch of manufactures. And they had their^ffect: they accomplished the purpose for which they were devised. The Woollen manufactures of Ireland were completely ruined ; and thus 12,000 families in the metropolis, chiefly protestants, and 30,000 families dispersed in other parts of the kingdom, were cruelly deprived of their means of subsistence. A smuggling trade, the remains of the former legitimate free intercourse, was for some time kept up with France and Spain ; but at length the woollen • William and Mary, c. 32 ; 4 William and Mary, c. 24 ; 7 and 8 William, c. 28 ; 9 and 10 William, c. 40 ; 10 and 11 William, c. 10. -|- As it has not unfrequently been alleged against the catholics that, if they had the power, and possessed ascendancy in the Irish legislature, that the protestants have done, they would use it for purposes of their own aggrandisement, and to tne injury of other religious sects,— it may not be uninteresting and uninstructive here to place in juxta-position, the acts passed in the catholic parliament of James and tliose passed in the protestant parliament of William , allowing the reader to judge for himself, which of the two legislated most in the spirit of constitutional free- dom, and for the true interests of Ireland : — ACTS PASSED IN THE CATHOLIC PAKLIA- ACTS PASSED IN THE PEOTESTANT PAK- MENTS OF JAMES. LIAMENTS OF WILLIAM AND MARY. An act declaring that the parliament of England An act, 3 William, recognised by the Irish par- cannot bind Ireland ; and against writs and appeals liameut (thereby recognising the supremacy of to be brought for removing judgments, decrees, and England), for excluding Catholics from parliament, sentences in Ireland to England. " — Lords' Journal, v. i. p. 496. An act for taking off all incapacities from the An act restraining foreign education. — 7 William, ► natives of this kingdom. c. 4. An act for liberty of conscience, and repealing An act for disarming Papists, containing a clause such acts and clauses in any acts of Parliament rendering their spoliation, robbery, &c. legal. — which ai-e inconsistent with the same. 7 Will. c. 5. An act for banishing archbishops, priests, &c. for the purpose of extinguishing the Catholic religion. —9. Will. c. I. An act for the encouragement of strangers and An act for discouraging marriages between Cath- others to inhabit and plant in this kingdom of Ii-e- olic and Protestant. — 9. Will. c. 5. land. An act confirming (i. e. violating) the Articles of An act for vesting in his Majesty the goods of Limerick. — 9, Will. c. 11. absentees. The acts for discourag-ing the Woollen Trade of An act prohibiting the importation of English, Ireland, which afforded subsistence to 12,000 Pro- Scotch, or Welsh wools into this kingdom. testant families in the metropolis, and 30,000 dis- An act for the advance and improvement of persed in other parts of the kingdom, passed in the trade, and for the encouragement and increase of English parliaments (1 Will, and Mary, c. 32 ; shipping and navigation, &c., &c. 4 Will, and Mary, c. 24 ; 7 and 8 Will, c. 28 ; 9 and 10 Will., c. 40), and recognised afterwards by the Irish parliament, in the Bill passed 25th of March, 1699. An act completing the ruin of the woollen manu- factory, and imposed with all it? violations of the trial by jury, &c. by the English parliament on Ireland— 10 and 11 Will, and Mary, c. 10. Such were the Protestant parliaments from the hands of which Ireland afterwards received its desti- nies, and such the constitution to which the monopolists of the present day still wish that we should revert! Such men and such assemblies were much more fitting to entertain the petitions of coal- heavers for the exclusion of Papists from the trade ; or the infamous castration clause in the Bill for mending the laws against the growth of Popery; or to burn Molyneux's book by the public bangraan> than to legislate for the rights and interests of a free nation. History of Ireland. trade was almost entirely destroyed, and the ruins of the manufac- tories may to this day be seen in many places, speaking of the former industry and wealth of unfortunate Ireland. While William thus fulfilled his promise of discouraging the woollen manufacture in Ireland, he failed to keep his promise in reference to the encouragement of the linen trade. A tax of 30 per cent, was imposed on striped Irish linens, and other descriptions of linen goods were also interfered with in the same way. Thus the linen trade, hitherto extremely flourishing, was soon prostrated, and the thousands of Scotch* and Flemish settlers, who had been " planted" or induced to settle in Ireland, by promises of encoui> agemgit by the government, were reduced to a state of great ^ suffernig and distress. All attempts to establish the linen trade in * the South, when any such attempts were made, were frustrated, chiefly through the avarice of the protestant clergy, who would not be satisfied without an extravagant riiodus for the tithe of flax, which actually amounted to a prohibition of the trade. At the same time, means were sedulously adopted to crush Irish industry in various other ways. Irish silks, cottons, malt, beer, and almost every other article, were similarly prohibited. The provision trade, always one of the greatest importance to Ireland, was grievously interfered with ; no fewer than twenty-four embar- goes being placed on it within nineteen years ! And thus were the promises of the Enghsh government fulfilled ; and thus was Irish industry, instead of being encouraged, prostrated to the very dust. The Irish people, driven from one branch of trade, endeavoured to maintain themselves by another. It was necessary that they should live : and in order to live honestly, they were willing to labour. But the evil genius of monopoly now reared its ugly head in the land ; and the Irish catholics were even begrudged the leave to toil in their own land. A singular instance of the mean and mahcious conduct of even the poorest classes belonging to the ascendancy party at that time, is furnished by the petition of the protestant coal porters of Dublin against the employment of catholic labourers. "A petition of one Edward Sprag and others, (we extract from the Commons' journals) in behalf of themselves and other protestant porters, in and about the city of Dublin, complain- ing that one Darby Ryan, a papist, employed^ porters of his own persuasion, having been examined and read, it was ordered to be referred to the examination and consideration of the committee of grievances, and that they should report their opinion thereon to the house The idea of the Irish House of Commons entertaining the case of the employment of catholic coal porters as a griemnce would be ludicrous, but that it is disgusting and insulting in the extreme. It was not enough that protestant porters were employed (and they do not complain of not being liired) but they were not * Eighty thousand Scotch families had settled in Ireland after the battle of the Bojnie. They were thii principal linen manufacturers and exporters.— PjscoMVs* on Ireland, \\ 33— History of Ireland. 257 satisfied without the monopoly of the trade : their demand was 'tantamount to this — that "papists" should not be employed at all. Another instance of the bigotted aud hostile spirit with which the Irish were regarded in England at this period, is furnished in a petition presented to the English House of Commons, from Folk- stone in Kent, and Aldborough in Suffolk, complaining " that the Irish of Waterford and Wexford, by catching herrings and sending them to the Streights, were forestalling and ruining the markets of the petitioners." This petition was actually ordered to be taken into serious consideration by a committee ; though what became of 4| afterwards is not now known. We have now given a brief summary of the measures which followed the treaty of Limerick ; and the simple statement of them is sufficient to prove the shameful manner in which its provisions were violated. Though the articles of that treaty were solemnly ratified under the Great Seal of England, and " the faith and honour of the English crown were pledged to their fulfilment, they were, almost without exception, violated and broken on the very first opportunity. The liberty of conscience and security of pro- perty, which the Irish catholics had stipulated for and obtained, were trampled underfoot, and a system of tyranny and persecution was commenced and persevered in, more odious than any that has ever yet disgraced the annals of national cruelty and crime. A century of unmingled oppression and suffering followed the peace of Limerick, during every period of which, the Irish people suffered far more than they had done during even the hottest part of the war. One set of governors followed another, but always with the same results to the Irish nation. Bigotry succeeded bigo- try, and oppression succeeded oppression. The records of each succeeding reign or administration, was only a repetition of the same course of tyranny on the part of the governors, and of suffer- ing on the part of the governed. The ramifications of oppression extended throughout the entire frame of society. All the officers of government imitated the conduct of their superiors. Magis- trates, who belonged exclusively to the dominant faction, lorded it in tyrant pride, within their several jurisdictions. The example was imitated by their officers and servants, and extended itself downwards to the pettiest underling of the government, and even the remotest cappillary artery of society was permeated by the destructive poison. Any descriptive detail that we could give of the sufferings of the Irish people during this lamentable period must fall far short of the reality. It would, indeed, be impossible for any pen, no matter how graphic or eloquent, to depict the daily and hourly sufferings of a whole people, endured, without intermission, from infancy to old age — from the cradle to the grave. We can readily appreciate the miseries and horrors of a period of destructive civil warfare. We see the blood, we hear the groans, we witness the deaths ; 2oS ^ "^'v Tlidory of Ireland. ^ the circumstan(5tes make a deep impression upon our mmds, and tve imagine them to be the very worst that civilized society can suffer. But there is a greater misery than this, though one that is calcu- lated to make less impression on the mind of the general observer. It is a period of slow national torture, by means of the law — of quiet oppression and tyranny inflicted by a bigotted " ascendancy'"' — of insult, and cruelty, and wrong, heaped upon an entire nation by Act of Parliament — of calamity and mischief inflicted upon a crushed and plundered people for the exclusive benefit of the smallest and least deserving class in the state. What must be the feelings of a nation, when they perceive law and rehgion ah% converted into instruments of torture against them — when they see justice systematically perverted, and government used as a mere instrument of coercion and plunder ? It might be true, that all this was perfectly legal and constitutional —terms ordinarily employed by governments to justify any cruelty however base, any oppression however revolting. And it is too often considered as a justification of even the rankest government injustice, that such and such things are done under the forms, and by the sanction of, the law. The English people are ^ peculiarly liable to be imposed upon by this fallacy ; and especially when Ireland is in the case. We are told that in the government of Ireland, everything is done in a perfectly legal and constitutional manner ; and with this they are satisfied, — forgetting, that under the forms of law and constitution, the most cruel and destructive despotism may be perpetrated upon a people. And, what was the constitution now in Ireland ? The ascendancy of an upstart aris- tocracy, who had obtained their properties by wrong, and were now banded together to retain them by injustice. Laying do^yn the sword, they took up the law, which they converted into an instru- ment of coercion more oppressive even than the other. A more intolerant and bigotted body than the protestant ascend- ancy party of Ireland, probably has never existed, to curse and torture a people. Possessing an exclusive controul over the parlia- ment — for the catholics were carefully excluded from all share in the representation — they used it only as an instrument for building up and strengthening their own unjustly acquired power. They even did not scruple to set at defiance the English government itself, when it interfered— as it occasionally did in the reign of William— in favour of the Irish catholics. In the very first par- liament held after the restoral of peace, they became involved in a dispute with the king about their " privileges ; and they threw out one of the two certified bills of supply, returned from England, on the ground that they were ''unconstitutional."* It was only * These bills of supply were (loomed " unconstiUUioiial," lioonuso tlioy lia.-dasturc ; and there are thousands of poor wretches who think themselves blessed, if tliey can obtam a hut worse than the squire's dog-kennel, and an acre of ground for a potatoe-plantation, on con- dition of being as very slaves as any in America. What can be moro deplorable, than t(vhehold wrctdics starving in* the midst of plenty '.-Swift's Tract " On this Miseuaule State of Ireland." rlistory, of Ireland. ^^^^ did not benefit Englard to the extent that the EngUsh monopolists anticipated. Though the Irish were prohibited exportmg then- woollen manufacture, they still exported their wool which was now sent in immense quantities to France, Spam, and Portugal where it was worked up into fabrics, and in many cases kept English o-oods out of the market. "At the passmg of this fatal act ?ays Swift * " the condition of our trade was gloi-ious and tlouristi- ing, though no way interfering with the English ; we made no broad-cloths above per yard ; coarse druggets, bays and shal- loons, worsted damasks, strong draught works, slight half- works, and gaudy stuffs, were the only product of our ooms : these were partly consumed by the meanest of our people, and partly sent to the northern nations, from which we had m exchange, timber, iron, hemp, flax, pitch, tar, and hard dollars. At the time^ the current money of Ireland was foreign silver, a man could hardly receive 100/., without finding the coin of all the northern powers and every prince of the empire among it. This money was returned into England for fine cloths, silks, &c. for our o^Yll wear for rents, for coals, for hardware, and all other English manufactures, and, in a great measure, supphed the London merchants with xoreign silver for exportation.'' . ^ ^ ^' ^ e No sooner, however, had the clamours of the Enghsn manufac- turers compelled William to pass the infamous act, than the trade, hitherto so prosperous in Ireland, was put down; the prohtable commerce of Ireland with the northern countries was entirely lost, and the advantages at once transferred, for the most part, to ranee, Holland, Spain, and other continental nations. Numbers of Irish towns, which had been entirely supported by the woollen manufacture previous to the passing of the unhappy bill, were at once rum ed ; the English operatives returned to England, overstockmg the markets there with labourers; many of the Irish operatives emigrated to those countries whither the suppressed trade ^ had gone ; and numbers more, who could not emigrate, begged aoout from door to door in the garb of misery, pleading on the inmates to take their wares- from them at any price to prevent their tami- lies starving of hunger. In the meantime smuggling flourished. Wool was exported to foreign countries m spite of all edicts to the contrary. Custom-house oaths are never considered to be very sacred things. Masters, with ladings of Irish woo , swore that they were bound for one of the Enghsh wool ports, but unloaded in France or Spain ; bringing back wines, brandy, and fruit,— moidores, pistoles, and louis-d'ors, " without which, says a writer of the period, " we should scarcely have a penny to turn upon. Indeed, Ireland was now subjected to a commercial slavery, which left neither her credit, her commodities, nor her industry, at her own disposal. She was entirely bereft of shipping; and the Swift's Tract " On the Miserable State of Irdand, " 276 History of Ireland. magnificent ports and havens, which Nature has so boimtifully bestowed on Ireland, were of no more use to her, than a beautiful prospect to a man shut up in a dungeon. The commercial condi- tion of Ireland at this period may be summed up in a word : — she imported .£'40,000 worth of goods per annum, of a kind that yielded no advantage to the people ; and she exported -iC' 700, 000 worth of another kind of goods, for which the people received not one farthing's benefit in return. The legislation of the period continued to be of the most barba- rous kind. The country was treated as a mere conquered province, by a parliament in which she had neither friend nor representative. The English ministry were in the habit of looking down upon 'Ireland as upon a nation of slaves and outcasts, who had no more claim upon their kindness or consideration than the savages of Central Africa. The object of all their laws seemed to be to destroy the people by setting them against each other — class against class, and creed against creed. The legislation against the catho- lics continued of the same atrocious character. The penal code of queen Anne was perfected by the passing of several horrible enact- ments, over which the proprieties of modern language would almost draw a veil. The very darkest parts of the picture were filled up ; and the anti-social system of tyranny completely consolidated. The catholics were constantly under the suspicion of the govern- ment, and treated as the merest serfs and rebels, the laws being rigorously executed against them during the whole of the reign ; and the occurrence of the Scottish Rebellion of 1715, afforded the government the pretence for treating them with renewed cruelty. That rebellion was raised and carried on almost exclusively by Scotch presbyterians. The Irish catholics still felt the smart, and saw the scars of their former wounds ; and they knew very well that they would be made a sacrifice to the least attempts towards a change. They therefore remained quiescent, and took no part in the rebellion for the restoral of the Pretender to the British throne. The government, however, seized the opportunity of devising new schemes for the oppression of the catholic population. The penal- ties against teaching " popery were enforced with great severity. The cathoUc chapels were shut up ; the priests were dragged from their hiding places, sometimes from the veiy altars, and hurried into loathsome dungeons, and from thence banished for ever from their native country. This persecution was the necessary and intended effect of a resolution passed by the Commons about this period, to the effect " that it was the indispensable duty of all magis- trates to put the laws in immediate execution against all popish priests ; and that such of them as neglected to do so, should be looked upon as enemies of the constitution ! " Measures such as these had a most crushing effect on the spirit and character of the people. The great body of the nation now seem- ed inert and dead. There was no presiding spirit to direct or guide and energy. There was no sign of resistance to the general oppres- sion : the worm turns, but the Irish people did not. They suffered in silence and gloomy submission ; and were only abased the lower for their patience. Their spirits were utterly crushed and broken. The entire cathoHc population felt humbled to the dust before their protestant competitors. The estates of the catholic proprietors gradually crumbled away under the pressure of the penal laws ; the wealth of the country was rapidly accumulating in the hands of the dominant few ; and the great mass of the people were fast sinking into the condition of miserable yet seemingly satis- fied paupers. A deadly blight fell upon the nation. Its heart seemed wearing out. The people perished by inches. Their self respect departed from them, and they sunk to the lowest depths of moral and social degradation. By degrees they lost the very notions of liberty, and seemed to regard themselves as creatures at the mercy of their lords. An utter abjectness of spirit distinguished the Irish catholics. The country gradually sunk, and lost its place among European nations. Limb by limb it perished, until the gangrene reached the heart of the nation itself. Thus Ireland fell, and all that survived in the midst of the wreck, were monopoly, pauperism, and protestant ascendancy ! It is almost gratifying to reflect that the next step of the English government was to throw off the vile tools that had hitherto aided them in the prostration of Ireland,— namely the Irish protestants. They had willingly lent themselves to humble in the dust their CathoHc brethren ; but at the same time, they had put their own necks into the noose. The Enghsh government, now that their work was accomphshed, no longer cared for them. The Irish protes- tant constitution in church and state was now established, — and who so likely to reap the advantages as the Irish protestants \ But no ! These were, not for Irishmen of any creed, but for Enghslimen. The ascendancy was now, and henceforward, almost exclusively English, and for Enghsh purposes. The aid of the Irish presby- terian was now rejected with contempt. " The poisoned chahce was returned to his own lips. He had succeeded in barbarizing, in demorahzing, in impoverishing, the Catholic ; but v/hen he came to inspect the work of his own hands, he found that he must con- tinue to dwell in the midst of the ruins and desolation, and have the barbarism, and vice, and poverty, which he had so madly created, for ever raging around him. He had succeeded in excluding the catholics from all power, and for a moment held triumphant and exclusive possession of the conquest ; but he was merely a locum tenens for a more powerful conqueror, — a jackal for the lion, — an Irish steward for an Enghsh master; and the turn soon came round, when he was obliged to render up reluctantly, but immediately, even this oppressive trust. The exclusive system was turned against him : he had made the executive Hutory of Ireland. entirely protestant : the Whigs of George I. made it ahnost entirely Eiiglish.''''^ The means by which the ascendancy of England was accom- plished, were characteristic. The English parliament took advan- tage of the fact, that the Irish House of Lords had resisted the right of appeal to the House of Lords in England, and resolved to pass " an act for the better securing the dependency of Ireland on the crown of England.'' This act reduced the Irish parliament to a mere echo : its independence was completely gone. The Irish House of Lords was entirely deprived of their jurisdic- tion In cases of appeal ; for the act declared that the British parlia- ment " has full power and authority to make laics and statutes^ of sufficient force and validity^ to hind the people of Ireland.""^ The Irish legislature, however, still continued in existence, with suf- ficient power to torture and persecute the Irish catholics, — indeed, this was almost the only use that they afterwards made of their legislative authority. Soon after the act destroying its independence had been passed, the Irish Parliament set to work and devised new laws against popery. Increased penalties and disqualification^ were inflicted on the catholics, which were enforced in the same sanguinary spirit as before. Blood-money, in increased measure, was unsparingly^ la- vished for the capture of priests. Priest-hunting became a fashion- able sport. One hideous act, for which we can scarcely find words, was passed by the Irish parliament, and which w^as even of too mon- strous a nature to be sanctioned by the English legislature : it con- tained a clause subjecting any catholic priest who came to Ireland to the penalty of— castration !f The bill, as passed by the Irish parliament, was laid before the lord-lieutenant, to be transmitted to England, with the remarkable request on their part, " that he would recommend the same in the most effectual manner to his majesty." His grace rephed, " that as he had so much at heart a matter which he had recommended to the consideration of parlia- ment at the beginning of the session, they might depend upon a due regard, on his part, to vvhat was desired." The infamous bill was, however, quashed, through the influence chiefly of Cardinal Fleury with Mr. Walpole, — who consoled the Irish parliament by commending to them the care of the public peace, stating " that, in his opinion, that would be greatly promoted by the vigorous execution of the laws against popish priests ; and that he would . contribute his part towards the prevention of that growing evil, by giving proper directions, that such persons only should be put into the conn)ii.ssiuu of the peace, as had distinauishcd themselves by their steady adherence to the protestant interest.'' It is question- able whether, in any age or nation, it was ever proposed to promote religion by nu'ans so hideous as those recommended on this occasion by the Irisli |)ailianient. The mere proposal of such tilings is i;>uf- * WvaE'B IJlslurkal Sketch of the Culholk Assoc'mlkm, '27. -|- 0'CoNOH,5 Hhtor;/ \\ 100 note^ Aho Cvv.v.\\ Rcv'cw Histmj of Ireland. STO ficient to show the spirit of the ascendancy which now lorded it over the Irish people. It only remains for us, before concluamg the dark catalogue, to notice another hideous act passed m this reign by which it was enacted (1726), that any popish priest who should mirry a Roman cathohc to a protestant, should be guilty of felony and suffer death accordingly ! „ i- i uri,- ^1,^ Walpole was the leader of the great English Whig party who now succeeded the Tories, in the government of Ireland. Whatevei might be the principles about which these two factions were divided in England, their mode of governing Ireland was precisely the same They both agreed in the policy of persecu mg " the f Pf and keeping down the Irish. Hatred to the religion of Ireland-hatred to Ireknd itself-and the maintenance of English supremacy,- were the guiding maxims of the Whig parliament and ministry of the first George. There was then no party among the Jinghsh people totp'^al to, in favour of " Justice to Ireland." The -nistry that offered to treat Ireland then, on the same terms with England would have been scouted as mad and desperately ;^i«ked : it would have been denounced as " popish"-a ^o^d which was then considered equivalent to every thing that was horrible and hideous One thing is certain, the whigs completed the . subjection of Ireland to the English parliament. They made the Irish legislature a mere mockery, "converting it, at best, only into an if^i-ument to record and caiTV into effect, the acts passed agamst Ireland m the English parliament ; at the same time that it carried on a tyranny ot the most disgi-acefol kind upon its own account. i — v „f Out of the deep gloom which now enveloped the national spirit ot Ireland, there broke forth one meteor flash, which merely served to make the surrounding darkness more visible. There was F^^id- insr spirit among the catholic body, capable of fflhng it with hte . ahl entire mass seemed inert and dead. It was reserved for an Irish protestant-an ' EngUshman born in Ire and —a churchman, and of the ascendancy church— to make the only great effort during this reign, to revive the patriotic foeling in Ireland, and to direct the energies of the Irish people to national objects. Yet it is to be questioned whether the patriotism of Dean Swift was not more msti- gated by factious considerations than by disinterested feehngs ot lood foi his fellow men. The inveteracy with which he resisted the claims of the dissenters, and the feelingless manner m which he spoke of the misery and degradation of the Roman catholic popula- , tion of Ireland (for whose relief he proposed tojio nothing), showed that the principles of civil and rehgious liberty had little mtiuence over his Inind. Swift was a thick-and-thin Tory of the old school —prejudiced and factious, caring more for_ the ascewlancy ot his party than the well-being of the commumty. Swift had been sent to Ireland in order that he might be got out of the way oi his own party in England,-he himself considered his appi^ntment to the Deanery of St. Patrick's as at best only an honourable 280 History of Ireland. exile, — and lie landed in Ireland in June, 1713, to take pos session of his preferment, a chagrined, disappointed, and misera- ble man. Swift had no love for Ireland and Irishmen : on the other hand, he took every opportmiity of expressing his detestation of both the country and the people.* Seven years passed after Swift's arrival in Ireland, during which, he was employed in the duties of the cathedral of St. Patrick, Dubhn, and in carrying on his loves with Stella and Vanessa, until the year 1720, when all at once. Swift appeared as a patriot, and for a time united both the catholics and protestants in a fierce opposition to the government. The time was propitious for a great national eifort at self-relief. The country lay crushed beneath the load of irresponsible and class legislation ; and the condition of the great mass of the Irish people was miserable in the extreme. To' quote the graphic description of Swift himself, at this period, — " whatever stranger took a journey in Ireland, would be apt to think himself travelling in Lapland or Ysland, rather than in a country so favoured by nature as ours, both in fruitfulness of soil and temperature of climate. The miserable dress, and diet, and dwellings of the people ; the general desolation in most parts of the kingdom ; the old seats of the nobility and gentry all in ruins, and no new ones in their stead ; the families of farmers, who pay great rents, living in filth and nastiness upon butter-milk and potatoes, without a shoe or stocking to their feet, or a house so convenient as an English hog-sty to receive them. These indeed may be a comfortable sight to an English spectator, who comes for a short time, only to learn the language, and returns back into his own country, whither he finds all his wealth transmitted. Nostra miseria magna est. There is not one argument used to prove • the riches of Ireland, which is not a logical demonstration of its poverty. The rise of our rents is squeezed out of the very^blood, and vitals, and clothes, and dwellings of the tenants, who live worse than English beggars. The lowness of interest, in all other coun- tries a sign of wealth, is in us a proof of misery ; there being no trade to employ any borrower. Hence alone comes the dearness of land, since the savers have no other way to layout their money: hence the dearness of necessaries of life : because the tenants, can- not afford to pay such extravagant rates for land, (which £hey must take, or go a-begging,) without raising the price of cattle and of corn, although themselves should live upon chaff. Hence our increase of building in this city ; because w^orkmen have * Swift, on all occasions, manifests a great anxiety to draw a line between the native Irish mid the English settled in Ireland, ITo calls the Irish protestants " Englishmen born here;' and he speaks of them in the Drapier's letters, as " the trnc English people of Ireland." Swift had no idea of being confonnded with the Irish people, whom he hweepingly described in one of his pamphlets, as " idle, savage, beastly, and thievish." This is not cxactlv the lan-inaLfC of an Irish patriot. + Sec the pamphlet entitled 'A Short View of the Slate of Irchuui:' published i 17-27. Scott's Edition of Swift, vol. vii., p. 110. 9 10. History of Ireland. 281 nothing to do but to employ one another, and one-half of them are infallibly undone. Hence the daily increase of bankers, who may be a necessary evil in a trading country, but most ruinous in ours ; who, for their private advantage, have sent away all our silver, and one-third of our gold ; so that within three years past the running cash of the nation, which was about five hundred thousand pounds, is now less than two, and must daily diminish, unless we have liberty to coin, as well ^that important kingdom the Isle of Man, and the meanest principality in the German empire." Swift was not slow to perceive that a chief portion of the misery of Ireland was attributable to the monopolizing statutes of Wil- liam III, which prohibited the exportation of woollen goods from Ireland to foreign countries, and had thus almost entirely ruined the principal Irish manufactures. Swift was one of those men, who, whatever be the name of their politics, have a constitutional hatred of tyranny under certain forms. He soon saw, and felt keenly, the injustice and evil done to Ireland by the oppressive statutes of William ; and his soul burned within him to give expression to his feelings on the subject. "Do not," said he one day to his friend Delany, — " Do not these corruptions and villanies of men eat your flesh and exhaust your spirits V Swift was not long in giving vent to his indignation in words, which he did in the short treatise published in 1720, entitled A proposal for the uniwr sal use of Irish Manufacture^ Sfc.^ utterly rejecting and renouncing everything wear- able that comes fi^om England.'''' The only remedy that occurred to Swift, for the evils under which Ireland laboured from the cau.ses referred to, was that of creating a home market for the goods which the Irish were so iniquitously prohibited from exporting to other countries. For this purpose, he sought to establish a kind of national association or agreement to use Irish manufactures in pre- ference to those imported from England. In his pamphlet, he suggested, whether the parliament, instead of legislating upon politics and divinity, ought not bestow some attention on the affairs of the nation ? and asked " What if the House of Commons had thought fit to make resolution, nemine contradicente^ against wearing any cloth or stuff in their families, which were not the growth and manufacture of Ireland " — spreading the execution of this resolu- tion, by their own practice and encouragement ? Ladies, also, were recommended to use Irish stuffs exclusively for the furniture of their houses, and for gowns and petticoats for themselves and their daughters. " Upon the whole," said Swift, " and to crown all the rest, let a firm resolution be taken by male and female, never to appear with one shred that comes from England., and let all the people say Amen." He also argued the necessity of working up the various kinds of Irish raw material by the Irish people them- selves ; dissuading from the use of English coal in preference to Irish, and adopting the observation of somebody that " Ireland would never be happy, till a law were made%r burning everything that came from England ewcept the people and their coals." History of Ireland. This pamphlet of Swift's attracted universal attention. The people hailed it Avith delight ; the government and monopolists with alarm and indignation. The English government, jealous of everything like independency of spirit in Ireland, seized and prose- cuted the printer of the pamphlet, as being a seditious, factious^ and virulent libel, published with a design of setting the two kino-- doms at variai^ce. Upon trial, however, the jury, though they had been carefully selected by the government, brought in the printer NOT GUILTY. The lord chief-justice received their verdict with astonishment, and after an harangue, sent them back to reconsider their decision. The same verdict was returned, and again and again w^re the jury sent back ; until eleven hours had elapsed and they had been sent back nine times, when they reluctantly left the matter in the judge's hands by a special verdict. Great indignation, among all parties, followed the tyranny of the judge ; and the issue was a virtual triumph for Swift and the popular party. The trial of the verdict was deferred from term to term, until the arrival of the Duke of Grafton as lord-lieutenant, who granted a noli prosequi, and thus put a stop to the affair. Swift improved his advantage, and almost annihilated the judge by a succession of bitter epigrams and satires. The next subject which attracted the Dean's attention, and drevr forth the shafts of his ridicule, was the project to estabhsh a National Bank, which was shortlyafter abandoned. But the gr^at question upon which Swift distinguished himself, and in connection with which his name has been handed down to posterity as an Irish patriot, was Wood's patent for issuing a copper coinage, and which he strenuously and successfully resisted through the famous letters of "The Drapier." There being a deficiency of copper coinage in Ire- land, a patent had been granted to one ^'Villiam Wood, for coinino* cop- per money for the use of Ireland. Wood had obtained the patent through the influence of the Duchess of Kendal, one of the mis- tresses of George I., to whom Wood had pi:omised a share of the profits. It ^ was passed without consulting the lord lieutenant, or privy council, or parliament of Ireland ; and, conferring as it did, the right of exercising one of the highest privileges of the govern- ment, upon an obscure individual, there was a large party anion ^* the ascendancy faction of Ireland, who declaimed against the patent and prepared to offer it their strenuous resistance. Just as the struggle was commencing. Swift spoke out in his celebrated Drapier's Letters ; which at once attracted an extraordinary share of attention. They were strong in argument, brilliant in humour, and abounded in that bitter personal satire, which is, in general, so attractive^ to the multitude. Misrepresentation also was not spared, Wood being assailed as originally " a hardware-man" and " low mechanic," but who was now an avaricious and unprincipled pro- prietor, eager to ruin the whole kingdom of Ireland, merely iu order to secure an exorbitant profit to himself History of Ireland. 288 The nation was soon thorouglily roused against Wood's project.. The Irish parliament also, alarmed lest their monopoly of legisla- tion should be further interfered with by the English government, joined in resistance to the scheme, and addressed the crown against it. Parties of all denominations expressed their abhorrence of the hated new copper coinage. The tradesmen to whom it w^s consigned, refused to receive it, and endeavoured by public adver- tisement, to remove the scandal of the accursed traffic. Associa- tions were formed for refusing the currency ; which extended, from the most wealthy and respectable classes, down even to the hawkers and news boys, who gave notice to all gentlemen, ladies, and others, who shall have occasion to buy news, poems, songs, letters, lampoons, &c., that they will not receive or offer in exchange any of William Wood's drossy halfpence or farthings, because they can neither get news, ale, tobacco, brandy, nor snuff, for such cursed stuff." The opposition gradually gathered strength ; Wood's effigy was burned by the populace ; and it was even considered unsafe in any one to be supposed favourable to Wood's project. The adminis- tration, finding themselves hard pressed, endeavoured to let the scheme drop gradually, by limiting the issue of halfpence to 0^40,000 instead of ^^00,000. But the public would not be thus appeased ; and their demands increased instead of abating with the concession. Swift now seized the opportunity of pressing upon public attention the real merits of the case. In the Drapier's fourth letter, Swift boldly treated of the royal prerogative, the almost exclusive employment of the natives of England in places of trust and emolument in Ireland, the dependency upon England to which that kingdom had been reduced, and the power which had been assumed, of binding the Irish nation by laws to which it had not given consent by means of its representatives, — insisting that "all government without the consent of the governed, is of the very nature of slavery." Swift also alluded to the acts of secret influ- ence, and threats of open violence which had been employed to ram Wood's half-pence "down the throats" of the Irish, — concluding this part of his letter in the following language : — " The remedy is wholly in your own hands, and, therefore, I have digressed a little, in order to refresh and continue that spirit so seasonably raised amongst you, and to let you see, that, by the laws of God, of Nature, of Nations, and of your Country, you are, and OUGHT to be, as Free a people as your brethren in England." No sooner was this bold avowal made, than the arm of the government was raised to strike down the author. A proclamation was immediately issued, ofiering a reward of £m() for the discovery of the writer of the fourth Drapier's letter ; Harding, the printer, was thrown into prison, and a prosecution immediately commenced against him, at the instance of the Crown. Swift was not daunted by this menacing procedure of the government, but boldly went to History of Ireland, the levee of the Lord Lieuteiiant, then Lord Carteret, and demanded in the hearing of liis courtiers, the meaning of these severities against a poor industrious tradesman, who had pubHshed two or three letters designed for the good of his country ? Carteret, with considerable readiness, evaded the expostulation, by a quotation* from Virgil ! When the grand jury assembled, and the bill against the printer of the Drapier s letter had been presented to them, after some con- sideration, they brought in a verdict of ignoram.us upon the bill. Whitshed, the Lord Chief Justice, could only gratify his impotent spite by dissolving the grand jury, who returned into society honoured and thanked for their patriotism, while the Chief Justice was execrated for his arbitrary conduct. The next grand jury of the county and city of Dublin presented Wood's scheme as a fraud upon the public, and expressed their gratitude to the patriots by whom it had been exposed. The government were now afraid, that if they persevered with their ill-considered project, a civil war might ensue ; and they prepared, with all dispatch, to revoke the patent. Wood was indemnified by a grant of c^'SOOO yearly, for twelve years ; the administration was discomfited ; and Swift and the Irish party obtained a decided victory. " The DuAPiER " now became one of the most popular men in the country. He was almost worshipped by all ranks of the com- munity. It is too often the lot of the patriot to outlive his popu- larity ; and, when the occasion of his great success has passed from the memories of men, to be passed by and forgotten, if not to become the maligned and aspersed of all parties. But, to the honour of the warm-hearted and enthusiastic people for whom Swift risked his safety, he carried with him to his grave the bene- dictions of the Irish nation. Even when he had become next to a moping idiot, his steps, when he walked out in DubHn, were attended by thou,sands of people, who showered down blessings on his^ head. When he visited a town in ^vhich he was not usually resident, his reception was something like that of a sovereign prince.f Bells were rung, bonfires were kindled, and triumphal processions took place in his honour. Dublin warmly cherished the patriot, and the citizens constituted themselves into a kind of body-guard in his defence. It is related that, "When on one occa- sion, Walpole meditated an arrest, his proposal was checked by a prudent friend, who inquired if he could spare ten thousand soldiers to guard the messenger who should execute so perilous a commis- sion.".! ^ ^ After this great event in his life. Swift continued at intervals, to direct the attention of the people to the consideration of their rights and interests, by means of pamphlets upon various topics, * Res dura, ct regni novitns, mc tiilia cogiint molin . t Sir Walter Scott's Life of Swift. + Ibid. History of Ireland. §85 under attractive titles. He was also engaged in his vocation of CHOECHMAN, m resisting any relaxation of the penal laws against the dissenters. He held np this body to severe and repeated ridi- cule as mere pretenders of zeal for the reformed religion and the protestant succession. He also ridiculed the claims of the catho- lics • to relief from penal disabilities ; but insinuated, that if relaxa- tion were to be made at all, it ought to be rather in favour of the Koman cathohcs than of the protestant dsssenters. He compared the former to a lion chained and deprived of his fangs and claws ■ and the latter to a wild cat loose, in full possession of its teeth and talons which It was ready to fix into the body of the Church of England i he Dean also took a hvely mterest in the disposition of church bnr;i/r ^ealously defended the great liilfta^f "'''^'^^ After the death of Dean Swift, the spirit of resistance to the oppressions of the government, again subsided ; and a long period the ffL7,ft -^"^ •,°'Tfr*"'-' failed,-chie% owing to to patriotism, the great mass will continue to pm chase the best, handsomest, and cheapest commodities in the market (no_ matter by whom made) so soon as the first fire of has sneir^l f t"! renunciation of foreign manufactures has spent its fury; but also on account of the want of unity and m thT^ }'}'^ P«°Ple at this period. The catholics telt that they had nothing to struggle for: they were treated as strangers and foreigners in their ow^lland. Irel Jnd was noZ lt in ft %Tf \ English managers : public opinion had no influence vhvJfZ +7' f- f '"^'^'''y^ instrument em- ployed for the subjection of the natives, who, having no prospect Hone ' "T'^ \l '^'S^''''' exertion' in thei? ow„^ behalf maT 3.?^ r '''^'^''T''';^''u ^"'^ '^'''^''^'^ seemed a dead of the rnb-nl ''"'^'u'w' 1? ^'^re', the encroachments ot the ruling power. " With this part of his country's history " says Moore,^ " an Irish Chronicler has little else to^do So mourn over it and be silent." ^en^fv'^irf'*'"" °^ G^^ovgell., in 1727, the Catholic nobility, fddres; ^"^ '^.PP^ached the throne in a humble and loyd presented H ^ t^A v'i''^ respectable deputation which But twi *'^<=>'- establishment ; and they forther resolved to address the lord hentenant, calhng upon him "to issue his proclamation to a magistrates, to put the laws against Popery in exeS " I consequence of this address, the%roclamaLn was issued and a penal laws against the catholics were strictly enforced In the meantime, the biD disqualifying catholic solicitoVfi^m the exercise of their calling had received the royal sanction, and passe™ a law. About the same time, bills were passed for reSer i fthe a'nTU'eTnts'"'^Ba''-r""'"^ all .marriages between 2o ana protestants. Barristers or solicitors marryinw catholics were saibjected to all the penalties and disqualificatiofs of ca?hoTics The converts from catholicity were also treated with the inZS due to them for the desertion of their faith, when tempted w lw v ucre : they were d sabled from acting as justices of peace L S as their wives or children continued catholics ; and nnmei^^s eni^ ' be mentioned : persons robbed by privateers, durin™ with any popish power, were to be reimbursed by Grand Jury presln me7 Ssi'lnSroutr' - ^'^^ .ooLLTird^f bi^Ittl''''''"', "'^^'''7 -roinpleted our melancholy record of the bigotted and intolerant legislation of this period. The contemnh £88 History of Ireland. mity of tlie legislature whicli passed them into a law, and to render all rhetorical illustration and embellishment a mere work of super- erogation. It is awful to reflect that all this cruelty was perpetrated upon the Irish catholics, under the pretence of regard for the interests of religion ! Christianity itself, pure and spotless, was dragged througii mire and blood, by men who spurned its commands, mocked its precepts, and defied its injunctions. Protestantism became the watch- word of a faction, who were ready to sacrifice all honour, virtue, morality, and religion, and trample them under- foot, merely to subserve their own vile and selfish purposes. It is usual, in this country, to speak with horror of the persecu- tions of popery ; and no doubt they were bad enough. But a darker chapter by far, in our country's history, is, the persecutions of protestantism. The records of religious persecution in all coun- tries, have nothing more hideous to offer to our notice, than the protestant persecutions of the Irish catholics. On them all the devices of cruelty were exhausted. Ingenuity was taxed to devise new plans of persecution, till the machinery of penal iniquity might almost be pronounced perfect. It ought also to be remembered that the persecutions of " Popery" occurred in a rude and barbarous age, when such practises were sanctioned by the manners and customs of the time ; whereas the persecutions of " Prelacy" occurred in a comparatively civilized and enlightened age, in the days of Locke, and Addison, and Swift, v/hen the English constitution had become full-blown, "the pride of the world and the envy of the surrounding nations." It was not, however, either in protestantism or episcopacy that the disposition to persecute the Irish catholics originated. Generally speaking, all sects are nearly alike as regards their toleration of other sects. So long as they are placed on the game level, they will regard each other with nearly the same feelings. But give to any one of them the power and the temptation, and it will perse- cute. It was because protestantism was identified with the Eng- lish ascendancy in Ireland, and because that ascendancy had at its command the physical force of the government, — that the cruel penal laws against the Irish catholics were enacted. The civil es- tablishment of religion in all countries has led to results of the same kind ; though in none, have its evils, fed and swoln through a thousand channels, reached to so enormous a magnitude as they did in Ireland in the beginning and middle of the eighteenth century. All the means of persecution, however, that could be brought to bear against the catholics, did not check the increase of their num- bers. Like the o])pi-cssed Hebrew, under Pharaoh, " the more they afHictcd them the more they multipHod and grew." Notwith- standing coercion, banishment, civil disabilities, and pains and penalties of all kinds, in order to induce them to embrace the creed of their protestant masters, the catholics went on multiplying in au History of Ireland. 289 inci-^sing ratio from year to year. Even though catholic industry was crushed, and cathoKc property broken up, and the entire cathohc population condemned to poverty and ignominy, their reli- gion flourished and extended, — while protestantism stood still and even retrogaded in point of numbers. At the commencement of the century, the catholics were only about a million and a half : at the close of the century they were five millions strong. Thus " captive Israel multiphed in chains." It is to be remarked that all such attempts to crush opinion by means of penal laws and the instruments of physical force, are cer- tain to fail in the end. Thought refuses to obey the material laws, and invariably rises above them. The public mind is always ex- ceedingly stubborn, in its resistance to the attempts made to coerce it into particular forms of thought and action. A religious creed especially, cannot be put down by force, unless the people profes- sing it can be wholly exterminated. Akxl it would have been both laborious and dangerous in the extreme, to have now made such an attempt with the Irish Catholics — though a " massacre" was more than once generally spoken of. Besides, they were still needed as a kind of serfs, to cultivate the soil and give it value. They were therefore allowed to exist, shorn of every vestige of privilege, and reduced to the very lowest condition in which it was possible for human beings to live. CHAPTER XXX. Ireland in the reign of George IL— Ignorance of the English people on the condition of Ireland—The Irish Parliaments— The Patriots— Abolition of tithe of Agist- ment— Dreadful sufferings of the Irish people— Famine of 1740— Protestant horror of the Catholics— Projected massacre— Rebellion of 1745— The Earl of Chesterfield— Ireland remains tranquil—More sanguinary statutes— Foreign service of the Irish— Recruiting for France—Irish families in foreign service- Means taken by the English to withdraw them from the army of France— Farther odious measures contemplated by Lord Chesterfield— Is recalled—Revival of the penal cruelties against the Catholics— Stone, the Irish primate— The opposition to government— Charles Lucas— Collision between Government and Parliament— The " scrambling committee "—French invasion— Catholics express their Loyalty —Union projected— Protestant mob— Singular proceedings— Death of George IL Condition of Society in Ireland in the reign of George II. While the Irish people were thus reduced to the last state of misery, the managers of Ireland appointed by the English government, persevered in the same undeviating policy of coercion and injustice. All lords-lieutenant were alike, whether appointed by the Whig or the Tory factions.* They came to Ireland, not to govern its * Of the two parties the Whigs were tlie most implacable enemies of the Catholics; the I ^ n vl proceeded from a consciousness of injustice aud a dread of retaliation ; that ot the English was the resuh of a spirit of freedom and ill-judged patriotism. They cher- ished liberty as the first ot blessings and the exaltation and glory of England, as paramount to 290 History of Ireland. people, so that they might prosper, or accumulate wealth, or become contented and useful citizens, but rather to prevent their prospering, to keep the population poor, to break their spirits, and above all, to prevent them competing with the trade and manufac- ture of England. The English governor, for the time being, was not allowed to consult the wishes of the Irish people : he was only a tool in the hands of the dominant faction, to serve their own selfish purposes. He had also the English government to consult, which generally knew little of the Irish people, and never studied their interests, unless with the view of obstructing them. As for the English people, they at this time knew little more of Ireland than they did of Cochin-China, — further than it was a country subject to the king of England, full of bogs, inhabited by wild Irish papists, who were kept in awe only by means of English troops ; and the general opinion was, that it would be better for England if Ireland were sunk into the depths of the sea, — the tradition prevailing, that there must every forty years be a rebellion in Ireland.* There was not the slightest inducement, therefore, for any English manager to govern Ireland in a liberal spirit, — seeing that there was no encouragement in the Irish parliament, no support from the English people, and no movement of any kind among the Irish catholics themselves. He would have been deemed a mad knight- errant, who in those days, would have proposed a measure of justice, no matter how small, for the Irish people. The Irish parliaments of the time were the mere instruments of maintaining the tyrannical ascendancy of the protestant faction. It is true, that under the administration of the duke of Dorset, (1731) the opposition party, self-styled the patriots, became a strong- body in the House of Commons. But their patriotism was generally confined to serving themselves, for they took care never to pass any laws whose object was to benefit the mass of the people. Shortly after the duke of Dorset assumed the lord-lieu- tenancy, the English government, eager to escape from the control of the Irish parliament, endeavoured to obtain a grant of the sup- plies for twenty-one years. The " patriots," however, mustered strong against the government, and rejected the government propo- sition by a majority of one. the Ifiws of nations, to all moral or religious obligations. They abhorred popery as the parent of servile and passive obedience, and viewed Ireland as the rival and competitor of England. To extirpate the one and keep down the other became a principal object of the policy of the whig administration under George I. The annals of this reign ai'o stained by frequent persecu- tions of the catholic gentry and clergy, by disgraceful additions to the code, by iniquitous decisions of the courts of law, by unconstitutional encroachments on the charter of Irish independence, and by the frequent recurrence of famine.— O'Conoh's History of the Irish Catholics^ p. 188. * "I have seen," says Swift, "the grossest suppositions passed upon them: that the wihi Irish were taken in toils ; but that in some time, tlioy would grow so tame as to eat out of your hands. 1 have been asked by hundreds, aiul particularly by your- neighbours, your tenants at Pepper-harrow, 'whether 1 had conn* from Ireland by sea i*' and upon the arrival of an Irishman to a country-town, I have known crowds coming about him, and wondering toecc him look so much belter liiau themselves." — Swift's Wokks, vol. vii., p. ]'2. History of Ireland. ^91 These ' patriots' shortly afterwards proceeded to increase the bur- den of the established church upon the Irish people, by aboHshing the tithe of agistment or tithe of pasturage. This tithe fell prin- cipally upon the class of occupiers of land, who were certainly the best able to pay for the religion which they had themselves esta- blished. It was also by far the most profitable tithe which the clergy enjoyed, and was collected without difficulty or causing popular commotion or resistance. But the Irish legislature, which of course consisted principally of Irish landed proprietors, resolved to get rid of the burden and place it upon other shoulders,— even though they should thereby rob the church which they had so zea- lously endeavoured to serve by means of the penal laws. They passed a series of resolutions abolishing the tithe of agistment, under the pretence of serving the " protestant interest" (meaning we suppose, their own)—2.Ti^ thus relieved themselves from the burden of supporting the state church— handing the clergy over from the wealthy protestant landholders to the poor catholic peasantry, on whom the burden of supporting them has ever since chiefly lain. The oppressive exactions which followed this shameful measure, caused fearful suffering throughout the land. As only about one fortieth part of the lands of Ireland was at this time under tillage,* and those under pasturage were entirely exempted from the pay- ment of tithe by the resolutions of the Irish Commons, the new burden must have been severely felt. Every article the cathoHc peasant possessed was now taxed to pay a clergy which he hated. Though he himself famished, and his children were in absolute want, he must still pay the clergyman his tithe while an atom of property remained ; and all the while, that the rich protestant landowner, who had relieved himself of the burden was rolling m affluence, and swaggering over the ruin of his coun- try and the degradation of its people. The scourge of tithe-proc- tors commenced,— for the rectors needed some such class to stand between them and the universal odium of the people,— and now the peasantry were given up to all the goadings of injustice and all the cruelties of clerical exaction. Agriculture having received a great blow by these :and other measures and a season of drought having occurred, the consequence was a desolating famine, in the year 1740, one of the most destructive m the memory of man,t in which four hundred thou- * See Primate Boulter's Correspondence pohcy provoked resistance; the civil and militar/pow^-s Ure l^^l^^^^Z 292 History of Ireland. sand persons are supposed to have perished. " The progress of starvation in besieged cities," says Mr. O'Conor, "can present but a faint image of the calamities of the Irish people in 1741. During the siege of Rome, by Totila, the citizens were reduced to the most loathsome and disgusting food. During the siege of Paris, by Henry IV., the churchyards were despoiled of their dead, and the bones ground into powder for sustenance for the living. The sufferings of the Irish surpass all that history has re- corded and imagination can represent ; after having consumed their whole stock of provisions, they had recourse to cats, dogs, mice, carrion and such other putrid and nauseous food as famine usually seeks, and when this wretched sustenance failed, these miserable beings endeavoured to prolong the remains of life, by feeding on dockings and nettles. Their countenances exhibited the colour of the weeds on which they fed. They crawled from the cabins into the fields in quest of nettles, their exhausted strength disabled many from returning. The companions of their misfortunes were unable to help them back, and they waited with calm resignation for the stroke of death, the last refuge of misfortune ! The streets, the highways, the fields were covered with dead bodies, where they remained unburied, a prey to kites and vultures, infecting the air with their putrid exhalations ; fluxes and malignant fevers invaded every house, whole villages were laid waste, and 400,000 persons are computed to have perished by famine and pestilence ! The mortality fell chiefly on the catholics, being the poorest class who had not means to purchase provisions, and whose filthy and wretched cabins were more accessible to the ravages of pestilence, than the comfortable dwellings of their task-masters. This was the fifth or sixth famine, that in the course of 20 years, desolated a country gifted with the most luxuriant soil, indented with innumerable bays and harbours, presenting unrivalled advantages for trade and manu- factures, and capable of maintaining treble the number of its peo- ple under any tolerable system of government." This thinning of the nation by death did not increase the means of subsistence for those who remained. They were only plunged still deeper in poverty. All trade was interrupted ; the wealth of the country was drained away by absentees ; and when any signs of returning plenty appeared, tliey proved only the stimulants to new excesses by the protestants. By means of inflammatory ser- mons from the pulpit, inflammatory pamphlets from the press, and inflammatory resolutions from the houses of legislature, a spirit of fierce hostility and rancour against the catholics was kept up in provisions. The Bcnsc of all otlicr diingcrs vanished in the dread of imniediato starvation. The povcrinnont stores were plundered of the ]>rovisions, and earried oil" in trinnii)li by the populace." lionlter also endeavoured to eheck the evils resuUint,' from the diseourai-enKMit of tillage, by a bill (passed in 1727) re(]uiring all persons who kept in uelual oecnpation one hundred acres of land, to till live acres at the h)ast under ii penalty of iOs. per acre. This act did nothing what- twer to cheek tho evil, and years of scarcity ami distress coutiuucd to follow each other without jjilcrmission. History of Ireland. 293 the minds of the protestant population. This was raised to a high pitch of excitement in the year 1743, about which time England was threatened by a French invasion under Marshal Saxe ; and a rebelhon was at the same time anticipated among the disaiFected and exasperated Irish. The protestants seized the opportunity of rak- ing up the old stories of the Irish insurrection in 1641, and the gunpowder plot of 1605, exaggerated into the wildest and most extravagant fictions, but highly calculated to eiFect the objects for which they were devised, and to excite the abhorrence of the pro- testant population against their catholic fellow countrymen. To such a pitch did this excitement rise, that a general massacre of the cathoKcs was actually spoken of. One nobleman and privy- councillor, of great power and influence, was so enthusiastically excited against them, that he openly declared in the Council, " that as the papists had begun the massacre on them, about an hundred years before, .so he thought it both reasonable and lawfid, on their parts, to prevent them, at that dangerous juncture, hy first falling upon them.-'' This barbarous suggestion was overruled in that assembly, though it was not altogether lost upon the country ; for, in the course of the same year in which the proposal was made, a conspiracy was actually formed among the protestant inhabitants of Lurgan, to rise in the night time and destroy all their catholic neighbours in their beds.f Fortunately, the conspiracy was dis- covered in* time to put a stop to the intended massacre. The go- vernment, however, did not let slip the opportunity aiForded by the puMic odium excited against the cathohcs, of devising other severe measures against them. A general disarmment of them took place ; the government fearing that they might rise in aid of the anticipated mvasion of the Pretender. Their priests were mercilessly hunted down,+ the sanctity of domestic hfe being outrageously violated in the search for the chosen religious teachers of the Irish people. All Roman catholic chapels were closed, and religious service put an end to. Monastic institutions were suppressed by government pro- clamation (1744). The foulest sluices of political rancour were thrown open and deluged society with their nuisance ; terror and persecution reigned on all sides ; and the miserable nation again felt itself delivered over to a faction whose very tender mercies were cruel. * Curry's Historical Review, p. 555. -j- Ibid ' t In one of Ws letters, Primate Boulter states the number of priests at 3,000, « a number " observes Mr. O Conor " mcredible, considering the violence of the persecution against ihtm. Many of them mdeed had returned from exile and displayed that invincible courage and perse- sevenng constancy which religion inspires. The spirit ^vhich invited them to the ministry ligh ened their chains and bolts, illumined their dungeons, supported them in exUe, and prompt- ed them to return under fictitious names at the risk of their lives. These were mostly the sons ot reduced gentlemen, had tasted of ease and affluence in their younger years, and were accus- tomed to refinement of manners and the graces of education ; they were now confined to the association of poverty and ignorance,, were exposed to the merciless pursuit of priest-catchers lltl^ ■ staivation of bogs and caverns. When the rage of persecution 1 issued from their hidmg places bare-headed, bare-footed, half-naked; and half amished proceeded from cabin to cabin, instructing the ignorant, consoling the unfortunate, ntusmg the balm of religion mto the wounds of the wretched. Against these men the iron hnm\ ot power was raised to crush them as the last ot msl^i^ciov^r ^History of the Irish History of Ireland. The Scotch rebelHon of 1745 excited the apprehensions of the English government for the safety of Ireland. They remembered the desperate struggle of the Irish on behalf of James II., and they feared lest the cruelty and injustice of the last half century would render them but too ready to seize the opportunity of bursting their chains, and revenging themselves on their oppressors. The guilty conscience of the Irish protestants conjured up visions of a retaliation which was never meditated. Alas ! the poor catholics were now too much crushed under the iron heel of despotism, even to writhe. Their spirits were utterly broken by the degrading servitude they had so long endured. They had long since ceased to hope for redress ; and dreamt not for one moment of avenging their wrongs. The struggle for power was to them nothing. They felt that all they had to do, was to toil, to suffer, and to die. Still they were feared, as the tyrant always fears his victim ;^ and it was now deemed necessary to soothe, to soften, and to conciliate them. With this view, the Earl of Chesterfield, — widely cele- brated for his famous letters to his son, in which he teaches polite- ness without heart, and manners without morality, — was appointed lord-lieutenant of Ireland at this important juncture. The earl of Chesterfield was one of those accomplished ' men of the world ' who cover over all their actions with the same heartless gloss of politeness and etiquette, — who would not be rude for an empire, — who, if they administer poison, must give it in a gilded cup, — who smile as they stab you to the heart, and are ready to perpetrate a pun while signing a death-warrant. Ireland was now placed under the administration of this manner of man. He was sent to " conciliate the catholics, though hating their rehgion with a perfect hatred, and entertaining for them all that contempt which distinsfuished his English contemporaries. But it was now 1 n ~i Oil deemed necessary to gain in some measure the conndence oi the Irish people, and to prevent them from joining in the formidable rebellion of the Scottish Highlanders against the government. The rigorous execution of the penal laws was therefore in some measure relaxed. The Roman catholic priests were set at liberty, their chapels were opened, and they were protected from molesta- tion in the exercise of their worship. These acts of favour were so unusual and unexpected to the Irish people, that they were almost ready to fiill down and worship the polite Earl as a demi- god. Underneath this conciliating exterior, however, Chesterfield entertained sentiments and views as hostile to the Roman catholics as any of the English governors who had ]n*eceded him. In his speech to the parliament slioi'tly afterwards, he reconmiended a strict execution of the atrocious penal laws, and further additions to the code, — suggesting " whether notliing further can be done, eitlier hy new laws or by the more effectual execution of those in heiwj^ to secure the nation against the great nund)er of papists, whose speculative errors would only deserve pity, \i pernicious^ influence on civil socief?