LINCOLN ROOM UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY MEMORIAL the Class of 1901 founded by HARLAN HOYT HORNER and HENRIETTA CALHOUN HORNER Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2012 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign http://archive.org/details/firesaluteabelinOOhals FIRE THE SALUTE! ABE LINCOLN IS NOMINATED! 'lars// r / / / / J^Z^r&cc /// PAINTED FROM LIFE BY THOMAS HICKS SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS. JUNE, 1 s fi Fire the Salute ! ABE LINCOLN IS NOMINATED: Jflurat Jlateteab Reports; THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION IN CHICAGO, MAY 16, 17, 8c 18, 1860 Edited with Notes and an Introduction by Paul M. Angle & Earl Schenck Miers Centennial €bition KINGSPORT, TENNESSEE Privately Printed by Kingsport Press, Inc. 1960 COPYRIGHT © MCMLX BY PAUL M. ANGLE AND EARL SCHENCK MIERS ALL RIGHTS ARE RESERVED PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 1 li' ILbi OffllWl /^v fetf CONTENTS INTRODUCTION TO THIS EDITION MURAT HALSTEAD REPORTS THE CONVENTION 3 OFFICIAL ROLL OF THE CONVENTION INDEX TO THIS EDITION PRINTER'S NOTE 53 63 69 Note: The original oil painting of Abraham Lincoln, and the original lithograph of "The Wigwam," appearing in this volume, are the exclusive property of the Chicago Historical Society. INTRODUCTION l\|o ONE, Lincoln would say, could escape history. A rifle shot in Kansas, hammers knocking together a gallows in Virginia affected every-day citizens in Chicago, St. Louis, Charleston, Richmond, New York, Boston. When they hanged old John Brown, Murat Halstead made the journey to Charlestown so that he could give readers of the Cincinnati Commercial a per- sonal story of the fateful day when against a bright midday sky the hills of western Virginia had seemed so very blue and old Brown had murmured, "A man couldn't have asked for prettier weather." Now, with another spring, Halstead again was matching strides with history. In early May, in Baltimore, he watched, listened, scribbled as a conservative anti-Democratic coalition of old Whigs and other political dissidents, mostly from the South, organized the Constitutional Union Party and nominated Sen- ator John Bell of Tennessee for President. Halstead wrote his story and dashed for the train, Chicago-bound to report the convention of the six-year-old Republican Party. When we meet Murat Halstead in these pages, he is still en route to Chicago, and quite unaware that his personal stake in this mission would be immortality in political journalism. Hal- stead, on the threshold of a brilliant career, would not turn thirty-one until the second of September. His background was entirely Ohioan — birthplace, Paddy's Run, Butler County; first nineteen years a see-saw between summers working on his father's farm and winters at school; then a short stint teaching before entering Farmers' College, near Cincinnati, whence he graduated in 1851. Halstead's first writing was a product of these undergraduate years. Apparently he revealed a fair talent for he quickly found employment in Cincinnati with the Atlas and then the Enquirer. * i * Later he established a Sunday newspaper and during 1852-53 worked on the Columbian and Great West, a weekly. In March, 1853, he secured his first job with the Commercial as a local re- porter, soon advanced to news editor, and when the paper was reorganized the following year managed to buy an interest in it. So as an editor and part-owner of the Commercial, who by 1867 would gain financial control, Halstead moved on to Chicago with greater freedom and authority than most members of the press. His self-confidence was clearly revealed in his refusal to stand in awe of Horace Greeley, who as editor of the mighty New York Tribune posed as the journalistic oracle of the day. Indeed, Hal- stead appeared to hold a sharpened pen in readiness for any possible jab at Greeley. 1 Yet for all the amused twinkle that lighted Halstead's eyes when he observed Greeley, the Cincinnati man glanced in the right direction. Greeley had come to Chicago for the sole purpose of killing off the pre-convention front runner, William H. Sew- ard, ex-governor of New York and a power in the United States Senate. Denied a place with the New York delegation because of his animosity to Seward, Greeley had wheedled a proxy to rep- resent the new state of Oregon, proof that "the oracle" was nour- ishing one of his better grudges. Seward's fall from grace had resulted from the political support he once had given Henry J. Raymond, editor and proprietor of the New York Times, an institution that Greeley loathed even more than the theater, red meat or gin cocktails for breakfast. To bury Seward, however, promised to take some doing, even for the wily Greeley; Seward was, after all, the "chief teacher of the principles of the Republican Party," as Seward had exploded to the Washington correspondent of the Chicago Tribune when that poor mortal had mentioned Abraham Lincoln as a presiden- tial possibility. Among insiders of the party, it was common gossip that in 1856 Seward could have had the nomination over 1 The turnabout came in 1872. Halstead vigorously supported Greeley for President. * ii * John C. Fremont except that Seward's political advisor, Thurlow Weed, had held him back so that nothing could sully Seward's almost certain chance of victory in I860. 2 The four years be- tween the Republican conventions in Pittsburgh and Chicago Seward had used to improve his political fortunes. His prize stroke had been a grand tour on the Continent, and the special flurry he had attracted in Great Britain demonstrated that among astute statesmen he already was accepted as the next President of the United States. Intending no compliment, Seward characterized Lincoln as "that prairie statesman." The New Yorker's pique may have started in 1858 with the "House-divided" speech in Springfield that had drawn national attention to Lincoln. Four months later Seward had delivered his own "irrepressible conflict" speech, winning a new fame as "Old Irrepressible." The fact that Sew- ard's speech seemed to trade on Lincoln's ideas must have been the sheerest happenstance. Halstead, reaching Chicago, recognized at once that Seward's supporters were making the most noise. Moreover, Seward's man, Weed, had as much money as anyone to flash at doubtful delegations, and under the spirituous if not entirely spiritual leadership of Tom Hyer, celebrated fisticuffer, the New Yorkers likewise were outdrinking their opposition. A good reporter, Halstead, with his home audience in view, made a far from encouraging appraisal of the chances of the three Ohio runners in the race — old Judge John McLean, whom the abolitionists adored for his dissenting opinion in the Dred Scott case; "Bluff Ben" Wade, a wheelhorse of the party's radical wing in the United States Senate, who contended that with Seward for leader the Republicans would remain in the wilderness longer than the children of Israel under Moses; and Salmon P. Chase, a former United States Senator whose dogged resistance to the 2 In the late 1870's, driving up Broadway, Seward pointed to the bronze statue of Abraham Lincoln at Union Square. A belief that Weed had erred in 1856 still filled him. "If it hadn't been for you, Weed," Seward grumbled, "I would be up on that pedestal." • iii * Compromise of 1850 had won him two terms as governor of Ohio. All vigorous opponents of the "slavocracy" won political ap- proval in Ohio, for emotionally the state had not recovered from the so-called Garner tragedy, occurring near Cincinnati in 1855, when a fugitive slave mother had tried to kill all her children rather than see them carried back to a slave-life in Kentucky. But anti-slavery sentiment promised no advantage to Chase in Chicago, least of all against Seward or Lincoln. Always a realist, Halstead looked beyond Ohio for the help Greeley must secure if he were to succeed in burying Seward. What could be said for Missouri's Edward Bates? The true measure of this ex-Whig, perhaps, was the fact that he had joined the "opposition" rather than the Republican Party; a thorough-going conservative who believed St. Louis and not Chicago should be the hub of the Midwest, Bates had been de- scribed by the Chicago Tribune's Joseph Medill as "a fossil of the Silurian era — red sandstone at least — who should never have been quarried out of the rocks in which he was embedded." Still, Bates claimed scattered support outside the Missouri delegation — in Connecticut, Maryland, Delaware, Texas, and the Oregon territory Greeley had conveniently adopted. In contrast, New Jersey's attorney -general (and Fremont's running-mate in 1856), William L. Dayton, and Vermont's senator, Jacob Collamer, would draw no votes except from their own delegations. Thus, as Halstead weighed the race, aside from Lincoln, and possibly Bates as a dark horse if a deadlock developed, the only other possibility to stop Seward was Pennsylvania's Simon Cameron. How seriously others took this ex-Jacksonian Demo- crat, ex-Know Nothing, was their responsibility; Halstead was not easily misled by the wind in the political willows, under- standing at once that this child of poverty who had used manu- facturing, mines, and railroads to become a millionaire was always available to the right bidder. Halstead came quickly to the true situation: with or without Greeley or the trappings of favorite-son candidates who conveniently could be counted on * IV * the fingers of both hands, this convention was destined to go one way. Seward opposed Lincoln. The fight would be knock-down, drag-out, bitter. As the setting for a political battle certain to echo from coast to coast, local Chicago Republicans had built the Wigwam especially to house the convention. This wooden structure on the southeast corner of Lake and Market streets (now Lake and West Wacker) had a frontage of 180 feet on Market and 100 feet on Lake. A series of graduated platforms on the main floor permitted a seated audience to see the speaker's dais; in addition, a wide gallery extended from three of the four walls. The cost of the building to local Republicans had been between $5,000 and $6,000, but Chicago reporters proudly reckoned the sum well spent to provide the largest audience room in the United States. The Wigwam's capacity was in excess of 10,000 persons. Within this unpainted, pine-slabbed architectural curiosity, on May 16, 17 and 18, 1860, was staged what Halstead ulti- mately characterized as "a success of the ruder qualities of man- hood and the more homely attributes of popularity, over the arts of the consummate politician, and the splendor of accomplished statesmanship." In any event, what did occur here was a drama of intense passion, high humor and astonishing compromise. In the pages that follow Murat Halstead captured that surging story. His achievement, a century later, endures as a classic. Yet history often is sly and elusive. It does not reveal its full secrets, except grudgingly; and many times it seems to drop a clue in a capricious mood. A few blocks away from the Wigwam stood McVicker's Theater where on the second day of the convention a popular comedy played the boards. Its title was Our American Cousin, the play that President Lincoln watched at Ford's Theater on that fateful April evening in 1865. P. M. A. E. S.M. • v * THE CHICAGO CONVENTION MAY 16, 17, & 18, 1860 i 5 8 I i m t 8 i i m i ! "m 1 • ■ ir -.BLiCAN WIGWAM jfflurat Jpateteab Reports! THE CHICAGO CONVENTION Chicago, May 15th. O 860 '} JLeaving Baltimore in a flood we found the West afflicted with a drouth. At one end of the journey, there was a torrent tearing down every ravine; at the other there was a fog of dust all along the road. The incidents of the trip were a land-slide on the Pennsyl- vania Central, and the unpleasantness of being behind time to the extent of six hours on the Pittsburgh, Fort Wayne and Chicago. The detention was occasioned by the fact of the train consisting of thirteen cars full of "irrepressibles." 1 1 regret to say that most of the company were "unsound," and rather disposed to boast of that fact. The difference between the country passed over between Baltimore and Chicago, and that between Louisville and Balti- more, by way of Charleston, is greatly in favor of the former. I have not had any disposition to speak in disparaging terms of the Southern country, but it is the plain truth that the country visible along the road from Baltimore to Harrisburg alone, is worth more by far than all that can be seen from Charleston to the Potomac. In the South few attempts have been made to cultivate any lands other than those most favorably situated, and most rich. But in Pennsylvania, free labor has made not only the valleys bloom, but the hill-tops are radiant with clover and wheat. And there are many other things that rush upon the sight 1 Seward supporters. * 3 * in the North as contrasted with the South, that testify to the paramount glory of free labor. And while pursuing the path of perfect candor in all these matters, it becomes necessary to say that the quantity of whis- key and other ardent beverages consumed on the train in which I reached this city, was much greater than on any train that within my knowledge entered Charleston during Convention times. The number of private bottles on our train last night was something surprising. A portion of the Republicans are dis- tressed by what they see and hear of the disposition to use ardent spirits which appears in members of their supposed to be pain- fully virtuous party. And our Western Reserve was thrown into prayers and perspiration last night by some New Yorkers, who were singing songs not found in hymn-books. Others are glad to have the co-operation of Capt. Whiskey, and hail the fact of the enlistment of that distinguished partisan as an evidence that the Republicans are imbibing the spirit as well as the substance of the old Democratic party. I do not wish, however, to convey the impression that drunkenness prevails here to an extent very unusual in National Conventions, for that would be doing an in- justice. I do not feel competent to state the precise proportions of those who are drunk, and those who are sober. There are a large number of both classes; and the drunken are of course the most demonstrative, and according to the principle of the numerical force of the black sheep in a flock, are most multitudinous. The crowd is this evening becoming prodigious. The Tremont House is so crammed that it is with much difficulty people get about in it from one room to another. Near fifteen hundred people will sleep in it tonight. The principal lions in this house are Horace Greeley and Frank P. Blair, Sen. 2 The way Greeley is stared at as he shuffles about, looking as innocent as ever, is 2 Francis Preston Blair (1791-1876), former editor of the Washington Globe and member of Andrew Jackson's "Kitchen Cabinet," broke with the Democratic Party over the Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854) and became an ardent Republican. * 4 * itself a sight. Whenever he appears there is a crowd gaping at him, and if he stops to talk a minute with some one who wishes to consult him as the oracle, the crowd becomes dense as possi- ble, and there is the most eager desire to hear the words of wis- dom that are supposed to fall on such occasions. The curiosity of the town — next to the "wigwam"— is a bowie knife seven feet long, weighing over forty pounds. It bears on one side the inscription, "Presented to John F. Potter by the Republicans of Missouri." On the other side is this motto, "Will always keep a 'Pryor' engagement." 