ASIA 
 
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THE 
 
 TARIKH -1 - RASH IDI 
 
 OF 
 
 MIRZA MUHAMMAD HAIDAR, DUGHLAT 
 
 * 
 
 A HISTORY OF THE MOGHULS 
 OF CENTRAL ASIA 
 
 AN ENGLISH VERSION 
 
 foitlj Commcittarg, Jfotes, nub Hlap 
 
 BY 
 
 N. ELIAS 
 
 H.M. CONSUL-GENERAL FOR KHORASAN AND SISTAN; 
 
 GOLD MEDALLIST OF THE ROYAL GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY ; CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF 
 
 THE GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY, BERLIN 
 
 THE TRANSLATION 
 BY 
 
 E. DENISON ROSS 
 
 DIPLOME DE l’ECOLE DES LANGUES ORIENT ALES VIVANTES, PARIS ; 
 
 OUSELEY SCHOLAR 
 
 LONDON 
 
 SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON AND COMPANY, L D - 
 
 IjubUsl^rs lo tbe Jnbia (Qffite 
 
 1895 
 
* 'J' 
 
 
 ^ ^2fc AT/fZ-L. 
 
 We’ll lead you to the stately tent j of war, 
 
 Where you shall hear the Scythian Tamburlaine 
 Threatening the world with high astounding terms. 
 
 — Marlowe . 
 
^Rpi4- ir.r-VR 
 
 fl^tEr 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 Although this is the first time that a translation of the 
 Tarikh-i-Rashidi, into English, has been presented to the public, 
 it is necessary to explain that translators and historians have 
 already used the book, to some extent, as a source from which 
 to draw facts for their writings. Not only has its scope and 
 its general purport, as a history of the Moghuls, been familiar 
 to Orientalists for some fifty years, but much of its contents 
 has also been made known, in a more or less scattered way, 
 while its name is frequently found quoted in support of one 
 historical passage or another. And if this is the case in 
 English writings, it is the same when we refer to the works of 
 Continental authors who have occupied themselves with the 
 annals of Central Asia. Yet, though the value of the book has 
 been acknowledged in this indirect manner, no complete trans¬ 
 lation into any European language has hitherto been made. 
 
 The nearest approach to an adequate translation, so far as I 
 am able to ascertain, was that made by the late Mr. W. Erskine 
 of the E. I. Company’s service, more than half a century ago, and 
 some fourteen years after the publication of the Memoirs of 
 Baber. Mr. Erskine’s work, however, has never been put into 
 print, and seems, indeed, to be very little known outside the 
 MS. department of the British Museum. It appears to have 
 been taken in hand in 1840, after his retirement from the 
 Company’s service, and to have been completed at the beginning 
 \ of the next year. 1 It consists of 221 folio pages closely written, 
 and, in one form or another, includes the greater part of the 
 Tarikh-i-Rashidi. But the work varies greatly in character; 
 in some places the author has set himself to translate fully and 
 accurately from the text, and has been at pains to produce a 
 rendering that would seem to be intended for publication; in 
 other places lengthy passages—sometimes whole folios—are 
 
 1 From a note in the margin, it appears that he finished it on the 4th of 
 January, 1841. The MS. is numbered at the British Museum, Add. 26,612. 
 
 259470 
 
vi Preface. 
 
 summarised more or less briefly; and in others, again, mere 
 memoranda, or headings, are given to show the drift of the 
 author’s narrative; while, finally, considerable sections of the 
 book, at various places, are omitted altogether. 
 
 The document, therefore, valuable though it is, can scarcely 
 be regarded as a translation of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi. Bather, 
 it appears to me, after a close acquaintance with it, to have 
 been prepared less with a view to producing a complete English 
 version of Mirza Haidar’s history, than for some other and 
 more special purpose. Whether Mr. Erskine ever contemplated 
 publishing the Tarikh-i-Rashidi in an English dress, there is 
 nothing to indicate, but there are several circumstances con¬ 
 nected with the MS. at the British Museum, which lead me to 
 conjecture that it was intended rather as a preparatory study 
 for the compilation of his second important work —The History 
 of India under the Moghuls —of which the first and second 
 volumes (the only ones ever completed) appeared in 1854. In 
 the first place, the passages, or sections, of the Tarikli-i-Rashidi 
 devoted to the dynastic history of the Moghul Khans and 
 their transactions, are usually those which are translated in 
 full in the manuscript. Secondly, the Tarikli-i-Rashidi is not 
 only frequently cited in the two volumes of the history, but, in 
 many parts of them, passages from the MS. are found tran¬ 
 scribed word for word, while the author mentions, in his preface, 
 that he has based his knowledge of the Moghuls and their 
 chronicles chiefly on Mirza Haidar’s evidence. Indeed, the 
 greater part of Mr. Erskine’s introduction is a summary of the 
 Moghul annals as put forward by Mirza Haidar, and by Mirza 
 Haidar alone, for no other Asiatic author deals with the subject 
 in any but a merely incidental way. A third circumstance 
 pointing to the same conclusion is, that bound up in the same 
 volume of MSS. with the fragmentary translation of the 
 Tarikli-i-Rashidi, we find a second document, which consists of 
 a similar condensed translation, in Mr. Erskine’s handwriting, 
 of the third volume of the Ikbdl Ndma Jalidngiri of Mutamad 
 Khan, a work that seems to have been studied with a view to 
 another—probably the fourth—volume of the History of India. 
 Thus it seems very likely that the precis (if it may be so called) 
 of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi , was drawn up as a preliminary study 
 for the historical works the author was at that time planning; 
 and if this is the case, no better proof could be offered of 
 the care and thoroughness he devoted to the task, for this 
 
Vll 
 
 Preface. 
 
 document alone seems to have needed nearly a year of labour, 
 while the Tarikh-i-Rashidi is only one among many Oriental 
 authorities whom Mr. Erskine studied, in the original, and 
 made use of—a fact to which the footnotes of his History 
 clearly testify. 
 
 Besides serving the purpose of its own author, the precis 
 translation has also been made to contribute much that is 
 valuable to the works of Sir H. Howorth, whom little escapes 
 that is authentic and original, however difficult of access. In 
 his History of the Mongols more especially, Sir H. Howorth 
 gathered much information regarding the tribes of Central 
 Asia and the genealogy of Moghul Khans, and was able to 
 throw light on some of the most obscure chapters of Asiatic 
 history, from Mirza Haidar’s data, as found in this document. 
 Had it only been more complete, and had the geography and 
 ethnography of Central Asia been known in Mr. Erskine’s day 
 as well as they are known now, the History of the Mongols 
 would no doubt have contained all the essential parts of the 
 Tarikh-i-Rashidi, and little would have been left to occupy the 
 editor of the present translation. But it is precisely during 
 the last fifty years that much has been learned on these 
 subjects, so that a great deal of what was unintelligible to Mr. 
 Erskine, and consequently left untranslated or in obscurity, is 
 now easily filled in, by the light of more modern knowledge. 
 
 The only English writer besides Mr. Erskine who has made 
 any extensive use of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, in the original 
 Persian, is the late Surg.-Gen. W. H. Bellew. In 1873 Dr. 
 Bellew accompanied Sir D. Forsyth’s mission to Kashgar, and 
 compiled, as a contribution to the official report of the mission, 
 a history of Eastern Turkistan, which is largely drawn from 
 Mirza Haidar’s data, for the period covered by the latter’s 
 narrative. Dr. Bellew had not set himself the task of trans¬ 
 lating the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, nor was he concerned with any 
 part of it that did not bear directly on the country to which 
 the mission report had reference. His history, therefore, is a 
 compilation, only, from certain portions of Mirza Haidar’s work, 
 and though in some places it contains much detail, it cannot 
 be compared, even as a precis of the book, with Mr. Erskine’s 
 MS. at the British Museum. In some respects—as for instance, 
 the names of places and geographical notices—it is, perhaps, 
 more valuable than that document, for the writer’s local know¬ 
 ledge, and opportunities for deriving information from the 
 
viii Preface . 
 
 natives of the country, gave him a distinct advantage over the 
 earlier translator. 
 
 In the same way, Mr. E. B. Shaw, while on duty in Yarkand 
 and Kashgar, took up a section of the book and translated some 
 passages from it, which were published in the Geographical 
 Society's Journal for 1876. These do not touch on the history, 
 but relate exclusively to the geography of Eastern Turkistan 
 and its neighbouring regions on the south and south-west. 
 They contain translated extracts from Mirza Haidar’s opinions, 
 which are fully and accurately elucidated by Mr. Shaw, accord¬ 
 ing to modern knowledge of the subject and local information. 
 
 Another short section of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi is found in 
 Elliot’s History of India told by its Own Authors —a work 
 that consists of extracts (by various translators) from Asiatic 
 writers, only when these relate to the history of India. The 
 translation, in this instance, is by Professor Dowson, and com¬ 
 prises the one episode of the battle of Kanauj in 1540, when 
 the Afghans, under Shir Shah, won for a time the so-called 
 Moghul Empire of Hindustan. But even this has not been 
 given in full: only the actual account of the battle being 
 thought necessary, by the editor, as an illustration of the 
 events of the period, while some rather lengthy passages, con¬ 
 taining the author’s views of the policy to be adopted by the 
 Moghuls at that critical moment, have been omitted. 
 
 Whether Moorcroft used the book, is not clear from the 
 posthumous narrative of his travels which has come down to 
 us, through Professor H. H. Wilson. He mentions Mirza 
 Haidar’s name on one occasion only, and ascribes a statement 
 to him connected with Kashmir, without directly citing his 
 work. If, however, Moorcroft did know the Tarikh-i-Rashidi , he 
 would be, probably, the first Englishman to become acquainted 
 with it, for his reference to it dates from 1822. 
 
 In Eussia, I believe Professor Grigorieff used the Tarikh-i- 
 Rashidi in editing the Eussian version of Eitter’s Erdkunde, 
 and it may be that other Orientalists in that country have also 
 reproduced portions of it in their own language; but in French 
 and German Oriental literature, I do not know that the book 
 is more than referred to, and even that very rarely. I make 
 this statement, however, with reserve, for it is quite possible 
 that extracts may have been published, though I have not 
 met with them. 
 
 As regards texts in the original Persian (for Mirza Haidar 
 
Preface. ix 
 
 wrote in Persian), though not particularly rare in Europe, they 
 are seldom to be obtained, as far as my experience goes, in any 
 Asiatic country. In England, there are three copies at the 
 British Museum, one in the possession of Professor Cowell, at 
 Cambridge, and it would appear that three or four more, at 
 least, are in the hands of private persons. But these are not 
 all of equal value: one, at any rate, of those in the British 
 Museum being a modern Indian copy, marred by many corrup¬ 
 tions, while another is not quite complete. The British and 
 Foreign Bible Society own two partial translations into Turki, 
 which they were good enough to place at the disposal of the 
 British Museum, to be used for purposes of collation in pre¬ 
 paring the present English version. Neither of these, how¬ 
 ever, is complete; one of them consists of the Second Part only, 
 and the other of merely a portion of that Part. In the public 
 libraries on the Continent, I am informed that examples are 
 often to be met with, but whether in the original or in Turki, 
 I am not aware. 
 
 It appears, in any case, that European collectors have, in a 
 great measure, exhausted the supply that might be thought to 
 be available in one part of Asia or another. In India, I believe 
 that copies exist in some of the libraries of Calcutta and 
 perhaps elsewhere, but a search among the native booksellers, 
 which was made for me in 1891, resulted in finding nothing. 
 In Persia and Afghan Turkistan I have never been able to 
 hear of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, while in the country to which it 
 chiefly refers, and where it would be most likely to be in 
 request, there is reason to think that scarcely any examples 
 are now left; at any rate, all the inquiries that I was able to 
 make from 1880 to 1885, at Yarkand and Kashgar, produced 
 only the Turki fragment alluded to above, as consisting of a 
 portion of the Second Part of the book. In Kashmir, no copy 
 was ever procurable by native inquirers, who endeavoured, at 
 different times, to obtain one for me; yet it seems probable 
 that the more perfect Turki copy in the Bible Society’s library, 
 may have been acquired, some twenty or twenty-five years ago, 
 by a civil officer in Kashmir. 
 
 For the present translation, Mr. Boss made use, chiefly, of the 
 Persian text numbered Add. 24,090, of the British Museum 
 Catalogue, and with this he collated the one marked Or. 157, 
 that of Professor Cowell (who very kindly lent it for the 
 purpose) and, in the Second Part, the more perfect of the two 
 
x Preface. 
 
 Turki versions belonging to the Bible Society. This last 
 proved a valuable aid in clearing up obscure passages, and in 
 deciphering ill-spelled and badly written names of places and 
 tribes. It is the work of an intelligent man, who knew the 
 countries his author wrote about, and who read what he 
 translated with judgment and discrimination. He constantly 
 interpolates a word or two, or a sentence, in order to make the 
 meaning clearer, and frequently spells the names of places in 
 Turki-speaking countries, with vowel points, and in so clear a 
 way that they can be recognised, if not identified. This is a 
 service few Asiatic translators, or copyists, are able to render to 
 the modern European reader; and the only pity is that the 
 anonymous scholar was unable to do for the Tibetan names, what 
 he accomplished for the Turki ones. He nowhere gives his 
 name, but the end of his work is subscribed by a line as follows : 
 “ I completed this translation in the year 1263, Jamad II. 
 22nd, in the town of Khotan ” — i.e., in the year 1845 a.d. 
 
 A few words may be necessary to explain how this English 
 version has come to see the light, and how it is that it should 
 have been undertaken by one who has not enough Persian to 
 be his own translator. My attention was first called to the 
 Tarihh-i-Rashidi as far back as 1877, by my friend the late 
 Mr. K. B. Shaw, who had used portions of it when he himself 
 was living and travelling in the countries it describes. He 
 was enthusiastic in his admiration of the author’s intelligence, 
 and of the value of the work as a “ guide book ” to Eastern 
 Turkistan and the surrounding regions. He had intended, as 
 I always understood, to take up the translation of it after 
 completing his Turki vocabulary; but in June 1879 he died, 
 while on service in Burma, leaving the vocabulary only just 
 finished. 1 
 
 For some years after this, I endeavoured to find a copy, 
 
 1 I may remark here, that since completing the present version, and 
 indeed, within the last few weeks, I have been favoured by Capt. F. E. Young- 
 husband, and others of Mr. Shaw’s friends, with an opportunity of examining 
 some of the papers which he left. Among these are several unpublished 
 extracts from the Tarikh-i-llaslndi , as well as some more complete sections 
 of a rare Turki work called the Tazhira-i-Khwajagdn (‘ The Memoirs of the 
 Khv 7 ajas’) which forms—from a chronological point of view—a continuation 
 of Mirza Haidar’s history. The translations from the latter work were 
 evidently intended, by Mr. Shaw, for early publication, but the fragments 
 from the Tarikh-i-Bashidi appear only to have been preliminary studies 
 destined to serve, at some future time, as a groundwork for a more complete 
 translation. 
 
Preface . xi 
 
 believing that, with the help of native Munshis, my small 
 knowledge of Persian might be sufficient to produce a practical, 
 working, English version, though by no means a scholarly 
 translation. But where, and when, I could avail myself of 
 native assistance, no text was forthcoming, and it was only on 
 returning to England in 1893, that I became acquainted with 
 Mr. Erskine’s partial translation among the MSS. of the 
 British Museum. My first impression was that by filling up 
 the gaps in this document, and rectifying the names, etc., a 
 version might be obtained, which would he sufficiently com¬ 
 plete to publish under Mr. Erskine’s name. It soon became 
 apparent, however, that the bulk of the MS. was only a 
 summary of the text, and in some places was so brief, that the 
 word “ translation ” could in no way be made to apply to it. 
 It was also found that in addition to many other omissions— 
 some long, some short—the whole of the lengthy extracts from 
 the Zafar-Ndma of Sharaf-ud-Din Ali, Yazdi, which the author 
 embodies in the First Part of the Tarikli-i-Rashidi , to tell the 
 story of Timur’s times, had been left untouched ; while certain 
 marginal notes showed that Mr. Erskine had, in many passages, 
 been uncertain of the author’s meaning. In these circum¬ 
 stances, there seemed no course open but to make a new 
 translation. Accordingly I sought advice in the only quarter 
 where a knowledge of Mirza Haidar’s original work was to be 
 found. Dr. Charles Rieu, in compiling his catalogue of the 
 Oriental MSS. in the British Museum, had thoroughly examined 
 the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, and had described its contents; he knew 
 its • difficulties and saw, also, how imperfect would be the 
 result of trying to expand and piece together Mr. Erskine’s 
 document. It was owing to his advice therefore, and through 
 his good offices, that I obtained the assistance of his former 
 pupil, Mr. Ross, to undertake a new translation ; and I believe 
 that although Mr. Ross holds a diploma for Persian from the 
 Ecole des Langues Orientales Yivantes of Paris, and has won 
 the Ouseley scholarship, no better guarantee for his proficiency 
 is needed than Dr. Rieu’s recommendation. It need hardly be 
 added that in the new translation Mr. Erskine’s precis was 
 extensively used, and that Mr. Ross derived from it much light 
 and assistance. 
 
 The work of translation was begun with the year 1894 and 
 took seven months to finish. The method followed was for 
 Mr. Ross to put sections of about five folios at a time into 
 English, generally leaving out obscure or uncertain passages. 
 
xii 
 
 Preface. 
 
 Each of these sections was then gone through, in company with 
 Mr. Eoss and, usually, with one of the texts at hand. The 
 uncertain passages were then discussed and filled in, or marked 
 off for further investigation; but the revision of the English, 
 and the addition of footnotes, together with the solution of the 
 puzzles in which the book abounds, were subjects left for me to 
 take up at a later opportunity. In editing the English version, 
 my object has been to render the language fairly clear and 
 readable, without so changing the translation as to alter the 
 author’s meaning. But this has proved to be not always an 
 easy task, for numerous passages occur where the translation 
 will only bear slight amendments, without impairing its 
 accuracy. As a rule, indeed, the latitude that could be allowed 
 was small, so that it has been necessary to leave many sentences 
 and paragraphs standing in rather awkward phraseology, which 
 it would have been easy—and was even tempting—to improve, 
 had the author’s words permitted the license. 
 
 As regards the spelling of proper names, it was at first 
 intended that all should be reproduced according to the system 
 in use at the British Museum—^.e.,an exact transliteration, where 
 each Persian and Arabic letter which has no single equivalent in 
 English, is distinguished by some accent or diacritical sign. 
 This design, however, could not be followed out for various 
 reasons. Indeed, the work of translation was scarcely finished, 
 when Mr. Eoss left England to pursue his Oriental studies on 
 the Continent, and the task of attempting to harmonise the 
 spelling fell to me. I found it impossible, with the time at my 
 disposal, to carry out the original intention, seeing that many 
 of the names would have had to be searched out, afresh, in the 
 vernacular texts—an undertaking that would have involved 
 frequent attendance at the British Museum. I decided, 
 therefore, to write all according to the simple method of Sir W. 
 Jones, or that adopted by the Government of India in their 
 official documents and publications. This system may be, to a 
 certain extent, imperfect, for it does not, in every instance, 
 show exactly what was the Persian or Arabic spelling of the 
 word represented, and therefore is not a complete guide to 
 re-conversion; but it gives, as nearly as possible, the correct 
 pronunciation, while it secures a degree of accuracy sufficient 
 for practical purposes. 1 It has moreover the advantage of 
 
 1 It may be said to consist of accentuating the a, in order to give the sound 
 of that letter in father; while other vowels are expressed (as Mr. H. G. Keene 
 has tersely put it) “by the English sounds in ‘rwrmnant’ and ‘obey’” 
 
Xlll 
 
 Preface. 
 
 simplicity, and avoids that air of pedantry which readers 
 who do not occupy themselves with Oriental languages, usually 
 discern in the more perfect system, and which they find 
 repellant. On the other hand, those who are proficient in the 
 languages concerned, do not require to be informed how the 
 great majority of names are written by the original authors. 
 A small number of new and unfamiliar place-names form the 
 only exception to this proposition, but these are usually so 
 carelessly and incompletely written in the original texts, that 
 a critical transliteration can have no great value, even when it 
 is possible to give one. 
 
 In endeavouring to throw light on the narrative, and to 
 illustrate the author’s statements on subjects connected with the 
 people or the geography of the countries he speaks of, I have 
 used, as far as possible, the authority of writers whose informa¬ 
 tion may be cited, and verified, from works already before 
 the public. Though I am personally acquainted, more or less, 
 with all the tribes and races Mirza Haidar introduces, and with 
 most of the localities, the reader will probably find it more 
 satisfactory to be referred to a published authority, than to rely 
 on the editor’s own reminiscences. This remark, however, only 
 applies to a portion of the footnotes and of the Introduction. 
 For all historical matters, reference to acknowledged authorities 
 would, in any case, be needed. 
 
 It may be observed that in reproducing Mirza Haidar’s 
 lengthy extracts from the Zafar-Ndma, at the beginning of the 
 book, his transcription was not relied upon. Mr. Boss trans¬ 
 lated these sections directly from the texts of the work in the 
 British Museum, and only added the Mirza’s interpolation 
 (which is repeated in several places) that the country called 
 “ Jatah,” by the author of the Zafar-Ndma , was one and the 
 same with “ Moghulistan.” Neither was the very free version 
 of the Zafar-Ndma , by Petis de la Croix, used for any purpose 
 beyond the comparison of names, and Mr. Boss’s translation will 
 be found, I believe, to be much more perfect than the French 
 one of two hundred years ago. It has been embodied in the 
 
 ( Orient. Biogr. Did ., p. vii.). It may be added that ordinarily used and 
 well-known names have been spelled, in the Introduction and footnotes, as they 
 are commonly met with in English writings ; though in the text they stand 
 as the author has written them. Thus in the text will he found, for instance, 
 Babary Dehli, Gang, etc.; while elsewhere these names occur as Baber , Delhi , 
 Ganges, etc. 
 
XIV 
 
 Preface . 
 
 text without any break in the numbering of the chapters, as 
 Mirza Haidar embodies it in his original manuscript, but it has 
 been printed in somewhat smaller type than the rest of the 
 text, in order to distinguish the difference of authorship. 
 
 A few words, only, are needed in explanation of the map. In 
 the first place, its object is to show all the places mentioned in the 
 TariJih-i-Rashidi, which can surely be identified, and the posi¬ 
 tions of which can be established. In the second place, it was 
 obviously necessary to lay down all the localities alluded to, 
 on a basis of the best data available, regarding the physical 
 geography of the region concerned. But a map containing 
 only the names mentioned by Mirza Haidar would have had 
 little significance. As a guide to their whereabouts, easily 
 recognised points of some kind were needed, and for this 
 purpose a number of the most ordinarily known, and least 
 irrelevant, names in modern geography, have been used. They 
 are marked at fairly wide intervals all over the included region, 
 and may be regarded, for the most part, as mere “ signposts ” for 
 pointing to the places spoken of by the author. 
 
 It might appear, at first sight, that the map would have been 
 more useful, if the designations of the tribes had been inserted, 
 and marked in such a way as to show the regions they inhabited; 
 also that the boundaries, or approximate limits, of the various 
 countries and kingdoms should have been indicated. But in¬ 
 formation of this kind it is impossible to give on a single sheet, 
 intended to serve for a period of over two centuries in duration. 
 The whole burden of the history to be illustrated is “ muta¬ 
 bility ” ; and a series of maps, instead of one, would be requisite 
 to show the boundaries that existed from time to time, or the 
 moves that occurred among the tribes. It has been found 
 expedient, therefore, to omit all information of a transitional 
 nature from the face of the map, and rather to make it exclusively 
 geographical. 
 
 For the rest, everything has been done to render it plain and 
 easy to refer to; and with this end in view, all needless details, 
 both in the matter of names and of physical features, have been 
 avoided. It will be found, I believe, to be the only map which 
 contains most of the names used in historical works relating to 
 Central Asia during the Middle Ages. The original drawing 
 is by Mr. H. Scharbau, and is clear and excellent of its kind. 
 
 It is with pleasure that I take this opportunity to acknowledge 
 my indebtedness to several gentlemen who have been so good 
 
Preface. 
 
 xv 
 
 as to lend me a helping hand, at various stages of my task. To 
 no one am I more grateful than to Sir Henry Howorth, whose 
 interest in the book, from first to last, has been manifested in so 
 many practical ways, that it is perhaps doubtful whether, in its 
 absence, the manuscript would ever have reached the printer. 
 Dr. Eieu’s good offices I have already alluded to ; hut I here¬ 
 with offer him my thanks for the grace and patience with 
 which he rendered them, in part to myself, and in part to 
 Mr. Ross in connection with the technicalities of the translation. 
 My gratitude is also due to Mr. Stephen Wheeler for the 
 valuable advice he has accorded me, and for many references 
 to books and other documents which his extensive reading— 
 perhaps unsurpassed on most Asiatic subjects—enabled him, 
 with great generosity, to place at my disposal. In tendering 
 my acknowledgments to Dr. L. A. Waddell for the favour he 
 has done the reader in adding some notes to Mirza Haidar’s 
 chapters on Tibet, I have only to refer to his able and 
 original work on * Lamaism in Tibet,’ to guarantee apprecia¬ 
 tion of his remarks. I gladly avail myself of this occasion, also, 
 to express my sense of obligation to Her Majesty’s Secretary 
 of State for India, for the material assistance so liberally 
 accorded by him, towards securing the publication of the 
 volume. 
 
 Finally, I must echo the author’s words when he tells his 
 readers that he knows his hook to be full of mistakes. The 
 subject on which I have chiefly to beg the indulgence of the 
 critical is that of the spelling of Asiatic names, though there 
 may he other errors and omissions, due to a want of those 
 minute and repeated revisions of the proofs, that a book of this 
 kind requires. My time on furlough, however, is limited, 
 and as it has been necessary to complete the revisions before 
 leaving England to return to Khorasan, some hurry has been 
 inevitable. 
 
 Mirza Haidar also tells his readers that no one but a Moghul 
 can be interested in this history. Let us hope that he may 
 not be entirely right in his forecast. Some few who are not 
 Moghuls may regard the preservation of his work as an advan¬ 
 tage, and may find some attraction in it, even in an English 
 dress; hut how far these will bear with an editor who knows 
 but little of his author’s language, is another question. It may 
 be thought that a scholarly knowledge of the language of a 
 hook is essential in one who undertakes to elucidate it, in order 
 
xvi Preface. 
 
 that he may realise the true significance of its scope, and 
 properly understand its design. This may occasionally be the 
 case; but if there be any virtue in the words of the German 
 poet— 
 
 Wer den Dichter will verstelien, 
 
 Muss in Dichter’s Lande gelien, 
 
 I would plead that the present is an instance in which some¬ 
 thing besides language may help lead to a right interpretation 
 of the author, and to an appreciation of his theme. 
 
 N. E. 
 
 Oriental Club, 
 
 2i5th March, 1895. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Preface .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. v 
 
 Introduction :— 
 
 Section I. The Author and his Book .. .. .. .. .. 1 
 
 „ II. The Line of Chaghatai .. .. .. .. .. 28 
 
 ,, III. The Land of the Moghuls .. .. .. .. .. 51 
 
 ,, IY. The People—Moghul, Turk, and Uighur .. .. .. 72 
 
 „ Y. The Eastern Khanate, or LTighuristan .. .. .. 99 
 
 ,, VI. The Tarikh-i-Rashidi and after .. .. .. ..115 
 
 PART I. 
 
 THE TARIKH-I-RASHIDI. 
 
 Prologue—Contents .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 1-4 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 I. Beginning of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi .. .. .. .. .. 5 
 
 II. The Early History of Tughluk Timur .. .. .. .. 6 
 
 III. The Conversion of Tughluk Timur Khan to Islam .. .. 10 
 
 IY. Extracts from the Zafar-Nama —Expedition of Tughluk Timur 
 
 Khan into the Kingdom of Mavara-un-Nahr .. .. .. 15 
 
 V. Intrigues of Timur with Amir Haji Barlas—His return from the 
 
 banks of the Jihun and his meeting with the three Princes .. 17 
 
 VI. Tughluk Timur Khan’s Second Invasion of Mavara-un-Nahr .. 18 
 
 VII. The Return of Tughluk Timur Khan to his own Capital .. 22 
 
 VIII. Ilyas Khwaja Khan .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 23 
 
 IX. Return of Amir Husain and Amir Timur to Taikhan and Badakh- 
 
 shan, and the Treaties between them .. .. .. .. 23 
 
 X. Timur’s passage of the River at the Stone Bridge, and the flight 
 
 of the Army of Jatah .. .. .. .. .. .. 25 
 
 XI. The Dream of Amir Timur, which he looks upon as a good omen, 
 
 and which induces him to make War on Ilyas Khwaja Khan 27 
 
 XII. Battle of Amir Husain and Amir Timur with the Army of Jatah. 
 
 Victory of the Amirs over the Jatah .. .. .. .. 27 
 
 XIII. Conference [Kuriltai] between Amir Husain and Amir Timur; 
 
 and the raising of Kabil Shah Oghlan to the rank of Khan .. 29 
 
 XIV. The Battle of the Mire .. .. .. .. .. .. 31 
 
 XV. Siege of Samarkand by the Army of Jatah .. .. .. .. 37 
 
 XVI. The last days of Ilyas Khwaja Khan, and events that took 
 
 place after his Death—The Domination of Kamar-ud-Din .. 38 
 
 XVII. History of Kamar-ud-Din .. .. .. .. .. .. 39 
 
 b 
 
XV111 
 
 Table of Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 XVIII. 
 
 XIX. 
 
 XX. 
 
 XXI. 
 
 XXII. 
 
 XXIII. 
 
 XXIV. 
 
 XXV. 
 
 XXVI. 
 
 XXVII. 
 
 XXVIII. 
 
 XXIX. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 XXXI. 
 
 XXXII. 
 
 XXXIII. 
 
 XXXIV. 
 
 XXXV. 
 
 XXXVI. 
 
 XXXVII. 
 
 XXXVIII. 
 
 XXXIX. 
 
 XL. 
 
 XLI. 
 
 XLII. 
 
 XLIII. 
 
 XLIV. 
 
 XLV. 
 
 XL VI. 
 
 XL VII. 
 XLVIII. 
 
 XLIX. 
 
 L. 
 
 LI. 
 
 LII. 
 
 LIII. 
 
 LIV. 
 
 The Third Invasion of Jatah (that is to say Moghulistan) by 
 Amir Timur 
 
 Marriage of Amir Timur with the Princess Dilshad Agha 
 Amir Timur’s Third Expedition into Kliwarizm, and his return 
 owing to the Revolt of Sar Bugha, Adilshah and Bahrain 
 
 Jalair .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 
 
 Amir Timur's Fourth Expedition into Jatah (that is, 
 Mogliulistan) 
 
 The Death of Prince Jahangir 
 
 Amir Timur sends an Army against Kamar-ud-Din 
 
 Amir Timur’s Fifth Expedition into Jatah (that is, Moghulistan) 
 
 The Last Days of Amir Kamar-ud-Din 
 
 The Commencement of the Reign of Khizir Khwaja Khan, son 
 of Tugliluk Timur Klian 
 
 Muhammad Khan, son of Khizir Khwaja Khan 
 Shir Muhammad Khan, son of Muhammad Khan 
 Early Life of Vais Klian .. 
 
 Amir Sayyd Ali and Stories relating to him 
 Epitomised account of what passed between Shir Muhammad 
 Khan and Vais Klian .. 
 
 The Khanship of Vais Khan 
 
 Amir Khudaidad and his Journey to Mekka 
 
 The Martyrdom of Vais Klian 
 
 Ruin of [the party of] Irazan after the Death of Vais Khan .. 
 Reception of Yunus Khan and Iraz&n, in Samarkand, by Mirza 
 Ulugh Beg 
 
 Khanship of Isan Bugha Khan, son of Vais Klian, after the 
 Ruin of Irazan 
 
 Amir Sayyid Ali’s Expedition to and Reduction of Kashghar 
 The Quarrels of Isan Bugha Khan with his Amirs 
 The Commencement of the Khanship of Yunus Klian 
 Detailed account of the Proceedings of Yunus Khan .. 
 
 Arrival of Yunus Khan in Moghulistan .. 
 
 Rule of Mirza Saniz in Kashghar after the Death of his Father, 
 Mir Sayyid Ali .. 
 
 Khanship of Dust Muhammad Klian 
 
 Second Return of Yunus Khan from [the Court of] Sultan Abu 
 Said .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 
 
 Events which followed on the Death of Dust Muhammad 
 Khan; the Supremacy of Yunus Khan, and the Murder of 
 Buruj Oghlan 
 
 Shaikh Jamal-ud-Din and his capture of the Khan 
 Concerning what passed between Yunus Klian and the Kings of 
 Mavara-un-Nahr, after the murder of Shaikh Jamal Khar 
 Rule of Muhammad Haidar Mirza in Kashghar 
 Beginning of the Reign of Aba Bakr Mirza 
 Account of the Mirzas of Khotan 
 
 Capture of Khotan by Mirza Aba Bala’ and the Extirpation of 
 the Mirzas of Khotan .. 
 
 The Stratagem of Aba Bakr, by which he caused Muhammad 
 Haidar Mirza to expel his own Amirs 
 Yunus Khan goes to help Muhammad Haidar Mirza against 
 Mirza Aba Bakr, who defeats them both 
 
 PAGE 
 
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 103 
 
Table of Contents. 
 
 xix 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 LY. Yunus Khan’s Second Expedition against Yarkand, and Defeat 
 at the hands of Mirza Aba Bakr 
 
 LY1. Early days of Sultan Mahmud Khan, son of Yunus Khan 
 LVII. The War that arose out of a difference between Yunus Klian 
 and Muhammad Haidar Mirza in Aksu 
 
 LVIII. Muhammad Haidar Mirza attacks Mirza Aba Bakr in Kashghar, 
 and is taken Prisoner by him 
 
 LIX. Yunus and the Moghul Ulus enter Tashkand. Peace is esta¬ 
 blished between the Timuri Sultans 
 LX. End of Yunus Khan’s Life 
 
 LXI. War between Sultan Ahmad Mirza and Sultan Mahmud Khan 
 LXII. Arrangement for the marriage of my Father into the Khan’s 
 Family 
 
 LXIII. Events in Tashkand during the Rule of Sultan Mahmud Khan. 
 The Last Years and Death of the Khan 
 
 LXIV. Sultan Ahmad Khan 
 LXV. Mansur Khan (may his sins be pardoned !) 
 
 LX VI. Shah Khan, son of Mansur Klian 
 LXVII. Sultan Said Khan, son of Sultan Ahmad Khan .. 
 
 LXVIII. Concerning the laudable virtues and rare attainments of Sultan 
 Said Khan .. 
 
 LXIX. Abdur Rashid Khan, son of Sultan Said Khan 
 LXX. End of First Part of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi 
 
 PART II. 
 
 Prologue .. .. .. .. «. .. .. .. ». .* 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 I. Beginning of Part II., which contains what took place among the 
 Moghul Ulus, the Uzbeg and the Chaghatai .. 
 
 II. Reign of Yunus Khan; account of his Life and list of his 
 Offspring 
 
 III. End of the Reign of Yunus Khan. List of his sons. The Reign 
 
 of Sultan Mahmud Klian and the reason of his ruin 
 
 IV. Epitomised account of the Martyrdom of Sultan Mahmud Khan 
 
 and his children 
 
 V. The rest of the History of Mirza Muhammad Husain Kurkan .. 
 
 VI. History of Shahi Beg Khan .. 
 
 VII. Birth and Parentage of Babar Padishah: his connection with 
 the Moghuls; and his Early History 
 
 VIII. Beginning of the Story of Sultan Said Khan, and the sufferings 
 he endured at the outset of his career 
 
 IX. Flight of Muhammad Husain Kurkan from before Shahi Beg 
 Khan into Khorasan ; with Incidental Biographical Notices 
 
 X. Babar Padishah’s Expedition into Khorasan. Troubles and 
 contentions in Kabul 
 
 XI. Babar Padishah’s journey into Khorasan, and his return from 
 
 Khorasan to Kabul 
 
 XII. Brief account of Babar Padishah’s sojourn in Kabul, and a few 
 
 Stories connected therewith 
 
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xx Table of Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 XIII. Expedition of Shahi Beg into Khwarizm. His Conquest of that 
 country. His return to Mavara-un-Nahr, and march into 
 lvliorasan 
 
 XIY. The reason why Muhammad Hasain Kurkan surrendered him¬ 
 self to Shahi Beg Khan. His Martyrdom and that of 
 Sultan Mahmud Khan .. 
 
 XY. Some of the Author’s own Adventures 
 XVI. Hazrat Maulana Mulimmad Kazi 
 XYII. Return to the History 
 
 XVIII. Advent of Sultan Said Khan in Andijan. His capture and 
 escape to Baber Padishah in Kabul .. 
 
 XIX. Mirza Khan’s Life in Badaklishan. The Author goes from 
 Badakhshan to Kabul .. 
 
 XX. Expedition of Sliahi Beg Khan agaiust the Kazak, and the 
 beginning of his decline 
 
 XXI. The beginning of hostilities between Shahi Beg Khan and Shah 
 Ismail. Death of the former at the hands of the latter 
 
 XXII. Arrival of the news of the defeat of Shahi Beg Khan by Shah 
 Ismail. March of the Emperor from Kabul to Kunduz .. 
 XXIII. Brief account of the proceedings of Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, 
 and details of the Conquest of the country of Farghana .. 
 
 XXIV. Babar Padishah learns the success of Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, 
 and sends Sultan Said Khan to his aid in Andijan 
 
 XXV. Accession of Babar Padishah to the Throne of Mavara-un- 
 Nahr .. .. 
 
 XXVI. The Khan’s Journey to Andijan and events that occurred there 
 XXVII. Short account of Mirza Aba Bakr 
 
 XXVIII. The evil deeds and wicked ways of Mirza Aba Bakr .. 
 
 XXIX. Ubaid Ullah Khan marches against Bokhara. Is met by 
 Babar Padishah. A Battle and the events that ensued .. 
 
 XXX. Account of my Uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Mirza 
 
 XXXI. Personal Adventures of the Author 
 
 XXXII. Account of Sultan Said Khan after his defeat by Suyunjuk 
 Khan .# .. .. .. •• .. .. .. 
 
 XXXIII. Account of the Kazak and their Sultans: the Origin of their 
 Name and their End 
 
 XXXIV. Events that followed the Battle with Suyunjuk Khan; also 
 Sultan Said Khan’s Journey to the Kazak and to Kasim 
 Khan .. . • .. •• • • •• •• .. 
 
 XXXV. Account of the Miracles of Maulana Muhammad Kazi 
 
 XXXVI. Some further Details in the same Connection .. 
 
 XXXVII. Short account of Shah Ismail’s End 
 XXXVIII. Account of the Sliaibani who have reigned in succession in 
 Mavara-un-Nahr, down to the present day .. 
 
 XXXIX. Reasons for Sultan Said Khan quitting Farghana and repairing 
 to Kashghar 
 
 XL. Description of Kashghar 
 XLI. Extract from the Jahdn-Ku&hai .. 
 
 XLII. The Martyrdom of Imam Ala-ud-Din Muhammad of Khotan, 
 at the hands of Kusliluk .; .. .. .; 
 
 XLI 11. Return to the General Narrative .. .. .. .» .» 
 
 XLIY. Battles of Sultan Said Khan with the Army of Mirza Aba 
 Bakr at Kashghar 
 
 PAGE 
 
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 • • 
 
 • • 
 
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Table of Contents. 
 
 xxi 
 
 XLVIII. 
 
 XLIX. 
 
 L. 
 
 LI. 
 
 LII. 
 
 LIII. 
 
 LIV. 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 XLV. March of Sultan Said Khan against Yarkand, and several 
 matters in the same connection 
 
 XLYI. Taking of Yangi-Hisar: the key to the Conquest of the King¬ 
 dom of Kashghar 
 
 XLVII. Decline of Mirza Aba Bakr; facts connected therewith, and 
 the End of his Dominion 
 The Conquest of Kashghar 
 
 Story of the Amirs who went in pursuit of Mirza Aba Bakr .. 
 Conclusion of the Story of Mirza Aba Bakr’s Offspring 
 History of the Khan after the Conquest of Kashghar .. 
 
 Arrival of Aiman Khwaja Sultan from Turfan to wait on the 
 Kh an .. . • #. .. .. .. .. .. 
 
 The Khan (in spite of past ill-treatment) craves an interview 
 with Mansur Khan and submits to him 
 Transactions of Mansur Khan 
 LY. Birth of Iskandar 
 
 LYI. Rebuilding of Aksu and negotiations of the Ambassadors of 
 Mansur Khan and the Khan 
 LYII. Death of Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Kazi 
 LYIII. Meeting of Mansur Khan and Sultan Said Khan, and conclusion 
 of Peace between them 
 
 LIX. The Khan’s return after the Peace—Subsequent events and 
 visit of Babajak Sultan 
 
 The Khan’s Holy War against Sarigh Uigliur and the reason 
 for his turning back 
 
 The Kirghiz Campaign and the capture of Muhammad Kirghiz 
 Daulat Sultan Khanim, daughter of Yunus Khan, comes 
 from Badakhshan to Kashghar 
 
 LXIII. Celebration of the Marriages of Aiman Khwaja Sultan and 
 Shah Muhammad Sultan 
 
 LXIY. Beginning of the quarrels between the Khan and Mirza Khan. 
 The Khan’s First Invasion of Badakhshan 
 LXV. The Khan’s second interview with Mansur Khan 
 LXYI. Conclusion of the affairs of Babar Padishah. Death of his 
 brother. Cause of the insubordination of his Amirs 
 LXVII. Settlement of Moghulistan and the Kirghiz. Beginning of 
 Rashid Sultan’s career 
 
 LXVIII. Extracts from the Jahan-Kusliai of Ala-ud-Diu Muhammad 
 Juvaini 
 
 LXIX. Return to the thread of the History 
 LXX. The Khan’s Repentance 
 
 How the Khan, wishing to become a Darvish, intended to 
 abdicate the Throne, and how he was dissuaded 
 Khwaja Taj-ud-Din .. 
 
 Khwaja Taj-ud-Din is allowed to return to Turfan. The Khan 
 makes peace with the Kazak-Uzbeg. Other contemporary 
 events .. .. .. .. .. 
 
 Birth of Sultan Ibrahim, son of Sultan Said Khan 
 The Khan’s Second Invasion of Andijan 
 LXXYI. Last Visit of the Khan to Moghulistan. The Moghuls are 
 brought to Kashghar from Moghulistan. Other contemporary 
 events .. .. .. ,. .. .. .. .. 
 
 LXXVII. Reasons for Baba Sultan’s Flight. The conclusion of his Story 
 
 LX. 
 
 LXI. 
 
 LXII. 
 
 LXXI. 
 
 LXXII. 
 
 LXXIII. 
 
 LXXIV. 
 
 LXXV. 
 
 PAGE 
 
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 315 
 
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XXII 
 
 Table of Contents. 
 
 CHAPTER 
 
 LXXVIII.* Shall Muhammad Sultan, and conclusion of his Story 
 LXXIX. Rashid Sultan and the Author lead a Holy War into Balur 
 LXXX. Second Expedition of the Khan into Badakhshan, and the 
 causes of certain contemporary events 
 LXXXI. Causes of the Rupture between the Khan and Aiman Khwaja 
 
 Sultan ( t a* aa aa . . aa aa aa 
 
 LXXXII. The Khan becomes a disciple of Khwaja Khavand Mahmud 
 LXXXIII. Genealogy and Life of Hazrat Khwaja Khavand Mahmud 
 Shahab-ud-Din 
 
 LXXXIY. Journey of Hazrat Makhdumi into India and certain matters 
 connected therewith 
 LXXXY. Miracles of Khwaja Nura 
 LXXXVI. The End of Khwaja Nura’s Biography 
 LXXXYII. Conclusion of Babar Padishah’s History 
 LXXXVni. Invasion of Tibet by the Khan .. 
 
 LXXXIX. Description of the position, mountains, and plains of Tibet. 
 
 An account of the Customs and Religion of the Inhabitants 
 XC. Account of the curiosities of Tibet 
 XCI. Tibet and the Customs of its People 
 XCII. The Khan makes a Holy War on Tibet 
 
 XCIII. Arrival of the Author in Tibet and subsequent events 
 
 XCIY. Arrival of the Khan in Tibet, following the Author. His 
 entrance into Balti. Journey of the Author to Kashmir 
 XCY. The Khan’s experiences in Balti 
 
 XCYI. The Author’s arrival in Kashmir and events connected 
 therewith 
 
 XCYII. Description of Kashmir 
 XCYIII. Further Wonders .. 
 
 XCIX. Extract from the Zafar-Nama .. 
 
 C. The Conversion of Kashmir to Islam, and a short account of 
 the Musulman Sultans of Kashmir .. 
 
 Cl. Account of the Religious Sects of Kashmir 
 CII. Return to the main Narrative .. 
 
 CIII. Retreat from Kashmir and subsequent events 
 
 CIY. Return of the Khan from Maryul to his capital, Yarkand; 
 
 and the Author’s Mission to Ursang 
 CY. The Death of the Khan and an Epitome of his Life .. 
 
 CYI. Events in Kashghar after the Khan’s death .. 
 
 CVII. Account of Muliammadi Barlas who was Amir-ul-Umara to 
 Rashid Khan .. 
 
 CYIII. March of the Author towards Ursang. The slaying of his 
 brother Abdullah Mirza. Details of the Expedition 
 CIX. Sufferings in Tibet, and the Death of the Author’s cousin, 
 Mahmud Mirza 
 
 CX. The Author crosses from Tibet to Badakhshan 
 CXI. Humayun Padishah, son of Babar Padishah, and his downfall 
 CXII. The Battle of the Ganges 
 
 CXIII. Flight of the Chaghatai from Hindustan to Lahur .. 
 
 CXIV. Origin of the Author’s Expedition to Kashmir 
 CXY. The Author conquers Kashmir. Adventures of the Chaghatai 
 after their departure from Hindustan 
 
 CXYI Parting of the Author from Humayun Padishah. Conquest 
 of Kashmir. Contemporaneous events and Conclusion .. 
 
 PAGE 
 
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Table of Contents. 
 
 xxui 
 
 APPENDICES. 
 
 Appendix A. Extract from a paper entitled : The Square Silver Coins 
 of the Sultans of Kashmir , by Mr. C. J. Rodgers, M.R. A.S., &c. 
 Appendix B. The Karawanas 
 Appendix C. Chronological Table of Events 
 
 INDEX . 
 
 GENEALOGICAL TABLES. 
 
 .. to face 
 
 PAGE 
 
 487 
 
 491 
 
 492 
 
 495 
 
 The House of Cliaghatai 
 The House of Timur .. 
 The Dughlat Amirs .. 
 
 49 
 
 50 
 50 
 
NOTE. 
 
 The First Part of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi is called , by the Author , 
 the Tarikh-i-Asl, or ‘ Beal HistoryThe Second Part he styles 
 Mukhtasar, or 4 Epitome 
 
 The First Part was ivritten after the Second Part had been 
 completed. This accounts for the Author remarking, in several 
 places in Part I., that he has written certain passages in 
 Part II.; while in Part II. he promises to make certain 
 statements in Part I. 
 
 The system adopted in spelling proper names has been explained 
 in the Preface, pp. x. and xi., ivhich see. 
 
 It has also been noticed in the Preface (p. xii.) that the extracts 
 from the Zafar-Nama are printed in smaller type than the rest 
 of the text. No difference in type, however, has been made for the 
 extracts from the Tarikh-i-J ahan Kushai. Those from the former 
 tvork (with the exception of the very brief one in Chapter XC1X. 
 of Part II.) ivere translated from original texts ; while those 
 from the latter (though collated with a copy of the J ahan Kushai) 
 ivere translated from the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, as Mirza Haidar 
 gives them. 
 
 The ordinary, or curved, parentheses in the text, are the 
 Author s. The light angular brackets enclose words inserted by 
 the translator or the editor, in order to render a passage complete 
 in English, or to make sense. The heavy angular brackets 
 contain words , or sentences, interpolated by the Turki translator, 
 or substituted from his version, and are the outcome of the colla¬ 
 tion of the Turki text with the Persian. They appear first at 
 page 177 and continue, at intervals, to the end of the book. 
 
 The foot-notes to the text, referring to the translation, and 
 signed R., are those of Mr. Boss. Those in Section IV. of the 
 Introduction, when signed H. H., are by Sir Henry Hoivorth. 
 Those in Chapters LXXXIX. to XCI. added by Hr. L. A. 
 Waddell on certain Tibetan subjects, are signed with his initials. 
 The rest of the notes are editorial. 
 
TABIKH-I-RASHIDI. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 THE AUTHOR AND HIS BOOK. 
 
 The Poet wandering on, through Arabie 
 And Persia, and the wild Carmanian waste, 
 
 And o’er the aerial mountains which pour down 
 Indus and Oxus from their icy caves, 
 
 In joy and exultation held his way; 
 
 Till in the vale of Cashmire, .... 
 .he stretched 
 
 His languid limbs. 
 
 — Alastor. 
 
 The object of the Tarihh-i-Rashidi, as the author tells his 
 readers, is to preserve the memory of the Mogliuls and their 
 Khans, which, at the time he wrote, stood in danger of being 
 altogether lost through the want of a chronicler. It was a race 
 that he knew to he not only declining, hut speedily approaching 
 an end: its power was a dream of the past; its numbers were 
 dwindling at a rapid rate, chiefly through absorption into the 
 neighbouring tribes then rising to influence ; while he himself 
 had been a witness of the events and an actor in the scenes, 
 which had resulted in the remnant of his people being ousted 
 from their own country, to find an asylum in a strange land. 
 In short, the Moghuls of Moghulistan—the eastern branch of 
 the Chaghatai—had been nearly blotted from existence, while 
 their Khans, through a long course of intermarriage with 
 other races, had ceased to be Moghuls in anything but the 
 name. Mirza Haidar foresaw, therefore, that there might soon 
 be nobody left to tell the story of a people who, only a few 
 generations earlier, had regarded themselves with pride as the 
 
 c 
 
2 
 
 The Author and his Book. 
 
 descendants of Chingiz’s conquering hordes, who made them¬ 
 selves feared if not respected, by their neighbours, and who 
 gloried in the independence of the wide steppe-land which was 
 their home. All this had been changed when our author— 
 himself an exile and serving a foreign monarch—had to consti¬ 
 tute himself the historian of their fall. Whether he was able 
 to appreciate the changes that were taking place around him, 
 where they did more than affect his own people, is perhaps 
 doubtful. It may be supposed that he was regarding events 
 from too close a standpoint to be able to judge of their true 
 proportions; but it has become evident to later observers that 
 he had, for the period of his history, a time of gradual but 
 extensive change, which brought results of the greatest im¬ 
 portance to the future of a large section of Asia. Mr. Erskine, 
 the historian of the rise of the Moghul dynasty in India, has 
 pointed to this period, as that which gave Transoxiana to the 
 Uzbegs, Moghulistan to the Kirghiz, and India to the Moghuls 
 —but to the descendants of a branch of the Moghuls quite 
 separate from that of Moghulistan. 1 
 
 In Central Asia it was a period full of incident: wars were 
 on foot on every side: states were being overrun and cities 
 besieged, while rulers arose or went down, almost from day to 
 day, according to their fortune in war or intrigue. The 
 princes and the descendants of exiled ruling families, together 
 with most of the Khans and Begs of the various tribes, found 
 themselves forced to take a side, either in support of their 
 house or their relations, or in self-defence; and in many cases 
 they seem to have changed sides with as little consideration for 
 the rights and wrongs of the cause, as when they first took a 
 part in the quarrel. When they were strong they attacked a 
 neighbour with or without reason; if successful, they enjoyed, 
 usually, a short period of bloody revenge and debauchery, but 
 soon had again to “ mount ”—as the phrase was—for a new 
 campaign ; if beaten, they fled to some other neighbour, and if 
 not put to death by him, waited, in exile, till a turn of fortune’s 
 wheel should afford a fresh chance of aggrandizement or plunder. 
 “ In the space of about 120 years,” writes Sir H. Yule, “ no less 
 than thirty descendants or kinsmen of Chaghatai are counted 
 
 1 It will be seen, lower down, that Mirza Haidar invariably speaks of the ruling 
 house which we know as “ the Moghuls of India,” by the name of Cliayhatai , 
 which is, of course, strictly correct. He reserves the name of Moghul to 
 denote his own race— i.e., the descendants of the Moghuls (or Mongols) of 
 Moghulistan. The subject will be explained farther on in this Introduction. 
 
The Author and his Book. 
 
 3 
 
 to have occupied his throne; and indeed revolutions, deposi¬ 
 tions, murders, and usurpations seem to have succeeded each 
 other with a frequency unusual even in Asiatic governments.” 1 
 
 Here, then, were times that could hardly fail to make a 
 historian of any soldier of fortune, who happened to have a 
 taste for recording the events of his own life. Baber, the first 
 of the Moghuls of India, and our author’s cousin, especially 
 answered to this description, and left behind him a picture of 
 his age which is almost, if not quite, unique among the works 
 of Asiatic authors. He has been represented as at once a 
 soldier, a historian, and an autobiographer; and his kinsman, 
 Mirza Haidar, may justly be described in the same way. Baber, 
 however, was a better autobiographer than Mirza Haidar, and 
 he was incomparably a greater soldier, as history proves. But, 
 on the other hand, his cousin may be fairly acknowledged the 
 better historian. While Baber made history incidental to his 
 own memoirs, the reverse was the case with Mirza Haidar. The 
 Mirza wrote the history of his race and family with a definite 
 purpose; and when he came to his own days, he wove in his 
 personal adventures as those of an actor and participator in 
 the events he was recording—making the one illustrate the 
 other; so that it may, with truth, be said that his life belongs 
 to his history. 
 
 Though they differed in remote origin, Mirza Haidar was, to 
 all intents and purposes, of the same nation and country as 
 Baber; yet he wrote in Persian, while the latter wrote in the 
 Chaghatai Turki (as the modern name is), current then, as now, 
 all over Central Asia. Baber was a descendant of Amir Timur 
 (or Tamerlane), and was, consequently, on one side of his family, 
 more a Turk than a Moghul, for Timur belonged to the Barlas, 
 a Turki tribe of distinguished lineage. Following the common 
 usage of the day, however, Mirza Haidar would have called 
 Baber a “ Chaghatai,” while the latter would have spoken of 
 his cousin as a “ Moghul.” Mirza Haidar came of the Dughlat 
 tribe—a sub-division, or sept, of the true Moghuls of Chagha- 
 tai’s line—and one that was accounted about equal, in point of 
 nobility, to the Barlas. By the end of the fifteenth century the 
 members of all the Moghul and Chaghatai ruling families had 
 become much scattered, and mixed in blood, through frequent 
 intermarriages with aliens. Many of them had, for several 
 generations, lived in Turki countries, where they had become 
 
 1 Cathay and the Way Thither, p. 523. 
 
 e 2 
 
4 
 
 The Author and his Book. 
 
 Turks in manners and language. So much was this the case 
 with Baber and his kindred, that he had come to look upon 
 himself as more of a Turk than a Moghul, and in his Memoirs 
 mentions, more than once, his aversion and contempt for the 
 Moghul race. 1 The Dughlat had remained more distinctively 
 Moghul, though among its members, also, much intermixture 
 with Turki tribes appears to have taken place. Thus the Turki 
 in which Baber wrote his Memoirs, must have been the natural 
 language of Mirza Haidar also, who probably knew little or 
 nothing of the Moghul tongue, and in his capacity of Musulman, 
 would have despised it as something appertaining to infidels 
 and barbarians. But however this may he, when he wrote in 
 Persian, he was certainly using a foreign language, and it is for 
 this reason, perhaps, that his style is wanting in the simplicity 
 which (it is said) characterises that of Turki writers—a sim¬ 
 plicity that Baber loved, and impressed upon his son, Humayun, 
 as an accomplishment to be cultivated. 2 
 
 That the TariJch-i-Rashidi was not written for effect, or for 
 the indulgence of a taste for literature, need hardly be remarked 
 after what has been said above. The work is an earnest one, 
 and the author, no doubt intended that it should be, before 
 everything else, a clear and complete exposition of the times he 
 had set himself to chronicle. On the whole he has been suc¬ 
 cessful, and has produced a record that, in point of usefulness, 
 will bear comparison (as far as can be judged from translations) 
 with most of those of Asiatic authors who have occupied them¬ 
 selves in the same field, from the thirteenth century to the seven¬ 
 teenth. 3 His task was not an easy one, for much of the history of 
 the times is complicated and obscure, and would require infinite 
 care and method to present it to the reader with perfect clear¬ 
 ness. All was change and disorder. Princes and members of 
 
 1 He sums up his sentiments regarding them in some verses, which are 
 translated, as follows :— 
 
 If the Moghul race were a race of Angels, it is a had race; 
 
 And were the name Moghul written m gold, it would be odious. 
 
 Take care not to pluck one ear of corn from a Moghul’s harvest. 
 
 The Moghul seed is such that whatever is sowed with it is execrable. 
 
 —(Memoirs , p. 93.) 
 
 2 “ You certainly do not excel in letter writing, and fail chiefly because you 
 have a great desire to show your acquirements. For the future you should 
 write unaffectedly, with clearness, using plain words, which would cost less 
 trouble both to the writer and the reader.”— (lb., p. 392.) 
 
 3 Mr. Erskine has remarked that it forms a “ valuable accompaniment to 
 the Commentaries of Baber, which it illustrates in every page.”— (Hist, of 
 India , i., p. 193.) 
 
The Author a?id his Book. 
 
 5 
 
 reigning families wandered and married in every direction, and 
 their houses dovetailed into one another in a manner almost 
 calculated to set at defiance any method of narration, however 
 systematic: the limits of countries were nowhere fixed, while, 
 unlike in any other part of the world, many of the nations 
 dealt with were nomads, who sometimes migrated en masse from 
 one region to another, or sometimes were found divided in their 
 political subordination, as well as in their abodes. Even the 
 names of the countries were not defined; and in some cases the 
 tribe and the region it occupied, were confused under one name. 
 In others, the country and the chief town were not distinguished ; 
 while in some, again, a place or a people might be known by 
 different names to different neighbouring nations. The author 
 who could construct from these confused materials an intelli¬ 
 gible and fairly consecutive narrative, can scarcely be blamed 
 if his reader should occasionally be perplexed in linking the 
 various incidents together, or in distinguishing between some 
 of the actors who took part in them. More especially should 
 he be treated with leniency, when it is considered that what 
 was clear to him at the time, and on the spot, must necessarily 
 bear an entirely different complexion when viewed by the 
 Western reader, after a lapse of more than three hundred years, 
 and after all the changes that have taken place in the interval. 
 It may be said that the art of the historian consists in over¬ 
 coming these difficulties, and in leaving behind him a narrative 
 that will be clear for all time; but this would be too much to 
 expect from an Asiatic author, even though he might be an 
 experienced writer, and not, as in Mirza Haidar’s case, a roving 
 adventurer or soldier of fortune, exposed to all the vicissitudes 
 of the times. To the most practised among them, systematic 
 arrangement and clearness of statement, as we understand the 
 terms, are unknown, and even if they thought it worth while 
 to consider the convenience of the readers they knew of, they 
 could hardly have contemplated their works being studied by 
 foreigners, from countries of which they had scarcely heard 
 even the names. 
 
 Still, after making every allowance, it must be admitted that 
 Mirza Haidar’s book has its shortcomings, when viewed as a 
 practical history. His flights of unmeaning rhetoric are, 
 unfortunately, frequent, if scarcely so extravagant as those of 
 most Persian writers. He constantly breaks out into verse, 
 also, though he usually indulges in this form of ornament 
 
6 
 
 The Author and his Book. 
 
 parenthetically—by way of declamation—and thus only in¬ 
 terrupts the course of the narrative, while not marring its 
 sense. His sentences, again, are often involved and his mean¬ 
 ing not always apparent. This is more especially the case 
 where he uses the ratio obliqua, and where he puts speeches 
 into the mouths of his characters ; hut when he confines him¬ 
 self to the direct relation of an event, such as the siege of 
 Yangi-Hisar or the battle of Kanauj, his descriptive power is 
 excellent, and the picture he presents is all that can be desired. 
 On the whole, it may be said that for an author who takes 
 credit to himself (as the Mirza does in his prologue) for being 
 a past master in the art of making verses and in the “ episto¬ 
 lary style,” his writing is not obscure as Asiatic writings go; 
 and though rather tedious repetitions are found in some of the 
 historical sections, this is a fault on the right side, and causes 
 less embarrassment than when gaps occur in the narrative. 
 
 These points relate more particularly to the author’s style, but 
 the chief imperfections in the work lie deeper. Perhaps those 
 most to be deplored, are the weakness of the chronology and 
 the looseness with which numbers and measurements are used. 
 The former is a serious blemish, but as it is most marked in 
 the early parts of the history, where the faults can be, to some 
 extent rectified, by references to Chinese and other annals, it 
 is not of vital consequence. A great part of his information 
 having reached him by means of verbal tradition, passed down 
 through three or four generations, the dates, above all, would 
 tend to suffer; while, generally, it may be supposed that Mirza 
 Haidar had scarcely realised, as did Sir Walter Scott, that 
 “ tradition is as frequently an inventor of fiction, as a preserver 
 of truth.” The second defect is greatly to be regretted, as 
 many interesting passages relating to military operations, the 
 tribes, cities, ruins and curiosities are greatly diminished in 
 value, from the want of accuracy in the figures recorded. The 
 tendency, generally, it to exaggerate freely. A third, but less 
 important deficiency, is the one partially alluded to above 
 — i.e., the want of systematic arrangement into divisions, or 
 sections, the absence of which is the cause of the frequent 
 repetitions that occur, and the involution of one subject with 
 another. 
 
 The scope and character of the TariJih-i-Bashidi may be 
 briefly summarised in much the same way as Dr. Charles Eieu, 
 the learned Keeper of the Oriental Manuscripts at the British 
 
The Author and his Book. 
 
 7 
 
 Museum, has described it in his official catalogue. 1 It may be 
 regarded as the history of that branch of the Moghul Khans 
 who separated themselves, about the year 1321, from the main 
 stem of the Chaghatai, which was then the ruling dynasty in 
 Transoxiana; and it is the only history known to exist of this 
 branch of the Moghuls. The original, or western line—that of 
 Transoxiana—was at that time declining in power, and through 
 internal dissensions and administrative decay, was rapidly 
 approaching a final dissolution. The princes of the branch 
 then thrown off, became masters of Moghulistan (or Jatah, as 
 it was called at that period) and of all Eastern Turkistan, and 
 continued as a ruling dynasty for more than two and a half 
 centuries. The book is divided into two parts, called Daftar, 
 the first of which is entirely historical, while the second con¬ 
 tains reminiscences of the author’s life and notices of Chaghatai, 
 Uzbeg and other princes, with whom he was acquainted. 
 
 The first Part, or history proper, was written in Kashmir in 
 1544 and 1545, and was completed about February, 1546, or 
 five years after his installation as regent of that country. It 
 includes, however, a later addition, in which 953 of the Hajra 
 (4th March, 1546, to 21st February, 1547) is mentioned as the 
 current year. For the earlier periods it deals with, it is based 
 on the traditions handed down to the author chiefly by his 
 older relatives, combined with the statements of Sharaf-ud-Din, 
 Yazdi in the prolegomena of the Zafar-Ndma ; and, for the 
 later periods, on his personal recollections. It contains a 
 record of two distinct and parallel dynasties : (1) that of the 
 Khans of Moghulistan, beginning with Tughluk Timur, who 
 reigned from 1347 to 1362, and whose father, Isan Buglia, was 
 the first to separate from the main Chaghatai stem; and (2) of 
 their vassals, the Dughlat Amirs of Eastern Turkistan, one of 
 the earliest of whom, Amir Bulaji, the author’s ancestor, had 
 raised Tughluk Timur to the Khanship. In the second period, 
 the family of the Khans divided into two branches, one of 
 which, superseding the Amirs of Kashghar (or Eastern Turkis¬ 
 tan), continued to rule over Moghulistan proper and Eastern 
 Turkistan, with their capital at Kashghar, while the other 
 became rulers of the provinces eastward of Aksu (known as 
 Uighuristan), and had their seat of government usually at 
 
 1 Catalogue of the Persian MSS. in the British Museum, by Ch. Eieu, 
 Ph.D., 1879, vol. i., p. 197. But 1 have only partially followed Dr. Rieu’s 
 analysis of the Tarikli-i-Rashidi. 
 
8 
 
 The Author and his Book. 
 
 Turfan. The author concludes his account of each with a 
 short sketch of their reigning representatives, at the time of 
 writing. 
 
 The second Part, which has more than twice the extent of 
 the first, and contains Mirza Haidar’s record of his life and 
 times, was the first in point of date. The author wrote it in 
 1541-42, and, as he states in the Prologue, with a view to 
 preparing himself for the more arduous task of historical compo¬ 
 sition. 1 It begins with his birth and concludes with an account 
 of his second invasion of Kashmir, when, by a battle fought on 
 the 2nd August, 1541, he became master of the country. This 
 Part includes also some rules of conduct for kings, drawn up 
 at the request of the author, by his spiritual guide, Maulana 
 Muhammad Kazi, whose death, in 1515, is recorded in the 
 preceding passage; while another moral treatise by a holy 
 Shaikh, Shahab-ud-Din Mahmud, styled Khwaja Nura, is 
 inserted in full. 2 
 
 The author is usually known as Mirza Haidar, and in this 
 way he styles himself, though his full name and designation 
 would be Mirza Muhammad Haidar, Dughlat, Kurkan. By 
 some European writers, his usual appellation has been reversed, 
 and he has become Haidar Mirza. In some parts of Asia the 
 distinction would be a wide one ; for when “ Mirza ” is placed 
 before a name, it means merely “ Mr. ” or “ Esq.,” and has 
 about the same signification as the word “ Khan,” when used 
 by Persians of the better class, and by Hindustani Musulmans 
 of all classes, at the present day. When placed after a name, 
 it is equivalent to “ Prince,” and is so used only by persons 
 belonging to a reigning family. In the case of our author 
 either would be suitable, seeing that he was a prince of the 
 branch of Moghul Khans who were, at that time, rulers of the 
 Kashghar province. But his grandfather, who had been one of 
 these rulers, had borne the same names, and seems always to 
 have been styled with the word Mirza at the end—Muhammad 
 Haidar Mirza. It may be as well, therefore, to draw as clear 
 a distinction as possible between him and his grandson. The 
 latter tells us, too, that he was known to his associates by the 
 
 1 This should be borne in mind in reading the text, for in Part I. the author 
 frequently alludes to what he has written in Part II.; while in Part II. he 
 promises to make mention of certain events in Part I. 
 
 2 As these two documents do not properly belong to the history, they have 
 not been included in the translation. 
 
The Author and his Book. 
 
 9 
 
 style of Mirza Haidar , and as he himself uses it, the words may 
 safely be placed in that order. 
 
 In recording his own descent, Mirza Haidar describes him¬ 
 self as the son of Muhammad Husain Kurkan, son of Muham¬ 
 mad Haidar Kurkan, son of Amir-i-Kabir Said Ali, son of Amir 
 Ahmad, son of Khudaidad, son of Amir Bulaji. He was born 
 in the year of the Hajra 905 (1499-1500 a.d .) 1 at Tashkand, 
 the capital of the province then known as Shash, where his 
 father, Husain, had been made governor some six years before, 
 by Mahmud, the titular Khan of Moghulistan and Kashghar. 
 The others named in the pedigree were all Amirs of Kashghar, 
 while the earliest of them, Bulaji of the Dughlat tribe, is 
 remembered as being the first of the line to become a Musul- 
 man. It was on the side of his mother, Khub Nigar Khanim, 
 that our author was related to the Emperor Baber. She was a 
 daughter of Yunus, Khan of the Moghuls, and a younger sister 
 of Kutlugh Nigar Khanim, the mother of Baber. 2 
 
 Mirza Haidar began his life in the midst of strife and 
 adventures. His father—a treacherous and intriguing man— 
 had been convicted of a mischievous plot against Baber at 
 Kabul, but had been pardoned on account of his blood relation¬ 
 ship. Shortly afterwards he had fallen into the hands of Shahi 
 Beg Khan (otherwise Shaibani Khan), the Uzbeg leader, and 
 had incurred that chiefs suspicion also; but once more he was 
 permitted to escape, and repaired to Herat, then the capital of 
 Khorasan. His intriguing nature, however, being thought by 
 Shahi Beg to be dangerous even at a distance, he caused him 
 to be put to death there, after a short time, by emissaries whom 
 he sent for the purpose from Transoxiana. Muhammad Husain 
 had taken with him into exile some members of his family, 
 among whom was our author, then quite a child ; and it appears 
 that after his father’s murder, some of the retainers of the 
 family, believing the son to be doomed to a similar fate, had 
 carried him off to Bokhara, and had placed him in concealment 
 there. In 1508, when about nine years of age, he was taken 
 in charge by one of these faithful friends, called Maulana 
 Muhammad (formerly his father’s khalifa, , or religious guide) 
 who determined to save the child from the death that awaited 
 him at the hands of the relentless Uzbegs, and contrived to 
 escape with him from the city. After a difficult and exciting 
 
 1 The year 905 h. began 8th August, 1499. 
 
 2 See the genealogical table of the house of Chaghatai facing p. 49 . 
 
10 
 
 The Author and his Book. 
 
 flight across the hill tracts of Khatlan and Kulab, in the course 
 of which they several times narrowly escaped falling into the 
 hands of hostile Uzbegs, they succeeded in crossing the Oxus 
 into Badakhshan. Here one Khan Mirza, a cousin and depen¬ 
 dent of Baber, was at the time the reigning chief, wflth his 
 capital at Kila Zafar on the Kokcha. He received the fugitives 
 with kindness, and they remained a year with him, when Baber 
 sent to summon them to Kabul. On their arrival, Mirza Haidar 
 was made a member of the Emperor’s household, and seems to 
 have been treated with much consideration. Within a few 
 months, however, Baber had to march northwards against the 
 Uzbegs, whose main force was then at Hisar, and his young 
 cousin accompanied the army. The next two years were stirring 
 times, and Mirza Haidar, if not too young, must have learned 
 much of warfare, as it w T as conducted in those days in Central 
 Asia. 
 
 Baber’s first two attempts on Hisar failed, but, on being joined 
 by a large body of Persians from Khorasan, his third advance 
 resulted in a victory which gained him the possession of 
 Kunduz, Khatlan, and Kliuzar. Taking advantage of the 
 reputation they had established, and of the defeat and death of 
 Shahi Beg, which had just then (1510) taken place in a battle 
 with the Persians near Merv, the allies lost little time in 
 making an attempt on Samarkand, the capital of Transoxiana. 
 They marched first on Bokhara, where the inhabitants opened 
 their gates to them, and afterwards to Samarkand, which they 
 found undefended, the Uzbeg leaders having fled on their 
 approach. Here Baber was received with enthusiasm by the 
 people, and was virtually master, for a time, of the greater part 
 of Central Asia. With his young guest in his following, he 
 remained in Samarkand for some months, when a strong com¬ 
 bination of Uzbeg tribes, compelled him and his Persian allies 
 once more to take the field—though this time with very 
 different results. They advanced against Bokhara, which had 
 in the meantime been seized by the Uzbegs, but were repulsed, 
 and shortly afterwards were disastrously defeated at the battle 
 of Ghajdiwan, some distance to the north of the city. The 
 alliance with the Persians came to an end and Baber retreated 
 to Hisar, where he was surprised by an attack made by a body 
 of Moghuls in the service of the Uzbegs, and again experienced 
 a crushing defeat. He then retired to Kabul, but Mirza Haidar 
 had now left him. After the retreat from Samarkand, his uncle, 
 
The Author and his Book. 
 
 II 
 
 Sultan Ahmad, the Khan of Moghulistan, having written several 
 times to ask Baber’s permission for the boy to be sent to him, 
 at last obtained it, and Mirza Haidar, “ led away by youthful 
 impatience,” as he himself writes, availed himself of the 
 Emperor’s consent, unwillingly given, and followed his uncle to 
 Andijan, then the capital of Farghana. 
 
 It was about the beginning of the year 1514 that Mirza 
 Haidar arrived at Andijan, and almost immediately afterwards 
 entered the service of his kinsman Sultan Said Khan (the son of 
 Sultan Ahmad), who had just then been conducting an expedi¬ 
 tion against the Uzbegs in Tashkand, but had returned to 
 Andijan on the enemy evacuating their positions. During the 
 following summer, however, the Uzbegs recovered themselves 
 and marched with a large force to lay siege to the Farghana 
 capital. Sultan Said convened a council of his chiefs, who were 
 unanimously of opinion that they were unable, without allies, to 
 contend against the power of the Uzbegs ; they believed them¬ 
 selves to have a fairer chance of success by undertaking an 
 invasion of Kashghar, and wresting that province from Mirza 
 Aba Bakr, who then held it. This resolution was accordingly 
 adopted, and before the Uzbegs had time to enter the country, 
 the Khan with all his Amirs, their families and baggage, set 
 out from Andijan and advanced towards Kashghar, by a route 
 leading through Moghulistan. This Mirza Aba Bakr was of the 
 line of Dughlat Amirs, and was regarded by the Khans of 
 Moghulistan as a usurper. He was an active and able soldier, 
 though a cruel tyrant, and during his long rule, had made him¬ 
 self master of nearly the whole of Eastern Turkistan, besides 
 several of the neighbouring countries. In 1511 he had invaded 
 Farghana, but had there received a check by coming into con¬ 
 flict with Sultan Said, from whose forces he experienced a 
 severe defeat at the battle of Tutluk, near Andijan. It was this 
 victory over the usurper, that emboldened Sultan Said and his 
 Amirs to attack him again in his own stronghold. Their enter¬ 
 prise resulted in a complete success: Kashghar was taken in 
 1514, while Yangi-Hisar, Yarkand, and the remainder of the 
 cities of Eastern Turkistan fell shortly afterwards. Aba Bakr, 
 driven an exile to Ladak, was murdered on the road, and the 
 line of Moghul Khans was re-established in Moghulistan and 
 Eastern Turkistan. 
 
 Mirza Haidar, though now only fifteen years of age, was raised 
 by his cousin the Khan to a high position, and his life of activity 
 
12 
 
 The Author and his Book. 
 
 may be said to have begun about this time. For the ensuing 
 nineteen years, during which Sultan Said’s reign lasted, the 
 Mirza served him in various capacities, but chiefly as a soldier; 
 and it was only after the Khan’s death, which occurred while 
 returning from an expedition against Ladak in 1533, that 
 he abandoned Kashghar and transferred his services to the 
 Chaghatais in India. He not only took part in Sultan Said’s 
 wars against the Kirghiz and Uzbegs in Moghulistan, and against 
 other tribal enemies, but was entrusted with important com¬ 
 mands on distant expeditions. The first of these was an 
 invasion of the hill country, then known as Bilur, or Bolor, in 
 1527. The expedition was nominally under the command of 
 the Khan’s eldest son, Kashid Sultan, but seeing that our 
 author acted as a sort of tutor, or governor, to this young 
 prince, it seems that he had much to do with the conduct of 
 the campaign. Bolor may be described, roughly, as all the 
 small hill states lying south of the Hindu Kush, between 
 Baltistan on the east and Afghanistan on the west—as the 
 limits of these countries are now accepted. Thus it included 
 Hunza, Gilgit, Cliitral, and probably most of the petty states 
 sometimes known as “ Yaghistan.” There appears to have been 
 no cause for the invasion, other than that the inhabitants were 
 not Musulmans; but considerations of this kind did not weigh 
 with the Central Asian Khans, and Sultan Said, as the author 
 tells us, had always been ambitious of gaining glory by waging 
 wars against “ infidels.” The Bolor states were accordingly 
 overrun and plundered during a whole winter, and the expe¬ 
 dition returned to Kashghar in the following spring. 
 
 In 1529-30 the Khan undertook, in person,a campaign against 
 Badakhshan, but sent Mirza Haidar in advance to begin opera¬ 
 tions. The Mirza records that he laid waste the environs of 
 the chief town, Kila Zafar, and when the Khan arrived, his men 
 had only to carry off what little had been left. The object of 
 this expedition was to gain possession of the districts on the 
 Upper Oxus—Wakhan, Shighnan, etc.—which had been con¬ 
 quered by the late Mirza Aba Bakr, and which Sultan Said, in 
 consequence, considered himself the heir to. But the chief of 
 Badakhshan was a relation and nominee of Baber, who took a 
 view of the matter entirely opposed to that of Sultan Said, and 
 threatened to support the chief. As Baber had now recovered, 
 in India, the influence he had lost in Transoxiana, a letter from 
 him to the aggressive Sultan Said, seems to have been sufficient 
 
The Author and his Book. 13 
 
 to cause the Kashghar forces to be withdrawn across the 
 Pamirs. 
 
 But it was in 1531 that Mirza Haidar undertook his most 
 important service for Sultan Said Khan. This was the invasion, 
 first of Ladak, then of Kashmir and Baltistan, and afterwards 
 of Tibet proper, or the country known to Europeans under that 
 name 1 —an invasion as culpably aggressive as the raid into the 
 Bolor states. There was much paganism, he tells us, in Tibet, 
 and the Khan, always animated by a love of Islam and a desire 
 to carry on holy wars, was led by his pious aspirations to 
 conquer that infidel country. It was not the first time that 
 Ladak had been wantonly overrun from the side of Turkistan. 
 Mirza Aba Bakr, during his long reign, had once at least, 
 carried his arms into Ladak, while it would appear, from what 
 Mirza Haidar records, that several parties had been sent to 
 plunder the country since the accession of his patron, Sultan 
 Said, to the Khanate. Very little is known of these earlier 
 invasions, beyond the mere mention of them by Mirza Haidar, 
 and by the author of the Haft Iklim , 2 who, however, obviously 
 derived his information from the TariJch-i-Bashidi. That all 
 were unprovoked and prompted by a mere craving for plunder, 
 however disguised under the mask of religious zeal, may be 
 assumed with moderate confidence. None of them, including 
 that of Sultan Said and Mirza Haidar, appear to have prospered, 
 or to have made much impression on the inhabitants, who have 
 preserved their old religion and manners to the present day; 
 and though they have, in modern times, fallen politically under 
 the Hindu yoke of the Dogras, they still keep up their ancient 
 connection with Lassa, in all matters concerning their Buddhism 
 and social customs. As Mirza Haidar says little about the 
 fighting in Ladak, it is probable that the inhabitants offered 
 only a feeble military opposition to the invaders, but trusted 
 rather to the rugged nature of their country, the severity of 
 the climate, and to the weapon common to most of the yellow 
 races—passive resistance—to free them eventually from their 
 enemy. And they were indeed successful. After subduing 
 Ladak, a rapid march was made into Kashmir, where, to begin 
 
 1 Mirza Haidar, like all natives of Central Asia, used the name Tibet to 
 signify Ladak, but he applies it also, on some occasions, to the territory ruled 
 Irom Lassa, or Tibet proper, as understood in modern times. (See notes, 
 pp. 135 and 13G.) 
 
 2 See Quatremere’s extracts from this work, in the Notices et Extraits des 
 Manuscrits de la Biblioth. du Boi, xiv., p. 484. 
 
14 
 
 The Author and his Book. 
 
 with, some easy victories were won, but treachery and discon¬ 
 tent having appeared in the Moghul camp, Mirza Haidar had, 
 after a few months’ occupation, to fall back on Ladak, leaving 
 Kashmir, to all intents and purposes, independent. 
 
 Sultan Said Khan, hoping to share in the glories of the 
 “ holy war,” had followed his lieutenant into Ladak, but his 
 constitution, undermined by excessive drinking, proved less 
 vigorous than his religious zeal, and the attenuated air of the 
 Ladak passes had nearly proved fatal to him on the journey 
 across. He recovered, however, sufficiently to lead a portion of 
 his force into Baltistan, while Mirza Haidar was engaged in 
 Kashmir, hut after passing a winter there, distracted by cold 
 and hunger, he too had to retreat into Ladak, and very shortly 
 afterwards, set out on his return to Kashghar with a portion of 
 the army. This second journey across the heights, achieved for 
 him what the first had so nearly accomplished. He died on 
 the Suget Pass, from the malady known as “ damgiri,” or 
 mountain sickness, and was at once succeeded by his eldest son, 
 Abdur Rashid. 
 
 The death of the Khan in no way checked the course of the 
 “ holy war,” for his second son, Iskandar Sultan, and many other 
 Amirs, remained with Mirza Haidar, who now (July, 1533) 
 started on an expedition to “ earn merit ” by destroying the 
 great temple at Lassa—an exploit, he tells his readers, that 
 had never been achieved by any King of Islam. He appears to 
 have marched for about a month’s journey towards the south¬ 
 east, over some of the highest table-lands in Asia, to the region 
 which gives rise to most of the great rivers of India, and to 
 within a few days’ journey of the Tibetan border of Nipal. His 
 total force is nowhere stated in figures, and apparently it was 
 divided into at least two, or perhaps three, columns. One of 
 these was attacked by a force of “ men armed with short 
 swords,” sent by “ a Rai of Hind ” to the assistance of the 
 Tibetans—a statement that appears to point to a body of 
 Nipali tribesmen, armed with their national weapon, the kukri. 
 The inference is that the Moghuls were beaten in at least one 
 fight with these people. Yet Mirza Haidar continued his 
 march towards the capital, until he arrived at, and plundered, 
 a place he calls Astabrak (or Astakbark), which was repre¬ 
 sented as being within eight days’ journey of Lassa. No map 
 or book of any date, now available, seems to contain this name 
 or any variant of it, but if the estimate of eight marches from 
 
The Author and his Booh. 
 
 15 
 
 Lassa be correct, and these marches are intended for the long 
 Tibetan post-stages, the invaders would still have been some 300 
 miles, or more, distant from their goal. However this may be, 
 the mortality among his horses, want of supplies, and the general 
 distress caused by cold and the high elevation, obliged the 
 Mirza to abandon his enterprise at this point, and to set out in 
 retreat towards Ladak. His experience, indeed, was almost 
 exactly that of the Dogra general Zorawar Sing who, in 1841, 
 made an attempt to conquer the western provinces of Tibet for 
 his master, Rajah Gulab Sing of Kashmir. Of fighting there was 
 little in either case, except against the climate and conditions 
 of the country, and in both instances these adversaries proved 
 victorious. 
 
 In the early months of 1534 Mirza Haidar returned defeated, 
 and with a mere remnant of his force, to a position of safety in 
 Ladak. Of those who were left even, many deserted him here 
 to find their way back to their homes across the mountains. 
 Yet, broken and almost helpless as he was, the chiefs of Upper 
 Ladak received him and his men with hospitality, and even 
 assisted him in getting together a force with which, the next 
 year, he proceeded to attack and plunder the western districts 
 of the country, known as Purik, Suru, and Zangskar. His 
 success in all these forays was very doubtful. He seems to 
 have been able to do little more, during the first year, than 
 keep his men and animals from starving, while in the second 
 year (1535) he had again, from sheer distress, to fall back on 
 the neighbourhood of Leh and throw himself on the mercy of 
 the strangely tolerant Ladak chiefs. His followers, under 
 these conditions, became discontented if not mutinous, and 
 began to desert him; while he received such evil tidings from 
 Kashghar, that the “ holy war ” against the Tibetans at length 
 came to an end. 
 
 Rashid Sultan (otherwise Abdur Rashid Khan) had begun 
 his reign at Kashghar, by putting to death many of his own 
 relations, and among them the author’s uncle, Sayyid Muham¬ 
 mad Mirza, whom he suspected of plotting against him in 
 favour of the late Khan’s younger son, Iskandar. These events 
 seem to have made a deep impression on Mirza Haidar’s mind, 
 for he alludes to them with bitterness, more than once in the 
 course of his narrative. His uncle had served Sultan Said faith¬ 
 fully for many years, and had done much arduous work for him, 
 while Mirza Haidar himself had been the chief agent in extending 
 
16 
 
 The Author and his Book. 
 
 the Khan’s kingdom and power. But besides this, he had been 
 companion and instructor to two of the Khan’s sons, and when 
 the elder of these marked the commencement of his reign by 
 acts of ingratitude and bloodshed, it is scarcely surprising that 
 he should be deeply hurt, and should record his feelings, years 
 afterwards, in his history. 
 
 Hence, fearing that he might meet with the same treatment 
 as his uncle and others of his family, if he returned to Kash- 
 ghar, he had to seek for a refuge. It was impossible to stay 
 longer in Ladak, while all the direct roads to India and Kabul 
 were in the hands of those whom he had lately been chastising 
 and plundering, in the name of religion. With the daring of 
 despair, he determined to try and reach Badakhshan with the 
 handful of adherents that remained in his service, by turning off 
 from the usual track between Ladak and Yarkand, at a point 
 called Ak-Tagh, to the north of the Karakorum Pass; and 
 after following the course of the Yarkand river for some 
 distance, to gain Baskam, the southern Pamirs, and Wakhan. 
 This adventure—apparently almost hopeless under the conditions 
 in which he attempted it—he accomplished successfully, accom¬ 
 panied by about twenty followers, though not without much 
 hardship and suffering. The winter of 1536-7 he spent in 
 Badakhshan, the following summer he repaired to Kabul, and 
 shortly after to Lahore, where he was received by Baber’s son, 
 Kamran Mirza, and found himself, as he tells us, raised from 
 the depths of distress to honour and dignity. 
 
 Kamran was at that time engaged in a struggle for territory 
 with the Persians, and had, soon after our author’s arrival, to 
 proceed to the relief of Kandahar, which was being besieged by 
 Sam Mirza and by Shah Tahmasp, the sons of Shah Ismail, the 
 Safavi; but before setting out he appointed his guest to the 
 governorship of those parts of India (the whole of the Punjab) 
 which belonged to him, and in this capacity Mirza Haidar 
 resided for over a year at Lahore, “ collecting taxes, suppress¬ 
 ing revolt, protecting the frontiers, and establishing Islam.” 
 It was shortly after Kamran’s return to the Punjab, (1538) that 
 Humayun had sustained a severe defeat in Bengal at the hands 
 of Shir Shah Sur, the Afghan leader, who was now advancing 
 towards Agra by the left bank of the Ganges. A large part of 
 Humayun’s army haviDg accompanied him to Bengal, he made 
 an appeal to Kamran and his other brothers to send assistance 
 to Agra, while he himself hurried northward. Kamran, after 
 
The Author and his Book. 
 
 17 
 
 some hesitation, consented, and moved first to Delhi and then 
 to Agra, with an army of 20,000 men, and in company with 
 onr author. Here dissensions took place among the brothers; 
 Kamran repented of his decision to support the Emperor, and 
 putting forward bad health as a reason, determined to return 
 to Lahore, while Shir Shah was yet on the far side of the 
 Ganges. He endeavoured to persuade Mirza Haidar to return 
 with him, hut the Mirza declined on patriotic grounds, and 
 from that time forward (1539) became an adherent of Huma- 
 yun, who treated him with great honour and called him 
 “ brother, after the Moghul fashion.” 
 
 The disastrous battle of Kanauj soon followed. 1 Humayun’s 
 force numbered some 40,000, but was less an army than a huge 
 undisciplined mass, commanded by Amirs who had no intention 
 of fighting the Afghans. Mirza Haidar appears to have acted 
 as a kind of general adviser or chief of the Emperor’s staff, hut 
 he mentions incidentally that he also led the centre division. 2 
 The confusion and corruption that prevailed on the side of the 
 Chaghatais he describes with much candour, and clearly shows 
 that the battle was lost before it had been fought. Whatever 
 his position in the army may have been, he seems to have done 
 his best to advise and support his master, and finally joined 
 him in his flight to Agra, 3 and thence to Lahore. His narrative 
 gives, in a few words, a vivid picture of the crowd of refugees 
 that were assembled at the Punjab capital, their state of panic,’ 
 and the divided and interested counsels with which the Em¬ 
 peror was perplexed. Mirza Haidar advised that the Chaghatai 
 Amirs should occupy separate positions along the lower hills, 
 from Sirhind to the Salt Eange, where the army might be re¬ 
 organised in safety and, on a favourable opportunity presenting 
 itself, might be used with effect to regain possession of India. 
 He himself would undertake the reduction of Kashmir, a task 
 he hoped to accomplish in so short a time that the Emperor 
 
 1 17th May, 1540, or 10 Muharam, 947 h. 
 
 2 Abul Fazl (according to Price) implies that Humayun, in person, com¬ 
 manded the centre, while the right and left wings were led by a brother and 
 a nephew, respectively. ( Muliamd. Hist, iii., p. 781.) 
 
 3 The historian Jauhar mentions that during a brief halt made at Fattehpur 
 Sikri, Humayun, while sitting in a garden, was shot at by some unseen 
 person, and that “ two attendants ” having been sent in pursuit of the would- 
 be assassin, both returned wounded. Mr. Erskine (following apparently the 
 AJcbar-Nama of Abul Fazl) mentions that one of the wounded “ attendants ” 
 was Mirza Haidar. (See Jauhar’s Tazhirdt ul Wakidt, trans. by Stewart, 
 p. 24; and Erskine’s Hist, of India , ii., p. 194.) 
 
 d 
 
18 
 
 The Author and his Book. 
 
 and his brothers might send their families thither, and secure, 
 for them at least, a refuge from all enemies. But the Mirza’s 
 advice was of no avail; for though Humayun seems to have 
 been inclined to listen, he was overborne by other councillors. 
 
 While acting at Lahore as Kamran’s delegate, Mirza Haidar 
 had been approached by certain chiefs of Kashmir who were at 
 variance with the native prince then reigning in their country, 
 and who, on being worsted by him, had found a refuge in the 
 Punjab. They endeavoured to procure, through Mirza Haidar’s 
 influence, the assistance of a body of Kamran’s troops, to invade 
 their own country and expel the obnoxious ruler. The scheme 
 seems to have commended itself to the Mirza’s judgment, and 
 after some delay he was able to gather a respectable force, which 
 he placed under the command of one Baba Chuchak, one of the 
 most experienced officers in the service of Kamran, with in¬ 
 structions to accompany the Kashmiri chiefs and restore them 
 to the possession of their State. The Baba, however, found 
 pretexts for evading the execution of these orders, and the 
 expedition proved a failure. After the retreat of the Chaghatais 
 from Kanauj to Lahore, these chiefs renewed their appeals for 
 assistance, and it was during the discussions that took place 
 there as to the general line of action to be adopted, that Mirza 
 Haidar impressed on Humayun the advantage of seizing the 
 opportunity to gain a footing in Kashmir. He had learned 
 from his previous incursion into that country, while in the 
 service of the Khan of Kasligliar, the value of its position and 
 resources, and calculated that, with a reasonable force, he would 
 require only two months to subjugate it and make it a suitable 
 asylum for the Emperor and his family, together, if necessary, 
 with the remains of the Chaghatai army. Shir Shah, on the 
 other hand, with the wheeled carriages and the artillery, on 
 which his strength mainly depended, would not, the Mirza 
 reckoned, be able to reach the outer hills in less than four 
 months, and his troops would be exhausted by the effort. 
 
 Though these plans were not taken advantage of by Humayun 
 (who continued his retreat to the Indus), he permitted them 
 to be put into practice by Mirza Haidar. The Mirza was given 
 a small body of troops, and was sent forward from Lahore to 
 join the Kashmiri chiefs, in whose company he was to enter 
 the hills of their country, and to be followed, at intervals, by 
 two of Humayun’s officers, called respectively Iskandar Tupchi 
 and Kliwaja Kalan. When all had assembled above Jhilam, and 
 
The Author and his Book. 
 
 19 
 
 the force had begun to ascend the passes leading to the valley 
 of Kashmir, dissensions arose among the commanders. Khwaja 
 Kalan, with his men, first separated himself from the expedition, 
 and the Tupchi shortly afterwards followed him, leaving Mirza 
 Haidar to prosecute the undertaking with no more than a 
 handful of retainers in his own pay, and a few more who had 
 joined him on the personal authority of the Emperor. With 
 this following he determined to advance, and on the 21st 
 November, 1540, crossed the Punch pass and descended into 
 the valley. His calculations proved correct: he met with no 
 resistance from the chiefs or people, but obtained possession of 
 the country without striking a blow. 
 
 It is curious how little our author relates about his invasion 
 and administration of Kashmir, or of the affairs of that country 
 during the eleven years that his regency lasted. He was to all 
 intents and purposes king of the State; while the value of the 
 territory and the importance of its position, from a military 
 point of view, at the juncture when he found himself its ruler, 
 were well known to him, for he had impressed them urgently 
 on Humayun only a short time before. Yet all he has to say of 
 the period is summed up in two short chapters at the end of 
 his history; though he devotes much more space to the events 
 that were happening at the time across the passes. It was in 
 Kashgharand Yarkand that his nearest relatives and his friends 
 were living—most of them in suffering and danger—and that 
 his political enemies were ruling, on lines that he regarded as 
 dangerous, and subversive of the power and prosperity that he 
 had himself helped to build up. It seems evident, indeed, that 
 to the end of his life, his mind was chiefly occupied with the 
 affairs of what may he called his own country, and communica¬ 
 tions between his friends and himself seem to have been kept 
 up to the last, while he felt himself to be more or less an 
 exile in Kashmir. So meagre is his story of this period of his 
 life, and so abruptly broken off, that from the year 1540 on¬ 
 wards, I have had to follow chiefly the accounts of Abul Fazl, 
 the historian of Akbar, and of Firishta. Both of these authors 
 wrote within an interval not very remote from that which they 
 chronicle, so that the events they deal with must have been 
 fresh in the memories of their informants. 1 
 
 1 See for Abul Fazl, Price’s MuJiam. Hist, iii., pp. 787-862; Jarrett’s 
 Ain-i-Ahbari , p. 390; Erskine’s Hist, ii., pp. 364-68. For Firishta, Briggs, iv., 
 pp. 497 seq., and Mr. C. J. Rodgers’ Extracts, in J.A.S.B., 1885, pp. 98 seq. 
 
 d 2 
 
20 
 
 The Author and his Book. 
 
 Kashmir had, for some time previously, acknowledged no one 
 supreme ruler, except those set up as mere nominal represen¬ 
 tatives of the old line of kings. Several native chiefs exercised 
 the real authority, in various parts, and at that particular time 
 ■were supporting, as a pageant, a prince whose title w T as Nazuk 
 Shah. 1 Whether Mirza Haidar began by joining issue with 
 this personage we are not informed, but it appears rather, that 
 he took him under his protection. It is related, however, that 
 one Kachi Chak, the principal of those chiefs through whose 
 representations Mirza Haidar had been originally induced to 
 undertake the reduction of the State, very shortly deserted his 
 benefactor. He perceived, says Abul Fazl, that his own 
 schemes w T ould be defeated by the establishment of Mirza Hai¬ 
 dar’s power, and “ with the natural perfidy inherent in the 
 character of the Kashmirians, suddenly withdrew from the 
 country to seek the protection of Shir Khan ” 2 \i.e. Shir Shah 
 wfith the result that a force of 2,000 Afghans was immediate' 
 despatched by the Shah, to conduct the petitioner hack to his 
 country. A threat of invasion by Shir Shah and his Afghans 
 was sufficient to deprive Mirza Haidar of all his Kashmiri allies, 
 and he had to retire to an inaccessible part of the country, with 
 a few of his own followers, where he led a precarious and 
 unsettled life for about three months. At last, on the 2nd 
 August, 1541 (8 Kabi II. 948 h.) he gave battle to his enemies, 
 who were computed at 5,000 combatants (including natives and 
 auxiliary Afghans), and defeated them with great loss, the 
 Afghans retiring to Delhi, while the Kashmiri malcontents fled 
 to the outer hills. By this victory, our author rendered himself 
 undisputed master of the whole of Kashmir. 
 
 A period of tranquillity followed, but was destined to last 
 only till the year 1543, when the fugitives beyond the borders, 
 having combined their forces wfith those of some of their rela¬ 
 tives, marched on Srinagar for the purpose of subverting Mirza 
 Haidar’s government. They were completely routed, however, 
 and again took refuge in the outer hills. Not long afterwards, 
 the Mirza himself took the offensive against Ladak, and is said 
 to have reduced several of its districts to subjection. Only one 
 of these is named by Firishta, who writes it “ Looshoo ”—a name 
 impossible to identify, unless it can be regarded as a corruption 
 
 1 The name appears in this form in the histories of both Abul Fazl and 
 Firishta, but Mr. Rodgers informs us that all the coins bear Nadir in place of 
 Ncizuk (p. 114). 
 
 2 Price, iii., p. 825. 
 
The Author and his Book. 
 
 21 
 
 of “ Suru.” During his absence on this expedition, an epidemic 
 disease broke out, which carried off the three discontented 
 chiefs who had, up to that time, been his most persistent 
 opponents. Their removal afforded him again a period of peace, 
 which lasted for about two years, when he proceeded to attack 
 the province of Kishtawar. One Bandagan Koka was sent 
 forward in command of a portion of the force, while Mirza 
 Haidar followed at a distance. Bandagan Koka came up with 
 the enemy on the hanks of the Kishtawar river, and after two 
 engagements, was defeated and killed, together with a number 
 of his men. The remainder of his force fell back on the divi¬ 
 sion of the Mirza, who, however, does not appear to have 
 followed up his intention of subduing the province. The next 
 year, 1548, he is reported to have turned his attention first 
 towards Little Tibet (or Baltistan), then to Tibet (or Ladak) 
 again, and subsequently to Kajaori and Pakhli. In all these 
 provinces he is said to have succeeded in his objects, and to 
 have added them, finally, to his Kashmir dominions. 
 
 In 1549 an occurrence is recorded, which nearly brought our 
 author once more into conflict with the Afghans of Hindustan. 
 In 1545 Shir Shah had been succeeded by his son, Islam Shah 
 (otherwise known as Salim Khan), against whose rule the Niazi 
 tribe of Afghans, then settled in the Punjab, rose in rebellion. 
 After being worsted by Salim in the plains, they fled towards 
 the hills and took refuge in the Kashmir province of Bajaori. 
 Here they were received by the descendants of those Kashmiri 
 chiefs, who had so persistently opposed Mirza Haidar’s rule, up 
 to a few years previously. Intrigues were entered into between 
 these and the Niazi, but in the meantime Salim, pursuing the 
 latter, arrived at the foot of the hills near Nau Shahra in 
 Kajaori, while Mirza Haidar advanced to block the road from 
 the side of Kashmir. According to Firishta, a peaceful arrange¬ 
 ment was come to between the various parties; Salim was 
 appeased on certain hostages being made over to him, and 
 returned to Delhi, while the Kashmiri partisans, abandoning 
 their plans, some joined Mirza Haidar, and others accompanied 
 Salim to his capital. A different version of this affair (it may be 
 noted) is given by Abdulla, the author of the Tarikh-i-Daudi, 
 who records that a fight took place between the Niazi and a force 
 sent by Mirza Haidar to prevent them from entering Kashmir, 
 and the writer locates this encounter, not in Kajaori, but in 
 the district of Banihal. The Kashmiri force is represented as 
 
22 
 
 The Author and his Book. 
 
 gaining a complete victory, while Mirza Haidar is said to have 
 propitiated Salim Khan, by sending him the heads of the slain 
 Niazi as a peace-offering. Which of these two accounts is the 
 more correct, it is not easy to judge, but it seems that Mirza 
 Haidar had, about this time, some transactions with the Afghan 
 Shah of Hindustan, and may possibly have felt it necessary to 
 propitiate him. At any rate, Firishta relates that he sent 
 ambassadors with presents to Delhi in 1550, and that Salim, in 
 return, deputed an envoy with horses, muslins, etc., to Srinagar. 
 What brought about this exchange of courtesies, or what came 
 of it, the historian does not state. 
 
 In the same way, the events of the ensuing year, 1551, 
 relating to Mirza Haidar’s death, are to some extent at variance. 
 The only two historians (as far as I am aware) who record them 
 in any detail are Abul Fazl and Firishta; but, as the former 
 seems somewhat uncertain of his facts, the account of the latter 
 may perhaps be more advantageously followed. 
 
 General Briggs’ version of Firishta records, quite briefly, that 
 Mirza Haidar had appointed one Kiran Bahadur, a commander 
 of Moghul horse, to the government of the district of Bhirbal. 1 
 The measure gave great offence to the inhabitants, who resisted 
 Kiran’s authority, and eventually proceeded to attack him. 
 Mirza Haidar, in order to support his officer, put himself at the 
 head of his Moghuls, and marched towards the scene of the 
 disturbance. On the road, a night attack was made upon his 
 camp, the Moghuls were defeated, and he himself was killed by 
 an arrow in the course of the fight. The exact date of the 
 event in 1551 is nowhere recorded, but it would appear to have 
 taken place on one of the last days of Bamzan, or about the 
 beginning of October. 2 In Mr. Kodgers’ version, the circum¬ 
 stances are related in much greater detail, but some of the 
 particulars are not quite intelligible. The substance, however, 
 is the same, and the account makes it appear that the locality 
 where Mirza Haidar fell, must have been somewhere near 
 Baramula on the Jhilam. It points also to his death having 
 been caused through being accidentally struck by an arrow, 
 discharged by one of his own men, in the darkness. 
 
 During the ten years (counting from the battle of 2nd August, 
 1541) over which Mirza Haidar’s regency extended, he is said, 
 
 1 These names are given elsewhere in Firishta as Kara Bahadur and 
 Bhirpul. The latter stands probably for Bliimber below Nau Shahra. 
 
 2 The Hajra year is 958, which began 9th January, 1551. 
 
The Author and his Book. 
 
 23 
 
 in the Ahkar-Nama , to have devoted himself, when not actively 
 engaged with his enemies, to the restoration of the province and 
 the improvement of its resources. He found it in a state of 
 ruin and desolation, and raised it to a land abounding in culti¬ 
 vation and flourishing towns; he extended the frontiers also, 
 and ruled with moderation and justice. Yet the austere Abul 
 Fazl takes him to task for devoting too much of his time and 
 attention to music, and thereby becoming forgetful of the 
 dangers that surrounded him. Still more he blames him for 
 continuing the government of the State in the name of the 
 puppet Prince, Nazuk Shah. After his military successes, it 
 was his duty, the historian considers, to read the prayers and 
 strike the coins in the name of “ his imperial benefactor then 
 struggling with adversity; ” while there was no necessity to 
 cultivate the attachment of the native rulers. Yet he is obliged 
 to admit that when Humayun had returned from exile in Persia, 
 and had repossessed himself of Kabul, Mirza Haidar at once 
 conceded to him the honours due to a sovereign. 
 
 How far Abul Fazl’s estimate of Mirza Haidar’s character is 
 a just one, may be open to question. In the first place, it was not 
 entirely to music that he devoted the interval of well-earned 
 repose that he enjoyed in Kashmir. It was during these years 
 that he wrote the Tarihh-i-Rashidi —a work which, strange to 
 say, Abul Fazl makes no mention of. Yet it is evident, from 
 incidental allusions to dates in the body of the book, that this 
 task occupied no little of the Mirza’s time. To judge by the 
 number of authors he cites, or speaks of, in the course of his 
 history, he must have collected a good number of books about 
 him, and the study of these may perhaps have occupied more of 
 his leisure than the lute or the zitara. Among them, it may 
 be noted, was a copy of the “ Memoirs ” of his cousin Baber, 
 which, in all probability, he had obtained while in India at the 
 court either of Humayun or of Kamran ; and, no doubt, it was 
 the first copy ever utilised for historical purposes. Secondly, 
 as regards the imputed infidelity towards the Chaghatai Em¬ 
 peror, it should not be forgotten that the historian of Akbar 
 was writing after events had seemed to justify his view. At 
 the time when Mirza Haidar administered Kashmir in the name 
 of Nazuk Shah, Humayun was a refugee in Persia, dependent 
 on the uncertain friendship of Shah Tahmasp, and it must 
 have been quite a matter for speculation whether he would 
 ever return, or if, indeed, any member of the house of Baber 
 
24 
 
 The Author and his Book. 
 
 would again occupy the throne of Hindustan. After completely 
 subjugating Kashmir, and defeating the troops that Shir Shah 
 had sent against him, there seems to have been no reason, hut 
 loyalty to the Chaghatais, why the Mirza should not have set 
 himself up as king of the State. 
 
 His action in recognising the native puppet may fairly be 
 regarded as one of self-denial—a temporary measure, under¬ 
 taken while waiting to see whether his patron might not return, 
 and claim his own kingdom in India. As events fell out, he 
 did return, though not till January 1555, or nearly four years 
 after our author’s death. Step by step, he made .himself master 
 of the principal districts of Afghanistan, regained Kunduz and 
 Badakhslian, and disposed of Kamran Mirza, together with other 
 enemies of his house. But as early as 1545, when, with the aid 
 of Shah Tahmasp, he had wrested only Kandahar and Kabul 
 from his rebellious brother, and while still far beyond the 
 limits of India, Mirza Haidar transferred to Humayun the 
 nominal sovereignty with which he had invested Nazuk Shah. 
 He sent an envoy to Kabul, to inform his patron of these pro¬ 
 ceedings and to invite him to Kashmir. His letters were full of 
 expressions of loyalty and attachment, and, in pressing his 
 invitation, he pointed out that the country he had subdued 
 would serve as an impregnable position, from which the Emperor 
 might pour down his troops for the conquest of Hindustan— 
 an enterprise which he urged him to attempt without delay. 1 2 
 He is recorded, moreover, by Abul Fazl himself, to have read 
 the prayers and to have struck the coins in Humayun’s name at 
 about this period; while unanswerable evidence as regards the 
 coinage is to be found, to this day, among the specimens of the 
 money of Kashmir, which have come down to us. In the British 
 Museum there is a silver coin of Kashmir, bearing the name of 
 Humayun and dated 952 or 953 2 of the Hajra (1545 or 1546). 
 Mr. Rodgers also describes two coins of Humayun which were 
 struck, in Kashmir, in the year 953, and another bearing a date 
 subsequent to 950, but on which the third figure is illegible. 
 This last one, however, contains in the field a letter ha, which 
 Mr. Rodgers believes may stand for the initial letter of the 
 name Haidar. In any case, the dates that are decipherable not 
 
 1 Erskine, ii., pp. 3G6-7 ; on the authority of the Akbar-Ndma. 
 
 2 Probably the former date, but perhaps the latter; for there is some 
 uncertainty about the third figure. See S. L. Poole, Cat. Coins of Muham. 
 States of India, p. xlviii. 
 
The Author and his Book. 
 
 25 
 
 only fall within the period of Mirza Haidar’s regency, but they 
 are good evidence that he regarded Humayun as his sovereign, 
 while at the height of his own power in Kashmir, although no 
 coins are known which show that he so regarded him previous 
 to his recovery of Kabul. 1 Neither the coins nor the docu¬ 
 mentary history of the period, however, are completely worked 
 out, and until the tales that both have to tell are exhausted, it 
 would perhaps be premature to conclude that, even prior to the 
 subjugation of Afghanistan in 1545, Mirza Haidar may not have 
 afforded testimony, in one form or another, that he regarded him¬ 
 self and his puppet king as, alike, dependants of the Chaghatai 
 Emperor. 
 
 Thus, whatever faults the Mirza may have had, disloyalty to 
 his chiefs can hardly be accounted one of them. He served his 
 first master, Sultan Said Khan, with devotion till the end of 
 the Khan’s reign, and when forced by the barbarities of his 
 successor, Kashid Sultan, to seek safety for his life with the 
 Chaghatais in India, he served them likewise with good faith, 
 as long as he lived. 
 
 Besides Abul Fazl’s and Firishta’s, the notices of Mirza 
 Haidar’s life, among the writings of Asiatic authors, appear to 
 be few. Several quote his history, and even copy from it 
 extensively, but only two, as far as I have been able to ascer¬ 
 tain from translations, make any mention of his personality. 
 Jauhar, in his Memoirs of Humayun, 2 does no more than briefly 
 allude to his master’s faithful lieutenant. The author of the 
 Tarihh-i-Daudi, cited above, calls him “ a youth of a magna¬ 
 nimous disposition,” but vouchsafes no more. 3 Amin Ahmad 
 Kazi, however, has devoted a few sentences to him in his 
 geographical work, the Haft Iklim , an important extract from 
 which was translated into French by Quatremere, and pub¬ 
 lished in 1843. 4 Ahmad Kazi tells us that Mirza Haidar “ was 
 endowed with an excellent character and a rare talent for 
 elegant composition in verse, as well as in prose. To these 
 
 1 The date of Humayun’s recovery of Kabul varies somewhat in the 
 accounts of different native authors, but Mr. Erskine adopted that of 10 
 Ramzan 952, or 15th November, 1545 ( Hist . ii., p. 325), so that it is possible 
 that these coins may have been struck, as Mr. S. L. Poole suggests, to com¬ 
 memorate that event. ( Loc. cit .) 
 
 2 The Tazkirat ul Wakiat , trans. by Major Ch. Stewart, 1832, mentioned 
 on p. 17. 
 
 3 See Elliot’s Hist. India , iv., p. 497. 
 
 4 Notices et Extr., etc., xiv., pp. 474-89. 
 
26 
 
 The Author and his Book . 
 
 gifts of nature, lie added those of extreme valour, and all the 
 qualities that constitute a great general. Having been sent 
 into Kashmir hy Sultan Abu Said Khan, 1 he penetrated into 
 this province by the road of Kashghar and Tibet [Ladak] and 
 entirely subdued it. He entered it also a second time from the 
 side of India, and establishing his residence in Kashmir, formed 
 it into an independent principality .... He was author of 
 the historical work entitled the Tarikli-i-Rashidi , which was 
 named in this way after Kashid Khan, sovereign of Kashghar. 
 This book enjoys universal esteem.” Ahmad Razi then appends 
 some verses of the Mirza’s, as a specimen of his poetic genius. 
 
 Among Europeans, Mr. W. Erskine is perhaps the only 
 original author who has touched on Mirza Haidar’s personal 
 characteristics or attainments; even he does so only very 
 briefly, though in several passages he praises his work in the 
 highest terms. He sums him up as “ a man of worth, of talent, 
 and of learning.” 2 For his own part, he naively tells us 
 that he had many accomplishments, and though most of those 
 he names were of a more or less mechanical order, others, at 
 least, show a taste for authorship, and make us picture him as a 
 man of some imagination. Taking into consideration the life he 
 led—his adventures, sufferings, discomfitures, and escapes— 
 and the age and countries he lived in, he may be accounted 
 also a man of learning. At any rate, he was a patron of the 
 learned whom he came in contact with, and seems to have 
 taken an interest in their teachings, as well as in the books he 
 knew of; though it may be open to question, perhaps (from a 
 European point of view), how far he used them to the best 
 advantage for historical purposes. Yet, withal, he was a 
 bigoted Musulman and a fanatical Sunni, as his remarks about 
 the transactions of Baber with the Persian Shias, after the 
 capture of Samarkand in 1511, clearly indicate. And his 
 bigotry took many curious forms, as, for instance, his approval 
 of the hypocritical proceedings of Sultan Said Khan, his 
 refraining to trace his pedigree beyond the date of Amir 
 Bulaji, because Bulaji’s ancestors were not Musulmans, and his 
 pious invocations on the Moghul Khan, whose religious zeal and 
 enlightenment led him to drive horseshoe nails into the heads 
 of his subjects, to induce them to become Musulmans. In short 
 
 1 The Khan’s name is occasionally written in this way, hut it is incorrect. 
 The word Abu is redundant. 
 
 2 Hist, ii., p. 368. 
 
The Author and his Book. 
 
 27 
 
 he belonged to his times, and herein lies the chief value of all 
 that he has left on record. 
 
 The reader, however, will form his own judgment of the 
 author’s character and worth. What may safely be said is that 
 his history carries with it a conviction of honesty; while he 
 himself, though a soldier of fortune, was, as shown by the 
 advice he tendered to Humayun, and by his administration of 
 Kashmir, no mere Dugald Dalgetty of the East. 
 
28 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 THE LINE OF CHAGHATAI. 
 
 Think, in this batter’d Caravanserai 
 
 Whose Doorways are alternate Night and Day, 
 
 How Sultan after Sultan with his Pomp 
 Abode his Hour or two, and went his way. 
 
 — Omar Khayyam. 
 
 The story of the conquests of Chingiz Khan, and the partition 
 of nearly the whole of Northern Asia among his descendants, 
 has been so often told, that no useful purpose would be served 
 by recounting it again in this Introduction. Only those phases 
 need be briefly sketched, which form the basis of Mirza Haidar’s 
 history, or which help to elucidate the course of events imme¬ 
 diately preceding it. Though the Tarikli-i-Rashidi embraces 
 many wide regions and deals with many tribes and nations, 
 its chief scenes are laid within the appanage of Chingiz’s 
 second son Chaghatai, and it is, before all things, a history of 
 part of the Chaghatai branch of the Mongol dynasty. This is 
 the branch, moreover, which hitherto has remained the most 
 obscure of all those of the family of Chingiz Khan. The other 
 divisions of the empire founded by the great conqueror, have 
 all found abundant historians, not only in China and Mongolia, 
 but among the Musulman writers of Western Asia and among 
 Europeans. The great works of Deguignes, D’Ohsson, and 
 Howorth, though designed to tell the story of all the Chingizi 
 branches, have failed, as yet, to complete that of the house of 
 Chaghatai. The two older authors frankly avow the want of 
 materials, as their reason for leaving this section of their field 
 almost untouched, while Sir H. Howorth, though he is under¬ 
 stood to have completed his researches in it, has been prevented 
 by other circumstances, from giving to the world his much 
 desired volume on the Chaghatais. 
 
 Perhaps the nearest approaches to histories of the Chaghatais 
 are to be found, (1) in an excellent paper entitled The Chagha¬ 
 tai Mughals, by Mr. E. E. Oliver, in the Journal of the Royal 
 
29 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 Asiatic Society, 1 where the writer has summarised, in a consecu¬ 
 tive manner, most of that which can he gathered on the subject, 
 from European sources and from translations of Asiatic authors ; 
 and (2) in Erskine’s History of India under Baber and Huma- 
 yun. The learned translator of Baber’s Memoirs had read 
 widely among the Musulman authors, and compiled, in his last 
 work, a more complete epitome of Chaghatai history, from 
 original sources, than is to be found in any other European 
 writings—unless possibly in those of Russian Orientalists, 
 whose books, indeed, are sealed to most European readers. 
 The source from which Mr. Erskine chiefly drew his informa¬ 
 tion was the Tarikli-i-Rasliidi, which he not only studied, but, 
 as we have seen in the Preface, partially translated in a 
 summarised form. The Tarikh-i-Rashidi, however, does not 
 begin at the beginning of the Chaghatai history, but at an 
 arbitrary point, dating nearly a hundred years after the allot¬ 
 ment of his empire by Chingiz Khan, and at the period when 
 the Khans of Moghulistan, having separated themselves from 
 those of Mavara-un-Nahr, a distinct history of their branch 
 became possible. In order, then, to furnish a foundation for 
 Mirza Haidar’s chronicle, it is necessary to fill in, however 
 briefly, this gap of a hundred years, and, in doing so, to take a 
 rapid glance at the two allotments which bordered on that of 
 Chaghatai Khan—the one on the west and the other on the 
 east—for the affairs of all three are, to some extent, interwoven 
 at certain periods. 
 
 In assigning his dominions to his four sons, Chingiz Khan 
 appears to have followed an ancient Mongol custom. The sons 
 of a chief usually ruled, as their father’s deputies, over certain 
 nations or clans, and at his death each received, as an appanage, 
 the section of the population which had been under his care. 
 Thus the distribution was rather tribal than territorial, and the 
 tribes, which were in most cases nomadic, sometimes shifted 
 their abode, or were driven, by enemies, to migrate from one 
 district to another. These movements, as a fact, do not seem to 
 have occurred very frequently, nor to have altered the position 
 of the main body of the people to any great extent. It will he 
 more convenient, therefore, and far more intelligible, to state 
 the distribution of Chingiz’s dominions, as far as possible, in 
 territorial terms. 
 
 Jivji, or Tushi, the eldest son of Chingiz, died some months 
 
 1 Yol. xx., New Series, pp. 72, seq. 
 
30 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 before bis father, and therefore, never became supreme Khakan 1 
 in the regions he governed; but they descended intact to his 
 own son and successor, Batu, as an appanage direct from 
 Chingiz. The centre of this dominion may be taken to be the 
 plains of Kipchak, but it comprised all the country lying north 
 of the lower course of the Sir Daria (the Sihun or Jaxartes) and 
 of the Aral and Caspian seas—“ wherever the hoofs of Mongol 
 horses had tramped ”; it included also the valleys of the Yolga 
 and the Don, and some wide-spread regions on the north shore 
 of the Black Sea; while towards the north it extended beyond 
 the Upper Yaik (or Ural River) into Western Siberia. On its 
 southern and south-eastern confines, this appanage of the Juji 
 line marched with that of Chingiz’s second son, Chaghatai, 
 whose central kingdom, Mavara-un-Nahr, or Transoxiana, was 
 situated chiefly between the rivers Sir and Amu (the Jihun or 
 Oxus), but included, in its extension towards the north-east, 
 the hill ranges and steppes lying beyond the right bank of the 
 Sir, east of the Kipchak plains, and west of lakes Issigh-Kul and 
 Ala-Nor. Towards the east, the Chaghatai domain took in the 
 greater part of the region now knowm as Chinese (or Eastern) 
 Turkistan, Farghana (or Khokand) and Badakhshan; while 
 towards the south it embraced Kunduz, Balkh, and, at the 
 outset, Khorasan—a country which, at that time, spread east¬ 
 ward to beyond Herat and Ghazni, and southward to Mekran. 
 This was, perhaps, the most extensive appanage of all, and 
 within its limits were to be found the greatest variety of races 
 and tribes, and the greatest diversity of modes of life. It 
 comprised, on the one hand, some of the richest agricultural 
 districts, peopled by settled inhabitants, far advanced in Asiatic 
 civilisation, and some of the most flourishing cities in Asia; 
 w T hile, on the other hand, some of the rudest hill tribes, or 
 Hazaras as they were called then, had their homes in the 
 
 1 As the word Khakan will often be met with in the Tarikh-i-Bashidi, it 
 may be explained, here, that the difference between it and the simple form of 
 Klicin was one of degree. Khakan was a form of Kadn which was, 
 originally, the peculiar title of the supreme sovereign of the Mongols, while 
 the subordinate princes of the Chaghatai, and other Chingizi lines, were 
 styled only Khan. After a time the higher title degenerated, and was used 
 by many besides the sovereign, as will be observed in the course of the 
 Tarikh-i-Bashidi. Marco Polo always wrote Kadn , and applied the title 
 to Kublai, the Mongol Emperor of China. The meaning of Khakan , Sir 
 H. Yule considered to be “ Khan of Khans f or the equivalent of the modem 
 Khan-Khdndn. (See Marco Polo, Intro, pp. 9, 10; also Dr. Terrien 
 de Lacouperie in Babylonian and Oriental Becord for December, 1888.) 
 
31 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 southern highlands, and large tracts of barren steppe-land were 
 occupied by almost equally primitive nomads, who drove their 
 flocks from hill to valley and valley to hill, in search of pasture, 
 according to season. 
 
 Eastward, again, of this “ middle dominion,” as it was often 
 termed, came that of Oktai (or Ogodai), the third son of Chingiz 
 Khan. His allotment was the country of the original Mongols 
 with that of the tribes immediately around it, while he was also 
 heir to his father’s capital, Karakorum, and to the supreme 
 authority over the Mongol people. On its western confines his 
 dominion bordered, at first, on that of Chaghatai, in the country 
 since known as Jungar or Zungaria 1 —a region that, for want of 
 more exact boundaries, may be roughly described as lying north 
 of the Tian-Shan, from about Urumtsi on the east, to the river 
 Chu on the west, and having for its middle line the upper 
 course of the Ili river. This region became the subject of much 
 contention among the descendants of Oktai and Chaghatai, in 
 the latter half of the thirteenth century, and as the house of the 
 former declined, the greater part of it, if not the whole, appears 
 to have gradually merged into the territories of the Chaghatai 
 Khans; while the clans that inhabited it, were dispersed among 
 the tribes of Transoxiana and Kipchak, and their chiefs lived 
 in obscurity under the Khans, or conquerors, for the time 
 being. 
 
 Chaghatai himself appears to have been a just and energetic 
 governor, though perhaps rough and uncouth, and addicted to 
 the vice, common among the Mongols, of hard drinking. At 
 any rate, he was animated by the soldier-like spirit of his 
 father, and succeeded in keeping order among as heterogeneous 
 a population, as a kingdom was ever composed of. In 1232, for 
 instance, when sedition showed itself at Bokhara, he acted with 
 promptitude, if with severity, and saved his country from a far- 
 reaching calamity. He was, in all probability, an old-fashioned 
 Mongol, for we read that he stood by the Yasak, or code of laws 
 instituted by Chingiz Khan, and that he showed little favour 
 to what was, at that time in his dominions, the comparatively 
 new and rising religion of Islam. He must, however, have been 
 fairly tolerant, for it is recorded that his minister for Trans¬ 
 oxiana was a Musulman, called the Jumilat-ul-Mulk, and that 
 mosques and colleges were founded during his reign. But if 
 Chaghatai did not lean towards Islam, neither does it appear 
 
 1 Ze., the country of the Jungar, or Zungar—the left-hand —Kalmaks. 
 
32 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 that he ever inclined towards Christianity, though that religion, 
 as practised by the Nestorians, must have been familiar to him. 
 It existed in his own dominions and in those of his brother 
 Oktai, who seems to have been thoroughly tolerant, and to have 
 encouraged at his capital, Karakorum, every form of worship, 
 besides the enlistment in his service of men of all religions—a 
 circumstance which had, as will be seen later, an important 
 bearing on subsequent history. 
 
 Chaghatai’s own capital was at Almaligh, in the valley of the 
 Upper Ili, near the site of the present Kulja, and consequently 
 in the extreme east of his dominion. His reason for fixing it in 
 that remote position, instead of at Bokhara or Samarkand, was 
 probably one of necessity. His Mongol tribesmen and followers 
 —the mainstay of his power—were passionately fond of the life 
 of the steppes: the only existence worthy of men and con¬ 
 querors, was that passed in the felt tents of their ancestors, 
 among the flocks and herds that they tended in time of peace, 
 and led with them on their distant campaigns. The dwellers 
 in houses and towns were, in their eyes, a degenerate and 
 effeminate race;—the tillers of the soil, slaves who toiled like 
 cattle, in order that their betters might pass their time in 
 luxury. They would serve no Khan who did not pass a life 
 worthy of free-born men and “ gentlemen rovers ”; and Cha¬ 
 ghatai and his immediate successors probably saw, as his later 
 descendants are described by Mirza Haidar to have seen, that 
 the one way of retaining the allegiance of his own people, was 
 to humour their desires in this respect, and live, with them, a 
 nomad’s life. 
 
 Chaghatai died in 1241, after a reign of about fourteen years, 
 and within the same year the death of Oktai occurred at Kara¬ 
 korum. Thus two out of four of the chief divisions of the 
 Mongol empire were suddenly deprived of their sovereigns, with 
 the result that nearly the whole of the successors of Chingiz 
 were set disputing for the succession. “ Among the most 
 violent as regards party spirit and warlike temper,” writes 
 Mr. Oliver in his summary of this period, “ were some of the 
 representatives o'f Chaghatai. For the time being, it ended in 
 Turakina, Oktai’s widow, being appointed regent; but there 
 were set up lasting disputes among the rival claimants, and the 
 seeds of much future mischief were sown. For long after, the 
 disputes regarding the succession to the throne of the great 
 Kaan became inextricably mixed up with the affairs, more 
 
33 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 especially of the eastern part, of Chaghatai’s Khanate, and it is 
 impossible to give an intelligible account of the latter without 
 occasional references to the former.” 1 
 
 Little is known of the way in which Chaghatai disposed of 
 his kingdom at his death, and there appears to he no mention, 
 anywhere, of his having followed the ancestral custom of his 
 house in distributing it among his descendants. He is recorded 
 to have left a numerous family, but to have been succeeded by 
 a grandson, and a minor, named Kara Hulaku, while his widow, 
 Ebuskun, assumed the regency. This statement, however, seems 
 to apply to Turkistan, Transoxiana, and the adjacent regions: 
 at all events not to Kashghar, Yarkand, Khotan, Aksu, and the 
 southern slopes of the Tian Shan mountains—or, in other words, 
 to the province south of the line of the Tian Shan, which is 
 called, in our times, Eastern Turkistan. As regards this 
 province, Mirza Haidar tells us that it was given by Chaghatai, 
 presumably at his death, to the clan or house of Dughlat, whose 
 members were reckoned to be of the purest Mongol descent, 
 and one of the noblest divisions of that people. We shall hear 
 more of this clan and the province they ruled, farther on; but 
 the important point to notice here, with reference to subsequent 
 events, is that the Dughlats were made hereditary chiefs, or 
 Amirs, of the various districts of Eastern Turkistan, as far back 
 as the time of Chaghatai, for it is chiefly on this incident that 
 hinges the permanent division of the Chaghatai realm into two 
 branches, at a later date. 
 
 Ebuskun’s sway was a short one, for as early as 1247 Almaligh 
 was attacked by Kuyuk, the son and successor of Oktai, and she 
 was deprived of her power. For a time, disorder prevailed 
 throughout the Khanate; but Kuyuk seems to have had suffi¬ 
 cient power to set up one Yasu (or Isu) Mangu, who, being him¬ 
 self a worthless debauchee, governed the country through the 
 agency of a Musulman Wazir, called Khwaja Baha-ud-Din. 
 Kuyuk died within three years of his accession, and was followed, 
 as supreme Khakan, by Mangu, who, in 1252, restored Kara 
 Hulaku and Ebuskun to their former dignities. Baha-ud-Din 
 and Yasu Mangu were now, in their turn, removed, the former 
 being put to death at once. Kara Hulaku died within a few 
 months of his restoration, and after his death we hear no more 
 of Ebuskun. Hulaku’s throne passed over to his own widow—one 
 Organah Khatun—whose first act was to execute Yasu Mamgu, 
 
 1 Oliver, pp. 90, 91. 
 
 e 
 
34 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 under some compact, which appears to have been made for his 
 riddance, between her predecessor and the Khakan Mangu. 
 
 Organah is described as possessing much beauty, wisdom, 
 and influence, and as long as Mangu lived she was allowed to 
 reign in peace. But he died in 1259, when a war of succession 
 to the supreme Khakanate broke out between his brothers 
 Irtukbuka and Kublai. In this strife, the Chaghatai princess 
 appears to have taken no part, but she suffered nevertheless, 
 for in 1261 she was driven from Almaligh by Algu (a great- 
 grandson of Chingiz), who had been nominated by Irtukbuka to 
 rule in her place, and to bring over the Chaghatai forces to assist 
 him in his war with Kublai. Algu, however, betrayed his 
 patron, who, abandoning Karakorum to his rival Kublai, marched 
 against Almaligh, whence Algu had to fly for safety, first to 
 Kashghar and Khotan, and finally to Samarkand. Irtukbuka 
 spent the winter of 1263 in Almaligh, devastating the district 
 and putting to death many of Algu’s followers. By these 
 excesses he weakened his own army and resources to so great a 
 degree, that he had to submit to Kublai and make peace with 
 Algu, stipulating to retain for himself a portion only, of the 
 eastern part of the Chaghatai Khanate. These transactions 
 brought about not only a reconciliation between Algu and 
 Organah, but a marriage. Both, however, died within a few 
 months, and Irtukbuka, having done homage to Kublai, by 
 prostrating himself at the door of Kublai’s tent, the latter 
 remained supreme from Peking to Transoxiana, and acquired the 
 title of Khakan. He was the “ Great Kaan ” of Marco Polo. 
 
 But a rival was beginning to show himself in the person of 
 Kaidu, a grandson of Oktai. This prince was plotting, in 
 western Kipchak, for the assistance of his uncle Batu, in 
 asserting his claim to the province of Turkistan—the north¬ 
 western division of the Chaghatai Khanate—and probably also 
 for the region then becoming known as Moghulistan, which lay 
 immediately to the eastward of Turkistan, and comprised the 
 Zungar country, already alluded to. At the death of Algu, 
 Kublai nominated Mubarak Shah, a son of Algu and Organah, 
 to the Chaghatai succession, but immediately afterwards is 
 said to have appointed, as his vice-regent, another great- 
 grandson of Chaghatai, named Borak (or Barak), to support 
 Mubarak Shah in resisting Kaidu. So far from assisting the 
 young Khan, Borak drove him from the throne, made common 
 cause with Kaidu, and for a time exercised joint sovereignty 
 
35 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 with the latter over Transoxiana. But jealousies were not 
 long in showing themselves between the allies, and quarrels 
 ensued which were only partially composed at a huriltai, or 
 conference of the chiefs of the tribes, held in Turkistan in 1269, 
 when certain points were agreed on, the most important being 
 “ the implied recognition of Kaidu as the rightful Khakan 
 of the Moghuls, which from this time was extended by the 
 Chaghatai Khans both to him and his son Chapar.” 1 
 
 Borak now proceeded to indemnify himself by invading 
 Khorasan, but his campaigns resulted in nothing but defeat, 
 and eventually he retired to Bokhara, where he died, or was 
 perhaps poisoned, in 1270. “His reign,” says Mr. Oliver, “had 
 extended only to some four years, but they were years of misery 
 and destruction to some of the fairest lands and most prosperous 
 cities on the Zarafshan. His death delivered them from at 
 least one cowardly tyrant and persecutor, though they still 
 continued to suffer from the fratricidal wars that constantly 
 raged between the rival chiefs of the lines of Oktai and Chag¬ 
 hatai, and the unhappy citizens had even more reason than 
 Venice of old for invoking ‘ a plague on both their houses.’ 
 
 “ Borak’s death left Kaidu sole master of the western portion of 
 the Khanate. The dispossessed Mubarak Shah and other chiefs 
 took the oath of allegiance to him, thus rendering him a still 
 more dangerous rival of Kublai. In 1270 (668 h.), much to the 
 indignation of the sons of Borak, he nominated Nikpai, a 
 grandson of Chaghatai, chief of the tribe, but in less than two 
 years Nikpai seems to have revolted, been killed, and succeeded 
 by Tuka Timur, another scion of the house (circa 1271, or 670 h.), 
 who, in less than two years more, was ousted by Dava, the son 
 of Borak (circa 1273, or 672 h.). Dava had made up his quarrel 
 with Kaidu, his claims having been constantly urged by the 
 latter’s son Chapar. His reign was the longest ever enjoyed 
 by a descendant of Chaghatai, and the Khanate might have 
 hoped for some peace from an alliance between the rival houses, 
 but unfortunately a third firebrand appeared on the scene. 
 Abaka, the Il-Khan of Persia, who had always acknowledged 
 Kublai as the rightful Khakan in opposition to Kaidu, and who 
 had never forgiven Borak’s invasion of Khorasan, was only 
 watching his opportunity, and hisWazir,Shams-ud-Din Juvaini, 2 
 
 1 Oliver, p. 96. 
 
 2 This Wazir was brother of Ala-ud-Din Ata-Mulk, Javaini, the historian 
 and author of the Tarikh-i-Jahdn Kushai— a work that will be often alluded 
 to farther on. 
 
 e 2 
 
36 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 had only to draw his attention to a favourable omen, to start 
 him for Bokhara, which he entered about 1274 (672 h.), plunder¬ 
 ing, burning, and murdering right and left.” 1 
 
 Dava reigned for some thirty-two years and was almost con¬ 
 stantly at war. He possessed himself of Ghazni, and from that 
 stronghold, as a base, made several expeditions into India, 
 ravaging the Punjab and Sind, and sacking at different times 
 between 1296 and 1301 Peshawar, Multan, Lahore, and Delhi. 
 In the meantime, Kaidu had involved himself in wars of long 
 duration with the Khakan Kublai, and as these took place 
 shortly before the time of Marco Polo’s travels through Central 
 Asia and China, detailed accounts of some of them have been 
 handed down to us in his narrative. These wars extended, from 
 first to last, over a period of some thirty years, and were not 
 even concluded in 1294, when Kublai died and was succeeded 
 as Khakan by his grandson Uljaitu. 2 The credit indeed of 
 finally overthrowing Kaidu is due rather to this prince, and 
 moreover it was not Kaidu alone whom he subdued, but Dava 
 also, for this last, on his return from a campaign in India in 
 1301, seems to have allied himself with Kaidu and to have 
 assisted in the wars against the Khakan. Kaidu’s death followed 
 quickly on his final reverse, and must have occurred in 1302, 
 about. His son Chapar, backed by the influence of Dava, 
 obtained the recognition of his succession to the Khanate of 
 the eastern division of the country, and both having sent envoys 
 to Uljaitu bearing professions of submission, a period of peace 
 should, it might appear, have been established. But this was 
 not the case. Within a year of Kaidu’s death, Dava and Chapar 
 fell out, and the latter was defeated in a battle fought between 
 Samarkand and Khojand. This engagement was followed by 
 several others, victory falling sometimes to one side and some¬ 
 times to the other, until at length the Khakan Uljaitu routed 
 Chapar and obliged him to submit to Dava. 
 
 The death of Dava occurred in 1306, and he was succeeded 
 by his son Kuyuk, who lived only two years, and was in his 
 turn followed by a descendant of Chaghatai named Taliku. 
 This prince is said to have adopted the Musulman religion, and 
 in consequence to have been put to death by his own officers, 
 who raised in his place, one Kabak, a son of Dava. Kabak was 
 
 1 Oliver, pp. 97, 98. 
 
 2 Properly “ Timur Uljaitu;” the Tie-mu-urh, or Ching Tsung, of the 
 Chinese. 
 
37 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 installed in 1309, and was at once attacked by Chapar, in alliance 
 with several members of the house of Oktai. The allies were 
 beaten in a number of fights, and eventually fled for refuge to 
 the territory of the Khakan (now Kuluk, 1 a nephew of Uljaitu), 
 while their dominions were appropriated by the house of 
 Chaghatai, the clans who inhabited them becoming in part its 
 subjects and in part those of the Kipchaks. “ With Chapar,” 
 says Mr. Oliver, “ the house of Oktai disappears, though repre¬ 
 sentatives came to the front for a brief period again in the 
 persons of Ali and of Danishmanjah, while Timur (Tamerlane), 
 after displacing the family of Chaghatai, selected his puppet 
 khans from the Oktai stock.” 2 Within a year of his installation, 
 Kabak made way for an elder brother, who ascended the throne 
 of the Chaghatai under the name of Isan Bugha, though his 
 historical identity (in connection with this name at least) is 
 somewhat uncertain. He provoked the Khakan into war, and 
 was beaten almost at the outset of his rule; afterwards he 
 invaded Khorasan with a like result, and was finally forced to 
 fly from the country, before the combined forces of one of his 
 brothers and of the seventh Il-Khan, or King of Persia. This 
 occurred in 1321, when Kabak seems to have resumed the throne 
 which he had abdicated twelve years previously. 
 