/ did not both require and authorise restraint.'^ History of Ireland. 295 Nor was this speech without intention of performance ; for, shortly after it had been delivered, two atrocious and unnatural penal statutes were enacted, — the first annulling- all marriages that should be celebrated between protestants and papists, after the first of May, 1746 ; and the second, ordering that any popish priest who married two protestants, or a protestant and a papist, should be hanged ! Such was the manner in which Chesterfield stabbed while he smiled ! Thus did he dupe the catholics by an appearance of lenity and liberality, while he secretly indulged the rancour of the ascendancy party by the enactment of new and sanguinary statutes. The policy, however, succeeded. The catho- lics regarded Chesterfield with high favour, while the protestants cherished his administration with every mark of esteem. Ireland remained perfectly quiet during the year 1745, the catholics show- ing not the slightest disposition to aid Charles Edward Stuart in his daring enterprize to recover the throne of his fathers. At the close of the session, the Irish parhament " acknowledged, with cheerful- ness and the utmost gratitude, that the profound tranquillity, which, without any extraordinary increase of public expense, the nation had hitherto enjoyed, was the result of his Excellency's wise^ and vigilant administration ; formed upon the principles, and carried on by the uniform exercise of lenity without remissness, a.nd of firmness without se'cerity^ An act of some importance was passed during the administration of Lord Chesterfield, to withdraw, if possible, from, the ranks of the French and Spanish armies, the Irish ofiicers serving under those governments. It will be remembered by our readers that the flower of the Irish army entered the service of France, after the peace of Limerick. That gallant body of men, nineteen thousand strong, soon rendered themselves famous in continental history. In every great battle did they signalize themselves by their bravery, till the Irish brigade became a word of terror to its enemies. The French government highly valued the services of their gallant allies, and resolved to keep up the strength and efl[iciency of the force by systematic recruiting. A regular trafiic was accordingly com- menced and carried on, from most of the sea-ports in the south of Ireland, — contractors for recruits undertaking to supply a certain number of men, and providing vessels for their transport. Those who voluntarily embarked as recruits, were known by the name of " wild-geese but the rewards held out to the contractors were so tempting, that it is to be feared kidnapping was in many cases resorted to, and young men were seized and sent off by force, in order to complete the number that the contractors had engaged to provide.* Proclamxations against this system of recruiting for * The system of recruiting for France rests on unquestionable evidence. Captains Henry Ward and i^rancKs t itzger aid were hanged and quartered at the Gallows Green of Cork, on the ISth of April, J 7^2, lor enhsting^men for the service of the Pretender. On the 9th of .June, and on the 16th of July, m the same year, Daniel Murphy, and Patrick Sweeney were hanged at Cork for recruitincr for the Pre- tender, ihose trials took place under a Special Commission. On the 14th of February, 1 732^ Capluinb 296 History of Ireland. foreign service were often issued by the government, but inva- riably without eftect : the exportation of recruits went on just as before.* And it is a striking and remarkable fact, that even at the very time when England was actively at war with France and Spain, vessels belonging to both those countries regularly fre- quented the ports in the south of Ireland, taking in water and provisions, refitting themselves when damaged, perhaps carrymg on a trade in smuggled goods, and in many cases pubhcly exchang- ing civilities and entertainments with the inhabitants of the neigh- bourhood. . Many of the best catholic families of Ireland were also m the habit of seeking fame and fortune in the service of France and Spain. They were deprived of all chance of rising to honour and emolument at home, were denied the enjoyment of their civil rights, and were doomed to submission to an ignominious and galhiig slavery. Thus treated at home, they carried their merits, their industry, and their bravery abroad, and offered them to the ser- vice of the foreigner. The mihtary profession was considered the surest way to honourable advancement ; and accordingly it was generally embraced in preference to all others. Hence, there is scarcely a catholic family in Ireland, that has not had some of its relations or connexions at one time or other in the pay of France, distinguishing themselves by their bravery in many a hard-fought continental battle. It was not, however, until after the famous battle of ^ Fontenoy, in which the British army were completely defeated, chiefly by the efforts of the Irish brigade, that the attention of the Enghsh govern- ment w^as dravm to the impolicy of allowing France to draw upon the military resources of Ireland. The honom\able method would have been, to hold out to the Irish the offer of civil privileges and the enjoyment of their religion at home, together with a fair prospect of honourable advancement in the service of Britain, such as they enjoyed in foreign countries. But this did not suit the^ purposes of the Irish ascendancy, or of the English government. They accor- dingly adopted the mean and vindictive method of driving theni, if possible, from the French armies ; and now passed an act f disablino- all Irish officers and soldiers that had been m the service of France or Spain since the ISth of October, 174<5, from holding any real or personal property in Ireland, and that any real or per- sonal property in possession, reversion, or expectancy, should belong to the first protestaiit discoverer. The Irish officers and soldiers, however, despised this impotent malice of the government, and shortly afterwards, they mainly contributed to the overthrow of the Mooney and Maywick wrre cxe,-,U..l at Stcphon's Groou Dublin, lor ^f^^^'J;^^^^' the 15th of April, 1719, Drunis Dunn was exocntiHl m Cork " lor cMihiUni- John M 1; all to b.. a su Iroant th • 1 'ivu 1, an. v." Two olh.'r oxL.cutions took place in thr sanu- c-Uy lor a similar oflonce, m AiIrH and May, 17^^^^^^^ May, 175.i, I'atrick Croncen was also exocutod in Cork lor a like crime Cases of this kind might be easily jnultiplifd."— IIall's IiiKi.AND. T,.uh„„>n bnd died ThoAbbo M'G«oKliepv'>*^»'it'-«. tVom ollicial documouts, that more than .k.0,000 Irishmen haddua in the service of Franco belwccn Killl and 1715! f 19 George II. c. 6. History of Ireland. British army at Lafelt, which decided the fate of the war, and compelled Great Britain to accede to an inglorious peace. It is said that Lord Chesterfield had resolved on other measm^es of penal coercion, besides those already mentioned, — such as the expulsion of the catholic bishops, a limitation of the number of priests, and a registry, together with the establishment of charter schools, -f* — by which means he expected to extirpate the cathohc religion in Ireland. It seems that he had also planned the repeal of the law against purchasing landed estates, with the view of en- trapping thq^e of the catholics who had made money by trade and commerce, to invest their property in land, and thus expose them to the ruin of the gavel act, and of the ultimate reversion of their estates to protestants.J But before he could complete his schemes and carry them into effect, he was recalled from the superintend- ence of Irish affairs (1746), and his place was shortly afterwards supplied by the Earl of Harrington. All fears of an Irish rebellion being now over, the ascendancy party again indulged in the crudest rigour against the catholics. The pulpit and the press teemed with abuse of them and their principles, and the pent-up rancour of the protestants again burst forth, and deluged society throughout its whole extent. Advantage was taken of the prejudices thus excited, and every violence per- mitted by the penal laws was resorted to by the dominant party. At the head of this party was the primate, George Stone, a man of the very worst character, — vicious, profligate, debauched, and unprincipled. Nothing can afford a stronger proof of the utter prostration of public opinion in Ireland at this time, than the fact of such a man being at the head of the Irish Church — a man in whose every-day life, decency, morality, and religion were openly violated. Stone did not hesitate to employ the most disgusting . j means to effect the complete ascendancy of the English government '/U^ ^ over the Irish parliament. Even the bait of sensuahty in its grossest forms, was held out to the younger members of parliament; and the residence of the archbishop in Dublin became little better than a tavern and a brothel. f A new scheme, that of the protestant charter schools, devised to strengthen the Englisof . interest, was at this time forwarded with great activity. It was expected that the feelings of nature would surmount the scruples of religion, that catholic, parents would resign the fond ob- jects of their pious solicitude to the comforts of a protestant establishment, sooner than see them perish of want and misery which they were unable to relieve. Hence the origin of charter schools, the suggestion of Primate Boulter, the barbarous expedient of government by division. Its mhumanity was concealed under cover of zeal for religion, expressed in the methodistical cant of concern for the salvation of papists. The plan of the institution was to tear the children of catholic parents from their embraces at a tender age, to bring them up in utter ignorance of their connexions, and to tutor them in principles of abhorrence to the religion of their forefa- thers. Such an institution was calculated to extinguish those tender affections which are the sources of our best feelings, which, connecting us with our immediate kindred by the relations of domestic chanty, bind us to the great family of our species by the bond of universal benevolence. 1 he charter schools were at first nurtured by the voluntary contributions of the nobility and higher order of clergy, afterwards fostered by government, and insensibly matured to a great chartered society, supported by immense parliamentary grants.— O'Conor's History of the Irish Catholics^ p, 213. X O'Conor's History, p. 232. S98 History of Ireland. The great object of Stone was, to estabUsh the ascendancy of the English government in Ireland so firmly, as to enable it entirely to dispense withthe co-operation of the Irish parliament : it was to estabhsh, in fact, a nearly unlimited tyranny. And so strong was the government, that the lord-lieutenant even ventured to refuse to forward to the king some resolutions passed by the House of Commons ; but the house having adjourned, and declared their determination not to transact any public business until their docu- ment was forwarded, the viceroy was at length obliged to do his. duty. ^ About the same time, a spirit of hostility to the government, ot a still more alarming character, appeared in another quarter, which both the English ascendancy and the Irish "patriots" speedily united to put down. Charles Lucas, a Dublin apothecary, having been elected a member of the commn council, commenced an attack upon the usurpations of the board of aldermen. He did not confine him- self however, to local subjects, but commenced publishing a series of tracts on Irish affairs uAder the title of " The Barher'^s Letters;' in which he loudly raised his voice against the encroachments of England, denounced the flagrant corruption of the servants of the oovCTument, and asserted the claims of Ireland to legislative inde- pendence. The oligarchy, including tliB " patriots," were alarnied at this proceeding on the part of Lucas ; their patriotism being limited to preserving their own monopoly of power, ,they readily joined the government in its exertions to crush their new rival as *a common enemy. The House of Commons accordingly summa- rily resolved (1749) " that Charles Lucas was an enemy to his country," and they presented an address to the lord-lieutenant, requesting " that Lucas should be prosecuted by the ^attorney- general, and a reward offered for his apprehension." Lucas, alarmed at these proceedings, left Dublin for some years ; but on returning to it, after a period, was sent to parliament to represent his fellow-citizens. In this contest, the catholics took no part ; it was entirely one of protestants against protestants. Lucas even courted the applause of the protestant public in Barber's Letters'" by wantonly abusing the catholics,— though he was represented by the " patriots " of the House of Commons as an " artful agent of Popery." The cathohcs had at this time no voice, no opinion, no power in society ; they were buried in despondency and slavery, and took no interest whatever, in public affairs. Hence it was observed by Prime Serjeant Stannard, in a speech in the House of Commons, on the occasion of the conduct of Lucas and his j)arty,— "to the honour of the catholics be it remembered, that not a man of them moved tongue, pen, or sicord upon the occasion ; and I am glad to find that they have a grateful and proper sense oj the mildness and moderation of our government /" Alas ! the catho- lics were now crushed so low that they had not the spirit or the courage even to be discontented ! History of Ireland. 299 A surplus having occurred|in the revenue, and a bill having been introduced for^ applying it to the discharge of the national debt the Duke of Dorset, then Viceroy, declared that his Majesty would give his consent to the arrangement, and a clause to this effect was accordingly added to the bill. The word " comenr proved exceed- ingly obnoxious to the parliament, and they rejected the bill. A long and violent dispute occurred between the parliament and the government ; but the latter concluded the matter by withdrawing the greater portion of the surplus revenue from the kingdom by virtue of a king's letter ! Public indignation was kindled against this arbitrary proceeding ; and it rose to such a height that the Duke of Dorset was at length glad to abandon the reins of govern- ment,— making his escape from Dubhn, under the escort of his guards, and a drunken mob hired to protect him from insult. The next Viceroy appointed was the Duke of Devonshire (1755) who took the " patriots" into favour, and soon succeeded in con- verting them into very tractable courtiers. The means which he employed were, places and pensions,— always agents of wondrous power m the atmosphere of courts. The - patriots" soon distin- gmshed themselves by their wholesale jobbing and extravagance — voting large sums of money to themselves and their friends, under pretence of promoting works of public importance. The quondam patriots were soon generally distinguished by the name of I he Scrambhng Committee." No event of national moment occurred during this administration ; the same poHcy of govern- ment contmmng throughout all the shiftings of parties and factions, and the changmgs of chief governors. The repose of the Duke of Bedford''s administration was inter- rupted (1759), by the invasion of asmall French force under Thurot who landed at Carrickfergus and took the town after an obstinate de- tence ; but they were afterwards compelled to retire, on finding them- selves unsupported by the people in the neighbourhood. On this occasion, the leadmg catholics throughout the country, summoned up courage to vindicate their characters from the suspicions of dis- loyalty, which was attempted to be raised against them, by ad- dresses to the lord heutenant, " testifying their warmest gratitude tor the lemty they experienced under his Majesty's government and their readiness to concur with the faithfull^st and most zealous ot nis Majesty s subjects, in opposing, by every means in their power, all both his foreign and domestic enemies.* The ministrv was pleased with the signs of loyalty ; and, it is said, seriously con- templated the repeal of the most severe penal laws against the Ireknd ^"'^"^ ^^'^ legislatures of England and No sooner had the news of these measures flown abroad, than tne city ot Dublin became a scene of the greatest commotion. A * Curry, p. 560. 800 History of Ireland. protestant mob collected, and, forcing their way into the House of Lords, they seated an old woman on the throne, and got up a mock debate on the expediency of introducing pipes and tobacco ! They forced the members of both houses whom they met, to make oath that they would resist a Union between the two countries, and give no vote but what was for the interests of Ireland. They even compelled the Chief Justice of the King's Bench to administer this oath to the Attorney-General, whom they met. Having thus in- dulged their humour, the mob next proceeded to acts of outrage, which, however were checked before much mischief could be done. It is to be remarked that the anti-unionists of that day were the protestant community, the catholics taking not the slightest interest in the question. The protestant shopkeepers and tradesmen of Dublin feared that they would greatly suffer by the removal of the parhament, and hence their strenuous opposition to a Union. The project was, however, frustrated by the death of George II. ; and the question was not revived for a considerable time after. It may here be necessary, before entering upon another and a distinct era in the History of Ireland, to give a brief survey of the condition of Irish society towards the close of the reign of George II., as it will enable us the better to enter^ upon the con- sideration of the important period which succeeds it. The great mass of the nation, during the reign of George II., were buried in a profound sleep of slavery. All rights had been taken av/ay from them ; the great majority possessed no property, real or personal ; rags and poverty were their only inheritance. They lay exposed to the mercy of every petty ruffian of the pro- testant faction ; and the tone of their rulers encouraged the cruel, avaricious, and unprincipled, to indulge in every excess. The whole people were like plants whose roots were in the air : they had no hold on the soil : they were landless ; and lay naked and exposed on the surface of the earth, a nation of beggars. The class of substantial farmers, which existed in Ireland at the close of the revolutionary war, soon became extinct ; they were reduced, by exactions, frauds, and robberies, to the level of the wretched peasantry themselves. The catholic farmer sunk into the dust before liis protestant competitor, who was in all cases preferred to himself, and had every advantage over him. The estates of the catholic gentry also crumbled gradually under the pressure of the penal laws ; and the great bulk of the landed property of Ireland fell gradually into the" hands of the protestants. The old aristocra- tic lUmilies were trodden down, and their iuheritauces were eujoyed by an essentially vulgar, bigotted, and base class of men, whose want of all those superior qualities supposed to belong to our aris- History of Ireland. 301 tocracy, only rendered their ascendancy the more painful and intolerable. ^ A considerable portion of the lar^-e landed proprietors of Ireland did not live in the country, but annually drained away their rents, wrung from the starving- peasantry by land agents and middlemen,' to be spent in countries from whence the Irish people derived no benefit whatever. Of those landlords who resided upon their estates, the great majority were grasping tyrants, hving in constant dread of the natives, over whom they ruled with a rod of iron, and taking every opportunity of crushing them to still lower depths of misery and degradation. Descended from a class of men who had gained possesion of their properties by force and fraud, they conti- nued to govern in the same spirit, both in the House of Commons and on their own estates, treating the Roman cathoHc population like a set of animals created merely for their service, and the grati- fication of their cruelties. Mr. Arthur Young, the celebrated agriculturist, as well as the shrewd and impartial observer, has left us a picture of the Irish landlord of the period, which those who know the best acknowledge is not in the shglitest degree overcharged. " The landlord of an Irish estate" says he, " inhabited by Roman catholics, is a sort of despot, who yields obedience, in whatever concerns the poor, to no laAv but his will. To discover what the liberty of a people is, we must Hve among them, and not look for it in the statutes of the realm^ : the language of written law may be that of liberty, but the situation of the poor may speak no language but that of slavery : there is too much of this contradiction in Ireland. A long series of oppressions, aided by many very ill-judged laws, have brought landlords into a habit of exerting a very lofty superiority, and their vassals into that of an honest unlimited submission ; speaking a language that is despised, professing a religion that is abhorred, and being disarmed, the poor find themselves in many cases slaves even in the bosom of written liberty. Landlords that have resided much abroad, are usually humane in their ideas, but the habit of tyranny naturally contracts the mind, so that even in this poHshed age, there are instances of a severe carriage towards the poor, which is quite unknown in England." " N^y^ (says the same writer), I have heard anecdotes of the lives of the people being made free without any apprehension of the justice of a jury. But let it not be imagined that that is common ; formerly it happened every day, but law gains ground The execution of the law lies very much in the hands of justices of the peace, many of whom are drawn from the most illiberal class in the kmgdorn. If a poor man lodges a complaint against a gentleman, or any animal that chuses to call itself a gentleman, and the justice issues out a summons for his appearance, it is a fixed affront, and he will infallibly be called out. Where manners are in conspiracy against law, to whom are the oppressed people to have recourse ? 302 History of Ireland. They Iciiow their situation too well to think of it ; they can w'no defence but by means of protection fioiB one gentleman SaLt another, who probably protects his vassal as he would the ''"tL'" wr'fons atl exactions suffered by the enslaved peasantry from the' r despotic landlords, were of the most deplorable kmd. tZuo the Iriih people were themselves starvmg, they must still Id the eans of paying the exorbitant rents demanded ot them fytol" Though the bulk of the people,- accordmg to the DvdTe rf Bedford, " were not either regularly lodged, clothed, or gd " Irish state's had " risen within thirty years to nearly double their value Another cause of giievance and great suftenng was the exactions of the tithe-mongerl ; who " squeezed out the very t^^alt of tL people, and by process citation, and sequestr^^^^ drio-o-ed from them the little which the landlord had lett them. + Til tHhe proctors, the harpies employed by the clej-gy to collect their u s fiom the miserable peasantry, were generally persons of he wScharacter, long familiar with -eUy,^ ^^^^^^^^ could melt into compassion, no sorrow move to pity or torbeaiaiice. The cruelties and oppressions practised by this class are too tearful to be""tt^^^^^ ; we might fill volumes with the details, and the sub- iect would still be unexhausted as much as betore. lympathy with them, no knowledge of them : they did not even Wv their language : their only object was to shear thenv Their anrilty was i-ather to diminish than to increase their congregations ?n oKlJrlhat they might be saved all trouble on their recount The rehrious character o^' the Irish clergy was disgraceful. Manj of C were open ' infidels,' and deeined it no ^^^^^^ ^r. Swift on beino- appointed Dean ot bt. i atiick s, wab nS cir;haSby anotl.^- liln of the church with Atheism, ,nd rnotice w^lls^aken of the charge. Dean Swift himselt, in one oi * Arthur Young's Tour in Ireland. ^ The substance and the manners of this cc.r.ry (iu ^ eftbrts towards Inxury and sp end our inado by a \ '^^^ ^^^^^ . in Kn,vland arc called arc not rcgnhvrly cither lodged clothed o h Am tho e ungs x ^^^^^^^^^^^^^ . ^^^^^^^^ necessaries of life are to us only accidents ami J 1 ^ " ^^^.i^i^ the value, but the out then,. The estates have JJ^^^^^/^^J- J^^^,^ ! \Y ."i .vas hofoJc that increase ; nor can I condition of the occupiers of the land is \ j^^j.eaiatc tax ui.on tlie land. The imagine any res.nivce jbr raising ^j-^J, ; seemiugly raised evcrv year, monstrous debt ot Knghuul, and the ' / 'V^ 1 hearlilv wish 1 may never live to ij: AuTilUR Young. History of Ireland. $0$ Kis stinging satires, charged the majority of the episcopal bench with open and scandalous irreligion, — " Of whom there are not four at most Who know there is an Holy Ghost : And when they boast they have conferred it, Like Paul's Ephesians never heard it ; And when they gave it, 'tis well known. They gave what never was their own." Swift was allowed publicly to say this, and a great deal more without the slightest remonstrance. Indeed, the public life of the heads of the church justified Swift and other libellers in all that they then said of the profligacy of the established clergy. We have_ already alluded to the hcentious and profligate career of Stone the Primate of Ireland, who converted his residence into a brothel m order to debauch the young members of parliament, and thereby increase his pohtical influence. Stone was severely attacked by the opposition : but, so usual was immorality then among the pro- testant clergy, that no allusion was made to the scandal brouP-ht upon religion by the profligate conduct of the Archbishop. How different was the life and example of the poor persecuted teachers of the Roman cathohc faith I They shared in all the sor- rows and sufferings of their flocks, to whom persecution only drew them the closer. Ministering to them by night and by day, in storm and m sunshine, m times of rejoicing and in times of sorrow,— they became the comforters, counsellors, and guides of the great body of the people. - They who know"— to quote the beautiful and touching language of Mr. Wyse,-" how deeply prized is the Slightest word, the most transient smile, in the hour of desertion and sickness— they who know what it is to have drunk out of the same chalice the same searching draught of misfortune and pain— they who know what it is to have a bosom to repose on when fa- tigued, and a statr to lean on when faltering, and a counsellor to gmde m doubt and in peril, will easily comprehend the all-com- manding influence of that communion which then existed between the catholic clergy and the catholic laity of Ireland. Skelton has been admired for the Christian mildness with which he endured the obscurity and rudeness of a distant village. There were many Skeltons amongst the catholic clergy, educated in the splendid courts and the learned halls of the continent, accustomed as much as he was to the elegant aspirings, and the consoling enjoyments of a studmus and dignified leisure ; but unlike Skelton, they dwelt not in the tranqml shadow of a prote(4ing and paternal government but m the midst of the shadow of death, with the inquisitor eye of a persecuting code about their paths ; teaching in the very siht of the gibbet, and often laying down their lives in testimony of the doctrines which they taught, with a calmness, a constancy, an exukation, which would have dignified even a primitive Christian and in Wildes and wastes, pathless and houseless, whose names, in more than one instance, were scarcely known to the very legislators 304, II!.4oni of Ii-ehnd. ,vho soui.l>t their blood. But their courage, though of the highest temper, was purelv passive. Foreed by the uupohov ot tlie legis- hiture abroad, thev had, in many instances, been educated under tlie immediate influence of the court and prmciples ot the btiiarts. The passive obedience doctrines of that despotic scliool had been sanctified in their minds by every stirring circumstance ot lormer sacrifice, and bv everv additional stinmlant ot ac ual suftemjg ,vrono-. Thev "trembled at the possVhty ot plungn.g stdl more deeplv, and inextricably into persecution, the suftering chni-eh ot Ireland Thev bowed their heads to tjie passmg visitation, to tlie out-poured vial, to the depths of thelwisdom of the Ommscieut and the Almightv God. Thev would not risk le hienpour le mieux ; deeming even an interval of suffering, 'leni^encv, and an absence of pain, ilpose. Under the crumbling day-by-day persecution, thev sat humbled and inert. It required nothing ess than the^ swoi^ of the exterminator to arouse them from their sleep. Even atter the relaxation of the penal laws had taken place, it w^as a long tiuie- before they could recover their original stature. By long bending thev had become bent ; their mind, like a human body long confined witliin too small a prison, had been doubled up withm hem, and refused itself to the free functions of other citizens. The scourge had ceased, and the fetter had been unlocked ; but for many years afterwards the scar and the brand remained behind. The dreadful oppression practised upon the peasantry m aU parts 6f Ireland, in course of time brought torth their congenial truits They saw themselves victimised on all hands, and the stmng aim of the state ever ready to be turned against them. Nei her the world, nor the world's law, was their tnend. Cxovernnient was a Li-sh and cruel taskmaster, which did nothing for he peoide but hnpose upon them pains and penalties of the most bateful kind Brit the Irish peasantry were not poutic.ans Though suftering from protestant oppression and mouoply, they did not combine am exert themselves to throw it off, because they did not unders and their true position. Thev merely filt that they suftered ; and they saw that the nearest link in the chain ot-causos was the aoTaru.u tyrannv that so closely pressed upon them. This was the e, .1 that cime home to each of them at their own doors ; and agam ai d again, when driven to despair, did they break on in agrarian insurrections all over the country, for revenge and selt-assertio... The number of secret associations which sprung up amoug the peasantry about this period, jjas very great. They extended the concessions of "\'^ty.tluee riie_imtm = ^^^^^^^^^^ exclusion from be prevailed on to quit it. SoUlomhe appearea on the k ^'^"^^^^^^^j^ the •avorted eyes, and tlu> faltenn? step ot a sl.vve.-W nsk . HustouuU Muun. History of Ireland. 305 throughout every province and country in Ireland ; and embraced the protestant as well as the catholic population. The Whiteboys or Levellers were the most formidable of these associations. They sprung up in Tipperary, and soon extended over the South and West of Ireland. Assembling by night, dressed in white shirts (whence their name) they houghed cattle, levelled enclosures turned up the ground, burned farm-yards, and otherwise destroyed and damaged the property of their tyrant lords. They originated chielly m the attempts of the landed proprietors to convert the small holdings of the peasantry into pasturage, in order to accom- plish which, it was necessary that they should "clear off" the people from their estates. The destitution attendant upon such measures, could scarcely fail to drive the wretched people to those acts ot desperation and revenge which generally follow in the foot- steps of distress and ignorance. The people may be slow to reason but they are always quick to feel. And they now felt in all its bitterness the misery of the agrarian slavery to which they had so long been doomed. Entirely shut out from freedom, denied the commonest rights of men, treated through life with savage cruelty by their superiors, their resources consumed or abstracted from them by taxation and rackrenting, and after all, driven out by force from the miserable hovels which they called their homes,—how much was all this calculated to make demons of the men subjected to such treatment ! Was it wonderflil, that such wrongs should, at length, seek a visible expression, though it was in acts of violence and outrage on property ? What had property done for them, that they should regard it, or its possessors with respect ? It had become "T^/.r f^i^ ^lieir oppression ; until at length it pro- voked the retributive curse which attends misused or abused truists Ihe crimes of the oppressed are only the punishment which inevi- tabty follows upon the crimes of the oppressor. The Whiteboyism of Munster was thus to be traced directly to the deeds of the andlords hemselves ; the " wild justice" of the period being onl^ onhS^^ ^^"^^ South of Ireland, or to the catholic population only. The nrotes tan peasantry of the North also fe/t L oppressiLs of thriand-" ords ; and combined m various lawless associations for self-asser ion and retaliation The Oakeoys rose in Armagh, against the i7thdrtir"^^'"'V.^^ ^r^"*^'^ ^P^-^ - consfdeVabTe por^^^^ of their time m making the roads. They complained that the sweat of their brows had been wasted upon private roads and that the rich had entirely exempted themselves from the work They rose against the law in 1764; and, from the oak-branches thev Tl^:'^tT}.t^^^^^ they received the designation of period for ttTpd^f T''' ^^^^^^^^-^ about the sLe period, tor the redress of a local grievance. Their oriq-in was as 306 Hhtonj of Ireland. follows:— An absentee nobleman, the marquis of Donegal, held mimense estates in Antrim, resolved npon raising a large sum of money by letting the land at small rents, but receivmg large hnes npon renewal of their leases. The peasantry were unable to raise money sufficient for the purpose, and rose agamst " the forestal- lers,"" saying, they would " pay their landlords tn steel. Hence the'name of Steel-boys, by which they were known. Thouo-h the real cause of these disturbances was apparent to all, the landlords refused to relax their system of persecution. Instead of removino- the grievances under which the peasantry suttered, they resorted to the usual remedy of Irish legislators, namely severe and sanguinary laws. Punishments were devised of the most bar- barous kind. By one enactment, the supposed guilty were to be hano-ed without even the formalities of a trial. To quote from the libeml and impartial observer, IMr. Arthur Young :— '^The \V hite- BOYS being labouring catholics, met with all the oppressions i have described, and would probably have continued in full submission, had not very severe treatment in respect of tithes united with a o-reat speculative rise of rents about the same time, blown up the flame of resistance ; the atrocious acts they were guilty ot made them the objects of general indignation : acts were passed for their punishment 'which seemed calculated for the meridian of l>arbary; this arose to such a height, that one by one they were to be hanged under circumstances, Avithout the common formalities ot a triai,^ which though repealed by the following sessions marks the spirit or punishment ; while others remain yet the law of the land, that would if executed, tend more to raise than quell insurrection. From all which it is manifest that the gentlemen of Ireland never thouoht of a radical cure, from overlooking the real cause of this case,'' which, in fact, lay in themselves, and not m the wretches they doomed to the gallows. Let them change their own conduct entirely, and the poor will not long riot. Treat them like those who ouo-ht to be as free as yourselves : put an end to that system of relioious persecution, which for seventy years, has divided the kiiio-dom against itself. In these two circumstances lies the cure ot insurrections; perform them completely, and you ^111 b^^^e an affectionate poor instead of oppressed persecuted vassals. At the same time that the legislature seized the opportunity ot making the White Boy and other outrages, a pretence for mcreas- incr tlie coercive measures against the peasantry, the protestants also used them as a political engine against the catholic body. Thouo-h the outrao-es were as prevalent among the disU-essed pro- testaiit peasantry of the North, as among the distressed catholics of the South of 'Ireland, the dominant faction laid all the blame on the latter, who were accordingly doomed to receive the princii)al Hhare of the punishment. 'J1ie disturbances in Munster, thougli • Ahtiu'r Yovng's Tour in Jrcln)i({:' vol. ii, p. 11,'J. History of Ireland. 307 originating entirely in the causes above mentioned — namely, rack- renting, clearing-off, and tithe exactions,— the protestants at once proclaimed them to be " popish " in their origin, and to form only part of an extensive plan for the entire extirpation of protestants and protestantisna in Ireland. The protestants were taught that it was the cathohcs who had wronged them ; and the one set of victims were thus hounded on to wreak their vengeance on the other. The attempt was also made by the protestant ascendancy to connect some of the leading cathohcs with the White Boy outrages, and also with the French invasion. The first victim to the government vengeance on this occasion, was one Nicholas Sheehy, parish priest of Clogheen in Tipperary, a man of ardent philanthropy, devoted to the interests of the poor and oppressed, and therefore, a fit subject for persecution by the protestant oligarchy : his parishioners were all poor and destitute ; most of them had been sufferers from the exterminating system pursued by the landlords of Tipperary ; and many of them' were maphcated in the riots and outrages which had lately been prevalent throughout the county. In the course of these disturbances, Sheehy had often been tried as " a popish priest,'' but had been acquitted for want of evidence to convict him. The government, however, determined on compassing his destruction, issued a proclamation' offering a reward of three hundred pounds for his apprehension as a traitor— on the ground that he had procured money from France to pay to the White Boys and enlist them in the service of the Pre- tender. On hearing of this proclamation, Sheehy surrendered him- self, on condition that he was to be tried before the Court of Kino-^s Bench, Dubhn, instead of at Clonmel, where he feared the power and mahce of his enemies would have prevailed. His offer was accepted; he was tried at Dublin ; and, after a long and searching scrutiny of fourteen hours, he was honourably acquitted. His ene- mies were only made the more inveterate by this termination of the trial. They were determined to effect his destruction at all events • and they accomphshed it in the following manner :— they circulated a report, that a man named Bridge had been murdered to prevent his giving information, and that Sheehy was a participator in the crime. He was accordingly at once arrested ; tried by his enemies at Uonmel; and, on the very same evidence that had been reiected and reprobated at Dublin, he was found guilty, and condemned to be hanged and quartered ! With his dying breath Sheehy declared Ins innocence: and there can scarcely be a doubt, that his death was neit^|3r more nor less than a cold-blooded judicial murder. JJuring the trial, the protestant faction surrounded the court-house m great force, and excluded the prisoner's witnesses. Even his attorney narrowly escaped with his life and fled by night to Dub- m.— Ihe pretended murder of Bridge enabled the Tipperary land ords about the same time, to apprehend, try, and condemn to death, on the same evidence, many other individuals obnoxious 308 History of Ireland. to tliem. Yet there was never, at anytime, reason to believe tliat Bridge was murdered at all. Indeed, it was positively sworn by two unexceptionable witnesses, that he had privately left the king- dom some time before the murder was said to have taken place ; and it was notorious, that he was alive for many years after Sheehy's execution. The reign of terror had now proceeded to a dreadful height. No man knew that his life was safe for a moment. Suspicion haunted the steps of the catholics : they lived in constant dread ; and numbers of them, who could do so, fled the country, and sought refuge in the wilds of America. " Such," says Dr. Curry, "during the space of three or four years, was the fearful and pitiable state of the Roman cathoHcs of Munster, and so general did the panic at length become, so many of the lower sort were already hanged, in jail, or on the informer's lists, that the greatest part of the rest fled through fear ; so that the land lay untilled, for want of hands to cultivate it, and a famine was with reason apprehended. As for the better sort, who had something to lose, (and who, for that reason, were the persons chiefly aimed at by the managers of the prosecutions), they were at the utmost loss how to dispose of themselves. If they left the country, their absence was construed into a proof of their guilt : if they remained in it, they were in imminent danger of having their lives sworn away by informers : for the suborning and corrupting of witnesses on that occasion, was frequent and barefaced, to a degree almost beyond belief. The very stews were raked, and the jails rummaged in search of evidence ; and the most notoriously profligate in both were selected and tampered with, to give information of the private transactions and designs of reputable men, with whom they never had any dealing, intercourse, or acquaintance ; nay, to those very persons they were often found to be strangers, when confronted at their trial."* The unsettled state of society in the western districts of Ireland may be inferred from the statement of the intelligent tourist, from whom we have already quoted, in reference to Connaught, in the year 1767 : he declares that he could not " give any description of Connaught, not having ventured into it, being without a pass from any of the haughty and tyrannous landlords whose will alone was law in that country."! * Curry's " Jlistorkal Reviciv " p. 5"2(), History of Ireland. 309 CHAPTER XXXL Growth of principle among the Catholic party — Increase of wealth among them The Catholic merchants and tradesmen — Liberalising tendency of commercial pursuits— Dr. Curry, Mr. O'Conor, and Mr. Wyse—Difficulty of rousing the Catholic body — The Irish parliament — Bill for the registry of priests rejected Rejoicing of the Catholics — The first Catholic Association formed Their Address to the throne — Favourably received — Accession of George III Address of the Catholics of Ireland — Hemonstrance of Grievances— Its failure Dissen- sions among the Catholics — Concessions to the Catholics — Bill of 1776. At the very time that the system of penal tyranny had reached its full height, and the protestant ascendancy flattered themselves that their power was to endure for ever, principles were silently at work, which were afterwards destined to level with the dust both the system and its agents. Tyranny always contains within it the seeds of its own destruction. It is a beautiful remark of Curran, that " Man, destined to the grave — nothing appertaining to him is exempt from the stroke of Death : his life fleeteth as a dream, his liberty passeth away as a shadow, so too of his slamry— it is not^ immortal : the very chain that grinds him is gnawed by rust, or is rent by fury or by accident, and the wretch is astonished at the intrusions of freedom unannounced even by the harbinger of hope." So far as the penal laws were designed to impoverish and humili- ate the Roman catholic population, they had succeeded to their fullest extent. They were now entirely divested of all civil and religious privileges by law, and the great bulk of the property of the country was in the hands of the protestants. But the protestant failed to reap all the pecuniary and personal advantages that he anti- cipated from the exclusive system of legislation. In what respect was he profitted by having a portion of earth in a land of beggars ? What signified his property to him, if he lived in a state of con- stant terror and alarm ? Besides, he soon found the inconvenience of the laws preventing the cathoKcs purchasing, or taking long leases of landed property. If he. wished to dispose of his estate, and a Roman catholic was willing and able to buy it, he could not, because the law prevented. If he was anxious to improve his property by granting long leases, and Roman cathoHcs were found ready to take them, they could not, because the law prevented. If he wanted to secure money in landed property, and he found a Roman catholic proprietor willing to take it, he'dared not lend it, because the son of that catholic, by turning protestant, might rob him of the entire amount. The penal laws were thus soon found to act prejudicially to the protestant landed proprietor as well as to the cathoKc ; and, accor- dingly, numerous attempts were made to evade them. To this the Protestants were stimulated by motives of self-interest, rather than 310 History of Ireland. regard for the public well-being. The government, also, was obliged to relax in its system of persecution. The penal system was too hideous to be kept in constant operation : it was too complex, too expensive, and too troublesome, to be enforced in all its details. Besides, government felt, that if catholic property and catholic labour were completely prostrated, taxes could not be obtained from the catholic population, and the revenue must fall off. The catholics were the great body of consumers, and if they possessed nothing, nothing could be extracted from them. This is always a telling consideration with governments. The penal laws, therefore, were "not enforced with the same rigour. They were held in terro- rem over the heads of the community, to be used on those occasions when it was deemed necessary to be more than usually harsh and cruel with the Roman catholic population. But the main hope of the amehoration of the cathohc sufferings lay in a body of men who now came into notice, — and who had been fostered, perhaps created, by the oppressive operation of the penal laws themselves. While the landed property of the country was slipping out of the hands of the catholics, and they seemed verging rapidly towards pauperism ; the merchants and trades- men of Ireland were laying the foundations of future fortune, pros- perity, and liberty. When the protestants devised the oppressive laws against the catholic landed proprietary, they imagined that all the wealth of the country would immediately flow in their own direc- tion. But they were mistaken ; for they forgot that before wealth came to them it must exist; and it could only come inio existence by the industry and commerce of the population. But the protes- tant was too idle, and too aristocratic, to busy himself in such concerns : he contented himself with framing the laws, which he^ endeavoured to do, so as that he might enjoy all the rewards of industry without its toils. Hence the profitable pursuits of trade and commerce were left to the catholics, who were induced to be- take themselves to the acquisition of personal property, as it had almost entirely escaped the malignant ingenuity of the first framers of the penal code. Almost all the trade, therefore, that English jea- lousy had allowed Ireland to retain, in course of time fell into the hands of the Roman catholics. A body of men thus arose, enriched by commerce, united to the people by the powerful ties of a com- mon interest, sympathy, and relationship, and needing only to be put fairly in motion to work out the emancipation of Ireland. And COMMERCE, in all climes and countries, has been the genuine friend of civilization. Liberty invariably follows in ^ts steps ; together with knowledge, religion, and social happiness. It breaks down in time the despotism of the mightiest tyrants. The spirit of commercial enterprise has, at all times, been opposed to the spirit of barbarism, and is destructive of feudal and class legislation. It is hostile to monopoly, and to all exclusive rights and j)rivlIegos. Without commerce, iMdeed. no iKition has ever made distinguished History of Ireland. 311 progress in the higher stages of human civilization. And well did the cruel Protestant oligarchy know the weight of the curse they inflicted upon Ireland, when they deprived her of her trade, and ruined her manufactures 1 Fortunately, also, there rose up at this juncture, three distin- guished individuals, who, in a short time, were enabled to infuse quite a new spirit into the catholic body. When a nation has been long placed in circumstances of a trying and dangerous nature, and the proper time for rehef at length arrives. Providence always takes care to raise up men that are fitted to battle with and com- mand those circumstances. Leaders spring at once into their places ; and the work to be done is accomplished as if by miracle. The three men who appeared in aid of the cathoKcs at this junc- ture, were Dr. Curry, Mr. O' Conor, and Mr. Wyse. Dr. Curry was a physician in extensive practice in Dubhn ; a kind benefactor to the poor, and an ardent friend of his oppressed country. He was descended from an ancient Irish family, that of the O'Corra ; many of whom had figured in past history. His grand- father was a captain in the service of king James, and had fallen at the battle of Aughrim. A remnant of property saved from the general wreck, enabled his father to educate him abroad, like most other Irish youths of the period. The young Curry returned to Ireland, full of aspirations after the liberty of his fallen country. He was soon shocked by the fierce bigotry of the times, as displayed by the protestant population. It is related by Mr. O'Conpr,* that in one of these periodical exhibitions of intolerance, when the pulpit vied with the press in maligning and misrepresent- ing the religion and principles of the catholics, pouring out the most slanderous abuse on the dead in order to feed the flame of the existing hatred against the living, — that Dr. Curry, passing through the Castle-yard of Dublin, on the 23rd of October, 1746, over- heard a young girl, passing from one of these intolerant sermons against the catholics, exclaim with upHfted hands and horror vividly expressed on her countenance ''Are there any of these bloody papists now in Dublin f " The incident, which would only have excited the laughter of a less reflective mind, filled Dr. Curry with the deepest anxiety. He found that the child's terrors proceeded from the anniversary sermon preached that day in Christ's church : he procured a copy of it, and found it surcharged with historical slander and the grossest misrepresentations. From that day he dedicated the whole weight and energies of his mind to the cause of catholic emancipation ; repelhng the calumny, and checking the asperity which issued from those seats which had been set apart for the exercise of truth and benevolence. His principal work, entitled "A Historical and Critical Review of the Civil Wars in Ireland, from the Reign of Queen Elizabeth to the , * " History of the Irish Catholics," p. 223. 312 History of Ireland. Settlement of King William," remains to this day a monmnent of liis industry and ability. It added much to our historical information of Ireland, removed many of the calumnies of the enemy, and cleared the way for the exertions of future labourers in the same field. Mr. O'Conor of Ballengar, the ancestor of The O'Conor Don, was intimately associated with Dr. Curry in his efforts for the emancipation of the cathohcs. He was descended in a right line, from Roderick O'Conor, the last of the kings of Ireland ; but the estates of the family had been completely broken down by the long persecution which the Irish catholic landlords had to undergo, untn only a shred of property remained. Eight hundred acres of bad land, overburdened with debt, was barely sufficient to keep him and his family above the level of poverty. He was poor, and lived in a cottage,* devoting himself for the greater part of his life, to the study of the history and the antiquities of his native country. Mr. O'Conors first public appearance as a defender of the catholics of Ireland, was as a pamphleteer, in 1747. Sir Richard Cox had charged Lucas, the author of " The Barber's Letters," with being an incendiary and a papist, whose design was to make way for the introduction of the Pretender. Mr. O'Conor was roused "to making a " Counter Appeal," under the signature of "A Protestant Dissenter." To have published it as the work of a catholic, would have been to consign it to oblivion ; to such an extent were catholic publications then proscribed by protestant bigo- try. But the tract, as emanating from a protestant, w^as read with avidity; and proved of considerable service in the vindication of the catholic body from the historical aspersions of their enemies. Mr. O'Conor continued, at various intervals, to address the public on the same question, — often with surpassing effect. Mr. Wyse was the third co-operator ^n the work of national regeneration. He was the descendant of an English or Norman family, which had accompanied Earl Strongbow to Ireland, and afterwards settled in that country. The estates of his family had also been frittered away by successive confiscations ; yet he brought to the catholic cause a mind ardent, fearless, and indomitable. " His habits,'' says his descendant, the Right Hon. Thomas Wyse, M. P., " were not literary but active ; little content with oblitera- ting Protestant prejudice, he thought a more important task remained behind — the compressing into shape and system the scattered energies of his Catholic countrymen. — To that purpose, with the firmness of a will not easily to be swayed from its^ object, he bent the energies of a bold and earnest conscience. To him and to Dr. Curry, the Catholic body owe the seeds of that great confederacy which, in aftertimes was destined, through the labours * Mr. O'Ooiior wvx\ lo u latc, tliat liis (iilluM", :i1um- tlio Revolution, \vas obligcil to plough his «.wn (idds, :m(l ll.at l.o wouM often sav lo liis s-ons— - Boys, you must not W uisolout to the poor. I am llio mmi of .1 oviillrman, l.iil \ c au- llu- rliil.hrn of a ph>u:4huiaii. ' History of Ireland. of mightier men, to embrace the entire island. But his fate was not so tranquil as that of either of his companions. He had ren- dered himself a far more conspicuous raark to the hostility of the persecutor: his days were embittered and endangered by every ingenious application of the penal code which his enemies could devise ; and after successively proving in his own person the inflictions of the gavel act, and of the disarming act, the ingenious malignancy of the discoverer, the secret conspiracy of the Protes- tant minister, the treacherous calumny of the informer, he sunk broken-hearted into the grave, leaving it as an injunction in his last will to his children, " that they should, with all convenient speed, sell the remainder of their hereditary property, (a portion of which had already been disposed of for that purpose), and seek out some other country, where they might worship God like other men, in peace, and should not be persecuted for manfully observing in the open day the religion of their hearts, and the dictates of an honest conscience.'^* At the period when these distinguished men commenced their labours, the prospect of improvement seemed black enough. The great mass of the catholics were almost unconscious of their own degradation. The loss of rights and of property had made them indifferent, spiritless, and quiescent under their wrongs. The sacred spark of patriotism became extinct ; they were content, barely to exist., to mgetate — the patient victims of their cQuntry"'s wrongs, and the insensible spectators of its ruin. The clergy and the aristocracy also, were quite indisposed to take any part in the efforts attempted to be made for the rehef of the catholic population. Long habits of submission to oppression had debased the minds of the upper classes, into a tame acquiescence with the stern dictates of EngHsh supremacy. Perhaps they feared, and with reason, that the very clanking of their chains might rouse their keeper from his slumber, only to rivet them the more securely. Though the parliament had long sunk into a mere instrument for recording the anti-Irish acts of the Enghsh government, it is remarkable that it was the first to give the presage of hope to the Irish people. A few words will be sufficient to explain the state of parliament at this period : The House of Commons was a mere mockery of representation. The great bulk of the people, both catholic and protestant, were completely divested of political power : they had no franchise.* The power to send members to parliament rested in the Irish corporations, which were sinks of vice and corruption. They were regular articles of sale ; every one having its price. Each had its protestant patron, whose nominees they returned to parhament, receiving in return, places in the customs and excise, and very often hard cash. The proprie- tors of the boroughs formed a body called undertakers., who entered * History of the Catholic Association, p. 44.-5. History of Ireland. into a bargain with the English government to carry all its mea -^ sures, in return for places and pensions, and lucrative jobs ; all of which was matter of pubhc notoriety and scandal. The seats in parliament were held for Ufe, except at the demise of the crown, or when the king was pleased to order a dissolution. The main objects of the Undertakers were, — to oppose the independence of the crown, and to keep down the liberties of the people. Hence most of the struggles so called, of the " patriots" with the govern- ment, ere based on a determination to maintain their own system of corruption intact ; not mifrequently they were the mere efferves- cence of disappointment and revenge, which was too often mistaken for a struggle in the cause of freedom and parliamentary privilege. Of such a character was the contest that took place in 1753, between primate Stone and lord Shannon, about a redundancy in the Irish treasury. Though it did not originate in any principle of liberty, it nevertheless had an important effect on the pubhc mind, habituating it to discussion and reviving the idea of country. A discussion and division took place in the Irish parhament four years after, (1746) of still greater moment to the Irish cathohcs. The earl of Limerick had adopted lord Chesterfield's idea of keep- ing down the catholic rehgion, by expelKng the bishops, limiting the number of priests, and subjugating them to the control of the protestant landed gentry ; and with the view he brought a Bill into the House of Lords for registering the priests, pursuant to an act of the 2nd of queen Anne, with additional clauses, which struck at the very root of the cathohc religion.* The introduction of this bill caused a general consternation throughout Ireland ; but strange to say, the bill met with a determined opposition from the more liberal portion of the protestant members of the house, who seemed to feel, that however long the old means of persecution might remain, the time was unpropitious for the invention of new instru- ments for the same purpose. Even the bench of bishops, strongly resisted the projected bill : the primate opposed it, on the third reading, in an eloquent speech : three archbishops and nine bishops voted ^against the measure, and it was rejected by a majority of TWO ! -j- * The Bill introduced by Lord Limerick, enacted tliat one priest should be registered for each parish, that the nomination of his successor should be vested in tlie grand jury witl\ a VETO in tlie privy council and lord lieutenant ; that tlie registered priests should be bound to inform against all secular and regular priests residing in thoir parishes, vnulor paan of transporta- tion and felony of death in case of return ; and slionkl be prohibited from making proselytes or officiating beyond the boundaries of their parishes under similar penalties ; that none but secular priests should be allowed the benefit of registry, and that all bishops, dignitaries and friars that should be found in the kingdom after the 1st of .lanuary, l/.')7, should be liable to the penalties of the several statutes of William and Anne against popish priests : lastly that £100 reward should he given for the detection and couvietion of every popish bishop and regular after that i)criod, to be levied olV the goods and lands of the papists." + Lord r>imerick (afterwards Earl Claiibrassill) did not, however, abandon the measure, la October, lyr)?, he re-introdm-cd the Ueuistrv Bill, with only some trifling vanatum in its seven- ties. 'J'he bishojis a^'ain stremiouslv opposed it, but the Earl sue.-eeded m loiomg it through tlu- TTouso of r,ords. tiie Crown, however, interfered, and the Bill was rejected by the I nvy Council in Januarv, 1 Z.')!!. It would api>oar, that the same I'/nl ClunbrassiU entertained an uloa History of Ireland. 815 The catholics were overjoyed by the rejection of the obnoxious bill : it seemed to be the harbinger of religious toleration and civil liberty. Mr. O'Conor and Dr. Curry, soon afterwards joined by Mr. Wyse, seized the opportunity of rousing their prostrate countrymen from their apathy, exhorting them to address the throne and plead their loyalty in mitigation of their oppressions and sufferings. They first sought the cooperation of the catholic aristo- cracy, but could gain no assistance from them : they were by this time completely detached from the mass of their fellow-countrymen and lived and moved in an atmosphere of their own. They next turned to the clergy of the people, but were here again doomed to disappointment : the catholic priesthood had long been secluded from public Hfe, they were inured to suffering, and scarcely dared to dream of a change in their condition for the better : they preferred remaining passive, to incurring the risks of further pains and mor- tifications. To appeal to the people, i .i the depressed and utterly hopeless state in which they were, the regenerators felt would be equally vain : ignorant of their rights, they had no desire to possess them ; and the means of awakening them to the exercise of their moral strength were not then known. In this dilemma. Dr. Curry and Mr. O'Conor, undaunted by failure, appKed to the mercantile body for aid ; and the appeal was at once responded to. They were urged to address the govern- ment for a redress of their grievances. The Roman catholic gen- try and clergy most strenuously resisted this measure, and the body became split up into the two parties, long afterwards known as the addressors and anti-addressors, — which may remind our readers of the remonstrants and anti-remonstrants of former times. At length, the two zealous colabourers resolved on the formation of an asso- ciation for the management of catholic concerns, which should be free from the trammels of aristocratic or clerical influence. An Association was accordingly formed, the first which had existed since the Revolution. It is true, its organization was exceedingly imperfect ; but it was a first step ; and it is often the first step in a movement which determines its ultimate success. The young As- sociation was frowned upon by the aristocracy and clergy, who " not only" says Mr. Wyse, " kept themselves cautiously and reprehen- sibly aloof, and scorned all connection with its members, but laughed contemptuously at its labours, and interposed every obsta- cle to prevent, to discourage, to neutralize its success Neverthe- less, the mercantile body, headed by Dr. Curry and Mr. O'Conor, persevered; and, in the year 1759, on the occasion of the menaced F rench invasion, ' they resolved to express their loyalty in an address, fearful lest their silence should be construed into a sym.pa- a,t that time, which has again come into favour among a certain party in our own day. We refer to the pensioning of the Catholic priesthood by the government; for what purpose Lord Cian» brassill patronized it, may be inferred from the spirit of his infamous Registry Bill, which would have done more than any olher measure, to extinguish the Catholic rclioion in Ireland. 316 History of Ireland. thy with rebellion. As the catholic gentry refused all concurrence in the measure, it was styled the address of the Roman cathoHc gentlemen, merchants, and citizens of Dublin. Upwards of four hundred respectable names were affixed to this petition, and it was presented to the lord-lieutenant through Mr. Ponsonby, the speaker of the House of Commons. " So degraded," observes Mr. O'Conor, " were the catholics at the time, that they did not even venture to present it to the viceroy through members of their own body." The address was couched in an exceedingly humble and submis- sive tone ; for the catholic could as yet with difficulty lift up his head after his long period of subjection. He still crouched beneath the load of humiliation which centuries of injustice had laid upon all his tribe. No wonder that he was timid, when he had summoned up the spirit to open his mouth and tell his grievances. He was also afraid lest the tone of his address should be misconstrued by his enemies ; and he trembled lest it might be made the pretence for further persecution. Several days passed by in mysterious silence, after the presentation of the address ; and an awful suspense hung over the expectations of the catholics. At length, however, on the 10th of December, an answer was returned, from the lord-lieutenant through the speaker, to Mr. Mc Dermott, (one of the gentlemen who had presented the address), conveying to the cathoHcs assur- ances " that the zeal and attachment which they professed could never be more seasonably manifested than in the present conjunc- ture, and that so long as they conducted themselves with duty and aiFection, they could not fail to receive his Majesty's protection." The favourable reception .of their address, and the encouraging answer given to it, diffused universal joy among the catholic body. They began to feel that they were a recognized party in the state, and their exultation on the occasion could scarcely be kept within bounds. ' Loyal and dutiful addresses, poured from all sides, too often tinged by slavish adulation of the ruling powers. There was also a vituperation of the French, which was exceedingly ungrate- ful, considering the load of obligations under which the Irish catho- lics lay, to the French nation and government. The leaders of the catholics seized the opportunity of turning the movement to some useful purpose before they could relapse into their former inactivity. They felt that nothing could be done with- out an efficient machinery : and in order to obtain this, they matured a plan, by which delegates from all parts of the country, represen- tative of the population of their respective localities, should meet as an Association, to manage the concerns of the catholics of Ire- land. The plan originated with Mr. Wyse,* with whom Dr. * TIic original plan, in Mr. Wysc's handwriting, is in tlic Stowc Library. The plan proposcil the establishment of a perpetual committee of representatives, one for each parish in the Cit v of Dublin to bo chosen by ballot, at a meeting of the principal inhabitants, and a certam nuu;- bcr for each county or diocese, as well as- for the principal towns ; each nomination and apponit- ment of a representative to be .signed, not only by the clergy, but also by tlic principal mli.ibi- tants, and these several elections'^ to be made with as much secrecy as possible. That :niy gou- tlcnnvn though not of the committeo, should have access to its meetings, and a right to deliver his opinions^ but not to have a vote in any debate or resolution. History of Ireland. SYt Curry cordially coincided. This scheme was carried into almost immediate eiFect in the metropoKs. Dr. Curry was elected a mem- ber for one of the parishes, and other respectable gentlemen were returned for the rest. At last they met together in committee, and took upon themselves the management of catholic atFairs, — the germ of a mighty representative body, which was yet destined to over- shadow the entire land and to embrace milHons of its people. The death of George II., and the accession of George III., opened up new prospects of relief to the catholics. On his opening speech to his parhament, this monarch declared himself to be the " friend of religious toleration, and the guardian of the civil and religious liberties of his subjects." The cathoHcs were encouraged to hope that the severity of the penal code would now be relaxed in their favour, and an Address to the King" was drawn up and transmitted to all parts of Ireland for signature. Six hundred names were affixed to it, which was thought to be an extraordi- nary number, considering the degraded and impoverished state of the country. Such was the exultation of the addressers that they styled it the Address of the Roman Catholics of Ireland. But the lords and cfergy throughout the country generally, refused their con- currence with it, and those of Meath and Kildare, the old aristo- cratic counties of Ireland, met at Trim and adopted a separate Address. Both were ' graciously received' and pubHshed in the Gazette. The catholics, emboldened by success, proceeded a step farther. They remodelled a detailed statement of their grievances, which had been prepared towards the close of the former reign, but was , withheld in consequence of the supposed boldness of its tone, and ' the fear lest the enemies of the catholics might turn it against them. It was now, however, in the fullness of their hope, again brought forth, and prepared for being forwarded to his Majesty.