3 This curiosity is gaped at almost as much as Greeley, and it is a strange and dreadful look- ing concern. It is to be formally presented to Potter at Washing- ton, by a committee from Missouri. The city of Chicago is attending to this Convention in mag- nificent style. It is a great place for large hotels, and all have their capacity for accommodation tested. The great feature is the Wigwam, erected within the past month, expressly for the use of the Convention, by the Republicans of Chicago, at a cost of seven thousand dollars. It is a small edition of the New York Crystal Palace, built of boards, and will hold ten thousand per- sons comfortably — and is admirable for its acoustic excellence. An ordinary voice can be heard through the whole structure with ease. The political news is the utter failure of the Ohio delegation to come to any agreement, and the loss of influence by that State. Chicago, May 16th. [1860'} This is the morning of the first day of the Convention. The crowd is prodigious. The hotel keepers say there are more people here now than during the National Fair last year, and then it 3 Potter was a Republican Congressman from Wisconsin. Early in 1860 Potter and Roger A. Pryor, Representative from Virginia, engaged in an angry discussion on the floor of the House. Pryor challenged Potter to a duel. Potter named bowie knives as weapons. Pryor objected, and the affaire d'honneur never came off. • 5 * was estimated that thirty thousand strangers were in the city. This figure was probably too high, but there are, beyond doubt, more than twenty-five thousand persons here in attendance upon the Convention. This is a great place for hotels, and the multi- tude is fortunately distributed through them all over the town. There are only a few points where the jam is painfully close. One of those places is the Tremont House, where about fifteen hun- dred persons are stowed away, and which is the focus of political excitement. As in the case of all other Conventions, the amount of idle talking that is done, is amazing. Men gather in little groups, and with their arms about each other, and chatter and whisper as if the fate of the country depended upon their immediate delivery of the mighty political secrets with which their imaginations are big. There are a thousand rumors afloat, and things of incalcu- lable moment are communicated to you confidentially, at inter- vals of five minutes. There are now at least a thousand men packed together in the halls of the Tremont House, crushing each other's ribs, tramping each other's toes, and titillating each other with the gossip of the day; and the probability is, not one is possessed of a single political fact not known to the whole, which is of the slightest consequence to any human being. The current of the universal twaddle this morning is, that "Old Abe" will be the nominee. The Bates movement, the McLean movement, the Cameron movement, the Banks movement, are all nowhere. They have gone down like lead in the mighty waters. "Old Abe" and "Old Ben" are in the field against Seward. Abe and Ben are represent- atives of the conservatism, the respectability, the availability, and all that sort of thing. 4 The out-and-out friends of Mr. Chase here are very much embittered against the Wade movement. They are mistaken 4 Halstead slipped badly in classifying Senator Benjamin Franklin Wade as a con- servative. He was radically anti-slavery. • 6 • about it in some particulars. While this movement has certainly been used to slaughter Mr. Chase, it was not, in my judgment, originated with any such purpose. The room mates, the pleasure of whose society I have the pleasure of enjoying, were in magnificent condition last night. They were "glorious," — "o'er all the ills of life victorious," and, to use the expression which is here in every body's mouth every minute, they were irrepressible until a late hour. And this morn- ing I was aroused by a vehement debate among them, and rub- bing my eyes, discovered that they were sitting up in bed playing cards to see who should pay for gin cock-tails all around, the cock-tails being an indispensable preliminary to breakfast. The badges of different candidates are making their appear- ance, and a good many of the dunces of the occasion go about duly labeled. I saw an old man this morning with a wood-cut of Edward Bates pasted outside his hat. The Seward men have badges of silk with his likeness and name, and some wag pinned one of them to Horace Greeley's back yesterday, and he created even an unusual sensation as he hitched about with the Seward mark upon him. The hour for the meeting of the Convention 5 approaches, and the agitation of the city is exceedingly great. Vast as the Wig- wam is, not one-fifth of those who would be glad to get inside can be accommodated. 5 The official roll of delegates, which appears at this point in the original text, will be found on pages 53-61 of this edition. * 7 • F Mil ST DAY Ihe Hon. Edward D. Morgan of New York, Chairman of the National Republican Executive Committee, called the Conven- tion to order, and read the call under which it had been sum- moned. He concluded by nominating the Hon. David Wilmot for temporary President. Mr. Wilmot, upon taking the chair, made a very positive anti-slavery speech. 6 A committee on Permanent Organization was constituted as follows: Maine, Leonard Andrews Indiana, P. A. Hackleman Vermont, Hugh L. Henry Illinois, William Ross New Hampshire, Aaron H. Cragin Michigan, Walter W. Murphy Massachusetts, Linus B. Comins Wisconsin, John P. McGregor Connecticut, Arthur B. Calef Iowa, James F. Wilson Rhode Island, Simeon H. Greene Minnesota, Simeon Smith New York, Henry H. Van Dyck Missouri, Allen Hammer New Jersey, Ephraim Marsh Kansas, A. C. Wilder Pennsylvania, T. J. Coffey California, Samuel Bell Delaware, Joshua T. Heil Oregon, Grant Johnson Maryland, James Jeffries Kentucky, Allen J. Bristow Virginia, Edward M. Norton Texas, M. S. C. Chandler Ohio, V. B. Horton Nebraska, O. H. Irish District oj Columbia, Geo. A. Hall A delegate from Kentucky: Mr. President, I would suggest that the names of all the States be called. (Applause.) The Chair : Tennessee, Arkansas, Mississippi ( great laughter ) , Louisiana, Alabama (laughter and hissing), Georgia, South Carolina (laughter), North Carolina (feeble hisses and much laughter). I believe that includes the names of all the States. 6 Morgan, wealthy broker and merchant of New York City, was nearing the end of his first term as Governor of his state. David Wilmot, Representative from Pennsylvania, had become famous during and after the Mexican War when he attempted, through amendments to appropriation bills (the Wilmot Proviso) to bar slavery from any territory which might be acquired from Mexico. * 8 * The committee on Credentials was made up as follows: Maine, Renssellaer Cram New Hampshire, Jacob Benton Vermont, Edward C. Redington Massach usetts, Timothy Davis Connecticut, E. K. Foster Rhode Island, Benedict Lapham New York, Palmer V. Kellogg New Jersey, Moses M. Webb Pennsylvania, J. N. Purviance Delaware, Lewes Thompson Maryland, Wm. E. Cole Virginia, Jacob Hornbrook Kentucky, Charles Hendley District of Columbia, Ohio, Samuel Stokeley Indiana, John E. Cravens Illinois, Stephen T. Logan Michigan, Francis Quinn Wisconsin, H. L. Rann Ioiva, C. F. Clarkson Minnesota, John McGuisick Missouri, James B. Gardenhire Kansas, Wm. A. Phillips Nebraska, John R. Meredith California, Chas. Watrous Oregon, Joel Burlingame Texas, D. C. Henderson James A. White When the roll was called on this committee, three names were received with great applause — Greeley of "Oregon," Carl Schurz, and Francis P. Blair, Sen. Greeley had the greatest ovation, and though there is an impression to the contrary, those who know him well, know that nobody is more fond of the breath of popular favor than the philosophic Horace. The committee on Business was constituted as follows: Maine, John L. Stephens New Hampshire, B. F. Martin Vermont, Edwin D. Mason Massachusetts, Saml. Hooper Connecticut, Geo. H. Noble Rhode Island, Nath. B. Durfee New York, A. B. James New Jersey, H.N. Congar Pennsylvania, Wm. D. Kelly Delaware, John C. Clark Maryland, Wm. P. Ewing Virginia, John G. Jenks Ohio, R. M. Corwine Kentucky, Louis M. Dembitz Indiana, Walter Marks Michigan, Austin Blair Illinois, Thos. A. Marshall Wisconsin, Elisha Morrow Minnesota, S. P. Jones Iowa, Reuben Noble Missouri, S. G. Letcher California, J. C. Hinckley Oregon, Eli Thayer Kansas, A. G. Proctor Nebraska, Samuel W. Elbert Texas, G. Moyers District of Columbia, Jos. Gerhardt * 9 The Convention had proceeded thus far with its business, when a communication, inviting the Convention to take an excursion on the lake, was received and accepted, and then in- definitely debated, much time being frittered away. The ques- tion as to whether it would be proper to constitute the committee on Platform, before a permanent organization was effected, was also discussed. Convention adjourned until 5 p.m. Upon reassembling, the report of the committee on Perma- nent Organization was in order and made. The Hon. Geo. Ash- mun, the presiding officer, was escorted to his chair by Preston King and Carl Schurz, the one short and round as a barrel and fat as butter, the other tall and slender. 7 The contrast was a curious one, and so palpable that the whole multitude saw it, and gave a tremendous cheer. Mr. Ashmun was speedily discovered to be an excellent presiding officer. His clear, full-toned voice was one refreshing to hear amid the clamors of a Convention. He is cool, clear-headed and executive, and will despatch business. He is a treasure to the Convention, and will lessen and shorten its labors. His speech was very good for the occasion, delivered with just warmth enough. He was animated, and yet his emo- tions did not get the better of him. In conclusion he referred, as if it were an undoubted fact, to the "brotherly kindness" he had everywhere seen displayed. He had not heard a harsh word or unkind expression pass between delegates. Now, the gentleman must have kept very close, or his hearing is deplorably impaired. He certainly could not stay long among the Seward men at the Richmond House, without hearing unkind and profane expres- sions used respecting brother delegates of conservative notions. He would very frequently hear brother Greeley, for example, 7 George Ashmun had served three terms in Congress (1845-51) as a Whig Represent- ative from Massachusetts. Preston King, Senator from New York, had been an outspoken opponent of slavery since 1846 when, as a Democratic Congressman, he had urged Wilmot to introduce his famous Proviso. Carl Schurz, who had lived in the United States only since 1852, was already an influential leader of the German-American Republicans. Schurz was lean, King fat. * 10 * who is hated intensely by them, called a "d — d old ass." Indeed, that is a very mild specimen of the forms of expression used. Mr. Ashmun was, however, as nearly correct in his statement of the case, as Caleb dishing was at Charleston in adjourning the Con- vention, in praising it for unexampled decorum. It is worthy of remark, that he had nothing directly to say of the "nigger." The Hon. David Wilmot had attended to that department suffi- ciently. A gavel was presented in behalf of the mechanics of Chicago, by Mr. Judd, to the presiding officer. 8 It was made of the oak of the flag-ship of Com. Perry, the Lawrence — "Don't give up the ship." Mr. Judd said: There is a motto, too, adopted by that mechanic, which should be a motto for every Republican of this Convention — the motto borne upon the flag of the gallant Lawrence, "Don't give up the ship." ( Great applause. ) Mr. President, in presenting this to you, in addition to the motto furnished by the mechanic who manufactured this, as an evidence of his warmth and zeal in the Republican cause, I would recommend to this Convention to believe that the person who will be nominated here, can, when the election is over in November, send a despatch to Washington in the language of the gallant Perry, "We have met the enemy, and they are ours." (Terrific cheering.) The committee on Resolutions was appointed: Maine, George F. Talbott New Jersey, Thos. H. Dudley New Hampshire, Amos Tuck Pennsylvania, William Jessup Vermont, Ebenezer M. Briggs Delaware, N. B. Smith Massachusetts, George S. Boutwell Maryland, F. P. Blair Rhode Island, Benjamin T. Eames Virginia, Alfred Caldwell Connecticut, S. W. Kellogg Ohio, Joseph H. Barrett New York, H. R. Selden Kentucky, George D. Blakey 8 Norman B. Judd, Chicago Republican and Lincoln supporter whose maneuvering had brought the convention to Chicago. * 11 * Indiana, Win. T. Otto Missouri, Chas. L. Bernays Michigan, Austin Blair California, F. P. Tracy Illinois, Gustavus Keener Oregon, Horace Greeley Wisconsin, Carl Schurz Texas, II. A. Shaw Minnesota, Stephen Miller Nebraska, A. Sidney Gardner Iowa, J. A. Kasson Kansas, John P. Hatterschiedt District of Columbia, G. A. Hall The Convention adjourned without transacting any further business. The question on which every thing turns is whether Seward can be nominated. His individuality is the pivot here, just as that of Douglas was at Charleston. 9 Horace Greeley and Eli Thayer 10 have agreed upon the fol- lowing resolution, which Greeley is at work to make one of the planks in the platform: Resolved, That holding of liberty to be the natural birthright of every human being, we maintain that slavery can only exist where it has been previously established by laws constitutionally enacted; and we are inflexibly opposed to its establishment in the Territories by legislative, executive, or judicial intervention. The first part of this resolution is Greeley's, the latter part Thayer's. It is the nearest right of any platform resolution any- where adopted or proposed, being nearest to real popular sover- eignty, and Greeley thinks he can carry it through the Platform committee. It is called the Oregon Platform. The scenes when the doors of that part of the Wigwam set apart for the masculine public in general, are opened, are highly exciting and amusing. This afternoon the rush for places was 9 The Democratic National Convention had met at Charleston, South Carolina, on April 23. Stephen A. Douglas, Lincoln's long-time rival, led the field but could not muster the necessary two-thirds majority. After fifty-seven ballots the convention adjourned to meet two months later in Baltimore. 10 Massachusetts educator who had organized the New England Emigrant Aid Company for the purpose of sending free-soil settlers to Kansas. In 1860 Thayer was serving his second term in Congress. The Greeley-Thayer resolution was not incorporated in the platform. • 12 * tremendous. Three doors about twenty feet wide each, were simultaneously thrown open, and three torrents of men roared in, rushing headlong for front positions. The standing room, holding four thousand five hundred persons, was packed in about five minutes. The galleries, where only gentlemen accompanied by ladies are admitted, and which contains nearly three thou- sand persons, was already full. There was a great deal of fun, and some curious performances, in filling the galleries. Ladies to accompany gentlemen were in demand — school-girls were found on the street, and given a quarter each to see a gentleman safe in. Other girls, those of undoubted character (no doubt on the sub- ject whatever), were much sought after as escorts. One of them being asked to take a gentleman to the gallery, and offered half a dollar for so doing, excused herself by saying she had already taken two men in at each of the three doors, and was afraid of arrest if she carried the enterprise any further. An Irish woman passing with a bundle of clothes under her arm was levied upon by an "irrepressible," and seeing him safely into the seats re- served for ladies and accompanying gentlemen, retired with her fee and bundle. Another "irrepressible" sought out an Indian woman who was selling moccasins, and attempted to escort her in. This was a little too severe however. He was informed that she was no lady — and the point was argued with considerable vehemence. It was finally determined that a squaw was not a lady. The young Republican protested indignantly against the policeman's decision, claiming equal rights for all womankind. The Republicans have all divided into two classes, the "irre- pressibles" and the "conservatives." The favorite word in the Convention is "solemn." Every thing is solemn. In Charleston the favorite was "crisis." Here there is something every ten minutes found to be solemn. In Charleston there was a crisis nearly as often. I observed as many as twenty-three in one day. A new ticket is talked of here to-night, and an informal meet- ing held in this house since I have been writing this letter, has * 13 * given it an impetus. It is "Lincoln and Hickman." u This is now the ticket as against Seward and Cash. Clay. The Ohio delegation continues so divided as to be without influence. If united it would have a formidable influence, and might throw the casting votes between candidates, holding the balance of power between the East and the West. 11 A now-forgotten Representative from Pennsylvania Hickman had been a Douglas Democrat as recently as 1858. For Cassius M. Clay see note on p. 48. * 14 * SECOND DAY Republican Wigwam, Chicago, May 17th, 1860. IVJLasses of people poured into town last night and this morn- ing, expecting the nomination to be made to-day, and desiring to be present. All adjectives might be fairly exhausted in describing the crowd. It is mighty and overwhelming; it can only be num- bered by tens of thousands. The press about the hotels this morning was crushing. Two thousand persons took breakfast at the Tremont House. Many of the delegates kept up the excitement nearly all night. At two o'clock this morning part of the Missouri delega- tion were singing songs in their parlor. There were still a crowd of fellows caucusing — and the glasses were still clinking in the bar rooms — and far down the street a brass band was making the night musical. The Seward men made a demonstration this morning in the form of a procession. The scene at the Richmond House as they formed and marched away after their band of music — the band in splendid uniform and the Sewardites wearing badges — was exceedingly animating and somewhat picturesque. The band was giving, with a vast volume of melody, "0 isn't he a darling?" — the procession was four abreast, filing away in a cloud of dust — and one of their orators, mounted upon a door-step, with hat and cane in his hands, was haranguing them as a captain might address his soldiers marching to battle. The Seward pro- cession was heedless of the dust as regular soldiers, and strode on with gay elasticity and jaunty bearing. As they passed the Tremont House where the many masses of the opponents of "Old Irrepressible" were congregated, they gave three throat-tearing cheers for Seward. It will be a clear case if he is not nominated, that the failure cannot be charged to * 15 * his friends. Few men have had friends who would cleave unto them as the Sewardites to their great man here. The Pennsylvanians declare, if Seward were nominated, they would be immediately ruined. They could do nothing. The ma- jority against them would be counted by tens of thousands. New Jerseyites say the same thing. The Indianians are of the same opinion. They look heart-broken at the suggestion that Seward has the inside track, and throw up their hands in despair. They say Lane will be beaten, 12 the Legislature pass utterly into the hands of the Democracy, and the two Republican Senators hoped for be heard of no more. Illinois agonizes at the mention of the name of Seward, and says he is to them the sting of political death. His nomination would kill off Trumbull, 13 and give the Legislature into the hands of Democrats, to make the next Con- gressional apportionment. Amid all these cries of distress, the Sewardites are true as steel to their champion, and they will cling to "Old Irrepressible," as they call him, until the last gun is fired and the big bell rings. The crowd in the Wigwam this morning is more dense than ever. The thing was full yesterday, but it is crammed to-day. The following communication was read : "To the Honorable President of the National Republican Convention : "Sir, Can you not arrange to send out some effective speaker, to entertain twenty thousand Republicans and their wives, outside the building?" There were many expressions of a desire to proceed at once to business. But the moment the committee on Rules reported, it was seen that there was to be an "irrepressible conflict" raging through the day, about preliminary matters. The majority re- ported that a majority of the votes of the whole Electoral College 12 Henry Smith Lane was the Republican candidate for Governor of Indiana. 