 It was about this time that a permanent division occurred in 
 the realm of Chaghatai, the two parts being known by the general 
 names of Mavara-un-Nahr (or Transoxiana) and Mogbulistan 
 (or Jatah), though there were other provinces attached to each 
 section. The story of the Khans of the former branch, roughly 
 sketched above need not be followed further, as the history of 
 Mirza Haidar, which chiefly concerns us, belongs to the other or 
 eastern division, and is told by him, a descendant of its princes, 
 in full. It is only necessary to remark with regard to Mavara- 
 un-Nahr, that from the time of this division forward, the fifty 
 years that remained till the great Amir, Timur, made himself 
 master of the land, confusion and discord prevailed. During 
 those few years the names of fifteen Khans appear in the lists— 
 some of them not even of the Chaghatai line—together with 
 some periods of anarchy when no name occurs. The rise of 
 Timur was the turning-point from decadence to power in 
 Mavara-un-Nahr, but at the same time, the death-blow to the 
 original line of Chaghatai. He reduced the country to order, 
 
 1 Hai Shan, or Wu Tsung, in the Chinese annals. 
 
 2 Oliver, p. 105. 
 
38 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 and ruled with uncontrolled power, though he left to the Khans, 
 whom he set up or pulled down at pleasure, certain dignities 
 and privileges which were nothing more than nominal. 
 
 We have seen already, how near the empire of Chaghatai came 
 to being divided during the wars of Kaidu. This Prince was, 
 as far as can be gleaned, one of the ablest of the Oktai line, and 
 an active and determined soldier. During his struggles for 
 supremacy, he held a large tract of country carved chiefly out 
 of the Chaghatai appanage, though taken partly from that of 
 Oktai. It is not clear what were the limits of the territory he 
 held thus temporarily, and indeed it is probable that no actual 
 limits were ever acknowledged. In all likelihood his power 
 extended chiefly over certain tribes who were nomads, or 
 dwellers in tents, and thus in the habit of moving their abodes 
 when expedient; such movements, too, may have been more 
 frequent than usual about Kaidu’s period, for the tribesmen 
 must have been constantly entangled in the prevailing wars, 
 and subject therefore, to the changes of fortune of those with or 
 against whom they had to serve. His dominion, consequently, 
 would have been more tribal than territorial in its extent. At 
 any rate it would seem that during Kaidu’s last days—the 
 period when he was allied with Borak—his power reached from 
 the Talas River and Lake Balkash on the west, to Kara-Khoja 
 (between Turfan and Hand) on the east, and that it thus 
 included nearly the whole length of the Tian Shan mountains, 
 together with the Zungar country on the north, and Kashghar, 
 Yarkand, Aksu, etc., on the south of them. Although this wide 
 tract never fell permanently to him or his race, his temporary 
 hold over it seems to have assisted in marking it out as a self- 
 contained eastern division of the Chaghatai realm, and the 
 greater portion of it—all that lay to the north of the Tian 
 Shan—acquired, about this time, the name of Moghulistan, or 
 vulgarly “ Jatah.” It was, above all parts of that realm, the land 
 of the purely nomad Moghul (or Mongol) tribes, as distinguished 
 from the settled populations of Turkistan, Farghana, and Ma- 
 vara-un-Nahr on the one hand, and the mountaineers of Hisar, 
 Karatigin, Badaldishan, etc., on the other. It was the land to 
 or from which the tent-dwelling population could migrate, and 
 carry with them their only wealth—their flocks and herds— 
 when safety or other interests demanded a move; and it became, 
 moreover, as Mirza Haidar’s history will show, a sort of refuge 
 for the defeated and discontented among those tribes and the 
 
39 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 neighbouring nations, and the country that the true Moghul 
 loved to call his own. 
 
 Thus, at the beginning of the fourteenth century, when the 
 Khans of Chaghatai were rapidly declining in power, and could 
 scarcely maintain themselves in their central kingdom of 
 Mavara-un-Nahr, this eastern division, or Moghulistan, appears 
 scarcely to have felt their sway. The hereditary Dughlat Amirs 
 who, as we have seen, had been set up by Chaghatai, governed 
 in detail, with more or less power, in the different cities and dis¬ 
 tricts of the region south of the Tian Shan (or Eastern Turkistan), 
 and left scarcely a trace behind them in any history but that 
 of one of their own clan—Mirza Haidar. They acted in the 
 name of the Chaghatai Khan of the time, and though nominally 
 hereditary, they seem in practice to have held office very much 
 at the pleasure of the tribesmen whose affairs they administered; 
 while the popularity of each one probably depended more on the 
 degree of independence he was able to secure for the small 
 section that regarded him as its chief, than on his hereditary 
 rights. Still in the early days, the power of some of them must 
 have been considerable, and it seems to have risen in degree, as 
 that of the Chaghatai Khans declined. They fought among 
 themselves as a matter of course, and the people suffered, no 
 doubt, from the consequent disorder. It would be quite natural 
 therefore that Isan Bugha, a Moghul by descent, when forced 
 to retire from Mavara-un-Nahr, should turn his steps towards 
 Moghulistan, and its companion province south of the moun¬ 
 tains. 
 
 Just at this point the histories of the period are discordant. 
 As remarked above, the identity of Isan Bugha is to some 
 extent uncertain. He is known to have been a son of Dava 
 Khan, and is believed to have had some brothers. Abul G-hazi 
 Khan, the historian King of Khwarizm of the seventeenth 
 century, speaks of him as “ II Khwaja, surnamed Isan Bugha.” 
 On the other hand, Khwandamir makes Isan Bugha continue to 
 reign over the western branch of the Chaghatai until his death, 
 and alludes to one Imil Khwaja (apparently another son of 
 Dava) as having established himself in Moghulistan. 1 It is 
 possible that Imil, or II, may denote one and the same person; 2 
 
 1 See Abul Ghazi’s Hist, des Mongols , transl. by Desmaisons, pp. 164-5, 
 and Khwandamir’s Habib us Siyar , transl. by Defremery in Journal Asiat. 
 4 me Serie, tom xix., pp. 270 and 280. 
 
 2 Erskine notes (Hist, i., p. 37) that in the Tarikh-i-Rashidi he is called 
 Ais or Isan Bugha; in the Shajrat, p. 378, and by Price (Muham. Hist. t 
 
40 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 but however this may be, if the usually accurate Abul Ghazi 
 be followed, we learn that: “ As there remained no longer in 
 Kashghar, Yarkand, Alah-Tagh or Uighuristan, any prince de¬ 
 scended from Chaghatai Khan, whose authority was acknow¬ 
 ledged, the Moghul Amirs held a council, at which it was 
 decided to summon Isan Bugha from Bokhara; and they 
 proclaimed him Khan of Kashghar, Yarkand, Alah-Tagh, and of 
 Moghulistan.” 1 This would make it appear that Isan Bugha 
 was still reigning in Mavara-un-Nahr when summoned by the 
 Dughlat Amirs; but the point is doubtful, for we have just 
 been told that he had fled to Moghulistan. In any case, the 
 dates of the two events agree, for the disappearance of Isan 
 Bugha from Mavara-un-Nahr is recorded by one author to have 
 taken place in 721 h. (1321 a.d.), and this is just the year 
 when he is said, by the other, to have been summoned to 
 Kashghar and made Khan of Moghulistan, with (it may be 
 assumed) its dependencies. 
 
 Thus, although the chronology and even some of the events 
 of the times are uncertain, the final division of the Chaghatai 
 Khanate appears to have taken place in or about the year 1321, 
 and it resulted in two separate lines of Khans being established 
 which were never afterwards united. The western branch was, 
 a little later, superseded by Timur, whose descendants, through 
 Baber, gave the ruling house to India, which has gone, for 
 three centuries, by the name of “ Moghul ”; though, as we 
 shall see from Mirza Haidar’s narrative, it was, in its early 
 days, known—and perhaps more correctly—as the “ Chaghatai.” 
 The history of the eastern branch—that of the true “ Moghuls ” 
 of Central Asia—we may now leave to be told, in detail, by our 
 author; but as this line was several times broken, or sub¬ 
 divided, and as the subject is a complicated one, it may aid the 
 reader to give (immediately below), in the form of an epitomised 
 statement, a general view of the succession of the Moghul 
 Khans from the time of Isan Bugha onwards. It is extracted 
 almost entirely from Erskine’s History of India, 2 and was com- 
 
 vol. iii., p. 7), following the Khuldsat-ul-Akbar, II, or Ail, Khwaja ; by 
 Sharaf-ud-Din (Petis’ transl. tom. i., p. 26), Aimed; and by Abnl Ghazi, 
 “ Aimed Khwaja, who reigned in Mavara-un-Nahr under the title of Isan 
 Bugha Khan.” As regards the name Ais, however, there is some mistake due 
 to a misreading of the text by Erskine. The name nowhere occufs in this 
 form. 
 
 1 Desmaisons, p. 165. 
 
 2 Vol. i., Appendix B. 
 
41 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 piled by him from the Tarikh-i-Rashidi ; but it contains some 
 emendations from the Chinese history of the Ming dynasty, as 
 translated by Dr. Bretschneider, for the period immediately 
 succeeding the reign of Khizir Khwaja, and a few other altera¬ 
 tions besides. 
 
 It is about this period that Mirza Haidar’s chronicle is at its 
 weakest; and it is also a period where some of the best of the 
 Musulman authors fail us. The Rauzat us Safa of Mir Khwand 
 and the Zafar-Ndma of Sharaf-ud-Din, both differ from the 
 Tarikh-i-Rashidi, and the Ming history is at variance with all 
 three. Thus between Khizir Khwaja and Yais Khan, the 
 Rauzat us Safa and the Zafar-Ndma show two reigning Khans 
 of Moghulistan, and the Tarikh-i-Rashidi also gives accounts 
 of two only, though the names in the last-mentioned work are 
 not the same as in the other two histories. 1 But the Tarikh-i- 
 Rashidi, in another place, relates that six Khans, including 
 Khizir Khwaja and Yais, were raised to the throne by the 
 Dughlat Amir, Khudaidad, thus placing four between them. 
 These Khans are— 
 
 Shama-i-Jahan, 
 
 Nakhsh-i-Jahan, 
 
 Muhammad, 
 
 Shir Muhammad, 
 
 and the author states them in this order; so that the three 
 which correspond with the names of those given in the Chinese 
 histories, do not fall in the same succession. Again none of the 
 Musulman authors supply the date of succession for any of the 
 intermediate Khans whom they mention. The Chinese annals 
 show three Khans for the period between Khizir Khwaja and 
 Yais, and furnish the year of succession for each of them, besides 
 giving dates of other contemporary occurrences, which indicate 
 that a particular Khan was reigning at a particular time. 
 The annals chiefly refer to tributary missions and appeals for 
 assistance addressed to the Chinese Emperor, but it is precisely 
 such occurrences as these that the Chinese chroniclers record 
 with care and exactness. Their dynastic histories are believed 
 to be not always trustworthy, but they are, at any rate, com¬ 
 pilations, more or less methodical, from State documents and 
 are not based merely on tradition, as are most of the Musulman 
 
 ' As the Eaft Iklim copies from the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, and does not copy 
 completely, it need not be referred to as an authority. (See Not. et Extraits, 
 
 xiv., pp. 474 sej.) 
 
42 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 histories. As mere records of events and dates, therefore, the 
 Chinese accounts are likely to he the best guides; and I should 
 be inclined to substitute their data, regarding this period, for 
 those of Mirza Haidar. I have, however, shown both in amend¬ 
 ing Mr. Erskine’s epitome, as will be seen (at p. 46). A full 
 extract from Dr. Bretschneider’s translation of the Chinese 
 history is also appended immediately below. 
 
 The three lists just spoken of, stand as follows :— 
 
 (A.)— The Bauzat us Safa 1 and the Zafar-Ndma . 2 
 
 (1.) Khizir Khwaja .... died 1399 
 (2.) Muhammad Khan .... No date 
 (3.) Nakhsh-i-Jahan .... „ 
 
 (4.) Yais Khan ..... „ 
 
 (B.)— The Chinese Annals of the Ming dynasty . 3 
 
 (1.) Khizir Khwaja 
 
 • • • 
 
 died 1399 
 
 (2.) Shama-i-Jalian 
 
 • • • 
 
 „ 1408 
 
 (3.) Muhammad Khan 
 
 
 „ 1416 
 
 (4.) Nakhsh-i-Jahan 
 
 • • • 
 
 „ 1418 
 
 (5.) Yais Khan ..... 
 
 (C.)— The Tarikh-i-Rashidi. 
 
 „ 1428 
 
 (1.) Khizir Khwaja 
 
 • • • 
 
 died 1420 
 
 (2.) Shama-i-Jahan 
 
 • • • 
 
 No date 
 
 (3.) Nakhsh-i-Jahan 
 
 • • • 
 
 >> 
 
 (4.) Muhammad Khan . 
 
 • • • 
 
 
 (5.) Shir Muhammad . 
 
 • • • 
 
 
 (6.) Yais Khan . 
 
 • 
 
 died 1428- 
 
 Of the two dates furnished by the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, the one 
 indicating the year of Khizir Khwaja’s death is certainly in¬ 
 correct, for there is evidence to show, in addition to the con¬ 
 currence of the authorities named above, that this Khan did 
 not reign up to the year 1420. The portion of the Matla 
 Asaadin, of Abdur Bazzak, translated by Quatremere, 4 though 
 it contains no list of these Khans, makes mention of ambas¬ 
 sadors having been sent to Shah Bukh, of Mavara-un-Nahr, in 
 
 1 Price’s Muham. Hist., iii., p. 300. 
 
 2 Petis de la Croix, Hist, de Timur Bee, iii., p. 213. 
 
 3 Bretschneider, Med. Bes., ii., pp. 231, 239. 
 
 4 Notices et Extraits, vol. xiv., p. 296. 
 
43 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai . 
 
 819 h. (1416), by Nakhsh-i-Jahan, who is described as a son of 
 Shama-i-Jahan of Moghulistan ; thereby implying, it wonld 
 seem, that Nakhsh-i-Jahan was reigning in that year in Moghul- 
 istan. This date accords with the Chinese indication for the 
 accession of Nakhsh-i-Jahan—or the year when he would most 
 probably have despatched envoys to his neighbours. The same 
 work 1 mentions also that in 823 h. (1420) Shah Kukh’s 
 ambassadors, then on their way to China, learned that disorder 
 prevailed in Moghulistan in consequence of Yais Khan, who 
 was then reigning, having attacked Shir Muhammad Oghlan. 
 This statement stands by itself; but it has some resemblance 
 to that of Mirza Haidar, who relates that between Vais Khan 
 and “ Shir Muhammad Khan there arose great disputes.” It 
 also appears, from the Matla Asaadin, that in 1425 Shir 
 Muhammad held powers of some kind in Moghulistan, though 
 he may not have been the reigning Khan. It is stated, at any 
 rate, that in that year Mirza Ulugh Beg, who was ruling in 
 Mavara-un-Nahr, undertook an expedition into Moghulistan 
 and defeated Shir Muhammad. Yet, according to the Chinese, 
 Vais Khan was then reigning, he having slain Nakhsh-i-Jahan 
 in 1418. On the subject of Shir Muhammad, therefore, the 
 Matla 1 Asaadin and the Tarilth-i-Rashidi would seem to be 
 at one, in so far that they both name him as living at a 
 period immediately previous to the accession of Vais, though 
 neither states precisely that he was a reigning Khan of the 
 dynasty. 
 
 As I have placed in juxtaposition above, the lists of reigning 
 Khans, according to the various authorities, it may be useful 
 also to show how they vary in their statements regarding the 
 sons of Khizir Khwaja, some of whom reigned, though some 
 did not. 
 
 Thus the Rauzat us Safa has— 
 
 (1.) Shama-i-Jahan, 
 
 (2.) Shir Ali, 
 
 (3.) Shah Jahan Oghlan. 
 
 The Zafar-Nama gives :— 
 
 (1.) Shama-i-Jahan, 
 
 (2.) Muhammad Oghlan, 
 
 (3.) Shir Ali, 
 
 (4.) Shah Jahan, 
 
 , 0 . 1 Notices et Extraits , p. 388. 
 
44 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai . 
 
 while the Tarikh-i-Rashidi mentions :— 
 
 (1.) Muhammad Khan, 
 
 (2.) Shama-i-Jahan, 
 
 (3.) Nakhsh-i-Jahan, 
 
 ” 1 “ and others.” 
 
 }} ) 
 
 The passage taken from Dr. Bretschneider’s version of the 
 Ming history runs thus 1 :— 
 
 “ After Yung-lo acceded to the throne he sent an envoy 
 with a letter and presents to the King of Bie-shi-ba-li. 2 But 
 at that time Hei-di-rh-ho-djo had died, 3 and had been succeeded 
 by his son Sha-mi-cha-gan. The latter sent in the next year 
 an embassy to the emperor, offering as tribute a block of rude 
 jade and fine horses. The envoy was well treated and rewarded. 
 At that time it had happened that An-ko Tie-mu-rh, Prince of 
 Kami, had been poisoned by Gui-li-chi, Khan of the Mongols, 
 and Sha-mi-cha-gan made war on the latter. The emperor 
 was thankful, and sent an envoy with presents to him, exhorting 
 the King to be on good terms with To-to, the Prince of Hand. 
 
 “In 1406 Sha-mi-cha-gan sent tribute, and the emperor 
 accordingly despatched Liu Tie-mu-rh, a high officer, with 
 presents to Bie-shi-ba-li. In the year 1407 Sha-mi-cha-gan 
 presented three times tribute. His envoys had been ordered to 
 solicit the assistance of Chinese troops for reconquering Sa-ma- 
 rh-han, which country, as they stated, had formerly belonged 
 to Bie-shi-ba-li. The emperor sent his eunuchs, Pa Tai and 
 Li Ta, together with Liu Tie-mu-rh, to Bie-shi-ba-li to inquire 
 cautiously into the matter. The envoys presented silk stuffs 
 to the King, and were well received. They returned home in 
 the next year, and brought the intelligence that Sha-mi-cha- 
 gan was deceased, and his younger brother, Ma-ha-ma, had 
 succeeded him. The emperor then sent the same envoys once 
 more to Bie-shi-ba-li, to offer a sacrifice in memory of the late 
 King and bestow presents on Ma-ha-ma. When, in 1410, 
 imperial envoys on their way to Sa-ma-rh-han passed through 
 Bie-shi-ba-li, they were well treated by Ma-ha-ma, who in the 
 next year despatched an embassy to the Chinese court, offering 
 fine horses and a wen pao (leopard). 
 
 1 Med. Researches , ii., pp. 239-42. 
 
 2 Bishbalik: the Chinese name for Moghulistan, as will be seen lower 
 down.—[Ed.] 
 
 3 According to the Zafer-nameh , Khizir Khodja died in 1399. . . • 
 
45 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 “ When this embassy returned, they were accompanied by 
 An, who carried gold embroidered silk stuffs for the King. At 
 that time an envoy of the Wa-la (Oirats) complained that 
 Ma-ha-ma was arming for making war on the Wa-la. The 
 emperor sent to warn him. In 1413 Ma-ha-ma sent one of 
 his generals with tribute to China. He reached Kan Su. 
 Orders had been given to the civil and military authorities to 
 receive him honourably. 
 
 “ In the next year (1414) people returning from the Si-yu 
 brought the intelligence that Ma-ha-ma’s brother and another 
 had both died in a short interval. The emperor sent again An 
 to Bie-shi-ba-li, with a letter of condolence. When Ma-ha-ma 
 died he left no son. His nephew, Na-hei-shi-dji-han , succeeded 
 him, and in the spring of 1416 despatched an envoy to inform 
 the emperor of his uncle’s death. The emperor sent the 
 eunuch Li Ta to offer a sacrifice in memory of the late King 
 and confer the title of wang (King) on his successor. In 1417 
 Na-hei-shi-dji-han sent an embassy to inform the emperor that 
 he was about to marry a princess from Sa-ma-rh-han, 1 2 and 
 solicited in exchange for horses, a bride’s trousseau. Then 500 
 pieces of variegated and 500 of plain white silk stuff were 
 bestowed on the King of Bie-shi-ba-li as wedding presents. 
 
 “ In 1418 an envoy, by name Su-ko , arrived from Bie-shi-ba- 
 li, reporting that his sovereign (Na-hei-shi-dji-han) had been 
 slain by his cousin, Wai-sz, who then had declared himself King. 
 At the same time Wai-sz with his people had transferred their 
 abode to the west, changing the former name of the empire 
 (Bie-shi-ba-li) into I-li-ba-li. The emperor said that it was 
 not his custom to meddle with the internal affairs of foreign 
 countries. He bestowed upon Su-ko the rank of tu tu tsien shi, 
 and at the same time sent the eunuch Yang Chung with a 
 mission to Wai-sz, conferring on the King, as presents, an 
 arrow, a sword, a suit of armour, and silk stuffs. The chieftain 
 Eu-dai-da 2 and more than seventy other people of I-li-ba-li 
 all received presents. Subsequently Wai-sz sent frequently 
 tribute to the Chinese court, 3 as did also his mother, So-lu-tan 
 Ha-tun (Sultan Khatun). 
 
 1 The Mohammedan authors do not record this marriage. 
 
 2 This seems to be the Amir Khodaidad of Kashgar, a man of great 
 influence in Moghulistan. . . . The embassy of Shah Rok to China in 1420 
 met the Amir Khodaidad, who then enjoyed great authority in the country 
 of Moghulistan. 
 
 3 The embassy of Shah Rok saw an envoy of Awis Khan, by name Batu 
 Timur Anka, in Peking, in 1421. 
 
46 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 “In 1428 Wai-sz died, and was succeeded by his son, Ye-sien 
 bu-Jiua, 1 who also sent repeatedly tribute to China. Tribute 
 was also offered by Bu-sai-in, the son-in-law of the late King. 
 
 “ Ye-sien bu-hua died in 1445, and was succeeded by Ye-mi-li- 
 hu-djo? The latter sent camels as tribute, and also a block of 
 rude jade weighing 3800 kin, but not of the best quality. The 
 Chinese government returned for every two kin of jade one 
 piece of white silk. 
 
 “ In 1457 a Chinese envoy was sent to I-li-ba-li with presents 
 for»the King, and in 1456 again. 3 It was then settled that I-li- 
 ba-li was to send tribute every three or five years, and the 
 number of the people in the suite of the envoy should not 
 surpass ten men. Subsequently embassies from that country 
 were seldom seen at the Chinese court.” 
 
 Epitomised Account of the Khans of Moghulistan. 
 
 (Chiefly from Erskine.) 
 
 Isan Bugha Khan seems to have been called into Moghulistan 
 about a.h. 721 (1321), and to have reigned till 730 (1330). 
 
 An Interregnum. 
 
 Tughluk Timur Khan, son of Isan Bugha, born about 730, 
 began to reign 748 (1347), died 764 (1363). 
 
 Usurpation of Amir Kamar-ud-Din. It was against him 
 that the expeditions of Timur into Moghulistan were directed 
 —a.h. 768-94 (1367-1392). 
 
 C Khizir Khwaja Khan, son of Tughluk Timur, raised to the 
 throne in 791, before Kamar-ud-Din s death. He reigned 
 till 801 (1399), and was succeeded by his son, 
 
 Shama-i-Jahan, who was succeeded by his brother, 
 
 - Nakhsh-i-Jahan, who was succeeded by his brother, 
 
 Muhammad Khan, who was succeeded by his son, 
 
 Shir Muhammad Khan, who was succeeded by his nephew, 
 
 Sultan Vais Khan, the son of Shir Ali Oghlan, the brother 
 of Shir Muhammad. Sultan Yais was killed 832 (1428-9) . 4 
 
 1 Isan Buka II. of the Mohammedan authors. . . . 
 
 2 Imil Khodja. This Khan is not mentioned by the Mohammedan authors. 
 
 3 The two dates should probably be reversed.—[E d.] 
 
 4 According to Chinese annals, the portion of the list bracketed above, 
 should stand:— 
 
 Khizir Khwaja ...... died 1399 
 
 Shama-i-Jahan ....... 1408 
 
 Muhammad Khan ....... 1416 
 
 Nakhsh-i-Jahan ....... 1418 
 
 Yais Khan.. . „ 1428 
 
 Each of these appears to have succeeded immediately on the death of his 
 predecessor. 
 
47 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 On the death of Yais there was a division among the Moghuls, 
 some adhering to Yunus Khan, the eldest son of Yais, others 
 to Isan Bugha II., the younger son. 
 
 West. 
 
 Yunus Khan, who was expelled 
 832 (1429), returned 860 (1456), 
 and regained the western part of 
 Moghulistan. Hostilities were main¬ 
 tained between the eastern and 
 western Moghuls till the death of his 
 grand-nephew, Kabak Sultan, when 
 he reigned without a rival. 
 
 In the latter part of his life, the 
 remoter tribes of the steppes, dis¬ 
 pleased with his fondness for towns, 
 separated from him, and acknowledged 
 his second son, Sultan Ahmad, or 
 Alacha Khan, as their Khan—so that 
 the kingdom was again divided into 
 two during his lifetime. He died 
 892 h. (1487). 
 
 Sultan Mahmud Khan, Yunus’ 
 eldest son, succeeded his father in 
 Tashkand and as chief of the western 
 tribes. He was defeated by Shaibani 
 Khan in 908 (1502-3), lost Tash¬ 
 kand and Sairam, and was finally 
 put to death by Shaibani in 914 h. 
 (1508-9). 
 
 East. 
 
 Isan Bugha II., raised to the throne 
 in 832 h. (1429), and through life 
 supported by the eastern Moghuls, 
 died 866 (1462), 1 was succeeded by 
 his son 
 
 Dust Muhammad Khan, who ruled 
 in the eastern districts (Uighuristan, 
 etc.), died 873 (1468-9). 
 
 Kabak Sultan Oghlan, his son, 
 ruled for a time about Turfan, or 
 Uighuristan, where he was murdered. 
 
 Sultan Ahmad Khan, second son 
 of Yunus, governed the eastern 
 Moghuls in Aksu and Uighuristan. 
 He was generally known as Alacha 
 Khan—“ the slaughtering Khan.” He 
 was bent on making himself absolute 
 ruler of the steppes, destroyed the 
 chiefs, and curtailed the power of 
 many of the tribes. Defeated by 
 Shaibani Khan in 908 (1502-3), he 
 died of grief in 909 (1503-4). 
 
 The death of Sultan Ahmad was followed by many civil 
 wars and much anarchy in Moghulistan. His elder brother, 
 Sultan Mahmud, invaded his dominions from the west. Sultan 
 Ahmad’s numerous sons contended with one another. Several 
 sections of the people, and among others the Kirghiz, separated 
 from the main body. The anarchy and civil wars lasted some 
 years. The country was overrun by Aba Bakr (a Dughlat) of 
 Kashghar, by the Kalmaks and the Kazaks. The whole of the 
 tribes of Moghulistan never again united under one head. 
 Two Khanates and the confederation of the Kirghiz-Kazaks 
 seem to have arisen out of the ruins of the Khanate of the 
 Moghuls. Sultan Mansur, the eldest son of Sultan Ahmad, 
 
 1 According to the Chinese accounts Isan Bugha II. died in 1445, and was 
 succeeded by one Ye-mi-li-hu-jo (Im-il Khwaja), a personage who does not 
 appear to be mentioned by any of the Musulman historians. 
 
48 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 established himself in Aksu, Turfan, etc., and a new Khanate 
 arose in Kashghar and the western provinces. 
 
 West. 
 
 Sultan Said Khan, third son of 
 Sultan Ahmad, in Rajab 920 (Sept. 
 1514), or eleven years after his 
 father’s death, seized Kashghar, and 
 expelled Aha Bakr Mirza. He 
 died 16 Zilhajah 939 (9 July, 1533); 
 and was succeeded by his son, 
 Abdur Rashid Khan, who died 973 
 (1565-6) ; and was succeeded by his 
 son, Abdul Karim. 
 
 East. 
 
 Mansur Khan, Sultan Ahmad’s 
 eldest son, was acknowledged and 
 ruled in Turfan and the eastern 
 provinces — i.e., Uighuristau. He 
 died in 950 (1543-4), having reigned 
 two years along with his father, and 
 forty more by himself; he was 
 succeeded by his son, Shah Khan. 
 
 Meanwhile in the steppes of Moghnlistan, the Kirghiz 
 established themselves under Khans of their own, and in 
 process of time, formed a kind of federative union with the 
 Kazak Uzbegs, which has, in some degree, lasted to the present 
 day, and has been called “ the three hordes of Kirghiz.” 
 
 Amirs of Kashghar, or Alti Shahr, who were contemporary 
 with the Khans of Moghulistan. 
 
 Amir Tulik, Ulusbegi (or chief of the tribe) of the Moghul 
 Khans, contemporary with Isan Bugha I., succeeded by 
 Amir Bulaji, his brother; raised Tughluk Timur to the throne; 
 succeeded by his son, 
 
 Amir Khudaidad, who is said to have reigned about ninety 
 years in Kashghar. He succeeded his father, probably soon 
 after the year 748 h. (1347). In his time Amir Kamar-ud- 
 Din, his uncle, usurped the Khanship of the Moghuls, and 
 for a time also (it would appear) that of the greater part of 
 Alti Shahr. The chronology of Amir Khudaidad’s life is very 
 uncertain. He was succeeded by 
 Amir Sayyid Ali, grandson of Khudaidad (by his son Amir 
 Sayyid Ahmad). Sayyid Ali reigned about twenty-four 
 years — 838 to 861 h. (1435 to 1457)—and was succeeded by 
 his sons, 
 
 Saniz Mirza, in Yarkand, who ex¬ 
 pelled his brother from Kashghar, 
 and reigned seven years. He died 
 868 h. (1463-4). 
 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza in Kash¬ 
 ghar, whence he was expelled by his 
 brother. 
 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza, on his brother’s death, succeeded. 
 He is said to have reigned twenty-four years in all, or eight 
 years with imperfect authority and sixteen years with full 
 
The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 49 
 
 authority. In 885 h. (1480) he was expelled by his nephew 
 and stepson, Aba Bakr. 
 
 Aba Bakr Mirza, son of Saniz, reigned in all forty-eight years. 
 The years of his reign are probably reckoned from the date 
 of his taking possession of Yarkand, about 873 h. (1468-9). 
 He was finally defeated and expelled by Sultan Said Khan, 
 the third son of Sultan Ahmad Khan (Alacha Khan), who 
 changed the dynasty. See Khans of Moghulistan, above. Aba 
 Bakr was murdered 920 h. 
 
 It may perhaps help to make matters clear as regards the 
 dates, if I append here, a list of the western branch of the 
 line of Chaghatai Khans (those of Mavara-un-Nahr or Trans- 
 oxiana), extracted from Mr. Stanley Lane Poole’s Muhammadan 
 
 Dynasties (p. 242). 
 
 
 
 A.H. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 1. 
 
 Chaghatai 
 
 Began to 
 
 reign 624 = 
 
 1227 
 
 2. 
 
 Kara Hulaku 
 
 
 99 
 
 639 = 
 
 1242 
 
 3. 
 
 Isu Mangu . 
 
 
 99 
 
 645 = 
 
 1247 
 
 • 
 
 Kara Hulaku ( restored) 
 
 
 99 
 
 650 
 
 1252 
 
 4. 
 
 Organah Khatun . 
 
 
 99 
 
 650 
 
 1252 
 
 5. 
 
 Algu . 
 
 
 99 
 
 659 = 
 
 1261 
 
 6. 
 
 Mubarak Shah 
 
 
 99 
 
 664 
 
 1266 
 
 7. 
 
 Barak Khan . 
 
 
 99 
 
 664 
 
 1266 
 
 8. 
 
 Nikpai 
 
 
 99 
 
 668 
 
 1270 
 
 9. 
 
 Tuka Timur . 
 
 
 99 
 
 670 
 
 1272 
 
 10. 
 
 Dava Khan . 
 
 
 99 
 
 c 672 
 
 c 1274 
 
 11. 
 
 Kunjuk Khan 
 
 
 99 
 
 706 
 
 1306 
 
 12. 
 
 Taliku 
 
 
 99 
 
 708 
 
 1308 
 
 13. 
 
 Kabak Khan 
 
 
 9 ' 
 
 709 
 
 1309 
 
 14. 
 
 Isan Bugha . 
 
 
 99 
 
 709 
 
 1309 
 
 • 
 
 Kabak Khan ( restored ) 
 
 
 99 
 
 c 718 
 
 1318 
 
 15. 
 
 Ilchikadi 
 
 
 99 
 
 721 
 
 1321 
 
 16. 
 
 Dav& Timur . 
 
 
 99 
 
 721 
 
 1321 
 
 17. 
 
 r l armashirin . 
 
 
 99 
 
 722 
 
 1322 
 
 • 
 
 Sanjar ? 
 
 
 99 
 
 730-4? = 
 
 1330-4? 
 
 18. 
 
 Jinkishai 
 
 
 c 
 
 99 
 
 734 
 
 1334 
 
 19. 
 
 Buzun . 
 
 
 99 
 
 c 735 
 
 c 1335 
 
 20. 
 
 Isun Timur . 
 
 
 99 
 
 c 739 
 
 c 1339 
 
 • 
 
 Ali (of Oktai stock) 
 
 
 99 
 
 c 741 = 
 
 c 1340 
 
 21. 
 
 Muhammad . 
 
 
 99 
 
 c 743 
 
 c 1342 
 
 22. 
 
 Kazan 
 
 
 99 
 
 744 
 
 1343 
 
 • 
 
 Danishmanja (of Oktai stock) 
 
 99 
 
 747 
 
 1346 
 
 23. 
 
 Buyan Kuli . 
 
 • 
 
 99 
 
 749 
 
 —760 
 
 1348 
 
 —1358 
 
 Anarchy and rival chiefs until the supremacy of Timur in 
 771 a.h. = 1370 a.d. 
 
 f 
 
GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE DUGHLAT AMIRS. 
 
 50 
 
 The Line of Chaghatai. 
 
 H3 
 
 v c3 
 
 
 Vi 
 
 cS 
 
 T1 
 
 o3 
 
 W 
 
 5*, 
 
 O 
 
 -+o 
 
 c3 i 
 
 £ 
 
 a 
 
 02 
 
 A 
 
 o3 
 
 a3 
 
 0Q 
 
 T3 
 
 C3 
 
 Vr 
 
 be 
 
 a 
 
 ■'o3 
 
 -u 
 
 00 
 
 a 
 
 PQ 
 
GENEAL0G1 
 
 i 
 
 >ai 
 
 Surgu Ogliul Abukan 
 
 I 
 
 23. Bavan Kuli 
 
 I I 
 
 18. Jinkishai 20. Isun Timur 
 
 I 
 
 Timur Shah 
 
 Tarmaskirin 
 
 I 
 
 Sanjar 
 
 + 
 
 Kutluk Nigar Khanim 
 
 
 In Badakhsh 
 
 Abdul Latif 
 
 ! I 
 
 (8) Chin 
 Timur 
 
 :us Arif 
 
 (9) Yuaun (10) Tuklita Eight Others 
 Timur Bugha 
 
 Abd. Rahim ? ? 
 
 Note.— 
 in Mr. S. Lf 
 Sect. II. of t: 
 
 The nui 
 p. 49, Sect. I 
 
 Omar Shaikh, Timuri (of Earghana) 
 
 I 
 
 Baber 
 
 Humayun 
 
 To face p. 49, 
 
GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE HOUSE OF CHAGHATAI.] 
 
 Chingiz 
 
 Chagliatai 
 
 Mutakan 
 
 3. Isu Mangu 
 
 2. Kara Hulakul 
 
 + | 
 
 4. Orgauak ) 
 
 6. Mubarak 
 
 f 
 
 Isun Dava 
 
 I 
 
 7. Borak 
 
 I 
 
 10. Dava 
 
 Buri 
 
 I 
 
 Kadami 
 
 Baidar 
 
 I 
 
 5. Algu 
 
 l 
 
 Sarbau 
 
 I 
 
 8. Nikpai 
 
 I 
 
 9. Tuka Timur 
 Orak Timur 
 
 I 
 
 Yassur 
 
 I 
 
 22. Kazan 
 
 I 
 
 12. Taliku 
 
 T 
 
 11. Kunjuk 13. Kabak 14. Isan Bugha I. Imil Khwaja 15. Ilchi Kaidi 16. Dava Timur 17. Tarmashirin Surgu 0°dml 
 
 I. I 
 
 Saniar 23. Bavan Kuli 
 
 I 
 
 Puldd 
 
 I 
 
 21. Muhammad 
 Adil 
 
 Abukah 
 
 or 
 
 TugliluL Ti 
 
 imur 
 
 Durji 
 
 Kabil 
 
 19. Buzun 
 
 Ilyas Khwaja 
 
 Khizir Khwaia 
 
 Shama-i-Jahan 
 
 Nakhsh-i-Jahan 
 
 Muhammad 
 
 I 
 
 Shir Ali (or Kuli) Oghlan Sliir Muhammad 
 
 I 
 
 Yais 
 
 I 
 
 18. Jinkishai 
 
 I 
 
 20. Isun Timm 
 
 I 
 
 Timur Shah 
 
 In Badakhshan 
 
 Isan Bugha II. 
 Dust Muhammad 
 Kahak Sultan 
 
 Yunus 
 
 Mahmud 
 
 _ l_ 
 
 Sultan Muhamd. Sultan Five others 
 
 Shah Muhamd. Sultan 
 
 Ahmad 
 
 (1) Mansur (2) Iskandar (3) Said (4) Baba (5) Shaikh (6) Khalil (7) Aiman (8) Chin 
 
 _ | Chak Muhamd. | Khwaja Timur 
 
 | | j | - 1 Baba Sultan 
 
 Muhammad Shah Khan Ahdur-Bashid Iskandar S. Ibrahim 
 
 Kutluk Nigar Khdnitn 
 
 (9) Yusuu (10) Tuklita Eight Others 
 Timur Bugha 
 
 Abdul Latit Abd. Karim Abd. llahim Ahd. Aziz Adham (or Sufi) Jluhammad Muliamd. Baki Koraish Ulus Arif Abd. Raliim? ? 
 
 Abdulla | 
 
 I ? ? 
 
 Ismail 
 
 Note.— 1 he early part ot this Table (down to Tughluk Timur) is compiled chiefly from that of Sir H. Howorth, as published 
 jh .Ir. S. Lane Poole’s Muhammadan Dynasties , facing p. 242. The latter part is from the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, as explained in 
 Sect. II. of the Introduction. 
 
 1 he numbers (where not in parentheses) indicate the reigning Khans of the line of Mavara-un-Nahr, as shown in the list at 
 p. 49, Sect. II. of the Introduction. 
 
 Omar Shaikh, Timuri (of Farghana) 
 
 I 
 
 Baber 
 
 Humavun 
 
 To face p. 49 
 
GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF THE HOUSE OF TIMUR. 
 
 1. Jahangir 
 
 I 
 
 [Khoramri] 
 
 Amir 
 
 1 
 
 Timer, b. 736, d. 807 H. (I.) 
 
 [Mdvaru- un-Nahr] 
 
 ' ” 1 
 
 
 
 2. Umar Shaikh Mirza 
 
 3. 31iran Shah, b. 769, d. 810 (II.) 
 
 1. Muhamd. Sultan 
 
 I 
 
 Jahangir 
 
 I 
 
 M. Sultan Khalil 
 
 I 
 
 M. Muhmd. Umar 
 
 I 
 
 2. Pir Muhamd. 
 
 I 
 
 _A_ 
 
 7 sons 
 
 Shall Rukh Mirza, b. 779, d. 850 
 
 I 
 
 Baikara 
 
 1 Pir Muhamd. 
 
 2. Rustam 
 
 3. Sikaudar 4. Mansur 
 
 Baikara 
 
 I 
 
 Sultan Vais 
 Muhd. Sultan M. 
 
 SultAn Husain Mirza 
 
 1. B: 
 
 2. M 
 
 _ 
 
 1. Aba Bakr Mirza 
 
 1 ' 
 
 1 1 
 
 2. Alangar 
 
 1. Ulugh Beg 2. Baisanghar 3. 31. Ibrahim 
 
 3. Usman 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 4. 31irza Umar 
 
 1. Abdul Latif 
 
 Abdulla 
 
 5. Khalil 
 
 2. Abdul Aziz 
 
 
 6. Sultan 31uhamd. 3Iirza (III.) 
 
 | 
 
 7. Ijil 31irza 
 
 1. Ala-ud-Daula 
 
 2. 31. Sultau 
 
 8. Siyurghtamish 
 
 1 
 
 3Iuhamd. 
 
 | 
 
 Mirza Ibrahim 
 
 I 
 
 M. Sultan 31asud 
 
 
 Yadgar 3Iuhd. 31 
 
 
 
 d. 875 
 
 Sultan Abu Said 31. (IV.) 31inuchihr 31. 
 
 
 I 
 
 Mahmud 
 
 5. Mi 
 
 ahil, 
 
 •JuA 
 
 3. Abdul Kasim Babar 
 Shah Mahmud 
 
 di-uz-Zaman 31 
 azafar Husain 31. 
 
 L Ulugh 31. 
 
 1. 3Iuhd. Sultau 31. 
 
 2. Sikandar Sultau 
 
 2. Shah 31. 3. 3Iuhd. 4. Ibrahim 5. Masud 
 
 Husain 31. Husain 31. Husain 31 
 
 3Iuzaft'ar Husain 31. 
 [Badalth*hdii\ 
 
 1. Baisanghar 
 
 2. Sultan ilasud 31. 3. Khan 31irza 
 
 (Vais) 
 
 . I 
 
 3Iirza Sulaimau 
 
 I 
 
 31. Ibrahim 
 
 i 31. Shah Rukh 
 
 0. Akil 31. 
 
 b. 830, d. 873 
 
 1. Sultan Ahmad 31. 
 
 2. S. 3Iuhamd. M. 
 
 —3. S. 3Iahmud 31. [ Hindustan ] 
 
 4. Umar Shaikh 31. (V.)- 
 
 b. 860, d. 899 
 
 5. S. 3Iurad M. 
 
 6. S. Walad 
 
 7. Ulugh Beg M._ [Kabul] 
 
 8. Aba Bakr 31. | 
 
 9. S. Khalil Abdur-Razzak 31. 
 
 10. Shah Rukh 31. 
 
 ? 4. Sultau 
 Ali 31. 
 
 1. Zahir-ud-Din 31hu. Babar (VI.) 2. Jahangir 31. 3. Nasir 3Iirza 
 
 b. 888, d. 937 
 
 1. Nasir-ud-Din 3Ihd. Humayun (VII.) 
 b. 913, d. 963 
 
 2. Kamran 31. 
 
 3. Askari 31. 
 
 Note. —This Table is almost entirely from Prof. Blochmann’s Ain-i-Akbari —but abridged. 
 
 4. Hiudiil 31. 
 
 To face p. 50. 
 
The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 51 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 THE LAND OP THE MOGHULS. 
 
 His eye might there command wherever stood 
 City of old or modern fame, the seat 
 Of mightiest Empire, from the destined walls 
 Of Cambalu, seat of Cathaian Can, 
 
 And Samarcband by Oxus, Temur’s throne, 
 
 To Paquin of Sinaean Kings; and thence 
 
 To Agra and Lahor of great Mogul. 
 
 —Paradise Lost, Bk. XI. 
 
 The area over which Mirza Haidar’s history extends is a wide 
 one. Expressed in the geographical terms of our times, it may 
 be said to deal with Western Turkistan, Bokhara, Farghana, the 
 Bussian province of Semirechensk (or the seven rivers), the 
 Chinese province of Ili (or Zungaria), Eastern Turkistan, Tibet, 
 Ladak, Baltistan, Gilgit and the neighbouring states, Chitral, 
 Wakhan, Badakhshan, Afghanistan, Kashmir, and Northern 
 India; while references are frequently made to countries lying 
 even beyond these regions. But it is a history, especially, of 
 the eastern branch of the Chaghatais— i.e., the Moghuls proper 
 —and, therefore, the chief scene of action lies in and immediately 
 around their home-land. The situation and extent of this 
 region are not difficult to describe, but it is far from easy to 
 give a name to it as a whole. 
 
 Its limits were not very clearly defined at any period, and 
 were seldom the same for twenty years at a time, while even 
 the names of “ Jatah ” and “ Moghulistan,” by which a portion 
 of it was known, are now not only obsolete, but have 
 hitherto been subject to some doubt regarding the exact locality 
 to which they were applied. Moreover, there was at no time 
 any one name in use, which served to designate the entire 
 Khanate. Mirza Haidar usually speaks of ‘ Moghulistan ’ and 
 ‘Kashghar,’ but it is not always clear whether, by ‘Kashghar,’ he 
 means only the city and district of that name, or the entire 
 province of Alti-Shahr —the Six Cities 1 of Eastern Turkistan—a 
 
 1 The six cities were Kashghar, Yangi Hisar, Yarkand, Khotan, Ush-Tuifan, 
 and Aksu. Dr. Bellew informs us that Maralbashi was sometimes added to 
 the list, when Alti Shahr became Yati Shahr, or seven cities. ( Yarkand 
 Report, p. 185.) The name is probably of Khokandi origin, and belongs to 
 the present century. 
 
 / 2 
 
52 
 
 The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 region which, he tells ns more than once, was, when combined 
 with Farghana, termed Mangalai Suyah or “ Facing the Sun.” 1 
 This territory would almost exactly correspond to the provinces 
 of Farghana and the Chinese Turkistan of modern times, less 
 the districts of Karashahr, Turfan and Hami in the extreme 
 east; or, in other words, to Farghana and Alti-Shahr. But 
 even if we were to give the entire country the double name of 
 “ Moghulistan and Mangalai Suyah,” there would still remain 
 some difficulties of definition. At first sight it would appear 
 that the author describes the limits very exactly ; but this is 
 not quite the case, and for two reasons. In the first place, he 
 sets forth the provinces that composed it on several occasions, 
 but does not always make them the same: the other is that, in 
 common with all Asiatics who attempt to describe an area, he 
 names a district or a geographical feature as a boundary, hut 
 does not mention whether it should be included or excluded— 
 whether the limiting district, range or lake lay beyond or 
 within the area he is describing. In addition to these uncer¬ 
 tainties there is also the inconsistency that Farghana, as a 
 whole, was seldom included within the actual possessions of the 
 Khans of Moghulistan. They always regarded it as theirs by 
 right, but they rarely held more than a few positions, or 
 districts, within its limits, and even these they were usually 
 unable to keep for any length of time. Practically, therefore, 
 Farghana can scarcely he held to have formed a part of their 
 dominions, although it may have been comprised in the geo¬ 
 graphical term “ Mangalai Suyah.” "With this reservation, 
 however, and in order to show what the author describes, it 
 would seem as well that Farghana should be included nominally 
 with Moghulistan and Alti-Shahr; so that, after making due 
 allowance for the fluctuations that occurred at different periods, 
 the following may he regarded (as nearly as possible) as a 
 statement of the extent of the dominions of the Moghul Khans, 
 from about the middle of the fourteenth century to the middle 
 of the sixteenth. 
 
 There was no central division, hut the province of Moghulis¬ 
 tan proper—or Jatah, as it was also called during the early part 
 of that period—being a “steppe” or pastoral country, and the 
 homeland of the dominant tribe, was therefore the principal 
 division. Its western boundary marched with the province of 
 ghash, the modern Tashkand, which seems to have contained 
 1 For some remarks on this name, see note, p. 7. 
 
The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 53 
 
 the whole of the lowlands of the valley of the Sir, from a little 
 above Khojand to about the Arys tributary, and included such 
 towns as Shahrukhia, Tashkand and Sairam. Immediately to 
 the east of this level agricultural stretch, rise the hills which 
 separate it from the valley of the Upper Talas, and it was this 
 line of hills, or uplands, which seems to have stood usually, and 
 in a general way, for the boundary of the Moghuls. To the 
 north of Shash lay the province of Turkistan, with the Karatau 
 hills between it and the Lower Talas, and here again the hills 
 appear to have been the western limit of the nomad tribes. 
 Turning towards the north-west, a line drawn from the Karatau 
 to the southern extremity of Lake Balkash, and continued again 
 from its other extremity to the Tarbagatai mountains, may be 
 taken roughly to have been the frontier in that direction. We 
 hear, at any rate, of no transactions of the Moghuls, as a tribe, 
 anywhere to the north-west of the Balkash; nor do we trace 
 them anywhere to the north of the Imil river, which is fed 
 from the Tarbagatai mountains, except when flying before 
 Timur’s avenging army in 1389 and 1390, they crossed the 
 range into the valley of the Irtish. But this was an occasion 
 when danger led them to seek refuge beyond the bounds of their 
 own country. From the Tarbagatai range, the limiting line 
 would probably bend south-eastward to some point at the 
 northern foot of the Tian Shan, near the present XJrumtsi; but 
 this is somewhat uncertain. All that is clear is that the tract 
 now known as “ Zungaria ” (or the land of the Zungar, or Jungar, 
 Kalmaks) formed a part of the Moghul dominion, but how far 
 precisely, “ Zungaria ” extended towards the east, there is 
 nothing to show. Probably it included Lakes Ebi Nor and 
 Ayar Nor, and had for its central feature the upper course of 
 the Hi river. On the south, the main range of the Tian Shan, 
 as far west as about the head of the Narin river, divided 
 Moghulistan from Kuchar, Aksu, etc., while westward, again, 
 the water-parting ranges between the Narin and Lake Issigh- 
 Kul, continued up to the heads of the Talas, would seem, 
 approximately, to have been the line of separation from Kash- 
 ghar and Farghana. 
 
 The boundaries of Alti-Shahr were better defined by natural 
 features than Moghulistan. It may be said, generally, to have 
 embraced the whole of the system of the Tarim, together with 
 some of the upper waters of the Sir. On the north it marched 
 with the southern limit of Moghulistan, as described above. On 
 
54 
 
 The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 the east it included the town and district of Kuchar (which was 
 usually a dependency of Aksu), and probably the region of Lake 
 Lob; while it excluded Karashahr—then known as Chalish— 
 and all to the east of it, which constituted, as we shall see, a 
 province that bore the ancient name of ‘ Uighuristan.’ On the 
 south, along the whole length of the country, the mountains 
 forming the scarp of the Tibetan highlands—the Kuen-lun and 
 the Altyn Tagh—shut it off from all beyond. Towards the 
 west the Pamirs, generally speaking, constituted its extreme 
 limit, till these abut northward on the southern confines of 
 the valley of the river Sir; for these uplands, then as now, 
 seem to have divided the Kashghar district from Farghana. 
 What the precise limits in the Pamir region were, there is 
 nothing to indicate, hut in speaking of Sarigh-Kul, Mirza 
 Haidar implies that that district, at least, lay within the pro¬ 
 vince of Alti-Shahr, and for a time also, we find Wakhan and 
 Shighnan described as territory dependent on Kashghar, though 
 this was not usually the case. 
 
 But if these were approximately and usually the limits, it 
 does not follow that they were, on the one hand, never over¬ 
 stepped, or on the other, that the area they included was always 
 held intact. As a matter of fact, they varied considerably from 
 time to time. Before the rise of Timur, for instance, invasions, 
 by the Moghuls, of Shash, Turkistan and even Mavara-un-Nahr 
 were of common occurrence, while at times in their later 
 history, they extended their sway over districts in the east 
 which did not properly belong to Alti-Shahr. In the same 
 way, when the affairs of their neighbours were in the hands of 
 strong rulers, portions of Moghulistan were cut off for a time, 
 and numbers of the inhabitants seem to have had no scruple in 
 joining the service of the successful conqueror of the time 
 being. 
 
 The section known as Moghulistan differed widely, in most 
 respects, from its companion province on the south. It was a 
 land of mountains, streams and lakes, of upland pastures and 
 steppes, of wooded valleys and even forests; for while it lay 
 north of the regions which can only become productive if 
 reached by the monsoon from the southern seas, or if irrigated 
 by the art of its inhabitants, it was yet far enough from the 
 blighting snows and sunless days of Siberia, to he in most parts 
 clothed with natural verdure of some kind. Its altitudes were 
 moderate, and its climate, therefore, as Mirza Haidar describes 
 
55 
 
 The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 it, cool and invigorating, though to Europeans, accustomed 
 to live within the modifying influence of the sea, it would 
 appear to be subject to extremes of temperature. Deserts in 
 the proper sense of the word—sandy or stony wastes, with little 
 or no vegetation or water—nowhere existed, except on the ex¬ 
 treme north-western confines, and wherever the word * desert ’ 
 occurs in the text, when referring to Moghulistan, it is because 
 the author has used the Persian or Turki equivalent, though 
 the real meaning would be i the open country,’ or the 4 country 
 devoid of towns and cultivation ’—the ‘ steppe ’—a feature 
 which no English word will describe. 
 
 However this may he, it was a land in every way suited to 
 the habits and customs of a sparse population of nomadic 
 graziers and shepherds, and it accordingly evolved, or at least 
 attracted, a race whose requirements it fulfilled. But the 
 peaceable pursuits of raising flocks and attending herds were 
 not the only avocations of a people with the traditions of the 
 Moghuls. Perhaps their chief requirement was a land whence 
 they might raid on their settled and more wealthy neighbours, 
 and whither, if beaten, they could retire and find a refuge—a 
 land, in short, so inaccessible and unproductive to all but them¬ 
 selves, that it formed, at once, a base for their own description 
 of warfare, a secure retreat, and an inhospitable waste for the 
 pursuing enemy; for where they moved, the whole resources of 
 the country—the food supplies, the transport, the shelter— 
 moved with them, and were used to meet their wants alone. 
 There could have been no forts or towns or immovable pro¬ 
 perty, worthy of the name, for an invader to destroy, and no 
 stationary population, left undefended, upon whom he might 
 wreak his vengeance; for the women and children and the aged 
 all formed part of the expedition, and were doubtless employed 
 or disposed of, in much the same way while the tribe was on the 
 march, as while at home in their own encampment. In times 
 of peace—or rather of inactivity—they probably bred, besides 
 the camels and sheep, which were their principal food-pro¬ 
 ducers, large numbers of ponies, for it was on these that all 
 depended, when wars or forays were on hand. Mobility must 
 have been the quality they relied on more than any other, both 
 in attack and retreat, and we find them baffling their enemies 
 more by their movements than by their fighting power. 
 Indeed, fighting in its proper sense must have been with them, 
 as with most of their neighbours, a pursuit very sparingly 
 
56 The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 indulged in. We read, it is true, of armies counted by hundreds 
 of thousands, and of pitched battles when thousands were killed 
 on either side, but apart from the facts that populations such 
 as those in question could not have put such masses of fighting 
 men in the field, and that numbers among Orientals are at all 
 times used as mere figures of speech, it is remarkable that 
 where a particular battle or other special incident is described 
 in detail, there are usually indications that the numbers engaged 
 were very small indeed. 
 
 This must have been more especially the case with the 
 tribe of Moghuls and the other nomads who allied themselves 
 with them, after the first quarter of the sixteenth century. 
 During Amir Timur’s reign, the Moghuls under Kamar-ud-Din, 
 one of their best leaders, seem to have been always beaten when 
 met by the Amir’s troops, yet they were never thoroughly 
 repressed until the great conqueror had put forth all his 
 strength and resources in following them up, in separate bodies, 
 to the farthest confines of their territory. His problem was 
 not how to beat the Moghuls in battle or to invade their 
 country, but how to catch their mobile forces in sufficient 
 numbers, to make an impression on the nation at large; while, 
 on their part, the Moghuls never seem to have attempted an 
 incursion into Timur’s dominions, except when he and his 
 troops were engaged in prosecuting a war elsewhere. Later, 
 the same difficulty occurred to Ulugh Beg Mirza, who only 
 succeeded in dealing them a heavy blow, through the accident 
 of a piece of treachery on the part of one of their own people, 
 by which he was afforded an unlooked-for opportunity. And 
 later again—within the sixteenth century—when the Kirghiz 
 and Kazaks had to a great extent supplanted the Moghuls in what 
 had been the latter’s own land, and the nominal Khans of the 
 country (Sultan Said and his successor) had their headquarters 
 at Kashghar, it seems evident, though Mirza Haidar says little 
 about it, that the tactics of the nomads left them practically 
 masters of the situation. Yet even in those days, when brought 
 to battle, they are said usually to have been beaten. Perhaps 
 the only power which the Moghuls stood in fear of, after the 
 days of Timur, was that of the Uzbegs, when these were first 
 rising to power. Under Shaibani Khan the confederated tribes 
 of Uzbegs still possessed the characteristics and qualities of 
 nomadic nations, and it is not a little remarkable that the 
 Moghuls, so far from dealing with them as they were accustomed 
 
57 
 
 The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 to do with others in the low countries, enlisted under Shaibani 
 in large numbers, and assisted him against the more civilised 
 forces of Baber and the Khorasani Mirzas. They seem to have 
 feared to measure themselves with those who could use their 
 own tactics against them, or fight them, indeed, with their own 
 weapons. 
 
 In many places in Mirza Haidar’s history, as well as in the 
 Zafar-Nama and other books, mention is made of the ‘ cities ’ 
 or c towns ’ of Moghulistan; but as the same words must 
 necessarily be used when speaking of the settled countries of 
 Mavara-un-Nahr, Turkistan, and Alti-Shahr, they are somewhat 
 misleading terms to apply to the auls, or encampments, of a 
 nomadic people. One native writer, whose book dates from the 
 first half of the fourteenth century, presents, in a few words, a 
 telling picture of Moghulistan in his day—or part of Turkistan as 
 it was then still called. “ Since the region has been devastated 
 by the arms of the Tatars,” he writes, “ it is inhabited only by 
 a scanty population. According to what I have been assured 
 by a man who has travelled through the country, there is 
 nothing to be seen in Turkistan but ruins, and more or less 
 obliterated remains. From a distance one sees a well-built 
 village, the environs of which are covered with beautiful 
 verdure; but on approaching, in the hope of meeting with 
 some inhabitants, there are found only houses completely de¬ 
 serted. The population is composed entirely of nomads—that 
 is, of shepherds and graziers who never occupy themselves with 
 cultivating the land or sowing crops. There is no other verdure 
 but that of the steppes, which grows naturally.” 1 That towns, 
 in the true sense of the word, had existed in the land is thus 
 correct, but they had been built when others possessed and 
 governed it, and before it had become the home of the Mon¬ 
 golian nomads. The Uighurs, a Turki tribe of considerable 
 cultivation by comparison, had owned the greater part, if not 
 the whole, of the country up to less than a century prior to the 
 rise of the Mongols, and were probably the founders of several 
 towns of more or less importance; while the whole of Moghul¬ 
 istan had, during the interval, been occupied by the Kara 
 Khitai, whose people, although perhaps much mixed with 
 nomad tribesmen, seem also to have been capable of building 
 cities and carrying on cultivation. The advent of the Mon- 
 
 1 See the Masdlak-al-Absdr of Sliahah-ud-Din, transl. by Quatremere in 
 Not. et Extr. xiii., p. 257. 
 
58 
 
 The Land of the Moghuls . 
 
 golian hordes, however, under Chingiz and his successors, put 
 an end to all such practices, and from that time till the date 
 when Mirza Haidar’s history closes (and probably for long 
 after also), the country reverted to a purely pastoral condition. 
 When, therefore, we read of the cities of Taraz, Balasaghun, 
 Aimal, Bishbalik, Almaligh, etc., within the Moghul period, it 
 can hardly be that Moghul cities are intended, but rather 
 encampments—some of them, perhaps, central in situation and 
 well inhabited—standing on or near the sites of the remains of 
 these places. 
 
 In the more advanced of the countries conquered by the 
 Mongolian armies—in Persia, Mavara-un-Nahr, Turkistan, etc. 
 —no obliteration or even systematic destruction of towns 
 (except in the course of the wars), and no reversion to a 
 nomadic level, seems to have taken place; hut the difference 
 in the case of Moghulistan was that, in that country, the 
 nomadic tribesmen of the steppes immediately to the eastward 
 —the true Mongolia—pressed in, and appropriating the land 
 for their own habitation, took root, while in the lower countries 
 they settled as rulers only. Those of the Mongols who, after 
 the first invasion, stayed in the conquered countries with their 
 governing Khans or chiefs, probably intermarried, after a time, 
 with the settled population, and were soon absorbed; while in 
 what became known—and partly for this very reason—as 
 ‘ Moghulistan,’ or the ‘ land of the Mongols,’ the invaders found 
 a suitable home, and establishing themselves as one of the 
 nations of the soil, became, for a time at least, the dominant 
 one. As generations passed, they tended, no doubt, to lose 
 their identity by intermarrying with other races already 
 sparsely inhabiting the region, but in this instance their 
 absorption would be a slow process, as compared with the few 
 left among the overwhelming populations of the lower countries 
 in the west. The aul was probably a tribal community, and 
 the number of the Moghuls was perhaps greater than that of 
 their neighbours, while the life of the steppes rendered a 
 certain degree of isolation inevitable. All these circum¬ 
 stances would combine to retard a fusion of races, though it 
 may not, as far as the evidence goes, have obviated it in the 
 end. 
 
 Here, then, no cities sprang up, while those already in 
 existence soon fell to ruin. But the Musulman writers, who 
 constantly confuse the words for ‘ city ’ and ‘ country,’ and 
 
59 
 
 The Land of the Moghuls . 
 
 even 6 nation/ would be unlikely to draw any distinction 
 between a built and permanent town, and an encampment of 
 felt tents—an urdu or an aul, as the Turki words are. In 
 several cases Mirza Haidar mentions towns of Mogbulistan as 
 existing in the form of ruins only, and he is explicit on this 
 point. But he nowhere describes one as an inhabited centre at 
 his own time, though it is only reasonable to suppose that he 
 would, at least, have made some mention of them had they 
 existed, in the same way that he speaks of, and even describes, 
 those of Alti-Shahr. The aul , or collection of felt tents, 
 pitched without order or any view to permanency, near the 
 banks of a stream, and in the centre of some district where 
 pasture was near at hand, was probably the nearest approach 
 to a town at the period our history belongs to. Here, possibly, 
 a square or oblong shed of brown mud bricks, ornamented with 
 yaks’ tails, antelopes’ heads, and rows of small, coloured flags, 
 may have stood to represent the urdu proper, or reception- 
 room and court-house of the chief; while round it were 
 scattered the dome-shaped tents of willow laths, covered with 
 sheets of felt—all grimy and greasy —and ready at any moment 
 to be taken down by the women of the tribe, and packed, with 
 the rest of their domestic belongings, on the hacks of the camels. 
 Of forts, walls, or streets there could have been no sign. In the 
 daytime, the ground on which the encampment stood would 
 have been black with the dried droppings of sheep, a foot in 
 depth, which, whirled into the air by the west wind, would 
 pervade, with its pungent smell, the valley for a mile round, 
 and cover everything, even the surface of the river, with a film 
 of black. By the evening, this unsavoury carpet would be 
 overlaid by thousands of sheep, driven in from the neighbour¬ 
 ing glens and packed close, in scarcely separated flocks, for the 
 night, while outside these, long rows of camels would kneel at 
 their tethering-ropes, and groups of shaggy ponies stand fastened 
 to the doors of their masters’ tents. Near at hand, it may he, 
 some ruined walls or weather-worn mounds pointed to the 
 remains of an Uighur town, or fort, destroyed hundreds of 
 years ago, and having no more connection with the life of the 
 people of the aul than have the ruins of an Elizabethan castle, 
 or a Norman keep, with the inhabitants of a neighbouring county 
 town in England at the present day. 
 
 Encampments such as these would not only leave no trace of 
 where they stood, but even their names would be unlikely to 
 endure in history. Such were, no doubt, At-Bashi, Kuchkar, 
 
60 
 
 The Land of the Moghuls . 
 
 Jumgal, Jud Kuzi, and others, so often spoken of in the Second 
 Part of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi , and several more that are 
 mentioned in the Zafar-Ndma and the Tarikh-i-Jahan Kushai, 
 now impossible to identify. They were typical of the Moghuls 
 as a race—of a nation devoid of constructive instincts, destined 
 only to fallow the land and then make place for others. 
 
 The period subsequent to the conquest of Chingiz’s successors 
 was one when disorder and intolerance prevented European 
 travellers, who might have left a description behind them, from 
 traversing the country of the Moghuls; but a side-light is shed 
 on the subject by a brief mention in Eubruk’s narrative of his 
 visit to Mangu Kaan (Chingiz’s grandson) at Karakorum in the 
 year 1253, and consequently only just at the outset of the 
 establishment of the Mongols in the region in question. Kara¬ 
 korum was then the Mongol capital: it numbered among its 
 inhabitants many Chinese, Uighurs, and other comparatively 
 cultivated people, and was, presumably, if not the only per¬ 
 manent Mongolian town, at any rate by far the best of them. 
 Yet the walls only measured about a mile in circumference, and 
 Eubruk relates of it: “ You must understand that if you set 
 aside the Kaan’s own palace, it is not as good as the borough of 
 St. Dennis; and as for the palace, the abbey of St. Dennis is 
 worth ten of it! There are two streets in the town, one of 
 which is occupied by the Saracens, and in that is the market¬ 
 place. The other street is occupied by the Cathayans, who are 
 all craftsmen .... There are also twelve idol temples belong¬ 
 ing to different nations, two Mahummeries, in which the law of 
 Mahomet is preached, and one Church of the Christians at the 
 extremity of the town. The town is enclosed by a mud wall 
 and has four gates. 5 ’ 1 The Chinese travellers of the thirteenth 
 century give no description of the inhabited centres of Moghul- 
 istan which they passed through, though one of them, Chang 
 Te (who seems to have had an eye for irrigation) mentions 
 briefly that at Almaligh there were reservoirs in the market¬ 
 places, “ connected by running water.” Farther westward 
 also, in the valley of the Chu, he remarks that the country 
 was intersected in all directions by canals which irrigated the 
 fields, while numerous ancient walls and other ruins were seen 
 which he attributed to the days of the Kitan or the Kara Khitai. 2 
 But all these marks of civilisation had been swept away in 
 Mirza Haidar’s time, as he himself implies in his description of 
 
 1 See Yule’s Marco Polo , i., p. 228. 
 
 2 See Bretschneider, i., pp. 127, 129. 
 
61 
 
 The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 the antiquities of that part of the Khanate which, he says, was 
 formerly known as ‘ Kara Khitai.’ 
 
 In attempting to make clear the condition of Moghulistan 
 and the neighbouring regions of Central Asia, perhaps the 
 chief perplexity is experienced in unravelling the nomenclature 
 of places and people. The names of countries and towns not 
 only changed with time, but different nations applied, frequently, 
 a different designation to one and the same place. Thus, 
 names often arose at a certain period, were employed by writers 
 for a time, and again fell out of use. The Mongols, for instance, 
 during their ascendency, gave names of their own to many 
 places which, after the decline of their power, became obsolete. 
 In the same way, the conquests of Timur seem to have given 
 birth to names that are peculiar to that period alone, and were 
 perhaps only in vogue among those connected with the con¬ 
 queror’s court or his armies. This circumstance, in addition to 
 the habit of applying nicknames to tribes and nations, may 
 account for many of the difficulties that surround the identifica¬ 
 tion of names mentioned by various authors, and should act as 
 a warning, in the case of the tribes, not to attach too readily a 
 racial significance to every name that is met with. 
 
 To the Chaghatais of Mavara-un-Nahr and the west, Moghul¬ 
 istan was known, in the 13th and 14th centuries, by the name 
 of Jatah, and though this was only a term of depreciation, or a 
 nickname (as will be explained below), it is employed in the 
 gravest way by several Persian authors of the Timuri period, 
 whose works have become standards of historical reference. 
 What is perhaps more curious to remark is, that the name of 
 Bishbalik, which so often occurs in mediaeval histories and travels, 
 and in the Chinese historical annals, is that by which the 
 Chinese knew the Khanate of Moghulistan, during the earlier 
 part of the period over which Mirza Haidar’s history extends. 
 This name had originally no connection with the Moghuls or 
 their dominion, but was a survival from the days when the 
 region had belonged to the Uighurs. Properly it was the name 
 of a city only, which had been built by the Uighurs, and, 
 having become their capital, had lent its name to the whole 
 kingdom. The meaning, in Turki, is ‘ Five Cities,’ and seems, 
 possibly, to have indicated the capital of the five divisions, or 
 provinces, into which the country of the Uighurs, at that time, 
 (about the middle of the ninth century) was divided ; or other¬ 
 wise, it may have meant that the tribe was divided into five 
 
62 
 
 The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 sections, or tlie town (as one authority has it) into five quarters. 1 
 However this may he, the Chinese knew the country by its 
 Turki name (which they sometimes translated into its Chinese 
 equivalent—Wu-cheng), while they gave the city itself the 
 Chinese style of Pei-ting, or £ Northern Court ’; and subse¬ 
 quently (early in the fifteenth century) changed that of the 
 whole country from ‘ Bishbalik ’ into ‘ Ili-balik.’ 
 
 The town of Bishbalik was situated on, or near, the site of 
 the modern Urumtsi, and the country of which it was the chief 
 place, extended to the westward and north-westward, as well as 
 beyond the southern slopes of the Tian Shan. Like the rest of 
 this part of Asia, it fell into the empire of Chingiz Khan, and, 
 after his death, passed to his son Chaghatai. Later again, in 
 the time of the Chinese Mings, the official historians of that 
 dynasty described the limits of the region in such a way, as to 
 leave no doubt that the country they termed Bishbalik was, 
 indeed, Moghulistan. “ Bie-shi-ba-li,” says the Ming Shi, 2 “ is 
 a great empire in the Si Yii [countries of the west]. It is 
 bordered on the south by Yii-tien [Khotan], on the north by 
 the country of the Wa-la [the Oirat Kalmaks], on the west by 
 Sa-ma-rh-han [Samarkand], and to the east it is contiguous 
 with Huo-chou [Kara Khoja]. It is distant [probably the 
 urdu of the Khan is meant] from Kia-Yii-Kuan in the south¬ 
 east, 3700 li. It is believed that Bie-shi-ba-li occupies the 
 same tracts as, in ancient times, Yenki or Kui-tsz.” 3 As a 
 description of the land and people, the Ming history adds:— 
 “ The country of Ili-ba-li is surrounded by deserts. It extends 
 3000 li from east to west and 2000 li from north to south. 
 There are no cities or palace buildings. The people are nomads 
 living in felt tents, and exchanging their abode, together with 
 their herds, in accordance with the existence of water and 
 pasture land. They are of a fierce appearance. Their common 
 food is flesh and humis. They are dressed in the same fashion 
 as the Wa-la.” 
 
 Many embassies are recorded in the Ming Shi as having 
 
 1 See Bretschneider, i., p. 258. But Mr. Watters deriving his information, 
 it seems, from Chinese sources, counts Bishbalik, or Urumtsi, as one of the 
 “ Five Cities,” and mentions Yenki (now Karashahr) and Kuitze (the present 
 Kuchar) as two of the others. The remaining two he does not specify. 
 (China Review , xix., No. 2, pp. 108, 112.) 
 
 2 Bretschneider, ii., pp. 225 seq. 
 
 3 These were two ancient kingdoms, explained by Dr. Bretschneider to have 
 existed before the Christian era, and to be generally identified, by the Chinese, 
 -with the modern Karashahr and. Kuchar. 
 
The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 63 
 
 passed between Bishbalik, or Ili-balik, and tbe Chinese capital, 
 which make it appear that the Khans of Moghulistan and the 
 Dughlat Amirs paid tribute to China. Whether the position of 
 tributaries was imposed upon them by superior force, or whether, 
 as is far more probable, the missions were sent to cultivate the 
 friendship of a powerful neighbour, and to profit by an exchange 
 of presents, is nowhere intimated; but the result remains, that 
 from the time of Khizir Khwaja, about the year 1391, down to 
 the reign of Isan Bugha II. in 1456, each successive Khan (as 
 we have seen in Section II.) sent one or more tribute-bearing 
 missions to the Ming court. After the latter date, it appears to 
 have been settled that ‘ Ili-bali ’ was to send tribute every 
 three years, but no further mention is made of any special 
 mission, and it is possible that not long afterwards, the growing 
 weakness of the Mings caused the custom to fall into disuse. 
 
 It may be thought strange, perhaps, that Mirza Haidar’s his¬ 
 tory nowhere speaks of intercourse with China, or mentions that 
 the Moghul Khans performed these acts of homage to her Em¬ 
 perors. Whether he omitted any allusion to them, from a feeling 
 that the payment of tribute was derogatory to his ancestors, or 
 whether he thought the subject not worth recording, must 
 remain a matter of conjecture. In all likelihood the latter was 
 the reason, as we shall see, further on, when referring to similar 
 missions from Uighuristan. The proceeding was, presumably, 
 looked upon as a mere form, or indeed a farce, and therefore 
 attracted no attention on the part of the historian. Still, his 
 silence on the point cannot be taken to disprove the statements 
 of the Chinese, for these are explicit and persistent, and can 
 hardly be otherwise than correct as records of bare facts. What 
 is remarkable, however, is that the same Khans and Amirs who 
 were bowing the knee to China, whether in good faith or other¬ 
 wise, had no hesitation in measuring their strength with so 
 great a soldier as Timur. The fact that his power was near and 
 visible did not inspire them with respect, or deter them from 
 raiding into his territory and otherwise provoking his vengeance. 
 But the Chinese, then as now, seem to have possessed the art of 
 attracting the outward forms of submission from distant States, 
 though they had no power to exact the reality. 
 
 Passing now across the mountains to the south-east, an 
 entirely different land and people present themselves, in the 
 province that may be most appropriately and correctly called 
 Alti-Shahr, or the ‘ Six Cities ’ of Eastern Turkistan. Here the 
 
64 
 
 The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 low ranges and open valleys of the steppes, are changed for 
 gigantic mountains on the one hand, and sandy deserts on the 
 other; the aul of felt tents for the town of brown mud-bricks 
 and close-packed bazars; the grazing grounds and hill-side 
 torrents for cultivated fields and irrigation canals; while, above 
 all, the thriftless, irresponsible nomad is replaced by the culti¬ 
 vator and artisan, with all the elements of stability that their 
 industry confers upon a people. Though the area is large, the 
 culturable and habitable spots in it are, out of all proportion, 
 small. One modern traveller describes it as a huge desert 
 fringed by a few small patches of cultivation. Another tells us 
 that a bird’s-eye view of the country would show a huge bare 
 desert, surrounded on three sides by barren mountains, along 
 the bases of which would be seen some vivid green spots, show¬ 
 ing out sharp and distinct like streaks of green paint on a sepia 
 picture. At the western end, the cultivation is of greater extent 
 and more continuous than in the eastern half, where the oases 
 are small and separated from each other by stretches of desert, 
 which increase in length as the traveller passes eastward; while 
 the eastern extremity is desert pure and simple. The oases, 
 however, are fertile enough in themselves, for every drop of 
 the water brought down by the streams from the mountains, is 
 drawn off into irrigating canals, and made to reach as far as 
 possible toward the desert, for agricultural purposes. 
 
 All except the shifting sands of the central waste, appears to 
 require only water to render the ground fertile; but water is 
 precisely the boon that is withheld. Though the monsoon 
 clouds roll in every summer across the mountain masses on the 
 south, they seldom do more than tantalise the cultivator, who 
 watches them in the hope of rain. Indeed, rain but rarely 
 falls, and a Chinese traveller of ancient days 1 has recorded the 
 incredulity of the people, when told that water for cultivation 
 fell from heaven, onto the favoured soil of his country, and 
 rendered it independent of melted snow from the mountains. 
 They laughed, and cried: “ How can heaven provide enough for 
 all ? ” 1 Snow may he less of a rarity, but so dry is the atmo¬ 
 sphere, that when a fall occurs, it evaporates after a few hours, 
 and leaves the surface of the ground scarcely moistened. 
 
 That a land of this nature should support only a small 
 population, and he too poor, as Mirza Haidar tells us, to main¬ 
 tain an army on its own produce, is not surprising. Whether 
 x Sung Yun, in 5X8 a.d. See Beal's Si-Yu-Ki , i., p. xc. 
 
65 
 
 The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 its weakness as a State is owing to this or to whatever other 
 cause, it has always been an easy prey to invaders, and has 
 seldom had a native ruler within historic times. Its population 
 has been a Turki one for ages past, and the Uighur branch of 
 that race may be regarded (as far as historic times are concerned) 
 as the original owners of the soil, and the parent stock of the 
 bulk of the present inhabitants. 1 That in later times, at least, 
 they were not an aggressive race appears evident from the little 
 we hear of them, and that they had some capacity for crafts and 
 literature seems also to be established. No doubt the tendency 
 of such a people would be to live peaceably under any govern¬ 
 ment strong enough to repel external enemies; so that when 
 Mirza Haidar tells us that Alti-Shahr was “ free from the dis¬ 
 cord of men and the trampling of hoofs, and became an asylum 
 for the contented and the prosperous,” he is probably drawing 
 a picture of the country not only true of his own time, but one 
 that serves for several centuries both before and after it. 
 
 During the periods that the Dughlat Amirs and Moghul 
 Khans held sway, we hear of expeditions being sent to overrun 
 Badakhshan, Ladak, and other weak States, but these were 
 evidently undertaken by foreign rulers with their foreign 
 troops, and not by the people of the country; indeed, we come 
 much more frequently upon records of invasions which they 
 themselves underwent at the hands of various enemies, such as 
 the Arabs, the Mongols, the Kara Khitai, and even the Kalmaks. 
 In the raids of the Moghuls into Western Turkistan and 
 Mavara-un-Nahr, in their wars with Timur and Ulugh Beg, 
 and their long campaigns with the Uzbegs, it is probable that 
 the natives of Alti-Shahr took little part, for they are never 
 mentioned as combatants. They had, in short (and have still), 
 all the attributes of a lowland and unwarlike people, whose 
 wealth excites the cupidity of aggressive neighbours, but the 
 nature of whose country and customs prevent them from 
 becoming themselves aggressive. 
 
 It would be interesting to learn what the armies were com¬ 
 posed of, that invaded, in the reigns of Aba Bakr and Sultan 
 Said, Badakhshan, Chitral, etc., Ladak, Tibet and Kashmir. In 
 all likelihood the numbers were very small—to be counted in 
 some instances by hundreds rather than by thousands—while 
 most of the men were probably mercenaries from countries 
 
 1 Comp. Klaproth, in Timkowski’s Voy. a Peking , i., p. 392, and Radloff in 
 Petermann’s Mittheilungen , 1866, Heft, iii., p. 97. 
 
 9 
 
66 
 
 The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 other than Alti-Shahr. Mirza Haidar nowhere specifies the 
 races which furnished the rank and file of these forces. When 
 entering on the conquest of Kashghar, in 1514, he gives an 
 analysis of the chiefs of Sultan Said’s army, nearly all of whom 
 were Moghuls of various clans, or members of tribes who had 
 long previously thrown in their lot with the Moghuls, and the 
 number of tribal followers that each chief brought with him is 
 specified in each case. If the figures given are correct—and as 
 they are not mere round numbers, they appear as if intended to 
 be exact—it is evident that the tribal following which each 
 chief could muster was a mere handful, for the total of the 
 tribesmen mentioned does not approach that of the entire army 
 of 4700 men, as he states it. 1 The remainder must have been 
 mercenaries and adventurers who were, no doubt, to be found 
 in abundance all over Central Asia in those times, in the 
 persons of Kipchaks, Turkomans, Afghans, Karluks and what 
 not. On this occasion, too, a great effort was being made and 
 a prize worth winning was at stake; the army was raised, 
 moreover, in Farghana and Moghulistan, and not in peaceful 
 Alti-Shahr. Thus it was probably a much more numerous one 
 than those afterwards employed on distant expeditions beyond 
 the mountains, though it may be fairly conjectured that the 
 composition was very similar in all cases. In the expedition of 
 Sultan Said against Ladak, Kashmir and Tibet in 1532, the 
 author puts the total of the army at the round figure of 5000 
 men, but in this instance he gives none of the minute parti¬ 
 culars that he records with regard to the 4700 and their 
 supports, who invaded Kashghar. The round number is likely, 
 therefore, to be one of the many similar exaggerations in which 
 his book abounds; for it is improbable that as large a force 
 would have been thought necessary for this enterprise as for 
 the wresting of Kashghar and the whole of Alti-Shahr from 
 so formidable an enemy as Mirza Aba Bakr. He tells us, it is 
 true, that Ladak was incapable of supporting the Khan’s army, 
 but this might have been the case with even half 5000 men 
 and their complement of horses. 
 
 Perhaps the most noteworthy feature of this land of the Six 
 Cities, and the one that has chiefly struck the imagination of 
 
 1 This force was, however, only the army actually operating against 
 Kashghar, Yangi Hisar, etc., lor the author mentions other troops that were 
 guarding the road from Moghulistan, and the baggage; though as regards 
 the number of these, he gives no indication. 
 
67 
 
 The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 both ancient and modern writers, is the central desert with its 
 moving sands and buried towns. It is referred to in Chinese 
 writings of more than 2000 years old, by travellers who gave 
 the region the name of Liu Sha, or ‘ Moving Sands,’ from its 
 chief characteristic and most obvious peculiarity; 1 and it was 
 made known to Europeans through the graphic accounts of it 
 which Marco Polo left on record. The phenomenon of the 
 shifting sands could hardly have escaped Mirza Haidar, and the 
 story he tells of the overwhelming of Katak, with its mosque 
 and minaret, is one of the best pieces of description in his book. 
 It is almost an exact counterpart of that told by Hiuen Tsang 
 in the eighth century, of a town between Khotan and Pima 
 (Pain ?) which was said to have been overwhelmed by the same 
 agency, some hundreds of years previously. In this case, neglect 
 in the proper worship of a Buddhist idol was the cause, while 
 in the later one the Musulmans detected the wrath of God. 
 The earlier calamity too, is said to have been predicted by a 
 pious Arhat seven days before it occurred. At first a great 
 storm of wind arose, which carried sand and soil before it, while 
 “ on the seventh day,” continues the narrative, “ in the evening, 
 just after the division of the night, it rained sand and earth 
 and filled the city .... The town of Ho-lo-lo Kia is now a 
 great sand mound. The kings of neighbouring countries, and 
 persons in power from distant spots, have, many times, wished 
 to excavate the mound and take away the precious things 
 buried there; but as soon as they have arrived at the borders 
 of the place, a furious wind has sprung up, dark clouds have 
 gathered together from the four quarters of heaven, and they 
 have become lost.” 2 
 
 Similar stories are in the mouth of nearly every native of the 
 country down to the present time, and several have been 
 recorded by Dr. Bel lew and Sir Douglas Forsyth. These 
 travellers themselves visited some of the sand-buried ruins in 
 the neighbourhood of Yangi Hisar. One of them was the fort of 
 a Uighur chief called Tokhta Bashid, which had been destroyed 
 about the eleventh century by Arsalan Khan, and afterwards 
 overwhelmed by the sand. Another was the Mazar, or shrine, 
 of one Hazrat Begum, which had been first swallowed up, and 
 again, at a later date, left free by the receding dunes. The 
 neighbourhood of the latter ruin is described as “ a perfect sea 
 
 1 See Bretschneider, ii., pp. 18, 144. 
 
 2 Beal’s Si-Yu-Ki, ii., pp. 323-4. 
 
68 
 
 The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 of loose sand, advancing in regular wave lines from north-west 
 to south-east. The sand dunes are mostly from ten to twenty 
 feet high, but some are seen, like little hills, full a hundred feet 
 high, and in some spots higher. They cover the plain, of which 
 the hard clay is seen between their rows, with numberless 
 chains of two or three or more together in a line, and follow in 
 successive rows one behind the other, just like the marks left 
 by wave ripples on a sandy beach, only on a large scale. 
 Towards the south-east these sand dunes all present a steep 
 bank in the shape of a crescent, the horns of which slope 
 forwards and downwards, in points, to the ground . . . . ” The 
 process of submergence, Dr. Bellew found to be usually a very 
 gradual one, until the symmetry of the dune, becoming broken 
 by an obstructing object, its loose materials subside, and thus 
 overwhelm the obstruction. In the instance of one of the 
 buildings inspected, it was found that “ a chain of three 
 crescentic dunes, side by side, had advanced in line across the 
 plain, till one of the outer crescents had struck the walls of the 
 court of the tenement, and growing up, had, in time, over¬ 
 topped, and thus overflowed and filled its area by its downfall; 
 whilst the other two crescents at its side, continuing their 
 unobstructed course, maintained their proper form uninjured.” 1 
 The rate of progression the writer was unable to determine, as 
 it depends on the varying force of the propelling power, the 
 slope of the land, and the obstructions on its surface. The 
 operation, however, is the same as in the well-known instance 
 of Eccles church, on the coast of Norfolk, only on a larger scale. 
 By 1839 the whole of the church, except a portion of the tower, 
 had been buried; by 1862 the tower had nearly emerged again, 
 while in 1892 the whole building rose free from the level of 
 the strand, the dunes having passed to its landward side. 
 
 The phenomenon thus seen in operation, explains how the 
 town of Katak, and others mentioned by Mirza Haidar, became 
 engulfed, and confirms the stories still current in Eastern 
 Turkistan of ruined towns, or buildings, now and then appear¬ 
 ing for a while and being again submerged. 2 In the extreme 
 east of the country, the sandy desert is found at its worst, and 
 it is in connection with this quarter that most of the tales of 
 weird horrors have their origin. How deeply the superstitious 
 
 1 See Journ. Rl. Geo. Socy., 1877, pp. 9-11. 
 
 2 Mirza Haidar and the Chinese traveller, referred to above, attribute these 
 calamities to the showers of fine sand that frequently fall after violent storms 
 
The Land of the MogJmls. 
 
 69 
 
 mind of the Asiatic may be impressed by these wastes of 
 moving sands, and how little reason there is to wonder at the 
 stories of ghosts, demons, and visions with which he has in¬ 
 vested the region, may be judged by General Prejevalski’s vivid 
 description of it. “ The effect of these bare yellow hillocks,” 
 he writes, “ is most dreary and depressing when you are among 
 them, and can see nothing but the sky and the sand; not a 
 plant, not an animal is visible, with the single exception of the 
 yellowish-grey lizards ( Phrynoceplialus Sp.) which trail their 
 bodies over the loose soil and mark it with the patterns of their 
 tracks. A dull heaviness oppresses the senses in this inani¬ 
 mate sea of sand. No sounds are heard, not even the chirping 
 of the grasshopper ; the silence of the tomb surrounds you.” 1 
 
 Hiuen Tsang’s description scarcely varies from that of the 
 Russian traveller. “ These sands,” he says, “ extend like a 
 drifting flood for a great distance, piled up or scattered before 
 the wind. There is no trace left behind by travellers, and 
 oftentimes the way is lost, and so they wander hither and 
 thither quite bewildered, without any guide or direction. So 
 travellers pile up the bones of animals as beacons. There is 
 neither water nor herbage to be found, and hot winds frequently 
 blow. When these winds rise, both man and beast become 
 confused and forgetful, and then they remain perfectly dis¬ 
 abled. At times, sad and plaintive notes are heard and piteous 
 cries, so that between the sights and sounds of this desert, men 
 get confused and know not whither they go. Hence there are 
 so many who perish on the journey. But it is all the work of 
 demons and evil spirits.” 2 
 
 And if the superstition of the Asiatic is moved by the mystic 
 scenes of the desert, his cupidity is also stirred by the legends 
 of buried riches which the submerged cities are supposed to 
 
 of wind. It is, no doubt, a fact that a high wind carries quantities of 
 impalpable dust into the air, and that much of this gradually falls to the 
 ground again when the storm subsides. In this way the dust showers are 
 formed which have been described by the Georgian traveller Danibeg, in 
 1795, and by Mr. W. H. Johnson, who visited Khotan in 1865. But these 
 showers cannot be held to account for the disappearance of towns, or even 
 buildings, in the sudden and calamitous manner describe 1 by Asiatic authors. 
 Their action would be extremely gradual, and could only submerge a building 
 after operating for centuries, while that of the sand-dunes can accomplish it 
 in a few years. (See, for Danibeg, Qeogr. Mag. 1876, p. 150. Johnson in 
 J. JR. G. S. 1867, p. 5. Also note, p. 11.) 
 
 1 Prejevalski, Kulja to Lake Lob , pp. 163-4, 
 
 2 Beal’s Si- Yu- Ki ii., pp. 324-5, 
 
70 
 
 The Land of the Moghuls. 
 
 contain. Traditions lose nothing from age or from being often 
 repeated, and no doubt, the stories of hidden treasures are now 
 —and, indeed, were in Mirza Haidar’s time—ancient enough to 
 acquire a very strong influence on numbers of the population. 
 From time to time ornaments, vessels, images, and coins of 
 great curiosity are unearthed, but their value to the finders, 
 whose only interest lies in the worth of the metal they are 
 made of, can scarcely be great. Perhaps the only systematic 
 exploitation of the ancient sites, ever undertaken, is that of 
 Mirza Aba Bakr, Amir of Kashghar, so fully described by our 
 author. It may be dated about the end of the fifteenth and 
 beginning of the sixteenth century, and we may infer that nearly 
 everything of intrinsic value was brought to light, while much 
 that was of antiquarian interest was destroyed, so that when, 
 at some future time, civilised explorers come to investigate the 
 ruins, and find little to reward their labours, they may feel 
 themselves indebted to the cupidity of Mirza Aba Bakr for 
 their disappointment. The tales which the author tells of the 
 riches accumulated by the Mirza, may safely be regarded as, in 
 a great measure, fabulous; but it is precisely tales such as these 
 that have given rise to the inflated estimates of buried wealth 
 so common in the country, even at the present day. 
 
 Here and there valuable records of the past may still be 
 forthcoming from the submerged towns, like those obtained in 
 1874, by Sir I). Forsyth, who enumerates a figure of Buddha 
 of the tenth century, a clay figure of the Hindu monkey-god 
 Hanuman, and Hindu women’s ornaments, all pointing to that 
 close intercourse with India which we know, from other sources, 
 to have existed in times before Muhammadanism prevailed and 
 crushed it. He also obtained several Greek coins of great 
 antiquity and interest. Among these is mentioned especially 
 one of Antimachus, dating about 140 b.c., and another, of 
 Menander, from about the year 126 b.c., while a third, an iron 
 one of Hermaeus, might, it was thought, prove even older than 
 either of these. But it is not necessarily among the ruins 
 buried by the shifting sands, that relics of remote ages will be 
 found. Very ancient remains are known already to exist at 
 various points along the southern spurs of the Tian Shan, 
 though nothing has yet been ascertained as to the age they 
 belong to. It was near the town of Kuchar—the ancient 
 Kuitze of the Chinese—that Captain Bower found the famous 
 birch-bark manuscript, written in Sanskrit and dating from 
 
The Land of the Moghuls. 71 
 
 the fifth century, while he also points to ruins of cities which, 
 though buried beneath the present level of the country, have 
 no connection with the shifting sands. 1 
 
 But it is time to turn from the land of the man to the man 
 of the land. 
 
 1 See Pros. R. A. S. B., Nov. 1890. 
 
72 
 
 The People — 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 THE PEOPLE—MOGHUL, TURK, AND UIGHUR . 1 
 
 Men from the regions near the Volga’s mouth, 
 
 Mixed with the rude, black archers of the South ; 
 
 .Chiefs of the Uzbek race, 
 
 Waving their heron crests with martial grace; 
 
 Turkomans, countless as their flocks, led forth 
 From th’ aromatic pastures of the North; 
 
 Wild warriors of the turquoise hills,—and those 
 Who dwell beyond the everlasting snows 
 Of Hindoo Kosh, in stormy freedom bred, .... 
 
 — Veiled Prophet of Khorasan. 
 
 In the foregoing Section, it has been found convenient to use 
 the word Moghulistan for the region occupied by the descend¬ 
 ants of the Mongols, subsequent to the time of Chaghatai Khan, 
 though it has been necessary, when speaking of the people or 
 their language from a racial point of view, to employ, occasion¬ 
 ally, the terms Mongol and Mongolian rather than Moghul. 
 The distinction may not be a very satisfactory one, and need 
 not be carried farther than is absolutely needed to differentiate 
 between the earlier racial attributes, and the later national, or 
 political, aspects of the land and people. It is not easy, how¬ 
 ever, to distinguish, nominally, between the Mongols of Mon¬ 
 golia proper, before they spread to the westward under Chingiz 
 Khan, and the same people when, at a later date, having 
 separated from the land of their ancestors, they had come to 
 close quarters with the Musulman inhabitants of the western 
 states of Central Asia. These neighbours mispronounced the 
 name of the new-comers’ original nation and, afterwards 
 becoming their historians, handed it down to posterity under 
 what appears to be an altered form. Fortunately it was not 
 greatly changed by either Persian or Turki writers, yet the 
 slight modification they made has led, in modern times, to 
 doubts whether the terms Mongol and Moghul were intended 
 
 1 This section was read, in MS., by Sir H. Howorth, who had the kindness 
 to add some marginal notes. These I have distinguished by subscribing his 
 initials. 
 
73 
 
 Moghul, Turk, and Uighur. 
 
 for the same word, and whether they denoted one people or 
 two. We may be satisfied that the two forms, as also the 
 Mo-al of some of the earlier transliterators from the Chinese, 
 are intended for one and the same. 1 
 
 With the name of the land it was somewhat different. The 
 Mongols themselves have perhaps never had a general name 
 for the whole of the countries inhabited by their tribes—that 
 is, for the region known to Europeans as ‘ Mongolia ’ in its most 
 extended sense. At the time of Chingiz Khan, probably what¬ 
 ever country was vaguely regarded by Turki and Persian 
 writers as being in the original occupation of the Mongols, or 
 Moghuls, was called simply Mogliulistan; but later, when a 
 specific region, bordering on some of the most advanced and 
 thickly peopled countries of the Turks and Tajiks,, became the 
 home of Mongol tribesmen, who made their presence felt in 
 a manner none too agreeable, they absorbed the attention of 
 their neighbours and came to be spoken of as the Moghuls in a 
 special sense, and their land as Mogliulistan. The rest of the 
 race fell out of sight: their territory was far away and probably 
 seldom heard of, while taking into consideration the loose ideas 
 prevalent among Asiatics on such subjects, it is not in the 
 least unlikely that the smaller, but better known, region, should 
 have acquired for itself the name which, by strict right, should 
 have been applied to the whole. 
 
 That the original population of this smaller region was 
 composed of various nations, previous to its becoming the home 
 of Mongol tribesmen, we have seen already. Abul Ghazi tells 
 us that it was inhabited by many tribes—some that were of 
 Mongol race and others that were not—and D’Ohsson and 
 Howorth amply demonstrate the same thing. It contained 
 Uighurs, who were a tribe of Turki descent; Kara Khitai, whose 
 origin was chiefly Manchu (and therefore of a Tungusic root), 
 though probably much mixed with Mongol blood; also Naimans 
 and Karluks, and perhaps some original Kirghiz, all of Turki 
 ancestry; and, moreover, there were Kalmaks, who must be 
 regarded as a branch of the Mongol race. 2 But when, during 
 
 1 At the present day, it takes a sharp ear to distinguish the exact pro¬ 
 nunciation, when the word is spoken by a true Mongol—as, for instance, a 
 Khalka or a Chakhar. It sounds as often Mo-ghol or Mo-ol as Mongol; and 
 sometimes even Monghol. But always with the vowel sound of o, and never 
 that ol u. The latter vowel is, no doubt, a foreign introduction. 
 
 1 he name Kalmak is a difficulty. It is unknown among the so-called 
 Kalmaks, who treat it as a term of opprobrium, and it has been suspected to 
 
74 
 
 The People — 
 
 the time of the Mongol ascendency, large numbers of that 
 people settled in the country and became, from a military point 
 of view, the dominant race, it is scarcely surprising that the 
 western foreigners should have given the whole of the region 
 the name of Moghulistan, 1 just as they had previously, when 
 the Kara Khitai were supreme there, called the same territory 
 Kara Khitai. It was the name that the Mongols themselves 
 affected and were (at that time, at any rate) proud of, while it 
 was also that with which their fame and their most cherished 
 traditions were associated. Their mode of procedure, and the 
 result they unconsciously attained, are paralleled in European 
 history by the instance of the Franks in Gaul. During the 
 third century, the Franks were still a loose confederacy of 
 Germanic tribes living beyond the right bank of the Khine. 
 By degrees, under the Merovingians, they began to invade the 
 country on the left bank. As the Boman power declined, their 
 own increased till, in the fifth century, they had extended it 
 over the whole of northern Gaul. Here they adapted them¬ 
 selves to the conditions of their new territory, and gradually 
 spread over the entire surface of what is now France. Their 
 numbers were so small that they were overlaid by the large 
 Gallic population, yet the new-comers succeeded eventually in 
 imposing their name on the larger nation, and originated the 
 names of France and French, which entirely displaced those of 
 the ancient inhabitants. 
 
 But Moghulistan was not the only name the new land of the 
 Mongols acquired, for in many books of the fourteenth and 
 
 be a corruption of Kalpak. Kara-kalpaks—black bats—will be remembered 
 as an appellation. I am quite convinced that the Naimans and Karlugbs 
 were a branch of the Uighurs. Naiman means “eight,” and, by itself, is an 
 impossible appellation. They were really called “ Naiman-Uighurs,” or the 
 “ Eight Uighurs.” When the Mongol Empire broke up, the Naimans joined 
 the Kazak and Uzbeg confederacies, aud the chief tribe of the Middle Horde 
 is still called Hannan.—H. H. 
 
 1 The late Professor Grigorief has explained that: “ from the time of 
 Timur the name Mongol, or Mogol, was given, by Musulman historians, 
 not to the Mongols, but to the Turkish subjects of the Jaghatis who ruled in 
 Zungaria and the western parts of what are now called the Kirghiz steppes.” 
 (See Schuyler’s Turkistan , i., p. 375.) The word “western” is probably a 
 misprint for “ easternbut Professor Grigorief can hardly mean that the 
 name of Mongol, or Moghul, was applied only to those who were Turks, and 
 consequently not Mongols, by race. My impression is that the confusion he 
 has fallen into, will be sufficiently cleared up by observing the non-ethnic 
 way in which Asiatic writers use the word Turk , but which the Professor 
 seems to have taken in a strictly ethnical seuse. This subject will be explained 
 farther on in the present Section. 
 
75 
 
 Moghul , Turk , and Uighur. 
 
 fifteenth centuries, we find both country and people alluded to 
 under the name of Jatah —a name that, in translating, has been 
 made to assume several unnecessary forms. Thus Petis de la 
 Croix, who put the Zafar-Ndma into French, as far back as the 
 end of the seventeenth century, transliterated the word Geta, 
 and many subsequent authors followed his example. From the 
 name mis-spelled in this way, much speculation arose among 
 European writers, some of whom were able to derive from it the 
 designation of the Jats of India, and others to recognise the Getse, 
 or Masagetse, of classical authors. It is fair to say that most 
 modern Orientalists have hesitated to accept these speculative 
 conjectures, though the meaning and origin of the name have 
 been hidden from them. Mirza Haidar now (and he is the first to 
 do so) clears the matter up by informing his readers, parenthe¬ 
 tically, in a number of places, that Moghulistan and Jatah were 
 one and the same country. In the passages from the Zafar- 
 Ndma , which he cites in the First Part of his history, he inter¬ 
 polates this definition repeatedly, while in the closing chapter 
 of that Part, he adds the further explanation that the Chaghatais 
 called the Moghuls Jatah , on account of their enmity towards 
 them, and by way of depreciation. Thus it was merely a nick¬ 
 name—a term of contempt or reproach—and when, with this 
 clue, the word is sought in a Mongol dictionary, it is found 
 to mean a 4 worthless person,’ a ‘ ne’er-do-well,’ or ‘ rascal.’ 1 
 It has therefore no racial significance, but like such names as 
 Kazak, Kalmak, etc., was probably applied to the Moghuls by 
 their more cultivated neighbours, on account of their barbarous 
 manners, lawless character, and unsettled habits generally. 2 
 This being the sense, it need not be used except in translating 
 from the texts; explained once for all, the Jatahs who have 
 haunted the works of historians and commentators for two 
 
 1 My attention has been called to a Mongol word jete, chete , or cliata , having 
 the meanings of ‘ margin,’ ‘ border,’ or ‘ a march; ’ but these are significa¬ 
 tions which could scarcely have been applied as a term of reproach or 
 depreciation. 
 
 2 Quatremere, though unaware of the meaning of the word, sagaciously 
 inferred, from the numerous authors he had read, that it was employed to 
 designate a nation composed of Mongol tribes and others, and was not in 
 reality a race name. He tells us also that the term Jatah is of very recent 
 origin. It is not to be found in the works of authors previous to the fifteenth 
 century, and is about contemporaneous with the birth of such denominations 
 as KazdJc, Sart, Sirr, Kalmak , and others. On the other hand, the word 
 could not be traced by Quatremere in any book subsequent to that of Abdur 
 liazzak (the Matla i Saadain), who died 1482. (See Not. et Extraits, xiii., 
 p. 231.) 
 
76 The People — 
 
 hundred years, fall into their right place and need be heard of 
 no more. 
 
 But the anomalies of nomenclature did not stop here, for our 
 author further implies that the Moghuls retorted on the Chag- 
 hatais with the reproachful name of Kardwanas. Unfortunately 
 he does not, in this instance, give any clue to the meaning of 
 the word, and neither Turki dictionaries nor the transliterated 
 Mongol dictionaries (as far as I am able to use them) throw 
 any light upon it. Indeed, I know of nothing to point to the 
 word being a term of depreciation, except the inference to be 
 drawn from this one statement of Mirza Haidar’s; but, taking 
 into consideration the connection in which he introduces it, 
 and the common practice over the greater part of Asia, of one 
 nation calling another by a reproachful nickname, this single 
 instance is probably sufficient. The name, under one variant 
 or another, has been found by translators in several Oriental 
 works, and appears in many cases to be applied to a tribe or 
 community : thus Quatremere cites the Tarikh-i- Wassaf to the 
 effect that the army of the “ Karavenas ” resembled monkeys 
 rather than men, but that they were the bravest “ among the 
 Mongols also Mirkhwand, who is represented as describing 
 them in precisely the same way ; Rashid-ud-Din, who also speaks 
 of their bravery; and several others who, however, only make 
 mention of the name. Not one of these authors assists us in 
 assigning a meaning to the word, or in tracing the origin of its 
 application to the Chaghatais as a people. None of them do 
 more than represent the Karawanas to have been a sub-tribe of 
 Mongols who entered Khorasan and Persia under Hulaku, or 
 very shortly after him. 
 
 It appears from Wassaf that there was, indeed, a tribe among 
 the Mongols named Kurdnas 1 towards the end of the twelfth 
 century, though the name is not traceable in Rashid-ud-Din’s 
 lists, unless we are prepared to recognise it in that which Dr. 
 Erdmann transliterates “ Ckaranut ” (where the final t is only 
 the Mongol plural) or “ CkurulasT 2 In any case, the form 
 Kurdnas is said to have afterwards become modified in Persia, 
 into Kardwanas, which, but for the absence of an accent on the 
 third a, is the same spelling as Mirza Haidar’s. But the fact 
 
 1 It occurs in a list of thirty-nine tribes furnished by Wassaf, who compiled 
 his list from a book called the Tarikh-i-Mogul. This information reaches me 
 from Khan Bah&dur Maula Bakhsh, H.M.’s Attache at the Consulate General 
 in Khorasan. (See also App. B.) 
 
 2 In Erdmann’s Temudschin de Unerschutterliche , p. 168. 
 
77 
 
 Moghul , Turk, and Uiglmr. 
 
 that a tribe, or sub-tribe, bearing this name existed in the 
 twelfth or thirteenth centuries, in no way accounts for its having 
 been applied, as a general term of contempt, to the Chaghatais 
 as a people : there must have been some other reason and 
 origin. The name itself was found, by Quatremere, never to 
 appear previous to the Mongol invasions of the west, or subse¬ 
 quent to the date of the Zafar-Nama —viz., 1424. 1 Marco Polo 
 was one of the earliest to mention it, and he gives it the form 
 Caraonas. He relates that he met with the Garaonas at Kirman 
 and, apparently also, at other places in Persia farther north, and 
 describes them as a robber tribe who were “ the sons of Indian 
 mothers by Tartar fathers.” Probably the word £C Indian ” may 
 have been employed by him in a very broad sense, or it may, as 
 Sir H. Yule has suggested, perhaps stand for Biluchi; but in 
 any case, Marco Polo refers to them as a race of half-breeds, 
 and states that the name of Caraonas had been given them on 
 account of their mixed parentage. 2 Dr. Erdmann, again, alludes 
 to the Karawinah , or Karawinas, stationed in Khorasan about 
 the same period, and explains, on the authority of Wassaf, that 
 they were the artillerists (Feuerwerker) of the Chaghatai army. 3 
 These are the only two instances known to me, where meanings 
 for the term are suggested by original contemporary authors; 
 but there seems no reason to suppose that the name was 
 specially given to any such classes as half-caste robbers or 
 artillerymen. It was imposed, Mirza Haidar tells us, on the 
 Chaghatais generally, and therefore is far more likely to have 
 had its origin in something quite unconnected with either the 
 banditti of Kirman or the gunners of the army in Khorasan, 
 for both these classes may have inherited a right to the distinc¬ 
 tion with their Chaghatai relationship: 4 the lesser would be 
 contained in the greater. 
 
 But under whatever name the Moghuls were known to their 
 neighbours, one of the most noteworthy circumstances connected 
 with them, during the period to which Mirza Haidar’s history 
 refers, was that they were rapidly declining in power and in 
 numbers. With the introduction among them of theMusulman 
 
 1 Not. et Extr. xiv. p. 282. 
 
 2 Marco Polo, i., p. 99, and note. 
 
 3 Temudschin , Introd. p. 183. 
 
 4 It is not clear in what sense Marco Polo uses the word “ Tartar,” but it 
 may, I think, be assumed that with him, as with most Western writers, the 
 Chaghatais would have come under that denomination. 
 
 For some further remarks by Mr. Maula Bakhsh on the Karawanas in 
 Persia, see App. 13. 
 
78 
 
 The People — 
 
 religion, they seem to have tended gradually to lose their 
 national characteristics and to merge more and more into the 
 tribes or nations—for the most part of Turki descent—by whom 
 they were surrounded. From the time of the Mongol conquests 
 down to the first half of the sixteenth century, nearly three 
 hundred years had elapsed. In so long a period, it is only reason¬ 
 able to conclude that some changes may have taken place in a 
 politically weak and unstable people like the Mongols, and who, 
 in addition, were pressed upon from the west and south by alien 
 nations much superior to themselves in numbers. It is not, 
 however, necessary to assume, as some writers have done, that 
 the mass of the Moghuls, even in the latest years of this period, 
 were of Turki blood, or that they used the Turki language as 
 their own. 1 The circumstances that appear rather to have 
 given rise to this view are : (1) the glimpses that are occasion¬ 
 ally obtained in history of the Moghul Khans and chiefs (almost 
 the only persons ever noticed individually by historians) who 
 had become to all intents and purposes Turks, at a period 
 following pretty closely on that of the Mongol ascendency—a 
 matter that affects only the Moghuls of Moghulistan; and (2) 
 the use made by Musulman authors of the word Turk, when 
 designating, sometimes all nomad and steppe-dwelling, or 
 pastoral, tribes, and sometimes a specific race. This dual use 
 of the word Turk underlies the whole of the ethnography of 
 Central Asia, as it has come down to us through the writings 
 of Oriental authors. It has been my object to avoid, if possible, 
 all discussion of this much-debated question, but in order that 
 some of our author’s statements may not be wrongly interpreted, 
 it is necessary to make some brief remarks upon it. 
 
 One instance which touches phase (1) is that of the racial 
 characteristics of the family of Baber, which gave to India the 
 
 1 In making this remark I am not alluding to the origin of the Mongol 
 tribes. How Mongol, Turk, and Tatar arose in remote ages, is a subject with 
 which Mirza Haidar’s book has no concern, and which, therefore, need not 
 occupy us here. Dr. Erdmann, in his learned work just cited, has thoroughly 
 sifted the matter, and has shown how the Mongol was originally connected 
 with the Turk. Sir H. Howorth has come to similar conclusions with regard 
 to the common origin of the two people. I am dealing, here, with only the 
 long subsequent period when Mongols and Turks had come to differ from one 
 another, in feature and in language, to as great an extent as the Scandinavian 
 and Latin races in Europe. What does concern this history is that that section 
 of the Mongols, best known to their Western neighbours as the inhabitants 
 of Moghulistan, were at the period in question still Mongol, in fact, though 
 perhaps gradually tending to become Turkish by fusion of language and 
 blood. 
 
79 
 
 Moghul, Turk , and Uighur . 
 
 so-called ‘ Moghul ’ line of kings. It will hardly be disputed that 
 not alone Baber himself, but some of his more immediate ances¬ 
 tors, were to all intents and purposes Turks; and this was the case 
 not only in the acquisition of language and manners, hut by inter¬ 
 mixture of blood; while his successors, whose portraits, painted 
 in India, are extant at the present day, show no trace in their 
 features of descent from a Mongoloid race. It is said that 
 Baber’s grandfather (Sultan Abu Said of Khorasan, 1452-67) 
 was described by a Khivan contemporary, who visited him, as a 
 very handsome man with a full heard and unlike a Moghul. 
 Another, and perhaps more perfect, instance of the same thing 
 is the description given in the Tdrikh-i-Bctshidi of the personal 
 appearance of Yunus, Khan of Moghulistan, in 1456, or some 
 two centuries only after the death of Chaghatai Khan—who was 
 certainly a pure Mongol. Yunus is reported, by one who says 
 that he expected to see a beardless man, “ like any other Turk 
 of the desert,” to have had a full beard and Tajik (i.e., Aryan) 
 features j 1 and brief though this description is, it tells so signifi¬ 
 cant a tale of a changed race, that it is probably as trustworthy 
 a record, as a portrait painted by even a superior artist to those 
 of Hindustan. In the case of the few families of the chiefs, 
 there would be a tendency to change much more rapidly than 
 in that of the bulk of the people. Their custom was to give their 
 relations in marriage to the friendly rulers of foreign countries, 
 and, in exchange, to take to wife a member of those rulers’ 
 families ; if one Khan subjugated another, he usually demanded 
 a daughter or a sister in marriage; while it was no doubt 
 possible, and perhaps fashionable, for the governing classes to 
 add foreign wives to their harems, in the same way that Musul- 
 mans of means and position have loved to do at all periods and 
 in most countries. 
 
 In these circumstances, the physical characteristics of the 
 original race would soon pass away among the families of the 
 chiefs, and with them would go the language and the customs. 
 But with the mass of the tribes-people it would be otherwise. 
 There appears to be no description of them indicating a resem¬ 
 blance to the Turks; on the contrary, the description of Yunus 
 implies a difference between him and the mass of his people. 
 Moreover, we may assume that the rank and file of the Moghuls 
 would not have the same opportunities for rapidly connecting 
 themselves in blood relationship with their neighbours; conse- 
 
 1 See p. 97. 
 
80 
 
 The People — 
 
 quently the distinctive features of their race would take longer 
 to undermine. As already observed, the life of the steppes and 
 the comparative isolation of the aid, would tend rather to pre¬ 
 serve the purity of the race. It may not he possible to form 
 an estimate of the length of time that would be needed to bring 
 about a change of type by gradual intermarriage, but we know, 
 at any rate, of one instance where this same Mongol people, from 
 living in more or less isolated positions, and mixing with neigh¬ 
 bouring races only to a very slight extent, have preserved all 
 the physical characteristics of their original type, as well as the 
 language, down to our own day—or some six and a half centuries 
 from the date of their transplantation, during the era of the 
 Mongol conquests. I refer to the Hazaras of Afghanistan, most 
 of whom are still as unmistakably Mongol in feature and build 
 as the inhabitants of Mongolia itself. According to the most 
 trustworthy accounts of them, they descend from the remnants 
 of the army of Nikudar Oglilan, a son of Hulaku, 1 who invaded 
 the region in which they dwell now, about the latter half of the 
 thirteenth century ; while Professor von der Gabelentz has 
 shown that, in spite of a slight mixture of Persian words, their 
 language is still strictly Mongolian, or more particularly, West 
 Mongolian— i.e., Kalmak. 2 
 
 On the general question of the rise and decay of languages, 
 enough is known of the process which a nation has to go 
 through before it can completely change its tongue, to justify 
 the belief that a very long period is needed for the transfer to 
 become finally accomplished. The first step is that the people 
 should become bi-lingual—that the mass of them (not a few of 
 the chiefs) should come to use both the old and the new 
 language with equal facility—and this alone is a process re¬ 
 quiring many generations. The next step is that the old 
 language should fall into disuse and be forgotten. The second 
 
 1 More exactly, seventh son of Hulaku, who, becoming converted to Islam, 
 towards the end of the thirteenth century, took the name of Ahmad, and 
 reigned as Sultan Ahmad, in succession to his brother Abaka. The name, 
 however, instead of Nikudar, should perhaps read Takudar. (See Ho worth, 
 iii., pp. 310 and 680. 
 
 2 See H. C. von der Gabelentz, “ Uber die Sprache der Hazaras und 
 Aimaks,” in Zeitschrift Deutscli. Morgenland. Geseil. xx., pp. 326-35 (1866). 
 According to Khanikoff, the Hazaras are the posterity of an army, or tribe, 
 led into the hills they now inhabit, by Shah Rukh. (Ibid , p. 335.) If so, 
 they must have been pure Mongols in type, while dwelling in the low 
 countries, as late as the end of the fourteenth century; but the view given in 
 the text above is the more probable. (See also Col. Jarrett’s note in Ain-i- 
 Akbari , ii., pp. 401-2, Calcutta, 1891.) 
 
81 
 
 Moghul\ Turk , and Uighur. 
 
 stage may, perhaps, take less time to work itself out than the 
 first; but it must, nevertheless, require a period measured in 
 generations. Thus, when we consider that a century (accord¬ 
 ing to the usual computation) embraces only about three 
 generations, it must he regarded as improbable that the tribes 
 which were pure Mongols at the end of the thirteenth century 
 should have become the pure Turks they are sometimes repre¬ 
 sented, at the period dealt with by our author. The Eussian 
 savant Gmelin, who travelled in Central Asia in the last cen¬ 
 tury, is emphatic in stating his belief in the permanency of the 
 Mongol race in general, as far as physical attributes are con¬ 
 cerned. He affirms that, in spite of all mixtures of blood by 
 their wars in distant countries, the Mongol tribes have not 
 only preserved their characteristic type of features, but have 
 even impressed it on other races with whom they have come in 
 contact—such as the Kirghiz and others. 1 This statement 
 perhaps hardly affords a proof on the subject in question, but 
 it goes towards showing that the eradication of the Mongol 
 type is not a simple matter, or one that is likely to have been 
 accomplished in a space of barely two hundred years. 
 
 Amir Khusru, the poet of mediaeval India, draws—or perhaps 
 overdraws—a picture of the Moghuls who invaded Northern 
 India towards the end of the thirteenth century, in a manner which 
 leaves no doubt that he is attempting to describe a Mongoloid 
 race. He had previously fallen into their hands as a prisoner, 
 and, according to his own account, had been badly treated by 
 them; as he was no doubt burning with dread and resentment, 
 his description must be taken to be somewhat tinged by his 
 feelings. However, omitting some offensive details, he writes 
 thus: “ There were more than a thousand Tatar infidels and 
 warriors of other tribes, riding on camels, great commanders in 
 battle, all with steel-like bodies clothed in cotton; with faces 
 like fire, with caps of sheepskin, with heads shorn. Their eyes 
 were so narrow and piercing that they might have bored a hole 
 in a brazen vessel. . . . Their faces were set on their bodies 
 as if they had no neck. Their cheeks resembled soft leathern 
 bottles, full of wrinkles and knots. Their noses extended from 
 cheek to cheek, and their mouths from cheek bone to cheek 
 bone. . . . Their moustaches were of extravagant length. 
 They had but scanty beards about their chins. . . . They 
 looked like so many white demons, and the people fled from 
 
 1 Decouvertes Russes, vol, iii., p. 209. 
 
 h 
 
82 
 
 The People — 
 
 them everywhere in affright.” 1 Is it possible that a race which 
 would call forth such a description as this, from even a terrified 
 poet, could have become, in the mass, men like Yunus or Baber 
 between the end of the thirteenth century and the latter half of 
 the fifteenth ? 
 
 Thus, although it might appear at first sight that, with the 
 change taking place in the families of the Khans, with the 
 advance of the Musulman religion and the growing use of the 
 Turki language, it would be impossible to distinguish a true Mo¬ 
 ghul people, still evidence is not wanting to show that even up 
 to the first half of the sixteenth century, the Moghuls of Moghul- 
 istan—the Moghul Ulus of Mirza Haidar—were in fact a separate 
 people from the Turks. During the period 1514 to 1533, the 
 Mirza constantly alludes to a distinct tribe or community of 
 Moghuls—however reduced in numbers—in exactly the same 
 terms as he refers to them at a period dating two hundred years 
 before. They were neither Kirghiz, nor Uzbegs, nor Kalmaks, but 
 were the natural enemies of all three; they were of the Ulus (or 
 clan) of the Khans descended from Chaghatai; they preserved 
 Mongol customs and, from occasional incidental references 
 which he makes to Mongol terms and phrases, must have re¬ 
 tained something, at least, of the original language of their 
 nation, though they had no literature in which it could become 
 fixed. This being the case, the bulk of them must have pre¬ 
 served their Mongol type to the last, and it may perhaps be 
 fairly conjectured that whatever change they had undergone, 
 was due less to the fusion of blood than to the conversion of 
 the people to Islam. The spread of the Musulman religion 
 tends always to the modification of manners and customs, and 
 to the use of the Arabic, Turki or Persian language; but in 
 spite of all, racial characteristics remain, until very gradually 
 expunged by a course of inter-breeding, that must extend over 
 many centuries. Several parallel cases (besides that of the 
 Hazaras) might be cited among Asiatic nations; but one, 
 haviug no relation to the Mongol tribes, will suffice. The 
 Baltis of Baltistan, or Little Tibet, formed originally a section 
 of the ordinary population of Tibet, were of the same religion, 
 and used the same language. Some three centuries or more 
 ago, they were converted to the Musulman faith, and began 
 gradually to change their manners. At present the written 
 language of Tibet is unknown among them, Persian having 
 
 1 Elliot’s EUt. of India , iii., pp. 528-9. 
 
83 
 
 Moghul ’ Turk , and Uighur . 
 
 *■ ». •. *> 
 
 replaced it; their chiefs, through intermarriage with neigh¬ 
 bouring Musulman peoples, have changed so greatly, even in 
 type, that usually no trace of the Tibetan is left; hut the mass 
 of the nation, though practising Musulman social customs and 
 wearing a Musulman costume, have not lost the Tibetan spoken 
 language, and are, in feature and other personal attributes, as 
 thoroughly Tibetan as ever they were. Had the Baltis occu¬ 
 pied an open country, and been constantly engaged in wars 
 and invasions, there might have been a greater and more 
 rapid change. Their secluded mountainous home (like that 
 of the Hazaras) has mitigated this, and has helped to pre¬ 
 serve them as a race: but the principle is the same as with the 
 Moghuls. 
 
 With regard to the misleading employment of the word Turk, 
 alluded to above, it must be explained that, among Asiatic 
 authors, it is constantly met with as the definition of a race or 
 people distinguished from the Tartars and the Moghuls, on the 
 one hand, and from Tajiks, or Taziks, on the other. But in 
 the same writings, and often on the same page, it is used to 
 denote all nomads and inhabitants of the steppes, irrespective 
 of race or origin, and merely to distinguish such people from 
 those who dwelt in towns, and who cultivated the settled districts 
 —or from the Tajiks generally. The first may be regarded as 
 its ethnological sense : the second as sociological only, and as 
 about synonymous with the adopted English word nomad . In 
 this second sense it included, as we shall see, all Mongoloid and 
 Tartar races. In dictionaries we find among its many mean¬ 
 ings those of barbarian, robber, vagabond, wanderer, etc. It is 
 also, in poetry, applied to the planet Mars as “ a Wanderer of 
 the sky,” and to the sun as “ the Turk of China,” that is of the 
 East; or “ the Turk of midday —viz., the South ; or “ the 
 Turk of the Spheres.” All who lived in the steppes and ranges, 
 outside the pale of what was regarded as civilisation, and 
 led a pastoral or unsettled life, hut who were not distinctively 
 mountaineers, were deemed a separate class (irrespective of 
 race) and required a separate name to denote them. To this 
 class the name of Turk attached itself throughout Central 
 Asia. In Europe and in India the word Turk was not used 
 in this sense. By Europeans, and perhaps Western Asiatics 
 also, the word Tatar , or Tartar, was usually in vogue, 
 down to quite modern times, to indicate the nomadic nations 
 of the interior of Asia, without reference to any racial con- 
 
 h 2 
 
84 
 
 The People — 
 
 siderations; 1 while in India the name Moghul came to he 
 applied (in times subsequent to the rise of the Mongols, at any 
 rate) in a very similar way, to these same races. 
 
 Abul Ghazi, the historian Khan of Khiva, himself a Turk by 
 nationality, though of remote Mongol descent, constantly uses 
 the word Turk in its sociological sense, and applies it indis¬ 
 criminately to all the nomad and steppe-dwelling tribes, when 
 he requires a name for the whole of them ; but, when referring 
 to their descent or language, or when in any way particularising 
 between them, I do not know of a single instance of his alluding 
 to the Moghuls as connected by blood with the Turki tribes. In 
 other words, although he employs the name Turk to describe 
 certain nations—among them the Moghuls—for whom he knows 
 no other general designation, he never applies it in the par¬ 
 ticular instances where a racial consideration is involved, except 
 to those among them whom he regards as, in reality, Turks by 
 race. He writes, for instance: “ Of all the Turk tribes who 
 inhabited those countries at that period, the Tatars were the 
 most numerous ....”; and again: “We have .... recounted 
 what we know of the other branches of the race of Turks. 
 Now, we will speak of the branches of Mongol race.” 2 It is in 
 the same non-racial sense that Mirza Haidar uses the word 
 Turk , when putting the remark (alluded to above) about Yunus 
 Khan, into the mouth of Maulana Muhammad Kazi: “ I had 
 heard that Yunus Khan was a Moghul,” says the Maulana, 
 “ and I concluded that he was a beardless man, with the ways 
 and manners of any other Turk of the desert; but when I saw 
 him, I found that he was a person of elegant deportment, with 
 
 1 The name of Tatar, we are told by D'Ohsson, was applied to the Mongols 
 by their Western neighbours, and became propagated, from nation to nation, 
 to the extremities of Europe; although the Mongols themselves rejected it 
 with disdain, as belonging to a hostile people whom they had exterminated. 
 (Hist, des Mongols, i., p. 94.) 
 
 2 Hist, des Mongols, etc., Desmaisons’ transl., pp. 34 and 52-3. Abul 
 Ghazi’s evidence on this point is not particularly satisfactory, but it has 
 some value, because he was one of the latest of the Musulman historians. His 
 book was only completed about 1664; and he was therefore aware of all the 
 changes that had taken place among the Moghuls down to that time. If they 
 had become the pure Turks they are sometimes represented, we should 
 probably find the fact noticed by him, though not by earlier authors. The 
 history of Rashid-ud-Din is often spoken of as the best and fullest, and no 
 doubt this is the case, but it is some 350 years earlier in date than that of 
 Abul Ghazi, and consequently previous to the decadence of the Moghuls. 
 Moreover, the latter knew the contents of Rashid-ud-Din’s book, for he tells 
 his readers that he had it before him when compiling his own, together with 
 seventeen other historical works. 
 
85 
 
 Moghul , Turk, and Uighur. 
 
 a full beard and a Tajik face.” 1 That is, the speaker knew 
 that Yunus was a Moghul by descent, and expected to see a 
 man with Mongolian features, but he classed him with other 
 Turks of the steppes. 
 
 D’Ohsson became conscious, from the extensive use he had 
 made of Asiatic historians, that these writers constantly em¬ 
 ployed the word Turk to signify the nomad and pastoral tribes, 
 known in Europe as ‘ Tatars.’ In one passage he writes : 
 “ The Mongols gave the name of Tajik, or Tazik, to the Muham¬ 
 madans, and in the historical works of this period it will be 
 found that they employed this word in opposition to that of 
 4 Turk.’ The first served to designate the Muhammadan 
 inhabitants of towns and cultivated lands, whether they were of 
 Turki, Persian, or Arab origin mattered not; while under the 
 name of ‘ Turk ’ were comprised the nomad nations of Turki 
 and Tatar race. It was in this general acceptation that Chingiz 
 Khan and the Mongols styled themselves ‘ Turks ’; they re¬ 
 jected, on the other hand, the name of ‘Tatar.’” 2 In another 
 passage, when speaking of the Tatars proper, previous to the 
 rise of the Mongols, D’Ohsson quotes Kashid-ud-Din as follows : 
 “ They made themselves so powerful and formidable, that other 
 nations of Turks passed themselves off as Tatars, and regarded 
 the name as an honour.” 3 
 
 Again, Major Raverty, in his translation of the Tabakat-i - 
 Nasiri, notes the headings of the first four sections of Rashid- 
 ud-Din’s history, the second, third, and fourth of which contain 
 the following:—“ 2nd Section. Account of the Turk tribes 
 whom they designate by the name of Mughals, but every one 
 of which, in ancient times, bore distinct and particular sur¬ 
 names. . . . 3rd Section. Account of the Turk tribes, every 
 one of which have had Badshahs and chiefs, but who bore no 
 relationship to the tribes mentioned in the preceding sections. 
 4 th Section. Account of the tribes of Turks, whose surname, 
 from time immemorial, was Mughal. . . 4 These brief 
 
 extracts are sufficient to show the sense in which Rashid-ud- 
 Din, one of the best of the Musulman authors of the Mongol 
 period, used the work Turk , and how, though he was able to 
 distinguish specifically between real Turks and other tribes, 
 
 1 See p. 97 of the text. 
 
 2 D'Ohsson’s Hist, des Mongols , i., p. 217. 
 
 3 Ibid., p. 248. 
 
 4 Raverty’s Tabakat-i-Nasiri, note, p. 891. 
 
86 
 
 The People — 
 
 when ethnological considerations were in question, still used 
 the word in a non-ethnic sense, to denote a group of tribes who 
 had to he distinguished from the Tajiks. 
 
 Other Asiatic authors wrote on these subjects in the same 
 way. Thus, Minhaj-ud-Din, the author of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, 
 frequently uses the word Turk to designate the nomadic 
 group generally, and, like Rashid-ud-Din, even brings the name 
 Tatar into the same category. The following is an instance 
 taken from three consecutive paragraphs:—“ In this same year 
 the Chingiz Khan, the Mughal, rose up in the Kingdom of 
 Chin and Tamghaj, and commenced to rebel; in all books it is 
 written that the first signs of the end of time are the outbreak 
 of the Turks. . . . The name of the father of this Chingiz 
 Khan, the accursed, was the Tatar, Timurchi, and he was the 
 mihtar [chief] of the Mughal tribes, and ruler over his people 
 . . . . Among the tribes of the Mughal was another Turk of 
 importance, a ruler and leader, and greatly venerated; and 
 the whole of the tribes of the Mughals were under the rule 
 of these two persons. . . . All the tracts of the Turk tribes, 
 at the hand of their iniquity and sedition were reduced to 
 misery. ...” 1 
 
 Juvaini, the author of the Jalidn Kushai , applies to the 
 Mongols the passage from the Koran : “ Beware of provoking 
 the Turks, for they are formidable.” 2 Abul-feda quotes an 
 Aiab author to the effect that the Russians are a people of 
 Turkish race, 3 when pointing to them as belonging to the group 
 of non-Musulman and non-Tajik inhabitants of what were 
 regarded as civilised countries. Ibn Haukal, touching on the 
 question from a geographical point of view, writes: “ Tiraz 
 [Taraz] is on the extreme frontier between the country of the 
 Turks and that of the Musulmans” 4 ; yet the Musulmans, in 
 this case, were, to a great degree, of Turki race. And, again, 
 Minhaj-ud-Din mentions an invasion of Tibet (from Upper 
 Bengal apparently) and says : “ All the people [of Tibet] were 
 Turks, archers, and [furnished with] long bows.” 5 Idrisi, also, 
 in speaking of Tibet, says : “ This is the country of the Tibetan 
 Turks ”; and afterwards: “ This intervening space is covered 
 with pastures, forests, and strong castles belonging to the 
 
 1 Tabakat-i-Ndsiri, pp. 935-6. 
 
 2 D’Ohsson, Introd. p. xxiii. 
 
 a Reiuaud’s AbuUfeda, ii., pt. 1, p. 296. 
 
 4 Thonnelier, Diet. Geogr., p. 46. 
 
 6 Tabdkat-i-Nasiri, p. 566. 
 
87 
 
 Moghul\ Turk, and Uighur. 
 
 Tibetan Turks.” Further on again, he tells us: “ There are 
 Turks of very diverse races ” (« de races tres diverses ); and he 
 proceeds to detail, among others, the Tibetans and the Kalmaks. 
 The names of the remainiog tribes he mentions in this passage, 
 are spelled in so unintelligible a manner, that I can recognise 
 none but the Kirghiz and Kipchaks, with whom he thus classes 
 the Tibetans and the Kalmaks as, all alike, Turks! 1 
 
 The poet Khusru, in the passage cited above, calls the people 
 he describes, by the name of Tatar, though a little lower down 
 (on the same page) he says they were “ Turks of Kai; ” while 
 elsewhere, he frequently speaks of the same people as Moghuls. 2 
 Further, the late Mr. K. B. Shaw has explained, with regard 
 to the word Tajik , that it stands in opposition to Turk, just 
 as Arab stands to Ajam, z and thus is not necessarily a race 
 name. 
 
 Many other instances might be given of this non-ethnic use 
 of the word Turk, and with them might be included also 
 some relating to a similar employment of the term Tatar . 4 
 But the above will suffice to make it clear that, though the 
 Moghuls of Moghulistan were often called Turks, during the 
 period including the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries, it need 
 
 1 Jaubert’s Idrisi, pp. 494 and 498. 
 
 2 His editor, Professor Dowson, in a foot-note, marvels that his author 
 should “sometimes confound Turks and Mughals,” while “in some passages 
 he discriminates very accurately between them.” Herein lies precisely the 
 difficulty that has occurred to other translators and commentators. The 
 solution, I venture to think, is as now pointed out. 
 
 3 According to some authorities it might be said that Turk was used in 
 opposition to Sart; but the application of the word Sart is subject to some 
 variations. Mr. Shaw gives as a definition of Sart: —“ A term applied by the 
 nomads (Kirghiz, Kazzaks, etc.), to dwellers in settled habitations, whether 
 Turks or Tajiks, i.e ., whether Turanians or Iranians.” But, in some cases, 
 the name Sart is used to denote only the settled Turks, and to differentiate 
 them from the Tajiks. Moreover, in the works of Musulman authors 
 referring to the period of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, it is seldom found as an 
 ordinary appellation, though Baber, it is true, employs it in describing 
 Marghinan. In our own times it is not often heard in the eastern parts of 
 Central Asia ; though, to judge by llussian writings, it is perhaps more 
 frequently used in Khiva and the adjoining regions of llussian Turkistan, etc. 
 It is, however, an imperfect term to make comparisons with. (See Shaw, 
 Sketch of Turki Language, Asiat. Socy., Bengal, pt. ii., 1880, pp. 61 and 116; 
 Baber, p. 3 ; and Lerch in Russische Revue, 1872, Heft, i., p. 33. Also Shaw’s 
 High Tartary, p. 26, where he defines the Sarts as “ a settled people, who 
 include the Aryan Tajiks as well as the Tartar Oosbeks and others.”) 
 
 4 The Hiung Nu of Chinese historians have often been described as a Turki 
 race, yet it is significant that Professor de Lacouperie, on investigating the 
 point, came to the conclusion that the Hiung Nu “ seem to have been a 
 political, not a racial, unity.” (See Western Origin of Chinese Civilisation, 
 p. 223.) 
 
SB 
 
 The Peopte — 
 
 not be assumed that they were actually of Turkish race, either 
 by origin or by subsequent fusion of blood. There was, however, 
 another and very important circumstance that complicated this 
 question of nomenclature still further. It was, it seems, the 
 desire of all the tribes and nations of Central Asia, to identify 
 themselves with the race which happened to be in the ascendant 
 at any particular time. They endeavoured to adopt its name, and 
 to pass themselves off as members of the nation in supremacy, 
 regardless of racial affinities. Rashid-ud-Din has laid special 
 stress on this point in his great work on the Mongols, and has 
 explained the matter in one place as follows: “ They [the 
 Tatars] made themselves so powerful and formidable, that the 
 other nations of Turks passed themselves off as Tatars, and re¬ 
 garded as an honour this name, under which they had become 
 famous; just as at the present day 1 the Jalair, Tatar, Uirat, 
 Ungut, Karait, Naiman, Tangut, and others, find glory in the 
 name of Mongol, made illustrious by that of Chingiz Khan 
 and his descendants—a name which, at an earlier date, they 
 would have disdained. The young people of all these nations 
 believe, even now, that their ancestors have always borne the 
 style of Mongol; but it was not so, for formerly the Mongols 
 were only one of the nations of Turks. . . . This name has 
 been extended to such a degree, that nowadays the people of 
 Khitai (Northern China) and of Nan-gyass (Southern China), as 
 well as the Churchi, the Uigliur, the Kipchak, the Turkoman, 
 and the Karluk; also the Captives and the Taziks (Muham¬ 
 madans), who have been brought up among the Mongols are 
 [all of them] called Mongols; and they are all interested in 
 passing for Mongols, in order that they may gain consideration. 
 Previous to this period it was the same with the Tatars, on 
 account of their power, and this is the reason why the Mongols 
 are still called Tatars in China and in India, by the Kirghiz, 
 the Bashgirds, in the Kipchak country, in the north of Asia, in 
 Arabia, in Syria, in Egypt, and in Africa.” 2 
 
 It has been observed above, that in India the word Moghul 
 was employed, subsequent to the days of Chingiz, in the same 
 way as the word Turk in Central Asia, and Tatar in Europe, 
 and on this subject Mr. H. G. Keene has come to conclusions 
 which coincide with the teachings of Rashid-ud-Din. It 
 denoted, in the first place, the group of tribes or nations who 
 
 1 I.e ., the early years of the fourteenth century. 
 
 a JD’Ohsson, i., pp. 428-9. 
 