* But, at this stage,^ the aristocratic feeling unfortunately ' interposed, and the popular cause was checked in mid career, by the dissensions of its leaders. nTi*tht'r?j^ f contains a grapjic account of the sufferings winch tlie penal laws inflicted Tt fJi^« «f ^^i^^ty s clemency, in moderating the rigourous LecutSn 1 most sfver.'nn7Vr"'- V^.^^ "1 ^"^^^^ ^^P^^^«"^' that Lveral and S ihe most severe and distressing of these laws, execute themselves with the most fatal certainty, Z 318 History of Irdand, Lord Teimleston had at this time been promoted to the leader- ship of the catholic body, — more because of his extensive posses- . sions and his aristrocratic birth, than because of his superior qua- Hties either of head or heart. He was haughty, aristocratic, and impracticable. He recognized no right in the people to manage their own concerns : deeming it to be the exclusive right of the ' and that vour majesty's clemency cannot, in the smallest degree interpose for their mitigation, otherwise your Roman catholic subjects would most cheerfully acquiesce m that resource, and^ rest with an absolute and unbounded assurance, on your majesty's princely generosity, and your pious regard to the rights of private conscience, . ^ " We are, may it please your majesty, a numerous and very industrious part of your majesty s subjects, and yet by no industry, by no honest endeavours on our part, is it in our power to acquire or to hold, almost any secure or permanent property whatsoever; we are not only dis- qualified to purchase, but are disabled from occupving any land even in farm, except on a tenure extremely scanted both in profit and in time ; and if we should venture to expend anything on the melioration of land thus held, by building, by inclosure, by draining, or by any other species of improvement, so very necessary in this country ; so far would our services be trom bettering our fortunes, that these are precisely the very circumstances, which, as the law now stands, must necessarily disqualify us from continuing those farms for any time in our possession^^ endeavours of our industry are thus discouraged, (no less, we humbly appre- hend, to the detriment of the national prosperity and the diminution of your majesty's revenue, than to our particular ruin) there are a set of men, who, instead of exercising any honest occu- pation in the commonwealth, make it their employment to pry into our miserable property, to drag us into the courts, and to compel us to confess on our oaths, and under the penalties of periury, whether we have, in any instance, acquired a property in the smallest degree exceeding what the ri^or of the law has admitted ; and in such case the informers, without any othei merit than that of their discovery, are invested (to the daily rum of several innocent, industrious families) not only with the surplus in which the law is exceeded, but m the wliole body of the estate, and interest so discovered, and it is our grief that this evil is likely to continue and increase, as informers have, in this country, almost worn off the infamy, which in all ages, and in all other countries, have attended their character, and have grown mto some repute by the frequency and success of their practices. ^ . c r i. • ^.v i "And this, most gracious sovereign, though extremely gracious, is far trom being the only or most oppressive particular, in which our distress is connected with the breach of the rules of honor and morality. By the laws now in force in this kingdom, a son, however undutiful or profligate, shall, merely by the merit of conforming to the established religion, deprive the Roman catholic father of that free and full possession of his estate, that power to mortgage or otherwise dispose of it, as the exigencies of his affairs may require ; but shall lumself have full liberty immediately to mortgage or otherwise alienate the reversion of that estate, from hig family for ever ; a regulation by which a father, contrary to the order of nature, is put under the power of his son, and through which, an early dissoluteness is not only suffered, but en- couraged, by giving a pernicious privilege, the frequent use of which has broken the hearts of many° deserving parents, and entailed poverty and despair on some of the most ancient and opulent families in this kingdom. ^ , • ^.^ ■ it " Even when the parent has the good fortune to escape this calamity in his lite-time, yet he has at his death, the melancholy and almost certain prospect of leaving neither peace nor fortune to his children ; for by that law, which bestows the whole fortune on the first conformist, or, on non-conformity, disperses it among the children ; incurable jealousies and animosities have arisen ; a total extinction of principle and of natural benevolence has ensued ; whilst we are obliged to consider our own offspring and the brothers of our own blood, as our own most dan- gerous enemies : the blessing of providence on our families, in a numerous issue, is converted into the most certain means of their ruin and depravation : we are, most gracious sovei-eign, neither permitted to enjoy the few broken remains of our patrimonial inheritance, nor by our industry to acquire any secure establishment to our families. " In this deplorable situation, let it not be considered, we earnestly beseech your majesty, as an instance of presumption or discontent, that we thus adventure to lay open to your majesty s mercy, a very small part of our uncommon sufl'crings ; what we have concealed under a respect- ful silence, would form a far longer, and full as melancholy a recital ; toe speak unih reliiC^ tance, though ive feel with angiiish ; we respect from the bottom of our hearts that tegis^ latioii under which we suffer ; but we humbly conceive it is impossible to procure redress without complaint, or to niake a complaint, that by some construction may not appear to con- vey blame ; and nothing, tve assure your Majesty, should have extorted f rom, us even these complaints, but the strong necessity we find ourselves under of employing every larvful, humble endeavour, lest the whole purposes of our lives and labours should prove only the TOcans of confirming to ourselves, and entailing on our posterity, inevitable bcujiary, and the History of Ireland. 319 aristocracy to direct public affairs. He would not listen to sugges- tions^ His own absolute will was his law ; and this he urged with a haughty superciliousness, which soon alienated from him the attachment and support of the catholic democracy, and gra- dually of the catholic aristocracy itself. This noble lord strenu- ously opposed the projected Remonstrance ; and his doing so was the immediate signal for divisions and dissensions in the Association. Lord Taafe, on the other hand, strenuously supported the most abject servitude ; a servitude the most intolerable, as it is suffered amidst that liberty, that peace, and that security, which, under your majesty's benign influence, is spread all around us, and which we alone, of all your majestyls subjects, are rendered incapable of partaking. " In all humility we implore, that our principles may not be estimated by the inflamed charge of controversial writers, nor our practises measured by the events of those troubled periods, when parties have run high (though they have been often misrepresented, and always cruelly exaggerated to our prejudice) ; but that we may be judged by our own actions, and in our own times ; and we humbly offer it to your most equitable and princely consideration, that we do not rest the proof of our sincerity on words, but on things ; on our dutiful, peaceable, submissive behaviour for more than four score years : and though it will be considered as too severe to form any opinion of great bodies, by the practice of individuals, yet if in all that time, amongst all our people, in the daily increase of severe laws against us, one treasonable insurrection, or one treasonable conspiracy can be proved ; if amongst our clergy, one seditious sermon can be shewn to have been preached, we will readily admit that there is good reason for continuing the present laws in all their force against us ; but if, on the contrary, (we speak in full confidence) it can be shewn, that our clergy have ever exerted their utmost endeavours to enforce submission to your majesty's government, and obedience to your laws ; if it can be shewn that these en- deavours have always been most strenuous in times of public danger, or when any accident tended to create a ferment amongst the people ; if our laity have frequently offered (what we are always ready to 'fulfil) to hazard their lives and fortunes for your majesty's service ; if we have willingly bound up the fruits of our discouraged industry with the fortune of your majesty's government in the public loans ; then we humbly hope, we may be admitted to a small portion of mercy, and that that behaviour, which your majesty's benignity and condescension will esteem a merit in our circumstances, may entitle us not to reward, but to such toleration as may enable us to become useful citizens to our country, and subjects as profitable, as we are loyal to your majesty. " Permit us, most gracious sovereign, on this occasion, to reiterate the assurances of our un- shaken loyalty, which all our sufferings have not been able to abate ; of our sincere zeal for your majesty's service, of our attachment to the constitution of our country, and of our warmest gratitude for your Majesty's continual indulgence, and for the late instance of favour we have experienced from parliament, in enabling us, consistent with our religious tenets, to give a legal proof of our sentiments upon these points. And we humbly hope, that the alacrity and eager- ness with which we have seized this first, though long wished opportunity of testifying, in the most solemn and public manner, our inviolable fidelity to your majesty, our real principles, and our good-will and affection towards our fellow-subjects; will extinguish all jealousies, and re- move those imputations, which alone have hitherto held us forth in the light of enemies to your majesty, and to the state. And if any thing farther can be suggested or devised, whereby we can by our actions more fully evince our sincerity, we shall consider such an opportunity of de- monstrating our real loyalty, as an high favour, and shall be deficient in no act whatever, which does not amount to a renunciation of that religious profession which we value more than our lives, and which it cannot be suspected we hold from obstinacy or a contempt of the laws, since it has not been taken up by ourselves, but has from time immemorial, been handed down to us from our ancestors. " We derive no small consolation most gracious sovereign, from considering, that the most severe and rigorous of the laws against us had been enacted before the accession of your majesty's illustrious house to the throne of these kingdoms : we therefore indulge the most sanguine hopes, that the mitigation of them, and the establishment of peace, industry, and universal happiness, amongst all your loyal subjects, may be one of the blessings of your majesty's reign. And though we might plead in favour of such relaxation, the express words of a solemn treaty, entered into with us, by your majesty's royal prededecessor, king William, (which has been forfeited by no disobedience on our part) yet, we neither wish, nor desire, to receive anything, but as a mere act of your majesty's clemency, and of the indulgence and equity of your parlia- ment. " That this act of truly loyal beneficence and justice, may be added to the other instances of your majesty's august virtues, and that the deliverance of a faithful and distressed people, may be one of those distmguished acts of your reign, which shall transmit its memory to the love, gratitude and veneration of our latest posterity, is the humble praver of, &c . &c " 320 History of Ireland. Remonstrance. This nobleman was of Irisli birth, but like many of his countrymen, he had been forced into exile in infancy by the operation 'of the penal laws, and had gained all his honours and fortune in the service of the German empire. Still, he forgot not his bleeding country, to which he continued through hfe to retain an enthusiastic attachment. Even in his old age, he was in the habit of pavino- annual visits, often in the depth of winter, to London and Dublin, from his residence in Silesia in Prussia ; his sole object beino- the amelioration of the sufferings, and the elevation of the social condition, of his unfortunate Irish catholic fellow-countiy- men. " His rank at the Imperial Court,'' says the able historian of the Irish'* catholics, " ^'ave him access to the first circles m Great Britain, and he availed himself of it, to contrast the impolicy of the British Government in persecuting the Irish cathohcs, with the wisdom of his imperial mistress, in tolerating all religious sects m her extensive dominions. Bred in camps, and educated m Gei*- many, he impressed on senators and courtiers the impolicy and injustice of the penal code, with the bluntness of a soldier, and the honesty of a German. His efforts had no small weight m softeumg the rigour of persecution. His unassuming manners, his elevated rank, his great age, and venerable appearance, but above all, his ardent zeal in the cause of his oppressed countrymen, procured him a preponderating influence in the councils of the catholics ; that influence was exerted in promoting union, extinguishing dissension, and rousing to exertion. His ardour led him to hope for an imme- diate relaxation, and the remonstrance met with his warmest support. He strained every nerve to procure the concurrence of the nobility and gentry, but met with insuperable obstacles, m the pride of an aristocracy of slaves, and in the malignity of party spirit, which shed its venom on the purest motives, and dissemi- nated the basest falsehoods."* Out of this difference between the leaders, originally caused by the arrogance of Lord Trimleston, sprang dissensions, recrimination, hostility, and strife, among the great body of the catholics. Lord Taafe made every effort to effect a reconcihation, but completely failed. Lord Trimleston having been entrusted with the public money which had been collected in aid of the catholic movement, the committee now applied for it ; but "the Dictator" would suffer no encroachment on his authority : he refused even to acknowledge communications on the subject, treating the venerable Lord T aafe himself with supercilious contempt. Thus divided among them- selves, the strength of the catholics was broken ; and the breach continuing to widen, the most adverse effects were produced on the ])rogress of the Association. The^ldministration of Lord Halifiix commenced with a mild and encouraging speech from the throne, in which the loyal tmd " O'Conok's llislonj of the Jrish CalhoVcs, \h TriL-o. History of Ireland. 321 peaceful demeanour of the cathoKcs was acknowledged, and tolera- tion was recommended so far as was consistent with the security of the establishment in church and state. The speech, however, proved a false omen ; for the utmost rancom- was displayed' durmg the whole of the session, against the unfortunate catholics! They were yet fated to endure numerous disappointments before they found themselves in the path which conducted towards free- dom. The cathohc body also continued at war among themselves- consequently the influence of the association fell off, and its num- bers gradually declined ; until at length it fell to pieces, after several meffectual struggles, in the year 1763. Still the association had been productive of good : it had given a stimulus to public opinion, and roused up the cathoKcs to ponder over their wrongs and to meditate upon the means of righting them. ' Attempts were made, about this time, to introduce and carry a bill through parhament to enable the catholics to lend money to protestants on mortgages. Prodigality had ruined many of the protestant gentry, and it was considered by many of them a great hardship that they were precluded by law from borrowing money from the cathohc merchants,— at least to be deprived of the power ot granting the slightest real security to the latter. Owing to the necessities of the majority of the house, the heads of a bill were carried in^ spite of opposition, and transmitted to Ens-land for ratification. But Lord Hardwicke suppressed the measure, 'on the ground that the protestant interest would be endangered by the admission of papists to even a temporary possession of any part of the soil. A bill was, however, passed in favour of convert papists," enabling them to secure the -fruits of their apostacy with greater ease and certainty. At the close of the session. Lord Halifax took the opportunity of reproachino- the aristocracy for their cruelty towards the people, and shortly after- wards he left Ireland, followed by the good opinions of almost all classes of the population. The Duke of Northumberland succeeded Lord HaHfax in the government of Ireland. Another attempt was made in the first session under his administration, to enable the catholics to lend their money on landed securities. Mr. Monck Mason, on intro- ducing the bill, stated that " his object was to prevent the papists sending their money out of the kingdom. He stated the cir- culatmg medium at between six and seven hundred thousand pounds Half that sum was the property of the papists, and if sent out of the country, would be attended with ruin. A fall of ^ lands, and a total stagnation of trade, would be the inevitable consequences The Attorney- General Tisdall, in supporting the measure, denied that any great national interests had flowed ^ from the penal code ; and, as to the conversions of papists, it ^; had been miserably inoperative : forty in each year, on an average, was the utmost number that had come over to the established religion 322 History of Ireland. The bill was, however, opposed with great vehemence hj the pro- testant oligarchy, and was ultimately rejected by a large majority. The administration of Lord Townshend forms an epoch m the history of Ireland. It was distinguished by the first infimtesmal measure of parliamentary reform which its legislature had known for nearly a hundred years. The Irish parhament, as we ha e already shown, was the meremockery of a representation; being on y a iobbing aristocracy, banded into different parties, with scarcely any distinction of principle,-the English government usmg their patronage only for the purpose of purchasing a majority, ihe mouths of one party were no sooner stopped by pensions and places, than another rose to exclaim against the profusion of the expendi- ture ; which only led to farther purchases, and further complaints at the burthens of which their own corruption had l^ff^ the prin- cipal cause. This state of things had gradually settled into the promotion of two or three great families of the Insh aristocracy as undertakers for the parliamentary management of the affairs ot the ^ crown,— who, in return for their servile submission to the British supremacy, shared among them all the governnient offices emolu- ments, pensions, and patronage.* In course of time, however this union between the Irish aristocracy and the Enghsh supremacy became destroyed ; and the government resolved to rid themselves of the controul of the ohgarchy at any rate. , Frequent collision had taken place between the "undertakers" and the English governors,— the former not unfrequently proving the victors. At last the " patriots" took up the question ; for they had now been crushed -by the oppressions of the ohgarchy, to an equality oi Tjovertv with the catholics themselves. _ The first measure of reform which they msisted on was a limita- tion of the duration of parliaments to seven yeare, instead ot the seats being held for life, as was then the case. rh«r representa- tives were instructed to support the measure, and a bill foi tlie limitation of parliaments was introduced in Hbl : it was allowed . to pass the commons (being a " protestant" bill), but was defeated in its progress to England, through imderhand machinations,— tlie monarchy and the foi-ms of a free ™^"''''"?'V,'"° °' rt„- mass of the popuhition. had tluT subjected tbemselvcs to an oqvial sbare /j^^^l ^ ^/i^.,^^^^^^^ and oxtin- (Alices, un.l ooi..lcsc.nuli..Kattontu>..s, tbey ^^'O" f '^^^^^^^^^^^^^ tits ' u.oss ed to tbomsolves and guislH.d every spark of hber.y "V'^iu'w ol the com^^^^^^^^ [if ele-tions and n.ono,.o\j their innnediate n tuu.ers the ^^ '"f \f .^^^^^^^^^ Tbev vnled the laws, and paid no pro- of power rend.Mvd ''''ln'<'ndiM t, u,d 11 . U^^^ ^^^^ ^j^,^.,.,^ „0t portion of the taxes. They treated t ^^'^ <| , sv' e n he'v^ry soul of tyranny resided; iu,tho public service— O CoNou's History, v- History of Ireland. ^ S^S members of the house refusing even to present the bill to the Lord Lieutenant. Parliament was immediately denounced by the pro- testant "patriots" out of doors, as a sink of corruption. The merchants and traders of Dublin met, and gave vent to their in- dignation in a series of strong resolutions. It vras, hovs^ever, soon obvious enough that the object of the prOtestants was neither zeal for the purity of parliaments, nor the liberties of the people : it was neither more nor less than the dispossession of the catholic tenantry from the land, in order to make room for protestant free- holders, who would then force them (on the shortening of parlia- ments) to make a more equitable distribution of the public spoil. One of the resolutions of the Dublin protestant merchants suffi- ciently proved this : it called upon the protestants of Ireland to exert themselves in support of the measure, as it would " render the generality of landlords assiduous in procuring protestant tenants^ and by such visible advantages to protestants^ induce catholics to conform." The Irish parliament ingeniously endeavoured to preserve their popularity, and avert the threatened measure. They supported it in public, and assiduously counteracted it in private^ In three suc- cessive parliaments they passed bills for septennial parliaments, taking care to suppress them in the council, and throwing all the odium of their failure on the English government. At the same time, parliament endeavoured to curry favour with the protestant party, by resisting a militia bill proposed by the government, — imputing to the crown the design of establishing a military despot- ism. Thus thwarted in their measures^ and at the same time blamed for resistance to the wishel of the people, the English cabinet determined to circumvent the Irish oligarchy, and to re- establish the authority of the crown in the government of Ireland. The person to whom they entrusted this arduous task was George Viscount Townshend, a nobleman who possessed a large share of those qualities which enabled him to acquire popularity among the protestant aristocracy : — -that is to say, he was fond of wine, women, and debauchery of all sorts, — a bo7i vimnt^ — a wit and humourist, without any^regard to decency — a hearty sportsman — and withal an ardent lover of intrigue. Yet was not this noble lord without some of those higher qualities which fitted him for the eminent office he held. He was famihar, affable, kind, and generous, — and under the disguise of a volatile disposition, concealed great vigour of mind, and considerable talents for statesmanship. But it was the former qualities which attracted the admiration of the Irish aristocracy ; and he soon became popular among them. Part of the scheme of the Enghsh cabinet was that the Lord Lieutenant should reside in Dublin, and himself direct the disposal of places, pensions, and preferments, instead of visiting it, as before, once in two years, leaving its government, in the meanwhile, to lords-justices, chosen from the parliamentary "undertakers," The History of Ireland. influence of these undertakers was to be otherwise undermined ; their inferior dependents were to be corrupted, and the transfer of their allegiance from their former masters to the government, was to be purchased by the united influence of cash and claret. The leaders of the undertakers at length perceived the designs of the lord heutenant showing themselves through all his revelries and debaucheries ; and the man whom they had just been lauding to the skies, they now overwhelmed with their execrations. They combined their forces, and defeated all his measures, denouncing ^ his administration as imbecile, profligate, and infamous in the extreme. Lord Townshend, however, persevered. Whether out of op- position to the protestant ohgarchy, or acting under orders from the Enghsh government, is not ascertained ; but he now devoted himself to protect the catholics against the tyranny of the domi- nant party. One of the chief practical evils now endured by the catholics throughout Ireland, was the iniquitous exaction called quarterage, or intrusion, levied by the municipal corporations, (which were exclusively protestant) upon all cathoHc traders and shopkeepers, and which was apphed to providing "regalia, ensigns, and colours, for the different fraternities, to supporting reduced freemen, to burying the dead, to waiting on the mayor on days of solemnity, and providing anniversary entertainments.^' This badge of servitude, which had been imposed as a right of conquest after the Revolution, was enforced by seizure of goods, imprisonment, assaults, and various other devices of the tormentor. At last, on the accession of George III., the cathohcs in various towns sum- moned up courage to resist the impost, which they did before the local tribunals,* and, strange to say, in several instances were suc- cessful. Petitions immediately poured in from all the protestant corporations in the kingdom, complaining of the insolence of the papists, and of their collecting money to resist these long-estab- lished and legal imposts. The petitions were, of course, believed by the bigoted body to whom they were addressed ; and a bill was prepared and brought in which promised to "revive the drooping and sinking spirits of the protestants," by " confirming the rights of quarterage," and thus " strengthening the protestant interest'' ! The catholics employed skilful lawyers to argue the case before the privy council ; and Lord Townshend, greatly to the mortification of the protestant oligarchy, caused the bill at once to be quashed. * Yov this purpose small sums of money were collected among the catholics, in order to ilefrny neces- sary expenses. Tlie same oontriliiition was made at various Tuture periods, when the interests of the catholics win-e to be d(;ft:nded against tlie government oppressions. A "levy" of a small sum was made ui)()n each eiti/,(Mi.- one hallpenny or one penny, as the occasion might requu-e. These small sums ■were collected into a gi neral fund by a catholic committee, and with this smn they instituted suits, em))loyed lawyers, defendca actions, argued bills before parliament, in the privy council, veat "las of •!„. people to beggary, want, and utter destitution. But no» that History of Ireland. 333 government had virtually ceased, the people began to " help them- selves," and heaven helped them," ere long^ to a share of its choicest blessings. The people,^ however, first applied to the English government for aid, — the government that had midertaken to guide and to govern them, and assumed the power to bind them by its laws. They first asked for a removal of the restrictions on the trade and industry of Ireland. Their petitions, as of old, were unheeded ; several noble lords took up the case of Ireland, and urged it upon the attention of the ministry in the house of peers, but nothing whatever was done for its relief. Though in 1778, Earl Nugent's motion was carried in the Commons, declaring the expediency of removing many of the restrictions which had been imposed on Irish commerce,— no relaxation of the said restrictions took place. For English commercial jealousy was immediately roused, and petitions poured in from the manufacturing towns of Lancashire and the north, deprecating all relaxation of the restrictions upon Irish trade, as ruinous to the commerce and manufactures of Eng- land. The government, which was disposed to pay more attention to the petition of an English village than to the complaints of the entire people of Ireland, sternly resided all measures of inquiry and redress. On Lord Newhaven's motion to enquire into the im- portation of sugar into Ireland from the West Indies, Lord North, the prime minister, came down to the house expressly on purpose to defeat the measure, which was thrown out by a majority of four. Let us not forget to notice, however, that a bill was passed in con- nection with the manufactures of Ireland at this period : we allude to the Export Bill, which allowed Ireland to export to the planta- tions all her manufactures, except woollens and cottons, — that is to say, Ireland was to be permitted to export every thing except her principal produce — ^namely, woollens ! The British merchants were enraged even at the concession, and threatened rebellion in no obscure terms, if ministers persisted in granting measures of this description to Ireland. Mr. Burke was afterwards abused at the Bristol election, for having been a party to this wondrous concession., — which, in fact, was no concession at all, but an insult. The Irish people felt it to be so, and ceased to indulge in any further hopes of justice from England. They were now thrown upon their own resources, fully persuaded that they could only attain their rights by their own exertions. And the crisis of aiFairs was now rapidly approaching. Britain was at this time the sport of her enemies : she was bearded on all sides. The enemy's priva- teers swespt the narrow seas, and captured our vessels in sight of our own coasts. Our armies had been repeatedly beaten by the half-drilled colonists of America ; our navies had been repulsed by France, and the far-famed superiority of Britain had now become a decided inferiority. The high and palmy days of the British fleet were gone, and a hostile squadron rode unopposed in the A a 334 Historii of Ireland. Channel. Spain and Holland had joined France in declaring war against ns ; and Rnssia, Sweden,' and Denmark, formed an armed nentrality, indirectly hostile to onr cause. Added to^ this, the British Treasury was exhausted, the British Ministry was impo- tent, and the British army was alike inadequate for the preserva- tion of the colonies and the defence of the mother country. i At this juncture an invasion was threatened from France. Ire- ; land being 'the point manifestly the most "sadnerable, was the point :| upon which the invasion was almost exclusively expected. Ireland, ^ however, was entirely defenceless. The government was paralysed, j and had no means'^ of meeting the difficulty. At a time when 5 20,000 soldiers were demanded as necessary, they could not muster more than 5,000, and these were inefficient men. The government, in fact, virtually abdicated, and abandoned Ireland to fts fate ; and the country niight have beeen lost, but that the peo- ple in different parts of the country immediately stood up and pre- pared for their own defence. It was the protestants chiefly, who now prepared to defend Ireland. The catholics could "^scarcely yet be expected to bestir themselves heartily in defence of the possessions of their conquerors. Probably the mass of them looked upon the meditated invasion with feelings of hope rather than alarm. The protestants, however, had not such grievances as they to complain of ; and they accord- ingly prepared themselves with spirit, to defend Ireland against the foreio-n enemy. The P-overnment had no alternative but to submit ; and they suifered the people to take their oayu course. Not that they were insensible to the danger of allowing the Irish people to take up arms in the public defence. The oppressor generally stands in dread of the objects of his oppression ; and the British govern- ment felt no small degree of alarm, from the beginning, lest the people of Ireland should use the arms they had taken up, for otlier purposes than the defence of the country from foreign invasion. However, they had no alternative, if they would preserve Ireland as a part of the British dominions ; accordingly they submitted to the necessity with as good grace as they could. The popular movement commenced at Belfast, the protestant city of the north. Eighteen years before, it had been menaced by a French invasion, and was so a second time ; accordingly, the citizens now applied to the government for the means of defence. The answer of Sir Richard Heron, the secretary, was plain and candid. The government could afford them next to no^ help at all ; only sixty troopers could be spared for the defence of the entire North ! ^ But Heron took the opportunity "of applauding the spirit of the inha- bitants of Belfast, who had by this time formed themselves into armed companies for the defence of the town. Such was the com- mencement of the famous Irish Volunteers, and such was the indi- rect approbation given to them by the Irish government. The example of Belfiist soon spread. Public meetings were History of Ireland, 3S5 held throughotit the counties and baronies of the North, and reso- lutions immediately entered into, to form Volunteer Associations. Antrim raised a body of men, at the head of whom Lord Charle ; mont was placed. A strong corps was raised in Dublin, and the command given to the Duke of Leinster — Ireland's only Duke. The county Mayo raised a body of men, which was headed by Lord Altamont. In short, Ireland was stirred by a universal mili- tary enthusiasm. The sound of arms and the beating of drums was heard in every part of the land. Every city, town, and county, poured forth its armed citizens for the public defence, until the whole surface of the island was covered with a self-raised host of patriot soldiers. Even the catholics, in the midst of the enthu- siasm, forgot the protestant enmity of centuries. Though prohi- bited themselves by statute from bearing arms in Ireland, they nevertheless aided, by their money and exhortations, in the forma- tion of Volunteer corps. The catholics of Limerick subscribed £800 to raise men for the national defence, — even though they themselves could not be admitted to their ranks ; and those of Drogheda, Dingle, and other places, made a joyful tender of their property and services in aid of the Volunteer corps formed in their several neighbourhoods. The government looked on in astonishment and alarm at this extraordinary movement ; and secretly did everything that they could to restrain and discourage the formation of Volunteer Asso- ciations. Every hour their numbers swelled, and their aspect grew more formidable ; until the doubt began to exist whether they were not a more dangerous enemy to contend against than the French whom they had risen to resist. But the government was impotent, and could do nothing. Lord Weymouth's advice to the lord-heu- tenant was, " to discourage them (the Volunteers) by all proper and gentle means.'"' Among other methods of restraining and dividing the force, was that of connecting it with the government by granting temporary or local commissions to the officers, — who were not to take rank in the army unless in time of active service, the commissions only being issued when an invasion really took place. Royal commissions were accordingly issued ; but the men refused to enrol themselves under them : they would not volunteer into their corps. They would only serve under the officers in whom they had confidence and whom they themselves had chosen. Men flocked to the standard of the elected officers, while those of the officers appointed by the government remained deserted. The result was, shame and weakness on the part of the authorities, and exultation and increase of strength on the part of the people. Meanwhile, the armed Association, rapidly gained in strength and numbers. The people flocked round the standards raised in every quarter. They assumed various uniforms, — but green, white, scar- let, and blue, were the prevailing colours. At length they began to acquire the appendages and establishments of a regular army, . 836 ' History of Ireland. and consolidated themselves into regiments and brigades. Some procured cannon and field equipages, and formed companies of artillery. No sooner was one corps finished, than another was commenced, until almost every independent protestant in Ireland was enrolled as a patriot soldier ; and the whole body of the catho- lics declared themselves the decided auxiliaries of their armed countrymen.* In little more than a year, the numbers of the Volunteers amounted to forty-two thousand men ; and enrolled amongst them were some, of the leading persons of rank and influence in the country, — the Duke of Leinster, the Earl of Clanricarde, Lord Charlemont, and many more noblemen and gentlemen of great wealth and property. The Volunteers at first provided their own clothing, arms, and accoutrements. A general stock purse was established, to which all voluntarily contributed their share, in proportion to their several abilities. All served voluntarily without pay, the wealthier soldier cheerfully sharing his funds with his poorer comrade. There was no government bribe to allure them to take up arms, and maintain them in their attitude of defence. All was free, generous, incor- ruptible patriotism, — originating in a pure spirit of honour, and an ardent love of country. In course of time, however, as the numbers of the volunteers swelled, and as the dangers of the anticipated invasion increased, it was found impossible to procure a sufficient supply of arms by purchase, they had only one course left — namely, to ask them from government. They did so, and the government did not think it safe to refuse the demand. The privy council met, and an order was issued to give out arms to the people through the governors of the several counties. Twenty thousand stand of arms were ac- cordingly handed out from the castle of Dublin — the government trembling at the probable consequences of the act. But the enemy were almost on the shores of Ireland, and they had no time to hesitate. The equipment of this extraordinary national force was now complete ; and they forthmth applied themselves to the acquire- ment of a knowledge of military tactics. Though military organi- zation, as it is usually known, was, in the case of the Volunteers, entirely inverted — the privates clioosing the officers, and all serving voluntarily and without pay, — ^yet the subordination and obedience of the men to their superiors were as complete as if they had been under the strictest military law. The rules of discipline were im- plicitly adopted by general consent ; and that passive obedience which, in regular armies, is enforced by punishment, among the patriot Volunteers of Ireland, was eifected by the sense of duty and honour. * Sir Jonah Barrington's Rise and Fall of Ihc Irish Nation, new ed., p. 78. Hktory of Ireland. The return of many veteran soldiers to Ireland, about this time, from the American war, — in which they had suffered from wounds and disease, — was hailed by the Volunteers with delight. Their aid was courted, and their instructions eagerly sought after, by the country bodies ; and, ere long, under their experience, discipline advanced with rapid strides. Their example, in conversation and manner, became speedily infused into the minds of their pupils ; and the military zeal soon embraced all classes of the population. The essentially Democratic constitution of the Volunteer bodies, is worthy of especial notice. The officers of the several corps all owed their rank to the free suffrages of the men, who cashiered them, when occasion required, for misconduct or incapacity. The privates elected their own officers, even the very highest. The selections of officers made by the body embraced the highest and most distinguished characters in the kingdom ; who were generally selected for their popularity and independence in their respective districts. At first the several corps were totally distinct, and unconnected with each other^ But by degrees they became consolidated into one body, when they immediately acquired the irresistible impulse of a co-operating power. They then brought their immense weight to bear on the public questions of the day, and this they did mainly by means of their national Convention, or assembly, held in Dublin o In the constitution of this powerful body, the democratic principle was throughout strictly preserved. The Delegates of which it was composed were elected by universal, or manhood suffrage. Every soldier had a vote, and the highest officers in the service had no more. At the same time, each of the four provinces of Ireland had its provincial assembly, composed of delegates from all the towns or places in which associate bodies were formed. Such was the constitution of the Irish Armed Volunteers — one of the most purely democratic bodies which the world has ever witnessed.* Jeremy Bentham, in his tract Radicalism not Dangerous^"" instances the constitution of the Irish Volunteers as purely democratic throughout, and he adduces their conduct as a striking instance of the safety and the advantages of granting the people Universal Suffrage, After detailing the constitution of the body, he observes : — "Sucli being for five years together tbe effect of the volunteer system — of the will of the people manifesting itself on the principle of universal suffrage — in a word, of democratic ascendancy substituted to a mixture of monar- chical and aristocratical ascendancy under a foreign monarch, and calling itself Protestant Ascen-. dancy because it was by protestant hands that the tyranny was exercised — such being the naturo of the powerful influence exercised by the body of the people on the conduct of the govern- ment— -what Avere the results ? Subversion of the rights of property? No such thing. Subversion of the constitution ? No such thing. In the constitution of the kingdom of Ireland, a change was indeed efl'ected. But even on the occasion on which it was effected, numerous as were the authorities without the concurrence of which the change neither was nor could have been effected, ample in every case was the applause bestowed upon it. Scarcely in any one was an objection made to it— nor has so much as ttie shadow of an objection been raised against it since. The only flagrantly bad point removed, all the other points, good and bad together, continued as before, ° Such being the institution-.democratic ascendancy — behold its fruits : tranquillity, horrr morality, felicity, unexampled. Such as they were — behold another miracle— by the cvif; ; o of all parties in one voice, their existence was acknowledged. People's men triumphed in golden age, and recorded it. Aristocratic Whigs, even after they had succeeded in destro y — in subsiituting to it the iron age — trumpeted it, calling it their own work. So consi"! was it — so incontestable, that not even could the most zealous monarchists and Tories confessing its existence.— New edition of Bentham's Works, Part X., p. 615, History of Ireland. The associations had scarcely been formed throughout the country, ere they began to turn their attention to the subject of national improvement and regeneration. The long-continued dis- tress of the people stimulated them to the discussion of political questions, and especially to inquiries into the sources of their grievances. At every public meeting these topics were fearlessly discussed; for there was no strong government now to overawe the timid or strike down the honest and out-spoken. The principles of liberty, and the rights of citizens, soon became familiar topics among all ranks. The press fanned the kindling flame, and an enthusiasm in favour of liberty at length animated the entire nation. From speaking of their grievances, the Volunteers next proceeded to take the necessary steps towards redressing them. Among the most obvious causes of the distress of Ireland and the non-employment of her people, were the odious restrictions which the English government had from time to time laid upon Irish manufactures. Against them Swift had levelled the shafts of his satire, recommending the Irish to patronize their own manufac- tures, and refuse to use goods imported from England. In this he had failed, because there was no organised people to act upon his recommendation. The English manufacturers accordingly continued to inundate the Irish market with their goods, bearing down all competition on the part of the native manufacturers, who had to struggle under all manner of restrictions. But no sooner had the Volunteers become organised, and the patriotic spirit been effec- tually roused, than the recommendation of Dean Swift was again revived, and the associations determined to adopt a non-importation and non-consumption agreement throughout the whole kingdom. No sooner was this measure proposed, than it was at once adopted, and being sanctioned by the leading men of the country, it made great and rapid progress. The grand juries of Cavan, Carlow, Kilkenny, and many other counties, passed strong resolu- tions in its favour. Many of the country gentry also met publicly and signed declarations, that in consequence of the distress of the nation, the unjust exclusion of Ireland from trade, and the injurious and restrictive commercial reg-ulations, they would not use imported goods, but consume their domestic manufactures, and that this declaration should be considered in force so long as the country remained excluded from participation in commerce. To these declarations many of the leading nobility in Ireland at once affixed their names, and they were subsequently adopted by numerous pub- lic meetings. The manufacturing and commercial bodies, the wholesale and retail traders, the merchants and shopkeepers of all kinds throughout the kingdom, also hastened to adopt the same vigorous resolutions, and the people signified thpir assent to them by universal acclamations. ^ The City of Dublin confirmed the determination of the country. A public meeting was convened by the High Sheriffs, and resolu- History of Ireland. 839 tions were proposed and entered into by the whole metropolis, con- summating the measures already adopted by the provinces. The following resolution, among others, was unanimously agreed to : — " That we will not, from the date hereof, until the grievances of this coimtry shall be removed^ directly or indirectly import or con- sume ANY of the manufactures of Great Britain ; nor will we deal with any merchant, or shopkeeper, who shall import such manu- factures ; and that we recommend an adoption of a similar agree- ment to all our countrymen who regard the commerce and constitu- tion of this country." These resolutions were rigorously enforced, and the consumption of Irish manufactures accordingly steadily increased, while those imported from Britain proportionally fell off. It remains for us, before concluding this chapter, to notice the important moral influence of this patriotic movement, on the Irish people. The most extraordinary change took place in their charac- ter. They became almost of a sudden, thoughtful, sober, respect- ful, and peaceable. Decorum in manners kept pace with the best charities of life ; crime was discountenanced though there was no police, and law was reverenced though there was no government. Agrarian outrage completely ceased. The poor oppressed cathoHc now dreamt of deliverance, and was satisfied ; the famished beggar looked up from his crust moistened with tears, and hoped ! The long-looked for relief was about to come at last, — and all waited on joyfully and peacefully. Never did Ireland know such tranquilKty and content. A visible improvement was also soon observable in the external appearance of the people. The slovenly air and squaUd gait of the Irish farmer gave place to neatness and cleanliness of dress, the result of military example and discipline. The wide distinction between ranks being in a great measure removed, the Volunteer pri- vate sitting down with the Volunteer general at the same board — the tone of manners and conversation became elevated, the minds of all acquired both strength and polish by exercise, and the improvement soon extended itself throughout all classes and conditions of the people. The public morals improved ; the public knowledge ex- tended ; and the public virtue never shone so brilliant and untar- nished, as during the existence of the Volunteer Army, raised and maintained for the defence and regeneration of Ireland. 340 Histot'y of Ireland, CHAPTER XXXIII. The Irish Parliament of 1779-80 — Favourable to popular rights — Causes of the change — Henry Grattan — Henry Flood — Grattan and Flood conapared — Walter Hussey Burgh — Barry Yelverton — Mr.Pery— Mr. Fitzgibbon, &c,— Meeting of Parliament — Mr. Grattan's amendment to the Address — Mr. Burgh's amendment in favour of " Free Trade" adopted and. carried — Enthusiasm of the House — Rejoicings of the Volunteers — The Commons refuse new taxes, and long supplies — Mr. Burgh's brilliant speech — Demonstration of the Volunteers — Lord North's concessions — The Irish people press for ulterior measures — A free Parlia- ment demanded — Public meetings held throughout Ireland— Startling resolu- tions — Mr. Grattan moves for a Declaration of Rights — Is defeated— Mutiny Bill — Progress of the Volunteers— Earl of Charlemont chosen Commander-in- Chief — His Character. The Session of the Irish Parliament which commenced on the ISth of October, 1779, was probably the most memorable in the his- tory of Ireland. It formed the commencement of that short bright period of national glory, during which the right of Ireland to a legislative independence of the English Parliament, was successfully asserted, and Ireland for a time recovered a place among civilized nations. Circumstances had long been preparing the way for the great move- ment which was now stirring among the Irish people, and had at length penetrated into the Irish legislature itself. The early labours of Molyneux, Swift, and Lucas ; the struggles between the English asceridancy and the Irish " patriots,^"* during which the people had been familiarized with discussion, and enlightened on many topics of public interest ; the passing of the Octennial bill, which emancipated the House of Commons from the controul of the " undertakers," and introduced an entirely new class of men into the legislature ; the rapid progress of domestic civilization ; the stirring agitation of first principles then going forward over the continent of Europe ; and finally, the rousing events connected with the progress of the American revolution; — all tended to stir up the Irish people to the assertion of their independence at this important juncture. The Irish parliament also, for the first time since Ireland had been brought under English rule, began to sympathize with the nation, to imbibe its patriotism, and to lead it onward in its strug- gles for liberty. The moment was one of general awakenment ; even the " undertakers" of the old parliament now became patriots, and some of the most strenuous assertors of the rights of the peo- ple were found among their ranks. What was still more remark- able — the patriotic movement of this period originated exclusively among the Protestant party — a party that for two hundred years had been the invariable persecutors of the Irish nation ! The time was also prolific in great men, — possessed of eminent capacities and noble aspirations, — who at once sprang into the front I History of Ireland. 341 of the popular movement, and gave the tone to public opinion. Probably there never was a period when such a constella- tion of brilliant talent, genius, and patriotism burst forth,\as during the memorable session of 1779, of the Irish Parliament. The names of Grattan, Flood, Burgh, Yelverton, Bushe, Pery, Daly, Forbes, and their compatriots, present a galaxy of illustrious ability, such as, perhaps, scarcely any other country besides Ire- land can boast. The only corresponding period in the history of England, is that of the Commonwealth,— when Pym, Vane, Hampden, HolUs, Cromwell, and the rest, stood forward and put themselves at the head of the Enghsh nation in their struggles against despotic power. Nature would thus seem to produce her great men at given periods, with an extraordinary prodigality, as if for the specific purpose of carrying on the great work of national emancipation. Henry Grattan entered paiiiament in December, 1775, as representative of the borough of Charlemont; and soon distinguished himself by his devotion to the cause of Ireland. It would not be easy to point out a statesman of any age or country, whose repu- tation stands on a broader and firmer basis, than that of the illus- trious Grattan. His patriotism was purity itself, from the moment that he entered pubhc life until he quitted it for ever. Placed by the gratitude of his country in a position of independence, he conti- nued through life, to devote his noble talents to its service, through good and through evil report — amid the praises of the good and the denunciations of the unprincipled and the factious. To speak of Mr. Grattan's intellectual powers, would be a work of supererogation. They were of the very highest order — varied, acute, brilHant, and profound. His eloquence was splendid, exhi- biting a solid strength of reasoning, a brilliancy of illustration, a keenness of invective, and a felicity in epigram and point, which placed him in the very foremost rank of orators. Lord Brougham has said* that Dante himself never conjured up a striking, a pathetic, and an appropriate image in fewer words than Mr. Grattan employed to describe his relation towards Irish Independence, when alluding to its rise in 1782, and its fall twenty years later, he said, " I sat by its cradle — I followed its hearse.'''' Henry Flood — on many occasions the rival of Mr. Grattan—- was perhaps the greatest of all the distinguished men of his time. He was decidedly the greatest as a statesman and a senator. Far- seeing and sagacious, he was at the same time resolute and uncom- promising in the assertion of principles. To a profound knowledge of human nature, he joined extensive information, and great solidity of judgment. He was an indefatigable member of parliament — active, ardent, industrious, and persevering. Though defeated, he returned to the attack again and again, — ^never allowing himself to be cast down by overwhelming majorities against him. In powers * Lord Brougham's Speeches. 342 History of Ireland. of retort, of insinuation, and of itivective, he was never excelled. When excited by opposition, his spirit rose in proportion, and he bore down all before him — speaking in reply, always with masterly ability. He was invariably ready and prepared, and was never found off his guard. In logic he was unrivalled. His literary taste was also highly cultivated, and his mind amply stofed with knowledge and information on all subjects. Mr. Flood entered parliament during the administration of the Earl of Halifax, and immediately took the side of the popular party. The first occasion on which he spoke was in 1763, on the motion of Dr. Lucas, when he introduced the bill for shortening the duration of parliaments. Mr. Flood gave the measure through- out, his most animated and eloquent support, and its final success was greatly owing to his exertions. He also exposed the abuses of Lord Townshend's administration with great vehemence, both in Parliament and the press. At length, however, he became dissa- tisfied ; his sanguine mind longed for some substantial improvement for his country ; and, believing that nothing could de done for Ireland but through the government, in an unlucky hour he took ofiice as Vice-Treasurer. Flood, however, found himself com- pletely out of his element : and he again joined the opposition so soon as he saw the prospects opening up, of emancipation for i Ireland. Subsequently to this period, the name of Henry Flood is associated with the brightest periods of Irish history. Sir Jonah Barrington, who was intimately acquainted with both Flood and Grattan, and had opportunities of watching them during nearly the whole of their career, has drawn the following striking com^Darison of the two leaders : — " Mr. Flood had become most prominent amongst the Irish patriots. He was a man of profound abilities, high manners, and great experience in the affairs of Ire- land. He had deep information, an extensive capacity, and a solid judgment. His experience made him sceptical — Mr. Grattan's honesty made him credulous. Mr. Grattan was a great patriot — Mr. Flood was a great statesman. The first was qualified to achieve the liberties of a country — the latter to disentangle a com- plicated constitution. Grattan was the more brilliant man — Flood the abler senator. Flood was the wiser politician — Grattan was the purer. The one used more logic — the other made more proselytes. Unrivalled, save by each other, they were equal in their fortitude ; but Grattan was the more impetuous. Flood had qualities for a great prince — Grattan for a virtuous one ; and a combination of both would have made a glorious monarch. They were great enough to be in contest; but they were not great enough to be in harmony ; both were too proud ; but neither had sufficient magnanimity to merge liis jealousies in the cause of his country."* " Sir Jonah JUhrinuton's Rise and Fall of the Irish yution. New cd. p. 3-5. Hlctory of Ireland. 343 Walter Hussey Burgh was another of the distinguished and eloquent men of this period. He entered parHament under the auspices of the Duke of Leinster, and immediately joined the op- position against the administration of Lord Townshend. ^ He accepted the office of Prime Serjeant under the administration of Lord Buckinghamsiire ; but, like most of the other great men of the time, he abandoned office when he found that his doing so would promote the liberties of his country. The manner in which he threw himself into the popular ranks will be hereafter noticed. On that occasion it was beautifully remarked by Mr. Grattan, that "the gates of promotion were shut, as those of glory opened." Mr. Burgh was one of the most brilHant and effective speakers in the house. He was highly polished in his manner, and rather showy. Admirable in reply, skilful in fence, and highly graceful in style, his admirers styled him " the Cicero of the senate." He was a man of incorruptible principles, and an ardent lover of his country. Mr. Flood, on the occasion of his death, described him thus:— "A man dead to everything but his own honour and the grateful memory of his country — a man over whose life or grave envy never hovered — a man ardently wishing to serve his country himself, but not wishing to monopolize the public service — wishing to partake and communicate glory, — ^my noble friend— I beg par- don : he did not live to be ennobled by patent ; he was ennobled by nature." Barry Yelverton, afterwards Lord Avonmore, was one of the most powerful speakers of his day ;— not so profound and logical as Flood, nor so brilliant and antithetical as Grattan, nor so rhe- torical as Burgh,— but combining much of the powers of all three, and as effective a debater as any of them. He had a quick apprehension, a nice tact, and withal . a vigorous understanding, which served him ably in argument. Mr. Grattan compared his speeches to the Atlantic wave, three thousand miles in depth. In the early period of his career, he stood boldly forward on the side of the people, — delivering a bold and eloquent speech against send- ing out troops from Ireland to America, and another in support of the Catholic Bill, in which he vehemently denounced the penal laws. He afterwards, however, abandoned the popular cause, and was one of the sellers of Ireland at the Union. Edmund Sexton Pery, Speaker of the House of Commons, and afterwards Lord Pery, entered parliament in 1751, and was engaged in most of the subsequent contests between the govern- ment and the " patriot" party. In the celebrated contest of 1753, he acted with the government, then led by Primate Stone. Mr. Pery, however, shortly afterwards entered the opposition, and became the leader of what was called " the Flying Squadron," which sometimes joined the com't, and sometimes the opposition, according to circumstances. As th^prospects of Ireland opened up, Pery threw himself heartily into the cause of the people ; and Iltstori/ of Ireland. was instrumental in bringing forward and carrying many practical measures of improvement of great value. He laid the foundation of Ireland's Freedom of Trade, and on tlie questions of Cotu Laws, the Tenantry Bill, the Tithe Bill, and the Independence of the Irish Parliament, he was always on the side of Ireland. It was he who advised the government to give ouifarms to the Volun- teers, and the government, highly respecting his advice, did so. All parties had confidence in the thorough honesty of Pery : his character was transparent : there was not a particle of deceit in his whole constitution. As a speaker, he was of great excellence. Composed, grave, sincere, and dignified, he never failed to com- mand the attention of his auditors. His conduct as Speaker of the House of Commons was considered to be a model, by the celebra- ted Charles James Fox. He treated all with equal respect, encouragement, and attention. John Fitzgibbon, afterwards Earl of Clare, and Lord High Chancellor of Ireland, was a very different character from any of the men above noticed. Like them, it is true, he took the side of the Irish nation at the period of its resuscitation ; but he basely deserted it in the horn- of its trial, and contributed to bring it to an imtimely grave. He was a man of brilliant talents, but they were given to him as a curse, for he employed them for the humiliation and ultimate enslavement of his country. Yet was he first known to Ireland, as one of its foremost patriots — ^bold, zealous, and un- compromising. It was the same Fitzgibbon who, in 1782, pro- claimed in his place in the House of Commons, the legislative independence of Ireland, that in a few years after trampled on her liberties, and traitorously sold her constitution. He reared his fortunes on the disasters of his country, and his career was only consummated when he saw her ruin to be complete. Never was a more withering- sarcasm pronounced, nor one more strikingly true to its point, than that of Mr. Yelverton, who, on one occasion, in defending his absent friend, Mr. Grattan, from the attacks of Pitzgibbon, by stating what the former was not, strikingly described what the latter teas. " The learned gentleman," said Mr. Yelver- ton, "has stated w^hat Mr. Grattan is : I will state what he is not. He is not Jia:ed in his prejudices ; he does not trample on the resusci- tation of his country^ or live like a catterpillar on the decline of her prosperity ; he does not stickle for the letter of the constitution u'ith the affectation of a prude, and abandon its principles icith the effrontery of a prostitute Among the other men who distinguished themselves in the par- liament of 1779, Dennis Daly is worthy of particular notice. He was an effective speaker — a strenuous advocate of free trade - an ardent friend of the catholics. Protection of the Aveak and the oiipressed seemed to form part of his nature. But he was rather to nuich of an ai istocrat, and aBfcid of extending power to the people History of Ireland. 345 When he accepted officehe ceased to speak in the House of Commons.*' — Gervase Paeker Bushe was another of the superior men of his day. He early distinguished himself by his opposition to the American war ; and afterwards greatly aided the patriots, though he had joined the court party, and held office under the govern- ment. — John Forbes was a singularly bold, undaunted, and high- principled member of parliament. On more than one occasion he stood between the government and the people, when the newly- found rights of the latter were threatened. He supported all questions regarding Irish freedom with consummate ability. — -John Hely Hutchison was another courageous and high-minded advocate of public liberty, though he held office as Prime Sergeant under Lord Townshend's administration. When the popular cause rose, he strenuously supported all the great measures of the day. He was, however, much less popular than his compatriots, because of his hankering attachment to office, which he held under various administrations. These are only a few of the great men of this era. There were also many other distinguished names — such as ' Brownlow, Connolly, Ponsonby, Cavendish, the Earl of Charlemont, the Duke of Leinster, the Bishop of Derry, Doctor Duigenan, Cur- ran, &c.— which will more properly fall to be noticed in the subse- quent parts of this history. The time for the opening of the Irish Parliament at length arrived — the twelfth day of October, 1779. All parties looked forward to its meeting' with anxiety — the country with hope, the government with apprehension. The general adoption of resolu- tions for the exclusive use of Irish manufacture throughout the country, as well as the unprecedentedly bold tone assumed by some members during the last session, had created considerable appre- hension in the mind of the British minister, as to the result of the approaching session ; and the lord-lieutenant was ordered to open Parliament with a conciliatory speech, alluding to his Majesty's liberal views and sentiments, but specifying no particular measure of improvement. To this the assent of some of the members of the opposition had been obtained, and they had promised — Mr. Yel- verton and his friends among the rest — that they would not oppose the government in the reply to the address. * paly is said to have had a remarkable knowledge of men, which enabled him almost to exercise a kind of prophecy. Mr. Grattaa, jun., M.P., in the Memoirs of his father, mentions the following instance : There was a dinner at Mr, Hobart's in 1785, in the Duke of Rutland's time, where Mr. Daly, Mr. Grattan, Mr. Fitzgibbon, and others met. The opposition had gained a great point at that time ; the propositions had been ceded ; England had yielded fairly and justly; and the party were in high spirits, very joyous, and greatly elated with their victory. Some of the company alluded to a union, and Fitzgibbon exclaimed, in an exulting tone, " Who will dare to talk of a Union now ? If such a thing was proposed to me, I would fling my office in the man's face." The company were very gay, and when Fitzgibbon retired Daly said, " That is the man who would support it — that little man who kas talked so big, would vote for a union — aye, to-morrow." 