13 Lyman Trumbull, Republican Senator from Illinois, would come up for re-election in 1861. • 16 * of the Union, should be required to nominate candidates for President and Vice-President. The minority report was that a majority of the votes in the Convention only, should be required to nominate. The fourth rule as reported by the majority, was as follows: Rule 4. 304 votes, being a majority of the whole number of votes when all the States of the Union are represented in this Convention, according to the rates of representation presented in Rule 2, shall be required to nominate the candidates of this Convention for the offices of President and Vice-President. The Convention was proceeding into battle on this subject, when Cartter of Ohio 14 suggested that they were about to under- take the serious business without the report of the committee on Credentials. War then took place about credentials. The anti- Seward men were anxious to put out Virginia and Texas, partic- ularly Texas, fearing that those States would decide the contest in favor of Seward. A great deal of speech-making followed. David Wilmot made an attack on delegations from slave States that had no constituencies. A Marylander replied to him with great force, sneering at the Pennsylvanians as too cowardly to bear the Republican banner, and so docile as to sneak under the flag of a People's Party. "First blood for the delegate from Maryland." The name of the young man who drew it was Armour. 15 I have seldom heard so plump a speech. Every sen- tence was a blow "straight from the shoulder," and when he left the floor the author of the Wilmot Proviso had gone to grass and come to grief. The next thing was a speech from Dr. Blakey of Kentucky, 16 who mentioned that Kentucky had voted for 14 David K. Cartter, an Ohio lawyer who had served two terms in Congress (1849-53) as a Democrat. 15 Charles Lee Armour, of Frederick, seems to have made a greater impression on the convention than on history. We have found no biographical data. 16 George Douglas Blakey, of Russellville, was a Kentucky abolitionist, and in politics, an ardent supporter of Cassius M. Clay. Some years before 1860, Blakey had emancipated his slaves. * 17 * Wilmot for Vice-President in 185G, in the Philadelphia Con- vention. He inquired whether he could be forgiven for that sin? Cries of "Yes," and he sat down. "First knock-down blow for old Kentucky." There was at last a vote on the recommitment of the report of the committee on Credentials. The following was the vote: STATES YEAS NATS STATES TEAS NATS Maine 3 13 Kentucky 21* New Hampshire 9 1 Ohio 1>6 Vermont 9 1 Indiana 26 Massachusetts 13 9 Missouri h U Rhode Island 8 Michigan 12 Connecticut 10 2 Illinois 22 New York 1 69 Wisconsin 10 New Jersey u Iowa 8 Pennsylvania 53 l A Vi California h 2 Maryland -4 6 Minnesota 8 Delaware 1 5 Oregon 5 Virginia 30 275 l A 172 l A This was not a test vote, but it worried the Seward men ex- ceedingly, as it looked to the exclusion of the delegates from Texas. The debate preceding was really entertaining and full of fire. There has not been in any previous Republican Convention sharp-shooting so keen, and sarcasm so bitter and incisive. The Convention is very like the old Democratic article. We only occasionally hear the sentimental twang, the puritanic into- nation that indicates the ancient and savory article of anti- slaveryism. The truth is the Republican party is rapidly be- coming Democratized in its style of operations. The Convention took a recess. Upon reassembling, the committee on Credentials reported, through its chairman, that it found gentlemen entitled to seats in the following States, and each State to the following number of delegates: * 18 * STATES NO. OF DELE- GATES NO. OF elect'l VOTES STATES NO. OF DELE- GATES NO. OF elect'l VOTES Maine 16 8 Indiana 26 13 New Hampshire Vermont 10 10 5 5 Missouri Michigan 18 12 9 6 Massachusetts 26 13 Illinois 22 11 Rhode Island 8 k Wisconsin 10 5 Connecticut 12 6 Iowa 8 h New York 70 35 California 8 h New Jersey Pennsylvania Maryland Delaware U 11 6 7 27 8 3 Minnesota Oregon TERRITORIES Kansas 8 5 6 3 Virginia 23 15 Nebraska 6 Kentucky Ohio 23 46 12 23 District of Columbia 2 ( Cries of "Texas," "Texas." ) The chairman, Mr. Benton of New Hampshire, 17 said: The committee have considered the question in regard to the representation from the State of Texas; they have given to the examination all that care which they were able to, and which the time from the adjournment of the Con- vention this forenoon would allow, and they have instructed me almost unanimously, with a solitary vote as an exception, to re- port that Texas be allowed six votes in this Convention. ( Tre- mendous applause and cries of "Good," "good." ) It was proved before the committee that the Convention which elected the delegates from Texas — resident delegates who are here in attend- ance, was a mass Convention; that it was called upon a petition signed by some three hundred of the legal voters of Texas. (Applause.) That that call was published in some two of the German papers published in the State; that written notices and advertisements were posted up in various parts of Texas, where there is any number of people in favor of the principles of the 1 7 Jacob Benton was a lawyer of Lancaster, New Hampshire. Originally a Whig, he served three terms (1854-56) as a Republican member of the New Hampshire House of Representatives. * 19 * Republican party, and the committee were almost unanimously of the opinion that these delegates, elected under these circum- stances, were fairly entitled to act as the representatives of the Republican party of the State of Texas. (Prolonged applause.) The question being on the adoption of the report, it was adopted unanimously amid great cheering. The report of the committee on Rules was taken up, and after interesting speeches made on both sides, the fourth rule of the majority report was amended by substituting the minority re- port, which was that a simple majority should nominate — the following was the vote on the substitution : S TA TES YEAS NAYS STATES YEAS NAYS Maine 16 Missouri 18 New Hampshire 10 Michigan 12 Vermont 10 Illinois 7 Massachusetts 22 3 Texas 6 Rhode Island h h Wisconsin 10 Connecticut 8 h Ioiva 5 3 New York 70 California 8 New Jersey 12 1 Minnesota 8 Pennsylvania 33V 2 2oy 2 Oregon 3 1 Maryland 5 6 TERRITORIES Delaware 6 Kansas 6 Virginia 13 8 Nebraska 6 Kentucky 10 9 District of Ohio 32 25 9 1 Columbia 2 Indiana 358V 2 9AV 2 The platform was now reported. The platform was received with immense enthusiasm. Several sections, at the demand of the audience, were read twice. Pennsylvania went into spasms of joy over the "Tariff Plank," her whole delegation rising and swinging hats and canes. Mr. Cartter : Mr. Chairman, That report is so eminently un- questionable from beginning to end, and so eloquently carries through with it its own vindication, that I do not believe the Convention will desire discussion upon it, and I therefore call the * 20 * previous question upon it. ( Applause, and mingled cries of "Good, good," and "No, no." ) Mr. Giddings : I arise, sir, solemnly to appeal to my friend. ( Great confusion; cries of "Withdraw the previous question." A voice — "Nobody wants to speak, but we don't want to be choked off," etc.) Mr. Cartter : I insist upon the previous question. Mr. Giddings : I arise, and I believe I have the right, with the leave of my colleague, to offer a short amendment before the previous question is called. Mr. Cartter : I did it to cut you off, and all other amend- ments, and all discussion. ( Great confusion, and cries of "Gid- dings" by the audience. ) After further discussion and confusion, a vote was taken on sustaining the call for the previous question, resulting as follows: STATES YEAS NAYS STATES YEAS NAYS Maine 1 u Missouri 18 New Hampshire 10 Mich igan 8 h Vermont 10 Illinois u 8 Massachusetts -4 21 Texas 6 Rhode Island 8 Wisconsin 8 2 Connecticut 1 11 Iowa 2 6 New York 25 45 California 8 New Jersey 12Vi m Minnesota 8 Pennsylvania X 53V 2 Oregon 2 2 Maryland 11 TERRITORIES Delaware 4 2 Kansas 6 Virginia 17 6 Nebraska 2 Jf Kentucky 10 10 District of Ohio 28 18 Columbia 2 Indiana 20 6 155 301 Mr. Giddings : Mr. President, I propose to offer, after the first resolution as it stands here, as a declaration of principles, the following: That we solemnly reassert the self-evident truths that all men are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which • 21 * are those of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness (cheers); that gov- ernments are instituted among men to secure the enjoyment of these rights. The first resolution was as follows: Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican electors of the United States, in Convention assembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the follow- ing declarations. The second section of the Platform as originally reported was in these words: 2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Constitution, is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the States, and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved. Mr. Giddings made a short speech in favor of his amendment, concluding: Now, I propose to maintain the doctrines of our fathers. I propose to maintain the fundamental and primal issues upon which the government was founded. I will detain this Conven- tion no longer. I offer this because our party was formed upon it. It grew upon it. It has existed upon it — and when you leave out this truth you leave out the party. Mr. Cartter called for the reading of the second section of the platform. It was read. Giddings's amendment was voted down. The old man quickly rose, and made his way slowly toward the door. A dozen delegates begged him not to go. But he considered every thing lost, even honor. His Philadelphia Platform has not been reaffirmed. The "twin relics" were not in the new creed. And now the Declaration of Independence had been voted down ! He must go. He got along as far as the New York delegation, where he was comforted by assurances that the Declaration would be tried again; but he left the Convention — actually seceded in sorrow and anger. Mr. Wilmot of Pennsylvania : I move that the resolutions be * 22 * adopted separately. ( Cries of "No," and "Take them in a lot," etc.) I have an amendment to offer which I believe will com- mend itself to the good sense of every gentleman here. The amendment is this: In the fourteenth resolution we say "that the Republican party is opposed to any change in our Naturalization Laws, or any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad." My amendment is to strike out the words "State legislation," because it conflicts directly with the doctrine in the fourth resolution, which reads thus: "That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment ex- clusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion, by armed force, of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes." The resolution would then read, "That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our naturalization laws, by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired." It being explained that Mr. Wilmot was mistaken, in pre- suming that there was any assault on State Rights meditated, he withdrew his amendment. Carl Schurz however made a speech on the subject. He had insisted on having the very words in the platform that Wilmot had objected to. He said: It has been very well said that it was not the purpose of this resolution to declare that no State has the right to regulate the suffrage of its citizens by legislative enactment, but it was the purpose to declare that the Republican party, in its national capacity, is opposed to any such thing in principle. * 23 • Mr. Hassaurek of Ohio 18 made a thrilling little speech. Mr. Curtis of New York 19 obtained the floor and said : I then offer as an amendment to the report, as presented by the committee, the following: That the second clause of the re- port shall read, "That the maintenance of the principles promul- gated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Constitution" — and then, sir, I propose to amend by adding these words, "That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the gov- erned"— then proceed — "is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the Rights of the States, and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved." ( Great applause, and many gentlemen struggling for the floor. ) A point of order was raised that this amendment had been once voted down. The chair, under a misapprehension, sustained the point. Mr. Blair of Missouri 20 proposed to appeal from the decision of the chair, but whereas it appeared that the amend- ment offered by Mr. Giddings had been the first clause, and that this amendment was offered to the second clause, it was pro- nounced in order. Mr. Curtis made a short speech. He said: I have to ask this Convention whether they are prepared to go upon the record and before the country as voting down the 18 Friedrieh Hassaurek, of Cincinnati, an Austrian-born journalist, lawyer, and anti- slavery leader. 19 George William Curtis was the intellectual of the Republican Party. He had been a member of the Brook Farm Colony, and by 1860, when he was thirty-four years old, had published half-a-dozen books in the Washington Irving tradition. 20 Francis Preston Blair (1821-75), youngest son of Francis Preston Blair (see p. 36). A St. Louis lawyer, Blair had been the only Free-Soiler to be elected to Congress from a slave state in 1856. Although he was defeated for re-election, he was the recognized leader of the Republican Party in Missouri. * 24 * words of the Declaration of Independence? ( Cries of "No," "no," and applause.) I ask gentlemen gravely to consider that in the amendment which I have proposed, I have done nothing that the soundest and safest man in all the land might not do; and I rise simply — for I am now sitting down — I rise simply to ask gentlemen to think well before, upon the free prairies of the West, in the summer of 1860, they dare to wince and quail before the men who in Philadelphia, in 1776 — in Philadelphia, in the Arch-Keystone State, so amply, so nobly represented upon this platform to-day — before they dare to shrink from repeating the words that these great men enunciated. (Terrific applause.) This was a strong appeal and took the Convention by storm. It was a great personal triumph for Curtis. His classical features, literary fame, pleasing style as a speaker, and the force of his case, called attention to him, and gave him the ear of the Con- vention, and gave him the triumph. And the Declaration again became part of the platform of the Republican party. The Platform now stood: Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Republican electors of the United States, in Convention assembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations : 1. That the history of the nation during the last four years, has fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetua- tion of the Republican party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and now, more than ever be- fore, demand its peaceful and constitutional triumph. 