89 
 
 Moghul\ Turk , and Uighur. 
 
 composed the armies of the northern invaders, with little or no 
 reference to their racial origin; and secondly, at the time of 
 Baber, it was regarded as something scarcely better than a term 
 of contempt. But later, when the so-called Moghul dynasty 
 came to be looked up to as the supreme power, the name 
 assumed a different and more respectful significance. Mr. 
 Keene writes: “ Under Akbar, when the empire had become a 
 firm result of successful war, the word [Moghul] recovered its 
 prestige and—like the name of ‘ Goth ’ in Spain—came to 
 indicate ‘ a noble conqueror,’ or the descendant of one ” ; 1 and 
 in support of this view he cites a valuable passage from Khafi 
 Khan (for which he acknowledges his indebtedness to the late 
 Professor Blochmann, who may be inferred to have translated 
 it), which runs as follows: “ The flourishing condition of 
 Mugholistan commenced with Mughol Khan, who was a great 
 king. Although from the time of Akbar the word Mughol has 
 been applied to the Turks and Tajiks of Iran (Persia) to such 
 an extent that even the Sayyids of Khorasan were called 
 Mughols, yet in reality the word is the proper term for those 
 Turks who belong to the descendants and house of Mughol 
 Khan; and it was used in this sense in the time of the earlier 
 (Moslem) kings of Delhi . . . Here Khafi Khan uses Turk 
 in the same sociological sense as Bashid-ud-Din, Minhaj-ud- 
 Din, Mirza Haidar, and the rest. 2 
 
 Mr. Denzil Ibbetson, too, furnishes some instructive remarks, 
 in his Bejrnrt on the Punjab census, on the way the words Turk 
 and Moghul have come to be used in modern times in the north 
 of India. A Turk is there regarded as a native of Turkistan 
 and a man of Mongolian race. “ In the Delhi territory, 
 indeed,” writes Mr. Ibbetson, “ the villagers, accustomed to 
 describe the Mughals of the Empire as Turks, use the word as 
 
 1 Turks in India , p. 24. 
 
 2 I may take this opportunity of remarking that Mr. Keene must have 
 referred to the old translation of the Swedish officers of Charles XII., when 
 he states (p. 50) that Abul Grhazi “is represented as saying that he wrote his 
 book ‘ in the Moghul or Turki language.’ ” I cannot find such a passage in 
 Desmaisons’ version. At p. 36 the author is made to write:—Atin de mettle 
 cette histoire a la portee de toutes les classes, je l’ai ecrite en Turcand I 
 believe this to be the only allusion he makes to the subject. It is an 
 additional instance of the dual mode of using the word Turk , for here Abul 
 Ghazi employs it to denote the language of the Turks proper, in an ethnic 
 sense. He in no way classes the two tongues as one. He was, himself, a 
 Turk of Khiva, and Mr. Erskine, who remarked the inconsistency in the old 
 version of Abul Gh&zi’s history, has well said : —“ No Moghul or Turk would 
 have confounded these two languages.” (Hist i., p. 536, App.) 
 
90 
 
 The People —• 
 
 synonymous with ‘ official ’; and I have heard my Hindu clerks, 
 of Kayath caste, described as Turks merely because they were 
 in Government employ. On the Biloch frontier, also, the word 
 Turk is commonly used as synonymous with Mughal.” 1 
 
 But though Oriental writers make use of the tribal name of 
 Turk to denote a nomadic people, similar inconsistencies are 
 not wanting in European languages. The way in which the 
 French apply the word Bohemien to the gipsies is a parallel 
 instance. The gipsies, though in no way belonging to the 
 same race as the natives of Bohemia, acquired their name in 
 France, on account of certain social habits and customs which 
 they were believed to have brought with them from Bohemia, 
 and because they were known to wander into France from that 
 country. 2 An almost similar instance, though not precisely 
 parallel, was the use in English of the word Indian, during the 
 seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, to define the aborigines of 
 North America, the Caribbean, and many other islands. In this 
 case it was not the social condition and proclivities of the inhabi¬ 
 tants that caused the misapplication of name, but their colour, 
 the climate and products of their countries, and other circum¬ 
 stances, which reminded those who came into contact with 
 them, of the India of the East. The process and result, how¬ 
 ever, are much the same. But if we leave out of consideration 
 the fact that Turk happened also to be a race-name, its 
 employment to designate the pastoral tribes of unsettled abodes 
 becomes no more anomalous than such appellations as Kolii - 
 stani , Baduin , etc., in Asia, or the familiar Mountaineer, 
 Islander , etc., in Europe. 
 
 Misapplication, or change in the application, of race-names 
 is a practice so commonly met with, that it is almost super¬ 
 fluous to mention it here. It may, however, be briefly pointed 
 out, in regard to the names we are dealing with, that the term 
 Tajik has been made, in one instance, to take exactly the 
 opposite meaning to that which it usually bears. Mr. A. G. 
 Ellis, of the British Museum, informs me that while early 
 Armenian writers applied it to the Arabs, 3 modern Armenians 
 
 1 Report on the Punjab Census for 1881. Calcutta, 1883, vol. i., p. 276. 
 
 2 It is curious that the name Gypsey is a corruption of Egyptian. They 
 are always called Egyptians in our early Acts of Parliament, and it is probable 
 that they came to England first from Egypt, whither they had gone from the 
 country of the Golden Horde, where we first meet with them.—H. H. 
 
 3 Whence it came about that the Arabs are referred to as Ta-hi in early 
 Chinese accounts of the West.—H. H. 
 
91 
 
 Moghul ’ Turk , and Uighur . 
 
 have imposed it on the Turks and the Turkish Empire, and 
 even on Musulmans in general. In this case it seems that the 
 word is used to imply a ‘ stranger,’ or ‘ barbarian ’; 1 but it 
 is a curious example of the length to which misapplication can 
 go, for it constitutes an absolute reversal of the usual and 
 original sense of the word. In the Tarihh-i-Rashidi , among 
 other books, we find Hazara used for ‘hill-men,’ or ‘moun¬ 
 taineers,’ without reference to its original meaning or to any 
 racial consideration, while in modern times the term has become 
 the name of a specific race or people. Hazara meant simply 
 “ a thousand,” and was the name, it appears, which was given 
 to a particular section of cavalry or other troops, who were 
 perhaps the original settlers in the hill districts in question. 2 
 What Mr. Ibbetson has told us above, of the employment of 
 the words Turk and Moghul in the Punjab, is another 
 instance of mere misapplication or irrelevent nomenclature; 
 but we need hardly go far from home to find a telling example 
 of the same thing. From Earle’s Philology of the English 
 Tongue 3 we learn, with regard to the Cymraeg, or British 
 language now spoken in Wales, that “ the Anglo-Saxons called 
 it Wylse, and the people who spoke it they called Walas , which 
 we have modernised into Wales and Welsh. So the Germans 
 of the Continent called the Italians and their language Welsch. 
 The word simply means foreign or strange. At various points 
 on the frontiers of our race we find them affixing the name on 
 the conterminous Romance- speaking people .... The French 
 . ... in the reign of Edward the Confessor, are called, by the 
 contemporary [Anglo-Saxon] annalist, tha Welisce men, by 
 which was meant ‘ the foreigners.’ ” 4 
 
 Thus, the evidence on this subject (apart from that of nick¬ 
 names or terms of contempt) points to three distinct con¬ 
 clusions. The first is that, in reading the histories of Musul- 
 man authors, the tribal names they use must not always be 
 
 1 Professor Noldeke has been good enough to inform Mr. Ross that Tajik 
 (better Tdchik) and Tdzi are the same word, the former being merely the 
 older form. Ghik means “ belonging to,” and in this case “ belonging to the 
 tribe of Tai .” In modern Persian Chik becomes Zi. 
 
 2 It is quite possible that the name of the famous Turkish tribe of the 
 Khazars is connected with the same word.—H. H. 
 
 3 Page 23. I am indebted to Mr. Stephen Wheeler for this appropriate 
 extract. 
 
 4 In another way, the name of the specific tribe Alemanni, who lived 
 nearest to Gaul of all the Germans, became the generic name of all Germany 
 
 —Allemagne.—H. H. 
 
92 
 
 The People — 
 
 taken to have a racial significance; or, in other words, it is 
 necessary in every case where either the term Turk or Tatar 
 occurs, to see whether the writer is applying it in its general 
 and sociological acceptation, or in a specific and discriminating 
 ethnic sense. The second conclusion is that the word Moghul , 
 even where it is used in an ethnic sense, is frequently mis¬ 
 applied, and so extended, at certain periods in history, as to 
 comprise many tribes of real Turki race (among others), until 
 large numbers of people who were not of Moghul race came to 
 be called Moghuls. This habit appears to have been prevalent 
 first in the time of Chingiz and his immediate successors, and 
 subsequently during the ascendency of the Chaghatai (or 
 so-called Moghul) dynasty in India. The third conclusion is 
 that the application and significance of all three names—Turk, 
 Tatar, and Moghul—varied at different times and in different 
 countries. It appears to me that a due appreciation of these 
 three points will help to clear up much that has been regarded 
 hitherto as inconsistent, and even contradictory, in the Musul- 
 man histories, and has occasioned no little controversy among 
 European writers. That the ethnographic nomenclature of 
 Persian, Turki, and Arabic writers is anomalous, cannot but 
 be granted; but in Asiatic nomenclature what is there that is 
 not anomalous ? They had no knowledge of the scientific 
 ethnology that guides the modern European commentator on 
 their works, but merely followed the common speech of the 
 time, and employed the terms that had grown into use among 
 the people around them. In reading their books, therefore, it 
 is futile to look for systematic nomenclature; but if they are 
 read with a due regard to date, locality, and other circum¬ 
 stances, they will seldom be found, I think, to contain actual 
 contradictions; for loose and inaccurate though Asiatics are in 
 some respects—such as in figures, measurements, geographical 
 details, etc.—they are usually remarkably clear on such subjects 
 as blood relationship, family lineage, and racial descent. 
 
 But here we must leave the Moghuls, and glance briefly at 
 those original Turks, or Uighurs, who may be regarded as 
 the immediate ancestors of the population of Alti-Shahr (and 
 indeed all Eastern Turkistan) and the main stock of their race. 
 Who the Uighurs were in remote times, and what was their 
 origin, are speculative questions which need not be investigated 
 here. The best notices of them during early historic times 
 point to their home-land as lying in north-western Mongolia ; 
 
93 
 
 Moghul , Turk , and Uighur. 
 
 but in the ninth century they are recorded, in the Chinese annals, 1 
 to have been displaced from that region and to have been 
 driven southward by the Kirghiz, 2 who were themselves, at that 
 time, beginning to rise to power, and tending, like other Turki 
 tribes, to press towards the south and west. In early times 
 there seem to have been at least two confederacies of Uighurs 
 in the further east: one living in the region now known as 
 Zungaria, and called the Naiman Uighur , or “ Eight Uighurs,” 
 while the other inhabited the country watered by the Orkhon 
 and the Tula, and were known as the Toghuz Uighur , or “ Nine 
 Uighurs.” 3 When the latter were driven to the south and west, 
 the former remained in their old country, where they are found 
 at the time of Chingiz Khan. The Toghuz Uighur settled in the 
 eastern ranges of the Tian Shan, and gradually built up a new 
 kingdom, extending over all the eastern portion of that chain. 
 Here one of their states seems to have been established on the 
 south of the mountains, and subsequently another on the north. 
 The first had for its chief town the representative of the modern 
 Kara-Khoja (called at different periods Si-Chao, Ho-Chao, and 
 Kao-Chang), and embraced, at some periods at least, the 
 modern district of Kuchar, then known as Kui-tze; while the 
 capital of the second was Bishbalik (the Five Towns), which 
 stood on, or near, the site of the present Urumtsi. Very little 
 is known of even these later Uighur kingdoms, although the 
 date when they flourished is not a very remote one. It is 
 chiefly from the Chinese chronicles that any knowledge of their 
 history is to be gathered, but even these do not appear to have 
 been compiled with completeness, nor to have embraced the 
 entire Uighur nation, which must have been a large and 
 influential one for a long period. 
 
 In addition to these Uighurs, always so named, and living in 
 the Eastern Tian Shan, there was a third section of the race 
 dwelling farther west. They are called sometimes the ‘ Kar- 
 lughi,’ and their seat of power was originally at Ui-balik and 
 on the head waters of the Chu. During the eleventh and 
 twelfth centuries, they appear to have dominated Western 
 Turkistan and perhaps the whole of Alti-Shahr, while one of 
 
 1 See Bretschneider, i., p. 236 seq. Also Klaproth, Tableaux Hist., p. 129. 
 
 2 Or more properly, as Sir H. Hovvorth notes—“ the people whom the 
 Chinese call Hakas, and who are identified, in my paper on the Kerais, with 
 the ancestors of that famous people—the subjects of Prester John—who, in 
 the time of Chingiz, are found dominating the old Uighur country.” 
 
 3 I owe this definition to Sir II, Howorth, 
 
94 
 
 The People —- 
 
 their chief towns was Kashghar, then known as Urdu-Kand. 
 Their rulers were the so-called ‘ Uak-Khans,* or ‘ Kara- 
 Khans,’ whose history is more or less known through the works 
 of Arab and Persian authors, since the conversion of one of the 
 line—a certain Satuk Kara Khan—to Islam, in the first half of 
 the tenth century. That the state and dynasty of the Ilak 
 Khans were in reality Uighur, there seems to he sufficient 
 evidence to prove, although the name of Uighur was not used 
 by Musulman authors till a much later date. They seem to 
 have been known by the name of Ta-gaz-gaz 1 until the 
 thirteenth century, when they begin to appear under that of 
 Uighur in Western annals, though the Ilak Khans were then no 
 more. From these same Musulman historians we learn that, 
 during parts of the tenth and eleventh centuries, the kingdom 
 of the Ilak Khans extended from Khorasan to China, which is 
 perhaps scarcely to he taken literally, but is only another way 
 of saying that it extended a long way to the east; for the 
 Chinese, in their chronicles of the same period, speak of trans¬ 
 actions between their Emperors and the Khans of Kao-Chang 
 and Bishbalik, as if these were independent chiefs. 1 2 
 
 We come to surer ground about the year 1124, when Yeliu 
 Taishi, the Gurkhan of the Kara Khitai, overran the whole of 
 Eastern Turkistan and captured Balasaghun, together with 
 much of the country to the northward, which was then under 
 the sway of the Ilak Khans. This invasion put an end to the 
 kingdom of the Western Uighurs—the Karluks, or Karakhani— 
 while the Eastern Uighurs became tributary to the conquerors. 
 But it was a conquest that probably had little influence on the 
 people by whom the land was inhabited. It is uncertain what 
 tribes the army of the Gurkhan was composed of; in all proba¬ 
 bility it was much mixed in race, while in any case, it was a 
 mere army of invasion and by no means constituted the migra¬ 
 tion of a people. The dominion of the Kara Khitai, moreover, 
 
 1 This word is, no doubt, an Arab corruption of some Turki term, or a 
 mis-reading due to copyists. Ta-gar-gar , Ba-gaz-gaz, etc., are other variants 
 of the same word ; and all lock as if they contained a corruption of Uighur, 
 or possibly even of Toghuz-Uighur. In the geographical notices of the Arab, 
 Yakuti (fifteenth century) the name occurs as 'laghaz-ghaz —without any 
 alif. He calls them a race of Turks. (Not. et Extr ., ii., p. 531.) 
 
 2 I have purposely omitted to mention the separate Uighur state which is 
 said to have been established near Kan-chou and Su-chou, on the borders of 
 China, as that lay beyond the range of the provinces in question in the 
 Tarikh-i-Bashidi, and was probably a mere isolated state or community of 
 very small importance. 
 
95 
 
 Moghul\ Turk, and Uighur. 
 
 lasted for less than a hundred years, so that the Uighurs, as a 
 nation, must have formed too solid a mass to have been in any 
 degree changed in race by this conquest. 
 
 Thus, it may he said generally, that for several centuries 
 previous to the rise of the Mongols, certain Turki-Uighur 
 peoples (they may, in future, be called simply Uighurs), under 
 whatever line of kings, had overspread the whole of the pro¬ 
 vince of Alti-Shahr and the districts to the east of it, while at 
 some periods they held sway in Zungaria and extended their 
 dominion westward into Transoxiana. While exercising inde¬ 
 pendent rule, and even subsequently, when allied with Chingiz 
 Khan against the Kara Khitai and other enemies , 1 they appear to 
 have shown warlike qualities, but at later dates the impression 
 we receive of them is that of a peace-loving, cultivated race, 
 of settled habits, and forming as great a contrast as possible to 
 their Moghul neighbours. Their taste for literature must have 
 been a strong one ; in fact, they were the only literate people at 
 that time in existence between China in the east, and Trans¬ 
 oxiana in the west. They are credited with having been the 
 first to reduce the Turki language to writing, by borrowing the 
 Syriac written character from the Nestorian missions which, in 
 the Middle Ages, were spread over Central Asia; while the 
 writing, thus founded by the Uighurs, became, at a later period, 
 the origin of the systems still in use among the Mongols 
 and the Manchus . 2 Many books were written by them, and 
 both Kashid-ud-Din and Ahul Ghazi point to their services 
 being in request as administrators, accountants and writers of 
 the Turki language. The latter author especially bears witness 
 to their capabilities in these pursuits. He says: “ During the 
 reign of the grandsons of Chingiz Khan the accountants and chief 
 officers of government in Mavara-un-Nahr, in Khorasan and in 
 Irak, were all Uighurs. Similarly, it was the Uighurs who filled 
 these posts in Khitai during the reign of the sons of Chingiz 
 Khan. Oktai Kaan, son and successor of Chingiz Khan, 
 entrusted Khorasan, Mazandaran and Gilan to a Uighur named 
 Kurguz, who was well versed in keeping accounts and knew 
 thoroughly how to levy, in these provinces, the taxes, which he 
 remitted regularly, each year, to Oktai Kaan.” 3 They occupied, 
 indeed, a very similar position to that of the Bengali and 
 
 1 They submitted voluntarily to Chingiz in 1209. 
 
 2 Yule’s Cathay , pp. 205 and 264-5. Also Bretschneider, i., p. 262, 
 
 3 Pages 41-2. 
 
96 The People — 
 
 Marathi Hindus in the administrations of the Chaghatai 
 Emperors of India. 
 
 Though the Arabs, during their invasions of Eastern Tur- 
 kistan in the eighth century, had done their best to impose the 
 Musulman religion on the old Uighur population, it seems that 
 they met only with very partial success, as far as the bulk of 
 the people was concerned. They no doubt converted the Kara- 
 Khani, as is shown by the coinage, and it is probable that from 
 the eleventh century onwards, the population in the western 
 districts was largely Muhammadan. In the central and eastern 
 parts, however, the Uighurs continued to be Buddhists and 
 belonged to the red sect of that religion; but Nestorian Christi¬ 
 anity must also have been fairly prevalent among them. They 
 are spoken of very generally as Tarsi, and according to some 
 authorities, this should be taken to indicate that they were 
 Christians; but as regards the exact meaning of the word Tarsi, 
 there are differences of opinion. In many cases it was, no 
 doubt, applied to the Nestorians in various parts of Asia, but it 
 was also applied to the Buddhists, the Zoroastrians, and was 
 even used to denote idolators . 1 
 
 Strangely enough, the only two European accounts we have 
 of the Uighurs in the Middle Ages (the thirteenth century) 
 differ on this subject: Plano Carpini stating positively that 
 they were Nestorian Christians, while William Rubruk, only 
 eight years later, pronounces them, with equal certainty, to have 
 been idolators, and he adds that they dwelt in towns together with 
 Nestorians and others. It is possible that Rubruk may have 
 regarded most of those he saw as Buddhists, and that he classed 
 all Buddhists with idolators; if so, he would only have been 
 following the practice of many of the Musulman writers, who 
 drew no very clear distinction between religions that were foreign 
 to their own. But however uncertain this may be, the name 
 of Tarsi frequently included the Nestorians, though it was 
 ordinarily used, during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, 
 to indicate the Uighurs as a nation—or more particularly the 
 Uighurs of the eastern Tian Shan. It is in this latter sense that 
 Friar John of Montecorvino, at the beginning of the fourteenth 
 century, speaks of the Tarsi tongue, for he could not have 
 meant a Buddhist tongue. About the same period, too, the 
 Armenian author Hayton, Prince of Gorigos, in his account of 
 the kingdoms of Asia, expressly applies the name of Tarsi to 
 
 1 See note, p. 290, 
 
97 
 
 Moghul , Turk, and Uighur. 
 
 the country of the “ Yogurs ” or Uighurs . 1 Mirza Haidar, 
 writing in the sixteenth century, makes no mention of Tarsi, or 
 even of Uighurs generally, as being the inhabitants of Eastern 
 Turkistan , 2 and it may be inferred that, by his time, the bulk 
 of the people having become Musulmans, had ceased to be 
 distinguished by their race-name of Uighur. He speaks only 
 of the ‘ Sarigh,’ or ‘ Yellow,’ Uighurs, who appear to have 
 been a small community occupying a territory to the east, or 
 north-east, of Khotan, and to have been, according to his view, 
 idolators . 3 These may quite possibly have been merely a 
 section of the original inhabitants who had retained their old 
 religion—Christianity or Buddhism—and had found a refuge 
 from the converting Musulmans in the secluded region border¬ 
 ing on the eastern desert. In this case they would have been 
 Turks, like the rest of the population, in race and language. 
 
 Besides the Uighurs, the only people that are heard of in 
 Alti-Shahr, at the period of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, are the Kal¬ 
 myks, as they had begun then to be called by Musulman 
 writers . 4 To the Mongols and the Chinese they were known 
 as Oirat, and this was probably their real name . 5 They 
 must have been few in number, and were, of course, Mongolian, 
 and not Turki, in race. Their home was among the eastern 
 ranges of the Tian Shan, and therefore only partially within 
 the limits of Alti-Shahr: thus they were more properly 
 borderers of the “Eastern Khanate,” or Uighuristan, and 
 indeed occupied very much the same localities in which they 
 are found at the present day. In this region, like in Moghul- 
 istan, there were no towns or cultivated districts: the people 
 were tent-dwellers, and owners of flocks, and their religion was, 
 no doubt, Buddhism then, as it is now. During the period of 
 the Moghul Khans, they appear to have played but a small part 
 in the history of the country, and to have exercised little 
 influence over the course of its affairs ; though after the dis- 
 
 1 See Yule’s Cathay , p. 205. 
 
 2 He notices only certain persons as Uighurs, and in the one passage where 
 he mentions the word Tarsa, he is citing the Tarikh-i-Jahdn Kushai. In his 
 day the name was probably extinct. 
 
 3 See p. 348, and note, p. 349. 
 
 4 Professor Grigorief states that the name of Kalmak (or Kal-imak ) only 
 appears for the first time in the fifteenth century. (Schuyler, i., p. 369.) 
 
 5 The Chinese corruption was Wa-la. They are the same people who 
 became subsequently known as Eleuth or Olot , and Zungar (Bretschneider, ii., 
 p. 159); though it would perhaps be more correct to follow the Chinese 
 traveller Chuan Yuan, of the last century, and say that the Zungars were a 
 branch of the E/euths. (See Gueluy, Chine Occid. in Le Museon, 1887, p. 100.) 
 
 i 
 
98 
 
 The People. 
 
 appearance of the Moghuls, and with the opening of the 
 eighteenth century, they began to rise to very considerable power, 
 and, in connection with the Tibetans of Lassa, entered into 
 intrigues and wars that resulted in their own country, together 
 with all Eastern Turkistan and the Ili region, falling into the 
 possession of China. 
 
 In Alti-Shahr there could not have been many Moghuls, for 
 with the exception of some few valleys among the southern 
 slopes of the western Tian Shan, the country could, in no way, 
 have been suited to their mode of life. When Sultan Said 
 Khan conquered Kashghar in 1514, perhaps a certain propor¬ 
 tion of them may have followed him, but at that date their 
 numbers, even in Moghulistan, must have become much reduced 
 from what they had previously been. Therefore, when a few 
 years later (1525-6), he withdrew the remnant of them from 
 their own country to the hills near Kashghar, in order to 
 rescue them from the hostility of the Kirghiz, they would have 
 formed too small a body to have been accounted part of the 
 population of Alti-Shahr. By that date the Moghul TJlus had 
 become a mere band of refugees; and though afterwards, for a 
 short time, at fitful intervals, their Khans sallied forth from 
 Kashghar and gained some successes over the Kirghiz, the 
 middle of the sixteenth century may be said, approximately, to 
 have seen their practical extinction as a nation. 1 
 
 1 See for some further remarks on this subject Sec. VI. of this Introduction. 
 
The Eastern Khanate . 
 
 99 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 The Eastern Khanate, or Uighuristan. 
 
 Their inward thought is that their houses shall continue for ever, and their 
 dwelling places to all generations ; they call their lands after their own names. 
 Nevertheless man being in honour abideth not; . . .— Ps. xlix., 11-12. 
 
 The province called by Mirza Haidar, ‘Mangalai Suyah,’ ex¬ 
 tended, as we have seen, from the western limit of Farghana as 
 far east as the modern Kara Shahr, a town and district that, in 
 his day, bore the name of Chalish, and more anciently that of 
 ‘ Yanki ’ or 4 Yen-Ki.’ This district, and the larger one of Turfan, 
 that lay beyond it to the eastward, formed, during the two 
 centuries (or the greater part of them) that the Tarikh-i-Rashidi 
 embraces, a Moghul principality which had an entirely separate 
 government from that of the chief Moghul Khanate. During 
 the latter half of the fourteenth century and the first quarter of 
 thq fifteenth, while the Dughlat Amirs were in power in the 
 provinces of Kashghar, Aksu, Khotan, etc.—that is, in the whole 
 of Alti-Shahr—there is nothing in the Tdrikh-i-Rashidi, or in 
 the work of any Musulman author that I am acquainted with, 
 to indicate who were the rulers of these eastern districts, except 
 Mirza Haidar’s mention of their temporary conquest by Khizir 
 Khwaja. It seems probable, from what may be learned from 
 the side of China, that the region was regarded as more or less 
 under the power of the Moghul Khans, and the author of the 
 Zafar-Nama, in narrating the wars between Timur and the 
 Moghuls, seems also to imply that this was the case, as has 
 been seen above. Later, again, towards the middle of the 
 fifteenth century, when a division in the Moghul Ulus had taken 
 place, Isan Bugha II., with the support of one section, set him¬ 
 self up in Chalish and Turfan, and there established a separate 
 principality, or Khanate, which lasted down to, and even beyond, 
 the date when Mirza Haidar’s history closes. 
 
 Our author is fond, as will be found in the course of his 
 narrative, of using copulate names, and therefore generally 
 applies to this eastern Khanate, the form Chalish-Turfan, or 
 
 i 2 
 
100 
 
 The Eastern Khanate , 
 
 ‘ Chalish and Turf an,' from its two central and principal dis¬ 
 tricts. There were times, however, as he relates, w T hen the 
 province of Aksu also fell under the rule of the eastern Khan, 
 though it belonged properly to Alti-Shahr. But on two occa¬ 
 sions he mentions a country or province of Uighuristdn, and in 
 one passage, when describing the boundaries of ‘ Mangalai 
 Suyah,’ says that it marched, on the east, with the province of 
 Uighuristan. It would appear, therefore, that the small eastern 
 Khanate really bore that name down to the sixteenth century; 
 and if this is the case, the survival is an interesting one. 
 
 Within the district of Turfan, and only some twenty-seven 
 miles to the south-east of it, stands the little known, but ancient, 
 town of Kara-Khoja, which has borne also, in the course of its 
 history, several other names, the chief of them haviDg come 
 to us, through the Chinese, in the forms of Kao-Chang and 
 Ho-Chao. The Chinese annals of the Suug and Yuan dynasties 1 
 mention this place frequently, and make it clear that from 
 the ninth century to within the twelfth, Kao-Chang was the 
 capital of a Uighur kingdom which bordered on the north with 
 another Uighur state, called Bishbalik (the modern Urumtsi), 
 and on the west with a third known, anciently, as Kui-tze, Kus, 
 etc., and now as Kuchar. 2 These States, collectively, appear to 
 have been the home and centre of the Uighur race, until a 
 much later date than when, in the twelfth century, they lost their 
 political independence and became subject to the Kara-Khitai. 
 It would not be improbable, therefore, that the region having 
 become known to neighbouring nations on the west as JJighur- 
 istdn , when independent, should have retained that name long 
 afterwards, though subject to foreign rulers. 
 
 On the partition of the empire of Chingiz Khan among his 
 sons, we read of Uighuristan falling to the appanage of Chag- 
 hatai Khan, and we also learn, from Mirza Haidar, of Chaghatai 
 . having entrusted the province called ‘ Mangalai Suyah,’ as far 
 east as Chalish, to the care of the Dughlats, but not a word is 
 said regarding the disposal of the districts to the eastward of 
 Chalish. Keferring to a later date—about 1320—Abul Ghazi 
 mentions Uighuristan as one of the countries, the inhabitants of 
 
 1 As translated by Dr. Bretsclineider, i., pp. 238-50; and ii., pp. 198-202. 
 
 2 This is the Chinese acceptation, but it is perhaps more probable that 
 Kuitze or Kuchar did not form a third state; it may have been included in 
 Kao-Chang. At an earlier period (seventh century) Kuitze or Ku-tze is 
 believed by Mr. Watters to have been one of the five divisions, or five cities, 
 of Bishbalik. (See note, p. 62 of Introduction). 
 
or Uighuristdn. 
 
 101 
 
 which, being without a Khan at that time, summoned Isan 
 Bugba I. from Mavara-un-Nahr to reign over them. But although 
 a region is often mentioned by this name subsequent to the time 
 of Chingiz, no indication, as far as I am aware, is given of its 
 situation, until we come to Mirza Haidar’s incidental statement 
 that it constituted the eastern neighbour of ‘ Mangalai Suyah,’ 
 and was, consequently, identical with the Khanate of ‘ Chalish 
 and Turfan.’ On the other hand, though the Khanate is men¬ 
 tioned by Erskine, he does not connect it with the Uighuristan 
 of Asiatic authors, but speaks of it always as “ the Eastern 
 districts ”—presumably of the Moghul Khanate in general. 
 
 Mirza Haidar, unfortunately, omits to apprise his readers of 
 the extent of the Khanate of Uighuristan. At periods when 
 Aksu was not comprised within its limits, it could not have 
 been large. On the east it did not include Kumul (Hami) till 
 as late as 1513, when Mansur Khan annexed that State and 
 joined it on to Turfan, 1 as we learn from Chinese sources of 
 information. On the south it may have stretched to a con¬ 
 siderable distance, but if so it could have enclosed, in that 
 direction, only the sands of the desert. Northward, among the 
 ranges of the Tian Shan, and along the valley of the Yulduz 
 river, the inhabitants in the sixteenth century, at all events, 
 and probably long before, appear to have been the Oirat or 
 Kalmaks, but whether the Khans of Uighuristan counted these 
 people among their subjects is, from the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, not 
 clear. It is possible that they may have done so at some 
 periods, if not always, and in this case their State may have 
 extended to the upper waters of the Yulduz and to the northern 
 slopes of the Tian Shan. In the days of Khizir Khwaja of 
 Moghulistan (about 1383 to 1399), the country of the Kalmaks 
 would appear to have formed part of that Khan’s possessions, 
 and, for this reason evidently, was invaded by Timur in his 
 expedition of 1388. 2 According to Klaproth (who does not 
 name his authorities in this instance) the region, thus limited, 
 is almost exactly that which was occupied by the Uighurs at 
 the latest period of their existence as a people, though this was 
 long past the time when they had ceased to constitute self- 
 contained or independent states. Indeed, he assigns to them 
 
 1 Kumul remained, dependent on Turfan till the year 1669, when it became 
 Chinese. 
 
 £ See P(5tis de la Croix, Hist, de Timur Bee, ii., p. 46. 
 
102 
 
 The Eastern Khanate , 
 
 this position until beyond the date of Timur, or within the 
 fifteenth century, and speaks of them as a group of small but 
 not independent principalities. 1 In all probability the inde¬ 
 pendence, or otherwise, of these Uighur communities, had no 
 influence on the name which their country went by among 
 neighbouring nations; it seems merely to have acquired the 
 race-name of the inhabitants, as is often the case elsewhere, 
 and (what chiefly concerns us here) to have preserved that name 
 for some two hundred years, after a new and foreign principality 
 had sprung up on its soil. 
 
 The only consecutive account of the history of Turfan, from 
 the days of Chingiz and the Uighur chiefs onwards, would seem 
 to be that contained in the Chinese chronicles of the Ming 
 dynasty, and we are indebted to Dr. Bretschneider for an 
 epitomised translation of them. 2 The companion province of 
 Chalish is not mentioned in the epitome, and for this reason, 
 we may assume that no notice of it is contained in the Ming- 
 Shi. Possibly the Chinese annalists may have regarded it as 
 part of Turfan, and if this was the case, their account of that 
 province may be taken to embrace the whole of the eastern 
 Khanate of Uighuristan. The Ming record begins very shortly 
 after the opening dates of the Tdrihh-i-Rashidi, by relating 
 how T the prince of Tu-lu-fan (or Turfan), having repeatedly 
 plundered foreign embassies proceeding through his dominion 
 towards China, the Emperor, in 1377, despatched an army to 
 punish him and ravage his territory—a task that seems to have 
 been accomplished with success. No name is mentioned for 
 this prince. The date would correspond with the reign, in 
 Moghulistan, of Kamar-ud-Din, but I know of nothing that 
 points to Uighuristan forming a part of Kamar-ud-Din’s terri¬ 
 tory, unless perhaps the fact that Timur, shortly after the date 
 in question, when overruning Moghulistan in the course of a 
 punitive expedition, sent one of his columns as far east as 
 Kara-Khoja, which lay well within Uighuristan. On the other 
 hand, a few years later, on the death of Khizir Khwaja, Timur’s 
 army, under Mirza Iskandar, laid waste the country only as 
 far east as Kuchar, and then (for what reason is not stated) 
 
 1 Tableaux Historiques, pp. 121-5. 
 
 2 Most, but apparently not all, of what Dr. Bretschneider has translated is 
 contained in De Mail la’s Hist, de la Chine (vol. x.), but it is there much 
 scattered and involved with the history of Hami. Dr. Bretschneider’s version is 
 therefore the more useful of the two. (See his Med. Researches , ii., pp. 193 seq.) 
 
or Uighuristdn. 
 
 103 
 
 drew off towards Khotan. 1 Yet Khizir Khwaja is known, from 
 Mirza Haidar’s narrative, to have made at least a temporary 
 conquest of Turfan and Kara-Khoja. 
 
 These events occurred during the best days of the Moghul 
 power, when raiding and general lawlessness flourished, and it 
 is to be inferred from what little we know of the history of 
 those times, that even if Kamar-ud-Din sometimes held sway in 
 Uighuristan, he was not necessarily the recognised chief of the 
 State. But, whoever was the chief, he seems to have been sub¬ 
 dued by the Ming army, for we read of Turfan, in 1406, sending 
 a mission of homage to Peking, while two years alter that date 
 another is recorded to have been despatched by the ruling 
 Khan, this time under the leadership of a Buddhist priest. In 
 1422 a chief of Turfan, whose name is given as In-ghi-rli-cha , 
 is reported to have been expelled from his government by Vais 
 Khan of Bishbalik ( i.e ., Moghulistan), and to have personally 
 carried his appeal for redress before the Emperor, who caused 
 Vais Khan to restore In-ghi-rh-cha to his possessions. What 
 means the Chinese Emperor took to compel the Moghul to 
 perform this act of restitution is not stated, but the Ming-Shi 
 goes on to relate that in 1425 and 1426 In-ghi-rh-cha appeared 
 a second and third time at Peking, “at the head of his tribe,” 
 to present tribute. In 1428, shortly after his return home, he 
 died. 
 
 The next reigning chief mentioned is one Ba-la-ma-rh, on 
 whom the Ming Emperor bestowed presents in 1441, on the 
 occasion of the Egyptian envoy passing through Turfan on his 
 way homeward from Peking. It was about this time—the 
 middle of the fifteenth century—that the Turfan chief, one 
 Ye-mi-li Huo-jo (Imil Khwaja?) took possession of Kara-Khoja 
 and Lu-kotsin and assumed the title of Wang, or 'Prince.’ 
 Previous to this, says the Ming historian, Turfan was of little 
 account, but it now became powerful, and appears to have 
 extended its territory, for he incidentally mentions that it was 
 bordered on one side by Moghulistan, and on another by Khotan. 
 The rise in power of the Turfan chiefs did not prevent them 
 from continuing to send tribute to China, and it was shortly 
 afterwards (in 1465) settled that a mission should he despatched 
 regularly once every five years. 
 
 The particulars of these missions, the demands they made at 
 
 1 Pdtis de la Croix, iii., pp. 216-17. 
 
104 
 
 The Eastern Khanate , 
 
 the Ming court, and the concessions granted from time to time 
 by the Emperor, need not be followed here. One of them 
 which appeared at Peking in 1469 reported that the Turfan 
 chief had taken the title of ‘ Sultan,’ and the name of this 
 personage is recorded to have been Ali. 1 In the Tarikh-i-Rashidi 
 no mention is made of the name of Ali, in connection with 
 Uighuristan. The date points to Kabak Sultan, as well as the 
 title; but as Ali is represented further on in the Chinese 
 history to have been the father of Ahmad, we can hardly assume 
 Kabak to be the Sultan indicated. The father of Ahmad was 
 Yunus, who nowhere appears under the name of Ali, while 
 Kabak was grand-nephew of Yunus. That Sultan Ahmad (or 
 Alacha Khan)—and no other Ahmad—is the personage pointed 
 to by the Chinese annals, seems more than probable, seeing that 
 the dates of his succession and death agree very nearly with 
 those given in the Tarikli-i-Rasliidi, and that he is said to be 
 the father of Mansur. But this is not the only reason to suspect 
 inaccuracy in this matter, on the part of the Chinese chroniclers. 
 Even if Ahmad were to be regarded as chief of Turfan, in the 
 sense of being suzerain over the local prince, he could scarcely 
 have played the part they attribute to him, without Mirza 
 Haidar making some mention of his deeds. They represent 
 him, for example, as having proceeded in person against Hami 
 in 1488, as having captured the town, and put to death the local 
 chief 2 — a series of important events about which the Tdrikli-i- 
 Rashidi is silent. We find there only a brief statement that his 
 son, Mansur, carried on several wars against Khitai, or China. 
 
 To proceed, however. In 1473 this Sultan Ali is said to have 
 attacked and captured Hami, together with some tracts to the 
 eastward, proceedings which called forth an expedition from China 
 to recover these places from him. The Chinese had to retire 
 unsuccessful; the Sultan retained Hami, but the tribute missions 
 went on as before. About the same year that he annexed Hami, 
 it appears that Sultan Ali also captured more than 10,000 of 
 the tribe of Oirat, or Kalmaks, and in general he seems to have 
 been a chief of warlike tendencies. He had in his hands 
 the road by which all the tribute missions from the western 
 
 ] Klaproth says that in 1490 a rebel arose in Turfan, who took the title of 
 Sultan; and he appears to be using some Chinese history as his authority. 
 (Sprache u. Schrift d. TJiguren , p. 47.) 
 
 2 Bretschneider, ii., p. 196 ; De Mailla, x., pp. 255, 257. 
 
or UigJmristdn. 
 
 105 
 
 countries were in the habit of coming and going, and he made 
 the Emperor feel that it was well to be on good terms with 
 him. 
 
 In 1478 Ali died, and his son A-hei-ma (Ahmad) succeeded 
 him as Sultan of Turfan. He also was generally successful in 
 holding Hami against the Chinese; if he lost it at one time, he 
 regained it shortly afterwards, and he made the governor nomi¬ 
 nated by the Chinese, a prisoner. During the period 1478 to 
 1493 he was nearly always at war with the Chinese, yet he 
 seems to have been ever ready with his tribute, and several 
 missions, carrying lions and other presents, are recorded to have 
 been despatched during these years. At length, however (in 
 1493) his mission, consisting of 172 men, was stopped and im¬ 
 prisoned near the Chinese border. This event, occurring at a 
 time when the Kalmaks on his northern frontier were assuming 
 a threatening attitude towards him, 1 decided Ahmad to abandon 
 Hami, and finally peace was established with the Chinese in 
 1499. Five years later (1504) Ahmad died, and a struggle 
 for the succession to the Khanate took place among his sons. 
 The eldest, by name Man-su-rh (Mansur), got the upper hand, 
 declared himself Sultan, and began at once to despatch tribute 
 to Peking. In 1513 the subordinate Prince of Hami, Bai-ya-dsi 
 by name, made over his province to Mansur, who soon after¬ 
 wards began to make incursions on Chinese territory proper, by 
 invading Su-chou and Kan-chou. Whether he obtained any 
 but a mere temporary hold on these districts is not apparent, 
 but he is related to have had dissensions with the Chinese, on 
 subjects connected with Hami, till his death in 1545. He was 
 succeeded by his son, Sha — i.e., Shah Khan. 
 
 This is a brief outline of Dr. Bretschneider’s epitome of the 
 chapters in the Ming history which relate to Turfan, or Uighur- 
 istan. It shows, briefly, the course of the history of the province 
 according to the Chinese view; but when we come to compare 
 the names and dates with the same story as gathered from the 
 Tdrikh-i-Rashidi , the two accounts are found not to agree. In 
 the summary, or discursive table, given in Section II. of this 
 Introduction, some of the Khans of Uighuristan have been 
 mentioned, with the dates of their reigns (as far as obtainable), 
 from Mirza Haidar’s statements. They may be placed here in 
 
 1 De Mailla says the Oirat were perpetual enemies of the Musulmans of 
 Turfan, and could put 50,000 men into the field. ( Hist ., x., p. 302.) 
 
106 
 
 The Eastern Khanate, 
 
 juxtaposition with those of the Ming-Shi, for purposes of 
 comparison, as follows :— 
 
 
 Ming- Shi. 
 
 
 
 
 Tarikh-i- 
 
 ■Rashidi. 
 
 
 1 . 
 
 In-ghi-rh-cha . 
 
 died 
 
 1428 
 
 1 . 
 
 Yais Khan 
 
 . died 
 
 1428 
 
 2. 
 
 Manku Timur. 
 
 • 
 
 ? 
 
 2. 
 
 Isan Bugha II. 
 
 • >> 
 
 1462 
 
 3. 
 
 Ba-la-ma-rh was reigning 
 
 1442 
 
 3. 
 
 Dust Muhamd. 
 
 • >> 
 
 1468 
 
 4. 
 
 Ye-mi-li Huo-jo „ 
 
 
 1450 
 
 4. 
 
 Kabak Sultan 
 
 • • 
 
 ? 
 
 5. 
 
 Sultan Ali 
 
 died 
 
 1478 
 
 5. 
 
 Ahmad . 
 
 . died 
 
 1504 
 
 6. 
 
 Ahmad . 
 
 >> 
 
 1504 
 
 6. 
 
 Mansur . 
 
 • >> 
 
 1543 
 
 7. 
 
 8. 
 
 Mansur 
 
 Shah Khan 
 
 >5 
 
 1545 
 
 1570 
 
 7. 
 
 Shah Khan . 
 
 j was reigning at 
 ( close of history. 
 
 From this, it appears that none of the rulers mentioned by 
 the Chinese are the same as those given in the Tarikh-i-Rashidi , 
 till the name of Ahmad Khan is reached, while the date of the 
 death of his successor, Mansur Khan, differs by two years in 
 the two accounts. The allusion to Yais Khan accords fairly 
 satisfactorily as to date; hut here all accordance ends. The 
 first and third names on the Chinese list would appear to he 
 of Mongol origin; the second is certainly Mongol, while the 
 fourth and fifth, though Musulman, are in no way to he traced 
 among the Moghul Khans whom we know of. It is, perhaps, 
 possible that the earlier Moghul chiefs, while Islam had only 
 partially spread among them, bore Mongol as well as Musulman 
 names, and that the Chinese found it more convenient to use 
 the former, in reducing them to their own phonetics; but 
 against this conjecture for solving the difficulty, it must be 
 considered that the number of Khans, previous to Ahmad, is 
 too great, and that the dates do not correspond sufficiently to 
 admit of the assumption that the Mongol names point to Khans 
 of Moghulistan. A more probable explanation, perhaps, may 
 be that during the reigns of Isan Bugha II. and Dust Mu¬ 
 hammad, there were also Moghul Amirs who (like the Dughlat 
 Amirs in Alti Shahr), if they did not reign, at all events held 
 some kind of hereditary position as local chiefs, and that it was 
 they who sent the tribute missions, and carried on intercourse, 
 with the Chinese court. Thus, though not supreme in the 
 Khanate, they might have been the chiefs best known to the 
 Chinese. The possibility of this suggestion derives some sup¬ 
 port, I think, from the accounts the Chinese furnish of the 
 towns of Kara-Khoja and Lu-ko-tsin (more anciently Liu- 
 Cheng). During the first half of the fifteenth century, both 
 these towns, though situated close to Turfan, were reckoned 
 
or Uighuristan. 
 
 107 
 
 independent, and sent their own tribute, separately, to Peking; 
 and it was only when Turfan became powerful, after the middle 
 of the century, that they were annexed to their more important 
 neighbour. 1 This would have been only very shortly before 
 the commencement of the reign of Sultan Ahmad, or when we 
 come to corresponding names and dates in the two lists. At this 
 time, it may be, the custom was changed, and the reigning Khan 
 may have begun to send the tribute missions in his own name; 
 while the names—especially the non-Musulman ones—of the 
 subordinate chiefs, would have tended soon to fall into oblivion 
 and remain unnoticed by Muhammadan writers. This, however, 
 is only a suggestion—a possible explanation of the discrepancies. 
 
 Unfortunately, it is not the only puzzle connected with this 
 eastern Khanate. In his Memoires concernant les ... . Chi - 
 nois 2 Pere Amyot has published several Chinese documents 
 relating to Turfan, one of which is a rescript by the Emperor 
 Shun-Chi (the first of the present dynasty), dated 1647, where 
 notice is taken of the fact that Turfan had not sent to tender 
 homage to China for more than 280 years— i.e., since some date 
 previous to the year 1367, or the commencement of the Ming 
 epoch ! So direct a contradiction is this of all that the Ming 
 history has recorded, that it would appear almost hopeless to 
 attempt to reconcile the two statements. It would be tempting 
 to put the Tsing Emperor’s direct assertion into the same side 
 of the scales with Mirza Haidar’s silence on the subject, and to 
 suspect the veracity of the Ming chronicles ; hut my impression 
 is that these records contain too much internal evidence of 
 truth, and are too circumstantial in their facts, to admit of the 
 matter being disposed of in so summary a manner. The Em¬ 
 peror Shun-Chi, it must be remembered, had only come to the 
 throne in 1644. He was a mere child of nine years of age in 
 1647, while his elder relations, who were presumably his 
 advisers, were Manchus, who had been deeply engaged in the 
 wars which had won for him the Empire of China. They pro¬ 
 bably knew little of the affairs of the country, or of the history 
 of the dynasty that bad just been crushed by them and their 
 people. The dynastic history of the Mings, moreover, was not 
 written till many years later, 3 while events connected with an 
 
 1 Bretschneider, ii., pp. 185, 187. 
 
 2 Vol. xiv., p. 15. 
 
 ! The order for the compilation of the Ming Shi, Dr. Terrien de Lacouperie 
 informed me, was passed in 1679. Fifty-eight scholars were appointed to 
 engage in the work, which was not finished till 1724. 
 
108 
 
 The Eastern Khanate , 
 
 insignificant Khanate in Central Asia would scarcely have been 
 in the minds of the courtiers and secretaries, when the Emperor 
 was made to pen, or to approve, the rescript in question; or if 
 it was known to them that Turfan had sent tribute regularly— 
 rather effusively—they probably sought to please him by conceal¬ 
 ing the fact from his knowledge. The rescript is obviously 
 intended to convey the idea that Shun-Chi is flattered by the 
 homage paid him by the Sultan of Turfan, whose predecessors 
 had never rendered so great an honour to the Emperors of the 
 late dynasty; indeed, the whole document appears to be, more 
 than anything else, a display of exultation on the part of the 
 Emperor, intended to reflect on his Chinese predecessors. The 
 occasion which brought about its promulgation, was the arrival 
 of an envoy from the Turfan Sultan of the time, who is therein 
 called “ Ablun-Mouhan ”—a corruption not easy to identify 
 with any Musulman name. “ Le Sultan,” runs the French 
 translation, “ qui regne aujourd’hui sur le Tourfan, descend en 
 droit ligne de Tchahatai, un des fils de Tsinkiskan, fondateur de 
 la dynastie des Yuen ou Mongoux. Ces predecesseurs, depuis 
 plus de deux cens quatre-vingts ans n’avaient point envoye 
 d’ambassade solemnelle pour rendre hommage a la Chine, et lui 
 apporter le tribut. Le Sultan Ablun-Mouhan, ayant appris 
 que j’etais sur le trone de l’Empire Chinois, m’envoie des 
 ambassadeurs. . . . Une telle conduite merite quelque atten¬ 
 tion de ma part. . . .” And the venerable Amyot adds signifi¬ 
 cantly :—“ Ten years afterwards, that is to say in the year 
 1657, the King of Tourfan again despatched ambassadors carry¬ 
 ing tribute, which means in plain French, that he sent people 
 to trade and to receive presents from the Emperor. Yet His 
 Imperial Majesty was greatly flattered by this new mission.” 
 
 A still more inexplicable statement is contained in a letter 
 written by Amyot from Peking some time subsequently. 1 Re¬ 
 ferring to Turfan, he says the country was so broken up in the 
 early part of the sixteenth century, that in the year 1533 there 
 were seventy-five small independent States, all the chiefs of 
 which called themselves king. Here, all that can be said is that 
 Amyot must have fallen into some error. He was living at 
 Peking as far back as the middle of the eighteenth century, and 
 may be assumed to have had good sources of information on 
 historical as well as other subjects, but on this occasion he does 
 not mention the authority for the statement he makes. The 
 
 1 Mem. Con. les Chin, xiv., p. 19. No date is traceable for this letter. 
 
or Uig huristan. 
 
 109 
 
 Ming-Shi, as we have just seen, refers to the two towns of 
 Kara-Khoja and Lu-ko-tsin, as having been thought, by the 
 Chinese, to be independent of Turfan, about a century before the 
 date spoken of by Amyot, but during this interval the tendency 
 of events in Uighuristan was towards consolidation of the king¬ 
 dom, and centralisation of the power of the Khan. The date 
 1533 falls within the reign of Mansur Khan, who, we see from 
 the histories of Mirza Haidar and that of the Ming dynasty, 
 was the most powerful and prosperous ruler that the Khanate 
 had had, and it cannot be regarded as likely that, during his 
 reign, the country should have been split up into more indepen¬ 
 dent divisions than there were towns in it, or perhaps into 
 almost as many as there were villages. Had any disintegration 
 been going on, Mirza Haidar could hardly have failed to notice 
 it, and moreover, Sultan Said, then Khan of Moghulistan and 
 Alti-Shahr (Mansur’s brother) would scarcely have submitted (as 
 Mirza Haidar reports him to have done in 1516) to a ruler whose 
 kingdom had broken up into small States. In this instance it 
 is far more likely that Pere Amyot made use of some imperfect 
 information, than that both the official history of the Ming 
 dynasty and the independent one of our author, should be wrong. 
 What we find from the latter to have been the case is, that after 
 the death of Ahmad, and with the succession of Mansur, Uighur¬ 
 istan obtained a great increase of strength. Mansur had been 
 chief of Aksu, which province had been invaded and conquered 
 by Mirza Aba Bakr of Kashghar, and the chief had migrated to 
 Turfan with the whole of his tribe and family. The number 
 of the tribe is not stated, but the advent of a large body of 
 Moghuls, together with the Khan, can hardly have failed to 
 prove a source of increased strength to the Khanate, and would 
 point rather to unification than the reverse. 
 
 Perhaps if any explanation of so curious a discrepancy may 
 be hazarded, it might be found in the abuse of the tribute 
 missions. As the Ming dynasty declined and approached its fall, 
 the practice of encouraging counterfeit missions seems to have 
 become common ; and towards the end of the sixteenth century, 
 and at the beginning of the seventeenth, they came much into 
 vogue among the States bordering on the west of China. This 
 fact stands out with special clearness in the narrative of Bene¬ 
 dict Goes, who travelled from Lahore to China in the years 
 1603-1604, and who died at the frontier town of Suchou, in 
 Kansu, after passing through Yarkand, Aksu, Turfan and 
 
110 
 
 The Eastern Khanate , 
 
 Kumul. The account of his journey is, indeed, a meagre one, 
 for the greater part of his journal was lost at the time of his 
 death. Some fragments, however, were recovered and passed 
 into the hands of one of the ablest of the Jesuit missionaries 
 then at Peking—Father Matthew Ricci—who compiled from 
 them the story of Goes’ adventures. In this way much of the 
 narrative that has come down to us, is from the pen of a man 
 specially well informed and qualified to expose the real state of 
 affairs, on such a subject as the missions of homage from the 
 west. He tell us that the tribute brought to the capital was 
 merely nominal in value, but that the Emperor, considering it 
 beneath his dignity to receive presents from foreigners without 
 making a return, not only entertained the tribute-bearers on a 
 handsome scale, but paid highly for the objects presented to 
 him. in the shape of return gifts, so that every man pocketed 
 <c a piece of gold daily, over and above his necessary expenses.” 
 For this reason, the privilege of carrying offerings to China was 
 keenly competed for among merchants and others, who paid 
 highly for a nomination to the post of tribute-bearer. When 
 the time came for setting out, these so-called ambassadors, says 
 Ricci, forged letters in the name of the kings they professed to 
 represent, in which the Emperor of China was addressed in 
 obsequious terms. “ The Chinese,” he continues, “ receive em¬ 
 bassies of a similar character from various other kingdoms, 
 such as Cochin-China, Siam, Leu-Chieu, Corea, and some of the 
 petty Tatar kings, the whole causing incredible charges on the 
 public treasury. The Chinese themselves are quite aware of 
 the imposture, but they allow their Emperor to be befooled in 
 this manner, as if to persuade him that the whole world is 
 tributary to the Chinese; the fact being, rather, that China 
 pays tribute to those kingdoms.” 1 
 
 This account may be somewhat overdrawn in respect of the 
 comparisons made with such States as Cochin-China, Siam, 
 Korea, etc., for in these cases it is well known that there was 
 no question of the Chinese winking at an imposture, and allow¬ 
 ing themselves to be befooled. Tribute from these States 
 meant political subjection; the exaction of it at regular 
 periods was a serious affair, and one of the cardinal points of 
 Chinese foreign policy. But where the small States of Central 
 Asia were concerned, it was apparently not regarded as so im¬ 
 portant a matter, and there can be no doubt of the fact that, 
 
 1 Yule’s Cathay , pp. 582-3. 
 
or Uighuristan. 
 
 Ill 
 
 at the period in question, the custom of sending tribute-bearing 
 missions to China had degenerated, in the Khanates of Eastern 
 Turkistan, to mere trading adventures, and that the Chinese 
 must have been aware of the abuse the custom had undergone. 1 
 Even one of the circumstances that gave rise to Goes’ mission, 
 hinged upon a fraudulent embassy of this kind. A Musulman 
 merchant, on his return to Lahore from China, gave the Jesuits 
 there, information regarding the road to ‘ Cathay,’ which 
 appears to have had much influence in deciding them to send 
 forward Benedict Goes. The man, on appearing at Akbar’s 
 court, and on being asked by the Emperor how he obtained 
 admission to the Chinese capital, replied with frankness, that 
 he had gone in the character of an ambassador from the King 
 of Kashghar. 
 
 It may, therefore, be possible that spurious tribute-missions 
 arrived at Peking from so many petty chiefs, or governors of 
 towns, that the Chinese had actually recorded as large a 
 number as seventy-five for the Turfan region, at the time Pere 
 Amyot speaks of; though this would in no way demonstrate 
 that the State of Turfan, or Uighuristan, had, in reality, been 
 split up into small divisions. 
 
 Though a separate and self-contained State, the Khanate of 
 Uighuristan was in no way disconnected, physically, from the 
 rest of Eastern Turkistan, or Alti-Shahr. No range of moun¬ 
 tains or great river divided the two States, and even their 
 people, in race and language, must have been practically one. 
 No doubt there were slight variations in type and dialect, as is 
 the case at the present day, between the natives of Turfan and 
 those of Kashghar and Khotan; but all were of the Uighur 
 stock, and those of the eastern Khanate, occupying, as they did, 
 one of the ancient seats of the nation, perhaps retained the 
 characteristics of the race in greater purity than the commu¬ 
 nities of the more western provinces. They lived, as it were, on 
 the ruins of ancient Uighuria, and were less accessible than the 
 communities further west to foreign influences, except perhaps, 
 to those emanating from China—which must, however, have 
 been slight. Their land, placed as it is, in the very centre of 
 Asia, is less known, even nowadays, than almost any other part 
 of the continent; the few modern travellers who have visited 
 
 1 Sir H. Yule cites Abel Remusat to show that the same thing had happened 
 in the days of the Sung Emperors— i.e. the last native Chinese dynasty prior 
 to the Mings. (Cathay , p. 583.) 
 
112 
 
 The Eastern Khanate , 
 
 it having furnished only a meagre description of it. A Chinese 
 author of the last century says that the whole population of 
 the province, in his time, could he estimated at no more than 
 3000 families, and these were, for the greater part, so poor 
 that they were scarcely able to provide for themselves. In 
 the summer the heat was excessive, and the blaze of the sun 
 on the barren ridges in the neighbourhood of the town, in¬ 
 supportable-wherefore the people had named them “the fire 
 mountains.” 1 
 
 One of its distinctive features is the depression, to some 150 
 or 200 feet below 7 the level of the sea, of the central districts 
 of Turfan and Kara-Khoja. This is one of the driest as well as 
 one of the hottest portions of Eastern Turkistan, and the 
 one w 7 here the greatest ingenuity of the inhabitants, both 
 ancient and modern, has been displayed in irrigating the land 
 so as to render it habitable. Mirza Haidar relates the personal 
 exertions of Yais Khan (though these were not particularly 
 ingenious) to provide water for the cultivation of the land; but 
 possibly the tradition regarding Yais Khan’s manual labour is 
 not intended to be taken literally. The attention of modern 
 travellers has been attracted by the remains of aqueducts and 
 systems of wells, showing how dependent the population was, 
 and is, on artificial irrigation. Thus Dr. Kegel mentions the 
 reservoirs where water from the mountains is stored, and the 
 underground canals that lead it to the town, and serve also as 
 dwelling-places for the inhabitants, during the fierce heat of 
 summer. 2 Captain F. E. Younghusband found the modern city 
 of Turfan surrounded by lines of pits upwards of a hundred 
 feet in depth—the lines extending for several miles into the 
 desert. 3 
 
 In contrast to the low-lying group of oases in the burning 
 desert, and among the “ fire hills,” there rise immediately to 
 the north, the eastern ranges of the Tian Shan, with summits 
 reaching to 12,000 or 14,000 feet above the sea, and capped 
 with eternal snow. One of these is the famous Bogdo-Ula of 
 the Mongols and Kalmaks, or the Tengri-Tagh of the Kirghiz; 
 a mountain that, for ages past, has been held sacred by the 
 pastoral tribes that have inhabited the regions around, and 
 whose people have venerated it, no doubt, because it is the 
 
 1 Bretschneider ii., p. 202. 
 
 2 Petermann’s Mittheilungen, 1880, p. 205. 
 
 3 P. P. G. S., 1888, p. 498. 
 
113 
 
 or Uighuristdn. 
 
 central and most commanding feature of their landscape, and 
 the parent of many of the streams that bring them life. 
 
 Yet, in spite of its natural drawbacks of heat and drought, 
 the country appears to have supported, at times during its 
 history, a fairly large population, and to have been one of the 
 chief centres of the Buddhists in the earlier centuries of the 
 Middle Ages; for these communities have left many relics 
 behind them, not only in the shape of buildings, but also of 
 inscriptions and objects of art. The Russian traveller Grrijmailo 
 speaks of a place called Singim, lying to the south of Lu-ko-tsin 
 (the old Liu-Cheng), 1 where “ leaflets enclosed in horn and 
 wooden boxes,” and bearing ancient writings in a language 
 now unknown, are still, from time to time, unearthed ; 2 while 
 Dr. Regel, again, tells us of vast ruins at a short distance to the 
 south-east of modern Kara-Khoja (the Ho-Chao of the Chinese), 
 to which he gives the name of ‘ Old Turfan,’ but which are 
 more likely to be those of ancient Kara-Khoja. These re¬ 
 mains are described as covering a large tract of ground, with 
 massive walls, gates and bastions, besides underground passages, 
 vaulted and arched; the whole bearing witness to a high 
 development of architectural knowledge. He mentions also 
 other ruins of a similar kind, lying to the south of the town of 
 Turfan. 3 From the Ming history too, we learn that to the east 
 of Ho-Chao there stand the ruins of a city of the past, which 
 are regarded as remains of the ancient Uighur capital, Kao- 
 Chang, and with regard to the aspect of the place in the days 
 of the Mings, the author adds that there were in Ho-Chao 
 more Buddhist temples than dwelling-houses of the people. 4 
 
 With the gradual break up of the power of the Moghuls 
 towards the end of the sixteenth century, and the rise of the 
 Manchu dynasty in China in the first half of the seventeenth, 
 the Khanate of Uighuristan fell more and more under the 
 influence of China. For a time, during the eighteenth century, 
 the Kalmaks, with the help of the Tibetans, obtained a hold 
 over it, but this was of short duration, and on their final sub¬ 
 jugation by the Manchus, about 1755, the whole country 
 
 1 In Dr. Regel’s map this place is marked some thirty-six miles to the 
 north-west of La-ko-tsin (Luktochin), an instance of how uncertain our 
 information is regarding this region. (See map in Petermann, 1881, Band 27, 
 No. X.) 
 
 2 P. R. G. S ., 1891, p. 223. 
 
 Loc. cit ., p. 207. 
 
 Bretschneider, ii., p. 187. 
 
 h 
 
114 
 
 The Eastern Khanate . 
 
 became Chinese territory. In the intervals, however, several 
 petty principalities arose within its limits, and some of these 
 appear to have had for their chiefs, Musulman Khans who 
 claimed descent from the Moghuls. It was probably to one of 
 these that the Manchu emperor Shun-Chi alluded, when in 
 his rescript of 1644 (mentioned above) he spoke of his tributary 
 as a descendant of ‘ Cha-ha-tai.’ 
 
The Tdrikh-i-Rashidi and after. 
 
 115 
 
 SECTION YI. 
 
 THE “ TARIKH-I-RASHIDI ” AND AFTER. 
 
 Kingdoms are shrunk to provinces, and chains 
 Clank over sceptred cities; nations melt 
 From power’s high pinnacle, when they have felt 
 The sunshine for a while, and downward go, 
 
 Like lauwine loosened from the mountain’s belt. 
 
 —Childe Harold iv., 12. 
 
 What is chiefly wanting to throw light on Mirza Haidar’s 
 history, is the narrative of some judicious European traveller — 
 a contemporary, or nearly so—who might have afforded an 
 outside view of the state of Central Asia at the period in 
 question, and thus have brought some of our author’s state¬ 
 ments into touch with Western aspects of history. The Tdrikh-i- 
 Rashidi refers, for the most part, to the darkest times in the 
 annals of the inner Asiatic States : when strife and disorder 
 prevailed, and no commanding personality or stable dynasty 
 existed in any quarter, to check confusion and form a centre of 
 security. In the days of Chingiz and his immediate successors, 
 Mongol rule was supreme over the greater part of Central Asia 
 and China. The Khans were in most respects uncouth and 
 uncivilised, hut their government was a vigorous and consistent 
 one while it lasted. They had confidence in their strength, 
 and were, for that reason probably, liberal and tolerant in their 
 general policy, when dealing with the many foreign nations 
 with whom they came in contact. They knew, also, how to 
 ensure order in their own possessions, and thus attracted 
 envoys, merchants, and missionaries, who have been the means 
 (whatever it may he worth) of handing them down in history 
 with perhaps their best side foremost. 
 
 The decay of Mongol authority and the rise of Musulman 
 influence, chaDged all this in the more westerly regions, while, 
 on the side of China, the accession of an unwarlike dynasty 
 tended to weakness at the extremities of the empire, and laid 
 open large tracts of the interior of the continent to the misrule 
 of unstable and lawless tribes, whose chiefs, while unable to 
 
 k 2 
 
116 The Tarikh-i-Rashidi and after. 
 
 gain permanency for themselves, repelled all intercourse with 
 civilised nations, and were the means only of intensifying the 
 barbarism of their people. For a time, towards the end of the 
 fourteenth century and the early part of the fifteenth, the 
 ascendency of Timur and his immediate descendants proved, to 
 some extent, an agency for the preservation of order, and 
 perhaps prevented the tide of nomad misrule from overwhelm¬ 
 ing the whole of the best parts of Central Asia. Except for this 
 check, it is probable that the relapse into barbarism would have 
 been even more lasting than it was, and would have had more far- 
 reaching results. But the times of Timur and Ulugh Beg were 
 stormy ones, and had little of the steadying influences of those 
 of the Mongols. Being Musulman rulers, the advance of 
 Islam, and the intolerance that always goes hand in hand with 
 that system of religion and government, was encouraged, so 
 that as soon as the secular authority of the Timuri began to 
 weaken, the religious element grew stronger and came to the 
 front. Saints and religious pretenders increased in numbers, 
 and nothing is more clear in Mirza Haidar’s history than the 
 influence they gained in all political affairs. Each Khan and 
 Chief, besides many of the leading Amiis, he tells us, retained 
 at their headquarters one or more of these advisers; and he 
 shows how in his own case, and in that of his master, Said 
 Khan, they gained an altogether inordinate degree of control 
 over their patrons. Even such barbarous tyrants as Aba Bakr 
 of Kashghar, and the most blood-thirsty of the Uzbeg chiefs, 
 seem to have honoured them with superstitious reverence, and 
 to have accepted their guidance. It was in deference, appa¬ 
 rently, to the teachings of this class, and under the pretence of 
 religious zeal, that all the worst deeds of these potentates were 
 done—that plundering expeditions assumed the name of holy 
 wars, that murders, prompted in reality by fear or revenge, were 
 committed under priestly sanction, and that wholesale slavery 
 was carried on as a meritorious measure of conversion from 
 infidelity. 
 
 Under such conditions as these Central Asia must have been 
 impenetrable to European travellers, whether missionaries or 
 merchants, while it is impossible to imagine that any European 
 monarch would depute envoys to such rulers as Shaibani Khan 
 or Mirza Aba Bakr, as they had done to the Mongol Khakans 
 and to Timur. Even when these personages had disappeared, 
 Uzbegs, Uzbeg-Kazaks, and Kirghiz, acting under chiefs whose. 
 
117 
 
 The Tarikh-i-Rashidi and after. 
 
 names are scarcely known in history (but who were to the full 
 as rude and lawless), were always at war with each other or 
 with their neighbours. They kept the whole of the country 
 north of the Sir and the Tian Shan in a state of tumult, and 
 consequently closed to all foreign intercourse; whilst they 
 were, besides, the means of weakening the governments—such 
 as they were—of Khorasan, Transoxiana, and Alti-Sbahr, and 
 assisted in cutting them off from the West. In the days of the 
 grandsons and early successors of Chingiz Khan, we find envoys 
 like Plano Carpini and Rubruk traversing Asia with safety from 
 the Ural to the northern confines of Mongolia, and there finding 
 Europeans in the service of the Khakans ; the Polos could march 
 backwards and forwards from the Mediterranean and the Persian 
 Gulf, to China, and carry with them their wares in security; 
 while preaching friars and missionaries, such as Odoric of 
 Pordenone, John of Marignolli, William of Modena, and their 
 companions, were tolerated not only as travellers, but as pro¬ 
 pagandists. 
 
 These are only a few among those whose names happen to 
 have been preserved in documents which they, or their friends, 
 left behind them, and which have survived till modern times. 
 But for one who committed his experiences to writing, there 
 must have been many of the same class who attempted nothing 
 in the shape of a record, and as many more whose journals, 
 letters, or what not, have been lost during the intervening 
 ages, or which have not yet come to light. In short, all that 
 we know of the early part of the Mongol period, or from the 
 middle of the thirteenth century to nearly the middle of the 
 fourteenth, points to order and security, and thus to a constant 
 intercourse with the West and Europe. But for the whole of 
 what may be called the authentic period of Mirza Haidar’s 
 history— i.e., from the second half of the fourteenth century 
 until it closes in the middle of the sixteenth—not a single 
 instance can be mentioned of a European having visited any 
 of the regions of Central Asia, east of Samarkand. 
 
 If any there were, no vestige of them has survived; indeed, 
 the party of missionaries, twenty in number, with six lay 
 companions, who had been sent forth from Avignon in 1333 
 under Friar Nicholas, as Bishop of Cambulu (Khan Baligh), 
 can only be traced as far as Almaligh, and seems never to have 
 been heard of later than 1338. 1 The latter date would fall 
 
 1 See Cathay , pp. 172 and 188-9. 
 
118 
 
 The Tarikh-i-Rashidi and after . 
 
 within the reign of the Chaghatai Khan, Buzun, and at a time 
 when no Khan was reigning in Moghulistan. As far as can be 
 gathered from the imperfect chronology of those times, as 
 furnished by Mirza Haidar's history, Isan Bugha, the first 
 Moghul Khan, was already dead, and the second, Tugbluk 
 Timur, had not yet succeeded him. Probably Amir Bulaji, 
 the Dughlat, was the TJlusbegi, or chief of the tribe, and he, as 
 we are told, was a Musulman of very recent date. Whether 
 the disappearance of the friars had any connection with the 
 rise of Islam in the country at that time, or with the general 
 disorder that prevailed, can only be a matter of conjecture. 
 All that is certain is that no other European is heard of in 
 Central Asia till the embassy of Buy Gonzalez Clavijo from 
 Henry III. of Spain to the Court of Timur, which reached 
 Samarkand in 1404, or about a year before Timur’s death. The 
 narrative of this embassy, however, does not relate to the part 
 of Central Asia now alluded to, but to the centre of the king¬ 
 doms, mentioned above, as forming a barrier against the mis¬ 
 rule of the barbarous nomads farther east. Don Buy’s 
 narrative therefore cannot be utilised to throw light on the 
 obscurities of Mirza Haidar’s history, for all that the Tarikh-i- 
 Rashidi relates concerning Transoxiana is amply elucidated by 
 other Musulman chronicles, and among them some of the 
 best. More properly it should be said that from the middle 
 of the fourteenth century no European is heard of in eastern 
 Central Asia till some fifty and odd years after the death of 
 Mirza Haidar, and when the kingdom of the Moghul Khans, 
 having split up into a number of small States, was, to all 
 intents and purposes, at the end of its existence. 
 
 And if there were no European spectators to review what 
 was passing in eastern Central Asia, neither does there appear 
 to have been any Musulman annalist contemporary, or even 
 nearly so, with our author, who devoted attention to the 
 Moghul Khanates during this dark period. At any rate, I 
 have met with no writer, who has done more than allude to 
 them casually. Perhaps the book which casts the most light 
 on the country and the times, is the Zafar-Nama of Sharaf-ud- 
 Din Ali, Yazdi. As one of the historians of Timur’s reign, and 
 the chronicler of his campaigns in Moghulistan, Sharaf-ud-Din 
 has necessarily become an authority on the period ending with 
 the date of Timur’s death, although he had never set himself 
 the special task of writing a history of Moghulistan and its 
 
119 
 
 The Tarikh-i-Rashidi and after. 
 
 Khans. He merely speaks of those against whom his hero, 
 Timur, carried on campaigns or had other direct dealings with, 
 but he in no way professes to write the story of the Moghuls 
 for any period. Thus, his narrative ends about a hundred and 
 twenty years before Mirza Haidar was of an age to begin 
 collecting the traditions, which constitute the groundwork of 
 much of the early part of his own book ; and for this interval, 
 as well as for the subsequent quarter of a century (about) over 
 which his life extended, it may be said, I think, that he is the 
 sole Musulman authority for the history of the Moghuls. 
 What the Chinese have recorded is brief and incidental only, 
 as we have seen. Where, however, Sharaf-ud-Din occupied 
 himself with Moghulistan and events connected with it in the 
 neighbouring regions, Mirza Haidar has given no account of 
 his own—he trusted entirely to the Yazdi author, and has 
 simply copied his work. The brief period that falls between 
 the opening date of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, and the point where 
 the Zafar-Nama takes up the narrative, is dealt with to some 
 slight extent by other Musulman authors, though Mirza Haidar 
 gives his own version of it as founded on the traditions of his 
 ancestors. 
 
 It may be regarded, therefore, that his history is the only 
 work we have, which deals with the period subsequent to the 
 accounts furnished by the Zafar-Nama —or from the early 
 years of the fifteenth century to the middle of the sixteenth; 
 while for this epoch Mirza Haidar’s evidence is unsupported by 
 any European witness, and only very partially attested to by 
 the Chinese annalists. This solitary, individual character of 
 the book may perhaps enhance its value as a history, and 
 render it indispensable as a reference, for the interval where it 
 stands alone ; but it must be admitted that it would have had 
 a still higher value had it been illustrated by outside commen¬ 
 tary, and had it been connected with Western countries and 
 events by a link of foreign testimony. If, in other words, some 
 European spectator, regarding matters from a different point 
 of view from that of Mirza Haidar, had done for him what 
 Plano Carpini and Eubruk chanced to do for the Jahan Kushai 
 of Juvaini, or Marco Polo for the field covered by authors who 
 treat of the various countries of Asia in the thirteenth and 
 fourteenth centuries, the history of the times might have been 
 worked out to better purpose than is the case now, and fewer 
 doubtful points left unelucidated. 
 
120 The Tarikh-i-Rashidi‘and after. 
 
 The sequel to the Tdrihh-i-Rashidi is, perhaps, scarcely a 
 subject which should encumber this Introduction, yet it may 
 be worth while to sketch very briefly an outline of what took 
 place in Moghulistan and Eastern Turkistan after the last 
 pages of the book were written. At that time the author had 
 been some six years regent of Kashmir, and had already been 
 absent from the kingdom of the Moghuls for about fourteen 
 years, but he continued, it would seem, to keep up communica¬ 
 tion with his friends in Kashghar till the end, and evidently 
 took a deep interest in all that was happening there. So much 
 was this the case, that in the last recorded chapters of his book, 1 
 though he omits much that might have been worthy of notice 
 regarding the events that were passing around him in Kashmir, 
 he gives some particulars of the course of affairs in what may 
 be called his own country. 
 
 At the time when he left it, to conduct Said Khan’s expedition 
 into Ladak, Tibet and Kashmir, the Kirghiz and the Shaiban 
 Uzbegs, who were the most inveterate enemies of his people, 
 had been so far checked as to admit of the Khan turning his 
 attention to other quarters. Still they were only checked and 
 by no means subdued: in fact, their power was increasing as 
 that of the Moghuls declined, and very shortly after Said 
 Khan’s eldest son, Kashid Sultan, came into possession of his 
 father’s kingdom, wars broke out afresh with the Kirghiz, and 
 this time also with the Kazak Uzbegs. Again the Khan is 
 said to have been victorious, and is described as defeating the 
 Uzbegs in more than one great battle; but these victories, like 
 the earlier ones, were mere checks to the enemy, and it seems 
 evident that during Eashid’s reign they gained in strength and 
 became practically masters of the greater part, if not the 
 whole, of Moghulistan ; while the territory of the Khanate 
 became almost entirely confined to the districts of Alti-Shahr. 
 
 This Eashid Sultan (otherwise Abdur Eashid Khan) succeeded 
 his father in 1533, and long outlasted our author, for the 
 length of his reign is given by Amin Ahmad Eazi, in the Haft 
 IJclim , 2 as thirty-three hajra years, which would bring the date 
 of his death to 973 h., or 1565-6 a.d. As Ahmad Eazi’s account 
 of the dynasty, though exceedingly brief, is the only one 
 that approaches a consecutive story, it may be followed here. 
 
 1 Viz., in Part I. 
 
 2 Fur fragments of the Haft Ihlim see Quatremere in Not. et F.xtraits, xiv., 
 pp. 474, seq. 
 
121 
 
 The Tarikh-i-Rashidi and after. 
 
 He tells us that Rashid had thirteen sons, the eldest of whom 
 was named Abdul Latif. This prince is extolled for his bravery, 
 and is said to have been sent several times, by his father, into 
 Moghulistan, to oppose the Kirghiz and the Kazaks, and that, 
 though he was always victorious over his enemies, he lost his 
 life during the wars. 1 2 His brother Abdul Karim, who was 
 reigning in 1593, when Ahmad Razi wrote, is also praised for 
 his courage and accomplishments, after the manner of Asiatic 
 writers. Abdul Rahim, the third son, is stated to have left 
 the country without his father’s consent and to have led an 
 expedition into Tibet, where he was killed; while the fourth, 
 named Abdul Aziz, died a natural death at the age of sixteen. 
 The fifth son’s name was Adham Sultan, but he was known as 
 Sufi Sultan. He had been made governor of Kashghar, by his 
 father, and retained the post for sixteen years, but he survived 
 the latter only for a short time. He appears to have been 
 succeeded at Kashghar by his brother, Muhammad Sultan, the 
 sixth son of Rashid, who was governor of that place at the 
 date of the completion of the Haft Iklim? The seventh was 
 called Muhammad Baki, but nothing is recorded of him. The 
 eighth was Koraish Sultan, who had dissensions with his 
 brother Abdul Karim, and retired to India, where he was 
 received with every honour, presumably by the Chaghatais. 
 He left two children, who were still alive when Ahmad Razi 
 wrote his history. Of the five remaining sons of Rashid 
 Sultan nothing is related; the names of three only are 
 
 1 Haidar Razi, the author of the Zabdat-ut-Tavdrikh , says that Abdul 
 Latif was killed at the age of twenty-nine in a fight with “Tou Nazar Khan, 
 sovereign of the Kazaks and Kirghiz.” The date is quite uncertain ; but for 
 some years ending in 1580 the Kazak-Kirghiz (or White Horde) were ruled 
 by one Ak Nazar, who is perhaps the personage intended by “ Tou Nazar.” 
 (See Not. et Extraits , xiv., p. 511, and Ho worth, ii., pp. 632-34.) 
 
 2 Since completing this Introduction I have been favoured, through the 
 good offices of Capt. F. E. Younghusband, with the loan of some valuable 
 papers by the late Mr. R. B. Shaw, among which I find the following note 
 referring evidently to this sixth son of Abdur Rashid, although called “ Khan ” 
 and not “ Sultan.” It runs: “ A Yarligh, or title-deed, is still in existence 
 granted by Muhammad Khan, son of Abdul Rashid, as reigning sovereign, 
 which confers the dignity of Tarkhan or ‘franklin’ on a certain Mhd. Fazl of 
 ‘ Puski.’ It is dated from Kashghar in h. 996 = a.d. 1587.” The year 996, 
 however, fell chiefly in 1588— i.e., from Dec. 2, 1587, to Nov. 20, 1588. 
 
 Again, with reference to Abdul Rahim, the third son, Mr. Shaw has noted 
 certain title-deeds which indicate that he was governor of Yarkand in 1011 n. 
 (1602-3 a.d.), and of Kuchar in 1017 (1608-9). It also appears from these 
 notes, that several grandsons of Abdur Rashid inherited power of some kind 
 in the various districts of Eastern Turkistau, down to near the middle of the 
 seventeenth century. 
 
122 The Tdrikh-i-Rashidi and after . 
 
 mentioned, as Ulus Sultan, Arif Sultan, and Adul Kahim 
 Sultan. 
 
 From this meagre account, little can be gathered regarding 
 the course of events during the forty-four years that followed 
 on the close of Mirza Haidar’s work. 1 The only two points 
 that seem clear are, that there was much contention with the 
 Kirghiz and a tendency towards subdivision of the Khanate. 
 At length, however, we come to a ray of light (though, alas, 
 too late to he of great value) shed by a European traveller; for 
 the next glimpse we get of the Moghuls and their State is from 
 the narrative of the Portuguese missionary Benedict Goes, 
 which was mentioned, in the last chapter, as having been 
 partially rescued from oblivion by Father Matthew Kicci of the 
 Jesuit mission at Peking. 
 
 Goes, in seeking a road to China, from Agra and Lahore, 
 passed through Afghanistan and over the Pamirs, and reached 
 Yarkand towards the end of 1603. Here he remained for about 
 a year, paying, during that interval, a brief visit to Khotan. 
 After this he proceeded, with many delays, eastward, through 
 Aksu, Chalish (the modern Karashahr) Turfan and Kamul, to 
 Suchou on the western frontier of China, where he died in 
 April 1607. He speaks of Yarkand as the capital of the 
 kingdom of Kashghar, and it was there that resided “ the 
 king ” whose name was Muhammad Khan. How far this 
 Khan’s authority extended is nowhere stated, hut the pass with 
 which he furnished Goes’ party, for their journey eastward, 
 seems to have been respected, at any rate, as far as Kuchar. 
 Aksu is particularly mentioned as “ a town of the kingdom of 
 Cascar ” (Kashghar), and the chief there is described as a 
 nephew of the king’s, and only twelve years of age; but he is 
 not named. The territory of “ Cialis ” (Chalish) was governed 
 by an illegitimate son of the king of Kashghar ; but here again 
 the traveller furnishes no name, and gives no indication of 
 whether the territory was a dependency, or not, of Muhammad 
 Khan’s. Similarly, when mentioning Khotan, he merely alludes 
 to “ the prince of Quotan,” but gives no name or other informa¬ 
 tion regarding him. Thus the only personage w r hose name can 
 be identified from Goes’ narrative, is Muhammad Khan, who 
 
 1 Dr. Bellew’s memoranda derived from the Tarikh-i-Khanan Chaghataya 
 (a book, however, which he says he had not seen), and from personal inquiries, 
 are contradictory inter se, and altogether at variance, as to names, with the 
 slight information afforded by Ahmad Razi in the Haft Ifclim .— Yarkand 
 Jiejport , pp. 174-5. 
 
The Tdrikh-i-Rashicli and after. 123 
 
 appears to be the * Muhammad Sultan ’ of Ahmad Eazi’s list, 
 and the sixth son of Eashid Sultan. This, at any rate, seems 
 possible as far as dates are concerned, though Ahmad Eazi 
 states that Abdul Karim (the second son of Eashid) was the 
 reigning Khan in 1593, and Muhammad Sultan only governor 
 of Kashghar—meaning, presumably, the town and district of 
 that name, but not the entire Khanate. Ten years, however, 
 had passed between the date when Ahmad Eazi wrote and that 
 of Goes’ visit to the country. It is just possible, therefore, 
 that Muhammad Sultan may have succeeded his elder brother 
 during the interval, and in that case he would, according to 
 the ordinary custom, have added the title of “ Khan ” to his 
 name. 
 
 The only other name that occurs in the history of Eastern 
 Turkistan as that of a ruler of Kashghar, is one Ismail Khan, 
 who was apparently the last of all the Moghuls to fill that 
 position, if indeed, he was a ruler, or ‘ Khan,’ in the proper 
 sense of the word. It would seem from Mr. Shaw’s fragmentary 
 papers, mentioned in note 2, p. 121, above, that he was a great- 
 grandson of Eashid Sultan, and he is shown in this degree, in 
 the genealogical table at the end of Section II. of this Introduc¬ 
 tion. He must have lived in the third quarter of the seventeenth 
 century when the Khwajas held the real and practical authority 
 in the State; while at a somewhat earlier date we hear of one 
 Muhammad Khan as governor at Yarkand, Abdulla at Khotan, 
 Khudabanda at Aksu, and a certain Abdur Eashid in the dis¬ 
 tricts of Kuchar and Turfan. 1 But how these personages 
 were descended we are not told. It is probable that all were 
 grandsons or great-grandsons of Eashid Sultan, but it cannot 
 be so said for certain. 
 
 Of the Eastern Khanate, or Uighuristan, nothing is to be 
 gleaned from any Musulman author accessible to me, subse¬ 
 quent to the date of Mirza Haidar’s history. A short frag¬ 
 ment regarding the succession of the Khans, however, is to 
 be found in Dr. Bretschneider’s extracts from the Chinese 
 history of the Mings. It is related there that on Mansur 
 Khan’s death, in 1545, he designated his eldest son, Sha (Shah 
 Khan), to be his successor ; but Sha’s brother Ma-hei-ma 
 (Muhammad) laid claim to the throne, and though he did not 
 
 1 See Bellew, Yarkand Report, p. 175, and Vali-Khanoff in Russians in 0. 
 Asia , p. 169. 
 
124 
 
 The Tarikh-i-Rashidi and after. 
 
 succeed in obtaining it, took possession of a part of Kami—a 
 province which was included in his brother’s dominions. 1 
 Afterwards he allied himself with the “Wa-la” (the Oirat 
 or Kalmaks), and with their assistance attacked Shah Khan. 
 
 No date for this last event is given, nor is the result of the 
 attack mentioned; it is not clear, therefore, whether he gained 
 the throne by force, or by what means. All that is vouchsafed 
 is that Shah Khan died in 1570, and was succeeded on “the 
 throne of Tulufan ” (Turfan) by Ma-hei-ma, when three other 
 brothers revolted against him. One of these was named So-fei 
 (Sufi), of whom it is recorded that he “ aspired to the crown,” 
 called himself Su-tan (Sultan), and that he sent an embassy to 
 China. 2 
 
 As the Khans and their descendants tottered to their fall, the 
 Kirghiz began to descend into the lowlands of Alti-Shahr and in¬ 
 terfere, directly, in the affairs of their old opponents. They were, 
 in some cases, the supporters of influential priests, or Khwajas, 
 who were rapidly acquiring an influence that was to gain for 
 them the sovereign power in the country; but without attempt¬ 
 ing here to follow all the gradual changes that brought about 
 the establishment of these new rulers, it may be said generally, 
 that before the middle of the seventeenth century, the priests 
 and saintly teachers, spoken of above, had acquired so great an 
 authority, that the governing power of the country was rapidly 
 passing into their hands. Their ascendency was the direct 
 result of the encouragement they had received, for some genera¬ 
 tions past, from the superstitious Khans and Amirs of all the 
 surrounding countries, and it is hardly a matter for surprise 
 that their power, as a class, should develop, or if, when the 
 authority of the dynastic chiefs in Eastern Turkistan was 
 decaying, they should take advantage of the situation to build 
 up a government of their own. As Khwajas, or reputed descen¬ 
 dants of the Prophet, their lineage was undeniable, and ranked, 
 in the estimation of Musulman zealots, far in advance of that 
 of any of the Khans or Sultans who held the secular power. 
 
 1 Hand remained dependent on Turfan till the year 1696, when, according 
 to the Chinese annals of the present dynasty, the chief of the province, named 
 Beg Abdullah, acknowledged the supremacy of the Emperor Kang-hi ( Med. 
 liesearches, ii., p. 182). 
 
 2 lb. ii., p. 198. If the dates are correct, this Sufi caunot he the personage 
 of that name mentioned in the list of Ahmad Razi, as fifth son of Rashid ; for 
 the Sufi of the list is reported to have died only a short time after his father 
 — i.e., shortly after 1566. 
 
125 
 
 The Tarikh-i-Rashidi and after. 
 
 They had no special nationality, hut formed a class or brother¬ 
 hood of devotees, banded together in aim and design, though 
 wandering or dwelling, separately, in all the countries of Central 
 Asia. They became expounders of the Musulman law, and the 
 executive authority (such as it was) dare not oppose them ; they 
 were also workers of miracles and healers of the sick, and in 
 these capacities obtained a hold over the minds of the mass of 
 the people. “ Their tombs,” Dr. Bellew tells us, “ were con¬ 
 verted into sacred shrines endowed with all sorts of munificent 
 virtues. Rich grants of land were apportioned by successive 
 Khans for the support of their establishments, whose presiding 
 elders in return dispensed, in the name of their patron saint, 
 endless favours and bounties to an illiterate and superstitious 
 peasantry.” 1 
 
 The Khwajas, in short, were a class that had been evolved by 
 all that had gone before, during the rule of the Moghul Khans 
 —a rule that had begun with the raiding and lawlessness of 
 irresponsible nomads, and had ended with the hypocrisy and 
 fanaticism that usually mark a people incapable of attaining to 
 any degree of civilisation. In the Khwajas they unconsciously 
 raised up rivals who were to displace their house, while these, 
 within little over a century, had, for much the same reasons as 
 their predecessors, to quit the stage and make room for others. 
 They had scarcely begun to wield the power that had fallen 
 into their hands when, as is the case with most governments 
 and dynasties of Asia, discord began to spring up among them, 
 and their brotherhood was divided into two opposing camps. 
 One of these was known as the party of the “ White Moun¬ 
 tain,” and the other as that of the “ Black Mountain ”—the 
 Ak-tdghlik and the Kara-tdghlik. Their feuds were at first 
 based on religious dissensions, but this rendered them none the 
 less bitter: they soon developed into political strife, which 
 would speedily have brought about the end of their rule, but 
 for the support that both parties obtained from the Kirghiz. 
 The White mountaineers summoned the nomad clans from 
 Moghulistan, while the Black mountaineers called in those 
 from the Pamir region ; and though the White party, under the 
 leadership of the celebrated saint, Khwaja Hidayat Ullah (better 
 known as Hazrat Afak) obtained the upper hand for a time 
 towards the end of the seventeenth century, their perpetual 
 contentions resulted in the entire country falling first into the 
 
 1 Yarkand Report , p. 174. 
 
126 
 
 The Tarikh-i-Rashidi and after. 
 
 hands of the Kalmaks, and finally passing to the rule of the 
 Manchu Emperors of China. 
 
 Thus the Kirghiz were amply avenged on their ancient 
 enemies, and began to form the great confederacies that have 
 endured to the present day. 
 
 They and their kinsmen, the Kazaks, not only prospered in 
 their own way, but multiplied, so that at the present time they 
 represent a large section of the population in the Russian 
 Asiatic dominions. Both families are found spread over the 
 whole of the provinces of Central Asia, north of the Sir and 
 the western Tian Shan, in large, if somewhat scattered, com¬ 
 munities. Thus, of the Kirghiz proper (the ‘ Black/ or ‘ Hill/ 
 Kirghiz of the Russians), the estimates compiled by Mr. P. 
 Lerch in 1873, from various sources, show a total of about 
 176,000 persons, 1 while a good many more, for whom no 
 numerical estimate is forthcoming, are known to exist in the 
 Chinese provinces to the east of the Russian possessions, and 
 in the hill tracts of Southern Farghana and the Pamirs. 
 The Kazaks—the Uzbeg-Kazak of Mirza Haidar—are even more 
 numerous. For those who are still nomadic in their mode of 
 life, sufficiently ample statistics were available, about twenty 
 years ago, to enable Mr. Lerch to sum up their total numbers, 
 in Russian territory, as some 867,000 souls. But to this 
 section also, some addition would have to be made for com¬ 
 munities living in Chinese territory. Moreover, the figures 
 furnished refer only to the nomads among both the Kazak and 
 the so-called Kirghiz proper. There are, however, sections of 
 settled Kazaks who are fairly numerous in the Zarafshan valley, 
 Kurama, etc., but they are so much intermingled with the 
 Uzbegs and Tajiks of those regions, that their strength was not 
 (at the time Mr. Lerch wrote) to be ascertained with any degree 
 of certainty. 2 
 
 At the same time the other tribal enemies of the Moghuls— 
 the Uzbegs proper—who had become established in Trans- 
 oxiana since the early part of the sixteenth century, continued 
 their sway under the dynasty then founded, down to a date 
 about coeval with the break up of the Moghul kingdom; while, 
 indirectly and after many vicissitudes, they gave rise to the 
 line of Bokhara Khans now reigning. Mirza Haidar’s own 
 
 1 This figure does not include those dwelling in the Vernoye circle. For 
 these no estimates were obtainable. 
 
 2 See Riissische Revue , 1872, Heft i., pp. 26-9 and 39, 
 
127 
 
 The Tdrikh-i-Rashidi and aftei\ 
 
 successors in Kashmir are, for some thirty-five years subsequent 
 to his time, to he found among the members of the families, to 
 whose weakness and incapacity he owed his own successful 
 regency of nearly eleven years—a term not often reached, about 
 that period, by any of the native chiefs. After his death, the 
 same internal strife and disorder prevailed, that had been 
 habitual for many years before his government began, so that 
 no less than eight kings are recorded to have reigned between 
 the years 1551 and 1587, when Akbar stepped in and finally 
 annexed the country to the dominions of the Chaghatais in 
 India. 
 
 A small residue of the Moghuls still exists among the Turki 
 inhabitants of Eastern Turkistan. The number is trifling 
 indeed, and they are scattered chiefly among the northern 
 towns, where, however, they form no separate communities; on 
 the contrary, they are so much mixed in blood that no one but 
 their immediate neighbours and associates are aware of any 
 difference in their origin to that of the people around them. 
 Still, a difference is so far acknowledged that they are called, 
 and call themselves, Moghuls. In this capacity it must be 
 said, according to the testimony of Dr. Bellew, that they enjoy 
 very little respect: rather they are given over to the meanest 
 modes of life, and are looked down upon as an inferior people. 1 
 It is possible that some may also exist in Western Turkistan, 
 Farghana or Transoxiana, but I know of no mention of them 
 in these countries. In the northern Hazara country, and on 
 the Indian frontier of Afghanistan (among the divisions of the 
 Afridis) we find sub-tribes still flourishing under the name of 
 Mongol or Mangal , who, Sir H. Howorth believes, may very 
 possibly be remnants of the Mongols, and may thus represent 
 the Moghuls of a later date. 2 Just as the Hazaras still form a 
 people apart, having descended from Mongol invaders of the 
 country they now inhabit, it may also be that the Mangals are 
 a relic of some other Mongolian army which overran Afghani¬ 
 stan in the days of Chingiz or one of his successors. But 
 whether the features and language of the Mangals show any 
 trace of such an origin, I have no information. 
 
 1 Tarlcand Report , pp. 81, 174. 
 
 2 Dr. Bellew was of the same opinion. He mentions an early conquest of 
 the Afridi country by “ Turkish tribes and speaks of the Mangals as a 
 “Mongol or Chaghatai-Turk clan,” who became “settled about the Peivar, 
 and the head waters of the Kurram river.” (See Races of Afghanistan , 
 pp. 78-9, and 102. 
 
128 
 
 The Tarikh-i-Rashidi avd after. 
 
 Perhaps it may he in India that Moghuls, of one variety or 
 another, are more numerously represented than elsewhere at 
 the present day. In the course of the operations connected 
 with the compilation of the census of the Punjab, in 1881, Mr. 
 Denzil Ibbetson found large numbers of people claiming the 
 name of Moghul, many of whom, though perhaps descended 
 from the tribesmen who entered India at the time of Baber or 
 Humayun, can scarcely owe their origin to the Moghuls of 
 Moghulistan—the true Moghul TJlus of Mirza Haidar. Such as 
 they are, however, they are chiefly to be found in the neigh¬ 
 bourhood of Delhi, in the Rawal Pindi division, and u on the 
 routes that cross the northern frontiers of the province. In 
 these localities they are divided into numerous sub-tribes, but 
 of real Moghuls among them, only those calling themselves 
 Chaghatai and Barlas seem to be numerously represented. For 
 the former, Mr. Ibbetson gives 23,593 as the total number, and 
 of the latter 12,137. 1 But how far they have retained the 
 characteristics of their race, or whether, in their changed con¬ 
 dition, they would be recognised as the blood relations of 
 the present Mongols of Mongolia, or even of the Hazaras of 
 Afghanistan, there is nothing to show. Sill, something of the 
 Mongoloid type must remain, it would seem, to support their 
 individuality as a tribe. 
 
 On the frontiers of India, apparently, as in Eastern Turkistan, 
 the descendants of the Moghuls do not bear a good name; but 
 with the people of a tribe that lias fallen from a position of 
 supremacy, and one that at no time has had any very high qualities 
 to recommend it, this is perhaps not surprising. The national 
 character of a community would naturally degenerate with the 
 loss of political and military power, and in the absence of a 
 consciousness among its members, that they belonged to a ruling 
 caste. The more remarkable circumstance is that the race, 
 when transplanted to a foreign country as populous as India, 
 should have endured at all, and that it should still show any 
 signs of individuality. The fact that Moghuls of any variety 
 should yet remain as a people, is one more piece of evidence 
 which may be added to those mentioned in Section IY. above* 
 that many hundreds of years are needed to eradicate the Mongol 
 type, or to blot out its racial affinities, even when overlaid by 
 the superior numbers of an alien nation. 
 
 1 Punjab Census Report, 1881, i., p. 277. 
 
PROLOGUE. 
 
 IN THE NAME OP GOD, THE MERCIFUL, THE CLEMENT! 
 
 It is fitting that the opening of a royal history, and the beginning 
 of a book of victory and good fortune, should be the praise and 
 glory of that Monarch, the length and breadth of whose kingdom, 
 (according to the words: “ Say—verily God is the holder of the 
 Empire,”) is defended and preserved from change and decay, and 
 whose palace is securely guarded from the evil of destruction 
 and ruin. 
 
 “ He setteth upon the throne whomsoever He will,” is a 
 testimony to His glorious unity; “He deposes whomsoever He 
 will,” is a proof of the permanence of His kingdom. 
 
 [Verses]: And all that is ’twixt earth and sky, 
 
 The sun and moon, the east and west; 
 
 From India to far Turkistan, 
 
 The mighty conquerors of the earth 
 Have girt the belt of service on, 
 
 Prepared to do their Lord’s behest. 
 
 The splendour of His greatness is beyond the reach of the 
 contentions of friends or adversaries, and the glory of His 
 omnipotence is exempt from the pretentious claims of passionate 
 and dissentient men. 
 
 The kings of the earth place the forehead of helplessness and 
 impotence upon the dust of submission and humility, at the palace 
 of Idis glory ; and the Khakans, powerful as the heavens, standing 
 upon the threshold of the portal of His divinity, stretch forth the 
 hand of humility, supplication and devotion. 
 
 “ Amma bad” Let it not be concealed from the minds of the 
 wise that the Koran, which is the greatest of the miracles of 
 Muhammad, is divided into three sections. The first contains the 
 declaration of the Unity of God; the second the statutes of the 
 Holy Law of Muhammad, and the third historical matter, such as 
 the lives of the Prophets. Thus, we see, one-third of this book 
 (none but the clean shall touch it) is intended to teach the history 
 
 13 
 
2 Prologue. 
 
 of past generations; and therein lies the clearest proof of the 
 excellence of the science of history. Moreover, all are agreed 
 concerning the utility of this science; and most nations, nay, all 
 the peoples of the world, have studied it, and have collected and 
 handed down traditions of their forefathers, of which they give 
 ample proofs and upon which they rely. 
 
 For instance, the Turks, in their literary compositions and in 
 their transaction of business, as well as in their ordinary intercourse, 
 employ a speech based upon the traditions and chronicles of their 
 ancestors. 
 
 Consequently I, the least of God’s servants, Muhammad Haidar, 
 son of Muhammad Husain Kurkan—known familiarly as Mirza 
 Haidar—notwithstanding my ignorance and want of skill, felt it 
 my duty to undertake this difficult task. For much time has 
 already passed since the Khakans of the Moghuls were driven 
 from the towns of the civilised world, and have had to content 
 themselves with dwellings in the desert. On this account they 
 have written no history of themselves, but base their ancestral 
 records upon oral tradition. 
 
 At this present date—951 [1544 a.d.]— there remains not one 
 among them who knows these traditions, and my boldness in 
 attempting this difficult work is due to the consideration that, 
 did I not make the venture, the story of the Moghul Khakans 
 would be obliterated from the pages of the world’s history. The 
 more I considered the matter, the more conscious I became of my 
 inability to write an elegant and ornate preface. [Verses.] . . . 
 For this reason, and in order to give my book an auspicious 
 opening, I transcribed the Prolegomena to the Zafar-Ndma of 
 Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi, as far as the u Amma bad .” This Zafar- 
 Ndma contains a history of the Moghuls and their Khakans, from 
 Chingiz Khan to Tughluk Timur Khan, but of the successors of 
 this latter no mention is made, except whero the context required it. 
 
 I began my history with the reign of Tughluk Timur Khan for 
 three reasons. (1.) That which had happened before the time of 
 Tughluk Timur Khan had been already recorded, but no account 
 had been written of events which took place after his time, and 
 which, not being contained in any history, ought to be written. 
 But to write of the times preceding Tughluk Timur Khan, when 
 we have already that other excellent history, the Zafar-Ndma , 
 would be like digging a well on the margin of the Euphrates. 
 (2.) None of his successors have attained to so great a degree of 
 pre-eminence, or acquired so extensive a dominion, as Tughluk 
 Timur Khan. (3.) He was one of the Moghul Khakans who were 
 converted to Islam, and during his reign the Moghuls, having 
 withdrawn their necks from the yoke of Unbelief, entered into that 
 state of freedom in Islam enjoyed by all Musulmans. For these 
 
Contents of the Book. 3 
 
 reasons, this history is dedicated to his illustrious name and his 
 most noble memory. 
 
 And for three chief reasons, out of many, I have called this hook 
 the TdriJch-i-BasMdi ! 
 
 1. It was Maulana Arshad-ud-Din who converted Tughluk Timur 
 to Islam, as will he recounted hereafter. 
 
 2. Although before the time of Tughluk Timur, Barak Khan, 
 and after Barak Khan, Kabak Khan, had become Musulmans, 
 neither these Khakans nor the Moghul people had had a knowledge 
 of the BusJid , or “ True Koad to Salvation,” hut their natures had 
 remained base, and they had continued in the road that leads to 
 Hell. But a full knowledge of the Bushd fell to the lot of the 
 enlightened Tughluk Timur and his happy people. And inasmuch 
 as the beginning of this history will deal with this matter, the 
 suitability of the title Bcisliidi is evident. 
 
 3. Since at the present date, Abdur Rashid, the last of the 
 Moghul Khakans, is reigning, and since this book has been 
 dedicated to, and written for, him, the reason for the title, Tarilch- 
 i-Bashidi is [still more] apparent. 
 
 CONTENTS OF THIS BOOK. 
 
 It is divided into two Parts [Daftar]. 
 
 Bart I. —From the beginning of the reign of Tughluk Timur 
 Khan to the time of Abdur Rashid, who is still reigning. 
 
 Part II. —Concerning myself and what I have seen and known 
 of the Sultans and Khakans of the Uzbeg, the Chaghatai and 
 others; and, in fact, everything that happened during my lifetime. 
 
 I thank God that He has, in His graciousness, made me absolutely 
 independent of the Moghuls. For though the Khakans of that 
 tribe are of my own race, nay, are my own cousins, I received very 
 bad treatment at their hands—a matter of which I shall speak in 
 the Second Part. 
 
 [Verses.] .... 
 
 The ancestors of my mother and of my father’s mother have, for 
 several generations back, been related, on the paternal side, to the 
 Khakans. At the age of sixteen, 1 having just been left an orphan, 
 I went to the court of Sultan Said Khan, who by his fatherly 
 kindness, greatly alleviated my grief; he showed me so much 
 attention and favour, that I became an object of envy to his 
 brothers and sons. I passed twenty-four years at his court, living 
 a life of luxury and splendour, and acquiring, under his instruction 
 and guidance, many accomplishments and much learning. In the 
 
 1 It was in 920 11 ., or 1514 a.d., that the author first joined Sultan Said Khan, 
 of Kashghar. 
 
 n 2 
 
4 
 
 Contents of the Book. 
 
 arts of calligraphy, reading, making verses, epistolary style [insha] 
 painting and illuminating I became not only distinguished, but a 
 past-master. Likewise in such crafts as seal-engraving, jeweller’s 
 and goldsmith’s work, saddlery and armour making; also in the 
 construction of arrows, spear-heads and knives, gilding and many 
 other things which it would take too long to enumerate: in all of 
 these, the masters of each could teach me no more. And this was 
 the outcome of the care and attention of the Khan. Then again in 
 the affairs of the State, in important transactions, in planning 
 campaigns and forays [Kazaki\ in archery, in hunting, in the 
 trainingof falcons and in everything that is useful in the government 
 of a kingdom, the Khan was my instructor and patron. Indeed, in 
 most of the above-mentioned pursuits and studies he was my 
 only instructor. 
 
 Although I have received from his sons the worst possible treat¬ 
 ment, I will return them good for evil; and whether the Khan’s 
 son accept this small work or reject it, I will, all the same, dedicate 
 it to him, in order that he may have a remembrance of me and that 
 the world may have a remembrance of him. And the title of this 
 book is derived from his illustrious name, which is: Khakan 
 bin ulkhakan ussultan bin ussultan almutawakkil ala Ullah al 
 Malik Almumin abul muzaffar Abd-ur-Rashid Khan bin Sultan 
 almabrur, wa Khakan almaghfur assaid ash-shahid abul Fath 
 
 Sultan Said Khan. [Verses.] . . . 
 
 * * * * * 
 
 Here are omitted one or two Muhammadan legends such as are usually found 
 in Musulman histories, and a quotation from the Kashf-ul-Hujub. They have no 
 bearing on the author’s history. 
 
TARIKH-I-RASHIDI. 
 
 * 0 * 
 
 PART I. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 BEGINNING OF THE TARIKH-I-RASHIDI. 
 
 One day when Tughluk Timur Khan was feeding his dogs with 
 swine’s flesh, Shaikh Jamal-ud-Bin was brought into his presence. 
 The Khan said to the Shaikh: “ Are you better than this dog or 
 is the dog better than you?” The Shaikh replied: “If I have 
 faith I am the better of the two, but if I have no faith this dog is 
 better than I am.” The Khan was much impressed by these 
 words, and a great love for Islam took possession of his heart. 
 
 Tughluk Timur Khan was the son of Isan Bugha Khan, son of 
 Hava, son of Barak Khan, son of Kara Isud, son of Mutukan, son 
 of Chagkatai Khan, son of Chingiz Khan, son of Yusukai, son of 
 Birtan, son of Kabal, son of Tumana, son of Baisanghar, son of 
 Kaidu, son of Dutumanin, son of Buka, son of Burunjar Khan, son 
 of Alankua Kurkluk (which means an immaculate woman). Of 
 her the Prolegomena of the Zafar-Nama tells the following story : 
 One day a brilliant light shone into her mouth, and thereupon she 
 felt within her a kind of pregnancy—just in the way that Miriam, 
 the daughter of Omran, became pregnant by means of the breath of 
 Gabriel. And neither of these things is beyond the power of God. 
 [Verses.] . . . 
 
 The object of this book is not to tell such tales as these, but 
 simply to point out that Burunjar Khan was born of his mother, 
 without a father. All histories trace the genealogy of his mother, 
 Alankua Kurkluk, back to Japhet son of Noah (upon them be 
 peace), and detailed accounts of all her ancestors are given in these 
 histories. But I have not accorded them a place in this one, for it 
 would take too long; moreover, I have, in this work, limited my 
 subject to events that took place after the conversion to Islam of 
 the Moghuls, and have said nothing of their history previous 
 to that time. 
 
6 
 
 History of Tughluk Timur . 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE EARLY HISTORY OF TUGHLUK TIMUR. 
 
 I have heard from trustworthy Moghul sources (and my father 
 and my uncle used also to relate) that Isan Bugha Khan, 1 the 
 father of Tughluk Timur Khan, had for his favourite wife a certain 
 Satilmish Khatun; while he had also another wife whose name 
 was Manlik. Now the Khan had no children, and Satilmish 
 Khatun was barren. The Khan,, on a certain occasion, went on 
 an expedition with his army. According to an old Moghul 
 custom, the favourite wife has the allotment and disposal of a 
 man’s wives, keeping back or giving him whichever of them she 
 pleases. Satilmish Khatun learnt that Manlik was with child by 
 the Kh an, and, being envious, gave her in marriage to Dukhtui 
 Sharawal, who was one of the great Amirs. When the Khan 
 returned from his expedition he asked after Manlik. Satilmish 
 Khatun replied : “ I have given her away to some one.” The Khan 
 then said: “ But she was with child by me,” and he was very 
 wroth; but as this was a usual practice among the Moghuls, he 
 said nothing. 
 
 Soon after this, Isan Bugha Khan died, and there was no Khan 
 left of the tribe of Moghul. Every man acted for himself, and ruin 
 and disorder began to creep in among the people. Amir Bulaji 
 Dughlat, 2 an ancestor of the humble narrator, determined on 
 discovering a Khan, and restoring order to the State; so he sent 
 a certain Tash Timur to find Dukhtui Sharawal, and to obtain 
 what information he could, concerning Manlik and her child; 
 telling Tash Timur that if it were a boy, he was to steal the child 
 away and bring it back with him. Tash Timur replied : “ It is a 
 very long and tedious expedition, and fitting preparations for 
 the journey must be made. I beg of you to supply me with 
 six hundred goats, that we may first drink their milk and then 
 kill and eat them, one by one.” 
 
 Amir Bulaji complied with his wishes and supplied him with 
 all that was necessary. Tash Timur then set out. He journeyed 
 
 1 The reign of Isan Bugha and the circumstances under which he became Khan 
 of Moghulistan, have been discussed in Sec. II. of the Introduction. As far as 
 the uncertain chronology of the times admits of its being stated, his reign 
 lasted from about 721 to 730 a.h., or from 1321 to 1330 a.d. 
 
 2 The name of this Dughlat Amir has been transliterated by some writers 
 Yulaji and Pulaji , but though the initial letter is always found unpointed, and 
 therefore capable of being read B, Y, or P, I have, throughout, adopted Bulaji as 
 the more probable form. If (as is most likely) it is of Mongol origin, it may be 
 the name met with in the narrative of the Chinese traveller, Chang Chun, where 
 it has been transliterated (from the phonetics) by Dr. Bretschneider— Bo-lu-dji. 
 (See Med. Researches, i., p. 82.) 
 
History of Tughluk Timur . 
 
 7 
 
 for a long while in Moghulistan, and by the time he came upon the 
 party of Dukhtui Sharawal, there was but one goat remaining, and 
 that was a brown one [ habud ]. On his inquiring after Manlik 1 
 and her child, they replied that she had borne a son, and that she 
 had a second son by Dukhtui Sharawal; 2 the name of the Khan’s 
 son was Tughluk Timur, and the name of the son of Sharawal was 
 Inchumalik. 3 Finally Tash Timur succeeded in carrying off 
 Tughluk Timur, and returned to the Amir with him. 
 
 Bulaji belonged to Aksu. When Chaghatai Khan apportioned 
 his kingdom, he gave Mangalai Suyah to Urtubu, who was 
 the grandfather of Amir Bulaji. Mangalai Suyah is the equivalent 
 of Aftdb Bu, or “sun-faced.” It is bounded on the east by Kusan 
 and Tarbugur; on the west by Sam, Gaz and Jakishman, which are 
 situated on the confines of Farghana; on the north by Issigh Kul, 
 and on the south by Jorjan and Sarigh-Uighur. This territory is 
 called Mangalai Suyah, and it was subject to Amir Bulaji. In his 
 time it contained many large towns, the most important of which 
 were Kashghar, Ivhotan, Yarkand, Kasan, Akhsiket, Andijan, 
 Aksu, At-Bashi and Kusan. 4 From all these towns, Amir Bulaji 
 
 1 This name has been very variously read by different translators. Baron 
 Desmaisons took it for Mingli in Abul Ghazi’s history. Mr. Erskine read his 
 copy of the TariJch-i-Bashidi, Manselik; while Dr. Bellew, using the same 
 work, made it Minilik. One of the texts used for this translation lias Miling. 
 Like many of the earlier names that occur in the Tarikh-i-Rashidi , it is 
 probably Mongol, and therefore, being an unfamiliar one to Musulman writers, 
 they would be very likely to distort it. (See Desmaisons’ Abul Ghdzi, p. 165; 
 Erskine’s History of India, i. p. 39; Bellew, Report on Mission to Yarkand, 
 p. 147.) 
 
 2 Desmaisons has Schiri-Oghul for this name. (Abul Ghazi, loc. cit.) 
 
 3 Here Desmaisons reads Timur Melik. (Ibid.) 
 
 4 The name the author makes use of here is to be found in no other book or 
 document that I have any knowledge of. His description of the region to which 
 he applies it, is fairly distinct, and his translation of the term into Persian leaves 
 no uncertainty as to its mere verbal meaning. But he does not tell us what 
 language the term belongs to, what country it originated in, or who were the 
 people that he borrowed it from. The first word of the term, Mangalai, is per¬ 
 fectly good Turki, and means “ forward, in advance, fronting, the forehead,” etc., 
 as for instance, the “ advance ” guard of an army, etc. It is written with some 
 variants, such as Mankalai , Mankali , but the meaning is in every case the same. 
 It may therefore well be facing or f ronting, as he translates it into Persian. 
 
 The second word should thus have the signification of Sun. It may perhaps 
 be subject to some uncertainty in the reading, for when unpointed, it may be 
 taken for Subah —an Arabic word, very commonly employed in India and some 
 other countries, in the sense of a province or administrative division. Indeed, the 
 two words differ by only a dot in the Persian spelling. But there are two 
 reasons for rejecting the reading of subah. The first is that Mirza Haidar trans¬ 
 lates the whole term Aftdb Rui, so that if Mangalai represents Rui, or fronting, 
 there would be no word left as an equivalent for Aftdb. Secondly, in one of the 
 texts used by Mr. Ross, the word is clearly pointed for Suyah. The Haft Hdim, 
 whose author copied from Mirza Haidar, also makes the word Suyah. 
 
 But Suyah is neither Persian nor Turki : no such word seems to exist in 
 either language, and no such proper name, as far as I am able to ascertain. If 
 one word of the term is Turki, it is likely that the other would belong also to 
 that language. But this is not quite certain, for a combination would not be 
 impossible. It is probable, however, that Suyah should be sought in the language 
 of some neighbouring nation, and for preference in that of the Mongols, though 
 
8 
 
 History of Tughluk Timur . 
 
 selected Aksu as a residence, and it was in Aksu that Tash Timur 
 found him. As he still had with him the one brown [Icabud] goat, 
 
 the Kara-Kliitais, the Arabs, the Chinese, or even the Buddhists of India may 
 have had a hand in inventing a name for the country in ancient times—if ancient 
 the name is; but this last point is also one on which Mirza Haidar fails to 
 enlighten us. 
 
 The late Dr. Terrien de Lacouperie, who did me the kindness to look into 
 the term, with a view to finding a solution, suggested the similarity of a name 
 variously written in the historical records of Szerna Tsien —Su Hiai , Sui Yell, 
 and Su Yep, which was that of a state that has been identified with Yarkand. 
 It lay, at any rate, to the east of Farghana, was not Kaslighar, and was con¬ 
 nected with Ku She, which was perhaps the modern Kuchar. My attention has 
 also been directed towards the ancient Indian word Suriya, for the sun, but this 
 could hardly have been combined with the common Turki word Mancjalai, 
 while it is unlikely that it could have been corrupted by losing its most 
 distinctive letter. My impression is that Mirza Haidar’s name is something 
 comparatively modern, and is rather a laudatory term for the region in question, 
 than a revival applying to any particular district or town. 
 
 In the seventh century the name of Su-Yeh (unconnected with Mangalai or 
 any other word) was used by the Chinese pilgrim, Hiuen Tsang, according to 
 Julien, Beal, and other commentators, for a town on the upper waters of the 
 Chu, then the capital of certain Turki Kbans; though Mr. Watters affirms 
 that the name in Hiuen Tsang should be read, not Su-Yeli, but Su-Sa or Su-She. 
 This place, as will be shown later (see note, pp. 361-3), was most probably 
 the same as Bdla-Sdgliun. If so it was situated some distance to the north of 
 Farghana, and would therefore not fall within the region described by Mirza 
 Haidar as Mangalai Suyah. There is, moreover, a difference in date between 
 Hiuen Tsang and Mirza Haidar of some nine hundred years, and the latter 
 nowhere implies that he is employing an ancient term. Su- Yell or Su-Sa was,in fact, 
 applied by the Chinese writers to a different locality, though, strangely enough, 
 in the syllable Su it has a certain degree of connection with a part of our 
 author's province—that is, with Kashghar. Su-li was an ancient name for 
 Kaslighar, 1 and Hiuen Tsang tells us: “ From the town of the Su- Yeh river as 
 far [west] as the Ki Shwang Na country, the land is called Su-li, and the 
 people are called by the same name” (Beal’s Si Yu Ki). Ki Shwang Na is 
 usually identified with Kesh, in Mavara-un-Nahr, and if that be correct it would 
 mean that most of Western Turkistan and a great part of Mavara-un-Nahr went, 
 in the seventh century, by the same name as the city (and perhaps district) of 
 Kashghar, though the latter place stood altogether apart from the tract of country 
 between the Chu and Kesh. Thus, whether it is in any way possible, that 
 Hiuen Tsang’s Su-Yeh, Su-Sa, or Su-li can be connected with Mirza Haidar’s 
 Suyah must remain extremely doubtful. If Mr. Watters’ reading of Su-Sa 
 instead of Su-Yeli is the-right one, such a suggestion could not hold good. (See 
 China Rev., as below.) 
 
 A curious passage, it may be noted here, occurs in the Geographical Dictionary 
 of the Arab author Yakut, as translated by Thonnelier. He writes: “Farghanah 
 .... confinant avec le Turkestan du cote' du district de Haital, lequel fait face 
 au soleil levant, a droite du voyageur qui se rend au pays des Turks.” This 
 passage would be too obscure, in any case, to throw light on the question at 
 issue. It is remarkable only as an instance, in this particular region, of regarding 
 a certain tract, or province, as “ facing the sun.” 
 
 With regard to the limits given for Mangalai Suyah, the only boundary that 
 the author defines by names that appear to be unknown at the present day, is 
 the western one. Sam, Gaz (or the two may be read together as Samgaz ) and 
 Jdkishmdn are indeed subject to some variants, but however read, I can find no 
 place to answer to any of them on the western confines of Farghana, unless it be 
 a small town, or village, marked on Ritter and Oetzel’s map of 1841, as Sam 
 Seirak, and placed on the Angren, tributary of the Syr, about midway between 
 
 1 The Chinese, quite recently, have revived the ancient Su-li, and have applied 
 it as the official name for Kashghar. 
 
History of Tughluk Timur. 
 
 9 
 
 lie received the surname [ lakab ] of Kuk Uchgu, which is now borne 
 by all his descendants. 
 
 As they neared Aksu, they fell in with a party of merchants, 
 and while they were crossing a pass, the Khan [Tughluk Timur] 
 fell down a fissure in the ice. Tash. Timur, at this, raised a loud 
 cry for help, but he could make no one hear him, for the caravan 
 had crossed the pass and had arrived at a halting ground. Tash 
 Timur went to one of the merchants, whose name was Begjik, and 
 told him what had befallen the Khan; the merchant communi¬ 
 cated this to some of his companions, and several of them set out with 
 Tash Timur to the place where the Khan had disappeared. Begjik 
 descended into the chasm and found the Khan uninjured, and 
 then and there formed a friendly agreement with him. After 
 that, by way of precaution, he said apologetically to the Khan : “ If 
 you go up first they will not pull me up at all; let me go first and 
 they must perforce pull you up after.” Again, proffering many 
 apologies, he called out to them to throw down the rope, which 
 they did, and he went up first, and afterwards they pulled 
 up the Khan. All then went on to Aksu. Amir Bulaji raised 
 Tughluk Timur to the rank of Khakan, and in course of time he 
 ruled not only the whole of Moghulistan, but also much of the 
 country of Chaghatai, as shall be related hereafter. 
 
 Khojand and Taslikend. The exact situation of these places is of little impor¬ 
 tance, as the author sufficiently indicates that all Farghana was included, when 
 he mentions the names of Ahlisiket and Kasan. The first of these two does not 
 exist nowadays, but it is known to have stood near the site of the present 
 Namangan, while Kasan is again somewhat farther westward, and consequently 
 not far from the western confines of the province. Among the other limits, none 
 leave any doubt except in detail. Kasan and Tarbngur on the east, are both 
 well-known towns on the main road leading from Kashghar towards Karashahr 
 and China, though called nowadays Kuchar and Bugur respectively. The 
 position of Jorjdn is also readily recognised, under the modern spelling of 
 Chdrclidn, or Charchand; while the country of the Sarigli Uighur (or Yellow 
 Uighur), though long forgotten, may be placed with moderate certainty to the 
 eastward of Chdrclidn , or south and somewhat west of Lake Lob. Farther on in 
 his history (pp. 348-9), Mirza Haidar alludes to this country again, as lying 
 very much in this position. Dr. Bretschneider has some interesting notes on the 
 subject of the Sarigh Uighur taken from Chinese sources, and places their country 
 “ somewhere north of Zaidam, on the southern verge of the stony desert.” They 
 would in any case have dwelt on, or beyond, the south-eastern confines of 
 Eastern Turkistan. (For Hiuen Tsang, see Beal’s Si Yu Ki, i., p. 26; Thon- 
 nelier, Diet, de Geogr. de VAsie Cent., p. 29; Bretschneider, Mediaeval Besearclies, 
 i.,p. 263; Mr. T. Watters in China Review , xix., No. 2, 1890, p. 117.) 
 
10 
 
 Conversion of Ttighluk Timur . 
 
 CHAPTEB III. 
 
 THE CONVERSION OF TUGHLUK TIMUR KHAN TO ISLAM. 
 
 . iVi aulana Khwaja Ahmad (may God sanctify his soul) was 
 descended from Maulana Arshad-ud-Din. He was exceedingly 
 pious and much esteemed and revered. He belonged to the sect 
 of Khwajas (may God sanctify their spirits). For twenty years I 
 was in his service, and worshipped at no other mosque than his. 
 He led a retired life, devoting his time to religious contemplation, 
 and he used to recite the traditions of his sect in a beautiful 
 manner; so much so, that any stranger hearing him was sure to 
 be much impressed. 
 
 From him I heard that it was written in the annals of his fore¬ 
 fathers concerning Maulana Shuja-ud-Din Mahmud, the brother of 
 Hafiz-ud-Din, an elder of Bokhara (who was the last of the 
 Mujtahids, for after the death of Hafiz-ud-Din there was never 
 another Mujtahid), that during his interregnum, Chingiz Khan 
 assembled the Imams of Bokhara, according to his custom, put 
 Hafiz-ud-Din to death, and banished Maulana Shuja’ud-Din Mahmud 
 to Karakorum. [The ancestors of] Maulana Khwaja Ahmad also 
 were sent there. At the time of a disaster in Karakorum, 1 their 
 sons went to Lob Katak, which is one of the most important towns 
 between Turfan and Khotan, and there they were held in much 
 
 1 In this story (beginning after the word “ forefathers ”) I have had, slightly, 
 to alter the translation in order to make sense ; the meaning intended, however, 
 is, I believe, preserved. In the text there is some confusion, which renders the 
 passage unintelligible. 
 
 The word Mujtahid , it may be remarked, means properly, a jurist who can 
 deliver judgment without reference to past or present authorities; but it is 
 usually employed, throughout Central Asia, to denote a higli-priest or Musulman 
 Doctor of Divinity. It is in more common use among the Shiahs than among 
 the Sunnis. 
 
 It is perhaps curious to read of Chingiz Khan deporting rebellious priests from 
 Bokhara to his capital in Northern Mongolia, but it is quite a likely thing to 
 have happened. The disaster ,in Karakorum here referred to by the author, is 
 impossible to trace, for wantftn Some indication of a date. The place underwent 
 many vicissitudes in the Middle Ages. From the time of Chingiz, it remained 
 the capital of the Mongol Khakans only till the year 1256, when Mangu trans¬ 
 ferred the seat of government to Ivai-ping fu, in Southern Mongolia, and some 
 distance north of Peking. Traces of Karakorum are still in existence; they were 
 found in 1889 by Mr. N. Yadrintzeff, on the left bank of the Orkhon, about thirty 
 miles south-east of Lake Ugei Nor; and in this position the site is marked on the 
 map attached to this volume. The ancient city appears to have covered an area of 
 six miles in circumference, and some portion of it may have existed contempor¬ 
 aneously with Lob, or Lob-Ivatak—a town, or towns, which have long since passed 
 out of existence, and even the sites of which are only to be traced conjecturally. 
 (See next note; also Introduction, Sec. III.; Y r ule’s Marco Polo , i., pp. 228 
 seq.; Howorth’s Hist, of the Mongols, i., pp. 182-6; Pro. P. G. S., 1890, p. 424.) 
 
IX 
 
 Conversion of Tughluk Timur . 
 
 honour and esteem. I was told many particulars concerning all of 
 them, but I have forgotten them for the most part. The last of 
 the sons was called Shaikh Jamal-ud-Din, an austere man who 
 dwelt in Katak. 
 
 On a certain Friday, after the prayers, he preached to the people 
 and said: “ I have already, on many occasions, preached to you 
 and given you good counsel, but no one of you has listened to me. 
 It has now been revealed to me that God has sent down a great 
 calamity on this town. A Divine ordinance permits me to escape 
 and save myself from this disaster. This is the last sermon I 
 shall preach to you. I take my leave of you, and remind you that 
 our next meeting will be on the day of resurrection.” 
 
 Having said this, the Shaikh came down from the pulpit. 
 The Muazzin [crier to prayer] followed him and begged that he 
 might be allowed to accompany him. The Shaikh said he might 
 do so. When they had journeyed three farsakhs they halted, and 
 the Muazzin asked permission to return to the town to attend to 
 some business, saying he would come back again immediately. As 
 he was passing the mosque, he said to himself: “ For a last time, I 
 will just go and call out the evening prayer.” So he ascended the 
 minaret and called the evening prayer. As he was doing so, he 
 noticed that something was raining down from the sky; it was like 
 snow, but dry. He finished his “ call,” and then stood praying 
 for a while. Then he descended, but found that the door of the 
 minaret was blocked, and he could not get out. So he again 
 ascended and, looking round, discovered that it was raining sand, 
 and to such a degree that the whole town was covered ; after a 
 little while he noticed that the ground was rising, and at last 
 only a part of the minaret was left free. So, with fear and 
 trembling, he threw himself from the tower on to the sand; and 
 at midnight he rejoined the Shaikh, and told him his story. The 
 Shaikh immediately set out on his road, saying: “ It is better to 
 keep at a distance from the wrath of God.” They fled in great 
 haste; and that city is, to this day, buried in sand. Sometimes a 
 wind comes, and lays bare the minaret or the top of the dome. It 
 often happens also, that a strong wind uncovers a house, and when 
 any one enters it he finds everything in perfect order, though the 
 master has become white bones. But no harm has come to the 
 inanimate things. 1 
 
 1 Throughout this story, Katak is spoken of as a single town, and when, just 
 above, the author brackets Lob and Katak together, lie probably means to denote 
 the district generally, in which the two places were situated. During the mission 
 ot Sir D. Forsyth to Eastern Turkistan in 1873-4, the question of these sand- 
 buried cities was inquired into by himself and Dr. Bellew. As regards their 
 positions, the opinion arrived at was that Lob must have stood a short distance 
 to the south-west of the lake of that name, while Katak lay probably about three 
 days farther towards the south, on the road leading to Charchan and Khotan. 
 Three years later General Prejevalski visited Lake Lob, and indeed spent the 
 
12 
 
 Conversion of Tughluk Timur. 
 
 In short, the Shaikh finally came to Bai Gul, 1 which is in the 
 vicinity of Aksn. At that time Tughluk Timur Khan was in 
 Aksu. "When he had first been brought there he was sixteen 
 years of age. He was eighteen when he first met the Shaikh, 
 and he met him in the following way. The Khan had organised 
 a hunting-party, and had promulgated an order that no one should 
 absent himself from the hunt. It was, however, remarked that 
 
 winter of 1876-7 in its vicinity, with the modern village of Chargalik (about one 
 day’s march to the south-west of the lake) for his headquarters. In this place 
 there were the remains, in the shape of earthen walls and watch-towers, of an 
 ancient town, which the natives called Ottogush-Shalir, or city of Ottogush, 
 after a khan who was said to have ruled there. Two days’ journey from 
 Chargalik, in the direction of Charchan, the ruins of another town were reported 
 to exist; and lastly, General Prejevalski discovered traces of a third, and very 
 large city, near the south shore of the lake. This place was known locally by the 
 name of Kunah-Shahr, or “ old town,” and was thought, by Sir H. Yule, to be 
 the remains of the Lob of Marco Polo and Mirza Haidar. Marco Polo, whose 
 narrative dates from more than two hundred years before that of the Mirza, 
 speaks of the town as still in existence in his day—he makes no mention of 
 ruins—and there is nothing on record to point to its having been buried by the 
 sand, like Katah. The latter place is not mentioned by Marco Polo, nor does 
 General Prejevalski seem to have heard of it, by that name at least, though it 
 may possibly be represented by the ruins he was told of, called Gas-Shahr, which 
 seem to lie more in the direction of the shifting sands than the other two, that 
 he tells us of. 
 
 Mirza Haidar’s account of the overwhelming of Katah by the sand, is interesting 
 and graphic, though, no doubt, overdrawn. The process has been well described by 
 Dr. Bellow, who with Sir D. Forsyth saw it in operation at a place called Urdum 
 Padshah, some forty miles to the north-east of Yangi Hisar. The sand waves 
 were found to advance very gradually, but no estimate could be formed of the 
 yearly rate. When the hillocks of sand become piled against walls or buildings, 
 they grow in height, till at length they fall over and engulf the object that 
 obstructs them. This last phase of the process would be assisted by a violent 
 wind or storm, and it appears to have been a storm that brought about the 
 catastrophe narrated by our author. The sand in no case falls from the sky like 
 snow, as described by Shaikh Jamal-ud-Din in the text, though, no doubt, the air 
 would be full of sand during a storm of wind; indeed, the Shaikh himself says 
 enough to show that the disaster at Katak was known to be impending long 
 before it occurred, and that the storm was only the final incident. The subse¬ 
 quent action of the sand in laying bare, but little injured, villages or buildings 
 and their contents, in the course of its advance, was found by Dr. Bellew to take 
 place much as Mirza Haidar relates. It may be remarked here, that the air in 
 Eastern Turkistan is at all times, except just after a fall of rain (which seldom 
 occurs) filled with a thick haze, and the sky is dark from the mist of impalpable 
 dust or sand held in suspension. Rain clears the mist away, but immediately 
 the fall has ceased, the sand begins to rise once more, in whirling columns, and 
 forms small clouds, which at length grow and coalesce till, in a few hours, the 
 dry haze has formed again in every direction. 
 
 As regards the name of Katah, the texts in the British Museum all have it 
 spelled in this way, and Sir D. Forsyth specially mentions that in his copy of 
 the Tarihh-i-Rasliidi the spelling was the same. In some copies, however, it 
 appears to read Kanah —a question only of a dot—and some discussion was at 
 one time raised as to the real name. This need not now be followed up. 
 Dr. Bretschneider gives, as Chinese names for Lake Lob, Yen-tse (salt marsh), 
 Po-si-hai, and Pu-cliang-liai, the last meaning ‘‘reedy sea, or lake.” Shen-Shen 
 was also a Chinese name for the Lob region. (Bellew in Yarhand Report, 
 pp. 27 9; Forsyth in J. R. G. S., 1877, pp. 1 seq.; Prejevalski, Kulja to Lob Kor, 
 pp. 76-7 ; Bretschneider, Med. Researches, ii., pp. 191 and 314.) 
 
 1 Perhaps Oilcul , as marked on modern maps in the neighbourhood of Aksu. 
 
13 
 
 Conversion of Tughluk Timur. 
 
 some persons were seated in a retired spot. The Khan sent to 
 fetch these people, and they were seized, hound and brought 
 before him, inasmuch as they had transgressed the commands of 
 the Khan, and had not presented themselves at the hunt. The 
 Khan asked them: “ Why have you disobeyed my commands ? ” 
 
 The Shaikh replied : “We are strangers, who have fled from the 
 ruined town of Katak. We know nothing about the hunt nor the 
 ordinances of the hunt, and therefore we have not transgressed 
 your orders.” So the Khan ordered his men to set the Tajik free. 
 He was, at that time, feeding some dogs with swine’s flesh, and he 
 asked the Shaikh angrily : “ Are you better than this dog, or is 
 the dog better than you ? ” The Shaikh replied : “ If I have faith 
 I am better than this dog; but if I have no faith, this dog is 
 better than I am.” On hearing these words, the Khan retired and 
 sent one of his men, saying : “ Go and place that Tajik upon your 
 own horse, with all due respect, and bring him here to me.” 
 
 The Moghul went and led his horse before the Shaikh. The 
 Shaikh noticing that the saddle was stained Avith blood (of pig) 
 said: “ I will go on foot.” But the Moghul insisted that the 
 order was that he should mount the horse. The Shaikh then 
 spread a clean handkerchief over the saddle and mounted. When 
 he arrived before the Khan, he noticed that this latter was 
 standing alone in a retired spot, and there were traces of sorrow 
 on his countenance. The Khan asked the Shaikh : “ What is this 
 thing that renders man, if he possess it, better than a dog ? ” 
 The Shaikh replied: “ Faith,” and he explained to him what 
 Faith was, and the duties of a Musulman. The Khan wept 
 thereat, and said : “ If I ever become Khan, and obtain absolute 
 authority, you must, without fail, come to me, and I promise you I 
 will become a Musulman.” He then sent the Shaikh away with 
 the utmost respect and reverence. Soon after this the Shaikh 
 died. He left a son of the name of Arshad-ud-Din, Avho was 
 exceedingly pious. His father once dreamed that he carried a 
 lamp up to the top of a hill, and that its light illumined the whole 
 of the east. After that, he met Tughluk Timur Khan in Aksu, 
 and said Avhat has been mentioned above. Having related this to 
 his son, he charged him, saying: “ Since I may die at any moment, 
 let it be your care, when the young man becomes Khan, to remind 
 him of his promise to become a Musulman ; thus this blessing may 
 come about through your mediation and, through you, the world 
 may be illumined.” 
 