346 History of Ireland. But Mr. Grattan and his friends were resolved to insist upon some definite measures of improvement for the country. The days of concealment of opinion, merely out of regard to the repose of Ministers had passed away ; and the time had now arrived for pres- sing sound principles and practice upon the notice of the govern- ment. Mr. Grattan and Mr. Daly resolved to take the first oppor- tunity of carrying out this honest policy ; and, with the view of preparing an address, and agreeing ahout the tactics to be pursued on the occasion of proposing it, they appointed a meeting at Bray, a small town on the sea coast, about ten miles from DubKn. The plan was resolved upon as they sat by the sea shore — the means which were to emancipate Ireland from an ignominious bondage, were appropriately enough devised and matured in full view of the great highway of liberty to all nations ! Mr Grattan and Mr. Daly had each drawn up an address. Mr. Daly's had been submitted to the scrutiny of Mr. Pery, the speaker, who had made some alterations in his own handwriting. Mr. Grattan, when he detected this, at once adopted it in prefer- ence to his own. At the same time, communications had taken place between Mr. Hussey Burgh and Mr. Henry Flood, which gave rise to the amendment afterwards proposed by Mr. Burgh. At length parliament assembled, and the ominous moment ap- proached that was to decide the fate of the Irish parliament, and to^ a great extent that of the Irish people. The house was crowded with listeners, and the excited looks, the anxious whisperings, and eager communications, which passed from side to side of the house, showed that some movement of an extraordinary kind was on foot. The lord-lieutenanfs speech contained the usual num- ber of formal, ambiguous phrases ; to which the address, proposed in the Commons by Sir Robert Deane, was the usual echo. A long pause succeeded, and then there was observed an unusual com- munication between the ministerial and the opposition side of the house. At length Mr. Grattan rose, and in an eloquent speech proposed the following amendment : — " That we beseech 3-our Majesty to believe, that it is with the utmost reluctance we are constrained to approach you on the present occasion ; but the constant drain to supply absentees, and the unfortunate prohibition of our trade, have caused such calamity, that the natural support of our country has decayed, and our manufiicturei s are dying for want ; famine stalks hand in hand with hopeless wretchedness ; and the only means left to support the expiring trade of this miserable part of your Majesty's dominions, is to open a five export trade, and let your Irish subjects enjoy their natural l)irthrigbt." The amendment was seconded by Lord Wcstport.' The ministerial ])arty were contbundod : they bad no means of defence, — yet tlu^y endeavoured to get rid of the dilRculty, by offer- ing to introduce into the address some general expression as to the trade of Ireland, Sir Henry Cavendish suggesting that they might History of Ireland. propose " something more orderly in tke house and more gracious to the sovereign." But the opposition was not to be so deceived. They had resolved on the full assertion of their rights, and the die was now cast. Mr. Flood, Mr. Bushe, Mr. Forbes, and others followed in support of Mr. Grattan's amendment ; and, what was the most extraordinary, Mr. Hussey Burgh, the prime Serjeant, rose and spoke strongly in favour of the principle, declaring that if the preamble was somewhat altered he would ills to Repeal the Act 6 George I., &c., carried — The Incom- pleteness of the Revolution — Positiim of the Catholics — The Nature and Extent of the Political Changes of 17«2. Pakt.i AiMKN'r again o[)eiied on tlie 9tli of October, 1791, with a new Viceroy and a new Secretary, — the I^arl of Carlisle and Mr. Kden. As Lord Buckinuhain had been reealle 1 for his hMiity to " History of Ireland. ^55 the Irlsli patriots, a more vigorous resistance was of course to be expected from the minister appointed in his stead. Accordmg^y, the session commenced with the mosf^igorous resistance to all popular measures. The ministerial majority negatived every reso- lution for a declaration of rights, and every motion for givmg Ireland the full benefit of the British Constitution. The violence and corruption of the government again bore down all opposition ; the press was bribed to write against the public liberties; and parliament was bought, coerced, and intimidated into the support of the government measures. Mr. Flood had by this time abandoned the government, and resigned his situation as Vice-Treasurer. He was now on the side of the patriots, fighting up the great popular questions of the day, with very small minorities. So soon as Flood left the ministry, they dismissed him from his seat at the council board, at which he was justly indignant,— declaring in parliament, that "he was dis- missed from his office for his parhamentary conduct,—- not by Ins sovereign, but by men who had disgraced his councils." ^ All the measures proposed by Mr. Grattan and Mr. Flood, durmg this session, were defeated. Their resolutions in reference to the Mutiny Bill, to Poyning's law, and the dependence of Ireland on the Enghsh parhament, to the trade of Ireland with Portugal, (where the linen manufactures of Irish merchants had been seized, it was supposed by the connivance of the English government),— their resolutions on these subjects were all rejected. The only measures of public benefit, which were allowed to pass the house during the session, were the Habeas Corpus Bill, and the Roman Catholic Bill introduced by Mr. Gardiner, for restoring to the Cathohcs the enjoyment of property, the free exercise of their reli- gion, education, marriage, and self-defence. The latter bill, how- ever, did not pass into a law until after the dissolution of the CarKsle ministry, and the recovery of the independence of the Irish con- stitution. ^ Meanwhile, the Volunteers were not idle out ot doors. ^ I hey held meetings, discussed their grievances, and resolved, having the poweif in their hands, to redress them. Parhament had refused to grant a Declaration of Rights ; the Volunteers were determined to supply the defect. They perceived that so long as Ireland lay at the mercy of the English government,— so loDg as the judges were dependant on the crown, the army in Ireland independent of the Irish Parhament, and the Irish Parhament irresponsible to the mass of the people, — there was no security whatever for their rights and privileges. For the purpose of collecting the opinions of the armed Volun- teers on the subject of a Declaration of Rights for Ireland, delegates from all the corps were elected, and met, embodying their views in resolutions, which were afterwards published. These delegate meetings, first confined to districts, next extended them- 356 History of Irdand. selves to counties, thence to provinces, until at length they embraced the entire nation. The celebrated Convention held at Dungannon in the beginning of the year 1782, exercised a great influence upon the affairs of Ireland, and gave the tone to public opinion for some time to come. It was originated by the first Ulster regiment, commanded by Lord Charlemont : the officers and delegates had met and passed resolu- tions declaring that they beheld with the utmost concern the little attention paid to the constitutional rights of Ireland, by the majority of those whose duty it was to establish and preserve them, and inviting every Volunteer Association in Ulster to send delegates to a central body to deliberate on the alarming state of public affairs. Dungannon was fixed as the place of meeting, which was held on the 15th of February, 1782. The meeting of the Delegates was an imposing sight. Two hundred and forty-two men, many of whom were as remarkable for their splendid talents as for their ardent attachment to the liberties of Ireland, met on that day in the Church of Dungannon, the representatives of twenty-five thousand of their armed fellow- countrymen. They marched to the solemn place of meeting, two and two, clothed in the uniform and armed with the arms of their respective regiments. The momentous interests about which they had met, the consequences involved in the steps which they were taking, and the measures they were about to originate, invested the meeting with a character of imwonted awe and solemnity. The utmost stillness for a time pervaded the meeting, and it is said that " many of those men who were ready in a moment to shed the last droi3 of their blood in the cause of their country, as soldiers, were softened into tears, while contemplatingly they surveyed that assembly, in which they were about to pledge themselves to measures irrevocably committing Ireland with her sister nation, — the result of which must determine the future fate of themselves, their children, and their country."* The meeting deliberated from twelve o'clock till eight in the evening ; and the tenor of their deliberations will be best under- stood from the following series of resolutions which were unani- mously passed : they had been previously prepared by Mr. Grattan, Mr. Flood, and Lord Charlemont : — " Whereas it has been asserted that Volunteers, as such, cannot with propriety debate or give their opinion on political subjects, or the conduct of parliaments or public men ; — " Resolved unanimously, — That a citizen by learning the use of arms, does not abandon any of his civil rights. " That a claim of any body of men, other than tlie King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, to make laws to bind this king- dom, is unconstitutional illegal^ and a yrievancc. f^jK Jonah nAnniNoroN. History of Ireland. Sol " That tlie power exercised by the Privy Council of both king- doms, under pretence of the law of Poyning, is unconstitutional, and a grievance. n c - " That the ports of this country are by right open to all foreign countries not at war with the king, and that any burthens there- upon, or obstruction thereto, save only by the parhament of Ireland, are unconstitutional^ illegal, and grievances. "That a military bill, not limited in point of duration from session to session, is unconstitutional, and a grievance. " That the independence of judges is equally essential to the impartial administration of justice in Ireland, as in England, and that the refusal or delay of this right to Ireland, makes a dis- tinction where there should be no distinction, may excite jealousy where perfect union should prevail, and is in itself uncofistitutional, and a grievance. That it is our decided and unalterable determination to seek a redress of these grievances, and we pledge ourselves to each other, and to our country, as freeholders, fellow-citizens, and men of honour, that we will at every ensuing election support those only who have supported us therein, and that we will use every con- stitutional means to make such our pursuit of redress speedy and effectual. " That as men and Irishmen, as Christians, and as Protestants, we rejoice in the relaxation of the penal laws against our Roman Catholic fellow-subjects, and that we conceive the measure to be fraught with the happiest consequences, to the union and prosperity of the inhabitants of Ireland. "That four members from each county of the province of Ulster (eleven to be a quorum) be, and hereby are appointed a committee till next general meeting, to act for the volunteer corps here represented, and as occasion shall require, to call general meetings of the province. That the said committee do appoint nine of their number to be a committee in Dubhn, in order to com- municate with such other Volunteer Associations, in the other provinces, as may think proper to come to similar resolutions, and to deliberate with them on the most constitutional means of carry- ing them into effect." Having passed these bold resolutions, and transacted other business connected with their meeting, the Delegates separated, leaving the country to pronounce judgment on their decisions. And the pubhc approbation, expressed in the most emphatic man- ner, soon followed. The resolutions were everywhere read with avidity, and the spirit in which they were couched spread like wildfire over all Ireland. They were adopted by meetings of Volunteers, by meetings of freeholders, and by grand juries of counties. They were also adopted by delegate meetings of the Volunteers of Leinster, Munster, and Connaught. At these meetings, the usurped supremacy of the English crown over 358 History of Ireland, Ireland was boldly canvassed. " Poyning's Law,'' tlie parent of all Irish legislative grievances, — and the statute of George I., declaratory of the legislative supremacy of the British Parliament over Ireland, — were unanimously denounced everywhere ; and resolutions were passed by the Volunteers, exphcitly declaring " that no earthly authority, save the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland, had power to make laws for their country — and that they would resist^ with their lives and fortunes^ the execution of all British statutes^ affecting to hind the independent Kingdom of Ireland!'^ The entire kingdom was now unanimous in the assertion of its independence ; and the only question was, as to the manner of resisting the judicial and legislative authority of England. The Volunteers were not slow to perceive that the time was auspicious ; for Great Britain was now in a state of unprecedented embarrass- ment ; her army, under Cornwallis, had been made prisoners by the Americans ; " the enemy's fleets hovered around the British shores, and armed convoys were now deemed necessary for vessels trading between England and Ireland. There was no force in the latter country to resist the will of the Volunteers ; who now comprehended the entire physical strength of Ireland.* Even the Enghsh fleets and armies were crowded with Irishmen, who, in a period of great national fervour, could scarcely be expected to act against their own countrymen. At such a time, even bayonets are governed by principles ; and physical force succumbs to the moral will and intelhgence of a people. The Volunteers were also urged to promptitude by the con- sideration that if advantage were 'not now taken of the embarrassed condition of England, they might lose all the ground they had already gained, so soon as she recovered her power and deemed herself strong enough to re-assert her dominion over Ireland. Thus stimulated, a large portion of the Volunteers prepared for at once throwing olf the authority of England, and resisting it by arms if sought to be further enforced upon'-them. At the head of this party was the Bishop of Derry, one of the most zealous and determined champions of Irish independence. Strange to say, this champion was an Englishman, and an English Peer, of large property and fortune. He sat in thq. House of Lords under the title of Earl of Bristol. He was bold, enterprising, and probably ambitious ; and his spirit had been fired by the ardent patriotism which everywhere existed around hinu He was opposed to all temporising measures, and urged that the Volunteers should strike while the iron was liot. There was no power to resist them ; and * The nuinhcr of t-Tiiolkul and iiniied Volunteers at tlie time ^vas not less than onk uundrkd TUousANi). They liad, in achlition, 200 pieces of cannon, wliich were served by an eU'ective and disciplined corps. Had tlieie been arms in the country for all Avho were anxious to bear them, nbovo 400,000 flfcctivi! men would have come forward. To oppose the Volunteers (in event of a collision) the government had only (5,000 regular troops. The armed physical torco ot frehi^d nuiy therefore with perfect trutli be said to have been ou the side of the popular party. History of Ireland. 359 tlie Eiiglisli government would be obliged to yield to all tlieir just demands. On the other hand, he alleged that delay would only serve to prostrate them completely at the feet of the British minister. * Timidity, caution, and policy, here stepped in to counteract the designs of the daring prelate. Lord Charlemont, the Duke of Leinster, and the other Whig leaders, were alarmed at the bold- ness of his views, and sought by every means to counteract them. The commanding position of these noblemen enabled them to direct the movement to suit their own views. The policy of the Bishop of Derry was by them decidedly discountenanced ; and the temporising, cautious policy continued to be persevered in. Parliament now met, and, fortified by the bold proceedings of the Volunteers, the independent members prepared to recommence their efforts with increased vigour. A more independent spirit now began to appear among even the supporters of the ministry, many of whom seemed only solicitous how they could diminish their obedience without sacrificing their connexion. Many of the country gentlemen also, roused from their apathy by the proceedings out of doors, again went over to the side of the opposition. The course of events showed that some great revolution in policy was not far off. A change in the British ministry afforded the opportunity for pressing the affairs of Ireland on the notice of the English government. Lord North, whose pohcy had ended in a succession of disasters almost unparalleled in English history, was now com- pelled to retire from office in disgrace ; in consequence of which the Marquis of Rockingham and Mr. Fox were entrusted with the formation of a ministry. The critical situ-ation of Ireland was fully known to the new cabinet, and they were aware that the utmost promptitude was required in order to preserve that country from the throes of a revolution, which most probably wQ.uld end in its entire severance from the crown of England. But, only the usual Whig policy was employed to quiet the Irish people, — namely, that hollow and profitless kind of conciliation, by which the public mindis put off with a semblance of liberty, while the real matter of grievance re nains the same as before. The first step taken was to recall the Earl of Carlisle, and appoint in his place the Duke of Portland, a discreet, moderate, and very plausible Whig nobleman. On his arrival in Ireland, he endeavoured, by interviews with the leading men among the popular party, to gain time for deliberation ; but the spirit of the nation was up, and delay was pronounced impossible. As it was known that Mr. Grattan had to move a general Declaration of Rights immediately on the opening of the House of Commons, the Duke of Portland conceived his policy to be to prevent that measure, announcing it to be the intention of the British govern- ment to accede to the demands of the Irish people. 360 History of Ireland, The day fixed for the opening of Parliament was the 16th of April; and public expectation was raised to the very highest pitch. The metropolis was thronged with armed Volunteers, who had arrived to attend the meeting of the province of Leinster, which was to be held on the following day. They drew up in imposing array in different parts of the city, — cavalry, infantry, and artillery were posted along the quays, on the bridges, and at all the approaches to the House of Commons. From an early hour in the morning, the streets in the neighbourhood had been filled by a promiscuous multitude of people of every class, eager for the result of the deliberation which was expected to determine the question of Irish national independence. The utmost order was, however, preserved throughout ; and all, even the least inteUigent of that immense crowd, seemed overwhelmed by the thought that within a few brief hours the liberties of a nation were to be decided. The house was quite crowded by the hour of meeting, which was four o'clock. The galleries of the spacious building were filled with peers and gentlemen of influence, together with several hundreds of ladies of distinction, who deeply shared in the patriotic fervour of the time. Mr. Grattan entered the house, in company with Brownlow, Burgh, Daly, and other members, and all eyes were immediately fixed on him ; for it was on his shoulders that v the great burden of this national movement for freedom was now cast. A few moments of profound silence followed, which was broken by Mr. Hely Hutchinson, the Secretary of State, who rose, and^^in the name of the Lord Lieutenant, delivered the fol- lowing important message from the King : — "His Majesty, being concerned to find that discontents and jealousies were prevailing amongst his loyal subjects of Ireland, upon matters of great weight and importance, recommended to the House to take the same into their most serious consideration, in order to effect such a final adjustment as might give satisfaction to both kingdoms Mr. Hutchinson, who delivered this message, at the same time stated his determination, as a private member, to support a de- claration of Irish rights and constitutional independence. He " This message, in which the King and Parliament of England are understood to express a desire for a final adjustment of the differences between ^the two countiies, was afterwards relied upon in tlie Irish Parliament, as decisive against the agitation of the question of a Union. The adjustment which took place shortly subsequent to this declaration, was understood, at least by the Irish Parliament, to be final; aiid the meas\uc of a Union, mIiou afterwards proposed and carried by the corruption and power of the government, was held to bo a direct infringement of that " final adjustment," and a disgraceful breach of national faith. It is not a little smgular that the same words " final adjiistment" were used by the Irish Minister when the Union was proposed, in 1J5()(), to tlie Irisli Parliament. The settlement as to the legislative independence of Ireland, in 17H2, was certainly to be considered in the light of a linal adjustnuMit, quite as much as tlie ICiiglisli Mairna Cliarta, or the settlement at the Revolution of 1 (){>}{. But a skil- ful and unscrui)ulous INlinistor will never he at a loss for arguments to crush liberty, wiien ho knows that he has a preponderance of the armed physical force of the country on his side. Ami this was the case of the Kiiglish government at the period of the Union. History of Ireland. 861 observed, however, tliat he was not officially authorised to do more than deliver the message: according'lj, he was silent as to all details, pledging the government to none, but leaving parliament to act on the message as might seem the most advisable. Mr. George Ponsonby, after a short pause, then rose, and after in- dulging in a strain of eulogy towards the king, the British minister, and the Irish government, proposed a humble address, "thanking the king for his goodness and condescension, and assuring his majesty that his faithful commons would imme- diately proceed upon the great objects he had recommended to their consideration." After another solemn pause, Mr. Grattan rose. The unex- pected ministerial declaration had completely changed the rela- tive position of parties. Instead of a violent opposition, there were now congratulations, and expressions of gratitude, and per- fect unanimity. Still, the opportunity was a most fitting one for the bold avowal of the people's rights ; and Mr. Grattan now stood before the house to plead the cause of his multitu- dinous clients,— the Irish nation. The speech which he delivered on the occasion was one of the most splendid ever delivered in the Irish, or any other parliament. He commenced in a strain of triumph — pronouncing Ireland now to be a free people : — " I am now to address a free people !— Ages have passed away, and this is the first moment in which you could be distinguished by that appellation. I have spoken on the subject of your liberty so often, that I have nothing to add, and have only to admire by what heaven-directed steps you have proceeded, until the whole faculty of the nation is braced up to the act of her own deliverance. I found Ireland on her knees ; I watched over her with an eternal soHcitude ; I have traced her progress from injuries to arms,, and from arms to liberty. Spirit of Swift i Spirit of Molvneuxl your genius has prevailed 1 Ireland is now a nation ! In that new character I hail her ! and bowing to her august presence, I say, Esto perpetua r After a full detail of Irish rights and grievances, Mr. Grattan concluded his eloquent oration, by moving, as an amendment to Mr. Ponsonby's motion — " That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, to return his Majesty the thanks of this House for his most gra- cious message to this House, delivered by his grace the Lord Lieutenant. " To assure his Majesty of our unshaken attachment to^ his Majesty's person and government, and of our lively sense of his paternal care, in thus taking the lead to administer content to his Majesty's subjects of Ireland. " That thus encouraged by his royal interposition, we shall beg leave, with all duty and affection, to lay before his Majesty^ the cause of our discontents and jealousies ; — to assure his Majesty 362 History of Ireland. that his subjects of Ireland are a free people ; — that the crown of Ireland is an imperial croion, inseparably annexed to the crown of Great Britain, on which connection the interests and happiness of both nations essentially depend ; but, that the kingdom of Ire- land is a distinct kingdom, with a Parliament of her own, the sole legislature thereof; — that there is no body of men compel ent to make laws to bmd this nation, except the King, Lords, and Com- mons of Ireland, nor any other Parliament which hath any authority or power of any sort whatsoever in this country, save only the Parliament of Ireland. To assure his Majesty, that we humbly conceive, that in this right the very essence of our liberties exists, — a right which we, on the part of the people of Ireland, do claim as their birthright, and which we cannot yield but WITH OUR LIVES." The burst of enthusiasm which followed the dehvery of the speech and the movement of the amendment, was tremendous. The House was completely carried away by the concihatory message of the government, and the eloquent response of Grattan. The amendment was at once seconded by Mr. Brownlow, a county member of great property and influence. Mr. George Ponsonby again rose, and, on the part of the Lord Lieutenant stated, that his Lordship " wished to do every thing in his power for the satisfaction of the nation, and he knew that the noble Duke would not lose one moment in forwarding this remonstrance of Parhament to the Throne, and he would use his utmost in- fluence in obtaining the rights of Ireland, an object on which he fixed his hearth Another loud burst of cheering followed this announcement. Even Mr. John Fitzgibbon, who, as EarJ _ of Clare, afterwards proved himself the inveterate enemy of Irish liberty, — even he was now carried away by the stream of patriotism, and declared himself the warmest advocate of the rights of his country. "As I was cautious in committing," said he, " so am I now firm in asserting the rights of my country. My declaration, therefore, is, that as the nation has determined to obtain the restoration of her liberties, it behoves every man in Ireland to stand firm Alas ! the lapse of time proved that there was no sincerity in all these fine professions of the officials of government ; and that they were merely employed to deceive and dupe the zealous and honest- minded pati iots of" Ireland. The duke of Portland's regard for the rights of Ireland, on Avhich he had "set his heart," induced the very same noble lord afterwards to aid in selling them !^ His declaration and promise of "a final adjustment" of the affairs of Ireland was seventeen years after denied by the same duke of Portland, when he asserted that " he ^/crrv considered the indepen- dence of the Irish l^irliament a final adjustment !" And as for the fiery patriot, Fitzgibbon,. he was one of the first to trample on History of Ireland. 863 tlie Irish constitution when he had the power, and to barter it for place, and title, and pension ! There was at least one man in that assembly who remained sceptical as to the reahty of the intentions of the British govern- ment towards Ireland. Flood knew well the hollowness of sud- den conversions ; and he feared that England was yielding rather to her embarrassments and fears than to her sense of justice and honour. Throughout this enthusiastic debate, the doubting Flood remained observant and silent. Subsequent events fully proved that Flood was right in his scepticism, and that the most ardent of the patriots were wrong in their credulity. The Nation followed in the wake of the Parliament. In an incredibly short space of time, the intelhgence of the popular triumph in the House spread over the entire city, and soon through- out the whole land. The exultation was universal. The nation pledged itself in pubhc meetings everywhere held, to stand by the rights of Ireland as embodied in the address, with " their lives and fortunes." Addresses of support poured into the House of Com- mons from all quarters ; the volunteers declaring their determina- tion to uphold them in all their demands. In the meantime, in order to give the British ministry time to decide upon the exact measures to be proposed, the House adjourned from the 4th to the 27th of May. A general suspension of public business took place in the interval, and both Parhament and People anxiously waited for the issue. The British ministry, favourable though they seemed to be to Irish liberty, were alarmed at the bold attitude assumed by the Irish legislature. They found it necessary, however, to submit with the best possible grace, to their declaration of independence ; but they secretly resolved to do everything in their power to thwart and counteract it. From henceforward, their object was to divide the popular party and play oif their leaders against each other — to sow dissensions, to create jealousies, to awaken suspicion, to des- troy confidence in public men, and to weary and sicken the people in their efforts for the' emancipation of their country. In fact, the declaration of independence by the Irish Parhament was the proximate cause of the Union ; for, the British government from » this moment, never relaxed in its exertions to blast and destroy the liberties of the Irish nation as distinct from those of England, until, at length, through chicanery, corruption, coercion, and fraud, the Union was finally completed. The deep and cunning policy which the duke of Portland pursued on this occasion, may be gathered from the private and confidential note which he sent to Mr. Fox at the conclusion of the debate in the Irish Parliament ; in which he explained the necessity of acce- ding for a time, to the demands which they made. At the same time, he intimated " that so strong a difference of opinion appeared to exist between some gentlemen of weight, that arrangements more 364 History of Ireland, favourable to England might possibly be effected through their contro- versies, although he could not venture to propose such, were they " perfectly unanimous.". He stated, m conclusion, that he would omit no opportunity of cultimting his connection with the J^ari ot Charlemont, who appeared entirely disposed to place confidence in Ins administration, and to give a proper tone to the armed bodies over which he had the most considerable influence. - The toils were thus already set, which were afterwards to ensnare some ot the noblest spirits of Ireland, and enable the English Cabmet to recom- mence and carry on their operations against the hberties ot the Irish people. , . , t • i x- The hope of redress of grievances which the Irish nation now entertained, did not induce the volunteers to relax m their warlike preparations. They prepared themselves for service as diligently as if an enemy had been upon their coasts. Military reviews were almost of daily occurrence. The artillery were regularly exercised in the Phcenix Park ; and marchings and counter-marchings were practised constantly, in order to inure the troops to the toils ot actual service. There is not the slightest doubt that the volunteers were ready at a moment's warning, to resist the ascendancy ot England by force of arms. Mr. Grattan, in a letter to Mr. Day, dated May 11th, 1782, hurriedly writes :— " I have only time to ^2iy i\^2ii if nothina is concluded before our meeting, the^ 2bth we MUST PROCEED AS IF REFUSED ' protractiou is inadmis^Ue. Men- tion this, as it is of the last consequence.^' Mr. Df J. ^"erwards referring to the alarming position of affairs, says— Mr Urattan was resolved to assist even by arms, if driven to it the liberties ot Ireland." The people were all fully prepared, and only waited the signal of their leaders to sever at once the legislative connection between England and Ireland. , -, . p • j i» In order to set the point in dispute clearly before the mmd ot the reader, and in the fewest words possible, we may here state the specific demands of Ireland upon the English government at the present time. In the words of Grattan in a letter to Fox, they 'were—" A withdrawal of the claim of supremacy, legislation, and jurisdiction, by, England; an act to comprise titles, held under "British decrees or judgment, and to secure an exclusive jurisdictioiit '•^pi^y , . . . „ undue advantage of their nitoxication. + This M-as an afterthought of Mr. Grattan s. TTc introduced it in th.c House of Commons in T inis vyis .111 .ui,v,ii,..v,i f, T/;|.,oil>!ir,ii Hid otliors- the voluntcors responded to a conversation; he was sui)portc(i by Mi. lMl/.oU)l)on ana ouki^, ur inhmitted Mr Gr-ittan s nronosal in their Address ; and Mr. Grattan then, on the Uuh ot ApiU Mibn ittul t'^^he ilol ihAher it wouhl be necessary to re..lve that ^^1:^^^^^ country, who wouhl appeal to Knghnul by a writ of error." ^r. Sco t u Ii sh General admitted the principal, and n.ade an eloquent speech in i s sup o t tl imnu-ilified manner declared his oi>inion, that (Jreat Britaui had no right >Uiatevci to Uuu I 1; bv a Y law ' ''if" said he, the enure of my office is to be the supporting opinions and Sis injurious^otho^ rights of Ireland, 1 hold it to bo wfamous tenure. History of Ireland, 365 to this reahn, by Ireland ; a modification of Poyning's law, and a new Mutiny Bill." The refusal of these measures would have precipitated Ireland and England into a civil war, in which the connection of the two countries would most probably have been completely rent asunder. The Machiavellian advice of Lord Portland was, however, adopted, and another pohcy immediately pursued. The British ParUament, at length fully persuaded that "some- thing must be done to tranquiUize Ireland," consented to the passing of a measure, introduced by Mr. Fox, for the repeal of the Act of 6th George I. The measure received the royal assent on the 21st of June. ^ ^ We revert to the proceedings of the Irish Parliament. The house again met on the of May,— a day pregnant with im- portant consequences to the people of Ireland. The Volunteers again turned out and lined the streets ; the artillery, under the orders of Colonel Napper Tandy, being stationed on the quays, and commanding all the approaches to the House of Parhament. The Duke of Portland had made good use of his^ time during the short recess : he had paid court to the Earl of Charlemont and the other leaders of the popular party, and completely inveigled them into his trammels. By his conduct on the pre- ceding occasion, he had also excited a grateful confidence, which prepared the House to welcome with credulous admiration, the concessions which he had now to make on the part of the Enghsh government. In his speech from the throne he informed the House that the British legislature had concurred in a resolution to remove the cause of the discontents and jealousies, and were united in a desire to gratify every desire contained in the address ; and that his Majesty had commanded him to assure them of his disposition to assent to the Acts to prevent the suppression of bills in the Privy Council of Ireland, or the alteration of them any- where, and to limit the duration of the Mutiny Bill. The Lord Lieutenant's speech was received with repeated cheers, and the members vied with each other in their expressions of thanks for this happy termination of a struggle for the indepen- dence of their country. Mr. Grattan, in the fulness of his heart, expressed his confidence and gratitude in the most unbounded terms. All his suspicions were laid to rest by the apparent liberality of the Minister of the Crown. His great intellect sank under the load of ministerial obhgation ; and, to use his own words on a future occasion, he " gave back in sheepish gratitude the whole advantage." In moving the address in reply to the speech, Mr. Grattan said — " I should desert every principle upon which I moved the former address, did I not bear testimony to the and if the Parliament of Great Britain is determined to be the Lords of Ireland, T am deter- mined NOT TO BE THEIR VILLAIN IN CONTRIBUTING TO IT." This vcry rcmaikable speech of the Attorney-General finally decided t^e point. C C S66 History of Ireland. candid and unqualified manner in wliicli tlie address lias been answered by the Lord Lieutenant's speech of this day. 1 under- stand that Great Britain gives up, in toto, every claim to authority over Ireland. I have not the least idea in repealing the Sixth of George the First, that Great Britain should be bound to make any de- claration that she had formerly usurped a power. No — this^ would be a foolish caution, — a dishonourable condition : the nation that insists on the humiliation of another, is a foolish nation. Another foct of great magnanimity is, that everything is given up uncon- ditionally : this must for ever remove suspicion.'' Mr. Grattan then suggested that i^lOO,000 should be voted, and 20,000 men, for the support of the British navy ; and he concluded by moving an address, stating that the unqualified repeal of the Act 6th George I. would furnish a perpetual pledge of mutual ^ amity between the nations ; that, gratified in this and other particulars, "no constitutional question between the two nations will any longer exist to disturb their tranquillity" ; and that, as Great Britain had approved of their firmness, so she might rely on their affection. The motion w^as received with rapturous applause, and the House seemed almost unanimous in its favour. There were, however, a few individuals of greater caution aud foresight, whose judgments were not so completely led captive by the generosity of the British Minister. They perceived that Ireland had as yet no guarantee for the establishment of her liberties ; and that they were sending up their song of triumph before they had taken the slightest means to secure their victory. Sir Samuel Bradstreet, the Recorder of Dublin, was the first to express his dissent from the unguarded terms of the address, and forcibly pointed out the absurdity of that portion of it which stated' that "no constitutional question between the two nations will any longer exist to disturb their tranquillity." He showed that even though the act in question was repealed, the question as to the legislative independence of Ireland was not by any means settled. Great Britain had not renounced the right to bind Ireland by her acts ; and might be prepared to re-assert her power at the earliest opportunity. Instead of all constitutional grounds of dispute being settled, none were yet settled. He referred to the recent embargo on Irish produce, and the probabi- lity of another. He stated the fact that even the oaths taken that day by the Irish Secretary were under an English law. " Were not these maltei-KS," be asked, " for constitutional enquiry, and could any man say that the consideration of them might not interrupt the harmony between the two kingdoms T' Mr. Flood also ably pointed out the insufficiency of the repeal of the Act of George 1. " Notwithstanding," he observed, " the Inndable acquiescence which a})peared in the renunciation of l^higlish claims, wlio would engage that the present administration miglit not at some fntnre time change its mind ? The English History of Ireland. 367 House of Commons asserted a right to external legislation, and £ X seconded the motion on the Irish question, d.d not give up that rio-ht, but as a matter of convenience and compact. Bu by'far the ablest exposure of , the ^^^i^'' independence of the Irish Parliament, was made by Mi. Walsh, a courageous and clear-headed barrister : «pnvo-e the " With, reeard," said he, " to the repeal of the 6th Creoige the First I rVy on it as a lawyer, that it is inadequate to the emanci- J iok of freland. This 'act is merely a clares that England has a power to make laws to bmd Uelancl What hen doe! the repeal of this law do with respect ^ I-land -simply this, and not a jot more :-it expunges the declaration of the power from the English statute book, but it does not deny the J'owerTo make laws hereafter to bind Ireland, whenevei- England shall think herself in sufficient force for the P"rP«^- ^ , J Iclare tbe Kino-'s new Attorney-Cxeneral, to rise in his place and declare M^ri^e assumed Ji usurped power of E"g aud to Jin^^^ land, will not remain untouched and unrelinquished, though the bth of George the First should be repealed." _ „f .1,. F.io-bsh "With respect to the fine-spun distinction of /h? ^ 'gj'S^^ Minister Mr. Fox, between external and internal legisla loi , it seem to'n.e the most absurd position that could possibly be laid doTn, when applied to an independent peop e. See how p^eg-n^^^^ this doctrine of Mr. Fox is with every mischief, nay ^^^^ ^^^olute destruction to this country; the Parliament of l^'^l^f J;^"™^^^^ laws for their internal regulation, that is, he gives us leave to tax ourselves, he permits us to take the money out of pur.se^ foi the convenience of England. But as to external legislation, there Great Britain presides^ in anything that rdates to commevee ^o the exportation of our produce, there Great Britain can mfke a^.s to bind Ireland." " Ireland," continued Mr. Walsh, is inde- pendent, or she is not ; if she is independent, no PO^er on ^Hh can make laws to bind her externally, or internally, save the K ng. Lords, and Commons of Ireland."-" I therefore again repeat ,t that lentil England unequivocally declares, by an act of her own legislature, that she has no power to make laws to bind Iielai^ the assumed and usurped power of English legislation over this ''^ T^S; Z^l:^:^, availed nothing. They were scarcely listened to tith patience. The House was ™d, ^^^^^ ^ov^ enthusiasm. The members would not stop to hesitate or to doubt as to the "magnanimous conduct" of Great Britain oward Ireland They were intoxicated with their success, and thought not of securing their victory. The dupes of a generous credulity, they carried tfe address proposed by Mr. Grattan, with only four dissLtient voices. We'have. dwelt upon this -^.J^^t g-f length, as we beheve the precipitancy of the House of Cmri.noa, on this occasion, and the inadequacy of the measures now adopted 368 History of Ireland, ♦ for the security of the Uberties of Ireknd, were in a great measure the cause of the RebelKon of 1798, and the subsequent abohtion of the Irish legislature. While the House was yet ringing with congratulations, Mr. Beauchamp Bagenal, member for the County of Carlow, rose and moved that One Hun-dred Thousand Pounds of the public money should be granted, to purchase an estate for Mr^Grattan, their great deliverer," as a reward for his public services. " This great man," said Mr. Bagenal, " has crowned the work for emr ; under his auspices the throne of freedom is fixed on a basis so firm, and which will always be so well supported by the influence the people must acquire under his system, that, with the help of God, there is no danger, even of Parliament itself ever being able to shake it ; nor shall any Parliament be ever again profanely styled omnipotent." The proposal was em- braced with enthusiasm ; but at the request of Mr. Grattan's friends, the sum presented to him was limited to 6^^50,000. The Lord Lieutenant, to take from the grant somewhat of its demo- cratic complexion, made an offer to him and his heirs for ever, of the Vice-Regal residence in the Phoenix Park ; but the offer was declined by the House, who saw in it only an artifice to humiliate the Parliament and deceive the people. These proceedings of the House of Commons were hailed with the universal applause of the Irish nation, who were quite as credulous and easy to be deceived as their leaders. The voice of congratulation, joy, and confidence, was everywhere heard, — addresses to his Majesty poured in from the Volunteer Associa- tions of Ireland,* filled with gratitude, devotion, and ardent ex- pressions of loyalty. Even the Roman Catholics addressed the Duke of Portland, humbly expressing their gratitude that they were " allowed to have a home in their native land^ (how painfully abject the tone !) and hoping that his Grace would represent them to his Majesty "as a body of people capable of returning gratitude for benefits, and not unworthy of his royal protection and favour." Bills were shortly after introduced into Parliament, to repeal the 6tli of George I., vv^hich declared the supremacy of England, and the dependency of Ireland on the Crown of Great Britain ; to repeal the Perpetual Mutiny Bill ; to secure the final judicature, the freedom of election, and the independence of the judges. These measures were all passed in haste, without debate, and without any qualification by the British Parliament. The legisla- * The Delegates fi'om tlie Volunteers of the four provinces of Ireland assembled at Dublin, Lord Kingsborough in tlie ehiiir, and resolved as follows : — "■ Resolved unanimously, — That the address of the Irish Parliament having disclaimed any power or authority of any sort whatsoever in the Parliament of Creat Britain over this realm, wo shall consider a repeal of the (Jth of Gleorgo 1. by the British PMrlianicnt, made in pursuance of the said addresses, a complktk uknunciation of all the claims contained in the statute, and, Ui siich^ toe loill accept it, and deem it satisftxctory." History of Ireland. 369 tiire now rested from its labours ; and the great Revolution of 1782 was prononhced complete. It is imquestionable that the Revolution of 1782 conferred great temporary advantages upon Ireland ; and that it was calculated, if rightly followed up, to form the commencement of a pohtical reformation which would have ultimately raised Ireland to the highest ^lace among civilized nations. But it was only a begin- ning ; for it really completed nothing, — leaving Ireland as open as before to the attacks of her powerful and unprincipled rival. Ire- land was still left subject to the dominion of a protestant oligarchy, who refused civil emancipation to the great mass of the people. The monopoly of legislation was merely transferred for a time from the government of England to the aristocracy of Ireland ; who were always most bigotted in their refusal of relief to the cathohc population. The Whig Lord Charlemont was, throughout, the vehement opponent of the Catholic claims. Holding the most enlarged views of national improvement and reform, he and his protestant coadjutors nevertheless pertinaciously withheld from the catholics, who constituted about five-sixths of the population, all share in the rights and privileges of the constitution. The " patriots'' saw not beyond themselves and their own interests. They were con- tent still to keep the catholics a Slave Class, holding them to be unfit for the enjoyment of freedom. All attempts to extend to them the exercise of the elective franchise were treated with con- tuniely and scorn. The " patriots" still persevered in maintaining a disgraceful penal code, which imposed civil and political dis- abilities on the great mass of the people. Surely this was a most ^arrow-minded and one-sided patriotism! And surely the catholics were to be excused for hanging aloof from the armed associations which so steadily refused them justice, when they afterwards saw the government stretch forth its strong arm to strike them down for ever. The patriots, if they really entertained the earnest desire to give liberty to all classes of their countrymen, allowed their best oppor- tunity to pass by unimproved. England was now a defeated, dis- comfited, and feeble nation ; while Ireland was strong, armed, and triumphant. England was unable to refuse, and even willing to concede ; but the patriots rested satisfied with their nominal victory. They had no measure of Parliamentary Reform or Catholic Emancipation to propose. They thought they had secured the stability, independence, and irresponsibility, of their self-elected Corporation, the Irish House of Commons, — from which even the bulk of the protestants themselves were excluded — and they had no more to ask. Patriotism was duped ; and the nation deluded itself into the belief that it was free. Never was there a greater and more fatal mistake. The Volunteers afterwards awoke from their dreams, and found that 370 History of Ireland. they had been contending merely for the interests of a party ; and that the victory which they fondly imagined they had gained, was a victory as yet mainly for the advantage of the proprietors of parliamentary seats, and their immediate adherents and de- pendents. The principal change effected was m the form ot administering the exclusive system ; its spirit remaining precisely the same. The people had no more controul over the^ proceed- ings of their " representatives" now than before ; the House stili remained in the power of the British minister, the only difference being that it required the exercise of more lavish corruption to keep it under controul. For this purpose more money was re- quired, in order to provide which the pubhc taxation was greatly increased. At length, the government of England recovered from its alarm ; and found the Irish patriots broken up and divided into small parties, fiercely assailing each other, while the great body of the cathohc people, who had been excluded trom all the benefits of the struggle, looked on with indifference. Per- ceiving that the opposition had no hold on the affections ot the people, and that the cry of independence had not proceeded from the nation, the government straightway stepped m and resumed the reins of power, subjecting the nation to another course ot cor- ruption, cruelty, oppression, and gaUing degradation. CHAPTER XXXV. Improvement and Prosperity among the People-The Irish Parliament relaxes in its efforts— Mr. Flood's motion— Mr. Grattan's virulent opposition-Parliament Prorogued— The Earl Temple appointed Lord Lieutenant— Renewed exertions of the Volunteers— The sole right to Legislate for Ireland again affirmed in the British Parliament-Alarm of the Volunteers-The Act of Renunciation passed— The Volunteers lose confidence in the Irish Parliament, and seek for a Reform— Meeting of Delegates at Lisburn— The Second Dungannon Conven- Aion— Temporizing conduct of Lord Charlemont-Meeting of the National Convention at Dublin-The Procession to the Rotunda— Lord Charlemont Elected President- The Earl of Bristol's Procession— Contrast between Lord Charlemont ard the Earl of Bristol-Lord Charlemont Entrapped by the Government— Proceedings of the Convention— The Opposition obtain the Pre- dominance-Mr. Flood's Plan of Reform adopted-The Earl of Bristol proposes Catholic Emancipation-Is opposed by Lord Charlemont, and Defeated-The Convention proceed to the House of Commons Avith their Bill of Reform— Mr. Flood introduces the meftsure-Awful scene of Uproar— The Debate-Mr. Flood's motion rejected- Dilemma of the Convention-Its Further Proceedings -Lord Charlemont Dupes and then Deserts the Delegates-Final Adjournment and Dissolution of the Convention— Mortification of the Volunteers- Progress of Dissensions-Feeble Attempt to re-introduce a Bill of Reform-Singular Conduct of Mr. Grattan— Disbandmcnt of the Volunteers— Their Grand Error— Dr. Madden's Opinion as to their Services. The people now obtained a breaihing-time of repose from political Mistori/ of Ireland. 371 agitation, and began steadily to apply themselves to the pursuits of industry. The patriotic spirit, which influenced and quickened all classes of the people, stimulated them to improvement. They applied themselves to trade and commerce, which soon advanced with amazing strides : in a short time the import and export trade of Ireland was more than doubled ; and a new race of merchants and traders was called into existence. Capital flowed into the country, and, united to the labour of the people, wealth multiplied apace. All the materials and elements of wealth were abun- dantly within reach, and they made noble use of them. Peace and order overspread the land from side to side ; only the sounds of busy industry were to be heard. The rent of land rose ; popula- tion increased ; and agriculture greatly improved. Sectarian ani- mosities ceased to poison the breath of society : catholic and protestant became united, — the former, for a time, forgot his chains, and the latter his ascendancy. Improvement in the arts kept pace with all : Dubhn grew into one of the noblest capitals in the world — architecture magnificently attesting to the glory and new-born prosperity of Ireland. While such was the spirit of the people, the House of Commons, which had so far guided and led them in their onward progress, began to display signs of hesitation, and indiiference to the cause of pubHc liberty. The old courtiers, who had been carried away by the general enthusiasm, again found themselves in their old places, by the side of the ministry ; and even the more zealous and sincere among the patriotic party, confiding in the sincerity of the British government, and the sufiiciency of the existing guarantees for the permanency of their constitution, relaxed in their exertions, and sunk into quietude and indiflerence. Mr. Flood was the first to express a doubt as to the inadequacy of the measures already enacted; arguing that the mere Repeal of the 6th George 1. left Ireland still dependent upon England for its legislation, inasmuch as the measures passed by the Irish parhament could not become laws until confirmed by the English Cabinet. The suspicions of Mr. Flood were confirmed by Mr. Fox, who, in a speech delivered in the British parliament, stated that the repeal of the above statute " could not stand alo7ie^ but must be accompanied by a final adjust- ment, and by a solid basis of permanent connexion." Thus fortified in his doubts as to the sufiiciency of the existino- arrangements, Mr. Flood, on the 29th of July, moved for leave to bring in a bill " to aflfirm the sole executive right of the Irish par- liament to make laws affecting that country, in all concerns external and internal whatsoever." This motion gave rise to a most animated debate, Mr. Grattan heading the opposition to Mr. Flood, whom he opposed with great virulence. In the heat of the moment, Mr. Grattan even proposed the extravagant resol^ition " that any person who should propagate in writing, or othencise, an opinion that any right whatsoever, whether external or internal, existed iu 37^ Historii of Ireland. any other parliauieiit, or could be remved, was inimical to both kingdoms." Mr. Flood severely exposed and denounced the des- potic spirit on which the resolution was based, and exhibited it as " placing Ireland in a state of tyranny worse than Russia," " depriving any Irish subject of his natural liberty, either of speech or of writing," and which had no character to support it "but those of folly and of tyranny." Mr. Flood moved an adjournment of the House; but this motion, because it was Mr. Flood's, and for no other reason, was rejected by a large majority. Mr. Grattan then moved, that leave was refused to bring in Mr. Flood's bill, " because the sole and exclusive right to legislate for Ireland in all cases whatsoever, internally and externally, had been asserted by the Parliament of Ireland, and had been nnally, and irrevocahly acknowledged by the British Parliament." Mr. Flood ridiculed the resolution as the mere "innocent child of fiction and of fancy," and declared that he would wilHngly leave Mr. Grattan in the full enjoyment of this new production of his lively imagination." The 'motion then passed without further opposition. Parliament was prorogued by the Duke of Portland shortly after ; and, on the death of the Marquis of Rockingham, the Earl Temple was sent over to supersede him in the government of Ireland, with Mr. Grenville as his Chief Secretary. Though the Irish Parliament was now lagging behind in the onward march of events, the people still remained staunch in the cause of Irish independence. The voice of the volunteers rose loud and clear at intervals, and echoed throughout the land in strains more rousing and inspiring even than before. The volun- teers now saw, with Mr. Flood, that Ireland had no real security for her liberties, and that, if they did not follow up their success with promptitude, the fruits of all their precious labours might soon be wrested from their hands. They accordingly demanded a thorough Parliamentary Reform, as the only means of establish- ing the legislative independence of Ireland on a firm basis. This question had now been publicly debated by the volunteers all over Ireland ; increasing jealousy of England was generally expressed ; and the course of events in the British Parhament tended greatly, to encourage the belief as to its insincerity, and to revive the agitation in favour of an Independent and Reformed Parlia- ment. Sir George Young, the Irish Secretary, took the opportunity of opposing the Bills of Concession to Ireland, in his place in the Britisii House of Commons, protesting against the power of passing such bills by the English Parliament, and declaiming against the power of the king himself to relinquish the inherent riqht of the British Legislature to legislate for Ireland. Lord Abingdon folh)wed this example in the House of Ijords, and, totally denying the authority of the king and the parliament of Fingland to emancii)ate Ireland, he moved for leave to bring in a History of Ireland. 373 declaratory bill to re-assert the sole right of England to legislate externally ni the concerns ol Ireland. About the same time, Lord Mansfield, the English Chief- Justice at Westminster, received and gave judgment on an appeal from the Irish Court of King's Bench IJuoim; observmg, that " he knew of no law depriving the British Court of its vested jurisdiction." These proceedings were exceedingly alarming to the Irish people Conhdence m the sincerity of the British government was now completely gone ; discontent spread with great rapidity ; and another crisis seemed near at hand. The volunteers beat to arms , and paraded about 120,000 strong. Open resistance was now proposed, and would most probably have been acted upon, had not the iiritish government again marked its designs under an appear- ance ot conciliation, and, without waiting for remonstrances from Ireland, passed a Bill unequivocally and explicitly renouncino- all future YigU to legislate for Ireland.* This measure was passed mto a law almost without debate, and with very little observation by the pubhc,— though it amounted to a renunciation " for ever " ot the legislative power v/hich England had exercised for ceA- ' external and internal concerns of Ireland. ^ I he truth of Mr. Flood's argument was now publicly recoo-nised inasmuch as it had been acted on by the British legislature itselt. But the new act failed to satisfy the Irish people ; for, though they had escaped the legislative dominion of England 1 -"^ .\ ^^^Jec^ion to their own corrupt Parliament, in which they had now lost all confidence. They perceived that as yet they had no real guarantee for their liberties; for, so long as Parliament itself was corrupt, and irresponsible to the Irish people themselves, they had no security against the future en- croachments of despotic power. Parliament might at any timp relapse into its former subserviency and degradation; and if the government chose unscrupulously to employ the means of cor- ruption the maependence of the Irish legislature might be reduced to a mere empty sound. These, and similar considerations, gradually led the Irish Volun- teers onwards in the direction of Constitutional Reform. They were encouraged in their designs by the English Reformers of the same period headed by the Duke of Richmond, Mr. Fox, Mr ritt, and other distinguished men of great influence in the country' who had proposed and promulgated their plans for a more equal representation of the people in Parliament. The first decided step was taken by the Ulster Volunteers, who, on this, as on other occasions, generally took the lead. On the 1st of July, 1783, at by h^s tactirW h!s''m w;'"'^^^ ^•""^^'^ P^^P^^ «f ^^^1^"^^ to be bound only ami trh'.ve I factioi an^S \T nw o^'^'''^"?^ ^"'Sdoi^, in all cases ^hatsoevel ^decided in Hi SS'Trom/^^ « in equity, winch may be instituted in tl,at kingdom It is hereby declarP 1 1^ "j' without appeal from thence, shall be, and oi Butory of Ireland. the meetinir of Volunteer Delegates, at Lisburn, an address wasj issued to the Ulster army, on Parhamentary Reform, signed by Lieutenant-Colonel Sharman* and others, callmg on them to assemble in the same spirit of loyalty, patriotism, and hrniness which had actuated them on the occasion of the famous JJun- ^annon Convention in 1782, and "to deliberate on the most con- stitutional means of procuring a moi;e equal representation oi tlie people in the Parliament of Ireland." It was at length resolved to hold a second Convention at Du^- gannon, similar to that of the previous year, to consider the question of Parliamentary Reform, and decide as to the means ot obtaining it. Colonel Robert Stewart, (subsequently Lord Castle- reach) occupied the chair at this important meeting, the delegates prelent representing not less than 18,000 armed men. The meet^ ing passed a series of resolutions, declaring the corrupt state ot the Irish House of Commons,t and the means and influences through which its members were elected. A committee of corres- pondence was appointed, to collect information, and to correspond with the influential men throughout the kingdom on the subject ot Parliamentary Reform. It was also agreed to select hve persons to represent each county in a National Convention oi Delegates^ to be held in Dublin on the 10th of November following. One oi the first acts of the corresponding committee was, to app y to Lord Charlemont for his opinion on the subject of their delibera- tions. The reply of his lordship was cold, evasive, and tempo- rizing. He gave no encouragement to the proposition for a reform of parhament, merely recommending that it should be left ^ to the mature deliberation of parliament to decide on its necessity. 1 he Volunteers were greatly disappointed at this reply of their leader, and it was soon followed by disastrous results. It proved the commencement of dissension, division, and strife, which ultimately proved fatal to the cause of Irish independence. The Tenth of November— the day appointed for the meetmo- of the National Convention— at last arrived. Three hundred delegates, chosen from the different Volunteer corps througliout Ireland, and representatives of at least 150,000 armed men, then met within the very precincts of the houses of parliament, whicli were at that time engaged in their sessional deliberations. 1 lie * Father to Sharman Crawford, Esq., M.P., the patriotic member for Rochdale. moment patror Vicen mons, two hundred and twenty-eight were sent uv uu.e.oui uuu. 'dVTt'ed 'bv were bonnd to vote as they should dictate, '^ l^^^ f exceedingly limited constituencies, belonging to one exclusive creed, ^^''^^^^ nt J is '^ai the reach of bribery and corruption. As^ an instance of the ' rn opoly, wc moy state that tho l^'.arl of l<:iy nominated nine members lo the H.u.sc ot 1 on - ZlT2c Karl of Shannon n''7" ^-^l-™ed the Duke, " no, don't say thS."---' W ^ 3g(3 History of Ireland. Hisrh Sheriff of Dublin for presiding at the meeting, and had him sentenced to fine and imprisonment for his condiict ! About the same time, the citizens of Belfast forwarded a similar petittn to Mr. Pitt, presentation to his Majesty. The answer of Mi Pitt destroyed all hopes entertained of him on this qnes ion; t h stated that " what was proposed in the petition he considered as tendino' to produce still greater evils than any oi those « Inch the ?riends of refo Im were desirous to remedy." It was no long before pftt cI,mpletelY threw off the mask, and stood betoi^ he public m his ctaricter It a persecutor of those hold ng and ^oklly avo^^^^ the principles of parliamentary reform which he had himselt so XTSif^^Spitt had resolved upon adopting in reference to Ir * akirs, soon displayed itself. The unsettled state of the CO— c al regions between England and Ireland rendered legis- iTon Lcessary on the subject, and it was accordingly proposed thara commeKial treaty should be contracted between the two countrieMo provide against future collision, and secure to both Xns ihe advantage! of the federal --P-^V^ ^7^4" were accordingly appointed in Ireland to arrange the basis ot a ^^^eatv ^th tte- English Parliament, and eleven resolutions were a.^Sl upon which were proposed to the Irish House ot Commons M . Ord;, the secretary of the viceroy. These resolutions were accepted and agreed upon, after considerable discussion ; and on Tetith that tiley wou& be. acted upon, ^^^^^f^-]T'i^^lt : the minister additional taxation to the amount of ^ 140,000 s^eUnig. They were then transmitted to England ; but Mr. Pitt instead ot pi^^sLtino- them in their original form to the English Parliament, ^ tfully incorporated them in a bill containing twenty propositions^ Ihich^struck at the very root of the independence of the I h Parliament, rendering it merely a kind o register of ]\"8l'^li statutes relking to commerce. By one of the ptoses inti^d^^^^^^^ Eno-land was entitled to appropriate the revenue oi Ireland to^ a ds fittfno- out and manning her navy. It was evident to the House that the measure was me?ely a cunningly devised plan to reconquer the independence of the Irish Parliament. Mr. bhendan said that " Ireland, newly escaped from harsh trammels and severe discipline, was treated like a high-mettled horse, hard to catch ; and the Irish secretary was sent to the field to soothe and coax him, ^.th a sieve of provender in the one hand and a bridle in the other. Mi. Fox accused Pitt of "playing a double game with England and a double game with Ireland, and sought to juggle both nations by a train ot° unparalleled subtlety ;" he concluded by saving that he . would not barter English commerce for Irish slavery. 1 l»e House of Lords at once saw through Pitt's invidious project, and treated it as a question not of commerce, but of future union. Lord Lansdowne treated the idea of a union as a thing that was imprae- Ucable " High-minded and jealous as were the people ot Ireland, History of Ireland. we must first learn (said he), whether they will consent to give up their distinct empire, their parHament, and all the honours which belonged to them." The introduction of the bill by Mr. Orde, into the Irish Parlia- ment, on the 12th of August, 1785, was the signal for one of the most stormy debates which had occurred for several years. The opposition again gathered together its strength to resist the insidious approaches of English ascendancy. The controversy was long and furious it continued during the whole night, until nine o'clock on the following morning, when a division took place, and the govern- ment motion was carried by the very equivocal majority of nineteen. It was on this occasion that Mr. Grattan seems to liave at length awaken from his delusion as to the "final" independence of the Irish Parhament. In 1782, he declared that the conduct of Great Britani was such as "must for ever remove suspicion;" and with unsuspicious faith, he sought no sufficient guarantee, but left the mdependence of Ireland at the mercy of an administration which would never rest satisfied but with its total extinction. We can imagine how the noble mind of Grattan must have suffered on this occasion, when he found that notwithstanding all his struggles, the independence of the Irish Parhament was yet to be achieved. How humihating it must have been for Grattan to have confessed, as he did in his eloquent speech :— " The Irish parliament is now called on to determine, that it is most expedient for Ireland to have no trade at all in these parts. This (said he) is not a surrender of the political rights of the constitution, but of the natural rights of man ; not of the privileges of parliament, but of the rights of nations. Not to sail beyond the Cape of Good Hope and the Straits of Magellan ; an extensive interdict ! Not only neutral countries excluded, and God's providence shut out in the most opulent boundaries of crea- tion ! Other interdicts go to a determinate period of time, but here is an eternity of restraint. This resembles rather- an act of God than an act of the legislature, whether you measure it by immen- sity of space or infinity of duration, and has nothing human about it but its presumption. To proposals, therefore, so little warranted by the great body of the people of England, so little expected by the people of Ireland, so heedlessly suggested by the minister, and so dangerous to whatever is dear to your interest, honour, and freedom, I answer, No !