2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Decla- ration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Constitution, "That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are insti- tuted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed," is essential to the preservation of our Republican institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the Rights of the States, and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved. • 25 * 3. That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented increase in population, its surprising development of material resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happiness at home, and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all schemes for Disunion, come from whatever source they may: And we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or countenanced the threats of Disunion so often made by Democratic members, without rebuke and with applause from their political associates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendancy as denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant People sternly to rebuke and forever silence. 4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. 5. That the present Democratic Administration has far exceeded our worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting people of Kansas; in construing the personal relation between master and servant to involve an unqualified property in persons; in its attempted enforce- ment, everywhere, on land and sea, through the intervention of Congress and of the Federal Courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local interest; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power intrusted to it by a confiding people. 6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which pervades every department of the Federal Government; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public treasury by favored partisans; while the recent startling developments of frauds and corruptions at the Federal metropolis, show that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded. 7. That the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force, carries slavery into any or all of the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative • 26 * and judicial precedent; is revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country. 8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United States is that of freedom: That as our Republican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained that "no person should be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial Legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of the United States. 9. That we brand the recent re-opening of the African slave-trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against humanity and a burning shame to our country and age; and we call upon Congress to take prompt and efficient meas- ures for the total and final suppression of that execrable traffic. 10. That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal Governors, of the acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slavery in those Territories, we find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of Non-intervention and Popular Sovereignty embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration of the deception and fraud involved therein. 11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a State under the Constitution recently formed and adopted by her peo- ple, and accepted by the House of Representatives. 12. That, while providing revenue for the support of the General Government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an ad- justment of these imposts as to encourage the development of the in- dustrial interests of the whole country; and we commend that policy of national exchanges, which secures to the working men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence. 13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the Public Lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of the Free Homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers or suppliants for public bounty ; and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete and satisfactory Homestead measure which has already passed the House. * 27 * 14. That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our Nat- uralization Laws or any State legislation by which the rights of citizen- ship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. 15. That appropriations by Congress for River and Harbor improve- ments of a National character, required for the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the Constitution, and justified by the obligation of Government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. 16. That a Railroad to the Pacific Ocean is imperatively demanded by the interests of the whole country ; that the Federal Government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction; and that as pre- liminary thereto, a daily Overland Mail should be promptly established. 17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substantially agree with us in their affirmance and support. So it was adopted. The vote was taken about six o'clock, and upon the announcement being made a scene ensued of the most astounding character. All the thousands of men in that enormous wigwam commenced swinging their hats, and cheering with in- tense enthusiasm, and the other thousands of ladies waved their handkerchiefs and clapped their hands. The roar that went up from that mass of ten thousand human beings under one roof was indescribable. Such a spectacle as was presented for some minutes has never before been witnessed at a Convention. A herd of buffaloes or lions could not have made a more tremen- dous roaring. As the great assemblage poured through the streets after adjournment, it seemed to electrify the city. The agitation of the masses that pack the hotels and throng the streets, and are certainly forty thousand strong, was such as made the little ex- citement at Charleston seem insignificant. The Convention adjourned without taking a ballot for Presi- dent, as the tally-sheets were not prepared. * 28 * The tactics of the Seward men in convention to day were admirable. They made but one mistake, that of voting against the recommitment of the report of the committee on Credentials. They made a beautiful fight against Wilmot's proposition to examine into the constituencies of slave State delegations, put- ting forward men to strike the necessary blows who were not suspected of Sewardism. There was also a splendid fight on the subject of the two-thirds rule (as it was in effect), which was sought to be used to slaughter Seward. So perfect were the Seward tactics, that this rule, which his opponents had hoped to carry, was made odious, and defeated by a two-thirds vote. Then Giddings was anxious, beyond all description, to have the initial words of the Declaration of Independence in the platform. In attempting to get them in, he was snubbed by Seward's oppo- nents most cruelly. He had been working against Seward, and was not without influence. Now a New York man took up and carried through his precious amendment. So confident were the Seward men, when the platform was adopted, of their ability to nominate their great leader, that they urged an immediate ballot, and would have had it if the clerks had not reported that they were unprovided with tally-sheets. The cheering of the thousands of spectators during the day, indicated that a very large share of the outside pressure was for Seward. There is some- thing almost irresistible here in the prestige of his fame. The New Yorkers here are of a class unknown to Western Republican politicians. They can drink as much whiskey, swear as loud and long, sing as bad songs, and "get up and howl" as ferociously as any crowd of Democrats you ever heard, or heard of. They are opposed, as they say, "to being too d — d virtuous." They hoot at the idea that Seward could not sweep all the Northern States, and swear that he would have a party in every slave State, in less than a year, that would clean out the dis- unionists, from shore to shore. They slap each other on the back with the emphasis of delight when they meet, and rip out "How are you?" with a "How are you hoss?" style, that would do • 29 * honor to Old Kaintuck on a bust. At night those of them who are not engaged at caucusing, are doing that which ill-tutored youths call "raising h — 1 generally." Wherever you find them, the New York politicians, of what- ever party, are a peculiar people. The Seward men have been in high feather. They entertain no particle of doubt of his nomination in the morning. They have a champagne supper in their rooms at the Richmond House to- night, and have bands of music serenading the various dele- gations at their quarters. Three hundred bottles of champagne are said to have been cracked at the Richmond. This may be an exaggeration, but I am not inclined to think the quantity over- stated, for it flowed freely as water. The delegation here is a queer compound. There is a party of tolerably rough fellows, of whom Tom Hyer is leader, and there is Thurlow Weed (called Lord Thurlow by his friends), Moses H. Grinnell, James Watson Webb, Gov. Morgan, Gen. Nye, George W. Curtis, and others of the strong men of the State, in com- merce, political jobbing, and in literature — first class men in their respective positions, and each with his work to do according to his ability. 21 In the face of such "irrepressibles," the con- servative expediency men — Greeley, the Blairs, the Republican candidates for Governor in Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Illinois — are hard pressed, sorely perplexed, and despondent. 21 Weed, publisher of the Albany Evening Journal and Republican boss of New York; Grinnell, wealthy shipowner, merchant, and banker; Webb, editor and publisher of the New York Courier and Enquirer; James W. Nye, New York police commissioner. • 30 * THIRD DAY l roc ee dings opened by prayer by the Rev. Mr. Green of Chicago. 22 Mr. Green said: "0, we entreat thee, that at some future but no distant day, the evils which now invest the body politic shall not only have been arrested in its progress, but wholly eradicated from the system. And may the pen of the historian trace an intimate con- nection between that glorious consummation and the transaction of this Convention." After adjournment on Thursday (the second day), there were few men in Chicago who believed it possible to prevent the nomination of Seward. His friends had played their game to admiration, and had been victorious on every preliminary skir- mish. When the platform had been adopted, inclusive of the Declaration of Independence, they felt themselves already ex- alted upon the pinnacle of victory. They rejoiced exceedingly, and full of confidence, cried in triumphant tones, "Call the roll of States." But it was otherwise ordered. The chair announced that the tally-sheets had not been prepared, and that it would subject the clerks to great inconvenience to proceed to a ballot at that time. The Seward men expressed themselves greatly dis- gusted, and were still unwilling to adjourn. A motion was made to adjourn, however, and after an uncertain response, very little voting being done either way, the chair pronounced the motion for adjournment carried. The Seward men were displeased but not disheartened. They considered their hour of triumphing with brains and principle, over presumptions of expediency, as merely postponed. They did not fear the results of the caucusing that night, though they knew every hour would be employed against them. The opponents of Mr. Seward left the Wigwam that eve- 22 The Reverend Henry K. Green, pastor of the Tabernacle Church. * 31 * ning thoroughly disheartened. Greeley was, as has been widely reported, absolutely "terrified." The nomination of Seward in defiance of his influence, would have been a cruel blow. He gave up the ship, as appears from the following despatch to the New York Tribune: GOV. SEWARD WILL BE NOMINATED Chicago, Thursday, May 17 — 11:40 p.m. — My conclusion, from all that I can gather to-night, is, that the opposition to Gov. Seward cannot concentrate on any candidate, and that he will be nominated, h. g. I telegraphed, about the same time, the same thing to the Cincinnati Commercial; and every one of the forty thousand men in attendance upon the Chicago Convention will testify that at midnight of Thursday-Friday night, the universal impression was that Seward's success was certain. The New Yorkers were exultant. Their bands were playing, and the champagne flowing at their head-quarters as after a victory. But there was much done after midnight and before the Con- vention assembled on Friday morning. There were hundreds of Pennsylvanians, Indianians and Illinoisans, who never closed their eyes that night. I saw Henry S. Lane at one o'clock, pale and haggard, with cane under his arm, walking as if for a wager, from one caucus-room to another, at the Tremont House. He had been toiling with desperation to bring the Indiana delegation to go as a unit for Lincoln. And then in connection with others, he had been operating to bring the Vermonters and Virginians to the point of deserting Seward. Vermont would certainly cast her electoral vote for any candidate who could be nominated, and Virginia as certainly against any candidate. The object was to bring the delegates of those States to consider success rather than Seward, and join with the battle-ground States — as Pennsyl- vania, New Jersey, Indiana, and Illinois insisted upon calling themselves. 23 This was finally done, the fatal break in Seward's 23 In 1856 these four states would have gone for Fremont, the Republican candidate, and elected him had it not been for the inroads of Fillmore's American or Know-Nothing * 32 * strength having been made in Vermont and Virginia, destroying at once, when it appeared, his power in the New England and the slave State delegations. But the work was not yet done. The Pennsylvanians had been fed upon meat, such that they pre- sented themselves at Chicago with the presumption that they had only to say what they wished, and receive the indorsement of the Convention. And they were for Cameron. He was the only man, they a thousand times said, who would certainly carry Pennsylvania. They were astonished, alarmed, and maddened to find public opinion settling down upon Seward and Lincoln, and that one or the other must be nominated. They saw that Lincoln was understood to be the only man to defeat Seward, and think- ing themselves capable of holding that balance of power, so much depended upon, and so deceptive on those occasions, stood out against the Lincoln combination. Upon some of the delegation, Seward operations had been performed with perceptible effect. The Seward men had stated that the talk of not carrying Penn- sylvania was all nonsense. Seward had a good Tariff record, and his friends would spend money enough in the State to carry it against any Democratic candidate who was a possibility. The flood of Seward money promised for Pennsylvania was not with- out efficacy. The phrase used was, that Seward's friends "would spend oceans of money.'''' The Wade movement died before this time. It had a brilliant and formidable appearance for a while; but the fact that it originated at Washington was against it, and the bitterness of those delegates from Ohio, who would not in any event go for any man from that State other than Chase, and who declared war to the knife against Wade, and as a second choice were for Lincoln or Seward, stifled the Wade project. It does not appear by the record that "old Ben. Wade" ever stood a chance for the place now occupied by "old Abe Lincoln." If his friends in Ohio could have brought the friends of Mr. Chase Party. In 1800 their delegations would have no part of aspirants as "radical" as Seward and Chase were reputed to be. • 33 * to agree, that the delegation should vote as a unit every time as the majority should direct, Wade might have been the nominee, and instead of hearing so much of some of the exploits of Mr. Lincoln in rail-splitting, when a farmer's boy, we should have information concerning the labors of Ben. Wade on the Erie Canal, where he handled a spade. While touching the Wade movement as developed in the delegation from Ohio, it is proper to give as an explanatory note the fact, that at least six gentle- men from Ohio, who were engaged in it, were understood to have aspirations for the Senate, and to be regarding Mr. Wade's chair in the Senate-chamber with covetous glances. These gentlemen were D. K. Cartter, Joshua R. Giddings, C. P. Wolcott, William Dennison, Jr., Tom Corwin, and Columbus Delano. 