 Having completed his injunctions to his son, the Shaikh died. 
 Soon afterwards Tughluk Timur became Khan. When news of 
 this reached Maulana Arshad-ud-Din, he left Aksu and proceeded 
 to Moghulistan, where the Khan was ruling in great pomp and 
 splendour. But all his efforts to obtain an interview with him, 
 
14 Conversion of Tnghluk Timur. 
 
 that he might execute his charge, were in vain. Every morning, 
 however, he used to call out the prayers near to the Kh&n’s tent. 
 One morning the Khan said to one of his followers: “ Somebody 
 has been calling out like this for several mornings how; go and 
 bring him here.” The Maulana was in the middle of his call to 
 prayer when the Moghul arrived, who, seizing him by the neck, 
 dragged him before the Khan. The latter said to him : “ Who 
 are you that thus disturb my sleep every morning at an early 
 hour ? ” He replied : “I am the son of the man to whom, on a 
 certain occasion, you made the promise to become a Musulman.” 
 And he proceeded to recount the above related story. The Khan 
 then said : “ You are welcome, and where is your father ? ” He 
 replied: “ My father is dead, but he entrusted this mission to 
 me.” The Khan rejoined : “ Ever since I ascended the throne I 
 have had it on my mind that I made that promise, but the person 
 to whom I gave the pledge never came. Now you are welcome. 
 What must I do ? ” On that morn the sun of bounty rose out of 
 the east of divine favour, and effaced the dark night of Unbelief. 
 Khidmat Maulana ordained ablution for the Khan, who, having 
 declared his faith, became a Musulman. They then decided that 
 for the propagation of Islam, they should interview the princes one 
 by one, and it should be well for those who accepted the faith, but 
 those who refused should be slain as heathens and idolaters. 
 
 On the following morning, the first to come up to be examined 
 alone was Amir Tulik, who was my great grand-uncle. When 
 he entered the Khan’s presence, he found him sitting with 
 the Tajik, and he advanced and sat down with them also. Then 
 the Khan began by asking, “Will you embrace Islam?” Amir 
 Tulik burst into tears and said: “ Three years ago I was con¬ 
 verted by some holy men at Kashgliar, and became a Musulman, 
 but, from fear of you, I did not openly declare it.” Thereupon 
 the Khan rose up and embraced him ; then the three sat down 
 again together. In this manner they examined the princes one by 
 one. All accepted Islam, tillit came to the turn of Jaras, who 
 refused, but suggested two conditions, one of which was : “I have 
 a man named Sataghni Buka, 1 if this Tajik can overthrow him 
 I will become a Believer.’ 1 The Khan and the Amirs cried out, 
 “ What absurd condition is this i ” Khidmat Maulana, however, 
 said : “ It is well, let it be so. If I do not throw him, I will not 
 require you to become a Musulman.” Jaras then said to the Mau¬ 
 lana: “ I have seen this man lift up a two year old camel. He is an 
 Infidel, and above the ordinary stature of men.” Khidmat Maulana 
 replied, “ If it is God’s wish that the Moghuls become honoured 
 with the blessed state of Islam, He will doubtless give me sufficient 
 
 1 Dr. Bellew reads this name as Sanghoy Boca. (Yarkand Report, p. 148.) 
 
i5 
 
 Tughluk Invades Mavara-un-Nahr. 
 
 power to overcome this man.” The Khan and those who had 
 become Musulmans were not pleased with these plans. However, a 
 large crowd assembled, the Kafir was brought in, and he and 
 Khidmat Maulana advanced towards one another. The Infidel, 
 proud of his own strength, advanced with a conceited air. The 
 Maulana looked very small and weak beside him. When they 
 came to blows, the Maulana struck the Infidel full in the chest, and 
 he fell senseless. After a little, he came to again, and having 
 raised himself, fell again at the feet of the Maulana, crying out 
 and uttering words of Belief. 1 The people raised loud shouts of 
 applause, and on that day 160,000 persons cut off the hair of their 
 heads and became Musulmans. The Khan was circumcised, and 
 the lights of Islam dispelled the shades of Unbelief. Islam was 
 disseminated all through the country of Chaghatai Khan, and 
 (thanks be to God) has continued fixed in it to the present 
 time. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM THE ZAFAR-NAMA. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 EXPEDITION OF TUGHLUK TIMUR KHAN INTO THE KINGDOM OF 
 
 MAVARA-UN-NAHR . 2 
 
 Since the country of Mavara-un-Nahr, owing to the events above related, 
 was in a state of disruption and confusion, Tughluk-Timur Khan (son 3 of 
 Dava Khan, a descendant of Chaghatai Khan), King of Jatah, to whom 
 by right of descent this country belonged, having called together his officers 
 and courtiers, and having made ready an army, set out, in a manner 
 becoming a great conqueror, towards Mavara-un-Nahr. This was in the month 
 of Rabi Assani, 761 of the Hajra, [March a.d. 1360] corresponding to the year 
 of the Mouse [Sichkan] of the Tartar cycle. Thirty years had elapsed 
 between the death of Tarmashirin 4 and this event—and during this period 
 there had reigned eight khans of the race of Chaghatai. When Tughluk 
 Timur Khan arrived at Chanak Bulak, which is near the river of Khojand, in 
 the plains of Tashkand, he consulted with his princes and generals, and they 
 decided that the wisest plan would be for Ulugh Tuktimur, of the tribe of 
 
 1 Bellew (who, however, is not translating but summarising from the TarHih-i- 
 Rashidi) tells this story somewhat differently, and ends by saying: “ Toghluk 
 Timur was at this time twenty years of age, and he died ten years later, in 
 7G4 a.h. (13G2 a.d.).” ( Yarlc . Report, p. 148.) 
 
 - Transoxiana. 
 
 3 Should be grandson. 
 
 4 He died 738 a.h., which would make twenty-three years; while all th 
 texts of the Zafar-Ndma in the British Museum say thirty-three years. 
 
16 
 
 Tughluk Invades Mavard-un-Nahr. 
 
 Karait, 1 Haji Beg of the tribe of Arkenut, 2 and Begjik of the tribe of Kanghali, 3 
 to go forward and reconnoitre. The three princes hastened to carry out these 
 orders, and when they had crossed the river of Khojand, Amir Bayazid 
 Jalair, together with his people, joined them, and they all proceeded together 
 in the direction of Shahr-i-Sabz. 
 
 Amir Haji Barlas having collected troops from Kesb, Karshi, and that 
 neighbourhood, set out to oppose these combined forces. But on reconsidera¬ 
 tion, judging the plan to be unwise, he turned with his own force towards 
 KhorasaD, before the two armies had come into conflict. 
 
 1 The Karai, or Karait (the final t is only the Mongol plural), are usually 
 described as a Mongol tribe, and Rashid-ud-Din, according to Dr. Erdmann, 
 includes them in his list of Mongol tribes. Sir H. Howorth, however, gives 
 reasons for believing them to be Turks, and also for regarding them as one and 
 the same people with the Kirghiz, or the “ Hakas ” of the Chinese. Before the 
 rise of Chingiz Khan, they occupied large tracts of Southern and Central 
 Mongolia, and "were, in fact, the nation ruled over by Wang Khan, or Prester 
 John, so famous in mediaeval history. They were subdued by Chingiz about 
 the beginning of the thirteenth century, and afterwards became so much 
 scattered, that fragments of their tribes have been found in various localities all 
 over Mongolia, and as far west as the country now known as ‘ the Kirghiz 
 Steppes.’ In the latter part of the twelfth century they were perhaps the most 
 powerful of all the nomad nations of northern Asia, and are doubtless the people 
 who displaced that other important nation, the Uighurs, from north-western 
 Mongolia, and drove them southward. (See Howorth, J. B. A. S., 1889, pp. 361 
 seq; and Erdmann, Ubersiclit der .... Tiirkisclien, etc., Volkerstdmme, Kasan, 
 1841.) 
 
 2 Some of the texts may read AzJcenut instead of Arkenut, but the tribe 
 intended can scarcely be other than the Alaknut of Deguignes’ list, or the 
 Olkhonod of Howorth. The latter author speaks of six tribes—the Kunkurat, 
 Inkirass, Olkhonod, Karanut, Kurulat or Kurlut, and Ilkijin —who formed a con¬ 
 federacy under the name of Kunkurat. They were of Turki origin, and inhabited 
 the north of Mongolia. In the Institutes of Timur the name is written Arkenut; 
 and in Rashid-ud-Din’s list, Alkunut. The last writer classes them as Tartars. 
 (See Howorth, Hist, of Mongols, i., p. 703; Deguignes, Hist, des Huns, iii., 
 p. 3; Davey’s Inst, of Timur, p. 19; and Erdmann as above.) 
 
 3 The Kangali, or Kdnkali, were, at the time of the rise of the Mongols, an 
 important Turki tribe whose country lay north of Transoxiana, between that of 
 the Kipchaks on the west, and Moghulistan on the east. They appear to have 
 been much intermixed with the Kipchaks, and are thought by Howorth to have 
 been the ancestors of the modern Nogais and some of the Turkoman tribes. 
 Abul Ghazi mentions the Kankali as living on the Chu and Talas rivers in 
 times previous to the Mongol ascendency. Dr. Bretschneider tells us that they 
 are frequently spoken of in Chinese historical works of the Mongol period, the 
 name being generally represented as Kang-li, or sometimes Hang-li. The tribe 
 was known to the Kin dynasty of China as early as the eleventh century, when 
 one of their chiefs is said to have offered to become a vassal of the Chinese 
 Emperor. They were a warlike people, and at a later period the Mongol Khans 
 utilised their services as soldiers, and even as generals. Rashid-ud-Din also 
 classes the Kankali as Turks. (Howorth, Hist, of Mong., i., p. 18; Bret¬ 
 schneider. i., p. 301; Abul Ghazi, p. 38 ; Erdmann as above.) 
 
Proceedings of Amir Tinner, 
 
 17 
 
 CHAPTER Y. 
 
 INTRIGUES OP TIMUR WITH AMIR HAJI BARLAS —HIS RETURN FROM THE 
 BANKS OF THE JIHUN AND HIS MEETING WITH THE THREE PRINCES. 
 
 [Arabic verses] : 
 
 Judgment is preferable to the valour of heroes; 
 
 The former is the first of virtues, the latter stands second ; 
 
 But when these two are united in one person, 
 
 That person can attain the highest summits of fame. 
 
 [Persian verses] : 
 
 With judgment thou canst put a whole army to rout. 
 
 One man with a sword can kill as many as a hundred men . 1 
 
 The events about to be related, all testify to the truth of these statements. 
 For when Amir Haji Barlas, heard of the advance of the army of Jatah, he 
 abandoned his own country and set out for Khorasan. He crossed the desert 
 and arrived at the River Jihun. Amir Timur 2 saw well that if he continued 
 in this policy of self-preservation, his native country would go to ruin, and 
 his inherited dominions would fall into confusion, for in that same year his 
 father Amir Tragai had died. 
 
 [Verses] : His father was dead and his uncle had flown : 
 
 The people were exposed to the ravages of a stranger. 
 
 Its enemies had placed the tribe in danger: 
 
 It was become as an eagle without wings or feathers. 
 
 Under these circumstances, although he had not passed the age of twenty 
 five, and his intelligence had not yet received the enlightenment of great 
 experience, Amir Timur determined upon setting these affairs in order, and 
 with this intent took counsel with Amir Haji, saying: “ If the kingdom 
 remains without a head, great evils will most surely come upon it, and the 
 people will be entirely annihilated by the violence and perfidy of enemies.” 
 
 [Verses]: A kingdom without a head is like a body without soul; 
 
 Certainly a body without a head is as good as destroyed. 
 
 “ Since you wish to proceed into Khorasan, I think I had better return to 
 Kesh, and when I have comforted aud encouraged the inhabitants of that 
 place, I will go thence to the court of the Khan. I will confer with the 
 
 1 Here follow some rhetorical phrases and more verses, which are omitted in 
 fhe translation. Their burden is the superiority of intelligence over the sword. 
 
 Known as Tamerlane, Timurlang, etc. He is always spoken of in the texts 
 (A the Zafar-Nama as “ Sahib-i-Kirdn” or “Lord of the Conjunction”; but I 
 propose to call him throughout “ Amir Timur,” which is not only correct, but is 
 sufficient to distinguish him from other Timurs. Major C. Stewart, in the 
 Preface to the Mulfuzat Timuri, translates “ Saliib-i-Kirdn ” as “Lord of the 
 Auspicious Conjunction.” 
 
 c 
 
18 Tughluk Timurs Second 
 
 princes and nobles of the State, so that this country and the people, who have 
 been entrusted to our care by God, may come to no harm.” 1 
 
 Having thus spoken he departed. Amir Haji was fully convinced that the 
 words of Amir Timur were divinely inspired, and therefore accepted all his 
 decisions and approved all his plans. When Amir Timur arrived at Khuzar, 
 he met Haji Mahmud Shah Yasuri, who was acting as guide to the advance 
 body of the army of Jatah. The troops were advancing with all possible 
 haste, whetting the teeth of their lust for plunder and desire for booty, and 
 sewing themselves purses in expectation of the treasure and wealth to be 
 found in that country. Amir Timur succeeded in arranging an amnesty with 
 the generals of this force, saying: “Wait here while I go and see the 
 princes and, with them, determine upon some reasonable and advisable plan.” 
 The wise words of that prince were as heavenly utterances, and had such an 
 effect on the soldiers, that, in spite of their eagerness to advance, they 
 remained where they were. Amir Timur passed safely on, and ■ when he 
 reached Kesh he met the three Amirs of Jatah, who had themselves just 
 arrived there. After friendly greetings had been exchanged, they expressed 
 to him their satisfaction at hearing that he was going to submit himself to 
 the Khan; and they appointed him governor of the district, which had 
 formerly belonged to Amir Karacbar—that is to say, the district round about 
 Kesh, together with its dependencies; with the result that, by his wise 
 conduct, the torrent of distress and calamity which threatened to overwhelm 
 this country was turned aside, and the people again enjoyed that repose 
 which they had lost all hopes of recovering. [Verses] .... 
 
 In the opinion of the most ignorant people, it seemed that a great piece of 
 good fortune had befallen Amir Timur, but Fate had still a thousand successes 
 in store for him. 
 
 After this, Amir Timur took leave of the princes and threw the shadow of 
 his protection and care upon the tribe. He commanded troops to be collected 
 between Shahr-i-Sabz and the River Jihun, and in a short time, having 
 mustered a very large army, set out, together with Amir Yasuri. At this 
 time a dispute arose among the princes of Jatah, who having withdrawn all 
 their troops from Mavara-un-Nahr, returned to the headquarters of Tughluk 
 Timur Khan. After that, Bayazid Jalair, with the whole of his following, 
 joined the side of Amir Timur and Amir Khizar Yasuri. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 TUGHLUK TIMUR KHAN’S SECOND INVASION OF MAVARA-UN-NAHR. 
 
 When desire for the government of Mavara-un-Nahr a second time seized 
 the skirt of Tughluk Timur Khan’s enthusiasm, he prepared an innumerable 
 army and, in the month of Jamad-alavla of the year 762 (a.d. 1361), corre¬ 
 sponding to the year of the Ox in the Tartar cycle, he again marched for that 
 
 1 He probably means that he will make friends with the chiefs, and persuade 
 them not to do the country any injury. 
 
19 
 
 Invasion of Mavara-nn-Nahr. 
 
 country. When he arrived at Khojand, Amir Bayazid Jalair came to offer 
 him his services. Amir Bayan Salduz also, as a sign of his obedience, went 
 forward as far as Samarkand to meet the Khan, and Haji Barlas, although at 
 the time of the Khan’s first invasion he had opposed him, trusting to Provi¬ 
 dence, now presented himself before him. In the meanwhile the Khan had 
 given orders to his men to capture Amir Bayazid and put him to death. 
 Amir Haji Barlas, fearing a similar fate, fled towards Kesh. He got together 
 some of his own tribe and led them across the Jihun, but they were attacked 
 by the Kashmir 1 regiment of the Jatah army, who were pursuing them, and 
 a battle took place, in which Jugham Barlas was killed, and Amir Haji 
 retired to Khorasan. On his arrival at Khorasha, which is a village of 
 Buluk-i-Juvin, 2 a dependency of Sebzvar, he was seized by a band of brigands 
 and, together with his brother Idegu, was killed. After the conquest of 
 Khorasan (which event made Amir Timur feel himself in some way avenged) 
 and after some of them 3 had been put to death, that village became a fief of 
 the heirs of Amir Haji, and up to the present time the inhabitants thereof are 
 their subjects and agents. 
 
 Among the Amirs at the court of Jatali was a certain Amir Hamid, of the 
 tribe of Kurlukut, 4 who was distinguished above his peers at the court by his 
 wisdom and common sense. He had free access to the Khan, and whatever 
 he proposed in the way of advice or approval, was acceptable. At this time 
 he began to praise and extol the virtues of Amir Timur to the Khan, and he 
 begged the Khan to restore to the prince, the territory that was his by right 
 of inheritance. The Khan lent a favourable ear to his entreaties, and a 
 messenger was immediately despatched to fetch Amir Timur. The prince 
 accordingly came to the Khan, received from him the warmest welcome, 
 
 1 All the texts have the word “ Kashmir,” and there can be no doubt of the 
 reading. The question is as to the fact mentioned. It seems almost impossible 
 to imagine that there was a regiment of Kashmiris in the service of the Moghul 
 Khans. No doubt the Buddhists of Kashmir had intercourse with those of 
 Eastern Turkistan, and more especially with Khotan; and a certain number 
 may have found their way into the service of the Khans, but they must have 
 been differently constituted to the Kashmiris of the present day, if they became 
 soldiers. Possibly all strangers who came into the country from the side of 
 Kashmir were called Kashmiris, and if so there may have been, among them, 
 Hindus and others with sufficiently warlike qualities to enlist as fighting-men. 
 But perhaps the most likely explanation is that they were slaves, or descendants 
 of slaves, and of prisoners, carried off during the earlier Mongol invasions of 
 countries in the direction of Kashmir. In this case, little but the name of 
 Kashmiri would have remained to such people, a century and a half later. 
 
 2 Probably the plain of Juvain (or Jagatai Juvain), which lies to the north 
 and north-west of Sabzawar in Khorasan. Buluic means “ a district.” Khorasha 
 most likely stands for Kudashah, the name of a village in the Juvain plain, 
 marked on modern maps. 
 
 3 By the word “ them,” the brigands seem to be intended. 
 
 4 Probably the Karlulc, in the Mongol plural, is the tribe meant. The Karluh 
 were certainly Turks by origin, and in Sir H. Howorth’s opinion were of the 
 Uighur race. Rasliid-ud-Hin enters them under the Turki tribes, pure and 
 simple. At the time of Chingiz, they appear to have inhabited the country north 
 of the Tian Shan, but later they probably pushed farther towards the west. From 
 Hr. Bretschneider we learn that the Karluh are repeatedly noticed in the 
 Chinese histories under such names as Ko-erh-lu, Ha-la-lu, etc. (See for Howorth, 
 Sect. IV. of Introduction; Rashid-ud-Din in Erdmann’s Uhers. d. Tiirh. Vollcer- 
 starnme; Bretschneider, ii., pp. 39-41). Communities of Karluks are found 
 at tiie present day in and around Badakhshan, where they are regarded as Turks 
 and speak the Turki language. 
 
 C 2 
 
20 
 
 Tughhik Timur's Second 
 
 and was appointed Governor of Kesli and Tuman, 1 together with their 
 dependencies. 
 
 In the winter of that year, the Khan determined to make war upon Amir 
 Husain, 2 and set out against him. Amir Husain, for his part, also raised an 
 army and led it as far as the River Yakhsli. Here he pitched his camp. 
 When the Khan had passed the Iron Gate 3 and arrived near to where Amir 
 
 1 For Tuman, probably K&rman (sometimes written Kermine ) should be read. 
 The town stands on the Zarafshan, to the north-east of Bokhara. 
 
 2 Husain was grandson of the Amir Kazagan, a prince of the tribe of Taint 
 (according to Pe'tis de la Croix) who had revolted against Sultan Kazan, the 
 “ Grand Can ”—that is, the Klnikan of the Chaghatai. (Hist, de Timur Bee., i., 
 p. 2.) The word Taint is probably a corruption; it should perhaps read Tait , a 
 difference only of a dot under one letter. 
 
 3 The texts, in this place, have Darband-i-Ahanin , or “ Iron Gate,” but in all 
 other places Kuluglia, the name by which the pass was usually known. It is 
 often mentioned by ancient travellers, but has very rarely been visited in modern 
 times, at any rate up to within the last few years, or before the Russians became 
 possessors of Samarkand and Khokand. The gates, in ancient times, were a 
 reality, for the Chinese traveller Hiuen Tsang, who passed the Darband in 
 630 a.d., describes the defile as “closed by folding gates clamped with iron.” 
 (See Sir H. Yule in Wood’s Oxus, 1872, p. lxix.) At the time of Chingiz Khan, 
 when Chinese travellers frequently went backwards and forwards between China 
 and the conqueror’s camp in various parts of Central Asia, the pass of the Iron 
 Gates is frequently mentioned under the name of Tie-men-Kuan (literally, Iron 
 Gate barrier); and one of them, the Taoist monk Chang Chun, describes his 
 passage through the defile in 1222, with carts and an escort of a hundred Mongol 
 and Muhammadan soldiers: “ We crossed the mountains in a south-east direction 
 and found them very high. Masses of rock were lying scattered about. The escort 
 themselves pulled the carts, and took two days to pass to the other side of the 
 mountains.” (Chinese Mediaeval Travellers to the West, by Dr. E. Bretschneider, 
 1875, pp. 41, 42.) The gates themselves seem, thus, to have disappeared by the 
 thirteenth century, and they had certainly done so at the beginning of the 
 fifteenth, when Ruy Gonzalez Clavijo visited the spot, in the course of his em¬ 
 bassy (1403-5) from Henry III. of Spain to Amir Timur. He wrote: “ These 
 mountains of the Gates of Iron are without woods, and in former times they say 
 that there were great gates covered with iron placed across the pass, so that no 
 one could pass without an order.” (See Embassy of Buy G. Clavijo to Court of 
 Timur, by C. R. Markham, Hakluyt Series, 1859, p. 122.) From the time of 
 Don Ruy down to 1875, when the Russian Hisar Expedition passed the Darband, 
 no European appears to have seen (or, at any rate, to have described) the defile. 
 Mr. N. A. Mayef, who accompanied the Russian Expedition, described the spot 
 thus: “The famous ravine of the Iron Gate winds through a high mountain 
 chain, about twelve versts to the west of Derbent. It is a narrow cleft, 5 to 
 35 paces wide and about two versts long. It is known now as Buz-ghala Khana 
 (i.e., the House of Goats). Its eastern termination is 3540 feet above the sea; its 
 western termination 3740 feet. A torrent, Buz-ghala Khana bulak, flows through 
 it. . . .” (Geogr. Magazine, Dec., 1876, p. 328.) 
 
 The term “ Iron Gate,” or at any rate “ Ivulugha,” seems often to have been 
 applied to narrow defiles in mediaeval times; thus there is the gate in the 
 “Wall of Alexander,” near Darband, on the west shore of the Caspian, which 
 is still, according to Sir TI. Yule, called in Turkish Demir-Kdpi, or Iron 
 Gate. Another is the defile of Talki leading from the Sairam (Nor) or Sut 
 (Kul) lake southward, to the Ili river. This was called Kuluglia by Turki- 
 speaking people, and Timur-Khalaga by the Mongols; and Dr. Bretschneider 
 explains that the word Khalaga , or Khalga, means, in Mongol, a pass or gate, 
 while Timur signifies iron. The Chiuese traveller Ghang-Te, in 1259, passed 
 through the Talki defile, and described it as “ very rugged, with overhanging 
 rocks.” He speaks of it by a transliterated Mongol name which stauds for 
 “ iron roadway.” Possibly—though I think not—it may be this Talki Kuluglia 
 which the historians of Timur refer to when, iu recording his last expedition but 
 one against the Jatah Moghuls, they describe the route taken by the division of 
 the army commanded by Timur’s son, Omar Shaikh Mirza, from Yulduz towards 
 
Invasion of Mavard-nn-Nahr. 
 
 21 
 
 Husain was encamped, the two armies came in sight of one another and were 
 preparing to engage, when Kaikhosru of Khatlan, together with his men, left 
 the side of Amir Husain and joined the army of the Khan, thus breaking the 
 order of battle of the former. 1 When Amir Husain perceived this, he turned 
 and fled. The victorious Khan went in pursuit of him, and crossing the 
 Jihun, penetrated as far as Kunduz. His troops pillaged all the country 
 round about, as far as the mountains of Hindu Kush, and spent the following 
 spring and summer in that region. 
 
 Kashghar. At any rate the Iron Gate near Kesh, in Transoxiana, cannot have 
 been meant, as Petis de la Croix, in reading the Zafar-Nama , and Price, relying 
 upon the Rauzat-us-safa, seem to have assumed. From the Yulduz valley, Omar 
 Shaikh is made to return to Andijan by way of Kuchar, Uch-Tnrfan, and 
 Kashghar, and to fight a battle with an Amir of Jatah in the pass of Kulugha, on 
 the way. While it is scarcely conceivable that he should have marched first 
 into the heart of Transoxiana, there have met with a Jatah Amir far in the rear 
 of Timur’s army, and then have returned to Andijan, it is just possible, though 
 improbable, that he may have first made an expedition north-westward to the 
 Talki defile and thence back to Kuchar. I suspect that in the hills between the 
 Yulduz and Kuchar, there was yet another defile known by the name of Kulugha, 
 or ‘Pass,’ and that it may be represented on modem maps by the pass of Kui-Kule. 
 This view is supported by the circumstance that the victory over the Jatah Amir 
 is mentioned, in the Zafar-Nama, as having been won before Omar Shaikh’s 
 arrival at Kuchar, and without any allusion to a return march northward, for 
 after the battle, he is said to have continued his march by way of Kuchar, etc., 
 to Kashghar. In this case, the translators have probably been led into calling 
 the pass “ Iron Gate,” on account of the name Kulugha being identical with one 
 of those used for the Darband-i-Abanin near Kesh. In all likelihood, there were 
 many passes in various parts of Turki and Mongol-speaking Asia, which were 
 known simply by the name Kulugha , though they may have had more specific 
 local names besides, such as Timur, or Demir, Kulugha. The error fallen into, in 
 this case, was to apply the Persian translation of one of these specific names, to 
 all Kulugha, or passes. (See for Talki , etc., Bretschneider’s Researches, i., p. 127, 
 and ii., pp. 34-5 and 230.) 
 
 1 Amir Husain had put to death Kaikobad, the brother of Kaikhusru (Hist, 
 de Timur Bee., i., p. 191.) These Zoroastrian names, occurring in Khatlan at 
 this period, are remarkable. As regards the state or province of Khatlan, Khutlan, 
 or Kliotl, Sir H. Yule located it (in 1872) somewhat north of the present Kolab 
 and west of Darwaz; but Mr. Mayef, who travelled in this region three years 
 liter, believes Kurgan-Tube (i.e., Kurghan Tipa) on the lower Surkhab (or 
 Vakhsh) and a short distance west of Kolab, to have been the centre of the 
 ancient Khatlan. He quotes Ibn Dast, an author of the tenth century, to the 
 effect that the kingdom of Khotl, or Khatlan, included the lower valley of the 
 Vakhsh and that of the Kafir-nahan, with the town of Kabadian, and reached 
 also to Faizabad on the upper waters of that river. Khatlan existed at least 
 down to the end of the fifteenth century, for in 1498 we find Khusru Shah, of 
 Kunduz, bestowing the governorship of it on his brother Wali. Both the State 
 and the name have since disappeared. (See Yule J. R. A. Socij., vi., pt. 1, 1872, 
 p. 97, and his map in Wood’s Oxus, 1872 ; Mayef in Geograph. Mag., Dec., 1876, 
 p. 328 ; Erskine Hist, of India, i., p. 200; and Memoirs of Baber, pp. xxxii. seqf 
 The Chinese of the Ming period knew the country by the names Ko-te-laug and 
 lla-ti-lan. (Bretschneider, ii., pp. 277 and 315.) 
 

 Return of Tughluk to his Capital 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE RETURN OF TUGHLUK TIMUR KHAN TO HIS OWN CAPITAL. 
 
 On the approach of autumn, the Khan set out for Samarkand, and on the 
 journey gave orders for Amir Bayan Salduz to be killed, according to the code 
 of' the Moghuls . 1 When he reached Samarkand, he had the whole of Mavara- 
 un-Nahr under his command and rule, and all the nobles and princes of the 
 country were compelled to swear allegiance to him. Some, however, whom 
 he suspected of treachery, he treated as he had treated Amir Bayan Salduz. 
 Others, whom he found he could rely on, he bestowed favours and distinctions 
 upon. He entrusted the government of the conquered districts to his son 
 Ilyas Khwaja Oghlan, and he assigned to him a number of the amirs and 
 soldiers of the army of Jatah, over whom he appointed Begjik. Amir Timur 
 was charged with the most important duties in the administration of the State, 
 under the orders of the young prince; and when the Khan had assured him¬ 
 self of the sagacity of Amir Timur, he handed over the whole direction of the 
 State to him, and returned to his own seat of government. Tughluk Timur, 
 in short, again left the country of Mavara-un-Nahr. He had given supreme 
 authority over all the princes and people of Jatah, to Amir Begjik, and had 
 deputed Amir Timur to look to the welfare of the people. But Amir Begjik 
 did not obey the instructions of the Khan, for not only did he exercise 
 tyranny and violence, but even attempted open revolt [against the Khan]. 
 When Amir Timur saw that the orders of the Khan were not being complied 
 with, and that, in consequence, the State would fall into disorder, he did not 
 think fit to stay any longer in the country, but fled, with the intention of 
 discovering Amir Husain. Since he could learn no news of the whereabouts of 
 Amir Husain, he turned towards the deserts . 2 
 
 1 The term is Ba Yasdk rasdnidan. It may be taken to mean, to try a man 
 and punish him (in this ease with death) according to the system of the Yasdk. 
 
 The Ydzdk, or Ydssd , Ydza, etc. (sometimes called the Turah ), was the legal 
 code of the Mongols, said to have been instituted by Chingiz Khan. Petis dc la 
 Croix hands it down in twenty-two sections, but says that there were other 
 sections which have not been specified by the authorities he used. Deguignes 
 summarises from Petis, but omits the 22nd section. Section 3 of the Yasak 
 forbids any prince, under pain of death, to cause himself to be proclaimed Khan, 
 without having first been elected by a general assembly, or Diet (called Kuriltai ), 
 formed of the chiefs of the nation. (Pe'tis de la Croix, Hist, de Genghiz Can, 
 p. 98 : Deguignes, Ilist. des Huns, iii., pp. 72-3.) lienaudot, on the authority of 
 Mirkhund and Khundamir, calls the Ydza the religion of the Mongols, but this 
 can hardly be correct. ( Ancient Accounts of India and China , 1733, p. 139.) 
 Baber often alludes to the Turah , and expressly says that they were not “ of 
 divine appointment,” though they had been held in respect by all his forefathers. 
 Erskine translates the word “Institutions” (of Chingiz Khan), and says, “they 
 seem to have been a collection of the old usages of the Moghul tribes . . . pro¬ 
 bably merely traditionary, and never reduced into writing.” In Baber’s days 
 they were still respected among the wandering tribes, but did not form the law 
 of his kingdom, “ since they had been introduced before the Musulman religion, 
 and were, in many respects, inconsistent with the Koran.” {Baber, xlviii., seq.) 
 Sir H. Howorth has fully discussed the Yaza or Turah in the Indian Antiquary 
 for July, 1882. In Amyot’s Diet. Tat ore-Mantch on-Francois (1789, i.. p. xviii.) 
 Toura or Taourdt is said to be the Arabic equivalent of Ydssd. 
 
 2 Mirza Haidar breaks off here at an interesting part of the adventures of 
 Timur and Husain. The Zafar-Nama goes on to relate how Timur wandered 
 
23 
 
 Ilyas Khwdja Khan. 
 
 In short, the substance of what we find in the Moghul 
 traditions is, that Tughluk Timur Khan’s dominions extended as 
 far as Samarkand, and even further, but no precise facts have 
 come down to us. Amir Bulaji, who has been already mentioned 
 as having raised Tughluk Timur Khan to the Khanate, sought 
 nine privileges for himself from the Khan, which privileges had 
 been granted to his ancestors by Chingiz Khan, and which my 
 family have inherited. I have seen them myself. They were 
 written in Kunduz, in the Moghul language, and I mention this 
 circumstance because, by it, the Moghuls prove that the Khan’s 
 rule extended as far as Kunduz. It is stated, in the Zafar-Nama, 
 that the Khan died in the year 764. The Moghul traditions say 
 that Tughluk Timur, at the age of 16, was brought from [the] 
 Kalmak [country] by Amir Bulaji, as has been related; at the 
 age of 18 he became Khan, at the age of 24 he became a Musul- 
 man, and died at the age of 34. He was born in the year 730. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 ILYAS KHWAJA KHAN. 
 
 The Moghuls have preserved no traditions concerning this Ilyas 
 Khwaja Khan, but I have heard my father mention his name, 
 and the Zafar-Nama makes occasional mention of him, in con¬ 
 nection with other events. These passages I have transcribed in 
 substance. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 RETURN OF AMIR HUSAIN AND AMIR TIMUR TO TAIKHAN AND BADAKH 
 SHAN, AND THE TREATIES BETWEEN THEM. 
 
 The two princes then proceeded to Kunduz, and there collected some troops 
 from the tribe of Boldai . 1 Thence they marched towards Badakhshan, and 
 
 on through the deserts of Khiva, till at length he found Husain near the wells of 
 Saghej; how they went on together to Khiva, where Takil, or Jakil, the 
 governor, tried to seize them by treachery—a design which they frustrated by 
 again taking to the desert, where they met with a series of adventures, until at 
 last they fell in with friends, and collected a small force willing to follow them. 
 (Hist, de Timur Bee ., i., pp. 45-54.) These were the adventures of Timur which 
 attracted the attention of Gibbon. 
 
 1 Or Buruldai—the reading is uncertain. 
 
24 Return of Timur and Husain to Badakhshdn. 
 
 when they arrived at Taikhan , 1 they concluded a peace with the Kings of 
 Badakhshan and effaced every trace of bitterness of feeling. From there 
 again they went to Arhang , 2 where they crossed the river onto the side of 
 Sali-Sarai , 3 and advanced towards Khatlan; then, having traversed the desert, 
 they arrived at a p'ace called Gulak , 4 where they encamped. In accordance 
 with the words “ and we have ordained the night as a time for repose,” they 
 retired to rest. After Amir Timur had taken off his clothes, with the inten¬ 
 tion of going to bed, and had withdrawn his blessed feet from the fatiguing 
 companionship of his boots, Amir Husain sent a person to beg him to come 
 to him, and when he arrived, he found, among those present in the assembly, 
 Pulad Bugha and Shir Bahr&m. Amir Husain began to make complaints of 
 Shir Bahram to Amir Timur, saying : “ We are now close upon the enemy; 
 this is not the time for him to abandon us; it is not acting in an honourable 
 way.” Amir Timur did his best to induce Shir Bahram not to desert them, 
 but without success, and this latter set out for Biljavan . 5 
 
 In the meanwhile, the news was confirmed that Tughluk Salduz and 
 Kaikhusru were advancing with the army and many of the Amirs of Jatah, 
 and besides these there were assembled, between Jala 6 and the “Bridge of 
 Stone ” [ Pul i Sanginf Timur son of Bubakan, Sarik, Shengum, Tughluk 
 Khwaja brother of Haji Beg, Kuj Timur son of Begjik, and other com¬ 
 manders of thousands [tumaii] and regiments \lmshuri\ with fifty thousand 
 
 1 Taikhan is often found written for Talikan. There were several places of 
 this name in lvhorasan and Persia, but the town alluded to here is the one which 
 lies about forty-four miles east of Kunduz. Abul-feda tells us that it was distant 
 from the border of “ lvliotal ”— i.e., Khatlan—seven farasangs, or some twenty- 
 eight miles. (Reinaud’s transl., ii., pt. 2, p. 207.) 
 
 2 Arhang (or Arheng, or Arlienk) has been shown, by Sir H. Yule, to have 
 been a small state lying “ astride upon the Oxus,” to the north-west of Talikan, 
 and near the present Hazrat Imam. Pctis de la Croix mentions its being on the 
 south of the Oxus, near Sali-Sarai, but his geography is not always quite 
 accurate. In the Institutes of Timur , Arhang is spoken of in connection with 
 Khatlan, and as if adjoining that province (p. 90). 
 
 3 Sali-Sarai is marked by Petis on the north bank of the Oxus, and may 
 perhaps be represented by the present village of Sarai, shown on some modern 
 maps about twelve miles below the mouth of the Kokcha. Sali-Sarai is often 
 mentioned in the Zafar-Nama, and was no doubt the site of a ford across the 
 Oxus. (Hist, de Timur Bee., i.) 
 
 4 A village called Guli-zindan is marked on Mayefs map, about halfway between 
 the Bridge and Baljuan, which may perhaps represent Gulak. (Geo. Mag., Dec., 
 1876.) It is obviously the same place as that mentioned lower down, under the 
 name of Kulak or Dasht-i-Kulak (p. 238). 
 
 5 Baljuan—of modern maps. 
 
 u Or Sar Jala —probably a spot lying northward of the Bridge. 
 
 r This bridge is often mentioned by mediaeval and even ancient authors. (See 
 Yule in Wood’s Oxus, p. lxxxii.) It spans the Upper Vakhsh (or Surkhab), where 
 the river is crossed by the road leading from Baljuan, north-westward to Faizabad 
 and lvafirnahan. The first modern description of the locality was that of Mr. Mayef, 
 after his journey ofl875. He wrote: “ Where the Yakhsli approaches theboundary 
 of the Khanate of Bukhara, it rushes through a narrow valley, hemmed in by the 
 steep slopes of the Nur-tagli and Khoja-Yukur [ranges]. This defile, at one of 
 its narrowest parts, where the rocks approach each other within twenty paces, is 
 spanned by the well-known stone bridge of Pul-i-Sengi. An exceedingly diffi¬ 
 cult path leads up to this bridge from the bank of the Vakhsh .... At many 
 parts of it steps are cut into the rock. . . .” ( Geographical Mag., Dec., 1876, 
 
 p. 328.) Kostenko’s Gazetteer says the length of the bridge is ten paces, and 
 that it is supported on two projecting rocks, rising high above the level of the river, 
 which is not more than twenty paces in width. The steps cut in the rocks are 
 also mentioned here. (Russian-Turkistan Gazetteer, Calcutta, 1882, ii., p. 182.). 
 
25 
 
 Timur passes the Stone Bridge . 
 
 men, though more than six thousand had deserted the royal camp. But 
 Amir Timur placed firm trust in the assistance of God, and comforted his men 
 with the verse, “How many armies small in number, have overcome infinite 
 hosts, by the permission of God,” which he seemed to hear repeated in his car 
 by a voice from the unseen world. 
 
 [Verses] : Though the ocean of the world be full of alligators, 
 
 And desert and mountain full of tigers. 
 
 If a man have good fortune for a friend, 
 
 Not a hair of his head will be touched. 
 
 With two"thousand brave men, he marched out to meet the enemy, and the 
 opposing forces met on the Stone Bridge. A battle ensued which lasted from 
 early morning till nightfall; and during all that day these brave and 
 experienced warriors fought, until they had no strength left to continue. 
 Moreover the inequality of the forces was great. 
 
 Amir Timur, considering the situation, saw that victory could not be with 
 his side, if the sword of valour were not brightened with the polish of good 
 counsel, and he understood that if the arrow of courage were not let fly from 
 the thumb-stall of deliberation, its whistling would not sound to them as 
 news of triumph. These things he pondered in his mind, until the reed of 
 assurance and conviction, painted a picture of welfare and safety upon the 
 tablet of his enlightened intelligence. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 TIM Uids PASSAGE OF 
 
 THE IlIVER AT THE STONE BRIDGE, AND THE FLIGHT 
 OF THE ARMY OF J AT AII. 
 
 Amir Timur ordered Amir Musa, Amir Muvayid Arlat and Uclikara Bahadur, 
 with a force of 500 picked men, to wait for the enemy near the Stone Bridge, 
 while he himself, with 1500 men, swam the river at midnight and took up 
 his position on the mountains. On the following day, the sentinels of the 
 enemy saw, by their footprints, that they had crossed the river during the 
 night; and they were very much perturbed in consequence. When night 
 set in, Amir Timur commanded his soldiers to light a great number of fires 
 on the summits of the highest of the mountains; and at the sight of these 
 fires the enemy were seized with fear and terror, so that they lost heart and 
 fled. Thus did God, without the trouble of a battle, scatter this numerous 
 army, which was in the proportion of ten warriors to one of their opponents. 
 “ Verily God giveth the victory to whomsoever He will.” 
 
 The enemy being thrown into flight and confusion, Amir Timur rushed 
 down the mountain with his army, like a raging lion or a mighty boiling 
 torrent, and pursued them as far as Gujarat 1 —falling upon them with his 
 life-taking sword and his soul-biting lance, till the road was covered with 
 
 ’ This name may read Gujarub. I cannot identify the place. 
 
2 6 
 
 Flight of the Army of Jatah. 
 
 the heaps of their slain. In this place he halted, victorious and happy, while 
 Amir Husain with the rest of the army continued the pursuit. This 
 victory helped to spread the fame of Amir Timur and much encouraged his 
 troops. Feeling the reality and importance of the advantages he had just 
 secured, Amir Timur again set out with two thousand men; and when he 
 arrived at Kuhlagha , 1 the people of Kesh and the districts round about, 
 fleeing from the army of Jatah, kept coming to him in detachments, with 
 offers to serve him if he would protect them. Out of the two thousand men 
 Amir Timur had brought with him, he selected three hundred as his own 
 special bodyguard. With these he advanced, commanding the rest to stay 
 behind. He then sent on two hundred of these men, under the Amirs 
 Sulaiman Barlas, Chakui Barlas, Bahram Jalair, Jalaluddin Barlas, Saifuddin 
 and Yultimur, to Kesh, telling them to divide into four squadrons, and 
 ordering every man to suspend from either side of his horse, a large leafy 
 branch, in order that much dust might be raised and so cause the governor of 
 Kesh, if he saw them, to beat a retreat . 2 They carried out his orders exactlj", 
 so that when they entered the plaius of Kesh, the governor, frightened at 
 the sight of so much dust, took to flight, and they entered the town, where 
 they occupied themselves with the appointment of officers and the like. 
 
 Thus the boundless favour of God descended in such a manner upon this 
 king, that by means of sparks of fire he was able to put an army to flight, 
 and with dust to conquer a town. 
 
 [Verse] : The evil eye was distant from him, for greater successes than these 
 it is impossible to conceive. 
 
 At that time Ilyas Khwaja Khan was encamped at Tash Arighi, which is 
 four farasangs distant from Kesh; he had round him his nobles and princes 
 and an innumerable army. About this time Tughluk Timur Khan died. 
 Ulugh Timur and Amir Hamid came to announce the news to Ilyas Khwaja 
 Khan and to bring him back to his tribe, that he might rule in his 
 father’s stead. 
 
 Meanwhile, Amir Timur, with one hundred chosen men, having marched 
 all the night, came to Khuzar, and when day broke, the people of that town 
 learnt the arrival of that royal prince and hastened out to kiss the ground 
 in obeisance to him. He then combined the troops of Khuzar and Kesh, and 
 put Khwaja Salibari in command of the rearguard. With this mighty army 
 he set out for Chekadalik, and on arrival there, pitched his camp. At that 
 place too, he was joined by Muhammad, son of Salduz, with seven regiments, 
 and he remained there seven days. In the meanwhile, Amir Husain arrived 
 with his own forces, and with those that Amir Timur had left behind at 
 Kuhlagha. Shir Bahram also, who had separated from them in the desert 
 [or plain] of Gulak, in order to visit his own people, now rejoined them, 
 after an absence of forty-three days. They then all set forth together, under 
 the command of Amir Timur and Amir Husain, in the direction of Khuzar, 
 and on their arrival there, visited the tomb of Khwaja Resales , 3 in the name 
 of whose blessed spirit they made a solemn alliance and swore eternal 
 friendship. 
 
 1 The Iron Gates. 
 
 2 Lit. “ and if a daruglia [superintendent] were there he would flee.”—R. 
 
 3 There appears to be something wrong about this name. It should be, 
 probably, the tomb of Shams-ud-Din. 
 
Dream of Timur . 
 
 2 7 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE DREAM OF AMIR TIMUR, WHICH HE LOOKS UPON AS A GOOD OMEN, 
 
 AND WHICH INDUCES HIM TO MAKE WAR ON ILYAS KllWAJA KHAN. 
 
 The Prophet (upon whom be the peace of God) said: “ True dreams are one 
 of the forty-six gifts of prophecy,” and the explanation of this tradition is 
 that when the all-knowing, all-powerful God (may He be exalted and 
 magnified), places upon the forehead of some great person the distinctive 
 mark of His favour, He so enlightens him that He causes him to understand 
 the secrets of the invisible world, reveals unto his human spirit the things 
 that are to come to pass, and makes him aware of occurrences that have 
 not yet taken place. Joseph was informed, by revelation, of the coming 
 of his father and brothers several years before that event took place. And 
 Muhammad, Prince of the Prophets, had revealed to him the conquest 
 of Mekka. 
 
 In the same way, as Amir Timur was one day reflecting upon the straits 
 be was in, and the smallness of his army in comparison with that of the 
 enemy, and considering what would be the best line of action, he fell asleep, 
 and heard a voice say to him, in eloquent language: “Be of good cheer and 
 grieve not, for God has given you victory.” When he awoke from his 
 slumber, he asked, “ Did anyone speak ? ” All present replied, “ Indeed not! ” 
 So he was convinced that the words were spoken by a voice from heaven, and 
 that the sweet-scented breeze of good news had blown from the rose-garden 
 of God’s graciousness and favour. His confidence in the assistance of God 
 was absolute, and he went to Amir Husain with fresh enthusiasm and 
 renewed vigour, telling him what had happened. The good tidings were 
 spread about among all the troops, and they were much encouraged; their 
 obedient hearts blossomed out, as do the rosebuds with the zephyr of 
 the morn. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 BATTLE OF AMIR HUSAIN AND AMIR TIMUR WITH THE ARMY OF 
 JATAH. VICTORY OF THE AMIRS OVER THE JATAH. 
 
 Amir Husain and Amir Timur, having offered up praise and thanksgiving 
 to the Padishah of Padishahs (may His name be exalted), mounted their 
 horses and began to make preparations for battle. They divided the army 
 into two parts; Amir Husain commanded the right wing, and raised the 
 victorious standard, while Amir Timur led the left wing of his troops, who 
 were so accustomed to victory. Having arranged all this, and having put 
 the army into order of battle, they went forward. 
 
 The enemy meanwhile were at Tash Arighi, and they, in the same manner, 
 divided their forces into two parts; Ilyas Khwaja Khan and Amir Hamid 
 
28 
 
 Victory of Timur and Husain 
 
 commanding the left wing, and Amir Tuk Timur and Amir Begjik the right. 
 The opposing armies, having drawn themselves up in order of battle , 1 attacked 
 one another with vigorous onslaught. 
 
 [Verses]: The world and time ranged themselves on his side, 
 
 You would have thought he was about to overcome the 
 universe. 
 
 Nor the shining sun nor the moon looked more brilliant 
 than did his army. 
 
 His troops on a sudden raised a loud cry 
 And their spear points made the clouds bright. 
 
 The fighting began at a place called Kaba Matan, and clamour and 
 shouting filled the vault of the heavens. The first attack was made upon the 
 soldiers of Amir Timur, by the scouts of the enemy, who were boasting of 
 the superiority of their army in numbers, and were burning for the fray. 
 
 But Timur, keeping his foot as firmly fixed upon the spot where he was 
 standing, as was his kingdom upon its foundations, seized his bow and arrow 
 and made his left arm like an Alif and his right arm like a Dal . 2 
 [Verses] .... 
 
 And his soldiers, in imitation of their king, discharged their missiles into 
 the souls of the enemy, just as the starry army of the moon let fly their 
 shooting stars; and the reed of the arrow—according to the words “ we have 
 ordained them as missiles against the evil spirits ”—made such writing with 
 the blood of the scouts, that not one of them remained alive. . . . 3 
 
 Among those slain w r ere Tuk Timur, a Beg, brother of Begjik, Daulat Shah, 
 and two princes besides, who were both of them leaders of the other army. 
 
 [Verses] : Of all these daring men not one was left, 
 
 But all fell wretchedly, of life bereft. 
 
 The two armies then rushed upon one another, and blood flowed from the 
 enemy as if it were tears from a thousand eyes. 
 
 [Verses]: They charged one another like great mountains; 
 
 The desert became a sea of blood; 
 
 You would have said that tulips had 
 Sprung up on the face of the earth . 4 
 
 The attacks and charges of the veteran warriors grew more frequent, and 
 the waves of the ocean of combat increased. Amir Timur, in accordance 
 with the blessed promise (thanks be to God, who has aided and blessed us), 
 was able to overcome and put to rout this enormous army, in comparison 
 with which his own was but as a drop of rain. “ And there is no victory but 
 from God.” 
 
 Amir Ilyas Khwaja, Amir Begjik, Iskandar Oghlan, Amir Hamid and 
 Amir Yusuf were taken prisoners. But the generosity, common to all Turks, 
 was favourable to the Khan, for the soldiers who had captured him, when 
 they recognised him, without saying anything to their leaders, mounted him 
 
 1 Yasdl. Petis dc la Croix says “ formed a crescent.”— E. 
 
 2 That is, he drew his bow to the ear, straightening his left arm like the 
 straight Arabic letter alif , and bending his right like the crooked dal. t 
 
 3 The rhetoric, which continues for some lines, is omitted.— E. 
 
 4 This is in allusion to the blood-red tulips which cover the ground iu spring, 
 in some parts of the Central Asian steppes. 
 
29 
 
 over the Amirs of Jatah. 
 
 and Begjik on horseback and set them at liberty. But the other captives 
 they kept bound. On the same night, Amir Timur continued his march 
 until he reached the River Yam, in order to cut off the retreat of the enemy, 
 of whom many had been killed. 
 
 [Verse]: From their blood, the water of the stream became like wine. 
 
 Amir Chagu and Amir Saifuddin, at his command, marched against 
 Samarkand. They conquered this town in the beginning of the year 765 of 
 the Hajra [a.d. 1363], corresponding to the year of the Crocodile [Lui] of the 
 Tartar cycle. 
 
 Amir Timur, who was attended by success in all his endeavours and 
 desires, hastened to hold counsel with Amir Husain and Shir Bahrain, and 
 then set out in pursuit of the enemy. Having crossed the river at Khojand, 
 he fixed his royal camp at Tashkand, and there, in order that his good 
 fortune might not be quite perfect, he was afflicted with a few days’ sickness. 
 [Verses] .... 
 
 Both Amir Timur and Amir Husain were for a short time a prey to 
 a malady in that place. But they were soon released from the house of 
 sickness; and the illustrious Princess Uljai Turkan arrived in safety 
 from Kar. 1 
 
 [Verse] : Bilkis again returned to Sulaim&n. 
 
 Amir Timur then resolved to return, and therefore recrossed the river at 
 Khojand. Being seized with a desire to hunt, he threw out a ring of beaters 
 round a large extent of country, and Amir Husain did the same thing in a 
 place called Dazak Bulbul. They set out from opposite directions towards 
 Akar Kamar. Several days were spent in pleasure and amusement, according 
 to the words, “Seize the opportunity while you may,” and then they returned 
 in safetv to Samarkand. 
 
 %j 
 
 At the joyful advent of this augmenter of happiness and decorator of 
 kingdoms, the people of that district were illumined by the protecting dust of 
 the royal prince, so that the evils of the buffetings of events, which had crept 
 in among high and low, were cured by the healing properties of his humanity 
 and encouragement. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 CONFERENCE [lOJRILTAl] BETWEEN AMIR HUSAIN AND AMIR TIMUR ; 
 AND TIIE RAISING OF KABIL SHAH OGHLAN TO THE RANK OF KIIAN. 
 
 When the countries of Mavara-un-Nahr and Turkistan, together with all 
 their dependencies, had been delivered from the domination and oppression of 
 the people of Jatah, no one of the chief princes or more important generals 
 
 1 There is nothing to show where the first part of this campaign took place, 
 and I cannot trace the names. It seems that the Jatah army invaded the valley 
 of the Zarafshan, and if so Yum may stand for Jam, to the south-west of 
 Samarkand, and Knba Matan for Mitan, to the north-west of it. Kar may also 
 be read Kaz or Gaz. 
 
30 
 
 Victoiy of Timur arid Husain. 
 
 would submit to the orders and commands of another; 1 for all the chiefs of 
 tribes, making boast of the large number of their subjects and followers, 
 wished to retain independence and would suffer no control. For it has been 
 said: A number of people without a central unity to direct them, will 
 perish, and a kingdom without a ruler to give laws to the inhabitants, and 
 prevent them transgressing the same, will most certainly fall into a state of 
 disorder. 
 
 [Verses] : A world without a leader is like a body without a head. 
 
 A headless body is worth less than the dust of the road. 
 
 Under these conditions, Amir Husain and Amir Timur took counsel 
 together, and determined that it would be advisable to set up, as Khan, one of 
 the descendants of Chaghatai Khan, while for the execution of this plan they 
 convoked an assembly of all the chiefs and princes, in the year 765 of the 
 Hajra [a.d. 1363-4], to discuss the settlement of the affairs of the State. 
 They finally determined to appoint Kabil Shah Oghlan as Khan. He was the 
 son of Durji, son of Ilchikadi, son of Dava Khan. In order to avoid the trials 
 and troubles of public life, he had taken to ways of poverty and solitude, 
 and had clothed himself like a darvish. They resolved to divest him of his 
 poor garments, and to array his noble figure in the richly-embroidered robes 
 of the Khanship. To this end: 
 
 [Verses]: They prepared a splendid banquet, 
 
 That what was small might become great. 
 
 They sought the whole world over 
 For gold and silver and gifts. 
 
 They succeeded in placing Kabil Shah Oghlan upon the throne; and, as was 
 customary among the Turkish Sultans, he was presented with a goblet. 2 
 
 [Verses] : 
 
 All the mighty rulers and proud princes, at one time 
 
 Bent the knee nine times in obeisance to him. 
 
 Amir Haidar Andarkhudi 3 was given over to Zinda Hasham, who executed 
 ‘him on that same night. [Verses] .... 
 
 When the country had once again been brought under the rule of Amir 
 Timur, he made a great display of his liberality and hospitality, and gave a 
 great feast in honour of Amir Husain. His own stewards prepared the 
 banquet. 
 
 Amir Timur showed much favour to his own special subjects, and bestowed 
 suitable presents on Amir Husain. 
 
 [Verses] : He gave him the most magnificent gifts, 
 
 Such as horses, swords, helmets and belts. 
 
 Since the father of Amir Haidar was on the most friendly terms with 
 Amir Timur, he was invited to the feast; for his intelligence had received 
 brightness from the polish of experience of long years. With him and Amir 
 
 1 The meaning is perhaps: they would not submit to Timur and Husain.—R. 
 
 2 That is: They presented him with the royal goblet of the Sultans of 
 Turkistan.—R. 
 
 3 Of Andarkhud, or Andkhui. 
 
The Battle of the Mire. 31 
 
 Husain, he discussed the advisability of setting Amir Hamid and Iskandar 
 Oghlan at liberty ; and Amir Husain (in spite of the words 
 
 [Verses] : When your enemy falls into your hands 
 
 Keep him at a distance, lest he hurt you again and you will repent) 
 
 out of consideration for the noble-mindedness of Amir Timur, did not refuse 
 his entreaty, but gave sanction for the two prisoners to be released. 
 
 As soon as Amir Husain had set out for Sali-Sarai, his residence in his own 
 province, Amir Timur sent Amir Daud and Amir Saifuddin to release the 
 two prisoners, and to bring them back with all respect and honour; but 
 Bayazid and Aiman, who had the custody of Amir Hamid and Iskandar 
 Oghlan, on seeing the two messengers, thought they had come to kill Amir 
 Hamid, and therefore hastened to put him to death, one giving him a blow 
 with a mace and the other striking him with a sword. Such was the end of 
 Amir Hamid. When Amir Husain heard of this, he said : “ The work of the 
 servant was better than the work of the master,” and at once sent a messenger 
 in search of Iskandar Oghlan, to kill him. 
 
 [Verse]: Against the arrow of destiny there is no shield. 
 
 During the winter of that year, Amir Husain and Amir Timur devoted their 
 attention to the internal affairs of the State, so that the country attained a 
 condition of perfect peace and prosperity. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF THE MIRE. 1 
 
 From the garden abounding in thorns and adorned with flowers, the sweet 
 zephyr reached to nostrils of those whose souls had been sent upon the 
 battle-field of misfortune and grief. They heard the good tidings that God 
 often crowns our best endeavours and most fervent wishes with calamities 
 and hardships. [Verses] .... 
 
 Happiness often results from the traces left by misfortune, and a state of 
 equanimity and success often has its origin in distress and failure. 
 
 [Verses.] .... 
 
 The course of events in the time of Amir Timur is a proof and example of 
 the above truths. 
 
 For when the winter (during which he had devoted his time to the peaceful 
 administration of the affairs of his State) had passed, and spring at length 
 arrived; (When the warrior spring had raised the standards of the tulips and 
 
 1 Known as the battle of Lai — \e., mud or mire. It appears to have been 
 fought on the right bank of the Siliun (Jaxartes) between Chinaz and (old) 
 Tashkend. Petis translates : “ Bataille des Bourbiers.” 
 
32 The Battle of the Mire. 
 
 had led out his army of green plants into the plains of gardens and meadows, 
 
 [Verses]: The morning breeze led out his army towards the fertile plains 
 And made ready the weapons and arms of war. 
 
 He made spears of the buds and shields of the roses, 
 
 The spearpoints he made from sharpened thorns) 
 
 [When spring set in] news came that the hosts of Jatah were again on their 
 way towards this country [ i.e ., Mavara-un-Nahr]. Amir Timur began at once 
 to collect his army together, and sent to inform Amir Husain of the report. 
 The latter ordered Pulad Bugha and Zinda Hasham, son of Muhammad 
 Aperdi, and Malik Bahadur to collect their forces and set out with all possible 
 speed to join Amir Timur. They met, and at once marched together against 
 the enemy. On their arrival at Akar, 1 they inspected the cavalry and beasts 
 of burden, and remained there several days to take advantage of the excellence 
 of the pasturage. Departing thence, they crossed the Biver Sihun 2 and 
 encamped [on the opposite side], Amir Husain hastened on in the direction 
 of the enemy, with a large body of men, till he came to the banks of the 
 river, where he caught sight of some of their outposts. 
 
 Amir Timur now removed his camp to the river-side, between Chinaz and 
 Tashkend, and commanded his men to fortify their tents, which they did 
 with great care. Meanwhile Amir Husain crossed the Sihun with his whole 
 army, and halted in the entrenchments \_murchdT\ destined for his troops. 
 The enemy had also encamped on the same side of the river, having reached 
 it at early morn. Amir Timur and Amir Husain once more advanced, and as 
 soon as the scouts of the two forces came in sight, preparations were made 
 for battle and each army was arrayed in fighting order. Amir Husain 
 commanded the right wing, and Tirlanji Irlat led the rearguard; his van¬ 
 guard was under the command of Uja Betu Irdi, 3 Shir Bahrain, Pulad Bugha, 
 Parhad Aberdi, Malik Bahadur, and many other valiant soldiers. Amir 
 Timur, who was the soul of the whole army, led the left wing, and he 
 appointed Amir Sar Bugha, with the tribe of Kipchak, to the rearguard, and 
 Timur Khwaja Oghlan to the vanguard. Close at his side he kept Amir 
 Chagu, Amir Saifuddin, Amir Murad Barlas, Abbas Bahadur, and many other 
 brave men of the sword. 
 
 In this order they attacked the enemy, but in pursuance with the words: 
 “ It is an evil day for you when you boast of your own strength or numbers,” 
 they were not spared from an unexpected punishment, for the army of Jatah, 
 which, in spite of its superiority in numbers, had been defeated at Kaba 
 Matan, now that they found their opponents exceeded them in numbers, had 
 recourse to magic, and sought aid from the Jadali stone, which possessed 
 supernatural properties. 4 
 
 1 This spot must have been near the left bank of the Sihun, not far below 
 lvliojand, and is probably the place called Akar Kamar above (p. 29). 
 
 2 Some MSS. of the Zafar-Nama say they crossed the Sihun at Khujand. 
 
 3 This name might read Ulja Yetu Aberdi.—R. 
 
 4 The superstition of the Jadali stone is often alluded to by Baber. Erskine 
 says the stone was called by the Arabs Ilajar-ul-Mattar, or the rain stone, by 
 the Turks Yedeli-tash, and by the Persians Sang-i-deli. The author, a little 
 lower down, speaks of Jadali as the name of a magician. The stone had the 
 virtue of causing the rain to fall or to cease; but in the course of time the 
 original stone, which was given by Noah to Japhet, was either lost, or the name 
 
The Battle of the Mire. 
 
 33 
 
 [Verses] : The army of Jatah had not strength for the fight, 
 
 So they sought help from the magic stone. 
 
 With the stone of Jadah, who was a magician, 
 
 They filled the world with wind and rain, 
 
 The clouds roared with thunder and the winds howled. 
 
 A thunderbolt fell upon the earth. 
 
 Al though the sun was in Orion, a host of dark clouds suddenly filled the 
 sky. The thunder resounded and the lightning flashed. The elements 
 rushed out from the ambush of destiny into the open plain of the ether, and 
 the thunderclaps re-echoed round the azure vault of heaven. The arrows of 
 lightning were shot out, in all directions, from the bow of the thunder-clouds, 
 and the rain shot down its whistling darts. It seemed as if the Fates had 
 again become a prey to the love of rebellion and confusion. Such a quantity 
 of water descended front the eyes of the stars, that the Deluge seemed to occur 
 a second time. And the voice of Noah was again heard to pray for the 
 cessation of the waters of heaven. 
 
 The beasts of the field began to swim about in the water like fishes ; and 
 the feet of the horses stuck so fast in the mire, that the skin of their bellies 
 adhered to the crust of the earth, while the damp caused their bones to 
 become bare. They were afflicted with Asterkha , and began to lose their 
 flesh and become paralytic, their bones being loosened. The feathers of the 
 arrows fell out: the notches came off; while clothes and accoutrements 
 became so heavy with the damp, that neither cavalry nor infantry were able 
 to advance. In consequence of all this, our host 1 lost their confidence and 
 courage. But the army of the enemy, remaining where they were, covered 
 themselves over with felt, and as far as they were able, preserved their 
 clothes and arms from the violence of the rain. When our army came up to 
 
 of God, which had been engraved upon it, was worn away. “ It is pretended, 
 however, that others, with a similar virtue, and bearing the same name, are still 
 found among the Turks; and the more superstitious affirm that they were 
 originally produced and multiplied by some mysterious sort of generation from 
 the original stone given by Noah to his son.” Mir Izzat Ullah, who was sent 
 into Central Asia by Moorcroft, mentions the Jadah stone as one of the wonders 
 of Yarkand. “ He says,” writes Erskine, “ that it is taken from the head of a 
 horse or a cow; and that if certain ceremonies be previously used, it inevitably 
 produces rain or snow. He who performs the ceremonies is called Yedehchi. 
 Izzat Ullah, though, like Baber, professes his belief in the virtues of the stone, 
 yet acknowledges that he was never an eye-witness of its effects.” (Memoirs of 
 Baber, Intr., p. xlvii.; also Klaproth’s translation of Izzat Ullah in Mag. Asia- 
 tique , ii., p. 33.) 
 
 In the Habib-us-Siyar an instance is given of Tului, son of Chingiz Khan, 
 having recourse to the Jadah stone (here Sang-i-yadda ) to produce a fall of snow 
 as a means of concealment, when hard pressed by the enemy during his invasion 
 of China in 1230. (See Price’s Mali. Hist., ii., p. 542, who translates the word 
 “lapis imbrifer.”) 
 
 The word Jadah , it may be remarked here, has no connection with Jade. It 
 was in reality, as Sir H. Yule tells us, a bezoar, or antidote, much used in the 
 Middle Ages by the Arabs and others. The bezoar was usually a hard concretion 
 found in the bodies of animals, to which antidotal virtues were ascribed. “ The 
 bezoar,” he adds, “ was sometimes called snake stone, and erroneously supposed 
 to be found in the head of a snake.” (Glossary, p. 68.) 
 
 A complete note on the Jadah stone, containing numerous extracts from 
 Oriental authors, will be found in Quatremerc’s Hist, des Mongols en Perse, 
 p. 428. 
 
 1 Viz., the army of Timur and Husain. 
 
 D 
 
34 
 
 The Battle of the Mire. 
 
 them, they threw aside their felt coverings and offered battle with fresh 
 horses and uninjured arms ; then the combat began in good earnest. 
 
 [Verses] : The cries and shoutings of the two armies 
 
 Fill the whole world, right and left. 
 
 The spheres ring again with the cries of the heroes and the sound of the 
 
 herrandi} 
 
 Amir Timur, by the aid of God, made a charge with the left wing, and 
 overcame the right wing of the enemy, which was led by Shenkummuyan, 
 brother of Amir Hamid; and when Ilyas Khwaja Khan saw this, he fled in 
 confusion. But meanwhile fortune had deserted the right wing of our army, 
 for the enemy’s left, led by Sharawal and Haji Beg, attacked and overcame 
 our right; they drove Tilanji 1 2 and Zinda Hasham back to where Amir 
 Husain was posted, and the body-guard of the latter being terrified, turned 
 and fled. But Pulad Bugha and Shir Bahrain stood their ground and 
 displayed the utmost courage. Haji Beg continued the attack and out¬ 
 flanked our right. Farhad and Orong Timur 3 were astounded at the sight of 
 this. But Amir Shams-ud-Din, on the other hand, having withdrawn the hand 
 of bravery from the sleeve of temerity, made, with his men, a great display of 
 courage. 
 
 And now the fuel of the ardour of Amir Timur took fire; he seized his 
 sword 
 
 [Verses] : And made such sparks fly from it that 
 
 The sun in comparison seemed dark. 
 
 He charged down like a roaring lion. 
 
 [He wore] his iron helmet, bearing the crest of a dragon. 
 
 He charged the enemy with seventeen regiments [ hushun'] ; the wind of 
 his onslaught threw fire and fear upon the harvest of their stability, so that 
 Amir Shams-ud-Din, terrified at the fierceness of Timur’s attack, was obliged 
 to turn the reins of power from the field of battle, and to set the face of 
 helplessness and defeat in the direction of flight. This success of Amir 
 Timur gave Amir Husain an opportunity to re-assemble his troops, and 
 having done so, he stood his ground. 
 
 [Verses] : From the victory of this host-crushing Shah 
 
 The army received new life into its body. 
 
 Amir Timur sent his servant Taban Bahadur to Amir Husain, saying : “ It 
 is time for the Amirs to advance. Let us, together, make such a charge that 
 we may cause an earthquake among the proud princes of the enemy: so that 
 they may lose all power to resist us and all strength to oppose us.” 
 
 But in proportion as the power of Amir Timur rose, so did the star of 
 felicity of Amir Husain begin to decline, and his happiness to approach the 
 evening of distress, according to the text, “ God doth not work any change 
 in the people, until they have altered their own individual selves.” During 
 this period, his nature underwent a great change; he lost his former stability 
 
 1 A kind of horn or trumpet. Pe'tis de la Croix says it was a trumpet eight 
 foet long, used in the army. ( Hist de Timur Bee . i., p. 87.) 
 
 - May read: Petlanji.—R. 
 
 3 Or perhaps: Erek Timur.—R. 
 
35 
 
 The Battle of the Mire. 
 
 ot‘ character, and began to adopt evil habits and practise evil deeds. [Thus] 
 when Taban Bahadur came before him, Amir Husain abused him much in 
 words, and then struck him so violently that he fell to the ground. 
 
 Amir Timur then sent Malik and Hamdami, who were two of Amir 
 Husain’s adherents, to tell their master that lie must most certainly come, in 
 order that no time should be lost; but Amir Husain, having heard the 
 message, began to abuse the messengers and let loose upon them the tongue 
 of violence and menace ; then he added : “ Did I run away that you should 
 thus press me to advance? Whether you are victorious or whether the 
 enemy carry the day, there is not one of you shall save his soul from my 
 avenging hand.” 
 
 Thereupon Malik and Hamdami, much enraged, left his presence and 
 hastened to Amir Timur, to whom, on their arrival, they said, “ It is no use 
 your persisting in the fight.” Amir Timur was persuaded by them and did 
 not oppose their advice, but withdrew the hand of intention. Since the 
 ranks of both armies had been so much broken that the left wings of the 
 opposing forces were facing one another, each soldier encamped [lay down to 
 rest] where he happened to find himself. 
 
 [Verses]: The soldiers of both armies lay down to rest 
 
 And did not stir from their places till day had broken. 
 
 During that night Amir Husain sent several times to request that Amir 
 Timur should come to him, but the prince would not give ear to his entreaties. 
 [Verses.] .... 
 
 When, on the following morning, the tv T o hosts again joined in battle, 
 the army of Jatah was routed and fled. Our. troops were pursuing, when 
 they suddenly caught sight of the standard [Tugh or Tull] of Amir Shams- 
 ud-Din, who had separated himself with a large body of soldiers from the rest 
 of the army. Thereupon the pursuers abandoned their object and turned to 
 attack Shams-ud-Din, while the defeated army again rallied and made a 
 violent onslaught upon our men. Thus our side, after it had gained a 
 victory, was in its turn defeated, and in their haste to get away, many of our 
 men perished in the mud and swamps. The enemy pursued them and put 
 numbers of them to the sword, so that there remained nearly ten thousand 
 slain of our forces on the field of battle. 
 
 This battle took place on the 1st day of Ramazan of the year 766 of the 
 Hajra [a.d. 1365], corresponding to the year of the Serpent (Yiban) of the 
 Moghul cycle; and astrologers have shown that this event coincided with the 
 tenth conjunction of the triple aerial conjunctions in the Scorpion. This I 
 only mention, that my history may be complete, but I do not wish to infer 
 that events are caused by celestial influences, for “God alone lias influence 
 over creation.” 
 
 After this defeat, the princes retired to Kesh. All the chiefs of tribes 
 began to cross the Jihun with their people. Amir Husain said to Amir 
 Timur: “ It would be expedient for you to cross the river with your 
 household and troops”; but Timur replied, “Others may cross if they like, 
 but as for me, my patriotism will not permit me to leave my country to the 
 molestation of foreigners. I will again collect an army and attack the 
 enemy.” 
 
 Amir Husain then left him and retired to Sali-Sarai; then he made all his 
 people cross the Jihun, and taking an out-of-the-wav route, he reached a place 
 
 D 2 
 
36 
 
 The Battle of the Mire. 
 
 called Shibartu, where he halted. From that place he despatched spies, 
 intending, if these brought news of the approach of the army of Jatah, to 
 take flight at once towards Hindustan. 1 
 
 As soon as Amir Husain had departed from Kesh, Amir Timur turned his 
 mind to preparations for meeting the enemy. He mustered twelve regiments 
 and sent forward eight of them, under the command of Timur Khwaja Oghlan, 
 Charuchi, 2 and Abbas Bahadur, to reconnoitre the country round Samarkand. 
 But on the way Charuchi took to drinking much wine, and the liquor made 
 a strong impression on him: as has been said [Arabic] : 
 
 Wine is like the wind: When it passes over a perfume, it becomes 
 fragrant: but becomes tainted when it passes over a corpse. 
 
 He became intoxicated and began to talk wildly, and very much frightened 
 Hand Khwaja and Hindushah by saying: Such a one (meaning Amir Timur) 
 purposes to send somebody to seize you, to take you before Amir Husain, 
 and to have you killed without delay. [His companions] consequently were 
 much alarmed, and running awa} 7 , gave themselves up to the enemy. When 
 they reached Kukung, they met the reconnoitring party of the army of Jatah, 
 under the command of Kapak Timur, son of Ulugh Tokatmur Sharawal, and 
 Angirchak, son of Haji Beg. They offered to act as guides to them and 
 brought them to the place where Timur Khwaja Oghlan, Charuchi and 
 Abbas were stationed ; these they put to flight, together with all their forces. 
 When Amir Timur heard all this, he knew that he must be patient yet a 
 little longer, and that impetuosity was of no avail. 
 
 He crossed the river at Amuyah 3 * * * and went and encamped at Balkh, where 
 he again assembled his scattered tribe. He called to his side Tuman Kapak 
 Khan and Tuman Bugbai Salduz ; he also appointed a certain number of men to 
 defend the banks of the river, and get what news they could of what was 
 passing on the other side. 
 
 Timur Khwaja Oghlan was punished for his misconduct, and from this 
 point Fortune continued to favour Amir Timur. [Verses.] .... 
 
 1 That is, Husain fled to the Hindu Kush, whence he might, if necessary, 
 take refuge in India. Shibartu is no doubt the pass often mentioned by Baber, 
 which seems to have been much used in those days. It is usually called Skibr 
 or Shabar nowadays, and will be found on modern maps a little to the east of 
 Bainian. For a refugee crossing the Oxus at Sali-Sarai, the Shibr Pass would 
 be one of the most convenient, if not the nearest route, to take towards India. 
 (See Baber’s Memoirs , p. 139, and other places.) 
 
 2 Or Cha-urchi. 
 
 3 Amuyah, or Amol , was a ford over the Amu or Oxus, in frequent use during 
 
 the Middle Ages, and in the time of Timur. There was also a town of the same 
 
 name, which stood near the bank of the river, in a direction about south-west 
 
 from Bokhara, and either on, or very near, the site of the present Charjui. (See 
 
 ncte,p. 170.) 
 
Siege of Samarkand ' 
 
 37 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 SIEGE OF SAMARKAND BY THE ARMY OF JATAH. 
 
 In the meanwhile, the army of Jatah reached Samarkand. Now at that 
 time, this town had no citadel, but Maulana-Zada Samarkandi, Maulana 
 Khardak Bukhari and Abu Nasr Kului Naddaf influenced the people of 
 Samarkand to defend and fortify the town ; and, despite their want of a 
 princely leader, they offered stout resistance to the besiegers. They were 
 bent on saving their city from the domination and tyranny of the people of 
 Jatah. But when the inhabitants were beginning to tire of their efforts and 
 to lose perseverance, God came to their aid and caused a pestilence to appear 
 among the horses of the cavalry of Jatah, so that three-fourths of them died. 
 Consequently, the besiegers were obliged to retire, and the great majority of 
 them returned on foot, with their quivers strapped to their backs. Since the 
 people of Samarkand had so well defended their State, and had offered such 
 determined opposition to their enemies, those among them who had most 
 power became inflated with pride, and tried to obtain precedence over their 
 equals by stirring up sedition and rebellion in the town. 
 
 At the time of the retreat of the Jatah army, Amir Timur had sent 
 Abbas Bahadur to Kuhlagha 1 to spy out the land of Jatah, and when he was 
 informed of the events above related—of the state of the people of Jatah and 
 of the retreat of their army—he sent to Amir Husain to inform him also of 
 the state of affairs, and to advise him to proceed in the direction of that 
 country. When Amir Husain heard the news which the messenger brought, 
 he was beyond measure pleased, and immediately set out from Shibartu 
 towards Sali-Sarai. Amir Timur, having caused his household and people to 
 cross the river, had sent them to their native land, and had started himself 
 on horseback to meet Amir Husain. They met in the plain of Baklan, 2 and 
 having embraced one another in the most respectful manner, they held a long 
 discussion about what had already happened, as well as about the future. It 
 was finally decided that they should proceed together towards Samarkand early 
 in the following spring. Then Amir Timur returned, crossed the Jihun, and 
 encamped at Karshi. Karshi is so-called because Kapak Khan built a 
 palace at [that spot which is] 2~ farasangs distance from Nakhsheb, and in 
 the Moghul language a palace is called Karslii. 
 
 There Amir Timur remained during that winter; and he caused to be 
 erected on the spot a citadel [Hisar], which was completed by the end of 
 the winter. 
 
 1 The Iron Gate. 
 
 2 Or Baglilan, which would be on the direct road from the Shibr Pass to 
 Sali-Sarai. 
 
38 
 
 Last Days of Ilyas Khwaja. 
 
 CHAPTER XYI. 
 
 THE LAST DAYS OF ILYAS KHWAJA KHAN, AND EVENTS THAT TOOK 
 FLACE AFTER HIS DEATH.—THE DOMINATION OF KAMARUDD1N. 
 
 There are no traditions or stories extant among the Moghuls 
 relating to Ilyas Khwaja Khan. We learn, however, from the 
 Zafar-Ndma , that it was upon him that ihe Khanship devolved 
 after the death of Tughluk Timur Khan. During his reign, there 
 took place his victory of the battle of the Mire, the siege of 
 Samarkand and the abandonment thereof, on account of the 
 epidemic which fell among his horses. He only survived these 
 events a very short time. But an account of the events im¬ 
 mediately following the death of Tughluk Timur Khan, as recorded 
 in Moghul tradition, will be given below. For, although knowledge 
 of what happened after the death of Ilyas Khwaja Khan is with 
 God only, we know, from Moghul traditions, what occurred after 
 the death of Tughluk Timur Khan. From these sources we learn 
 that there were five brothers: (1) Amir Tulik, who has been 
 mentioned in connection with the conversion of the Khan to Islam ; 
 (2) Amir Bulaji; (3) Amir Shams-ud-Din, who is mentioned in 
 the Zafar-Ndma as having taken part in the battle of the Mire 
 (which passage I have copied into this book); (4) Amir Kamar- 
 uddin, of whom I shall speak later; (5) Amir Shaikk-i-Daulat, of 
 whom no traces remain. 
 
 After Amir Tulik’s death, the office of Ulusbegi was given to 
 Amir Bulaji, and when this latter followed his brother to the 
 dwellings of eternity, the office of Ulushegi devolved upon his son 
 Amir Khudaidad. But Amir Kamaruddin, going down on his 
 knees before the Khan, said to him : “ The office of nry brother 
 should first come to me, for his son is onl} T seven years of age and 
 is not fit for the duties attached to the position.” Tughluk Timur 
 Khan would not pay any attention to him, but appointed the then 
 seven-year-old Amir Khudaidad to the office. Kamaruddin was a 
 violent man, and was angry at being superseded by a child of seven ; 
 but he could do nothing. When, subsequently, the Khan died he 
 revolted. The Zafar-Ndma , on the other hand, says that he raised 
 a rebellion after the death of Ilyas Khwaja Khan. However this 
 may be, it appears that on the death of the Khan, Kamaruddin 
 gave vent to that rancour which he had so long cherished in his 
 breast, and (according to Moghul traditions) put to death in one 
 day, eighteen sons of the Khan, and assumed the style of Khan for 
 himself. The country of Moghulistan fell into a state of disorder. 
 
39 
 
 History of Kairiaruddin . 
 
 One of Tughluk Timur Klian’s sons, who was still at the breast, 
 being concealed by Amir Khudaidad, and his mother, Mir Agha, 
 was spared. Kamaruddin sent everywhere in search of him, but 
 they were successful in hiding the child from his spies. 
 
 Kamaruddin devoted his attention to the affairs of the State, but 
 in consequence of the hostility of the Amirs, there was disorder 
 and strife in the country. Moreover, the invasion of Moghulistan, 
 which Amir Timur and his army undertook at that time, was a 
 serious obstacle to internal progress. Meanwhile Amir Khudaidad 
 sent Khizir Khwaja Khan from Kashghar to the hills that are 
 between Kashghar and Badakhshan, that he might be safe from 
 the machinations of Kamaruddin ; which matter shall be presently 
 related, but first of all it will be well to give an account of 
 Kamaruddin and his times. 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 HISTORY OF KAMARUDDIN. 
 
 It has already been said that Kamaruddin tried to assume supreme 
 authority, but that he met with determined opposition from the 
 Amirs. Thus it was that Kumzah, together with Uzbeg Timur 
 (who was of the tribe of Karait), went over to the side of Amir 
 Timur. Then Amir Timur raised an army, and himself remaining 
 within his own dominions, sent Amir Bahrain Jalair, Khitai 
 Bahadur, and Shaikh Ali Bahadur to the territory of Alnnitu. 1 
 On reaching the banks of the river Aishah Khatun they attacked 
 the men of the Karait. 2 After this battle, having concluded a peace, 
 they returned. But Amir Timur not approving the peace, invaded 
 the country in person. This expedition is related in the Zafar- 
 Ndma as follows :— 
 
 The successful Amir Timur, who when he had once undertaken any 
 business was never content till he had carried it through to the end, was dis¬ 
 satisfied with the gentle way in which his generals had treated the enemy, in 
 watering the plains of enmity and warfare with peace. For this reason he 
 sent royal mandates in all directions for troops to be collected [verses] . . . . 
 A victorious and veteran army assembled before the palace of the Shah—an 
 
 1 The modern Vierny. (See note, p. 182.) 
 
 2 Properly Karat, or Kirai, is the name of the tribe, though it is sometimes 
 written Girai. The final t is merely the Mongol plural. (See note, p. 16, 
 above ; also, for some remarks on this passage and the word “ Karait,” Howorth 
 ii., pp. 13, 14.) 
 
40 
 
 History of Kamaruddin. 
 
 army countless as the sand of the desert. When he had passed Sairam and 
 Yangi 1 in safety, with his victorious standard, the enemy fled before him, 
 and he reached a place called Sangarighaj, 2 when many prisoners and much 
 booty fell into the hands of his conquering host. 
 
 At Adun Kuri, 3 Amir Musa and Zinda Hasham, in spite of all the former 
 benefits they had received from Amir Timur, again began to devise plans of 
 treason and deceit, and with treacherous designs conspired together, [taking 
 into their confidence] the son of Khizir Yasuri, named Abu Ishak. They took 
 a solemn oath that when they reached Kara Saman they would by some 
 stratagem seize the ‘Lord of the Conjunction’ while hunting, and they 
 laughed over the thought of their foolish plan. The Khanzada Abu Maali 
 Turmadi and Shaikh Abu Lais of Samarkand, who were already sworn 
 enemies of Amir Timur, now joined in this conspiracy. 
 
 But some one happening to get knowledge of the affair, informed Amir 
 Timur thereof. Thereupon his majesty summoned the offenders to appear 
 before him. They were brought in [and thrust] upon their knees, and on 
 being interrogated, were found guilty of high treason and rebellion. 
 
 But as the Queen Sarai Mulk Khanim 4 was the niece of Amir Musa, and 
 because the chaste Princess Akka Begi had been promised in marriage to him, 
 Amir Timur said to him : “ Although the crime you have committed is a 
 grave one, nevertheless as we are relations, I will forgive you and take no 
 vengeance upon you. [Verses] . . .. Your connection with me and your white 
 beard have given you hope of life. Were it not for these, I should give the 
 command for your evil-intentioned head to be severed from your body.” And 
 to the Khanzada he said : “ As your family is connected with the household 
 of the Prophet (upon all of whose descendants be peace) I shall not consent 
 to your receiving any ill-treatment; you must however quit this country.” 
 He commanded Abu Lais to make the pilgrimage to the Hijaz. The son of 
 Khizir Yasuri, being the brother of the wife of Amir Saifuddin, appealed to 
 the clemency of the ‘ Lord of the Conjunction,’ and so escaped from the 
 abyss; thus the tablet of his soul was cleansed of its sins with the pure water 
 of royal beneficence and mercy. A royal mandate was issued, ordering 
 Zinda Hasham to be conveyed, bound, to Samarkand, and there closely 
 confined. When Amir Timur returned to his seat of government [Samarkand] 
 lie gave the governorship of Shibarghan, and the position which had been 
 held bv Zinda Hasham, to Bay an Timur, son of Ak Bugha. 
 
 1 May bo read Tanki or Panki, but no doubt Yangi is intended, i.e., Taraz. 
 (See notes, pp. (33 and 79-81.) 
 
 - Or Sangarnifaj.—R. 
 
 3 This may be read as Pe'tis has read it: Adun Kunzi. I cannot identify the 
 spot. 
 
 4 Sarai Mulk Khanim was, according to Pe'tis de la Croix, Timur’s chief 
 wife, and mother of Shah Rukli Mirza. ( Timur Bee. i., p. 225.) 
 
Third Invasion of Moghulistdn. 
 
 4 i 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 THE THIRD INVASION OF JATAH (THAT IS TO SAY MOGHULISTAN) BY 
 
 AMIR TIMUR. 
 
 On Thursday, the first day of the month of Shaban of the year 77b of the 
 Hajra [a.d. 1375], Amir Timur, having collected an army, marched out towards 
 Jatah—which is equivalent to Moghulistan. On the route he encamped at 
 the Rabat-i-Kataan, when the coldness of the weather caused the sun suddenly 
 to withdraw behind the veil of the clouds, and much rain and snow began 
 to fall. 
 
 [Verses]: No one ever yet saw so much snow. 
 
 The world looked like a morsel in the snow’s mouth. 
 
 The violence of the storm deprived the soldiers of their strength, and they 
 were soon no longer able to look after their horses, because of the risk they 
 ran of losing their own lives ; in this way many of the men died and a 
 quantity of horses perished. Amir Timur, being moved to pity at this sad 
 state of affairs, commanded them to break up the camp and return to 
 Samarkand, where they remained about two months, until the rigour of the 
 season had in some measure abated. On Monday, the 1st of the month 
 Shawal, at the beginning of the year of the Hare (Tushkan), he again led 
 out his army against the country of Jatah—which is equivalent to 
 Moghulistan. 
 
 He sent Amir Zada Jahangir forward to reconnoitre ; and to accompany him 
 he sent Shaikh Muhammad Bayan Salduz and Adilshah, to whom he had en¬ 
 trusted the tribe of Jalair, on the death of the latter’s father, Bahrain Jalair. 
 Having passed Sairam, they came to a place called Jarun, where they seized 
 one of the soldiers of the army of Jatah and sent him on to Amir Timur. 
 When he was asked for news of Kamaruddin, who was of the tribe [ TJmdk~\ of 
 Dughlat, he related that Kamaruddin had collected an army and was then 
 stationed at Keuk Tubeh, 1 waiting for Haji Beg, but that no news of the 
 advance of Amir Timur had reached Kamaruddin. Timur then ordered tbc 
 reconnoitring party to hasten forward, while he himself soon after followed 
 them. 
 
 When Kamaruddin heard of these doings, he withdrew his army to an 
 inaccessible spot called Birkah-i-Ghuriau 2 [the Pond of the Ghuris]. In that 
 place there are three very deep ravines, through which flow three great rivers. 
 Kamaruddin having crossed two of these valleys with his army, pitched his 
 camp in the third, protecting the approaches thereto with barricades and 
 entrenchments. 
 
 But Prince Jahangir marched forward at the head of his experienced 
 soldiers, to the sound of the drums and war-trumpets. After they had 
 
 1 Or Kuk Tipa : the “ blue hillock.” 
 
 2 The Turki MSS. says Arslial Atdr. I cannot find either name on any map ; 
 
 but, taking the probable position of the Jatah army into consideration, it is 
 possible that Otar, some forty miles west-north-west of Kastek, may represent 
 Arshal Atdr. ... . _ v . .... 
 
42 
 
 Third Invasion of Moghulistdn . 
 
 wounded and killed many of the enemy with their arrows, they came to close 
 quarters with them, and when night fell, all the enemy took to flight; so that 
 on the morrow not a single man of the army of Jatah—that is to say, 
 Moghulistan—was found in the camp. But our victorious soldiers followed 
 in their pursuit, and put to death many of those heretics. When the sun had 
 risen, Amir Timur arrived on the spot with the rest of the army. He there¬ 
 upon sent Amir Sayyid Daud, Husain and Uch Kara Bahadur in pursuit of 
 the enemy. In accordance with his orders, they followed the course of the river, 
 and Husain was drowned in the river. On reaching the enemy’s country 
 they began to ravage and pillage, and seized many of their horses. But they 
 spared those Hazaras who submitted, and having disarmed them sent them 
 on to Samarkand. Amir Timur advanced as far as Baitak 1 with the purpose 
 of meeting the enemy, while he sent Amir Zada Jahangir with one regiment 
 to look for Kamaruddin, that he might defeat him and take him prisoner. 
 The prince accordingly set out with a body of men, and laid waste the country 
 of Uch and Firman. 2 He came upon Kamaruddin in the mountains, and 
 pursued him beyond the limits of his own country; he also captured much 
 booty and took many prisoners. Among the latter were Tuman Agha, the 
 wife of Kamaruddin and her daughter, Dilshad Agha. The prince sent news 
 of his success to Amir Timur, who during fifty-three days had not moved 
 from Baitak. When, however, this joyful intelligence reached his ears he 
 immediately set out for Kara Kasmak, which hill he ascended and awaited 
 the happy return of his son Jahangir. On his arrival, the latter, having 
 respectfully kissed Amir Timur’s feet, presented him with a quantity of 
 booty, horses and sheep, after which he obtained for Dilshad Agha the honour 
 of saluting the Emperor. [Verses.] . . . 
 
 Amir Timur, on leaving this encampment, descended to Atbashi and thence 
 proceeded to Arpa Yazi, 3 where he spent a few days in festivity and rejoicing. 
 There, too, Mubaraksliah Makrit, who was a commander of 9000, and one of 
 Timur’s oldest friends, showed his respect for the Amir by causing a grand 
 festival (tdi) to be organised in his honour. And he so gained Amir Timur’s 
 good graces that lie obtained for his son, Khudaidad, the succession to the 
 honours and titles of Salar Oghlan and of Husain, who had both perished in 
 the late war. 
 
 1 Mr. V. P. Nalivkine mentions “Baitok” as a village in the Andijan district 
 of Farghana, and says that its ancient name was “Paitoug.” (Hist, du Ehanat 
 de Kilobaud, p. 14.) 
 
 2 Possibly the first of these two places may stand for Usli, near the eastern 
 borders of Farghana, but I know of no place with a name like Firman in this 
 direction. Dr. Bellew has “ Uch Burhan or Uch Turfan; ” the latter place, 
 however, would seem to lie too far east to suit the narrative, while the former 
 was to all intents and purposes Kashghar. Dr. Bellew himself tells us (Kashmir 
 and Kashgar, p. 909) that the Uch Burhan ridge is on the left bank of the 
 Tuman River, while the modern Kashghar stands on the right bank, having 
 been built there after the destruction, early in the sixteenth century, of the old 
 town, which was on the left bank. Had Firman been so near Kashghar as to form 
 almost a part of the town, the name of Kashghar would certainly have appeared in 
 connection with that of Firman. Like Kara Kasmalc, which occurs immediately 
 below, it was probably the name of an uninhabited spot, or camping ground, and 
 should be looked for in the hills to the north-west of Kashghar. SevertsofTs map, 
 though loaded with detail, does not contain these names. (See also p. 304, 
 for Uch Bari chain , which Mirza Haidar puts at three farsdhhs, or twelve miles, 
 from Kashghar.) 
 
 3 Arpa and Yazi: two rivers springing from the same range of hills near the 
 eastern confines of Farghana. (See map for the position of the pass.) 
 
Marriage of Amir Timur. 
 
 43 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 MA.RHIA.GE OF AMIR TIMUR WITH THE PRINCESS DILSHAD AGHA. 
 
 Amir Timur, in accordance with the text of the Koran : “ Thou slialt marry 
 whatever woman thou pleasest, even unto the number of four women,” set 
 the eye of his favour upon Dilshad Agha, and resolved to marry her. The 
 officers of the Court made preparations for grand festivities. Wine and song 
 and instrumental music were not wanting, and the whole ceremony was 
 conducted with the greatest pomp and magnificence. The revels having been 
 brought to a close, Amir Timur broke up his camp, and crossing the Yazi 
 Daban, 1 went and pitched his royal tents at Uzkand. Here he received his 
 eldest sister Kutlugh Turkan Agha, who, accompanied by several princes and 
 nobles, had arrived from Samarkand; she had the honour of kissing the 
 Emperor’s feet, and took part in the festivities which were now again renewed 
 at the Court. From Uzkand they proceeded to Khojand, when Adilshah, 
 being obliged to show his submission, organised feasts and merry-making in 
 honour of Amir Timur, and made him presents of horses in order that his 
 homage might gain the Amir’s approval. His heart, however, was of another 
 colour, for he had really the design of taking him by surprise in the midst of 
 the rejoicings. But Amir Timur (whom Grod used to watch over continually) 
 by his happy intuition, observed signs of this hidden treason, and detected 
 the evil intentions of the conspirators by their movements. He thereupon 
 rose from the banquet, mounted his horse and returned to his camp. 
 
 At the time when he was advancing to attack Kamaruddin, Shaikh 
 Muhammad Bayan Salduz, Adilshah Jalair and Turkan Arlat had resolved 
 to seize Amir Timur whenever an occasion should present itself. But their 
 schemings were of no avail against one who was so carefully watched over by 
 the Eternal: and thus he reached his capital without accident. He then 
 disbanded his soldiers, while he himself went to take up his winter quarters 
 at Zatijir Sarai, which is two marches to the west of Karshi. During the 
 winter Adilshah arrived, and having paid his respects at the palace, confessed 
 to the Amir the evil designs he and the other conspirators had had against 
 him. When Timur heard this, he was wise enough to pretend not to have 
 heard, and showed Adilshah great favour. When the winter had passed, he 
 issued an order for his soldiers to muster, with the object of making another 
 war upon Khwarizm. All the generals, princes, and soldiers having 
 assembled round his palace, he ordered them to seize Shaikh Muhammad 
 Bayan Salduz and to put him on trial. After his case had been heard, his 
 guilt being clear, he was handed over to the brother of Harimulk Salduz, a 
 relation of his own, whom he had unjustly killed with his sword. The 
 brother avenged Harimulk by killing Shaikh Muhammad in a like manner. 
 Ali Darvish, son of Bayazid Jalair, was also put to death after being found 
 guilty; while the government of the Turn an of Salduz, together with the 
 administration of justice and police was entrusted to the brave 
 
 Ak Timur Bahadur. 
 
 1 Evidently the pass (Daban) between the Yazi and Arpa rivers, alluded to 
 in the last note. 
 
44 
 
 Third Expedition of Timur 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 THIRD EXPEDITION OF AMIR TIMUR INTO KHWARIZM, AND HIS RETURN 
 ON ACCOUNT OF THE REVOLT OF SAR BUGHA, ADILSHAH AND 
 BAHRAM JALAIR. 
 
 In the beginning of the spring of the year of the Hajra 777 [a.d. 1375], or 
 the year of the Crocodile (Lui) of the Tartar cycle, Amir Timur, being 
 encouraged by his former good fortune, determined to make an expedition 
 into Khwarizm, preferring war to feasting. [Verses] .... 
 
 Having, therefore, appointed Amir Ak Bugha Governor of Samarkand, and 
 having sent Amir Sar Bugha, Adilshah Jalair, Khitai Bahadur, Ilchi Bugha 
 and other commanders of thousands, with 30,000 horsemen, to Jatah (which is 
 equivalent to Moghulistan), he gave them express orders to seek diligently for 
 Kamaruddin, and to kill him wherever they might find him ; he then raised 
 his own victorious standard and set out for Khwarizm with a numerous army. 
 On reaching a place on the banks of the Jihun, called Sihpayah, he saw 
 Turkan' Arlat approaching on the other side of the river. The latter, how¬ 
 ever, feeling that the end of his life had come, did not deem it advisable to 
 advance, but fled back with his men to Kuzruan. 1 Amir Timur thereupon 
 sent Pulad after him with a few men. They marched day and night, and 
 having passed Andkhud they came up to the fugitives at Faryab, 2 which is 
 on a river, where Turkan, with his brother Turmish and their men, taking 
 up their position on the bank of the river, offered them fight. The enemy 
 stood like lions at first, but they were at length defeated and compelled to 
 take to flight, the victorious army following close upon their heels. Pulad 
 alone came up to Turkan. His horse being fatigued, Turkan dismounted and 
 ran forward on foot; he then struck Pulad’s horse with the shaft of an arrow, 
 and before the latter could rise from the ground, aimed at him another arrow, 
 which only passed through Pulad’s helmet. Then Pulad, becoming more 
 
 1 A corruption, probably, of Khorasdn , a province which extended, at the end 
 of the fifteenth century, eastward to Balkh and north-eastward to the Amu. 
 
 2 These movements are not intelligible. Fardb, or Faryab, was an ancient 
 name of Otrar on the Sir or Jaxartes, but there is also a Farab near the right 
 bank of the Amu or Oxus, to the south-west of Bokhara, and though Pe'tis de la 
 Croix (Hist, de Timur Bee, vol. i., pp. 2G0-1) specially explains that the 
 Faryab of the text means Otrar, this is obviously impossible. It seems, 
 however, that there was a third Faryab, for Abul-feda, on the authority of the 
 Lolab, speaks of a “ small locality ” of that name in the environs of Balkh. He 
 also quotes Azizi to the effect that Faryab was situated twenty-two parasangs, 
 or about eighty-eight miles, from Balkh, but in which direction he does not 
 mention. Again, he tells us Ibn Haukal states that the water of this Faryab 
 comes from Talkan—a place not far from Marv-al-Rud—this latter being some 
 forty parasangs, or four days’ journey, east of Marv-i-Shali-Jahan, and situated 
 probably not far east of the Murghab. It is this last Faryab (now no more) that 
 seems to be indicated in the text. But, in any case, the movements of Pulad’s 
 pursuing force are inexplicable, as it could not have passed Andkhui (or And¬ 
 khud) to reach a spot near the Murghab, or 160 miles east of Marv-i-Shali-Jahan. 
 (See Abul-feda, ii. (2), pp. 195-6 and 198.) The only map I know of that shows 
 this Faryab is that of James Fraser, who marks the place about halfway 
 between Balkh and Marv-al-Rud. (See Hist, of Nadir Shah, 1742.) 
 
into Khwdrizm . 
 
 45 
 
 furious , 1 made a bold rush at him, and they wrestled together for some time, 
 till at last Pulad got the upper hand, and crying out, “ Long live Amir 
 Timur! ” struck Turkan to the ground. He then cut off his head and 
 returned in triumph. 
 
 Araan Sarbadal, who had gone in pursuit of Turkan’s brother, Turmish, 
 came up with him, overcame him, and severed his head from his body. His 
 corpse became meat for the wild beasts, while the heads of the two were 
 taken before Amir Timur. 
 
 Of those Amirs whom Timur had sent into Jatah (that is to say, Moghul¬ 
 istan ), 2 Sar Bugha and Adilsbah, when they found the country empty , 3 
 prepared another plan of revolt; they seized Khitai Bahadur, and Ilchi 
 Bugha, while Hamadi, whom Amir Timur had made Governor of Andakan 
 [Andijan], allied himself with them. Having collected their tribes, namely, 
 the Jalair and the Kipchak, they set out against Samarkand, and began to 
 lay siege to it. But the inhabitants defended themselves so successfully with 
 arrows and darts, that they could not surround the town. Amir Ak Bugha, 
 who was governor of the town, wrote of this matter to Timur, who having 
 passed Kat 4 had just attained Khas, when this news reached him. Ho 
 immediately made preparations to return, and, having sent forward his son 
 Jahangir, in command of the vanguard, he himself followed with a large 
 army. When he reached Bokhara he put his men into fighting order, and 
 went and encamped at Rabat-i-Malik. 
 
 Prince Jahangir came up with the enemy at a place called Karmina, where 
 a battle took place. The air was filled with the sound of cymbals, and much 
 blood was shed. But the Prince Jahangir, relying on the aid of the eternal 
 God, at length overcame the enemy, who fled into the deserts of Kipchak, 
 where they put themselves under the protection of Urus Khan . 5 Timur 
 Beg, finding himself victorious, returned in peace to his capital. He then 
 divided the tribe of Jalair between his Amirs, and appointed his son Omar 
 Shaikh Governor of Andakan [Andijan]. 
 
 Adilsbah and Sar Bugha remained in the service of Urus Khan. But at 
 length their thirst for rebellion again got the better of them, and once, while 
 Urus Khan was absent at his summer quarters, they ran away, and drawing 
 the sword of treachery from the sheath of infidelity, made war on Uchibi, a 
 lieutenant of the Khan, and killed him. They then tied to the court of 
 Kamaruddin in Jatah (that is, Moghulistan) and tried to stir up in him a 
 spirit of revolt. 
 
 1 Puldditar : more steely; a play on the word Pulad , which means steel. —It. 
 
 2 It may be observed here that it is Mirza Haidar, and not the author of the 
 Zcifar-Ndma , who interpolates on each occasion the remark : “ Jatah Id ’ibdrat i 
 Moghulistan ast” —that Jatah is equivalent to Moghulistan. 
 
 3 J.e., offered no resistance.—R. 
 
 4 Marked on Petis de la Croix’s map (vol. i.) near the bank of the Oxus, a 
 little above Khiva. Erskine mentions Kat as the ancient capital of Khwarizm, 
 and says it lay twenty-four miles from Hazarasp down the Amu. (Baber, 
 p. xxix.; see also Sprenger’s map No. 3 in Post-und-Reiserouten des Orients .) 
 
 3 Ruler of the White Horde of Kipchak, and a descendant of Juji Khan. 
 
4 0 
 
 Fourth Invasion of Mog/mlistan. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 AMIR TIMUR’S FOURTH EXPEDITION INTO JATAII (THAT IS, 
 
 moghulistan). 
 
 After Sar Buglia and Adilshah had attached themselves to Kamaruddin, 
 they used every possible means to rekindle in him the old fire of enmity 
 which he naturally cherished against Amir Timur. Kamaruddin finally led 
 an army into the country of Andakan, where the Hazara of Kudak, deserting 
 Omar Shaikh, joined the side of the enemy. But Omar Shaikh, having taken 
 up a fortified position in the mountains, sent a messenger whose name was 
 Dashmand, to Amir Timur to tell him that the enemy had arrived with a 
 large army, and that they had overrun the whole of Andakan. Amir Timur 
 was much enraged when he heard this, and immediately set out with all 
 haste for that country. When Kamaruddin heard of the advance of Amir 
 Timur he retired from the place where he was encamped, and having caused 
 his household and tribe to leave Atbashi, he hid himself, with 4000 cavalry, 
 in a place of ambush. When Amir Timur reached that spot, being quite 
 unaware of the trap [which Kamaruddin had] laid for him, he sent forward 
 the whole of his force in pursuit of the enemy. 
 
 There stayed behind, however, of the army, 5000 cavalry and several brave 
 generals, such as Amir Muayad, Khitai Bahadur, Shaikh Ali Bahadur and 
 Ak Timur. Khitai Bahadur and Shaikh Ali Bahadur discussed how the 
 enemy could best be destroyed. They determined to display the utmost 
 bravery and audacity, and thereupon set out in pursuit of the foe, so that 
 finally there did not remain more than 200 men with Amir Timur. 
 
 Kamaruddin, now seizing his opportunity, rushed out of his ambuscade 
 with his 4000 cavalry, sword in hand, bent on avenging himself on Amir 
 Timur. But Timur recalling to mind the words of the Koran : “How many 
 small armies have overcome great hosts by the help of God! ” was in no 
 way disturbed or alarmed, but encouraged his men and opened his heart to 
 them, saying: “Victory is from the Giver of all good gifts: not from the 
 multitude of soldiers is it to be obtained. Your sole duty is to acquit your¬ 
 selves like men; for should you show even the smallest sign of cowardice or 
 hesitation w 7 e are lost.” 
 
 No sooner had he said these words than he turned his charger against the 
 enemy, and full of trust in God, entered the fray. [Verses.] .... 
 
 After the fight was over, Timur avowed that it was only by the aid of Heaven 
 that such a mere handful of men could have overcome a force of four thousand 
 cavalry, bent on vengeance. . . . [Verses and rhetoric.] .... 
 
 One day after this event, he fell asleep, and there appeared to him, in a 
 dream, Shaikh Burhan-ud-Din Kilij (upon whom be the mercy of God). Amir 
 Timur advanced towards him with great reverence, and asked him to pray 
 to God for the recovery of his son Jahangir, whom he had left on the bed of 
 sickness at Samarkand. The Shaikh answered, “ God be with you ”; but of 
 his son he said nothing. When Timur awoke from his dream, he felt convinced 
 that his wishes concerning his son were not fulfilled, and was so distressed 
 about Jahangir’s safety that he despatched Bu Kutlugh, his private secretary, 
 
47 
 
 Death of Prince Jahangir . 
 
 with a letter (from Sang), that he might obtain correct news of his son. As 
 soon as his secretary had started, he had another disturbing dream about 
 Jahangir, and became more anxious than ever, saying to his courtiers: “ I 
 sadly fear I am for ever separated from my son; do not hide the truth from 
 me any longer.” But they, going down on their knees, took a solemn oath, 
 saying: “ Thy servants have absolutely no news of this matter, and have 
 heard nothing of your son’s condition.” 
 
 Departing thence, they again met with Kamaruddin at Sang Zighaj; a fight 
 took place, and they again put him to flight. Amir Uch Kara followed close 
 after him, and when [the pursuers] had gone a little way, Kamaruddin, being 
 surrounded by the Amir’s soldiers, turned round with eight of his followers. 
 His horse was killed under him by an arrow, and he himself only just 
 managed to escape on foot, covered with wounds. In the same fight Pulad 
 received an arrow wound in the hand; by chance, also, a fire broke out, and 
 the efforts which Pulad made to extinguish it, so increased the inflammation of 
 his wound that he died. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 THE DEATH OF PRINCE JAHANGIR. 
 
 Amir Timur having left Atakum, crossed the Sihun and arrived at his 
 capital, Samarkand, where he found 
 
 [Verses]: The people wearing clothes of black and grey 
 And tears of sorrow streaming from their eyes. 
 
 And all had sprinkled dust upon their heads 
 And as a sign of mourning beat their breasts. 
 
 They came in haste to greet their lord the king, 
 
 Their heads they bared, and on their necks they hung 
 Black felt and sackcloth, thus they left the town 
 Filling the air with moans and lamentations. 
 
 “What pity that Jahangir, just and good, 
 
 Should thus be carried off in early youth, 
 
 As is a flower by the cruel wind.” 
 
 When Amir Timur heard these wailings he could no longer doubt but 
 that his forebodings had been correct. The death of his son, which he now 
 learned, caused the whole world for him to become black ; his cheeks were 
 continually wet with tears, and life became almost unbearable to him. The 
 kingdom, which should have been overjoyed at the return of its mighty 
 monarch, was become, instead, a place of desolation and mourning. The 
 whole army, clothed in black and grey, sat down in mourning. The generals 
 put dust upon their heads, and their eyes were filled with the blood of 
 their hearts. 
 
 Though the Emperor was greatly overcome by grief at the loss of his son, 
 
48 
 
 Timur sends an Army 
 
 his noble intelligence fully realised that this world is but transitory, and that 
 every being must inevitably perish at some time—that we must “ Verily all 
 return unto God.” These considerations brought healing to the wounds of 
 his sorrow. He, moreover, instituted many pious works, and ordered alms 
 to be distributed in the form of food to the poor and indigent. His son’s 
 body was carried to Kesh, where it was buried, and over the grave a beautiful 
 building was raised. 1 The prince was twenty years of age when he died. 
 He left behind him two sons, one called Mirza Muhammad Sultan, by his 
 wife Khanzadah, and the other, Mirza Pir Muhammad, by his wife 
 Baklitimulk Agha, daughter of Ilyas Yasuri. This second son was born 
 forty days a f ter his father’s death, which happened in the year 777 of the 
 Hajra [a.d. 1375-6], the year of the Crocodile (Lui) of the Tartar cycle. 
 
 When Prince Saifuddin 2 heard of this sad event, he became weary of life, 
 and begged Amir Timur to allow him to retire to the Hijaz. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 AMIR TIMUR SENDS AN ARMY AGAINST KAMARUDDIN. 3 
 
 Amir Timur was so much afflicted by the death of his son, that he neglected 
 almost entirely the affairs of the State. 
 
 [Verses]: What value has this world compared with heaven? 
 
 Upon the other world my mind is set. 
 
 Why should I, for a meagre clod of earth, 
 
 Be forced to keep my spirit bound in chains? 
 
 Why for the sake of living our short life, 
 
 Should I be made to run the whole world o’er ? 
 
 But the chief men among his nobles and princes came to him, and having 
 done him obeisance, said: “The Almighty Creator and wise disposer of the 
 affairs of the universe has appointed kings on the earth to protect the sons 
 of men, and administer justice to them.” 
 
 [Virses]: But if llie mighty King do fall asleep, 
 
 II is State will surely sink into corruption; 
 
 And if the Sultan’s sword be not kept bright, 
 
 The mirror of religion will grow dim. 
 
 The Sultan is the Shadow of the Giver of All Light, 
 
 And from his Shadow should the world become both fair and bright. 
 * * * * * * 
 
 1 Or mausoleum.—K. 
 
 2 Uncle of Amir Timur. 
 
 3 This incursion appears not to have been counted as a fifth expedition into 
 Moghulistan, as will be observed from the heading of the next chapter. Also, 
 from Mirza Haidar’s statement in the ensuing one, it appears that he regarded 
 Timur’s expeditions against the Moghuls to have numbered five in all, while 
 Petis de la Croix reckons six. 
 
49 
 
 Against Kamaruddin. 
 
 If the desire of their noble sovereign was to please God, nothing could be 
 more acceptable in the eyes of the Preserver of Mankind, than the adminis¬ 
 tration of justice and care for his subjects, for the most perfect and wisest 
 of all men (upon whom be the most excellent prayers) said that he preferred 
 one hour of his life, which should be spent in the administration of justice, 
 to sixty or seventy years spent in worship. 
 
 Amir Timur accepted favourably the counsels of his servants, feeling that 
 it was purely out of affection for himself, that they had addressed these words 
 to him, and he thereupon began again to turn his attention to the affairs of 
 the State. He also reassembled his troops and prepared them for an 
 expedition. 
 
 At this time, news arrived that Adilshah Jalair was wandering about the 
 hills of Karajik, with a few other persons; whereupon Amir Timur despatched 
 Barat Khwaja Kukildash and Ilchi Bugha, together with fifteen horsemen, 
 in search of Adilshdh and his party. They set out from Samarkand in the 
 night, and when they reached Otrar a few chosen men were despatched to 
 the mountains to look for Adilshah. They eventually found him in a place 
 called Aksuma, when they seized him and put him to death, in accordance 
 with the Yasak. Aksuma is a column built on the summit of the 
 
 mountains of Karajik, to serve as a watchtower ( didali bani) whence one may 
 look out over the plains of Kipchak. 1 
 
 Sar Bugha also, who having deviated from the high road of reason, had 
 become rebellious and fled, now, after two years’ absence, being led by the 
 true guide of the intelligence, returned again to court. He was pardoned by 
 the merciful monarch, and received the government of his own tribe and 
 country. 
 
 Soon after this, Amir Timur saw fit to send his son Omar Shaikh against 
 Kamaruddin, and with him he also sent Amir Ak Bugha, Khitai Bahadur and 
 other Amirs, commanding them to do their utmost to sweep the enemy from 
 the face of the earth. Thus intent on making a great effort, they set out 
 with all possible speed. In the desert of Kuratu they came upon Kamar¬ 
 uddin, and by the aid of the Almighty, their swords of emerald hue became 
 rubv-coloured like pomegranates, with fighting, and the faces of their 
 opponents grew amber-coloured with fear. Their charges were so fierce that 
 at length the enemy had to fly, scattered in all directions. When Kamar¬ 
 uddin had fled, the victorious army pillaged all his country and returned 
 home laden with booty. 
 
 1 This tower, it seems likely, may have stood at the spot marked on some maps 
 of Turkistan, “ Ak sumbe ruins.” The site appears to be on a spur of the range 
 now called Kara-tagh, and would overlook the plains of Kipchak from a distance. 
 Dr. Bellew calls the tower “a red-brick pillar built on the Kara Chao hill ’ 
 
 ( Yarlcand Mission Report, p. 152.) 
 
 E 
 
50 
 
 Fifth Invasion of MogJmlistan . 
 
 CHAPTER XXIY. 
 
 AMIR TIMUll’s FIFTH EXPEDITION INTO JATAH (THAT IS, MOGHULISTAN). 
 
 No sooner liad these victorious troops returned from their attack on Jatah 
 (or Moghulistan), than Amir Timur resolved to make yet another expedition 
 into that country, that same year. He sent forward, as an advance party, 
 Muhammad Beg, son of Musa (who, on account of his connection by marriage 
 with Amir Timur, had a high opinion of himself), Amir Abbas and Ak Timur 
 Bahadur. Marching, in obedience to orders, day and night, they came up 
 with Kamaruddin at Bugham Issigh-Kul, and after a fierce fight, put him to 
 flight. They then ravaged his country, and took his men prisoners. Amir 
 Timur himself pursued Ivamaruddin as far as Kuchkar. 1 
 
 At this place news reached the Emperor’s ears that Toktamish Oghlan, 2 
 Laving lost his faith in Urus Khan, had come in hopes [of good treatment] to 
 pay his respects at court. The Emperor at once commanded the Amir 
 Tuman, Timur Uzbeg, to go and meet Toktamish with all possible honour 
 and ceremony, and accompany him back. Amir Timur returned from the 
 direction of Inaghu and alighted at Uzkand. 3 Thence he reached Samarkand 
 in safety. 
 
 On his arrival at the capital, Toktamish Oghlan was brought before him 
 by Timur Uzbeg and others of the nobles. Amir Timur received him with 
 affection, and with all the honour due to a prince, none of the prescribed 
 ceremonies being neglected; for after he had given a great feast in Toktamish 
 Oghlan’s honour, he loaded him and his retinue with magnificent presents, 
 such as gold and jewels, robes of honour and girdles; arms, armour, horses, 
 camels, tents, cymbals (kns), chargers, slaves, standards, and such like 
 things; and as a proof of the extent of the love he bore him, the Emperor 
 paid him the honour of calling him his son. 
 
 END OF EXTRACTS FROM THE ZAFAR-NAMA. 
 
 CHAPTER XX Y. 
 
 THE LAST DAYS OF AMIR KAMARUDDIN. 
 
 I have heard from certain Moghuls that, towards the end of his 
 life, Kamaruddin was afflicted with dropsy . 4 While he was in this 
 state news came, one day, that Amir Timur was approaching with 
 
 1 Kuchkar, or Ivoshkar, is one of the head streams of the Chu, to the south-west 
 of Issigh Kul. (See the map.) 
 
 2 Toktamish was nephew of Urus, and subsequently became Khan of the 
 AVhite Horde. (See note 5, p. 45). 
 
 3 This sentence may also be read—■“ turned aside from the road t> Inaghu. 
 Instead of the form Inaghu, I)r. Bellow has read Jumghdl , and this is likely to 
 be correct, or nearly so; for another of the head streams of the Chu, in the 
 immediate neighbourhood of Kuchkar, is called Jumgdn or Jumgdl. I can find 
 nothing to answer to Inaghu. 
 
 4 Some details, descriptive of the foul symptoms of the disease, are omitted. 
 
Si 
 
 End of Kamaruddin. Khizir Khwdja. 
 
 liis army; but Kamaruddin was too weak to mount his horse or to 
 hold the bridle. So his people carried him into the depths of the 
 jungle, and left him there with two of his concubines, and pro¬ 
 visions for a few days. The rest then fled. After the invading 
 army had withdrawn, and the scattered inhabitants had returned, 
 they sought for Kamaruddin in the jungle, but not a trace of him 
 or of his attendants, either dead or alive, could be found. Thus 
 were the people released from his oppression . 1 After his dis¬ 
 appearance Amir Timur’s mind was set at rest with regard to 
 Moghulistan, and he made no sixth invasion of that country. In 
 fine, the Moghuls enjoyed peace and rest. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVI. 
 
 THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE REIGN OF KHIZIR KHWAJA KHAN, SON 
 
 OF TUGHLUK TIMUR KHAN. 
 
 It has been mentioned above, that Tughluk Timur Khan’s youngest 
 son was Khizir Khwaja Khan, and that while he was yet at his 
 mother’s breast, he had been saved from the cruelty and enmity of 
 Kamaruddin by Mir Agha, the mother of Amir Khudaidad. When 
 Khizir Khwaja Khan attained the age of twelve years, [his friends] 
 still fearing Amir Kamaruddin, removed him from Kashgliar. Amir 
 Khudaidad wished him to be accompanied by a few trustworthy 
 men, but Mir Agha opposed this plan, saying: “ Do not send any 
 of your own servants, for when the boy becomes Khan, base born 
 people [such as they] will become influential, and then they will 
 prove enemies to yourself and your children. They will imagine 
 that the people do net pay them sufficient respect, but say among 
 themselves, * These are only servants.’ For this reason rather send 
 others than your own retainers—send strangers.” So twelve men 
 were sent with him, of whom every one eventually became an 
 Amir, and many of their descendants are alive now. Among their 
 number was Arjirak, from whom are descended the Amirs of Itarji; 
 Tajri of Khwarizm, from whom are sprung the Amirs of Kunji; 
 while another was of the tribe of Chalish Siadi [or Sayyadi]; and 
 
 1 Amir Kamaruddin was one of five brothers who were governors of districts 
 in Moghulistan, and were heirs of former Dughlat Amirs (i.e., provincial 
 governors), originally appointed by Chaghatai Khan. The brothers were Tulik 
 at Kashghar, Bulaji at Aksu, Kamaruddin at Atbashi, Shamsuddin, who is 
 mentioned as having taken part in the battle of Lai (or the mire), and Shaikh 
 Daulat, of whom nothing but the name can be traced. Tulik, the eldest, was 
 succeeded as Ulusbegi by Bulaji, and he by his son Khudaidad, who ’was seven 
 years old when his father died. (See Bellew, YarJc. Report, p. 151.) 
 
52 
 
 Reign of Khizir Khwdja. 
 
 his sons also became Amirs, with the style [ lakab ] of Kushji, but 
 they are also called Kukildash . 1 These persons all attained the 
 rank of Amir, as did also the remainder of the twelve. 
 
 In short, they conducted Khizir Khwaja Khan up to the hills, 
 which lie between Badakhshan and Kashghar. But as the spies of 
 Kamaruddin got news of his hiding-place, he was obliged to 
 abandon it and take flight to the hills of Khotan. Then again 
 fearing discovery, he passed on from this place to Sarigh Uighur , 2 
 Jurjan , 3 and Lob Katak , 4 in which regions he remained twelve 
 years. On the death of Kamaruddin, search was made for 
 Khizir Khwaja Khan, and Amir Khudaidad sent some people 
 to fetch him from where he was in hiding. As soon as he was 
 brought in, Khudaidad called the people together and raised him 
 to the Ivhanship. Thus did the splendour of the Khan come to 
 illumine the sovereignty of the Moghuls, so that the affairs of 
 Moghulistan prospered. 
 
 The Khan then concluded a peace with Amir Timur, who formed 
 an alliance with him by marrying Tavakkul Khanim , 5 a maiden 
 from the royal haram. During his reign the Khan undertook a 
 holy war [ gliazdt ] against Khitai. He, in person, attacked and 
 conquered Karakhoja and Turfan, two very important towns, 
 situated at the border of Khitai, and forced their inhabitants to 
 become Musulmans, so that at the present time it is called “ Dar al 
 Islam ” 6 As a seat of the Moghul Khakans this country stands 
 next in importance to Kashghar. It is moreover related that, in 
 that campaign, this country was divided up in the manner ordained 
 by the Holy Shariat. And there fell to the lot of the Khan, one 
 piece of satin and one grey cow . 7 The Khan’s object in doing this, 
 was the glorification of the realm of Islam. 
 
 1 The Turki MS. has Bukulddsh ; the Persian ones have Kukildash (or 
 Gukildash ), meaning sworn friend or foster brother, which is no doubt the right 
 reading. 
 
 2 The country of the Sarigh or Yellow Uighurs lay to the east of Khotan and 
 Charchan. (See notes, pp. 9 and 349.) 
 
 3 Charchan, or Charchcind, between Khotan and the Lob Nor country. 
 
 4 Or Lob Kanak, the district about Lake Lob. (For Katak or Kanak , see 
 note, p. 12). 
 
 5 She was the Khan’s daughter. 
 
 6 Which of the two towns—Turfan or Karakhoja—was called Bar al Islam , or 
 ‘ the Seat of Islam,’ Mirza Haidar leaves his readers to conjecture. They are 
 in reality some twenty-six or twenty-seven miles apart. In our author’s time 
 Turfan was the more important, an l was usually the residence of the Khan of 
 the State. But in earlier times Karakhoja was a place of consequence, so that 
 it is very uncertain which may have been regarded as the capital, and the Seat of 
 Islam, at the date he is speaking of. It is possible also, that he may mean to 
 indicate the whole state, or province, of JJighuristan, as he afterwards calls the 
 Khanate which lay east of the modern Kuchar, and had for its capital Turfan. 
 He is much given, as will be seen, to using copulate, or dual, names for countries 
 or districts, and sometimes speaks of this same province of Uighuristan as 
 “ Chalish-Turfan.” (For the identity of Karakhoja (the Chinese Ilo-Chou) with 
 the ancient Kao-Chang, etc., see Sec. v. of the Introduction.) 
 
 7 The ‘ piece of satin ’ and tho ‘grey cow ’ may have been some emblems of 
 
53 
 
 Reign of Khizir Khwdja . 
 
 It is related in the Zafar-Ncma , that as soon as Amir Timur had 
 satisfied his lust for conquest in the north, south and west, he 
 prepared an expedition against the countries lying to the east, 
 especially against Khitai, which is the most important of them ; 
 and a long description is given of the [projected] expedition, the 
 substance of which is that he mustered an army of eight hundred 
 thousand men, supplying them with provender sufficient for 
 seven years—as was the custom in the armies of Irak and Rum . 1 
 As the country lying between Khitaij and Mavara-un-Nahr was 
 but little cultivated and thinly populated, he ordered each man to 
 take, in addition to other suj^plies, two milch-kine and ten milch 
 goats, telling them that when their supplies should be exhausted, 
 they were to milk these animals ;«and when, in turn, the milk 
 should come to an end, they were to convert the animals themselves 
 into provisions. 
 
 Having completed these preparations, Amir Timur set out from 
 Samarkand, and for that winter took up his quarters \JcishlaY\ in 
 Turkistan. While there, he sent to ask Khizir Khwaja Khan if 
 it would be possible to cultivate the ground [in Moghulistan], in 
 order to furnish supplies for the army. 
 
 I have frequently heard my father (upon whom rest the mercy 
 of God) relate that in the beginning of the spring the new kimiz 2 
 had come in, and on that day, according to an ancient Moghul 
 custom, a great feast had been prepared. As Amir Khudaidad 
 was on the point of offering a cup of kimiz to the Khan, one of the 
 chief nobles announced the arrival of an ambassador from Amir 
 Timur, and stated the purport of his mission. [The noble] added : 
 “ It is much to be regretted that we have not power to resist him, 
 and that we should be compelled to pay him tribute.” At these 
 reflections, the cup of kimiz fell from the hands of the Khan, 
 whereupon Amir Khudaidad said: “ You must now drink of tbe 
 cup of tranquillity ( raliat ), in conformity with this couplet: 
 
 To grieve over what has not yet come to pass is taking sorrow in antici¬ 
 pation. 
 
 Tis better that I should defer to the morrow the things of to-morrow.” 
 
 Then he added: “ It has been said that if an apple be thrown up 
 to the sky, God has had time to bestow a hundred blessings before 
 it descends again. Ere another year be passed, how many thousand 
 favours may He not confer! This consideration ought to bring you 
 comfort.” 
 
 power, or both may be corruptions of place-names, due to bad copying. There is, 
 however, no doubt as to the reading of the texts; the words are Yah Atlas wa 
 Yah Gdw Kabud —words in which I can trace no names of provinces or districts. 
 
 1 Persia and Turkey. 
 
 2 Kumiz or Kimiz is a bitter beverage made from fermented mare’s milk.—R. 
 
54 
 
 Reign of Khizir Khwdja. 
 
 • 
 
 Scarcely had he done speaking, when they saw advancing rapidly 
 from the shore of Lake Karias, a man mounted on a black horse, 
 and clothed in white robes. He rode on as far as the executioner’s 
 tent, where it is customary to dismount. This man, however, rode 
 on without stopping, right past the station of the guards who were 
 sitting in a line. The chamberlains [ yasavul] 1 ran up from every 
 side to try and stop him in his course, but he did not slacken his 
 speed till he came up to where the Khan was standing. Then he 
 called out in a loud voice: “ Amir Timur is no more, he has died 
 at Otrar! ” Having uttered these words he again rode off at full 
 speed. Many horsemen were sent after him, but none could over¬ 
 take him; and no other intimation of the news was received. 
 However, after an interval of forty-five days, information came that 
 Amir Timur had died at Otrar; so there no longer remained any 
 doubt about the matter, and the Ivhan was relieved of all anxiety 
 and distress. 
 
 The Khan was born before the year 770 of the Hajra, and the 
 above recorded events took place in 807 2 * 4 of the Hajra. But it is not 
 known how long the Khan survived Amir Timur—God knows 
 best. 
 
 When the Khan ascended the throne of the Khanate, the founda¬ 
 tions of the State, which, under the usurpation of Kamarnddin and 
 the ascendency of Amir Timur, had been much shaken, were once 
 more strengthened and consolidated. Old customs and lights, 
 which had fallen into disuse or oblivion, were revived, while the 
 affairs of the kingdom and the business of the nobles were restored 
 to order. Among other matters that received attention was the 
 restoration to his rights of Amir Kliudaidad. 
 
 For in the reign of Chingiz Khan there had been granted to the 
 ancestors of Amir Khudaidad the following seven privileges 
 ■ mansctb] 3 : 1. Tabl (or the drum). 2. Alam (or the Standard), 
 
 the former being called in Turki “ nalcara,” the latter “ tumcin 
 tugli/' 3. Two of his servants might wear the “ Kmhun-tugh.” 
 Kushun-tugh is synonymous with “ clidpctr tugh .” 4. He might wear 
 
 the Km A in the councils of the Khan, though it is a custom among 
 
 1 Yasdvul may be translated chamberlain, or sometimes mace-bearer. 
 
 ' Timur’s death took place in February, 1405, or about the middle of the 
 Hajra year 807, which began on 10th July, 1404, and ended 28th June, 1405. 
 
 "in the text used by Mr. Erskine, twelve mansab —privileges or prerogatives— 
 appear to be mentioned. (See Hist, of India , i., p. 43, where, however, no detail 
 is given.) From his abridged MS. translation at the British Museum, it is evident 
 that Mr. Erskine found only eleven detailed, as is the case in the three texts 
 used by Mr. Boss. Dr. Bellew (Yarkand Report, p. 153) has ten, and his list 
 differs in many respects from the one given above. The word mansab means, 
 properly, office or dignity, but here prerogative or privilege best answers the 
 meaning. A good account of these prerogatives is given by Professor Blochmann 
 in his Ain-i-Akbari (pp. 364-5), as derived from the Albarnamah of Abul Fazl. 
 
 4 Perhaps girdle or garter, though the text would appear to imply the mean¬ 
 ing quiver. Dr. Bellew translates : qnr, “armour ” (p. 153), and Mr. Blochmann. 
 
55 
 
 Reign of Khizir Khwaja. 
 
 the Moghuls that no one but the Khan may carry his quiver in his 
 hand. 5. Certain privileges in connection with the Khan’s hunt. 1 
 
 6. He was to be an Amir over all the Moghuls, and in the firmans ' 2 
 his name was to be entered as “ Sirdar of the Ulus of Moghuls.” 
 
 7. In the presence of the Khan, the other Amirs were to sit a bow’s 
 length further than he from the Khan. 
 
 Such were the seven privileges bestowed upon Urtubu by 
 Chingiz Khan. When Amir Bulaji had brought Tughluk Timur 
 Khan from the land of Kipchak, and had set him on the throne of 
 the Khanate, he, in return for his services, received in addition to 
 the seven privileges above enumerated, two others, so that he 
 enjoyed nine in all. The first of the new privileges was, that he 
 should have the power of dismissing or appointing Amirs of 
 Kushuns (that is, Amirs who had one thousand followers) without 
 applying to, or consulting with, the Khan ; and the second was as 
 follows : Bulaji and his descendants should be permitted to commit 
 nine crimes without being tried. On committing the tenth offence, 
 trial should be conducted under the following conditions:—The 
 accused should be set upon a white two-year-old horse; under the 
 hoofs of the horse, nine folds of white felt should be placed—as a 
 token of respect—and he should in that position address the Khan, 
 while the Khan should speak to him from an elevation. When 
 the interrogatory and investigation had been conducted in this 
 fashion, if the offence should be a mortal one, and the other nine 
 crimes should also be proved against him, two Amirs should stand 
 by and watch him while his veins were opened and all his blood 
 drawn from his body. Thus he should perish. Then the two 
 Amirs, wailing and lamenting, should carry his body out. 3 
 
 These nine privileges were contained in a firman issued under 
 
 “a collection of flags, arms, or other insignia, which follow the king wherever he 
 goes ” (p. 50). 
 
 1 These are given in the texts, but are unintelligible to some of the best 
 translators to whom Mr. Boss has shown the passage. Erskine also failed to 
 translate it in his abridged MS. at the British Museum. Dr. Bellew has “jirga 
 —hunting circle—with power to punish, according to rule, those who infringed 
 its regulations.” Mr. Blochmann writes: “ He could enclose ( qurq ) a forest as 
 his private hunting-ground, and if any one entered the enclosure, he forfeited 
 his personal liberty ” (p. 364). 
 
 2 Written orders.—It. 
 
 3 The nine original prerogatives carried with them the title of Tarlchdn —a 
 very ancient rank, or order of nobility, among the Mongols. (See Yule, Cathay 
 and the Way Thither , pp. 287 and 436). The Tarkhans are constantly spoken 
 of by Asiatic authors as a tribe, but this need not imply that they were of any 
 particular racial descent. Distinctions between tribes and orders, or families, are 
 not always accurately drawn. Thus Amir Timur, in his Institutes, enumerates 
 twelve of the forty tribes ( Aimaks ) which had submitted to his government: 
 Barlas, Tarkhan, Arghun, Jalair, Tulkchi, Duldi, Moghul, Sulduzi [Salduzi], 
 Tughai, Kipchak, Arlat, and Tatar. Some of these names imply race distinc¬ 
 tions : others only orders or families. (Davy’s Institutes of Timur, p. 91.) The 
 word Barlas means hero,” and some of the others may have special meanings 
 also. Mr. It. B. Shaw translated Tarkhan by “ Franklin.” 
 
56 
 
 Reign of Khizir Khzvdja. 
 
 the seal of Tughluk Timur Khan, which I once saw myself. For it 
 was handed down in oar family, and ultimately came into the hands 
 of my father (uj^on whom he the peace of God). It was however 
 destroyed or lost, in the disturbed times of Shahi Beg Khan. 1 It 
 was written in the Moghul language and character, and bore the 
 date and place of the year of the Hog, at Kunduz ; which goes to 
 prove that Tughluk Timur Khan’s rule extended as far as Kunduz. 
 No one alive now knows anything about the reign of that Khan, 
 hut I have copied into this history the account of it given in the 
 Zafar-Rama. 
 
 Since Khizir Khwaja Khan had been saved from the yawning 
 abyss of Kamaruddin’s violence, and had been placed upon the 
 throne of the Khans, by the aid of Amir Bulaji’s son, Amir 
 Khudaidad, he rewarded the latter Amir by superadding three 
 privileges to the nine existing ones; making the prerogatives of 
 Amir Khudaidad twelve in number. Thus: 
 
 10. That on the occasion of festivals, when the Khan’s 
 chamberlains [yasdvul] arranged the ranks, one of the chamber¬ 
 lains of Amir Khudaidad, taking part in the proceedings, should 
 stand on the right hand side, holding the Khan’s cup : another on 
 the left side, should hold the cup of Amir Khudaidad, and those 
 two cups were to be exclusively reserved for the Khan and Amir 
 Khudaidad. 
 
 11. That he should set his seal on all firmans that might be 
 issued, but that the Khan’s seal should be set above his. 
 
 12. [No 12th mansab is mentioned in any of the texts]. 
 
 Such were the twelve prerogatives [mansab] for which & firman 
 was granted to Amir Khudaidad, after whose death they descended 
 to his son Amir Muhammad Shah Kurkan. When this latter died, 
 they devolved on Amir Sayyid Ali Kurkan, the son of Muhammad 
 Shah’s brother, and after Sayyid Ali to Muhammad Haidar Mirza 
 Kurkan his son, and after him to his son Muhammad Husain 
 Mirza Kurkan, father of the present writer Muhammad Haidar, 
 known familiarly as Mirza Haidar. 
 
 After the martyrdom of my father, my uncle, Sayyid Muhammad 
 Mirza, attached himself to Soltan Ash-Shahid-Sultan Said Khan; 
 the Khan Said Shahid confirmed all these privileges to my uncle. 
 The particulars of the matter are recorded in the Second Part of 
 this Tarilch-i-Rashidi. These privileges (that is to say, the first 
 [seven] of them) were in force from before the y r ear 625 of the 
 Hajra, which is the date of Chingiz Khan, 2 down to the death of 
 the Khan and the murder of my uncle, the date of which was the 
 
 1 Sliaibtini Khan, the Uzbeg leader. 
 
 2 This date is intended, evidently, for that of Chingiz Khan’s death, which is 
 usually taken to be 1227. The Hajra year 625 began 12th December, 1227, so that 
 nearly the whole of it fell within 1228. But the date of the death of Chingiz is 
 very variously stated in different chronicles. 
 
57 
 
 Reign of Muhammad Khan. 
 
 1 st of Moharram, 940 of the Hajra. 1 When this calamity took place 
 and the Khanship came to Sultan Rashid, the customs of our fore¬ 
 fathers were exchanged for other, and very different, practices. 
 
 Praise he to the gracious Creator, in that when my turn arrived 
 to be created, he made me a free man and independent of the 
 Khans, for the great “ mansab ” He has granted me, is but an atom 
 of those boundless favours which are the salvation of this world 
 and the next. In the same way that thou hast made me materially 
 free, make me also spiritually independent and prosperous! 
 
 [Verses] : Oh! God, make all the world my ill-wishers, 
 
 And keei) me apart from them all. 
 