— I plead past settlements, and I insist on the faith of nations. If, three years after the recovery of your freedom, you bend, your children, corrupted by your example, will surrender ; but if you stand firm and inexorable, you make a sea- sonable impression on the people of England, you give a wholesome example to your children, you afford instruction to his Majesty's ministers, and make (as the old English did, in the case of their charter) the attempt on Irish liberty its confirmation and establisli- • ment. This bill goes to the extinction of the most invaluable part of your parliamentary capacity : it is an union, an incipient and a S88 History of Ireland, creeping union ; a virtual union, establishing one will in the general concerns of commerce and navigation, and reposing that will m the parliament of Great Britain ; an union, where our parliament pre- serves its existence after it has lost its authority, and our people are to pay for a parliamentary establishment, without any proportion of parliamentarv representation. If any body of men can still think that the Irish constitution is incompatible with the British empire —a doctrine which I abjure, as sedition against the connexion — but, if any body of men are justified in thinking that the Irish con- stitution is incompatible with 'the British empire, perish the Empire ! live the Constitution. If I am asked how we shall use the powers of the constitution I say, for Ireland, with due regard to the British nation : let us be governed by the spirit of concord, and with fidelity to the connexion. But when the mover of this bill asks me to surrender those powers, I am astonished at him ; I have neither ears, nor eyes, nor functions to make such a sacrifice. What ! that free trade for which we strained every nerve in 1779! that free constitution for which we pledged life and fortune m 1782 ! Our lives at the service of the empire ; but our liberties ! No : we received th^ from our " Father which is in Heaven,'' and we will hand them down to our children. In the mean time, we will guard our free trade and free constitution as our only real resources : they were: the struggles of great virtue, the result of much perseverance, akd our broad base of public action. ■ Such was still the Inject state of the Irish Parhament,— such was the influence of th^Duke of Rutland's corruption over it,— that 127 voted with the English ministers, and 108 against them. Mr. Flood then moved for a declaration of rights, when another division took place still less favourable to ministers. Unable to depend upon the continuance of their slender support, the bill was finally given up, and Parliament was immediately prorogued. The defeat of the English minister was celebrated by a general illumi- nation. Resolutions against the use of Enghsh manufactures were passed at several large public meetings, and Dean Swift's advice to " burn every thing v^diich came from England, except coals,'''' was again generally recommended. As for Pitt, he is said to have been excessively mortified at the defeat of his bill, and to have deter- mined, as' he could not rule the Irish Parliament, that he would eventually annihilate it. This determination was shortly afterwards confirmed by the conduct of the Irish Parliament on the question of the regency bill. The insanity of George III., as reported to Parliament in December 1789, rendered it necessary that a Regent should be appointed to govern in his stead. The Prince of Wales (afterwards George IV.,) stood the nearest to the throne, and it was generally expected that he would be appointed Regent. But the Prince was at this time closely allied with the Whig party, and Mr. Pitt fore- * Parliamentary Debates: Dublin, 1785. History of Ireland. 389 seeing that his elevation to the regency woufd at once be fatal to his eontmuance jn office, uSed all his influence to induce the Par ia ments of both_ kingdoms to vote an address to the Queen on her to administer the affairs of the nation. The Irish Wiskt irf refused to obey the mandate of the English ministei a d fo Wed Urattan, ,n the Commons, moved an address to the Prince declaring him Regent of the kingdom of Ireland, unfe tered by o^sho^W H*'"-''^' oppo tunit-y ot shoTving Its mdepenaence," set the threats of the government + ;» ^ ; attorney-general, was exceedingly violent on u ce dtdl; MrPin"' o"\r "^"^ fomised^tlL sea^ if h^ .utceeaea toi i\li. i'ut. On this occasion he declared thqt "tli» government of Ireland, under its present constitut on coi^d ne^er rashness ulHmately lead to a union with England - paid ? " Wd\ bvT' ''''' "^"'^'^ Commons, also rnTt^ ;/ • T v®'"""" majority, and the address was then • Ihe viceroy endeuvoured to stay the progress of resistance to of the government- Th ""''-'''''**^'^ ^'^"^ ^^^^'''^ displeasure don withlw'^dt"''" Parliament now proceeded to Lon- returned with every mark o^ m bh/r^'"'"'', ^"^^ ''^'^-^''"^^ personaHnsX^andf l it t/L'^^^^^^^^^ ^ have been ever'present to h^nd!' ^'^ 390 History of Ireland. The Earl of Westmoreland was appointed to tlie viceroyalty in the place of the Marquis of Buckingham. Corruption again poured in upon the Irish Parliament like a flood. The most disgraceful system of bribery and prostitution was set on foot. The represen- tative of majesty went about, hke an obscene hawker, offermg by stealth his shameful merchandise. Peerages became now an article of o-overnment traffic ; and the money, raised by the sale of them, was expended in bribing and corrupting the members of the lower house, and in purchasing seats for the minions of the government. ' Mr. Grattan exposed this ignominious traffic m language the^ most glowing and eloquent. " You may cast a veil over famihes, said he ^'but honour, that sacred gem, you have cast into the dust. Such a minister goes before the leveller, like sin preceding the shadow of death, shedding her poisons, and distilling her influence, preparing the nectar she touches for mortahty.'^ The ministry, when charged with these transactions, did not attempt to deny the charge. Mr. Grattan and Mr. Ponsonby offered to prove the sale of peerages at the bar of the house ; but no notice was taken of the offer. In concluding his speech on the subject, Mr. Gmttan ' used the following pointed and vehement language " We charge them (the ministry) publicly, in the face of the country, with making corrupt agreements for the sale of peerages ; for doing which, we say that they are impeachable. . We charge them with corrupt agreements for the disposal of the money arising from the sale, to purchase, for the servants of the castle, seats m the assembly of the people ; for doing which, we say that they are impeachable. We charge them with committing these offences, not m one, nor m two, but in many instances ; for which complication of offences we say that they are impeachable— guilty of a systematic endeavour to undermine the constitution, in violation of the laws of the laud. We pledge ourselves to convict them ; we dare them to go into an inquiry. We do not affect to treat them as other than public male- factors; we speak to them in a style of the most mortnymg and humiliating defiance. We pronounce them to be public crimma s. Will they dare to deny the charge « I call upon and dare the ostensible member to rise in his place, and say, on his honour, that he does not believe such corrupt agreements have taken place. I wait for a specific answer." t • i o x No answer was given. Major Hobart, the Irish Secretary, re- fused to give any explanation on the subject, and thus justihed the scathing denunciations of the eloquent Grattan. p t ;i Several of the measures passed during the administration ot Lord Westmoreland are particularly worthy of notice, as exercismg a * The well-known threat, or Inre, hehl ont by Mr. Fitzgibbon, the .^"^"^S;:^;,^;^^^ refractory Opposition on the question of the l^^^ge^^X' ^^^^^^'^^^ "^P^o' ''^ of the thnesV" Half a million," he said, "or more, had been expended J'^^ f^^^^^^ break an Opposition, and the same, or a orcater sum might bo nceessary now. Such was the ' free and independent' l*arliament of Ireland ! History of Ireland, 391 considerable influence on the future condition of Ireland. Among the most important of these was the Place Bill, which, together with the Pension Bill, and the Responsibihty Bill, was proposed by Mr. Grattan, acceeded to by the viceroy, and passed into law, being considered as a triumph of the opposition over the venality of the government. Mr. Grattan was again entrapped by his generous credulity ; and did not perceive that in making himself instrumental in carrying a Place bill, he was putting into the hands of a corrupt minister the means of packing the Parhament, and completely destroying its independence. By rendering it imperative on mem- bers accepting office to vacate their seats, — making no distinction between real and nominal offices, — the minister was afterwards enabled almost to form the Parliament according to his pleasure.* In fact, there can be little doubt that it was mainly through the oper- ation of the Place Bill that the Irish Parliament was delivered into the hands of Pitt, and that he was finally enabled to carry the union. The Catholics of Ireland again appeared on the stage of public events, during the administration of the Earl of Westmoreland. The exclusiveness and intolerance of the Protestants during the Volunteer movement, had ended in a renewal of the ancient^ suspicion and distrust of the dominant party. The Catholics, however, renewed their organization ; they remodelled their General Committee, and consolidated its powers, adopting the healthy prin- ciple of representation. It now contained a large number of men of property, wealth, and influence, who began to assume a bolder air, to speak in a more independent tone, and to think with greater courage, as the prospect of increased liberty, and enlarged rights and privileges, gradually opened upon them, in common with their Protestant brethren. The Catholics were now in a very different position from what they were forty years before. Many of them had acquired wealth, property, and intelligence. They had been admitted to the partial enjoyment of civil liberty, and ardently longed for further concessions. Thongh the Catholic aristocracy still held themselves aloof, and in many cases were as conspicuous for their oppression of their miserable tenantry as the Protestant landlords, —there were not awanting men of talent, energy, and enterprize, fitted to take the lead in the struggle for further Cathohc rehef and even entire emancipation. The attempt was indeed made by the hereditary conductors of _ * Though offices of real emolument could not be so frequently vacated and transferred, as to give the minister any advantage, those of nominal value might be daily given and resigned, with- out observation, so that, as the House was then constituted, the minister might almost form the Commons at his pleasure. There were four nominal offices in Ireland,— the Escheatorships of Leinster, Munster, Con- naught, and Ulster, which are obsolete : their emoluments were 30s. per annum. By means of these offices, Lord Castlereagh packed the Parliament in 1800. T, "^^X Chiltern Hundreds in England are of the same nature; but the large number of the British Commons renders anything like packing Parliament for occasional purposes, by that means, impossibls. Nor durst a British minister practice that artifice, except to a very limited extent.— Sir Jonah Barhington's Rise and Fall. 392 Hidory of Ireland. the Catholic cause, so Kate as the year 1791, to restrain the growth of popular opinions among the Catholic body. Headed by Lord Kenmare, they undertook to present an address to the Lord Lieu- tenant, condemnatory of the spirit and tendency of the popular associations of the clay, and leaving, with implicit loyalty, the measure of justice which it might think to be their due, entirely to the discretion of the government. But there were now bold and honest men among the Catholic body, able and willing to assert their rights, who refused to join in this loathsome servility to the court : these men,» the real representatives of the popular spirit, protested against the proceedings of the Catholic lords and gentry; a separation took place, and the Catholic cause was henceforward chiefly conducted by commercial men of intelligence and spirit, having a close sympathy with the people, from which they sprung, and enjoying numerous opportunities of ascertaining the popular feelings and demands. Among the most remarkable men of this class, was John Keogh, the Dublin merchant, — a strong and rough-souled man, but admir- ably fitted for the emergencies of his time ! In his person he ^ represented the strong common sense, the practical wisdom, and at the same time the ardent patriotism which then distinguished that portion of the Irish Cathohc population to which he belonged. He was a man of infinite tact, — the O'Connell of his day. He possessed the rare gift of shaping men's opinions of policy according to his own, which were always distinguished for judiciousness, justness, and general fitness of application. By his unfaltering firmness, his consummate address, and his admirable judgment, he gave an impulse to the Catholic cause, which continued to gather strength with time, until it reached its perfect and final con- summation. In 1791, the Cathohcs resolved to petition the Irish Parliament ; but they could not get a member to present their petition to the House. Four millions of subjects had not one representative ! The select Committee was then called together by Keogh, who urged that the Catholic body should delegate one of their number to represent their grievances to the government. No one but himself would undertake the task ; and in the strength of a just cause, he went and pleaded in behalf of his fellow-subjects. The time happened to be opportune. The French Revolution was just commencing ; the British government was alarmed ; probably they feared lest the example of France might prove contagious at home ; and accordingly they made preparations to grant a partial relief to the Catholics. In 1792, the privileges of Catholic educa- tion were made more free, the legal profession Avas thrown open to Catholics, and they were permitted to intermarry with Protestants. But these were paltry and insignificant concessions ; which only stinndated the C'atholic connnittee to renewed exertions and to increased demands for redress. I'liey next issued a spirited address, History of Ireland. 393 showing forth the oppressive laws nnder which they still oroaned and boldly demanded redress : — ' "Behold us before you;^ said they,— " three millions of the people of Ireland, subjects of the same King, inhabitants of the same land, bound togetlier by the same social contract, good and loyal subjects to his majesty, his crown and government— yet doomed to one unqualified incapacity— to a universal civil proscrip- tion. We are excluded from the state— we are excluded from the revenues— we are excluded from every distinction, every privileo-e every office, every emolument, every civil trust, every corporate right. \\ e are excluded from the navy, from the army, trom the magistracy from the professions. We are excluded from the pal- ladium of hre liberty, and property— the jaries and inquests of our country. From what are we not excluded \ We are excluded trom the constitution. We most humbly and earnestly supplicate and implore Parliament to call this law of universal exclusion to a severe account ; and now, at last, to demand of it upon what prin- ciple It stands, of equity, of morahty, of justice, or of policy. We demand the severest scruiiity into our principles, our actions, our words and our thoughts. Where is that people, who, hke us, can * otter the testimony of a hundred years^ patient submission to a code ot laws, ot which no man living is now an advocate, without sedition, without murmur, without complaint ? Our loyalty has undergone a century of severe persecution for the sake of our religion, and we have come out of the ordeal with our relimon and with our loya ty. Why, then, are we still left under the ban of our country V These bold and strong appeals to reason and justice produced a powerfu effect throughout the country, and the ministers began to be afraid. A the same time, the Protestants of the North were assuming an alarming attitude, and were now organising themselves tor the purpose of carrying a measure of Parliamentary Reform, ihey were formmg those parish, county, and provincial commit- • tees, which were afterwards converted into companies, reoiments and brigades -constituting that mysterious and much-dreaded body, The United Ihishmen. Though the object of the Catho- ics was confined to civil emancipation, there was every probabihty ' wo. ]/l . .9'^^^^ment persisted in denying them justice, they would fraternize and make common cause with the United Irish- men, who were seeking to effect its overthrow. Indeed, a very ntimate connexion had already begun to spring up between the ^^^IIT'^Y'' P"'^"^^^ Committee and the leading direc- tors of the Umon. Both were in communication with the French goverument ; and looked in that direction for aid in time of need l^l^X^l^^^^^^^ for complete Cathohc Emancipation as well as the Catholics themselves. Was there not, therefore every probabihty that these powerful bodies might, i^ course of time, fraternize for the purpose of obtaining the same common 394 History of Ireland. objects ? These considerations caused great alarm in the Irish government, which was still farther augmented by the sudden appearance of the Defenders — an association of the oppres- sed Catholic peasantry for self-assertion and self-defence, — who, though in no ways connected with the Catholic Committee, pro- fessed the same religion, and suffered under the same grievances. Under these circumstances, the government prepared to adopt a deep and wily policy with the Catholics. They determined to - draw them off from connexion with the Protestant Reformers by large concessions of rehef : they resolved to bribe them into quiet by ameliorations of the penal code, — at the same time that they endeavoured to foment dissensions between them — to play them off against each other, and, if possible, to bring them into collision with each other. The means by which the English ministry set about accomplishing these objects, were exceedingly artful. The intimation was conveyed to the heads of the principal Catholic families, through the Duchess of Buckingham, herself a Catholic, that the minister was exceedingly anxious to abrogate the penal statutes, and that government would use all its influence in their * favour. Thus encouraged, the Catholics prepared and forwarded a petition to Pai'liament for a repeal of the penal statutes. The agents of the government took the opportunity of representing this as the first step of the Catholics towards religious supremacy, as well as towards the reclaimation of the confiscated estates of their ancestors. By this means the government sought to infuriate the ascendancy against the Catholic population. The petition w^as at once rejected by a majority of 208 to 23. Nevertheless, a CathoHc Rehef Bill was ' introduced by Mr. O'Neill and Mr. Gardner, — which was opposed by the Protestant gentry as most dangerous to the country, and was at once rejected. Pitt, how- ever, was resolved to humiliate the Irish Parliament, and make it contemptible even to itself. The same Cathohc Rehef Bill was introduced the following year, 1793, by the government; and, to the surprise of all, it passed by nearly the same majority that had so contemptuously kicked it out only a few months before ! Probably, however, the success of the French republican armies in the Netherlands at this time, had no small share in these concessions of 1793.* By the Catholic Relief Bill of 1793, the Catholics were ad- * It should be recollected that these concessions were made more in fear than in friendship. The revolutionary war was about to commence— the flames of republicanism had spread far and near. It was eagerly caught up amongst the Protestant and especially among the Presby- terian population of the north of Ireland. Belfost Avas its warmest focus; it Avas the deep interest of the British Government to detach the wealth and intelligence of the Catholics of Ireland from the republican party. This policy was adopted. The Catholics were conciliated. The Catholic nobility, gentry, mercantile, and other educated classes, almost to a man, separated from the republican party. That Avhich would otherwise have been a revolution, became only an unsuccessful rebellion. The intelligent and leading Catholics were conciliated, and Ireland ■was once again, by the vvise policy of concession and conciliation, saved to the British crown. — O'Connell's Memoir of Jrfland, p. 24-5, History of Ireland. 395 mitted to the exercise of the elective franchise, though they were still debarred from sitting in ParKament. The Bar was opened to them, but they were still shut out from the Bench and the higher offices of state. They were allowed, however, to exercise all the subordinate civil and military offices, and places of trust and profit under the crown. Yet these concessions, great though they were as compared v/ith the past treatment of the Catholics, did not cause unqualified gratification. The grant was felt to be "a panic- struck capitulation, — a sacrifice of ancient monopoly, given up reluctantly to the command of a superior, and in obedience to the advancing dangers of the times." It only served to disgust Cathohc and Protestant alike with the venahty of the Irish legis- lature. There was no grace in the act ; it was extorted by the minister, whom the Parliament, now thoroughly enslaved, did not dare to disobey. Even while they granted the franchise to the Catholics, they contemplated turning it to their own selfish ad- vantage. Those who had estates peopled by Catholics, saw in the measure only the extension of their power over the consciences of their tenantry. They prepared to take possession of their votes as part of their landed property. The emancipation was one of shreds and patches, and still left the Catholics branded as an mferior caste. It is not improbable, however, that more hberal concessions would have followed, had not Pitt pushed on the rebelhon, and put a stop to social progress in Ireland for many years to come. Shortly after passing the Catholic Relief Bill, the Irish Parha- ment passed several coercive measures at the call of the govern- ment. One of these acts was " To prevent the election or appointment of assembhes purporting to represent the people, or any description or numbers of the people, under pretence of pre- parmg or presenting petitions, &c. &c., to the King, or either House of Parliament, for alteration of matters established by law, or redress of alleged grievances in Church or State." Another act was directed against the importation of arms and military stores ; and another was passed for raising a militia. At the same time, the government was supported in all its coercive measures agamst the people. Trials for sedition became numerous ; public meetings were dispersed by force ; arbitrary fines were imposed on the editors of newspapers; and the 'reign of terror fairly commenced. The dragon's teeth had long been sowing, and they shortly after sprung up in the shape of armed men. The next step in the policy of exasperation was the recall of the Earl of Westmoreland, and the appointment of Lord Fitz- wdham, in 1795, to the Viceroyalty of Ireland. This amiable and hberal-mmded nobleman belonged to the Whig party, and was highly respected throughout the coimtry. He had large pos- sessions m Ireland, and was extremely popular as being a kind and mdulgent landlord. His presence in Dublin was hailed with 396 History of Ireland. entlmsiastic delight by all classes of the people ; and it was anti- cipated that such a conciliatory policy would now be adopted and persevered in as would tranquillize the country, and avert the dreaded consequences of civil rebellion. It would seem, however, that this formed, in reality, no part of the intentions of the Eng- lish minister ; but that, on the other hand, his object was merely to awaken hopes which should never be reahsed, to sting the people into premature resistance, and thus force on the political crisis which he had so long expected. At all events, such was the actual result, whatever may have been the intended one. Lord Fitzwilliam accepted office on the sole condition that he should have the power to grant complete emancipation to the Cathohcs, and to carry a Reform of the Irish House of Commons. He also stipulated for the power to dismiss from office and power all such persons as had lost the confidence of the country. He had scarcely assumed the reins of government ere he proceeded to fulfil his intentions. Bills for the emancipation of the Catholics, the reform of the police establishment, and the im- proved representation of the people in Parhament, were introduced, w^ith little opposition ; and several unworthy persons were dis- missed from office with ample compensation. Among these was a member of the Beresford family, who now divided among them a very large share of the pubhc emoluments of the country. They overran every department in the state, and monopolised the whole Custom-house. The pubhc frauds of^ which they were proved to be guilty were enormous. In one single instance, the public were defrauded of ^^60,000. In one family^ were found miited the different lucrative situations of Commissioner of the Treasury, Commissioner of Revenue, Counsel to the Commis- sioners, Store-keeper, and Banker. The head of this family had a son-in-law Treasurer, and a brother-in-law Chancellor ; and he aimed now at making his brother Primate. This person was dis- missed by Earl Fitzwilliam, with a compensation of 6£'3,000 per annum, — his family retaining the places and emoluments actually, in their possession. Pitt expostulated with the Viceroy on the dismissal of this person ; and perhaps it alforded a favourable opportunity for his now breaking faith with Lord Fitzwilliam. ^ The history of this transaction, so honourable to Lord Fitz- william, so disgraceful to Pitt, is found detailed in the two interest- ing letters of that noble lord to the Earl of Carhsle. ^ Lord Fitzwilliam there shows that it had already been determined to effi^ct a Union — that the peace of Ireland was to be sacrificed to attain that object — and that, as Lord Fitzwilliam almost expresses it, Beresford was preferred to him in order that rebellion might be excited. " Charged," says he, " with the government of a dis- tracted and discontented country, am I alone to be fettered and restrained in the choice of the persons by whom I am to be assisted ? — and, rather than indulge in that single point— even considering History of Ireland. It m the light of mdulgence—must the people of England boldly force I had almost said, the certainty of driving this Ungdom into a rehelkon, and open another breach for ruin and destruction to break in upon usV " You must make your choice," said Lord Fitzwilliam to Mr. -t^itt, between Beresford and me." Pitt did make his choice — it was corruption ; and the corruption was followed bv coercion • and the coercion was followed by rebellion, bloodshed, and all the' horrors and calamities that await on civil strife. The recall of Earl FitzwilHam was the signal for renewed discord i he people were exasperated to the highest pitch; they had now been brought into the proper state to be goaded into a rebellion. The administration of Lord Camden, who succeeded Lord Fitzwilliam was throughout a scene of open strife. - Two desperate parties," said Mr. txrattan, " were now in arms against the Constitution. Un the one side there was the camp of the rebel ; on the other the camp ot the mmister, a greater traitor than the rebel ; and the treason of the mmister against the people was infinitely worse than the rebellion of the people against the minister." Public riots in Dublin signalized the entrance of Lord Camden upon his viceroyalty. The public fury first fell upon the Beres- fords, the supposed cause of Lord FitzwiUiam's departure. The Chancellor was assailed by the populace, in his carriage ; he was pelted with stones, one of which struck him a severe blow on the torehead. His house was attacked, and he himself escaped with the greatest difficulty The people next attacked the Custom House, where Mr. Beresford, the commissioner, resided ; and several shots were fired from the windows, by which one man was killed and several were wounded. Lord Camden himself dared not appear abroad without a strong body-guard of soldiers, who were hooted and hissed by the multitude. From this period the spirit of Insurrection rapidly inc^-eased ; the plans of the United Irishmen became matured ; and Mr. Pitt's scheme rapidly advanced towards completion. The L^ish Parliament was now prostrate at the feet of the minister ; Grattan, Ponsonby, and the rest of the opposition, had withdrawn ; Ireland was fast approaching a state of anarchy ; and the dogs of war were pre- paring, in all directions, to be let loose upon the people E e 398 IIisto7y of Ireland, CHAPTER XXXVIL The United laisHMEN—Their origin— Their objects—Republican opinions of the Northern Irish— The first Society formed in Belfast— Establishment of 7'he Northern Star— The Catholics invited to join the United Irishmen— Theobald Wolfe Tone's Appeal— Great Convention Meetings— Alarm of Government— They pass the Catholic Relief Bill— Their object to disunite Catholics from the United Irishmen— Coercive Measures of the Government— Arrests and Trials- Suppression of Public Meetings— Now Organization of the United Society — A French Agent in Ireland arrested— The attention of the Irish people directed towards France for Aid — Lord Edward Fitzgerald joins the United Irishmen— Sketch of his Life and Character— Negociations entered into with France- Theobald Wolfe Tone appointed Agent— Proceeds to France— Interview with Carnot — His extraordinary Success— General Hoche appointed commander of an Expedition to Ireland— Sanguinary measures of the Irish Government— Heche's Expedition sets sail— Its Fate— Alarm throughout Ireland— The Government perseveres in its Injustice — The Opposition withdraw from Parliament — Military Law proclaimed — Atrocities of the Soldiery and Yeomanry— The Orangemen— The People prevented from rising by their Chiefs— More Agents dispatched to France — The Second French Expedition assembles in the Texel — Its Fate — Military Force of the United Irishmen — The Government employ Spies and Informers— Curran's scathing Denunciations — Reynolds, the Informer — Arrest of Mr. O'Connor — Appointment of a Revolutioimry Staff— Arrest of the Direc- tory of the United Irishmen — New Plan of Insurrection — Arrest of Lord Edward Fitzgerald— Captain Armstrong, the Informer — The Kingdom declared in a state of Rebellion —Renewed Tortures of the People— The Outbreak. The society of United Irishmen sprung from tlie ashes of the Volmiteer Associations. The Volmiteers had failed to accom- plish the independence of Ireland ; but the lessons which they had taught sank deep into the national .mind, and stimulated the people to renewed exertions in the cause of Irish freedom. Though the Whig leaders had abandoned the movement vvh en they foimd that they incurred the risk of a collision with the government, other leaders arose from among the people themselves, who took up the principles they had thrown aside, and endeavoured to carry them into practical realization. Among the principles prominently advocated by the Volunteers in their palmiest days, were those of Parliamentary Reform. The same principles were advocated by all the leading reformers of the day,— by William Pitt, the Duke of Richmond, the Earl of Charlemont, Stewart (afterwards Lord Castlereagh), Fox, Burke, Sheridan, and their contemporaries. The published sentiments of these men exercised a powerful influence upon public opinion; and infused themselves especially into the minds of the rising gene- ration. The mihtary demonstrations of the Volunteers also, at the same tunc that they awoke the young enthusiasm of Ireland, and propagated among all ranks the feelings of independence and self-reliance, closely associated the idea of political movement with History of Ireland. S99 armed organization. Tlie examples of America and France proved also infectious ; botli these countries had achieved their liberties with arms in their hands ; and the Irish reformers, remem- bering the example of the Volunteers, now proposed to effect their liberation by a grand united effort of the armed physical force of the country. It was not, however, until after the Volunteers had been dis- banded, and all hope of improvement from the corrupt Irish Par- liament had disappeared, and many of the a wowed reformers of 1782 had become the avowed enemies of all reform, that the Irish patriots proposed to form themselves into new associations for self- assertion and redress of grievances. About the same time, the exciting events of the French Revolution were rousing all Europe from its apathy. The deep-rooted despotism of fourteen centuries was^ blown to the winds, and the surrounding nations looked anxiously for the issue, — the oppressed people with hope, their governors with apprehension and alarm. It may easily be conceived with what earnest anxiety the long- suffering people of Ireland watched the progress of the French towards freedom. A sympathy with the Revolution soon became a test whereby to distinguish the true man from the false. The nation speedily became divided into the two parties of democrats and aristocrats, and a struggle between them seemed imminent in the extreme. The principles of the Revolution were embraced with great ardour, especially by the northern Irish. These were a very different population fronj the inhabitants of the south, and belonged to an essentially different race — being descended from the Scotch settlers in Ulster, and inheriting all that sturdy opposition to aristocratic oppression which distinguished their ancestors. By religion, education, and habit, they were inclined to republicanism. They had httle regard for persons — they abjured bishops, they cared not for kings, and vehemently resisted the oppressions of their aristocracy. Though pressed down by numerous local griev- ances and burdens, they could not be broken into servitude, but longed eagerly for the opportunity of asserting their rights. They were chiefly Dissenters from the Established Church, and clung to the Presbyterianism o£ their forefathers. They constituted nearly two-thirds of the inhabitants of Ulster, and, generally speaking, 'formed the most industrious and active portion of its population. It was they who composed the flower of the Volunteer army, who commenced the movement m favour of Parliamentary Reform, who were the first to stand forward in support of the principles of the French Revolution, and who now set on foot the famous Society of United Irishmen. The first Society was formed in Belfast, in October, 1791, chiefly through the instrumentahty of Theobald Wolfe Tone, a poor but gifted young barrister, then in his 28th year. Tone's object in forming this new Society may be stated in his own words: 400 History of Ireland. ''To subvert the tyranny of our execrable government, — to break the connection with England, the never-failing source of our political evils, — and to assert the independence of my country ; — these were my objects. To unite the whole people of Ireland, — to abolish the memory of all past dissensions, and to substitute the common name of Irishmen in place of the denominations of Pro- testant, Catholic, and Dissenter ; these were my means." At the first meeting of the Society, the principle of equal representation for all the people of Ireland* was made the basis of their future operations. From Belfast, Mr. Tone, in company with his friend Russell, proceeded to Dublin, with instructions to cul- tivate the leaders in the popular interest, and, if possible, to form a club of United Irishmen. In a few weeks a metropoHtan Society was established, the Hon. Simon Butler acting as chairman, and James Napper Tandy as secretary. The Belfast declaration and resolutions were adopted ; the club rapidly increased in num- bers, the Catholics, particularly, flocked in in crowds. Tone himself, after having thus given the Society a start, soon sunk into obscurity in it, other men, better known and of greater experience, crowding into the front of the movement. The next step in advance was, t^e estabhshment of a public organ of communication between all parties and classes of reform- ers. Twelve of the more enterprizing and able of the members subscribed ^£^250 each, with which a paper was started at Bel- fast, called the Northern Star, the management of which was confided to Samuel Neilson, a leading reformer of that city. The Evening Star was started in Dublin shortly after, and these publi- cations soon obtained great popularity, and a rapid and extensive sale. The more far-seeing of the leaders of the United Irishmen were not slow to perceive that unless they could induce the great body of the Catholic population to join them, the government could mock all their efforts, and set them at utter defiance. The Catholic people, it must be kept in mind, embraced the entire peasantry of three provinces of Ireland, and a large portion of the mercan- ' tile body. It was necessary, therefore, that this mass should be roused into exertion, before the proposed measures of the United Irishmen could have the slightest chance of realization. It had long been the policy of the government to keep the Catholics and Dissenters of Ireland disunited. So far back as the time of Swift, it had been made a matter of complaint by Primate Boulter, that the agitation against Wood's half-pence had * The foUowhig Resolutions were passed at the first meeting :— " 1st. That the weight of English influence in the Government of this country, is so great as to require a cordial union among all the people of Ireland, to maintain that balance which is essential to the preservation of om- liberties and the extension of commerce. " 2nd. That the sole constitutional mode by which this influence can he opposed, is by a com- plete and radical reform of the representation of the people in parliament. 3rd. That no reform is just which tloes not include Irishmen of every religious persuasion," History of Ireland, 401 " had a most unliappy influence on the state of the nation, by bringing on intimacies between the Papists and the Whigs, who before had no correspondence with them." The union of the oppressed Catholics and the oppressed Protestants was foreseen to be the downfal of the oligarchical ascendancy, and accordingly the utmost pains were taken on all occasions by the government to keep them as widely apart as possible. The Catholics were not, like the enthusiastic northerns, disposed towards repubhcanism and revolution. On the other hand, they were completely hostile to any such principles. The spirit of Catholicism is averse to democracy : it inclines rather towards the feudal and monarchical. Rightly governed, the Catholics of Ireland would have proved the most loyal, orderly, peaceable, and well- aifectioned of all the inhabitants of the empire. The prominent characteristic of the Catholic is faith, — faith in spiritual as in civil superiors ; and he never becomes a rebel unless driven to it. The horrid scenes of the French Revolution — the flood- tide of atheism and infidelity with which it was ushered into being, also tended strongly to repel the Catholics from any connection with the men who sympathized with such proceedings. It was only by dint of protracted denial of justice, — it was only through long-continued oppression, persecution, misery, and want — through tyranny practised upon them in every hour and in every act of their lives — that the Catholic population, heart-sore and hungry for justice and bread, at length rose up and joined the Protestants* and republicans of the North in their organized attempt to overthrow and destroy the government. It does not appear, however, that the United Irishmen entertained the idea of establishing a republic until coercion and tyranny had driven them far beyond the designs with which they originally set out. " For my own part," says Tone, in his Autobiography, " I think it right to mention that, at this time, the estabhshment of a republic was not the immediate object of my speculations. My object was to secure the independence of my country under any form of govern- ment, to whicli I was led by a hatred of England, so deeply rooted in my nature that it was rather an instinct than a principle." The same " instinct," the result of six hundred years of slavery, mis- rule, and persecution, no doubt actuated the great proportion of thinking Irishmen, of all creeds, at the same period. With the view, at the same time, of rousing the Catholics, and of exciting the sympathy of the Dissenters in their behalf, Wolfe Tone published a pamphlet in 1791, entitled " An argument on behalf of the Catholics of Ireland," in which he endeavoured to convince the Protestants and the Catholics thkt they had but one * It is -worthy of remark that the leaders of the United Irishmen, with very rare exceptions, were Protestants, and not Catholics, as has been generally imagined. Tone, Emmett, Russell, Lord Edward Fitzgerald, and the other prominent leaders in the civil war, were all Protestants: of the twenty state prisoners confined in Fort George, only four wei-e Catholics. 402 Iliston/ of Ireland. common interest, and one common enemy ; that tlie depress: on and slavery of Ireland was produced and perpetuated by the divi- sions existing between them ; and that, consequently, to assert the independence of their country, and their own individual liberties, it was necessary to forget all former feuds, to consolidate the entire strength of the whole nation, and to form for the future but one peopfe. In this pamphlet, Mr. Tone took particular care to demonstrate to the Protestants, that the cause of the failure of all their former efforts, and more especially of the Volunteer Conven- tion of 1783, was the unjust neglect of the claims of their Catholic brethren. This pamphlet excited great interest, and led to the cultivation of a kindher feeling among the Protestant and Cathohc leaders. It was the means of introducing Mr. Tone to John Keogh and other Catholics of influence, and afterwards procuring for him the appointment of Secretary to the General Cathohc Committee, where he vras of great use in promoting the union of the leaders of the two great parties of the day. The new organization of the Cathohc body was soon after effected; the Central Committee which met in March, 1792, became a purely representative body, concentrating the opinions of about three milhons of men. Shortly after, a Volunteer Conven- tion (the last), said to represent upwards of a milhon of people, met at Dungannon, in February, 1793, and passed resolutions in favour of Parhamentary Reform and Cathohc ^ Emancipation,— appointing, at the same time, a permanent Committee. The minis- try became seriously alarmed. The Cathohcs and Dissenters were at last unanimous ; and it was feared that the result might be the emancipation of both from the trammels of oligarchy. The French Revolution was now making rapid progress, and the success of the French armies was extraordinary. Dumourier was in Brabant, and Holland lay prostrate before him. Even London, to enthusi- astic imaginations, did not appear far off. The danger was immi- nent, and the ministry resolved to make a virtue of necessity. In April, 1783, they passed the Cathohc ReUef Bill * clogged, how- ever, Avith many odious restrictions. The ministry jdelded to fear, not to their sense of justice. They also sought, by means of con- cession to the Catholics, to crush the Protestant organization of the north, which they greatly dreaded. And the Relief Bill in some measure answered the purposes of the government ; for, immediately on its enactment, the Catholic body relaxed in their exertions ; the principal leaders withdrew from public agitation ; and, for a time the active resistance of the Catholics to the govern- ment was suspended. Having thus detached the Catholics from the organization, the government immediately brought all its powers to bear against * " Whence do all this benignity flow ? " said Lord Charlcmont in a letter to ]\Ir. Hardy, - " 1 donl)t^nuich whether Monsievir Dumourier ever heard of a Parliamentary Hefonn, ami yet I am almost tempted to suspeclJiiui of hu\injj some share in what is now going forward." History of Ireland, 403 the reformers and republicans of the north. A law was now passed to put down conventions and assemblies of representa- tives of the people. On pretence of some local disturbances in the north, the government augmented the standing army, raised the militia and yeomanry, and disarmed the people by act of parlia- ment. The gentry, magistrates, and clergy of the established church — those Swiss guards of all tyrant rulers — everywhere zea- lously seconded the efforts of the government. A secret commit- tee was likewise established, with the consent of the Whig as well as Tory interest, whose operations soon equalled in cruelty and bloody violence, the worst acts of the worst secret tribunals which have ever, disgraced the history of any country, — the Star-chamber of England, the Inquisition of Spain, or the Committee of Public Safety of France. The courts of justice became the instruments of torture in the hands of government. Juries were packed, in order to secure convictions ; the hirelings of government were placed in the office of Sheriii ; state prosecutions multiplied, and iniquitous judgments were recorded ; a host of hired witnesses and informers, raked from the very dregs of society, but in the pay of the Castle, were let loose upon the people, to incite them to con- spiracy, and then to live upon their conviction. Soldiers were quartered upon the supposed disaffected districts, and indulged in every kind of vice and licentiousness, violating all the laws of decorum, of honour, and of civilized society. By these and similar means, the irritation of the people was soon quickened into despe- ration and madness. A number of arrests were now made, of leading members of the United Irishmen ; among others, of Archibald Hamilton Rowan, Simon Butler, and OHver Bond. The first was secretary to the Dublin Society, and was arrested and brought to trial, for an address jssued by the Committee, in 1792, to the Volunteers of Ireland. The trial took place in January, 1794, on which occasion the impassioned and eloquent Curran delivered one of the most splendid speeches that has been delivered in any age or country. Mr. Rowan was convicted and heavily sentenced,' but he after- wards escaped to France. On the 4th of May, 1794, the place of meeting of the United Irishmen in Dublin, the Tailors' Hall in Back Lane, was, under the sanction of one of the new coercive measures, broken into by the police, the meeting was dispersed, and their papers seized and carried away. This was the last open meeting of the Society ; the members, deprived of the right of meeting and discussing public affairs,, naturally passed to the next step — tliey became secret con- spirators. The Society was entirely remodelled and reorganized. An oath of secrecy and fidelity was imposed on all the members. The original objects of the Society — Parliamentary Reform, and Catholic Emancipation, became merged in aims amounting to the establishment of a republican or purely democratic government. 404 Ilistori/ of Ireland. " The full representation of ctll the people of Ireland" * was now the grand object of the Association. The new organization of the Society was complete as regarded secrecy, concert, and unanimity of action among the members. The following is a short sketch of the plan : — "In order to avoid the mixture of persons unknown to each other, it was fixed that no society should consist of more than twelve persons, and those, as nearly as possible, of the same street or neighbourhood. By each of these societies of twelve, a secretary was chosen, and the secretaries of five such societies formed a Committee, called the Lower Baronial. The next step in the scale was the Upper Baronial Committee, to constitute which ten Lower Baronials sent each a member ; and above this rose again the District or County Committee, composed of one member chosen from each Upper Baronial. Having provided, by these successive layers, as it were, of dele- gated authority, — each exercising a superintendence over that im- mediately below it, — for the organization of the several counties and populous towns, they next superadded, in each of the four provinces, a Provincial Committee, composed of two;- or sometimes three members elected from each of the County Committees ; and, lastly, came the Executive, — the apex of the system, — which con- sisted of five persons, chosen in such a manner from the Provincial Committeee as to leave the members of the latter in entire igno- rance as to the individuals selected. Over the whole body thus organized, the Executive possessed full command, and could trans- mit its orders with but little risk through the whole range of the Union, — one member of the Executive communicating them to one member of the Provincial Committee, and he again to the secre- tary of the County Committee, who, in like manner, passed them down through the secretaries of the Baronials, and these on to the secretaries of the subordinate societies. The facility with which it was found that this plan, though designed, at first, for a purely civil organization, could be transfer- red, without change of its structure, to military purposes, rendered it a doubly formidable engine in the hands that now directed it. The secretary of each society of twelve was transformed easily into * The foUoAving are some of the general provisions of the plan : " Tliat the nation, for tlio purposes of representation solely, should bo divided into three liundrcd electorates, formed by a conibination of parishes, and as nearly as possible equal iu point of population. " That each electorate should return one member to Parliament. " That every male of sound mind, who has attained the age of 2], and actually dwelt or main- tained a family establishment in any electorate for six montlis of the twelve iuunciHatcly previ- ous to the commencement of the election (provided his residence, or maintaining a family establishment be duly registered^, should be entitled to vote for the representative of the electo- rate. " That the votes of all electors should be given by voice, and not by ballot, " That no property qualification should entitle any man to be a representative. " That the representatives should receive a reasonable stipend for their scrvicee, " That Parliaments should be annual. History of Ireland. 405 a ^sergeant or corporal ; the delegate of five societies to a Lower Baronial became a captain with sixty men under his command, and the delegate of ten Lower Baronials to a County or District Committee took rank as a colonel at the head of a battalion of six hundred men.*"* It does not appear that, at this time, the idea of soliciting foreign aid had entered seriously into the minds of the leaders of the United Irishmen. A circumstance now occurred, however, which soon turned their thoughts in that direction. A French agent, the Rev. William Jackson, having arrived in Ireland to sound the dispositions of the Irish people, was arrested by the government. He was rash and foolish to such a degree, that it was suspected he was secretly the spy of the British government. He communicated with Theobald Wolfe Tone, v/ho, when he saw the kind of man he had to deal with, refused all further communication with him. The government, who knew of his mission from the time of his arrival from France, and had a paid spy constantly in his company, — a person named Cockayne, who had betrayed Jackson and sold his information to the government, — at length arrested him, Avhen the unhappy man put an end to his life in prison. Though Jack- son's mission thus failed in its immediate object, it succeeded in another way : it gave pubhcity to the object of his visit, and an- nounced the important fact to the people of Ireland, that the French government now had its eyes bent upon them, and that they were ready, if need required, to aid them in rending asunder the chains which bound their country to the earth. From this period the United Irishmen looked to France for help in the great revolution which they proposed to themselves to accomplish. It was about this time that the appointment of Lord Fitzwilliam to the government of Ireland took place, which was shortly after- wards followed by his recall, — when the cup of promise and of hope was insultingly dashed from the Hps of the Irish people. Lord Camden was appointed Lord Lieutenant, and, in conjunction with Lords Carhampton, Clare, and Castlereagh, commenced a system of terror, cruelty, and persecution, which ended in driving the people to madness and goading them into open insurrection. Intox- icated by their victory over the liberal viceroy, their joy knew no bounds : they were frantic with exultation, treating the people as the mere vassals and slaves of the government. The tyranny of the executive had the effect of greatly increasing the numbers of the United Irishmen, and driving into their ranks many men of property and influence, who now despaired of obtain- ing reform by any of the constitutional methods. It was not until the year 1796, that the United Irishmen found enrolled among their members the names of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, Arthur O'Connor, Emmett, Macneven, and others, whose characters as patriots may t Moore's Life of Lord Edward Fitzgerald. 406 History of Ireland. certainly cliallenge a comparison with the purest and noblest to be found in history. The intimate connexion of Lord Edward Fitz- gerald with the events of this period, warrant our bestowing- upon his life and history a rather more particular notice than usual. Lord Edward Fitzgerald was a scion of the ancient and noble house of Geraldine, — a family which, for several hundred years, w^as most intimately connected with the political history of L^eland. He was fifth son of the Duke of Leinster — L-eland's only Duke : his mother was a daughter of the celebrated Duke of Richmond, so widely known for his bold assertion of popular rights. Lord Ed- ward was born in October, 1763. His father died at an early age, when the Duchess married a second time, and removed with her family to the south of France, where the young Fitzgerald was mainly educated. His attention was more particularly directed to military science, in wdiich he soon became a considerable proficient. He returned to England in 1779, and shortly afterwards, he joined the Sussex militia, of which his uncle the Duke of Richmond was colonel. This proved only a first step to soldiership, for he shortly afterwards entered the 96th foot, as lieutenant, and in the autumn of 1780, he joined the regiment in Ireland. Eager to be employed in active service, he shortly after exchanged into the 19th foot, then about to embark on foreign service. In June 1781, he landed at Charlestown, South Carolina, and soon distinguished himself as an active and enterprising ofiicer. At the battle of Entau Springs he received a severe wound in the thigh, which left him insensible on the field. In this helpless situation he was found by a poor negro, who took the wounded man upon his back and carried liim off to his hut, where he tenderly nursed him, until he was able to rejoin his regiment at Charlestown. Lord Fitzgerald took the poor negro, so well known afterwards as the " faithful Tony," into his service, and he continued devotedly attached to his noble master to the end of his career. The war against America closed with the humilia- ting surrender of Lord Cornwallis at York Town, when Lord Edward was transferred to St. Lucia, in the West Indies, when he was placed on the Staff of General O'Hara. Shortly afterwards, he returned to Ireland, and, a dissolution of Parliament having taken place, he was brought in by his brother the Duke of Leinster for the borough of Atliy. Years passed over, in comparative inaction, during wdiich he spent his time by turns in Ireland, England, and France. As the struggle, however, between the democratic and oligarchial interests in Ireland approached, and the friends of the popular cause banded themselves together to resist the encroach- ments of arbitrary power, Lord Edward's interest became greatly excited in the political occurrences of the time. From the first, he boldly took the side of the Irish party, — and his name was on all occasions to be found in the very small minority wdiich the stock of Irish patriotism in Parliament at that time supplied, --ki 1787, as soon as he was released from his parliamentary duties, he made History of Irelmid. 407 the tour of Spain and Portugal. He returned to England, and shortly afterwards, suffering from disappointed affection, he sailed for New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, where he joined his regiment (now the 54th), and remained in America until the end of 1789. Immedi- ately on his return to England, he sought for active employment in his profession, and, as his knowledge of the state of Spain — at that time at war with England — as well as his high military qualifi- cations, eminently fitted him for such a service, he was promised the command of the expedition then fitting out against Cadiz. It was, however, made a condition of his investiture with the com- mand, that he was no longer to offer his opposition to ministers in the Irish Parliament. To this, however. Lord Edward would not assent ; and the consequence was, that he was at once cut off from all hopes of promotion in the military service of the crown. He retiirned to Ireland to resume his parKamentary duties, and was again found in the small minorities, headed by Grattan, Curran, and others, who now struggled so manfully for the liberation of their country. It was about the latter end of 179S, that the stirring events of the French Revolution attracted Lord Edward to Paris, whither the lovers of freedom from all nations now resorted, to indulge in congratulations on the downfal of despotism. There he entered with enthusiasm into the rejoicings of the period. He lodged with Thomas Paine,* the widely celebrated author of the " Rights of Man." Lord Edward was not satisfied with merely rejoicing witli those who rejoiced. In his enthusiasm, he publicly renounced his title, at the same time with Sir Robert Smith, an EngKsh gentleman; the occasion was the celebration of the victories gained by the republican armies of France over their invaders. So soon as the intelligence of this proceeding reached England, Lord Edward Fitzgerald, together with several other officers who had offended in the same manner, were at once dismissed from the army. Lord Edward, however, had taken up his position, and had now no intention of retreating from it. Having fallen in love with the daughter of the celebrated Countess de Genlis, he married her, and returned to Dubhn, where he at once plunged into all the excite- ment of the period. He found the Parliament assembled, and had scarcely taken his seat in it, ere he showed that he had now com- pletely committed himself to the great struggle in which his countrymen were engaged. An armed Volunteer association, connected with the United Irishmen, bearing the name of " The First National Battalion," had issued summonses for the meeting of their corps ; on which the government immediately published a proclamation, putting a stop to the design. Notwithstanding, however, this proclamation, another and older assembly of dele- *_ " I lodge with my friend Paine,— we breakfast, dine, and sup togelher. The more I see of his interior, the more I iike and respect him. 1 cannot express how kind he is to me ; there is a simplicity of jaianner, a goodness of heart, and a strength of mind in him, that 1 never knew a man before possess."— i>e«er from Lord Edward Fitzgerald to his mother, dated " Pai is, Tuesday, October 30fh, 1st year of the Republic, 1792." ■iOS History of Ireland. gates of the Old Volunteer corps of Dublin, resolved to meet, to celebrate tlie retreat of the Duke of Brunswick and the French victory in Brabant. The government resolved to confound th^ remaining corps of Volunteers with the United Irishmen, and, determined to suppress both, formally applied for the sanction of Parliament, in order to render the proclamation afterwards avail- able for the suppression of all assemblages which might be objection- able to the government. Accordingly, a motion was made in the House of Commons, on the 31st of January, for an address to the Lord Lieutenant, approving of the proclamation, and pledging the House to support such further measures as might be necessary to carry it into full effect. The discussion on the subject had almost concluded, Mr. Grattan and several others of the liberal members having given their assent to the proclamation, when Lord Edward, as if unable to contain himself, started up, and with great vehe- mence said — " Sir, I give my most hearty disapprobation to this address, for I do think that the Lord Lieutenant and the majority of this House are the worst enemies the King has^ A scene of immense confusion and uproar immediately took place. Attempts were made to compel the indignant member to apologize, but in vain. The explanation which he gave only tended to make matters worse. The subject was at length allowed to drop, but Lord Edward con- tinued his opposition to the government,^ often single-handed. He especially opposed the Gunpowder Bill, a measure very much resembhng the Irish Arms Bill of a recent date. In his opposition to this measure he stood almost alone, condemning, wdth great force, the clause imposing penalties on the removal of arms from one place to another, and pronouncing the whole Bill to be, from beginning to end, a penal law. Lord Edw^ard also strenuously resisted the Convention Bill, and other coercive acts of the session, — ^but in vain. The tide of corruption rolled on ; and the young patriot became dismayed and sad at the prospect. Of Mr. Grattan and the leading members of the opposition, he lost all hope. "The leaders of the opposition,'' says he, in a letter dated January, 1794, " are all afraid of the people^ and distrusted by them of course Grattan I can make nothing of His speech last night on the address w^as very bad, and contained the wwst doctrine ever laid down, viz., that this country is bound, right or wrong, to support England in any war she may undertake. If there is no division on the address, I shall not go to Parliament again during the se'ssion. It is in min to look to that quarter for any help ; and if the people don't help themselves, why they must suffer." Lord Edward spent almost the whole of the year 1794 in retirement, at Mr. Conolly's lodge, Kildare, — dividing his time between his affectionate wife, his child, and his flowers. The letters which he addressed to his mother during this period, are brimful of tenderness and love, to an almost fcnnnine degree. It is scarcely possible to imagine, ob- serves his excellent biographer Moore, that this could be the same History of Ireland. 409 man, " who, but a year or two after, placed himself at the head of rebel myriads, negociated on the frontiers of France for an alliance against England, and but seldom laid down his head on his pillow at night without a prospect of being summoned thence to the scaf- fold or the field. The government (continues Moore) that could drive- such a man into resistance — and there were hundreds equal to him in gftdness, if not in heroism, so driven — is convicted by this very result alone, without any further inquiry into its history."* It was not until the year 1796, as we have before said, that Lord Edward Fitzgerald entered the society of the United Irishmen. It was joined, about the same time, by Arthur O'Connor, Dr. M'Neven, and many other men of virtue, ability, and influence, who now saw that the only chance for the people of Ireland was, to use Lord Edward's words, to " help themselves." The society was now entirely reconstructed ; and it became converted into a perfect military confederation.' "A republican government, and separation from England," were now the fixed objects of the leaders. It was also resolved, about the beginning of 1796, to enter into an arrangement with the French government to supply them with military aid ; and an Irish agent was appointed to rep- resent Ireland at the Republican court. This representative was Theobald Wolfe Tone, the banished secretary of the Catholic com- mittee, who again proved his extraordinary skill and abilities in the course of his famous negociation with the French government. The history of this negociation and its results reads Hke a chapter of romance. It has been related by Tone himself in his Autobi- ography, some time since published by his son — certainly one of the most fascinating books we have ever read. Tone bid a hasty adieu to Ireland in June 1795, fearing lest he might be imphcated in the case of Jackson, the French agent. He had scarcely landed in America, with his wife (a noble woman), and his two children,— and proceeded to settle himself and family at Princetown, New Jer- sey, ere letters arrived from Ireland, from his friends Keogh, Russell, and Simms, informing him that the public mind in Ireland was advancing rapidly towards republicanism, and pressing him in the strongest manner to fulfil the promise he had made at his departure, and to force his way to the French government, in order to suppli- cate their assistance. Tone immediately handed the letters to his wife and desired her opinion ; and the noble woman, believing the call to be that of his country, urged him immediately to set out. He did so ; and reached Havre with a small sum of money in his pocket, with not a friend in France, almost ignorant of the lan- guage, and having as his only credentials two votes of thanks of the Catholic committee, and a resolution of the Belfast Volunteers, electing him an honorary member. Yet, with honesty, earnestness, and zeal in the cause of Ireland, Tone felt of good courage, and made his way direct to Paris. There, an atom in a vast city, soK- * Moore's L%fe of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, vol. i., p. 225. 410 Historij of Ireland. taiy in tlie midst of a multitude, his vast design still bore Kim uj). After some preliminary negociation with one Madgetts, a govern- ment official, Tone mustered sufficient daring to present himself to Carnot, the president of the Directory. The following is Toners own account of the interview : — " I began the discourse by saying, in horrible Fmich, that I had been informed he spoke English. 