24 The cry of a want of availability which was from the start raised against Seward, now took a more definite form than here- tofore. It was reported, and with a well-understood purpose, that the Republican candidates for Governor in Indiana, Illinois and Pennsylvania would resign, if Seward were nominated. Whether they really meant it or not, the rumor was well circulated, and the effect produced was as if they had been earnest. Henry S. Lane, candidate in Indiana, did say something of the kind. He asserted hundreds of times that the nomination of Seward would be death to him, and that he might in that case just as well give up the canvass. He did not feel like expending his time and money in carrying on a hopeless campaign, and would be dis- posed to abandon the contest. The Chicago Press and Tribune of Friday morning contained a last appeal to the Convention not to nominate Seward. It was evidently written in a despairing state of mind, and it simply begged that Seward should not be nominated. The Cameron 24 Cartter and Giddings have already been identified. Christopher P. Wolcott was Attorney-General of Ohio. William Dennison had been elected Governor of the state in 1859. Thomas P. Corwin had been Governor, United States Senator, and Secretary of the Treasury under Fillmore. Delano had been a member of Congress and an unsuccessful candidate for Governor. * 34 * men, discovering there was absolutely no hope for their man, but that either Seward or Lincoln would be nominated, and that speedily, and being a calculating company, were persuaded to throw their strength for Lincoln at such a time as to have credit of his nomination if it were made. There was much difficulty, however, in arriving at this conclusion, and the wheels of the machine did not at any time in Pennsylvania run smooth. On nearly every ballot, Pennsylvania was not in readiness when her name was called, and her retirements for consultation be- came a joke. The Seward men generally abounded in confidence Friday morning. The air was full of rumors of the caucusing the night before, but the opposition of the doubtful States to Seward was an old story; and after the distress of Pennsylvania, Indiana & Co., on the subject of Seward's availability, had been so freely and ineffectually expressed from the start, it was not imagined their protests would suddenly become effective. The Sewardites marched as usual from their head-quarters at the Richmond House after their magnificent band, which was brilliantly uni- formed—epaulets shining on their shoulders, and white and scarlet feathers waving from their caps — marched under the orders of recognized leaders, in a style that would have done credit to many volunteer military companies. They were about a thousand strong, and protracting their march a little too far, were not all able to get into the Wigwam. This was their first misfortune. They were not where they could scream with the best effect in responding to the mention of the name of William H. Seward. When the Convention was called to order, breathless atten- tion was given the proceedings. There was not a space a foot square in the Wigwam unoccupied. There were tens of thousands still outside, and torrents of men had rushed in at the three broad doors until not another one could squeeze in. The first thing of interest was a fight regarding the Maryland delegation. A rule had been adopted that no delegation should * 35 * cast more votes than there were duly accredited delegates. The Maryland delegation had not been full, and Mr. Montgomery Blair of that State 25 now wanted to fill up the delegation. Three of the delegates, who were Seward men, opposed filling up the ranks with men, as one of them said, "God Almighty only knows where they come from." Here was another Seward triumph, for the Blairs were not allowed to add to the strength of their Mary- land delegation. It might be said of the Blairs and the Maryland delegation as Thaddeus Stevens said of the Union and Consti- tutional Convention at Baltimore, "It was a family party — it was all there." Every body was now impatient to begin the work. Mr. Evarts of New York nominated Mr. Seward. Mr. Judd of Illi- nois nominated Mr. Lincoln. Mr. Dudley of New Jersey nomi- nated Mr. Dayton. Mr. Reeder of Pennsylvania nominated Simon Cameron. Mr. Cartter of Ohio nominated Salmon P. Chase. Mr. Caleb Smith of Indiana seconded the nomination of Lincoln. Mr. Blair of Missouri nominated Edward Bates. Mr. Blair of Michigan seconded the nomination of William H. Seward. 26 Mr. Corwin of Ohio nominated John McLean. Mr. Schurz of Wisconsin seconded the nomination of Seward. Mr. Delano of Ohio seconded the nomination of Lincoln. The only names that produced "tremendous applause," were those of Seward and Lincoln. Every body felt that the fight was between them, and yelled accordingly. 25 Montgomery Blair, oldest son of Francis Preston Blair, had been mayor of St. Louis and judge of the court of common pleas there. In 1853 he had moved to Maryland. He was of counsel for Dred Scott and aided in the defense of John Brown. 26 William Maxwell Evarts, eminent New York lawyer, was chairman of the New York delegation. William L. Dayton of New Jersey, whose presidential aspirations had been entrusted to Thomas H. Dudley, was a former associate justice of the state supreme court, United States Senator, and vice-presidential candidate on the Republican ticket in 1856. Andrew H. Reeder had won evanescent fame as Governor of Kansas Territory (1854-55), where he had unexpectedly sided with the free-soil forces. Caleb B. Smith was a former Whig Congressman from Indiana. Mr. Blair of Missouri was Francis P. Blair, Jr.; Mr. Blair of Michigan was Austin Blair, one of the Anti-Nebraskans who had founded the Republican Party at Jackson, Michigan, in early July, 1854. • 36 * The applause, when Mr. Evarts named Seward, was enthusi- astic. When Mr. Judd named Lincoln, the response was prodi- gious, rising and raging far beyond the Seward shriek. Presently, upon Caleb B. Smith seconding the nomination of Lincoln, the response was absolutely terrific. It now became the Seward men to make another effort, and when Blair of Michigan seconded his nomination, "At once there rose so wild a yell, Within that dark and narrow dell; As all the fiends from heaven that fell Had pealed the banner cry of hell." The effect was startling. Hundreds of persons stopped their ears in pain. The shouting was absolutely frantic, shrill and wild. No Comanches, no panthers ever struck a higher note, or gave screams with more infernal intensity. Looking from the stage over the vast amphitheatre, nothing was to be seen below but thousands of hats — a black, mighty swarm of hats— flying with the velocity of hornets over a mass of human heads, most of the mouths of which were open. Above, all around the galleries, hats and handkerchiefs were flying in the tempest together. The wonder of the thing was, that the Seward outside pressure should, so far from New York, be so powerful. Now the Lincoln men had to try it again, and as Mr. Delano of Ohio, on behalf "of a portion of the delegation of that State," seconded the nomination of Lincoln, the uproar was beyond description. Imagine all the hogs ever slaughtered in Cincinnati giving their death squeals together, a score of big steam whistles going (steam at 160 lbs. per inch), and you conceive something of the same nature. I thought the Seward yell could not be sur- passed; but the Lincoln boys were clearly ahead, and feeling their victory, as there was a lull in the storm, took deep breaths all round, and gave a concentrated shriek that was positively awful, and accompanied it with stamping that made every plank and pillar in the building quiver. Henry S. Lane of Indiana leaped upon a table, and swinging • 37 * hat and cane, performed like an acrobat. The presumption is, lie shrieked with the rest, as his mouth was desperately wide open; but no one will ever be able to testify that he has positive knowl- edge of the fact that he made a particle of noise. His individual voice was lost in the aggregate hurricane. The New York, Michigan and Wisconsin delegations sat to- gether, and were in this tempest very quiet. Many of their faces whitened as the Lincoln yawp swelled into a wild hosanna of victory. The Convention now proceeded to business. The New Eng- land States were called first, and it was manifest that Seward had not the strength that had been claimed for him there. Maine gave nearly half her vote for Lincoln. New Hampshire gave seven out of her ten votes for Lincoln. Vermont gave her vote to her Senator Collamer, which was understood to be merely com- plimentary. It appeared, however, that her delegation was hostile or indifferent to Seward, otherwise there would have been no complimentary vote to another. Massachusetts was divided. Rhode Island and Connecticut did not give Seward a vote. So much for the caucusing the night before. Mr. Evarts of New York rose and gave the vote of that State, calmly, but with a swelling tone of pride in his voice — "The State of New York casts her seventy votes for William H. Seward!" The seventy votes was a plumper, and there was slight applause, and that rustle and vibration in the audience indicating a sensation. The most sig- nificant vote was that of Virginia, which had been expected solid for Seward, and which now gave him but eight and gave Lincoln fourteen. The New Yorkers looked significantly at each other as this was announced. Then Indiana gave her twenty-six votes for Lincoln. This solid vote was a startler, and the keen little eyes of Henry S. Lane glittered as it was given. He was responsible for it. It was his opinion that the man of all the land to carry the State of Indiana, was Judge John McLean. He also thought Bates had eminent qualifications. But when he found that the contest was between Seward and Lincoln, he worked for the • 38 * latter as if life itself depended upon success. The division of the first vote caused a fall in Seward stock. It was seen that Lincoln, Cameron and Bates had the strength to defeat Seward, and it was known that the greater part of the Chase vote would go for Lincoln. FIRST BALLOT STATES -a u rj U c 3 4) o t- s a V -a 0) X en u o Q g 3 4J o - s "o Maine 10 6 New Hampshire 1 7 1 1 Vermont 10 Massachusetts 21 4 Rhode Island l 5 1 1 Connecticut 2 1 7 2 New York 70 New Jersey 14 Pennsylvania H 4 47§ 1 Maryland 3 8 Delaware 6 Virginia 8 14 1 Kentucky 5 6 2 1 8 1 Ohio 8 4 34 Indiana 26 Missouri 18 Michigan 12 Illinois 22 Texas 4 2 Wisconsin 10 Iowa 2 2 1 1 1 1 California 8 Minnesota 8 Oregon 5 TERRITORIES Kansas 6 Nebraska 2 1 1 2 Dist. of Columbia 2 * 39 * The Secretary announced the vote: William H. Seward, of New York 173§ Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois 102 Edward Bates, of Missouri 48 Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania 50§ John McLean, of Ohio 12 Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio 49 Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio 3 William L. Dayton, of New Jersey 14 John M. Read, of Pennsylvania 1 Jacob Collamer, of Vermont 10 Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts 1 John C. Fremont, of California 1 Whole number of votes cast, 465; necessary to a choice, 233. 27 The Convention proceeded to a second ballot. Every man was fiercely enlisted in the struggle. The partisans of the various candidates were strung up to such a pitch of excitement as to render them incapable of patience, and the cries of "Call the roll" were fairly hissed through their teeth. The first gain for Lincoln was in New Hampshire. The Chase and the Fremont vote from that State were given him. His next gain was the whole vote of Vermont. This was a blighting blow upon the Seward interest. The New Yorkers started as if an Orsini bomb had exploded. And presently the Cameron vote of Pennsylvania was thrown for Lincoln, increasing his strength forty-four votes. The fate of the day was now determined. New York saw "checkmate" next move, and sullenly proceeded with the game, assuming uncon- sciousness of her inevitable doom. On this ballot Lincoln gained seventy-nine votes! Seward had 184H votes; Lincoln 181. 27 John M. Read, Philadelphia lawyer, had had a long and honorable career. (He was born in 1797.) He had served as city solicitor, as a member of the state legislature, as United States district attorney, and as attorney general of Pennsylvania. In 1860 he was a justice of the state supreme court. Jacob Collamer, six years older than Read, had been a judge, state legislator, and member of Congress, and in I860 was nearing the end of his first term in the United States Senate. Charles Sumner, Massachusetts' distinguished Senator, was known throughout the country as a result of the caning he had received from the South Carolina Representative, Preston Brooks, in 1856. John C. Fremont, the "Path- finder," had been the Republican Party's first presidential candidate (in 1856). * 40 * SECOND BALLOT S TA TE S -a CO o a 3 a o t- o a c V 03 03 o Q >> U Maine 10 6 New Hampshire 1 9 Vermont 10 Massachusetts 22 4 Rhode Island 3 2 3 Connecticut 4 4 2 2 New York 70 New Jersey 4 10 Pennsylvania 2* 48 i 2^ Maryland 3 8 Delaware 6 Virginia 8 14 i Kentucky 7 9 6 Ohio 14 3 29 Indiana 26 Missouri 18 Michigan 12 Illinois 22 Texas 6 Wisconsin 10 Iowa 2 5 i 2 i 2 California 8 Minnesota 8 Oregon 5 TERRITORIES Kansas 6 Nebraska 3 1 2 District of Columbia 2 ( Great confusion while the ballot was being counted. ) 41 The Secretary announced the result of the second ballot as follows: For William H. Seward, of New York, 184H votes. (Applause.) For Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, 181 votes. (Tremendous applause, checked by the Speaker.) For Edward Bates, of Missouri, 35 votes. For Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, 2 votes. For John McLean, of Ohio, 8 votes. For Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, 42M votes. For William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, 10 votes. For Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky, 2 votes. Whole number of votes cast, 465; necessary to a choice, 233. It now dawned upon the multitude, that the presumption entertained the night before, that the Seward men would have every thing their own way, was a mistake. Even persons unused to making the calculations and considering the combinations attendant upon such scenes, could not fail to observe that while the strength of Seward and Lincoln was almost even at the moment, the reserved votes, by which the contest must be de- cided, were inclined to the latter. There, for instance, was the Bates vote, thirty -five; the McLean vote, eight; the Dayton vote, ten — all impending for Lincoln — and forty-two Chase votes, the greater part going the same way. * 42 * THIRD BALLOT STATES ~0 a 02 w ffl 9i en ei o J3 'o Hi a a o 4-> Q si Maine 10 6 New Hampshire 1 9 Vermont 10 Massach usetts 18 8 Rhode Island 1 1 5 1 Connecticut 1 4 2 4 1 New York 70 New Jersey 5 8 1 Pennsylvania 52 2 Maryland 2 9 Delaware 6 Virginia 8 14 Kentucky 6 4 13 Ohio 15 29 2 Indiana 26 Missouri 18 Michigan 12 Illinois 22 Texas 6 Wisconsin 10 Iowa 2 i 2 5i California 8 Minnesota 8 Oregon 1 4 TERRITORIES Kansas 6 Nebraska 3 2 1 District of Columbia 2 Total 180 22 24| 2311 5 1 1 * 43 * While this ballot was taken amid excitement that tested the nerves, the fatal defection from Seward in New England still further appeared — four votes going over from Seward to Lincoln in Massachusetts. The latter received four additional votes from Pennsylvania and fifteen additional votes from Ohio. It was whispered about — "Lincoln's the coming man — will be nomi- nated this ballot." When the roll of States and Territories had been called, I had ceased to give attention to any votes but those for Lincoln, and had his vote added up as it was given. The number of votes necessary to a choice were two hundred and thirty-three, and I saw under my pencil as the Lincoln column was completed, the figures 2313 2 — one vote and a half to give him the nomination. In a moment the fact was whispered about. A hundred pencils had told the same story. The news went over the house wonderfully, and there was a pause. There are always men anxious to distinguish themselves on such occasions. There is nothing that politicians like better than a crisis. I looked up to see who would be the man to give the decisive vote. The man for the crisis in the Cincinnati Convention 28 — all will remember — was Col. Preston of Kentucky. He broke the Douglas line and pre- cipitated the nomination of Buchanan, and was rewarded