 Keep my heart from worldly matters, 
 
 And cause me to have but one purpose and aim in life. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVII. 
 
 MUHAMMAD KHAN, SON OF KHIZIR KHWAJA KHAN. 
 
 This Muhammad Khan was the son of Khizir Khwaja Khan, who 
 had, besides Muhammad Khan, other sons; among these were 
 Sham-i-Jahan Khan and Nakhsh-i-Jahan Khan. 2 After Isan Bugha 
 Khan, excepting Tughluk Timur Khan, there was no one left in 
 the country of the Moghuls who was of the first rank of Khakans. 
 This fact I have already mentioned. After the death of Tughluk 
 Timur Khan, Amir Kamaruddin murdered all Tughluk’s sons, so 
 that there was no one left but Khizir Khwaja Khan. (This I have 
 also already stated.) This last Khan left many suns and grandsons ; 
 the details of the lives of all of them have not, however, been 
 preserved in the Moghul traditions. In fine, 1 have recounted what 
 I considered worthy of belief regarding the history of the ancestors 
 of the Khakans. But I have not been able to learn any details 
 concerning their uncles and cousins. Consequently I have only 
 mentioned the sons of Khizir Khwaja Khan, as for example, 
 Muhammad Khan: for in him the race of Moghul Khakans came 
 to an end. 
 
 Muhammad Khan was a wealthy prince and a good Musulman. 
 He persisted in following the road of justice and equity, and was 
 
 1 Said Klian died on this date. The author’s uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, 
 was murdered by the Khan’s son and successor, Rashid, a week or two afterwards. 
 The 1st Moliarram, 940, tell on 23rd July, 1533. 
 
 2 The discrepancies of various authors regarding the sons and successors of 
 Khizir Khwaja have been remarked upon in the Introduction. See Sec. ii., 
 pp. 40 seq. 
 
5 8 
 
 Reign of Muhammad Khan. 
 
 so unremitting in his exertions, that during his blessed reign most 
 of the tribes of the Moghuls became Musulmans. 
 
 It is well known what severe measures he had recourse to, in 
 bringing the Moghuls to be believers in Islam. If, for instance, 
 a Moghul did not wear a turban [ Dastdr~\ , a horseshoe nail was 
 driven into his head: and treatment of this kind was common. 
 (May God recompense him with good.) 
 
 In the Moghul records it is stated that Amir Kliudaidad himself 
 raised six Khans to the Khanate, and this Muhammad Khan was 
 one of the number. 
 
 Muhammad Khan built a Rabat on the northern side of the 
 defile of Chadir Kul. In the construction of this building ho 
 employed stones of great size, the like of which are only to be seen 
 in the temples [ Imardt ] of Kashmir. The Rabat contains an 
 entrance hall 20 gaz 1 in height. When you enter by the main door, 
 you turn to the right hand along a passage which measures 30 gaz. 
 You then come to a dome which is about 20 gaz , and beautifully 
 proportioned. There is a passage round the dome, and in the sides 
 of it; and in the passage itself are beautiful cells. On the 
 western side there is also a mosque 15 gaz in height, which has 
 more than twenty doors. The whole building is of stone, and over 
 the doors there are huge solid blocks of stone, which I thought 
 very wonderful, before I had seen the temples in Kashmir. 2 
 
 1 Whether the diameter or the height of the dome is not stated. A great variety 
 of gaz are in use in India, Bokhara, and other places. Baber made his gaz about 
 thirty inches, but it was popularly taken at a little less, perhaps about twenty- 
 seven inches. Miiza Haidar’s gaz may be assumed as about equal to Baber’s. 
 (See Memoirs, p. 4 ; also note, p. 256.) 
 
 2 The ancient temples in Kashmir are noticed again towards the end of the 
 history. The ltabdt, or traveller’s rest-house (caravan-sarai) here recorded to 
 have been built by Muhammad Khan at a short distance north of the Chadir 
 Kul, would seem to be in existence still. Its ruins stand on the main road from 
 Almati ( i.e ., Yierny) to Kashghar, by way of the Narin fort, and they have been 
 seen, of late, by several European travellers. One of these is Dr. N. Seeland, whose 
 account of the building is quoted, in English, by Dr. Lansdell, in his recently- 
 published book of travels in Chinese Turkistan, and is so confirmatory of Mirza 
 Haidar’s description, that it may usefully be transcribed : “ The traveller,” says 
 Dr. Seeland, “is not a little astonished to see a stone construction, hoary with 
 age, about 48 paces long by 36 wide, with a fiat roof, from the middle of which 
 rises a rough, half-ruined cupola about 25 feet high. The entrance, fairly lofty 
 and vaulted, conducts to an interior without windows. Under the cupola is a 
 sort of chamber or hall, with vaulted wings, 9 feet high, of rooms or cells 
 running oft' in four directions in the form of a Latin cross. The entrance wing 
 has lateral corridors on one side only, and in these, as in those of the other 
 wings, openings from 30 to 36 inches arc contrived in the wall. They lead to 
 separate cells, which are square at bottom, circular at top, and perfectly dark, 
 except where the ceiling has, in some cases, fallen in. The entrances are so low 
 as sometimes to necessitate crawling, and the interiors have no trace of chimneys, 
 niches, or places to sit or sleep. No trace exists of refectory, kitchen, or even fire¬ 
 place, throughout the building, which is constructed with mortar of fragments of 
 local blueish and reddish schist. In the central hall are a few remains of 
 plaster, but none of ornamentation.” On the whole, Dr. Seeland considers that 
 the building has no resemblance to other rest-houses or caravan-sarais in Central 
 Asia, but I am not aware that he connects it with any ruin dating from the time 
 
59 
 
 Reign of Muhammad Khan. 
 
 In the time of Muhammad Khan, the learned Mirza Ulugh Beg 
 was reigning in Mavara-un-Nahr by the appointment of his 
 father, Mirza Shah Rukh; he was the founder of the famous 
 observatory and the author of the astronomical tables called Zij 
 KurJcan. Mirza Shah Rukh was king of Khorasan and Irak. The 
 dates of his birth and death are not known, but if we refer to other 
 dates, we find that he must have died before 860 of the Hajra. 
 (But God knows best.) 1 
 
 of the Ncstorians. Dr. Lansdell does so, conjecturally. He infers that the 
 Rabat, being on the “ direct route between the Christian see of Kashghar and 
 the Christian settlements on the Chu, it seems not improbable that the ruin may 
 represent the monastery indicated on the Catalan map.” A reference to this 
 ancient map—it was constructed in 1375—will, however, scarcely aid ns in 
 falling in with Dr. Lansdell’s conjecture. In the first place, the “ monastery of 
 Armenian Friars and Body of St. Matthew” is marked on the reduced fac-simile 
 published in Yule’s Cathay , as standing on the margin of Lake Issigh-Kul, that is, 
 just at a spot where we know, from the narratives of modern travellers, many 
 remarkable remains are to be seen—some on the shore, but mostly at the bottom 
 of the lake, near the shore. The site of Muhammad Khan’s Babat would be 
 some 180 miles to the south of the lake, by the Narin road, or 120 miles in direct 
 distance. In the second place, Dr. Lansdell cites, from Dr. Bellew, a passage 
 purporting to be from the Tarihh -i-Rashidi, to the effect that Muhammad Khan 
 •‘converted the ancient Hindu temple (resembling, in the massive blocks of its 
 stone, the temples of Kashmir) called Tash-Babat, on the pass to the Cliadir 
 Kul, into a fortified post to protect his capital (Kashghar) from the incursions of 
 the Kirghiz.” The strange circumstances about this quotation are: (1) that I 
 have been unable to find the passage in either of Dr. Bellew’s works (The 
 Yarhand Mission Report or his Kashmir and Kashghar ); and (2) that no one of 
 the texts of the Tarihh-i-Rashidi in the British Museum, contains anything about 
 the origin of the stones used in building the Babat. These texts state, simply 
 and clearly, that which has been translated above, and nothing more. Thus, all 
 that can be said is: (1) almost contemporary evidence proves that Muhammad 
 Khan built a Babat of huge stones; (2) that this building stood in a region 
 where Nestorian Christianity flourished in the Middle Ages; and (3) in a land 
 where many ruins, whose origin is not yet determined, are known to exist. I 
 have not been able to obtain Dr. Seeland’s full description, but may remark that 
 no mere conjectures to the effect that the Tash-Babat is unlike ordinary rabats, 
 or that it is like a monastery or what not, would shake the very clear evideucc 
 of Mirza Haidar. What he states, when coupled with Dr. Seeland’s discovery, 
 is interesting enough. The descriptions of the building and its geographical 
 position agree, in a remarkable manner, in identifying Dr. Seeland’s ruin with 
 Muhammad Khan’s Rabat. 
 
 1 Strange as it may appear in the case of so eminent a personage as Ulugh 
 Beg, Mirza Haidar’s statement that the date of his birth is not known, is correct. 
 It is known, however, that he began to reign at Samarkand in a.h. 812 (or 
 a.d. 1409), some thirty-eight years before the death of his father Shah Rukh, 
 who was the fourth son of Amir Timur. At Shah Rukh’s death in a.h. 850 
 ( = 144G-47 a.d.) he was succeeded by Ulugh Beg, who, however, only con¬ 
 tinued to reign for a further period of two-and-a-half years. In the dissensions 
 and wars which took place after Shah Rukh’s death, Ulugh Beg was taken 
 prisoner and put to death by his own son, Abdul Latif (Ramzan, 853, or 
 27th October, 1449). Thus Mirza Haidar’s calculation of the approximate date 
 of Ulugh Beg’s death is not greatly in error, though the circumstance that lie 
 should be able to give only an estimate, shows that the chronology of his history 
 is not always to be relied on. As the author of the astronomical tables, Ulugh 
 Beg has a world-wide reputation. It is said that not only was the design his, 
 but that he assisted in the computation of tables. The chief computers were, 
 according to Erskinc, first, Maulana Salah-ud-Din Musa, better known by the 
 name of Kazi-Zadah Rumi; then (after the Kazi-Zadali’s death) Maulana 
 
6o 
 
 Shir Muhammad and Vais Khan . 
 
 CHAPTER XXYIII. 
 
 SHIR MUHAMMAD KHAN, SON OF MUHAMMAD KHAN. 
 
 Muhammad Khan, also, had several sons, two of whom were Shir 
 Muhammad ( Khan and Shir Ali Oghlan. Shir Muhammad Khan 
 succeeded his father, and as long as he governed, the people were 
 peaceful and prosperous. During his reign, his brother Shir Ali 
 Oghlan died at the age of eighteen, and thus never attained to the 
 rank of Khan. He, however, left one son, Yais Khan by name, 
 between whom and Shir Muhammad Khan there arose great 
 disjDutes, as will be related below. Shir Muhammad Khan, who 
 was also a contemporary of Mirza Shah Rukh, enjoyed a longer 
 reign than Muhammad Khan. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 EARLY LIFE OF VAIS KHAN. 
 
 Sultan Vais Khan was the son of Shir Ali Khan; 1 after the death 
 of his father, he was in the service of his uncle, Shir Muhammad 
 Khan. After a time he began to find this condition irksome, and 
 therefore fled from the court, and took to the life of a robber 
 \_Kazdki], Many distinguished Moghul youths volunteered to follow 
 him. Among this number was my grandfather Mir Sayyid Ali. 
 I am the grandson of Vais Khan, on my mother’s side. Amir 
 
 Gliias-ud-Din Jamshidi ; and, lastly, Ibn Ali Muhammad lvoshji. The geo¬ 
 graphical tables were first published in England by Graves in 1711, and the 
 tables of fixed stars, by Hyde, of Oxford, in 1768. In France, Lalando 
 published the astronomical tables in 1792. Baber, in his description of Samar¬ 
 kand, notices the college, observatory, and other buildings erected by Ulugh 
 Beg. The observatory, he says, stood on the skirts of the hill of Kohik, and 
 was three stories in height:—“ By means of this observatory, and its astronomical 
 apparatus, Ulugh Beg Mirza composed the Zich-Kurkani, which arc followed 
 at the present time, scarcely any other being used.” Mr. Schuyler was shown 
 a hill called Chupan Ata, near the city of Samarkand, on which the observatory 
 is said to have stood. There is now, however, no trace of it. (See Stanley 
 Lane Poole’s Muhammadan Dynasties, p. 268; Erskine’s Hist, of India, i., p. 105; 
 lb., Mem. of Baber, p. 51; E. Schuyler’s Turhistan, i., p. 233; also Beale’s 
 Oriental Biograph. Diet., 1881, p. 276; and d’Herbelot’s Bibliotlieque Orientate'). 
 
 1 Properly, Shir Ali Oghlan, not Khan. He is called by Erskine and some 
 other writers Shir Kuli. But Ali and Kuli may easily be taken one for the 
 other by Persian copyists. (See the Genealogical Table attached to this volume.) 
 
Amir Sayyid Ali. 61 
 
 Sayyid Ali is my paternal grandfather, 1 and this Amir Sayyid Ali 
 was the son of Sayyid Ahmad Mirza, son of Amir Khudaidad. I 
 think it is fitting in this place to give the history of Amir 
 Sayyid Ali. 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 AMIR SAYYID ALI AND STORIES RELATING TO HIM. 
 
 As has been already mentioned, Amir Khudaidad lived in Moghul* 
 istan in the service of the Khans. His native country was 
 Kashghar, which had been given as a fief [akta'a] to his ancestors, 
 by Chingiz Khan. This matter however will be referred to in the 
 Second Part, when I speak of the country of Kashghar. 
 
 Amir Sayyid Ahmad 2 had an impediment in his speech, and 
 only those who were accustomed to hear him speak, could under¬ 
 stand him. He was also hard of hearing, so that it was necessary 
 to speak very loudly to him in order to make him understand. 
 His father sent him to Kashghar as governor, which ]30sition he 
 retained for a considerable time, till at length Khwaja Sharif, one 
 of the nobles of Kashghar, became very powerful and all looked to 
 him for help and advice. Khwaja Sharif was a noble-minded man, 
 but he was displeased with Sayyid Ahmad Mirza, so he handed 
 over the government to Mirza Ulugh Beg, while Amir Sayyid 
 Ahmad fled from Kashghar to his father, and soon afterwards died. 
 
 Amir Ali, the son of Sayyid Ahmad Mirza, lived with his grand¬ 
 father, Amir Khudaidad, who loved him better than all his other 
 children; for he was without rival in stature and strength as well 
 as in courage, talent and understanding. He used to be called 
 Sayyid Ali Alif. 3 
 
 When Amir Sayyid Ali took the daughter of Isan Bugha Khan 
 for his son Muhammad Haidar Mirza (as will be related below), he 
 marked his joy by striking a nail into a wall, which I have myself 
 seen. If one man stand upright, and a second, placing his feet on 
 the first, also stand upright and stretch out his hand, he will not 
 reach the nail by about an ell [<jaz\ 
 
 On this account 4 Amir Khudaidad loved Amir Sayyid Ali better 
 than all his children. 
 
 1 Sayyid Ali was the author’s great-grandfather, as lie shows elsewhere. (See 
 Genealogical Table of the Duglilats in Sec. ii. of Introduction.) 
 
 ' It is curious that this Khan’s name should be written sometimes Amir 
 Sayyid Ahmad, and at others Sayyid Ahmad Mirza, with u a few lines. The 
 texts, however, have been followed as they stand. 
 
 3 In allusion to his upright figure—like the letter alif. 
 
 4 On account of his stature, etc. 
 
62 
 
 Amir Sayyid Ali. 
 
 At this time a certain Ahmad Mirza, one of the Timuri Mirzas 
 of the line of Mirza Shah Rukh, having fled [from his own country] 
 had come [to Moghulistan]. He had [with him] a sister, for whom 
 Amir Sayyid Ali conceived a great affection; so much so that 
 Amir Khudaidad and others begged her to become Amir Sayyid 
 Ali’s wife. She, however, refused, saying: “ I cannot stay in 
 Moghulistan, but if he will accompany me to my own country, it 
 can be arranged.” She then immediately set out for her own 
 country, accompanied by Amir Sayyid Ali. When she arrived at 
 Andijan,'Mirza Ulugh Beg despatched a man to hill Ahmad Mirza, 
 and himself married his sister, at the same time throwing Amir 
 Sayyid Ali into prison at Samarkand, where he remained one year. 
 Here he fell sick of dysentery, and when on the point of dying, 
 Amir Ulugh Beg sent for the doctors, whose remedies, however, 
 were all without effect. One day somebody brought some kumiz. 
 The Mirza implored the doctors, saying: “ As the medicines have 
 done me no good, I should much like to try a little kumiz, for 
 which I have a great craving.” They at last agreed [to grant his 
 request] as a desperate experiment, saying: “ It will very likely 
 give him strength.” They then gave him as much kumiz as he 
 wanted, and from that moment he began to show signs of recovery. 
 On the following day they gave him some more, and he became 
 perfectly well. 
 
 About this time, Mirza Ulugh Beg was going to wait on his 
 noble father Mirza Shah Rukh. Amir Sayyid Ali being quite 
 recovered, Mirza Ulugh Beg ordered a horse and arms to be given 
 him, that he might accompany him to Khorasan. His object 
 was to show off Amir Sayyid Ali to the people of Khorasan, as 
 if he would say: “ This is the sort of booty we take in Moghul¬ 
 
 istan.” One night when the Mirza was in his tent, the torch- 
 bearers were passing by, and he saw Amir Sayyid Ali with his 
 bow, which was fourteen spans long—longer than that of anybody 
 else. The Mirza thought to himself: “If this man wishes to aim 
 his arrow at me, who will be able to prevent him ? ” He became 
 very nervous, and immediately sent for Amir Sayyid Ali and said 
 to him : “ This journey into Khorasan must be very irksome and 
 
 unpleasant to you. You can return to Samarkand : when I get 
 back 1 will give you leave to go to Moghulistan; and you shall be 
 the intermediary between myself and Shir Muhammad Khan, so 
 that matters may be settled in a peaceable way. 
 
 So he gave him leave to return, and sent a man to accompany 
 him. He also wrote to the Governor of Samarkand, telling him 
 to treat him with every mark of respect. But he sent a secret 
 message to the governor telling him to keep Amir Sayyid Ali in 
 prison. 
 
 When Amir Sayyid Ali arrived at Samarkand with his companion, 
 
Amir Sayyid Ali. 
 
 63 
 
 he gathered from the behaviour of the latter that he was not 
 going to be well treated. When they had entered the town, his 
 companion placed him in a house, and himself went before the 
 governor. No sooner was he gone than the Amir left the house, on 
 foot, and proceeded to Tashkand. When the man returned to the 
 house from visiting the governor, he found the Amir’s horse, and 
 arms, and servants, but the Amir himself had disappeared. They 
 inquired after him from his servants, who replied that he had 
 lust departed on foot. They then searched carefully for the Amir, 
 but could not find him. 
 
 Meanwhile the Amir had fallen in with some Kalandars on the 
 road, and having dressed himself as one of them, arrived in safety 
 at Tashkand. The Kalandars gave the Amir the name of Aslitar 
 Abdal, and bestowed on him some of the provisions out of their 
 wallets. Thus, in the guise of a Kalandar, he reached Taraz, 
 which is another name for Yangi, 1 where he was recognised by the 
 Shaikh of the “ Shrine of the Companions of the Cave,” which is 
 called in Moghulistan “ Mamlakat Ata.’ 2 The Shaikh sent his 
 son Shadika with the Amir, and caused him to be conducted 
 into Moghulistan and brought before Amir Khudaidad. This 
 Shaikh Shadika became one of the Amir’s intimates, and gained 
 the title \ldkaV\ of Yafadar [the Faithful]. There are descendants 
 of his still alive, but they have not attained to any celebrity. 
 
 At the time when the Amir re-entered the service of his dis¬ 
 tinguished relation, Amir Khudaidad, Yais Khan had separated 
 from his uncle Shir Muhammad Khan, and had taken to highway 
 robbery. Amir Khudaidad said to Amir Sayyid Ali: “I think you 
 had better go and join Yais Khan, for if you stay here you may 
 come to some harm.” He then selected sixty young men and 
 despatched them with Amir Sayyid Ali, to Yais Khan. The Amir 
 
 1 This name is written in the Persian texts in such a way that it may read 
 Yngi, Yinhi , Niki, or even Maslri. In all probability Yangi is intended, though 
 the word is spelled without an alif. Further on, the author tells us that Yangi 
 is another name for Taraz, and as other writers state the same thing (see note, 
 pp. 79-80) I think it is fair to assume that the name here written Yngi is merely 
 an oversight—that an alif has been omitted by mistake. The position of ancient 
 Taraz or Talas has given rise to some discussion, while several writers have been 
 led to the opinion that Taraz stood on the Sir, and was merely another name for 
 the town of Turkistan, or for Otrar. Modern investigation, however, has shown 
 these views to be untenable. That Taraz was situated on, or close to, the banks 
 of the Talas river, there can no longer be any reasonable doubt. The names of 
 town and river are practically one; and there seems to be no reason to question 
 the conclusion arrived at by Mr. Schuyler, that the ancient Taraz stood, probably, 
 very near the site of the modern town of Aulia-Ata. He speaks of some ruins 
 on the Talas, ten miles below xVulia-Ata, which were called by the natives 
 Tiume-Kent (Tumi Kand ?), and thinks that, on investigation, they may perhaps 
 prove to be the remains of Taraz. Sir H. Howorth, Dr. Bretschneider, and 
 Captain Valikhanof are of the same opinion as Mr. Schuyler. (See Howorth, ii., 
 p. 28G; Schuyler, ii., pp. 120-1; Bretschneider, i., pp. 18-19 and 228; Valik¬ 
 hanof in Russians in C. Asia , p. 10f.) 
 
 2 Or, perhaps, Malikdt Aid. —It. 
 
6\ Transactions of Shir Muhammad and Vais. 
 
 served the Khan well, and obtained in return the Khan’s sister, 
 Uzun Sultan Khanim, in marriage. 
 
 Countless were the laudable actions which Amir Sayyid Ali 
 performed whilst in the service of the Khan. They would, 
 however, take too long to relate. I have mentioned a few of them 
 in my account of Vais Khan. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 EPITOMISED ACCOUNT OF WHAT PASSED BETWEEN SHIR MUHAMMAD 
 
 KHAN AND VAIS KHAN. 
 
 When Vais Khan, as has been related above, fled from his uncle 
 Shir Muhammad Khan, a number of people attached themselves to 
 him, and they took to plundering in, and on the confines of, the 
 territory of Shir Muhammad Khan; especially in the neighbour¬ 
 hood of Lob Katak and Sarigh Uighur. 
 
 It is related that when Uzun Sultan Khanim was given in marriage 
 to Amir Sayyid Ali, this latter, in order to procure food for the 
 feast, w r ent out hunting, and returned, having killed two stags 
 [Gavazan ], which were eaten at the banquet. From this, one can 
 form some idea of the splendour of the marriage festivities. 
 
 But [Vais Khan] finding little scope for activity in that country, 
 [left it and] went to Turkistan. At that Amir Shaikh Nuruddin, 
 son of Sar Bugha Kipchak, one of Amir Timur’s greatest generals, 
 was Governor of Turkistan. With him [the Khan] had some 
 intercourse, and since he was at enmity with Shir Muhammad 
 Khan, he gave his daughter Daulat Sultan Sakanj, 1 in marriage to 
 Yais Khan. He also gave the Khan much assistance in his attacks 
 on Shir Muhammad Khan, and for a long time there was continual 
 conflict between Yais Khan and his uncle, the latter being as a 
 rule, victorious. One of these encounters took place at a spot in 
 Moghulistan called Karang Kaingligh. Yais Khan, after a long 
 and rapid march, surprised Shir Muhammad Khan in his camp at 
 midnight. [The assailants] were four hundred strong. When 
 the alarm was raised, Shir Muhammad Khan threw himself into a 
 ditch, while Yais Khan, surrounding the camp, searched till dawn 
 for Shir Muhammad Khan, slaying all whom he met. Yet, 
 notwithstanding their search and the violence they used towards 
 the people in the camp, no trace of Shir Muhammad Khan was to 
 be found. When day broke they fled. Then Shir Muhammad 
 
 1 The Turki MS. has Daulat Sultan Begum.—R. 
 
Reign of Vais Khan. 65 
 
 Khan came out of the ditch, and his men having again collected 
 round him, he set out in pursuit of Yais Khan, who only saved 
 himself after a hundred narrow escapes. In fine, this hostility 
 continued between them until the natural death of Shir Muhammad 
 Khan, whereupon Yais Khan succeeded to the Khanate. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 THE KHANSHIP OF VAIS KHAN. 
 
 When his turn came, Yais Khan showed himself to be religiously 
 inclined; he was moreover distinguished among his race for his 
 bravery. Since he had forbidden the Moghuls to attack Musul- 
 mans, he made war against the infidel Kalmaks; and though he 
 was frequently defeated by them, he persisted in hostilities against 
 them, not wishing to relinquish the holy war [jahad]. He was 
 twice taken prisoner by them. The first occasion was in a battle 
 at a place called Ming Lak, where the Khan, having been seized, 
 was led before Isan Taishi. This latter thought to himself: “ If 
 he is really a descendant of Chingiz Khan, he will not do me 
 obeisance, but will look upon me as an inferior.” When the 
 Khan was brought in, he dismounted (for he was on horseback) and 
 [Isan Taishi] advanced towards him with great respect [, Sar-Zadali ]. 1 
 But the Khan turned away his face and did not raise liis hands. 
 Isan Taishi was then convinced, and treating the Khan with much 
 honour, set him at liberty. The Khan, on being asked afterwards 
 why he had not done obeisance [to Isan Taishi] replied: “ If Isan 
 Taishi had treated me in a lordly manner, I should, out of 
 fear for my life, have approached him with reverence. But since 
 he came towards me with bowed head, it occurred to me that the 
 hour of my martyrdom had arrived; and it is not fitting for 
 a Musulman to do homage to an infidel, or to countenance his 
 actions, therefore I did not salute him.” It was the Khan’s 
 faithful observance of his religion that saved him from the 
 abyss. 
 
 On another occasion, he fought a battle with this same Isan 
 Taishi at a spot called Kabaka, on the confines of Moghulistan. 
 Here, too, he suffered defeat. His horse being shot under him by 
 an arrow, the Khan was obliged to continue on foot. He was 011 
 the point of being captured, when Amir Sayyid Ali, dismounting 
 
 1 Sar-Zadah usually means “ill-mannered,” but here it is obviously internh d, 
 literally, “ with bowed head.”—R. 
 
 F 
 
66 
 
 Reign of Vais Khan. 
 
 from liis horse, gave it to the Khan, while he threw himself on 
 his face on the ground. The infidels, thinking him dead, shot an 
 arrow at his head. When they came near enough, the Amir contrived 
 to lay hold of one of them (who happened to be a man of some 
 distinction), and lifting him up by his coat, turned him from side 
 to side as a shield against the arrows, running all the while by the 
 side of the Khan’s bridle, so that it was impossible to shoot an 
 arrow at the Amir. In this way he continued fighting and 
 carrying the man by his clothes for a whole farsdJch, till they 
 came to the River Ailah. He then threw the Kalmak into the 
 water, and seizing the bridle of the Khan’s horse, entered the 
 stream, which came up to his chest. Several men were drowned. 
 The Khan’s horse began to swim, while the Amir held up its 
 head, and thus safely conducted the Khan, mounted and armed, 
 across the river. Many men were drowned on that day. 
 
 It is related that the Khan had with him, on that occasion, 
 two cousins, Hasan Sultan, who wore red armour, and Lukman 
 Sultan, who wore blue [ Tcabud ]. They were both drowned on 
 entering the stream. Amir Sayyid Ali, keeping hold of the Khan’s 
 bridle with one hand, did his best to save these two men with the 
 other, but could not reach them. The Khan declared he could 
 distinguish their red and blue jackets deep down in the water. 
 Vais Khan gave Amir Sayyid Ali five presents 1 — one for each [of 
 the following] acts. (I.) He had given his horse to the Khan and 
 had himself remained on foot. (II.) He had seized the Kalmak. 
 (III.) He had used him as a shield for a whole farsakh? (IV.) 
 He had brought the Khan full} 7 armed and mounted across the 
 River Ailah. 3 (V.) Although he had hold of the Khan, he twice 
 strelched out his hand to save the drowning men. The Khan 
 then added : “ I know that the Amir has such strength that if one 
 of my cousins had been able to seize him by the hand, the Amir 
 would have saved him too, and brought him across the water.” 
 In consideration of these five actions, he gave the Amir five 
 
 
 The word is juldu, which signifies in Turki 
 
 “royal gift,” a “prize,” 
 
 or a 
 
 “ trophy,” for valour. 
 
 2 The far sal eh, or farasang, is usually reckoned at four statute miles. 
 
 3 There is nothing to show in what locality this fight took place. There were 
 Kalmaks on both the northern and eastern “ confines ” of Moghulistan, and I 
 can find no trace of Kabaka. In all probability, however, it was on the upper 
 Ailah , which may also be read Ilali, and is the river nowadays called the 
 “ Hi,” which passes by Kulja and flows into the Balkash lake. “ Ili ” is the 
 Chinese pronunciation, while the Turki-speaking people of the present day 
 call it “Ila.” As regards its being on the “confines of Moghulistan,” as the 
 author has it, Bretsclmeidcr quotes Quatremere’s translation of the Masalel- 
 Alahsar to the effect that the Hi river, in the first half of the fourteenth century, 
 formed the eastern boundary of Mavara-un-Nalir. (Med. Researches, i., p. 18.) But 
 the limit was soon afterwards pushed much farther westward, and at the time of 
 Vais Khan could hardly have been formed by the river. The extreme upper 
 and lower waters of the Ili, however, were near two of “the confines.” 
 
67 
 
 Reign of Vais Khan. 
 
 Aimalcs as a reward. 1. Turkat. 2. Hibat Shira Sut. 3. Uzbeg, 
 a tribe of Kliotan. 4. Darugha, also a tribe of Kliotan. 5. 
 Kukanit, also a tribe of Khotan. 1 
 
 Sultan Yais Khan had another combat with Isan Taishi, in the 
 vicinity of Turfan, and was again defeated and taken prisoner. 
 Isan Taishi said [to Yais Khan, on his being brought before him] : 
 “ This time I will only set you free, on your giving me your sister 
 Makhtum Khanim, as a ransom.” There being no help for it, 
 Makhtum Khanim was given to him, and the Khan was set at 
 liberty. It is commonly reported that the Khan had sixty-one 
 engagements with the K aimaks : once only was he victorious ; on 
 every other occasion he was put to rout. (But God alone knows 
 the truth.) I have frequently heard from Maulana Khwaja 
 Ahmad that the Khan was a very powerful man, and that he 
 used, every year, to go hunting wild camels in the country round 
 Turfan, Tarim, Lob and Katak, which places I have spoken of in 
 the Second Part. When he killed a camel he would skin it with 
 his own hands, and take the wool to his mother Sultan Khatun; 
 the Khatun would spin it and make it into shirts and breeches for 
 him, which he wore with sumptuous robes outside. In Turfan 
 water is very scarce, and it was the Khan himself who irrigated 
 the land. He did not get his water from any stream, but having- 
 dug a deep well, drew from it a supply of water for irrigation. 
 Khidmat Maulana told me the following story of his uncles, who 
 used to say: “We have often seen the Khan, during the hot 
 season, with the help of his slaves, drawing water from the well 
 in pitchers [huzah] t and pouring it himself over the land.” His 
 agriculture was carried out on such a small scale, that the produce 
 of it never attained the value of an ass’s load; but this served 
 him for a yearly supply of food. 
 
 He was a disciple of Maulana Muhammad Kashani, who was 
 a disciple of Hazrat Khwaja Hasan (may God perfume his tomb), 
 and Khwaja Hasan was a disciple of Hazrat Kutb-i-Masnad 
 Arshad Khwaja Bahauddin Naklishband 2 (may God bless his 
 spirit). Being a king did not prevent Amis Khan from passing 
 his time in such studies [as theology]. During the reign of this 
 prosperous Khan, Amir Khudaidad went on a pilgrimage to 
 Mckka. Moghul records state that Amir Khudaidad raised six 
 
 1 All five Aimaks are probably only small local clans. No. 2 may also read 
 Ha hit-shard-nut. 
 
 2 This Khwaja Bahauddin (sometimes, though probably wrongly, called 
 Shaikh Bahauddin) was the founder of a sect, or an order, of Sufis known as the 
 
 Nakbshbandi.” He is said by Mr. Beale (Oriental Biocjr. iJicty.) to have died 
 in Persia in the year 857 a.r. (1453), and to have been the author of a work on 
 Sufi-ism called the “ Dalil-ul-AshiJcin As late as 1886 there lived at Bokhara 
 a noted Pir, or religious leader, called Ir Nazar Khwaja, Samarkandi. Ir Nazar 
 claimed to be a descendant of Khwaja Bahauddin, and was (perhaps is still) 
 regarded as the chief of the Nakhslibandi Order in Central Asia. 
 
 F 2 
 
68 
 
 Amir Khuddiddd and 
 
 Khans to the Khanship, “ with his own hand.” They were as 
 follows:—Khizir Khwaja Khan (whom we have mentioned), 
 Sham-i-Jahan Khan, Nakhsh-i-Jahan Khan, Muhammad Khan, 
 Shir Muhammad Khan, and lastly Yais Khan. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 AMIR KHUDAIDAD AND HIS JOURNEY TO MEKKA. 
 
 I have already told the history of Amir Khudaidad in part; but 
 in this chapter I have to relate the rest of his deeds and his death. 
 All the Moghul traditions are agreed as to the country over which 
 he was Amir. I remember hearing from my father (upon whom 
 be the grace of God) and from my uncles (may the pardon of God 
 be on them) that their father had 24,000 families under him. He 
 was Amir before the year 7G5 of the Hajra [a.d. 1363-4] and he 
 made his journey to Mekka before the year 850 of the Hajra 
 [a.d. 1446-7]. He was Amir for ninety years. 1 He exercised 
 absolute power over the whole of Kashghar, Yarkand, Kliotan, 
 Aksu, Bai, and Kucliar. In spite, however, of all this, he was 
 never a wealthy man, and during most of his life had not even a 
 horse to ride. When travelling from place to place, the people 
 of the country used to furnish him with a horse. And in the army 
 it was just the same. He spent much of the revenue of his State 
 in releasing and ransoming Musulman prisoners. In those days the 
 Moghuls were constantly attacking Turkistan, Shash and Andijan, 
 and carrying off Musulmans as prisoners. The Amir would buy 
 these prisoners from the Moghuls, and supply them with provisions 
 and transport to enable them to return home. He used also to 
 provide them with tents, in which they had room to kneel down 
 and say their prayers. In the performance of good actions such 
 as these, and pious works, did the Amir pass his life. 
 
 1 A little lower down, the author tells us that Mir Khudaidad was ninety-seven 
 years of age when he went on pilgrimage to Mekka. Both ninety years for the 
 length of Khudaidad’s reign and ninety-seven years for his age, are probably 
 mere figures of speech, intended to indicate a great number. A man of ninety- 
 seven could not accomplish a pilgrimage from Kashghar to Mekka and Medina, 
 as Khudaidad is said to have done, and in all probability bis reign was much less 
 than ninety years. The chronology throughout this part of Mirza Haidar’s 
 history is very loose and cannot be relied on. He probably had only rough 
 estimates—little more than guesses on the part of his informants—to go upon, 
 and if in the case of so prominent a person as Ulugh Beg, be could be several 
 years in error, there is no reason why he should be more accurate in that of the 
 Beg’s contemporaries. As Mirza Haidar’s is the only book (so far as we know 
 at present) that gives the history of this branch of the Moghuls, as a whole, there 
 is no other chronology by which his dates can be tested. 
 
his Journey to Mekka. 
 
 69 
 
 There are also many miracles attributed to him. One of them, 
 that was related to me by Khidmat Maulana Khwaja Ahmad, I 
 will quote here. Khwaja Zahid of Kashghar was a great and 
 pious man. 1 Amir Khudaidad sent a person from Mogliulistan to 
 beg for one of Khwaja Zahid’s handkerchiefs. The Khwaja’s wife, 
 however, thought that it was not fitting to send the Khwaja’s 
 handkerchief to a Moghul in Mogliulistan, and that it would be a 
 sin to do so. Therefore she sent one that was not the Kliwaj a’s. 
 When it was brought to the Amir, he, with much praise-giving, 
 wiped his face therewith. But the next moment ho returned it 
 to the messenger, saying: “ If this is, in truth, the handkerchief 
 of the Khwaja, I have no need of it.” So the messenger returned 
 and gave it back to the wife of the Khwaja. At this she was much 
 astounded and told the Khwaja what had passed. Khwaja 
 Zahid reproved his wife, saying : “ The Amir is one of ‘ this sect ;’ 2 
 why did you act thus?” Thereupon the Khwaja sent his own 
 handkerchief. When the messenger delivered it over to the Amir, 
 he, having wiped his face with it, said: “Verily this is the 
 kerchief of the Khwaja—and I have faith in the Khwaja.” Many 
 miracles, such as this, are recorded of the Amir. 
 
 At last when the Amir reached the age of ninety-seven, he was 
 possessed of a very strong desire to make the pilgrimage to Mekka. 
 But in spite of much entreaty, Vais Khan refused his consent to 
 this step. The Amir secretly sent to Mirza Ulugh Beg, saying : 
 “ If you will come, I will disable the Moghuls and deliver them 
 into your hands.” Now, as Mirza Ulugh Beg had suffered much 
 annoyance from the Moghuls, and was continually engaged in 
 repressing them, he immediately mounted his horse and set out 
 [for Mogliulistan], When lie reached a famous town in Mogliul- 
 istan called Chu, 3 the Amir having deserted his own troops, joined 
 Mirza Ulugh Beg; and, in consequence, the Moghuls were 
 scattered in every direction. When the Amir met Mirza Ulugh Beg, 
 lie said to him : “ I committed this act because I could not obtain 
 leave to go to Mekka : this was my excuse for coming over to you, 
 but now I don’t see fit to go.” They then left that place, the 
 Mirza treating the Amir with all possible honour and respect. 
 AVhen they reached Samarkand, Mirza Ulugh Beg said to Amir 
 
 1 The Turki MS. says “zealot.”—E. 
 
 2 Frobably the “ sect of sorcerers,” or something 1 equivalent, is meant. Secret 
 sects or bodies, as the Babis in Persia for instance, are, in fact, spoken of as 
 “ that sect,” “ this tribe,” etc. 
 
 3 In some MSS. this name may be read Ju, but three dots instead of one under 
 the first letter would convert it into the name of the river Chu, which flows 
 through the western part of Mogliulistan, and it is possible that there may have 
 been at this period a town, or aid, of the same name on the banks of the river. 
 There is every reason to believe that about the time here spoken of, there were 
 large auls and ruins of ancient towns on and near the banks of the Chu, though 
 perhaps not actual towns, in the proper sense of the word. The word for “ town ” or 
 “ city,” however, is one that is much misused by Oriental writers. 
 
70 
 
 Amir Khudaidad and 
 
 Khudaidad: “ There is no one who knows so much about the 
 Turali 1 of Chingiz Khan as you do; I beg you to tell me all its 
 regulations, as I have a great desire to know all about it.” The 
 Amir replied : “We have completely discarded the infamous Turali 
 of Chingiz Khan, and have adopted the Shariat [or Muhammadan 
 Law]. If, however, Mirza Ulugh Beg, in spite of his common 
 sense and good judgment, approves the Turali of Chingiz Khan, 
 I will teach it him, that he may adopt it and forsake the Shariat .” 
 The Mirza was much perturbed at these words, and did not learn 
 the Turah. 
 
 In short, the Amir went to Mekka. When my father (God have 
 mercy on him) went to Khorasan, as I have mentioned in the 
 Second Part, he found there one of the generals of Sultan Husain 
 Mirza, named Sultan Ali Barlas, who was a very old man, being 
 nearly one hundred years of age. He had been held in great 
 honour by the Mirza. My father questioned him concerning his 
 ancestors and their times. He replied : “ My father’s name was 
 Shall Husain Barlas. He was one of the Moghul Barlas, and a 
 distinguished Mir. Amir Khudaidad travelled with him from 
 Moghulistan.” When my father heard this story, he became 
 greatly interested and begged [the Barlas] to narrate the whole 
 history. The latter began : “ I was quite a boy when Mir Khudai¬ 
 dad undertook his pilgrimage to Mekka, and my father accom¬ 
 panied him, for he was in the service of the Amir. We flea from 
 Moghulistan and wandered from town to town, till we set out 
 upon the journey to visit the holy town of Mekka; when we had 
 been a few days on our return journey, the Amir asked where 
 Medina was; they told him that Medina lay in a different direc¬ 
 tion. At this the Amir was much distressed, and said: ‘ I have 
 come a great distance and suffered many privations ; yet I have 
 not made the tawdf [circuit] of the garden of the Prophet (may 
 the peace and prayers of God be upon him); and it is a long 
 journey home again.’ 
 
 “ He then gave all his servants and porters leave to return home 
 with the caravan, sending with them many letters and messages 
 for his children in Moghulistan. One of these letters has passed 
 down from father to son into my possession, for it had always 
 been carefully preserved in our family. In short, the Amir and 
 his wife started for Medina, unencumbered, making an Arab 
 go in front to guide them. My father sent me with him too, 
 so I was of the Amir’s party. After a long journey we arrived 
 at Medina. The Amir made the tawdf of the garden of the 
 Prophet (upon whom be the most excellent of prayers), and we 
 passed the night in the house of a darvish. As night came on a 
 
 1 Turali , as we have seen, was another name for the Ydsuli or Ydza of Chingiz 
 Khan. 
 
his Journey to Mekka. 
 
 7i 
 
 great change manifested itself in the Amir. He called my father 
 (■ i.e ., Shah Husain Barlas) and said to him : 4 Bead me the chapter 
 called Yci-sin; ’ when my father came to the verse 4 Mislahum 
 Bala,’ the Amir expired. We were all astounded at this occur¬ 
 rence. With the break of day, many of the nobles and people of 
 Medina came to the house, asking : ‘ Did not some one die here 
 last night?’ and when we told them, they began to condole with 
 us, and said : ‘We have this night seen the Prophet in our sleep, 
 and he said to us : a guest has come to me to-night; he had made 
 a very long journey to visit me, and he has died here during the 
 night: bury him at the foot of the tomb of the Commander of the 
 Faithful, Osman.’ Then the Prophet drew a line with the end of 
 his stick. As soon as we awoke, we went and found that a line 
 had been drawn there. Happy the man who has been honoured 
 with such a favour! The nobles of Medina buried the Amir at the 
 feet of Osman, with great honour. On the following night the 
 wife of the Amir died also, and she was buried near where her 
 husband had been laid.” 
 
 When Sultan Ali Barlas reached this point in his narrative, my 
 father showed signs of great happiness; whereupon they questioned 
 him as to the cause of his delight. My father replied : “ This 
 Amir Khudaidad was my grandfather.” Sultan Ali Barlas im¬ 
 mediately got up and having embraced my father, said : “ What I 
 have told you is true. But no news of the death of the Amir ever 
 reached Moghulistan, for on our return journey we settled down 
 for some time in Irak, and then in Khorasan, and no one brought 
 the news into Moghulistan. Thanks be to God that I have been 
 able to give this news to you, and tell you what a noble death 
 Amir Khudaidad died.” 
 
 Moghul tradition says that when Amir Khudaidad went to 
 Mekka, his rank and titles were given, by Vais Khan, to the Amir’s 
 eldest son Mir Muhammad Shah. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIV. 
 
 THE MARTYRDOM OF VAIS KHAN. 
 
 A short time after the departure of Amir Khudaidad for Mekka, and 
 the accession of Mir Muhammed Shah to his father’s rank and titles, 
 Vais Khan’s destiny was achieved. It came about in the follow¬ 
 ing way. Satuk Khan—one of those men upon whom Amir 
 Timur had conferred the title of Khan—had been placed within 
 four strong walls in the centre of the town. The place is called 
 
72 
 
 Martyrdom of Vais Khan. 
 
 nowadays, in Samarkand, Hiydt-i-Khdn the walls of tlic Khan]. 1 
 It is a large place and each division of it has a separate name. 
 One of them is the Hauz-i-Bostan-i-Khdn [the reservoir of the 
 Khan’s garden], which is one of the loveliest spots in Samarkand. 
 In the days of Amir Timur, Yusurgli a finish Khan 2 occupied this 
 place; he, however, went away to Irak, and Sultan Mahmud Khan 
 v r as appointed to the Hiyat-i-Klian in his stead. All the mandates 
 [■ manshur ] of Amir Timur bear the name of these two Khans. So 
 also the mandates of Mirza Ulugh Beg bear the name of Satuk 
 Khan. Mirza Ulugh Beg removed this Satuk Khan from the 
 Iliyat-i-Khan, and put some one else in his place, whom he also 
 made Khan. lie then sent Satuk Khan into Moghulistan. 
 
 Vais Khan was in Issigh Kul, at Bakabulung. 3 I have heard 
 Maulana Khwaja Ahmad say : “Kliwaja Abdul-Karim, my cousin, 
 who v r as on very intimate terms wdtli Vais Khan, used to relate 
 that one Friday, just before the service, Vais Khan, vdio had 
 performed his ablutions and had been shaved, came to me and 
 asked : ‘ Of what is my head, in its present state of cleanliness, 
 worthy?’ I replied: ‘A jewelled crown.’ He said: ‘No, it is 
 worthy of martyrdom.’ He had scarce uttered those words when 
 a messenger came running up, to say that Satuk Khan had arrived. 
 Yais Khan immediately ordered them to sound the drums, while 
 he himself began to put on his armour. The men who were near 
 at hand quickly gathered round him, and they set out to meet the 
 enemy. There w^as a stream running between them. "When the 
 two forces came in contact, the Khan himself charged forward, and 
 wished to make his horse jump the stream, but the horse sank up 
 to his head [in the mud] on the bank of the river. One of the 
 servants of Mir Muhammad Shah (Jakir by name) was such a 
 good archer that he had not a single rival in the wdiole tribe, and 
 for this reason the Klian had begged him of Mir Muhammad Shah, 
 for his own service. At the moment when the Khan fell from his 
 horse, Jakir arrived on the spot, and mistaking the Klnin for one 
 of the enemy, aimed an arrow at the w r aist of the Khan, wdio on 
 being struck rolled over on his back. Then Jakir recognised the 
 Khan, and threw himself upon him. 4 When the new T s reached 
 
 1 Perhaps, better, the Enclosure, or Garden of the Khan. 
 
 2 This name usually stands Suyurghatmish. His nominal reign dates from 
 1309 to 1388, and that of Mahmud from 1388 to 1398. (See S. L. Poole’s 
 Muham. Dynast., p. 268.) They were both puppets set up by Timur, and what 
 Mirza Haidar briefly relates of them here, shows how they were treated by the 
 great Amir. 
 
 3 Or Yakdbulung; but the Turki MS. does not mention the place. There are 
 two rivers called Balcbulan in Moghulistan, on Ritter and Oetzel’s map, but 
 neither is near Issigh Kul. One is some distance to the north-west of the lake, 
 and the other a tributary of the lower Ohu. The name of Karabulun occurs on 
 the east shore of the lake, and though less like the word in the text than is 
 Bahbulan, it may represent the spot mentioned by the author. 
 
 4 Probably “ran to his aid” is intended 
 
73 
 
 Ruin of Irazan. 
 
 Satuk Klian, ho sot out for the spot and, on his arrival, lay the 
 Khan’s head upon his breast, but the last breath of life had lied.” 
 
 The Moghul tribe were in the greatest disorder and, moreover, 
 refused to obey Satuk Khan; so that this latter could no longer 
 remain in Moghulistan, but retired to Kashghar. Here he was over¬ 
 powered by Karakul Ahmad Mirza, who was a grandson of Amir 
 Khudaidad. Soon after this, Mirza Ulugh Beg sent an army to 
 Kashghar. They seized Karakul Ahmad Mirza and carried him oft 
 to Samarkand, where they cut him in half. 
 
 CHATTER XXXV. 
 
 RUIN OF [the PARTY OF] IRAZAN AFTER THE HEATH OF VAIS KHAN . 1 
 
 After the death of Vais Khan, the tribe of the Moghuls fell into 
 great disorder. But they became more tranquil when they learnt 
 the news of the death of Satuk Khan. Vais Khan left two sons, 
 Yunus Khan and Isan Bugha Khan. Yunus Khan was the elder, 
 and [at his father’s death] was thirteen years of age. There arose 
 a dispute among the princes [as to who should succeed]. There 
 were two men named Irazan Barin and Mirak Turkoman, who 
 had first of all been in the service of Amir Khudaidad, and after¬ 
 wards in that of his son Mir Muhammad Shah; but at the death of 
 Vais Khan, these two men had separated themselves from Mir 
 Muhammad Khan [Shah ?], by force of arms, and having attached 
 themselves to Yunus Khan, began to stir up rebellion in his 
 favour; while the rest of the people were on the side of Isan 
 Buglia. But as most of the generals were on the side of Isan 
 Bugha Khan, it became impossible for the party of Yunus to remain 
 in Moghulistan. So Irazan and Mirak Turkoman, together with 
 thirty thousand households and Yunus Khan, set out for Samarkand, 
 while Isan Bugha Khan and the rest of the Moghuls remained in 
 Moghulistan. 
 
 1 The Virani of Irazan seems to have been a long-remembered event among 
 the Moghuls. The word may mean ruin, devastation , or calamity, also expulsion, 
 dispersion, etc. In reality it was the party of Irazan Barin that was ruined and 
 expelled, though the calamity fell on the Moghul tribe generally, and more 
 especially, perhaps, on their chiefs, a number of whom were massacred. Baber 
 mentions the matter in his Memoirs. He says three or four thousand families 
 accompanied Irazan and Mirak, when these two carried the young Khan off to 
 Samarkand. Ulugh Beg gave them a bad reception, imprisoning some and dis¬ 
 persing the rest in all directions: “so that‘the Dispersion of the Irazan’has 
 become an era among the Moghuls.” ( Memoirs , p. 11.) 
 
74 
 
 Yunus Khan and Isan Bughd II. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXYJ. 
 
 RECEPTION OF YUNUS KIIAN AND IRAZAN, IN SAMARKAND, BY MIRZA 
 
 ULUGH BEG. 
 
 When Mirza Ulugh Beg heard of the approach of Irazan Barin 
 and Mirak Turkoman, he set out from Samarkand to meet them. 
 On their arrival, he promised to supply them with provisions, and 
 said: “ Every household must come into the fort separately, where 
 the members will have their names written down; each Moghul will 
 receive an ass’s load of provisions and then pass on.” Thus, hopeful 
 of supplies, the people entered, but when they arrived at another 
 door they were obliged to wait. Then their chiefs were killed 
 and the rest of them were taken prisoners. Of all that entered 
 the fort no one came out again to tell his story. Mirza Ulugh Beg 
 finished this business in a few days, and then despatched Yunus 
 Khan, w r ith a fifth of the spoil, to his father Mirza Shah Rukh. 
 The Khan was kindly treated—more like a son than a prisoner. 
 He was sent to Maulana Sharaf-ud-Din Yazdi, that under him he 
 might continue his studies. Many of the Maulana’s verses and 
 Kassidas are dedicated to the Khan. 
 
 He spent altogether twelve years with the Maulana, in the 
 acquirement of science and letters. In fact, as long as the Maulana 
 lived he remained with him, but on the death of the latter, he 
 quitted Yazd and made a journey through Irak, Arabia and Ears. 
 He was twenty-four when the Maulana died, and he returned to 
 Moghulistan, as pctdishah, at the age of forty-one, as will be 
 mentioned below (if God will). 
 
 CHAPTER XXXYII. 
 
 KHANSIIIP OF ISAN BUGIIA KHAN, SON OF VAIS KHAN, AFTER 
 
 THE RUIN OF IRAZAN. 
 
 After Mirak Turkoman and Irazan had carried off Yunus Khan 
 to Samarkand, the whole of Moghulistan became subject to Isan 
 Bugha Khan: all the Amirs offered to serve him, and thus the 
 affairs of the Khan made great progress. Amir Sayyid Ali was 
 untiring in his efforts to help the Khan, and as soon as the latter 
 was firmly established on the throne, Amir Sayyid Ali begged him 
 
75 
 
 Sayyid A Its Expedition to Kdshghar . 
 
 for permission to go to Kashghar. For, as I have already related, 
 Khwaja Sharif of Kashghar had given that place to Ulugli Beg 
 Mirza, and had expelled Mir Sayyid Ahmad, the father of Amir 
 Sayyid Ali. Mirza Ulugh Beg had, in the first place, appointed 
 Amir Sultan Malik Duladai to he Governor of Kashghar, and after 
 him Haji Muhammad Shayistah, and after him Pir Muhammad 
 Bari as. 
 
 Amir Sayyid Ali pointed out that it was a very fitting oppor¬ 
 tunity for him to go to Kashghar, and added: “ I will see if I 
 cannot restore to our family its old possession, of which for forty 
 years it has been deprived. If I fail I shall merit your scorn.” 
 The Khan thereupon gave his consent. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 AMIR SAYYID ALI S EXPEDITION TO, AND REDUCTION OF, KASHGHAR. 
 
 At this time, the greater part of Mangalai Suyah was under the 
 administration of the Dughlats. But Andijan and Kashghar had 
 fallen to the government of Samarkand; while Issigh Kul, from 
 the numerous vicissitudes to which it had been exposed, was 
 sinking into disruption ; the rest of the country, however, was still 
 in the hands of the Dughlat Amirs. Just at this period the 
 brothers and cousins of Amir Sayyid Ali were [governing l in Aksu, 
 Kus and Bai. Amir Sayyid Ali came to Aksu, and leaving his 
 family there, proceeded to Kashghar. When the Amir arrived in 
 Aksu, a great conflict arose between himself and his two brothers, 
 Mumin Mirza and Sayyid Mahmud Mirza. The Amir came off 
 victor, in the end, after having killed many of his relations. About 
 this matter there are many conflicting traditions. It appears, 
 at all events, that he first got the upper hand of his relatives 
 and then set out for Kashghar. He had 7000 men in his following. 
 When he arrived within the territory of Kashghar, Haji Muhammad 
 Shayistah repaired to a place called Uch Barkhan, which is about 
 three farsakhs distant from Kashghar, to oppose him, with 30,000 
 cavalry and infantry. But at the first attack of the Amir, Haji 
 Muhammad Shayistah took flight. The Moghuls started, in hot 
 haste, after the Chaghatai, who in order to gain greater freedom 
 in their flight, threw aside their armour before the enemy were 
 able to overtake them, and uttered cries of distress. For this 
 reason the battle was called “ Salai Begum,” that is to say, 
 “ Mir-i-man bianddzcim ,” or “ I throw down my Mir.” This was one 
 
76 
 
 Sayyid All’s Expedition to Kashghar . 
 
 of the most famous battles ever fought in that country, and formed 
 an epoch in its history. The people of Kashghar enabled the 
 fugitives to creep into the citadel, while the Amir laid waste and 
 pillaged all without, and then departed with the spoil. 
 
 The following year, when the corn was ripe, the Amir returned, 
 and no one dared to leave the city. Haji Muhammad Shayistah 
 fortified himself in the citadel, while the Amir ravaged the whole 
 country round. He laid siege to, and captured, one of the 
 neighbouring fortresses, called Alaku, and again retired. 
 
 Then Khwaja Sharif went to Samarkand to implore the 
 assistance of Mirza Ulugh Beg. While he was there, the Mirza one 
 day asked him : “ Are there any donkeys in Kashghar?” Khwaja 
 Sharif replied : “ Since the Chaghatai have come, there are a great 
 number of donkeys.” Khwaja Sharif took Pir Muhammad Barlas 
 with him to Kashghar, while Mirza Ulugh Beg withdrew Haji 
 Muhammad Shayistah to Samarkand. When Pir Muhammad 
 Barlas arrived in Kashghar, the people gave him the surname 
 leikab] of Bangi, but they derived no benefits from him, 1 and 
 Khwaja Sharif began to despair of the Chaghatai. 
 
 When the Amir advanced against Kashghar for the third year in 
 succession, the people of that country addressed a complaint to 
 Khwaja Sharif, saying : “ We have lost the crops of two successive 
 years; if we lose this year’s crop too, there will be a famine in our 
 country.” 
 
 On the Amir’s arrival in Kashghar, the people of that town, 
 having bound Pir Muhammad Barlas, gave him up to the Amir. 2 
 The Amir thereupon divested Pir Muhammad Barlas of his 
 mantle of life, and entered the town of Kashghar, where he 
 administered justice to the people. He governed the country 
 during twenty-four years; and under him the State was so 
 prosperous and happy, that he is talked of to this day. During all 
 this time, the Amir paid so much attention to agriculture and the 
 breeding of cattle and sheep, that when he died, leaving three sons 
 and two daughters, one of his sons, Muhammad Haidar Mirza, my 
 grandfather, received as his share 180,000 sheep. 
 
 I once heard from Khwaja Fakhruddin, a merchant of noble 
 birth and pleasant of speech, that the Amir occupied himself with 
 hunting during three months every winter. No one but soldiers 
 were allowed to take part in the royal bunt. But as many soldiers 
 as the Amir was able to provide for, used to join in the party, and 
 during those three months, each one was supplied with meat and 
 flour, which was distributed to them at the different halting-places 
 [manzil]. On some days as many as 5000 sheep were given out, 
 
 1 That is: this change of governor did not improve the state of affairs. 
 
 2 Lit., as an istilibdl — i.e., the present offered to a person of consequence, by 
 those who go out to meet and welcome him on his arrival.—K. 
 
Quarrels of I sail Bnghd with his A mirs. 77 
 
 together with a proportionate amount of flour and barley and hay. 
 Some years, 3000 persons were in attendance on the Amir, and 
 each one was given his provisions. The inhabitants of the different 
 villages were always anxious for the Amir to come to stay in their 
 village, and the hunting party, on its arrival, would make them 
 participate in their own store of good things. Fakhruddin used to 
 relate that on one occasion, when they had alighted in our village, 
 which is Artuch, 1 the Amir’s master of the hunt [Mir-shikar] 
 having brought some flour, gave it to a poor woman to bake, 
 promising her, as a wage for her work, one of the six loaves, 
 which were to be made from the flour he had supplied her 
 with ; but when the woman brought the loaves, he refused to 
 give her one of them, saying : “ I supplied the flour and the 
 wood and the salt; what have you deserved of me?” At that 
 moment the Amir happened to be passing by on horseback. 
 He stopped and asked the woman what her trouble was : the woman 
 laid her complaint before the Amir, who then questioned the 
 master of the hunt. As this latter acknowledged the truth of the 
 poor woman’s story, the Amir said to him : “ Why did you not bake 
 your own bread, instead of troubling this woman ? ” The Amir 
 then sent to a blacksmith’s-shop for some pincers, and caused all 
 the wretched man’s teeth to be drawn from his head. I have 
 repeated this tale as a proof of the Amir’s justice. There are still 
 existing in Kashghar, many sacred edifices and charitable institu¬ 
 tions, which were founded by the Amir. During the twenty-four 
 years of his government, many important events occurred, which 
 shall hereafter be related in detail. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 
 THE QUARRELS OE ISAN BUGHA KHAN WITH HIS AMIRS. 
 
 When Yunus Khan left the country, the whole tribe submitted to 
 Isan Bugba Khan, and for a few years the country enjoyed repose. 
 The Khan, however, by reason of his youth, was but lightly 
 esteemed by his Amirs. One of the Amirs, a certain Timur of the 
 ITighur tribe of Turfan, had enjoyed the special favour of the 
 young Khan; the other Amirs being annoyed at his elevation, 
 and at the small degree of attention they themselves received, 
 could no longer contain their wrath, and one day, in the 
 
 1 No doubt Artusli , or Altun Artush, on the spurs of the hills, one short march 
 north of Kashghar—a favourite summer resort of the townspeople. 
 
78 
 
 Quarrels of Is an Bug ha 
 
 presence of the Khan, seized the unfortunate man and cut him in 
 pieces. After this there was a division among the Amirs, and the 
 Khan, much alarmed at what had taken place, fled. 
 
 When this news reached Amir Sayyid Ali in Kashghar, he at 
 once set out for Moghulistan. He found the Khan at Ak Kahas, 
 and, accompanied by a few men, carried him off to Aksn, of which 
 town he made him governor. 
 
 Meanwhile the Moghul Amirs were acting each in his own way. 
 Mir Muhammad Shah had taken up his abode in Atbashi, but 
 after some correspondence and promises of friendship, between 
 himself and his nephew Amir Sayyid Ali, he joined the Khan in 
 Aksu ; he was beloved and esteemed to the end of his life. 
 
 Another was Mir Karim Bardi, who was also a Dughlat. He 
 built a fort on the frontier of Moghulistan, on the side of Andijan 
 and Farghana. It stood on the summit of a hillock at a place 
 called Alabugha, and its ruins are still to be seen. He spent his 
 time in ravaging and plundering Andijan and the Musulmans. 
 
 Mir Hakk Bardi Begjik went to dwell in a place called Kui 
 Sui, which is in Issigh Kul. Here he built a fort, and put his 
 wives and family on the island in Issigh Kul, 1 that they might be 
 
 1 This appears to mean that Kui Sui was the name of the island. There are 
 now no islands in Issigh Kul, but the name of Koi-Su is found, on some maps, 
 among those of some small rivers discharging into the eastern end of the lake. 
 Kostenko tells us that although no islands exist, there are numerous shoals in its 
 waters, and since there is every reason to believe that the level of the lake lias 
 altered within historic times, it is possible that some of these shoals may have 
 been above the surface four hundred years ago. He points to some evidences of 
 the lake having fallen rather than risen, but he is speaking of geological periods 
 in one instance, and of a statement of the local Kirghiz, that the water lias 
 subsided “ during the last ten years,” in another. Mr. Schaffer gives a good 
 account of the lake and comes to a different conclusion. He writes: “ Lake 
 Issik-Kul, which is a large body of water, 120 miles long by 33 wide, has at 
 present no outlet. Its shores, however, afford indubitable evidence of numerous 
 elevations and depressions.” He admits that “ at one time ” the water may 
 have reached the bases of the mountains 100 feet above its present level, but 
 adds (in another place) : “ the fact that ruins are visible under the water would 
 seem to show either a subsidence of the soil, or that the lake is higher than it 
 once was.” He relates that “ diamond-shaped tiles, some plain red, others 
 covered with a blue glaze, have been obtained partly from the lake and partly 
 from ruins, ploughed up by the peasants. At a place on the northern side of the 
 lake called Koroi-Saroi, and in two places at the eastern end, remains of sub¬ 
 merged cities are still to be seen a few feet under water. Many objects have 
 been found here, some thrown up by the waves and others fished out of the 
 water, chiefly broken pottery and pieces of metallic ves>els.” He mentions the 
 discovery of two ornamented copper kettles, a lamp bearing an inscription in an 
 unknown alphabet, etc., and continues : “ These ruins have never been carefully 
 investigated, but in 1809 General Kolpakofsky examined some of them, and says 
 that between the mouths of the streams 2nd and 3rd Koi-Su, at seven feet from 
 the shore and at a depth of three feet, there are visible traces of brick walls 
 which go parallel to each other at a distance of a few feet until the depth of the 
 lake prevents their being seen. He also saw a large stone, on which was carved 
 the representation of a human face, and which he succeeded in getting out of the 
 water. Subsequent observers, who had succeeded in rigging out a boat, assured 
 me that especially near the river Tub, on a clear day, they could see the remains 
 of buildings.” 
 
with his Amirs. 
 
 79 
 
 safe from the attacks ofitlie Kaimaks. Having done this, he went 
 forth to lay waste Turkistan and Sairam. The Amirs of Jaras 
 and of the tribe of Barin went to join Amasanji Taishi, son of 
 Isan Taishi, who was [chief] in the land of the Kalmaks, 1 while 
 Kaluji and Balghaji and several families joined Abulkhair Khan 2 
 in Turkistan. The Amirs of Kunji and several others wandered, 
 in confusion and disorder, over the desert plains of Moghulistan. 
 
 But when Isan Bugha Khan had become firmly established in 
 Aksu, first of all Mir Muhammad Shah came to him [and sub¬ 
 mitted], and after that, others returned to him in numbers. The 
 Khan, too, repenting of his former deeds, began to treat his people 
 with great kindness. As soon as he had regained complete 
 authority, he made a simultaneous attack upon Sairam, Turkistan 
 and Tashkand, and having devastated these countries, returned 
 home. This expedition took place before the year 855 of the 
 Ilajra [1451]. A second time also, he made a similar foray into 
 this country. At that time Sultan Abu Said Mirza was padislidh 
 of Mavara-un-Nahr. He pursued the Khan and overtook him in 
 Yangi, 3 which in books of history is called Taraz. The Moghuls 
 
 Issigh-Kul means warm lake, and is the equivalent of tlie Chinese Jlie-hai. 
 Other Chinese names are Yen-lmi, salt lake (for the water is brackish), and 
 Tsing-hai, or clear lake, By the Kirghiz it is sometimes called Tuz-Kul , 
 meaning ‘ salt lake,’ and by the Kalmaks Timurtu Nor , or ‘ iron lake,’ on account of 
 the ferruginous sand found on its shores. Schuyler remarks that old Chinese 
 maps place the city of Ghi-gu on the shores of Issigh-Kul, while the Catalan 
 map of 1375 (as noted already) mirks on the southern shore, a Nestorian 
 monastery containing the hones of St. Matthew. Bretschneider mentions a curious 
 statement found in the work of Arab Shah, who reports that Amir Timur, in 
 1403, b tnished a Tartar tribe (the Kara Tatar) from Asia Minor “ to the fortress 
 Bowaira, which was situated in the middle of the lake called Issicoul. This 
 lake, he says, was at the boundary between the dominions of Timur and 
 Moghulistan.” The passage is apparently taken from Petis’ translation of the 
 Zafar-Nama, or Hist, cle Timur Bee. Thus two native authors, writing in the 
 fifteenth and sixteenth centuries respectively, mention islands in Lake Issigh- 
 Kul. (See Kostenko, Turkistan , English tr., i., pp. 155-6; Schuyler, i., p. 54 ; ii., 
 pp. 129-31 ; Bretschneider, ii., pp. 244-5.) 
 
 1 Taishi was the title by which Kalmak chiefs were designated, and from the 
 combination Khdn-Taishi , the word Contaish , used by early European writers 
 for a Kalmak king, is said to be derived. The statement made by the author 
 that “Amasanji Taishi was in the land of the Kalmaks,” contains, probably, an 
 omission of the word chief or some equivalent of it. It should probably read : 
 “ Amasanji Taishi was chief in the land. . . .” 
 
 2 Abulkhair was the chief of the Uzbegs in and about the plains of Kipchak, 
 Mavara-un-Nahr, and Turkistan, and grandfather of the famous Shaibani, or 
 Shahi Beg, Khan. He died 1469. 
 
 3 This is the second time that Mirza Haidar gives an equivalent for Tdrdz , 
 which may be read in several different ways, as for instance Yangi , Maniki, 
 Masiki, Baiki, etc. It is more than probable that Yangi is intended, but 
 Erskine, when preparing his Hist, of India, seems to have read, in this place, 
 Masiki. He notes that Baber refers to the event mentioned in the text, thus : 
 “ Baber says that Abu Said advanced beyond Yangi , and gave Isanbugha a 
 severe defeat at a town in Moghulistan called Aspera. (Mem., pp. 11, 12.) Mirza 
 Haidar makes him overtake the Khan at Masiki, in books called Taraz. . . . 
 Otrar is known by the names of Taraz, Yangi (or Yangi Kent), and, it would 
 appear, of Masiki .” Baber docs say, on the first page of his Memoirs , that “ in 
 
So 
 
 Quarrels of Is an Bughd 
 
 fled without offering battle, and Saltan Abu Said Mirza returned 
 to bis own country [Mavara-un-Nahr ; but when be bad taken 
 
 former times ” there was a city called Yangi, “ known in books of history by the 
 name of Otrar,’’ but lie adds that in his own time it was in ruins and depopu¬ 
 lated. Quatremere also took Tdrdz to be another name for Otrar, because the 
 latter had at one time borne the name of Yangi. But there are, and have been 
 at all times, many towns of the name of Yangi, or New , either used alone or com¬ 
 bined with Kandy Hisar, Shahr, etc., just as we have everywhere in England, 
 Newton, Newport, Newcastle, etc. Indeed, in most countries the adjective 
 “ new ” is one of the commonest parts of place-names. 
 
 Tdrdz , as we have seen in note 1, p. 63, was without doubt situated on the 
 Talus river, probably at or near the modern Aulia-Ata, and would therefore have 
 stood about one hundred and sixty miles, in direct distance, to the eastward of 
 Otrar. Thus the only inference is, that two places of the same name are spoken of 
 by some of the Oriental writers. There was indeed a third in this particular 
 region, for Mr. Lerch, in 1867, explored and made us acquainted with the 
 ruins of an ancient Yangi , or Ydmgi-Kand on the Sihuu, some distance below 
 Otrar. 
 
 As regards Baber’s Yangi, mentioned in reference to the pursuit of the 
 Moghuls by Abu Said, it is obvious that neither of those on the Sihun can be 
 indicated, for we are clearly told (1) that the Moghuls were flying towards their 
 own country, and (2) that they were defeated at Asparah. If they had passed 
 by Otrar , they would not have been going in the direction of Moghulistan, and 
 there is no Asparah in that direction. In order to retreat to Moghulistan, on 
 the other hand, they must necessarily have passed by, or near, Taraz, while 
 beyond that place they would have come to Asparah. Thus there is, I think, 
 sufficient evidence to identify the Yangi, or Yangi-Kand, of Mirza Haidar with 
 Tdrdz, and to regard the Masiki of Erskine as a mere misreading of the text he 
 used. Moreover, it seems possible that he may have been misled into this 
 reading through the frequent mentions by Baber, in his Memoirs, of a place which 
 he writes Masikha. Athough, as Erskine himself has shown in his map, it is an 
 entirely different place, and should never be confused with his Masiki or Yangi, 
 still the writing in the original text may have misled him. 
 
 But if Erskine read Masiki as an equivalent for Tdrdz he is not singular, for 
 Quatremere thought that the original of Haidar Razi might possibly be read in 
 the same, or nearly the same, way. Thus he translates the “ meadows of Talas 
 and Kentchek which are vulgarly called Meski and Taraz ” ; though he notes 
 that perhaps the word Meski may stand for Yangi. This, however, is only a 
 question of reading the texts—not of the identification of the places—and an 
 inspection of the text of Haidar Razi, would probably show that the word was 
 written in the same way as Mirza Haidar has written it. 
 
 Farther on, in this history, we shall see that Mirza Haidar again refers to 
 Tdrdz as a city mentioned in books, where “ it is written that the Moghuls call 
 Tdrdz, Yangi.” Here there is no question of any other reading of the text. He 
 adds that traces of several other ancient towns are found in the same neighbour¬ 
 hood, but that “it is not known which of these old cities was Yangi, or what 
 were the names of the others.” This point may be cleared up by a reference to 
 Quatremere’s translation of the Masdlak Al Absar (a work of the first half of the 
 fourteenth century), where we are told that from Samarkand to Yangi twenty 
 days’ journey was reckoned, and that the latter city consisted of four towns, 
 separated one from the other by a distance of one “ parasang.” Each town had 
 its own particular name, one being called Yengi, the second Yengi-balik, the 
 third lvenchak, and the fourth Talas (or Taraz). Again, in the Haft Iklim 
 (Quatremere) it is said that “Taraz . . . bore also the name of Yangi” ; while 
 in the geography of Sadik Ispaliani (Ouseley) we find the two names coupled 
 together thus : “ Yangi-Tiraz, a city of Turkistan.” The Arab writer, Mukadasi 
 (according to Sprenger) included Tdrdz in a list of towns belonging to the pro¬ 
 vince of lsfijab, which is the ancient name for Sairam, near Chimkent. Istakkri 
 and Idrisi (according to the same authority) make the distance from Samarkand 
 to Tdrdz twenty-two and twenty-three days respectively. Ibn Kliordadbak 
 reckons it about five days (twenty-six farsakhs) from Isfijdb ; while Arab Shah 
 (on Bretschneider’s authority) places it about four days from Sairam (which 
 
with his Amirs. 
 
 8i 
 
 Khorasan, lie repaired to that country. 1 Isan Bugha Khan went 
 to Andijan, where Mirza Ali Kuchuk, having been put in command 
 by Mirza Sultan Abu Said, had fortified the citadel. The Khan 
 had troops enough to enable him to surround the citadel with a 
 triple line of men. He ran mines in every direction. The outer 
 fort was taken. . . . 2 Finally peace was concluded, and many 
 complimentary presents given [pishlcash]. The Khan having 
 taken possession of the whole district of Andijan, departed. 
 There are to this day in Kashghar, descendants of the men who 
 were made prisoners in this war, and they are Moghuls. 3 
 
 When Sultan Abu Said Mirza heard this news, he was at a loss 
 to know how he could put a check on Isan Bugha Khan. For if 
 he advanced into Moghulistan, the Khan would withdraw to the 
 farthest extremities of the country, whither it would be impossible 
 for the army of Samarkand to follow him, and when the army should 
 retreat the Khan would follow after it. 4 Again it was out of the 
 question to be always sending people to oppose him ; for Isan 
 Buglia’s strength and numbers generally proved obstacles to the 
 Amirs who were sent. 
 
 All this time Mirza Sultan Abu Said was intent upon an 
 expedition against Irak, but on account of the trouble and 
 annoyance caused him by Isan Bugha Khan, he was not able to 
 carry out his plan of marching into Irak. So he sent to summon 
 Yunus Khan, the elder brother of Isan Bugha Khan, from Irak, 
 
 agrees fairly with Khordadbah), though ho makes it fifteen only from Samarkand. 
 These distances, except perhaps the last mentioned, would suit well for a position 
 on the Talas river. 
 
 On the whole, no further evidence is, I think, needed to demonstrate (1) that 
 Maski, or Masiki , is only a misreading of Ydngi ; and (2) that Yangi and Tdrdz 
 were one and the same place and stood on, or about, the same site as the modern 
 Aulia-Ata—though there were several other Yangis in Central Asia. It may be 
 added here that D’Avezac gives some curious variants of the name Yangi Ivand 
 or Yangi-Kent, culled from old authors— viz., lankine, Ianeldn , Iakynt , Sakine, 
 Sarguit, etc. 
 
 (See Baber, pp. 1, 11, 12, 101, 102; Erskine’s Hist., i., p. 47; Yule’s Cathay, 
 p. ccxiii; Schuyler, i., pp. 404, and ii., pp. 120-1; Bretschneider, ii., p.252; 
 Sprenger, pp. 19, 22, 23 ; Quatremere, Not. et Extr., xiii., pp. 224-26; D’Avezac, 
 Jleceuil de Voyages, iv., pp. 505 and 513; Sadik lspahani, p. 56; Howorth, ii., 
 pp. 286 seq.; Thonnelier, Die. Geogr., pp. 45 seq.) 
 
 1 Sultan Abu Said Mirza was great-grandson of Amir Timur, and grand¬ 
 father of Baber. He was ruler of Mavara-un-Nahr from 1451 to 1468, and at 
 the time spoken of in the text (863 h., or 1459) had also conquered Khorasan 
 and Balkli. He was perhaps the most powerful chief then ruling in Central 
 Asia, and his capital, Herat, was famed for its institutions, its architecture and 
 its men of learning. 
 
 2 An unintelligible passage of six words occurs here.—R. 
 
 ^ 3 This is the literal translation of the sentence. The meaning probably is, as 
 Erskine has inserted it in the Introduction to his Hist. (p. 48)—“ and they are 
 become perfect Moghuls.” 
 
 1 This is exactly the difficulty that Timur experienced in dealing with the 
 Moghuls under the leadership of Kamaruddin. Their traditional tactics, as 
 described here, seem alone to have rendered them formidable to their western 
 neighbours. 
 
 G 
 
82 
 
 Quarrels of I sail Bugha. 
 
 where, as has been already mentioned, Yunus was living at that 
 time; he then despatched Yunus Khan against Isan Bugha Khan, 
 in order that while the two brothers were engaged in fighting one 
 another, his own country might enjoy a little peace. The Moghul 
 Amirs who had separated from [Isan Bugha] Khan and all those 
 who, having built castles, would not yield obedience to him, the 
 Khan did not oppose in their proceedings, in the hope that they 
 would again return to [their allegiance to] him. 
 
 At that time Abulkhair Khan exercised full power in the 
 Dasht-i-Kipchak. He had been at war with the Sultans of the 
 race of Juji; while Jani Beg Khan and Karai Khan fled before 
 him into Moghulistan. Isan Bugha Khan received them with 
 great honour, and delivered over to them Kuzi Bashi, 1 which is 
 near Chu, on the western limit of Moghulistan, where they dwelt 
 in peace and content. On the death of Abulkhair Khan the Ulus 
 of the Uzbegs fell into confusion, and constant strife arose among 
 them. Most of them joined the party of Karai Khan and Jani 
 Beg Khan. They numbered about 200,000 persons, and received 
 the name of Uzbeg-Kazak. 2 The Kazak Sultans began to reign in 
 the year 870 [1465-66] (but God knows best), and they continued 
 to enjoy absolute power in the greater part of Uzbegistan, till the 
 year 940 [1533-34 a.d.]. Karai Khan was succeeded by Baranduk 
 Khan, who was in turn succeeded by Kasim Khan, the son of Jani 
 Beg Khan. Kasim Khan subdued the whole of the Dasht-i- 
 Kipchak. His army numbered more than a million [a thousand 
 thousand] men. Excepting Juji Khan, there had never reigned a 
 greater Khan than he in that country. He was succeeded by his 
 son Mimash Khan, who was succeeded by his brother Tahir Khan. 
 During the rule of this Tahir Khan, the Kazaks began to 
 diminish; after him his brother Birilash reigned. During his 
 rule there were only 20,000 Kazaks left. In 940 he died, and the 
 Kazaks disappeared entirely. From the days of Isan Bugha 
 Khan to the time of Rashid Khan, 3 friendly relations generally 
 existed between the Moghuls and the Kazaks. But Rashid Sultan 
 upset this state of affairs, as will be related (God willing) in the 
 account I shall give of Rashid Khan. 
 
 1 Another reading of this name is Jud Kuzi Baslii. It is not traceable on 
 modern maps. 
 
 2 This brief statement is valuable, as showing not only how this particular 
 tribe came into existence, but, generally, bow a new tribe with a new name may 
 arise from mere local circumstances and passing events. For some remarks on 
 this particular event and on the passages which follow, see note 1, p. 272, and 
 Howortli, ii., p. 6. 
 
 3 Isan Bugha reigned from 832 to 866 h. (or 1429-62 a.d.). Rashid's reign 
 dates from the end of 939 h., or 1533, and lasted till 973 h., or 1565-6 ; but the 
 alienation of the Kazaks took place in the early years of his rule. Thus the 
 alliance continued for about a hundred years. Regarding the author’s statement 
 that the Kazaks “disappeared entirely” from about the year 940 h. (1533), see 
 note 1, p. 272, and Sec. vi. of the Introduction. 
 
Reign of Yunus Khan. 
 
 33 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE KHANSHIP OF YUNUS KHAN. 
 
 Sultan Abu Said Mirza, son of Sultan Muhammad Mirza, son of 
 Miranshah Mirza, son of Amir Timur, got the upper hand of his 
 cousins and took Samarkand from Abdullah Mirza of Shiraz. 
 After the death of Mirza Babar Kalandar, 1 son of Mirza Baisanghar, 
 son of Mirza Shah Rukh, son of Amir Timur, there was no padishah 
 in Khorasan. So [Sultan Abu Said Mirza] took possession of 
 Khorasan ; his heart was set upon appropriating for himself Irak 
 also, but, as has been mentioned, the opposition of Isan Bugha 
 Khan prevented him from absenting himself upon so long an 
 expedition. He therefore sent to fetch Yunus Khan, the elder 
 brother of Isan Bugha Khan, from Irak (the reason of whose going 
 to Irak has been explained above), and having established his court 
 at Kushk-i-Bagh-i-Zaghan, 2 he instituted princely feasts in honour 
 of the Khan. They made many compacts and agreements, and 
 among other things, Sultan Abu Said Mirza said to the Khan : “In 
 Amir Timur’s first expedition, his generals would not obey him as 
 they should have done. Now, if he had ordered them all to be 
 put to death, he would but have weakened his own power. The 
 generals said to him : ‘ You should appoint a Khan, whom we 
 must obey.’ So Amir Timur appointed Suyurghatmish Khan over 
 them, and the generals submitted to the Khan. All firmans were 
 issued in this Khan’s name, but Amir Timur kept careful watch 
 over him. After his death, his son Sultan Mahmud Khan was 
 appointed in his stead. But from the reign of Amir Timur down 
 to the time of Mirza Ulugh Beg, the power of these Khans was 
 only nominal; and in my own time the Khans have generally been 
 prisoners in Samarkand. Since I have ascended the throne, my 
 power is so absolute that I have no need of a Khan ; so now I have 
 divested you of the garments of poverty and, having clothed you in 
 princely robes, am sending you back to your native country on the 
 following conditions: —For the future you must not follow the 
 example of your ancestors and say, ‘ Amir Timur and the race of 
 Amir Timur are our vassals, and have been for generations.’ For 
 although it was formerly so, things have changed now, and I am 
 
 1 His real name was Abdul Kasim Baber. (See Genealogical Table of 
 Timuri, attached.) 
 
 The Bdgli-i-Zdglidn is a celebrated garden situated outside the north-western 
 angle of the walls of Herat. Its foundation is attributed to Shah Itukh and his 
 wite Gauhar Slnld Agha, and thus dates from the first half of the fifteenth 
 century. (See Khanikoff in Journ. Asiat., 5 serie I., xv., June, 1860, pp. 537-48, 
 and plan.) 
 
34 
 
 Proceedings of Yunus Khan. 
 
 padishah in my own right; thus, now if you are going to he my 
 vassal, you must hear the name of ‘ servitor ’ [KJiddim-i-MaMdum~\ 
 and do away with the name of ‘ friend.’ You need not, however, 
 write to me in the way the Khans used to write to the Timuri 
 Mirzas, hut in a friendly way; 1 and these conditions are to apply 
 to your sons and your sons’ sons/’ Yunus Khan agreed to all these 
 conditions, and swore a solemn oath to abide by them. He "was 
 then allowed to depart, accompanied by all the Moghuls who were 
 in that district. 
 
 CHAPTER XLI. 
 
 DETAILED ACCOUNT OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF YUNUS KHAN. 
 
 I have only given a summarised account of Yunus Khan in the 
 above Chapter; I will now enter more into detail. 
 
 Yunus Khan was the son of Yais Khan, son of Shir Ali Oghlan, 
 son of Muhammad Khan, son of Khizir Khwaja Khan, son of 
 Tughluk Timur Khan. I have never heard the date of his birth, 
 but from the date of his death and the length of his days, it may 
 be inferred that he was born in the year 819 of the Hajra [1416], 
 but God alone knows. He succeeded to the Khanate upon the 
 death of his father, Yais Khan. There was much dissension 
 between himself and his brother Isan Bugha Khan, and the Amirs ; 
 Irazan and Mirak Turkoman had seized the Khan and several of 
 the chiefs of families, and had taken them to Ulugh Beg in 
 Samarkand. This was -when the Khan was sixteen years of age. 
 This disaster [yirani], which took place in the year 832 of the 
 Hajra, forms, down to the present day, an epoch among the 
 Moghuls. 2 
 
 Mirza Ulugh Beg sent the Khan to his father, in the manner 
 related, and the Khan was received -with all honour and respect by 
 Mirza Shall Bukh, who put him under the guidance and care of 
 Maulana Sharaf-ud-Din Ahizdi. The Maulana was a man of profound 
 learning, and had not an equal in all Samarkand, Khorasan or Irak. 
 In former times enigmas [muamma] were of a different sort to 
 what one commonly meets with nowadays. This new kind was 
 introduced by the Maulana, and he has written a book concerning 
 the solution of these enigmas. He is the author, too, of the Zcifar- 
 
 1 The meaning probably is—“ Before the world, and officially, yon are only my 
 vassal or subordinate, but you may write to me privately as a friend, and not 
 with the humility that the Khans had to use to the Timuri Mirzas.” 
 
 2 Or, more literally, one of the principal dates in Moghul history.—R. 
 
Proceedings of Yunus Khan. 85 
 
 Kama. He also wrote some mystical commentaries on poetry, 1 
 and he has never been excelled, at any time, in this style of com¬ 
 mentary. Many other works were written by him, which it would 
 take too long to enumerate here. I only wish to demonstrate how 
 very talented he was. The Khan studied, twelve years under him, 
 with the result that there never was, either before or after, so wise 
 a Khan as he, among the Moghuls. 
 
 When Khidmat Mankind died, the Khan left Yazd and made a 
 journey in Ears and Azarbaijan. He profited much by his travelling, 
 and gained great experience of life. He finally selected Shiraz as 
 a residence ; there he mixed with the learned men of the place, and 
 acquired many useful sciences and crafts, so that he became known 
 as Ustad Yunus. 
 
 In the meanwhile, Mirza Sultan Abu Said had seized Ivhorasan, 
 and was meditating the conquest of Irak, but was prevented from 
 carrying out this project, by the frequent incursions of Isan Bugha 
 Khan into Farghana, Shash and Turkistan, which caused all ideas 
 of an expedition into Irak to be temporarily abandoned. In the 
 year 860 of the Hajra, Mirza Sultan Abu Said sent people to 
 summon the Khan from Shiraz, under the conditions above men¬ 
 tioned, and to conduct him to Moghulistan. The Khan was then 
 forty-one years of age. 2 
 
 1 Or commentaries in verse ; the text is uncertain.—It. 
 
 2 Among the works of Sharaf-ud-Din, the best known to Europeans is the 
 Zafar-Ndma (called sometimes the Tdrikh-i-Sdhib Kirani ), so copiously cited by 
 Mirza Haidar at the beginning of this history. Besides being an author, Sharaf- 
 ud-Din is said to have been an astronomer, and to have assisted Ulugh Beg in the 
 observations used for the astronomical tables. The Zafar-Ndma may be de¬ 
 scribed as a panegyric, as well as a history, of Amir Timur, and was dedicated to 
 Shah Rukh Mirza in 1425. A French translation by M. Petis de la Croix was 
 published in 1722 and 1723, though it had been completed some years before the 
 translator’s death, which occurred in 1695. Sharaf-ud-Din died in the year 858 ii. 
 (1454 a.d.) according to Dr. Rieu, so that we ought here to have a date for 
 fixing the life and reign of Yunus Khan. If Yunus was twenty-four years 
 old in 858 (as Mirza Haidar says at p. 74), and returned to Moghulistan as 
 Khan when he was forty-one, he must have remained in exile for seventeen years 
 after the Maulana’s death, and thus began to reign only in 875 h., or 1470-1. 
 If, however, his capture took place in 832, and he was then sixteen years of age, 
 he must have been forty-two when the Maulana died in 858, and forty-four at 
 his restoration, if that event occurred, as the author states, in 860. There is 
 thus an irreconcilable difference of fifteen years in the date of the beginning of 
 his reign. Baber gives an account of these transactions, but, unfortunately, 
 mentions no dates. He says that five or six months after the arrival of Yunus at 
 Shiraz, Sultan Ibrahim (second son of Shah Rukh and Governor of Fars) died, 
 and was succeeded by his son Abdulla Mirza, under whom Yunus took service, 
 and remained seventeen or eighteen years—until he was summoned to Herat, 
 and made Khan of Moghulistan by Sultan Abu Said Mirza. Farther on it will 
 be seen that our author says Yunus was born in 818, and died, at the age of 
 seventy-four, in 892. If this is correct, and if his capture should date from 832, 
 he would at that time have been fourteen years old. This leaves only a difference 
 of two years in his age to be reconciled, but it does not clear up the discrepancy 
 in the date of the commencement of his reign. (See Rieu’s Brit. Mas. Catalogue, i., 
 p. 173; Beale’s Orient. Biogr. Diet.; Erskine’s Baber, p. 11; Erskine’s Hist., i., 
 pp. 45 and 49.) 
 
86 
 
 Arrival of Yunus in Moghulistan. 
 
 CHAPTER XLII. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF YUNUS KHAN IN MOGHULISTAN. 
 
 I have already shown that in Moghulistan, each Amir had fortified 
 himself where ne happened to he. After this demonstration of 
 contumacy, and the murder of Timur Uighur, Isan Bugha had 
 withdrawn to Aksu. When Yunus Khan arrived in Moghulistan, 
 the first of the Amirs to join him was Mir Karim Bardi; and after 
 him, Kunji, together with several of the dispersed Moghuls, entered 
 the Khan’s service. The Khan then married the daughter of Mir 
 Pir Haji Kunji, who was at that time an Amir Tuman of the Kunji 
 [clan] and enjoyed absolute authority. Her name was Isan Daulat 
 Begum. By her the Khan had three sons, each of whom will be 
 spoken of in his proper place. Of the Begjik Amirs in Issigh Kul, 
 Mir Pir Hakk Bardi had died, and had been succeeded by his 
 nephew Mir Ibrahim, who also came and attached himself to the 
 Khan. 
 
 All these Amirs offered their services to the Khan, but as they 
 had for so long a time been acting independently, and each one 
 for himself, they did not fulfil their duties, or offer the Khan fitting 
 allegiance. Nevertheless, he humoured them in every way 
 possible. 
 
 When some years had passed in this manner, the Khan set out 
 against Kashgliar. Amir Sayyid Ali was now grown very old, 
 so that he could no longer sit on horseback. He sent a messenger 
 [to ask kelp] of Isan Bugha Khan, and meanwhile fortified himself 
 in the citadel of Kashgliar. Isan Bugha Khan happened, at the 
 time, to be in Yulduz of Moghulistan, which is on the eastern side 
 of his dominions. When the message reached him, he immediately 
 collected a large army, which numbered 60,000 men; with this 
 force he marched from Yulduz, and arrived at Kashghar eleven days 
 later. Only 6,000 men were with him, the others were still on 
 the road [so great had been the rapidity of bis march]. He was 
 then joined by the Amir with 30,000 men. A battle was fought 
 at Khwan-i-Salar, which is about three farsdkhs from Kashghar in 
 the direction of Aksu. The fight was fiercely maintained, but 
 finally Isan Bugha Khan and Amir Sayyid Ali were victorious. 
 [Yunus] Khan was compelled to take flight, while his wives and 
 family fell into the hands of Amir Sayyid Ali. At that time 
 Mihr-i-Nigar Kkanim, the eldest child of Yunus Khan, by Isan 
 Daulat Begum, was still at the breast. They were supplied with 
 necessaries and sent after the Khan. 
 
Rtile of Mirza Saniz. 
 
 87 
 
 When Yunus Khan reached Moghulistan, he was deserted by 
 his followers, and finding it was impossible to remain in that 
 country, he left it and proceeded to Khorasan, where he presented 
 himself before Mirza Sultan Abu Said. But the Khan was in such 
 a state of destitution, that he could find nothing to offer as a present 
 [pishkash] to the Mirza. So the Khan said to Buy an Kuli, who 
 was one of his most devoted servants : “ I am going to give you as 
 a slave to the Mirza, by way of a ‘ pisbkash.’ ” And as the man 
 offered no objection, the Khan presented him to the Mirza, and 
 entreated the Mirza, saying: “ You must give me some country 
 [vildyat ] as a possession, so that I may inspire the Moghuls with 
 confidence.” The Mirza gave him Yatikand, 1 which is on the 
 confines of Andijan. When the hour of the Khan’s departure 
 arrived, Buyan Kuli began to weep. The Mirza questioned him as 
 to the cause of his tears. Having told his story, the Mirza took 
 pity on him, and supplying him with a horse and provisions, sent 
 him along with the Khan. 
 
 On re-entering Moghulistan, the Khan was once more joined by 
 his scattered adherents. At this time Amir Sayyid Ali died in 
 Kashghar. On the dome of the mausoleum of Amir Sayyid Ali, 
 which is in Kashghar, is written the date 862. Yunus Khan was 
 relieved of much anxiety by the death of the Amir. 
 
 CHAPTER XLIII. 
 
 RULE OF MIRZA SANIZ IN KASHGHAR AFTER THE DEATH OF HIS FATHER, 
 
 MIR SAYYID ALI. 
 
 The Amir died leaving two sons. The elder was Mirza Saniz, 
 whose mother was of the family \]zabilali\ of the Amirs of the 
 Jaras; and the younger was Muhammad Haidar Mirza, whose 
 
 1 This name is subject to many different readings, not only in the Tarihh-i 
 Rashidi , but in other Asiatic histories, and has been frequently transliterated 
 Banikand, Yanikand, Batikand, Itikand , etc. Mirza Haidar, however, gives, 
 lower down (p. 180), the Persian equivalent for it as Ilaft Deli; and this settles 
 the question, for Haft Deli, or Seven villages , translated into Turki, would become 
 Yati-kand. This last form has been adopted, therefore, whenever the name 
 occurs. He tells us that the district was situated on the confines of Andijan, but 
 in this instance, it is possible that he may be using the word Andijan to denote 
 the whole province of Farglidna —in fact, as an equivalent for Farghana. In 
 some modern maps a district called Itikand or Itikent is marked to the north of 
 the Sir, and between the modern town of lvliokand and Tashkand ; but it seems 
 hardly possible that this district can represent the Yatikand of the fifteenth 
 century. It must have stood on the north-western confines of Farghana, and 
 would have constituted the extreme western limit of Moghulistan. (See note 
 
 1, pp. 180-1.) 
 
88 
 
 Reign of Dust Muhammad. 
 
 mother was Urun Sultan Khanim, the aunt of Yunus Khan. 
 According to Moghul custom, Saniz, being the elder, succeeded to 
 the government. He was a violent, but generous man. Out of 
 respect and reverence for his mother, and his love and affection for 
 his brother, he gave Kashghar and Yangi Hisar to the Khanim, 
 and Muhammad Haidar Mirza [respectively], while he chose Yar¬ 
 kand for his seat of government. 
 
 Although Muhammad Haidar Mirza was cousin to both Yunus 
 Khan and Isan Bugha Khan, yet he naturally sided with the latter, 
 because Amir Sayyid Ali had chosen Daulat Nigar Khanim, the 
 daughter of Isan Bugha Khan, as a wife for Muhammad Haidar 
 Mirza. 
 
 Soon after the death of Mir Sayyid Ali, Isan Bugha Khan died 
 also; this was in the year 866. His son Dust Muhammad Khan 
 succeeded to the Khanate. Muhammad Haidar Mirza allied him¬ 
 self with Dust Muhammad Khan, while Saniz Mirza, on the other 
 hand, became a partisan of Yhinus Klnin. Under these circumstances 
 it became impossible for Muhammad Haidar Mirza to remain in 
 Kashghar, so he left, and joined Dust Muhammad Khan in Aksu. 
 
 After this, Saniz Mirza governed Kashghar so well, and adminis¬ 
 tered justice so evenly, that his time was looked back on with 
 envy by those who came after him. He ruled during seven years, 
 and died in the year 869 [1464—5]. He fell from his horse while 
 out hunting, and ran five arrow-heads into his loins, causing wounds 
 which proved fatal. After his death, the inhabitants of Kashghar 
 brought Muhammad Haidar Mirza to their town, while Dust 
 Muhammad Khan advanced on Yarkand, where he married the 
 widow of Saniz Mirza, Jamal Aglni by name, who bad given Stiniz 
 Mirza two sons, viz.: Mirza Aba Bakr and Omar Mirza, and one 
 daughter, called Khan Sultan Khanim, all of whom the Khan took 
 back with him to Aksu. (I will speak about them below.) 
 
 CHAPTER XLIY. 
 
 KHANSHIP OF DUST MUHAMMAD KHAN. 
 
 When Isan Bugha Khan died (a natural death) he was succeeded 
 by his son Dust Muhammad Khan, who was then seventeen years 
 of age. He was an eccentric youth, and his actions were unrea¬ 
 sonable. He was never for a moment in his senses. He much 
 affected the ways of Kalandars, and gave himself and all his 
 Amirs such names as are usually borne by Kalandars. His own 
 name was Shams Abdal, and in the same way, all his courtiers 
 
Reign of Dust Muhammad. 89 
 
 and public officers were called Abdal this and Abdal that, and had 
 to transact their business under these names. He was, moreover, 
 excessively generous. 
 
 He reigned seven years. During this time he made expeditions 
 against Yarkand and Kashghar. First of all he attacked Yarkand, 
 where, after the death of Saniz Mirza, the Amirs had shut them¬ 
 selves up in the citadel. The Khan asked them to surrender the 
 widow of Saniz Mirza: when she had been given up to him, he 
 asked for the children, of whom they sent the eldest son Mirza 
 Aba Bakr. He then ceased hostilities, and went on to Kashghar. 
 At the time when he had set out against Yarkand, Muhammad 
 Haidar Mirza, upon the entreaty of the people of Kashghar, pro¬ 
 ceeded to their town. When the Khan neared Kashghar, Muham¬ 
 mad Haidar Mirza set out to meet him; the Khan sent him 1 o 
 Yangi Hisar, while he himself entered Kashghar, and when he 
 had plundered it, he returned to Aksu. In consequence of this, 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza was much enraged, and went over to 
 the side of Yunus Khan (as will be mentioned below). Soon after 
 Dust Muhammad Khan’s return to Aksu, he gave his sister, Husn 
 Nigar Khanim, to Mirza Aba Bakr in marriage. But Mirza Aba Bakr 
 was much alarmed at the unbalanced state of the Khan’s mind, 
 and finally fled to his noble uncle Muhammad Haidar Mirza, in 
 Kashghar, whither his wife was, soon after, permitted to follow 
 him. 
 
 Not long after this, the Khan fell in love with one of his father’s 
 wives, and in consequence tried to obtain permission from the 
 Ulama for an alliance with her. He put to death seven of the 
 Ulama in succession, who decided against the union. At length the 
 Khan came to Maulana Muhammad Attar, reeling with drunken¬ 
 ness and with a sword in his hand, and said to him: “ I want to 
 marry my own mother ; is it lawful or not ?” The Maulana, who 
 was one of the most learned of the darvishes and a most pious 
 man, said to the Khan : “ For such a one as you it is lawful.” 
 So the Khan immediately ordered preparations for the marriage 
 to be made. But on the night of the nuptials he saw his father, 
 in a dream, mounted on a black horse, who, coming up to him, 
 said: “ Oh! wretched one, in that after we have for one hundred 
 years been Musulmans, thou shouldst apostasise and become an 
 infidel.” [His father] shot him below the ribs with an arrow, 
 then dismounting, he rubbed his hand on the bottom of a kettle, 
 and blackened the Khan’s face, who thereupon awoke, in alarm. 
 Breathless and penitent, he rushed out of the house of his mother 
 and washed himself. He was seized with an acute pain in the 
 side, which, in the morning, developed into fever. 
 
 The people sent for Maulana Muhammad Attar, and said to him : 
 “ It was you who granted the fated [decree legalising this 
 
90 
 
 Return of Yunus from the 
 
 marriage].” The Khan said: “ Do not blame the Maulana ; for I 
 had already killed seven persons when I asked his opinion, so 
 what could the poor Mulla do? ” But the Maulana said : “ I gave 
 you no fatva , I simply said that [the marriage] was lawful for 
 an infidel such as you are.” Dust Muhammad Khan was next 
 seized with pleurisy \_Zatuljamb~\ and died after six days’ illness at 
 the age of forty, in the year 873 [1468-9]. Khwaja Sharif of 
 Kashghar devised the following chronogram on his death: “ U 
 Kliuk murd ”: that pig died. He had reigned seven years. On 
 his death great disorder ensued. He left one son, Kabak Sultan 
 Oghlan, who was seized by some of the people and carried away 
 to Turfan and Chalish, 1 while Yunus Khan came down and 
 captured Aksu. 
 
 CHAPTER XLY. 
 
 SECOND RETURN OF YUNUS KHAN FROM [THE COURT OF] SULTAN 
 
 ABU SAID. 
 
 When Yunus Khan was sent back by Sultan Abu Said into 
 Moghulistan, he was, on his arrival in that country, again joined 
 by all the Amirs ; he remained there some time, his headquarters 
 being generally Yatikand. He was not, however, able to enter the 
 territory of Isan Bugha Khan. When the latter and Amir Sayyid 
 Ali died, Dust Muhammad Khan became padishdh , and was joined 
 in Aksu by Muhammad Haidar Mirza, while Saniz Mirza, who had 
 been at enmity with Muhammad Haidar Mirza, attached himself 
 to Yunus Khan, to whom he was of great service. Yunus Khan 
 entered Kashghar several times, but the Amirs of Moghulistan 
 refused to stay there, so the Khan was always compelled to with¬ 
 draw. This happened several times, but I will not give any 
 details, as it would take too long, and the accounts I have heard 
 differ considerably. The substance of the whole matter is that 
 the Khan was very fond of cities and houses, but the Amirs and 
 soldiers of Moghulistan always avoided the towns, and for this 
 reason the Khan spent most of his time in Moghulistan. When 
 Saniz Mirza died, the Khan was joined by Muhammad Haidar 
 Mirza. A short time after this, Dust Muhammad Khan also died, 
 whereupon Yunus Khan entered Aksu and subdued the subjects of 
 Dust Muhammad Khan, while the son of this latter, Kabak Sultan 
 Oghlan, was seized by some of his well-wishers, who fled with 
 him to Turfan. 
 
 1 Jalisli or Chalish—the modern Kara-shalir. 
 
91 
 
 Court of Sultan Abu Said. 
 
 Yunus Khan wished to dwell in Aksu. In comparison with 
 Moghulistan, Aksu is like a town ; 1 hut he concluded, from the 
 manner of the Moghuls, that if he stayed there much longer, they 
 would all go over to the side of Kabak Sultan Oghlan, so he was 
 compelled to call together all his tribesmen and return with them 
 to Moghulistan. At this time Amasanji Taishi, son of Isan Taishi 
 (whom I have mentioned in connection with Vais Khan) came to 
 Moghulistan. For Isan Taishi had given him [in marriage] 
 Makhtum Khanim, sister of Vais Khan, as a ransom for the Khan’s 
 life, and by her he [Amasanji Taishi] had tw’o sons and one 
 daughter. When Vais Khan had bestowed his sister, he had 
 obliged his brother-in-law to become a Musulman, and they were 
 married with Muhammadan rites. The Khanim caused all her 
 following to become Musulmans, and named her two sons Ibrahim 
 and Ilyas, and her daughter Kadir Bardi Mirza, after Mir Karim 
 Bardi. This conversion to Islam was the cause of a conflict 
 between Ibrahim Ung and Ilyas Ung, on the one hand, and 
 Amasanji Taishi on the other. (In the language of the Kalmaks the 
 son of a Khan is called “ Ung.”) Amasanji fled before them into 
 Moghulistan with thirty times 100,000 men, while it is stated, 
 that eighteen times 100,000 stayed behind with Ibrahim Ung and 
 Ilyas Ung. These two, however, quarrelled with the Khan of the 
 Kalmaks, and therefore fled from that country into Khitai with 
 10,000 men. The rupture [virani] between the brothers [and 
 Amasanji] took place before the death of Dust Muhammad Khan, 
 which occurred in 873. The flight of Ibrahim Ung and Ilyas Ung 
 into Khitai took place, probably, in 910 [1504—5J. 2 These two 
 both died in Khitai. Ibrahim left one son, Babulai by name, 
 whose descendants are still to be met with in that country, and 
 who still bear the same name of Babulai. Mansur Khan made a 
 holy war [ghazat ] against Khitai and came in contact with that 
 very tribe (as will be mentioned shortly). 
 
 But Amasanji Taishi, having separated 
 Ung and Ilyas Ung, came to Moghulistan. 
 he came upon and defeated Yunus Khan 
 
 himself from Ibrahim 
 Near the River Ail ah 
 In that fight many 
 
 Moghul Amirs were killed 
 
 , 3 and all the Moghul Ulus moved 
 
 1 Meaning that although Aksu is only a small place, life there would be town 
 life, while in Moghulistan it would be the life of the steppes. 
 
 2 This passage is somewhat obscure. The word virani should mean ruin, 
 devastation , or expulsion, rather than rupture, and it appears to refer to the Uight 
 of the brothers into Khitai, or Chinese territory. But the dates which the author 
 mentions show, I think, that the conflict between them and Amasanji, and the 
 latter’s flight into Moghulistan, are the events he speaks of when using the word 
 virani. If this is correct, a period of thirty-six years, or more, elapsed between 
 those events and the retreat of the brothers into Chinese territory, i.e., from 
 some date prior to 878 (14G8-9) to the year 910 (1504-5). These occurrences 
 are not traceable in the translations from the Chinese history of the Ming 
 dynasty, published by Dr. Bretsclmeider in his Mediaeval Researches. 
 
 3 A passage of five words here is unintelligible.—It. 
 
92 
 
 Supremacy of Yunus Khan . 
 
 towards Turkistan, spending the winter at a place in Turkistan, 
 on the hanks of the Sihun, called Kara Tukai. 1 Buruj Oghlan 
 made a raid upon them, as will he hereafter related. 
 
 CHAPTER XLYI. 
 
 EVENTS WHICH FOLLOWED ON THE DEATH OF DUST MUHAMMAD KHAN ; 
 THE SUPREMACY OF YUNUS KHAN, AND THE MURDER OF BURUJ 
 OGHLAN, SON OF ABULKHAIR KHAN UZBEG. 
 
 In the year 855 Ahulkhair, a descendant of Juji, was padishah in 
 the kingdom [yurt] of Juji Khan, son of Chingiz Khan—that is in 
 the Dasht-i-Kipchak; and he was the greatest king [ padisliah ] of 
 his time. After his death 2 his people became very demoralised, 
 and a number of them joined the Kazaks, Karai Khan and Jani 
 Beg Khan (whom I have had occasion to mention). There was a 
 standing quarrel between these two Kazaks, and the sons of 
 Ahulkhair Khan. For this reason the sons of Abulkhair were also 
 at enmity with the Moghul Khans. For these last had always 
 been the supporters of Karai Khan and Jani Beg Khan. At the 
 death of Abulkhair Khan, his subjects gathered round his eldest 
 son Buruj Oghlan. 3 Seeing that Karai Khan and Jani Beg Khan 
 had become very powerful, Buruj Khan thought he had better 
 keep at a distance from them, and so retired to Turkistan. 
 
 When [the inhabitants of] Turkistan learnt the news of the 
 advance of the Moghuls on their territory, and having ascertained 
 that Yunus Khan was at Kara Tukai, [they sent] Buruj out with 
 all speed [to attack him]. On that day the Khan happened to be 
 out hunting with all his men near the banks of the Sihun. Buruj, 
 crossing the river on the ice at mid-day, found the camp of the 
 Khan undefended; he had 20,000 soldiers with him, and there were 
 at that time 60,000 families of Moghuls. They entered the camp 
 
 1 Possibly the Kara Sengir Tultai of modern maps. (See map attached.) 
 
 2 Abulkhair died in 874 a.h., or 1469-70 a.d. (See Howortk, ii., p. 690, 
 where, however, the a.d. year is, by an oversight, printed 1489). 
 
 3 The name of Buruj Oghlan does not appear, as Sir H. Ho worth has pointed 
 out, in the list of Abulkhair’s sons. His eldest son was Shah Badagh Sultan, 
 the father of the renowned Shahi Beg, or Shaibani, Khan ; and Sir H. Howorth 
 is disposed to think that Buruj was only another name for Shall Badagh. This 
 is probable, for several of the Abulkhairi Uzbeg chiefs had second names, or 
 nicknames. Dr. Beliew calls Buruj Oghlan the son of Jani Beg, who was a 
 grandson of Abulkhair; but apart from the fact that the name does not occur 
 among Jani Beg’s sons, as they are known to us, a man of that generation would 
 have been too young to take the part ascribed to him, at the time mentioned by 
 Mirza Haidar. (Howorth, ii., p. 691 ; Bellow, Yarhand Report, p. 159.) 
 
Shaikh jfamaKtd-Din Khar. 
 
 93 
 
 and each soldier made himself master of an untenanted house. 
 They settled down in the Khan’s camj), occupying themselves with 
 the appropriation of all the wealth and spoil they found there. 
 
 When news of this matter reached the Khan he immediately 
 
 «/ 
 
 abandoned the hunt, and set out in the direction of his camp 
 without waiting to collect his men; when he reached the river he 
 found it was frozen over. Now the Khan’s camp was pitched on the 
 [opposite] bank of the river. The Khan could blow the horn 
 [nafir] better than any one of his day, and all his men knew the 
 sound of his blast. He now gave a loud blast on the horn, and 
 then rushed across the ice, accompanied by six men, one of whom 
 was bearer of the great standard [Shash Tughji]. The women 
 [hearing the approach of the Khan] seized all the Uzbegs who 
 were in their houses. When Buruj Oghlan heard the sound of the 
 horn and saw the six men aud the standard, he rose up with the 
 intent of mounting his horse, but the female servants had seized 
 both his groom [aMitaji] aud his horse. Some women [at that 
 moment] came out of their houses and seized Buruj Oghlan, when 
 the Khan, arriving upon the scene, ordered them to behead him; 
 this order was carried out immediately, and of the 20,000 Uzbegs 
 a few only escaped. The Khan then again settled down, victorious, 
 in his camp. On the morrow, when the army had reassembled, the 
 pursuit of the enemy was continued, and all the Sultans of Abulkhair 
 Khan who survived, were scattered in different directions. They 
 will be mentioned, separately and individually, in different parts [of 
 this book]. 
 
 CHAPTER XLVII. 
 
 SHAIKH JAMAL-UD-DIN AND IIIS CArTURE OF THE KHAN. 
 
 Having passed the winter at Kara Tukai, the Khan proceeded in 
 the spring to Tashkand. At that time there was, in Tashkand, one 
 of the Amirs of Mirza Sultan Abu Said, Shaikh Jamal-ud-Din Khar 
 by name. Sultan Abu Said Mirza had just died in Irak, 1 and had 
 been succeeded in the rule of Khorasan by Sultan Husain Mirza ; 
 while his son, Sultan Ahmad Mirza, succeeded him in Samarkand. 
 The government of Hisar, Kunduz and Badakhshan had devolved 
 upon his son, Mirza Sultan Mahmud, and Mirza Omar Shaikh 
 became padishah of Andijan, and vali of Farghana. Yunus Khan 
 made all three of these Mirzas his sons-in-law. (I will mention 
 
 1 Abu Said died 873 a.h. = 1468-9 a.d. Beale ( Orient. Biogr. Diet.) gives 
 the exact date as 25 Rajab, 873, or 8th February, 1469. 
 
94 
 
 Shaikh Jamal-ud-Din Khar. 
 
 each of them in his proper place.) In short, this Shaikh Jamal 
 Khar was one of Sultan Abu Said’s Amirs, and had been appointed 
 Governor of Tashkand, subject to Mirza Sultan Ahmad of Samar¬ 
 kand ; but his allegiance to the Mirza was very imperfect. The 
 Khan, on account of the scarcity of barley in Moghulistan, came 
 to Tashkand, where he mixed freely and unsuspectingly with the 
 above-mentioned Mirzas. For the Khan had come without any 
 apprehensions; but his Moghul followers had sent secretly to 
 Shaikh Jamal Khar, inviting him to come and oppose the Khan, to 
 which the Shaikh, after much persuasion, agreed. He approached 
 the Khan as if to do him homage, but when he drew near, all the 
 men who were with the latter, went forward to meet the Shaikh, 
 leaving the Khan alone. The Khan asked where his men were 
 going, to -which they answered that they were going to meet Mir 
 Shaikh Jamal. When Shaikh Jamal Khar came up to the standard 
 and drum of the Khan, he remained on horseback; there was no 
 one with the Khan, so the Shaikh sent one of the Khan’s own 
 servants to seize him, which was easily managed. The Khan was 
 bound and kept in prison one year. The whole Moghul Ulus 
 submitted to Shaikh Jamal. 
 
 Isan Daulat Begum, the wife of Yunus Khan and mother of his 
 children, has been mentioned above as the mother of Mihr-i-Nigar 
 Khanim, who was given in marriage to Sultan Ahmad Mirza, and 
 of Kutluk Nigar Khanim, who was wedded to Mirza Omar Shaikh. 
 This same Isan Daulat Begum was given, as a present, by Shaikh 
 Jamal Khar, to one of his most distinguished officers. When the 
 Begum heard of this, she made no objections, but appeared pleased. 
 They then informed Ivhwaja Kalan (as this officer was named) of 
 the Begum’s pleasure : he too was much pleased, and in the evening 
 went to her house. He found her servants standing outside. He 
 himself entered her room. Now, before his arrival, the Begum had 
 arranged with her female attendants [dahdn] that on a given sign 
 from herself, they should make fast all the doors of the house. So 
 when Khwaja Kalan had entered the room, having fastened the 
 doors, the female attendants laid hold of him and put him to death, 
 by stabbing him with knives [hizlih], When day broke they threw 
 his body outside. Some persons seeing the Kliwaja’s dead body, 
 went and reported the matter to Shaikh Jamal, who sent to ask the 
 Begum the meaning of it all. The Begum replied: “ I am the 
 wife of Sultan Yunus Khan; Shaikh Jamal gave me to some one 
 else ; this is not allowed by Muhammadan law, so I killed the man, 
 and Shaikh Jamal Khar may kill me also if he likes.” Shaikh 
 Jamal commended her words, and, taking pity on her, sent her 
 back with all honour to the Khan [her husband]. 
 
 When the Khan had been one year in prison, Amir Abdul Kudus, 
 the nephew of Amir Karim Bardi Dughlat, with the assistance of 
 
Transactions of Yturns Khan. 
 
 95 
 
 a body of men, fell on the Shaikh and slew him. He then brought 
 the head of the Shaikh to the Khan, and set him at liberty. The 
 Amirs, who had gone over to the Shaikh, now returned to their 
 allegiance under the Khan. They explained that the reason 
 for the hostility they had shown him was, that he had always 
 tried to make them settle in towns and cultivated countries, but 
 that these places were hateful to them. So the Khan repented 
 and said : “ Henceforward I will give up all idea of living in 
 towns and cultivated countries ” [ shalir u vilayat]. To record this 
 event they invented the chronogram : sar-i-khar giriftah Abdul 
 Kudus, which is enigmatical; for “ sar-i-khar ” is equivalent to the 
 letter “ Telia ” and has to be added to [the numerical value of] 
 Abdul Kudus in order to produce the date 877 [1472-3]. 
 
 At this time [in the same year] the Kalmaks returned to their 
 own homes [yurt], and Moghulistan being left unoccupied, the 
 Khan led his Moghuls back to their country. 
 
 CHAPTER XLVIII. 
 
 CONCERNING WHAT PASSED BETWEEN YUNUS KHAN AND THE KINGS OF 
 
 MAVARA-UN-NAIIR, AFTER THE MURDER OF SHAIKH JAMAL KHAR. 
 
 As soon as the Khan had again established himself on the throne 
 of the Khanate, the Moghuls and the Amirs made him j:>romise 
 never, for the future, to attempt to make them dwell in cities or 
 cultivated countries [shalir u vilayat], which had been the cause 
 of all their sedition and revolts. The Khan was obliged to 
 comply, and they then re-entered Moghulistan, which had been 
 vacated by the Kalmaks. During several years the Khan never 
 even made mention [hawa] of towns or houses, so that at length 
 the Moghuls became much attached to him. 
 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza, who was in Kashghar, yielded fitting 
 obedience to the Khan, from whom he, in return, received demon¬ 
 strations of paternal affection ; and complete tranquillity prevailed 
 in Moghulistan and Kashghar. 
 
 Soon after the Khan’s return, the followers of Kabak Sultan 
 Oghlan (son of Dust Muhammad Khan), who had fled in the 
 direction of Turfan, having killed their master, brought his head 
 to the Khan. But the Khan, in spite of Kabak having been his 
 enemy, was (for Kabak’s brother’s sake) very angry, and ordered 
 the murderers [to be put to death] by way of retaliation. 
 
 The Khan had now no enemies remaining on any side. After 
 
9 6 Transactions between Yunus ancl 
 
 he had killed Buruj Oghlan, he sent his eldest daughter, Mihr 
 Nigar Khanim, to Sultan Ahmad Mirza, son of Sultan Ahu Said 
 Mirza, saying: “ Sultan Ahu Said Mirza turned the enmity that 
 existed between Moghul and Chaghatai into friendship. I wish 
 now to cement this friendship with a family alliance, and therefore 
 offer my daughter, as a wife, to the son of Sultan Abu Said Mirza.” 
 Mihr Nigar Khanim remained in the haram of Mirza Sultan 
 Ahmad as long as he lived. (I shall have more to say of the 
 Khanim in the second part of this work.) 
 
 After the Khan’s return to Moghulistan, when Shaikh Jamal 
 Khar had been put to death, he gave his daughter, Ivutluk Nigar 
 Khanim, who was younger than Mihr Nigar Khanim, in marriage 
 to Omar Shaikh Mirza, son of Sultan Abu Said Mirza. This was 
 in the year 880. There existed between the Khan and Omar 
 Shaikh such an affection as is seldom even found between father 
 and son. Omar Shaikh used to go and spend a month, or two 
 months, at a time in Moghulistan, and sometimes he would bring 
 back his father with him to Andijan, and the Khan would be his 
 guest for a month or more. About this time Omar Shaikh tried 
 to induce the Khan to march on Samarkand, and after depriving 
 his brother Mirza Sultan Ahmad (the eldest son-in-law of Yunus 
 Khan) of the throne, to set him (Omar Shaikh) upon it, in his 
 brother’s stead. But the Khan would not hear of such a measure. 
 When Sultan Ahmad heard of his brother’s scheme, he set out to 
 oppose him with an army. But Omar Shaikh Mirza appealed to 
 the Khan for succour, giving him, at the same time, some of his own 
 territories. Thus Sultan Ahmad was hindered from making an 
 invasion. This state of affairs was constantly recurring. It was, 
 however, at length agreed that the Khan should come every 
 winter to Andijan, attended only by his own personal servants ; 
 leaving the Ulus of the Moghul in Moghulistan. Omar Shaikh 
 Mirza was to give to the Khan whichever of his territories the 
 latter might select. In the spring, the Khan was to return to 
 Moghulistan, and the Mirza again take possession of his own 
 territories. 
 
 On one occasion, Omar Shaikh Mirza, being in great fear of his 
 brother, sent to Yunus Khan for support, while he gave over to 
 him Akhsi. The Khan took up his winter quarters in Akhsi, 
 hearing of which, Sultan Ahmad Mirza abandoned his hostile 
 intentions. Omar Shaikh Mirza, though his mind was set at rest 
 with regard to his brother, nevertheless did not like the Khan’s 
 residing in Akhsi. For Akhsi was the largest town in Farghana, 
 and its capital. On this account he rose in arms against the Khan, 
 and fought a battle against him at the Bridge of Tika Sagrutku. 1 
 
 1 This name has been transliterated accurately, as it stands in the Persian 
 text—the Turki texts are wanting here. The meaning would be “ the camel’s 
 
97 
 
 the Kings of Mdvard-un-Nahr. 
 
 The Khan at first remonstrated with the Mirza, hut in vain; and 
 a battle ensued in which the Mirza was defeated and taken 
 prisoner. He was brought bound before the Khan, who rose up to 
 meet him and ordered his hands to be set free. He then made him 
 presents and sent him away, saying: “ Return home at once, that 
 your men be thrown into confusion. I too will follow you to your 
 house.” When Omar Shaikh Mirza returned to Andijan, the 
 Khan allowed his Ulus to go back to Mogliulistan, while he 
 himself proceeded to Andijan with his family [hij] and a few 
 followers. He remained in the house of the Mirza for two months, 
 and nothing disturbed their friendship. 1 
 
 On another occasion when the Mirza called on the Khan for 
 assistance, he gave him Marghilan. While the Khan was in 
 Marghilan, his Holiness, the Axis of pious works, the Cynosure of 
 the pious, the Beloved of God, Khwaja Nasiruddin Ubaidullah 
 (may God sanctify his spirit) came there in order to bring about 
 a reconciliation between the Khan and Omar Shaikh Mirza, on the 
 one hand, and Sultan Ahmad Mirza on the other. I have often 
 heard from trustworthy narrators, that when his Holiness arrived 
 near Marghilan, all the Moghuls and the inhabitants of the town 
 came out to meet him [in istihbal], but none of the Moghuls 
 had the presumption to approach him [to salute him], such was 
 their great regard [for this holy man]. Men and women halted at 
 a distance and, dismounting, fastened their horses to the ground, 
 while they themselves kept their eyes fixed on the dust of the 
 road. His Holiness then approached them. There was one among 
 his retinue who recognised the Khan, and he said to his Holiness, 
 “ This is Yunus Khan.” His Holiness immediately dismounted, 
 and having raised the Khan’s head from the ground, embraced 
 him. 
 
 I once heard from his Holiness, the Refuge of Piety, Maulana 
 Muhammad Kazi (upon whom be mercy), who on a certain 
 occasion went to Marghilan, the following: “ I had heard that 
 Yunus Khan was a Moghul, and I concluded that he was a beardless 
 man, with the ways and manners of any other Turk of the desert. 
 But when I saw him, I found he was a person of elegant deport¬ 
 ment, with a full beard and a Tajik face, 2 and such refined 
 
 leap.” Most likely, however, the name should read Teklca Sagrutku instead of 
 Tiled, and should mean “ the goat’s leap.” Baber records this battle as having 
 taken place “ to the north of Andijan, on the banks of the Sihun, at a place 
 called Tika-Saltaratlzu , which derives its name from this circumstance, that the 
 river, in flowing past the skirt of a hill, becomes so much contracted in breadth, 
 that it is said that on one occasion a mountain goat leaped from the one bank to 
 the other.” ( Memoirs , p. 9.) 
 
 1 Lit.: No vexation came between them.—E. 
 
 Or Tajik “ features.” That is, the Maulana found Yunus to be of an Aryan, 
 and not of a Mongoloid cast of countenance, a circumstance that shows how little 
 of the Moghul was left, even in the fifteenth century, in a Khan of Moghulistan. 
 
 II 
 
98 
 
 Rule of Muhammad Haidar Mirza. 
 
 speech and manner, as is seldom to be found even in a Tajik.” In 
 short, when his Holiness had seen the Khan, he addressed letters 
 to all the Sultans round about, saying : “ I have seen Yunus Khan 
 and the Moghuls. The subjects of such a jpadislidh are not to be 
 carried off captives. They are people of Islam.” From this time 
 forth, no more Moghuls were bought or sold as slaves in Mavara-un- 
 Nahr and Khorasan—for before this, the Moghuls had been 
 purchased as other Kafirs are purchased. 
 
 CHAPTER XLIX. 
 
 RULE OF MUHAMMAD HAIDAR MIRZA IN KASHGHAR. 
 
 After the death of Saniz Mirza, son of Amir Sayyid Ali, the 
 government of Kashgliar was given to Muhammad Haidar Mirza, 
 son of Amir Sayyid Ali (as was related above). When he had 
 become firmly established in that place, Dust Muhammad Khan 
 died. 
 
 Yunus Khan, in order to satisfy the Moghul Ulus , gave up all 
 intention of inhabiting cities and cultivated lands. Muhammad 
 Haidar Mirza, in Kashghar, acknowledged the supremacy of the 
 Khan, who in return treated him in a fatherly way. Muhammad 
 Haidar Mirza reigned in peace and prosperity for twenty-four years 
 in all: that is from the year 869 to 885 (or sixteen years) he had 
 absolute authority; and for the remainder, partial authority 
 only. 1 
 
 The family of Yunus, as we have seen, had for some generations past, inter¬ 
 married in several directions. His origin, therefore, combined with his Persian 
 training, would account for his appearance being unlike that of ordinary 
 Moghuls. 
 
 The word Turk, in this passage, taken in connection with Moghul, is obviously 
 used in a general, sociological, sense, and is intended more as a distinction to 
 Tdjil: than as a race-name. But this subject has been treated of already in 
 Sec. iv. of the Introduction, and need not be further discussed here. It may 
 be remarked, however, that the word Tajik, though in this instance employed in 
 its racial sense—lor the speaker is pointing to the Khan’s Aryan features— 
 meant also, in many cases, merely a “foreigner,” and more especially a “ western 
 foreigner.” It was in this sense that the word was used at p. 14, above, in the 
 story of the wrestling match between the priest and the Moghul. Some remarks 
 on this subject also, will be found in Sec. iv. of the Introduction. 
 
 1 Thus the remainder would be the eight years from 861 to 869. Erskinc 
 makes these periods “six years with imperfect, and eighteen years with full, 
 authority.” But the MSS. used for this translation read as in the text above. 
 (Erskine’s Hist, i., p. 539). 
 
Beginning of Reign of Aba Bakr . 
 
 99 
 
 CHAPTER L. 
 
 BEGINNING OF THE REIGN OF ABA BAKR MIRZA. 
 
 On the death of Saniz Mirza, Dust Muhammad Khan went to 
 Yarkand, and took the widow of Saniz Mirza to wife. He then 
 proceeded to Aksu, taking with him Aha Bakr Mirza, the eldest son 
 of Saniz Mirza. Not long after this, he gave his sister Husn Nigar 
 Ivhanim, in marriage to the young Mirza. But Aha Bakr, fearing 
 the unsoundness of Dust Muhammad Khan’s mind, fled to his uncle 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza; and Dust Muhammad Khan sent Husn 
 Nigar Khanim after him to Kashghar (all of which I have already 
 related). 
 
 Dust Muhammad was a very hrave and generous man, and of so 
 great a height, that if he stood on foot in the midst of a hundred 
 people, any one seeing him would have said he was on horseback. 
 But Muhammad Haidar Mirza having inherited his power, did not 
 know the value and importance of an army. The distinguished 
 generals and captains which Amir Sayyid Ali had collected round 
 his person during a life of eighty years, were in the time of 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza, for the most part dead, and those who 
 yet remained alive, were worn with age; while their sons and 
 grandsons had no relations with Muhammad Haidar Mirza. All 
 the young men and the princes [mirzazadah ] were in favour of 
 Mirza Aba Bakr. It would he a long story, to recount all the details 
 concerning those who were parties to these intrigues; moreover, 
 though it is only twenty years ago, 1 not one of them is alive now, 
 and the various and conflicting reports which were at that time 
 spread about, are now entirely forgotten. It is, however, certain 
 that Mirza Aha Bakr fled from Muhammad Haidar Mirza, and 
 presented himself before the Governor of Yarkand. Showing him 
 a forged order, he, by cunning and deceit, made himself master of 
 Yarkand. He then sent certain persons to his uncle Muhammad 
 Haidar Mirza, offering complete submission to him, which the 
 Khan accepted, and sent him, for his own service, 3000 young 
 princes from Kashghar. His brother, Omar Mirza, who was in 
 Kashghar at the time, now came to join him in the government of 
 Yarkand. They united their efforts in an attempt to subdue 
 Khotan. Having mentioned this town here, I think it necessary 
 to say something about Khotan and its governors. 
 
 1 It was, in fact, much more than 20 years—rather about GO or 70 years. 
 
 II 2 
 
100 
 
 The Mirzds of Khotan. 
 
 CHAPTER LI. 
 
 ACCOUNT OF THE MIRZAS OF KHOTAN. 
 
 Khotan is one of the most famous towns in the East. In the 
 Second Part, I have given all that I have been able to learn from 
 histories, and other books, concerning Khotan. When the Amirship 
 [ Imarat ] of the Dughlats descended to Amir Khudaidad (upon 
 whom be mercy), he divided all the dependencies of the Dughlats 
 among his children and his brothers. Thus to his youngest son, 
 Sayyid Ahmad Mirza, he entrusted Kashghar and Yarkand. Amir 
 Khudaidad had two maternal brothers [ umm-valad ], Ilyas Shah 
 and Khizir Shah by name. To the former he gave Aksu, and to 
 the latter Khotan, making them both subordinate to Sayyid Ahmad 
 Mirza, to whom he granted the power of their dismissal or appoint¬ 
 ment. These two, like all his other officers, used to come and wait 
 on the Mirza yearly, and then, when they were granted leave, they 
 returned to their respective provinces. This practice was observed 
 until the time of Amir Sayyid Ali. 
 
 When Amir Sayyid Ali gave Aksu to Isan Bugha Khan, there 
 was, in the service of the latter, one of the grandsons of Ilyas Shah 
 Mirza, who was also named Ilyas Shah, and who, till the time of 
 Dust Muhammad Khan, had the command of the fortress of Aksu. 
 But after Amir Sayyid Ali, there were in Khotan two brothers, 
 descendants of Khizir Shah Mirza; the name of one was Khan 
 Nazar Mirza, and of the other Kul Nazar Mirza. The former 
 reckoned himself equal in strength and power of the arm, to Mirza 
 Aba Bakr, nay even to Amir Sayyid Ali. He showed a spirit of 
 independence, and threw off the old allegiance to Kashghar. Mirza 
 Aba Bakr begged permission of Muhammad Haidar Mirza to go and 
 conquer Khotan, on the ground that Khan Nazar and Kul Nazar 
 had sought to deviate from that high-road of obedience, which was 
 one of the conditions of their inheritance. Muhammad Haidar 
 Mirza, being himself displeased with these two [governors] granted 
 the demand, and encouraged him [in the undertaking]. Thus 
 Mirza Aba Bakr acted freely in the matter of Khotan. 
 
 Khan Nazar Mirza had made himself an iron club, which no one 
 but he could lift with two hands; he, however, could wield it with 
 one hand, and whatever he struck with it, were it a horse or a cow, 
 inevitably fell. But his younger brother, Kul Nazar Mirza, was 
 a young man of great modesty. These two brothers aimed at 
 becoming kings. 
 
Capture of Khot an by Abd Bakr. 
 
 IOI 
 
 CHAPTER LII. 
 
 CAPTURE OF KHOTAN BY MIRZA ABA BAKR AND THE EXTIRPATION OF 
 
 THE MIRZAS OF KHOTAN. 
 
 In those clays, when Mirza Aba Bakr was intent on the conquest of 
 Kliotan, he had with him Omar Mirza. His elder brother did not 
 approve of his proceedings, and wished to join issue with him. 
 Upon Mirza Aba Bakr ascertaining this, he contrived to lay hands 
 on him, and having blinded him, sent him to Muhammad Haidar 
 Mirza. After the destruction [virdni \ of Kashghar, Omar Mirza 
 went to Samarkand, where he was treated with kindness, till, in 
 the year 921, he returned to Kashghar. Here he died, and was 
 buried in the mausoleum of Amir Sayyid Ali. 
 
 In short, Aba Bakr being released from the molestations of liis 
 brother, continued his march upon Khotan. On the first occasion 
 he made peace; on the second, matters were again concluded with 
 a treaty. The two governors mounted, and having met and con¬ 
 ferred together, they arranged the conditions of the peace, and took 
 a solemn oath upon the Word of God, in confirmation of the agree¬ 
 ment. Mirza Aba Bakr, having given the bond to his own servants, 
 handed the Koran [the Kaldm Ullah j 1 to one of his nobles, telling 
 him to take it to Khan Nazar Mirza. When Khan Nazar Mirza 
 stretched out his hand to take the “ Kalam Ullah,” the noble seized 
 his hand with both his own, while others attacked him from every 
 side with swords : for the followers of Mirza Aba Bakr, having 
 previously agreed upon this, had been standing ready. He was 
 taken quite by surprise. None of the retainers of Khan Nazar 
 Mirza being able to use their arms [to help him], they fled, while 
 some others who had been appointed for the business, seized Kul 
 Nazar Mirza. The two brothers were put to death with the sword, 
 and by this ruse their seed was eradicated from Khotan; thus did 
 Aba Bakr conquer Khotan and gain absolute power. Having 
 finished this affair, Aba Bakr started on an expedition against his 
 uncle, Muhammad Haidar Mirza. 
 
 1 That is, he handed the copy of the Koran containing the treaty: for treaties 
 and solemn engagements are usually written and sealed, by Musulmans, in copies 
 of the Koran. 
 
102 
 
 Stratagem of Aba Bakr. 
 
 CHAPTER LIII. 
 
 THE STRATAGEM OF ABA BAKR, BY WHICH HE CAUSED MUHAMMAD HAIDAR 
 
 MIRZA TO EXPEL HIS OWN AMIRS. 
 
 After the death of Saniz Mirza, Dust Muhammad Khan (as has 
 been mentioned) took to wife the widow of Saniz Mirza, whose 
 name was Jamak Agha. He, moreover, gave Kashghar to Muhammad 
 Haidar Mirza. These events took place in the year 869. 
 
 On the death of Dust Muhammad Khan, Muhammad Haidar 
 Mirza married Jamak Agha, w r ho was the mother of Mirza Aha 
 Bakr and of Omar Mirza. By her, Muhammad Haidar Mirza had 
 two sons: my father Muhammad Husain Kurkan, and my uncle 
 Sayyid Muhammad Mirza. After the conquest of Khotan, Mirza 
 Aba Bakr became still more powerful. In vain were the reflections 
 and protestations of his Amirs, who represented that his whole 
 career, from beginning to end, had been one of tyranny : that 
 he spared no one : that he had' seized Yarkand by stealth and 
 by the employment of unheard-of perfidy : that after he had put 
 out the eyes of Omar Mirza, he had put to death Khan Nazar and 
 Kul Nazar. How could the world look with the eye of trust uj)on 
 such a man? He still longed for Kashghar, and his sole object in 
 life was to make his kingdom into a sausage [ iculmah ]. x In spite 
 of their laying these matters before Muhammad Haidar Mirza, the 
 latter, on account of his affection for his nephew, made light of it 
 all; and his wife, who was the mother of his children, and the 
 mother of Mirza Aba Bakr, said to him, in opposing the remon¬ 
 strances of the Amirs : “ He is your son : Yarkand belonged to one 
 of your Amirs. Since Yarkand was the capital of his father, it is 
 his by right, but you did not give it him. If he has been pre¬ 
 sumptuous, he at least counted on your forgiveness. What matter 
 if they make him out a bad man to you ? Khotan, too, was in the 
 possession of another. What harm was there in his superseding 
 [the usurper] ? ” 
 
 In this manner she excused all the actions of Mirza Aba Bakr ; 
 so that Muhammad Haidar Mirza was appeased and comforted ; but 
 when she touched on the hostility which Aba Bakr had displayed 
 towards Muhammad Haidar Mirza, she declared that it was all 
 owing to the Amirs who had spoken badly of the Mirza. She 
 then secretly wrote to Mirza Aba Bakr, asking him how she was 
 to excuse his hostility [to her husband], and stating the reason she 
 had already given. Then Mirza Aba Bakr, in conformity with 
 
 1 Meaning, apparently, to stuff it fuller and fuller. 
 
Defeat of Yunus and Muhammad Haidar . 
 