'A little, sir, hmJ perceive you speak French, and if you please, we will converse in that lan- guage.' I answered still in my jargon, that if he could have the patience to endure me, I would endeavour, and only prayed him to stop me when I did not make myself understood. I then told him that I was an Irishman ; that I had been secretary and agent to the Catholics of that country, who were about 8,000,000 of people ; that I was also in perfect possession of the sentiments of the Dissenters, w^ho were at least 900,000, and that I wished to communicate with him on the actual state of Ireland. He stop- ped me here to express a doubt as to the numbers being so great as I represented. I answered a calculation had been made within these few years, grounded on the number of houses, which was ascertained for purposes of revenue ; that, by that calculation, the people of Ireland amounted to 4,100,000, and it was acknowledged to be considerably under truth. He seemed a little surprised at this, and I proceeded to state, that the sentiments of all those peo- ple were unanimous in favour of France, and eager to throw off the yoke of England. He asked me then " what they wanted." , I said, " An armed force in the commencement, for a point d? appui^ until they could organize themselves, and undoubtedly a, supply of arms and some money. I added thai I had already delivered in a memorial on the subject to the minister of foreign relations ; and that I was preparing another, which would explain to him, in detail, all that I knew on the subject, -^better than I could in conversation. He then said, " We shall see those memo- rials." The organizer of victory proceeded to ask me, "Were there not some strong places in Ireland ?" I answered I knew of none, but some works to defend the harbour of Cork. He stopped me here, saying, " Ay Cork ! but may it be necessary to land /there V By which I had perceived he had been organizing a little already in his own mind. I answered, I thought not. That if a lauding in force were attempted, it w^ould be better near the capital for obvious reasons ; if with a small army, it should be in the north, rather than in the south of Ireland, for reasons which he would find in ni}'' memorials. He then asked me, " INIight there not bo some danger or delay in a longer navigation V I answered, it would not make a difference of two days, which M-as nothing- in comparison to the advantages. I then told him that I came to France by direction and concurrence of the men, who (and here I was at a loss for a French word, with which, seeing my embarrassment, he History of Ireland. 411 supplied me,) guided the two great parties I had mentioned. This satisfied me clearly that he attended to and understood me." Tone at length succeeded in forcing his scheme upon the attention of the French government, and an invasion of Ireland was resolved upon. It was at first proposed to send 2,000 men; hut Tone ridiculed the idea, and said "they might as well send twenty." They were'then persuaded to send 8,000 men with 50.000 stand of arms.* At length General Hoche was induced to put himself at the head of the expedition, when it was resolved to send a much larger force than even Tone had demanded. Tone's finances were now reduced to a very low state, ahout thirteen louis d'ors ; but he was opportunely relieved from his difficulties by being ap- pomted a chef de brigade in the French service, with the usual rauk and emoluments. _ In the meantime, in consequence of Tone's forcible representa- tions, it was intimated to the Directory of the United Irishmen f that the French government was disposed to assist them with mili- tary aid m their efforts to throw off" the Enghsh yoke and establish a Repubhc. The Irish executive returned for answer, that "they accepted the olfer, on condition that the French would come as alhes only, and consent to act under the direction of the new government, as Rochambeau did in America." Many of the United Irishmen were not a little jealous of foreign influence, and feared lest their country might at some future period be exchanged with ±.ngland for the boundary of the Rhine, or become, instead of a pro- w^^f^ England a mere appanage of France. " I, for one," said W olte lone will never be acces.sory to subjecting my country to the control of France, merely to get rid of that of England." The IrisrieadeJr^'^^'^' ^^''^^^ ^^^^^ proposed by the While these, preparations were making for invasion and insur- rection, the government proceeded in its wild career of coercion Une ot the most atrocious measures passed this session was the In- surrection Act, making it death for any one to take an oath of association. Another act was passed allowing the Lord Lieutenant power to proclaim counties under military law, and granting- to iftagistrates the power to break into the houses of the suspected and transport them on shipboard without trial. Acts of indemnity general of the county, who communicated directly with the Executive ^ adjutant- 412 History of Ireland. for magistrates guilty of illegal proceedings — giving the Lord Lieu- | tenant power to arrest without bail — establishing the yeomanry corps, and licensing the introduction of foreign troops — these and kindred measures were now enacted in rapid succession. These sanguinary measures only determined the United Irishmen to persevere in their illegal undertakings. In order to settle the terms of their agreement with France, they now resolved to send over a trusty deputation to negociate a treaty. For this purpose, Lord Edward Fitzgerald and Mr. Arthur O'Connor were deputed an embassy, and they accordingly set out for France about the end of May. 'Mr. O'Connor alone was allowed to enter the French territory. Lord Edward's marriage to a French woman supposed to be in the interest of the Bourbons, proving an objection to his cross- ing the frontier. Mr. O'Connor had an interview with General Hoche, and the preliminaries of the intended invasion were then arranged. The army assembled by Hoche for the invasion of Ireland, con- sisted of 15,000 men, forming the elite of the French army. They were supported by a strong force of artillery ; a large supply of cannon was also taken, together with about 50,000 stand of arms for the insurgent population. The armament in which this power- ful military force embarked, consisted of 17 sail of the line, 13 frigates, and an equal number of transports, making in all 43 sail. General Hoche had pledged himself that the expedition should set out in the course of the autumn ; but owing to delays of various kinds, and especially to the want of efficient seamen, it was not till the 15th of December that the armament sailed from Brest. Tone embarked on board the Indomptable, of 80 guns ; and, wdien he left the coast of France, he was in high glee. But scarcely had the armament left the shore, when a fearful storm came on, which sepa- rated the fleet ; and Hoche, with seven ships of the line, was driven back to port. Thirty-five sail, however, reached the Irish coast in company. Here they encountered another tremendous gale which still fiu'ther reduced the fleet to sixteen sail, including nine or ten of the line, with 6,500 troops on board. They were now in Bantry Bay, and though crippled in their force, Grouchy, the second in command, urged by the solicitations of Tone, resolved to proceed with the enterprize, and to land his troops as soon as he could reach the shore. But the wind continued to blow right ahead, the gale increased to a hurricane, and at length the ships were forced to cut their cables and put out to sea. " We have now," says Tone, in his journal, dated December the 26th, — we liave now been six days in Bantry ^ay, within five hundred yards of the shore, without being able to cftcctuate a landing ; we have been dispersed four times in five days ; ajid at this moment, of forty- three sail, of which this expedition consisted, we can muster of all sizes but fourteen. There only wants our falling in with the English to complete our destruction ; and to judge of the future by the History of Ireland. 413 past, there seems every probability that that will not be wanting;' Tone, however, was mistaken. The battered remains of the fleet reached Brest on the first of January, 1797. They left, forty- three sail : they returned, seven sail. During the entire voyage, going and coming, they did not meet with a singlfe English ship of war. Hoche himself, after having made an equally fruitless visit ■to Bantry Bay, where he could not find a single sail of his scattered fleet, returned to France cast down with disappointment.* Such was the result of this extraordinary expedition, which, under more favourable circumstances, there can scarcely be a doubt, would have accomplished the conquest of Ireland with the greatest ease. The coasts were unprotected, the country was utterly defenceless, and almost the entire population were eager to rise in arms against the government. But the winds and the waves ruled otherwise, and Ireland was destined still to remain a part of the British empire. The alarm of the government, and the excited hopes and fears of the people, while the French armament hovered about the Irish coast, may easily be conceived. The moment was one of the deepest interest to all. A change of wind for an hour would have brought a hostile army upon the Irish shores ; the peasantry would have rushed to join them, and the imperial government, supported only by a disalfected army, would have ceased to rule in Ireland Never had the country experienced an hour of greater excitement. All the disposable military force of the country was marched to the South ; confusion, disorder, and want of discipline, marking the advance of the army. No rising, however, as yet took place among the people ; for the intelligence of an invasion came upon the great mass of them with surprise.* But the danger passed by ; the French fleet was defeated by the elements; the excitement of the people became subdued ; and the government tecovered from its alarm. There was yet time for the government to secure the tranquil- lity of Ireland, by granting justice to the people, and thus preserv- mg it from the horrors of civil war. And it is to the honour of the leaders of the United Irishmen, that they exerted themselves at this juncture to effect a reconcilement between the People and the State. They now held a communication with the leading members of ^ the Opposition in Parliament, and induced Mr. Ponsonby to bring forward a modified measure of Reform.f It was supposed .1,' S-^^ the principal causes of the allepfed miscarriage of the expedition, was attrihuted bv the Directory of the United Irishmen, to the circumstance of their being left by the French government .in total ignorance of the part of the coast where the descent was to be made Arthur O Connor states there are only two persons now living who have a knowledge of the pkce where the disembarkation was originally intended to have been effected.— Madden's tiots ^— features in the proposed plan of reform arc contained in the following resolu- " That it is indispensably necessary to a fundamental Reform of the Representation that all disabilities, on account of religion, be for ever abolished, and that Catholics shall be admitted into the legislature, and all the great offices of state, in the same extent, &c. as Protestants now into are. 414 History of Ireland. that, if this measure had passed, all communication between the executive of the Union and the French government would have been at an end ; — intact, a statement to this effect was made in the Memoir delivered to the Irish government by Messrs. Emmett, O'Connor, and M'Neven. All hopes of improvement in the policy of the government, were soon doomed to be disappointed. Mr. Ponsonby's bill was rejected by the House, accompanied by aggra- vating circumstances on the part of ministers. Grattan took that opportunity of protesting against the whole policy of the govern- ment, and of announcing the determination of himself and friends henceforward to absent themselves from Parhament : — " Having no hopes left," he said, " to persuade or dissuade, and having dis- charged our duties, we shall trouble you no more ; and after this day shall not attend the House of Commons." Grattan then, fol- lowed by Curran, Ponsonby, and the small minority which yet remained in Opposition, withdrew from the House of Commons in disgust. Parhament was soon after dissolved, and Grattan declined becoming a candidate for Dubhn, or any other place. " When the country is put down," said he, in his address to his constituents, " the press destroyed, and public meetings, for the purpose of exer- cising the right of petition are threatened or dispersed, I agree with you that a general election is no more than an opportunity to exercise, hy permission of the army, the sohtary privilege of return- ing a few representatives of the people to a House occupied by the representati'ces of boroughs.'''' The government now proceeded in its career of persecution, with more daring recklessness than ever. The Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, martial law was proclaimed, inquisitorial committees were estabhshed imder the name of secret committees, and every other device was employed which could torture the people into outbreak and rebelhon. A licentious soldiery was let loose upon the country. They dispersed in small cantonments through the most fertile and populous districts, and, under pretence of searching for the disaffected, they committed the most dreadful depredations. The people naturally fled at their approach, and their flight was at once construed into guilt : disappointed of their victims, the soldiery laid waste, with indiscriminate fury, houses, furniture, corn, cattle, ^ and sometimes innocent and unoffending inmates perished in the flames which enveloped their property in ruin. In this work of " That it is the indispensable right of the people of Ireland to be fully and fairly represented in Parliament. . " That, in order that the people may be fully enabled to exercise that right, the privilege ot returning members for cities, boroughs, &c. in the present foriu, shall cease , that each county be divided into districts, consisting of 6000 houses each, each district to return two members to Parliament. " That all persons possessing freehold property to tlie amount of forty pounds per annum ; all pos- sessed of leasehold interests of the value of ; all possessed of a house ot the value of ; all Avho have resided for a cettain number of yeai-s m any great city or town, following a trade ; and all who shall be free of any city, &c., by birth, mainage, or servi- tude, shall vote for members of parliament. " That seats in parliament shall endure for number of years. [Tlie blanks left to bo lUled up at the discretion of the House. J History of Ireland. 415 destruction and rapine the Protestant magistracy and Protestant clergy were above all conspicuous. Often were the men clothed in the sacred mantle of religion observed the most blood-thirsty and cruel ni then^ inflictions on the defenceless peasantry.* In the North the atrocious instruments of these men were the Orano-e- men,t composed exclusively of Protestants, and entertaining the most implacable hatred towards the Catholic population. They burned their dwellings, plundered and demolished their chapels, ^? \ ^V^^ them with the fury as of demons. Thousands of the Catholic peasantry were forcibly expelled from their homes : iJ'nAA ^^^l-^v^^' " "^^^^ ^^^^61^'^% Mieved (says Plowden) that 7,000 Catholics had been forced or burned out of the county of Armagh, and that the ferocious banditti who had expelled them, had been encouraged, connived at, and protected by the govern- * I knew a reverend divine in the vicinity of the capital, who having burnt the property of a resDecta t/nn rr '^^J'^.^'^'Si^^^^rhood, and a parishioner of his own, returned back to the sceJe of coifflWa- tion and with /us own hand committed to the flames two sacks of corn and meal^YhSh tL unhannv CtT;""'*^!^' assistance of her female domestics, had secreted, to feed, i rt^rhoufof ca am v Shonnnv, rr'°^'f ''^ '^^'-'^^'T ' T"^ ^^^"^^ perpetrator of thi's disgraceful outrage wafpS'ed S + The famous society of Orangemen originated in the Peep-o'-D ay-Boys factions, winch ^''^ '^'f ^'"^'S^- They were also k^^own by th^ nlme of otestant Boys " and " Wreckers " ; but afterwards merged into the society of « Oranne- menr The object of the Peep-o-Day Boys " was neither mor^e nor less than the entire ex3- T)nv 1 u extirpation of the Catholic population. They were so called (" Peep of i ■ ?i ^""^ I /'^^ ^^'^^•"S^ ^"^^^^^^ «f their Catholic victims at a very early hour m the morning to search for arms, &c., when they generally took the opportunity of wreaking theu' vengeance on all within doors, half-murdering them, breaking the fmniture and CWiSittef "^^o" -'^^r"^" exLination before^he pXment'y (committee, on Orange institutions, said that in his neighbourhood, he heard sometimes of twelve bv tb« nlTp •^^''^f'' bemg wrecked in a night, and some destroyed. All this was done by the said Peep-o-Day Bo> s for the sake of the Protestant religion .--for theirs was a great rX TaTnlJ''^- ? "^T- f '«?^-the summary notice which they posted on the doors of their Catho he victims being that celebrated motto of Cromwell's " To Hell or Connaught." The toShernnlrfrt^l /fJn'^ ^'f^*' adversaries, associated themselves trl Th2 ? \ l l D^'^ders l and their organization soon spread all over the coun- ^'1{.,JJ'^'\?^)^''^:^^ but as their views enlarged, they became political in their objects and afterwards generally merged into the societies of United Irishmen the b^'irt ^"'"""'f the Peep-o'.Day Boys and the Defenders were generally conducted S be^. n ? ^"{"^o^ity, and were, not unfrequently, accompanied with much blood-shed. One of fctlf f^f ' i''^'™ Diamond, is almost as famous in the North as the Slrm/h K . n SfPi?'"'1 ^"^^"^^ :-Several furious skirmishes having taken place res^lvSo bo Catholic and Protestant parties, and several lives having been lost, it was D amond wticb P 7 ? T^'"" T''"^' ^.^^^ting took place at a house in the village of on the ofb.r 1 '^,P^°t^ft^^'^*, gentleman on the one hand, and a Roman Catholic clergyman on the other, bound themselves for their respective parties, that peace should be strictly preserved Sreed^non fi reTft' .h"^ ''^'ll l)efcnde^s, igno^rant of the fact that such a treat^had b'Su agreed I pon, filed at the gentleman on his way home, and attacked his party on the following bS le^l\7"T"'f' ^''^P'^'T P'^ePri^r ^ '''''' they assembled in grea num? bers well-armed and provisioned, on the hills overlooking the Diamond-the hostile armies fron mg each other. A furious battle commenced on the 21st of September, 1795 but fortu- nately before much mischief could be done-though several lives were lost, the r val boTes were Se? fntYb!?' ''"'f of themiHtary, who lent tteir murderous aid to th^ Protest nttction S first VI P'^^^-i "^"^ *h^^ ""^'^y th^t the Orange societies arose. The Thev fon^T. «^™«,J^y'/Tng «oine of the men who had ta\en part in the contest by tL' rve?n "^^^^^^ "/J "^^^ ^^^^h ; and as they were found to be most useful instrument by the government, they were soon joined by the magistrates and clergy, and grew up into a most formidable organization. Their ferocious cruelty increased with thef strength unti the? ex eT^i^atioTt'o a'll c'tb"?"'^' flj'^V' P^^P^^" ^heir "at^ tr that of oftbo ? Catholics ;_and this is the association that was taken under the protection of the government, and whose members were p^vtronized and pensioned by it for their 'services ' 416 History of Ireland. meiit.* As an instance of their atrocity in another part of the country, TeeUng states, that in the county of Wexford alone, thirty-two Roman CathoUc chapels were hurnt within a period of less than two months, while the destruction of domestic property kept full pace in proportion with the sacrilegious conflagration. f The encouragement which the government gave to these atrocious proceedings, deepened the conviction in the minds of the thinking portion of the Irish people, that the state had now entirely forfeited all claim to their allegiance, and that it was no longer their duty to obey it, but on the other hand, to olfer it their sternest resistance. Goaded by their sufferings, the people would now have risen in arms, but for the extreme caution of their chiefs. The Northern Irish could with the greatest difficulty be restrained ; the Ulster men amounted to about 100,000, organized and regimented, burn- ing for action. Disaffection had now spread amongst the Irish soldiery in the garrison of DubHn ; numbers of them had been shaken in their allegiance by the United Irishmen ; and a nume- rous body of the garrison had even offered to put the disaffected in possession of the metropolis ; whilst the counties of Leinster were ready to pour in reinforcements on all sides. The Leinster leaders, however, allowed the opportunity to pass— never to return. They were afraid to show themselves until the expected succour from France had arrived, and they succeeded in restraining the Ulster Irishmen by the assurances that such a force was preparing to aid them as would put success beyond a doubt. This delay proved fatal to the cause ; for the unity and strength of the party was now irretrievably injured. The Northerns, disgusted with the timidity of the Leinster leaders, and wearied out by the delays of France, began to cool in their zeal, and to relax in their exertions ; the military, who had been corrupted, by degrees returned to their allegiance ; while, in the meantime, the government were enabled to pour fresh troops into the country, to organize the Orange yeo- manry and militia, and to complete all their means of defence in case of a rising of the people. The executive of the Union now pressed the French government to dispatch to them their promised aid. In the Spring of 1797, they dispatched Mr. Lewins to Paris, with powers to act as their accredited minister to the French Republic, and to effect, if pos- sible, a loan of half-a-million sterling. To hasten the preparations for an invasion. Dr. M'Neven, one of the most active members of the body, was dispatched to Paris on a special mission, in the month of June. These missions met with complete success, and the French Directory displayed every wish to promote the views of the Irish Executive. A powerful armament was prepared in the Texel, the Dutch being eager this time to secure the whole glory of the expedition, if it succeeded. Tlie armament consisted * Plowdbn's Tlistort/, v. ii, p. 377. -f- Ticeling's Narrative,!^. 187. History of Ireland. 417 of 16 sail of the line, 10 frigates, 27 sail of transports, having on board 80 pieces of artillery, and 15,000 troops in the best condi- tion. But the good genius of England again prevailed. Having delayed the embarkation beyond the favourable moment — namely, when England was deprived of the services of her fleet by the mutiny at the Nore, and a portion of the very squadron watching off the Texel had deserted to the mutineers, — contrary winds set in, and detained the fleet until the provisions laid in for the troops were exhausted, and it was found necessary to disembark them. In the meantime, the English fleet, whose mutiny had been quel- led, assembled in great force at the mouth of the Texel, under Admiral Duncan, — when the Dutch government, in a moment of phrenzy, ordered their admiral to put to sea and bring them to an engagement. A severe battle took place olF Camperdown, when the Dutch, who were inferior in the number of guns and weight of metal, were completely defeated, and the greater part of their ships were captured by the English. Thus was England again saved from the risk of destruction by the intervention of the winds, and by the infatuation and folly of those who were opposed to her. The military force with which the Irish patriots were now prepared to support the invading armies of France and of Holland, was of the most formidable description. Making every allowance for old and inefficient members, there were not fewer than 300,000 men in connexion with the United Irishmen in 1797, who were ready to fight for the liberation of their country. The total number enrolled was 500,000.* In the beginning of 1798, a Military Committee was appointed, for the purpose of preparing a plan of co-operation with the invaders when they landed, or, to conduct an insurrection if forced to it before they came. The head of this Committee was * With respect to the entire force armed throughout the country, as estimated hy Lord Edward Fitzgerald, when a rising was eventually determined on in the month of March, 1798, the, particulars are specified in a document presented by Lord Edward to that man, whose name and notoiiety are never lilXncxis tch-ca], torture into the county of Wexford. Any person having his hair cut short ana t ^ le o,e d a Croi-py (bv which the soUhery designated au United Irishman), on being pomt.-d out by bonie loyal liighbom-, was imnie.lialely seized and brovight into a guard-house where ^'^M^^.^tb.^cvl coarse neu or strong brown paper, besmeared inside svilh pitch, were always kep ^'f^'^y.^^l'" fortunate victim had one of these, well heated, compressed on his head, and ^^l'«^»V"'^^- lit ti,p S S^rJe of coolness, so that it could not be easily pulh-d otl. the sullerer was turned out, """'1st the honid noclamalions of the merciless torturers.-HAY's Insurrfxtwn oj the County of H c.r/oi rf,p. o7. History of Ireland. 4^5 John Moore states, that on the march from Fermoy, he entered the town of Clogheen, where in the street he saw a man tied up, and under the lash, while the street itself was lined with country people on their knees, with their hats off. He was informed that the High Sheriff, Mr. Fitzgerald, was making great discoveries, and he had already ^'flogged the truth out of many respectable per- sons ^ His rule was, ''to flog each person till he told the truth,'" — that is, until he confessed himself a rebel, " and gave the names of other rebels ; and then the persons, so accused, were sent for and flogged until they also confessed, and thus swelled the list of the proscribed Other methods were adopted to make the miserable victims of oppression " confess" to crimes which they had never imagined. Men were half strangulated, and then taken down and tortured till they " confessed"- -they knew not what. Some bodies of Orange yeomen had regularly in their train a professed hangman, completely appointed with his implements, a hanging-rope, and cat-o'-nine- tails. It may be imagined to what a dreadful state the country was now reduced. " From the humble cot to the stately mansion^" says Teeling, "no property, no person was secure. Numbers pe- rished under the lash, many were strangled in the fruitless attempt of extorting confessions, and hundreds were shot at their peaceful avocations, in the very bosom of their families, for the wanton amusement of a brutal soldiery. The torture of the pitch cap was a subject of amusement both to officers and men, and the agonies of the unfortunate victim, writhing under the blaze of the combustible material, were increased by the yells of the soldiery and the pricking of their bayonets, until his sufferings were often terminated by death. The torture practised in those days of Ireland's misery has not been equalled in the annals of the most barbarous nation, and the world has been astonished, at the close of the eighteenth century, with acts which the eye views with horror, and the heart sickens to record. Torture was resorted to, not only on the most trivial, but groundless occasions. It was inflicted without mercy on every age and every condition : the child, to betray the safety of the parent; the wife, the partner of her conjugal affection ; and the friend and brother have expired under the lash, when the generous heart scorned to betray the defenceless brother or friend. The barbarous system of torture practised at Beresford's riding-house,* Sandy's Provot, the old Custom House, and other depots of human misery in the capital, under the very eye of the executive, makes the bloo'd recoil with horror, while we blush for the depravity of man under * During the Rebellion of 1798, Mr. John Beresford had built a riding-house for his yeomanry troop, which had been also much used as a place for whipping suspected persons in, to make them discover what m all probability they never knew;-a practice eqn^Wj just and humane, and liberally resorted to (perhaps/or sijort) by military officers, pending that troublesome era. In Mr. Beresford's Riding-house this internal system was carried to a greater extent than in any of the similar slaughter-houses then tol- erated in the metropolis : to such an extent, indeed, that some Irish wags (who never fail even upon the most melancholy occasions to exercise their native humour) had one night the words " Mangling done IZL L ^ painted upon a sign board and fixed over the entrance.-Sir Jonah Bar- RINGTON s Personal Sketches, vol.i. p. 295. 4^6 History of Ireland. the execrable feelings of his perverted nature. In the centre of the city, the heart-rending exhibition was presented of a human being, endowed with all the faculties of a rational soul, rushing from the infernal depot of torture and death, his person besmeared with a burning preparation of turpentine and pitch, plunging in his distraction into the Liffey, and terminating at once his sufferings and his life*." These measures at length took effect. The people were driven to madness ; and on the twenty-third of May, an insurrection of the peasantry broke out in the counties of Carlo w and Kildare. Pitt had thus far succeeded ; and another step towards the Union was accomplished. CHAPTER XXXVIII. The Insurrection— the People and their Opponents— Military propensities of the Irish Peasantry— The Pike— The rising of Kildare— Threatened attack on Dub- lin—Defeated by Lord Roden's " Foxhunters "—Barbarous treatment of the Prisoners— Progress of the War— The Battle of Ballyellis— The Rising of Wex- ford- The Battle of Oulard— Advance of the Peasantry upon Wexford— Defeat of General Fawcett— Retreat of the British troops— Wexford occupied by the insurgents— Mr. Bagenal Harvey chosen Commander-in-Chief— The defeat of Colonel Walpole and capture of Gorey— The attack on New Ross and defeat of the insurgents—Scene of horror— Harvey deposed from the chief command- Battle of Arklow— Death of Father Murphy and defeat of the Peasantry— The insurrection in Carlow, Meath, and Kildare— Slaughter of Kilcomney— Battle of Tara— General Dundas's heavy Cavalry defeated by Pikemen— Slaughter at the- Gibbet Rath of Kildare— The insurrection in Ulster— The battle of Antrim, and defeat of the insurgents— Rising in Down— Successes of the insurgents— Battle of Ballynahinch, and defeat of the United Troops— The insurgents of Wexford concentrate their forces— Battle of Vinegar Hill— Ferocious cruelties of the Royalists— Arrest and execution of Leaders— Cornelius Grogan, esq.— Desultory warfare protracted— Lord Cornwallis appointed Lord Lieutenant— Convention of United Irish Leaders with the government— Landing of a French Army under General Humbert—" Luck " of the English government— The French take Kil- lala— The British totally defeated— The « races of Castlebar"— Lord Cornwallis collects an immense army— Capture of the French forces— Renewed cruelties of the Royalists— The last French armament— Desperate engagement— The Hoche captured with Wolfe Tone on board— His arrest, trial, and death— Napper Tandy's arrest and liberation— Entire suppression of the Insurrection— Number of lives lost during the struggle— The Royalist forces employed— Cost of sup- pressing the Rebellion of 1798. The insurrection broke out on the S3rd, and hostilities between the peasantry and the King's troops commenced on the 24th of May. The people were badly armed and clothed, undisciplined, without leaders, without cavalry or artillery, without commissariat, without, money or provisions, without plan or system of any kind ; and they * Teeling's Personal Narrative of the Irish JMhIUoh, pp. T32-:). History of Ireland. 427 were opposed to a government which had at its command a com- pletely appointed, well disciplined army, amounting to upwards of 100,000 men, having at their disposal immense military magazines, with the coast open to them at all points, and all the strong places throughout the country in their possession. The attempt at resist- ance seems almost to have savoured of madness ; and yet there is little doubt but had the rebels possessed arms, officers, and disci- pline, they would have made themselves masters of the kino-dom and instead of a disastrous rebelhon, the Irish Civil War of*1798 would have taken rank in history with the struggles for National Independence, of Switzerland, Scotland, and the United States of America. As it was, the half-armed and undisciplined peasants had nearly succeeded in effecting their object, and in baffling the combined power of the British forces. The Irish peasantry have naturally strong mihtary propensities • they have, at almost all times, displayed a liking for desultory warfare, and when all other causes of quarrel have failed, they have niade a pastime of battle. They contemn danger and have no fear ot death. No peasantry in the world make better soldiers than the Irish or are more easily reconciled to the toils and perils of a soldier s life. Accustomed from infancy to the severest hardship and toil, campaigning seems almost a luxury to them. Their spirit never flags, their gaiety and good humour never desert them. All history bears testimony to the impetuous bravery of the Irish sol- diers. Less persevering than the English or Scotch, they are far more enthusiastic and impulsive. Their onsets are furious— 'swift ^s thought and fatal as flame.' Disciplined or undiscipHned, they ai-e ever the same: their impetuous nature gives them a power, which, when acting in numbers, proves almost irresistible. Crr-eatly deficient in all kinds of arms and ammunition, the peasantry resorted to the pike,— one of the most formidable defensive weapons 7"!?. ^^^"^ invented, and as effective now as in the days ot the Macedonian phalanx. In the use of this weapon the Irish were exceedingly expert, shortehing it at one time to little more than a dagger's length, and then darting it out to its full extent with amazing rapidity. By means of this formidable weapon alone, they were enabled occasionally to repel the attacks of heavy cavalry and often of the regular infantry. They always succeeded with 'it against the yeomanry in their pitched battles. They could only be eltectually broken by artillery or a heavy fire of musketry. On the night of the 23rd of May, all the mail coaches throughout the kingdom were stopt and destroyed. This was the signal for a general rising. The peasantry of Kildare were the first in the field. 1 heir noble leader was now no more : but they were headed by Mr AyJmer, a young man of good family, and of great courage and enterprize. The counties of Wexford and Wicklow were generally up about the same time; and those of Carlow, Meath, Down, -Uerry, and Antrim, were preparing to rise. 428 Hutonj of Irdand. A general and almost simultaneous attack was first made upon the military positions throughout the country. In most cases the pea- santry were repulsed with loss ; but they succeeded at Dunboyne and Barretstown, where the military were unable to resist them. The citv of Dublin was in a state of great alarm on the night of the S8rd, when an attack was expected, the insurgents collecting in two large bodies— one on the north, about Swords and Santry, and another on the south under the Rathfarnham mountains. The nio-ht passed without attack, and on the following day Lord Roden, at^'the head of his infuriate body of yeomen, the " Foxhunters,'' sup- ported by a detachment of light infantry, marched rapidly upon the Santry men, surprised the body that had collected and put many of them to the sword. Several prisoners were made, which, together with some of the dead bodies of those who had fallen, were carried back to Dublin as trophies of the victory. The carcases, all gashed and gory, were laid out in the castle yard, in full view of the Secretary s windows— one of the most frightful spectacles that ever disgraced a royal residence ; the prisoners taken m the en- counter were hanged from the lamp irons in the principal streets and on the bridges. The Royalists had now tasted blood and their appetite was whetted for more. Martial law was more enforced. Suspected persons were seized and hanged without so much as the form of trial. The most hideous deeds of the French Revolution were now more than rivalled by men of rank and in- fluence, bearing the King s commission, and wielding the powers and authorities of the government. ^ The war advanced rapidly with varying success. Sometimes the peasantry succeeded, as at Prosperous, where they took the town and put the entire garrison to the sword, and at Balleyellis, where a body of Rovahsts were put completely to the rout by the Irish pikemen under Father Taafe and Joseph Holt, one of the rebel leaders. On other occasions, the King s troops were successful, as at Naas and Kilcullen, where Lord Gosford completely routed and dis- persed the insurgent force. No prisoners were taken: they were all put to death— hanged or sabred on the spot. In these engagements the Royalists lost many men, and several officers ; for, on all occasions, the peasantry fought with desperate courage and mtre- Th^e affair at Balleyellis is worthy of a passing notice, resembling, as it did, engagements at other places, where the Irish fought in ambuscades, and were almost invariably successful. Had they con- fined themselves to this guerilla kind of warfare, and avoided intchexl battles, they would soon have destroyed the local bodies ot Royal- ists, and wearied out the regiUar troops. But they concentrated their forces, and, without generals, without discipline, without arms and artillery, they openly encountered the Royal armies, and were on most occasions defeated with great slaughter. The success of the peasantry at Ballyellis, was mainly due to the well-concerted plan History of Ireland. of ambuscade devised by Taafe, and carried into effect by Holt. The Royal detachment sent to oppose them consisted of a body of Ancient Britons, a regiment celebrated for their ferocious cruelty, a party of the 5th dragoons, and a strong body of yeomanry and militia. Holt sent forward an advanced party to meet them, keeping the main body of his army out of sight : this advanced party fired on the Royalists, and then retreated as if in great panic. They were pursued by the military, full of confidence. But on a sudden, Taafe brought into action a strong body of musketeers and pikemen, who threw the soldiers into great confusion ; and at this moment Holt brought round upon them a reserve body of 1,000 pikemen, and in a few moments the Royalists were utterly routed, leaving at least 100 dead upon the field. The rest escaped pell mell. The same ancient policy of ambuscade was practised at Gprey, Three Rocks, Carnew, and other places, and generally proved successful in the same way. The rising of the county of Wexford was of the most formidable description ; and it is not too much to say that had the other counties of Ireland followed its example, the peasantry would have been masters of the entire kingdom in little more than a week. It is computed that the insurgent force in Wexford alone amounted to upwards of 85,000 men ; and yet .Wexford was by no means one of the most populous counties in Ireland. The reason why the rising was so general in this county was, that the system of torture had been carried to a much greater extent in this than in any other district. Many of the houses of the peasantry had been burned, their chapels destroyed, their daughters ravished, their sons hanged and shot, and a system of cruelty persevered in which at length stung the peasantry into desperation and madness.* The first action between the Wexford peasantry and the King's * The following instructive extract is from Dr. MacNeven's examination before the Secret Committee of the Piivy Council. Lord CasLlereagh's admission of " the means to make the insurrection explode," will not be overlooked • — " ^Speaker.— V my, sir, what do you think occasioned the insurrection? Mac7ievcn.~Tlie insurrection was occasioned by the house burnings, the vhipping to extort con- fessions, the torture of various kinds, the free quarters, and the murders committed upon the people by the mci<.'istrates and the army. Speaker. — This only took jilace since the insurrection ? Macneveu. -It is more than twelve months (looking at Mr. Corry) since these horrors were perpetrated by the Ancient Britons about Newry ; and long before the insurrection they were quite common through the counties of Kiklare and Carlow, and began to be practised with very great activity in the counties of Wicklow and Wexford. Corry and Latouche. — Yes, a few houses were burned. ilfac/jeyeji.— Gentlemen, there were a great deal more than a few houses burned. .S/jea'cer.— Would not the organization have gone on, and the Union become sft-onger, but that the insurrection was brought foi-ward too soon ? Macneycn.~The. organization would have proceeded, and the Union have acquired that strengTli which arises from order ; organization would at the same time have given a control over the people, capable of restraining their excesses ; and you see scarcely any have been committed in those counties where it was well established. Lord Castlerearjh.— Yon acknowledge the Union would have become stronger but for the means taken to ynalee it explode ? Macneven.— It would every day have become more perfect, but I do not see anything in what has hap- pened to deter the people fi om persevering in the Union and its objects ; on the contraiy, if I am rightly infoi-med, the trial of force must tend to give the people confidence in their own power, as I undeistand it is now admiUr-d, that if the insurrection was general and well conducted it would have been successful. Sir J. Parnell.—'Do you know the population of Wexford county ? Macneven.— ^ot exactly ; but people agree that if the insurrection of a few counties in Leinster, un skilfully as it was 'dii-ected, Was so near overtWowing the Goyernment, a general rising would have freed Ireland." ' * , 430 Hlstorij of Ireland. troops, took place at Oalard on the 27th of May. The insurgents were commaDcled by Father Murphy, of Boolavogue, whose house and chapel had been burned down by the Orange yeomen, and he was thus driven out homeless, to share the fortune of his persecuted parishioners. The Royal forces advanced to disperse the insurgents, who were advantageously posted on a rising ground near Oulard. They at first retreated before the advance of the soldiery, but at the top of the hill, they suddenly turned round and^ furiously assaulted them, cutting to pieces almost the entire division. The yeomanry fled, and of the regulars only Lieutenant-Colonel Foote and 'four privates escaped. Encouraged by this success, the insurgents at once advanced to Enniscorthy, which they stormed, and after a desperate conflict, in which most of the town was burned and the garrison killed, the place was taken possession of by the people. This victory secured to the insurgents the strong position of Vme- gar Hill, which gave them the command of an extensive tract of countrv. The'' flying Royalists reached Wexford and alarmed tne town with the 'intelligence of the rapid approach of the rebel army. The garrison amounted to about 1,200 men, having at their command abundance for military stores. The town-wall was also in a good state for defence, and might bid defiance to any army ^ entirely without ordnance, as the peasantry were. Notwithstanding their immense advantages, and that General Fawcett was on the march from Duncamion to reinforce them, the garrison became alarmed, and resolved to treat with the advancing insurgent peasantry. With this view they liberated the Messrs. Fitzgerald and Colclough; two gentlemen of fortune v/ho were now confined in Wexford gaol on suspicion of being sympathisers with the people, — and sent them on a mission to the insurgents, to act as arbitrators between them and the authorities of W exford. Meanwhile, JMr. Bagenal Harvey, another gentleman .of extensive landed property, was retained in prison as a hostage for their return. Colclough and Fitzgerald were welcomed within the lines of the insurgents with a cheer which ' made Wexford ring.' The reply to their proposals for peace was, " To Wexford ! To Wexford Fitzgerald was detained in the camp, and Colclough was sent back to Wexford to announce their intention of attacking the town. On the following morning they had advanced within a few miles of Wexford — the sun s beams glittering on their forest of pikeheads, as they reached the summit of the Three Rock Mountains. It was here that General Fawcetfs army came up with the insurgents : he was advancing from Duncannon to the relief of Wexford, and fell in Avith the rebels by surprise. His advanced guard was cut to pieces, his artillery was captured, and he hastily retreated with the relics of his army to Duncannon. . The Wexford garrison, calculating tJkit it was about the time tvjien General Faweett's army would arrive, but ignorant of History of Ireland. 481 the fate which had befallen him, now resolved to try the effect of a sally. They did so, but their leader having fallen at the first onset, they immediately retreated precipitately back to the town. The utmost terror now prevailed, and the courage of the authorities completely fled. They again resolved to try the effects of a nego- ciation with the insurgents, and induced Mr. Bagenal Harvey, their prisoner, to write a letter to their camp, containing proposals in reference to the surrender of the town. Before, however, the insurgents could give their reply to the proposals, the town was evacuated by the British troops, who fled in all directions, commit- ting, as they went, indiscriminate slaughter upon defenceless men, women, and children. The town was now entered by the people, and the green banner displayed from the walls. Harvey was released from prison, and, amid the acclamations of the multitude, proclaimed Commander-in-Chief of the United Army. Beauchamp Bagenal Harvey was a Protestant barrister of fortune, deriving about £8000 a year from lands in the counties of Wexford and Carlow. He was a benevolent-minded, liberal man, and highly respected by all classes in the neighbourhood in which he resided. But though a man of excellent character and of great influence, he was of all men one of the least fitted to be a general, having little tact or energy, and neither intrepidity nor enterprize. Indeed, there is no reason to believe that he would have joined the insurgents, but for having at an early period been made an object of persecution by the government, and thus pointed out to the people as one of their friends. And even when he ac- *cepted the office of general, it seems to have been rather with the view of preventing farther mischief than from any ambition after military conquest. This is proved by the fact that he was afterwards deposed from his command because of his constant interference in behalf of those who fell into his hands. While the town of \yexford remained in possession of the peo- ple, the main body of their army continued to occupy Vinegar Hill ; and at the same time encampments were formed in different parts of the country, — between which and the royal forces that garri- soned the neighbouring towns, sanguinary encounters frequently took place. The most severe of these occurred near the to.wn of Gorey, which afterwards fell into the hands of the peasantry. Gorey, from its local position, was considered a place of great importance ; and was accordingly well fortified and suppHed with military munitions. It was held possession of by a numerous garrison, which had just been reinforced by a body of fresh troops. Confident in their strength, and most probably underrating the force of the insurgents, the British general determined on at- tacking the Irish camp at Carrigrew ; and accordingly the British army was led against it in two divisions — the one under General Loftus, the other under Colonel Walpole. The insurgents, on their part, had determined upon an attack on the town of History of Ireland. Gorey, and their troops were nctually on tlie march for that pur- pose. They came up with Cokniel Walpole's detachment at the SHevehuy Mountain, and a fierce encounter immediately took place. Walpole fell — his troops fled, and his artillery was left in the hands of the people. The pikemen, following up their victory, pursued the fugitives through the town of Gorey, which they evac- uated with the utmost precipitation. General Loftus, made aware of the engagement only hy the report of the cannon, hastened to the aid of "his ally ; but the body of Walpole and his slain compa- nions stretched around him, showed that he was too late. He marched back to Gorey, but it was already in possession of the insurgents. He accordingly turned his back upon the town, and retreated to Arklow with all possible speed. This Victory placed the entire county of Wexford, with the exception of New Ross, Newton Barry, and Duncannon Fort, in the hands of the peasantry. The insurgents next proceeded, with the artillery they had cap- tured, to attack the town of New Ross, which was the only impe- diment to their making themselves masters of Waterford, and thus effecting a junction with the Waterford and Tipperary men, who were considered among the most formidable in the kingdom. The importance of New Ross to the msurgents, as forming the key to the province of Munster, was well known to the Royalist leaders, who prepared to defend the place to the last extremity. The town is situated on the river Barrow, which divides it from the southern counties, the communication with the opposite bank being by means of a long wooden bridge. It is surrounded on three sides by steep hills, notwithstanding which the place is possessed of considerable means of defence. On the morning of the 4th of May, the peasantry assembled in immense force at Corbet Hills, under the command of their gene- ralissimo, Harvey. Their numbers have been variously computed at from 20,000 to 80,000. Harvey and his principal oifficers took up their quarters at the house of a gentleman, who possessed an excellent stock of wines ; and instead of making their dispositions and arranging their plan of operations for the morrow, they sat up all night carousing and drinking. The men were too ready to imitate the example of their officers, and on the following morning, when the assault was ordered, a considerable proportion of the force were so intoxicated that they were not able to move. The plan of attack which Harvey had formed, was to invest the town at three different points at once ; but in the hurry of the assault, this plan was afterwards entirely neglected. Early in the morning, a flag of truce was sent from the insurgents' camp, sum- moning the town to surrender. The officer who bore tlic flag was shot at the outposts, and an attack on the place was immediately ordered. The peasantry came on in a confused and disorderly mass, but beadloiig as a torrent, '.rheir assault was confined to the ])rincipal and most defensible entrance to the town. Two History of Ireland. 433 regiments, one of cavalry, the other of mfantry, were drawn up to receive them, and distract their attention from the other entrances to the town. Both regiments were completely overthrown ; * Lord Mount] oy, the colonel of the Dublin militia, fell at the gate ; and the royalists and peasantry entered the town almost inter- mingled. A desperate struggle took place, hand to hand, in the main street ; the mihtary rallied, and succeeded in driving back their opponents. But fresh masses poured in, and the royalists were compelled again to give way. Their artillery was taken from them and turned against their own ranks. Only the market-house remained in their possession, the rest of the town being in posses- sion of the insurgents. At length the royalists, driven to the bridge, prepared to cross and destroy the communication. But now the peasantry, imagining they had gained the town, dispersed to plunder ; and many of them were soon observed so intoxicated as to be rendered completely incapable of action. The garrison now returned to the attack, amid the ilames of the burning houses, which had been set on fire in the course of the day. The battle thus raged for hours amid thick smoke, and lurid flames, and intolerable heat. The royalists recovered the main street, and were gradually driving back their opponents, when a mere youth of about 13 years of age, named Lett, perceiving, from a distance, the disorder of the men, snatched up a standard, and crying " Follov/ me who dare rushed down the hill, followed by several thousand pikemen, utter- ing the most appalling cries. -J- The fight was renewed with redoubled vigour ; the garrison were again forced back, and com- pelled, with great loss, to retreat towards the bridge. The battle had now raged without intermission for nearly ten hours, when darkness fell upon the combatants. The town was nearly in pos- session of the assailants ; when again all subordination vanished, they dispersed to plunder, and many of them were overcome by drunkenness. The scene was nowhorrible in the extreme : the streets strewn with the dead and mangled corpses — the wounded crawling about in search of shelter — the drunken men who lay intermingled with the dead and the dying— the fierce cries of the combatants, and the booming of the ' sudden cannon ' — the blaze of some hun- * Sir Jonah Barrington, in his Memoirs, states that " At this battle the insurgents practised a ruse de guerre used originally by the Romans. A regiment of heavy cavalry had marched out, to charge them on their first approach; they suspected the attack, and were prepared to receive them by a very unsuspected salutation. Tl'iey had cooped up in a field near two hundred bullocks. When these beasts are urged, and rush on in a body, nothing can stop them ; a wall, or even a house, they have been known to dash against in their blind fury. When the heavy cavalry were in a proper position on the road, the x^ebel?, v/ith their pikes, goaded the bullocks : maddened by the smart, they rushed to the openings of the enclosure, which had been purposely made for them : nothing could withstand them ; the cavah'y were overwhelmed ; man and horse were overthrown and trampled upon. Of such as could retreat through the gate, several met their death from the pikemen." •\- Sir Jonah Barrington relates this circumstance on the authority of Cou.ncillor Lundy- foot, who was present at the fight- He also confirms the story of the peasant who, advancing to the mouth of a cannon, thrust his hat and pike into it, exclaiming Come on boys, she's stop- ped r when at: the instant, the gunner applied tlie match, and the man was blown to atoms. 434 History of Ireland. dreds of houses, and the crash of the falUng ruins, — all constituted a scene of terror too revolting for description, and justifying the remark of an Irish author, that only a fiend or an atheist could give anything hke a jus description of tlie horrors of this Irish Rebellion. At length the fighting ceased, but not the carnage. _ The insur- gents who had not entered the houses, gradually retired by the gate through which they had so often entered, leaving some thou- sands of their comrades asleep in the streets and in the dilFerent houses throughout the town. Hundreds perished in the flames, which continued to spread with rapidity. In one house, which was set fire to by the royahsts, seventy-five unfortunate wretches were burnt to death. Hundreds more were slain in cold blood by the garrison, as they lay stretched senseless in the streets and in the houses ; until the rovalists grew tired of killing, when they lay 'down and slept among their slaughtered enemies. Thus ended the battle of New Ross, one of the most protracted and desperate ever fought in Ireland. Nearly 800 houses of the town and suburbs were burned ; the loss of life on the part of the garrison was nearly 300, and on the part of the insurgents, about 2000, — most of whom were slain after the battle was over. The combat lasted altogether about thirteen hours. It is said that after the first two hours not more than 3000 of the insurgents were at any time actually engaged in the contest — the great body of the rebel force remaining in the neighbourhood of Corbet Hill.* As for the ' general ' and his staff, they remained, during the whole day, inactive spectators of the fight from a neighbouring hill ! Had the peasantry possessed a leader of the slightest ability, the result of this engagement would have been of a very different kind. As it was, the royalists held their ground, and the peasantry slowly retreated from the scene of conflict. After the unsuccessful attack upon New Ross, Harvey was deposed from the command, and Mr. Roche was appointed in his stead. It was understood that Mr. Harvey lost his influence chiefly on account of his repeated interference on behalf of his prisoners, and his sohcitude for the preservation of property. The cruelty of the royalists had greatly exasperated the peasantry, and they were too ready to imitate them in their outrages on life and property. In their retreat from Ross, stung by defeat, they set fire to a barn at Scullabogue, in which were confined about 100 prisoners, including 16 Catholics, and massacred such of them as attempted to escape. Mr. Harvey and the other leaders, deeply lamented this outrage, and endeavoured to discover its authors — denouncing all such enormities, robberies, and murders, as crimes that woiild be punished with death. He was, however, immedi- ately deposed, and appointed President of the Council at Wexford, " for the preservation of life and property. " " Cloney's Personal Narrative. History of Ireland. 43*5 We return to the proceedings of the body of peasantry who had made themselves masters of Gorey. They now tm^ned their atten- tion to the town of Arklow, which lay between them and the metropoKs, where 30,000 men were ready to rise against the govern- ment. Were Arklow taken, the communication with the metro- polis would be open, and they might have joined themselves with the Dublin men within twenty-four hours. The government were aware of the importance of preserving Arklow, and dispatched a large reinforcement to the town, which arrived in time to anticipate the attack of the insurgent peasantry. The royal army drew up in line of battle in a level field at the extremity of the town. They were commanded by General Need- ham, and were in numbers about two ^liousand. The Cavan regi- ment, under Lord Farnham, came up just as the action was about to commence. Two pieces of artillery were placed at each wing. The peasantry opposed to them were greatly superior in numbers, though not in the number of fire-arms, which were of the most heterogeneous description. They also had two pieces of cannon at each flank — their front was covered by a ditch — their lines running quite parallel to those of the royal troops. Several, skirmishes took place at the early part of the day, but the action did not become general till the arrival of the Cavan regiment, when a tremendous fire was opened and kept up on the insurgents. They stood their ground, and returned the fire vigorously, the im- mense body of pikemen remaining inactive spectators of the fight on a range of hills overlooking the scene of action, but Waiting their opportunity to rush down upon the royalists and overpower them. At length the insurgents succeeded in dismounting one of the royal cannon and killing the gunners. Had the pikemen charged at this moment, the victory would have been decided. But the opportunity passed ; the royal troops, which had begun to waver, and were on the point of retreating, were again rallied and encouraged by their leaders. At length a large body of pikemen, under Father Murphy, made a determined attack on the right wing. They were received by a steady and well-directed fire, and at the same time a four-pounder opened upon them, at one of the first dicharges of which Father Murphy received a ball which tore him in pieces.* The peasantry, who believed in the invulnerability of their leader, set up a wild shout of despair, and, dismayed at his fate, were checked in their onward advance. About the same time their ammunition became entirely exhausted, and they had no means of further carrying on the contest. They, therefore, retreated from the field, but in such order that the royal troops did not think it advisable to follow them, but retired to their barracks, while the * Some idea of tlie ferocity of the Royal troops may be formed from the fact stated by Gordon, a Protestant clersryman, in his ' History of the Rebellion,'— viz., that " after Father Muiphy had fallen, some sohliers of the Ancient British Regiment cut open his breast with an axe,_'Hook out his heart, roasted his body, and oiled their boots with the grease which dropped from it" ! Hutory of Ireland. peasaiitiy fell back, immolested, to Gorey. By this repulse, the progress of the Wexford insurgents was checked ; they were pre- vented uniting their forces with those of Meath, Kihlare, West- meath, and Dublin ; and the Capital was saved. The insurgents had been still less successful in Carlo w, Meath, and Kildare, than in Wexford and Wicklow. A disorderly and ill-concerted rising having taken place in Carlow, the peasantry were attacked by the yeomanry and militia mider Sir Charles Asgill, and routed with great slaughter. In their flight, the insur- gents passed through the village of Kilcomney, where they were again attacked and many more were killed. Not satisfied with the slaughter v/hich had already taken place. Sir Charles Asgill ordered an indiscriminate massacre of the inhabitants of the village, whose only offence was, that a band of defeated peasants had fled through their district. Their homes were accordingly entered, and persons of all ages were indiscriminately butchered, without any regard to sex. " The defenceless inhabitants," says Cloney, " of an unoffen- ding and most peaceable district — men, women, and children — - were butchered this day, and neither age, sex, nor infirmity, could obtain exemption from the common fate ; they were all slaughtered without mercy. ^' * The rising in Meath was of a partial nature, and its proximity to the metropolis enabled the government to use prompt measures for its suppression. The hill of Tara, which is associated with all the early glory and fame of Ireland, was selected as the rallying point for the peasantry of the district. Their position was strong and well chosen, but they did not possess a single leader who knew how to take advantage of the. ground. On the approach of the British, they quitted their strong position, and rushed upon the advancing foe with great impetuosity. The infantry fled, but the pikemen being suddenly charged by the cavalry, and raked on all sides by the artillery of the enemy, they were compelled to give way. Their phalanx being now broken, and having no rallying point, nor reserve, they were cut down in all directions and com- pletely routed. Many were killed, a great number returned to their homes, and the more determined of them remained in arms and proceeded to join the ranks of the Kildare insurgents under the bold and enterprizing Alymer. In some of their earlier engagements with the royal troops, the Kildare peasantry were highly successful ; at Old KilcuUen, where General Dun das, relying on the weight of his heavy cavalry, deter- mined to ride down a body of pikemen, he was driven back with great loss. The peasantry, formed into a deep and close column, drew up under the walls of the old church, and received the dra- goons, who charged them with great impetuosity, upon their pikes. The cavalry were completely lepulsed, many of the men and two * Thomas Ulonkv's rcrsonal X(try(tlivi\ c^-r. \>. fW. Historif of Ireland. of the captains were killed, the General himself escaping only by the fleetness of his horse. When the artillery, however, was brought up, the same body was completely broken ; but not till lanes had been repeatedly cut through them by round shot. Having suffered several severe losses subsequent to this period, many of the Kildare insurgents at length accepted the offers of pardon made to them by General Dundas, with the Lord Lieutenant's concur- rence. A large body of the peasantry had assembled for this pur- pose, at the Gibbet Rath on the Curragh of Kildare, having offered terms of .submission to the General, which were accepted. While thus assembled, Sir James Duffe arrived with a strong body of mihtia and fell upon the unresisting mu^fitude, mowing them down in cold blood. The principal instruments of the slaughter were the body of Fencible Cavalry, generally known as Lord Roden's " Foxhunters." The people fled in all directions, and vrere pursued with merciless slaughter. Three hundred and fifty men who had been admitted to the king's peace and promised protection through his officers, were relentlessly butchered on the spot ; and many more were cut down in the course of the flight. The scene of this horrible transaction is to this day known am.ong the pea- santry as " The place of Slaughter.'' We turn now to the North, where the organization of the United L^ishmen had commenced, and we find the rising equally unsuccessful as in the South. Long delay in the outbreak of the insurrection, the arrest of some leaders and the treachery and flight of others, had damped the enthusiasm of the people and greatly impaired their organization. While the population of the counties of Meath, Kildare, Wicklow, and Wexford, were in the field, Ulster remained perfectly quiet ; and it was not until they had heard of the success of the Wexford peasantry, that a rising was at length determined on. Russel and Dickson, the generals origi- nally appointed by the United Societies of Down, having been arrested by the government, the command devolved on Henry Joy M'Cracken, who was at the same time appointed commander-in- chief of the United Irish army of the North. The first rising took place on the 7th of June in the vicinity of the town of Antrim, then in the possession of the king's troops. This place was one of great importance, and its possession would enable the insurgents to keep up their communication with the counties of Down and Antrim, Tyrone, and Donegal. It was therefore resolved to attack the place and gain possession of it without delay. M'Cracken issued a hasty proclamation, on the day preceding the attack, addressed to The Army of Ulster," ordering them to " drive the garrison of Randalstown before them, and haste to form a junction with the commander-in-chief." On the arrival of the i force on the eminence above the town of Antrim, M'Cracken addressed them in spirit-stirring language, encouraging and con- firming their confidence and courage. The answer of the men was " Lead us to Liberty or Death !" ^ 438 Hutory of Ireland. The insurgent force did not amount to more than 500 men ; but many of them were effective soldiers, having been trained to the use of arms during the time of the Volunteers. On the part of the gar- rison, nothing was wanting for the purposes of defence. General Nugent having been previously informed of the intended attack, was fully prepared for resistance : the Foot occupied a strong posi- tion in front of the Castle gate ; the Cavalry were covered by the walls which surrounded the church; and the cannon were placed so as to enfilade the principal streets of the town. In addi- tion to the royal forces of the town, strong reinforcements were on their march from the British camp of Blaris Moore and the garri- son of Belfast, both twelve^miles distant. The attack was led by M'Cracken, who displayed the greatest valour throughout the contest. He marched his force into the town in good order, and was. first charged by the cavalry, who fired and then retreated, another party coming forward to resist them, as they continued to advance into the town. The cavalry were received with a galling fire which brought down many of the men and horses, and at length they retreated in great disorder. The . assailants advanced steadily to the market-place under a galling fire from the infantry and two pieces of cannon, which raked their columns and committed great havock. A body of pikemen gal- lantly charged the enemy, and endeavoured to carry their gTins, but were repeatedly driven back by destructive discharges of grape- shot. The cavalry now charged the pikemen, and attempted to capture one of the two pieces of ordnance belonging to the as- sailants, but they were driven back wdth great loss. Colonel Lumley, their commander, being seriously wounded in the encoun- ter, and many of his men falling victims to the deadly pike. Fol- lowing up liis success, M'Cracken now pressed upon the foe, charging them home. The contest was dreadful. The men fought hand to hand, and the defence was no less obstinate than the attack was furious and determined. Rank after rank were borne down and driven from their guns ; and, after an hour's hard fight- ing, the town was in possession of the United Irish. But a fatal mistake marred this success of the insurgents. The enemy's cavalry, defeated and flying, met a body of United Irish advancing from the north to the aid of their companions, now masters of the town of Antrim. Mistaking the flight of the ro3-al cavalry for a charge, and believing that their advanced guard had been defeated, the peasantry fled in all directions. About the same time, the Monaghan regiment made their appearance on the road from Belfast, ^ind took up their position at a little distance from the town ; the other reinforcements also came up from Blaris Moore, and the royalists, having rallied, now became the assailing party. They now considerably outnumbered their opponents, and had every advantage over them in ammunition, cavalry, and artillery. The insurgents within the town were soon made aware of the History of Ireland. 