with a foreign mission. In about ten ticks of a watch, Cartter of Ohio was up. I had imagined Ohio would be slippery enough for the crisis. And sure enough! Every eye was on Cartter, and every body who understood the matter at all, knew what he was about to do. He is a large man with rather striking features, a shock of bristling black hair, large and shining eyes, and is terribly marked with the small-pox. He has also an impediment in his speech, which amounts to a stutter; and his selection as chair- man of the Ohio delegation was, considering its condition, altogether appropriate. He had been quite noisy during the sessions of the Convention, but had never commanded, when mounting his chair, such attention as now. He said, "I rise (eh), 28 The Democratic National Convention of 1856. * 44 * Mr. Chairman (eh), to announce the change of four votes of Ohio from Mr. Chase to Mr. Lincoln." The deed was done. There was a moment's silence. The nerves of the thousands, which through the hours of suspense had been subjected to terrible tension, relaxed, and as deep breaths of relief were taken, there was a noise in the Wigwam like the rush of a great wind, in the van of a storm — and in another breath, the storm was there. There were thousands cheering with the energy of in- sanity. A man who had been on the roof, and was engaged in com- municating the results of the ballotings to the mighty mass of outsiders, now demanded by gestures at the sky-light over the stage, to know what had happened. One of the Secretaries, with a tally sheet in his hands, shouted — "Fire the Salute! Abe Lincoln is nominated!" As the cheering inside the Wigwam subsided, we could hear that outside, where the news of the nomination had just been announced. And the roar, like the breaking up of the fountains of the great deep that was heard, gave a new impulse to the enthusiasm inside. Then the thunder of the salute rose above the din, and the shouting was repeated with such tremendous fury that some discharges of the cannon were absolutely not heard by those on the stage. Puffs of smoke, drifting by the open doors, and the smell of gunpowder, told what was going on. The moment that half a dozen men who were on their chairs making motions at the President could be heard, they changed the votes of their States to Mr. Lincoln. This was a mere for- mality, and was a cheap way for men to distinguish themselves. The proper and orderly proceeding would have been to announce the vote, and then for a motion to come from New York to make the nomination unanimous. New York was prepared to make this motion, but not out of order. Missouri, Iowa, Kentucky, Minnesota, Virginia, California, Texas, District of Columbia, Kansas, Nebraska and Oregon, insisted upon casting unanimous votes for Old Abe Lincoln before the vote was declared. * 45 * While these votes were being given, the applause continued, and a photograph of Abe Lincoln which had hung in one of the side rooms was brought in, and held up before the surging and screaming masses. The places of the various delegations were indicated by staffs, to which were attached the names of the States, printed in large black letters on pasteboard. As the Lincoln enthusiasm increased, delegates tore these standards of the States from their places and swung them about their heads. A rush was made to get the New York standard and swing it with the rest, but the New Yorkers would not allow it to be moved, and were wrathful at the suggestion. When the vote was declared, Mr. Evarts, the New York spokesman, mounted the Secretaries' table and handsomely and impressively expressed his grief at the failure of the Convention to nominate Seward — and in melancholy tones, moved that the nomination be made unanimous. Mr. Andrew of Massachusetts 29 seconded the motion in a speech, in which his vanity as a citizen of the commonwealth of Massachusetts was ventilated, and he said it had not been for old Massachusetts to strike down William Henry Seward, con- cluding by a promise to give the nominee of that Convention one hundred thousand majority. Carl Schurz, on behalf of Wisconsin, again seconded the motion, but not so effectively in his speech as his reputation as an orator would have warranted us in expecting. There was a little clap-trap and something of anti-climax in shouting "Lin- coln and victory," and talking of "defying the whole slave power and the whole vassalage of hell." M. Blair of Michigan made the speech of the hour. He said: "Michigan, from first to last, has cast her vote for the great Statesman of New York. She has nothing to take back. She has not sent me forward to worship the rising sun, but she has put 29 John A. Andrew, anti-slavery lawyer who had taken a leading part in the defense of John Brown. Andrew would be elected Governor on the same ticket with Lincoln. * 46 * me forward to say that, at your behests here to-day, she lays down her first, best loved candidate to take up yours, with some beating of the heart, with some quivering in the veins ( much applause ) ; but she does not fear that the fame of Seward will suffer, for she knows that his fame is a portion of the history of the American Union; it will be written, and read, and beloved long after the temporary excitement of this day has passed away, and when Presidents themselves are forgotten in the oblivion which comes over all temporal things. We stand by him still. We have followed him with an eye single and with unwavering faith in times past. We martial now behind him in the grand column which shall go out to battle for Lincoln." After a rather dull speech from Mr. Browning of Illinois, 30 responding in behalf of Lincoln, the nomination was made unanimous, and the Convention adjourned for dinner. The town was full of the news of Lincoln's nomination, and could hardly contain itself. There were bands of music playing, and processions marching, and joyous cries heard on every hand, from the army of trumpeters for Lincoln of Illinois, and the thousands who are always enthusiastic on the winning side. But hundreds of men who had been in the Wigwam were so pros- trated by the excitement they had endured, and their exertions in shrieking for Seward or Lincoln, that they were hardly able to walk to their hotels. There were men who had not tasted liquor, who staggered about like drunkards, unable to manage them- selves. The Seward men were terribly stricken down. They were mortified beyond all expression, and walked thoughtfully and silently away from the slaughterhouse, more ashamed than embittered. They acquiesced in the nomination, but did not pretend to be pleased with it; and the tone of their conversations, as to the prospect of electing the candidate, was not hopeful. It was their funeral, and they would not make merry. 30 Orville H. Browning of Quincy, Illinois, an old friend of Lincoln's who had served with the nominee in the Illinois legislature. * 47 * A Lincoln man who could hardly believe that the "Old Abe" of his adoration was really the Republican nominee for the Presidency, took a chair at the dinner-table at the Tremont House, and began talking to those around him, with none of whom he was acquainted, of the greatness of the events of the day. One of his expressions was, "Talk of your money and bring on your bullies with you! — the immortal principles of the ever- lasting people are with Abe Lincoln, of the people, by — ." "Abe Lincoln has no money and no bullies, but he has the people by — ." A servant approached the eloquent patriot and asked what he would have to eat. Being thus recalled to temporal things he glared scornfully at the servant and roared out, "Go to the devil — what do I want to eat for? Abe Lincoln is nomi- nated, G — d — it; and I'm going to live on air — the air of Liberty by — ." But in a moment he inquired for the bill of fare, and then ordered "a great deal of every thing" — saying if he must eat he might as well eat "the whole bill." He swore he felt as if he could "devour and digest an Illinois prairie." And this was one of thousands. During the dinner recess a caucus of the Presidents of dele- gations was held, and New York, though requested to do so, would not name a candidate for the Vice-Presidency. After dinner we had the last act in the drama. The nomination of Vice-President was not particularly exciting. Cassius M. Clay 31 was the only competitor of Hamlin, who made any show in the race; and the outside pressure was for 31 Born to wealth in Madison County, Ky. (Oct. 19, 1810), Clay attended Transylvania College, then transferred to Yale, where he graduated in 1832. Inspired by William Lloyd Garrison, Clay became an implacable enemy of slavery. In his newspaper, the Lexington True American (later moved to Louisville and renamed the Examiner) and on the platform he advocated unconditional abolition. His anti-slavery convictions and the courage with which he backed them had made him a hero to Northern radicals. Hannibal Hamlin was a far safer choice than Clay. A former Democrat, Hamlin balanced Lincoln's long affiliation with the Whigs. Hamlin also had long experience in political office. He had served six years in the Maine legislature, one term in Congress, and thirteen years in the United States Senate. * 48 * him. At one time a thousand voices called "Clay! Clay!" to the Convention. If the multitude could have had their way, Mr. Clay would have been put on the ticket by acclamation. But it was stated that Mr. Hamlin was a good friend of Mr. Seward. He was geographically distant from Lincoln, and was once a Democrat. It was deemed judicious to pretend to patronize the Democratic element, and thus consolidate those who were calling the Convention an "old Whig concern." They need not have been afraid, however, of having it called an old Whig affair, for it was not "eminently respectable," nor distinguished for its "dignity and decorum." On the other hand, the satanic element was very strongly developed. 32 32 On the first ballot, which follows on the next page, votes were cast for three persons who appear in this report for the first time. Nathaniel P. Banks was known as "the Bobbin Boy of Massachusetts" because as a youth he had worked in one of the early New England cotton mills. He had been a member of the Massachusetts legislature and the national House of Representatives where, on February 2, 1856, he had been elected Speaker after the most stubborn contest in the history of the House (133 ballots). In 1860 he was serving a third term as Governor. Henry Winter Davis of Maryland, a former Know Nothing, did not become an avowed Republican until January, 1860, when his vote for the Republican candidate for Speaker enabled the Republicans to organize the House of Representatives and made him a national character. Sam Houston, Texas hero, had been a member of the United States Senate from 1846 to 1859, when he was elected Governor of his state. • 49 * FIRST BALLOT FOli VICE-PBESIflEVr S TA TES >> ei U og "to en u to A G a pq j- -o c M o K -a to '> Q o a o -4-> lO 3 O Maine 16 New Hampshire 10 Vermont 10 Massachusetts 20 1 1 1 Rhode Island 8 Connecticut 2 1 2 5 New York 9 4 2 11 35 1 8 New Jersey 1 7 6 Pennsylvania 4^ 2^ 24 7 11 8 Maryland 2 1 8 Delaware 3 1 2 Virginia 23 Kentucky 23 Ohio 46 Indiana 18 8 Missouri 9 9 Michigan 4 8 Illinois 2 10 2 2 Texas 6 Wisconsin 5 5 Iowa 1 1 6 California 8 Minnesota 1 1 6 Oregon 1 3 1 TERRl TORIES Kansas 6 Nebraska 1 5 District of Columbia 2 Total 10H 38§ 51 58 194 1 8 8 6 * 50 * SECOND BALLOT FOR VICE-PRESiDENT STATES >> a U a a M o K Maine 16 New Hampshire 10 Vermont 10 Massach usctts 26 Rhode Island 8 Connecticut 10 2 New York 70 New Jersey 14 Pennsylvania 54 Maryland 10 1 Delaware 6 Virginia 23 Kentucky 23 Ohio 46 Indiana 12 14 Missouri 13 5 Michigan 8 4 Illinois 20 2 Texas 6 Wisconsin 5 5 Iowa 8 California 7 1 Minnesota 7 1 Oregon 3 2 TERRITORIES Kansas 2 1 3 Nebraska 6 District of Columbia 2 Total 367 86 13 During this ballot the name of N. P. Banks was withdrawn. As this was done, Gen. Nye of New York cried out, "That's a good thing done — one of the conspirators gone to h — , thank God!" * 51 * The fact of the Convention, was the defeat of Seward rather than the nomination of Lincoln. It was the triumph of a pre- sumption of availability over pre-eminence in intellect and unrivaled fame — a success of the ruder qualities of manhood and the more homely attributes of popularity, over the arts of a consummate politician, and the splendor of accomplished states- manship. Now that the business of the Convention was trans- acted, we had the usual stump speeches, and complimentary resolutions, and the valedictory from the chairman, and the "three times three" upon adjournment for the candidate. The city was wild with delight. The "Old Abe" men formed processions, and bore rails through the streets. Torrents of liquor were poured down the hoarse throats of the multitude. A hun- dred guns were fired from the top of the Tremont House. The Chicago Press and Tribune office was illuminated. That paper says: "On each side of the counting-room door stood a rail- out of the three thousand split by 'honest Old Abe' thirty years ago on the Sangamon River bottoms. On the inside were two more, brilliantly hung with tapers." I left the city on the night train on the Fort Wayne and Chicago road. The train consisted of eleven cars, every seat full and people standing in the aisles and corners. I never before saw a company of persons so prostrated by continued excitement. The Lincoln men were not able to respond to the cheers which went up along the road for "old Abe." They had not only done their duty in that respect, but exhausted their capacity. At every station where there was a village, until after two o'clock, there were tar barrels burning, drums beating, boys carrying rails; and guns, great and small, banging away. The weary passengers were allowed no rest, but plagued by the thundering jar of cannon, the clamor of drums, the glare of bonfires, and the whooping of the boys, who were delighted with the idea of a candidate for the Presidency, who thirty years ago split rails on the Sangamon River — classic stream now and for evermore — and whose neighbors named him "honest." * 52 * (Official &oll of tfje Contention The following is the Official Roll of the Delegates admitted to Seats in The Wigivam at the Chicago Convention, 1860 PRESIDENT Hon. Geo. Ashmun, of Massachusetts VICE-PRESIDENTS California, A. A. Sargent Connecticut, C. F. Cleveland Delaware, John C. Clark Iowa, H. P. Scholte Illinois, David Davis Indiana, John Beard Kentucky, W. D. Gallagher Maine, Samuel F. Hersey Maryland, Wm. L. Marshall Massachusetts, Ensign H. Kellogg Michigan, Thomas White Ferry Minnesota, Aaron Goodrich Missouri, Henry T. Blow New York, Wm. Curtis Noyes New Jersey, E. Y. Rogers New Hampshire, Wm. Haile Ohio, Geo. D. Burgess Oregon, Joel Burlingame Pennsylvania, Thad. Stevens Rhode Island, Rowland G. Hazard Texas, Wm. T. Chandler Vermont, Wm. Hebord Virginia, R. Crawford Wisconsin, Hans Crocker Nebraska, A. S. Paddock Kansas, W. W. Ross District of Columbia, Geo. Harrington SECRETARIES California, D. J. Staples Connecticut, H. H. Starkweather Delaware, B. J. Hopkins Iowa, William B. Allison Illinois, O. L. Davis Indiana, Daniel D. Pratt Kentucky, Stephen J. Howes Maine, C. A. Wing Maryland, William E. Coale Massachusetts, Charles O. Rogers Michigan, W. S. Stoughton Minnesota, D. A. Secombe Missouri, J. K. Kidd New York, Geo. W. Curtis New Jersey, Edward Brettle New Hampshire, Nathan Hubbard Ohio, N.J. Beebe Oregon, Eli Thayer Pennsylvania, J. B. Serrill Rhode Island, R. R. Hazard, Jr. Texas, Dunbar Henderson Vermont, John W. Stewart Wisconsin, L. F. Frisby Kansas, John A. Martin Nebraska, H. P. Hitchcock * 53 * » E E E €i A T E S MAINE : 8 VOTES At Large George F. Talbot, Machia.i William H. McCrillis, Bangor John L. Stevens, Augusta Rensellaer Cram, Portland Districts 1 Mark F. Wentworth, Kittery Leonard Andrews, Biddeford 2 Charles J. Gilman, Brunswick Seward Dill, Phillips 3 Nathan G. Hichborn, Stockton George W. Lawrence, Warren h C. A. Wing, Winthrop J. S. Baker, Bath 5 Samuel F. Herscy, Bangor Going Hathorn, Pittsfield 6 John West, Franklin Washington Long, Fort Fairfield NEW HAMPSHIRE: 5 VOTES At Large Hon. Edward H. Rollins Hon. Aaron H. Cragin Hon. William Haile Hon. Amos Tuck Delegates 1 Nathaniel Hubbard George Matthewson 2 B. F. Martin F. H. Morgan 3 Jacob Benton Jacob C. Bean VERMONT : 5 VOTES At Large E. N. Briggs, Brando?i Peter T. Washburn, Woodstock E. D. Mason, Bichmond E. C. Redington, St. Johnsbury Districts 1 John W. Stewart, Middlebury E. B. Burton, Manchester 2 Hugh H. Henry, Chester Wm. Hebord, Chelsea 3 Wm.Clapp, St. Albans E. B. Sawyer, Hyde Park MASSACHUSETTS: 13 VOTES At Large John A. Andrew, Boston Ensign H. Kellogg, Pittsfield George S. Boutwell, Groton Linus B. Comins, Boston Districts 1 Joseph M. Day, Barnstable Jonathan Bourne, Jr., New Bedford 2 Robert T. Davis, Fall Biver Seth Webb, Jr., Scituate 3 Edward L. Pierce, Milton William Claflin, Newton \ Charles O. Rogers, Boston Josiah