 103 
 
 this, replied : “ As long as the Amirs are in power, I cannot offer 
 fitting service, for they seek to do me harm by vilifying my 
 character to you: if you will dismiss these Amirs, I will be not 
 only a son to you, but a slave also.” Muhammad Haidar Mirza, 
 in the simplicity of his heart, credited these lies and discharged 
 his Amirs. Since the most influential of the generals were thus 
 removed, the power of his kingdom was broken; and Mirza Aba 
 Bakr began to ravage all the country round about Kashghar and 
 Yangi Hisar; but as all the greatest generals had been dismissed, 
 there was no one to watch over and protect the country. 
 
 CHAPTER LIY. 
 
 YUNUS KHAN GOES TO HELP MUHAMMAD HAIDAR MIRZA AGAINST 
 MIRZA ABA BAKR, WHO DEFEATS THEM BOTH. 
 
 Amir Abdul Kudus, who was mentioned above as having slain 
 Shaikh Jamal Khar and released the Khan from prison, was 
 treated with great kindness by the Khan, and had been given the 
 title of Kurkani; all the privileges [ mansab~\ of the clan [ Tumaf 
 of Dughlat had been bestowed upon him. In consequence of this 
 he grew proud and presumptuous, and treated the Khan in such a 
 way as to make him frightened at his own acts; but it would take 
 too long to explain all this. Abdul Kudus, however, finally fled 
 to Kashghar, to Muhammad Haidar Mirza, who had just dismissed 
 his generals, on which account his affairs had fallen into confusion,' 
 and he was repenting his deed. When Abdul Kudus arrived, he 
 treated him with every respect, gave him his own daughter Agha 
 Sultan Sultanim in marriage, showed him marked favour, and 
 having raised an army, sent him against Mirza Aba Bakr. He fell 
 upon the Mirza, who was on a plundering foray in Yangi Hisar. 
 Mir Abdul Kudus was, however, defeated, in spite of his force being 
 greater than that of his enemy. He was so ashamed of himself that 
 he did not go back to Muhammad Haidar Mirza, but moved first to 
 Shahnaz, and then set out on the road to Badakhshan. He went 
 with 300 men to Mirza Sultan Mahmud, who showed him every 
 kindness and attention, and bestowed on him the government of 
 Khust, which is one of the most important districts in Badakhshan 
 and Kunduz. He was [afterwards] slain in that country by some 
 infidels of Katur. 1 
 
 1 Khust, or Khost, is a district on the northern slopes of the Hindu Kush, 
 between south and south-east of Kunduz, and lies very near the hill tracts known 
 in our times as Kafiristan, or the country of the Siaposh and other Kafirs. Sir 
 
104 Defeat of Yunus and Muhammad Haidar . 
 
 In short, after the departure of Mir Abdul Kudus, the power of 
 Mirza Aba Bakr increased. With his deceit and cunning, he had 
 caused Muhammad Haidar Mirza to send away his greatest generals 
 and commanders, and he had defeated Mir Abdul Kudus; so that 
 dark days had come upon the transactions of Muhammad Haidar 
 Mirza. Jamak Agha repented of what she had done, but it was of 
 no avail. Finally Muhammad Haidar Mirza made ready an army 
 of nearly 30,000 cavalry and infantry, and took the field against 
 Mirza Aba Bakr, who opposed him with 3000 men. A fierce battle 
 was fought, and Muhammad Haidar Mirza suffered defeat. Having 
 come to Kashghar, he told his noble uncle Yunus Khan all that had 
 happened, and begged his assistance. The Khan selected 50,000 
 men from his own army, and out of the affection he bore his 
 nephew, marched in person against Aba Bakr. Muhammad Haidar 
 Mirza having again collected an army, joined the Khan, and they 
 all proceeded together against Yarkand. Mirza Aba Bakr fortified 
 the citadel of Yarkand. The Khan halted on the eastern side of the 
 citadel. On the next day Mirza Aba Bakr drew out his cavalry 
 and infantry from the citadel into the suburbs: they were 3000 
 in number, all the sons of the generals and chiefs [mirzddah and 
 beliddurzddali] of Mir Sayyid Ali, whom Muhammad Haidar Mirza 
 had slighted. But Mirza Aba Bakr had collected them in a body. 
 The Khan arrived from one side with a large army and Muhammad 
 Haidar Mirza from another. Mirza Aba Bakr did not direct his 
 force to any extent against Muhammad Haidar Mirza, but brought 
 all his strength to bear upon the Khan, and after many attacks 
 and retreats, finally put him to flight. When the Khan fled, 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza also took flight, and thus this great 
 army was defeated. 
 
 When the Khan and Muhammad Haidar Mirza arrived at 
 Kashghar, the Khan said to the latter : “ Thinking it would be 
 an easy matter, I only brought a small force. Stop in your own 
 country this year; next year I will come with a complete army 
 
 H. Yule quotes several authorities who show that among the Kafir tribes which 
 inhabited this region, between the thirteenth and the present centuries, was one 
 called Katur, or Kitaur. Baber, in his Memoirs, also speaks of a division of 
 Kafiristan, to the north-east of Kabul, called Kattor; while Col. J. Biddulph 
 tells us that the family name of the rulers of Chitral is Kature, and he adds that 
 “ the name of Kator seems to have been applied to the country in early times, 
 before the present Kature family was founded.” The name Shah Katur occurs 
 more than once in the line of Chitral rulers. Thus the Katur of the text would 
 point to Kafiristan and probably also to Chitral, for it is quite possible that, 
 though divided now, the two states may have been one in the fifteenth century. 
 According to Ritter, the Kafirs were a people much feared by the Musulmans of 
 Badakhshan at the beginning of the fifteenth century, and used to exact tribute 
 from them. There is nothing improbable, therefore, in the story of the Kafirs 
 raiding into the neighbouring district of Khust and killing the Musulman 
 governor. (See Yule, Cathay , p. 554; Biddulph, Tribes of the Hindu Kush , p. 148 ; 
 Baber, p. 140 ; Ritter, Erdkunde , vii., pp. 206-7). 
 
Yunus Second Expedition against Yarkand. 105 
 
 and will settle [Aba Bakr’s] affairs.” The Khan then returned 
 to Moghulistan, while Muhammad Haidar Mirzii remained in 
 Kashghar. 
 
 CHAPTER LY. 
 
 YUNUS KHAN’S SECOND EXPEDITION AGAINST YARKAND, AND HIS DEFEAT 
 
 AT THE HANDS OF MIRZA ABA BAKR. 
 
 In the following year, 885, the Khan came to Kashghar with the 
 whole of the Moghul troops, who numbered 60,000 men. Here 
 he was joined by Muhammad Haidar Mirza, who had a better 
 ordered army than he had had the year before, and they advanced 
 together on Yarkand. The two forces together amounted to 90,000 
 men, cavalry and infantry. Mirza Aba Bakr again fortified him¬ 
 self in the citadel, as he had done the year before. He had 
 mustered an army of cavalry and infantry to the number of about 
 5000. The cavalry consisted of 3000 of those princes of whom I 
 have spoken—chosen young men, whom Muhammad Haidar Mirza, 
 in his ignorance, had let slip out of his power. The 2000 infantry 
 were chosen archers, all of whom the Mirza had brought together 
 by promises and hopes [of gain]. The Khan’s army encamped in a 
 circle round [the town]. 1 The Khan himself took up his quarters 
 in Kalu Aj Bari, a well-known place to the north-east of Yarkand. 
 
 After the afternoon prayer, distinguished men from the battalions 
 and divisions \Jkushun u tabin\ of the Khan’s army advanced, of 
 their own accord, before the citadel and opened the battle. Mirza 
 Aba Bakr’s force issued from the citadel in the following order : 
 between every two horsemen there was an archer on foot, and in 
 front of each archer there was another foot-soldier bearing a shield. 
 A hard fight took place; but the Khan remained in his own quarters. 
 Some persons came and gave him such a vivid description of the 
 battle that he longed to go and see it himself. So, without putting 
 on his armour, he started for the scene of action with a small 
 number of followers. On reaching the edge of a ravine they saw 
 that the infantry of both sides were engaged in close fight. From 
 this position they could not see very distinctly, so the Khan 
 descended into the ravine, and came on to the road in order to get 
 a better view—for the ravine was a road-way. When the Khan 
 came down, the infantry became more daring, and fought most 
 fiercely. At that moment Alim Shaikh Bahadur, who was one of 
 
 1 Lit.: the army formed a ring and encamped. 
 
io6 Yunus Second Expedition against Yarkand. 
 
 the Khan’s most distinguished warriors, was in his tent; he heard 
 that the Khan had gone to watch [the battle], and it occurred to 
 him that he would go and display his valour, that he might 
 become distinguished above his equals. Having fastened on his 
 armour, he passed before the Khan, and then went in among the 
 infantry who were engaged in the battle. 
 
 There was some ground between the infantry of the two armies, 
 and on either side was an enclosure for herding cattle [ cjavbandi ]; 
 between these two enclosures was a level passage. Alim Shaikh 
 Bahadur rode up this passage and charged the infantry of Mirza 
 Aba Bakr, until he came upon a foot-soldier with a shield, who, 
 seeing him come on unchecked, did not attempt to withstand him, 
 but having thrown down his shield in front of the horse of Alim 
 Shaikh Bahadur, ran away. The horse, being terrified at the fall 
 of the shield, reared so badly that Alim Shaikh Bahadur, not able 
 to keep his seat, was thrown. The infantry who were on the 
 other side of the enclosure, now jumped over it and seized Alim 
 Shaikh Bahadur. Meantime, the cavalry of Mirza Aba Bakr 
 charged the Khan’s infantry, but these, not deeming it advisable 
 to stand their ground, turned and fled, being followed by those 
 who had come to watch the battle. 
 
 The Khan had descended from the [edge of the] ravine, but those 
 who were with him now counselled him to re-ascend. The Khan 
 set out in all haste along the road in the ravine, but when his men, 
 who were on the top, saw him approaching in haste, they fled [in a 
 panic]. So that when the Khan emerged from the ravine, he found 
 all his men had taken flight, and that his army was in confusion. 
 He thereupon returned to his camp in order to reassure his men ; 
 he tried beating and striking them, but not one of them would 
 move from his place. In the meanwhile Mirza Aba Bakr engaged 
 the infantry, who had come down by way of the ravine ; he attacked 
 with his cavalry those who had been watching the battle, charging 
 up the ravine unresisted, then pursuing [the fugitives] until his 
 cavalry threw them into confusion. When the Khan’s army— 
 already disordered—saw this state of affairs, they suddenly turned 
 and fled: all the Khan’s efforts to rally them were ineffectual. 
 When the cavalry of Mirza Aba Bakr came on, the Khan himself 
 took to flight. Thus was this enormous army defeated in the 
 space of one hour. 
 
 The Khan retreated to Kashghar, while most of the army deserted 
 him and escaped to Moghulistan. [The Khan] advised Muhammad 
 Haidar Mirza not to remain in Kashghar, so the Mirza accompanied 
 the Khan to Aksu, taking with him 5000 families. Many of the 
 Kashghari went to Andijan, so that Kashghar was left clear for 
 Mirza Aba Bakr. These events occurred in the year 885. At that 
 time my father, Muhammad Husain Mirza Kurkan, was twelve 
 
io7 
 
 Early Days of Sultan Mahmud. 
 
 years of age. When Muhammad Haidar Mirza went to Aksu with 
 Yunus Khan, the son of the latter, Sultan Mahmud Khan, took 
 my father with him into Moghulistan, where they became great 
 friends; and to the end of his life he called my father “ Dash,” 
 which in the Moghul language means “ friend.” 
 
 CHAPTER LYI. 
 
 EARLY DAYS OF SULTAN MAHMUD KHAN, SON OF YUNUS KHAN. 
 
 As an account will be given of Sultan Mahmud Khan, it is neces¬ 
 sary to say a few words about his early life. 
 
 When Sultan Yunus Khan returned a second time from Kho- 
 rasan, Amir Sayyid Ali had died, and Saniz Mirza had sought 
 the assistance of Yunus Khan, as has been mentioned. Yunus 
 Khan, in those days, often went backwards and forwards to 
 Kashghar. At that time, the Khan sent Amir Zia-ud-Din (who 
 was one of the most eminent Sayyidsof Kashghar) to Shah Sultan 
 Muhammad Badakhshi, in Badakhshan, to ask one of his most 
 immaculate daughters in marriage. Shah Sultan Badakhshi was 
 of the race of Sikandar Zulkarnain, Filikus Rumi. 1 Sikandar, 
 after he had conquered the regions of the world, consulted with 
 his wise men, saying: “ Find me a place which shall be out 
 of the reach of the princes of the earth [Sultans of the time], in 
 which I may place my descendants.” The councillors chose 
 Badakhshan, and they wrote a Book of Regulations [.Dastur 
 ul amal ]; so that as long as the regulations were observed, no 
 one prince could prevail in this country. 
 
 From the time of Sikandar down to the time of Shah Sultan 
 Muhammad, nobody had attacked Badakhshan. Thus they had 
 ruled from generation to generation. When the kingdom passed 
 into the hands of Shah Sultan Muhammad Badakhshi, he dis¬ 
 carded the “ Dastur ul amal ” of Sikandar. 2 He was a prince of 
 great natural gifts and refined taste, and he left a “ Divan,” which 
 is exceedingly beautiful. His “ takhallus ,” or poetical name, was 
 Lali. His elegance and clearness of style were so great that he 
 altered [the wording of] the “ Dastur ulamal” to suit his own taste. 
 
 1 Alexander the Great and Philip of Macedon. Filikus appears to be the 
 usual Oriental corruption of Philip. 
 
 2 The fanciful nature of this account of Badakhshan need hardly be pointed 
 out. It is based, probably, on the claim made by the princes of Badakhshan to 
 he descended from Alexander the Great, rather than on any history of the 
 country known to Mirza Haidar. 
 
io8 Early Days of Sultan Mahmud. 
 
 He had six daughters. He gave one of them to Sultan Masud 
 Kabuli, who was a descendant of Amir Timur. Another he gave 
 to Sultan Abu Said Mirza, who had, by her, a son named Mirza 
 Aba Bakr. The Mirza, after the death of his father, engaged in 
 war with Sultan Husain Mirza, and caused much disturbance in 
 his kingdom (all of which is related in the Histories of Mir 
 Khwand and of Khwand Mir, of Herat). A third daughter he 
 gave to Ibrahim Barlas, who, by her, had Jahangir Barlas, who at 
 the end of the Chaghatai rule [ daulat ] became chief minister. 
 His fourth daughter, whose name was Shah Begum, he sent to 
 Yunus Khan, at the request of Sayyid Zia-ud-Din Kashghari. He 
 gave his fifth daughter to Sayyid Shah Buzurg Arhangi (who 
 will be mentioned below) ; and the sixth to Shaikh Abdullah 
 Barlas, who, by her, had Sultan Yais Barlas, Mizrab Barlas, 
 and Sultan Sanjar (all of whom will be spoken of in their proper 
 places); they are moreover mentioned in the Histories of Mir 
 Khwand and Khwand Mir, of Herat. 1 
 
 In short, Sayyid Zia-ud-Din brought Shah Begum back with him 
 to Kashghar, and delivered her over to the Khan. Yunus Khan 
 had two sons and two daughters by Shah Begum. The eldest of 
 all was Sultan Mahmud Khan. He was born in 868. Next to him 
 came Sultan Ahmad Khan (whom I shall mention separately). 
 The two daughters were Sultan Nigar Khanim and Daulat Sultan 
 Khanim (of these also I shall have occasion to speak hereinafter). 
 Before Sultan Mahmud Khan arrived at years of discretion, the 
 Amirs of Moghulistan (as I have recorded) had behaved rudely 
 and disrespectfully to Yunus Khan. By the time Sultan Mahmud 
 Khan was grown up, most of these Moghul Amirs were dead. 
 Yunus Khan, with the help of his son Sultan Mahmud Khan, 
 obtained complete ascendency and control over the Moghuls, and 
 over those of their Amirs who were still alive. 
 
 On the occasion of Yunus Khan being defeated before Yarkand 
 and retiring to Kashghar, he was not acccompanied by Sultan 
 Mahmud Khan; for Mahmud remained behind in Moghulistan, to 
 keep the people in order. 
 
 Yunus Khan, both to quiet the apprehensions of Muhammad 
 Haidar Mirza, and for his own pleasure, spent that winter in 
 Aksu. They sent the son of Muhammad Haidar Mirza, Muham¬ 
 mad Husain Mirza, who was then twelve years of age, to Sulhin 
 Mahmud Khan, with whom he became very friendly ; the two 
 remained on good terms, and used to call each other “ Dash ” 
 [friend]. Muhammad Husain Mirza stayed in Moghulistan with 
 Sultan Mahmud Khan, and was treated with great honour and 
 respect. 
 
 1 Most of the names mentioned in this paragraph will be found in the table of 
 the house of Timur appended to Sect. ii. of the Introduction. 
 
War between Yunus and Muhammad Haidar. 109 
 
 CHAPTER LVII. 
 
 THE WAR THAT AROSE OUT OF A DIFFERENCE BETWEEN YUNUS KHAN 
 AND MUHAMMAD HAIDAR MIRZA IN AKSU. 
 
 That winter the Khan went to Aksu. Aksu is situated on the 
 edge of a ravine. It has two forts, one of which the Khan gave 
 to Muhammad Haidar Mirza, while he established himself in the 
 other. That winter passed peacefully. On the setting in of 
 spring, Yunus Khan wished to move into Moghulistan. He 
 therefore said to Muhammad Haidar Mirza : “ Now that the first 
 spring has come I am going into Moghulistan. You stay here 
 and make your men cultivate the land. I bestow the country of 
 Aksu on you. When harvest-time comes round, it will also be the 
 end of the season for summer quarters in Moghulistan. The 
 horses will be in good condition, and we will then go to Kashghar 
 and settle scores with Mirza Aba Bakr. I shall march from 
 Moghulistan and you from here. We will meet in Kashghar, and 
 there make all final arrangements.” 
 
 Having agreed upon this plan of action, the Khan appointed 
 people to go to Moghulistan with the flocks. He [also] sent to 
 collect the flocks destined for Moghulistan. But some rebellious 
 men tried to instil into the mind of Muhammad Haidar Mirza, that 
 when the Khan arrived in Moghulistan he would plunder the 
 Mirza’s people; and many like impossibilities did they suggest, 
 such as could only proceed from Satan; but the Mirza, in his 
 simplicity, gave ear to all they said, and began to consider how 
 he might avert these evils. Those devils [Shidtin] said to him : 
 “ When the flocks reach the Khan, and he is able to make a 
 start, we will influence his younger son, Ahmad Khan, who is 
 accompanying his father, to separate himself from him. We will 
 then fortify ourselves in this citadel and defy the Khan. When 
 the hour of the Khan’s departure comes he will suspect nothing, 
 and will march into Moghulistan, while we shall remain esta¬ 
 blished in Aksu.” 
 
 This base and senseless plan was acceptable in the sight of 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza. Just as the Khan was about to start, 
 they suddenly closed the gates of Aksu. Sultan Ahmad Khan 
 fled to Muhammad Haidar Mirza; and they all rose in rebellion. 
 Yunus Khan sent a messenger to the Mirza, to treat with him, 
 but to no purpose. So the Khan finally abandoned his march, 
 and entering the other fort, put it into a state of defence. He 
 then despatched a messenger to Sultan Mahmud Khan, who after 
 seventeen days arrived with a force of 30,000 men. Conflicts 
 
no War between Yunus and Muhammad Haidar. 
 
 look place daily, till at the end of forty days a famine broke out 
 in the fort of the Mirza. The promoters of the rebellion began to 
 desert nightly. Sultan Ahmad Khan, alarmed at his own want 
 of filial piety, came to his parents with apologies and prayers for 
 forgiveness, but the Mirza stood out. Suddenly the fort was 
 taken by a general assault. The Khan immediately sent some 
 Amirs to prevent it from being plundered. The Amirs went, 
 but their efforts were of no avail, for the men who had made the 
 assault were not of the sort that could be withheld. After a 
 hundred struggles they seized the Mirza and brought him before 
 the Khan. As they approached, they were beginning to bind the 
 Mirza’s hands, but Yunus Khan cried out to prevent them. So 
 they brought the Mirza forward just as he was. The Khan called 
 him to him, and having upbraided and rebuked him severely, 
 said : “ Why did you do this? Abandon your rebellious intentions, 
 so that I may depart. Eemain here. [But if] again you rebel 
 [think] what will happen.” 1 
 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza was ashamed, and stood with bowed 
 head, at the thought of his ill-advised actions. The Khan then 
 said: “ All is well now, I have given you Aksu, and you should 
 stay there.” The Mirza replied: “ How can I remain now in 
 Aksu, since so many of my men have gone away?” The Khan, 
 thereupon, gave the Mirza 3000 horses, and said: “ Accompany 
 me into Moghulistan; I think, too, the wisest plan will be for 
 me to go to Kashghar, as soon as the corn is high, and try and 
 take that town for you . ...” 2 
 
 In short, Muhammad Haidar Mirza accompanied Yunus Khan 
 into Moghulistan. When the spring came to an end, the Khan 
 turned his thoughts to Kashghar. At the same time Sultan 
 Ahmad Mirza was planning an expedition from Samarkand, against 
 Farghana, from which country he wished to expel his brother 
 Omar Shaikh Mirza. As soon as Omar Shaikh Mirza heard of 
 his brother’s intention, he sent in great haste to Yunus Khan, 
 begging assistance; for by this means he had frequently (as has 
 been mentioned above) been delivered from the cruelty and 
 violence of his brother Sultan Ahmad Mirza. On the arrival of 
 the news, the Khan set out for Andijan. Now the Khan did not 
 wish that there should be any strife between his two sons-in-law, 
 * and had always tried to keep them at peace with each other. On 
 the Khan’s entry into Andijan, he was received by Omar Shaikh 
 Mirza; he was shown great honour, and the province of Ush Avas 
 given to him. The Khan spent that winter in Ush. Entrusting 
 the rest of the Moghuls to the care of Sultan Mahmud Khan, ho 
 
 1 This passage is most obscure. It reads: “ An gdh yaglii-gari belzun. In 
 chi-tur mibashad ? ”—ft. 
 
 2 Some high-flown passages treating of the mercy of kings are omitted here. 
 —R. 
 
A ttack on A bd Bakr in Kashghar. 111 
 
 sent them back to Moghulistan, while he himself made his winter 
 quarters in Ush, and appointed Muhammad Haidar Mirza as 
 administrator [vdli]. When Sultan Ahmad Mirza heard of the 
 arrival of the Khan, he abandoned his project. And thus Omar 
 Shaikh was rendered safe from his brother. When winter had 
 passed, the Khan came again to Moghulistan. [On the eve of his 
 departure] the Khan said to the Mirza : “ You have always suffered 
 great annoyance in Moghulistan. I have now given you this 
 country of Ush. Stay here till next winter, when I will return. 
 [In the meanwhile] govern the country, as my deputy.” 
 
 He then left for Moghulistan, while Muhammad Haidar Mirza 
 remained in Ush. The Mirza begged his own son, Muhammad 
 Husain Mirza, of the Khan, and kept him at his side. 
 
 CHAPTER LYIII. 
 
 ' MUHAMMAD HAIDAR MIRZA ATTACKS MIRZA ABA BAKR IN KASHGHAR, 
 
 AND IS TAKEN PRISONER BY HIM. 
 
 When Sultan Yunus Khan reached Moghulistan, Omar Shaikh 
 Mirza sent an official [ ddruglia ] to Ush to replace Muhammad 
 Haidar. The [last-named] Mirza and his men were not capable 
 of marching into Moghulistan, and it was also impossible for them 
 to remain in Ush. He placed his two sons, Muhammad Husain 
 Mirza and Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, under the care of Omar 
 Shaikh Mirza, and himself set out for Kashghar, thinking that 
 as Mirza Aba Bakr was his brother’s son and his own wife’s son, 
 he would go to him and would offer him terms of peace. Under 
 such illusions he approached Mirza Aba Bakr, who immediately 
 seized him and threw him into prison, where he remained one year. 
 At the end of a year he was sent to Badakhshan, which was at 
 that time ruled by Mirza Sultan Mahmud, son of Mirza Sultan 
 Abu Said. Abdul Kudus, who was the son-in-law of Muhammad 
 Haidar Mirza (and who has been spoken of already), was at this 
 time with Mirza Sultan Mahmud. He [Muhammad Haidar Mirza] 
 was entertained for a short time as the guest of the Sultan; he 
 then came to Samarkand and paid his respects to his Holiness 
 Nasiruddin Ubaidullah (may God bless his spirit) and waited on 
 Mirza Sultan Ahmad, who received him in a friendly way, and 
 arranged to come to the Mirza yearly, on the occasion of two 
 festivals [aid]. 
 
112 
 
 Yunus Enters Tdshkand. 
 
 Mirza Sultan Ahmad had three brothers : Osman Mirza, Silltan 
 Yalad Mirza, and Talak Muhammad . . . J 
 
 In the meanwhile a person came from Yunus Khan to fetch 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza. Not feeling in the least fettered by 
 the kindness Sultan Ahmad Mirza had shown him, he went to the 
 Khan. This matter will be mentioned in connection with the life 
 of the Khan and his entrance into Tashkand. 
 
 CHAPTER LIX. 
 
 YUNUS AND THE MOGHUL ULUS ENTER TASHKAND ; PEACE IS 
 
 ESTABLISHED BETWEEN SULTAN AHMAD MIRZA AND OMAR SHAIKH 
 
 MIRZA AND SULTAN MAHMUD KHAN. 
 
 The story of the quarrels and contests that arose between the two 
 brothers, Omar Shaikh Mirza and Sultan Ahmad Mirza, is a long 
 one, and has no place in this history; it has however been given 
 in detail in the history of Mir Khwand. But it is, nevertheless, 
 necessary to mention in this book, that on the death of Shaikh 
 Jamal Khar, Tashkand passed into the [power and] jurisdiction of 
 Omar Shaikh Mirza, as did also Shahrukhia, which has a fortified 
 castle \hdlali\. Mirza Sultan Ahmad became an enemy to Omar 
 Shaikh Mirza on the subject of these two places, and a fierce 
 dispute arose between them. When the hostility of Mirza Sultan 
 Ahmad was directed against Tashkand, Omar Shaikh Mirza 
 desired the Khan [to come and help him] in Tashkand. 
 
 The same year that the Khan had left Ush and had given it 
 over to Muhammad Haidar Mirza, Omar Shaikh Mirza, after the 
 arrival of the Khan, dismissed Muhammad Haidar Mirza, who 
 went to Kashghar, where he was thrown into prison. The Khan 
 was then in Moghulistan. When autumn [tirmdh ] 2 set in 
 and the hostility of Mirza Sultan Ahmad was directed against 
 Tashkand, Omar Shaikh Mirza invited the Khan to [come and 
 help him in] Tashkand. He gave Sairam to the Khan. In the 
 same way that he had given him Ush out of Andijan, so he gave 
 him Sairam out of Tashkand. When the Khan turned towards 
 Sairam, the Moghuls, who could not on any terms put up with 
 
 1 Here follows an obscure passage regarding the precedence of the three 
 brothers, which baffles translation.—E. 
 
 2 The word Tirmah is usually, if not always, found in dictionaries to signify 
 “the first month of summer.” Throughout Central Asia, however, it means 
 autumn , and seeing that in some passages of this history, the context shows that 
 Mirza Haidar uses it for autumn , I have applied it everywhere for that season. 
 
Peace with the Timuri Sultans. 113 
 
 towns and cultivated lands, having led astray the Khan’s younger 
 son, Sultan Ahmad Khan, fled hack to Moghulistan. The Khan 
 did not follow them, for in the family of the Moghul Khakans 
 there remained no rivals [of the Khan] who were worth con¬ 
 sidering. So he let the people go back to Moghulistan, while he 
 himself went on to Sairam and there passed the winter. 
 
 The Khan also sent his elder son, Sultan Mahmud Khan, against 
 Sultan Ahmad Mirza, with 30,000 men. From the side of 
 Farghana came Omar Shaikh Mirza, with an army 15,000 strong. 
 These three armies neared each other, and a desperate conflict was 
 about to ensue, when the news of what was passing reached his 
 Holiness Nasiruddin Ubaidullah (may God bless his hidden soul). 
 He at once set out, sending a person in advance to announce that 
 he was coming. When the tidings reached the three Sultans, 
 they all halted where they were. When his Holiness arrived, 
 he alighted in the camp of Sultan Ahmad Mirza, and sent 
 messengers to the Khan and to Omar Shaikh Mirza, begging 
 them to make peace. No one could resist the entreaties of the 
 blessed mind of his Holiness. Such was his spiritual and moral 
 influence, that he calmed these three Padishahs, who had each 
 come for some object of his own, with an army in fighting order, 
 and caused them to sit together on one carpet \zalicha\ l while he 
 sat in their midst and dictated to them conditions of peace, to 
 which they assented. Tashkand was to be made over to Yunus 
 Khan. The two brothers who disputed with each other the 
 possession of Tashkand, were to give up their dispute and concede 
 the place to the Khan. 
 
 His Holiness Maulana and Sayyid Na Mahdumi Maulana 
 Muhammad Kazi (upon whom be mercy and forgiveness) has 
 written in the appendix [zail] to his “ Salsalat ul Arifin ,” that this 
 occurrence is among the miracles of his Holiness [i.e. of Nasiruddin 
 Ubaidullah]. It is related there: “ the meeting was so solemn 
 that, in the intensity of my emotion \dahaslit\ I overturned the 
 table-cloth [ dastar Jchwan ]; when the meeting was terminated 
 his Holiness said: ‘ It is well, I must now retire, for I am an old 
 man and can only bear a certain amount of fatigue.’ 
 
 “ The three kings returned, each one, to his own army. His 
 Holiness departed in the direction of the river of Khojand and 
 performed his ablutions [ vazu ] at the waterside. Turning to me 
 he said: ‘ Maulana Muhammad can write an account of my deed.’ 
 His Holiness the Maulana says that this was his reason for under¬ 
 taking the composition of his book—the Salsalat ul Arifin. 
 
 “ In short, Sultan Ahmad Mirza repaired to Samarkand, Omar 
 Shaikh Mirza to Farghana, and Sultan Mahmud Khan to 
 
 1 This is probably a corruption of the Turki word zilcha or ziluclia , a long pile 
 carpet made of wool.—R. 
 
 I 
 
114 End of Yunus Khans Life. 
 
 Tashkand. Yunus Khan also went to Tashkand, and his Holiness, 
 following him, met him again there. I [Muhammad Kazi] have 
 heard from my uncle, that one day in the assembly of his Holiness 
 [Nasiruddin Ubaidullah] the conversation turned upon Sultan 
 Mahmud Khan, and one of those present said : ‘ It is strange how 
 proud this prince is of his own grandeur.’ His Holiness replied : 
 
 ‘ Proud as the Padishah may be, I will make him fill his skirt 
 with earth [ khak ]; glory and grandeur belong to God alone. 
 Hence how can even Sultan Mahmud Khan be proud.’ It chanced 
 that at that very moment the Khan came to pay his respects to 
 his Holiness. It was prayer time, and his Holiness had risen for 
 prayer. When prayers were about to begin, a censer was noticed 
 in which were some embers. His Holiness said: ‘ Embers and 
 censers, while prayer is proceeding, are abhorrent. Therefore the 
 fire must be extinguished with some earth.’ In spite of the 
 number of people present, the Khan sprang up and, going outside, 
 filled his skirt with earth, which having brought in, he sprinkled 
 on the fire; this he repeated several times, until the fire was 
 extinguished. And he begged of those present that they would 
 allow him to perform, quite alone, this service of fetching the 
 earth. After the Khan’s departure all the companions of his 
 Holiness expressed great wonder.” 
 
 This peace and meeting of the Khans in Tashkand took place in 
 890. His Holiness remained for a while in Tashkand and then 
 returned to Samarkand. It was the practice of all the princes of 
 that time, to employ one of the disciples of his Holiness as a 
 medium of communication with him. Sultan Mahmud Khan 
 employed for this purpose Maulana Kazi. About this matter I 
 have heard many anecdotes, which, please God, I will give in 
 their proper place. 
 
 CHAPTER LX. 
 
 END OF YUNUS KHAN’S LIFE. 
 
 The Khan, being firmly established in Tashkand, begged the 
 daughter of Sultan Ahmad Mirza—Karaguz Begum—in marriage 
 for his son Sultan Mahmud Khan. The arrival of Karaguz Begum 
 will be mentioned hereafter. But in the in (ei im Sultan Yunus Khan 
 was seized with paralysis, was bedridden for nearly two years, 
 and died, suffering, at the age of seventy-four. No other Chaghatai 
 Khakan ever reached such an advanced age : most of them, indeed, 
 died before they reached the age of forty. The Khan was born in 
 
War between Ahmad Mirzd and Sultan Mahmud. 115 
 
 818 and died in 892. He was buried near the tomb of Puranvar 
 Shaikh, Khawand-i-Tuhur [Master of Purification], in Tashkand; 
 and a large mausoleum was built over the spot, which stands to 
 this day and is very renowned. 
 
 During his illness, the Khan heard that Muhammad Haidar 
 Mirza had gone from Badakhshan to Samarkand, so he sent to 
 summon the Mirza to him. Muhammad Haidar Mirza left Samar¬ 
 kand, came to the Khan, and waited on him throughout his illness. 
 He was a skilled surgeon and physician. The Khan, during this 
 period, would not allow Muhammad Haidar Mirza out of his presence 
 for one hour ; and he treated the Mirza’s children with hospitality. 
 The Mirza’s son, Muhammad Husain Mirza, who had remained 
 with Omar Shaikh Mirza, had gone to Sultan Mahmud Khan in 
 Andijan, before Muhammad Haidar Mirza had come [to attend 
 on the Khan]. He lived always in the same house and room as 
 the Khan, as shall be related below. 
 
 CHAPTER LXI. 
 
 WAR BETWEEN SULTAN AHMAD MIRZA AND SULTAN MAHMUD KHAN. 
 
 Sultan Yunus Khan died in the year 892, and in the course of the 
 same year, Sultan Mahmud Khan was raised to the Khanate with 
 Moghul rites. When the news of the death of Yunus Khan got 
 abroad, Mirza Omar Shaikh and Mirza Sultan Ahmad became 
 intent on renewing hostilities with one another. Omar Shaikh 
 Mirza sent a large number of his staunchest and most trustworthy 
 followers to occupy the fort of Ushtur in Tashkand, which was 
 an impregnable stronghold. Sultan Mahmucjl Khan led his forces, 
 in person, against that fort. A fierce battle took place ; so fierce, 
 indeed, that it is still talked of among the Moghuls. The castle 
 was taken by assault, and all the faithful adherents of Mirza Omar 
 Shaikh were put to death; no one escaped : they all died fighting. 
 From this victory great strength accrued to the Khan, while the 
 Mirza lost all power of opposition. 
 
 The year following, Sultan Ahmad Mirza’s Amirs impressed upon 
 him that he had given up Tashkand to the Khan without proper 
 cause, and that the longer the Khan’s people remained there, the 
 more annoying it was to them. His Holiness sent word to say 
 that he was mistaken, and that he ought to make peace with the 
 Khan, who would do him no injury : why should he annoy him? 
 Finally, however, the Mirza collected an army 150,000 strong, and 
 
 1 2 
 
ii6 War between Ahmad Mirza and Sultan Mahmud. 
 
 led it against Tashkand. The Khan passed through the suburbs 
 of Tashkand and stood facing [the advancing enemy]. Between 
 them flowed a stream which it was impossible to cross. The 
 armies remained there during three days. In the army of the 
 Sultan was a certain Shahi Beg Khan, the son of Shah Badagh 
 Oghlan, the son of Abulkhair Khan. After the death of Buruj 
 Oghlan (which has been described above) 1 Shahi Beg Khan 
 underwent many hardships (as we are told in histories). Finally, 
 as he was not able to hold his own in the steppes, he betook 
 himself to Mavara-un-Nahr, and became a follower of Sultan 
 Ahmad Mirza, or rather he became a retainer of one of the Sultan’s 
 Amirs. He was in this army, and had 3000 followers. When 
 Mirza Sultan Ahmad had remained three days [on the bank of 
 the river], Shahi Beg Khan sent to Sultan Mahmud Khan to ask 
 if he would meet and confer with him. That same night they 
 met: he from the one side and the Khan from the other; and 
 they agreed that on the morrow the Khan should attack Mir 
 Abdul Ali, the master of Shahi Beg Khan, who, on his part, under¬ 
 took to throw the army into disorder, and then to take flight. 
 
 On the next day the Moghul army was drawn up in battle array, 
 and the infantry passed the Chir; the cavalry also entered the 
 stream, when the infantry of the other side began the battle. The 
 Moghul army directed its force against Mir Abdul Ali. At this 
 moment Shahi Beg Khan turned and fled with his 3000 men, and 
 throwing himself on the baggage [ partal ] of the army, began to 
 plunder the Moghuls. In fact, wherever this disordered rabble 
 found themselves, their device was to fall upon the baggage, so 
 that the army of Mirza Sultan Ahmad was put to flight. But the 
 river Chir, which the people of Tashkand call Parak, was in front 
 of them, and most of his soldiers were drowned in it. The troops 
 of the Mirza suffered a severe defeat, while he, discomfited and 
 beaten, fled to Samarkand. He proffered many excuses and apolo¬ 
 gies to his Holiness, who again arranged a peace between the 
 Khan and Sultan Ahmad Mirza. The discussion about Karaguz 
 Begum was resumed, and after various formalities had been gone 
 through, they brought Karaguz Begum to the Khan. This victory 
 did much to raise the Khan in the estimation of the surrounding 
 Sultans, who henceforward stood in great fear of him, and thus bis 
 position became secure. 
 
 1 See note, p. 92. The mention of Buruj here appears scarcely to bear out 
 Sir H. Howorth’s supposition, though it does not disprove it. 
 
Marriage of the Author's Father. 
 
 ii 7 
 
 CHAPTER LXII. 
 
 ARRANGEMENT FOR THE MARRIAGE OF MY FATHER INTO THE KHAN’S 
 
 FAMILY. 
 
 My father Muhammad Husain Kurkan, (may God illumine his 
 proof) from the time of his quitting Kashghar to this date, had 
 always been in the service of Sultan Mahmud Khan, except for the 
 two years that he spent with Omar Shaikh Mirza (all of which has 
 been related above). The Khan was on such close and friendly 
 terms with my father, that they always lived in the same room; 
 their houses adjoined, and they confided household matters to each 
 other. 
 
 When anything was brought for the Khan, something like it 
 was also brought for my father. When the Khan went out riding, 
 two horses would be brought, one of which my father would 
 mount and the Khan the other. Whenever the Khan put on a 
 new robe, another like it used to be found for my father. Thus, in 
 no matter was any distinction made between them. Till the time 
 when the Khan married Karaguz Begum, he spent most of the 
 day in the common apartment [hajra-i-maJmd], and in the evening 
 would go into his haram, whilst my father remained in the outer 
 chamber. When the Khan was seated on his throne, they used 
 to place a carpet in front of it, so that my father might sit down 
 and lean against the throne; thus the two used always to arrange 
 [the affairs of the State] together. Sometimes the Khan used to 
 say to my father, apologising the while: “I am obliged by family 
 affairs to retire to the haram, while you remain in the outer apart¬ 
 ment ; this makes you appear like a palace guard [yatish\ and is 
 inconsistent with terms of friendship and concord.” 
 
 A year passed in this way, when the Khan contracted an alliance 
 with the Kurkani, in the person of Khub Nigar Khanim, who was 
 his senior by one year. She was the third daughter of Yunus 
 Khan, by Isan Daulat Begum ; and her eldest daughter was Mihr 
 Nigar Khanim, who had been given in marriage to Sultan Ahmad 
 Mirza (of whom I have spoken at greater length in the Second 
 Part). The second daughter was Kutluk Nigar Khanim, whom 
 Omar Shaikh Mirza took to wife; and their children were Zahir- 
 ud-Din Muhammad Babar Padishah, and Khanzada Begum, of 
 whom I shall speak below. The third daughter was this Khub 
 Nigar Khanim, who was given in marriage to my father, and is 
 my mother. I will give a record of them in their proper place, in 
 Part II. Sultan Yunus Khan had two other daughters by Shah 
 Begum Badakhshi: the elder, Sultan Nigar Khanim, was sent to 
 
118 Rule of Sultan Mahmud 
 
 Sultan Mahmud Mirza in Hisar, who had children by her, as is 
 mentioned in the Second Part. The younger was Daulat Sultan 
 Khanim, also mentioned in the Second Part. 
 
 In short, the Khan apologised, saying : “ It is not reasonable 
 that I should always go into the haram at nights, and leave you 
 here in the palace, as if on guard. It is not worthy of our friend¬ 
 ship.” On this account he gave orders for the preparation of 
 festivities, and showed [his friend] every mark of sympathy and 
 regard. During two years the preparations continued. Then he 
 gave Khub Nigar Khanim in marriage to my father. In the 
 meanwhile Mirza Sultan Ahmad, Omar Shaikh Mirza, and Sultan 
 Mahmud Mirza died, as shall be presently related. 
 
 Uratupa 1 was included in the administration of the Khan, who 
 granted that country to my father ; he established himself there, 
 and extended its limits over some of the bordering districts, all of 
 which is related in Part II. 
 
 CHAPTER LXIII. 
 
 EVENTS IN TASHKAND DURING THE RULE OF SULTAN MAHMUD KHAN. 
 
 THE LAST YEARS AND DEATH OF THE KHAN. 
 
 Before the Khan made peace with Sultan Ahmad Mirza and 
 married Karaguz Begum, he captured Tashkand. He seized and 
 threw into prison Muhammad Mazid Tarkhan, who had been 
 appointed Governor of Turkistan by Mirza Sultan Ahmad; and 
 this Muhammad Mazid Tarkhan was one of the principal causes of 
 the peace, for he was a relation, on the mother’s side [tagha], of 
 Mirza Sultan Ahmad. When the Khan conquered Turkistan, he 
 had in his service Shahi Beg Khan. As a reward for the services 
 he rendered in the battle of the Chir (which has been described 
 above), the Khan made over Turkistan to him ; and on this account 
 disagreement arose between the sons of Karai Khan and Jani Beg 
 Khan (of the Kazak) and Sultan Mahmud Khan, who had previously 
 been on terms of friendship. [They complained, saying:] “ Shahi 
 Beg Khan is our enemy; why did you send him to oppress us in 
 Turkistan?” In a word, in consequence of this quarrel, between 
 
 1 Uratippa or Uratupa is the Persian form ; Uratube, the Turki—generally 
 corrupted by the Kussians into Uratiube —and meaning “ high mound.” Old 
 names for this place are Oshrusene, Usruslina , Satrushna, etc., while Mirza Haidar, 
 farther on (p. 154) writes it Ushtur Ushna. (See Schuyler, i., p. 312; Sprenger, 
 p. 19, andiErskine in Baber, p. xli.) 
 
and his Death. 
 
 119 
 
 Sultan Mahmud Khan and the Uzbeg Kazak, 1 two battles took 
 place, the Khan suffering defeat on both occasions. The cause of 
 these defeats was that the most distinguished of his generals had 
 left Yunus Khan. For the Khan had, in common with all who 
 succeed to power, the defect of not knowing the value of men of 
 worth, and [of imagining] that whomsoever they favour becomes, 
 for that reason, a valuable man, which is, of course, impossible. 
 
 However, in conformity with these pernicious principles, the 
 Khan patronised some of the lowest of his people, who were con¬ 
 tinually engaged in trying to decry the old and influential Amirs. 
 This they carried so far as to induce the Khan to put to death five 
 of the great Amirs, each of whom was the head of a department 
 [sar daftar\ and to extirpate their families; while in their places, 
 five of those base-born men were set up. At the time when the 
 difference arose between Sultan Mahmud Khan and the Uzbeg 
 Kazak, on account of Shahi Beg Khan, and a war ensued, these five 
 base-born men were generals : hence the defeat. That dread and 
 esteem of the Khan, which by the successful efforts of the five 
 Amirs, had taken possession of the hearts of the neighbouring 
 Sultans, had now disappeared. In the meantime Omar Shaikh 
 Mirza was killed by a house falling on him: this was in the year 
 899. When this news reached Sultan Ahmad Mirza, he set out 
 with an army against Andijan, to prevent it falling into the hands 
 of the Moghuls. The Amirs of Omar Shaikh Mirza behaved 
 bravely, and raised his son, Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad Babar Padishah, 
 who was then twelve years of age, to the throne : they also applied 
 to Sultan Mahmud Khan for assistance. When Sultan Ahmad 
 Mirza reached Marghilan he fell ill, and so made terms of peace 
 and turned back ; but he died on the road, just forty days after the 
 death of Omar Shaikh Mirza. Sultan Mahmud Mirza came from 
 Hisar, and set himself up on the throne of Samarkand in his 
 brother’s stead. He reigned six months; he then died a natural 
 death, and was succeeded by his son Mirza Baisanghar. 
 
 Sultan Mahmud Khan coveted the throne of Samarkand. He 
 marched towards that town and met Baisanghar in battle, at a 
 place called Kamyai. As the generals were the [above mentioned] 
 base-born persons, the enterprise failed and the Khan was defeated. 
 This was a very famous battle, and its date is as celebrated with 
 the Moghuls as among the people of Samarkand. The Khan then 
 returned to Tashkand, when these same low-born men persuaded 
 him that it was fitting for them to support Shahi Beg Khan, in 
 order that he might take Samarkand and Bokhara, and bear all 
 the duties of the State, while they themselves remained at their 
 ease in Tashkand. This appeared reasonable to the Klian. Much 
 
 2 One MS. reads: “ . . . . between Sultan Mahmud Khan and the Uzbeg 
 Khan and the Kazak Amirs.”—R, 
 
120 
 
 Sultan Ahmad Khan. 
 
 as my father condemned this advice and used his influence over the 
 Khan, he was in no way able to prevent the latter helping and 
 supporting Shahi Beg Khan, till he had taken Samarkand and 
 Bokhara. This needs a detailed account, which will be given in 
 Part II. along with incidents in the life of Babar Padishah. 
 
 In a word, with this assistance, Shahi Beg Khan took Samarkand, 
 and obtained complete control over it. His army increased to 
 50,000 men ; and Uzbegs from on all sides flocked round him. His 
 first attack was directed against the Khan, who began to despair; 
 but much as he and his ignoble advisers might gnaw the hand of 
 vexation with the teeth of regret, they could not help themselves. 
 In the meanwhile Sultan Ahmad Khan, who (as 1 have mentioned) 
 had remained in Moghulistan, hearing of the Khan’s distress, came 
 to his brother’s aid, and these two Khans together, gave battle to 
 Shahi Beg Khan, but they were defeated. Shahi Beg Khan, 
 having treated them both with courtesy and respect, sent the Khan 
 into Moghulistan ; he, however, kept the Moghul soldiers with him, 
 as will be related in Part II. 
 
 The two brothers, Sultan Mahmud Khan and Sultan Ahmad 
 Khan, went to Moghulistan, where Sultan Ahmad Khan died, as 
 shall be presently related. Sultan Mahmud Khan reached Moghul¬ 
 istan and for some time underwent many hardships there. Finally 
 he presented himself before Shahi Beg Khan, counting on the 
 favour he had once shown him. But Shahi Beg Khan said to 
 Sultan Mahmud Khan: “ Once I was kind to you, but a second 
 act of mercy would be the cause of the ruin of my kingdom.” He 
 then put to death the Khan and his children, both great and small, 
 on the banks of the river of Khojand. The chronogram “ Lab-i- 
 darya-i-Khojand ” gives the date of the event—914 [1508-9]. The 
 particulars will be given in Part II. of this History. The matter 
 is mentioned briefly here to save repetition. 
 
 CHAPTER LXIY. 
 
 SULTAN AHMAD KHAN. 
 
 Sultan Aiimad Khan was the son of Yunus Khan, who has been 
 mentioned above. When his father used to go and take up quarters 
 in Tashkand, Ahmad, with a number of Moghuls who objected to 
 towns and settlements, parted from his father, and stayed behind 
 in Moghulistan. It would take too long to relate all that he did 
 and [to describe] his administration in Moghulistan; but the sub¬ 
 stance of the matter is that it required ten years of residence in 
 
Sultan Ahmad Khan. 
 
 121 
 
 the country, before he could bring the people fully under his 
 control. He was obliged to suppress some of the Amirs: among 
 others the Irlat, who were powerful chiefs, and had offered him 
 much opposition. A battle ensued in which he overthrew their 
 race; he also put to death Amir Sultan Ali Jaras, who, since the 
 time when the Amirs rose in opposition to Isan Bugha Khan, had 
 never become reconciled to any of the Khans. 
 
 The Kaluji were the most numerous of all the tribes in Moghul- 
 istan. At this time, a number of their chiefs joined together, and 
 one night attacked the Khan’s camp, killed all whom they found 
 there, and poured a shower of arrows upon the tent of the Khan, 
 who sustained several wounds. At last one of the attacking party 
 entered the tent intending to kill him, but he rose up with drawn 
 sword to meet the man; they dealt each other severe blows, and 
 the intruder fled wounded. After this, several persons, having 
 dismounted, tried, together, to force an entry. Sut Im Bahadur, 
 who was one of the most important men in the Khan’s court, at 
 this moment arrived on the scene, and when the assailants saw 
 that somebody was coming, they remounted and attacked him. 
 He was quite alone, but nevertheless, offered them fight, and a 
 considerable time elapsed before they were able to kill Sut Im 
 Bahadur. They then again turned to attack the Khan. Hearing 
 the noise, men came riding up from all directions to the tent of 
 the Khan. At last the Kaluji, having no longer power to resist, 
 turned and fled. All these were the intimates of the Khan, and 
 no one suspected them of such [treacherous] intentions. They fled 
 to the Kalmak. As soon as the Khan had recovered from his 
 wounds, he pursued them whither they had gone, but it took him 
 two years to root them out. 
 
 After this, the affairs of the Khan became more prosperous, and 
 no one in Moghulistan dared to oppose him. He made several 
 successful inroads on the Kalmak, and put a number of them to 
 death. He fought two battles with Taishi Isan, and was victorious 
 in both. The Kalmak stood in great awe of him, and used to call 
 him Alacha Khan ; Aldclia , in Moghul, means hushanda [the slayer], 
 that is to say, “ the slaying Khan.” This title adhered to him. 
 Ilis own people used to call him Alacha Khan. He is now spoken 
 of by the Moghuls as Sultan Ahmad Khan, but all the neighbouring 
 peoples call him ‘ Alacha.’ Also one finds ‘ Alacha ’ written in the 
 Histories of Mir Khwand and of Khwand Mir, of Herat, and others . 1 
 
 1 lldcha is the Persian corruption of Aldclia , and in the Persian texts of the 
 Tdrikh-i-Rashidi ; it is found written in this way; but Alaja, Mr. Ross informs 
 me, would be preferable to either. In Mr. Shaw’s dictionary of the language of 
 Eastern Turkistan (p. 12) the word Aldch is shown as a proper name, but the 
 author adds that it is also “ a comprehensive name given to the tribes of Kuzzaks 
 and Kirghiz, from some eponymous ancestor.” Can this ancestor be Sultan 
 Ahmad Khan—a Moghul ? 
 
122 
 
 Suitan Ahmad Khan. 
 
 After these events, he carried on hostilities with the Uzbeg 
 Kazak, for the reason already stated in the story of Sultan 
 Mahmud Khan. For Sultan Mahmud Khan had, on two occasions, 
 gone to war with the Uzbeg Kazak, and had been defeated on both 
 occasions; on which account Sultan Ahmad Khan attacked the 
 Uzbeg Kazak and utterly routed them three times. 
 
 Whatever they had done to his elder brother, Sultan Mahmud 
 Khan, he, in turn, did to them. He, moreover, kept Moghulistan 
 under such strict supervision, that during seven or eight months 
 the Kalmak and Uzbeg were unable to approach the country. 
 When he had satisfactorily disposed of the affairs of Moghulistan, 
 he turned his attention to the question of Aba Bakr and Kashghar. 
 In the year 905 (which is also the year of my birth), when he came 
 to Kashghar, he found that Aba Bakr had gone to Yarkand, leaving 
 Kashghar and Yangi Hisar fortified, garrisoned and stored. 
 The officers of Mirza Aba Bakr attacked the Khan several times, 
 both in the citadel of Kashghar and at Yangi Hisar, all of which 
 would take too long to relate. At length, Sultan Ahmad Mirza 1 
 took the citadel of Yangi Hisar by storm, and after that, Kash¬ 
 ghar being deserted by its garrison, who fled, he captured that 
 place also. 
 
 He spent that winter in Kashghar, and removed his family 
 thither from Moghulistan. At the end of the winter he marched 
 against Mirza Aba Bakr, in Yarkand. Mirza Aba Bakr would not 
 come out of the citadel, and when they [the attacking force] saw 
 that an entry was impracticable, they went up into the hills near 
 Yarkand, to carry off the flocks and plunder [the country]. Then, 
 having taken quantities of cattle and booty, they returned towards 
 Kashghar. But Mirzd Aba Bakr, leading a powerful army out of 
 Yarkand, went and blocked the Khan’s road in the mountains. A 
 fierce battle was fought, in which, at length, the Khan’s army was 
 put to flight. The defeated Khan then descended to Kashghar, 
 but being unable to remain there, he fled into Moghulistan. 
 
 One year after this event, news of the victory gained by Shahi 
 Beg Khan over Sultan Mahmud Khan reached him. Prompted 
 by brotherly love, he set out to offer his services to his distin¬ 
 guished brother. Leaving his eldest son, Mansur Khan, in his own 
 place, and giving him the style of Khan , he took his two other 
 sons, Sultan Said Khan and Babajak Khan, with him to Tashkand. 
 The two Khans met in Tashkand, and exchanged the salutations 
 and formalities usual on such occasions. (An account of this 
 matter is to be found in Part II.) In short, they discussed how 
 they might frustrate the plans of Shahi Beg Khan, and finally a 
 battle took place between the latter and the two Khans, at Akhsi, 
 in which the two Khans were defeated, and both of them made 
 
 1 Should be Sultan Ahmad Khan. 
 
Mansur Khan . 
 
 123 
 
 prisoners. Shahi Beg Khan, observing the duties of the situation, 
 permitted them both to return to Moghulistan; but the greater 
 part of the Moghul TJlus he would not allow to depart. These 
 two Khans went to Moghulistan, passing that winter in Aksu. 
 [There] Sultan Ahmad Khan was attacked with so violent a 
 paralytic seizure, that the doctors were unable to relieve him, 
 and he died in the winter of the year 909 [1503-4]. (May Paradise 
 be his dwelling.) 
 
 Sultan Ahmad Khan was a very religious prince and a devoted 
 Musulman. He was versed in the Holy Law \_Shar '\ 1 and most 
 of his affairs were governed by it. He was a high-minded, though 
 violent, man and was distinguished for his daring. He was 
 intelligent, of sound judgment and modest. He was especially 
 affable towards darvishes, and towards learned and pious men. 
 During most of his life he granted pensions to the poor, and gave 
 away one-fifth of his income in charity. In his beneficence and 
 virtuous habits he had, in his time, no rival. He died at the age 
 of thirty-nine. 
 
 More will be said of him in the Second Part. 
 
 CHAPTER LXY. 
 
 MANSUR KHAN (MAY HIS SINS BE PARDONED!) 
 
 He was the eldest son of Sultan Ahmad Khan, who, when he 
 went to join his brother Sultan Mahmud Khan in Tashkand, set 
 up Mansur, as Khan, in his own stead. This was in the year 909, 
 when Mansur Khan was nineteen years of age. At his father’s 
 death, his uncle, Sultan Mahmud Khan, left Aksu and came into 
 Moghulistan. Mansur Khan then established his court in Aksu, 
 where a dispute arose between himself and Mir Jabar Birdi, such 
 as is wont to arise between rival heirs; and Mir Jabar Birdi’s 
 life became imperilled. The only means he could devise for saving 
 himself, was to send off a messenger to Mirza Aba Bakr [to ask 
 him to come to his aid]. This was exactly what the Mirza would 
 have prayed God for; so he set out for Aksu with an army of 
 30,000 men. Mir Jabar Birdi hastened out to receive Mirza Aba 
 Bakr. The advance-guard and scouts of the Mirza’s army were 
 in readiness. 
 
 When news of this reached Mansur Khan, he fortified Aksu, 
 1 Lit.: from the Shar’ lie derived no vexation. 
 
124 
 
 Mansur Khan. 
 
 and, leaving a garrison in its fort, repaired to Bai and Kusan. 1 
 Mir Jabar Birdi, as a mark of confidence, delivered over to Mirza 
 Aba Bakr the fort of Uch, which was his own residence and 
 domain. They entered Aksu together, took the fort by storm, 
 and laid hands on all the treasure and hidden wealth which 
 Sultan Ahmad and his people had amassed during twenty-five 
 years. This, together with the people of Aksu, both Moghul and 
 peasant [rayat], 2 they despatched to Kashghar, Mir Jabar Birdi 
 sending his own family in front of all the rest, to prove his entire 
 trust in Mirza Aba Bakr: for he looked upon a show of confidence as 
 his source of safety. Mirza Aba Bakr asked him if that were his 
 family. He replied: “ There might be difficulties in the way of 
 taking them in the rear of the party, so they can go now. I 
 will stay here a few days to pillage and plunder the surrounding 
 neighbourhood; then I will load your army with booty, and will 
 bring back both the booty and the army to you, in Kashghar.’ 
 
 The Mirza was pleased with this boast of Mir Jabar Birdi, whose 
 family he took, with the rest of the people of Aksu, to Kashghar; 
 while he left, with the Mir, an army of 10,000 men, who were 
 to bring on whatever had been left behind. 
 
 Mir Jabar Birdi led the Mirza’s army against Bai and Kusan, 
 making several raids into those territories, and carrying off the 
 horses. When he calculated that the Mirza had arrived in 
 Kashghar, he abandoned the army of the Mirza, which, frustrated 
 and disappointed, returned to Kashghar, while Mir Jabar Birdi 
 remained in the province of Aksu. 
 
 These events were disastrous to Mansur Khan, and his position 
 became very weak. He repented of having persecuted [attempted 
 to take the life of] Mir Jabar Birdi, who was his maternal uncle, 
 
 1 One MS. reads Kus and others Kusan. Both names were used for the same 
 place, as also Kos, Kucha , Kujar , etc., and all appear to stand for the modern 
 Kuchar of the Turki-speaking inhabitants, and Kuclie of the Chinese. An 
 earlier Chinese name, however, was Ku-sien. 
 
 The neighbourhood of Kuchar shows traces of very ancient civilisation; it 
 must have been one of the chief seats of Buddhism in Eastern Turkistan, and it 
 abounds still in remains of Buddhistic buildings, sculptures, cave dwellings, etc. 
 It was in this district that Capt. H. Bower obtained, in 1888, the famous birch- 
 bark Sanscrit MS. described by Dr. Hoernle in J. A. S. B., vol. lx., pt. i., no. 3. 
 The book was dug out of the foot of what appears to be an ancient “ chorten,” of 
 which several are to be found in the Kuchar district. Capt. Bower also notices 
 that one of these “ chortens ” is to be seen on the north bank of the river at 
 Kashghar. The one out of which the IMS. was obtained, stood just outside the 
 subterranean ruins of a city called Mangai, which are situated about 1G miles 
 from Kuchar, on the banks of the Shah-yar river. “ The town,” writes Capt. 
 Bower, “ must have been of considerable extent, but has been greatly reduced 
 owing to the action of the river. On the cliffs on the left bank, high up in mid 
 air, may be seen the remains of houses, still hanging on to the face of the cliffs. 
 .... I was told that other similar towns may be seen in the district.” (See 
 Proceedings R. A. S. B., Nov. 1890). The book was found by Dr. Hoernle to be 
 written in the Gupta alphabet, and to date from the sixth century a.d. 
 
 2 Bayat, in this sentence, appears to mean the natives of the soil, as distin¬ 
 guished from the foreign Moghuls. 
 
Mansur Khan . 
 
 125 
 
 the brother of his mother Sahib Daulat Begum. In the mean¬ 
 time, news of Mir Jabar Birdi reached him. He thereupon sent 
 messengers to him, offering apologies. Having made a covenant 
 with him, he brought him back and bestowed upon him even greater 
 favours than his father, Sultan Ahmad Khan, had done before him. 
 
 After the return of Mir Jabar Birdi to the court of Mansur 
 Khan, the affairs of the latter assumed a more favourable aspect. 
 At that time the people of the different tribes were engaged in 
 hostilities with one another, and these, as far as was possible, he 
 pacified. This is a long story, and I do not recall further details. 
 In short, while these things were passing, news arrived of the 
 discord, in Moghulistan, between Sultan Mahmud Khan and Sultan 
 Said Khan and Sultan Khalil Sultan. Thereupon Mansur Khan 
 entered Moghulistan, and again met his paternal uncle Sultan 
 Mahmud Khan. At this audience he also met Sultan Said Khan 
 and Sultan Khalil Sultan, who were his younger brothers. 
 
 After this division had occurred, Sultan Mahmud Khan was no 
 longer able to remain in Moghulistan, being incapable of directing 
 his affairs there : so he repaired to Mavara-un-Nahr (as has been 
 told) and was there slain. 
 
 When Mansur Khan heard of Sultan Mahmud Khan’s expedition 
 into the [vildyat] country [of Mavara-un-Nahr], he marched against 
 his brothers, who were in Moghulistan with the Kirghiz and the 
 rest of the Moghuls, who had stayed behind. On his arrival, a 
 battle took place in Charun Chalak. The fight was a fierce one, 
 and ultimately Mansur Khan came off victor. The two brothers 
 fled to “ the vildyat .” 1 On reaching Andijan, the governor of that 
 place put Sultan Khalil Sultan to death: but his brother, Sultan 
 Said Khan, escaped to Kabul; all of which is related in Part II. 
 
 Mansur Khan carried off to Chalish 2 and Turfan, all those of 
 the Kirghiz, and other Moghul tribes, whom he found in Moghul¬ 
 istan. As the Kirghiz were the originators of all the revolts in 
 Moghulistan, he put most of them to death by stratagem. A few 
 of them, however, fled to Moghulistan. After this he made in¬ 
 roads on the Kalmak and was, as a rule, victorious. Thus the 
 affairs of the Khan prospered; though from time to time, he 
 met with opposition from the side of his brothers. One of them, 
 Aiman Khwaja Sultan, twice rose against him and was twice 
 subdued, without more being said; however, on the occasion of 
 his revolting a third time, he was seized and handed over to 
 Yaraka A taka, who received orders to put him to death. But in¬ 
 stead of obeying, he hid Aiman Khwaja Sultan, telling the Khan that 
 
 1 Into which vildyat — i.e. country or province—is not mentioned, either here 
 or where it occurs just above. In both instances it is probably Mavara-un-Nahr 
 that is intended, though the word appears to be used, in this and other Persian 
 books, to denote any foreign country—as is the case in modern Hindustani. 
 
 2 The modern Kara-sliahr. 
 
126 
 
 Mansur Khan. 
 
 lie had carried out hia commission. A year after this, Babajak 
 Sultan, another brother of the Khan, fled from him, and betook 
 himself to Bai and Kusan. 
 
 These two places, since their destruction [virdn] by Mirza Aba 
 Bakr and Jabar Birdi, had fallen into desolation and ruin. But 
 Babajak came and cultivated the ground, and restored the fort 
 which had been destroyed. Then Mansur Khan came against 
 Babajak Sultan, and in the first place, tried to bring him to terms 
 of peace, but Babajak said: “How can I put any trust in you? 
 Aiman Khwaja Sultan was also your brother, and you slew him 
 like an enemy : I have no longer any faith in you.” Then Mansur 
 Khan repented of having killed Aiman Khwaja Sultan, and could 
 make no reply. But Yaraka Ataka interposed : “ I had the pre¬ 
 sumption to act in opposition to your orders, and kept your 
 brother alive.” Mansur Khan was very grateful, and on account 
 of this action, raised Yaraka Ataka to a very high rank. He then 
 sent Aiman Khwaja Sultan to Babajak Sultan, who thereupon came 
 and offered submission to the Khan, and made terms of peace. 
 
 In the meanwhile, news arrived of the victory Sultan Said 
 Khan had obtained over Mirza Aba Bakr, and of his conquest of 
 Kashghar. Babajak Sultan sent Aiman Khwaja Sultan to Said 
 Khan, who was rejoiced at his coming. (Babajak Sultan and 
 Mansur Khan were born of the same mother; as were also Sultan 
 Said Khan and Aiman Khwaja Khan.) This is related more fully 
 in Part II. 
 
 Mansur Khan stood in great fear of Sultan Said Khan, because 
 he had been the cause of the death of Sultan Said Khan’s own 
 brother, Sultan Khalil, and many violent disputes arose be¬ 
 tween them. Mansur Khan was convinced that this would 
 cause an eternal enmity between them, but contrary to his expec¬ 
 tations, Sultan Said Khan sent an ambassador, with an escort, to 
 his elder brother Mansur Khan, and begged for an interview. The 
 meeting took place between Aksu and Kusan in the year 912, 1 
 in which Sultan Said Khan declared his submission and obedience 
 to Mansur Khan, and ordered the Khutba to be read in the latter’s 
 name; thus a complete reconciliation was brought about between 
 the two brothers, as a result of which their countries, during a 
 period of twenty years, enjoyed the most perfect peace and security. 
 Any one, for example, could travel alone from Kamul, 2 in Khitai, 
 
 1 The date 912 is wrongly transcribed in all the texts. It should be 922, as 
 is shown in the next chapter but one, where a chronogram for the event in 
 question is given, which works out 922—obviously the correct date—1516. 
 
 2 Nowadays usually called Kumul —sometimes Kamil. The modern Chinese 
 name is Hdmi, as it was also at the time of the Mings, who were coeval with the 
 events here related. More ancient names were I-gu and I-chou. Sir H. Yule 
 mentions a Bishop of Kumul , about the middle of the thirteenth century, and 
 believes the place to have been a Nestorian See. (Klaproth’s Tableaux Bidoriques, 
 map ; Yule’s Marco Polo, i., p. 213). 
 
Mansur Khan. 
 
 127 
 
 to Andijan, without having any duties levied upon him; and 
 would be taken every night, as a guest, into some house [on the 
 road]. May God place these two just and righteous brothers in 
 the Garden of Paradise ! 
 
 During these twenty years, Mansur Khan made several holy wars 
 against Khitai, and always returned mansur [victorious]. 1 In one 
 of these holy wars, Mir Jabar Birdi met his death, as did also 
 Bandagi Khwaja Tajuddin Muhammad. This latter was one of the 
 Khwajas of Kusan, and was descended from Maulana Arshad- 
 ud-Din, who converted the Moghuls to Islam, as has been already 
 related. He made his studies under Maulana Ali Gharran of Tus 
 (upon whom he mercy), and also spent much time in the company 
 of that Axis of Axes, Khwaja Nasiruddin Ubaidullah, and partici¬ 
 pated in the benevolent glance of his Holiness 
 
 I once heard from the lips of Khwaja Tajuddin the following : 
 “ I was one day visiting his Holiness, and was seated near him, 
 when he remarked that it was necessary to abstain from ‘ doubtful 
 morsels.’ I looked round the company, and saw they were all 
 men of piety ; I was the only one present who was not an abstainer 
 [an ascetic], and I took an oath that, from that time forward, I 
 would eat no food that was not pronounced absolutely lawful by 
 him. So have me excused if I touch not any food at your table.” 
 I have mentioned this to show what a pious and abstinent man 
 Khwaja Tajuddin was. He was in attendance on Sultan Ahmad 
 Khan and Mansur Khan for fifty years, or rather these Khans 
 were his disciples. And he accepted, during all this period, neither 
 offering nor gift, whether it were from the Khans or the Sultans 
 or the generals of the army, or from peasants or merchants. The 
 Khwaja occupied himself, also, with commerce and agriculture. 
 And from these occupations there accrued to him, by the blessing 
 of the Most High God, great wealth. And what urbanity did he 
 not show, every year, towards the Khans and the Amirs! The poor 
 and indigent—nay, more, the peasant, the villager, the artisan, and 
 the merchant, all profited [by his wealth]. For this reason no one 
 denied him anything, and all the affairs of the kingdom were laid 
 before him in detail. He was, in very truth, a great and loving— 
 a generous and zealous man. 
 
 In one of the holy w r ars against Khitai, he was slain before 
 Mansur Khan’s eyes. (May God’s mercy be upon him.) When 
 Mansur Khan had disposed of these holy wars in Khitai, he fought 
 a pitched battle with the Uzbeg Kazak at a place in Moghulistan 
 called Arish, 2 where he was defeated; and Sufi Mirza, who was a 
 
 1 For some remarks on these wars, see Introduction, Sec. Y. 
 
 2 This Arish in Moghulistan can hardly be traced for certain, though names 
 such as Arys, Arystyn, etc., often occur on the detailed Russian maps of the region 
 which represents Moghulistan. In all probability it was situated towards the 
 eastern coniines of the Moghul territory, and can scarcely be the same as the 
 
128 
 
 Mansur Khan. 
 
 Begjik and the chief minister of the Khan, was killed. After this 
 event [Mansur] made fewer expeditions from Chalish and Turfan. 
 
 Subsequent to the death of Sultan Said Khan, he marched against 
 Aksu. Twice he failed and was obliged to retire, and in the year 
 950 he died (may God illumine his proof!) at the age of about 
 sixty years. Except Yunus Khan, no other Khan of the Chaghatai 
 line attained such an age. He ascended the throne, 1 in the year 
 907, at the age of sixteen, and reigned forty-three years. No other 
 Chaghatai Khan ever reigned as long as this. • Nor did any of 
 the Moghul Klians enjoy so long a life and reign. He adorned his 
 days from the first to the last with blessings and charitable gifts. 
 He passed the whole of his time in the study of the holy law, or the 
 reading of the Koran. I have heard from his intimates that he 
 used to spend about one-fifth of his time in directing the affairs 
 of the State, and all the rest in perusal of the Koran [tilavat], 2 
 prayer [davat\ the prescribed prayers [namaz], and in reciting the 
 names of God [Izkar\. It would be hard to find any one among 
 the Padishahs, or even among the most pious men [ahl-i-suluk], who 
 disposed of their time better than he did. And in consequence of 
 this he was blessed with a long life and earthly happiness, such as 
 no one but he, of his line, has ever enjoyed. May God bless his 
 heavenly life as he did his days upon earth ! Amen. Oh God of 
 both worlds! 
 
 He excelled in the conduct of life, in intelligence and prudence, 
 and was skilled in state management and the control and organisa¬ 
 tion of armies. By his nature he was not at all addicted to the 
 customs and ceremonies of kings, or to the grandeur and magnifi¬ 
 cence of Khans, but rather tried to do without ceremony, and to 
 live as simply as possible. In no way whatever did he make any 
 distinction between himself and the rest of his people. He knew 
 the Koran by heart, and had a very accurate Reader , who was better 
 versed in the Koran than any one else in the country. His name was 
 “ Hafiz Magas-i-sag.” 3 But in his innermost nature, this man was 
 so unbalanced and his acts were so revolting, that to mention them 
 would be a reason for withdrawing behind a curtain! It was 
 under this man that Mansur Khan learnt by heart the Kaldm-TJllah. 
 Some of his officers one day suggested, in private, to the Khan that 
 Hafiz Magas was not worthy to be his teacher, seeing that his mind 
 
 Arish mentioned in Part II. (p. 378) in connection with Ak-kum, as that place 
 appears to have lain beyond the north-western limits of Moghulistan. (See note 
 4, p. 378.) 
 
 1 That is to say, the throne of Aksu and Turfan. 
 
 5 Tilavcit —reading and meditating on the Koran. The Namaz means the five 
 prescribed prayers or litanies of the day—the Arabic salat. Davat literally 
 means “ supplication,” and is used for private, or spontaneous, prayer.—R. 
 
 3 The name would mean “ the Hafiz of the fly of the dog.” A Hafiz is one 
 who has committed to memory the whole of the Koran. 
 
Shah Khan. 
 
 129 
 
 was totally unsound. . . . 1 Thus it is evident that Mansur Khan 
 was a religiously inclined monarch. He spent the whole of his 
 life in the practice of Islam. 
 
 He left behind him two sons, Shah Khan and Muhammad Sultan, 
 and one daughter, whom Sultan Said Khan took for his son Rashid 
 Sultan, as is mentioned in Part II. 
 
 CHAPTER LXYI. 
 
 SHAH KHAN, SON OF MANSUR KHAN. 
 
 At the end of his life, Mansur Khan had raised his eldest son Shah 
 Khan to the throne, while he himself withdrew to the cell of retire¬ 
 ment. His son succeeded to all his authority, and is at this day — 
 052 [1545]—the reigning Khan in Turfan and Chalish. But in his 
 treatment of his father’s adherents, in his direction of the Khanate, 
 and in his regal proceedings, he has adopted displeasing ways, and 
 has become notorious for his bad manners, of which it is unneces¬ 
 sary for me to speak. Even while his father was yet alive, he had 
 stained the garments of good reputation with the pollution of 
 disobedience, and he does not now regard the memory of his dis¬ 
 tinguished father in the way that is becoming and fit; nor has he 
 shown such signs of piety and prosperity as would be worthy of 
 his good father. 
 
 It is the practice of historians to recount everything as they find 
 it, whether worthy or unworthy of mention. For it is not their 
 object to write down the good qualities of princes, and to omit all 
 their bad actions, but rather to reproduce all facts without dis¬ 
 crimination, in order that they may leave behind them a record of 
 the people of this world. Thus all men in power, as well as others, 
 reading their histories, may profit by their advice, and may see 
 what have been the various fruits and results of praiseworthy 
 habits, on the one hand, or blameable actions on the other: also 
 that they may accept the lesson to be learnt from observing the 
 way in which the memory of different princes has been preserved, 
 and may, in short, incline to good deeds and avoid evil ways. 
 
 1 The remainder of this passage is unfit for translation. In Persian it stands 
 as follows: “ In Hafiz Magas lafk ustadf mst chi dar ghrayat hi i‘tidalf ast. Az 
 jumla anki lira darin riizha ba mada gavf girifta-and. Shagirdiyi Khan ura chi 
 inunasib bashad.” Khan guft: “Man azu Kalam-Ullali yad nnkardam, mada- 
 giiv u vaz‘-i-badan yad nakhwaham girift.” 
 
 K 
 
130 
 
 Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 CHAPTER LXVII. 
 
 SULTAN SAID KHAN, SON OF SULTAN AHMAD KHAN. 
 
 Sultan Ahmad Khan had eighteen sons. The eldest was Mansur 
 Khan, of whom I have just spoken. Next to him came Iskandar 
 Sultan, who died a natural death, after his father. Then came 
 Sultan Said Khan, who was fourteen years of age when Sultan 
 Ahmad Khan went to the assistance of n his elder brother, Sultan 
 Mahmud Khan. He had taken with him, on this occasion, two of 
 his sons: namely Sultan Said Khan and Babajak Sultan. 
 
 While the two Khans were together, Sultan Said Khan passed 
 his days in the cell of instruction of my father, and under the 
 kindly protection of my uncle. TThis lasted] up to the time of the 
 battle at Aklisi, between the two Khans and Shahi Beg Khan (which 
 has been mentioned). In the flight which ensued, Sultan Said 
 Khan was struck by an arrow in the thigh, and the bone was 
 broken: so he threw himself onto a side path. 1 After the flight 
 and rout had subsided, some of the people of that district found 
 him, but as his leg was broken, they did not remove him from 
 where he lay. After a few da}’s had passed, and he was almost 
 recovered, they took him before Shaikh Bayazid, Governor of 
 Aklisi. An account of Shaikh Bayazid and of his brother, Sultan 
 Ahmad Tambal, will be found in Part II. Shaikh Bayazid kept 
 Sultan Said Khan in prison. 
 
 In the year following, when the corn was high, Shahi Beg 
 Khan again came against Farghana and Sultan Ahmad Tambal. 
 Sultan Ahmad Tambal and Shaikh Bayazid, together with all their 
 brothers, were put to death by Shahi Beg Khan, who then pos¬ 
 sessed himself of Farghana. Sultan Said Khan, who was in prison, 
 by the order of Shaikh Bayazid, was now released and conducted 
 before Shahi Beg Khan, who treated him as his own son, and being 
 moved to pity at his sad condition, took him to Samarkand. From 
 there he took him on his campaign against Hisar and Kunduz, at 
 the time when Khusrau Shah had just subjugated the provinces of 
 Hisar, Kunduz, and Badakhshan. When he had brought this enter¬ 
 prise to a close, he again returned to Samarkand. He next invaded 
 Khwarizm. But on the occasion of this expedition, the Khan fled 
 from him and came into Mogliulistan. He journeyed by way of 
 Uzun Ahmad as far as Yatikand. 2 His uncle, Sultan Mahmud 
 Khan, was at that time in A T atikand; with him he passed a few 
 
 1 Paigliula —side path or sheltered nook.—R. 
 
 2 See for this name note, p. 180. 
 
Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 131 
 
 days, but finally, being wearied with the careless way in which 
 his uncle conducted the affairs of the State, be departed and went 
 into Moghulistan to visit his brother, Sultan Khalil Sultan, who 
 was governor of the Kirghiz. 
 
 He remained four years with his brother, among the Kirghiz in 
 Moghulistan. During this period many transactions took place 
 between Sultan Mahmud Khan, Mansur Khan, and these two 
 brothers. The result of these proceedings was that Sultan Mahmud 
 Khan found, on account [of the opposition] of his nephews, that 
 he could no longer remain in Moghulistan. So he went to seek 
 Shahi Beg Khan, in hopes of kind treatment. But Shahi Beg 
 Khan, as has been related, put him to death on the river of 
 Khojand. When Sultan Mahmud Khan went abroad [ to vilayat ] 
 to visit Shahi Beg Khan, these two brothers remained in Moghul¬ 
 istan and the Kirghiz country. In the meanwhile, news of the 
 approach of Mansur Khan’s army reached them. For Mansur 
 Khan had led out an army from Chalish and Turfan against his 
 brothers, in order to seize the land of the Khirghiz and Moghulistan. 
 So Sultan Said Khan and Sultan Khalil, having collected all the 
 [fighting] men of the Kirghiz and the Moghuls, took up a strong 
 position at a place called Charun Chak, 1 ready to receive the enemy. 
 On the arrival of Mansur with his army, the signal for battle was 
 given, and finally Sultan Said Khan and Sultan Khalil Sultan were 
 defeated. Mansur Khan made the Kirghiz march into Chalish, 
 as has been mentioned in the account of Mansur Khan. Sultan 
 Khalil Sultan escaped from the fight wfith a considerable number 
 of men, and came to Farghana, [hoping] to fall in with his 
 uncle Sultan Mahmud Khan, and to be kindly treated by Shahi 
 Beg Khan. But when he reached Akhsi he was put to death by 
 Jani Beg Khan, a cousin of Shahi Beg Khan, and governor of the 
 country of Farghana. 
 
 Sultan Said Khan, for some time after the battle, took to 
 robbery, but events soon came about which rendered impossible 
 for him further sojourn in Moghulistan. (These events a^e 
 described in Part II. To avoid repetition they have only been 
 given in epitome here.) In this state of hopelessness Sultan Said 
 Khan went to Andijan, and thence to Kabul, to visit his (paternal) 
 cousin Babar Padishah, the son of Omar Shaikh Mirza, who 
 received him with honour and kindness, and with whom he 
 stayed for three years at Kabul. 
 
 When Shah Ismail [defeated and] slew Shahi Beg Khan in 
 Marv, Babar Padishah moved from Kabul to Kunduz, taking 
 Sultan Said Khan with him. At this same time Sayyid Muhammad 
 Mirza, son of Muhammad Haidar Mirza, and uncle of the author 
 
 1 Or Jurun Juk —probably the same name that at page 125 was written Charun 
 Chdlak. 
 
 K 2 
 
132 
 
 Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 of this history, invaded Andijan and, driving Jani Beg Sultan out, 
 became himself master of the country. He then sent messengers 
 to inform Babar Padishah of what he had achieved. Babar 
 Padishah thereupon sent Sultan Said Khan and what Moghul 
 Amirs he had in his service, to Andijan. On his arrival there, 
 Sultan Said Khan was received with ceremony by his uncle 
 Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, who also delivered over to him tlle 
 whole of the territory which he had just subjugated. The Khan 
 showed my uncle every mark of honour, and according to 
 the ancient Moghul custom, conferred upon him the title of 
 Ulusbegi, 1 which became his hereditary office. 
 
 Meanwhile Mirza Aba Baler, having set his heart upon the 
 kingdom of Farghana, had collected an army in Kashghar, and 
 was on the road to Andijan. The Khan marched out to meet him 
 with an army of 1500 men. The two forces came into contact at 
 a place called Tut-lugh, 2 about two farsakhs from Andijan. By 
 the help of God [that small body] of 1500 men overcame an army 
 20,000 strong, after a very fierce struggle, and in consequence 
 of this victory the fame of Sultan Said Khan was established 
 among the surrounding Sultans. The Uzbeg Sultans from 
 Farghana then began to assemble on the borders of Samarkand 
 and Tashkand. Afterwards, Babar Padishah engaged these 
 Sultans in a battle at Hisar Shadman, and was victorious. By 
 this victory he was enabled to rid Mavara-un-Nahr of all the 
 Uzbeg, and he himself mounted the throne of Samarkand. In the 
 month of Bajab of the year 917, 3 the Khan was again firmly 
 established in Andijan. In the early spring [avval bahar ] of the 
 same year, the Uzbeg again entered Tashkand. Ubaid Ullah Kliiin 
 advanced in the direction of Bokhara, in the neighbourhood of 
 which place he fought a battle with Babar Padishah, who had 
 come out to oppose him. Ubaid Ullah Khan was victorious, and 
 Babar Padishah retired defeated to Samarkand, whence, with¬ 
 drawing his family and all his belongings, he fled to Hisar. Thus 
 the Uzbeg recovered their ascendency. The Khan remained in 
 Andijan. 
 
 Babar Padishah, meanwhile, appealed to Shah Ismail for assist¬ 
 ance. The latter sent Mir Najm, one of his Amirs, with 60,000 
 men, to the Padishah, who having joined his own troops to these, 
 marched on Samarkand. The Khan, in the meantime, having 
 
 1 That is, “ chief of the tribe.’’ This title seems to have been a very old one 
 among the Moghuls, though strangely enough the words ulus begi are both 
 Turkish. At the time in question here—within the sixteenth century—it could 
 have carried with it little more than a nominal office, though at an earlier period 
 the Ulusbegi appears really to have been ruler of his tribe, and the title then 
 was perhaps equivalent to “ King.” 
 
 2 Previously written Tut-Luk. 
 
 3 June or July, 1511. 
 
Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 133 
 
 harassed the Uzbeg in the neighbourhood of Andijan, also marched 
 towards Samarkand, and encountered Suyunj Khwaja Khan near 
 Tashkand. All the other Khans and Sultans had assembled in 
 Samarkand and Bokhara to oppose Babar Padishah. But in the 
 battle near Tashkand, between the Khan and Suyunj Khwaja 
 Khan, the former had 5000 men and the latter 7000; after a hard 
 fight, the Khan was defeated and fled to Andijan. 1 
 
 Your servant, the author of the present history, having taken 
 leave of Babar Padishah, at the time when he went to join Mir 
 Najm, entered the service of the Khan, who was in Andijan, and 
 had just sustained a defeat at the hands of Suyunj Khwaja Khan. 
 In the spring, the Khan went to the court of Kasim Khan, who 
 was luler of the JDasht-i-Kipchak. At that time his army 
 numbered 300,000 men. Kasim Khan received him with so much 
 respect and honour that the Khan remembered it for years after. 
 On his return from that visit, he distinguished me from among 
 my equals with the connection [musaharat] of Kurkani. All this 
 is related in Part II. 
 
 In the early spring of the year 920 all the great Uzbeg Sultans, 
 with a very numerous army of warriors, advanced against Andijan. 
 The Khan, not deeming it wise to offer fight, retired into 
 Moghulistan before the foreign army reached -Farghana. When 
 he arrived at Yatikand they held a council of war, and acting on 
 the timely advice and persuasion of my uncle Sayyid Muhammad 
 Mirza (who was brother to Mirza Aba Bakr), they marched towards 
 Kashghar, where a terrible battle was fought, in which the army 
 of that place was routed and obliged to retire within the fort of 
 Kashghar. The Khan then marched on Yangi Hisar, which he 
 besieged fur three months. At length the inhabitants entered 
 into a capitulation with my uncle, and delivered up the fort. 
 
 On this news reaching Kashghar, the army that was in that 
 town abandoned it. When the fugitives joined Mirza Aba Bakr 
 in Yarkand, he too resolved on flight, and took the road to Khotan. 
 The Khan pursued him to Yarkand, and then sent on troops after 
 him, as far as the mountains of Tibet. Much booty in the shape 
 of cloths, goods, cattle and horses fell into the hands of the Moghul 
 army (as is described in the Second Part). 
 
 The accession of the Khan to the kingdom of Kashghar was in 
 Pajab of the year 920. 2 At the end of that winter Aiman Khwaja 
 Sultan, who was brother to the Khan, by the same father and 
 mother, came from Turfan, as has been stated above. He 
 instigated and encourged his Amirs in the matter of the exter¬ 
 mination of Mansur Khan, explaining to them the decline of the 
 
 1 One MS. has “ fled to Iiissar,” hut Andijan is obviously right. Dr. Bellew’s 
 ]\IS. appears to have had Andijan. 
 
 2 May and June, 1514. 
 
134 
 
 Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 Khan’s power, and dwelling on the enmity that had existed in 
 Moghulistan, in times past, towards the Khan. But the Khan 
 said : “ lie is the eider brother; in former times I did not pay him 
 due respect, and consequently he punished me. I ought on this 
 account to bear him no enmity. The most fitting thing for me to 
 do, is to apologise to him for my shortcomings, and offer him 
 reparation for the past.” He then sent ambassadors bearing 
 words of peace and submission. At this message, Mansur Khan, 
 whose soul had come to his lips, from fear and foreboding, now 
 received new life and joy without bounds. He came in fear and 
 trembling to the conference [mulakai], which was held between 
 Aksu and Kusan. The Khan showed him great honour, and 
 agreed to read the Khutba and strike coins in his name. And all 
 the ill-feeling that he had formerly borne Mansur Khan, he now 
 changed to brotherly affection and obedience. From this peace 
 and reconciliation between the two brothers, resulted such security 
 and prosperity for the people, that any one might travel alone 
 between Kaniul or Khitai and the country of Farghana, without 
 provision for the journey and without fear of molestation. Some 
 ingenious person, to commemorate this peace, invented the following 
 chronogram, “ Da lashkar ba nishdt ”—that is, 922. [“ Two armies 
 in happiness.”] 
 
 The next year, when Muhammad Kirghiz had made raids into 
 Turkistan and Farghana, and had plundered the Musulnnins, the 
 Khan, in his desire to protect Islam, looked upon this action as an 
 insult. He therefore set forth to attack Muhammad Kirghiz, 
 whom he seized and threw into prison, where he remained for 
 fifteen years. 
 
 In 928 [1522] the Khan took his son Rashid Sultan into Moghul¬ 
 istan. He subdued the whole of Moghulistan and the Kirghiz, and 
 a number of the people of Moghulistan supported Rashid Sultan. 
 Finally, on account of the superiority of the Mangit, 1 the Uzbeg 
 
 1 The name here reudeied Mangit is subject to several different readings, such as 
 Manfaliit, Mari’ah it, ate .; but there can be little doubt that the author is pointing 
 to the tribe of Mangit or Mangut. The word occurs again in connection with 
 the same events lower down, though it is there spelled differently, (see p. 374). 
 thill it would seem permissible, on historical grounds, to assume that the tribal 
 name of Mangit is intended. There is little to be found on the subject of these 
 people. Abul Ghazi tells us, quite shortly, that they descended from Chingiz’s 
 grandfather Bartan Khan, while Basliid-ud-Din, according to Erdmann, includes 
 them in his list of ‘Black Tatars,’ or tribes who were originally Mongols; but 
 beyond these brief references to them, in the later Middle Ages, they do not 
 appear to have attracted much attention. They are said to have been a people 
 akin to the Nogai, and at about the period alluded to in the text (1522) were 
 inhabitants of the Kipchak steppes. They are known also to have become 
 adherents of Shahi Beg Khan shortly before this date, and it seems quite possible 
 lhat they may have had sufficient power to expel the Uzbeg Kazak from the 
 Kipchak steppes, if these were their enemies. At a long subsequent date—in 
 1 lm eighteenth century—the descendants of these Mangit rose in influence, till their 
 chiefs became a rulin dynasty in Bokhara. (See Abul Ghazi, p.7G; Erdmann’s 
 Ttmudsehin, pp. 1G8 and tcl9; and S. L. Poole’s Muham, Dynast , p. 277.) 
 
Sid tan Said Khan. 
 
 135 
 
 Kazak, being no longer able to remain in the Dasht-i-Kipchak, 
 came over into Moghulistan, to the number of 200,000 persons. It 
 was impossible to resist them, so Rashid Sultan retired with his 
 men to Kashghar. 
 
 Meanwhile the Khan invaded Badakhshan, and conquered half 
 of it, which is, to this day, subject to the government of Kashghar. 
 This is a long story. The disputes that arose out of the claims to 
 its inheritance made by Shah Begum (who has been mentioned) 
 are related in Part. II. of this History. 
 
 The Khan twice invaded Badakhshan, once in the year 925 and 
 again in 936 [1519 and 1529-30]. In the year 934 the Khan 
 sent me, with Rashid Sultan, to Balur, which is a country of 
 infidels [Kafiristan], between Badakhshan and Kashmir, 1 where we 
 conducted successfully a holy war [ ghazat ], and returned victo¬ 
 rious, loaded with booty and covered with glory. 
 
 A short time after this, it came about that some malicious and 
 impure devils set up Aiman Khwaja Sultan in Aksu. This town, 
 which from the date of the conquest of Mirza Aba Bakr (909), 
 to the year 913, had been in a state of ruin, was now rebuilt by 
 Aiman Khwaja Sultan. 
 
 The Khan sent me, together with Rashid Sultan, to Aksu, whence 
 we drove out Aiman Khwaja Sultan, and sent him to Kashghar. 
 Then, having set in order his military and civil affairs, I left 
 Rashid Sultan in Aksu and re-entered the service of the Khan. 
 Aiman Sultan was despatched to Hindustan, where he died a natural 
 death. At the end of the year 938 [1532] the Khan made a holy 
 war on the infidel country [Kafiristan] of Tibet, 2 sending me 
 forward in advance of himself. I had taken several of the forts 
 and subdued most of the country of Tibet, by the time the Khan 
 
 1 Balur or Bolor included Hunza, Nagar, Gilgit, Yasin, Chitral, &c., as will be 
 seen further on, note, p. 385. 
 
 It may be noted here, that the only name for the province of Ladak ever used 
 by Mirza Haidar is Tibet. I 11 this lie is at one with all the Turki-speaking 
 inhabitants of Central Asia, down to the present day. The word Ladak , or more 
 properly La-tags , is a purely local one. The inconvenient circumstance, however, 
 is that throughout the Tarikh-i-Rashidi the name of Tibet is applied not only to 
 Ladak , but to the whole of the provinces under the rule of the priestly govern¬ 
 ment of Lassa—that is, to the region generally known in Europe as Tibet. In 
 reading the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, therefore, it is necessary to discriminate between 
 Ladak and Tibet proper, on every occasion that the word occurs. In the present 
 instance the author is speaking of Ladak only. The province of BaltLtau 
 (called always by our author Balti), which is situated to the north of Kashmir 
 and west of Ladak , is known as Little Tibet in all the neighbouring regions, and 
 to most Oriental writers; while Ladak is sometimes termed Great Tibet by way of 
 distinction. The Jesuit missionary Desideri, in the MS. narrative of his travels 
 during the early part of the last century (in possession of the Hakluyt Society) 
 nearly always refers to Baltistan as “ the first Tibet,” to Ladak as “ the second 
 Iibet,” and to Tibet proper, or Lassa territory, as “the third Tibet.” The word 
 Tibet , it may be added, though seldom or never used by the natives of any of the 
 libetan provinces, is of purely Tibetan origin, as explained by Mr. W. W. Rock- 
 hill in the Journ. Rl. As. Socy. for Jan. 1891, p. 5. It has come to Europe, 
 however, through Central Asia. 
 
Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 136 
 
 came up with me. The two armies together formed a body of 
 5000 men, which was a larger number of people than all Tibet 
 could support in winter time. So the Khan saw fit to send me, in 
 company with Iskandar Sultan, to Kashmir, with 4000 men, while 
 he himself proceeded to Balti, which is a province between Tibet 
 and Balur. He spent the winter there, engaged in a holy war, 
 and in the spring returned to Tibet. 
 
 I entered Kashmir that winter, and at the end of the season 1 
 fought a pitched battle with the kings [mctlik] of the country. 
 Thanks to the Most High God, I came off victorious, and exter¬ 
 minated the whole army of Kashmir and the kings. I might also 
 have subdued the whole of the country, had it not been for some 
 of those malignant persons who, by their words and actions, 
 throw things into disorder, and who rendered the further reduction 
 of the country impossible. 2 Peace was made with the kings of 
 Kashmir, and the daughter of Muhammad Shah, the Padishah of 
 Kashmir, was given in marriage to Iskandar Sultan, while the 
 Khutba was read and the coins struck in the Khan’s name. All the 
 wealth of Kashmir, that it was possible to collect, was brought, in 
 the spring following that winter, to the Khan in Tibet. The 
 Khan, on my return, honoured me with every mark of royal bene¬ 
 volence and favour, and sent me to Ursang, which is the Kibla 
 of Khitai and Tibet, 3 while he himself set out for Kashghar. 
 
 1 The winter of 1532-3. 
 
 2 The author is referring to “ malignant persons ” in his own camp— i.e. to one 
 Ali Taghai and others of the Moghuls, as will be seen in Chap. cii. of the 
 Second Part. 
 
 3 Ursang can be no other than Lassa, under a corruption of the Chinese names 
 of the two chief or central provinces of Tibet—viz., Wu and Tsang. These two 
 names are nearly always coupled, and used together to denote Tibet proper as a 
 whole, so that Mirza Haidar, hearing them paired in this w r ay— Wu-Tsang — 
 applied them to the capital city instead of to the country. Nothing is more 
 common among Asiatics than to give the name of the country to its chief town, 
 or to employ the name of the capital for the country at laige. In this case, 
 Mirza Haidar is only using what may be termed the official Chinese designation 
 for the country, at the time he wrote, for during the Ming period, as well as 
 during that of the Mongols (which preceded it), Wu-Tsang or Wu-sz'-tsang was 
 the name for Tibet which had been adopted in the official histories and geo¬ 
 graphies. Later, the name became changed into Si-Tsang, or Western Tsang, 
 and Tibet is known to the Chinese of the present day by this combination. T he 
 two outer provinces of Lassa-governed Tibet are Kdm, lying to the east of Wu, 
 and Ngari to the north-west of Tsang. All the country to the north of Wu-Tsang 
 and Ngari is usually known as Cliang-tan, or the Northern Plain—an elevated 
 desolate region with which the Lassa government seems scarcely to concern itself. 
 
 When Mirza Haidar speaks of Ursang, as the “Kibla”—the cynosure, the 
 point of adoration—of the Chinese and Tibetans, he could not have indicated 
 Lassa more distinctly, although further on, in the Second Part, he gives some 
 additional particulars concerning Ursang, which could apply to no other place 
 than Lassa. His spelling of the name has arisen from the difficulty, which every 
 Persian or Turki speaking Asiatic finds, in pronouncing the combination ts —a 
 difficulty just as formidable as the pronunciation of the st. The insertion of the 
 letter r, too, in foreign names, is not an uncommon practice with Persian writers, 
 as Amur for Amu, Manchur for Manchu, etc. (Comp. Bretschneider, ii., pp. 23-4, 
 221, etc.) 
 
Sid tan Said Khan . 
 
 At the time of liis arrival [in Tibet] lie bad become very weak 
 and much reduced, from dam-giri, 1 and during the whole period 
 of his sojourn in Tibet he never quite recovered. Nevertheless, 
 he was obliged, under any circumstances, to make the [return] 
 journey. When he reached a spot where dam-giri was prevalent, 
 his pious soul took flight to the regions of the blessed. This was 
 at the close of the year 939. 2 All this is fully related in Part II. 
 of this History. 
 
 CHAPTER LXYIII. 
 
 CONCERNING THE LAUDABLE VIRTUES AND RARE ATTAINMENTS OF 
 
 SULTAN SAID KHAN. 
 
 Sultan Said Khan was a noble, happy, and prosperous prince, 
 and was adorned with acquirements and good qualities. He was 
 nearly forty-eight years of age when he went to take up his abode 
 in the dwellings of God’s mercy. His conduct of life was irre¬ 
 proachable. His conversation was both graceful and eloquent, 
 whether in Turki or in Persian, and when he showed favour to 
 any one, he used to blush before speaking. He was always 
 gay, ojjen-hearted, generous and aflectionate. For example, a 
 certain Maksud Ali had struck the Khan in the left shoulder 
 with an arrow, in some battle; [so severe was the wound] that 
 the Khan suffered from it for two years and nearly died of it. 
 During the time of his suffering, some men captured Maksud Ali, 
 so that the Khan might wreak his vengeance upon him. But 
 when he was brought before the Khan, he treated him kindly, and 
 though he had only one garment by him, gave it him. He also 
 took him into his own society, and made him his companion, 
 saying; “ 1 was vexed, but thou art welcome [nth drnadi ],” and 
 they continued good friends the rest of their lives. He performed 
 many similar acts of generositjq several of which will be found 
 recorded in Part II. His liberality reached a high degree of per¬ 
 fection. I was twenty-four years in his service. Such was his 
 munificence that his household supplies were sometimes quite 
 exhausted, and the royal larder was some days so empty, that he 
 would go and take his meals in the haram. For the same reason 
 his expenditure exceeded the revenue of the State. 
 
 1 Die word here is damgir —lit. breath-seizing or choking; but the malady 
 the writer points to is that of shortness of breath, and other distressing symptoms, 
 produced by the rarefied air at great altitudes. (See note, p. 413). 
 
 2 The year 939 ended 23 July, 1533. 
 
138 
 
 Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 He was also greatly distinguished for his bravery. I was present 
 at an attack which was led by him in person, and have described 
 it in Part II. Moreover, I never saw his equal as an archer, 
 among all the Moghul, Uzbeg, or Chaghatai Ulus, either before 
 or since. I have myself seen him shoot seven or eight arrows in 
 succession, without missing his mark. When hunting deer, hares, 
 or game birds, he would never fail to hit them with his arrow. 
 And in the battles he fought against the Kirghiz and others in 
 Moghulistan, he became celebrated for the way he discharged his 
 shafts into their midst. Generosity such as his I have seldom seen. 
 On one occasion, an assassin came and sought to take his life, but 
 not finding an opportunity, stole a horse from the Khan’s stable 
 and rode oft'. He was captured on the road, with the horse, and 
 brought back. The prisoner said to the Khan: “ I came on a 
 mission [davd], but could find no opportunity of carrying it out, 
 so I said : I will take a horse from the Khan’s stables, then I shall 
 at any rate have done something.” The Khan’s men all wished to 
 kill him, but the Khan said to me: “ Hand him over to your 
 servants that they may take care of him, and do with him whatever 
 you tell them.” When the people had dispersed the Khan said 
 to me: “ As a thankoffering to God for having preserved me 
 from that man, give him the horse he stole from me. Then tell 
 your men to let him secretly out of the camp, so that when he 
 returns to his fellows they may not look upon him with con- 
 temjffi. Thus the poor man will, in a measure, have executed his 
 mission.” 
 
 Further, I never saw a more accurate reader than the Khan. 
 However faulty the orthography might be, he would read off ver&e 
 or prose without hesitating, in such a way that listeners might 
 suppose he knew it by heart. He wrote Naskh Talik excellentty, 
 and his spelling in Turki and Persian was faultless. He also 
 composed letters [ insha] well in Turki : other people could only 
 have composed them with great difficulty and application. I have 
 rarely met with such power and capability in writing verse [shir]. 
 He never said poems by heart, but in assemblies and social 
 gatherings, if any collection of odes [divan] that was at hand was 
 opened, and he was given any metre and rhyme, he would extem¬ 
 porise a poem. If he repeated a poem once or twice, everybody 
 could remember it; but he was not pleased if any one made a copy 
 of it. 
 
 I have remembered, and here reproduce, some of the extempore 
 poems which the Khan recited in the assemblies. [Turki verses 
 
 . . . . J 
 
 I only once knew him make verses in Persian. 1 
 
 1 The author cites one “ Bait ” of the Khan’s Persian verses, 'which, however, 
 is omitted in the translation. 
 
Abdur Rashid Khan. 
 
 139 
 
 Ho performed on the ‘ ud , and the sihtara , and the chartara , and 
 the ghachaJc, but best of all on the chartara. 1 2 He had a sound 
 knowledge of bone-cutting, and was skilled in making arrows. 
 
 CHAPTER LXIX. 
 
 ABDUR RASHID KHAN, SON OF SULTAN SAID KHAN. 
 
 At this date of 953, 2 Abdur Rashid, the most excellent son of 
 Sultan Said Khan, is on the throne of the Khans, and I (your most 
 despicable slave), Muhammad Haidar, have inscribed and adorned 
 my history with his glorious name. This book, beginning with 
 an account of Tughluk Timur Khan (who was the first among the 
 Moghul Khakans to be converted to Islam), down to Sultan 
 Yunus Khan, is compiled from oral tradition and contemporary 
 accounts, when they have not been found contradictory. Conflict¬ 
 ing traditions have been omitted, on account of their probable 
 inaccuracy. The history, from Yunus Khan down to the end 
 of the reign of Sultan Said Khan, has been fully treated of in 
 Part II. But in Part I. I have only given this portion of the 
 history in epitome, as it is long, and much repetition would not 
 embellish my work. 
 
 As, however, there is no account of Abdur Rashid Khan in 
 Part II., it is fitting to give it in this place. 
 
 At the time when the Khan [Sultan Said] was in Moghulistan 
 with his brother Sultan Khalil Sultan, Mansur Khan also entered 
 that country, and a battle was fought between them at Charun 
 Chalak, in which the two brothers were put to flight. After being 
 routed, they found that they could no longer remain in Moghulistan, 
 so they retired in distress to Andijan, where the Khan was put into 
 confinement. But he managed to escape, and went to Kabul, 
 where his cousin Babar Padishah was. (All of this is related in 
 
 1 El ‘Ld, the Arabic name, whence our word Lute. Either the Sih-tara , a 
 three-stringed instrument, or the Chartara, one of four strings (the tetracord), 
 may be the original of the European guitar or cithar; but it is not clear from 
 which name the word guitar has descended. Either one could be the parent. 
 Badger’s dictionary gives the word hitdrah for guitar, but it is possible that the 
 Arabs adopted the guitar (as they are known to have adopted the lute) from 
 Persia, and with the instrument, probably, the name. The Ghachalc, according 
 to the dictionaries, should be a kind of violin—or, at any rate, a stringed 
 instrument. 
 
 2 That is, 1540 a.d., when the author was composing his history. 
 
140 
 
 Abdur Rashid Khan. 
 
 Part II.) The mother of Abclur Eashicl Khan was one of those 
 tribes-people whom his father had married, while they were in his 
 service. She was with the Khan when he was thrown into prison 
 in Andijan, but the malignant Uzbeg had separated her from the 
 Khan, by whom she was seven months with child, of this same 
 Abdur Rashid Khan. When the Khan joined Babar Padishah at 
 Kabul, news reached him that his servant was delivered of a son. 
 The Khan told this news to the Padishah, who said to him : “ Call 
 this boy Abdur Kashid, because it rhymes with Sultan Said 
 Khan.” And this is the origin of the name of Abdur Rashid, who 
 was his father’s successor. 
 
 When my uncle, Sayyid Muhummad Mirza, went to Farghana 
 and attacked the FTzbeg under Jani Beg Sultan, he cleared the 
 country entirely of Uzbeg impurities, and sent a messenger to the 
 Padishah in Kunduz, who brought him back Sultan Said Khan. 
 Abdur Kashid Khan had fallen into the unclean hands of the 
 Uzbeg, but in consequence of these successes, he recovered his 
 liberty and joined his noble father. When my sister, Habiba 
 Sultan Khanish, came from Samarkand, the Khan married her, and 
 entrusted Abdur Kashid Sultan to her care. She reared him with 
 motherly attention and love, and Amir Ghuri Barlas was appointed 
 his governor [Alabeg]. He was at that time three years of age. 
 Two years later Amir Ghuri Barlas died, and according to the 
 Moghul usage, his office was given to his uncle, Ali Mirak Barlas 
 Khan. Thus Ali Mirak Barlas was appointed Atabeg to Abdur 
 Kashid Sultan, and the charge of his education was given to 
 Maulana Muhammad Shirazi, a learned and noble-minded man, 
 who passed all his valuable life in the service of the Moghul 
 Khakans. He was chief judge [Sadr-i-Sudur] at the court of Sultan 
 Said Khan, where he exercised great influence. 
 
 This Maulana was in truth the Atabeg of Kashid Sultan, while 
 Ali Mirak Barlas held the office only nominally. 
 
 Kashid Sultan was born in the year 915 '[1509-10]. In 928, 
 when he was thirteen years of age, the Khan brought him into 
 Moghulistan. 
 
 When Khalil Sultan was killed by Jani Beg Sultan at Akhsi, 
 his son Baba Sultan was still at the breast, and like Rashid Sultan, 
 was kept a prisoner by Jani Beg Sultan. At the time when 
 Farghana was subdued, he was brought to the Ivhan, who came to 
 love this nephew more dearly than he loved his own children. He 
 gave the child in charge to Khwaja Ali Bahadur, who had formerly 
 rendered great services to Sultan Said Khan, and appointed the 
 Khwaja, Atabeg to Baba Sultan. The Khwaja was a Moghul, and 
 had spent most of his life in Moghulistan ; he was very devoted to' 
 that country, and was always longing to be there. For this reason 
 he begged the Khan to give Moghulistan and the Kirghiz country 
 
Abdur Rashid Khan. 
 
 141 
 
 to Baba Sultan, saying that he himself would take [the hoy] to 
 Mogliulistan, and would arrange the affairs of the Kirghiz and of 
 Moghulistan. The Khan consented to this, and wished to send 
 [them] off. My uncle, since he was father-in-law to Baba Sultan, 
 did not overstep the bounds of loyalty, but as he disapproved of 
 the plan, he represented [to the Khan] that the Moghuls had an 
 unbounded love for Mogliulistan. If Baba Sultan were once 
 established in that country, all the Moghuls would want to live in 
 Moghulistan; if the Khan forbade the undertaking, Baba Sultan 
 would be offended; while if he did not forbid it, the departure of 
 the people for Moghulistan would be a source of injury to the 
 Khan; much anxiety would be caused, and the situation would 
 give rise to many difficulties. “But if, [he went on to say] Rashid 
 Sultan takes him there, he is your son, and it can do you no harm 
 for the people to follow him. Even if evil should result, you have 
 only to control him—a course which cannot injure him. Although 
 Rashid Sultan is very young, it is advisable that he should go into 
 Moghulistan.” 
 
 No one supported my uncle’s opinion. Mirza Ali Taghai in 
 particular supported the side of Baba Sultan. 
 
 In the meanwhile, Khwaja Ali Bahadur died (a natural death), 
 so that the proposal was entirely abandoned, and the Khan’s 
 attention was turned to Rashid Sultan, but heated discussions 
 constantly arose concerning that matter. My uncle did his utmost 
 to settle the affairs of Rashid Sultan quietly, and represented [to 
 the Khan] that the right course to take was to release Muhammad 
 Kirghiz from prison, where he had now been for a long time. He 
 should [my uncle said] be brought out; a selection should be 
 made from among the Moghuls who had flocks and herds and were 
 desirous of returning to Moghulistan, and these, accompanied by 
 some of the great Amirs, should all be sent off [to Moghulistan] 
 together. 
 
 Finally the Khan approved my uncle’s plan, and carried it out as 
 had been suggested. 
 
 Having created Mirza Ali Taghai commander-in-chief, and 
 appointed Muhammad Kirghiz, Amir of the Kirghiz, he sent them 
 away. Just at this time Ali Mirak Barlas died, and was succeeded 
 in the service of Rashid Sultan, by his son Muhammadi bin Ali 
 Mirak Barlas; he also accompanied the expedition. 
 
 Finally, at the insistence of my uncle, the Khan gave to Rashid 
 Sultan one-third of all his regal possessions, whether in men, 
 soldiers, money, tents, or felt dwellings Jchargah ], and despatched 
 him into Moghulistan. On the day of the departuie of Rashid 
 Sultan, [the Khan] sent to the karam for all his accoutrements, and 
 said to me : “ Fasten on his sword and quiver for him, and help 
 him to mount his horse; it may be a good omen, and in the art of 
 
142 
 
 Abdur Rashid Khan. 
 
 war he shall he your pupil.” I performed this service, and the 
 Khan himself, having stood up, repeated several times the Fatiha ,* 
 and then said: “ Do not forget that it was Mirza Haidar who 
 first fastened on your sword for you, and that you are his pupil; 
 should any one ask you, whose pupil are you in the art of war, 
 what answer will you make ? ” Rashid Sultan replied : “ [I shall 
 say] that I am the pupil of such a one.” The Khan said : “ He is 
 my pupil.” Having repeated this several times, and having once 
 more recited the Fatilia , the Khan sent the party off. 
 
 On the arrival of Rashid Sultan in Moghulistan, Muhammad 
 Kirghiz brought together all the Kirghiz and entirely subdued 
 Moghulistan, where at that time there was a large army. It 
 would take too long to recount the details. However, in conse¬ 
 quence of the opposition which Rashid Sultan and liis followers 
 and allies met with from the Uzbeg Kazak, and also because of the 
 hostility of the Kirghiz, he was obliged to return to Kashghar. 
 Then followed those incidents in connection with Baba Sultan and 
 Shah Muhammad Sultan which I have given in Part II. Muham- 
 madi Barlas was also concerned in these matters, for it was to him 
 they entreated the Khan to give the heritage of Shah Muhammad 
 Sultan, by way of retaliation. My uncle and I, however, opposed 
 this plan. 
 
 In short, in the winter of that year, 934 [1528], the Khan sent 
 me with Rashid Sultan to Balur, and in Balur I managed all the 
 affairs of the army. Rashid Sultan was then eighteen years of 
 age. He had no cultured men in his service, and had never had 
 practice in conversation [Jcasb-i-muhdvara^. Those about him 
 were all a sect of Muhammadans, who, though men in form, were 
 but brutes in their manners, and what could he learn from the 
 brutal ways of those people ? In spite of my own want of power 
 and capacity [istitaat], I was superior to these people, and I passed 
 my time with Rashid Sultan. So that when we returned, some 
 little time after, the Khan found his son quite another person, 
 and he said several times, both before me and in my absence, to 
 Rashid Sultan, that he was delighted [ mastwar ] with me. I had 
 made Rashid Sultan a son to him, in that he had won many 
 victories with this army; and [he added] “thanks be to God, 
 my son has come so near to being what my heart would desire 
 him to be.” 
 
 Meanwhile news came of the revolt of Aiman Khwaja Sultan who 
 was at Aksu, and in spite of my own and my uncle’s efforts, we 
 were unable to quell it. The account of this, and of the execrable 
 proceedings of Mirza A li Taghai, will be found in Part II. 
 
 Finally, I was sent, together with Rashid Sultan, to Aksu. When 
 
 1 Fatiha —the “opener ” or “beginner,’’ i.e. the opening chapter of the Koran. 
 
 —R. 
 
Abdur Rashid Khan. 
 
 143 
 
 we reached that town the whole population came out to receive 
 us. Aiman Khwaja Sultan presented himself before the Khan. I 
 remained six months in Aksu, where I conducted satisfactorily all 
 military and civil affairs. Before this, one day in Moghulistan, 
 the Khan was eating almonds; he broke one with his (blessed) 
 teeth, and found that it had two kernels. He thereupon sent for 
 Kashid Sultan and myself, and gave one kernel to’ each of us, 
 saying: “ It is an excellent and significant custom that when two 
 men wish to become friends, each should eat one of the kernels 
 from a double almond, and then become friends to one another. 
 Thus, like the two kernels in one shell, nothing will separate 
 them, and though two in appearance, they will really be one. I 
 have told you to do this that you may be friends.” Both of us 
 then respectfully kissed the ground, and drew our horses close 
 together. The outcome of which was that, while we were in Aksu, 
 we lived in great concord. Our affection, our unity, our mutual 
 regard and confidence were beyond description, and our friendship 
 was confirmed by sworn covenants. If I were to write down a 
 description of our friendship and concord, the reader would cer¬ 
 tainly doubt whether such a state of things really existed, and 
 would attribute it to mere rhetoric. In a word, after six months 
 we parted with a hundred regrets at separation, but in hope of 
 meeting again, and I returned to wait on the Khan. At the hour 
 of bidding farewell I extemporised an ode [ghazal], of which I 
 here give four verses. [Verses] .... 
 
 The year after my returning to his service, the Khan entered on 
 a holy war in Tibet, sending me on in advance, so that before the 
 Khan joined me, I had achieved a great deal in that country. A 11 
 army of 5000 men was now in Tibet—a number that the country 
 was unable to support. So I was obliged to retire to Kashmir, 
 with Iskandar Sultan, younger brother of Kashid Sultan. Having 
 passed the winter in Kashmir, I returned to the Khan the follow¬ 
 ing spring. This I have related [elsewhere], so there is no object 
 in stating [details] here. While with the Khan in Tibet, he sent 
 me to destroy the Idol-Temple of Ursang, -while he himself 
 returned to Yarkand. I made a journey of four months; but the 
 Khan died on his way home. The Amirs who were with him at 
 the time, sent express messengers to Rashid Sultan to acquaint 
 him with the event. They also sent the news to my uncle, who 
 came to be present at the Khan’s funeral, and to take part in the 
 lamentations [aza]. On the 10th of Mohan am, 940 [2nd August, 
 1533], Kashid Sultan arrived, when my uncle, having raised lamen¬ 
 tations [by way of condolence], entered the presence of Kashid 
 Sultan and was immediately put to death, together with Ali 
 Sayyid, who was the sworn friend of my uncle. To commemorate 
 the date of the martyrdom of these two men, the chronogram 
 
144 
 
 Abdur Rashid Khan. 
 
 “Kutild fi(jA)l-moliarram” [940] was invented [meaning: tlie two 
 men were killed in the month of Moharram.] 
 
 It is the practice of the humane and the usage of the generous 
 (and of these two qualities kings make boast) that when a person 
 at any time renders them some particular service, they reward 
 that person with various presents and favours. My uncle was the 
 son of the daughter of Yunus Khan, and for generations [his 
 family had been at the head of the affairs of the Moghul Sultans 
 and Khakans. I have explained the prerogatives of the office of 
 Ulusbegi , in Part II. My uncle was one of the most distinguished 
 men in the service of Eashid Sultan’s father, so much so that no 
 one was more valued or prized than he ; for he had rendered some 
 most important services to Sultan Said Khan. The first was the 
 conquest of Andijan, which became the keystone of the Khan’s 
 dominions. 
 
 His second service was on the expedition against Kashgliar, 
 where he made such exertions, that had he not been of the party, 
 all hope of taking Kashghar would have been relinquished. The 
 Khan was in consequence grateful for his services, and rewarded 
 him with favours in proportion. If my uncle had never been of 
 service to Eashid Khan—nay, had he even committed offences 
 against him, his faults ought to have been overlooked. But in 
 addition to this, his invasion of Andijan delivered Eashid Khan 
 out of the hands of the Uzbeg. It was, moreover, owing to the 
 efforts of my uncle that Eashid Khan subdued Moghulistan—an 
 event which was the cause of enhancing his dignity, and the 
 commencement of his prosperity. For had the advice of Mirza 
 Ali Taghai and Khwaja Ali Bahadur been followed, Baba Sultan 
 would have been sent to Moghulistan instead of Eashid Khan. 
 He had always endeavoured to represent Eashid Sultan in a good 
 light to the Khan. Aiman Khwaja Sultan had married his daughter, 
 and by her had five sons, who were my uncle’s grandsons; yet, 
 notwithstanding this, when it was suggested that Eashid Sultan 
 should be set up in the place of Aiman Khwaja Sultan, and that 
 this latter should be driven away, he made no objection, but rather 
 exerted himself to the utmost to further the plan. It is not worth 
 while here to detail his services. 
 
 It was most astounding that all this should have been ignored, 
 and that he should, though innocent, have been put to death. It is 
 therefore all the more fitting that his story should not be told 
 more fully; what God willed came to pass. Moreover, the retri¬ 
 bution for this act is in His power; and we should read and 
 remember the verse, “Verily we belong to God, and unto God we 
 return.” It is the more strange that those very mischief-makers 
 who had caused a rupture in the affairs of Eashid Sultan, were 
 those whom he raised to high dignities. In short, Mirza Ali 
 
A bdur Rashid Khan . 
 
 145 
 
 Taghai was appointed successor to my uncle, and was sent to 
 Kashghar, where, on his arrival, he omitted no act of cruelty, such 
 as putting to death my uncle’s children and relatives. 1 
 
 In a word, the accession of Rashid Khan was characterised by 
 the shedding of innocent blood, and by an absence of humanity. 
 [Verses. . . .] In the sight of the wise and pious, it is not right 
 to shed blood, even for the kingdom of the whole world. After 
 the murder of these faithful men, Rashid Khan established himself 
 upon the throne of the Khanate. When the news of the death of 
 the Khan reached Mansur Khan, he marched against Aksu, and 
 Rashid Khan went out to meet him. Mansur Khan returned 
 without achieving his object, and Rashid Sultan likewise returned 
 to his seat of government. The attempt was afterwards repeated 
 by Mansur Khan; Rashid Khan also marched out again, and 
 returned with success and spoil. The Amirs in the service of the 
 Khan became apprehensive, on account of my uncle having been 
 put to death without cause. On this account the}' lost all con¬ 
 fidence, and Mirza Ali Taghai fled towards Karatigin. [Verses. . .] 
 
 When Mirza Ali Taghai fled from that execrable devil, 2 he was 
 joined by the rest of the Amirs; and having seized somo of the 
 Khan’s children, they all made off to Khotan and rose in open 
 rebellion. Rashid Khan then went after them ; all the people 
 [of Khotan] came out to receive him, except a few of the Amirs 
 who remained in the fort. These [Amirs] were all bound and 
 brought before Rashid Khan, who spared their lives, but ordered 
 them all to be banished. Thus he did not kill these men who had 
 committed a crime and were deserving of death, and whose neglect 
 of duty had been proved, though, on the other band, he had publicly 
 murdered my uncle, in spite of his near relationship, bis countless 
 services, his innocence of all offence, and his strong protestations of 
 loyalty. 
 
 [Verses.] No one can comprehend the ways of this lower world, 
 
 The Godhead seems always to be upside-down, 
 
 All faithful men come to a bad end, and the wicked triumph 
 over them. 
 
 After he had finished this affair of the Amirs, he banished all his 
 
 1 Here follows a tradition concerning Muhammad and his son-in-law Abul As, 
 which, having no bearing on our history, is omitted in the translation. The 
 story is taken, says Mirza Haidar, from the work of Shaikh Said Kazaruni, 
 entitled Siyar-unnabi —“The Virtues of the Prophet.” (See Rieu’s Catalogue 
 Brit. Mus. ii., p. 621 a.) 
 
 2 It appears, at first sight, that the author is here alluding to the Khan, Abdur 
 Rashid ; but my impression is that Muhammadi Barlas is meant. In spite of the 
 bitterness of feeling which Mirza Haidar evinces against Abdur Rashid, he is 
 careful not to abuse him ; but with the Barlas it is otherwise, and seeing that a 
 little lower down we are told that the Khan was led and ruled by Muhammadi 
 Barlas, who is called by various abusive names, it seems likely that he is the 
 person here referred to as an “ execrable devil.” 
 
 L 
 
146 
 
 Abdur Rashid Khan. 
 
 paternal aunts and sisters and mothers; among the rest Zainab 
 Sultan Khanim, who had been the favourite wife of Sultan Said 
 Khan. He next contracted an intimacy and friendship with the 
 Uzbeg-Shaiban, who had been old enemies (as has been already 
 related), and did his best to exterminate the Uzbeg-Kazak, who 
 were old friends; and to the Uzbeg of both sides [tribes] Rashid 
 Khan gave his own sisters in marriage. As the Uzbeg-Shaiban 
 were old enemies, Rashid Khan put an end to this [enmity] by 
 giving his sister [in marriage], which was a base action. In short, 
 having allied himself with the Shaiban, he entirely crushed the 
 Uzbeg-Kazak. Still if we leave aside all consideration of the 
 ancient covenant, the overthrowing of the Uzbeg-Kazak w r as, in 
 truth, a mighty achievement. Since the time when Sultan Yunus 
 Khan defeated Buruj Oghlan at Kara Tukai (in the year 877) up to 
 this date, there have been many battles betw r een the Uzbeg and the 
 Moghuls, and the Uzbeg have always been victorious; for during 
 all this time the Moghuls had never gained a single success over 
 the Uzbeg. But Rashid Khan did gain a victory over them, and 
 this exploit of his w r as a really great one. For although his 
 grandfather, Sultan Ahmad Khan, overcaiiLie the Uzbeg (as has 
 been related), yet it was only in plundering forays; he never won 
 a victory over them in a real jntched battle. Rashid Sultan 
 defeated their troops in order of battle. 
 
 Up to this point I have heard the story of Rashid Sultan from 
 reliable sources in Hindustan and Kashmir, and have committed it 
 to writing. After his victory over the Uzbeg he marched on 
 Andijan and Turfan. But the sources from which I derived the 
 details of this matter not being trustworthy, I have not thought 
 fit to enter them, and have therefore drawn in the reins of my pen 
 from [writing] of these things. 
 
 All those unworthy acts with which people have reproached 
 Rashid Khan, were committed either for the sake, or through the 
 efforts, of Muhammadi Barlas. The origin of this man’s influence 
 is not evident, for neither had he rendered such service as to 
 merit elevation in rank, nor had he ever displayed such great 
 bravery or good qualities, as to gain for himself distinction. 
 
 Rashid Khan was led, mounted, [murtakib ] by him in all his 
 affairs. If I were to relate all, the reader, who has not himself 
 witnessed these things, would regard them as incredible. The 
 epithet of “ Himar ” [Ass] which is applied to the tribe of Barlas, 
 was, indeed, fully applicable to that particular Barlas. It would 
 be quite out of place for me to relate how he urged Rashid Khan 
 on to kill, or banish, his uncles and mothers and Amirs, and to 
 change his haram ; therefore I have thought it better to avoid this 
 matter altogether. 
 
 At the present time the Most High God has delivered Abdur 
 
147 
 
 End of Part /. 
 
 Rashid Khan from that calamity, and has carried off the ass 
 [himdr] with the drunkenness \hliimdr~\ of death. It is to be 
 hoped that, this time, the reins of power may become united in the 
 hands of intelligence, and that trouble may be kept at a distance. 
 Also that the Khan may follow in the approved ways of his 
 honoured father and distinguished ancestors; that his mind may 
 be enlightened, and that he may not, for the sake of an ass, engage 
 in the extirpation of meritorious persons. 
 
 May the Most High God, of His gracious favour, cause justice to 
 issue from the throne of the Khanate for many years to come! 
 May the Khan avoid all that is displeasing in the sight of God 
 and His Prophet, and may he repent him of his former deeds! 
 Amen ! Oh Lord of the worlds ! 
 
 Though Abdur Rashid Khan’s powers of discrimination were 
 faulty, he was strong of body, sound of limb, and without an equal 
 in the art of conversation. Excepting his father, I have rarely 
 seen an archer like him. He was brave even to rashness. In 
 elegant conversation he was as a peerless pearl; and he had also 
 written several letters to a great personage. He played several 
 instruments to perfection, and had great aptitude for all arts and 
 crafts. Once, for example, he cut a tree out of paper, and painted 
 all the branches, the leaves, and the trunk in their proper colours ; 
 he did it so skilfully that even the masters of that craft were 
 astounded. Since the time of my absence has been protracted, I 
 cannot answer for all his acquirements. But in those arts which 
 I was myself cognisant of, I know him to have excelled. Not 
 being a musician, I cannot praise his performance on instruments 
 with justice, 1 nor can I say anything of what he acquired during 
 my absence. He was, besides, a good Musulman and inclined to 
 justice and equity. But, by allowing himself to be influenced by 
 the violent Muhammadi, he performed many unjust acts. Please 
 God that he may now persist in the path of justice ! 
 
 CHAPTER LXX. 
 
 END OF FART I. OF THE TARIKH-I-RASHIDI. 
 
 What right have I, with my poor learning and my want of 
 capacity, to attempt to make my styleless reed flow upon the 
 white [sheet] of literature ? 
 
 1 This must have been written about the time when, according to Abut Fazl 
 (the historian of Akbar), Mirza Haidar was giving so much attention to music 
 that he neglected the affaii '3 of the Kashmir State, of which he was regent. (See 
 Erskine, Hist, ii. p. 368, and Sec. i. of the Introduction to this volume.) 
 
 L 2 
 
148 
 
 End of Part /. 
 
 My justification lies in the fact that I have, during my life, 
 collected many authentic facts concerning those Moghul Khakans 
 who were Musulmans, and have also myself played a part in their 
 history. At the present time there is no one but myself who 
 knows these traditions. Thus, if I did not make the attempt, it is 
 probable that the memory of the Moghuls and their Khakans 
 would be altogether lost. 
 
 The history of the Moghuls and their Khans can be of little 
 interest to any but the Moghuls themselves, for they have now 
 become the most remote and insignificant of tribes, whereas 
 formerly they were, through the power and resolution of Chingiz 
 Khan, the lords of the world. Chingiz Khan had four sons to 
 whom he left the world, dividing the cultivated countries and 
 deserts into four parts, and giving one quarter of the earth to each 
 of these sons. Every mention in histories of the Ulus Arbaa , or 
 “ the four hordes,” refers to these four divisions. The learned Mirza 
 Ulugh Beg has written a history which he has called Ulus Arbaa. 
 One of the “ four hordes ” is that of the Moghul, who are divided 
 into two branches, the Moghul and the Chaghatai. But these two 
 branches, on account of their mutual enmity, used to call each 
 other by a special name, by way of depreciation. Thus the 
 Chaghatai called the Moghul Jatah, while the Moghul called 
 the Chaghatai Karawands. 1 At the present date there are no 
 Chaghatai left excepting the kings, who are the sons of Baber 
 Padishah ; and the place of the Chaghatai is now occupied by 
 some [other] civilised people. But of the Moghuls there are 
 still about 30,000 in the neighbourhood of Turfan and Kashghar. 
 Moghulistan lias been seized by the Uzbeg and the Kirghiz. 
 Although the Kirghiz belong to the tribe of Moghul 2 they have, 
 on account of their repeated rebellions against the Khakans, 
 become separated from them. All the Moghuls have become 
 Musulmans, but the Kirghiz are still infidels, and hence their hos¬ 
 tility to the Moghuls. The Moghuls have become a most isolated 
 and paltry people. No one but a Moghul could be interested in 
 this history; but though fully recognising my lack of literary 
 capacity, I have not shrunk from doing the best in my power. 
 
 1 Some remarks on these interesting points will be found in the Introduction, 
 Sec. iv. 
 
 2 This is a somewhat embarrassing statement. It w T ould seem, at first sight, 
 that the author means to class the Kirghiz and Moghuls as one people, or race ; 
 hut the word Kaum in the text, meaning “trihe” or “nation,” is not, I think, 
 used in a racial sense. The sentence runs, Agarchi Kirghiz ham Kaumi az 
 Moghul ast ... , and my impression is that the author means the connection 
 between the two people to be regarded as a political, rather than a racial one: 
 that is, that the Kirghiz were understood to belong to the Moghul kingdom, or 
 were one of the tribes subject to the Moghul Khans, while the Uzbegs had no 
 connection with the Moghuls. The w r ord Kaum is often used in a very broad 
 sense in Persian. It is unfortunate that neither of the Turki MSS. used for 
 this translation contains this part of the history. 
 
End of Part /. 
 
 149 
 
 It is the practice of authors to excuse themselves, and beg for 
 pardon if they have made any mistakes or "blunders in their work. 
 But I will not make such apology as those who say:—“ If there 
 he any mistakes or blunders ”—for I know that my book is full of 
 mistakes from beginning to end. My object is not to extol my 
 own merit, but simply to write a memoir, that the history of the 
 Moghuls may not be entirely forgotten; and that if, by chance, 
 any of the Moghul Khakans should wish to know his genealogy, 
 he shall be able to find it in this book. 
 
 Of those Moghuls who were not Musulmans, I have not mentioned 
 more than the names; for an infidel, though he attain to the 
 splendour of Jamshid and Zohhak, is not worthy of having his life 
 commemorated. This TariTch-i-RasJiidi was completed at the end 
 of the month Zulhijja of the year 953, 1 in the town of Kashmir 
 (may God defend her from ruin and destruction) five years after I, 
 Haidar Mirza son of Muhammad Kurkan, had ascended the 
 throne. 
 
 1 February, 1547. 
 
 END OF PART I. 
 
TABIKH-I-RASHIDI. 
 
 O* 
 
 PART II. 
 
 PROLOGUE. 
 
 I would lay before tlie wise and critical that I, the least of God’s 
 servants, Muhammad Haidar, known among my intimates as Mirza 
 Ilaidaj, son of Muhammad Husain Kurkan, have been continually 
 possessed of the thought that the rank and dignity which historians 
 attain to, is not so high that one should have a craving for it. 
 Still, there can be little doubt that this poor history (which has 
 been driven by the whirlwind of pride and the waves of ignorance 
 and intoxication, from the sea of incapacity upon the shores of 
 small literary attainment) may be regarded as of some value by the 
 divers in the ocean of excellence, who have concealed in the shells 
 of perfection, the pearls of poetry and the precious stones of prose. 
 According to the saying : “ Necessity makes lawful that which is for¬ 
 bidden,” and because certain important events in the annals of 
 the Moghul Khakans have been entirely forgotten, I was induced, 
 as far as time should permit, to narrate some of the most trust¬ 
 worthy facts in their history. 
 
 When the Moghul power was high, many eminent men flourished, 
 and some wrote their people’s history. Now, for more than a 
 hundred years nothing of the sort has been done—no trace of these 
 men remains, nor of their writings. Nor does any sign remain of 
 their prosperity and civilisation, except here and there a ruined 
 tower or fortification; and in some towns the relics of a 
 monastery, a college, a mosque, a portico, or a minaret, still exist, 
 because their foundations being of stone, or for some other reason, 
 God willed that they should endure. No vestige of these men 
 survives and no one knows anything concerning them. For 
 during this long lapse of time, all have become strangers to the 
 old customs and ways of learning. Since the conversion of the 
 Moghuls to Islam, more especially, no history of them has been 
 written. But the learned men of Mavara-un-Nahr and Khorasan 
 
Prologue to Part II. 151 
 
 ancl Irak, who have written the annals for their own kings, have 
 made mention of the Moghuls, just where it has suited the context, 
 - while they have paid no attention to them when not connected 
 with their own country. Among these histories may be mentioned 
 the Mujma ut Tavdrilch 1 of Khwaja Rashid-ud-Din ; the Tdrilcli-i- 
 Guzida 2 of Khwaja Hamid Ullah Mustanfi ; the Zafar-Ndma 3 of 
 Maulana Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi; the Tdrildi-i-Manzum 4 of 
 Maulana Abdur Razzak; and the Ulus Arbaa 5 of Mirza Ulugh Beg. 
 Among these I have sought carefully for any mention of the 
 Moghul Khakans, but have found nothing very connected [bet 
 tartib ]. In my early years, I was much drawn to the study of the 
 history of my forefathers, and in those days there were still alive 
 some of the Moghul Amirs and nobles (some over one hundred 
 years of age, some under). But it never occurred to my father or 
 my uncles to commit to writing what they had heard concerning 
 the Khakans, from their parents, and other trustworthy sources. 
 And now they have all been dead for some time. [On this 
 account] I intend, God willing, to write an account of the Moghuls 
 after their conversion to Islam, basing my facts upon histories and 
 reliable traditions, in addition to what I have myself witnessed in 
 my own times. But not finding that I had capacity or talent 
 sufficient to justify my setting out on this bold venture, I have 
 resolved to begin by making a trial on those events of which I 
 have been an eye-witness, and then, should I by the grace of God 
 succeed, I will proceed with my original plan of writing the 
 history of the Moghul Khakans. 
 
 1 The correct, title of this work is Jami ’ uttavarikh . It is a general history of 
 the world from the earliest times to a.h. 700, and gives a special account of the 
 Moghuls. (See Dr. Rieu’s Catalogue , i., p. 74.) 
 
 2 A general history from the earliest times to a.h. 730, by Hamid Ullah Mus- 
 taufi, Kazvini. (Rieu, i., p. 80.) 
 
 3 A history of Timur. 
 
 4 The proper title is Matla‘i Sa‘adain va Majmu-i-Bahrain, by ‘Abdur Razzak 
 bin Ishak us Samarkandi—(“Manzum” here, may mean “well arranged.”) 
 (Rieu, i., p. 181 b.) 
 
 5 A history of Chingiz Khan, his ancestors and descendants, down to the time 
 of Timur. (Rieu, i., p. 164.) 
 
152 
 
 Beginning of Part II, containing 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 BEGINNING OF PART II. OF THE TARIKH-I-RASHIDI, WHICH CONTAINS, IN 
 DIFFERENT PARTS, WHAT TOOK PLACE AMONG THE MOGHUL ULUS 
 AND THE UZBEG AND THE CHAGHATAI. 
 