489 arrival of the royal reinforcements, as well as of the defeat of the Connor and Kells men, and were stricken with a general panic, and prepared for flight. M'Cracken did every thing that talent and courage could do to reanimate the drooping spirits of his party, but all was of no avail. He himself was borne down by them in their flight ; the town was speedily evacuated, and the royal cavalry, following close upon their heels, cut them down with terrible slaughter. A small body of men, designated by M'Cracken " The Spartan Band," commanded by James Hope, maintained a deter- mined resistance, and were only compelled to retire by the over- powering force of their assailants. The loss, on the part of the royalists, was severe : Lord O'Neill and several officers of distinction fell in the course of the battle. M'Cracken retreated to the hill of Donegore, where he collected the remains of his shattered forces, and endeavoured to form an encampment. From thence, he went to Slemish, when the number of men who adhered to him were reduced to twenty-eight. He was shortly afterwards apprehended, tried by a court-martial, and executed at Belfast. The ill success of the men of Antrim did not deter the United Irishmen of Down from attempting a rising. The decisive battle of Antrim was fought on the 7th of June, and the rising of Down took place on the 9th, in the neighbourhood of Saintfield. Before they could collect in any considerable numbers, they were forced into action by the royalists under Colonel Stapleton, who marched against them from Newtonards, having under his command the York fencibles, a corps of cavalry, another of infantry, and two pieces of cannon. The people were informed of the advance of this force, and at a part of the road which runs between two high and thick hedges, pikemen and musketeers posted themselves in great numbers. Most probably they would have succeeded in cutting off the entire division, but for the impatience of one of the insurgents, who fired and killed an established priest, notorious in the neighbourhood for his ferocious loyalty. The action immediately became general, and notwithstanding that the royalists fought with great bravery, they were beaten back and forced to retreat to Comber, the insurgents remaining in possession of Saintfield. On the 18th, the men of Ard rose, and after a stout skirmish, took possession of the town of Newton Ards ; at night they proceeded to join the insurgent army at Saintfield, which was now the general rendezvous of the United troops. On the morning of the 10th, they amounted to about 7,000 men, under the command of Monroe, a young man of some military skill, and of considerable spirit and enter- prise. On the following day (the 12th), he march for Ballynahinch ; and having learnt on the road that the British troops under the command of General Nugent, had marched from Belfast to attack him, he proceeded, on arriving near that town, to make the best arrangements for defence which the nature of the ground would admit. He drew up the main body of his army on the bold and 440 History of Ireland. commanding liill of Ednavady, occupying also the principal lieiglits in the neighbourhood, and posting several ambuscades along the roads by which his position was assailable. The approach of the British army was heralded by smoke and flame, for they had fired the country all along their route. As they advanced, they were joined by a division of troops from Downpat- rick ; and thus reinforced, the British came on in line of battle. When they had advanced within range of the ambuscades, a des- tructive fire was poured in upon them, which held them entirely in check for more than an hour, with little or no loss to the assailants. The army of General Nugent was then formed between the hill on which the insurgents were posted, and the town — directing the fire of his efficient artillery upon both. Monroe, finding that he could not resist the force of the enemy's cannon, abandoned the idea of defending the town, and withdrawing his forces from it, he con- centrated it on the hill of Ednavady, preparatory to a general attack on the British lines. Having, therefore, drawn in his outposts, and formed his line of action, he offered battle to the British ; but the day was now far advanced, and night came on before they could be brought into action. The royal army took possession of the town of Ballynahinch, and immediately gave way to pillage, drunkenness, and riot. The utmost disorder and confusion prevailed, and discipline was entirely lost in debauchery and licentiousness. In this state were affairs in the town, when a friendly messenger arrived at the United camp, and represented the disorganized state of the enemy, and the certainty of utterly defeating them if an attack were immediately made. A council of war was assembled, and all expressed them- selves in favour of instant action, with the exception of the leader, Monroe. In the spirit of fooKsh romance, he declared that he would not take an ungenerous advantage of the enemy, but that he would meet them in the blush of day, &c. The attack was accord- ingly postponed, and the consequence was, that most of the leaders were discouraged, and several of them left the field followed by their men. One division of nearly 700 men, better armed than the generality, left before break of day. Early on the morning of the 18th of June, the action commenced. Monroe began the attack by a discharge from his cannon, consisting of eight small pieces, which were drawn up against the town, and were generally well served. The fire was speedily returned by the heavier artillery of the enemy. The insurgent army then moved down the hill in two divisions, to the attack of the town. One of these endeavoured to penetrate the town on the right ; the other, under Monroe, directed its march on the left. The first division overthrew the body of troops sent to oppose them, and marched onward into the town ; the second division, under Monroe, en- countered a desperate resistance, but, undaunted and fearless, tlie men bore down all opposition. 'I'hey forced their way into the History of Ireland. 441 town, notwithstanding a most destructive fire of musketry and cannon, the pikemen charging up to the very muzzle of the guns. At length Monroe, having gained the centre of the town, charged the enemy furiously with hayonet and pike, and the British general, conceiving the day to be lost, ordered the retreat to be sounded. And here occurred one of those extraordinary accidents which, as at Ross aM elsewhere, almost unaccountably turned the tide of battle against the Irish at the very moment of victory, and left the advantage finally in the hands of their enemies. It seems that the peasantry, unacquainted with the trumpets'* sound, and enveloped in smoke, mistook the note of retreat for the signal of charge, and believing that fresh reinforcements had arrived to the enemy, they became suddenly panic- stricken, turned and fled from the town by the southern road, while at the same moment the defeated British were as rapidly evacuating it on the north ! The retrograde movement of the insurgents was marked by a part of the British force which had not yet been engaged — namely by the 22nd regiment of light dragoons, who immediately charged the flying troops of Monroe, while the infantry, recovering from their panic, and rallying, joined in the pursuit. The now defeated Irish endeavoured to gain their former position on the hill of Ednavady ; but their force was now scattered and flying in all directions,' only about one hundred and fifty men remaining with Monroe. Accordingly, flight was the only resource, and numbers were cut down by the ferocious yeomanry, who gave no quarter and took no prisoners. Monroe was taken two days after the battle of Ballynahinch, and shortly afterwards suffered death with the fortitude of a martyr. The United Irishmen were now com- pletely dispersed in Ulster ; and no further attempt was made t(? raise the standard of insurrection in that province. We return to the South, where we find almost the entire brunt of the resistance to the government maintained by the determined peasantry of Wexford. The authorities, however, were now able to bring down upon them their concentrated force, so that the struggle seemed fast drawing to a close. After their defeat at Ross and Arklow, the peasantry, reduced to maintaining a defensive warfare, collected the remains of their forces on Vinegar Hill, an eminence of considerable extent and height, immediately overlooking the town of Enniscorthy. The position was one of considerable natural strength, which the insurgents endeavoured to improve. They dug a ditch round the base of the hill, and planted the few half-disabled cannon and swivels which they possessed, to the best advantage. The number of peasantry occupying this position amounted to nearly 30,000 ,* they were badly clothed and fed, and entirely with- out discipline ; they had among them not more than 2,000 fire- arms of all descriptions, of which many were imfit for use ; and they had little or no ammunition. The great body were armed with the pike, which seveFal recent contests had proved to be a very formi- 44<2 IJistorij of Ireland. dable weapon. With the peasantry were a great number of women, who shared in all the dangers of the campaign, and fought with fury by the side of their brothers, sons, and husbands. The royal army under General Lake, which advanced to the attack of this position, amounted to about 20,000 men, including an effective force of cavalry and artillery.* Driving in the insurgent outposts, after a fierce resistance. General Lake advanced to the attack of the main body, posted on Vinegar Hill, early on the morning of the 21st of June. He made the attack in four columns, his troops advancing to the assault under cover of a tremendous and destructive discharge of artillery. The peasantry resisted with great bravery. Almost defenceless, they stood the fiery stream of grape-shot and shells, which poured in upon them for an hour and a half without interruption. The bursting of every shell was fol- lowed by loud shouts of defiance. The soldiers advanced steadily up the hill, and the peasantry, whose ammunition had entirely failed and whose guns were now useless, received them on the edge of the pike. The women encouraged them by their cries, the leaders by fiery exhortations, the men cheering each other to desperate efforts of valour. The soldiers were more than once driven back by the pikemen ; many officers and men were killed and wounded, and General Lake's horse was killed under him. But no resistance that the peasantry could offer, could prevent the final advance of the army, supported as they were by the' murderous fire of a well- served artillery. At length, in the midst of a torrent of fire, the pikemen gave way ; they broke and retreated in the direction of Wexford, through a pass that had been left unoccupied by the royal troops, either through accident or design. The cavalry attempted a charge, but the nature of the ground prevented them from acting, and the great body of the peasantry reached Wexford the same evening with comparatively little loss. On the following day, they finally evacuated the town, after having held undisputed possession of it for twenty-three days. The army of the insurgents now disbanded, and the greater part of them returned to their homes ; which was the signal for the renewal of the most inhuman atrocities by the royal troops. A considerable proportion of the army under General Lake consisted of foreign mercenaries, drawn from the shambles of petty German despots, who were let loose upon the people to wreak every kind of ^ cruelty and vengeance on them, which lust, rapine, and bloodthirstiness could invent. On the town of Enniscorthy being taken possession of by the royal troops on the 21st of June, the Hessians particularly distinguished themselves. They entered the building which had * The different columns of the Royal troops employed towards the cfose of the insurrection, at Vinegar Hill and Wexford, were under the conviiaud of General Lake, General Dundas, General N'T;/l»«m. GeneralJohnson,(ieneral Sir James Dnn; (Jiueral Moore, and Ma.ior-General Sn- (. liarles Asgi 11,— an array of able (,'rncral ..fhcers, which, toj;. tlu r with the immense mass ot n ijular troops ,-mHoyea may givethe read." son.e hlea of the formi.lal.le nature of the We.xford n.surr<'ctu.n It hal o. he im v nces of li-eland had aeted as Wexford did, it v.oul.l have been next to nnpossible lor the Kntjlish aimy to have kept their footing iu Ireland for a week. History of Ireland. W6 been used as an hospital by tlie insurgent peasantry, and shot the unresisting patients in their beds. In doing so, they set fire, with the wadding of their guns, to the beds, when the house was burned down and thirty of the unfortunate inmates perished in the flames. In the same town the brutal soldiery wreaked their vengeance on women, many of whom they mercilessly shot : others were treated with indignities even worse than death. The entire province of Wexford was delivered up to the horrors of military law, — horrors of which it would be impossible to give anything like an adequate description. The lash, the prison, and the rope, were too slow in their devastation. Fire was applied to the dwellings of the un- fortunate peasantry, who, with their wives and children, were butchered in the flames. Young men were hanged before the eyes of their relations, who were forced, by soldiers with fixed bayonets, to keep their eyes on the dreadful spectacle. Ghastly corpses were exposed to public sight in every town, human heads were kicked about the streets, and the remains of the dead were treated with all manner of revolting indignities. One of General Lake's first acts, on approaching Wexford with his army, was to issue a proclamation for the apprehension of all the rebel leaders. Most of these had trusted to a convention made with Lord Kingsborough, and agreed to by him, — by which they surrendered the town of Wexford, and procured the submission of the armed peasantry in the neighbourhood, on condition that security of person ^nd property was granted to all but murderers. Lake, however, had predetermined to give his soldiers an opportu- nity of taking revenge on the town for their former disgraceful abandonment of it. Fortunately, Sir John Moore's army being nearer the town than Lake's, after throwing a few yeomanry into it, he encamped in the vicinity, to preserve it, if possible, from the horrors of military execution. This measure saved the town ; and Lake's sanguinary bands were let loose on the rural population. The leaders were all seized according to Lake's orders, and after being subjected to many cruel indignities, were tried and shot. The most cruel case was that of Cornelius Grogan, Esq.,. a gentleman of large landed property — from ci^SjOOO to c£^10,000 a year, — who was hanged with Messrs. Harvey and Colclough, also gentlemen of independent property.* Mr. Grogan was about seventy-five years of age, and in the last stage of feebleness — the * The executioner of these unfortunate gentlemen was a serjeant of the King's county militia, of the name of Dunn — a monster in the human form, whose brutality and ferocious cruelty have never been exceeded in any country — not even in France, in the worst times of the French Revolution The clothes of each sufferer, he was accustomed to strip off the moment the body was cut down, in the presence of the victim next in turn for execution, then tied up the effects in a handkerchief with the greatest com- posure; and proceeded with another victim, and with a similar disposition of his perquisites. As the generality of those executed on the Bridge of Wexford were persons of respectability in life, watches and other valuable effects were not unfrequently found on their persons, and these Serjeant Dunn was in the habit of selling to the yeomanry rabble and supplementaries, as rebel trophies, at the close of each day's business. The heads of the persons executed, he used to carry to his own house after the execution, rolled up in the linen of each, and in the course of the evening he proceeded to the town-house, mounted the roof, and fixed the heads on pikes. For a length of time the Bridge of Wexford was a fashionable lounge, for " the bucks and blades" of the Wexfordian " ascendancy," and Sergeant Dunn was wont to gather bis evening group around him, and regale his hearers with ludicrous" anecdotes of his official labours. — Madden. 444 History of Ireland. most unlikely person possible for a 'rebel.' He was living upon his estate in the neighbourhood of Wexford, when the insurrection broke out, and his infirmities prevented him from flying before the advance of the successful peasantry. Believing that his presence among them would induce his tenantry to rise, the insurgents seized him, put him on horseback and placed him in their front as they entered Wexford, threatening him with death if he did not obey their orders. For being thus coerced, this innocent old man was hanged and beheaded by the military^ executioners of the government, and his house was given up to plunder by the soldiery.* A bill of Attainder was passed, by which his estates were confiscated to the crown. -f- Not improbably, General Lake and his military coadjutors were influenced, in their cruel and savage proceedings, by the consideration of the confiscations of property by which they were to be followed — a consideration of no Small importance in all the previous wars of extermination in Ireland. These cruel and infamous acts had the effect of protracting the insurrection and greatly adding to its mischievous results. The peasantry, terrified by the furious vengeance of the soldiery, and many of them burned out of house and home, had no other alter- native but to keep to the field with arms in their hands. They^ were driven to maintain a desultory warfare, which proved more destructive than even open rebellion. The insurgents hurried from county to county, baffling the royal troops by the quick- ness of their movements. They cut off supplies, stormed out- posts, destroyed detachments, surprised encampments, and hovered on the skirts of the royal forces, who were thus kept in a state of constant harrassment, and were not slow to retaliate in acts of revolting cruelty. At length the government removed Lord Camden, under whose administration of blood the insurrection had been fostered and caused prematurely to explode, — and Lord Cornwalhs was sent over in his place. A more conciUatory policy was now pursued. A proclamation was issued, authorizing the royal Generals to grant protection to all who would return to their allegiance, except those who had been guilty of murder ; and thus many obtained pardon, and a partial tranquillity was restored. About this period, several of the United L*ish leaders, confined in the state prisons of Dubhn, believing all further resistance to be useless, and anxious to save the eff'usion of blood, entered into a negociation with the government, and finally concluded an agree- * The Rev. Mr. Gordon savs— " Tbe dovastiition and plunderinjj sustained by the loyalists, was not the work of the rebels alone. ' Great part of tlio damage was committed by the soldiery, who commonly completed tlu; ruin of deserted houses in which they had their quarters, and often plundered without distinction of Loyalist and Croppy. [He adds]-I mean not to throw blame on any, who unpremedit- ^ aredlv, and without neglect of their duty, shared th.< phu^cr of houses of reputed rebels, consifjtncd to military depredation. Thus, doul)tles9, Lord Kiii(/sbi>roii;ih thought his conduct blameless, when he wi'nl,thc div) afU'r /lis UbcraUon from M'<\v/hrd,'to Mr. Corntliiis (fro'jan's house, and tuok out of (lie fttahlc two coavh horses (o sell, "llut if we sliould find ihe alfenliou of any general officer so absorbed in a system, o/ plunder, as tu leave h 'un no leisure for /f;//i/;«//, perhaps we might not think him so eiitii-e.ly blameless." + Tliis was, however, afterwards reversed in favour of his brother, who was a Koyalist. History of Ireland. 445 m^it, by which the Hves of the leaders were spared (unless guilty of murder), on condition of their giving the government every in- formation connected with the conspiracy. Thomas Addis Emmett, Arthur O'Connor, William James Macneven, and others, were examined before the Privy Council, and a garbled report of their evidence was published by the government. A fuller and more correct account was afterwards drawn up by Emmett, Sweetman, and Macneven, after they reached France, on their liberation from Fort George, — three years after their examination before the Privy Council, and when the Union between the two countries had been carried into effect. To that document we have already referred in the course of this history.* The insurrection was now supposed to be entirely at an end, when the government was suddenly alarmed by the intelligence of the landing of a French army of invasion on the northern shores of Ireland. The French Directory, though repeatedly solicited, had declined making any effort to assist their Irish allies, while their aid could have been of any service to them ; and it was only after all the disturbances had been suppressed, and the insurrection was entirely at an end, that the^^dispatched an armed force to the Irish coast. Had they arrived a few months earlier, the conse- quences would have been most formidable ; but, as it was, the entire British army in Ireland was now at liberty to concentrate their force to crush the miniature invasion. A kind of " luck"" seems constantly to have attended the English government in Ireland. However formidable the difiiculties and dangers by which they have been surrounded, they have invariably got over them. Thus, in the course of this insurrection, all the armaments prepared by France, — any one of which, had it reached the shores of Ireland in safety, and at the right time, would have enabled the Irish people to shake off the British power, — were baffled by a combination of circumstances over which human man- agement could have little or no control. Thus, the first armament which sailed from Brest, with 15,000 men and 50,000 stand of arms on board, under one of the most skilful French generals — though a * large portion of it reached Ireland, and lay for five days within reach of the Irish shore- -was blown off to sea again by one of the most tre- mendous winds ever known upon the coast. The second expedition, of equal strength, was delayed by foul weather, until the British fleet had time to block up the Texel, when the Dutch under the instigation of infatuated directors, went out to their destruction at Camperdown. The success of the third expedition, delayed beyond the time when it could have been of use — was frustrated by the folly and absurdity of its commander. General Humbert. At it was, he defeated a British army greatly his superior in strength, strik- ing general terror throughout the country ; and he was only put * A full account of this, as of most of the other important documents connected with the history of this period^ will be found in Madden's Ui'iiied Irishmen. II k U6 History of Ireland. clown after Lord Cornwallis with an army of ^7,000 men had gone out to meet him. It was on a beautiful day, towards the end of August, 1798, that three frigates, under English colours, appeared in the bay of Killala, one of the northern ports of the county Mayo. They neared the shore, and turned out to be French vessels, with about 1000 troops on board, 1000 stand of spare arms, and a few pieces of artillery. They landed without opposition, and took possession of the town of Killala, capturing the bishop and a lot of parsons who happened to be on their visitation. Fond of good quarters, they took possession of the bishop's palace, behaving themselves, however, according to the published testimony of the bishop himself, with the greatest politeness and decorum. The French were soon joined by a number of the peasantry, whom they clothed, armed, and endeavoured to discipline. After resting at Killala for a few days, they determined to march into the country, and at once directed their steps southwards, towards Castlebar. The town of Castlebar was occupied by a numerous garrison under Generals Lake and Hutchinson, fully provided with artillery and all the munitions of war. Tiie intention of the English gene- rals was, to march to Killala and at once take captive the whole French detachment. They had not the slightest idea that the French would dare to attack them^ and were therefore not a little astonished when they learnt that they were in full march upon Castlebar. The English generals drew up their army in a strong* position about a mile from the town. They were about four thousand strong, and were supported by fourteen pieces of artil- lery. The insurgent army consisted of 800 Frenchmen and about 1000 undisciplined peasants ; and their artillery consisted of one curricle gun ! The British army had scarcely taken up its position before the French came in sight ; they descended the opposite hill in columns, directly in front of the English. The artillery played on them with some effect, and it was expected that they would at once be forced to retire. What was the surprise of the English — whose attention had been completely taken up by the firing of the French musketry in front — to find that they were making an attempt by means of small bodies of men, to carry their left, which was protected by stone walls. The alarm imme- diately spread throughout the British army ; orders were given which tended to throw them into confusion ; the line wavered ; panic became general ; the heavy cavalry turned and rode in among the infantry whom they trampled dovvn in their hurry to esca]>e ; tlie infantry fled from the field like a disorderly mob, throwljig from them their arms by the way;, and thus in a few minntes, tlie fine army of British sokliers, yeomen, and militia, were in full flight before their handful of enemies, leaving behind t liem the whole of their artillery. Away they wont, belter skelter, pursued by such of ibe French- Hidory of Ireland. men as could find horses to follow them. They rushed through Castlebar, and stopt not a moment to hold the town against the mvaders. There was a general effort among the gallant men to be first ; the inhabitants thinking, as in the case of the famous John Gilpin, that it was " a race " — and hence the rout is called " The Races of Castlebar'''' to this day. They drew not bridle until they reached the city of Tuam ; and even there, thinking themselves not safe, they subsequently fled to Athlone, a distance of sixty-four miles — where, behind the walls of the frowning castle, and under the protection of its big guns, they rested in security from the desperation of ' the rebels ' and the French. After the battle, nearly three hundred of the royal army were found missing : they were chiefly of the South and Kilkenny regiments, and it afterwards turned out that they had deserted to the enemy,* a sufficient proof of the precarious state of the militia force at the time. Had the French advanced at once upon Dublin, the conse- quences might have been most serious ; as some 40,000 of the peasantry of Westmeath were preparing to assemble at the Crooked Wood, about 40 miles from the metropolis, and many of the militia were ready to join them as they advanced. But the "luck" of the government did not now forsake it. The French stopt too long at Castlebar, giving balls and public entertainments ; and in the meantime Lord Cornwallis was preparing to overpower them with an army of twenty times their number. At length,' after collecting an army of about 80,000 men, well appointed with cavalry and artillery, Lord Cornwallis considered himself a match for the nine hundred Frenchmen, and accord- ingly he boldly advanced to meet them. His object was to prevent their crossing the Shannon, and he directed his march upon that river. But General Humbert, immediately on learning the ad- vance of the British, wheeled to the north towards the sources of the Shannon ; and it was ten days before Lord Cornwallis, advanc- ing by slow marches, purposely to increase the public terror, could manage to overtake him. Colonel Vereker ( Lord Gort ) was the first who came up with the French on their march northward, and brought them to an engagement, when he was driven back with considerable loss. At last the army of Lord Cornwallis appeared on the skirts of the retreating French ; when Lord Roden's " Foxhunters," eager to revenge themselves for the defeat they sustained at Castlebar, boldly charged them, — but the French, opening their columns and then closing them, beat them off with great loss, and took their leader. Lord Roden, a prisoner. These actions, however, detained the French until Lord Corn- wallis came up with his immense army, on the 8th of September, * About a hundred of fhese men were afterwards taken prisoners by Lord Comwallis's army, tried by Court-Martial, and hanged. One of them defended himself by saying, " that it was the airay and not las who were deserters; ior whilst he was fighting hard, they all ran away and left him to be munJoreiJ ' History of Irelajid. when, surrounded on all aides, and seeing further resistance hope- less, they surrendered, and were sent forward to Dublin, from whence they were afterwards exported to their own country. No sooner were the royalists freed from their dangers, than the reign of horror again commenced. No soldiers could be braver than the royal troops when their enemies were defenceless men. Defeated at Castlebar, they were victorious at Killala, which was occupied by a few half-armed peasantry and a number of women and children. The bravery of the troops here became very con- spicuous : they murdered loyalists and insurgents indiscriminately: and they robbed all ranks, whether friends or foes, indiscriminately. One of the greatest boasts of these heroes was, who could shoot the most " croppies.'' * Peasantry were shot in the fields when at work ; and women and children were also used as targets for these brave defenders of the crown and constitution. Military tribunals were estabhshed, composed in many cases of officers who scarcely exceeded the age of boyhood, and immense numbers of barbarous executions were the consequence. How different was the conduct of the " savage peasantry " when the power was in their hands ! Not a life was taken, except in the field of battle. Property was everywhere respected ; decorum was scrupulously preserved ; the insurgents paid for everything they got ; and it was admitted, even by their bitterest enemies, that while they were uncontrolled mas- ters of the district, their conduct was generous and merciful in the highest degree. At length, Lord Cornwallis checked the indiscri- minate destruction of life and property by the proclamation of an armistice, permitting the insurgents to disperse, giving them thirty days either to surrender their arms or be prepared for slaughter. These thirty days were days of renewed terror ; but the object of the government was accomplished by them, for they served to increase the sense of public insecurity, and to cause the loyalists to think that England alone could protect them from the hostility of the Irish people. Scarcely had the little French army been surrounded and taken prisoners, and the disturbed districts in Connaught been reduced to a state of quiet, than another French squadron, consisting of the Hoche line of battle ship, two frigates, and a schooner, was discovered off the coast of Ulster, by Admiral Warren, who had under him six ships of the line and three frigates. The little arm- ament was immediately signalled on shore, but before Bompart, the French admiral, could land the small body of troops on board, the British squadron bore down upon him in order of battle. The inequality of the force rendered a prolonged resistance impossible. Signal was made to the frigates and schooner to retreat through shallow water ; while the French admiral himself prepared for an obstinate resistance. * Croppy WHS tli« name given to all who were supposed to be disaffected to the Rovernment. It origi- oRted in Ihl' custom introduced by Uie French, of wearing short huir— the adt ption ol this lushion wus •oubidored prima facie evidcme ol" n pubuciuiisin. History of Ireland. 449 There was one valiant Irish spirit on board the Hoche, who was ^)ffered— nay entreated, to take the last chance of escape by means of the fast-sailing French schooner. This was Theobold Wolfe Tone, one of the bravest, noblest spirits of whom Ireland can boast — a man of the purest and loftiest motives, and who, in any other country but his own, would have risen to the highest emi- nence. On being entreated by the French officers to make his escape, he refused them all, expressing his determination to stand or fall with the ship. "Shall it be said," repHed he, "that I fled, whilst the French were fighting the battles of my country V The engagement which took place was a most severe one — four British ships of the line and one frigate surrounded the Hoche, and for six hours she sustained their united fire, until her masts and rig- ging were shot away, her scuppers flowed with blood, her wounded filled the cockpit, her rudder was blown off, her sails and cord- age hung in shreds, her sides were shattered by the destructive shot, and she floated a dismantled wreck on the surface of the waters. Theobald Wolfe Tone commanded at one of the batte- ries, and fought with the utmost desperation. At last, when she could not fire another shot, the gallant ship struck, and her crew were taken prisoners. It was at first supposed that Tone had fallen in the action — a delusion which was encouraged by those around him. It was not till after they had landed at Letterkenny, that the illustrious cap- tive was identified ; and the infamous task of discovering him was reserved for an Irish Orangemen, a schoolfellow of his own, Sir George Hill, one of the chief magistrates of the neighbourhood. The French officers were invited to breakfast with the Earl of Cavan, who commanded in the district, and while they were seated at table, Hill entered the room followed by several police officers. After looking round the company, he fixed his eyes upon Tone, and stepping up to him, said " Mr. Tone, I am mry happy to see 3'ou." Seeing that all further attempts at concealment were use- less. Tone acknowledged the salutation,^ when he was instantly seized, heavily laden with irons, and hurried to Dublin. The forms of a trial and court-martial were gone through, and Tone was sentenced to death. Curran, always ready to interpose himself between the government and its victims, endeavoured to save him by form of legal process; but it was too late. To escape the ignominious touch of the hangman (for the English government, merciless to a fallen enemy, had refused him a soldier's death); Tone, during the night of the 11th of Noveni- ber, while the soldiers were erecting the gallows underneath his very windows, inflicted a deep wound across his neck with a pen- knife, and in the morning he was found weltering in his blood. The following is the account of his last moments as related by his son : — " Stretched on his bloody pallet in a dungeon, the first apostle HUtorii of Ireland. of Irish Union, and most illustrious martyr of Irisli independence, comited, each hngering hour during the last seven days and nights of his felow and silent agony. No one was allowed to approach him. Far from his adored family, and from all those friends whom he loved so dearly, the only forms which flitted before his eyes were those of the grim jailor and rough attendants of the prison : the only SQunds which fell on his dying ear, the heavy tread of the sentry. He retained, however, the calmness of his soul, and the possession of his faculties to the last. And the consciousness of dying for his country, and in the cause of justice and liberty, illumined, like a bright halo, his latest moments, .and kept up his fortitude to the end. There is no situation under which those feelings will not support a patriot. On the morning of the 8th of November, he was seized with the spasms of approaching death. It is said that the surgeon wdio attended, whispered that if he attempted to move or speak he must expire instantly ; that he overheard him, and making a slight movement, replied, " I can yet find words to thank you, sir ; it is the most welcome news you could give me. What should I wish to live for V Falling back, with these expressions on his lips, he expired without further effort.^' The only other attempt at insurrection made at this period, was the futile one of Napper Tandy, 'formerly a leader among the United Irishmen. He was now a general in the French service, and headed a small expedition of expatriated Irishmen, who desired to aid in the liberation of their country. They landed at the Isle of Ruglin on the north-west coast ; but, on hearing of Humbert's disaster, they immediately embarked and escaped to Norway. Napper Tandy, in utter violation of the laws of neu- trality, was afterwards seized at Hamburgh, and brought over to Ireland ; when he was tried at Lifford, and condemned to death. But Napoleon, who had now returned from Egypt, claimed him as a French general, and threatened to hang an English prisoner of high rank if his life were taken : he also laid a severe fine on the city of Hamburgh, for its allowed violation of the laws of neutral- ity. These measures had their due effect : Tandy was acquitted, and shortly after was allowed to quit the country in exchange for a prisoner of equal rank. The country was now reduced to a wretched state. A cloud of awe hung over the public mind. All expression of opinion in behalf of the insurgents or rebels, was entirely suppressed. Men dared no longer trust each other. They durst not betray either by word or look, theii* feelings of sympathy with their kind. The apparatus of terror and violence were everywhere displayed. I'he entire country presented the appearance of one vast encamp- ment. Little was to be seen abroad but English and foreign sol- diers, yeomen, and police. Commerce, manufacture, and husbandry were suspended, and the only activity apparent in society, was History of Ireland. 4oi that of Death and his horrible instruments. In this state of national stupor was the Irish people, when the measure of a Union was proposed, by which the English ascendancy, fortified by an immense army, was subsequently enabled to effect the extinction of Irish nationality. Such is a short and succinct history of the Irish Rebellion of 1798^ — a struggle between the people and the aristocratic ascen- dancy — between the conquered Irish race and their foreign conque- rors,— a part of the identical struggle, not yet determined, which commenced with the landing of the Norman archers and men-at- arms, seven hundred years before, on the shores of Wexford. The lives lost in the course of the insurrection, — and it lasted little more than a month — were upwards of seventy thousand. Twenty thousand fell on the side of government, and fifty thousand on that of the insurgents * — the greater part of whom were massacred in cold blood. The force employed by the government in the suppression of the people, has been variously estimated ; but probably it did not amount to less than 100,000 men,QThe yeomanry force alone exceeded 50,000.| The regular cavalry were above|7,000| strong, and the infantry 45,000/—The numbers of tha Irish peasantry actually engaged in the insurrection, cannot be stated with accu- racy. The rising in Wexford was by far the most general ; and there, it is computed, at least I85,000/ men were in the field;.' Probably the number of insurgents actually in arms, in different parts of the country, was not less than] 100,000.YThe arms of all descriptions, taken from the insurgents, amounted to .120,000. The number of United Irishmen actually enrolled (according to Emmett, O'Connor, and others) amounted to 500,000, and the number they counted on as effective, was about 300,000. It is pretty certain that, had the insurrection been general, as it was local, this estimate would have proved to be nearly correct. The population of Ireland amounting, in 1798, to only four millions and a half, showed that the large mass of the Irish people were ranged in organized hostility to the government. The cost of suppressing the rebellion, local though it was, must have been immense. The maintenance of the standing army alone in Ireland, in 1798, was upwards of ^^^4,000,000 sterling. The property destroyed on the side of the royalists alone, was upwards of c^'l, 023,000 ; one half of which was in the county of Wex- ford. The loss of the insurgents, whose property was on all occa- sions mercilessly destroyed by the royalists, could not have been less than a million sterling, and most probably amounted to a great deal more. The increase of legal expenses connected with the prosecutions of the United Irishmen and rebels, amounted to about half a million ; and the money expended upon spies, informers, * Plowdgn, Mooie, Curran, Barrington, and other writers, are agreed as to the general correctness of the above numbers, lUdorii of Ireland, and hired ruffians of all kinds, must have been very great. The total expense of the Rebellion and its result, the Union, has been computed by some writers at <£*30,000,000 ; and by others at upwards of =£^50,000,000. Dr. Madden gives his data * for assum- ing that the expense amounted to at least =£^21, 000,000 ; and there is every reason to believe that he is quite within tlio jnark. CHAPTER XXXIX. Ireland prepared for the Union— The proposal received with general indignation — The question insidiously introduced in Parliament — Defeat of the Government — The Arguments for and against the Union — Public excitement during the Dis- cussion of the question — Lords Castlereagh and Clare — Parliament prorogued — Sj'^stem of Bribery and Corruption pursued — The Fighting Club of Unionists — Petitions for and against the Union— Public Meetings dispersed by the Military — Public Meetings in the Provinces —The government policy vrith the Catholics — Are promised Emancipation if they will consent to the Union — The Catholic Bishops deceived — A large portion of the Catholic body protest against the Union — Daniel O'ConnelPs first public appearance as an Anti-Unionist The Session of 1800 — Bribery effectual— Lord Castlereagh 's atrocious propositions to bribe the entire Parliament — Majority for the Government on the first division Affecting scene on the re-appearance of Mr. Grattan — Resolutions in favour of a Union carried— The Catastrophe — The Act of Union. Ireland was now chained down to the earth by an immense standing army. The country was in a state of siege! The Habeas Corpus Act was still suspended, and Martial Law was everywhere in operation. Military executions were of constant occurrence ; every breath of pubHc opinion was hushed ; the shrieks of the rebelhon still rung in the nation's ear ; and the ' wholesome terror' inspired by the government, still held the nation in a state of tor- por and stupefaction. Such was the state of Ireland when the measure was proposed, which was to extinguish her nationality, and merge her existence into that of a kingdom which had ever been lier scourge and her oppressor. * As to the expenses the government had to encounter and defray on account of this rebellion, the followmg calculation may give some idea of the amount : — From 1797 to 1802, tlie cost of the large military force that was kept up in Ireland estimated at £4,000,000 per animm j, . , iJlll.OOO.OOO Purchase of the Irish Parliament ; .\ l,V)00,0()0 Payment of claims of sufiering loyalists 1,000 000 Secret Service money, from 1797 to 1804 ' Probable amount of pensions paid for services in suppression of the rebellion and the carrying of the Union, IVom 1797 to 181-2 1 000,000 Increased expense oi' legal procecdiui^'s and iiKiiciaHribunals V)OoioOO Additional expenditure in pul)lic ,ollin ,s , (,i,,s,M|urnt .m increased duties in 1798, . » , »' . and altei-ations in establislnnrnts allculunl on (lie Union, the removal of par- liamentary archives, and comiiensatiun of ollicers, servants, &c 500,000 . i'21,05;i,.>17 1 am aware that the amount has been estimated at £30,000,000 by some writers, rend at nearly double (hat amount l>y others. " In Ibree counties, " it has btTn said, " iks suiM>ression cost £6'> .000,000 ; what would i( haM- Imh'm, if it had extended lo Ihe otiier tweutv-nine counties ?"—MAnnKN's Vi%kttd lr\^h (' "i I, p. ;)77. . ' ' History of Ireland. 45S The Union had ah^eady been projected by Wilham Pitt, and supported by his Cabinet ; but the hostile attitude of the Irish people had hitherto prevented its being carried into^ execution. On several occasions the measure had been hinted at in the Irish legislature, but was received with such indignation that the ministry perceived the time for its enactment had not yet arrived. The Eng- lish government saw that they must first deal with the people, when they would have the support of the Irish ascendancy ; and after the nation had been effectually silenced, they could then deal with the Protestant proprietors of the Irish ParHament single-handed. The RebelKon was accordingly fomented, and caused to explode ; and when it had been suppressed by military force, and the ter- ror of the propertied classes had reached its greatest height, —when the country was filled with British and Foreign troops, and the con- stitutional law was entirely suspended,— then the Union was propo- sed, and the Irish Parliament, which was already full of crime and corruption, was persuaded and bribed into laying violent hands upon itself, — and thus, after a short but most expensive struggle, the Enghsh government at length succeeded in the utter extinction of the Irish legislature. The proposal of a Union was at first received with general indignation throughout Ireland.. Although the Rebellion had just been suppressed, and the government was backed by 137,000 armed men, — yet, even the ascendancy scarcely supposed it possible that such a measure would have been attempted. They were, however, deceived. The government knew that the nation could now no longer resist ; and that, without their aid, the Protestant opposition to them in ParKament could do nothing. The Irish legislature had refused justice to the Irish people, and supported the English government in all its attempts to put them clown ; and now that the Irish Parliament had forfeited the support of the nation, and convicted itself of intolerable tyranny, the Enghsh government turned round upon it too, and compelled it to assent to its own annihilation. At the same time, any effective opposition which the people might yet be able to offer to the Union, was neutrahzed by cunningly setting CathoHc against Protestant, and Protestant against Catholic, while the chains of both were rivetted in one common tyranny. The Union was first insidiously proposed in the Viceroy's speech, on the opening of the Irish Parliament on the 22nd of January, 1799. After alluding to the attempts made to completely separate the two kingdoms, he said — " His Majesty commands me to ex- press his anxious hope that this consideration, joined to the senti- ment of mutual affection and common interest, may dispose the Parliaments in both kingdoms to provide the most effectual means of maintaining and improving a connexion essential to their common security, and of consolidating, as far as possible, into one firm and lasting fabric, the strength, the power, and the resources of ^ he 454 History of Ireland. empire.'' LorJ Powerscourt moved an amendment to the address, which was, as usual, an echo of the speech — the amendment was directed against the contemplated Union, but it was rejected by a large majority : the Lords at once subserviently consenting to record the sentence of extinction of their judicial existence. An amendment to the same elFect was also moved in the House of Commons ; and, after a debate of twenty-two hours the govern- ment address was carried by a majority of only one.^ On the following day, the question was again debated at great length, and after great exertions on the part of the opposition, the government was unexpectedly defeated. In the course of the debates on the Union which took place in the Irish Parliament, all the great lawyers of the time were found faithful to the cause of national independence. Saurin (afterwards Attorney-General), Plunket (afterwards Lord Chancellor), Bushe (afterwards Chief-Justice), Fitzgerald (then Prime-Sergeant), Parnell (Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer), and most of the other distinguished Irish lawyers, spoke with great force of elo- quence and argument, against the proposal for the extinction of the Irish legislature. At the risk of anticipating some of the arguments adduced on the opposite sides, in the various discussions on the subject, we may here shortly state them : they were somewhat as follows : — 1. The proposers and favourers of a Union maintained that it would " consolidate the strength and the resources of the Empire."' By a union with wealthy England, which was represented to be in a state of peace, order, and prosperity, it was represented that Ireland must be greatly benefitted. Capital would flow into the country ; all the cities and towns in the south and west would become great and wealthy ; new harbours and dockyards would be built, and commerce and manufactures woidd rapidly increase. The rapid prosperity of Ireland since the period of 1782, was even adduced as an argument in favour of the Union ! It was argued by Mr. Pitt, in the British Parliament, that " as Ireland * The manner in which this majority of one was obtained, was a remarkable instance of the open profligacy and corruption of the period. It was suspected that Mr. French (afterwards created I,oi d Ashdown) had long been in nefjociation with Lord Castlereagh ; but that his proposals had been refusi'd by the minister on account of their extravagance. In the course of this debate, Mr. French declared in the course of a short speech, that he would vote against the minister. This decUiration was observed to have a stunning effect on Mr. Cooke, the Under-Secretary, and Lord Castlereagh, his superior. Tliey were soon observed in earnest conversation, and Mr. Cooke then retired to a back seat, when he was observed carefully counting the House, to see whether Mr. French's vote could be done without, or not. The result was unfavourable, and he accordingly sidled his way up to Lord Castlereagh, when a short conversation took place between them, the result of which was, that Mr. Cooke proceeded to Mr. French's side, and, after a short, but seemingly most satisfactory communication, they parted with a snrle, and the Secretary returned to his place by the side of Lord Castlei-eagh, wlio, looking towards Mr. French, nodded his assent and satisfaction, llie House saw the whole transaction, and its purport was plain to every body iiresenl. In a word. Lord Castlereagh had accepted Mr. French's terms, and agreed to give th(! bi ilil^ lliid Ik^ had proposed. This was proved on the u]iproach of the division, when Mr. French rose and niKilngi/.ed forliuving indiscreetly said that \\v would support the amendment. _ On more mature rcjlcrtioii lie was convinceil that he was wrong, and he would now support the minister. This instance of a man of large wealth and property bartering his vote for a liltliy bribe, was a common enough sight during the last years of the Iri ih Parliament. The sin of taking" bribes is by no means oncjtimtis contineil to poor men. History of Ireland. 455 had been so prosperoiLS imder her own parliament,* the amount of that prosperity would be trebled imder a British legislature.'' Representations to the same effect were made by Lord Clare in the Irish House of Lords. " There is not," said he, " a nation on the face of the liabitable globe which has advanced in cultivation, in agriculture, in manufactures, with the same rapidity, in the same period, as Ireland" ! Singularly enough, this very advance- ment was adduced as a reason for the Union, which, it was alleged by Pitt, would " treble" a prosperity unprecedented. 2. The example of Scotland was strongly pleaded as a reason why Ireland should be united with England. The prosperity of that country, subsequent to the Union — the wealth that had flowed into it — the capital that had been invested both in commerce and agriculture, were cited as proofs of the great advantages which Ireland must derive from a similar incorporation of itself with the stronger and more wealthy kingdom of Great Britain. 8. It was also contended that Ireland was unfit to govern herself — that the Irish legislature was unable to heal the religious dissen- sions of the country, and preserve its constitution — that Ireland could not protect herself from the peril of total separation, unless strengthened by a Union with the more powerful kingdom of Great Britain. A beautiful picture of prosperity, peacefulness, and entire religious unity was drawn, and Ireland was temptingly assured that such was to be her condition immediately subsequent to a Union with her wealthy, prosperous, and peaceful neighbour. " The proposal," said Lord Castlereagh, in concluding one of his daring and reckless speeches in favour of the Union, " is one that will entirely remove from the executive power those anomalies which are the perpetual source of jealousy and discontent ; it is one which increases the resources of our commerce., protects our manufactures, secures to us the British market^ and encourages all the produce of our soil ;^ it ^ is one that puts an end to religious jealousy, and removes the possibility of a separation ; it is one that establishes such a representation for * Tlie increase in the trade of Ireland subsequent to 1785 was amazingly rapid. This not being a book of statistics, we can scarcely do more than allude to the increase. We have already stated that the spirit of commerce is closely identified with that of libeity, and the assertion receives abundant confirm- ation from the History of Ireland in all times. Although the Irish Revolution of 1792 was exceedingly incomplete, it is unquestionable that it gave a renewed existence to Irish liberty and Irish commerce. The parliament remained unreformed, but it acted under popular influence—the volunteers were at its back. Scarcely, however, had this body been suppressed, and the spirit of liberty been checked by the pro- gress of government con-uption, than commerce as rapidly declined as it had previously advanced. As instances of the rapid increase in the consumption of articles which, in the present state of civilization, rank as necessaries of life, we may mention that, from about the year 1785 to the Union, the increase in the consumption in Ireland, as compared with England (we take the authority of Mr. O'Connell), was as follows : — Tea.— The increase in Ireland was 84 per cent. Ditto in England 45 „ Tobacco.— The increase in Ireland was 100 per cent. Ditto in England 64 „ SuGAB.— The increase in Ireland was 57 per cent. Ditto in England 53 „ Coffee.— The increase in Ireland v/as 600 per cent. Ditto in England 75 „ It is to be remarked, however, that towards the year 1800, the consumption of most of these articles, rapidly diminished, consequent upon the paralization of trade and commerce by the Rebellion of 1-798 456 History of Ireland. the coiintrij as raust laij asleep for ever, the question of parliamentary reform, which, combined with our religious divisions, has produced all our distractions and calamities." These assertions and arguments of the Unionists were ably and eloquently met by their opponents, who contended 1. That, as regarded trade and commerce, the country was already prosperous in an eminent degree — that capital was already steadily flowing into Ireland— and that her resources were now being developed with greater rapidity than in any country of similar extent in the world. In the words of ISIr. Plunkett— " Irdand had already a population of 4 or 5,000,000 of people, hardy, gal- lant, and enthusiastic— she was possessed of all the means of civd- ization, agriculture, and commerce, well pursued and understood ; a constitution fully recognised and estabhshed ; her revenues, HER TRADE, HER MANUFACTURES THRIVING BEYOND THE HOPE OR THE EXAMPLE OF ANY OTHER COUNTRY OF HER EXTENT WITHIN THESE FEAV YEARS ADVANCING WITH A RAPIDITY ASTONISHING EVEN TO HERSELF ; uot complaiiiing of deficiency even in these respects, but enjoying and acknowledging her prosperity. She is called on to surrender them all to the control of— whom ? Is it to a great and powerful continent, to whom nature intended her as an appen- (lage— to a mighty people, totally exceeding her in all calculation of territory or population I No ! but to another happy httle island, placed beside her in the bosom of the Atlantic, of little more than . double her territory and population, and possessing resources not nearly so superior to her wants." It was also argTied, that such would be the discontent engendered throughout the comitry by the extinction of the Irish legislature, that property would become less secure, capital would be frightened aw^ay, and trade and com- merce would thus be greatly injured. It was evident also, that many of the large landed proprietors w^ould emigrate and spend their time and money out of the country after the passing of the Union; and thus far more wealth could be annually abstracted from Ireland than could possibly be gained by any accession of British capital. 2. It was contended that the case of the Scottish Union was strikingly unfavourable to the scheme of a Union between Ireland and Great Britain ; inasmuch as Ireland, under a parhameiit of her own, had increased far more rapidly than Scotland had done since the Union. Forty years had passed before Scotland exhibited any proof of increased prosperity, and then it was to be accounted and its disastrous consequences to the community at large. The exports of provisions also rapidly dimin ished, as well as of manufactured articles. The exportation of linen manufacture lell oft, between 1 ^l»b and 1800, from 46,000,000 to :)r),000,000 of yards, and in the year 1801 to 2,'),OO0,000 only I At tfie same time that tliis diminution in the means of revenue was going on, the government E.\rKNDiTUKE was rapidly increasing, as the following table will shew :— 1791 1792 1793 1794 179.'5 £1,490,62-1 l,448,7r)'f 1,592,767 S.OSH/Vw 2,(iHr>,:i(t} 1796 1-797 17<)8 1799 1800 ;e3,4.55,671 3,689,484 5,476,637 7,086,63: 7,023,16(' History of Jrelmid. 457 for on other grounds than that of a Union of the two legislatures.* But Ireland had already increased in industry and w alth in an extraordinary degree ; she needed no Union, to do that which she had already done for herself. In fact, Mr. Saurin did not hesitate to declare that it was an " intolerance of Irish prosperity'' which instigated the Union, and that England was taking the advantage of reclaiming in a moment of weakness, the dominion which the Irish legislature had extorted in a moment of virtue — a dominion from the cessation of which, he alleged, Ireland dated all her prosperity. — It was further contended, that the cases of Ireland and Scotland were essentially different. Scotland had no regular parhament such as Ireland had— the Scottish Lords and Commons, with the hereditary counsellors of the crown, forming but one chamber, and voting promiscuously on all subjects. That parliament had also passed an act called the Act of Security^ which enacted that the crown of Scotland should never be worn by the same monarch as that of England — an act which tended to the total sepa- ration of the two countries ; so that the Union with that country was rendered an imperative measure. Scotland was also joined by nature to England, and possessed few resources of its own to enable it to exist as an independent nation, or to require to be governed by a separate legislature of its own. In all these respects, Ireland was, it was contended, very differently situated : its parlia- ment was a counterpart of that of Britain ; it had enacted that Ireland should ever be governed by the same monarch as England; it was disjoined from England by the sea, was possessed of great natural resources, had distinct and pecuhar interests, and required a legislature of its own to regulate its commerce and watcli over its general interests. 3. The argument that Ireland was unable to protect herself from the peril of a total separation, was met by the fact that the friends of the governm.ent in Ireland had themselves put down the ' rebellion,' with comparatively little aid from England. The Irish Parliament claimed for the Orange militia and yeomanry the merit of having restored peace to the . country. They also urged that they had throughout aided the government in its measures for the suppression and coercion of the disaffected. Some of the opposition members, who had not identified themselves, as the majority had done, with the corruption, coercion, and torture, of the govern- ment, boldly charged the English minister with having worked up * In a speech delivered in the British House of Commons, in the year 1799, by Mr. Charles Grey (afterwards Earl G rey), we find the following passage :— " For a period of more than foi'ty years after the (Scotch) Union, Scotland exhibited no proofs of increased industry and rising wealth. Till after 1748 tliere was no sensible ;',dvance of the commerce of Scotland. Several of her manufactures were not established till sixty years after the Union, and her principal branch of manufacture was not set up, I believe, till 1781. The abolition of the heritable jurisdictions was the first great measure that gave an impulse to the spirit of improvement in Scotland. Since that time the prosperity of Scotland has been considerable, but certainly not so f/reat as that of Ireland has been within the sa,me period^ " Has Scotland," asked Mr. Foster, in the course of the debate in the Irish parliament, in 1799—" Has Scot- land advanced in prosperity since the Union as much as Ireland? Mr. Dundas, her great advocate, states the progress of her linen manufacture, to shew her increase of prosperity : it was one million of 458 History of Ireland. the eoiuitrv into a state of rebellion in order to terrify the gentry into a subniission to the shackles which were now forged and in readiness for Ireland. And instead of healing the distractions of Ireland, it was maintained that those wonld only be aggravated and greatly increased by the measure of a Union. Mr. Foster declared that Ireland would henceforward be only "a discontented province"' of England, instead of a free nation ; and Mr. Saurin, with prophetic yisioD, foretold that the contemplated measure would only "add to and auo-ment her divisions and distractions, by a new sort of division and distraction, icliich would last, in all human probability, for another centum, with rancour and fury."" With reference also, to the removal of religious rancour, and the Emancipation of the Cathohcs, which was promised, it was argued that the probability of such a result would be rendered more remote than ever by the Union of the two countries. While their nimibers were so great in proportion to the rest of the population in Ireland, there was some probability of the pressure which the Cathohcs exercised upon a resident and domestic legislature, effecting their Emancipation ; but, once merged in the empire, their numbers would cease to be formidable, and emancipation would be refased, as the event proved. Grattan pointed out the fallacy of the Catholic expectations from the English ministry, who were attempting to win them over T^ith such deceitful promises. He thus sarcastically but truthfidlv stated the argument of the minister that 'once merged in the Empire, tlie numbers of the Cathohcs would cease to be formidable, and they might vAih. safety be admitted into the constitution.' " For this hope,'' said Mr. Grattan, "he exhibits no other ground than Uie physical inanity of the Cathohc body, accomphshed by a Union, which, as it destroys the relative importance of Ireland, so it destroys the relative proportion of its Cathohc inhabitants, and thus they become admissible, because they cease to be anything. Hence their brilliant expectation ! ' You were,' says the minister, 'before the Union as four to one— you v^^ll be by Union as one to four.'" But the grand and fimdamental argument of the opponents ot a Union, was, that the Irish Parliament could not extinguish itself— that it was incompetent to the destruction of the Irish constitution, and ill 1 796 twenty-three millions. How does the linen manufacture of Ireland stand the yards in 1706, compaiisou ? ^^^^ y^l^^p "Us export was in 17J6 16^0^ ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! 1 ! ! ! ! ! ! i ! iSKiS 1790 46;705;3i9;" 3,113,6^^7 that is, 83 times greater as to quantity. "^^^ J^'timo^ greater ^^o value, in y^^^^ZS/r^o^ thus, that manuli l)rought- forward i ments to nroduce ? Why don't he refer to Uicir n-ru-uhure, wln.-li is poouhiuly apphiable to the qu^ Suse Me S> be,an I Irehind with the constitution of 178-> wlm h .he »--\- -J^r.^raihS^ It has risen since that pe. iod to the fall vahie of a milhon yearly. nu-Uuhng tlie deci ea.e o r thu ^tojw page, of import, tl.c immense acccssio., of home demand, and 'f.^I"'"^^^^^^ supply laipeh, every year, this allluent kingdom, ns h-.se prosperity "r nr.- u.Mr.d to nmtat. , and xMio uaunot niaiiuani itself.' us greater as to quantity, and 1^1 times greater as to value in i/>.auvd by Sir • X'^.^.I^Sf created ifn-d .lo ,;i:,„uie, e.) who of ajl nun, l- ,- ^ '';,!:rn; * , - ^ " U u nn^^^^ S^'sr::r;;;::,^,;J:',;'e:.;dnn^ -TT'^.'^inri nnriv.Olod. Ilaving sent round many loyal, mingled wilh joyous and exlnlaratmg tons s, ho suvted, tb. t h!! umlorslood the opposition were disposed to jjersonal unlundnoss, or even mciviht.es towaids His History of Ireland. 463 Even the gaols and the receptacles of the vilest criminals, w6re not neglected at this period ; instances were frequent, of felons, nnder sentence of transportation and imprisonment, effecting their liberation, or the commutation of their sentence, by signing their names to memorials and petitions in favour of the Union. Petitions were got up in all places by the hirelings of the government, and terror was in many instances employed to procure signatures and marks. " Beggars, cottagers, tradesmen, every individual who could be influenced, were tempted to put their names or marks to addresses, not one word of which they understood the intent, still ^ less the ruinous results of. English generals, who, at a moment when martial law existed, or a recollection of its execution was still fresh in every memory, could not fail to have their own influence over proscribed districts and bleeding peasantry ; of course, their success in procuring addresses to Parliament, was not limited either by their power, their disposition, or their instructions.