Dunham, Boston 5 Samuel Hooper, Boston George William McLellan, Cambridge 6 Timothy Davis, Gloucester Eben F. Stone, Newburyport 7 George Cogswell, Bradford Timothy Winn, Wobnm 8 Theodore H. Sweetser, Loicell John S. Keyes, Concord 9 John D. Baldwin, Worcester Edward B. Bigelow, Grafton 10 John Wells, Chicopee Erastus Hopkins, Northampton 11 John H. Coffin, Great Barrington Matthew D. Field, Southwick * 54 * RHODE ISLAND: 4 VOTES At Large James F. Simmons, U. S. Senate Nathaniel B. Durfee, Tiverton Benedict Lapham, Centreville W. H. S. Bayley, Bristol Districts 1 Benjamin T. Eames, Providence Rowland R. Hazard, Jr., Newport 2 Rowland G. Hazard, Peacedale Simon Henry Greene, Phenix CONNECTICUT: 6 VOTES At Large Gideon Welles, Hartford EleazerK. Foster, New Haven Chauncey F. Cleveland, Hampton Alexander H. Holley, Salisbury Districts 1 Samuel Q. Porter, Unionville P. 0. Leverett E. Pease, Somers 2 Stephen W. Kellogg, Waterbury Arthur B. Calef, Middletown 3 David Gallup, Plainfield Henry H. Starkweather, Norwich 4 Edgar S. Tweedy, Danbury George H. Noble, New Milford NEW YORK : 35 VOTES At Large William M. Evarts, New York Preston King, Ogdensburgh John L. Schoolcraft, Albany Henry R. Selden, Rochester Districts 1 George W. Curtis, Neio York Robert L. Meeks, Jamaica, L. I. 2 James S. T. Stranahan, Brooklyn Henry A. Kent, Brooklyn 3 John A. Kennedy, New York John A. King, Jamaica It Owen W. Brennan, New York Robert T. Haws, New York 5 Thomas Murphy, New York Charles M. Briggs, Williamsburg 6 Joseph C. Pinckney, New York Marshall B. Blake, New York 7 Daniel D. Conover, New York John Keyser, New York 8 Wm. Curtis Noyes, Netv York James W. Nye, New York 9 Edmund J . Porter, New Rochelle John G. Miller, Carmel 10 Ambrose S. Murray, Goshen C. V. R. Luddington, Monticello 11 Peter Crispell, Jr. Henry Green 12 Albert Van Kleeck, Poughkeepsie John T. Hogeboom, Ghent 13 Jonathan W. Freeman Gideon Reynolds, Troy U H. H. Van Dyck, Albany Henry A. Brigham, West Troy 15 Edward Dodd, Argyle Jas. W. Schenck, Glensfalls 16 Orlando Kellogg Wm. Hedding 17 John H. Wooster, N ew port A. B. James, Ogdensburgh 18 Henry Churchill, Gloversville Thomas R. Horton, Fultonville 19 Horatio N.Buckley, Delhi Samuel J. Cooke 20 Palmer V. Kellogg, Utica Henry H. Fish, Utica 21 Giles W. Hotchkiss, Binghamton Benj. S. Rexford, Norwich 22 Samuel F. Case, Fulton Robt. Stewart, Chittenango 23 Isaac H. Fiske, Watertown Hiram Porter, Louisville 24- Vivus W. Smith, Syracuse D. C. Greenfield, Baldwinsville 25 Alex.B. Williams, Lyons Theodore M. Pomeroy, Auburn * 55 * Ji: Obadiah 15. J.atliaiTi, Seneca Falls Charles C. Shepard, Penn Yan 27 Wm. W. Shepard, Waverly Geo. W. Schuyler, Ithaca 28 Wm. Scott, Geneseo Stephen T. Hayt, Corning 29 D. D. S. Browne, Rochester Alexander Babcoek, Rochester 30 Joshua H. Darling, Warsaw John H. Kimberly, Batavia SI Wm. Keep, Lockport Noah Davis, Jr., Albion 32 Alexander W. Harvey, Buffalo Joseph Candee, Buffalo 33 Alonzo Kent, Ellicottville Dolos E. Sill, Ellicottville NEW JERSEY : 7 VOTES At Large James T. Sherman, Trenton Thomas H. Dudley, Camden Edward Y. Rogers, Rahway Ephraim Marsh, Jersey City F. T. Frelinghuysen, Newark Jonathan Cook, Trenton Dudley S. Gregory, Jersey City John J. Blair, Blairtown Districts 1 Providence Ludlam, Bridgeton Robert K. Mattock, Woodbury Edward Brettle, Camden Jonathan D. Ingham, Salem 2 Archibald R. Pharo, Tuckerton Stephen B. Smith, Pennington Amzi C. McLean, Freehold Bernard Connolly, Freehold 3 A. P. Bethonde, Washington A. N. Voorhees, Clinton Wm. D. Waterman, Janesville Moses F. Webb, New Brunswick 4 Henry M. Low, Paterson Wm. G. Lathrop, Boonton Thomas Cumming, Hackensack Henry B. Crosby, Paterson 5 Hugh H. Bowne, Rahway H. N. Congar, Newark Marcus L. Ward, Newark Denning Duer, Weehawken PENNSYLVANIA VOTES At Large David Wilmot, Towanda Samuel A. Purviance, Pittsburgh Thaddeus Stevens, Lancaster John H. Ewing, Washington Henry D. Moore, Philadelphia Andrew H. Reeder, Easton Titian J. Coffee, Pittsburgh Morrow B. Lowry, Erie Districts 1 John M. Butler, Philadelphia Elias Ward, Philadelphia J. Money, Philadelphia Wm. Elliott, Philadelphia 2 Geo. A. Coffee, Philadelphia Richard Ellis, Philadelphia Francis Blackburn, Philadelphia John M. Pomroy, Philadelphia 3 Wm. B. Mann, Philadelphia James M'Manus, Philadelphia Benj. H. Brown, Philadelphia George Read, Philadelphia 4- A. C. Roberts, Philadelphia Wm. H. Kern, Philadelphia Wm. D. Kelly, Philadelphia M. S. Buckley, Richmond 5 James Hooven, Norristown Dr. C. M. Jackson, Philadelphia William B. Thomas, Philadelphia George W. Pumroy, Philadelphia 6 John M. Broomal, Chester Washington Townsend, West Chester Joseph J. Lewis, West Chester Jacob S. Serrill, Darby 7 Caleb N. Taylor, Bristol Joseph Young, Allen Town George Beisel, Allen Town Henry J. Saeger, Allen Town * 56 * 8 Isaac Eckert, Redding David E. Stout, Redding J. Knabb, Redding J. Bowman Bell, Redding 9 O. J. Dickey, Lancaster C. S. Kauffman, Columbia Samuel Scoch, Columbia Jos. D. Pownall, Christiana 10 G. Dawson Coleman, Lebanon Levi Kline, Lebanon Jos. Casey, Ilarrisburg Win. Cameron, Louisburg 11 Robert M. Palmer, Pottsville Jacob G. Frick, Pottsville S. A. Bergstresser, Elysburg Wm. C. Lawson, Milton 12 W. W. Ketchum, Wilkes-Barre P. M. Osterhout, Junkhannock Frank Stewart, Berwick Davis Alton, Carbondale 13 Chas. Albright, Mauch Chunk Wm. Davis, Stroudsburg W. H. Armstrong, Easton Sam'l E. Dimmick, Honcsdale H H. W. Tracy, Standing Stone Hon. Wm. Jessup, Montrose F. E. Smith, Tioga Point Dr. Abel Humphreys, Tioga Point 15 Wm. Butler, Lewiston B. Rush Peterkin, I.ockhaven Lindsay Mehaffey, Newberry G. B. Overton, Coudersport 16 Kirk Haines, Millerstown W. B. Irvin, Mechanicsburg Alex. J. Frey, York Jacob S. Haldeman, New Cumberland 17 Wm. M'Clellan, Chambersburg D. M'Caunaghy, Gettysburg John J. Patterson, Academin Francis Jordan Bedford 18 A. A. Barker, Fleasburg S. M. Green, Bailey's Forge L. W. Hall, Altoona Wm. H. Koons, Sumerset 19 W. M. Stewart, Indiana Darwin E. Phelps, Kittaning Addison Leech, Leechburg D. W. Shryok, Greensburg 20 Andrew Stewart, Union town Smith Fuller, Uniontown Alex. Murdoch, Washington Wm. E. Gapen, Waynesburg 21 Wm. H. Mersh, Pittsburgh Col. James A. Ekin, Elizabeth John F. Dravo, McKeesport J. J. Siebeneck, Pittsburgh 22T>.N. White, Sewickley Stephen H. Guyer, Alleghany City. John N. Purviance, Butler County W. L. Graham, Butler County 23 L. L. McGuffin, New Castle David Craig, New Castle Wm. G. Brown, Mercer John Allison, New Brighton 2k Henry Souther, Ridgway S. P. Johnston, Warren Jas. S. Meyers, Franklin D. C. Gillaspie, Brooklyn 25 B. B. Vincent, Erie Thomas J. Devore, Erie J. C. Hayes, Meadville S. Newton Pettis, Meadville DELAWARE: 3 VOTES Nathaniel B. Smithers, Dover John C. Clark, Delaware City Benjamin C. Hopkins, Vernon Lewes Thompson, Pleasant Hill Joshua T. Heald, Wilmington Alfred Short, Milford MARYLAND : 8 VOTES At Large Francis P. Blair, Washington, D.C. Wm. L. Marshall, Baltimore * 51 * Districts 1 James Bryan, Cambridge 2 James Jeffery, Churchville Win. P. Ewing, Elkton 3 Francis S. Corkran, Baltimore James F. Wagner, Baltimore 4 Wm. E. Coale, Baltimore 5 Chas. Lee Armour, Frederick 6 Montgomery Blair, Washington, D.C. D. S. Oram, Church Creek VIRGINIA : 15 VOTES At Large Alfred Caldwell, Wheeling E. M. Norton, Wheeling W. W. Gitt, Montgomery Co. Court House J. C. Underwood, Clark Co. Court House Districts 1 Jacob Hornbrook, Wheeling J. G. Jacob, Wellsburgh Joseph Applegate, Wellsburgh 2 A. G. Robinson, Wheeling R. Crawford, Wheeling 3 Thos. Hornbrook, Wheeling J. M. Pumphrey, Wheeling 4 R. H. Gray, Lynchburg F. D. Norton, Wheeling 5 John Underwood, Prince William Court House J. B. Brown, Alexandria 6 W. J. Blackwood, Clark Co. Court House J. T. Freeman, Hancock Court House 7 A. W. Campbell, Wheeling D. W. Roberts, Morgantown 8 W. E. Stevenson, Parkersburg S. M. Peterson, Parkersburg S. H. Woodward, Wheeling 9 James Wilson, Wheeling OHIO : 23 VOTES At Large Hon. D. K. Cartter, Cleveland Hon. V. B. Horton, Pomeroy Hon. Thomas Spooner, Redding Hon. Conrad Broadbeck, Dayton Districts 1 Benj. Eggleston, Cincinnati Fred. Hassaureck, Cincinnati 2 R. M. Corwine, Cincinnati Joseph H. Barrett, Cincinnati 3 Wm. Becket, Hamilton P. P. Lowe, Dayton 4- G. D. Burgess, Troy John E. Cummings, Sidney 5 David Taylor, Defiance E. Graham, Perryburg 6 John M. Barrere, New Market Reeder W. Clarke, Batavia 7 Hon. Thos. Corwin, Lebanon A. Hivling, Xenia 8 W. H. West, Bellefontaine Levi Geiger, Urbana 9 Earl Bill, Tiffin D. W. Swigart, Bucyrus 10 J. V. Robinson, Jr., Portsmouth Milton L. Clark, Chillicothe 11 N. H. Van Vorhees, Athens A. C. Sands, Zelaski 12 Willard Warner, Newark Jonathan Renick, Circleville 13 John J. Gurley, Mt. Gilead P. N. Schuyler, Norivalk H James Monroe, Oberlin G. U. Harn, Wooster 15 Hon. Columbus Delano, Mt. Vernon R. K. Enos, Millersburg 16 Daniel Applegate, Zanesville Caleb A. Williams, Chesterfield 17 C. J. Allbright, Cambridge Wm. Wallace, Martin s Ferry 18 H. Y. Beebe, Ravenna Isaac Steese, Massillon * 58 * 19 Robt. F. Paine, Cleveland R. Hitchcock, Painesville SO Joshua R. Giddings, Jefferson Milton Sutliffe, Warren 21 Samuel Stokely, Steubenville D. Arter, Carrollton KENTUCKY: 12 VOTES At Large Geo. D. Blakey, Russellville A. A. Burton, Lancaster Wm. D. Gallagher, Pewee Valley Charles Hendley, Newport Districts 1 Abner Williams, Covington H. G. Otis, Louisville 2 Fred Frische, Louisville E. H. Harrison, McKee 3 Joseph Glazebrook, Glasgow Jos. W. Calvert, Bowling Green 4 John J. Hawes, Louisville 5 H. D. Hawes, Louisville Lewis M. Dembitz, Louisville 6 Curtis Knight, Kingston Joseph Rawlings, White Hall 7 A. H. Merriwether, Louisville Henry D. Hawes, Louisville 8 H. B. Broaddus, Ashland L. Marston, Millersburg 9 Edgar Needham, Louisville J. S. Davis 10 Jas. R. Whittemore, Newport Hamilton Cummings, Covington INDIANA : 13 VOTES At Large William T. Ott, New Albany Daniel D. Pratt, Logansport Caleb B. Smith, Indianapolis P. A. Hackelman, Rushville Districts 1 James C. Veatch, Rockport CM. Allen, Vincennes 2 Thos. C. Slaughter, Corydon J. H. Butler, Salem 3 John R. Cravens, Madison A. C. Vorhies, Bedford 4- Geo. Holland, Brookville J. L. Yater, Versailles 5 Miles Murphy, Newcastle Walter March, Muncie 6 S. P. Oyler, Franklin John S. Bobbs, Indianapolis 7 Geo. K. Steele, Rockville D. C. Donohue, Green Castle 8 John Beard, Crawfordsville J. N. Simms, Frankfort 9 Chas. H. Test, Mudges Station D. H. Hopkins, Crown Point 10 Geo. Moon, Warsaw Geo. Emmerson, Angola 11 Wm. W. Connor, Noblesville John M. Wallace, Marion MICHIGAN : 6 VOTES At Large Austin Blair, Jackson Walton W. Murphy, Jonesville Thos. White Ferry, Grand Haven J. J. St. Clair, Marquette Districts 1 J. G. Peterson, Detroit Alex. D. Crane, Dexter 2 Jesse G. Beeson, Dowagiac William L. Stoughton, Sturgis 3 Francis Quinn, Niles Erastus Hussey, Battle Creek ■4 D. C. Buckland, Pontiac Michael T. C. Plessner, Saginaw City ILLINOIS : 11 VOTES At Large N. B. Judd, Chicago Gustavus Koerner, Belleville David Davis, Bloomington 0. H. Browning, Quincy * 59 * Districts 1 Jason Marsh, Rockford Solon Cummings, Grand de Tour 2 George Schneider, Chicago George T. Smith, Fulton 3 B.C. Cook, Ottawa O. L.Davis, Danville 4 Henry Grove, Peoria E. W. Hazard, Galesburg 5 Wm. Ross, Pittsfield James S. Erwin, Mt. Sterling 6 S. T. Logan, Springfield N. M. Knapp, Winchester 7 Thos. A. Marshall, Charleston Wm. P. Dole, Paris 8 F. S. Rutherford, Alton D. K. Green, Salem 9 James C. Sloo, Shawneetown D. L. Phillips, Anna WISCONSIN : 5 VOTES At Large Carl Schurz, Milwaukee Hans Crocker, Milwaukee T. B. Stoddard, La Crosse John P. McGregor, Milwaukee Districts 1 H. L. Rann, Whitewater C. C. Sholes, Kenosha 2 M. S. Gibson, Hudson J. R. Bennett, Janesville 3 Elisha Morrow, Green Bay L. F. Frisbey, W T est Bend MINNESOTA : 4 VOTES At Large John W. North, Northfield D. A. Secombe, St. Anthony Stephen Miller, St. Cloud S. P. Jones, Rochester Districts 1 A. H. Wager ner, New Ulm Aaron Goodrich, St. Paul 2 John McCusick, Stillwater Simeon Smith, Chatfield IOWA : 8 VOTES At Large Wm. Penn Clark, Iowa City L. C. Noble, West Union John A. Kasson, Des Moines Henry O'Conner, Muscatine J. F. Wilson, Fairfield J. W. Rankin, Keokuk M. L. McPherson, Wintersett C. F. Clarkson, Metropolis N. J. Rusch, Davenport H. P. Scholte, Pella John Johns, Fort Dodge Districts 1 Alvin Saunders, Mount Pleasant J. C. Walker, Fort Madison 2 Jos. Caldwell, Ottumwa M. Baker, Congdon 3 Benj. Rector, Sidney Geo. A. Hawley, Leon 4 H. M. Hoxie, Des Moines Jacob Butler, Muscatine 5 Thos. Seeley, Guthrie Centre C. C. Nourse, Des Moines 6 Wm. M. Stone, Knoxville J. B. Grinnell, Grinnell 7 Wm. A. Warren, Bellevue John W. Thompson, Davenport 8 John Shane, Vinton Wm. Smyth, Marion 9 Wm. B. Allison, Dubuque A. F. Brown, Cedar Falls 10 Reuben Noble, McGregor E. G. Bowdoin, Rockford 11 W. P. Hepburn, Marshalltown J. J. Brown, Eldora MISSOURI : 9 VOTES At Large Francis P. Blair, Jr., St. Louis B. Gratz Brown, St. Louis * 60 * F. Muench, Marthasville J. O. Sitton, Hermann Districts 1 P. L. Foy, St. Louis C. L. Bernays, St. Louis 2 A. Krekle, St. Charles A. Hammer, St. Louis 3 N. T. Doane, Trenton Asa S. Jones, St. Louis 4 H. B. Branch, St. Joseph G. W. H. Landon, St. Joseph 5 Jas. B. Gardenhire, Jefferson City B. Bruns, Jefferson City 6 J. K. Kidd, Linn J. M. Richardson, Springfield 7 Jas. Lindsay, Ironton Thos. Fletcher, DeSoto CALIFORNIA: J, VOTES At Large F. P. Tracy, San Francisco A. A. Sargent, Nevada D. W. Cheeseman, Orville J. C. Hinckley, Shasta Chas. Watrous, San Francisco Sam. Bell, Mariposa D. J. Staples, Staples' 1 Branch J. R. McDonald, II ay wards OREGON : 5 VOTES Joel Burlingame, Scio, Oregon Horace Greeley, New York City Henry Buckingham, Salem, Oregon Eli Thayer, House of Rep's, Washington, D. C. Frank Johnson, Oregon City TEXAS : 6 VOTES At Large D. C. Henderson, Austin G. A. Fitch, Austin James P. Scott, San Antonio A. A. Shaw, Little Elm Districts 1 Gilbert Moyers, Galveston 2 M. S. C. Chandler, Galveston KANSAS A. C. Wilder, Leavenworth John A. Martin, Atchison Wm. A. Phillips, Lawrence W. W. Ross, Topeka A. G. Proctor, Emporia John P. Hatterschiedt, Leavenworth NEBRASKA : 6 VOTES O. W. Irish, Nebraska City S. W. Elbert, Plattsmouth E. D. Webster, Omaha John R. Meredith, Omaha A. S. Paddock, Fort Calhoun P. W. Witchcock, Omaha DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA Geo. Harrington, Washington Joseph Gerhardt, Washington G. A. Hall, Washington J. A. Wyse, Washington * 61 * INDEX This Index does not include persons whose names appear only in the Official Roll of Delegates (pages 5^-61) and who look no recorded part in the convention. Allison, William B., vice-president, 53 Andrew, John A., seconds motion for unani- mous nomination, 46 Andrews, Leonard, committee member, 8 Armour, Charles Lee, defends Maryland delegation, 17 Ashmun, George, permanent president, 10 Banks, Nathaniel P., chances of, for nomina- tion, 6; biography, 49 n.; vote for, vice- presidential nomination, 50 Barrett, Joseph H., committee member, 1 1 Bates, Edward, chances of, for nomination, iv, 6; badges of, 7; placed in nomination, 36; Lane favors, 38; vote for, 39-43 Beard, John, vice-president, 53 Bell, John, presidential nominee, i Bell, Samuel, committee member, 8 Benton, Jacob, committee member, 9; in credentials debate, 19-20 Bernays, Charles L., committee member, 12 Blair, Austin, committee member, 9, 12; seconds nomination of Seward, 36; eulogizes Seward, 46-47 Blair, Francis Preston (1791-1876), at Tre- mont House, 4; applauded, 9; committee member, 11 Blair, Francis Preston (1821-75), in platform debate, 24; nominates Bates, 36 Blair, Montgomery, tries to fill Maryland delegation, 36 Blakey, George Douglas, committee member, 11; defends Kentucky delegation, 17 Boutwell, George S., committee member, 11 Brettle, Edward, vice-president, 53 Briggs, Ebenezer M., committee member, 11 Bristow, Allen J., committee member, 8 Brown, John, execution, i Browning, Orville H., addresses conven- tion, 47 Buchanan, James, nomination of, 44 Burgess, George D., vice-president, 53 Burlingame, Joel, committee member, 9; vice-president, 53 Caldwell, Alfred, committee member, 11 Calef, Arthur B., committee member, 8 California, delegates from, 19, 61 ; votes of, on committee reports, 18, 20, 21; in presiden- tial balloting, 39, 41, 43; changes vote to Lincoln, 45; in vice-presidential ballot- ing, 50-51 Cameron, Simon, chances for nomination, iv, 6; Pennsylvania supports, 33; followers of, support Lincoln, 34-35; placed in nomination, 36; votes for, in presidential balloting, 39-42 Cartter, David K., asks for Credentials Com- mittee report, 17; in debate on platform, 20-22; senatorial aspirations, 34; nomi- nates Chase, 36 ; changes Ohio vote, 44-45 Chandler, M. S. C, committee member, 8 Chandler, William T., vice-president, 53 Charleston ( S. C. ), Democratic convention, 11, 12, 13, 28 Chase, Salmon P., chances for nomination, iii-iv, 6-7; lacks solid support, 33-34; placed in nomination, 36; votes for, in presidential balloting, 39-43 Chicago, Halstead's trip to, 3-4; described, 