 At the time of my "birth, which was in 905, and for which the 
 chronogram Nur Cliashm Shah has been found, the power of the 
 Moghul Khakans was, compared with former times, on the increase ; 
 but at this period, the towns of Moghulistan (which is another 
 name for Kara Khitai) 1 fell into ruin, till in the beginning of the 
 
 1 This mention of Kara-Khitai is curious, and the geographical indication 
 accords with what we know, from other sources, to have been the centre of the 
 Kara-Khitai dominion about the beginning of the thirteenth century, when the 
 power of that dynasty was at its best. What Mirza Haidar means to explain, 
 in this passage, probably is that Moghulistan stands on the ground which the 
 Kara-Khitai country occupied before the time of Chingiz, when all previous 
 sub-divisions were swept away. In other words, he seems to have found it more 
 convenient to go back to ancient times for a single name to denote the region, 
 than to explain its whereabouts geographically, or to describe its limits accord¬ 
 ing to the ever-shifting divisions of the period subsequent to Chingiz’s conquests. 
 But there is no reason to suppose him to mean that Moghulistan was, at his 
 time, known as Kara-Kldtai , or that it was a land inhabited by a race of that 
 name. The Kara-Khitai must have disappeared, as a nation, some two centuries 
 before Mirza Haidar’s day. Indeed, they could hardly at any time have been 
 regarded as a nation in the western parts of Central Asia, but only as a ruling 
 dynasty, supported by a fighting force, composed of their own and other foreign 
 races, sufficient to subdue certain weaker nations, and to rule them for a time, 
 until some stronger power should arise and displace them. In this way they 
 resembled most other Asiatic dynasties that have appeared in history, and their 
 period of power was perhaps even shorter than most others, for it lasted for less 
 than a century. 
 
 In race the Kara-Khitai (or Kara-Kitan) appear to have been Manchu, though 
 perhaps a good deal mixed with Mongol tribes, for their home was in southern 
 Manchuria—the Liao-tung of modern times—and bordered on south-eastern 
 Mongolia. To the Chinese they were known as Kitan or Liao. In the tenth 
 century, they conquered the small section of northern China which was then 
 known to western nations as Khitai or Cathay, where they set up the dynasty 
 called by the Chinese “ the Liao.” As a Chinese dynasty, their kings ruled for 
 about two centuries, and it was only just before their overthrow, in the early part 
 of the twelfth century, that they first appear in Central Asia as a conquering 
 horde. At this time a certain Liao prince, one Yelui Taishi, escaped westward 
 from “ Cathay,” gathered an army (composed of what races is not clear), and 
 overran, firstly Eastern and Western Turkistan, and subsequently Khwarizm. In 
 these regions, and at about this period, he and his people seem to have 
 acquired the name of Kara-Khitai, or “ Black Cathayans,” while the Chinese 
 spoke of them as Si Liao or Western Liao. In a short time, the whole country 
 between Hami (or Kumul) in the east, and the Aral in the west, became subject 
 to them, while their capital seems, as far as can be ascertained, to have been 
 situated near the banks of the river Chu—in the heart of the Moghulistan of our 
 author's time. The identity, as well as the position, of the Kara-Khitai capital 
 has been made a subject of much discussion, for it is mentioned by several 
 
General Sketch of History. 
 
 153 
 
 year 889, when Yunus Khan, [who affected] towns and cultivation, 
 came into power. Most of the Moghuls had never possessed or 
 even lived in a village—nay, had never even seen cultivation. 
 They were as wild as the beasts of the mountains. The explana¬ 
 tion of this is that the country of Shash, together with its depen¬ 
 dencies, was under the rule of the Moghuls, as were also all the 
 deserts of Moghulistan. It would be tedious to relate this here, 
 but, God willing, it will be mentioned in the First Part of this 
 history. 
 
 My father was Muhammad Husain Kurkan, son of Muhammad 
 Haidar Kurkan, son of the Amir, Lord of the Sword and the Throne, 
 Sayyid Ali Kurkan, son of Amir Sayyid Ahmad, son of Amir 
 Khudaidad, son of Amir Bulaji. It was this Amir Bulaji that 
 introduced Islam, and changed the darkness of unbelief into the 
 light of faith. 
 
 After my father entered the service of Sultan Mahmud Khan, 
 son of Sultan Yunus Khan, sun of Yais Khan, son of Shir Ali 
 Oghlan, son of Muhammad Khan, son of Khizir Kkwaja Khan, son 
 of Tughluk Timur Khan (who also lightened the dark night of 
 heathendom with the rising sun of the dawn of Islam), he was 
 treated by the Khan with the utmost favour and honour (as 
 is mentioned at greater length in the First Part of this history 
 [ Tarikh-i-AsV ]) and had the title of Kurkan conferred upon him, as 
 well as the honour of marriage with Khub Nigar Khanim. This 
 
 different names in the records of different nations. Thus the Chinese knew it 
 by the name of Hu-sze-wa-erh-du, Gu-sze-o-lu-du, etc., the Turki writers by that 
 of Balasakun, while the Mongols (as is stated in the Tarihh-i-Jahan-Kushai) 
 converted Balasakun into Ghar-baliJc. No doubt the Chinese forms “ wa-erh-du,” 
 “ o-lu-du,” etc., stand for the Turki word “ Urdu ”—city or capital; while 
 “ balik ” in Mongol means the same thing. Dr. Bretschneider is therefore 
 probably right in identifying the “ Gu ” (it should be Ghar) of the Chinese and 
 Mongols with the Balasakun, which, according to all probability, stood in the 
 valley of the Upper Chu, and in deeming it the site of the Kara-Khitai capital. 
 It was, at any rate, in and about the region of the Chu valley, that they seem to 
 have flourished most, during their short period of power; and it was in this 
 region, after being partially subjected by the Naiman, that Chingiz Khan 
 finally broke them up. 
 
 As regards the name of Kara-Khitai, it appears to me that these people were 
 regarded by the Turki-speaking nations of the west as northern Chinese, or 
 Cathayans, though differing from fhem to some extent. The word “ Kara,” 
 though meaning “ black,” is constantly used in Central Asia to denote a differ¬ 
 ence, a variety, and especially a lower variety. It is difficult to find an English 
 equivalent; but the Urdu word “ Kacha” (raw), as used in India, would perhaps 
 more nearly translate “Kara” than any English term. In this way “Kara” is 
 sometimes applied, at the present day, in Mongolia and Turkistan, to Chinese 
 from certain parts of China, though they may be Chinese of the lightest com¬ 
 plexion ; also to some tribes of Kirghiz who differ, in colour, in no way from 
 other Kirghiz, and so on. In naming wild animals too, the word is made use 
 of in this manner—to denote a variety. Thus the Kara-Khitai were, to the 
 western foreigner, not the real, the true-bred (the “pakka”) Khatai, but a 
 variety, or offshoot, of them, and therefore denominated by an adjective. 
 
 (See Bretschneider, i., pp. 208, seqq.; Howorth, ii., pp. 1G-20.) 
 
1 54 Beginning of Part IT. 
 
 alliance was contracted in Shash in the year 899. After this he 
 received the country of Ushtur Ushna (which is known now as 
 Uratippa), together with as much of the surrounding country as he 
 could bring within his power. He then had leave to depart, and 
 spent nine years in the administration of the government of that 
 district. During this time many important events occurred. I 
 was born after my father had governed for six years. 1 
 
 I think it proper here to mention who were the princes who at 
 this time ruled in the surrounding countries. 
 
 In the country of Farghana, whose capital is Andijan, after the 
 death of Mirza Omar Shaikh Kurkan, son of Sultcan Abu Said 
 Kurkan, serious quarrels and disputes arose between his two 
 sons, Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad Babar Padishah Ghazi and Mirza 
 Jahangir, 2 in spite of their youth ; and these quarrels were chiefly 
 owing to the enmity of their respective Amirs. There ensued 
 many victories and defeats, some of which shall be mentioned in 
 this Epitome. 
 
 In the country of Samarkand and Bokhara, endless wars and 
 contests arose between the three princes, Baisanghar Mirza and 
 Sultan Ali Mirza (the sons of Mahmud Kurkan, son of Sultan Abu 
 Said Kurkan) and Shahi Beg Khan, son of Shah Badagh Sultan, 
 son of Abulkhair Khan, than whom, in his lifetime, there was no 
 more exalted chief on the throne of the Juji. 3 Of these wars and 
 disputes I will speak hereafter. 
 
 In Khorasan, Sultan Ilusain Mirza 4 was at the height of his 
 power and magnificence. From time to time the dust of dissension 
 rose up between the father and his sons, but this the Mirza, with 
 his wisdom and sagacity, soon caused to subside. 
 
 In Irak, after the death of Sultan Yakub, son of Uzun Hasan, 5 
 the Sultans (his sons) by reason of their youth, were unable to 
 direct the affairs of the State, and Shah Ismail (who had made his 
 violence felt in the world) taking advantage of the situation, 
 invaded the country, entirely exterminated the rest of those 
 Sultans, and upset all the affairs of the state and of religion. 
 
 In the Dasht-i-Ivipchak and the Ulus of Juji Khan, Baranduk 
 Khan 6 was in power, and all the Juji Sultans were subservient to 
 him. They have sought to rival the rain-drops in their numbers. 
 
 1 That is in 905 h. = 1499-1500 a.d. 
 
 2 See, for these names, the Genealogical Table of the house of Timur attached 
 to this volume. 
 
 3 Compare the genealogical table of Uzbeg Khans in Stokvis, i., p. 158. 
 
 4 Otherwise known as Abul Ghazi Hussain, or Sultan Hussain Baikara. Ho 
 was great-grandson of Timur’s son, Umar Shaikh. (S. L. Poole, p. 268; or 
 Stokvis, i., p. 156.) 
 
 5 Of the line of Ak-Koinlu, or White Sheep Turkomans. (See S. L. Poole, 
 pp. 254-5 ; or Stokvis, i., p. 119.) 
 
 G Son of Karai Khan, son of Barak, etc., of the White Horde. (Comp. 
 Howorth, ii., p. 685; and Stokvis, i., pp. 158 and 163.) 
 
Reign of Yunus Khan. 155 
 
 What took place between them and the Moghuls will be herein¬ 
 after related. 
 
 In Shash, which is better known as Tashkand, Sultan Mahmud 
 Khan held sway. 
 
 I must now turn to the story of Yunus Khan, without which 
 the thread of my history would not be connected. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 REIGN OF YUNUS KHAN ; ACCOUNT OF HIS LIFE AND LIST OF HIS 
 
 OFFSPRING. 
 
 Yunus Khan was the greatest of all the Chaghatai Khans, and 
 before him there was, in many respects, no one like him in his 
 family. None of the Chaghatai Khans who preceded him had 
 passed the age of forty; nay, most of them never reached that age. 
 But this prosperous Khan attained to the age of seventy-four. 
 Towards the end of his life, growing repentant and devout, he 
 became a disciple of that Refuge of the Pious, Nasiruddin Khwaja 
 Ubaidullah (in this history, wherever the term “ His Holiness ” 
 is used, it refers to the Khwaja), and him the Khan followed 
 with piety. He was also acquainted with many other Shaikhs, 
 and used to associate with them. His nature was adorned with 
 many high qualities and virtues; he possessed also many acquire¬ 
 ments, among which may be mentioned the reading of the Koran. 
 He was of an even temper, his conversation was charming, and he 
 had a quick perception. He excelled in penmanship, painting, 
 and other accomplishments conformable with a healthy nature, 
 and was well-trained in singing and instrumental music. He 
 studied under Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi, with whom he spent twelve 
 years, and travelled much in foreign countries. Of all these 
 acquirements and travels, a more full account will (God willing) 
 be given in the First Part of this history. He was graced with 
 good qualities and perfect manners, was unequalled in bravery 
 and heroism, and excelled especially in archery. In a word, no 
 one of all his family can be compared to him. The Khan had 
 seven children. 
 
 1. Mihr Nigar Khanim, whom he gave to Sultan Ahmad Mirza. 
 She died childless. 
 
 2. Kutluk Nigar Khanim, whom he gave to Omar Shaikh Mirza. 
 She had two children: Khanzada Begum, who still honours the 
 throne of chastity, and Babar Padishah, who has illumined the 
 
156 
 
 End of Reign of Yunus, 
 
 world with the radiance of his power and his exploits, as I have 
 recounted in the First Part, and will relate again in this Epitome 
 whenever it suits the context. 
 
 3. Khub Nigar Khanim, who was given to my father, as has 
 been mentioned above. 
 
 4. Sultan Mahmud Khan, a short notice of whose history will 
 be given. 
 
 5. Sultan Ahmad Khan, known as Alacha Khan, of whom, also, 
 I shall speak briefly. 
 
 6. Sultan Nigar Khanim, who was given to Mirza Sultan 
 Mahmud, son of Sultan Abu Said. She had one son, who is 
 known as Mirza Khan ; and his son Sulaiman is, at the present 
 time, king of Badakhshan. 
 
 7. Daulat Sultan Khanim, who fell into the hands of Timur 
 Sultan, son of Shahi Beg Khan, at the sacking of Tashkand. She 
 too will be mentioned farther on. 
 
 CHAPTEPt III. 
 
 END OF THE REIGN OF YUNUS KHAN. LIST OF HIS SONS. THE REIGN 
 OF SULTAN MAHMUD KHAN AND THE REASON OF HIS RUIN. 
 
 At the beginning of the reign of Yunus Khan, all the Moghuls 
 dwelt, according to their old custom, in Moghulistan; they avoided 
 all towns and cultivated countries [and regarded them] with great 
 repugnance. They were Musulmans in nothing but the name; in 
 fact, not even in name, for they were carried off imo tne countries 
 round about, and sold as slaves like other infidels. After the 
 Khan had had the happiness to kiss the feet of his Holiness, the 
 latter wrote letters to all the surrounding Musulman rulers, 
 saying: “We have seen Sultan Yunus Khan, and it is not lawful 
 to molest a tribe whose chief is so good a Musulman.” 
 
 From that date, no more Moghuls who had been carried off, were 
 ever bought or sold as slaves, in a Muhammadan country. The 
 Moghuls had always been this kind of [nomadic] people. The 
 Khan felt that until they settled down in cultivated countries and 
 towns, they could never become true Musulmans. He therefore 
 exerted himself to the utmost to bring their settlement about. 
 When the Khan was leading away the Moghuls to Tashkand, 
 a number of them who were loth to go, having seized the Khan’s 
 younger son, Sultan Ahmad Khan, abandoned the party and 
 stayed behind in Moghulistan. The Khan meanwhile arrived in 
 
157 
 
 and Reign of Mahmud Khan. 
 
 Tashkand with his elder son, Sultan Mahmud Khan, and the rest 
 of the Moghuls. It would he tedious to relate their proceedings in 
 this Epitome, but they will (God willing) be given in the First Part. 
 When Yunus Khan went to the palace of eternity, he left the 
 kingdom to Sultan Mahmud Khan, and the Moghuls, according to 
 their custom, placed him on his father’s throne. It is a common 
 occurrence that those who inherit what their father has left them, 
 do not appreciate its worth; thus the new Khan, undervaluing 
 the great Amirs who had served his father, expelled them and 
 set up, in their stead, weak-minded and base men: while his old 
 friends being defeated, old enemies, who styded themselves new 
 friends, now gained the supremacy. But in this new order of 
 things, the Khan found it difficult to withstand these [new 
 advisers]; nay, was incapable of keeping together his kingdom. 
 When Alacha Khan heard of this, although he was occupied with 
 rebellions and seditions on the confines of Moghulistan (which 
 was under his rule), he did his best to punish those [who opposed 
 him], and then, setting up his eldest son, Mansur Khan, in his 
 own place, hastened to the court of his brother. This was in the 
 year 907 [1501-2]. 
 
 A year and a half previous to this meeting of the two Khans, my 
 mother journeyed from this transitory abode to the dwellings of 
 eternity. She had six sons : two of them had died at the breast, 
 four survived her, and of each of these I will speak hereafter. 
 
 One of the most curious facts in my own history is the 
 following. While I was yet at my mother’s breast, I was subject 
 to such severe haemorrhoids that the doctors gave up all hope of 
 my recovery. My mother, before bearing me, had been four times 
 disappointed in child-birth [djiza]. She had prayed very earnestly 
 to God to grant her a son, and after much prayer and supplication 
 on her part, I came into existence; hence the unbounded love 
 which my mother had for me. When my malady became 
 alarming, she turned in every direction in search of help, till at 
 length she went to Maulana Muhammad Kazi, who was one of the 
 most distinguished of the companions of his Holiness: so much so 
 that even at this time his family have many disciples. When he 
 had looked on me with his Christ-like glance, 1 he became very 
 thoughtful, and after he had gone out said: “ If I had known 
 that the Mirza’s son was in such a grave condition, I should not 
 have come.” He ordered no remedy, except frugality, and then 
 went on his way. 
 
 One morning he sent one of his servants to my parents, to tell 
 them that the Most High God had sent to their child the wine of 
 recovery and the meat of life, from His heavenly abode. When 
 
 1 Christ is always connected with healing in the Muhammadan mind.—R. 
 
158 
 
 End of Reign of Yturns, 
 
 my parents heard this good news, they set out that same morning 
 to the place of worship of this holy man, and laid their prayers 
 before him. From that same day, marked signs of improvement 
 showed themselves in me ; and up to the present time I have never 
 had a return of the haemorrhoids. I would point out that in this 
 matter two miracles were performed—one being my recovery 
 without the aid of medicine, the other the fact that the malady 
 never returned. And this is the more wonderful miracle of the 
 two, for haemorrhoids generally last all one’s life. From that date 
 to the end of his life, the Maulana helped and instructed me, both 
 publicly and privately. 
 
 The story of each [of the children] will be told in the proper place. 
 
 After these events my mother departed this life. 
 
 Shortly afterwards Shahi Beg Khan, with the inopportune aid 
 of Sultan Mahmud Khan, conquered Samarkand and Bokhara, 
 and defeated the Timuri Sultans : in particular Babar Padishah, 
 who was Sultan Mahmud’s nephew, and almost like a son to him. 
 After [these successes] having changed his assurances of obedience 
 and friendship, into boasts of pride and insubordination, he began 
 to sound the drum of revolt. 
 
 In the meanwhile Sultan Ahmad Tambal, who had been in the 
 service of Omar Shaikh Mirza, although he belonged to the race 
 of the Moghul Amirs, revolted in Andijan, on account of the 
 improvidence of the Khan, and having got possession of that place, 
 began to shoot the arrows of insurrection at the target of 
 sovereignty. The two Khans consequently went to crush him— 
 Sultan Mahmud Khan, leaving his son Sultan Muhammad Sultan 
 in Tashkand with a strong army, wherewith to oppose his 
 perfidious enemies. My father, too, had been left in Uratippa to 
 oppose Shahi Beg Khan. And they imagined that the latter 
 could not pass between these two armies. But in reality he 
 looked upon it as an opportunity to be seized, thinking that he 
 would never again find the two Khans with so small a force. 
 Therefore he hastened from Samarkand to Farghana, passing by 
 Uratippa on his road. [My father] thinking he had come to lay 
 siege to the town, began to busy himself with its defence. At the 
 hour of afternoon prayer, [Shahi Beg] came and encamped close 
 to the town. After the sun had deprived the world of its lig'ht, 
 and had thrown the shadows of night upon the eyes of all creation, 
 he broke up his camp and marched away with all possible speed, 
 so that before the men in the fort had begun to inquire in which 
 direction he had gone, he was many farsakhs away. When it v r as 
 discovered that he had marched towards Farghana, several 
 messengers in succession were despatched, to give notice to the 
 Khans of his approach. The messengers and the enemy arrived 
 at the same moment. Neither the army of Tashkand nor that of 
 
iS9 
 
 and Reign of Mahmud Khan . 
 
 Uratippa, had time to come to the aid of the Khans. The two 
 Khans had with them 15,000 men, because in the beginning of the 
 year they had [collected a large force] to attack Tambal, whom 
 they had severely handled, and whose power they had entirely 
 subdued. For this reason, they felt sure that he would now 
 resolve on flight as a last resource. They had taken Babar 
 Padishah with them, in order that after things were settled, they 
 might set him up on his father’s throne and then return home. 
 
 The Khans had not yet reached Andijan. Akhsi, which is one 
 of the strongest forts in that country, was occupied by Shaikh 
 Bayazid, brother of Tambal; he was treating about submission, 
 and for that reason they" had tarried near the fort. At this 
 juncture, Shahi Beg Khan came up with 30,000 men, and all his 
 Sultans, such as Kuchum Sultan, Suyunjuk Sultan, Jani Beg 
 Sultan and others. They had hardly time to draw up in line, when, 
 after a short conflict, the Khans were put to rojit by the over¬ 
 powering numbers of the enemy. Their horses being rendered 
 useless with fatigue, the two Khans were taken prisoners. Babar 
 Padishah fled to the hills on the south of Farghana. Shahi Beg 
 Khan behaved with magnanimity, and having taken possession of 
 Tashkand, dismissed the Khans with every mark of favour, saying: 
 “ With your help and assistance I have won my power: I took you 
 captive, but do not kill you : I let you go.” 
 
 In this place, I call to mind the story of the tax-gatherer 
 [ amalddf . A certain governor had imposed a fine upon a tax- 
 gatherer, and went so far as to torture him [in order to make him 
 pay it]. But a generous Khwaja took pity on him, and bought 
 him out of the hands of his creditors [by paying] the price of the 
 fine, and taking him home with him, showed him every kindness 
 and attention. One day the tax-collector was sitting with his son, 
 and they were talking confidentially, while the Khwaja was 
 listening on the other side of the wall. The son said to his father : 
 “ How can we ever worthily repay the Khwaja for his kindness ? ” 
 The tax-collector answered : “ As soon as I am again in office, the 
 matter will be simple.” The son then asked: “ How will it be 
 easy to repay his generosity ? ” His father replied : “ When they 
 have again entrusted me with an office, I will press the Khwaja 
 very hard, and will give him over to the creditors, who will fine 
 him heavily, and when it has come to a matter of life and death 
 for him, I will take all his money, and with a part of it will buy 
 him off again.” 
 
 When the news of the capture of the Khans reached Tashkand, 
 Sultan Muhammad Sultan carried off into Mogliulistan, all that he 
 was able of his people and family, and of the Moghul Ulus, causing 
 my father and my uncle to follow him with all the money they 
 could collect. 
 
l6o End of Reign of Yunus , 
 
 When the Khans were captured, Shahi Beg Khan said : “ I have 
 always wished to arrange a marriage, hut it has never been granted 
 me ; to make up for this [disappointment] I must now form three 
 marriage alliances.” The youngest sister of the Khan, Daulat 
 Sultan Khanim, who has been mentioned above in the list of 
 the children of Yunus Khan, was married to [Shahi Beg’s] son 
 Timur Sultan. 1 He took for himself Aisha Sultan Khanim, better 
 known as Moghul Khanim, and gave to Jani Beg Khan, Kutuk 
 Khanim ; both of these princesses were, in their chastity, bright 
 as the sun and pure as the moon. Some of their children are living 
 now, and are ruling in Mavara-un-Nahr. 
 
 On the return of the Khans to their old residence, in Moghulistan, 
 the younger fell ill, and at the end of the} T ear 909, wandered from 
 the garden of earthly dominion to the fields of Paradise. 
 
 From Khwaja Tajuddin Muhammad, who inherited from his 
 ancestors the office of Shaikli-ul-Islam of that country (and who 
 was, in truth, a most admirable, austere man, and endowed with 
 many good qualities) I have heard the following: “ When the Khan 
 was extremely ill, I said to him, ‘ It is commonly reported that 
 Shahi Beg Khan has caused poison to be put in your food; if your 
 Highness is also of this opinion, I will bring some of that powerful 
 antidote, which comes from Khitai, and administer it.’ The Khan 
 replied, ‘ Yes, indeed, Shahi Beg Khan has poisoned me, and the 
 poison is this: having risen from the most degraded station to the 
 highest elevation, he has taken us two brothers prisoners and then 
 set us at liberty. This disgrace is the cause of my succumbing to 
 illness. If yours is an antidote against this kind of poison, it may 
 prove efficient.’ ” 
 
 Sultan Ahmad Khan had eighteen sons. 
 
 (1.) The eldest, Mansur Khan, from 909 to the present date of 
 948, 2 has ruled over his father’s dominions with absolute power. 
 An account of him will be given in this Epitome. 
 
 (2.) Iskandar Sultan, who died a natural death, soon after his 
 father’s demise. 
 
 (3.) Sultan Said Kb an, whose history will be related. Where- 
 ever “ the Khan ” is spoken of in an absolute way, in this Epitome, 
 it is this Khan that is meant. 
 
 (4.) Babajak Sultan, who is still in the service of Mansur 
 Ivhan. 
 
 (5.) Shah Shaikh Muhammad Sultan, who, together with his 
 liaram and some of his children, was killed by the fall of his palace 
 during an earthquake. 
 
 1 In Stokvis’ table of the line of Juji, the son of Shahi Beg is shown as ‘ Yar 
 Muhammad.’ I do not know the authority for this name. ( Manuel d'Hist., p. 15S.) 
 
 2 A.H. 918 (1541 a.d.) will then be the date of compiling Part ii. of the 
 Tdrihli-i-Rashidi —or the Epitome. 
 
List of Ahmad Khan's Offspring. 161 
 
 (6.) Sultan Khalil Sultan, of whom I shall have occasion to 
 speak in connection with Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 (7.) Aiman Khwaja Sultan, who will also be mentioned in the 
 same connection. 
 
 (8.) Chin Timur Sultan, who for some time was in the service 
 of Mansur Khan, whom he afterwards abandoned, and entered the 
 service of “ the Khan.” Mansur Khan had him brought back, but 
 he again fled ; this time going to the court of Babar Padishah in 
 Hindustan. Here he rendered good service, and was in return 
 treated with the utmost honour and respect by the Emperor. He 
 died of a violent dysentery at Agra, where he was buried. 
 
 (9.) Yusun Timur Sultan, who like his brother, being tired of 
 always going backwards and forwards between the two Khans, fled 
 to the Kazak and thence to Turan; thence again to the court of 
 Ubaid Ullah Khan in Bokhara. From there he went to the court of 
 Babar Padishah; him also the Emperor treated most kindly, and 
 he is now in Hindustan. 
 
 (10.) Tukhta Bugha Sultan, who also went to Hindustan, where 
 he died a natural death. 
 
 The other sons died natural deaths, at different times. 
 
 Sultan Ahmad Khan had four daughters. 
 
 (1.) Lai Shad Khanim, whose mother was a slave whom the 
 Khan had married [■ umm-valad ]. Although she was outside the 
 circle of distinction, she was finally married to Muhammad Amir 
 Mirza, son of Amir Jabar Birdi, who was a Dughlat, and to their 
 family alone belonged the office of Ulusbegi in the time of Alaeha 
 Khan. 
 
 (2.) Mahim Khanim, who was given to Builash Khan, son of 
 Uyuk Sultan. 
 
 (3.) The third was married to me, as will be related below. 
 
 (4.) Khadija Sultan Khanim. After the death of Sultan Ahmad 
 Khan, Mirza Aba Bakr, whose story will be told in connection 
 with the Khan, took possession of Aksu, the capital of Alaclia 
 Khan’s dominions. In those days Khadija Sultan Khanim fell into 
 the hands of Mirza Aba Bakr. He, however, treated her kindly 
 and gave her to his son Jahangir Mirza. When the latter was 
 slain, she was given to Shah Muhammad Sultan, son of Sultan 
 Muhammad Sultan, son of Sultan Mahmud Khan, as will be 
 related. 
 
Murder of Mahmud Khan. 
 
 162 
 
 CHAPTER IY. 
 
 r 
 
 EPITOMISED ACCOUNT OF THE MARTYRDOM OF SULTAN MAHMUD KHAN 
 
 AND HTS CHILDREN. 
 
 On. the death of Sultan Ahmad Khan, Sultan Mahmud Khan 
 resigned to his brother’s children all the country and people that 
 had belonged to their father, from the frontier of Khitai to the 
 confines of Kashghar, viz.: Turfan, Chalish, Kuchah [Kuchar] 
 Ahsu and Uch [Ush-Turfan], while he himself withdrew, with 
 those few of his own people who yet remained, to the deserts of 
 Moghulistan. There he spent five years, during which time 
 nothing of importance happened to him. At length those same 
 base men who had caused the night shadows of ruin to overcloud 
 the dawn of the Khan’s reign, filled his mind with evil suggestions 
 saying: “ Shahi Beg Khan will treat you kindly, but even if he 
 does not, he will at least allow us to return to this corner of 
 corners.” My uncle used to relate that one day after the death of 
 Alacha Khan, he was at the court of Sultan Mahmud Khan in 
 Aksu, where the Khan, being friendly and talkative, asked him: 
 “ Is the position of scullion 1 in Tashkand better than that of kin o' 
 m Aksu?” My uncle replied: “Yerily it is, if the scullion is 
 
 allowed to perform his office.” At these words the Khan was very 
 wroth. J 
 
 ^ In short, these base men succeeded in bringing the Khan to 
 Farghana. ^ When news of this reached Shahi Beg Khan, he was 
 111 Ulang-zad agan. He at once despatched a party of men to find 
 him. ^ These men were coming in exactly the opposite direction to 
 the Khan, whom they met and slew, together with his five young 
 sons, at Khojand. To commemorate the date of their martyrdom 
 the chionogram “ Ldb-i-darya-i-Khojand ” = 914, was devised. (This 
 matter I will also speak of elsewhere.) 
 
 Sultan Mahmud Khan had six sons, five of whom suffered death 
 with theii father. His eldest son was Sultan Muhammad Sultan. 
 When the Khan was setting out from Moghulistan, in the hope of 
 being well treated by Shahi Beg Khan, Sultan Muhammad Sultan 
 had done his utmost to dissuade his father from going, but his 
 words being of no aA r ail, he separated from his father and stayed 
 behind in Moghulistan. From circumstances which, God willing 
 will be related in the First Bart [Tarilch-i-Asl\ he was not able to 
 lemain in Moghulistan, but went in dire distress to Baranduk 
 
 1 ip 
 
 The word in the original is Dastmal-shui, meaning, literally, “ towel-washer.” 
 
 y -L oc Jp 4 y S- ^ /S ; *-e*-y* 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
History of the Author s Father. 163 
 
 Khan and Kasim Khan 1 in the Dasht-i-Kipchak. His followers, 
 hoping that Shahi Beg Khan had received Sultan Mahmud Khan 
 well, led him by a wrong road and brought him to Tashkand, 
 where the Uzbeg sent him to join his father. He left one son, 
 whose name was Shah Muhammad Sult&n. His history will be 
 given in my notice of the Khan. 
 
 CHAPTER Y. 
 
 THE REST OF THE HISTORY OF MY FATHER, MIRZA MUHAMMAD 
 
 HUSAIN KURKAN. 
 
 When the Khans fell into the hands of Shahi Beg Khan at Aksu, 
 my father was at Uriitippa. When Shahi Beg Khan passed between 
 [the two armies] it was not possible for my father to form a 
 junction with tho Khans, and he found it necessary to go to 
 Karatigin. At that time Khusrau Shah, one of the Amirs of Mirza 
 Sultan Mahmud, son of Sultan Abu Said, was in possession of 
 Hisar, Kunduz and Badakhshan. After the death of Mirza 
 Sultan Mahmud, he had blinded his son Sultan Masud Mirza, and 
 when Baisanghar Mirza, son of Sultan Mahmud Mirza, fled from 
 Samarkand, Khusrau Shah sent messengers to him to express his 
 repentance, saying : “ What I did, was from fear for my life, for 
 Sultan Masud Mirza had the intention of killing me; but now, in 
 compensation for that act, I will serve you so faithfully that, 
 however much my infamous act may have brought down upon me 
 the execrations and curses of mankind, my conduct for the future 
 will procure for me their favour and applause.” In this manner 
 did he make abundant promises and protest so much, that he 
 deceived Baisanghar Mirza also, and sent that worthy prince into 
 the next world, as if he were an arrow from a bow. 
 
 Thus he brought the whole of the dominion of Sultan Mahmud 
 Mirza under his own power. But these successes filled his mind 
 with pride and vainglory. When he was thus at the height of his 
 power, my father arrived in Karatigin, and Khusrau Shah desired 
 an interview with him. My father accordingly went to Hisar; 
 and Khusrau Shah, having received him in the Bagh-i-chinar, 
 with the utmost distinction and friendliness, said to him : “ I look 
 upon your gracious visit as a blessing from God; for it is the 
 season of Shahi Beg Khan’s supremacy. My fear is that though 
 this year his mind is set upon the conquest of other territories, he 
 
 1 The Turki MS. only lias Kasim Khan’s name here; but it is probably 
 correct. (See Erskine, Hist., i., p. 192.) 
 
 M 2 
 
164 
 
 History of the Author's Father. 
 
 may next year turn towards this quarter. I have never been to 
 war with the Uzbeg, and do not know their mode of warfare. For 
 every tribe has its own special methods, whether in war or in 
 negotiation. The arrangement of these matters differs with each 
 people according to time and place, and until their methods are 
 known, it is difficult to contend with them. Now, as you have 
 many times had to do with the Uzbeg, both in peace and in war, and 
 have experienced, when at war with them, both victory and 
 defeat, make known to me all that you have learned, that I may 
 be guided by what you tell me. As my reliance is on you, and 
 my hope, I beg you to accept, in confirmation of my confidence, 
 Sultanim Begum, daughter of Sultan Ahmad Mirza, and one of 
 the princesses, [of my family] that she may be a bond of union 
 between us.” 
 
 Such idle words and many more did he utter, and set on foot 
 grand preparations for the marriage. 
 
 The destruction [yirani] of Tashkand and Uratippa was in 
 the season of Cancer, 1 and this affair took place in the end of the 
 season of the Balance. 2 
 
 Meanwhile, news arrived of the invasion of Shahi Beg Khan, 
 and all the adherents of Ivhusrau Shah fled in different directions. 
 Those who possessed castles, fortified themselves in them, and 
 those who had none, fled to the hills and the remote valleys and 
 glens. No one troubled himself about his neighbour. As all 
 Khusrau Shah’s people were scattered in confusion, my father 
 also took refuge in Karatigin, which is a country of mountain 
 fastnesses. Among these mountains they encountered a very 
 severe winter. It began to snow as soon as they arrived, and for 
 one whole month the weather did not clear, so that the snow 
 reached to a depth of twelve spans, and for those who had settled 
 in the valleys, or lived in houses, there was no possibility of 
 changing their abode. 
 
 Now Shahi Beg’s purpose in coming [to Hisar] was not to seize 
 Khusrau Shah, but just to try whether Khusrau Shah had power 
 to withstand him or not. In that inroad he did not commit much 
 violence. Whatever plunder did fall into his hands, he seized 
 upon. lie then returned, with the conviction that when he came 
 a second time he would frighten away [Khusrau Shah] as a fly 
 from a dish, with a mere wave of his hand. That winter he also 
 wished to test the people of Khorasan. Using the same means, he 
 marched on Balkh, where the governor at that time was Sultan 
 Kulunjak, acting under Badi-uz-Zaman Mirza, son of Sultan Husain 
 Mirza. He commanded his men to invest the town, and spent the 
 whole of that winter in besieging it. The Khorasani were, in 
 
 2 Tlie end of autumn. 
 
 1 About June—150:» 
 
History of the Authors Father. 165 
 
 spite of their numerous attacks on the enemy, unable to relieve 
 Balkh. Thus, during that winter, he weighed Khusrau Shah and 
 the Khorasani in the scales of experiment, and found that neither 
 of them equalled himself in weight. 
 
 But while Shahi Beg Khan was engaged in besieging Balkh, 
 Khusrau Shah was left free from molestation, and his men again 
 assembled. In short, his affairs began to prosper, and he sent 
 messengers without intermission to Shahi Beg Khan, with suitable 
 expressions of friendship, which Shahi Beg Khan returned in kind. 
 That winter, when Khusrau Shah was recovering his peace of 
 mind, news arrived from Karatigin that there had been a great 
 fall of snow, so that no one was able to get away. Khusrau Shah 
 immediately despatched 20,000 men, under his brother Mir Vali. 1 
 
 Those in Karatigin were under no apprehensions from anything 
 on his side, but remained where they were, far and near. When 
 they learned the approach of the army, they immediately mustered 
 all the men they could, to the number of about 500, and occupied 
 the pass. The snow was so deep that no one dared leave the road. 
 Both sides dismounted and the fight commenced. It lasted from 
 morning till night. Finally our people had no arrows left, for on 
 both sides every arrow that was shot was lost in the snow. The 
 enemy were very numerous, and advanced to the fight in detach¬ 
 ments ; while as soon as the arrows of one detachment were expended, 
 another came up to take its place and continued the fight. But we 
 had on our side only one body, and towards evening, our arrows 
 being entirely expended, our people turned and fled. Among the 
 Amirs of my father, who died of arrow-wounds in that fight, were 
 Bagh Yasar Oghlan, Kliush Kai Kukildash, and several more, 
 father escaped, with six others, towards the hills of the country of 
 Farghana, which lie on the eastern side of that country, between 
 Kashghar and Andijan. In those mountains are people whom 
 they call Jagirak, and who, at that time, were great cattle- 
 stealers. Not long after this, however, they were exterminated by 
 Mirza Aba Bakr. 2 But Khusrau Shah had carried away all our 
 
 1 Only one text gives the name of Mir Yali. He was also brother of Bald 
 Chaghaniani, so often mentioned by Baber. He played a considerable part, but 
 eventually fell into the hands of Shahi Beg, who beheaded him at Samarkand in 
 1504. (Erskine, Hist., i., pp. 95 and 212.) 
 
 2 The country of the Jagirak must have been in the mountains which bound 
 the upper part of the Alai valley on the north, and separate it from the lower 
 country of Farghana. Seeing that the tribe is said to have been exterminated 
 about the beginning of the sixteenth century, it is scarcely surprising that no 
 trace of them, or of the name of their country, should remain. Baber mentions 
 the tribe, calls it a very numerous one, and says that they inhabited “ the 
 mountains that lie between Farghana and Kashghar.” Secure in these moun¬ 
 tains, they refused to pay tribute, and accumulated great numbers of sheep, 
 horses, and yaks. Baber describes how, in a.ii. 900, he sent a force to plunder 
 them, taking 20,000 sheep and 1500 horses, which he divided among the soldiers 
 of his army, then in a state of destitution. ( Memoirs, p. 35.) 
 
166 History of Shdki Beg Khan. 
 
 servants and retinue to Kunduz, where they spent one year as 
 best they could. 
 
 Having reached this point in my narrative, if I omitted to give 
 a short account of Shahi Beg Khan, the chain of my history would 
 not be continuous. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 HISTORY OF SHAHI BEG KHAN. 
 
 When the great judge and disposer of all things determines to 
 exalt some mortal with the crown of sovereignty and mnke him 
 illustrious, he so arranges that great warriors and intelligent 
 councillors assemble round his person, who may defend him from 
 his enemies and ill-wishers, and make all far-sighted men blind 
 and all attentive men deaf, so that father and son, brother and 
 brother, are at enmity with one another. These words may serve 
 as a preface to the story of Sh;ihi Beg Khan. 
 
 He was the son of Shall Badagh Sultan, the son of Abulkhair 
 Khan. After the death of Abulkhair Khan, disputes arose among 
 those whom he had left behind. To such a length were these 
 quarrels carried, that each one went in a different direction, and 
 thus all the men of noble lineage—the Sultans and the Mirzadas— 
 who were held in esteem by the people, were scattered. In this 
 confusion, Shahi Beg Khan, after much suffering and wandering, 
 being driven to extremity by want, went to Mavara-un-Nahr, where 
 Sultan Ahmad Mirza, son of Sultan Abu Said Mirza, was re’gning. 
 Sultan Ahmad Mirza was a powerful king, and had round him Amirs 
 of such dignity and pretensions that they aimed at having kings 
 in their service. One of these Amirs was Amir Abdul-Ali Tarkhan, 
 Governor of Bokhara. Shahi Beg Khan became his vassal, and 
 was entered as one of his retainers. In like manner several other 
 Sultans entered his service. From this circumstance, an estimate 
 may be formed of the splendour and dignity of Sultan Ahmad 
 Mirza. As long as Sultan Ahmad Mirza remained in the bonds of 
 this life, Shahi Beg Khan stayed in the service of Abdul-Ali Tar¬ 
 khan. The Mirza and Abdul-Ali Tarkhan died at about the same 
 time, after which Shahi Beg Khan went to Turkistan and sought 
 the protection and favour of Sultan Mahmud Khan, who did not 
 deny him what support and assistance lay in his power to give, 
 till finally, by means of the aid afforded him by the Khan, Shahi 
 Beg Khan took possession of Samarkand and Bokhara. Then the 
 number of his troops rose from two or three hundred to 50,000; 
 
167 
 
 History of Shdhi Beg Khan . 
 
 or rather to 60,000. From the time of his going to Turkistan, by 
 the help of Sultan Mahmud Khan, his power had increased daily. 
 All the Sultans and Amirs, and other adherents of Abulkhair 
 Khan, who had been wandering aimlessly in the wastes of the 
 Dasht-i-Kipchak, now joined him ; and thus he arrived at power. 
 
 After the reduction of Samarkand and Bokhara, he turned 
 against his own benefactor. Thus was the protector undone by 
 the dependant. When news of this reached the ears of Alacha 
 Khan, he set out from Moghulistan to his brother’s aid. The 
 result, as has been briefly related above, was that he captured and 
 set at liberty the Khan [Mahmud], and took from him as many of 
 the Moghuls as was possible. Thus to his Uzbeg army there were 
 added 30,000 Moghuls. [Verses] .... 
 
 Leaving Tashkand, he did not tarry long in Samarkand, but pro¬ 
 ceeded to ravage Hisar and to besiege Balkh (as has been mentioned). 
 Having passed the winter of 90i) [1503-4] in the siege of Balkh, 
 he went, in the beginning of spring, to Samarkand, and remained a 
 month or two in the open country [Scihdri] round that town. Ho 
 then turned his victorious arms against Andijan. The first year, 
 when he captured the Khan, he did not trouble himself with 
 Tambal or Andijan, being fully occupied in settling the affairs of 
 Tashkand. Moreover, before the conquest of that place, Shaikh 
 Bayazid had hastened fearlessly out to receive him, and had shown 
 him signs of loyalty. Tambal also had proffered him timely 
 assurances of devotion, with all of which he showed himself con¬ 
 tented, and returned that same year. Having thus set his mind 
 at rest with regard to the Moghuls and Tashkand, and having had 
 an opportunity of forming an estimate of the Hisari and the 
 Khorasani, he wished first of all to settle the question of Andijan 
 and Tambal, that he might, with a calm mind, proceed with the 
 reduction of Hisar and the extermination of Khusrau Shah, which 
 was the first step towards the conquest of Khorasan. 
 
 When he reached Marghinan, which is one of the chief towns of 
 Farghana, Tambal abandoned all the forts in Farghana, and col¬ 
 lected a force within the fort of Andijan. On this news being 
 brought to Shahi Beg Khan, he and all his wisest advisers were 
 agreed that this bringing together, into one place, of the troops [of 
 Tambal] only made the conquest easier for them. With all speed, 
 therefore, they hastened to Andijan, and being sure that they 
 should find him, prepared for a siege; it was resolved that Shahi 
 Beg Khan should conduct the siege in person, while the rest of the 
 Sultans should ravage and spoil the country round, seizing the 
 forts and men, and laying waste the whole region. The next 
 year they would return to complete the work of devastation. 
 But the hand of fate seized Tambal by the collar and hastened 
 him to his end. He came out of the fort saying: “ Let us meet 
 
168 History of Shd/ti Beg Khan. 
 
 them in the open field ” ; and he led 10,000 men out of the walls. 
 When Shahi Beg Khan arrived, Tambal, judging of their numbers 
 from the dust they raised, retired. But before he could reach the 
 fort, many of his men had fallen by the edge of the sword, and 
 Tambal and his brothers, broken and terrified, crept into the 
 citadel. It had been decided that that year they should lay waste 
 his territories 1 and then return home, so that the enterprise should 
 be easy the next year. He himself, however, went to meet his 
 fate: and thus the undertaking which was to have been accom¬ 
 plished the year following, was achieved in forty days. When 
 Shahi Beg Khan saw that the fugitives, in terror of their lives, 
 had taken refuge in the fort, he resolved to shut them up and to 
 push the siege vigorously forward. 
 
 After the defeat in Karatigin, my father crossed to the country 
 of the Jagirak. 
 
 The most surprising thing of all was that, although news had 
 reached [Tambal] of the movements of Shahi Beg Khan, instead of 
 making preparations to withstand the advance of Shahi Beg Khan, 
 ho went to attack my father^ in Jagirak. The Jagirak, allying 
 themselves with my father, took up a strong position in the valley 
 of Turuk Sharan. 2 On the arrival of Tambal, fighting began and 
 lasted continuously for three days. I have heard my father say: 
 “ On the third day we had used every means in our power to hold 
 our ground. When night fell we became very thoughtful and 
 distressed, wondering what would become of us if the enemy 
 renewed the attack, for most of our active men had been killed or 
 wounded, and there was no one left. How will it be with us to¬ 
 morrow ? But when day broke we were filled with astonishment 
 and wonder, for on going up to the top of the hill, we saw the 
 army hurrying away with all possible speed, in divisions and 
 detachments. Our joy and gratification knew no bounds, and we 
 immediately sent off some of those who were not wounded, or 
 whose wounds were not mortal, to obtain information. One man 
 was brought in. He said that at midnight some one had brought 
 news [to Tambal] that Shahi Beg Khan had reached Kand Badarn, 
 and on learning this, he had set out without delay. This news 
 caused fresh life and immeasurable joy to spring up in us. We 
 forthwith sent a messenger to Shahi Beg Khan, to say that we had 
 come to that country in great distress, owing to the confusion of 
 times ; that when news of the arrival of the Khan reached us it 
 was as if life \_jdn\ had come to us ; whatever the royal mandate 
 should lay upon us we were ready to perform. Our messenger 
 
 1 That is, the Uzbegs should lay waste Tambat’s territories. 
 
 2 See note 2, p. 1G5. From the position of Jagirak and from what follows, it 
 would appear that Turuk Sharan was in one of the valleys of the north slope of 
 the Alai mountains. It could not have been far to the south and east of Kand - 
 Bad dm. 
 
169 
 
 History of Shahi Deg Khan. 
 
 reached Andijan on the second day of the siege. He was imme¬ 
 diately sent hack to tell us that we were desired to hasten on 
 without delay, and that everything we could hope for or desire 
 would he done for us. We were very apprehensive, but having 
 no other place to go to, and deeming it the most advantageous 
 plan for ourselves, we set out with light hearts. 
 
 “ When I came into the Khan’s presence, he showed me all 
 honour and respect, and received me in the most friendly way, 
 saying to all his Sultans and Amirs: ‘ Muhammad Husain Kurkan 
 is our guest; I expect you all to entertain him as a guest.’ And 
 every day, while the siege was in progress, all the Sultans and 
 Amirs entertained us with feasts and banquets and showed us 
 marked attention. 
 
 “ On the morning of the forty-first day, Tambal mounted to the 
 top of one of the towers and called out with a loud voice : ‘ I am 
 a Mirza, remember my services and the time of our infancy. Tell 
 me what I should do—[and I will do it].’” (Now Tambal was 
 my father’s foster brother.) My father continued: “ Although 
 I had been very badly treated by him, it made my heart sad to see 
 him in this evil plight, and I asked : ‘ Why do you not strengthen 
 the fortress?’ Tambal replied: ‘I cannot continue hostilities; 
 what is to be done ? ’ I answered : ‘ The only hope for the helpless 
 is surrender.’ Timur Sultan was present. Tambal at once came 
 out of the fort with his brothers. He came in confusion and 
 alarm, and threw his arms round my neck. They [the Uzbeg] 
 granted him no respite, but that same hour put them all to the 
 sword. They then closed the gates of the fort, and would not 
 allow any kind of plunder or rapine to be carried on.” 
 
 That country was then given to Jani Beg Sultan, and Shahi 
 Beg, accompanied by my father, retraced his steps and arrived in 
 Samarkand. [There] they spent a few days in military prepara¬ 
 tions, after which they set out to attack Khusrau Shah. On 
 reaching Ilisar, they found the fort defended by Shiram Cliahra, 
 a dependant of Khusrau Shah. Shahi Beg Khan conducted the 
 siege in person, but after a few da)’s Shiram Chahra begged for 
 quarter, and coming out, surrendered the fort. The Khan, 
 observing his promise, 1 let Shiram go. Shiram stayed for a time 
 among the followers of the Khan, and many who had formerly 
 been attached to him, now rejoined him. 
 
 It is not known how it came about, but the same day that the 
 Khan began, personally, to lay siege to Hisar, he also sent a 
 mandate to Mahmud Sultan, ordering him to take as many men 
 from the army as he wanted, and to advance on Kunduz. 
 
 Khusrau Shah for a long time past had been tilling Kunduz 
 with stores, provisions and treasure, and had proclaimed that he 
 1 A promise to give quarter seems to be implied. 
 
170 
 
 History of Shahi Beg Khan. 
 
 had supplies enough to last him for twenty years. If all else 
 should fail [he said] we shall, at least, be able to remain inside the 
 fort for twenty years, dead or alive. 
 
 While he was busy with this vain boasting, news came that 
 Shahi Beg Khan was laying siege to Hisar, and that Mahmud 
 Sultan was crossing the River Amuya. 1 That same hour, abandon¬ 
 ing all his stores, he packed up whatever he could, and in the 
 utmost confusion and disorder, set out for the hills, hoping there 
 to find a refuge. A few days later, Mahmud Sultan entered 
 Kunduz, where I myself happened to be, with my sisters and 
 my younger brother. It has been stated already, that a marriage 
 connection had been formed between my father and Sultanim 
 Begum, and after the above related circumstances, we were 
 carried off to Kunduz. During our sojourn there, Sultanim Begum 
 gave birth to a son, named Abdullah, whose history will be told 
 in various connections. My father had accompanied Mahmud 
 Sultan, for the greatest intimacy existed between them. The 
 reason for this was as follows. In his earlier days, Shahi Beg 
 Khan had made every possible effort to obtain supreme power, 
 and was bound by no promises or agreements. Whenever an 
 occasion offered he pushed his ambitious projects: if he was 
 successful he would say: “ It was God’s will ”; if he failed he 
 was always ready with a thousand excuses and pretexts. In this 
 way, frequent misunderstandings arose between him and Sultan 
 Mahmud Khan. The wonder is that in every instance, his pretext, 
 such as it was, should have been accepted. It would be tedious to 
 enter here into the details of this matter, which will be given in 
 the First Part [ Tarihh-i-Asl]. I will, however, give one instance 
 in this place. Shahi Beg was then in Turkistan at the height of 
 favour and prosperity, when Sultan Mahmud Khan led an army 
 against Tambal. After three days’ march, in consequence of some 
 untoward events (mentioned in the Tarikli-i-Asl) his projects 
 were frustrated and he marched back again. All the Amirs who 
 had come from [beyond] the frontiers to join the army, now 
 returned and settled down again within their own territories. 
 
 1 The ancient town of Amuya or Amol stood some three or four miles from the 
 left hank of the Oxus, on the road from Merv to Bokhara. According to the 
 Arab geographers followed by Sprenger, the distance from Merv was calculated 
 at 36 farsalths, and from Bokhara at 19 f. by one authority and 22 f. by another. 
 The ferry crossed to Ferebr (Farab) on the right bank, a name still extant on 
 modern maps, near Gharjui, which latter place, indeed, represents the ancient 
 Amuya. The name of the river— Amu —is said by some of the Arab writers to 
 have been derived from that of the town, but possibly this statement should bo 
 reversed. The Chinese travellers of the Mongol period called the river, Amu and 
 An-bu. In the Turki MSS. used for this translation, by Mr. Ross, Amur is written 
 where Amuya stands in the Persian. The addition of the letter r is not, however, 
 unfrequent in Turki renderings of foreign names, as remarked in note 3, p. 136 
 above, on Ursang . (See Sprenger, pp. 16 and 17, and map I. Brctschneider ii., 
 
 p. 62.) 
 
History of Shahi Beg Khan. ij i 
 
 When news of the Khan’s expedition reached Shahi Beg Khan 
 in Turkistan, he at once placed the foot of ambition in the stirrup 
 of enterprise, and marched to attack Tashkand. He sent Mahmud 
 Sultan against Sairam, which in old books is called Isbijab, 1 but 
 while on his road he learnt that the Khan had returned. He 
 instantly sent a messenger to say that his Highness had set out 
 to punish his rebellious vassal Tambal, while he had come to 
 protect Tashkand, and [the Khan’s] family and household. (Though 
 except himself there was no one to hurt them.) Hearing of his 
 Highness’s return to his capital, he had also returned, and, in 
 effect, he did go back to Turkistan. He moreover despatched swift 
 messengers to Mahmud Sultan, enjoining him, likewise, to molest 
 no place, but to return. But before the messengers could arrive, 
 Mahmud Sultan, supposing Sairam to be unprotected, had begun 
 to plunder. The Governor of Sairam was Amir Ahmad, one of 
 the Itaraji Amirs, and uncle of Tambal, but unlike bis nephew, 
 he was a worthy man and a devoted servant to Sultan Mahmud 
 Khan. He went out to check Mahmud Sultan, and the two 
 forces met, when Mahmud Sultan was seized and brought bound 
 before the Khan. The Khan sent for my father, who, on his 
 arrival, begged that the prisoner’s life might be spared; therefore 
 he [Mahmud] was treated with great kindness and then allowed 
 to depart. On this account a very close intimacy and warm friend¬ 
 ship sprang up between my father and Mahmud Sultan. He 
 accompanied Mahmud Sultan to Kunduz, and there caused us to 
 rejoin his own party; thus our families and households arrived 
 at Shahr-i-Sabz, a town which Shahi Beg Khan had given to my 
 father as a fief. From the time of the return from Balkh to that 
 now mentioned, only one spring had elapsed. At the beginning 
 of the winter, Shahi Beg Khan set out against Khwarizm, while 
 my father fled into Khorasan. 
 
 In this place, for the proper understanding of what followed, it 
 
 1 Isbijab, or Asbijab , is a name frequently employed by the early Arabian 
 geographers. It has been thought by some modern writers to be the old name 
 for Chimkend, but here is a distinct statement that Sairam is its modern repre¬ 
 sentative. The present Sairam lies only some seven or eight miles distant from 
 Chimliend ; but Sir H. Yule gives reasons for believing that the town of that 
 name mentioned by authors in the fifteenth century, stood some distance farther 
 cast. He notices that Hulagu, on his march to Persia in the thirteenth century, 
 reached Sairam the second day after passing Talas — i.e. Taraz; also that 
 Rashid-ud-Din speaks of an ancient city of vast size called Kari-Sairam , near 
 Talas. Sir H. Yule does not mention the date to which Rashid-ud-Din refers, 
 and the book he quotes is, I regret, not accessible to me. If, however, the city 
 was ancient in Rashid-ud-Din’s time (end of thirteenth century), it is just possible 
 that the modern Sairam may have been in existence at the time of Mirza Haidar’s 
 history. The distance between the modern Sairam and Aulia-Ata (which, as we 
 have seen, was about on the site of Taraz) is as nearly as possible 110 miles, or 
 about five ordinary marches in that country. Thus, if the older Sairam lay two 
 marches westward of Taraz, the distance between it and the modern town would 
 not be great. (See Yule’s Cathay, p. cc. Kostenko’s Turkistan, ii., p. 23). 
 
172 
 
 Birth of Bdbar Padishah, 
 
 will be necessary to give some account of Babar Padishah and 
 Sultan Said Khan. Some further details will, God willing, be 
 given in the First Part. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 BIRTH AND PARENTAGE OF BABAR PADISHAH: HIS CONNECTION WITH 
 THE MOGHULS ; AND HIS EARLY HISTORY. 
 
 There existed anciently, between the Chaghatai and the Moghuls, 
 a bitter enmity. Moreover, from the time of Amir Timur till that 
 of Sultan Abu Said Mirza, some one of the race of Chaghatai Khan, 
 son of Chingiz Khan, had always been placed on the royal throne, 
 and was honoured with the title of King, in spite of the fact that 
 he was [in reality] a prisoner, as one may gather from the royal 
 mandates. When it came to the turn of Sultan Abu Said Mirza to 
 reign, this king discarded the old custom; Yunus Khan was sum¬ 
 moned from Shiraz, and was sent into Mogliulistan to oppose his 
 brother Isiin Bugha Khan. But in this Epitome there is no space 
 for an account of the removal of the Khan to Shiraz, of the 
 Khanship of Isan Bugha Khan, or of the reign of Sultan Abu Said 
 Mirza. 1 
 
 To be brief, Sultan Abu Said Mirza said to Yunus Khan: “ The 
 old order of things has been changed; you must now lay aside all 
 your [former] pretensions: that is to say, the royal mandates will 
 be issued in the name of this dynasty [tabaka], and henceforth 
 there must be friendship between us, and a bond of union.” 
 
 When Yunus Khan came to Mogliulistan, he, after thirty years 
 of hardship and suffering, got the upper hand of Isan Bugha 
 Khan, as will be briefly related in connection with the history of 
 Sultan Said Khan and Mirza Aba Bakr. 
 
 The noble mind of Yunus Khan was thus set at rest; Sultan 
 Abu Said Mirza changed an old enemy into a new friend. Yunus 
 Khan was desirous of making a return for his kindness, and [said 
 to himself]: “ Perhaps in the same way that he has changed an old 
 enemy into a new friend, I will change a friend into a relation.” 
 To this end, he gave to the three sons of Mirza Sultan Abu Said 
 (namely, Sultan Ahmad Mirza, Sultan Mahmud Mirza, and Omar 
 Shaikh Mirza) three of his daughters in marriage ; the names of 
 
 1 The main facts regarding Yunus’ exile in Persia have been noticed at 
 pp. 74 and 84-5 ; while some remarks concerning the Khanship of Isan Bugha II. 
 will be found in the Introduction, Sec. ii. 
 
and his Early History . 
 
 173 
 
 these three daughters being Milir Nigar Khanim, Sultan Nigar 
 Khanim, and Kutluk Nigar Khanim. (These have all been 
 already mentioned.) 
 
 As Farghana, the country of Omar Shaikh, was situated on the 
 borders of Moghulistan, [Yunus Khan] became more intimate and 
 friendly with him than with either of his brothers: indeed, the 
 Khan made no distinction between him and his own children, and 
 whenever they pleased they used to come and go between each 
 other’s countries and residences, demanding no ceremony, but 
 being satisfied with whatever was at hand. 
 
 On the occasion of the birth of Babar Padishah, a messenger was 
 sent to bear the good tidings to Yunus Khan, who came from 
 Moghulistan and spent some time with [Omar Shaikh]. When the 
 child’s head was shaved, everyone gave feasts and entertainments. 
 Never were two kings known to be on such terms of intimacy as 
 were Yunus Khan and Omar Shaikh Mirza, In short, the Padishah 
 was born on the 6th of Moharram of the year 888. Maulana 
 Munir Marghinani, one of the Ulamas of Ulugh Beg Mirza, 
 discovered the date in the [numerical value of the letters] of 
 Shash Moharram. They begged his Holiness to choose a name for 
 the child, and he blessed him with the name of Zahir-ud-Din 
 Muhammad. 
 
 At that time the Chaghatai were very rude and uncultured 
 [huzurg], and not refined [ bazari ] as they are now; thus they 
 found Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad difficult to pronounce, and for 
 this reason gave him the name of Babar. In the public prayers 
 [, Ichutba ] and in royal mandates he is always styled ‘ Zahir-ud-Din 
 Babar Muhammad,’ but he is best known by the name of Babar 
 Padishah. His genealogy [is as follows]. Omar Shaikh Kurkan, 
 son of Sultan Abu Said Kurkan, son of Sultan Muhammad Mirza, 
 son of Minin Shah Mirza, son of Amir Timur Kurkan. And on 
 the mother’s side: Kutluk Nigar Khanim, daughter of Yunus 
 Khan, son of Yais Khan, son of Shir Ali Khan, son of Muhammad 
 Khan, son of Khizir Khwaja Khan, son of Tugliluk Timur Khan. 
 This prince was adorned with various virtues, and clad with 
 numberless good qualities, above all of which bravery and humanity 
 had the ascendant. In the composition of Turki poetry he was 
 second only to Amir Ali Shir. He has written a Divan, in the 
 purest and most lucid Turki. He invented a style of verse called 
 “ Mubaiyan,” and was the author of a most useful treatise on 
 Jurisprudence, which has been adopted generally. He also wrote 
 a tract on Turki Prosody, superior in elegance to any other, and 
 put into verse the Basala-i-Vdlidiyyah of his Holiness. Then 
 there is his VaJcdi 1 or Turki History, which is written in a simple, 
 
 1 The “Memoirs” of Baber. It is interesting to notice that about ten years 
 after Baber’s death, his Memoirs were in the hands of Mirza Haidar. Baber died 
 
1^4 Birth of Bdbar Padishah , 
 
 unaffected, and yet very pure style. (Some of the stories from 
 that work will be reproduced here.) He excelled in music and 
 other arts. In fact, no one in his family before him ever possessed 
 such talents as his. Nor did any of his race ever perform such 
 wonderful exploits, or experience such strange adventures, as did 
 he. He was twelve years of age when his father, Omar Shaikh 
 Mirza, died. In his VaTcai, which, though in Turki, is written 
 in very elegant and florid style, he says : “ On Monday, the 4th of 
 Ramazan, Omar Shaikh Mirza having flown from the top of the 
 precipice with his pigeon and his pigeon-house, became a falcon, at 
 the age of thirty-nine.” 1 This occurred in the year 899, and after 
 his father’s death Babar Padishah was raised to the throne, being, 
 at that time, twelve years of age. There was so much dissension 
 between Baisanghar Mirza and Sultan Ali Mirza (the sons of 
 Sultan Mahmud, son of Sultan Abu Said), 2 that neither of them 
 had strength enough to protect Samarkand. When information of 
 this [state of affairs] reached Andijan, the Emperor set out to 
 attack Samarkand. Although the Mirzas had become very weak, 
 they offered him stout resistance; but finally, Baisanghar having 
 no power left, abandoned the town and fled towards Hisar, where 
 he was put to death by Khusrau Shah (as already mentioned). 
 The Emperor took Samarkand, and cpiartered in it as many of the 
 troops of Andijan as was possible, while the rest returned to 
 Andijan, some with his permission, some without. 
 
 On the arrival of Tambal, of whom we have spoken, he, in con¬ 
 junction with some other Amirs, set Jahangir Mirza, younger 
 brother of the Emperor, upon the throne. 
 
 The Chief Judge [Kazi] of Andijan, a very pious and religious 
 man, who had done everything in his power to forward the 
 
 in 937 a.h. (26 Dec. 1530), and Mirza Haidar was in India from about 943 to 947. 
 It was probably at this time, therefore, that he acquired a copy of his cousin’s 
 Memoirs. The pity is that he says nothing to enlighten us regarding the gaps, 
 or lost chapters, in the Memoirs. 
 
 1 Baber, in his Memoirs, describes his father’s death. After mentioning that 
 Akhsi, where Omar Shaikh lived, “ is situated on a steep precipice, on the 
 very edge of which some of its buildings are raised,” he continues, according to 
 Erskine’s translation (p. 7): “ Omar Shaikh Mirza was precipitated from the 
 top of the steep, with bis pigeons and pigeon-house, and took his flight to the 
 other world.” In Pavet de Courteille’s translation from the Turki, the passage 
 stands: “ Se changea en faucon” (i. p. 11). The allusion to a “falcon” in this 
 connection, I cannot explain. 
 
 2 In the very detailed table of the descendants of Timur, given by Prof. Blocli- 
 mann, in Yol. I. of the Ain-i-Ahbari, the name of Sultan Ali does not appear 
 among the sons of Sultan Mahmud Mirza. Only three sons are entered there— 
 viz., Baisanghar Mirza, Masud Mirza, and Khan Mirza; but we know that the 
 last of these had also another name—that of Sultan Yais Mirza, which does not 
 appear in Prof. Blochmann’s table. It is possible, therefore, that Ali may have 
 been a second name of one of the two other brothers, but as this is merely a 
 coujecture, I have added the name of Ali to the abbreviated table of Timuri 
 attached to this volume. (See note, p. 203). 
 
and his Early History. 
 
 175 
 
 Emperor’s interests, was wantonly put to death. A short time 
 before the murder of the Kazi, the adherents of the Emperor had 
 strengthened and defended the fort of Andijan, and had sent 
 letters of entreaty [to the Emperor], representing that if he did 
 not come quickly, Andijan would fall, and that after it Samarkand 
 would also succumb. On receiving these letters, the Emperor left 
 Samarkand, and set out for Andijan. On reaching Khojand, how¬ 
 ever, news was brought him that the enemy had won the day. 
 The Emperor, having left one place, and lost the other, was 
 greatly perplexed, and betook himself to his uncle, Sultan Mahmud 
 Khan. 
 
 The Emperor’s mother, and her mother, Isan Daulat Begum, 
 went to their son and sister. This sister was my mother. On 
 this account the Emperor, also, stayed in our country. His hosts 
 exerted themselves to the utmost on his behalf, and after many 
 severe hardships, after many victories and defeats, the Emperor 
 once more became ruler of Samarkand. He fought many battles 
 with rival claimants for Samarkand, and experienced both victory 
 and defeat. At length he was besieged, and when all his power of 
 resistance had gone, he gave his sister, Khanzada Begum, to Shahi 
 Beg Khan, and making some kind of treaty, left Samarkand, 
 which thus fell again into the hands of Shahi Beg Khan. It 
 would be very tedious were I to relate all the details; however, to 
 be brief, the Emperor [again] repaired to his uncle. Having 
 given up all idea of [regaining] Samarkand, he determined to 
 secure Andijan. The Khans also, having bound the girdle of 
 endeavour round the waist of fatherly love, exerted themselves to 
 the utmost to take Andijan, that they might give it to the 
 Emperor, with the result which has been mentioned above. After 
 the last battle, in which the Khans fell into the hands of Shahi 
 Beg Khan, the Emperor fled to the hills on the south of the country 
 of Farghana, where he underwent many hardships and innumerable 
 misfortunes. Moreover, his mother was with him, as were also 
 most of his servants, together with the family and children. In 
 that journey (and verily, as the Prophet himself said, “Travelling 
 is a foretaste of Hell ”) they all suffered great hardships, and with 
 difficulty reached, at length, the territory of Hisar, which is the 
 capital of Khusrau Shah, hoping that they might participate in 
 the humanity for which he was renowned. But he, like the 
 heavens, changed, and averting the face of compassion, turned 
 the back of unkindness towards that master of benevolence. But 
 beyond this he did not do them any injury. And thus, in the 
 same state of dejection, affliction, apprehension, and evasion, they 
 passed on towards Ghuri and Baklan. When they reached this 
 quarter, the back of their strength being broken, and the foot of 
 vigour being bound, they tarried for a few days. 
 
176 
 
 Bdbar PadishaJi s Early History ♦ 
 
 How often in misfortune is there a hidden blessing! Although 
 waiting in that place was a cause of great affliction to them, it 
 turned out most providentially, and in a way which the most far¬ 
 sighted person could not have foreseen. For at this very crisis, the 
 advance of the standards of Shahi Beg Ivhan on Hisar, and the 
 approach towards Kunduz of the drums of Mahmud Sultan, caused 
 the boasting Khusrau Shah to desert his kingdom, as has been 
 related above. He, too, fled to the hills of Ghuri; and on his 
 arrival there, learnt that the Emperor was still among the moun¬ 
 tains. That same night his servants and retinue, both great 
 and small, from the Mir to the groom, all flocked to the court of 
 the Emperor. Khusrau Shah saw nothing left for it but to hasten 
 also to offer his services. Yet this man had put out the eyes of 
 one of the Emperor’s cousins, Sultan Masud Mirza, and had brought 
 Masud’s brother, Baisanghar Mirza, to the bier, after having raised 
 him to the throne ; also, at the time when the Emperor had arrived 
 on his frontier, he had, with extreme harshness, ordered him to 
 quit the country. 
 
 Moreover, Mirza Khan, a younger brother of the cruelly-treated 
 Mirzas, whose father and mother were both closely connected with 
 the Emperor’s father and mother, had shared in all the Emperor’s 
 sufferings and trials in the mountains, and was at this time with 
 him. When Khusrau Shah arrived in the Emperor’s presence, 
 Mirza Khan petitioned that he might be put to death, by way of 
 retaliation for his treatment of his [Mirza Khan’s] two brothers. 
 The Emperor, whose natural disposition was a humane one, said 
 to Mirza Khan : “ It would be a pity, a thousand pities, to compare 
 two good angels with this devil of a king, and to such purpose 
 did he pierce the pearls of love with the diamond of mercy, that at 
 last he caused Mirza Khan to desist from his demand and be satis¬ 
 fied. When Khusrau Shah looked upon the Emperor and Mirza 
 Khan, the forehead of his folly became moist with the perspiration 
 of shame, but the Emperor wiped it clean with the sleeve of forgive¬ 
 ness and the skirt of pardon. When the audience was terminated, 
 the Emperor commanded the treasurers to take back all the pro¬ 
 perty, treasure, horses, etc., which they had brought to him, just 
 as they were, although he had only one horse suitable to his rank, 
 and that was used also by his mother. From this an idea may be 
 formed of what necessaries [he had at his command]. He ordered 
 that none of [Khusrau’s] effects should be confiscated. Although 
 the Emperor was very needy, he would not take any of the presents, 
 but gave him back all his arms and treasures untouched, and 
 declined all that was offered. This is one trait out of a thousand, 
 in the Emperor’s character. Khusrau Shah, having obtained per¬ 
 mission to go to Khorasan, separated from the Emperor, and pro¬ 
 ceeded to his destination. It is astonishing that, with such a force as 
 
177 
 
 Stoiy of Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 he had, he did not attempt to defend his own State. Having got 
 some help from Khorasan, he went and attacked Kunduz, where 
 he was put to death without much ado. Verily the murder of a 
 master, or a master’s son, is a portentous deed! 
 
 The Emperor, in one night, became master of 20,000 men, 
 together with great Amirs, such as Baki Chaghaniani, 1 Sultan 
 Ahmad Karaul, Baki Nila Furush and others, who took office under 
 him. 
 
 [Having made the necessary preparations] they set out against 
 Kabul. After the death of the Emperor’s uncle, Ulugh Beg 
 Mirza of Kabul, Mukim, son of Zunnun 2 Arghun, one of the 
 Mirzas of Sultan Husain, had taken possession of Kabul. Imme¬ 
 diately on the arrival of the Emperor, he went out to oppose him, 
 but seeing the enemy’s superior numbers, hefted back and prepared 
 to defend himself in the fort of Kabul. At length, being unable 
 to hold out, he begged for quarter and surrendered the fort. 
 Faithful to his agreement, the Emperor allowed him to proceed to 
 Kandahar, with all his effects and followers. From that date, 
 909, to the present date, 948, Kabul has remained in the hands of 
 the Emperor and his descendants. 
 
 Having brought down my history to this point, it is time to 
 turn to the proceedings of Sultan Said Khan; also to those of my 
 father, of his journey to Khorasan, and of his relations with the 
 Emperor. The first part will be given briefly, and the latter part 
 in detail. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 BEGINNING OF THE STORY OF SULTAN SAID KIIAN, SON OF SULTAN 
 AHMAD KHAN, SON OF SULTAN YUNUS KHAN, AND THE SUFFERINGS 
 AND HARDSHIPS HE ENDURED AT THE OUTSET OF HIS CAREER. 
 
 [Here follows a somewhat lengthy dissertation on the advantages 
 of misfortune, into which is introduced an anecdote in verse 
 concerning Moses, taken from the “ Salsalat-uz-Zaliab ” or “Golden 
 
 1 The texts differ here. The Turki MS. has Kalglian Chdghdtai in the place 
 of Baki Chaghaniani. The latter name, however, is certainly correct, as is 
 evident from a reference to Baber’s memoirs (pp. 128, seqq.), where these transac¬ 
 tions are set forth. Baki of Chaghanian was a younger brother of Khusrau Shah, 
 and is described by Baber as “ a man of much weight.” The country of Chag- 
 lidnian, it may be remarked, was situated on the middle and upper courses of the 
 Surkhan and Kafirnahan rivers. The name is now obsolete. 
 
 2 Usually written Zulnun. For an account of his life and lineage, see Erskine’s 
 History, i., pp. 202 seqq. 
 
 N 
 
i 7 8 
 
 Story of Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 Chain ” of Abd-urrahman Jami, and also an account, in prose, of 
 the Education of Nushirivan the Just.] Wherever in this Epitome 
 the Khan , in an absolute sense, is mentioned, Sultan Said Khan is 
 meant. 2 This Khan had many wonderful adventures. As one of 
 the chief objects of this Epitome is to set forth the virtue and 
 ability of the Khan, I shall enter into detail. 
 
 His most noble lineage has already been given. From the time 
 of his birth to the age of fourteen, he spent his days under the fond 
 care and kind protection of his father. When he reached the age 
 of fourteen, his father, Sultan Ahmad Khan, better known as 
 Alacha, wished to go to the assistance of his elder brother, Sultan 
 Mahmud Khan. He therefore appointed his eldest son, Mansur 
 Khan, to fill his place on the throne, and took with him to 
 Tashkand, two sons who were younger than Mansur Khan, namely, 
 Sultan Said Khan and Babajak Sultan. The Khan was with 
 his father at the battle of Akhsi, in which the Khans were captured, 
 as has been mentioned. When the army was thrown into disorder 
 and eveiy man was trying to save his own life, the Khan also took 
 flight, but at that moment he was struck in the thigh by an arrow, 
 which, piercing his armour, struck the bone. As his father’s army 
 was routed he had no means of escape. Some men of the district 
 captured him, and as he was, at the time, unable to walk, they 
 refrained from carrying him as a present to anybody, but took care 
 of him for a few days. 
 
 Shahi Beg Khan returned in haste to settle his affairs in Tashkand. 
 By the time the Khan had recovered his strength, Shaikh Bayazid 
 had taken upon himself the government of Akhsi. The Khan, as 
 soon as he was sufficiently recovered to be moved, was brought 
 before him, and by his orders was thrown into prison, where he 
 remained a whole year. 
 
 When Shahi Beg Khan arrived [in Tashkand] he seized and put 
 to death Tambal, and gave the government of Andijan to Jani Beg 
 Sultan. When this latter came to Akhsi, the Khan was brought 
 before him. Jani Beg Sultan recommended him to the favour of 
 Shahi Beg Khan, who received him with compassion, kept him in 
 his fatherly care, and denied him nothing. He, moreover, took the 
 Khan with him on the expedition in which he conquered Hisar and 
 Kunduz. 
 
 I have heard the Khan relate, in terms of wonder and admira¬ 
 tion, that when Shahi Beg Khan had conquered Hisar, news was 
 brought of the taking of Kunduz by Mahmud Sultan. Slnihi Beg 
 Khan, having entrusted Hisar to Hamza Sultan and Chaghanian to 
 
 1 It is to be regretted that the author does not carry out his intention in tins 
 matter. In many places he forgets himself, and calls other Khans “ the Khan,” 
 thereby causing some confusion. To make matters clear, I have usually had to 
 insert the full name on these occasions. 
 
1 79 
 
 Story of Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 Mahdi Sultan, 1 set out quietly on his return. “As the pass of 
 Darband-i-Ahanin [The Iron Gate] was very difficult [continued 
 the Khan], and as the army was much burdened with booty, they 
 made the journey, farsdlch after farsdhh , by way of Buy a and 
 Tirmiz. While the victorious army was encamped at Buya, I was 
 sitting once, at midday, in the royal tent [majlis]. The hour for 
 the assembly had not yet arrived, and only a few of the king’s 
 intimates were present, when somebody with a terrified coun¬ 
 tenance and wild appearance came in great haste, and laid a letter 
 at the foot of the royal throne. As [Shahi Beg] perused the contents 
 of this letter a great change came over him, and before he had 
 finished reading it, he rose up and went in to his haram, giving 
 orders for his horse to be brought. He remained for some time in 
 the haram; but after midday prayers came out again and mounted 
 his horse. He was attended by a great number of people. Then 
 it was made known that Mahmud Sultan bad died a natural death 
 in Kunduz, and that his body was on the way [to the camp]. 
 When Shahi Beg Khan had got some distance away, we saw a 
 great crowd in pitch-black clothes, such as captives wear. Having 
 placed the bier upon the ground, they drew up in two lines behind 
 it. When [Shahi Beg Khan] saw this, he made a sign for all the 
 Sultans and others to dismount and follow in his train. These, 
 having obeyed, began to raise cries of grief and lamentation, and 
 we, in the camp, also commenced to utter moans and wailings. 
 When those attending the bier approached, he ordered all who 
 were with him to draw up in a line, while he himself rode forward 
 until his horse’s head was just above the bier; he then gave a sign 
 for everyone to keep silence, and thereupon those who were with 
 him ceased from rending their garments and tearing their beards. 
 He then called one of the Amirs of Mahmud Sultan, and said to 
 him such things as are usual on occasions of condolence. After 
 this he remained silent for a while, never showing the slightest 
 change in his countenance, nor shedding a tear. At the end of an 
 hour he raised his head and said : ‘ The death of Mahmud is a good 
 thing: men have been wont to say that the power of Shahi Beg 
 Khan was upheld by Mahmud: let it now be known that Shahi 
 Beg Khan was in no way whatever dependent upon Mahmud. Carry 
 him away now, and bury him.’ Having said this, he turned away, 
 and all present were astounded at his boldness and composure.” 
 
 The death of Mahmud Sultan was a great loss to the Moghuls, 
 for he was, in every respect, a thorough Moghul [and they recalled 
 all he had done for them]. 
 
 1 These two Uzbeg chiefs lmd formerly been in Baber’s service, but had 
 deserted him to join his enemy Shahi Beg. Afterwards, at the battle of the Iron 
 Gate (91G a.h. = 1510 a.d. —after Shahi Beg’s death) they fell into Baber’s hands 
 and were put to death. (Erskine, Hist., i., pp. 145, 309 aud 315). 
 
 N 2 
 
I So Story of Sultan Said Khan . 
 
 When Shahi Beg Khan reached Samarkand, Shah Begum 
 arrived from Moghulistan. The details are briefly these: Shah 
 Begum was the mother of the Khans, was daughter of Shah 
 Sultan Mahmud, King of Badaklishan, and of the race of Iskandar 
 Zulkarnain. She had accompanied her son, Sultan Mahmud 
 Khan, into Moghulistan. But those base advisers, of whom I 
 have already spoken, provoked a quarrel between the mother and 
 her son—a son who had been so obedient to her, that he had never 
 even mounted for a ride without her permission. Between these 
 two, they contrived to raise the dust of vexation and wrath. For 
 they—cunning advisers that they were—decided to send Shall 
 Begum to Shahi Beg Khan to solicit a country for herself, because 
 she found living in Moghulistan distasteful. Such was the 
 impracticable mission upon which they sent Shah Begum. Now, 
 as the Begum was a very sensible woman, she went under this 
 pretext, and thus left her son, before those base advisers could 
 bring about an open rupture, which would cause endless scandal 
 and reproach to herself. The rumour was that she had gone to 
 entreat [Shahi Beg Khan], while she was [in reality] in Samarkand 
 enjoying the company of her children. 
 
 At this same time [Shahi Beg Khan] led an army into 
 Khwarizm, and my father fled to Khorasan, as shall be presently 
 related. 
 
 The Khan told me: “ After the Mirza’s flight we were so 
 overcome with apprehension, that sixteen of us having banded 
 together, we fled from Samarkand, and journeyed by way of Kliutuk 
 and Kara Tukai to Sairam. Thence we went on to Moghulistan 
 by way of Uzun Ahmad, and arrived at Haft Deh, which is better 
 known as Yatikand, 1 where Sultan Mahmud Khan was living at 
 
 1 This name has occurred several times already (see pp. 87 and note, 130, etc.), 
 but has been subject, in the texts, to many different readings, such as Batikand, 
 Banikand, Yanilcand, etc., etc. Here, at last, we have in the Persian translation 
 of it, which the author himself gives as Haft-Deli, a distinct guide to Yatikand, 
 the Turki(asHaft Deh is the Persian)equivalent for “ seven villages,” or “seven 
 towns.” But though he has thus fixed the name for his readers, he still leaves 
 them in the dark as to the situation of Yatikand. In the passage under note, he 
 appears to regard it as lying within Moghulistan—and probably at some distance 
 within it—for Sairam (either old or new, see note, p. 171) must have been near 
 the frontier, and he mentions Uzun Ahmad (a place I cannot trace though, see 
 below) as situated on the road between the two. As the party had come from 
 Samarkand— i.e. from the south-west—they were journeying probably towards no 
 point south of Sairam. We have, therefore, to look for Yatikand, according to 
 the indication in this passage, somewhere to the east or north-east of Sairam. 
 But at p. 87 the author says Yatikand was on the confines, or in the terri¬ 
 tory, or even suburbs, of Andijan (az nahiyat i Andijan); and he appears 
 always to mean the town or district of Andijan alone, when he uses that name, 
 and not the province to which the town belonged. The latter he always speaks 
 of as Farghana. Thus, according to this indication, Yatikand would have to be 
 sought to the south or south-east of Sairam. In modern times the province of 
 Farghana came to be called Andijan, and the only solution of the discrepancy 
 which I can suggest is that perhaps Mirza Haidar, in one instance, has also used 
 
Story of Sultan Said Khan . 181 
 
 the time.” It has been already related that after the death of 
 Sultan Ahmad Khan, Sultan Mahmud Khan came into Moghul¬ 
 istan. The latter was a weakly prince and very lax and careless 
 in the affairs of State. 
 
 Now Moghulistan is a country which does not admit of any 
 such negligence and callousness in its administration, and for this 
 reason Sultan Mahmud Khan was not able to remain there long, 
 but came, with a desire to live a civilised life, to Yatikand, where 
 there is [indeed] some cultivation. When he had been there a 
 short time, the Khan went and attached himself to his uncle, 
 Sultan Mahmud Khan. The Khan passed some time in the 
 service of his uncle; but he was an energetic and enterprising 
 man, and being unable to endure the negligence and indolence of 
 his uncle, he fled from his court. Sultan Mahmud Khan sent a 
 party after him to bring him back. After three days’ march ho 
 was overtaken, when a fight ensued. In the heat of the action, a 
 certain Maksud Ali, one of the courtiers of Sultan Mahmud Khan 
 (and a man skilled in instrumental music and singing), displayed 
 great valour, and the Khan seeing that the brunt of the battle 
 was supported by him, rode up to attack him. Thereupon Maksud 
 Ali turned and fled, but while retreating faced round and shot an 
 
 Andijan to denote the entire province. For this reason I have made the transla¬ 
 tion of “ az nahiyat ” read “on the confines”—a reading which, at any rate, 
 points to a position within Moghulistan. If this suggestion be accepted, Yatikand, 
 or Haft-Deli, would have stood probably iu the south-western extremity of 
 Moghulistan, and on the northern slopes of the range which forms the limit 
 of the valley of the Sir; or possibly near the more westerly of the head streams 
 of the Talas river, and thus not very far distant from Taraz. When (on p. 131) 
 the author speaks of the Khan passing on from Yatikand to Moghulistan to visit 
 his brother Khalil, it should be remembered that Khalil was at that time chief 
 of the Kirghiz only, and that the Kirghiz tribe did not occupy the whole of 
 Moghulistan. In all probability, therefore, that passage may read: “ went 
 farther on into Moghulistan.” 
 
 It is somewhat strange that we should have no better cue for fixing the position 
 of Yatikand, for it was evidently, about the period in question, a place of some 
 importance. It may be worth while to remark that its identification has been 
 somewhat embarrassed by the application, on Arrowsmith’s map of 1878, of the 
 word Itilcent to a district of Kurama, in the angle formed by the Sir near Khojand. 
 I do not know on what authority the name, so located, rests. The district in question 
 is practically that of the modern Kurama itself—between the river and the hills, 
 and almost exactly opposite Khojand. In this locality, however, the Yatikand of 
 our history cannot be sought: it is, in the first place, a quarter which lay altogether 
 outside of Moghulistan, while secondly, no traveller making for it from Samar¬ 
 kand could have taken Sairam on his road. Itilcent, as placed by Arrowsmith, 
 must have belonged either to the province of Shank ( i.e. Taslikand ) or to Farghana; 
 and was in one of the most thickly-populated and highly-cultivated parts of 
 Central Asia, while this could not have been the case with Yatikand, as is 
 evident from the narrative. As regards Uzun Ahmad, Kostenko in his itineraries, 
 mentions a stream of that name in the mountains between the Bish-Tdsh pass and 
 Katmdn-tipa, more than 100 miles in a direct line to the south-east of Aulia-Ata 
 (Taraz), and consequently too far in the same direction to suit the narrative, or to 
 point iu any way towards Sairam, old or new. (See Turkistan, ii., pp. 58-9.) 
 
 Kara Tugai is very possibly to be identified with the Kara Sengir Tugai of the 
 accompanying map—one of the numerous “ Tugai ” on the Sir. 
 
182 
 
 Story of Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 arrow, which struck the Khan in the left shoulder. The collar¬ 
 bone was broken, and passing under his left shoulder blade the 
 arrow reached his right shoulder blade. [In this state the Khan 
 tried to overtake Maksud Ali], but in spite of his efforts, his hand 
 would not wield the sword, and his enemy got away in safety. 
 The Khan then turned back [from the pursuit]. His wound 
 proved very serious, and during two years he was deprived of the 
 use of his right eye and his right arm. 
 
 Later in the day Maksud Ali fell into the hands of one of the 
 Khan’s men, who thought to himself: if I bring him alive to the 
 Khan, that he may put him to death with his own hands, he will 
 be more grateful to me [than if I bring him dead]. So he took 
 him alive before the Khan. But the Khan, assuming a cheerful 
 air, called to him and said : “ I am glad you have fallen into my 
 hands. I was sorry [for what had happened].” And although he 
 had only one garment by him, he gave it him, together with a 
 present of some horses, and kept him in Moghulistan to the end 
 of his days, always looking on him with the eye of favour. 
 
 The Khan’s generosity was quite unbounded. Other examples 
 will be given in their proper places. In short, after being 
 wounded and enduring great hardships, he joined his brother 
 Sultan Khalil Sultan. This latter, after the death of his father, 
 had fled from Mansur Khan into Moghulistan, and had joined the 
 Kirghiz, who are the “ wild lions ” of that country. They made 
 him their chief. He remained some time with his brother, but 
 Anally war broke out between them on the one hand, and Sultan 
 Mahmud Khan, in alliance with Mansur Khan, on the other, which 
 led to victories and defeats, struggles and conflicts, and great and 
 wonderful battles. In those fights such wounds were inflicted, 
 that no reasonable person would consider them capable of being 
 cured. But the details are not worth describing. These hostilities 
 continued from 910 to 914, when Sultan Mahmud Khan, being 
 hard pressed by his nephews and the people of Moghulistan, went 
 over to Shahi Beg Khan (as has been related). Mansur Khan 
 then attacked his two brothers, Sultan Said Khan and Sultan 
 Khalil Sultan, who had remained in Moghulistan. They, for their 
 part, met him in the open field at Almatu, 1 one of the most 
 celebrated places in Moghulistan, when after a hard fought battle 
 the Sultans were worsted. 
 
 Sultan Khalil Sultan, all his prospects of success in Moghulistan 
 being shattered, followed his uncle [Mahmud], in the hope that 
 
 1 This place stood on a southern tributary of the river Hi. The name, though 
 usually written Almaty, is still in use for the modern Kussian fort and town of 
 Vierny, which was built in 1854, on the banks of a small river, called by the 
 Kirghiz Almatu. The name is derived, Mr. Schuyler says, from the abundance 
 of apples (in Turki, alma ) which grow in the neighbourhood. (Bretschneider, ii., 
 p. 33; Schuyler, ii., p. 145.) 
 
Story of Sultan Said Khan . 183 
 
 Shalii Beg Khan had received the latter kindly; and when he 
 reached Akhsi, Jani Beg Khan having seized [him] delivered him 
 to my uncle Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, Sultan Ali Mirza Begjik 
 and Tubra Tiaghuth, [with the order] that he should be drowned 
 in the river. They, being obliged to obey this order, drowned the 
 unfortunate Sultan in the river of Akhsi. It will be mentioned 
 later, how the Khan, a short time after this event, heaped favours 
 and patronage upon those men whose brother he had murdered. 
 
 When the Khan escaped from the field of battle, he was accom¬ 
 panied by about fifty men with their cattle and followers, all in 
 great want. Broken and discomfited, they came from Almatu to 
 Dulan (about fifteen days’ march at a medium pace). On arriving 
 there, they began to grow less afraid of the enemy. That same 
 day, they came across a man whom they seized and interrogated. 
 He informed them that at Uruk, which was distant about three 
 days’ march, at an even pace, there was encamped a body of the 
 tribe of Bahrin, who intended to go to Kashghar and seek the 
 protection of Mirza Aba Bakr. “ And I,” he added, “ have fled, and 
 am on my way to join the Kirghiz.” They then all sat down [and 
 held a consultation]. Some suggested that the Khan should him¬ 
 self go and mix with that tribe: haply by that means he would 
 obtain a little help from them. And Khwaja Ali Bahadur, in 
 particular, urged this plan (for he was himself of the tribe of 
 Bahrin), and he was, moreover, a bold and daring man, and an 
 unrivalled archer. When the Khan fled from Samarkand and 
 entered the service of his noble uncle Sultan Mahmud Khan, 
 Khwaja Ali Bahadur was in Yatikand, in the service of one of 
 the officers of Sultan Mahmud Khan. When the Khan arrived, he 
 entered [his uncle’s] service with the greatest eagerness. On the 
 occasion of the Khan’s flight, when he received the arrow-wound 
 from Maksud Ali, the musician, Khwaja Ali Bahadur, had displayed 
 great valour in the contest, and had shown proofs of singular 
 daring, which did not escape the notice of the Khan, who, from 
 that day forward, bestowed on him his special protection and 
 favour. I 11 the battles that took place in Moghulistan, he usually 
 distinguished himself by his heroic acts. But besides his bravery 
 and prowess, he was also noted for his sagacity, intelligence, and 
 perception; wherefore at that time most [of the Khan’s] affairs 
 were submitted to him for decision. 
 
 Now as he was strongly in favour of the proposed plan, [while 
 all the rest objected to it], Khwaja Ali represented that if the Khan 
 went with a body of men, [the Bahrin] would be frightened, and 
 think he had come to attack them. It was impossible to drive 
 these ridiculous ideas out of their minds, which had become a prey 
 to the whispering of devils ; and it seemed that a new cause of 
 dissension and violence would arise. [The Khwaja] thought the 
 
184 Story of Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 wisest plan was that he, in preference to any of the other followers, 
 should he selected to accompany the Khan. He suggested that 
 they should remain where they were for five days, to see if they 
 would approve of his going. If, thus, their minds could be pacified 
 and their vain fears and foolish ideas be changed to good faith and 
 confidence—well and good. “ If not,” said he, “ let us all go, as 
 quickly as possible, and make common cause with [the Bahrin].” 1 
 
 This suggestion was approved, and the Khan and Khwaja Ali set 
 out together. They made a three days’ journey, passing only one 
 night on the road, and arrived at their destination at breakfast 
 time. 
 
 When these dastardly men heard of their arrival, they came with 
 unbounded impudence before him, not observing any of those 
 marks of respect which are customary among the Moghuls. Then 
 Khwaja Ali addressing them said: “ All adventurous persons who 
 have obtained their desires, have watched for a favourable oppor¬ 
 tunity to seize with both hands the skirts of men of power.” 
 While his words were yet unfinished, they cried out: “ Down with 
 this babbler of idle words ! What use has a Khan for a hundred 
 households? We have nothing to offer him! ” So saying they 
 drove the Khan back to his friends, and seized Khwaja Ali; they 
 took away the led horse of the Khan, which he was holding, and 
 threw its bridle towards the Khan. On seizing Khwaja Ali, they 
 carried him off lo their tents. 
 
 The Khan, in alarm for his life, fled back with all speed, fearing 
 lest they might take him and deliver him into the hands of Aba 
 Bakr. Being terrified at this idea, he hastened to rejoin his men, 
 looking round him on all sides as he went [to see whether he was 
 being pursued]. 
 
 Once, when the Khan was relating this story, I asked him: 
 “Did you not dread [the thought of] solitude and desolation?” 
 He replied : “ Not so very much, for I had once before been left 
 alone in Mogliulistan, and had spent some days in solitude, in the 
 same way, but afterwards joined my people again.” 
 
 When he had gone a short way, he perceived something black 
 in the distance ; whereupon he withdrew to a secluded spot and, 
 fastening his led horse there, stood waiting in ambush. He soon 
 discovered that it was a man, and waited till he came near; then, 
 placing an arrow [in readiness] in his bow, he leapt out of his 
 ambush upon the new-comer, who had no time to get away, but 
 threw himself in terror from his horse. The Khan then recognised 
 that this man was the slave who had fled to the Kirghiz from his 
 own party, who had been captured at Dulan, and had given in- 
 
 1 The texts here are very confused, and the meaning of the whole paragraph 
 (beginning with the words : “ Now as he was strongly . . . ”) is in some degree 
 uncertain. Some passages of it arc not contained in the Turki MS.—K. 
 
Story of Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 185 
 
 formation of [the presence of] those dastardly people [the Balirin]. 
 He, on his part, recognised the Khan, and kissed his stirrup. 
 
 The Khan asked him for news of his men, and where they were 
 now encamped. The man replied : “ When you went away with 
 Khwaja Ali Bahadur, a dispute arose among your men. It came 
 about in this way. Somebody said : ‘ Last night I happened to be 
 near the Khan’s tent, when I heard Khwaja Ali Bahadur say to the 
 Khan: Our people are in a very broken condition [and there is 
 nothing to be done with them]; they have hardly anything left; 
 but our opponents have cattle and property in abundance, because 
 every one of [the Khan’s] dependants is either a Mir or a Mirzada, 
 and wishes to have power and precedence over others, which they 
 cannot possibly obtain. Moreover, we cannot attain any object or 
 carry out any scheme by means of such people. It will be best 
 for us, therefore, for the reasons I have given, to separate from 
 these men and to go and join the other side. Let these people go 
 wherever they choose, while we avail ourselves in every possible 
 way of the services of our opponents. And with this plan the 
 Khan will be greatly pleased. [I tell you] the Khan does not 
 intend to return.’ 
 
 “ At these words the people became very despondent and grieved; 
 and each one, forming whatever plan seemed best to himself, they 
 split up into factions. One party under the leadership of Uchku 
 Muhammad Mirza, Shah Mirak and Zikul Bahadur, set out for 
 Turfan, the capital of Mansur Khan. Another division under 
 Kara Kulak, took the road to Andijan, in the hope that the Khans 
 who had preceeded them had been well received by Sliahi Beg 
 Khan. And a third division, under the direction of Khush Gildi 
 Kukildash and Aziz Birdi Agha, resolved to go to the court of 
 Mirza Aba Bakr in Kashghar. Thus did they form themselves 
 
 into different parties.” 
 
 The Khan used always to say : “ When I learnt these facts, I was 
 filled with amazement and alarm. Dismay took possession of my 
 mind. I asked him how many days ago this had happened ; lie 
 replied that on the particular day he had left them, the discussion 
 had taken place, and they had separated. 
 
 “ I then dismounted, and for a while remained buried in thought. 
 At length 1 resolved to leave my horse in the impenetrable jungles 
 of Karin, and myself to lie in ambush for antelopes; and when I 
 had killed them, to eat their flesh and to clothe myself with their 
 skins; thus I would spend several years, until I should see how 
 events might fall out. 
 
 “ With this intention, having withdrawn my led horse to one 
 side, I set out on my road.” 
 
 [It must be understood that] it is a custom among the Moghuls, 
 for the bravest of their youth to spend a long time alone, either 
 
186 Story of Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 in the deserts, the mountains or the forests, at a distance of one 
 or two months’ journey from any of their fellow creatures, and to 
 feed and clothe themselves with the flesh and skins of antelopes. 
 Such persons they esteem as brave and manly; and it is, in fact, 
 a very difficult and dangerous mode of life. 
 
 [The Khan] having resolved upon this strange and perilous 
 adventure, gave the slave his liberty, and set out on his own 
 design. He spent the night in what he considered a suitable 
 spot, and on the morrow again started on his road. But first of 
 all he surveyed the country, in accordance with the Moghul 
 practice of circumspection and caution. For it is their custom, 
 in the morning, to examine carefully the road by which they 
 have just come, and also to reconnoitre that by which they 
 intend to travel the same day; the travellers having ascended a 
 piece of rising ground, and having carefully inspected both the 
 roads, then give some fodder to their horses, which have been 
 tethered all night. The purpose of this vigilance which they 
 practise is, that if anybody should happen to be following them, 
 and should have come on during the night, he would be seen, and 
 could be guarded against. When the horses have grazed long- 
 enough, and no one is visible in either direction, the road is again 
 taken at midday, and the journey continued till midnight, so 
 that no one may discover the traveller or his nightly resting- 
 place. Such is the cautious practice of the Moghuls. 
 
 The Khan, looking round carefully on all sides, after a short 
 time descried something black on the road by which he had 
 come the day before, and began to fear lest those tribesmen, 
 regretting that they had let him go, were come in pursuit of him. 
 But he presently saw that it was only one person, and that there 
 was no one behind him, as far as he could see. Then, as was 
 his practice, he placed himself in ambush. He noticed that this 
 man was ever and again uttering cries, as if calling for somebody. 
 And as he came nearer [the Khan] recognised his voice as that 
 of Khwaja Ali Bahadur. He rushed out to meet him, and the 
 Khwaja, also recognising the Khan, dismounted, and they both 
 began to weep as they met in affectionate embrace. 
 
 One can imagine the extent of the Khan’s joy at this meeting. 
 Having made an end of weeping, [the Khan] asked the Khwaja 
 where he had been and what had befallen him. The Khwaja 
 replied: “ They carried me oft' and kept my horse, and placed 
 me in the house of one of my acquaintances. After a while a 
 decrepit and frail old woman, who claimed a blood relationship 
 with me, came to me secretly and began to heap reproaches on 
 my head, saying: ‘ Some have been known to serve a Khan yet 
 unborn, or an Amir still in his cradle, and to have reaped their 
 reward; yet you, with your lack of zeal, have deserted a great 
 
Stay of Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 187 
 
 Khan, who is worthy of a throne and a crown, and in your slug¬ 
 gishness have debased yourself. Rise up: if you have not a 
 horse, I have left mine tied up in such and such a place: take it 
 and go! ’ Then my old enthusiasm, which seemed to have died 
 within me, revived: I hastened out and went to the spot she had 
 indicated, found the horse, and here I am.” 
 
 The Khan, having bestowed thanks and praises on him, said: 
 “ When I found myself alone, I resolved upon the following plan” 
 (and the Khan proceeded to relate to him, from beginning to end, 
 what has been told above). Khwaja AliBahadur replied : “Peace 
 on you! It was a most excellent resolve for a brave man like 
 yourself, under existing circumstances. And it is all the better 
 that it should have been so. But now it is possible to proceed 
 with greater comfort and ease. However, even if we do spend a 
 few years in this way, we must get news of the world whenever 
 we can; for the wheel of the spheres does not always turn in the 
 same groove, and we must be on the look out for any opportunity 
 that may arise to again obtain the control of affairs. We must 
 also be bold.” 
 
 The two then set out with strong hearts and cheerful spirits, 
 riding bridle to bridle. On the following day they noticed in 
 front of them some black objects : and the same care and pre¬ 
 cautions were observed as on the other occasion. As the objects 
 approached, they recognised the two brothers of Khwaja Ali 
 Bahadur, Tika and Ali Mirak, and two of his sons-in-law, Asil 
 Pulad and Buzana [each one accompanied by his servant]. 
 
 After this meeting, the Khan’s position was as sovereignty com¬ 
 pared with that of the day before. The new-comers were then 
 asked their story. They related what has been mentioned above, 
 and added : “Khush Gildi and Aziz Birdi, who had determined to 
 go to Kashghar, separated from us yesterday.” With these two 
 came Sukar and some of the Kaluchi (who were relatives of a 
 certain woman of the name of Makhtum, with whom, during the 
 time of the great disturbances in Moghulistan, the Khan had 
 contracted a marriage), and they brought with them several horses 
 from the royal stables. 
 
 I laving announced this news, the whole party set out in pursuit 
 without delay, and came upon the fugitives towards the end of the 
 night; when these heard the sound of the hoofs of the approaching 
 horses, they were filled with dismay and alarm. The Khan and 
 his companions called out to each one by name, and they, recog¬ 
 nising his voice and that of the others, were filled with joy. 
 I hey came, running, to the stirrup of his Excellency the Khan 
 and, kissing his feet, gave vent to expressions of thankfulness. 
 
 The Khan, being rejoined by Khwaja Ali, was relieved of the 
 distress of solitude, but now, on falling in with Tika and his 
 
188 
 
 Story of Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 party, he had become a veritable king, compared with his former 
 position. When, under the guidance of these men, they had 
 rejoined the party who had separated from them, the Khan was 
 overjoyed at the prospect of a meeting with a slave, who was his 
 wife. All were delighted at coming together again, and hoped 
 that that night they would enjoy a refreshing sleep. The Khan, 
 in the same hope, had already taken off his boots and coat, when 
 Aziz Birdi Agha came and persuaded him to put them on again. 
 Although it was apparently a trouble to do so, it was at least 
 a fitting precaution, so he consented, in order to quiet Aziz Birdi, 
 and with one boot off [and one boot on] he slumbered peacefully 
 on the breast of his wife. For he had taken no rest for several 
 nights and days, and was exceedingly fatigued from rough 
 travelling and w r atchful nights. The full enjoyment of sleep had 
 not yet come to him, when he heard a war cry \suraii\ and the 
 sound of giving and taking of blow r s. Before the Khan could 
 jump out of bed, he saw by the light of the burning camp that 
 the enemy were upon them, and were dealing out blows to right 
 and left. He had just time to gird on his quiver, when Khwaja 
 Ali arrived. They rushed together, from the blazing camp into 
 the darkness, and began to shower down arrows upon the enemy 
 who were doing their work in the light, and in the same way, 
 the men from the camp came out on all sides into the darkness, 
 and began to discharge their arrows. The enemy, who were all 
 mounted, then withdrew from the light, and the Khan’s men, who 
 were on foot, shot at them from different ambuscades. On account 
 of the darkness it was not possible to judge of the great numbers of 
 the one side or the small numbers of the other. Some of the men, 
 in imitation of the Khan, were engaged in discharging arrows, 
 while the rest had gone back to secure the horses. 
 
 As a fact, this hostile band was part of an army which Mirza 
 Aba Bakr had sent to Moghulistan, with orders to seize and 
 treat, in the worst possible way, any one who might be found in 
 the deserts of Moghulistan. The continual raids of these followers 
 of Mirza Aba Bakr caused great distress in Moghulistan, and 
 threw the Moghuls and Kirghiz into disorder. [The assailants] 
 who were a division of the force spoken of, had come on at the 
 time of afternoon prayer, and when they had seen the Khan’s pait.y 
 arrive and halt, they had crept into concealment till late in the 
 night. They then seized all the horses, which had been turned 
 out to graze, and when darkness was nearly over they made their 
 night attack. There were no horses left in the camp 1 except a 
 few fat animals, which had been retained for purposes of war. 
 These were saddled, and mounted by the men, and some of the 
 
 1 The Turki text has, in place of “ in the camp ”—“ among the Khan’s suite.” 
 —K. 
 
Story of Sultan Said Khan. 189 
 
 women of the Khan’s haram; while two or three other women were 
 sent off by their husbands, who found horses for them. The 
 Khan’s horse was saddled and brought to him. When day dawned 
 all were in the greatest straits. Moreover, except for the two 
 or three women already mentioned, all the wives and children of 
 our party had fallen into the enemy’s hands, and there was no 
 time to take leave or bid farewell. The scar of disappointment 
 was marked upon their foreheads, and they never saw each other 
 more. But those who fled, drove their wives and men and horses 
 before them. The Khan and all those who had any courage and 
 strength, followed after them. The cursed enemy came close on 
 their heels, and pursued them with the greatest ardour, being, 
 moreover, supplied with changes of horses. 
 
 Whenever the enemy approached, the Khan with a few men, 
 turned round and plied them with arrows, and kept them at bay 
 until his own party had got well on, when he again let loose the 
 reins of flight till he overtook them. Thus did they fly fighting ; 
 and shot their arrows with their faces towards their friends and 
 their backs to their enemies. This state of affairs continued till 
 the hour of the “ prayer of sleep.” The night attack took place in 
 the desert plains [chuhjai] of Utluk, which are called Ankgliun 
 Archa, and by the time of the “ prayer of sleep ” they had reached 
 Kumala Kachur, 1 which represents a distance of five days’ journey 
 at a medium pace. The feeble ones, both women and men, at the 
 time of flight and distress, were concealed in the glens and forests, 
 while the rest hid themselves wherever they thought most safe. 
 
 With the exception of the Khan’s wife and two or three other 
 women, and a few men who had remained, most of these people 
 were captured ; only a few escaped. When evening-prayer time 
 came, fear of the enemy left them but little peace of mind. They 
 were all scattered, every one hiding in the jungle of Kumala 
 Kachur; and from the excess of their terror, some of those whose 
 horses were tired out, left them and crept into the forest on foot. 
 
 When day dawned, they all came out onto an elevation, and 
 still concealing themselves, looked carefully round. They could 
 see no trace of the enemy. They waited patiently till midday, 
 when wherever they happened to be, they called out. and by means 
 of their cries were able to find one another ; [they also found] 
 those whom they had sent into the glens, and of whose fate they 
 
 1 The spelling of these names is very uncertain; but in whatever form, I can 
 find no trace of them, even on Sevcrtsolf’s detailed map of Zangaria, &c. They 
 were probably mere local names of uninhabited and unimportant spots; though 
 it is possible that “ Ankgliun Archa” may have some connection with the “ On 
 Archa marked on modern maps, seeing that this place stands on a river (a right 
 tributary of the upper Narin—just east of the Son Kill) called the Ottuk — 
 of which perhaps Utluk may be a mis-rendering. The author, however, gives no 
 indication of the quarter of Moghulistan where these adventures took place. 
 
19° Story of Sultan Said Khan . 
 
 were till then ignorant, not knowing whether they had been 
 captnred or not. 
 
 Returning, they looked to see what had become of these people. 
 They found that, excepting the Khan’s wife [haram] and one or 
 two other persons, all had been discovered and carried off captive. 
 They remained where they were during that day, for they had not 
 sufficient strength left to proceed. Moreover, they did not know 
 whither they could go. They discussed the matter in all its 
 aspects : every one made suggestions, and held his own views upon 
 the matter; but all their plans were quite impracticable. One 
 proposition was that they should live in the forests, and banish 
 from their thoughts all desire for civilisation. This, however, was 
 not considered to be feasible, as it was impossible to exist in the 
 forests without the [necessary] weapons, etc. After seeking 
 everywhere, they found that all their quivers were empty. At last 
 they found one arrow in the Khan’s quiver : in the rest there 
 were none left but tir-i-gciz. 1 [And with only one arrow there was 
 certainly nothing to be achieved, so perforce this idea must be 
 banished from their minds. Another proposal was that] they 
 should enter the Dasht-i-Kipchak, which at that time was an 
 asylum and refuge of the Moghul Khans. But this again was 
 impossible, on account of their want of arrows [and other weapons. 
 A third suggestion was that they should go to Kashghar. But they 
 came to the conclusion that] to go to Kashghar was as good as to 
 walk, living, into a grave. 
 
 With Mansur Khan it was but yesterday that they had fought 
 a battle, and all their sufferings and calamities were due to him. 
 At length they decided upon going to Andijan ; for it was possible 
 that Shahi Beg Khan had given Sultan Mahmud Khan a favourable 
 reception. 
 
 The Khan repeatedly related these details to me, and he used to 
 add: “ Those who advised our going to the country of Shahi Beg 
 Khan, did so out of their ignorance of his true character. However 
 strongly those who knew him protested, and pointed out the 
 absurdity and danger of the scheme, which the others had made 
 appear so pdausible, they would not be dissuaded. I, for my part, 
 showed my objections and disapproval in a hundred ways; for 
 had I not been a whole year with Shahi Beg Khan ? I well knew 
 and understood his temperament, the ways of his Sultans, and the 
 intentions of his Amirs. I knew very well that he would ill-treat 
 us, which he did, but when I said this to these ignorant men, they 
 replied: 4 Then what is to be done ? All our proposals are con¬ 
 sidered impracticable or impossible ! [But in going to Shahi 
 Beg Khan] there is some hope of safety. If anything else suggests 
 itself to your enlightened mind, tell us of it: for in every matter 
 
 1 Probably arrows of one gaz in length. 
 
Flight of the Authors Father. 191 
 
 we are willing to follow and obey you, mind and body.’ Much as 
 I thought the matter over, I was unable to find a solution of the 
 difficulty, or offer any other suggestion ; and finally I, with my 
 eyes open, and in spite of what I knew, became myself a promoter 
 of that very plan for which I had so severely reproved my men. 
 For, in truth, there was no choice left. Knowingly and deliberately 
 I rushed upon calamity ! 
 
 “ On the morrow, having prepared myself for death and my heart 
 for martyrdom, I set out to pay homage to Jani Beg Sultan, which 
 was the first step to entering the service of Shahi Beg Khan. And 
 there was no great difference between that stage 1 and thtf' bottom 
 of the tomb.” 
 
 These events took place in the year 014, 2 just two months after 
 the murder of Sultan Mahmud Khan, and one month before Sultan 
 Khalil Sultan was drowned in the ocean of mercy, all of which 
 has been mentioned above. Sultan Khalil Sultan was the full 
 brother of the Khan. 
 
 At this date Babar Padishah was established on the throne of 
 Kabul, and his power was nearly absolute. 
 
 Having reached this point in the Khan’s story, it is necessary 
 for the better understanding of the history, that I should now 
 revert to the stories of my father and Babar Padishah. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 FLIGHT OF MY FATHER MUHAMMAD HUSAIN KURKAN FROM BEFORE SHAHI 
 BEG KHAN INTO KIIORASAN ; WITH SOME INCIDENTAL BIOGRAPHICAL 
 NOTICES. 
 
 It has been related above, how Kunduz submitted without resist¬ 
 ance, on the advent of the victorious army of Mahmud Sultan; also 
 how I, after being confined in prison by Khusrau Shah for a year, 
 obtained my release, went and joined my father, and together with 
 all the members of my family, proceeded to Shahr-i-Sabz, which 
 Sliahi Beg Khan had given to my father [together with its 
 dependencies]. 
 
 In the beginning of Sagittarius, Shahi Beg Khan marched on 
 Khwarizm. 
 
 All the heads of the Moghuls, whether Sultans or Amirs, 
 
 1 Instead of the words “ that stage,” the Turki MS. has :— 
 
 Jaui Beg Sultan.”—R. 
 
 2 1508-9 a.d. 
 
 ■“ the service of 
 
192 
 
 Flight of the Author’s Father 
 
 together with their train, were dwelling among the Uzbegs, and 
 fear and apprehension continually occupied their hearts. 
 
 In the meanwhile, Mahmud Sultan, who had always been a 
 defender of the Moghuls, died in Kunduz, whereat all the Moghuls, 
 and especially my father, were much afflicted and saddened. For 
 Mahmud Sultan had borne him such love, and had bestowed so 
 much kindness on him, that if ever one of Shahi Beg Khan’s 
 nobles wrote a letter of cruelty or violence upon the tablet of the 
 imagination concerning my father, he would draw a line through 
 it with the pen of his protection; or else would erase this writing 
 from the tablet of the rancorous heart of the evil-minded man, 
 with the penknife of punishment. In fact, he recognised it as his 
 duty to side with my father in all things. His death was a source 
 of great uneasiness to the Moghuls in general, and to my father in 
 particular. But Shahi Beg Khan said privately to Amir Jan Vafa, 
 who was an intimate friend of my father, that he would on no 
 account whatever leave Khwarizm until he had reduced it, and it 
 was clear that the siege 1 would be a very protracted one:—“ There 
 are, at the present moment, about 30,000 Moghuls among our 
 Uzbegs. So long as any of the Moghul chiefs remain, these men 
 will continue to serve them, and never enter our service. If a 
 favourable occasion presents itself, they will do to us that which 
 we did to them. The first among them is Muhammad Husain 
 Kurkan ; I think of him all day, but feel that to kill him would 
 be like killing one of the Khans—an act that would obliterate all 
 the kindnesses I have ever shown the Khans. Hence, it will be best 
 for you to announce to him my intention, so that he may rise up 
 with all speed and escape while he has yet a foot [to walk upon], 
 and no longer tempt his fate. For after his departure, I must 
 make all the other Moghul Amirs feel the blood-drinking scimitar.” 
 
 Amir Jan Vafa immediately sent a messenger, who reached my 
 father at the hour of midday prayer, and by the time of afternoon 
 prayer my father, having chosen me from among his children to 
 accompany him, together with sixteen of his servants, fled towards 
 Khorasan. This event remains fixed in my mind like a dream or 
 a fantasy. 
 
 In those days Sultan Said Khan was also in Samarkand. Three 
 days after [our flight] he fled to Moghulistan ; but this story has 
 been told above. 
 
 Of those children whom my father left behind him in Shahr-i- 
 Sabz, the eldest was Ilabiba Sultan Khanish; Shahi Beg Khan 
 kept her in his haram at Tashkand, where he also kept Aisha 
 Sultan Khanim, the daughter of Sultan Mahmud Khan, and who 
 
 1 The author appears to mean the siege of Khwarizm, or Khiva; but Erskine 
 mentions that Shahi Beg was besieging Kelat (I presume Kelat-i-Ghilzai) at 
 the time. (See Hist, i., p. 257.) 
 
into Khorasan. 
 
 193 
 
 is nowadays better known as Moghul Khanim. After a while he 
 married her, with various ceremonies, to Abdullah Khan, son of 
 Mahmud Sultan. 
 
 [2.] Next in age was Ganhar Shah Begum, whom Amir Jan Vafa 
 obtained, in marriage, for his own son Amir Yar, in return for 
 having carried the message to my father. 
 
 [3.] I come next. I accompanied my father. 
 
 [4.] Another was Muhammad Shah, whom one of my father’s 
 relations had taken after my father into Khorasan. 
 
 [5.] The youngest of all was Abdullah Mirza, who has been 
 mentioned above, as having accompanied his mother, Sultanim 
 Begum. I shall tell his life in these pages. 
 
 In short, we left Shahr-i-Sabz, and, passing one night on the road, 
 reached, at the close of [the second] day, the banks of the River 
 Amuya; the cold was very severe and we only succeeded in cross¬ 
 ing with great difficulty; without entering Balkh, we went on to 
 Khorasan. 
 
 Those were the last days of the life and reign of Mirza Sultan 
 Husain, who was a grandson of Mirza Jahangir, 1 son of Amir 
 Timur. None of his ancestors, as far back as Amir Timur, had 
 attained to sovereignty. Mirza Sultan Husain, however, had, after 
 many years of struggles and hardships, won Khorasan at the point 
 of the sword, and during forty-eight years, while firmly established 
 on the throne of Herat, he governed the four quarters of Khorasan. 
 He encouraged all the arts and crafts of the world to such a 
 degree that in every separate profession he produced an unsurpassed 
 master. 
 
 Having reached this point, I meditated and felt that I ought to 
 write something concerning these lords of revelation and masters 
 of manifestation, who lived at this time. And though I did not, 
 with my lack of capacity, seem fit for the task, yet strange to say, 
 I could not see my way to omit recording one or two circumstances 
 in relation to these men. In any case I will make a beginning, in 
 the hope that, with the aid of existing memoirs [tazhira], which 
 
 1 Our author should have said that Sultan Husain Mirza (Baikara) was great- 
 grandson of Omar Shaikh, son of Amir Timur—not the grandson of Jahangir. 
 Sultan Husain’s father was Mansur Mirza, his grandfather Baikara Mirza, son of 
 Omar Shaikh. He succeeded Sultan Abu Said on the throne of Khorasan in 
 a.h. 878, and reigned till his death in 912 (1474 to 1507); but previous to 878 he 
 had been ruler in Mazandaran and Gurgan. He is said, by Erskine, to have been a 
 man of great power and reputation, and beyond comparison the most distinguished 
 of the Princes of the house of Timur, at that time living. The capital of 
 Khorasan was then at Heri, or Herat, which, for about half a century, was cele¬ 
 brated, “ not merely for the splendour and dignity of its Court, the architectural 
 beauty of its mosques, tombs, colleges, and palaces, but as being the resort of 
 the greatest divines, philosophers, poets, and historians of the age.” Sultan 
 Husain, besides being eminent as a ruler, was also well known as a poet and a 
 writer of fiction—under the name of Husaini. (See S. Lane Poole, Muhamd. 
 Dynasties , table facing p. 268. ErBkine, Baber, pp. lvi. and 125; History i., 
 p. 77; Beale, Orient. Biographies .) 
 
 0 
 
194 
 
 Flight of the Author's Father 
 
 shall supplement the deficiencies of my humble reed, it may prove 
 worthy of the perusal of the clear-sighted. 
 
 * * * * * * * 
 
 As it does not lie in my power to write a separate book in 
 memory of these men, I have in this Epitome only devoted a 
 few lines to some of them, in order to satisfy my mind and to calm 
 my inner man. [Quatrain]. ... 1 
 
 Shaikh Ul Islam , the Light of Religion , 
 
 Maulana Ahdur Rahman Jdmi. 
 
 He was far the greatest and most excellent and learned of all 
 the saints and spiritual guides of the time of Mirza Sultan Husain. 
 
 He is much too great to stand in need of any mention from my 
 humble pen ; so I will simply trace his discipleship. He was a 
 disciple of Maulana Sad-ud-Din Kashghari, disciple of Maulana 
 Nizam-ud-l)in Khamushi, disciple of Khwaja Ala-ud-Din Attar, 
 disciple of His Holiness the Kibla of the Pious, Khwaja Baha ’ul 
 Hakk va ud-Din, generally known as Khwaja Kakshband. 
 
 Maulana Sad-ud-Din Kashghari. 
 
 He belonged to one of the most noble families in the country of 
 Kashghar, and his race had produced Ulamas, and many pious and 
 devout men and saints. Among whom was Shaikh Habib, the 
 disciple of Shaikh Sayyid Kardgar, disciple of Shaikh Mohibb 
 Mujarrad. 2 
 
 Amir Sayyid Ahmad, my great-great-grandfather, placed his 
 son Mir Sayyid Ali in the service of Shaikh Habib, when he was 
 very young. 
 
 ******* 
 
 Maulana Nizdm-ud-Din Khamush. 
 
 I have heard from a certain distinguished person that [even] 
 
 before Maulana Nizam-ud-Din became a disciple of Khwaja Ala- 
 
 ud-Din he was an exceedingly pious and chaste man. He used to 
 
 sit in the mosque of the Lawyers, and was an admirer of the 
 
 spiiituality of the Shaikh. 
 
 ******* 
 
 1 Here follow some notices of saints, learned men, poets, singers and others, 
 the bulk of which are omitted, as the persons they treat of have no connection 
 with the history. They are all, Dr. Rieu informs me, to be found in other books ; 
 indeed, the author acknowledges that he has taken them chiefly from “ existing 
 memoirs,” and has written them for his own satisfaction. As, however, three of 
 the saints mentioned are persons of importance, and appear to have played some 
 part in the history of the times, the brief notices of their lives have been trans¬ 
 lated, though the anecdotes regarding them have been left out; these last are 
 not only irrelevant, but childish. 
 
 2 The name Kardgar stands in the Turki MS. Kdzargar; while for Mujarrad 
 may perhaps be read Mujtabi —it. 
 
into Khorasan. 
 
 1 9S 
 
 He performed many miracles, as is related in the Nafahat ul 
 ’uns. 
 
 ******* 
 
 Return from the Digression. 
 
 My father arrived in Khorasan at the time when its pomp and 
 splendour and learning were at their highest, and the fame of 
 Herat and its people was spread over the world. 
 
 At that time the sons of Mirza Sultan Husain, who had revolted 
 against their illustrious father, had repented and had been allowed 
 to kiss his feet, and they now surrounded the Mirza’s throne with 
 honour and respect. 
 
 When my father arrived in Herat, the people came out to receive 
 him, and attended his passage with honour. They then conducted 
 him to a magnificent residence—worthy of his rank—which they 
 had made ready for him. 
 
 [When my father went to pay his respects to Mirza Sultan 
 Husain], Mir Muhammad Baranduk Barlas, who had been one of 
 the Amirs of Shah Rukh and who, at that time, in respect of age, 
 rank, understanding, intelligence, and knowledge of the laws and 
 customs, had not his equal among the whole of the Chaghatai Ulus , 
 came and spoke to my father about kneeling at the audience. My 
 father agreed to his proposals. The Mirza also showed my father 
 great honour, and placed him above all his children, even above 
 his son Badi-uz-Zaman, who was the eldest and most respected of 
 the Mirza’s sons. In this city, which might have been compared 
 to Paradise, my father commanded the utmost respect and dis¬ 
 tinction, and enjoyed every possible luxury. 
 
 The Mirza, for his personal satisfaction, had determined on an 
 alliance between one of his granddaughters and my father. The 
 latter did not approve of this connection, because the Mirza was 
 very old and afflicted with paralysis and gout, and the power of 
 his children would not be such that, when they succeeded their 
 father, they would be able to cope with Shahi Beg Khan. Never¬ 
 theless, as it had been arranged, he contracted the marriage. 
 
 In the meanwhile, Shah Begum, as has been mentioned above, 
 went, from Moghulistan to Samarkand with a petition for Shahi 
 Beg Khan. The latter was intent on the conquest of Khwarizm, 
 which was a dependency of Mirza Sultan Husain. It was on 
 Shahi Beg Khan’s warning that my father had fled to Khorasan, 
 and Sultan Said Khan had taken refuge in Moghulistan. Most of 
 the Moghul chiefs had gone to the kingdom of the next world, 
 while some had been thrown into confinement. Shah Besrum was 
 
 # O 
 
 banished and sent to Khorasan. The rest of the Moghuls accom¬ 
 panied the expedition into Khwarizm. 
 
 In enumerating the names of the children of Yunus Khan, I 
 
196 Flight of the Author's Father. 
 
 mentioned that the eldest was Mihr Nigar Khanim, who married 
 Sultan Ahmad Mirza, king of Samarkand. When Shahi Beg Khan 
 seized and put to death Sultan Ali Mirza and subdued Samarkand, 
 he married Mihr Nigar Khanim. When he besieged Babar 
 Padishah in that city, for the last time, and compelled him to 
 capitulate, he demanded Khanzada Begum. Babar Padishah gave 
 up Khanzada Begum in exchange for his own life, and escaped, as 
 has been mentioned. Now as Mihr Nigar Khanim was maternal 
 aunt to Khanzada Begum, and as it was unlawful for both to be 
 wedded to the same man, he divorced Mihr Nigar Khanim, and 
 married Khanzada Begum. The Khanim had dwelt in Samarkand. 
 When Shah Begum was sent to Khorasan, the Khanim accompanied 
 her mother-in-law. My father had a maternal aunt, who had 
 remained in Shahr-i-Sabz, whither many of her connections had 
 fled: she, having taken my brother Muhammad Shah with her, 
 came with the Begum and the Khanim to Khorasan. 
 
 Before the arrival of this party, my father resolved to make the 
 Pilgrimage of the Hijaz, but when they joined him he gave up this 
 intention, thinking that they would be in danger if left alone in a 
 strange land. He then decided to remove them to Kabul, where 
 Babar Padishah was, as has been related. Shah Begum was the 
 stepmother of the Emperor’s mother; Mihr Nigar Khanim was his 
 maternal aunt. 
 
 In short, having, with this intention, obtained leave to depart 
 from Mirza Sultan Husain, they set out for Kabul. A few days 
 before they reached Kabul the mother of Babar Padishah, Kutluk 
 Nigar Khanim, died, and her death was a great misfortune to all. 
 In spite of his mourning, Babar Padishah came out to receive them, 
 and gave the party a warm welcome, accompanied by every honour 
 that he was able to show them. Here they spent some time in the 
 greatest ease and comfort. 
 
 Soon after this, came news of the death of Mirza Sultan Husain. 
 In the natural order of things, and in conformity with recognised 
 custom and practice, Mirza Badi-uz-Zaman should have succeeded 
 his father on the throne. But Khadija Begum, one of the late 
 Sultan’s wives, who was at the head of a factious party, succeeded 
 in getting Muzaffar Husain Mirza, who was her own son, to share 
 the government with Mirza Badi-uz-Zaman. This she did, in spite 
 of the objections of the wise men of the time [who were at last 
 compelled to consent to the unstable arrangement] which was in 
 consequence carried out. 
 
 In the meantime, Jahangir Mirza, who was in Ghazni, being 
 discontented with the narrow limits of his territories, marched for 
 Khorasan. [At the same time] he sent a petition to the Emperor, 
 saying : “ Sultan Ilusain Mirzji has lately departed this life. It 
 has occurred to me that, at this crisis, I should go and offer my 
 
197 
 
 Babars Expedition into Khordsdn. 
 
 help and alliance to his sons. Probably I may be able to help 
 them in some way.” When this petition reached Babar Padishah, 
 he at once set out, with the intention that if he fell in with 
 Jahangir Mirza on the road, he would turn him back, or if not, would 
 pursue his brother into Khorasan. [In either case] he would not 
 be long in ascertaining what schemes Mirza Jahangir had in his 
 mind. As soon as the Emperor had resolved on this plan, he came 
 to my father’s house, and asked him to undertake the management 
 of Kabul and its dependencies. My father would not accept the 
 invitation, but said, in excuse : “ When in Khorasan, I resolved to 
 undertake the Pilgrimage; if I were to bind myself to the measure 
 you propose, my resolution would be to no purpose. Let this 
 business be entrusted to one of your great Amirs, and I will render 
 him assistance to the utmost extent of my ability.” The Emperor 
 then sent for Nizam-ud-Din Ali Khalifa Maulana Baba Bishaghari, 
 Amir Ahmad Kasim Kuhbur, 1 and one or two other of his [trust¬ 
 worthy] chiefs, and after complimenting [my father], said to him : 
 “ I am about to start for Khorasan, having the most perfect 
 reliance on you. These Amirs will conduct the different affairs of 
 the State under your general supervision.” Having thus spoken, 
 and after further compliments, he set out for Khorasan. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 babar padishah’s expedition into khorasan. troubles and con¬ 
 tentions IN KABUL. 
 
 After the Emperor’s departure for Khorasan, up till the middle 
 of the winter, all was order and quiet in Kabul. He, however, 
 stayed away a long while, and various reports began to circulate; 
 the main roads were also blocked by the Hazara highwaymen. 
 
 In the list, given above, of the children of Yunus Khan, it was 
 stated that he had five daughters and two sons. 
 
 By his wife, Isan Daulat Begum, he had three daughters: 
 [1.] Mihr Nigar Khanim, who has been already mentioned as 
 being at this time in Kabul; having accompanied Shah Begum 
 from Samarkand. [2.] Kutluk Nigar Khanim, the mother of the 
 Emperor, who died just before the arrival of Shah Begum, the 
 Khanim and my father, in Kabul. [3.] My mother, who died 
 during the interval of peace [ amani] in Tashkand, which has been 
 mentioned. 
 
 1 The Turki MS. lias Kuhi in place of Kuhbur —R. 
 
198 Babars Expedition into Khorasan . 
 
 By Shah Begum he had four children : [1] Sultan Mahmud Klian ; 
 [2] Sultan Ahmad Khan; [3] Sultan Nigar Khanirn, who was the 
 wife of Mirza Sultan Mahmud (son of Mirza Sultan Abu Said) and the 
 mother of Mirza Khan; and [4] Daulat Sultan Khanirn, who was wife 
 of Timur Sultan, son of Shahi Beg Khan. All of these have been 
 mentioned before. From this it will be seen that Shah Begum 
 was step-grandmother 1 to both the Emperor and myself; and 
 [actual] grandmother to Mirza Khan. After the defeat of the 
 Khans, when the Emperor went to the hill country of Hisar, he 
 was there joined by Mirza Khan, who accompanied him wherever 
 he went. And the Emperor looked upon him as his own son; for, 
 as has been explained, Mirza Khan’s father and mother were of the 
 same family as the Emperor’s father and mother. 
 
 On account of straitened circumstances [Mirza Khan] did not 
 accompany the Emperor on that expedition, but stayed behind in 
 the service of his grandmother Shah Begum. As various reports 
 came in concerning the Emperor and the Mirzas of Khorasan, the 
 motherly love of Shah Begum began to burn in her heart, and she 
 persuaded herself that the Emperor had fallen into the hands of 
 the Mirzas of Khorasan. Also, on account of the enmity that 
 existed between Sultan Husain Mirza and Abu Said Mirza, and 
 the bloodshed which had resulted therefrom, [she thought] that the 
 Emperor would never escape from their power. Moreover, reports 
 which seemed to confirm this view were constantly arriving; and 
 it was considered time to put Mirza Khan upon the throne in the 
 Emperor’s place. 
 
 When this plan was suggested to my father, he would not hear 
 of it. An altercation followed which led to much sorrow ; and the 
 distress of Shah Begum gave offence to the Khans. All this 
 brought much trouble upon my father, who at last, being exas¬ 
 perated, said : “As you will not be warned by me, I will no longer 
 be your adviser.” Nevertheless, the Emperor’s Amirs, who used 
 to come daily out of the castle to wait on my father, continued to 
 come, as was their wont. After one month’s bickering and 
 quarrelling, Shah Begum had quite resolved to set Mirza Khan up 
 in the Emperor’s place. 2 My father [then] said privately to the 
 Amirs, that it was not necessary for them to come to him any more. 
 When the Amirs re-entered the castle, my father went away to a 
 place called Ab-Barau, which is a day’s march from Kabul, and 
 withdrew himself from public affairs. Shah Begum and some 
 Moghuls [then] read the Khutba in the name of Mirza Khan, and 
 did their utmost to seize the fort of Kabul; whereupon numerous 
 
 1 The term used is Mddar-i-Kaldn-i-Sababi —R. 
 
 2 The whole of this paragraph is more or less obscure, and very badly arranged ; 
 but the sense is, I think, preserved in the translation. Erskine has made it 
 nearly the same. (See History i., pp. 249-50.) 
 
199 
 
 Bdbai'' s Expedition into K koras an. 
 
 fights ensued. Shah Begum sent a letter of entreaty to my father 
 to return, and as entreaties and remonstrances were unlimited, my 
 father could not choose hut come. During twenty-four days they 
 laid siege to the castle of Kabul; and in the course of these 
 operations the Emperor himself arrived. 1 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 babar Padishah’s journey into khorasan, and his return from 
 
 KHORASAN TO KABUL. 
 
 When Babar Padishah went in pursuit of Jahangir, he came 
 upon him in the mountains of Hazara. After holding a consultation, 
 it was determined that the wisest plan would be to proceed into 
 Khorasan, as with some aid, the sons of Sultan Husain Mirza might 
 be enabled to withstand Shahi Beg Khan. So with this object in 
 view, they turned towards Khorasan, and, on their arrival, these 
 two brothers were warmly welcomed by the people of Khorasan, 
 while the two Mirzas, for their part, were overjoyed at their advent. 
 But there existed no accord between these two Mirzas. In the first 
 place, Babar Padishah knew that they were not at one; he also 
 knew that without unity they could effect nothing. Moreover, 
 Jahangir Mirza, from having indulged too freely in wine drinking, 
 was suffering so severely from dysentery, [from a disease called] 
 mm, and a burning fever, that it was generally reported that Khadija 
 
 1 This episode has no doubt been slurred over by the author, in order to excul¬ 
 pate his father as far as possible, but there can be no question that the latter was 
 guilty of a serious act of treachery towards Baber, and that he gave his counten¬ 
 ance to the schemes of Shah Begum. Baber himself seems to have regarded 
 Muhammad Husain Mirza as one of the chief movers in the plot, and evidently 
 felt his ingratitude acutely, though, with characteristic generosity, he spared the 
 Mirza’s life, when the latter fell into his hands. In recording the event in his 
 “ Memoirs,” Baber concludes the account of it thus: “ Muhammad Husain 
 Mirza had conducted himself in such a criminal and guilty way, and had beeii 
 actively engaged in such mutinous and rebellious proceedings that, had he been 
 cut in pieces or put to a painful death, he would only have met with his deserts. 
 As we were in some degree of relationship to each other, he having sons and 
 daughters by my mother’s sister Khub Nigar Khanim, I took that circumstance 
 into consideration and gave him his liberty, allowing him to set out for Khorasan. 
 Yet this ungrateful thankless man, this coward, who had been treated by me with 
 such lenity and whose life I had spared, entirely forgetful of this benefit, abused 
 and scandalised my conduct to Shaibak Khan [Shahi Beg Khan]. It was but a 
 short time, however, before Shaibak Khan put him to death and thus sufficiently 
 avenged me:— 
 
 [ Verses ] : “ Deliver over him who injures you to Fate, 
 
 For Fate is a servant that will avenge your quarrel.” 
 
 (See Memoirs , p. 218.) 
 
200 Babars Expedition into Khorasan. 
 
 Begum (after her old fashion) had put poison in his wine. For 
 these and other reasons, he took his leave and returned to Kabul. 
 
 On reaching the Hazara mountains, he learnt that Mirza 
 Khan and Muhammad Husain Mirza were besieging Kabul. 
 Leaving the heavy baggage with Mirza Jahangir (who, being sick, 
 was travelling in a litter) he advanced with all possible speed 
 towards the passes of Hindu Kush, accompanied by a small body 
 of men. [The passes] were covered with snow. They, however, 
 crossed them with much difficulty, and advanced, by forced 
 marches, upon Kabul. At dawn one day they made a rapid 
 descent upon the town. Those who were outside the fort of Kabul, 
 and had been attacking those within, crept into concealment on 
 every side, while those who were within, rushed out and carried 
 off, as plunder, all that fell in their way, both within and without 
 [the walls]. The Emperor, in conformity with his affectionate 
 nature, without ceremony, and without a sign of bitterness—nay, 
 with the utmost cheerfulness and good-humour—came into the 
 presence of his step-grandmother, who had withdrawn her affection 
 from him, and set up her grandson as king in his stead. Shah 
 Begum was confounded and abashed [at his generous behaviour] 
 and knew not what to say. 
 