* Yet, with all their exertions, the government oflicials could not procure more than 3,000 names throughout all Ireland in favour of the project of a Union, and these were of the lowest and least influential classes. The popular feeling was decidedly against the Union. Even though the Irish parliament had throughout been hostile to the rights of the Irish people, they could not see it destroyed without murmurs or expostulations. At the defeat of the government on the Address in answer to the Viceroy's speech, the rejoicings in Dublin were enthusiastic. The citizens felt that they were deeply inter- ested in the defeat of a measure which must, if carried, drain away a large amount of their annual revenue, and reduce Dublin from the rank of a capital to that of a mere provincial town. Meetings were held, under the surveillance of the military, at which resolu- tions were unanimously passed, and petitions adopted, against a Union. A public dinner of all the patriotic members of parliament was held to celebrate their successful resistance to the ministerial Majesty's Isest friends, the Unionists of Ireland. He was determined that no man should advance upon Iv.m l.y dcgradinf? tlie pjirty he had adopted, and the measures he was pledged to support. A full bumper proved his sitieerify, the subject was discussed with great glee, and some of the company began to feel a zeal lor " aciuul srroice." The novel idea of such a detachment of legislatoi-s was considered whimsical and humourous, and, of course, was not rejected. Wit and puns began to accompany the bottle; Mr. Cooke, the Secretary, then, with significant nods and smirking inuendos, began to circulate his official rewards to the company. The hints and the claret united to raise visions of the most gratifying nature, every man became in a prosperous state of official pregnancy : embryo judges, counsel to boards, envoys to foreign courts, compensation pensioners, placemen at chance, and commissioners in assortments, all revelled in the anticipation of something substantial to be given to every member who would do the Sec- retary the honour of accepting it. The scheme was unanimously adopted, Sir John Blaquiere pleasatitly observed that, at all events, they would be sure of a good cook at their dinners. After much wit, and many fiashos ot convivial bravery, the meeting separated after midnight, fully .resolved to eat, drink, speak, and fi/jld for Lord Castlereagh. They so I'ar kept their words, that the supporters of the Union mdisputably sh(jwed more personal spirit than their opponents during the session." The above desperate project of Lord Castlereagh's smjporters was communicated to most members of the opposition, and some members resolved to meet tjp desperadoes on their own ground, though by far the majority were m favour of peaceful measures. " To Mr. Grattan alone," says Sir Jonah Barrington, " was It reserved to support the spirit of his party, and to exemplify the gallantry he so strongly recom- mended to others. Roused by Mr. Corry, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, he gave him no time for repeiitance ; and, consideiing the temper of the times, the propensity of the people, and the intense agita- tion upon the subject, it is marvellous, that this was the only instance of bloodshed during the contest. Mr. Grattan had shot him at day break, and the intelligence arrived whilst the house was sitting ; its effect was singular. The project at Lord Castlereagh's well warranted reprisals." * Bariungton's Historic Memoirs. 464 History of Ireland. project.* The populace could scarcely be controlled in tlieir ex- pressions of jov at the temporary defeat of the government. Lord Castlereao-h's effioy was hanged and burnt before his door, — though no disturbance omired that could juStity the inteferrence of the military. A body of soldiers, however, under the command merely of a sero-eant, sallied out of the old Custom House, near Essex brido-e, and, without the order of a civil magistrate, without the readmo- of the riot act, or any precaution whatever, made a wanton attack'' upon the people. Before being in any way assailed by the people, they fired a volley of balls upon them, by winch a man, a woman, and a boy, were killed, and many wounded. Though a complaint was made to government of this unjustifiable outrage ot the military, no investigation was made, and the actors were screened from the punishment they deserved. Numerous meetings were held in the provinces to petition ao-ainst the government measure. ISIost of the towns in the king- dom protested ao-ainst it, and twenty-seven of the counties followed the example. A large mimber of the petitions came from the Protestant North, for the Orangemen saw in the absorption of their country's parliament the extinction of their own monopoly of leo-islation. ' The names attached to these petitions amomited to 707.000 ; and there is no doubt that they would have amounted to many more, had not the meetings of the people on many occasions been suppressed bv the military. At Maryborough, when the freeholders and R-entrv of the county had met in the Court-house to petition against a Union, horse, foot, and artillery were called out to disperse them, and two six-pounders were pointed over against the doors of the place of meeting. The same pohcy was pursued at Clonmel and other places, and the expression of public opinion was . thus in a Q-reat measure suppressed by the government. The favourite policy of ministers was again adopted with the Catholics, who had already been so deceived and duped by the • government, that it is surprising how they again allowed themselves to be cajoled by the fine words and dazzling promises of men m power. The Catholics were promised total and immediate Eman- cipation, and proposals of an independent provision for their clergy were actually held out to them. A meeting of the Irish Catholic prelates was'held in Dublin to take the proposals into consideration, when it was agreed that "under certain regulations, not incompa- tible with their doctrine, discipline, or just principles, a ])rovision throuo-h government for the Roman Catholic clergy of this lojig- dom, competent and secured, ought to be thankfully accepted, f * At the dinner, one of the most enthusiastic d«laimers against the Union, was Mr. Handeock, mem- ber lb • AtSuon" H. pledged hnnself before G odSul man to resist it to the ast and even sung an Anu- Ui^ion soi K of his own composition, which was frequently encored. Yvom Uie dat.- ot tins thnuer Lord^ Cc^^r-all s and C ustlereagh narked Mr. Handcock for their own. They at once beset nm witli offers of money? of plac^^ tith-." " Human nature is weak," is the excuse of the moi-al.st The fl;^;;^/ Pamo^ and song writer viekled, and, after voting for tlie Union, was raised to nilamy under the title ot Lo d StSin" s'uch wa'stl>eVily manne'r in which the ministry --^f/'-; Irish parliament contemptible in the eyes of the people, and contemptible even to themsehis, and thtu doomed th.MH to destruction almost without an effort being inade to save them. + WvsK s History <\f t/ir CathoUv Assunatum, page xvn. Appendix, History of Ireland. 465 Division was then excited among the CathoKc body, and their opposition to the Union neutraHzed ; at the same time the bigotted hate of the Protestants to the CathoKc community was again stirred up, at the very time that the government was preparing in the midst of their dissensions, to subjugate them both. The consequence of the dehberation of the CathoHc prelates was, that Dr. Troy was directed to send pastoral letters to his colleagues to promote the Union ; and, in accordance with their recommendations, the CathoKcs of Wexford, Waterford, Cork, Tipperary, and many other towns, met and passed resolutions in favour of the measure. Indeed, we do not wonder that the CathoHcs should have wished for the utter extinction of their legislature, as it had on almost all occasions acted towards them in the spirit of bigotry and tyranny. There was, however, a large portion of the CathoKc body who strenuously protested against the Union, and refused to barter their country's independence for the hollow promises of the EngKsh minister. A meeting of the Catholics of DubKn was held on the 13th of January, 1800, according to pubKc advertisement, in the Royal Exchange, for the purpose of petitioning parliament against the Union. The chair had scarcely been taken when the tread of approaching miKtary was heard, and Major Sirr entered at the head of a large force of soldiers, who arranged themselves along three sides of the room. The Major caUed upon the secretary for the resolutions that were to be proposed, and, after perusing them twice, he ' graciously' permitted the proceedings to go on.* It was at this meeting that the greatest popular leader that Ireland, we might also say the world, has ever seen, made his first appearance before a public assemblage of his countrymen ; and it was to protest •against the Union of the two countries. We refer, of course, to Daniel O'Connell, who at once saw through the deep and cun- ning policy of the English ministry, and thus early took up his stand against the monopolizing spirit of their government. Refer- ring to the currency of the report that the CathoKcs were ftivourable to the extinction of Ireland, he said that it became them to disavow and contradict the calumny. "They would declare,'' said he, " that if their emancipation was offered for their consent to the measure, — even were emancipation after the union a benefit, they would reject it with prompt indignation. Let us (said he), show to Ireland that we have nothing in view but her good — nothing in our hearts but the desire of mutual forgiveness, mutual toleration, and mutual affection ; in fine, let every man who feels with me proclaim, that if the alternative were ottered him of union, or the re-enactment of the penal code in all its pristine horrors, that he would prefer, without hesitation,' the latter, as the lessor and more sufferable evil. That he would rather coii fide in the justice of his brethren tlie Protestants of Ireland, who have already liberated * Mr. O'CoNNELL'fi Spo< eh ,,-,1 ihc Repcid of the Union(as reported by John Lev>), before the Coipora ol Dublin, on February 28th, 1813, Pa|^c xviii, 466 History of Ireland. liim, than lay his country at the feet of foreigners." He added, "if there was any man present who could be so far mentally degraded as to consent to the extinction of the liberty, the constitution, and even the name of Ireland, he-would call on him not to leave the direction and management of his commerce and property to stran- "^ers, o'^^er whom he could have no control." At length the Session of 1800 arrived — doomed to be the last of the Irish Parliament. I^ord Castlereagh's first object was to pack the House with the creatures of the government, by means of the Place Bill.* The dangerous character of this measure was now but too clear. By rendering it imperative on members accepting offices of nominal value, to vacate their seats, the minister was enabled to introduce a great number of his dependents, — many of whom were of Comparatively low station, mere understrappers of the government,-)- — and thus to destroy the independence (such as it was) of the Parliament, and to carry the Union. Bribery was tried with other members, and succeeded to a considerable extent. The ordinary price of a vote was well-known to be ^£^8000 in money, and a civil or military appointment worth ^2000 per annum. Well might Bushe say that "the basest corruption and artifice were exerted to promote the Union ; that all the worst passions of the human heart were entered into the service, and all the most depraved ingenuity of the human intellect was tortured to devise new contrivances of fraud." Lord Castlereagh, even after thus packing and corrupting the Parliament, was not so certain of success as at once to propose his measure to Parliament. Another preliminary step was judged necessary — a step of so atrociously corrupt and infamous a charac- ter, that it would be almost incredible were the instruments by means of which it was accomplished any other than an English Ministry and an Irish Parliament. Lord Castlereagh boldly declared his intention of bribing the entire Parliament, under the name of compensation for their loss of patronage and interest. The terms which he announced were as follows : every nobleman or gentleman who returned members to Parliament, v/ere to be paid in hard cash, for each member returned, the sum of 66*15,000 ! — every member who had purchased a seat in Parliament, should have his purchase-money returned to him ! — that all members of Parlia- ment or others, who were losers by a Union, should be fully recompensed for their losses, — and that =^1,500,000 of the public money should be especially devoted to this service ! Probably a • See page 399. + A story is told of one of these re})resentative8 making his appearance at the English Honso of Commons, in London, for the purpose of hearing ji debate. On presenting himself to the doorkeeper, he asked to bo shown the part of the House appropriated to Irish members. The doorkeeper asked what place in Ireland he represented — We are obliged," said the oftlcor, "to bo particular, for Harrington, the pickpocket, gained admission the other night as an Irish member." The gentlomim was taken aback — " Really," said he " I forget the name of my borough, but if you'll bring me the Irish Directory, 1 will show it you immediately " ! History of Ireland. 467 more open avowal of corruption and shame was never made in an;^ age or country.— Lord Castlereagh, too, performed his promise. He shortly after, introduced a Bill to raise a million and a halt^ ot money upon the Irish people, which, the Irish Parliament earned for the purpose of bribing itself and buying up its own existence. And, when the Compensation Statute, as it was called, received th^ Royal assent, four commissioners were appointed at salaries ot .^^1200 a year each, to carry its provisions into execution ; of these, three were members of ParKament, and the fourth was Dr. Duige- nan,* the notorious Anti-CathoHc advocate. The sum oi fifteen thousand pounds was paid to the proprietor of each ^^^^^^^""^^^^ Shannon and the Marquis of Ely receiving as their share £45,000 each ! Although Lord Castlereagh avoided a contest on the question «f the Union on the first night of the Session (the 15th of January), the members of the Opposition were too impatient to permit the opportunity to pass without ascertaining the sense of the House. Accordingly, though no allusion was made to the subject m the Viceroy's speech. Sir Laurence Parsons moved an amendment on the customary formal address, declaratory of the resolution of Parliament to preserve the Constitution as estabhshed lii 1782, and to support the freedom and independence of the nation. ^ A severe and protracted debate ensued ; the Opposition supporting the motion in speeches of the most stirring and often subhme eloquence. The debate was continued with great warmth through- out the entire night, until seven o'clock on the following morning, when an incident occurred, ahke affecting and unexpected. Mr. Grattan, who, on the open renewal of government corrup- tion and coercion, had withdrawn from the House of Commons and refused to allow himself again to be put in nomination as a parliamentary candidate, was now living in retirement, defamed and calumniated, a prey to anguish both of mind and body. At this crisis of Ireland's fate, his friends urged him to come forward, to save, if possible, his country from ruin. Thus urged, Grattan consented again to make his appearance m the pohtical arena ; and a vacancy having occurred in the close borough of Wicklow, the proprietor of which was Mr. Tighe, he was returned without opposition. But the circumstance is best told in the words of Sir Jonah Barrington, who was a witness of the scene " The Lord Lieutenant and Lord Castlereagh, justly appreciat- ing the effect his presence might have on the first debate, had withheld the writ of election till the last moment the law allowed, * Dr Duieenan was one of the most inveterate enemies of tlie Irish Catholics, and pcrpetu- ally at war with them. He held the offices of Judge of the Prerogative Court, Kmg^s Advocate to tl>e Admiralty Court, together with others of considerable importance, from which he derived a vciT large revenue. He was also Vicav-Gcneral to most of the Bishops, and was thcir md.s- crSate^hampiou on all occasions- He was generally allowed to be the ^^l^^^f.^^ intolerant sectarian of the day. He resisted with the utmost fi^'^^f "^^^'f tinn of the Cathclic penal disabilitics-no matter how obnoxious in their operation they might b.. 4()8 History of Ireland. and till they conceived it might be too late to retnrn Mr. Gnittan in time for the discussion. It was not until the day of the meeting of Parliament that the writ was delivered to the returning officer. By extraordinary exertions, and perhaps by following the example of government in overstraining the law, the election was held immediately on the arrival of the writ, and a sufficient number of voters were collected to return Mr. Grattan before midnight. By one o^clock the return was on its road to Dublin ; it arrived bj five ; a party of Mr. Grattan's friends repaired to the private house of the proper officer, and making him get out of bed, com- pelled him to present the writ to Parliament before seven in the morning, when the House was in warm debate on the Union. A whisper ran through every party that Mr. Grattan was elected, and would immediately take his seat. The Ministerialists smiled with incredulous derision, and the opposition thought the news too good to be true. Mr. Egan was speaking strongly against the measure, when Mr. George Ponsonby and Mr. Arthur Moore (now Judge of the Common Pleas) walked out, and immediately returned, leading, or rather helping, Mr. Grattan, in a state of total feebleness and debility. The effect was electric. Mr. Grat- tan's illness and deep chagrin had reduced a form, never symmetri- cal, and a visage at all times thin, nearly to the appearance of a spectre. As he feebly tottered into the House, every member simultaneously rose from his sent. He moved slowly to the table ; his languid countenance seemed to revive as he took those oaths that restored him to his pre-eminent station ; the smile of inward satisfaction obviously illuminated his features, and reanimation and energy seemed to kindle by the labour of his mind. The House was silent, Mr. Egan did not resume his speech, Mr. Grattan, almost breathless, as if by instinct, attempted to rise, but was unable to stand, he paused, and with difficulty requested permission of the House to deliver his sentiments without moving from his seat. This was acceded to by acclamation, and he who had left his bed of sickness to record, as he thought, his last words in the Parliament of his country, kindled graduafiy till his language glowed with an energy and feeling which he had seldom surpassed. After nearly two hours of the most powerful eloquence, he con- cluded with an undiminished vigour, miraculous to those who were luiacquainted with his intellect. Never did a speech make a more affecting impression, but it came too late. Fate had decreed the fall of Ireland, and her patriot came only to witness her overthrow."" At length the debate ended, and a division took place, the result of which was announced amidst breathless suspense. The numbers were — For an adjournment (which Lord Castlereagh had moved) 138 ; for Sir Lauj-ence Parson's amendment 96 ; — majority for the government 4^. Thi8 division was instantly decisive of the fate of Ireland. The House was adjourned to the 5th of Febru- ary, and in the interval Lord Castku'engli did not in tJie least History of Ireland. relax in his efforts to bribe, to terrify, and to seduce members to support his measure. When Parhament again met, Lord Castle- reagh laid before it the Union propositions, as passed by the British Parliament, and moved that they should be printed and circulated, with a view to their ultimate adoption. The division was— - For Lord Castlereagh's motion 158 Against it 115— Majority 43. Absent n Total number of members 800 This was the decisive division on the subject, and the Irish legisla- ture, it was now obvious, was doomed to extinction. The contest however, proceeded with unremitting ardour, and numerous debates and divisions took place before the measure was finally consumma- ted. Although the popular spirit was now completely crushed, government was nevertheless afraid of popular resistence, and while the discussion went on, the House of Commons was sur- rounded by strong bodies of military. The ministry were unspar- ingly denounced for their tyranny and corruption. But they were shameless, and denunciation, no matter how eloquent, took no effect on them. At length, as the catastrophe arrived, the Anti-Unionists almost ceased to resist. On the day of the third reading of the Act of Union, before it was reported, most of the members of the opposi- tion left the House, and never entered it again. An armed soldiery guarded the Houses of Parliament, large bodies occupied the very precincts of the hall where the members were sitting. The sight was a most melancholy one — it was sad as a funeral. After a short period of dead silence, the order of the day for the third reading of the Bill for a Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland was moved by Lord Castlereagh. The question was put from the chair, by the Speaker, in a voice which betokened deep sorrow and anguish ; and after declaring that " the ayes have it,'' he sunk back into his chair with an exhausted spirit. Ireland was no longer a nation ! One of the last acts of the Irish House of Commons appropri- ately was, to pension the officers whose emoluments would cease after the Union, and to vote the compensation — in plainer terms, the bribes — to the proprietors of the Irish burghs. No difficulty was experienced with the Irish House of Lords, which was through- out the most humble instrument of the English minister. By the Act of Union, Great Britain and Ireland were to be united for ever, from the 1st of January, 1801 ; one parliament only was to serve for the two kingdoms, four spiritual and twenty- eight temporal lords, and one hundred commoners, representing Ireland in the Imperial Legislature ; the Churches of England and Ireland were to be united ; and all subjects of Great Britain and •1-70 History of Ireland. Ireland were to be placed on the same footing in trade and naviga- tion. These and various other regulations, financial and legal, were detailed at length in the Act ; which received the Royal assent on Friday, the 1st of August, 1800. The Union was now law ; the strength and resources of the empire'' were now " consohdated," and Ireland, according to the predictions of the English minister, had now achieved peace, happiness, and religious tranquillity, and was about to enter upon a brilliant career of manufacturing and agricultural prosperity ! CONCLUSION. The Union ought to have been a benefit— Causes of its failure— The Standing Army —Coercion Acts— Insurrection of 1803— Robert Emmett— Military coercion in- creased—Popular discontent— The Catholics deceived— Renewal of the Catholic agitation— The Veto controversy— Rejection of the Catholic petition— Formation of the General Committee of 1809— The leading members prosecuted— Remark- able instance of Mr. O'ConnelPs judgment— Dissensions of the Catholics and " dissolution of the Board— Visit of George IVth to Ireland— General torpor of the Irish people— Characteristics of Daniel O'Connell— Rouses the people- Origin of the Catholic Association— Its first Meeting— Its rapid growth— Its great influence— Is suppressed by the Government— The "Algerine Act"— The Associ- ation revived in another form— The Waterford Election— Defeat of the Beresfords —Perfect organization of the people— The Clare Election— Return of Mr. O'Connell— Catholic Emancipation granted— Conclusion. The History of Ireland and the Irish People subsequent to the Act of Union, is worthy of a much more detailed consideration than we can now afford to give it. We have already so far overstepped the bounds which we had originally fixed for the con- sideration of the subject, that we can now lay before the reader only a brief outline of the course of events since 1801, leaving it to be filled up at some future and more convenient opportunity. The Union of the two comitries might, and ought to have been, a great step in the history of civiUzation. Union is one of the great ideas of modern times. As provincialism has merged towards nationality, so do nations tend to unite, to amalgamate, to confed- erate with each other, to the effacement of local laws, manners, and customs. The tendency of humanity is towards cosmopolitanism, brotherhood, universal kinsmanship. The Union of England and Ireland, therefore, on just and equitable principles, ought to have proved of immense advantage to the Irish people, and given a great impulse to improvement and civilization in that country. But the measure was conceived in a narrow, bigotted, and tyran- nical spirit ; and it was carried into effect by means of a system of corruption of the most vilhiinous kind. The Union was so contrived and forced upon the Irish peoi)lc, as to remind them constantly ot their galling su])jcction to English domination. It was the consum- History of Ireland. 471 mation of the Conquest, — not a measure of equal law and equal justice. Hence, instead of love and confidence, the Union was productive only of increased fear and distrust of British power and authority. It was born amid hate, and strife, and bloodshed ; and, at the time and in the manner in which it was carried, it proved an act of Separation rather than an act of Union, It left tlie corrupt interests — chief among which were the church and the aristocracy, — untouched ; and did nothing to relieve the injuries of the nation. All that was accomplished, was an alteration of the seat of the legislature. The government of the ascendancy was transferred from College Green to St. Stephen's, and Ireland was coerced by a corrupt parliament sitting in London instead of Dublin. As Grattan had predicted — " the talents of the country, like its property, were dragged from the kingdon of Ireland to be sold in London." The one hundred gentlemen, who were now entrusted with the represent- • ation of Ireland in the Imperial Parliament, indeed proved " ad- venturers of the most expensive kind — adventurers with pretensions — dressed and sold, as it were, in the shrouds and grave-clothes of the Irish Parliament, and playing, for hire, their tricks on her tomb — the only repository the minister would allow to an Irish constitution — the images of degradation, and the representatives of nothing."* The large standing army kept up by the government for many years after the passing of the Union, affords a sufficient proof of the hatred and distrust for a long time subsisting ^tween th§;,*^^ern- ment and the people. One hundred and thirty thousand bayonets were not thought too many to keep Ireland in a state of " peace." The annual expense of maintaining these government fighting men, for several years after the Union, averaged about three millions and a half sterling. All constitutional protection was likewise taken away from the subject. For four years, from 1801 to 1805, the whole country was under Martial Law. For two years immediately after the Union, the Insurrection Act was in full force ; an act by which. persons who were found out of their houses" during any period between sunset and sunrise, were subject to transportation ! During the latter period the Habeas Corpus Act was also suspended. In fact, from 1801 down to the present day. Insurrection Acts, Coercion Bills, and Arms Bills, have been in almost constant force. The year 1808 was distinguished by the brief and frantic insur- rection conducted by Robert Emmett, — younger brother of Thomas Addis Emmett, already mentioned in the course of this history. According to the testimony of all who knew him, he was a young man of the purest and most patriotic motives, of earnest and ardent enthusiasm in the cause of his country, which he saw groaning under all the agonies of a military despotism. About the end of 1802, Emmett arrived in Dublin from Paris, whither he had fled * Geatt>.n'3 iSprrrh on the Union. 472 Jiutory of Ireland. during the disturbances of '98, and commenced the organization of another revohition against the British dominion in Irekmd. He devoted tlie whole of his family portion, which consisted of about £2,500, to the purchase of arms and ammunition of various kinds. These he stored up in different depots in Dublin, ready for use. One of these, in Patrick-street, containing a large quantity of gun- powder, accidentally blew up, and hastened the outbreak — the conspirators fearing that the explosion would lead to their discovery by the government. It would appear that Emmett had considerable promises of support, from the immense quantity of pikes, &c., that he had prepared. In this, however, he was completely disappointed, for on the evening of the outbreak, he could only muster a few hundred men, very illfitted for an undertaking of the kind that he meditated. On the evening of the 23rd of July, 1803, he sallied forth from his head-quarters in Marshal-lane, at the head of a small body of armed men. He had previously directed the distribution of pikes among a large crowd waiting in Thomas-street in anticipa- tion of the rising. The body proceeded onward as far as the Corn-market, their numbers, however, diminishing as they advanced. The design was to seize the several depots and arsenals in the vicinity of Dublin, and above all to gain possession of the Castle. As the body of insurgents were advancing in a confused mass, an equipage drove up, and, after a moment's enquiry, it was found to be that of Lord Kilwarden, the Lord Chief Justice of Ireland. A halt was ordered ; and the cry of " vengeance'' was raised, — when the venerable lord exclaimed from his carriage, "It is I, Kilwarden, Chief Justice of the King's Bench !" " Then you are the man we want," cried one of the insurgents, plunging a pike into his body, which killed him on the spot. A strong detachment of soldiers now came up, and commenced firing on the remaining insurgents, compelHng them to disperse and take to flight. About eighty lives were lost in the course of the affray ; and many were wounded, who, of course, took care not to show themselves. Em- mett fled to the Wicklow mountains, where he exerted himself to prevent another intended rising of the peasantry ; after which, though urged by his friends immediately to fly the kingdom, he returned to Dublin to obtain a last interview with a woman to whom he was devotedly attached — the daughter of the celebrated Cnrran."^ * The history of tnis young lady is a romance. It has already hem made the sulijocl of a boautirul and touching papor by Washington Irving, in his Skrtvh JlooA: SIk- onU'vtanuHl a devoU-d and undymg affection for^poor Emmett, \vhon> she visited in his eell the nigid- helore his (-.\ecutuui. She eon(imu\i to love him to her last breath. Her latlier was exee(n by her beauty an(l'!en(h'rness iis wril as lier conslimev ..C aircrUon, olU ri-d bis baud ; but was deelined on the ground that hor hrart was auoth , at last sinking into the k>'.»v(;. tlie viotnn ol a broken lieart. 'I'bi' melauelmly event iinnished Mooie wuh a subjeel lor one td Ins m -sl eN-qmsite .sonKS — heKinning " She, is fur IVotn the Lund wlu re h. r youuf? Hero sleeps. H'lstorif of Ireland. 478 While waiting in his lodgings for an answer to his letter, the house in which he lived was suddenly surrounded by armed men, headed by Major Sirr, who, rushing into the apartment, took Emmett prisoner, and dragged him off to a dungeon. He left it for the scaffold, where he suffered with seventeen others who had been en- gaged in the same insurrection. This unhappy and ill-judged affair only served to increase the system of military coercion throughout the country. The govern- ment, egged on by the ascendancy, revived many of the terrors and tortures that had preceded '98 ; they knew that all the causes of burning discontent which had provoked that outbreak were still in existence, and that the great body of the people still entertained towards them the same feelings of hatred and resistance. The government could not trust the people ; they feared them as men invariably do the victims of their injustice. From this time forward, however, all attempts at general insurrection were suspended; though there is every reason to believe that the secret organization of the United Irishmen survived under other forms, till at length it became almost habitual to the people. In some cases it seems to have been apphed to the purposes of resistance to agrarian. oppression, of which such dreadful instances yet exist to fright the isle from its propriety. It is not probable that an organization so extensive and widespreading as that of the United Irishmen was so suddenly broken by the Union — which the people of Ireland so much hated — as to entirely disappear and leave no permanent traces behind it. We need scarcely say that the government broke faith with the Catholics, and refused to grant the Emancipation they had promised on condition that they would support the measure of a Union. This was a disastrous error ; for it at once ranged the entire Catholic population in opposition to the government, and, after an organized agitation of thirty years, during which enmity to England and to the Union had time to become habitual, the Irish Catholics at length wrung from the fears of Britain what they could not obtain by appeals to either reason or justice. When the concession was at length made, there was no grace in the act : it caused a sense of scorn rather than of gratitude ; and it rooted still more deeply in Robert Emmett himself, according to Moore (who knew him at College), seems to have inspired almost all with whom he came in contact, with the most devoted attachment. " Were I to number" says Moore, " the men, among all whom I have ever known, who appeared to combine, in the greatest degree, pure moral worth with intellectual power, I should, among the highest of the few, place Eobert Emrnett, Wholly free from the foUies and frailties of youth, -though how capable he M'as of the most devoted passion events afterwards proved,— the yjursuit of science, in which he eminently distinguished himself, seemed the only object that divided his thoughts with that enthusiasm for Irish freedom, which, in him, was an hereditary as well as national feeling,~himself being the second martyr his father had given to the cause." After a very high eulogium on his powers of eloquence, Moore concludes — " Such, in heart and mind was another of those devoted men, who, with gifts that would have made them the ornaments and supports of a well-regulated community, were yet driven to live the lives of conspirators and die the death of traitors, by a system of government which it would be difficult even to think of with patience, did v^e not gather a hope from the present aspect of the whole civilized world, that such a system of bigotry and misrule can never exist again."* It was in reference to the last speech of Emmett, in which he asked of the world "the charity of its silence," that Moore wrote the beautiful Irish Melody beginning " Oh ! breathe not his name, let it sleep in the shade." * Moore's Life of Lord Edward Fitzgerald, vol. i. p. 303-4-6. History of Ireland. the minds of ilie Irish people the idea that the English government could not be reasoned into justice, but that it might be coerced. It is probable that Pitt intended to carry a measure of Catholic Emancipation, as Avell as to make a State provision for the Catholic priesthood. At least such seems to have been the understanding of the Catholic hierarchy. The king, however, influenced by the pleadings of some " conscientious" individuals near his person, withdrew his consent immediately after the Act of Union had been passed ; and instead of Catholic Emancipation, the first measures of the Imperial Parliament were for the continuation of martial law in Ireland, and for the suspension of the habeas corpus act. The Catholic question was, however, brought forward in the House of Commons in 1805, and rejected by a large majority — Pitt himself being a party to the rejection of the petition. Pitt died, and the Whigs came into power ; they proposed no measure of Emancipa- tion ; but the spirit which they displayed 'towards the Catholics was liberal in comparison with their predecessors — for instance, they proposed a bill to the effect that the crown should have the power of raising to high rank in the army and navy those individ- uals who were the proper objects of royal appointment. The object simply was, to open promotion in the army and navy to Catholics. But this paltry boon was even too large for the Imperial Parliament to grant. The " No-Popery'' cry was raised ; the Whigs were shortly after driven from office, and Mr. Percival came into power, proclaiming perpetual hostility to the Catholics. Instead of Eman- cipation, the Tory government immediately gave Ireland an Arms Bill and an Insurrection Act. The Arms Bill of 1807 prohibited the use of Arms to all who had not obtained a license from the magistrates, it authorized domiciliary visits, and made the possession of unregistered arms a transportable offence. The same Act was renewed in 1843, with the addition of several still more obnoxious and insulting provisions. At length the Irish people saw that there was no chance of suc- cess for their cause except in their own exertions. Several meetings of the CathoHcs took place in Dublin in 1805, but they were un- connected and led to no result. They had not yet discovered the secret of combination and organization : they were still novices in the art of successful agitation. There was no point d^appui ; and the efforts of the body were disjointed and fruitless. Their leader? were very inefficient, and wanted both energy and tact ; they accommodated themselves too much to parliamentary parties, in- stead of boldly proclaiming the full extent of the popular grievances, and demanding their redress. Probably, this defect arose from their still trusting the management of their cause to influential members of the Catholic aristocracy — men of high ranlv, and unquestionable integrity and purity of motives, but quite unfitted to fillXhe office of leaders of an unemancipated people. The chief of tliese were the Lords Fingall, Gormanstown, Trimleston, and History of Ireland. French, with two or three of the 'Catholic Baronetage. It was not, however, until, the Catholic Barristers came forward on the side of the people, that the public interest and feeling was fairly roused, and tHe question of Emancipation became a great national movement. The most distinguished of these men, were Mr. Scully, Mr. Hussey, and Mr. Clinch. But a far greater than all these shortly after appeared on the stage, destined to wield a power far surpassing the utmost capacity or exertions of his predecessors. In 1808, Lord Fingall and Dr. Milner were sent to London as a deputation from the Catholic body, to take charge of their petition to the legislature for relief. By some misunderstanding t)r other, Mr. Ponsonby and Mr. Grattan, on bringing the subject before Parliament, conceived themselves empowered to offer that the government should have a mto on the appointment of the Catholic bishops, in return for their admission within the pale of the constitu- tion. Parliament rejected the motion to take the Catholic petition into consideration, by a large majority. Dr. Milner protested against the use which had been made of his name in parHament ; and so soon as intelligence of the affair reached Ireland, public meetings were everywhere held, and the proposition was scouted by almost the entire Cathohc clergy and laity. This was certainly the last time that the Catholics came before Parliament in the humble atti- tude of suppliants. But the mto controversy continued for many years afterwards, and proved a source of bitter feuds and dissensions among the Catholic body. An early opportunity, however, was taken to undeceive the Imperial Parliament as to the views of the Cathohc clergy. The bishops met in synod in 1810, and passed a series of resolutions strongly condemnatory of the late proposition ; the General Committee of the CathoHcs supported these resolutions; and in the same year they forwarded petitions to both Houses of Parliament. On presenting the petition to the House of Commons, Mr. Grattan expressly stated that the Catholics had refused all concurrence and assent to the securities which he had stated in 1808. His motion to take the petition into consideration was re- jected by a majority of 213 to 109. ^ The attention of the government was now attracted to the discus- sions of the CathoHcs, and they carefully looked out for an opportu- nity of crushing their organization. The General Committee of 1809 had been constituted with great care, and, as was supposed, without in the slightest degree infringing on the Irish law against conven- tions. The occasion on which it was formed was at a meeting in the Exhibition room, Dublin, at which Mr. O'Connell was present; and the part which he took in the formation of the committee is cited as a remarkable instance of his foresight and sagacity. Aware of the state of the law which prevented delegates or representatives meeting to petition parliament, on forty-two gentlemen being ap- pointed to prepare a petition to the legislature, it was propose'd by Mr. O'Connell and resolved unanimously, " that the noblemen and 476 Ilistorif of Ireland. gentlemen aforesaid are not representatives of tlie Catholic body, or any portion thereof." This resolution was, however, unhappily broken at a meeting afterwards held, at which a committee was appointed, consisting of thirty-six members from Imblin, and ten from each connty in Ireland, for the purpose of preparing an address to the king, a remonstrance to the British nation, and a petition to parliament. The government, on learning this proceeding, immedi- ately brought the Convention Act to bear upon the Catholic leaders —an act that had been originally framed by Lord Clan-e to break up the organization of the United Irishmen. Lord Fingall and ^other leaders were arrested at a pubKc meeting by virtue of a war- rant from Chief Justice Downes. They were brought to trial, before a Dublin packed jury of Protestants. Mr. O'Connell was counsel on this occasion,' and managed the case so well, that the accused were actually acquitted. But the victors marred their triumph by the attempt which they made to prosecute Chief J ustice Downes for having caused the arrests. In this they were defeated, and the commiteee sustained such a shock that it almost immedi- ately disappeared. Shortly afterwards, the Catholic Board was formed, in which the qualification of representatives was carefully avoided. But this body did httle good ; it made no great eifort to sustain the popular cause, and soon dropped out of puWic notice. ^ The -unity of the Cathohcs was destroyed by the Veto and Anti- Veto Discussions, which were stimulated by the Enghsh Catholics, and fomented, for the purpose of disunion, by the Enghsh govern- ment. On this question the Irish Catholic clergy and laity were almost unanimous in opposition to the interference of the State in their religious concerns ; the Catholic aristocracy, however, were favourable to a state provision for their clergy, and unfortunately they continued to force the question upon public notice, through their friends in the British parhament and otherwise, until the strength of the Catholic body was completely fritterred away. Ultimately the Pope was appealed to in 1814 ; but his holiness was at the time detained in France, and completely in the power of Napoleon. A letter was, however, addressed to the Rev. Dr. Poynter, V. A., by the Cardinal Quaiantotti, which, instead of calming, only added more fuel to the flame. The English Parlia- ment, which had promised an enquiry into the claims of the Catho- hcs, left them to their own dissensions. Napoleon s power was overthrown in the course of the same year, and he was sent to Elba. The government ceased to entertain any fear of the Irish Catholics, and instead of an enquiry into their grievances, they again renewed the Insurrection Act, which continued in force to tiie year 1818. A state of almost hopeless apathy succeeded the dissolution of the Catholic Board in 1814. Every effort to rouse the public miija failed in its object. The country was completely discour- aged ; public opinion seemed dead ; and the national mind lay History of Ir aland. 477 folded up in utter lethargy and torpidity. From tliis state, the Catholics were for a moment roused by the visit of George the IVth to Ireland, in 1821. The circumstance was hailed by all classes with unbounded joy : it was regarded as the harbinger of better days for the persecuted Catholics. All classes united in doing honour to the pleasure-loving monarch ; whose beneficent designs towards Ireland they did not stop for a moment to doubt. The whole country was filled with glee ; the discords of Orange- men and Catholics for a time became healed, and even Mr. O'Con- nell himself shook hands with the Dublin Corporation. The dis- cussion of all exciting topics was suppressed ; not a word was ' heard about public grievances : the Catholic hierarchy, headed by Mr. O'Connell and Mr. O'Gorman, were the first to proffer their loyal devotion to his majesty ; but all mention of their sufferings, or suggestions for redress of their grievances, were carefully suppres- sed, out of regard for the feelings of his majesty. George IVth professed to be delighted with his reception, and assured his Irish subjects of his unalterable protection. On his departure, he directed Lord Sidmouth to address to them a letter expressing his "entire approbation" of their conduct, and advising peace and union among them. The Irish people anxiously awaited the results of the king's visit. They clung for a long time to the illusion that something would now be done to raise them from their state of depression. But at last they awoke, and found that again they had been mise- rably deluded. Instead of Relief, they had Coercion. The Insur- rection Act was renewed in 18S2, and the Habeas Corpus Act was again suspended.* A wretched state of apathy succeeded ; the people ceased even to complain ; every one seemed to despair ; and for two years, neither petition, nor speech, nor remonstrance, was anywhere heard of. In the year 18^3, however, an accidental meeting of two men took place at a mutual friend's house, in the county of * Since the Union down to the present day, Ireland has been almost constantly under insur- rectionary law. Certainly during by far the greater part of the time, the constitution has been suspended by direct acts of the British legislature- Take the following instances : — The InsuiTection Act was in force from 1800 to 1802 ; again, from 1807 to 1810 ; again, from 1814 to 1818; and again, from 1822 to 1824. The Habeas Corpus Act was suspended from 1800 to 1802 ; again, from 1803 to 1806 ; and again in 1822. Martial Law was in force from 1803 to 1805. The Arms Act, allowing domiciliary visits, aird prohibiting the use of arms, has been in force from 1807 to the present time; and was revived only in 1843 with several exceedingly ohnoxious clauses. ^^The Peace Preservation Act, establishing a regular gendarmerie, has been in full force from A Suppression of Political A ssociations Act was passed in 1825 ; and a still more stringent Act was passed in 1829, authorizing the Lord- Lieutenant to prohibit any meeting by Proclama- tion. It was under this Act that the late projected meeting at Clontarf was suppressed. The last Act of the same character passed by the English government (excepting the Arms Bill, which was merely a renewal), was the Coercion Bill of the Whigs, which enabled tlie Lord-Lieutenant to place any part of Ireland under Martial Law, and to create Courts- Martial for the trial of offences. Such have been the kind of laws by which England has governed Ireland during the last half century of " Union " ! K h 478 History of Ireland. Wicklow, out of ^vllicll sprung a new association of almost unpa- ralleled power, and wliich afterwards proved of the utmost conse- quence to the Irish people. We refer to the meeting of Messrs. O'Connell and Sheil, and the origin of the famous Catholic Association. From the first appearance of Mr. O'Connell on the stage of pubhc events, he commanded the approval and admiration of his countrymen. An Irishman and a Catholic, of pure Milesian blood and name — the representative of a race and creed oppressed and persecuted for centuries — possessed of l i men se moral energy — zealous, courageous, and persevernig — massive in intellect, inex- haustible in tact, and endowed with great powers of eloquence — powerful in frame, and of massive stature, — such were the broad features which pointed out O'Connell from the first, as one of the Heroes of his nation. Mr. O'ConnelFs great powers were schooled and nurtured at the Irish Bar — then the great nursery of Irish liberalism. He was admitted in 1798— a time of terror and danger. The RebelHon had just been crushed, the project of Union was on foot, and, shortly after, Ireland was extinguished as a nation, and reduced to the condition of a degraded dependency of England. We have already stated that O'Connell was one of those CathoHcs who stood out against the Union, and protested against its being carried into effect. And on all pubhc occasions, O'Connell was found among the foremost in the assertion of the rights of the Irish nation. In the meantime, he sedulously devoted himself to the duties of his profession. His powers as an orator, united to his profound know- ledge of the technicalities of the law, soon attracted crowds of clients around him. But notwithstanding his great success as a bar- rister, he found that all the honours of his profession were kept beyond his reach, — ^because he was a GathoHc. He had to undergo the frequent mortification of seeing men far his inferiors in every respect, promoted over his head, and advanced to situations which his conscientious convictions prevented him from ever reaching, according to the state of the law at that period. Previous to his time, the Cathohc barristers had generally been found willing to succumb to the influence of the government, and were often used, like the strings of a puppet, to influence their party and forward the objects of the State. But CConnell w^as not a man to be used for any such sinister purposes. He at once struck into the path of independence and freedom. He keenly felt the degrada- tion to which he, as well as his countrymen, w^ere subjected by the law, and he set himself manfully to work to shake it oft'. He fearlessly stated the wrongs of the Irish nation, and used every exertion to rouse them to achieve their own emancipation. ^ It is long, however, before one man can rouse a people sunk in the hopeless apathy which follows upon centuries of almost unresisted oppression. But men of ardent patriotism, of a nature akin to his History of Ireland. 479 own, by degrees gathered round liim and cheered him on ; the country at length awoke from its lethargy, the heart of society became stirred, the passion of the whole nation was kindled, and the Catholic population went onwards in its course with a sweep of power unprecedented in Irish history. O'Connell was the first to rouse the people themselves to under- take the work of their own emancipation. Formerly, the struggle of parties was almost entirely aristocratic ; the Catholic gentry, aided by the Catholic clergy, undertook the management of the popular cause, through means of " Committees " and " Boards,^' which were never at any time backed by the support of the nation. The People, in the modern sense of the word, scarcely existed ; they were excluded from all arrangements ; their aid was rarely taken into account ; no one thought of bringing their vast force of numbers to bear upon the legislature. The people, also, on their part, took little or no interest in public affairs. Crushed under the constant load of their oppressions, drained of all that they earned, without property, without education, often without food, the great body of the Irish people remained in a state of wretched apathy and hopeless indifference. Occasionally, in times of greater dis- tress than usual, they attempted by local resistance to stem the tide of suffering which rolled in upon them ; but, ignorant of its real causes, about which no one cared to inform them, they remained dead to all concern about the national welfare, and had no idea of bringing their united strength to bear against the common oppres- sions of their country. It was not until O'Connell appeared, that this indifference of the people to national questions was removed. He saw at once that nothing could be done without them ; that they must be instructed in the nature and causes of their wrongs, and be themselves induced to take up the cause of their own emancipation. He adopted the motto which he has held by ever since, " Hereditary bondsmen ! know ye not. Who would be free, themsehes must strike the blow O' Council also discovered to the Irish people the might and power of constitutional and peaceful agitation — one of the greatest of all political discoveries. He thus brought the opinions of the masses to bear upon the legislature, and accumulated an amount of moral power which at length enabled them to bear down all opposition. The great engine by means of which O'Connell accomplished the Emancipation of his Catholic fellow-countrymen was the famous Catholic Association. Its origin .was exceedingly simple. Mr. O^Connell and Mr. Shell met by accident, as we have said, at a friend's house, among the mountains of Wicklow, and after mutually lamenting the degraded state of their Catholic country- men, resolved to make a brave attempt to rouse them from their apathy. They accordingly drew up a circular address, and sent it without delay, to mo:?t of the influential gentlemen of their body. 480 flidon/ of Ireland. The address was feebly responded to, and the utmost difficulty was for some time experienced in obtaining a meeting sufficiently numerous to give the projected movement a start. The place of meeting agreed upon, was the house of a bookseller in Capel Street, Dublin. For the first two or three Saturdays, however, the meet- ings were dissolved for want of a sufficient number of persons present ; at least ten persons being requisite, according to the pre- arranged rules, to form what is, in Parliamentary language, termed "a house." At length, on Saturday the 23rd of May, after wait- ing for a considerable time, the hour of counting out arrived, and only eiffht persons were present. By one of the rules, clergymen of all persuasions were admitted members of the association ; Mr. O'Connell ran down into the bookseller's shop, when he found two or three students from Maynooth, and asked them to come up and form the meeting. They hesitated — refused ; O'Connell took them by the shoulders and pushed them up stairs. There were now thirteen persons present, — and behold the first meeting of the afterwards widely celebrated Catholic Association ! Lord Kileen occupied the chair, but O'Connell was the soul of the small meeting. He drew up, and read, a report of the Rent ; he set forth its advantages, proved it to be the lever of justice and relief, and subscribed for all those of his family then in Ireland. He was determined that the Association should go forward. The time was critical. Orange processions had run riot in the North, and several Catholics had been killed ; a servile war raged in the South, and distress prevailed over the entire kingdom. A series of resolutions were moved and passed, O'Connell expressing him- self strongly in favour of embracing as large a number as possible within the bounds of the association. The meetings of the asso- ciation were now held from week to week. On the following Saturday, several persons attended ; a few subscriptions were handed in; and the Association was launched. One of the most important resolutions was, to raise a national revenue for the national defence. A subscription was resolved upon, which was fixed at one pound — that to the Catholic board had been five pounds. But the grand stroke of policy was the subscription of one penny per month — this was the famous Catholic Rent, which carried the Emancipation. Such was the humble origin of the Catholic Association — an Association, probably the most magnificent and gigantic that the world has ever seen, for the vindication, the self-assertion, the liberation of an entire people. Its power rapidly grew and extended itself: the Association embraced Ireland, — Ireland iden- tified itself with the Association. Protection was now thrown around the people, who gathered spirit and rallied round their lead(u-s. When the Government struck, tlie Association was ready to ward off tlie l)low. Tyranny of all kinds was held in cheek. Oligarchical rapacity was assailed in its various forms of History of Ireland. 481 oppression — whether in the shape of tithes, church cesses, or grand juries. The monstrous system of government was unsparingly dissected and exposed to public gaze. All Ireland was eventually sucked into the vortex of the Association, and its leaders spoke with the voice of organized millions. The eloquence of Parliament grew pale by the side of its new rival. The civilized v/orld looked on in admiration. The efforts of O'Connell and his com- patriots found sympathizers everywhere. America, Canada, India, France, Italy, Spain, and the nations of the Continent generally, poured in their contributions to swell the Catholic fund. One of the most important results of this agitation was, the establishment of a free press in Ireland, and the creation of a public opinion. Full reports of the meetings of the Association were given in the Catholic organs ; the speeches of the leaders were everywhere read with avidity ; and gave a quickening influ- ence to opinion, not only throughout Ireland, but also throughout the entire United Kingdom. Meetings soon extended from the metropolis to the provinces. The whole people became stirred and roused up to exertion, the Dublin Association forming the grand centre of their united energies. O'Connell and Shell were the sus- taining pillars of the movement. Their eloquence was always ready — to rouse, to amuse, to denounce, to excite, to applaud. O'Connell towered above all. He chalked out the course of the movement from first to last, watching over the association as a nurse watches over its child. The fertility of his invention was extraordinary. He was ready and prepared for every emergency. Opposition only quickened him to renewed exertion. At length the Association attracted the notice of the government, who determined to put it down. The Catholic clergy and gentry had by this time lent it their entire influence ; and its organization was perfect. In 1825, a bill was brought into parliament for the suppression of the Association. O'Connell and Shell were sent as a deputation to London to petition for a hearing at the bar of the House ; the most extensive concessions on the part of the Catholics were offered to the government ; but they were all contemptuously refused, and the "Algerine Act" was immediately passed for the suppression of the Association. The Irish nation received the intelligence of their treatment by the English Parliament with a burst of indignation. But they strictly preserved the peace — remembering O'ConnelFs precept that " the real enemy to Ireland is the man who violates the law." Oif O'ConnelPs return to Ireland, his first object was to re- consti- tute the Suppressed Association in strict compliance with the Act that had been passed to put it down. The Association merely changed its form. Instead of one grand aggregate Association, having Dublin for its centre, — every city, town, and district now formed an independent association of its own, entirely unconnected ^vith any other body. By this means the law was strictly obeyed, History of Ireland. and tlio power of the Association fully preserved. The keenest emulation was excited throughout the country, and the new system was soon found to work even better than the old. The Association now resolved to bestir themselves in the Parlia- mentary elections. The forty-shilling Catholic freeholders had never yet dared to oppose the will of their landlords. They sup- ported them at elections without any regard to political opinion. They belonged to their landed proprietors, and voted as they bid them. The resistance to this despotic kind of power, commenced at Waterford. The Marquis of Waterford, head of the grasping and ambitious ftimily of Beresford, had made himself unpopular in the county by resisting the public expression of opinion in reference,' to the assault of the Marquis of Wellesley in Dublin Theatre ; audi it was resolved to oppose the family candidate at the next election. The Beresfords could not believe such a thing possible, and at firs', made no exertions to maintain their ground. • But the opposition candidate, Mr. Stewart, a Protestant gentleman friendly to Catholic emancipation, appeared in the field at the call of the Cathohc fre< - holders, and soon carried every thing before. him. The nomination day arrived and Mr. O'Connell went to the hustings, and allowed, himself to be put in nomination as a candidate — the first instance on. record, since the commencement of the penal code, of a Catholic being put in nomination at an election. .The Beresfords stared as if.; an ogre had risen up hefore them. O'Connell, however, proceeded tr dehver one of the most brilliant speeches he ever made. He after- wards withdrew in favour of Mr. Stewart, who was retiirned by an overwhelming majority of votes, consisting chiefly of those of the Beresfords own tenantry. The victory of the people was perfect, and not a single act of disorder or outrage sulHed their success. This secret of power once discovered, it was shortly after apphed in various parts of Ireland. Similar battles were fought in Louth, Monaghan, and Westmeath, and similar triumphs were obtained. A Rent was expressly established for the protection of such of the Catholic freeholders, as were visited with the vengeance of their landlords ; and they were thus more closely identified than ever with the interests of the Association. The organization of the people were now in such a state, that within four-and-twenty hours, the whole country could be simul- taneously put in motion : all that was needed was the order of the Association. Thus on Sunday, the 21st of January, 1828, simultaneous meetings were held at the same hour in every parish of Ireland, which were attended by not fewer than 1,500,000 persons. On this occasion they petitioned parliament for the total and imme- diate emancipation of the Catholics. The people," says Mr. Wyse, " met without arms, and for the peaceable purpose of peti- tioning ; but they met at once, — they met on the same day, — above all, they met by the order of the Association. What if the Asso- ciation at some later period had ordered them to meet imtli arms, History of Ireland. 483 for the purpose, not of petitioning against, but resisting tithes, &c., &:c. ; — would they have disobeyed? The fulcrum and the power were found — the lever could be applied to any thing." But the great and final blow w^as struck at the Clare election. There the freeholders determined to return a Catholic to the British parliament. On Mr. Vesey Fitzgerald accepting a place in the cabi- net of Wellington and Peel, he vacated his seat for that county, and a new election was appointed to take place immediately. At first, a candidate could not be found to take the field against the powerful family of the Fitzgeralds. But at last, Mr. O'Connell w^as urged to' declare himself a candidate, which he did in an energetic address om publin. In it he declared that he w^ould be " torn hmb from mb'' rather than take the oath which, according to the law, was necessary to be taken before he could be admitted into the British p^trliament. " But," said he, "the discussion which the attempt to exclude your representative from the House of Commons must excite, will create a sensation all over Europe, and produce such a buj-st of contemptuous indignation against British bigotry in every eilightened country in the world, that the voice of all the great and good, in England, Scotland, and Ireland, being joined to the universal shout of the nations of the earth, will overpower every opposition, and render it impossible for Peel and Wellington any wnger to close the doors of the constitution against the Catholics of ' feland." Mr. O^Connell was received with immense enthusiasm by the population of Clare, and after a contest of six days, Mr. Fitzgerald withdrew, and Mr. O'Connell was declared by the sheriff duly elected representative of the county. The result of this election came upon the British ministry like a thunder-clap. It proclaimed the immense power of the Associ- ation, and its universal influence over the people. Not only the English ministry, but the entire English nation was roused, and were loud in their expression of sympathy for the Irish Catholics. It was the first time that Ireland "had stirred the heart of England, from the period of the rebelHon. The government were still more alarmed when they saw the Association preparing to elect Cathohcs for every borough and county in Ireland ; and particularly when it was found that they had it in their power to return seventy mem- bers. The country must therefore be disfranchised, or these members must be allowed to sit. Peel and Wellington, coerced by opinion, found themselves compelled to give way— they had to choose between Concession and Separation, and, it might be, sanguinary Revolution. Under such circumstances, the Tory ministry had no alternative but to introduce a Bill for the Emancipation of the Catholics, which received the Royal assent on the 13th of April, With the achievement of tliis great measure, our history of Ireland and her people under the English government terminates. 1 he events of the period which has since elapsed, are scarcely yet 484 History of Ireland. matters of history. The Reform Bill, important though it was to England, proved of little service to the mass of the Irish people*. It perpetuated a greatly restricted and an unprotected franchise ; and, if it conferred its benefits, it also imposed its evils. It brought no return to national government; but left the ascendancy in posses- sion of all its former power. The government still trusted to brute force and not justice for the maintenance of the Union. The utter and hopeless misery of the mass of the Irish people must be proof sufficient to all, of the wretched character of their government. It is true, the Emancipation of the Catholics was a great measure of progress. But how many other questions of equal, if not greater moment, still remain to be disposed of : — The monopoly of the landed j)roperty in the hands of the conquering class, and their atrocious abuse of it ; the dominancy and tyranny of a State Church which is hated by the mass of the population ; the grossly unequal share of political power vested in the Irish people ; — these and other ques- tions of engrossing interest yet remain to be discussed and set at rest. Assuredly, however, the nation that has shown itself able, after so prolonged a contest and so determined an opposition, to accomplish the measure of Catholic Emancipation, need not despair of accom- plishing any measure of justice upon which it has set its heart. The people themselves — did they but know it — ^h^JC in their own hands all the powers of the State ; and the histor33fof the la'st half century affords proof enough that it only requirers their united will and energy to accomplish their own complete emancipation — social, political, and religious. It may be disagreeable to the monopolist classes to relinquish long exercised supremacy ; but the past is the best guarantee for the future ; and the hopelessness of a continued struggle against what cannot be prevented, must yet be forced on the conviction of all with whom history is anything better than an old almanack. • THE END. LEICDS: J'BINTKD BV ALICE MANN, CENTHAT,-MARKKT, PnNOAN-STnF i:r HMiDLe me The material in this enclosure requires special handling due to its condition or format. Please replace this item in its special enclosure with care. Return it directly to the Ubrary; **not** via a bookdrop. Thank you for helping to preserve the library collection. Book Repair & Pamphlet Binding U. of I. Ubrary; 1/98 I I