5-6; celebrates nomination, 47-48, 52 Chicago Press and Tribune, Seward resents, ii; estimate of Bates, iv; opposes Seward, 34-35; celebrates nomination, 52 Chicago Tribune, see Chicago Press and Tribune Cincinnati, Democratic convention, 44 Cincinnati Atlas, Halstead works for, ii Cincinnati Commercial, Halstead represents, i-ii; predicts nomination of Seward, 32 Cincinnati Enquirer, Halstead works for, ii * 63 * Clay, Cassius M., chances for nomination, 14; votes for, in presidential balloting, 41-43; vice-presidential contender, 48-4!); votes for, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 Clarkson, C. F., committee member, 9 Cleveland, Chauncey F., vice-president, 53 Coale, William E., vice-president, 53 Coffey, T. J., committee member, 8 Cole, William E., committee member, 9 Collamer, Jacob, chances for nomination, iv; votes for, 38-40 Columbian and Great West, Halstead works for, ii Comins, Linus B., committee member, 8 Committee on Business, members of, 9 Committee on Credentials, members of, 9; report attacked, 17-18; report accepted, 18-20 Committee on Permanent Organization, members of, 8; reports, 10 Committee on Resolutions (Platform), mem- bers of, 11-12 Committee on Rules, report of, 20 Congar, H. N., committee member, 9 Connecticut, votes of, on committee reports, 18, 20-21; delegates from, 19, 55; votes in presidential balloting, 38-39, 41-43; votes in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 Constitutional Union Party, origin, i Corwin, Thomas, senatorial aspirations, 34; nominates McLean, 36 Corwine, R. M., committee member, 9 Cragin, Aaron H., committee member, 8 Cram, Rensellaer, committee member, 9 Cravens, John E., committee member, 9 Crawford, R., vice-president, 53 Crocker, Hans, vice-president, 53 Curtis, George William, proposes platform amendment, 24-25; Seward supporter, 30; vice-president, 53 Gushing, Caleb, at Charleston convention, 11 Davis, David, vice-president, 53 Davis, Henry Winter, biography, 49 n., vote for, in vice-presidential balloting, 50 Davis, O. L., vice-president, 53 Davis, Timothy, committee member, 9 Dayton, William L., chances for nomination, iv; placed in nomination, 36; votes for, in presidential balloting, 39-43; vote for, in vice-presidential balloting, 50 Declaration of Independence, in platform controversy, 21-25 Delano, Columbus, senatorial aspirations, 34; seconds nomination of Lincoln, 36 Delaware, votes of, on committee reports, 18, 20-21; delegates from, 19, 57; votes of, in presidential balloting, 39-43; votes of, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 Dembitz, Louis M., committee member, 9 Dennison, William J., Jr., senatorial aspira- tions, 34 District of Columbia, delegates from, 19, 61 votes of, on committee reports, 20-21 votes of, in presidential balloting, 39-43 changes vote to Lincoln, 45; votes of, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 Douglas, Stephen A., at Charleston conven- tion, 12 Dred Scott Case, McLean's opinion, iii Dudley, Thomas H., committee member, 11; nominates Dayton, 86 Durfee, Nathaniel B., committee member, 9 Eames, Benjamin T., committee member, 11 Elbert, Samuel W., committee member, 9 Evarts, William Maxwell, nominates Seward, 36; announces New York vote, 38; moves nomination be made unanimous, 46 Ewing, William P., committee member, 9 Farmers' College, Halstead attends, i Ferry, Thomas White, vice-president, 53 Foster, Eleazer K., committee member, 9 Fremont, John C, presidential nominee, iii; vote for, 39-40 Frisby, L. F., vice-president, 53 Gallagher, William D., vice-president, 53 Gardenhire, James B., committee member, 9 Gardner, A. Sidney, committee member, 12 Garner family, fugitive slaves, iv Gerhardt, Joseph, committee member, 9 Giddings, Joshua R., tries to amend plat- form, 21-22; leaves convention, 22; • 64 * Seward men support, 29; senatorial aspirations, 34 Goodrich, Aaron, vice-president, 53 Greeley, Horace, at convention, ii; center of attention, 4-5, 7; applauded, 9; character- ized, 10-11; proposes platform plank, 12; predicts nomination of Seward, 32 Green, Henry K., offers prayer, 31 Greene, Simeon H., committee member, 8 Grinnell, Moses H., Seward supporter, 30 Hackleman, P. A., committee member, 8 Haile, William, vice-president, 53 Hall, G. A., committee member, 8, 12 Halstead, Murat, biography, i-ii; appraises convention, iii-iv Hamlin, Hannibal, nominated, 48-51 Hammer, Allen, committee member, 8 Harrington, George, vice-president, 53 Hassaurek, Friedrich, speaks, 24 Hatterschiedt, John P., committee mem- ber, 12 Hazard, Rowland G., vice-president, 53 Hazard, Rowland R., Jr., vice-president, 53 Hebord, William, vice-president, 53 Heil, Joshua T., committee member, 8 Henderson, D. C, committee member, 9 Henderson, Dunbar, vice-president, 53 Hendley, Charles, committee member, 9 Henry, Hugh L., committee member, 8 Hersey, Samuel F., vice-president, 53 Hickman, John, chances for nomination, 14; vote for, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 Hinckley, J. C., committee member, 9 Hitchcock, H. P., vice-president, 53 Homestead Act, advocated, 27 Hooper, Samuel, committee member, 9 Hopkins, B. J., vice-president, 53 Hornbrook, Jacob, committee member, 9 Horton, V. B., committee member, 8 "House divided" speech, iii Houston, Sam, biography, 49 n.; vote for, in vice-presidential balloting, 50 Howes, Stephen J., vice-president, 53 Hubbard, Nathaniel, vice-president, 53 Hyer, Tom, Seward supporter, iii, 30 Illinois, votes of, on committee reports, 18, 20-21; delegates from, 19, 59-60; doubt- ful state, 32; votes of, in presidential bal- loting, 39-43; votes of, in vice-presiden- tial balloting, 50-51 Indiana, votes of, on committee reports, 18, 20-21; delegates from, 19, 59; doubtful state, 32; votes of, in presidential ballot- ing, 38-43; votes of, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 Internal Improvements, advocated, 28 Iowa, votes of, on committee reports, 18-21; delegates from, 19, 60; votes of, in presi- dential balloting, 39-43; changes vote to Lincoln, 45; votes of, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 Irish, O. H., committee member, 8 "Irrepressible conflict" speech, iii "Irrepressibles," Seward supporters, 3 James, A. B., committee member, 9 Jeffries, James, committee member, 8 Jenks, John G., committee member, 9 Jessup, William, committee member, 11 Johnson, Grant, committee member, 8 Jones, S. P., committee member, 9 Judd, Norman B., presents gavel, 11; nominates Lincoln, 36 Kansas, delegates from, 19, 61; votes of, on committee reports, 20-21; Lecompton Constitution, 26; admission of, de- manded, 27; votes of, in presidential bal- loting, 39-43; changes vote to Lincoln, 45; votes of, in vice-presidential ballot- ing, 50-51 Kasson, J. A., committee member, 12 Kellogg, Ensign H., vice-president, 53 Kellogg, Palmer V., committee member, 9 Kellogg, S. W., committee member, 11 Kelly, William D., committee member, 9 Kentucky, delegation challenged, 17; votes of, on committee reports, 18-21 ; delegates from, 19, 59; votes of, in presidential bal- loting, 39-43; changes vote to Lincoln, 45; votes of, in vice-presidential ballot- ing, 50-51 Kidd, J. K., vice-president, 53 • 65 * King, Preston, applauded, 10 Koerner, Gustave, committee member, 12 Lane, Henry Smith, candidate for governor, 16; works for Lincoln, 32; opposes Sew- ard, 34; acrobatics of, 37-38 Lapham, Benedict, committee member, 9 Lecorapton Constitution, condemned, 26 Letcher, S. G., committee member, 9 Lincoln, Abraham, presidential possibility, ii; Seward's opinion of, iii; chances for nomination, 6, 14; maneuvering for, 32- 33; availability of, 35; placed in nomina- tion, 36; name applauded, 37; votes for, 38-43; nominated, 44; significance of nomination, 52 Logan, Stephen T., committee member, 9 McGregor, John P., committee member, 8 McGuisick, John, committee member, 9 McLean, John, chances for nomination, iii, 6; placed in nomination, 36; Lane favors, 38; votes for, 39-43 Mail, overland, advocated, 28 Maine, votes of, on committee reports, 18- 21; delegates from, 19, 54; votes of, in presidential balloting, 38-43; votes of, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 Marks, Walter, committee member, 9 Marsh, Ephraim, committee member, 8 Marshall, Thomas A., committee member, 9 Marshall, William L., vice-president, 53 Martin, B. F., committee member, 9 Martin, John A., vice-president, 53 Maryland, delegation challenged, 17, 35-36; votes of, on committee reports, 18-21; delegates from, 19, 57-58; votes of, in presidential balloting, 39-43; votes of, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 Mason, Edwin D., committee member, 9 Massachusetts, votes of, on committee re- ports, 18-21 ; delegates from, 19, 54; votes of, in presidential balloting, 38-43; swings to Lincoln, 44; votes of, in vice-presiden- tial balloting, 50-51 Medill, Joseph, estimate of Bates, iv Meredith, John R., committee member, 9 Michigan, votes of, on committee reports, 18-21; delegates from, 19, 59; votes of, in presidential balloting, 39-43; votes of, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 Miller, Stephen, committee member, 12 Minnesota, votes of, on committee reports, 18-21; delegates from, 19, 60; votes of, in presidential balloting, 39-43; changes vote to Lincoln, 45; votes of, in vice- presidential balloting, 50-51 Missouri, votes of, on committee reports, 18- 21; delegates from, 19, 60-61; votes of, in presidential balloting, 39-43; changes vote to Lincoln, 45; votes of, in vice- presidential balloting, 50-51 Morgan, Edward D., opens convention, 8; Seward supporter, 30 Morrow, Elisha, committee member, 9 Moyers, Gilbert, committee member, 9 Murphy, Walter W., committee member, 8 Naturalization, platform plank, 23, 28 Nebraska, delegates from, 19, 61 ; votes of, on committee reports, 20-21; votes of, in presidential balloting, 39-43; changes vote to Lincoln, 45; votes of, in vice- presidential balloting, 50-51 New Hampshire, votes of, on committee re- ports, 18-21; delegates from, 19, 54; votes of, in presidential balloting, 38-43; votes of, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 New Jersey, votes of, on committee reports, 18-21; delegates from, 19, 56; doubtful state, 32; votes of, in presidential ballot- ing, 39-43; votes of, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 New York, votes of, on committee reports, 18-21; delegates from, 19, 55; votes of, in presidential balloting, 38-43; votes of, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 New York Times, Greeley's dislike of, ii New York Tribune, Greeley represents, ii; predicts nomination of Seward, 32 Noble, George H., committee member, 9 Noble, Reuben, committee member, 9 Norton, Edward M., committee member, 8 • 66 * Noyes, William Curtis, vice-president, 53 Nye, James W., Seward supporter, 30 Ohio, delegation divided, 5, 33-34; votes of, on committee reports, 18-21; delegates from, 19, 58; votes of, in presidential bal- loting, 39-43; swings to Lincoln, 44; votes of, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 Oregon, Greeley represents, ii; votes- of, on committee reports, 18-21 ; delegates from, 19, 61 ; votes of, in presidential balloting, 39-43; changes vote to Lincoln, 45; votes of, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 Otto, William T., committee member, 12 "Our American Cousin," plays in Chicago, v Paddy's Run (Ohio), i Paddock, A. S., vice-president, 53 Pennsylvania, votes of, on committee re- ports, 18-21; delegates from, 19, 56-57; doubtful state, 32; wavers, 33; swings to Lincoln, 35, 44; votes of, in presidential balloting, 39-43; votes of, in vice-presi- dential balloting, 50-51 Phillips, William A., committee member, 9 Platform, attempts to amend, 20-24; text of, 25-28 Popular Sovereignty, condemned, 27 Potter, John F., and bowie knife, 5 Pratt, Daniel D., vice-president, 53 Preston, William, nominates Buchanan, 44 Proctor, Addison G., committee member, 9 Pryor, Roger A., and near-duel, 5 n. Purviance, John N., committee member, 9 Quinn, Francis, committee member, 9 Railroad, transcontinental, advocated, 28 Rann, H. L., committee member, 9 Raymond, Henry J., feud with Greeley, ii Read, John M., vote for, in presidential bal- loting, 39-40; vote for, in vice-presiden- tial balloting, 50 Redington, Edward C, committee member, 9 Reeder, Andrew H., nominates Cameron, 36; vote for, in vice-presidential balloting, 50 Rhode Island, votes of, on committee re- ports, 18-21; delegates from, 19, 55; votes of, in presidential balloting, 38-43; votes of, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 Richmond House, Seward headquarters, 10, 15, 35; celebration at, 36 River and harbor improvements, advo- cated, 28 Rogers, Charles 0., vice-president, 53 Rogers, Edward Y., vice-president, 53 Ross, W. W., vice-president, 53 Ross, William, committee member, 8 Sargent, S. S., vice-president, 53 Scholte, H. P., vice-president, 53 Schurz, Carl, applauded, 9, 10; committee member, 12; in platform debate, 23; sec- onds nomination of Seward, 36; seconds motion for unanimous nomination, 46 Secombe, D. A., vice-president, 53 Selden, Henry R., committee member, 11 Serrill, J. B., vice-president, 53 Seward, William H., Greeley opposes, iii-v; chances for nomination, 6, 14; badges of, 7; demonstration for, 15-16; opposition to, 16; supporters, tactics of, 29-30; support- ers optimistic, 31, 35; arguments against, 34-35; placed in nomination, 36; name applauded, 37; votes for, 38-43; eulo- gized, 46-47; defeat, significance of, 52 Shaw, H. A., committee member, 12 Slave-trade, condemned, 27 Slavery, in Territories, 26-27 Smith, Caleb B., seconds nomination of Lincoln, 36 Smith, N. B., committee member, 11 Smith, Simeon, committee member, 8 Staples, D. J., vice-president, 53 Starkweather, Henry H., vice-president, 53 States Rights, in platform, 23 Stephens, John L., committee member, 9 Stevens, Thaddeus, quoted, 36; vice- president, 53 Stewart, John W., vice-president, 53 Stokeley, Samuel, committee member, 9 Stoughton, W. S., vice-president, 53 Sumner, Charles, vote for, in presidential balloting, 39-40 * 67 * Tdlbott, George F., committee member, 11 Territories, slavery in, 26-27 Texas, delegation challenged, 17, 19; votes of, on committee reports, 20-21 ; votes of, in presidential balloting, 39-43; changes vote to Lincoln, 45; votes of, in vice- presidential balloting, 50-51; delegates from, 61 Thayer, Eli, committee member, 9; proposes platform plank, 12; vice-president, 53 Thompson, Lewes, committee member, 9 Tracy, F. P., committee member, 12 Tremont House, crowds in, 4, 6, 15; celebra- tion at, 48 Trumbull, Lyman, chances of re-election, 16 Tuck, Amos, committee member, 11 Van Dyck, Henry H, committee member, 8 Vermont, votes of, on committee reports, 18- 21; delegates from, 19, 54; votes of, in presidential balloting, 38-43; votes of, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 Virginia, delegation challenged, 17; votes of, on committee reports, 18-21; delegates from, 19, 58; votes of, in presidential bal- loting, 38-43; changes vote to Lincoln, 45; votes of, in vice-presidential ballot- ing, 50-51 Wade, Benjamin F., chances for nomination, iii; movement for, collapses, 33-34; vote for, 39-40 VVatrous, Charles, committee member, 9 Webb, James Watson, Seward supporter, 30 Webb, Moses M., committee member, 9 Weed, Thurlow, Seward's manager, iii, 30 Western Reserve, trip through, 4 White, James A., committee member, 9 Wigwam, description of, v, 5; crowds in, 12-13, 16; scenes in, 37-38, 45 Wilder, A. C, committee member, 8 Wilmot, David, temporary president, 8; attacks slave state delegations, 17; in platform debate, 22-23 Wilson, James F., committee member, 8 Wing, C. A., vice-president, 53 Wisconsin, votes of, on committee reports, 18-21; delegates from, 19, 60; votes of, in presidential balloting, 39-43; votes of, in vice-presidential balloting, 50-51 Wolcott, Christopher P., senatorial aspira- tions, 34 * 68 * PRINTER'S NOTE This Centennial volume: "Fire the Salute! Abe Lincoln is Nominated!" was Edited with Notes and an Intro- duction by Paul M. Angle and Earl Scheuck Miers. An edition limited to twelve hundred arid fifty copies was printed by Kingsport Press, Inc., Kingsport, Tennessee, for private distribution among its friends. The typography and physical aspects of this book were planned by Richard Ellis. The text is composed in the Monotype Scotch Roman letter, which, together with an appropriate display type, reflects, in a manner, the atmosphere of the mid- nineteenth century period. Fire the Salute ! ABE LINCOLN IS NOMINATED! The Republican National Convention of May, 1860, which nominated Abraham Lincoln for President, now has passed irrevocably from partisan politics into an American legend. Like all great political conventions, this one depended upon hidden motives: its nominee, unexpectedly, clianged American life. Oiir Editors — one a registered Republican, one a registered Democrat — you know as old friends. We are pleased to send you, with our compliments, this Centennial edition of their book, and ours. KIJVGSPORT PRESS, INC.