 The Emperor, going down on his knees, embraced her with great 
 affection, and said: “ What right has one child to be vexed because 
 the motherly bounty descends upon another ? The mother’s 
 authority over her children is in all respects absolute.” He 
 added: “ I have not slept all night, and have made a long 
 journey.” So saying, he laid his head on Shah Begum’s breast and 
 tried to sleep ; he acted thus in order to reassure the Begum. He 
 had scarcely fallen asleep, when his maternal aunt, Mihr Nigar 
 Khanim, entered. The Emperor leapt up and embraced his 
 beloved aunt with every manifestation of affection. The Khanim 
 said to him: “ Your children, wives and household are longing to 
 see you. I give thanks that I have been permitted to behold you 
 once again. Rise up and go to your family in the castle. I too 
 am going thither.” 
 
 So he went to the castle, and on his arrival all the Amirs and 
 people began to thank God for His mercy. They made the dust 
 of the feet of that loving king, powder [kohl] for their eyes. 
 Then the Khanim conducted Mirza Khan and my father before 
 the Emperor. As they approached, the Emperor came out to 
 receive them. The Khanim then said : “ Oh, soul of your mother! 
 I have also brought my guilty grandson and your unfortunate 
 brother to you. What have you to say to them ? ” and she 
 pointed to my father. When the Emperor saw my father, he 
 instantly came forward, with his wonted courtesy, and smiling, 
 openly embraced him, made many kind inquiries and showed him 
 
201 
 
 Babars Sojourn in Kabul. 
 
 marked affection. He then embraced Mirza Khan in like manner, 
 and displayed a hundred proofs of love and good feeling. He 
 conducted the whole ceremony with the utmost gentleness of 
 manner, bearing himself, in all his actions and words, in such 
 a way that not a trace of constraint or artifice was to be seen in 
 them. But however much the Emperor might try to wear away 
 the rust of shame with the polish of mildness and humanity, he 
 was unable to wipe out the dimness of ignominy which had 
 covered the mirror of their hopes. 
 
 My father and Mirza Khan obtained permission to go to 
 Kandahar. The Emperor, by entreaty and unremitting attentions, 
 detained Shah Begum and the Khanim. When they reached 
 Kandahar, Mirza Khan remained there, while my father proceeded 
 in the direction of Farah and Sistan, with the intention of carrying 
 out that holy resolve which he had made while in Khorasan. On 
 his arrival in the territory of Farah, he heard of the conquest 
 of Khorasan, by Shahi Beg Khan, and the overthrow of the 
 Chaghatai. The high roads and passes were in a dangerous state, 
 being obstructed and even closed. Thus my father was prevented 
 from executing his purpose. This happened in the year 912. 1 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF BABAR PADISHAH’S SOJOURN IN KABUL, AND A FEW 
 
 STORIES CONNECTED THEREWITH. 
 
 It has been already related that the Emperor, in the year 909 , 
 conquered Kabul from Mukim, son of Zunnun Arghun. [On this 
 expedition] he was accompanied by nearly 20,000 men of the army 
 of Khusrau Shah. Now as Kabul was unable to support so great 
 a host, the Emperor resolved to invade Hindustan. But on that 
 expedition, from ignorance of the roads, they frequently came to 
 places where provisions were scarce, and most of their cattle 
 perished. Although there was not a single battle in that campaign, 
 yet the army suffered a severe reverse. On their return to Kabul, 
 many of Khusrau Shah’s men deserted him. At this crisis Shah 
 Begum and my father arrived in Kabul, and the Emperor proceeded 
 to Khorasan (as has been related above). 
 
 After we went to Kandahar, in consequence of all that had 
 passed, the people were reduced to the most afflicting want and 
 distress. In addition to this, Jahangir Mirza, who was at that 
 
 1 1506-7 a.d. 
 
202 
 
 Babars Sojourn in Kabul . 
 
 time tlie stay and support of the Emperor’s government, died. 
 After the occurrence of these events, he [the Emperor] wished to 
 strengthen his power by whatever means were available, in order 
 that he might be firmly and securely established in Kabul. To 
 this end, he sent an envoy to Shah Beg in Kandahar. Shah Beg 
 was the son of Zunnun Arghun, who was one of the greatest 
 Amirs of Mirza Sultan Husain, under whom he had, during 
 thirty years, conducted the affairs of Kandahar and Zamindawar. 
 Although he was a brave and intelligent man, yet by denying 
 himself everything, he amassed great wealth. He had gone in 
 person to Khorasan to assist the Mirzas. When Shahi Beg Khan 
 attacked Herat, he alone went out to oppose the advance of the 
 Uzbeg army, and in the engagement which ensued, he was slain. 
 He was succeeded, in Kandahar, by his son Shah Beg. [As has 
 been stated] the Emperor sent an envoy to Shah Beg, saying : 
 “ Since the children of Mirza Sultan Husain have been extirpated, 
 it is fitting that the gates of obedience and service should be 
 opened, and at this time there is no one in the palace of our 
 sovereignty, who is more worthy than yourself of occupying the 
 highest post.” But in spite of all the Emperor’s assurances and 
 promises, Shah Beg refused; for he had higher views of dignity 
 than that of entering into a state of dependence. To be brief, 
 this refusal led to an outbreak of hostilities. The Emperor 
 marched to Kandahar, in the neighbourhood of which town a 
 battle was fought, and that a very bloody one. Finally victory 
 declared for the Emperor; the dust of flight filled the eyes of 
 Shah Beg's men, and they were thrown into such confusion that 
 they were unable to enter the fort of Kandahar. Thus, without 
 baggage, they crept on towards Sui, 1 and his good fortune was 
 changed to desolation. So much treasure fell into the Emperor’s 
 hands, that [the gold and jewels] and Shahrukhi 2 were divided 
 among the army by the shieldful. 
 
 Mirza Khan, who had stayed in Kandahar, now joined the 
 Emperor, who returned to Kabul laden with much spoil and 
 treasure, having left Sultan Nasir Mirza, younger brother of 
 Jahangir Mirza, in charge of Kandahar. 
 
 On his return to Kabul [important] news came from Badakhshan. 
 
 1 From the abridged MS. translation at the British Museum, Erskine appears 
 to have read this name Sim, in the text used by him. If that is the correct 
 reading, probably Sibi is the place indicated. In our texts, it may read Subi as 
 well as Sui. For Baber’s account of these transactions, see Memoirs , pp. 224 seq. 
 
 - The Shahrukhi was a coin reckoned by Erskine to tie of the probable value 
 of 9| or hj pence, when the rupee was worth two shillings. (History, i. Append. 
 E.) I infer that it derived its name from Sliah-Kukh Mirza, fourth son of 
 Timur, who reigned in Khorasan, etc., from 1405-1447, and that it was a silver 
 coin, though Col. Malleson, in his I/ife of Akbar, calls it “a gold coin of 
 Khorasan ” (p. 53). The Shahrukhi does not appear in Mr. S. Lane Poole’s 
 tables. 
 
Bdbars Sojourn in Kabul. 
 
 203 
 
 When the country of Kliusrau Shah 1 was annexed by the Uzbeg, 
 some of the people of Badakhshan refused to submit, and on 
 several occasions put the Uzbeg army to flight, wherefore every 
 commander of 1000 men [mir hazari ] attained the rank of Sardar, 
 and placed the heads of the Uzbeg on their pikes. 2 Their leader 
 was Zobir Raghi. 3 
 
 Shah Begum laid claim to Badakhshan, saying: “ It has been 
 our hereditary kingdom for 3000 years. 4 Though I, being a 
 woman, cannot myself attain to the sovereignty, yet my grandson 
 Mirza Khan can hold it. Males descended from me and my 
 children will certainly not be rejected.” The Emperor assented, 
 and Shah Begum and Mirza Khan departed for Badakhshan. 5 My 
 brother Muhammad Shah, who was in the service of the Begum, 
 accompanied them. As they approached Badakhshan, Mirza 
 Khan was sent forward to announce to Zobir Raghi the arrival of 
 the Begum, and to explain her intentions. 
 
 No sooner had Mirza Khan left them, than the army of Aba Bakr 
 marching from Kashghar came upon them. All the men and the 
 Begum, and all who were of the party, were seized and carried 
 off [to Kashghar]. An account of Aba Bakr 6 will shortly follow. 
 
 Mirza Khan [hearing of this event] hastened to Zobir Raghib 
 At first Zobir treated him with respect and honour, but afterwards 
 paid so little attention to him, that he allowed only one or two 
 servants to wait on him. When things had gone on a short time 
 in this way, Yusuf Ali Kukildash Divan a, one of Mirza Khan’s 
 old retainers, conspired with eighteen other persons, and one night 
 fell on Zobir, slew him, and set Mirza Khan upon the throne. 
 From that date, 913, till the end of his life, Mirza Khan reigned 
 over Badakhshan. 
 
 1 Khusiau’s country was the province of Kunduz , or more properly the territory 
 of Kattaghdn, of which Kunduz was the capital. 
 
 2 The words are Sir-dari, but the passage makes no sense when translated 
 literally. Erskine (in a note to his MS. in the British Museum) suggests a 
 pun on the words Sarddr and Sir-dari , by adopting which, the translation 
 may stand as given here. 
 
 3 That is, a native of Rdgh —a hill district in north-western Badakhshan, on 
 the lett bank of the Panjah, and opposite Kulab. 
 
 4 Shah Begum (Khan Mirza’s grandmother) was, as we have been told above, 
 the daughter of Shah Sultan Muhammad, King of Badakhshan, and the widow 
 ol Yunus Khan, Baber’s maternal grandfather. (See also Baber, p. 231.) 
 
 5 This Mirza Khan (or properly, perhaps, Klian Mirza ) was the son of Sultan 
 
 Mahmud Mirza, who was third son of Sultan Abu Said and an uncle of Baber. 
 Mirza Khan was ruler of Hisar, Khatlan and Badakhshan. His mother was 
 Nigar Klianim, a sister of Baber’s mother. Consequently he was Baber’s cousin, 
 both by the father’s and the mother’s side. His proper name was Sultan Vais 
 Mirza, and it is not clear how he acquired that of Klian Mirza or Mirza Khan. 
 One of his brothers, Baisanghar Mirza, had been murdered, and another, called 
 Sultan Masud Mirza, had been blinded by Khusrau Shah. (See Baber, pp. 128 
 and 237). v F 
 
 " Aba Bakr was a Dughlat, and brother of the author’s uncle, Sayyid Muhammad 
 Mirza. 
 
204 Shdhi Beg's Co?iquest of Khwarizm. 
 
 After the conquest of Kandahar, Babar remained in Kabul. 
 Those Moghuls of Khusrau Shah’s army who had stayed behind, 
 to the number of about 3000, now raised Abdur Bazzak 1 to the 
 throne, and declared against the Emperor, who had only 500 men 
 left with him. However, with these 500 men, he met them in a 
 pitched battle. This was one of the Emperor’s greatest battles. 
 After much giving and taking of blows and countless hand-to-hand 
 fights, the Emperor broke and routed the foe. In that action he 
 personally, and alone, engaged five different champions of the 
 enemy: Ali Sayyid Gur, Ali Sinar, and three others, and with 
 brave strokes and sword cuts, put them all to flight. 
 
 In this same battle, Abdur Bazzak Mirza fell into the Emperor’s 
 hands, but was treated with generosity and set at liberty. 
 
 After these events, the affairs of the Emperor began to march 
 favourably in Kabul, where he remained until the year 916 [1510], 
 when Shahi Beg Khan was slain, as will be mentioned below. 
 
 CHAPTEB XIII. 
 
 EXPEDITION OF SHAHI BEG KHAN INTO KHWARIZM. HIS CONQUEST OF 
 THAT COUNTRY. HIS RETURN TO MAVARA-UN-NAHR, AND HIS MARCH 
 INTO KHORASAN. 
 
 When Shahi Beg Khan had disposed of the Moghuls, Sultan Said 
 Khan fled to Moghulistan, and my father to Khorasan. Some [of 
 the Moghuls] were put to death and others imprisoned. Shah 
 Begum was sent into Khorasan, while the rest of the Moghuls, [Shahi 
 Beg] carried with him into Khwarizm. He besieged [Khwarizm] 
 for eleven months. Chin Sufi was then acting as governor for 
 Mirza Sultan Husain. During all that time no one came in 
 answer to his appeal for help; and he fought some marvellous 
 battles, which even now are celebrated among the Uzbeg. At 
 length, in consequence of the dearth of provisions, most of his men 
 died of hunger, and resistance became no longer possible; then 
 Shahi Beg Khan took the citadel, put Chin Sufi to death, and 
 returned to Samarkand. 
 
 As, before the conquest of Khwarizm, he had laid siege to Balkh 
 for six months, and had left that enterprise only half completed 
 
 1 Abdur Razzak was another of Baber’s numerous cousins. He was a son of 
 Sultan Ulugh Beg Mirza of Kabul (son of Abu Said), and had reigned in Kabul 
 until expelled by Mukim, son of Zunnun Argliun, late in 1503 or early in 1504. 
 (Krskine, Hist., i., pp. 211, 215, 216, 277, etc.) 
 
205 
 
 Murder of the Author s Father . 
 
 (as has been related above), he now went and conquered Balkh, 
 and then returned to Samarkand, where he passed the winter. In 
 the spring he set out against Khorasan. Mirza Sultan Husain 
 had died the year before, and his sons, in their indolence and 
 indifference, could not come to any mutual agreement. When the 
 news arrived of Shahi Beg Khan’s approach, everything was 
 thrown into dire confusion and disorder. Every one had some 
 suggestion to offer, but no conclusion could be arrived at, [and 
 while they were still engaged in these arguments] news came that 
 Shahi Beg Khan had reached Herat. Mirza Zunnun led out an 
 army [to oppose him], but [saw] that it was too late to dam the 
 torrent with earth, or to smother the blazing fire with dust, and 
 he was himself slain at the first onset of the Uzbeg, who forthwith 
 entered and plundered Herat. The Mirzas all fled in different 
 directions, and the greater part of the army did not even know 
 how Herat had been taken. Thus easily fell that important city 
 with its vast population. 
 
 Mir Muhammad Salih, one of the Amirs of Sultan Abu Said, 
 whose name is to be found in the “ Lives of the Poets ” [tazTdra] 
 discovered the date of this event, namely, 912, in the words Fath- 
 i-Khordsdn —“ Conquest of Khorasan.” 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 THE REASON WHY MY FATHER, MUHAMMAD HUSAIN KURKAN, SUR¬ 
 RENDERED HIMSELF TO SHAHI BEG KHAN. MARTYRDOM OF MY 
 NOBLE UNCLE, SULTAN MAHMUD KHAN, AND OF MY FATHER. 
 
 My father and Mirza Khan left Kabul and went to Kandahar, 
 whence the former proceeded, with the intention of making the 
 Holy Pilgrimage, while Mirza Khan remained at Kandahar. 
 [My father] had resolved to go to Sistan, and taking the road by 
 Neh and Bandan, to reach Kirrnan; since if he travelled by way 
 of Khorasan, he would be hindered by the importunities of the 
 Mirzas. 1 On nearing Farah he was met by a body of fugitives, in 
 the most pitiable state imaginable, who told him that Shahi Beg 
 Khan had seized Khorasan in the manner above related. 2 
 
 When they reached Farah they found that the roads on every 
 side were unsafe, and there was nothing left for my father but to 
 remain where he was. Thus he stayed three months in Farah. 
 On Shahi Beg Khan hearing of his whereabouts, he sent him a 
 
 1 The Turki MS. has: “ the Mirzas would press him to stop.”—It. 
 
 2 The Turki adds : “ And we have fled from him ; having said this they gave 
 him an account of the victory, as we have given it above.”—It. 
 
206 
 
 Murder of the Author s Father 
 
 most courteous invitation [which he accepted], and, accompanied 
 by the magnates of Far ah, he went to visit Shahi Beg Khan, who 
 was then encamped at Ulang Kahdastan, 1 in great magnificence; 
 hut the limits of this Epitome prevent me from giving full par¬ 
 ticulars. No one would ever have imagined that change and 
 destruction were coming over his affairs within a few years; it is 
 wonderful how, in a short space of time, all went to ruin, in a way 
 that will be briefly described. 
 
 In short, he received my father with every mark of attention 
 and honour, and showered down innumerable presents upon him. 
 
 After this [Shahi Beg Khan] went against Kandahar, where 
 Sultan Nasir Mirza 2 was [ruling], as has been mentioned above. 
 He laid siege to the town for forty days, and then, having made 
 peace, he returned, carrying away much booty. During the same 
 year there were battles between the sons of Mirza Sultan Husain 
 and Shahi Beg Khan’s Sultans at Mashhad, Nishapur, Astarabad, 
 and Turshiz. In all these encounters the Uzbeg were victorious, 
 and the Chaghatai defeated. A great number of the Chaghatai 
 were slain, and those who escaped became so scattered that they 
 were never again united. 
 
 At this time, Ubaid Ullah Khan, 3 who was Sultan (and many 
 
 1 Kahdastan appears to have been a spot in the near vicinity of Herat. It lay 
 probably to the north or north-east of the city, but is not marked on maps now in 
 use. (See Barbier de Meynard in Journ. Asiat., 5 Serie, xvii., p. 509.) 
 
 2 Nasir Mirza was Baber’s youngest brother, and had been appointed Governor 
 of Kandahar, when Baber took that place in 1507. (Erskine, Hist., i., pp. 89 and 
 279.) 
 
 3 Ubaid Ullah Khan (or Ubaid Ullah Sultan) was son of Mahmud Sultan 
 (Shahi Beg’s brother), and afterwards (in 1533) became Khakan, or over-lord, of 
 the Uzbegs. It may be remarked here, that the Uzbeg government was not an 
 absolute sovereignty, but was committed, by an electorate of chiefs, into the hands 
 of one of their number. Sir H. Howorth likens it to that of Russia in mediaeval 
 times, and says : “ It was broken up into a number of appanages, each under its 
 own Khan, and all subservient to an over-chief who was styled Khakan, and 
 answered to the Grand Prince in Russia, who had a similar feudal authority over 
 the appanaged princes. On the death of a Khakan the appanaged princes met 
 together to choose a successor; and their choice, as is usual in the East, generally 
 fell upon the senior representative of the house, not necessarily the heir by right 
 of primogeniture, but the oldest living representative of the senior line. It has 
 followed, in consequence, that in many notices of Bokhara there has not been a 
 sufficient discrimination between the line of Khakans, or chief Khans, and those 
 of the appanaged princes, and the two lists have been confused together.” 
 (Yol. II., p. 713.) Ubaid Ullah’s private appanage was Bokhara, as mentioned 
 in the text; but he was practically Sultan of the Uzbegs at the time in question, 
 though Ivuch-Kunji (otherwise Kuclium Khan) was nominally in that position. 
 It appears that Ubaid Ullah ruled the whole of Transoxiana, including Bokhara, 
 during two reigns before he was himself proclaimed Khakan in 910 h., or 
 1533 a.d. These reigns were Kuch-Kunji, 1510-30, 
 
 Abu-Said, 1530-33, and they were followed by 
 Ubaid Ullah as Khakan, 1533-39. 
 
 Mr. Stanley Lane Poole points out the “ dual character of Shaibani’s dynasty,” 
 and remarks that, though Samarkand was the capital, “ there was generally a 
 powerful and sometimes an independent government at Bokhara.” (See 
 S. L. Poole’s Cat. Orient. Coins in Brit. Mus., VII., p. xiv; also Stokvis, Manuel 
 d’Hist., etc., p. 157.) 
 
207 
 
 and of Sultan Mahmud Khan. 
 
 victories were in his name), was going to Bokhara, which was his 
 hereditary seat of government. He begged my father to allow me 
 to accompany him. The reason for this was that Ha biha Sultan 
 Khanish (who has been mentioned, in the detailed list of my 
 father’s children, given above) had been married by Shahi Beg 
 Khan to Ubaid Ullah Sultan, after [my father’s] flight from 
 Shahr-i-Sabz. So, with my father’s permission, I was taken to my 
 sister in Bokhara. 
 
 In the winter of the same year, Shahi Beg Khan went to attack 
 the Kazak in Mavara-un-Nahr, that is to say, the Dasht-i-Kipchak. 1 
 Shahi Beg Khan [first] took my father to Bokhara, but when he 
 went to attack the Kazak, he left him in Samarkand. He returned 
 in the spring, and then set out for Khorasan, entrusting my father 
 to the care of Timur Sultan, his son, to whom he had given 
 Samarkand. So my father spent that spring in Samarkand, while 
 I was living with my sister in Bokhara. 
 
 At this time news came that Sultan Mahmud Khan had left 
 Moghulistan and was advancing on Andijan, with complaints and 
 demands. Shahi Beg Khan sent to beg my father to come into 
 Khorasan. My father accepted the invitation and went. lie felt 
 his end was drawing near, and on the tablet of his fate he recog¬ 
 nised the hue of martyrdom. His hope of safety being more 
 slender than a spider’s web, he devoted all his attention and 
 energy to providing for my safety, so that should his precious soul 
 be drowned in the whirlpool of martyrdom, I at least, on the 
 shores of safety, should be protected from risks and dangers. 
 
 On his first visit to Herat, my father had sought out a pious and 
 talented man to be my teacher, whose name was Hafiz Miram. He 
 was, indeed, a pious and ascetic man [fakir], possessed of numerous 
 talents. He could recite the Koran [with special attention to the] 
 modulations of the voice, and wrote the Naskh Taalik hand and others 
 beautifully. My father was much pleased with him; and during 
 [his stay in Herat] this man was his constant companion, whether 
 in the time of contentment and pleasure, or in the days of trial 
 and sorrow. He instructed me in the Koran and in calligraphy. 
 
 When the time came for starting for Khorasan, my father 
 showed me, in private, much kindness, and did his utmost to 
 console and comfort me, saying : “ Your uncle Sultan Mahmud 
 Khan has arrived [from Moghulistan] in spite of my having 
 warned him both by word and in writing. I said to him, 4 After 
 the conquests of Amir Timur, and the devastation \_takhrib] of 
 Moghulistan, your forefathers, though dispersed, remained in that 
 
 1 This is the literal translation of the passage, but it seems to imply the fallacy 
 of regarding the Dasht-i-Kipchak and Mavara-un-Nahr as one and the same 
 region. The meaning most likely is that Shahi Beg returned to Mavara-un-Nahr 
 to attack, or cheek, the Kazaks of, or from, the Dasht-i-Kipchak. 
 
208 
 
 Murder of the Author's Father 
 
 country, and were awaiting their opportunity. Contenting them¬ 
 selves with scanty clothing and simple food, they took care of 
 their people and their army. Thus passed 150 years, until the 
 sun of your noble nature rose in Moghulistan, which is an eastern 
 clime and the quarter where rise the lights of the Khakans. At 
 the middle season of your youth, in the manner of your noble 
 ancestors, you restored the fallen Moghulistan to its former glory, 
 and together with Yunus Khan, you seized that opportunity, 
 which had been long sought by your forefathers, and brought 
 under your control those states which they so earnestly coveted. 
 Thus you spent nineteen years in complete success. It is now 
 clearer than the day, that the power of your victorious forces can¬ 
 not be compared with the numbers of Shahi Beg Khan’s army. 
 Hence it is your obvious duty to remain in Moghulistan, both for 
 your own personal safety and for the welfare of your people. For 
 though you may there be exposed to many hardships, that is 
 better than extinction. It is, moreover, quite evident to me that 
 should you ever fall into the hands of Shahi Beg Khan, he will 
 subject you to the most painful of tortures, and will deem your 
 death his own life : on no account whatever will he spare you.’ 
 
 “ Thus did I use all the arguments in my power to dissuade the 
 Khan, but as often as my remonstrances reached him, certain base 
 advisers, in their short-sighted ignorance, represented to him that 
 * Muhammad Husain Mirza does not wish you to go, because lately 
 Shahi Beg Khan has shown him great favour, and he knows that 
 your going would put an end to this.’ To absurd representations 
 of this kind they would add: ‘ It is our firm conviction that if 
 [Shahi Beg Khan has treated Muhammad Husain Mirza well, in 
 return for his services, he will treat a hundred, nay, a thousand, 
 times better, you who have done so much more for him ’]d After the 
 expression of all these impossible and absurd ideas, the following 
 answer was sent back : ‘ Oh ! Dash ’ (that is, oh ! Friend, for these 
 two had become ‘ friends ’ according to the Moghul custom, in 
 their youth, and called each other by this name up to the end of 
 their days): ‘ how strange it is that you should be leading such 
 a happy life in Khorasan and Samarkand, in spite of your know¬ 
 ledge of the pitiable state of affairs in Moghulistan! How can 
 you allow me to be exposed to so much suffering ? ’ But taking 
 my words and advice as mixed with evil intentions, he failed to 
 recognise their truth, and came. This instance is not the same as 
 the former one. 1 2 Certainly Shahi Beg Khan will fill the cu]3 of 
 the Khan’s hopes with the fatal wine of martyrdom, and whatever 
 dregs remain he will cause me to drink. I now commit you to 
 
 1 Thus in the Turki; in the Persian texts the sense appears to be the same, 
 but is obscure.—R. 
 
 2 That is, the times have changed now. 
 
and of Sultan Mahmud Khan. 209 
 
 the care of God. Though your company would be dearer to me 
 than my own life, I fear Shahi Beg Khan would not allow it, and 
 I prefer the idea of your life being prolonged, even though it 
 involve the bitterness of separation; you must therefore bear my 
 absence patiently. Patience is bitter, but it has a sweet fruit. 
 Remember that when the father dies, the children are his heirs. 
 You also have become an heir. If the bird of my life escape from 
 the net of Shahi Beg Khan’s intentions against me, we shall have 
 the joy of meeting again. 
 
 “ Now as your teacher, Hafiz Miram, is a devout man, and is not 
 on friendly terms with any of our people, if anything happens to 
 me, he will, with the advice of my partisans, be able to look to 
 your interests. Moreover, his family is also in Khorasan. It is 
 just a year since he left them to follow me ; therefore he is going 
 along with me. 
 
 “ I entrust you to the care of Maulana Muhammad. Be careful 
 to pay attention to all he may say to you, for he is my vicar 
 [khalifa]. 1 His father was my instructor and guide. From the 
 day of his birth up to the present time, he has been my confidant 
 and companion. I trust that he will always be your support in 
 times of trouble, and that he will protect you through thick and 
 thin.” 
 
 Having thus threaded many pearls of good counsel upon the 
 string of wisdom, and hung them on the attentive ear of my 
 understanding, father departed to go and wait on Shahi Beg 
 Khan, who was at that time besieging Kalat. 2 To all outward 
 appearance he received my father with friendship, and then 
 allowed him to proceed to Herat. When he reached Herat, a 
 person was sent after him [to put him to death]. Sultan Mahmud 
 Khan and his children were killed on the river of Kliojand. 3 My 
 father was buried in the mausoleum of Amir Sayyid Husaini, 
 while Sultan Mahmud was placed in the mausoleum of Shaikh 
 Muslih-ud-Din, Khojandi. 
 
 This happened in the year 914. For the Khan, the chronogram 
 Lab-i-darya-i-Khojand [the banks of the river of Kliojand] was 
 discovered. [Here follow some blessings upon the martyrs . . . .j 
 
 1 Or successor. That is—lie is to take my place as your father. 
 
 2 Kelat-i-Nadiri—as the modern name is—in Khorasiln. 
 
 3 The texts are very corrupt here. I have followed the Turki.—R. 
 
 F 
 
210 
 
 Adventures of the Author . 
 
 
 CHAPTEK XV. 
 
 SOME OF THE AUTHOR’S OWN ADVENTURES. 
 
 After Shahi Beg Khan had put my father to death, he despatched 
 an emissary to Bokhara with instructions to throw me into the 
 river, and thus send me to join those who had been drowned in 
 the river of Khojand. Although the order was an obnoxious one 
 to Ubaid Sultan, who received it (for he was married to my 
 sister), still it was impossible for him to refuse. 
 
 But how excellent a thing it is that the Almighty has power 
 to check the violent and, if He so wills it, to restrain the hand of 
 the cruel: so that, without His consent, the tyrant cannot touch 
 a single hair of any man’s head. And this is confirmed by the 
 events of this disturbed time. 1 For, in his glory, vanity and 
 magnificence, see how many royal families Shahi Beg Khan 
 destroyed, and the number of princely houses he annihilated! 
 For example, Sultan Husaini 2 and his followers, to the number 
 of nearly 200,000 persons; Sultan Mahmud and the Mirzas with 
 nearly 50,000 men—these all suffered at the hands of Shahi Beg 
 Khan. Again the royal houses of Samarkand and of Mirza Sultan 
 Ahmad: to what extremities were they not all driven by this 
 tyrant? In a short space of time, he scattered to the winds of 
 annihilation many governors and officials, so that the dust of their 
 existence formed towers on the plains of non-existence, which 
 reached up to the heavens, and from the mists of their sighs a 
 fr ightful whirlwind arose in the deserts. 
 
 This king, who could commit such atrocities and practise such 
 violence, was resolved on my death, at a time when I had only 
 just passed the half of my childhood, and did not know my right 
 hand from my left, nor good from evil; nor had I the ability to 
 use my strength—nay, I had not enough intelligence to execute 
 my own wishes. I had become an orphan, without father or 
 mother, my paternal uncles were scattered and my maternal 
 uncles slain. I had not [even] an elder brother who could share 
 in my grief; no friend or relation to comfort me. 
 
 That year, 914, 3 proved one of disaster for the Sultans of the 
 day in general, and of massacre for the Moghul Khakans in 
 particular. When God willed that all my uncles, aunts, and 
 cousins should he carried off in different directions and murdered, 
 
 1 The Turin MS. says : This is explained by what happened to myself.—R. 
 
 2 That is: Sultan Husain Mirza, Baikara, whose poetical name was Husaini, 
 as we have seen. 
 
 3 1508-9 a.d. 
 
A dventures of the A uthor. 
 
 211 
 
 I was the weakest and youngest of the family. The strangest 
 part of it all is that they were, everyone, at a great distance 
 [from Shahi Beg Khan], as has been mentioned above, but being 
 helpless, nay, having no alternative, they came and threw them¬ 
 selves into calamity and were murdered; while I escaped, though 
 in the town of Bokhara, in the middle of the ocean of Shahi Beg 
 Khan’s dominions. Since the decree of the will of the Almighty 
 had not been issued for my destruction, but for my preservation, 
 Shahi Beg Khan, with all his boasting and power, was not able 
 to touch one hair of the head of that helpless little child whom he 
 wished to kill. (Thanks be to God, the Lord of Heaven and 
 Earth, the Possessor of Might, Majesty, and Power.) 
 
 The details [of my escape] are briefly as follows: at the above 
 date, my father went to Khorasan and was put to death by Shahi 
 Beg Khan, who also sent an emissary to Bokhara to kill me. And 
 although this was an act that would have been distasteful to 
 Ubaid Ullah Khan, it was quite impossible for him to disobey 
 the orders of Shahi Beg Khan. He handed me over to the 
 emissary, with instructions to throw me into the river Amu, that 
 I might join those others who had been drowned in the ocean of 
 divine mercy. He was engaged in investigating some of the 
 property which my father had left [in Bokhara], alleging that the 
 Mirza had said to him: “ Bring my property along with my son.” 
 This occasioned a delay of a few days. During this interval 
 Maulana Muhammad, who was my master and my father’s 
 Khalifa, went to see Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Kazi, who 
 asked him : “ When are you starting for Khorasan ? ” Maulana 
 Muhammad replied: “We have decided to depart in a few days.” 
 Hazrat Maulana then said: “ Come back in a little while, I have 
 something I wish to say to you.” After a time, when the assembly 
 of faithful men had dispersed, Maulana Muhammad came in again, 
 and Hazrat Maulana asked him: “ How could I consent to 
 Muhammad Husain Mirza going to Khorasan, and now to the 
 Mirza’s son going there too?” Maulana Muhammad replied: 
 “ Verily, we are taking him, fully trusting in God’s protection.” 
 Then, said Hazrat Maulana: “The Holy Prophet, when his life 
 was threatened by the infidels of Mekka, did not put his trust 
 in standing still and being captured, but took to flight. There¬ 
 fore, what you should now do is, trusting in God, to take the 
 Mirza and flee; and if danger or cause of fear presents itself, I 
 am your security. You ought certainly to set out without delay.” 
 
 Maulana Muhammad used to say: “ I never had any such 
 thought in my mind, but those words of Hazrat Maulana had a 
 wonderful effect on me, and the determination to go and seize you 
 and carry you away, took so strong a hold of me that as soon as I 
 had left him, I turned my whole attention to our flight.” 
 
 p 2 
 
212 
 
 Maulana Muhammad Kazi. 
 
 Having reached this point in my narrative, I think fit to give 
 some details of the life of Hazrat Maulana, who has been mentioned 
 above, in connection with my illness. 
 
 CHAPTER XYI. 
 
 HAZRAT MAULANA MUHAMMAD KAZI. 
 
 His name was Muhammad bin Burhan-ud-Din. His father was 
 one of the intimate friends of Kazi Imad-ud-Din Maskin, Samar¬ 
 kand!, and for this reason Hazrat Manlana was known as Maulana 
 Muhammad Kazi. After he had acquired a certain proficiency in 
 the sciences, he devoted himself to the study of theology—walking 
 in the way of God—and to this end he repaired to Khorasan. On 
 leaving Samarkand, he went to pay his respects to that much 
 beloved and respected example of piety, Khwaja Nasir-ud-Din 
 Ubaidullah, who lived there. He asked Hazrat Maulana where 
 he was going. The latter replied that he was going to Khorasan. 
 Again he asked : “ Are you going for the sake of study, or for some 
 other object?” A certain student, who was in the company of 
 Hazrat Maulana, said: “His greatest desire is to become a darvish.” 
 His Holiness [the Khwaja] telling them to wait a little, went into 
 his garden, and after a prolonged absence returned, bringing two 
 letters for Hazrat Maulana : one was a letter of recommendation 
 to Khwaja Kilan, the son of Maulana Sad-ud-Din Kashghari; the 
 other contained an account of the rules and practices of devotees, 
 which he had written, and which he now gave to Hazrat 
 Maulana. 
 
 [Here follows an epitome or summary of the contents of the 
 “ Tract,” which contained commendations to the study of divine 
 truths, through following Muhammad, and warnings against 
 associating with dancing and singing (or howling) darvishes, and 
 against listening to heretical doctrines.] 
 
 In the Salsalat id Arijin, one of Hazrat Maulana’s works, it is 
 written : “ It was most strange that in spite of the Khwaja’s 
 admonition, my desire to visit Khorasan was in no way lessened ; I 
 at length obtained Khwaja Nasir-ud-Din’s sanction to depart, and 
 set out for Khorasan. But as, on the road, incidents occurred 
 which prevented me from proceeding further, I returned and 
 entered the Khwaja’s service.” The writer remained some time 
 with him, and managed his private kitchen; and so great was his 
 
Manland Muhammad Kdzi. 
 
 213 
 
 devotion that he used himself to come, on foot, and lay the meals 
 before Hazrat Ishan. He, by degrees, won his entire confidence, 
 and Hazrat Ishan used to address Hazrat Maulana in the presence 
 of all his most distinguished guests. 1 
 
 In all matters, the most perfect intimacy and trust existed 
 between them—so much so, that Maulana Muhammad became an 
 object of jealousy to the other companions of Hazrat Ishan and his 
 children. And as this gave rise to much unpleasantness, Hazrat 
 Maulana set out for Khorasan in company with Maulana 
 Muhammad Amin, who was also a disciple of Hazrat Ishan. . . . 
 
 And there they spent six months in the enjoyment of the society 
 of Maulana Abdur Rahman Tami. Hazrat Maulana then entered 
 the service of Hazrat Ishan in Tashkand, who encouraged him 
 
 and honoured him with the respectful style of “ Ishan.” .... 
 
 m * *2 
 
 It was the fashion, at that time, for every Sultan to have one of 
 Hazrat Maulana’s disciples for a spiritual guide. Thus Sultan 
 Abu Said Mirza entertained Maulana Kasim; Sultan Ahmad Mirza, 
 Maulana Khwaja Ali; and all the Sultans observed this practice. 
 Sultan Mahmud Khan was guided by Hazrat Maulana. I have 
 heard this last say: “I was once praising Sultan Mahmud Khan 
 to Hazrat Ishan, when he remarked that Sultan Mahmud Khan 
 was indeed a very capable young man, but he had one fault, which 
 was a hinderance to his advancement. A pupil, with such an 
 instructor, ought to do all that his instructor told him, and not 
 rely on his own judgment; but, like a hawk, he should pounce down 
 upon whatever prey he is sent against, whether or no he has strength 
 sufficient, and should not hesitate and doubt, as the Khan did. It 
 was this that prevented him rising to that elevation which his 
 people had expected of him.” 
 
 In a word, after the death of Hazrat Ishan, Hazrat Maulana 
 went to Tashkand, where lie was welcomed with honour and 
 devotion, and where he remained until the destruction of Tashkand, 
 when he migrated to Bokhara. At that time Mahmud Sultan, 
 brother of Shahi Beg Khan, and father of Ubaid Ullali Khan, was 
 ruler of Bokhara, as representative of Shahi Beg Khan. He 
 cultivated the society of Hazrat Maulana and was his disciple for 
 one winter, which greatly pleased Hazrat Maulana, who for this 
 reason stayed on in Bokhara from that date to the year 916, when 
 my father went to Khorasan 3 and was martyred. It has been 
 
 1 This paragraph is very obscure.—R. 
 
 - The omissions here consist of some irrelevant anecdotes concerning these 
 holy men. They arc obscure in style, Mr. Ross informs me, and not worth 
 translating. 
 
 3 The Turki text adds here :—“ I, also, was at Bokhara.” The date should 
 be 914. 
 
214 
 
 Maulana Muhammad Kdzi. 
 
 mentioned in my own story, and will be related again, how hind 
 Hazrat Maulana was to me. 
 
 When the Kizilbash 1 overran the land (as will be described), 
 Hazrat Manlana left Bokhara and went to Andijan and Akhsi, 
 where he resolved to stay. 2 There, many people became Nakhsh- 
 bandi under his guidance, thus attaining high rank, and are, to 
 this day, a blessing in the land, where they propagate the doctrines 
 of their sect. An account of these men will be given below, in 
 connection with the biographical notice of Hazrat Makhdumi. 
 Wherever in this history Hazrat Manlana, absolutely, is mentioned, 
 Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Kazi is indicated. Further details of 
 his life will be given in their proper place. 
 
 ! It frequently happens at the present time, in Central Asia, that the word 
 Kizil-bash is used to denote almost any Shiah, but more especially a Persian, or 
 Khorasani, Shiah, or the descendant of one. In the sixteenth century, it is evident 
 from many passages in Erskine’s History, that the native authors utilised by him 
 meant the Persians in general, when they spoke of the Kizil-bash; and it appears 
 to be in this sense that Mirza Haidar makes use of the name. The Turki words 
 mean literally Bed Head, but more properly Bed Cap. The people who originally 
 bore the name of Kizil-bash were, according to Sir J. Malcolm, the seven Turki 
 tribes who had been the chief supporters of Shah Ismail during his early, suc¬ 
 cessful, campaigns in the west of Persia, and whom he distinguished by a 
 particular dress, which included a red cap. The names of these tribes arc given 
 by the historian as:—(1) the Ustajlu, (2) ilie Shamlu, (3) the Nikallu, (4) the 
 Baharlu, (5) the Zulkadar, (G) the Kajar, and (7) the Afehar. He adds:—“ The 
 swords of these tribes were consecrated .... to the defence of the Shiah religion; 
 and a sense of that obligation has survived the existence of the family by whom 
 it was first created”— i.e., the Sufavi. The Kizil-bash would thus date from the 
 first decade of the sixteenth century; but James Fraser, writing in the first half of 
 the eighteenth century, attributes their institution to Shaikh Haidar, the father of 
 Shah Ismail, which would make the date a little earlier. Sir H. Yule defines the 
 name as that “ applied to certain tribes of Turks who have become naturalised, 
 as it were, in Persia, and have adopted the Persian language; they are in fact 
 Persianised Turks, like the present royal race and dominant class in Persia.” 
 The name is now chiefly heard in Afghanistan and the adjoining regions of India, 
 Persia 3rd Turkistan. In the two first of these localities they appear, from what 
 Mr. Denzil Ibbetson tells us, to be regarded as the residue of the army with 
 which Nadir Shah invaded India. However this may be, it appears that they 
 are fairly numerous in Afghanistan, and that there are some 1200 families of them 
 in the city of Kabul alone, where they form not only an important military 
 colony, but also a political party, in possession of much influence. (Malcolm, 
 Hist, of Persia, i., pp. 502-3; Yule, Glossary, p. 814 ; Ibbetson, Punjab Census, 
 1881, i., p. 278 ; Fraser, Hist, of Nadir Shah, 1742, p. 135.) 
 
 2 This is a loosely expressed sentence, but has been translated as it stands 
 in the original. It does not determine whether the Maulana stayed at Andijan 
 or at Aklisi. 
 
Flight of the A uthor from Bokhara. 
 
 215 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 RETURN TO THE HISTORY. 
 
 Before entering upon the life of Hazrat Maulana, I had reached 
 that point in my narrative where Hazrat Maulana Muhammad, 
 who was my tutor [ustad], had resolved that he would escape with 
 me. Though he had previously had no intentions of this sort, 
 the idea gained complete ascendency over his Christ-like mind. 
 With this intent he came to me, in private, and asked me : “ Do 
 you propose to go to Khorasan now? ” I replied : “ Yes, I must 
 go, for I have been sent for.” He then said : “ It is quite certain 
 that Shahi Beg Khan will put you in chains, but what he will do 
 with you after that I cannot say.” Then he added: “ I have 
 something to tell 3*011, but will only do so on the condition that 
 you will reveal the secret to no one.” I then took a very solemn 
 oath and swore I would not repeat what he told mo, after which 
 he said: “ They have murdered the Mirza in Khorasan, and have 
 now sent for you. They have given orders that you are to be 
 sunk to the bottom of the River Amu, and thus to be despatched 
 to the next world. If you know of any one who will carry you 
 off, then fly at once. 
 
 For death attacks alike both old and young, 
 
 And fills with fear the minds of all it strikes:” 
 
 Fear and dismay overcame me, and I began to weep: I longed 
 to flee, in the hope of saving my life. 
 
 The Maulana said : “ You must keep this secret well hid; be 
 on the watch: for the moment I give the sign you must hasten 
 away.” 
 
 He had a friend who lived outside the town of Bokhara, and 
 arranged that I should pass a few days in perfect concealment 
 in this man’s house. He informed certain of my father’s servants 
 of this plan, and arranged that on the night of our flight, these 
 servants should take some saddle horses and start in a certain 
 direction, in order to make the spies think that we had fled on 
 horseback, and [thus cause them] to scour distant roads, searching 
 only the outside of the town while not suspecting the inside. 
 
 Accordingly, the same night that we took refuge in the house of 
 this friend, the servants took the horses and carried out the orders 
 which had been given them. All turned out as we had expected. 
 The spies imagined that we had escaped on horseback, and no one 
 made search for us in the town. Wo remained fourteen days in 
 
216 
 
 Flight of the A uthor from 
 
 the liouse of that excellent man. After this lapse of time, wo 
 joined a party of donkey-drivers and accompanied them to the 
 town of Hisar Shadman. In the bazar of that town one of my 
 father's servants recognised Maulana Muhammad. Fearing lest 
 he might trace us out, we at once fled from Hisar. On the road 
 I fell from my donkey, and dislocated my left elbow. We dared 
 not re-enter the town, or the bazar, and in the villages we could 
 not find a bone-setter; thus I endured the greatest agony for two 
 months. 
 
 At Pushang, one of the villages in Khatlan, we spent some da} T s 
 in the house of one of its holy men, who was known as Khwaja 
 Habib Ullah. He was a benevolent person, and after diligent search 
 found a bone-setter, whom he brought. The bone-setter broke the 
 joint again, and set it. I had not been able to use my arm for 
 two months, and from the intensity of the pain, had, during all 
 that time, never slept at night. That night, however, I fell 
 asleep. 
 
 One day, while we were there, a soldier came in and, placing his 
 quiver in a corner, sat down. Having scrutinised the company, 
 he came quickly forward, and said with great respect and courtesy : 
 “Hoes not Khwaja Maulana Muhammad know me again? I was 
 Mirza Muhammad Husain’s cook at such and such a time; in 
 those days I rendered you good service.” And as he gave such 
 clear proofs of recognition, it was vain to disclaim his acquaintance. 
 Moreover, Maulana Muhammad seemed much pleased, gave 
 expression to his joy, and began to enumerate the good qualities r of 
 that man]. That day and night they spent in friendly inter¬ 
 course. When day broke and he was about to depart, he stood in 
 the doorway of the house, in a respectful attitude, and said : “ Oh, 
 Khwaja Maulana Muhammad, blessings be upon your zeal and 
 fidelity. It was a noble and a suitable act of yours to take Mirza 
 Husain’s son and escape with him. If I had had any power or 
 means, I would have given my assistance; but I have not. However, 
 if I can, in any way, further your plans, I will hasten to bear my 
 part.” So saying he departed. 
 
 A little while after, there came an intimate friend of Khwaja 
 Habib Ullah, who whispered something in the Khwaja’s ear; 
 whereat the Khwaja’s colour fled from his face. He immediately 
 took the man apart, and said: “Now repeat what Shaikham 1 
 said.” The man replied: “ Shaikham told me to go and tell 
 Khwaja Habib Ullah that ‘this man’ has fled with the son of 
 Mirza Muhammad Husain ; the child is the cousin of Mirza Khan 
 
 1 The only word in the texts is Shaikham , hut no doubt reference is made to 
 Shaikham Mirza , who, our author informs us lower down, was an uncle of Ubaid 
 Ullah Khan. He was governor of Karshi, and was killed, in 1512, at the taking of 
 that place by the Persians, under Mir Najm. 
 
Bokhara to Badakhshdn . 
 
 217 
 
 and of Babar Padishah. Perhaps the Khwaja is keeping him in 
 his house, and in this case he will incur the enmity of Hamza 
 Sultan . 1 Behold, I am going to inform the Navab Matlab Sultan 
 [of the matter], so that the house and home of Khwaja Habib 
 Ullah may be swept away with the broom of plunder, its dust 
 mount to the skies, and its vapour be diffused over the earth.” 
 With these words he went away. 
 
 This Matlab Sultan was the son of Hamza Sultan, a one-eyed 
 wretch, whose inward vision was rendered blinder than his out¬ 
 ward sight by the darkness of tyranny. All the oppressed of those 
 countries united, at his court, in a common protest against his 
 tyranny. The leaves of the trees of these people’s lives were 
 constantly trembling from the violence of his blasts. 
 
 Khwaja Habib Ullah remained for a while buried in thought, 
 then raising his head, he said : “ No one has delivered you over to 
 me as hostages. I will not, from fear of being held responsible 2 
 for a charge I have not taken upon myself, deliver this little child 
 into the hands of death. To do so, would be conformable neither 
 with the teachings of Islam nor the dictates of humanity. Eise 
 up and flee whithersoever you may be safe. And whatever 
 chastisement may fall upon me, on your account, I will consider as 
 treasure laid up for me in the next world.” We then, having 
 returned him thanks, bade him farewell, and set out at once. 
 
 At this time Shah Kazi-ud-Din, who was a Chiragh Kush, appeared 
 in Badakhshan. His followers used to put to death everyone they 
 met, deeming it a means of salvation, and reward in the next world. 
 He had caused all the roads to be stopped, so that it was impossible 
 for us to journey into Badakhshan. Shah Kazi-ud-Din was one of 
 the cursed Mulahida of Ivohistan, whose story is to be found in all 
 histories. Most of the people of Badakhshan are adherents of that 
 sect. They hold the world to be without beginning or end 
 [leadim], and do not believe in resurrection or a future state. 
 They say that during the lifetime of the Prophet, it was incumbent 
 on all to abide by the statutes of the Holy Law ; but at the 
 present time, the sole duty of man is to speak fitting words and 
 to be faithful to their meaning. All other ordinances are futile. 
 Sexual intercourse [yali] with their own kindred is lawful, and 
 the enjoyment of it is, in no respect, dependent on marriage ; thus, 
 should one have a passion for somebody with whom its indulgence 
 is practicable, it is lawful to gratify it—be it with daughter or 
 son or mother. 
 
 1 An Uzbeg chief who had at one time been in Baber’s service, and afterwards, 
 joining Shahi Beg, turned against him. Finally, in 1511, he fell into Baber’s 
 hands and was executed as a traitor, together with two other Uzbeg leaders. At 
 the time in question here, Hamza was master of Hisar. (Erskine, Hist , i., 
 pp. 145, 315, etc.) 
 
 2 The Turki has :—no one has made me responsible for you.—R. 
 
218 
 
 Flight of the Author from 
 
 It is also lawful for tliem to take one another’s lives or property. 
 [In fact] the sect of Mulahida is the worst form of heathenism in 
 the world . 1 At the time of the conquests of Shahi Beg Khan, 
 
 1 It is noticeable that Mirza Haidar uses the word Chiragli-Kush or “ lamp 
 extinguishers,” as a synonym of Mulahida, or “ the impious,” for the sect he is 
 alluding to. Properly, the designation of this sect of Shiahs is Ismaili, and they 
 take their name from Ismail, the eldest son and nominated successor of Imam 
 Jafar Sadik. They consider Ismail as the true heir to the Imamat, and do not 
 acknowledge, as lawful, the succession of his brother Musa, and of the five last 
 Imams. One branch of the sect flourished in Africa under the Egyptian dynasty 
 of the Khalifs, while another became established in Northern Persia, where it 
 was known by the name of AH-Ildlii, as well as by that of Ismaili. It is not clear, 
 however, that all the eastern, or Asiatic, Ismaili hold the doctrines of the Ali- 
 lldlii. Mr. Colebrooke quotes the book called Dahistdn, by Mullah Mohsin 
 Fani, from which I transcribe the following extract, as it brings to light the 
 meaning and origin of the name. “ The Ali-Uahiyah hold that celestial spirits 
 which cannot otherwise be known to mankind, have frequently appeared in 
 palpable shapes. God himself has been manifested in human form, but especially 
 in the person of Ali Murteza, whose image being that of Ali-Ullah, or Ali-God, 
 these sectaries deem it lawful to worship. . . . They imagine that Ali Murteza 
 when he quitted this earth, returned to the sun, which is the same with himself; 
 and hence they call the sun Ali Ullali. This sect does not admit the authority of 
 the Koran as it is now extant .... they believe in the transmigration of God 
 into the persons of the Imams. Some of them affirm that the manifestation of 
 the divine being in this age of the world was Ali-Ullah, and after him his glorious 
 posterity ; and they consider Muhammad as a prophet sent by Ali-Ullah. When 
 God, say they, perceived Muhammad’s insufficiency, He himself assumed the 
 human form for the purpose of assisting the prophet.” The names of Mulahida 
 and Chiragli-Kush are of course terms of reproach only, while that of Assassins , by 
 which the Ismaili were known to Europeans in the Middle Ages, was derived from 
 their practice of drugging their victims with Hashish, a preparation of hemp, 
 and thus acquiring the designation of Hashishin. Ftdawi, another name under 
 which they are found mentioned, means “ the devoted,” and was applied to them 
 as devotees, or instruments, of the Chief of the Assassins —the Shaikh ul Jahal — 
 or, as the literal translation ran in the Middle Ages, the Old Man of the Mountain. 
 Full and interesting accounts of the Ismaili, the Ali-lldlii, and of the dynasty of 
 the Hashishin or Assassins , who ruled for about 170 years from their strongholds 
 in the Kuhistanof Northern Persia, will be found in the works mentioned below. 
 There is no space here to go further into the general subject; but it must be 
 remarked that when Mirza Haidar speaks of the “ cursed Mulahida of Kuliistan,” 
 it is to the Assassins of the Kuhistan of North-Western Persia that he alludes. 
 The chief stronghold of the “ Old Man of the Mountain ” was at Aldmat (the 
 “ Eagle’s Nest”), about thirty-two miles N.E. of Kazvin, until the power of the 
 dynasty was broken, by the Mongol army under Hulaku, in 1256, when the sect, 
 as a political body, came to an end. In Mirza Haidar’s time (as indeed down to 
 the present day) they seem to have flourished in the remote hill districts of 
 Badakhshan and the region of the Upper Oxus; and from time to time, no 
 doubt, some of their chiefs, like Shah Razi-ud-Din of the text, obtained a certain 
 degree of power in those localities. Here, in our times, they are known as 
 Ismaili and also as Aglia-Kliani , from the name of one of their Pirs,” or 
 religious leaders, who took up his residence in Bombay in 1S40, and whose 
 successors still live there. The inhabitants of Shighnan, Koshan, etc., still carry 
 tribute to him at Bombay, and reverence him as the chief of their religion. 
 
 As regards the name of Chiragli-Kush, it may be added that it is a term which 
 has been applied to many religious sects, besides those of the Shiahs: indeed, it 
 was applied to the early Christians, and is meant to stigmatise their proceedings 
 as immoral or obscene, by conveying the charge that, after their gatherings for 
 worship, the lamps are extinguished and obscene orgies indulged in. Thus it 
 is merely an abusive term, invented by intolerant religious opponents. In our 
 times, at any rate, (as far as the European traveller among them has opportunities 
 of judging) their morality is no worse than that of their neighbours. 
 
 The best notices of these sects and their history, will.be found in Yule’s Marco 
 
Bokhara to Badakhshdn. 
 
 219 
 
 the people of Badakhshan (as lias been mentioned) were acting 
 independently; still, they had never neglected to pay tribute to 
 Eazi-ud-Din, who was a Pir-zada, or to his ancestors. At that 
 time Shah Razi-ud-Din was brought from Sistiin into Badakhshan. 
 But before his arrival Mirza Khan, as already stated, had come, 
 and having killed Zobir, set himself up as king. As the people 
 of Eagh, as well as most of the Hazara of Badakhshan, attached 
 themselves to him, his supremacy was absolute. All the inhabi¬ 
 tants of Badakhshan, both far and near, openly and privately, 
 adhered to him. 
 
 When we reached Dili Bazar, one of the chief villages of Khat- 
 lan, we heard of these events. Whereupon we debated together 
 as to what should be done; some of the people of that place coun¬ 
 selled us, saying: “ Nik Pai Shah, although he professes obedience 
 to Hamza Sultan, is nevertheless a well-wisher of Mirza Khan, 
 and has also pretty constant intercourse with Shah Eazi-ud-Din. 
 If you throw yourselves upon him for support and protection, he 
 will be able to convey you to Mirza Khan.” The Maulana, having 
 left me in the house of some person, went to see Nik Pai Khan, to 
 whom he explained that he was the preceptor of Mirza Khan , 1 
 and that, having escaped the tyranny of the Uzbeg, he was desirous 
 of repairing to the foot of the throne of Mirza Khan. “ If,” he 
 continued, “ you will help me in this matter, your reward shall bo 
 great; 2 I shall, moreover, be able to represent your loyalty in the 
 most favourable light to Mirza Khan.” Nik Pai Shah received the 
 Maulana with great respect and honour, and instructed five of his 
 most trusted men to escort him across the river to Rustak, which, 
 though in ruins, was at least a place of security from the violence 
 of the Chiragh Kush. At about the hour of midday prayer, those 
 five men came and conveyed us across the river Amu, whence we 
 advanced towards Rustak. When the blazing torch of the sun 
 descended into the oven of the West, and the sparks of the stars 
 were scattered over the smoke-streaked vault of heaven, fire fell 
 upon the souls of those five men, and they began to brawl and 
 wrangle. Three other poor men, who carried a little merchandise, 
 were of our party, being bound for Kala-i-Zafar, where they hoped 
 to realise a small profit. These [five men] said to us : “ You must 
 pay duty [baj] ” ; and what was demanded was accordingly handed 
 over. Again they said: “ To each of us, separate payment is 
 due ” ; and this also they took. Finally they said : “ [You have 
 
 Polo , i.,pp. 146-8, 152-5; Catliay, i., pp. 153-4; Colebrooke in Asiatic Researches, 
 vii., p. 339; Sir H. Rawlinson, J. 11. G. S., vol. ix. (1839), pp. 36-7; Bret- 
 schneider, i., pp. 112 seqq .; and D’Herbelot, Bibl. Orient, under Ismailoun, Molle- 
 doun, &c. 
 
 1 The Turki MS. says: one of Mirza Khan’s oldest attendants.—R. 
 
 2 Literally: [Yours] shall be the reward of Gabriel.—R. 
 
220 
 
 Flight of the Author to Badakhshdn. 
 
 no need of money],” and they threatened to plunder us. How could 
 five poor artless men withstand five stalwart ruffians [ghalchci~]. 1 
 Besides, they gave us no time, hut began to bind us all, as a first 
 step towards putting us to death. When they laid hold of Mau- 
 lana Muhammad, he called out in an authoritative and severe tone 
 of voice : “ You dare not do us any injury. Do you know who 
 this is? ” (pointing to me). “ This is the brother of Mirza Khan, 
 who, flying from Bokhara, is on his way to visit his brother. A 
 great number of his servants are following after him, as fast as 
 they can, while others have stayed behind with Nik Pai Shah. If 
 we do not reach Kala-i-Zafar in safety, you can imagine what will 
 be done to you.” When Maulana Muhammad had said this, the 
 ruffians [ghalcha] became mild [ sms £], and replied in their own 
 dialect: “ Take back your possessions, oh! Khwaja.” So saying 
 they restored what we had given them, and turned to depart. In 
 spite of our insistance, they would not help us any further, but 
 returned. We, however, had no intention of returning; but 
 putting our whole trust in God’s protection, continued our road 
 until dawn. During the day we crept into hiding, and on the 
 following night again set out. At daybreak we reached Rustak, 
 where we were safe from the hostility of the accursed Mulahida. 
 
 On the following day we arrived at Kala-i-Zafar. During the 
 time of the Uzbeg domination, of which I have spoken, when the 
 people of Badakhshan raised their heads in every corner, and the 
 Uzbeg made several unsuccessful invasions, one of the chiefs'of 
 Badakhshan was Mubarak Shah. He had chosen out a strong place 
 for himself, but before he was able to complete the fortifications, 
 the Uzbeg came upon him. He gave them battle in that place, 
 and defeated them, and for that reason he called the fort Kala-i- 
 Zafar [the Fort of Victory], which name is the more appropriate 
 seeing that Mubarak Shah was of a tribe called “ Muzaffari.” It 
 is the capital of Badakhshan . 2 This Mubarak Shall was put to 
 
 1 The dictionary meanings of the word ghalclia are—villager, vagabond, rustic. 
 The late Mr. R. B. Shaw defined it as the name applied to the Tajik or Aryan 
 inhabitants of the mountain districts of Badakhshan, Shignan, Wakhan, Sarikol, 
 Kulab, Karatigin, etc. In Eastern Turkistan lie found it used generally for 
 a slave bought with money. Yambery translates it: “ Der knirps, der kleine 
 Wuclis”; and Pavet de Courteille: “Court, bas, petit liomtne.” In any case it 
 was a reproachful name, applied by neighbouring tribes, and not used by the 
 people themselves. In most parts of Badakhshan, in Shignan, Roshan, and I 
 think I may say Wakhan, the name is unknown to the inhabitants. They not 
 only do not call themselves by it, but appear unconscious of its being applied to 
 them by others. It is one among the many instances, in Central Asia, of one 
 people being known to another by a contemptuous appellation, instead of by their 
 own name. (For a full account of the so-called Ghalcliah, see Shaw’s Glialcliali 
 Languages, Calcutta, 1876.) 
 
 2 The ruins of Kala Zafar are still to be found. They stand on the left bank 
 of the Kokcha, a little below the mouth of the Argu river and above that of the 
 Teslikan stream. The Kokcha valley contains several traces of mediaeval times ; 
 for instance, the ruins of a fort called Ai-Khanim (on an isolated hill near the 
 mouth of the river, and on its right bank), which is said to have been destroyed by 
 
221 
 
 Adventures of Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 death by Zobir Raghi, who had defeated him, but who was, in 
 turn, killed by Mirza Khan, as already mentioned. [Mirza Khan 
 then ruled Badakhshan] and resided in Kala-i-Zafar. 
 
 Mirza Aba Bakr had taken many of the upper [ balddast] 1 
 Hazara of Badakhshan, and the lower [payan] side, which is flat 
 country, he had joined on to the Uzbeg states, which lie on the 
 borders of this territory. But the best of the country that was 
 left between these [two territories] was under the sway of Shah 
 Razi-ud-Din, the Chiragh Kush, and his Mulahida. Mirza Khan 
 encountered many difficulties and hardships in Badakhshan. 
 When I came to him, he gave me a warm and affectionate wel¬ 
 come. Eighteen days before my arrival, Sultan Said Khan had 
 come to visit him, [had stayed a short time] and then left [for 
 Kabul], as will be presently related. I remained one year in the 
 service of Mirza Khan. The rest of my adventures will be told 
 after the account of the Khan’s journey to Kabul. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 ADVENT OF SULTAN SAID KIIAN IN ANDIJAN. IIIS CAPTURE AND ESCAPE 
 
 TO BABAR PADISHAH IN KABUL. 
 
 It has already been stated that Sultan Said Khan had passed some 
 time in the service of Shahi Beg Khan, and was consequently well 
 acquainted with his disposition and that of his nobles. He felt 
 assured that Shahi Beg would not spare the Moghul Sultans, 
 merely in recognition of having once been released by them, after 
 
 Chingiz Khan. Above Kala Zafar also, and nearer to the present capital, 
 Faizabad, there are the remains of a stone bridge, among the scattered blocks of 
 'which, one of my party in 1885, found an Arabic inscription to the effect that the 
 bridge had been built by Shah Sultan Muhammad, in the year 884 ir. How long 
 Kala Zafar remained the capital of Badakhshan I am not aware, but it appears 
 from the narrative of Mirza Haidar that it could only have been founded towards 
 the end of the fifteenth century. It was still the capital of Badakhshan in 
 1516 when Humayun took refuge there, but beyond that date I have met with 
 no mention of it. 
 
 1 The word balddast seems to be used throughout the Tdrilch-i-Basliidi , with the 
 meaning of a “ hill,” or “ highland, district ” ; while the word Hazara denotes the 
 inhabitants of such districts, and becomes therefore the equivalent of “highlander,” 
 without reference to any racial consideration or to the meaning of the word. I 
 have never heard it used in this way, but to judge from the report of Munshi 
 Faiz Bakhsh (1870) it must still be commonly met with, for he speaks of the 
 inhabitants of Wakhan, Hunza, etc., as Hazara , and the former of these places 
 must have been one of the “ baladast Hazara of Badakhshan” mentioned in the 
 text. (See Faiz Bakhsh in J. B. G. S., 1872, p. 472.) 
 
222 
 
 Adventures of Sultan Said Khan . 
 
 having fallen into their hands . 1 So, whenever he had heard 
 praises bestowed on Shahi Beg Khan, he had protested. Ulti¬ 
 mately, things came to such a pass in Moghulistan, that he had no 
 resource left but to surrender himself to the Uzbeg. 
 
 Under these conditions, he entered Andijan. The government 
 of the province of Farghana was, at that time, in the hands of Jani 
 Beg Sultan. He had given Andijan to Khwaja Ali Bahadur, who 
 was one of Shahi Beg Khan’s most trusty men, and whom he now 
 promoted to the rank of Atalik 2 [guardian]. He was partially 
 mad, but, in military and state affairs, exceedingly capable. 
 
 The Khan reached Suhit-Kand , 3 which is one of the dependencies 
 of Andijan, but, before he told his name and descent, asked the 
 inhabitants what had happened to Sultan Mahmud Khan, and 
 whither Sultan Khalil Sultan had been sent. They answered him : 
 “ Sultan Mahmud Khan and all the Khakans of the Moghuls, who 
 have come here, have been sent to the City of Non-Existence, by 
 the Gate of Martyrdom.” 
 
 At this announcement, the thread of the Khan’s hope, which 
 was slender as a spider’s web, snapped in two. But he did not 
 regret that he had come, for he had done so as a last resource, with 
 his eyes open and knowing the risk he was running. Khwaja Ali 
 Bahadur sent people to seize whatever they had brought with 
 them, and imprisoned the Khan in an apartment which was above 
 the gateway of the citadel of Andijan. 
 
 On the morrow, when the glorious sword-bearer of the East 
 drew his sword from the sheath of the horizon, and caused its 
 dazzling brightness to illumine the earth, the resplendent world 
 was utter darkness in the eyes of the Khan, who was sent, with 
 his hands tied to his neck, to Jani Beg Khan in Akhsi. But 
 Khwaja Ali Bahadur was depressed and sorrowful; he felt deeply 
 for the Khan, but as he did not dare to disobey Shahi Beg Khan’s 
 orders, he could not so much as think of releasing the Khan. 
 
 1 This passage is obscure and the translation somewhat uncertain. 
 
 2 The proper meaning of Atalik is “guardian” or “tutor.” In speaking of 
 Bokhara and the Kipchak country, Sir H. Howorth (on the authority of Sen- 
 kofski) tells us that: “Originally the duties of the Atalik consisted in superin¬ 
 tending the education of the heir to the throne and looking after his household. 
 Afterwards the Atalik became one of the chief dignities of the Court, almost 
 equal to those of Divan-begi and Grand Vizier, and eventually, having become 
 hereditary and fallen into vigorous hands, the holders of the post became the 
 virtual rulers of the country, like the Merovingian mayors of the palace, and 
 succeeded like them . ... in usurping the chief authority of the state.” 
 (Vol. II., p. 869). A modern instance of wdiat Sir H. Howorth states here, was 
 the career of the late Amir Yakub Beg, who, when he first began to exercise 
 power in Eastern Turkistan, and while nominally in the service of Buzurg Khoja 
 of Ivliokand, assumed the title of Atulik Ghdzi, but soon afterwards abolished his 
 chief, styled himself Amir-ul-Mumnin , and reigned independently. 
 
 3 On Bitter and Oetzel’s map of 1811, a small place near Ush, to the south-east 
 of Andijan, is marked as Ldt Kend , which may possibly represent Sulat-Kand of 
 the text. Neither name appears on modern maps. 
 
223 
 
 Adventures of Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 Before sending him off he had despatched a special messenger [to 
 announce the Khan’s approach]. At about that time, Jani Beg 
 Sultan had fallen from his horse onto his head, and his brain had 
 become severely deranged, so that now, most of his actions and 
 words were inconsistent with a healthy understanding, and the 
 reins of memory fell from the hands of his intellect. On the day 
 that this news was brought to him, it chanced that his brain was 
 influenced by the spirit of Islam and the Holy Law (the Most 
 High God had ordained this, for the purpose of delivering the 
 Khan), and he said : “I am not an executioner that I should 
 endeavour to take any man’s blood.” He then ordered a letter 
 [nishdn] to be written to Khwaja Ali Bahadur, saying: “ The 
 Moghul Sultan who has come [to you] has not been delivered into 
 our custody. It would not be acting in conformity with the 
 statutes of the Holy Law were I to take his life. [It behoves me] 
 to open to him the meadows of mercy and safety, that he may 
 wander whither he will.” [Such was the purport of his letter.] 
 When the Khan related these incidents to me, as he frequently 
 did, he used to say : “ I had, for a long time, felt quite assured that 
 the Uzbeg would spare none of the Moghul Sultans, and had 
 become so convinced of this, at the time of my first visit to Andijan, 
 that when I arrived there [on this occasion], and 1 certain pious 
 men had written to me and sent prayers [for me to repeat], I said 
 in reply to them : * One of the conditions [of prayer] is that 
 nothing impossible should be prayed for; now my deliverance 
 must be reckoned among impossibilities, and therefore these 
 prayers for my safety would be ill-advised.’ To which they 
 answered: ‘ Though these prayers may not have the power to 
 bring about deliverance from the imminent peril in which you 
 stand, yet on account of them, God will give you a greater reward 
 in the next world.’ On this assurance I repeated the prayers which 
 they had sent me. I began also to turn over in my mind my 
 chances of safety, and how my escape might be achieved, but not 
 one of the ideas that occurred to me seemed feasible. If, for 
 example, Shahi Beg Khan were now to die, how could his dying 
 in Khorasan, at the time when they were going to put me to 
 death in Akhsi, in any way further my escape? If, again, Jani 
 Beg Sultan were to die, his death would not throw the affairs of 
 the Uzbeg into such confusion that, during the disturbance, my 
 escape could be effected. In short, I could not conceive any 
 possibility or probability of deliverance. As we drew near to 
 Akhsi, we saw a horseman riding towards us; I was persuaded 
 that he was coming to put me to death, and wondered how he 
 would do it. But when he approached, we found that it was 
 Maulana Haidar Kliarsuz, one of the notables of Andijan. Throw- 
 1 The Turki MS. interpolates here : I was quite prepared for martyrdom. 
 
224 
 
 Adventures of Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 ing himself from the saddle, he came and kissed my stirrup, with 
 joy and delight that knew no bounds, and said: ‘ Good news for 
 you ! Jani Beg Sultan has issued an order for your release. The 
 joyful mandate is now being brought by Dust Ali Chulak.’ It 
 then occurred to me that he was saying this just to set my fears 
 at rest, so I said : ‘ May God reward you with good things! As 
 for me, I have withdrawn my mind from life, and therefore do not 
 stand in need of such comfort.” But Maulana Haidar reiterated 
 his assertions, and was confirming them with the strongest assevera¬ 
 tions and the most solemn oaths, when Dust Ali Chulak arrived, 
 and commanded my guard [muvahkal] to return, to escort me back 
 to Khwaja Ali Bahadur and perform all the details of the man¬ 
 date concerning me. Thus, from within one farsalch of Akhsi I 
 was conveyed back to Andijan. 
 
 “When the mandate was delivered to Khwaja Ali Bahadur, he 
 [having read it] handed it to me. On perusing it, I found it to 
 contain exactly what Maulana Haidar had told me. Khwaja Ali 
 Bahadur then said : ‘ Though he should not abide by this decision 
 but, changing his humour, should issue a second mandate reversing 
 this one, still this is sufficient pretext for me ; you must be cheer¬ 
 ful, and enjoy now the soul-stirring wine-cups of the spirit of 
 youth. Be at your ease.’ However much I insisted that it was 
 but base deceit and a mean device to pollute the cup of martyrdom 
 with [earthly] wine, [my protestations] were of no avail . 1 More¬ 
 over, in conformity with the rules of good breeding [ilm-i-maash], 
 I was obliged to give in to his mode of thinking [and with an 
 unwilling heart I accepted his invitation]. As the wine-cup was 
 passed round, the rose-coloured liquor diffused itself over our cheeks, 
 which had become yellow as saffron, from the jaundice-tainted 
 order of the livid-souled Shahi Beg Khan, but now opened out like 
 the red rose or the new-blown tulip. All that day was spent in 
 wine drinking, [and when night came on] the feast adorning 
 torches made the banquet hall bright as the day. [The festivities 
 had scarce recommenced] when one of Jani Beg Sultan’s chamber¬ 
 lains named Allah Birdi came in and placed a sorrow-bearing 
 mandate in the hands of Khwaja Ali Bahadur, who passed it on 
 to me, saying: ‘ Bead thy letter.’ In it was written: ‘ The 
 question of the release of Sultan Said Khan has been reconsidered, 
 and found to be contrary to the orders of the Khan. He must be 
 sent to join those who have gone before him and who will never 
 return : or, otherwise, according to the old Moghul custom, he 
 must be sent to the capital, where he should, by means of the 
 gallows, be sent to his lasting home.’ On reading this ill-favoured 
 mandate, the rosy tints of joy were exchanged for the saffron hues 
 
 1 The Turki puts it: Now that I have mixed the wine of martyrdom, to defile 
 my mouth with the pure wine [of enjoyment] were of no avail. 
 
225 
 
 Adventures of Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 of apprehension. Khwaja Ali Bahadur grasped the situation, and 
 asked: “What is the cause of your dejection? Bead out the 
 mandate.’ So I read it aloud. Then Khwaja Ali Bahadur became 
 enraged, and said : ‘ His brain is disordered with mischief: what¬ 
 ever emanates from such a mind, if it be originally a good thought, 
 becomes a sin, and if it be a premeditated sin—then God pre¬ 
 serves us ! When a man has escaped from the edge of the sword, 
 or from the foot of the gallows, he is as difficult to lay hold of as 
 quicksilver—he disappears like camphor unmixed with pepper. 
 Where can I find him?* The chamberlain, kissing the ground of 
 respect, said : ‘ It is not reasonable that you, Bahadur, should 
 deviate from the straight-road of loyalty and adopt that of false¬ 
 hood, which is the worst of qualities. You say that the Sultan, 
 like quicksilver, is not to be caught; but he is now at your side, 
 and of this I am a witness.’ [At these words] Khwaja Ali 
 Bahadur blazed up, like a fire, with rage, and cried : ‘ Have all the 
 worthy services and deeds of valour I have performed in the 
 employment of Jani Beg Sultan, resulted in so little, that a 
 Chaghatai like yourself (whose skirt of service is still so defiled 
 with the pollution of hostility that no water of forgiveness could 
 cleanse it) should come and give me the lie direct, and point out 
 to me the straight road of loyalty to this family? I will report 
 your answer in full to the Sultan.’ He then ordered a hole to be 
 cut out of a beam, and that the beam should be placed upon the 
 man’s neck [and he be made to sit before the gate].” 
 
 After the Khan [Sultan Said] had been invested with the robe 
 of sovereignty of Andijan, this same Allah Bardi was taken before 
 him, and he was thus reminded of the man’s former base conduct. 
 But he said : “ Khwaja Ali Bahadur avenged me that same night, 
 and the rancour I bore him was washed from my heart. Let him 
 now be restored to his former post of chamberlain ; ” and he gave 
 him the middle rank of chamberlain, which was a high office for 
 him . 1 
 
 “ That night was spent in companionship, until day dawned ; on 
 the morrow, attended by a few men, we set out for Karatigin. 
 After travelling for one day, the men sent to accompany us, having 
 lost the right road, turned back. When Khwaja Ali Bahadur was 
 informed of this, he vented his wrath upon these men and punished 
 them severely.” He kept the Khan with him some days, while he 
 selected for him some distinguished and tiusty persons. The first 
 among them was Maulana Khaliki, a talented, good, and studious 
 man; he wrote the Naskh-Tdalik perfectly, and composed good 
 poetry; he was also a proficient musician. Another of them was 
 Khwaja Salih, who was the leading merchant in the province of 
 Andijan, and was known by every one he met on the road, while 
 
 1 Here follows a prayer, which is omitted. 
 
 Q 
 
226 
 
 Adventures of Sultan Said Khan. 
 
 ])eople often appealed to him for advice in their affairs. A third 
 was Maulana Yusuf Kashghari, who was an accountant [muhtasib], 
 much esteemed in Andi jan for his judgment. Another was Gadai 
 Piri, a professional courtier [nadimi] and a skilled musician. An¬ 
 other was Mir Ahmad, one of the Andijan Turks ; he had travelled 
 much and knew all the best routes. Another was Jalal, a very 
 serviceable man. Having given him these few men as an escort, 
 he started the Khan off a second time. 
 
 Khwaja Salih and Maulana Yusuf were dressed like merchants, 
 Maulana Khaliki, Darvish Piri and the Khan were in the guise of 
 students, and looked very like kalandars. Mir Ahmad and Jalal 
 passed as servants of the merchants. Thus attired, they set forth 
 and reached Kala-i-Zafar in perfect peace and safety. Here they 
 found Mirza Khan, who received and entertained them as well as 
 his straitened circumstances would allow. They remained there 
 eighteen days. Now, since Mirza Khan was a very feeble man, 
 some of his retainers, on account of his weakness, thought fit to 
 offer the Khan the government of Kala-i-Zafar (which was not 
 worth half a loaf of bread). But the Khan declined, saying : 
 “ Mirza Khan, who is my cousin, has been exposed to a thousand 
 hardships, by crooked fortune. It would be contrary to all rules 
 of good feeling and justice to oppose him, or to deprive him of this 
 [possession].” The Khan accordingly hastened to depart, and went 
 on to Kabul. Eighteen days after his departure, I arrived at 
 Mirza Khan’s [capital], as has been mentioned above. 
 
 On reaching Kabul, the Khan was welcomed with the utmost 
 respect and honour by the Emperor. The Khan used to say [when 
 telling his story] : “ Those days that I spent in Kabul were the 
 freest from care or sorrow of any I have ever experienced, or ever 
 shall experience. I spent two years and a half at the court of this 
 excellent Prince, in a continual succession of enjoyments, and in 
 the most complete abandonment to pleasure and absence of pre¬ 
 occupation. I was on friendly terms with all, and made welcome 
 by all. I never suffered even a headache, unless from the effects 
 of wine; and never felt distressed or sad, except on account of the 
 ringlets of some beloved one.” 
 
 In short, the Klnin remained in Kabul as the companion and 
 confidant of the Emperor. There existed between these two great 
 princes perfect accord and love and trust. The Khan’s visit lasted 
 from Shaban 914 to Ramazan 916, 1 at which latter date Shahi Beg 
 Khan fell into the hands of Shah Ismail, and was killed by him, as 
 will be related. 
 
 1 From Nov., 1508, to Dec., 1510. 
 
Mirza Khan in Badakhshdn. 
 
 22 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 MIRZA KHAN’S LIFE IN BADAKHSHAN. THE AUTHOR GOES FROM 
 
 BADAKHSHAN TO KABUL. 
 
 I have mentioned that I arrived at Kala-i-Zafar just eighteen 
 days after the Khan’s departure for Kabul. Mirza Khan was 
 living there in exceedingly straitened circumstances, being without 
 provisions and surrounded by the scheming natives of Badakhshan. 
 The Tangi Bala, 1 in which are situated the strongest places of the 
 Hazara, had been annexed to Kashghar, as will be mentioned 
 below. The flat country of Badakhshan, the most fertile and 
 prosperous part of that state, was under the control of the Uzbeg; 
 while the rest [of the land] from fear of the Uzbeg had [been 
 abandoned and had] become a waste. What yet remained over 
 from the panther of the mountains of enmity, on the one hand, 
 and from the crocodile of the river of tyranny, on the other, (that 
 is to say, the Uzbeg and the Kashghari) bad passed to Shah Razi- 
 ud-Din, the Chiragh Kush, who, having been brought from Sistan 
 to Badakhshan, had been appointed king [of this portion]. He 
 had introduced the religion of the Mulahidas, and outdid the 
 oppression of his two tyrannical predecessors. Mirza Khan, as a 
 Musulman, was much harassed [by these infidels] and had scarcely 
 the necessaries of life. That winter was passed in suffering. 
 
 In the early spring, a dissension arose among the supporters of 
 Shah Razi-ud-Din, which ended in their cutting off his head and 
 laying it at the feet of Mirza Khan. By this defeat of the Mula- 
 hida [Mirza Khan] gained a little power. Thus passed the spring ; 
 and at the end of autumn [ tirmdh ] a compulsory order came from 
 the Emperor of the following purport: “ The son of Muhammad 
 Husain Mirza has been with you ; your country is always exposed 
 to the forays of the Uzbeg, and my mind can never be at rest as 
 long as he remains there; you must send him to me.” 
 
 When Mirza Khan gave me leave to go to Kabul, he tried his 
 best to procure a coloured garment for me, but was unable to find 
 one [and was obliged to excuse himself]. On that day a most 
 curious incident occurred. I have already mentioned that I fell 
 from my horse and dislocated my elbow at Langar Mir Annul 
 (which is a dependency of Hisar), and that it had been broken 
 again and set at Pushang. Although the pain had subsided, I 
 was not able to bend and straighten my arm. I could not bend it 
 
 1 The Tanrji Bala may be translated—“the higher defiles” or “the upper 
 ravines.” 
 
 w 2 
 
228 
 
 The Author Repairs to Kabul. 
 
 enough to touch my face with my hand, nor straighten it suffi¬ 
 ciently to draw a how. During the spring I spent with Mirza 
 Khan, a man of Badakhshan, having stolen a two year old horse 
 from the Uzbeg, had brought it as a present [gpishkash] to Mirza 
 Khan who, in turn, gave it to me. One day the Mirza was taking 
 a ride for pleasure, and I accompanied him on that particular 
 horse. While we were riding along, a thorn ran into [the Tchdrish- 
 gdh 1 of] my horse. He gave two or three bounds into the air, and 
 as I had not strength enough to keep hold of the bridle, it fell 
 from my hand, and I was thrown on to the ground upon my 
 injured arm. As I struck the ground, I heard a sound in my bad 
 elbow. The shock was so violent that I fainted. After a time I 
 came to, and found that Mirza Khan was holding my head upon 
 his knees. He asked me how I felt. When I had quite recovered 
 my senses, having bound up my arm, they conveyed me to Kala-i- 
 Zafar. There they sent for the bone-setters \]zamdngar\ 2 On 
 examination, they found that my arm had gone back to its proper 
 place, so that after a short time I recovered the entire use of it, 
 and no injury was traceable. This was certainly a very strange 
 occurrence. 
 
 In a word, at the beginning of the month Kajab I left Kala-i- 
 Zafar and the service of Mirza Khan, and turned towards Kabul, 
 accompanied by a party of sixteen. We only had two horses 
 with us, and so limited was our baggage that I had nothing to lie 
 on at night. Maulana Muhammad, who was a sort of father to 
 the party, had nothing but one meagre shawl, such as is worn by 
 the poorest men in Badakhshan. What the condition of the others 
 was, may be surmised. 
 
 When we reached Kabul, we were received by Sliirun 3 Taghai, 
 who was maternal uncle to the Emperor and myself, and one of 
 the pillars of state. With a hundred marks of respect, he invited 
 me to his own house, where I was entertained with distinction and 
 kindness. Later, the Emperor sent a messenger to say that, after 
 three days, the happy hour would arrive when he would send for 
 me. After that, the moon of my ascendency and [the star of 
 my good-luck] emerged from their eclipse, and my misfortune 
 changed to prosperity. An order came that I should have the 
 honour of waiting [upon the Emperor]. When I came into his 
 presence, the joy-diffusing glance of the Emperor fell upon me, 
 and from the excess of his love and the intensity of his kindness, 
 strung pearls and set rubies began to rain down upon me from his 
 
 1 I can find no meaning for lchdrisli-gdli. The dictionaries only give “part of 
 a horse.”—R. 
 
 2 The word only means “bow-maker” in Persian, hut'is, I believe, used 
 in India for “bone-setter.”—R. 
 
 3 In Baber’s Memoirs this man’s name is written Sliirin, but in the Tdrilch-i- 
 Iiashidi , everywhere Shirun. 
 
229 
 
 The Author Repairs to Kabul. 
 
 benign, jewel-scattering eye. He extended towards me the band 
 of favour and bade me welcome. Having first knelt down, I 
 [raised myself and] advanced towards bim. He then clasped mo 
 to tlie bosom of affection—drew me to tbe breast of fatherly love, 
 and held me thus for a while. When be let me go, be would no 
 longer allow me to observe tbe formalities of respect, but made me 
 sit down at bis side. While we were thus seated, be said to me 
 with great benevolence : “ Your father and brother and all your 
 relations have been made to drink tbe wine of martyrdom ; but 
 thank God, you have come back to me again in safety. Do not 
 grieve too much at their loss. For I will take their place, and 
 whatever favour of affection you could have expected from them, 
 that, and more, will I show you.” With such promises and tender¬ 
 ness did he comfort me, so that the bitterness of orphanage and 
 the poison of banishment were driven from my mind. He then 
 asked me : “ Who was it that carried you off in fight? ” I replied : 
 “My master, Maulana Muhammad Sadr.” He then sent for the 
 Maulana. When he arrived [the Emperor] honoured him with 
 many kind speeches, and kept asking him the particulars of his 
 story, while the Maulana several times recounted the details of our 
 escape. [The Emperor] praised him highly and rejoiced his soul 
 with promises of favour. [When the Maulana had taken his 
 leave] the Emperor said to me: “ You have not yet paid your 
 respects to Sultan Said Khan,” and thereupon he ordered one of 
 his private officers to take me to the Sultan. I accompanied this 
 officer, and at once waiting on the Khan, benefited likewise by 
 his joy-scattering glances. I then returned to the presence of the 
 Emperor. After sitting with him for a short time, I took my 
 leave, amid assurances of royal favour. 
 
 When I came out, a man advanced to meet me with great respect, 
 and said: “I am the steward [ kaldnuz ] of the abode which the 
 Emperor has appointed for you.” So saying, he led the way to 
 an elegant mansion; its rooms were spread with many-coloured 
 carpets and beautiful thrones [masnad]. Everything in the way 
 of furniture, food, clothing, servants, and slaves, had been so fully 
 prepared as to leave nothing to be desired in the whole building. 
 It may be imagined how I enjoyed so sudden a transition to 
 comfort, ease, and abundance from a state of poverty, misfortune, 
 suffering, and hardship, which had rendered the soul weary of its 
 confinement within the cage of the body. How can I ever show 
 sufficient thankfulness ? May God reward him with good things ! 
 
 Thus I passed a long time in the service of the Emperor, in 
 perfect happiness and freedom from care; and he was for ever, 
 either by promises of kindness or by threats of severity, encouraging 
 me to study. If he ever noticed any little virtue or new acqui¬ 
 sition, he would praise it in the highest terms, commend it to 
 
Expeditions of Shahi Beg 
 
 230 
 
 everybody, and invite their approbation. All that time, the 
 Emperor showed me such affection and kindness as a fond father 
 shows his son and heir. It was a hard day for me when I lost my 
 father, but the bitterness of my desolation became scarcely percep¬ 
 tible, owing to the blessed favours of the Emperor. 
 
 From this time, to the year 018 [1512 a.d.] I remained in his 
 service. Whenever he rode out, I had the honour of riding at his 
 side, and when he received friends, I was sure to be among the 
 invited. In fact, he never let me be separated from him. When 
 I was studying, for example, directly my lesson was over he would 
 send someone to fetch me. And in this fatherly manner did ho 
 continue to treat me till the end of my stay \ta aJchar-i-hdl]. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 EXPEDITION OF SHAHI BEG KHAN AGAINST THE KAZAK, AND THE 
 
 BEGINNING OF HIS DECLINE. 
 
 As Shahi Beg Khan had filled the cups of the Khans and my 
 father with the wine of martyrdom, and had made them drink it 
 to the last dreg, so also was his own cup of life full, and his 
 fortune departed ; for has it not been said: “ The wine which 
 thou hast made others drink, that must thou also drink of in the 
 end”? The goblet of his prosperity was upset, and that which he 
 had caused others to taste, he was himself, in turn, obliged to 
 drink to the dregs. To be brief, as soon as he had set his mind at 
 rest concerning the Khans and my father, Shahi Beg Khan carried 
 devastation in all directions. In the year 915 [1509 a.d.] he 
 proceeded against the Kazaks. At that time, although Baranduk 
 was Khan, yet all the business of government was conducted by 
 Kasim Khan. In spite of his great power, Shahi Beg Khan had 
 not force enough to withstand Kasim Beg. At that period, the 
 numbers of his army exceeded 20,000. In winter time every one 
 stayed in some place 1 where there was fodder for the cattle. In 
 the middle of the winter, Shahi Beg Khan was engaged in plun¬ 
 dering on every side, but he soon returned, his object being not 
 to remain too far from his own country. 2 About the time above 
 mentioned, he made his last expedition, but the strength of his 
 horses and soldiers was quite exhausted; he himself remained in 
 
 1 In the Turki MS.: Were scattered in all directions.—R. 
 
 2 This passage is obscure. It may mean that he never stayed away long 
 
 at one time.- 
 
 
 o o O 
 
 cx-XL (P Xt*/ . / (Pf ^ y6 7cP<y /Ce-r 
 
 
 
against the Kazak and the Hazara. 231 
 
 the district of Kuk Kashana, and having detached a force, whose 
 horses had some strength left, sent them forward. This party fell 
 in with a few men, whom they despoiled and made prisoners. 
 
 One day they had halted for the sake of feeding their horses, 
 when news came that Kasim Khan was close at hand. This news 
 alarmed them. Buyun Pir Hasan, one of Kasim Khan’s Amirs, 
 having heard of the invasion of the Shaiban, advanced against 
 them with his own followers; he spread the report that Kasim 
 Khan was approaching, and had let himself be seen in the distance. 
 Shalii Beg Khan’s men, being fully persuaded that Kasim Khan 
 was really upon them, abandoned all they had seized—nay, even all 
 they had brought with them—and retreated, in the utmost disorder 
 and confusion, to Shalii Beg Khan, bearing the news of Kasim 
 Khan’s approach. Shahi Beg Khan at once ordered them to sound 
 the drum of departure, without paying attention to anything [but 
 getting away]. Those who liked stayed, those who wished to go 
 went. Broken and in disorder, they reached Samarkand at the end 
 of the winter. [Shahi Beg Khan] himself went on to Khorasan, 
 where he spent the spring. 
 
 In the beginning of autumn [tirmdh] he led an army against 
 the Hazara; but search as he might, he could not find a trace of 
 them in the Hazara mountains. For they had crept into hiding, 
 so that it was impossible to find them. He returned by way of the 
 passes, and along the bottom of a ravine where flows the River 
 Halman [Helmand]. There were but few roads by which it was 
 possible to descend the ravine, and these were extremely difficult. 
 It was well nigh impossible for an army of that magnitude to pass 
 by one or two paths, or to carry away [sufficient] water [or to 
 water the horses and beasts of burden]. They marched as they 
 could for several days, but from want of water they lost their 
 courage. Numbers of the cattle perished; and this army, too, 
 having received the decree of defeat, returned to Khorasan. As it 
 was winter, and as two armies in succession had fared thus badly, 
 he gave his soldiers a general leave of absence [allowing every 
 man] to return to his own home and country, whether he came 
 from the confines of Turkistan or the farthest extremity of Irak 
 and Kirman. At this juncture, news came that Shah Ismail was 
 advancing on Khorasan. Now, as the army was dispersed, Shahi 
 Beg Khan did not think it advisable to remain in Herat. He sent 
 messengers to the surrounding districts, to summon the Sultans 
 and Amirs to assemble in Merv, whilst he himself proceeded 
 thither; and when he reached Merv he found Shah Ismail was 
 already close upon him, as shall be presently related. 
 
232 
 
 War between Shdhi Beg and Ismail. 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF HOSTILITIES BETWEEN SHAIII BEG KHAN AND SHAH 
 
 ISMAIL. DEATH OF THE FORMER AT THE HANDS OF THE LATTER. 
 
 It is written at the beginning of this Part, and is mentioned in 
 the list of the kings who were reigning in the different countries 
 in the year 905, that Shah Ismail had gained complete dominion 
 over Irak. His dynasty had driven the Perfect Law [Shariat] out 
 of that country, and had brought about general massacres. How¬ 
 ever, there is no room in this Epitome for an exposition of his 
 misdeeds. When the frontiers of Shahi Beg Khan’s states came 
 to border on Irak, the Uzbeg used to make forays into those parts 
 of Irak which immediately adjoined Khorasan. On this account 
 Shah Ismail sent an envoy to Shahi Beg Khan, bearing suitable 
 gifts, together with a letter, which ran as follows : “ Hitherto the 
 dust of dissension has never settled upon the skirts of our thoughts 
 to such an extent as to raise a cloud of enmity. Let the path of 
 fatherly conduct be observed on your side, and on this side the 
 bonds of filial relationship shall be established. [Verses] 
 
 Plant the tree of friendship : for its fruit will be the desire of your heart; 
 
 Root up the sapling of enmity, which produces countless griefs.” 
 
 When the bearer of this missive arrived 1 at the court of the 
 Khan, the [following] answer was returned: “ It is fitting that 
 every man follow the profession of his father. If he follows his 
 mother he is going backwards. For Uzun Hasan withdrew himself 
 from the circle of kings, on the day that he gave his daughter in 
 marriage to your father, as did also Sultan Yakub, son of Hasan, 
 in giving him his sister. You had a right to make claims on your 
 mother’s side, so long as there was no son in the world like me— 
 Sultan, son of a Sultan. As the proverb says: * Let the son do 
 the father’s work, and the daughter the mother’s.’ [Verses] 
 
 Kings know the secrets of the business of the realm. 
 
 Oh! Hafiz, thou beggar, sitting in the corner, do not complain.” 
 
 Having exhausted his eloquence, Shahi Beg Khan sent back by 
 the envoy a staff [asd] and a beggar’s bowl [ kachkul ], adding: 
 
 1 The Turki MS. is fuller here; it says: Having performed the requisite 
 observances, they laid the presents before the Khan and submitted the letter for 
 his perusal. When Shahi Beg Khan had acquainted himself with the contents 
 of this excellent epistle, he made answer . . . .—R. 
 
Death of Shdhi Beg. 233 
 
 “ I 11 case you have forgotten your father’s trade, I remind you 
 of it. [Verses.] 
 
 Oh! my friend, if you value your life give ear to good counsel; 
 
 Ye happy youths, listen to the wisdom of the sage old man. 
 
 If you place your foot on the step of sovereignty think of your 
 own danger. [Verses.] 
 
 He may clasp the bride of sovereignty firmly to his breast, 
 
 Who dares to kiss her amid the clashing of keen swords.” 
 
 So saying, he dismissed the envoy from Irak, while he himself 
 led an army against the Hazara. The envoy, on his return, 
 delivered the reply to Shah Ismail, who, on hearing it, said: “ If 
 it is incumbent on every son to follow his father’s trade, we, 
 being sons of Adam, ought all of us to practise prophecy ! If 
 sovereignty had been confined to the hereditary descendants of 
 kings, there would have been more Pishdadi, and never any 
 Kaiani. Plow would Chingis himself have become king? and 
 where did you come from ? 
 
 [Verses.] Oh ! youth, do not boast of your dead father; * 
 
 Do not, like a dog, take delight in bones!” 
 
 P^lien, in return for his presents, he sent Shahi Beg Khan a 
 spinning-wheel and spindle, saying: “ Y r ou wrote in your letter 
 to me, ‘ Whosoever would clasp the bride of sovereignty close 
 to his breast . . . .’ I, too, say the same thing, and behold, 
 I have bound on the girdle to offer you fight, and have placed 
 the foot of contest in the stirrup of fierce warfare. If you 
 come out to meet me face to face in battle, our claims shall be 
 thereby decided. And if you will not fight, go and sit in a 
 corner and busy yourself with the little present I am sending 
 you. [Verses.] 
 
 We have had many experiences in this monastery of Recompenses. 
 
 Whosoever quarrelled with the Family of the Prophet was defeated.” 
 
 Shahi Beg Khan had disbanded his army, and was in Merv when 
 this letter arrived. He despatched expresses to every quarter to 
 collect his forces, but before even the troops of the neighbouring 
 districts could assemble, Shah Ismail arrived and pitched his 
 camp in the vicinity of Merv. During three days there were 
 continual skirmishes, and the army of Shahi Beg Khan began to 
 muster from all directions. Shah Ismail then came out from the 
 broken ground [where he was camped], and when the pickets of 
 the Uzbeg army saw this movement they reported it. The Uzbeg 
 [at once] imagined that the enemy had repented having come, and 
 were about to turn back. At the hour of afternoon prayers, 
 
234 War between Shdhi Beg and Ismail. 
 
 on the ruz-i-shalc of Ramazan in the year 916 [1510 a.d.], they 
 marched out, with a force of about 20,000 men. Some of his 
 advisers, such as Amir Karnbar and Amir Rai, represented that: 
 “ To-day we had better suspend hostilities [and not pursue Shah 
 Ismail] ; for Ubaid Ullah Sultan and Timur Sultan are encamped 
 with 20,000 men at a distance of one farsdkh ; [to-morrow they will 
 come and join their force to ours]. Moreover, it has been positively 
 ascertained that the enemy, in thus returning, either means to 
 retreat or [to draw us on to] battle. If they wish to fight, avc 
 had better [Avait until more of our troops have assembled from the 
 surrounding districts] and engage them Avith as large a force as 
 possible. And if they are really in flight, there is no necessity 
 for the chief to pursue them in person. Ubaid Ullah Sultan, 
 Timur Sultan, and a few other Amirs can folloAv them, while His 
 Majesty the Khan can travel quietly and leisurely, stage by stage, 
 right into Irak. It is evident that in the case of his retreating 
 from this place, our men can drive him forAvard and rout him, so 
 that he will not have strength to establish himself even in Irak.” 
 To this the Khan replied : “ [You have said Avell] nevertheless, to 
 make war on Shah Ismail is a holy Avar, and one of importance: 
 moreover there will be much plunder, and it would be a sacrifice 
 of gain in this world and ad\^antage in the next, were I to share 
 [this undertaking] with the Sultans. We must be bold.” So 
 saying, be [mounted his horse and that same hour] set out [in 
 pursuit of Shah Ismail]. When they had crossed the broken 
 ground and entered the open plain, they saAv that the enemy had 
 halted, and they calculated them to be 40,000 strong. Before the 
 Uzbeg army had time to get properly into fighting order, the 
 Turkoman contingent charged them. When Shahi Beg Khan’s 
 men saw themselves outflanked by the enemy, they lost their 
 steadiness and turned in flight. But the leaders of the army 
 stood their ground, till at length Shahi Beg Khan and all his 
 officers Avere killed. No history has recorded, nor has any one read 
 or heard of [another] battle in which all the commanders of the 
 army were slain. 
 
 When the fugitives reached the fort of Merv, every man of them 
 who Avas able to do so, took his family and fled, while such as were 
 unable, repeated the verse [from the Koran] about separation from 
 Avife and children, and then departed. 
 
 Now, most of the Moghuls had been sent to Khorasan by Shahi 
 Beg Khan, so that they might be further from the Khans and 
 from Moghulistan. When the Uzbeg reached the River Amu, they 
 fell into the hands of these Moghuls, who did not fail to plunder 
 them. 20,000 Moghuls then separated themselves and went to 
 Kunduz. Ubaid Ullah Sultan and Timur Sultan were still 
 encamped near Merv, when neAvs of the defeat reached them. 
 
Death of SZiahi Beg. 235 
 
 They immediately repaired to the fort of Merv, when they seized 
 the haram of Shahi Beg Khan, and of several of the Sultans and 
 nobles, together with anything that caught their eye, and went 
 off again the same night. Of those who stayed behind, all the 
 men were compelled, by the flashing swords of the Turkomans, to 
 taste the wine of martyrdom, while the women were carried off 
 into bondage. There followed, also, a general massacre of the 
 people of Merv. 
 
 Meanwhile Shah Ismail returned to Herat, where ho commanded 
 all the chief men [akdbir] of the town to assemble in the Mulkan 
 mosque, and read the Khutba; also, while the Khutba Avas being- 
 read, to pour out curses upon the Companions of the Prophet and 
 the faithful Aisha. When the chief men were met together in the 
 mosque of Mulkan, they carried out that unseemly order, and then 
 remained silent, until Hafiz-ud-Din, who was the preacher \khatib\ 
 was conducted to the pulpit. Hafiz ascended the pulpit and gave 
 out praise and thanksgiving to the Bestower of all good gifts, and 
 praises to the Lord of all living things [the Prophet]. When the 
 turn came for the blessed names of the Companions of the Prophet, 
 the hand of honour and piety seized the collar of [faithfulness to] 
 Islam and gave him the courage of Hafiz, so that he, preferring 1 
 the good things of the next world, and eternal felicity, to this 
 transitory life, said : “ For many years I have read the Khutba 
 in accordance with the Sunna. To-day, the sun of my life has 
 reached the west of old age. If it were the dawn of my days, I 
 might not have hesitated to perform this act of infidelity to preserve 
 my young life; but now that my days are just drawing to a close, 
 what benefit could I derive from such an act of blasphemy [ kufr~\ ? ” 
 So saying, he proceeded to read out the names of the Companions, 
 Avith the customary honour and respect. The accursed Kizilbash 
 (may God curse them) rose up to a man, and pulled the hoary- 
 headed Hafiz down from the pulpit, .by his collar, trampled him 
 under their feet, and then cut him in pieces; Avliile the great 
 men of the city all fled. 
 
 On the following day, the Shaikh-ul-Islam (who has been 
 mentioned among the great men of Khorasan) was sent for by 
 Shah Ismail. When the Shaikh came into the king’s presence, 
 the king turned to him and said : “ Oh, Shaikh ! you are a learned 
 man. It is a pity you should commit an error. Come and curse 
 the Companions and adopt the Shia faith.” The Shaikh then 
 opened his lips and said: “ Oh, my son ! what do you know of 
 religion, that you should point out the way thereof to me? Bring 
 before me those cowardly men who are nothing more or less 
 than infidels and Avorthy of death, and avIio have brought you 
 to this sad plight. If their words convince me, I will renounce 
 my own faith and enter their sect, But if the superiority of my 
 
236 
 
 Proceedings of Shah Ismail. 
 
 religion is proved against them, then you will renounce your 
 corrupt belief and adopt my pure faith.” 
 
 Then Shah Ismail turned to his Ulama and asked them what 
 they had to say to this. They replied: “ With people such as 
 these words are of no avail.” 
 
 That hundred times a wretch twice turned towards the Shaikh 
 ul-Islam and said : “ Come, Shaikh, renounce your sect.” But the 
 Shaikh retorted insultingly : “ Oh, cursed infidel, may your mouth 
 he filled with the earth of malediction, and your head struck 
 with the stones of execration ! You, who are deceived by false 
 and wicked guides, and cannot distinguish between the path of 
 life and the road to perdition: what do you know of religion, 
 or of sects? How do you know Satan from God the all-merciful? 
 By what science, learning, intelligence, or perception can you 
 distinguish the true from the false, that you should lecture me 
 on the True Faith?” On hearing these scornful remarks, the 
 king laid hold of his bow and let fly an arrow at the Shaikh, 
 which struck him. The Shaikh pulled the arrow out, rubbed 
 some of the blood that issued from the wound, over his blessed 
 face and white beard, saying: “ Thanks be to God, that after a 
 life of eighty years spent in the confirmation of the True Faith, 
 and the refutation of false doctrine, I have seen my white beard 
 stained with the blood of martyrdom.” That black-faced heretic 
 [bad-Jcish] then drew another arrow from his quiver [hisJi], and 
 shot it at the Shaikh. He then gave orders for him to be 
 carried out and hanged on a tree, and for the tree to be 
 afterwards cut down from the root. The Shaikh fell with the 
 tree, and they carried him away and burned him in the Malik 
 bazaar. Try as they might, they could not make the blessed 
 breast of the Shaikh to burn, and he lay for some time in the 
 bazaar exposed to the kicks of infidels. ... 1 In short, the per¬ 
 secution was continued as long as Shah Ismail remained in 
 Khorasan. 
 
 A summarised account of the rest of his reign will follow. 
 
 1 Here follows a rhetorical passage, explaining why God allows His faithful 
 servants to be exposed to calamity, in the defence of the truth.—R. 
 
237 
 
 March of Babar to Kunduz. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF THE NEWS OF TIIE DEFEAT OF SHAH I BEG KHAN BY SHAII 
 ISMAIL. MARCH OF THE EMPEROR FROM KABUL TO KUNDUZ. 
 
 In the early part of Ramazan of the year 016 [1510 a.d.] a person 
 came to Kabul with a letter from Mirza Khan to the Emperor. 
 The passes were blocked with snow, for it was the season of the 
 beginning of Capricorn. The letter contained the news that Shall 
 Ismail, having come from Irak, had engaged and defeated Shahi 
 Beg Khan at Merv. It had not been fully ascertained whether 
 Shahi Beg Khan had been killed or not. 1 All the Uzbeg had 
 recrossed the river Amu, and fled to Kunduz, where Amir Urus 
 Durman then was. 2 
 
 Nearly 20,000 Moghuls, having separated from the Uzbeg, had 
 also gone to Kunduz from Merv. “ I, myself,” he added, “ havo 
 gone over to Kunduz. If you will quickly turn the reins of your 
 power in the direction of Kunduz, I will attach myself to you, 
 and I have the firmest hope that you may soon recover your' 
 hereditary kingdom.” 
 
 [As soon as the Emperor had read the contents of this letter] ho 
 set out with all possible speed [although it was] in the depth of 
 winter. [He took the route] of Ab Dara 3 [since by that route] 
 there were no high passes to cross. He kept the Feast of 
 Ramazan 4 in the Bamian district, and at the beginning of 
 
 1 It is somewhat singular that Mirza Haidar nowhere records the death of 
 Shahi Beg Khan, or gives any account of how it took place. It is fully recorded, 
 however, by other authors. His army was completely routed by Shah Ismail at 
 Muhammadabad, near Merv, in 1510, when Shahi Beg, attended by about 500 
 men, chiefly heads of tribes and persons of distinction, had to fly for his life. 
 They were pursued and took refuge in a walled enclosure, erected for herding 
 cattle. This enclosure had but one entrance, and as the pursuers pressed towards 
 it, those inside attempted to escape, by jumping their horses over the wall on the 
 far side, at the foot of which ran a river. They fell in heaps, one upon another, 
 and Shahi Beg was crushed and smothered by those who followed liim. After¬ 
 wards, his body was disentangled from the heap of men and horses, and his head 
 Avas cut off and presented to Ismail, who ordered a number of barbarities to be 
 committed with the Khan’s remains. (See Erskine’s Hist., i., p. 303; Howorth 
 ii., p. 708, etc.) 
 
 2 This Amir Urus I cannot trace. He appears to have belonged to the Durman 
 sub-tribe of Uzbegs, who nowadays occupy, according to Mayef, the valley of the 
 lower Vakhsli or Surkhab. ( Geogr. Mag ., Dec., 1870, p. 329). 
 
 :J The Ab-dara pass, or defile, is frequently mentioned by Baber, though we 
 never hear of it nowadays. It appears to be the name not of an actual pass 
 (or lcotal) across the main range, but rather that of a defile leading up to the 
 Shibr, or Slnbertu, pass from the northern side, and was used only in winter when 
 the water was low. The name does not occur in our most recent maps. (Seo 
 note p. 36.) 
 
 * The 2nd January, 1511. 
 
238 March of Babar to Kunduz. 
 
 Shawul reached Kunduz, where he was received] by Mirza Khan, 
 and by the Moghuls who had been with the Uzbeg. Having 
 reposed for a few days in Kunduz, after the fatigues of the journey, 
 it was proposed that they should proceed against Hisar, where 
 Hamza Sultan and Mahdi Sultan, two of the most eminent of the 
 Uzbeg Sultans, were ruling. The winter was nearly over when 
 they passed the River Amu, at the ford of Tukuz Taram. When 
 Hamza Sultan heard of their approach, he rode out of Hisar and 
 repaired to Yakhsh, while the Emperor advanced to the plain 
 [dasht] of Kulak, 1 which is one of the most noted localities in 
 Khathin. There he learnt that Hamza Sultan was in Yakhsh. 
 That same night he set out by the higher road to surprise Sultan 
 Hamza, and at sunrise reached his camp. Nobody was there. 
 They searched on every side, and found a few peasants, who 
 gave them the following information concerning Hamza Sultan : 
 “ Yesterday, at the hour of midday prayers, news came that the 
 Emperor had pitched his camp in the plain of Kulak, whereupon 
 [Hamza Sultan] immediately set out for that place, by the lower 
 road.” The Emperor at once started in pursuit, along the road 
 which Hamza Sultan had taken, and at noontide prayers again 
 found himself at his quarters of the night before. Hamza Saltan, 
 for his part, had reached the camp at dawn, and found a precisely 
 similar state of affairs; he, too, set out in the track of our army, 
 and at midday prayer time re-entered his own camp. 
 
 The Emperor and his men believed that Hamza Sultan would 
 not be able to resist them ; while Hamza Sultan, on the other 
 hand, thought that [the Emperor] had only brought a few men 
 with him from Kabul, and that the Moghul army, having only 
 just arrived, would not yet have made sufficient preparations to be 
 able to fight. As both sides entertained such ideas as these, they 
 became afraid of one another. 2 That same night the Emperor 
 pressed on to Kunduz, while Hamza Sultan fled to Hisar. After a 
 few days, they each received the news of the other’s flight, and 
 both of them repeated, in thankfulness for their escape, the verse 
 “ Praise be to God who has averted from us an affliction.” The 
 Emperor, on reaching Kunduz, found that an ambassador had 
 arrived from Shah Ismail, bearing tenders of friendship. In the 
 
 1 Tulcuz Taram means, in Turki, the nine “ branchings ” or “ forks ” of a river. 
 The ford is not marked on any map that I am acquainted with, nor can any par¬ 
 ticular town or village of Yakhsh be located, nor the Dasht-i-Kulah. But the 
 route taken from Kunduz to Hisar is made evident by a reference to the map in 
 this volume. In all probability, whatever town or fort may have been known as 
 Vahhsh, at the period in question, would have been situated not far from the 
 modern Kurghdn Tipa, or the Kurgan Tube of Russian maps. (See pp. 21 and 24.) 
 
 - The author seems to have fallen into an inconsistency here. As all the texts, 
 both Persian and Turki, read alike, the translation is allowed to stand. If each 
 side thought the other weak, it is not clear why they should have dreaded one 
 another and avoided a battle. 
 
Account of the Author s Uncle . 239 
 
 meantime Khanzada Begum, the Emperor’s sister, had come from 
 Khorasan [having been sent by Shah Ismail]. It has been already 
 related how the Emperor, at the siege of Samarkand, had given 
 his sister, Khanzada Begum, to Shahi Beg Khan, as a ransom for 
 his own life, and had thus escaped. The Begum was taken into 
 Shahi Beg Khan’s haram, and by him, had a son named Khurram 
 Shah Sultan. After this, the Khan [Shahi Beg] began to fear that 
 she might, in concert with her brother, plot against his life ; he 
 therefore divorced her, and gave her to Say r yid Hadi, one of the 
 most eminent Sayyids of the Sayyidatai 1 —a man who was held 
 in the greatest respect and honour by himself and the Sultans and 
 all the Uzbeg. Sayyid Hadi had been killed in the battle of 
 Merv, and the Begum and her son had fallen into the hands of the 
 Turkomans. When Shah Ismail discovered that she was Babar 
 Padishah’s sister, he treated her with great attention, and sent her 
 back, with an ambassador bearing costly gifts, to the Emperor. 
 When Khanzada Begum arrived [the Emperor was overjoyed] and 
 despatched Mirza Khan to Shah Ismail laden with presents, and 
 charged with protestations of submission, good faith, and entreaties 
 for support and assistance. Shah Ismail received him well, and 
 having acceded to his requests, speedily gave him leave to return. 
 
 During this interval, a messenger came from my uncle to 
 announce that he had entirely cleared Farghana of the Uzbeg, and 
 that he had brought that country under his complete control, so 
 that the extermination of the Uzbeg and the conquest of Mavara- 
 un-Nahr would now become an easy matter. This brings me to 
 the next chapter. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF MY UNCLE SAYYID MUHAMMAD 
 MIRZA, AND DETAILS OF THE CONQUEST OF THE COUNTRY OF FARGHANA. 
 
 At the time of the devastation of Tashkand, my father’s brother, 
 Sayyid Muhammad Mirza (who is everywhere spoken of in this 
 book as “ my uncle ” in an absolute sense), was in Tashkand, in 
 
 1 In order to explain who were the Sayyids and the Sayyidata, I cannot do 
 better than cite Sir H. Howorth. He informs us (on the authority of M. Schefer) 
 that the former “ were all who claimed descent from the Khalifs Osman and Ali, 
 through the daughters of the Prophet. The Khojas claimed descent from the 
 Khalifs Abu-bakr and Omar, by other women than daughters of the Prophet. 
 The Sayyids had precedence of the Khojas. The latter were divided into two 
 categories, the Khojas Sayyid-ata, who possessed deeds proving their descent, 
 and the Khojas Juibari, whose title-deeds were lost, and who could only appeal to 
 tradition and repute. - ’ (Vol. ii., p. 870.) 
 
240 Account of the Authors Uncle . 
 
 the service of Sultan Mahmud Khan. When the Khans went to 
 attack Andijan, they first of all easily subdued Kasan, and gave it 
 to my uncle; they next proceeded to Akhsi, whither Shahi Beg 
 Khan had also gone, and there a fight ensued, which has been 
 already mentioned. On the news of Shahi Beg Khan’s victory 
 reaching my uncle, he left Kasan [immediately], and though he 
 himself had not been defeated, he joined those who were flying into 
 Moghulistan. When Sultan Mahmud Khan went into Moghul¬ 
 istan (as has been mentioned) my uncle remained with him until 
 the death of Sultan Ahmad Khan. After this event (as has also 
 been related) the Khan said to my uncle, in disparagement of Aksu 
 and Moghulistan : “ The position of towel-washer in Tashkand is 
 better than that of king in Moghulistan.” To which my uncle 
 responded : “ Verily, it is better if one is allowed to wash towels.” 
 The Khan was offended at these words, and some of those base men 
 [arazil\ whose manner it always is to slander good people behind 
 their backs, strove to aggravate the Khan’s anger to such a degree 
 as to cause him to put my uncle to death, and succeeded in pre¬ 
 venting any reconciliation ever being effected between the two. 
 However, the Khan said: “ lie is too near a relation for me to take 
 extreme measures with. As he has no evil intentions against me, 
 let him take himself off; let him go to Mansur Khan at Turfan.” 
 My uncle, therefore, was sent to Turfan, while the Khan himself 
 went to Moghulistan. In journeying towards Turfan, my uncle 
 allied himself, at Aksu, with the survivors of Sultan Ahmad Khan’s 
 people, wlio had remained in that province. 
 
 When Sultan Mahmud Khan came to his brother in Aksu, his 
 son, Sultan Muhammad Sultan, and Amir Ahmad Itarji were left 
 in Moghulistan, with some other persons, and on the whole ruled 
 with success. The} r sent out some men who brought my uncle; 
 and he and Sultan Muhammad Sultan lived on the most friendly 
 and intimate terms, until one night some assassins [fidai], disguised 
 as servants, came and murdered Amir Ahmad. It was never 
 discovered by whose order this deed had been done. 
 
 After this, the entire government of Moghulistan, and the autho¬ 
 rity of Sultan Muhammad Sultan, devolved upon my uncle. But 
 for want of the old army and of able councillors [sahib-i-rcii] my 
 uncle’s affairs did not prosper. All the old stock and the chief 
 councillors were with my father, and had accompanied him to 
 Hisar, so that nothing could be accomplished with the hundred 
 men or so, that my uncle had with him. 
 
 During that time, Sultan Said Khan and Sultan Khalil Sultan, 
 together with the Kirghiz, made repeated forays into Moghul¬ 
 istan, so that my uncle [at length] fled from that country to Yati- 
 kand, which was the residence of Sultan Mahmud Khan. Those 
 same base men [arcizil] again commenced their intrigues, and 
 
241 
 
 Sultan Said Khan is sent to Andijan. 
 
 caused my uncle to be seized and sent to the Uzbeg. Jani Beg 
 Sultan was at the time in Andijan, and to him my uncle was taken. 
 Jani Beg Sultan did nothing [to injure him], but rather treated 
 him with his wonted kindness and consideration. With him my 
 uncle remained until the time of Shah Ismail’s conquest, and the 
 Emperor’s expedition from Kabul. 1 
 
 In the spring following the winter when Shahi Beg Khan was 
 killed, all the Sultans of the Uzbeg assembled in Samarkand ; Jani 
 Beg Sultan also went thither, taking my uncle with him. At that 
 meeting, the Sultans came to the conclusion that not one of the 
 Moghuls who yet remained in Mavara-un-Nahr, should be left alive. 
 But to this Jani Beg Sultan would not consent. He dismissed my 
 uncle, and all the Moghuls who were in attendance upon him, [per¬ 
 mitting them] to go to Andijan and join their families. My 
 uncle, however, placed no trust in the permanence of Jani Beg 
 Sultan’s decision, and fearing a change in his humour, got away 
 with all speed. Soon after this, Jani Beg Sultan regretted the 
 action he had taken, and sent some men in pursuit of these 
 Moghuls, with orders to put to death any they should find of them. 
 My uncle had only just escaped in time. On his arrival at Andijan 
 he joined the remainder of the Moghuls and the people of Andijan ; 
 with these he raised a revolt, and drove all the Uzbeg out of the 
 country of Farghana. He then sent a messenger to the Emperor, 
 by way of Kardtigin, 2 to inform him of these events, and to beg 
 him for help, as has been mentioned above. The news filled the 
 Emperor with joy. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 BABAR PADISHAH LEARNS THE SUCCESS OF MY UNCLE SAYYID MUHAMMAD 
 MIRZA, AND SENDS SULTAN SAID KHAN TO HIS AID IN ANDIJAN. 
 
 Before this news reached Kunduz, a deputation of the leading men 
 [sahib-i-rai] of the Moghuls, such as Mir Sharim, Mir Mazid, Kul 
 Nazar Mirza, Amir Ayub, Mir Muhammad, Mir Ibrahim, Yadgar 
 Mirza, Kara Sultan Ali Mirza, Mir Ghuri Barlas, Amir Daim Ali, 
 Mirza Muhammad, Mir Beg Muhammad, Mir Kambar, Shall Nazar 
 Mirza, Kutluk Mirak Mirza, and others, came and represented to 
 the Khan, at a private interview, that if he desired it they would 
 
 \ Viz., in 917 a.h., or 1511 a.d. 
 
 The word often reads Kair Tagin, and in the present instance all the texts 
 spell it in that way. I have, however, adhered to Kardtigin throughout, as that 
 is known to be the real namo of the country. 
 
 R 
 
242 Sultan Said Khan is sent to Andijan. 
 
 make away with the Emperor, and set him [Sultan Said Khan] 
 in his place. [For at that time there were 20,000 Moghuls 
 armed and fully prepared, while there were not more than 5,000 
 Chaghatais.] But the Khan replied: “ During the period of the 
 hurricane of Shahi Beg Khan’s conquests, when the buffetings of 
 the waves of calamity and contention dashed in pieces the ships of 
 the life and prosperity of the Moghul Khakans, [and they had all 
 been drowned in the ocean of annihilation] I saved myself upon 
 the plank of concealment, and arrived at length at the island of 
 Kabul, which Babar Padishah had contrived to save from the 
 violent shocks of the billows of events, and where he then was. 
 On this island, the Emperor protected me with the utmost benevo¬ 
 lence. Now that I have attained the shore of prosperity, how 
 malicious, how ungrateful it would be for me to perform so ignoble 
 an act. [The Holy Law and the dictates of humanity prevent my 
 entertaining any such base thoughts.] ” By the hand of Amir 
 Kasim Kuchin, who stood in the place of guardian to the Emperor, 
 he sent the following message: “ Praise be to God, the affairs of 
 [your] State are to-day prosperous, and the various peoples are 
 turning their faces towards the palace of that Eefuge of the 
 Nations [your Majesty], The Moghuls, more especially, who are 
 distinguished above all other tribes by their numbers and their 
 strength, and whose Amirs have been the most eminent of Amirs, 
 have always devoted their energies to the advancement of the 
 work of their colleagues [ ibna-i-jins ]; they now turn to your 
 Majesty. It is no longer expedient for me to remain near you; it 
 is fitting that our ancient union should be changed to separation. 
 If your Majesty send me to some quarter, where it will be possible 
 for the bonds of our old affection to remain fastened, it will con¬ 
 tribute to the welfare of both.” 
 
 Just at this time news came from Andijan, together with my 
 uncle’s petition for help. The Khan was immediately sent off to 
 Andijan, together with every one that thought fit to go. These 
 events will be presently related, if it please God. 
 
Accession of Babar in Mavara - it n-Nahr. 
 
 243 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 ACCESSION OF BABAR PADISHAH TO THE THRONE OF MAVARA-UN-NAHR. 
 
 After the Khan had been despatched to Andijan, Mirza Khan 
 arrived with the auxiliary force which had been sent by Shah 
 Ismail, and thus the power of the Emperor became complete. 
 Then, without delay, his Majesty marched for the country of 
 Hisar; on learning which the Uzbeg, on their part, collected 
 their forces, and under the leadership of Hamza Sultan, Mahdi 
 Sultan, Timur Sultan, and several others of their great Sultans, set 
 out to oppose the Emperor. Kuchum Khan—who had been set up 
 in the place of Shahi Beg Khan—Suyunjuk Sultan, Jani Beg 
 Sultan, Ubaid Ullah Sultan, and all the other [Uzbeg] Sultans, 
 had assembled and encamped at Karshi, which was originally 
 called Nakhshab. When the Emperor approached the Pul-i- 
 Sangin, Hamza Sultan advanced and occupied it. Both sides 
 remained encamped for nearly one month. Finally it became 
 apparent that the Uzbeg force was numerous, their Sultans 
 renowned, and that it would be a difficult matter to resist them. 
 The Uzbeg, on their part, came to the conclusion that the Emperor 
 was unable to withstand them, and crossed the river by swimming 
 it below the Pul-i-Sangin. Intelligence of this reached [Babar] at 
 about afternoon prayer-time, and he immediately broke up his 
 camp and advanced towards Abdara, a locality where there are 
 mountain fastnesses. They continued to march at their best speed 
 all through that night, until the midday prayers of the following 
 day, when they reached a spot which the most experienced leaders 
 considered strongly enough protected to justify a halt. At mid¬ 
 night news came that the Uzbeg were advancing in full force; 
 the commanders announced this simultaneously to the whole 
 army, and up to daybreak every man was busy getting his arms 
 ready [for action]. About sunrise . . . - 1 our pickets came in and 
 reported that the Uzbeg army was approaching, Thereupon the 
 Emperor mounted his horse and rode to the top of some rising 
 ground. He saw that there was only one road by which the 
 enemy could advance; on the left hand of the elevation [on which 
 he stood] there was another hill, and between the two there was a 
 deep ravine, through which, also, only one road led. When the 
 enemy had deployed on the level plain, they saw that it would be 
 no easy task to ascend [the first mentioned] hill. Timur Sultan 
 
 1 A rhetorical interpolation of three lines, descriptive of the victory of the day 
 over the night, is omitted here.—R. 
 
 R 2 
 
244 
 
 Accession of Babar to the 
 
 and some of the other Sultans, with about 10,000 men, detached 
 themselves from the rest of the army and began to mount the 
 other hill. Against these the Emperor sent Mirza Khan with a 
 detachment of brave warriors. At this moment his eye fell upon 
 a body of men, and he asked who they were. 1 When [my father] 
 had left Kabul, there were nearly 3000 of his hereditary retainers, 
 [who had come from Khorasan to Kunduz with the Moghuls]. 
 The chiefs and leaders of these men, the Emperor had taken into 
 his own service, and some of the remainder became attached to 
 lirpself. It was upon this latter body that the Emperor’s eye now 
 fell. They replied: “ We are Mirza Haidar’s followers.” The 
 Emperor then [addressing me] said: “ You are still too young to 
 take part in such serious affairs as these. Stay by me; [keep by 
 you] Maulana Muhammad and a few others, and send the rest to 
 the aid of Mirza Khan.” 
 
 When my retainers came up with Mirza Khan, the Uzbeg made 
 a charge, bearing down [bar dashtand ] every one who was in front 
 of Mirza Khan, till they came close upon the Mirza himself. At that 
 crisis my retainers arrived on the scene. Their leader was Ataka 
 Fakir, whose name was Jan Ahmad Ataka; 2 hereafter, wherever 
 his name occurs, he will be called by the latter style. He attacked 
 the Uzbeg with the men under him, and put them to flight. Then 
 those who had fled from before Mirza Khan rallied, and returning 
 to the fight, drove the enemy back. In the midst of this confusion 
 and scuffle, one of my men took one of the enemy prisoner, and led 
 him before the Emperor, who viewed it as a good omen \_fdl~\, and 
 said : “ Inscribe the name of Mirza Ilaidar upon the first trophy 
 [juldu].” Thus, fighting continued on the left of the army till 
 evening. But on the Emperor’s side [of the army] there were no 
 engagements, for the road was very narrow, and his position was 
 not easy of approach from either side. At the hour of afternoon 
 prayers the brave warriors, having left the Emperor’s presence, 
 dismounted and encamped. At nightfall [bigdf the enemy found 
 it impossible to encamp where they were, on account of the absence 
 of water—for none was to be had except at a distance of one 
 farsakh —so, with the object of being near water when night came 
 on, they retreated. The infantry, who had descended [the hill], 
 ran after them, shouting Hai! Hai! [and making a great noise]. 
 That portion of the enemy’s army which was opposite to Mirza 
 Khan, also became anxious to retire, as soon as they saw that 
 Hamza Sultan, who was in their centre [ gJiul ], 3 was in retreat. 
 As long as the two armies remained facing each other, neither side 
 
 1 For this passage the Turki MS. substitutes: The Emperor asked them who 
 they were. They replied, “ We are Mirza Haidar’s followers.”—R. 
 
 " The Turki MS. says: Their leader was a poor man [fakir] named Jan 
 Ahmad.—R. 
 
 3 Ghul is a Mongolian word, also written Kul. —R. 
 
Throne of Mavard-un-Nahr\ 
 
 245 
 
 prevailed over the other. But when the enemy turned to retire, 
 those of Mirza Khan’s men who had been facing them, [suddenly] 
 made a charge, and the enemy at once fled. When the centre saw 
 this division put to rout, they too let the reins of self-possession 
 fall from the hand of stability, and likewise turned and fled. It 
 was at the hour of evening prayers that Hamza Sultan, Mahdi 
 Sultan, and Maraak Sultan, who had been captured, were led 
 before the Emperor, who did to them that which Shaibani had 
 done to the Moghul Khakans and the Chaghatai Sultans. 1 
 
 From night to morning and from morning to the next night, 
 did our men pursue the Uzbeg—as far as the frontier [of the 
 State] of Darband-i-Ahanin. The whole of the victorious army 
 now assembled in Hisar, when further help arrived from Shah 
 Ismail, besides bodies of men from all the surrounding tribes, 
 so that the entire force amounted to 60,000 men. They next 
 marched out of Hisar and proceeded to Ivarshi. Most of the 
 Uzbeg Sultans were in Samarkand, while Ubaid Ullah Khan had 
 fortified himself in the castle of Karshi. All [the Emperor’s] 
 councillors (and they were those who solved the difficult questions 
 of State) were against laying siege to Karshi. “ It would,” they 
 argued, “ be far wiser to push on to Bokhara. For if Ubaid Ullah * 
 keeps himself strongly fortified and garrisoned in the castle of 
 Karshi, Bokhara, which is devoid of troops and full of fools, will 
 fall easily enough into our power. He has nothing to gain by 
 staying in Karshi. [God forbid that, fearing to remain there,] he 
 should abandon the fort and come out.” 2 The Emperor agreed 
 with these opinions, and passing Karshi, went and encamped [at a 
 distance of one stage beyond it]. Scouts came, in rapid succession, 
 to report that Ubaid Ullah had come out of the fort of Karshi and 
 was on the road to Bokhara. At that same hour the Emperor 
 mounted his horse, and set out with all speed in pursuit of the 
 Uzbeg. He marched night and day until he reached the city. 
 The pursuers drove the Uzbeg out of Bokhara into the deserts 
 [ chul ] of Turkistan, plundering as they went. 
 
 When the Uzbeg Sultans who were assembled in Samarkand 
 heard this news, they were suddenly filled with terror and fled, 
 scattered and dismayed, to different parts of Turkistan. 
 
 Now when the Emperor arrived in Bokhara, he sent back the 
 
 1 Baber’s account of these transactions is wanting in his Memoirs. The battle 
 here described took place early in 1511, while the period 1508 to the beginning 
 of 1519 is one where a break occurs in his Memoirs. It is known, however, that 
 he put the two first-named Sultans to death as traitors, for they had, at one time, 
 been in his service, and had deserted him to join the cause of Shaibani. (See 
 Erskine, Hist ., i., p. 145.) The antecedents of Mainak do not appear to be 
 recorded anywhere. 
 
 2 The meaning of these obscure passages appears to be, that Ubaid Ullah alone 
 was formidable; that he was too strong to admit of an attack on Karshi, and 
 might also prove dangerous if he came out to attack Baber. 
 
246 Accession of Babar in Mdvara-ttn-Nahr. 
 
 auxiliaries of Shah Ismail, 1 after praising them for their services 
 and bestowing upon them adequate rewards, while he himself, 
 victorious and covered with glory, proceeded to Samarkand. All 
 the inhabitants of the towns of Mavara-un-Nahr, high and low, 
 nobles and poor men, grandees and artizans, princes and peasants 
 —alike testified their joy at the advent of the Emperor. He was 
 received by the nobles, while the other classes were busy with the 
 decoration of the town. The streets and the bazaars were draped 
 with cloth and gold brocades, and drawings and pictures were 
 hung up on every side. The Emperor entered the city in the 
 middle of the month of Kajab in the year 917, in the midst of 
 such pomp and splendour as no one has ever seen or heard of, 
 before or since. The angels cried aloud: “ Enter with peace,” and 
 the people exclaimed: “ Praise be to God, Lord of the Universe.” 
 The people of Mavara-un-Nahr, especially the inhabitants of 
 Samarkand, had for years been longing for him to come, that the 
 shadow of his protection might be cast upon them. Although, in 
 the hour of necessity, the Emperor had clothed himself in the 
 garments of the Kizilbash. (which was pure heresy, nay almost 
 unbelief), they sincerely hoped, when he mounted the throne of 
 Samarkand, (the throne of the Law of the Prophet) and placed on his 
 head the diadem of the holy Sunna of Muhammad, that he would 
 remove from it the crown of royalty [ShaJii], whose nature was 
 heresy and whose form was as the tail of an ass. 
 
 But the hopes of the people of Samarkand were not realised. For, 
 as yet, the Emperor did not feel able to dispense with the aid and 
 support of Shah Ismail; nor did he consider himself sufficiently 
 strong to cope single-handed with the Uzbeg; hence he appeared 
 to overlook [ mudara ] the gross errors of the Kizilbash. On this 
 account, the people of Mavara-un-Nahr ceased to feel that intense 
 longing for the Emperor which they had entertained while he 
 was absent—their regard for him was at an end. It was thus 
 that the Emperor began [already] to flatter the Turkomans, and 
 associate himself with them. 2 
 
 1 Erskine, in his History of India , notes that the historian Khafi Khan (follow¬ 
 ing the Tarikh-i-Alam Arai Abasi of Mirza Sikandar) makes Baber dismiss the 
 Persian auxiliaries after the march to Samarkand ; while Mirza Haidar states 
 here that they were sent away from Bokhara. Erskine prefers the statement of 
 Klnifi Khan, and thinks that dismissal from Bokara would have been premature 
 under the circumstances and, therefore, improbable. (Vol. i., p. 316, footnote.) 
 
 2 It appears, from what Erskine remarks, that much difference of opinion exists 
 among Asiatic historians as to some of the events of this period—viz., 916 to 
 about 921 a .11.— an interval which falls just within one of those gaps which unfor¬ 
 tunately occur, in several*places, in the course of Baber’s Memoirs. In this 
 instance, the gap extends from the beginning of 914 to the beginning of 925 (May, 
 1508, to January, 1519), so that his own explanation of his transactions with 
 Shah Ismail is wanting, and difficulty has been found in fixing their exact dates. 
 It would appear that Indian historians, such as Firishta, Khafi Khan, and 
 Abul Fazl, differ entirely in their views from the Persian writers, Iskandar Beg 
 and Khundamir. The foimer group state that the coin was struck and the 
 
The Khans Journey to Andijan. 
 
 24 7 
 
 CHAPTER XXYI. 
 
 1 , 1 
 
 THE KHAN’S JOURNEY TO ANDIJAN AND EVENTS THAT OCCURRED THERE. 
 
 It has been recounted above, that the Emperor sent the Khan to 
 Andijan. Along ’ with him he sent, of the Moghul Amirs, Mir 
 Ghuri Barlas, Mir Daim Ali and his brother Ahmad Ali, Mahmud 
 Kuli, Mirza Muhammad Begjik and his brother Beg Muhammad ; 
 of the tribe of Dughlat, Shah Nazar, Mirza Ali, Kutluk Mirak; of 
 
 Khutba (prayer for the sovereign) was read in Baber’s name, while the Persian 
 authors affirm that Ismail’s name wa£ employed as that of sovereign in 917 (1511). 
 Again, when referring to the subsequent battle with the Uzbeg under Ubaid 
 Ullah at Kul Malik, the Indian writers make Baber’s army very small and that 
 of Ubaid Ullah very numerous, while one of them (Abul Fazl) goes so far as to 
 give Baber the victory, though he acknowledges that the Emperor had to beat a 
 retreat. Mr. R. S. Poole, who has gone thoroughly into the subject (taking the 
 coinage of the period as his principal guide), cites Khundamir to show that there 
 was an agreement between, Baber and Ismail, to the effect that if Transoxiana 
 were to be conquered by the Allies, the prayer and coinage should be in the name 
 of the Shah. He then, in support of Khundamir, points to a recently-discovered 
 coin of Baber’s reign in Transoxiana, which bears the Shia formula and the 1 
 names of the twelve Imams; and concludes from this, and some other numis¬ 
 matic evidence, that “Baber caused the Khutba to be said and the coinage to be 
 struck in the names of Shah Ismail, as over-lord and himself as vassal.” This 
 indeed is evidence that cannot easily be gainsaid, and it derives something very 
 like confirmation, when the religious bias of the various authors who have com¬ 
 mented on these transactions is considered. Their historical opinions appear to 
 be governed, to a great extent, by their sectarian feelings, and in no case is this 
 more evident than in that of Mirza Haidar. There can be no question that, what¬ 
 ever may be the true facts regarding the Khutba and the coinage, Baber gave 
 great offence to the Sunnis by acting in subordinate alliance with the fanatical 
 Shia, Ismail, and by adopting the national costume of the Kizil-bash, for himself 
 and his men. This was an outward and visible sign of subordination to Shia 
 interests, which all would feel and understand. Shah Ismail had lost no oppor¬ 
 tunity of insulting the Sunni religion, and as Mirza Haidar relates, had treated 
 some of their most revered divines with barbaric cruelty. It is scarcely sur¬ 
 prising, therefore, that Mirza Haidar should speak with bitterness of the trans¬ 
 actions of his cousin and protector, with the Persian Sliias and their Turkoman 
 allies at this period, or that even his historical statements should, to some degree, 
 be underlaid with rancour. It should not be forgotten, however, that in accord¬ 
 ance with one of the curious anomalies of the times, Mirza Haidar had a family 
 connection with Baber’s opponent, and the enemy of his own race. Ubaid Ullah 
 was his brother-in-law, and it is remarkable, throughout the Tarikh-i-Bashidi , 
 that the tie of relationship often counted for a great deal. On the other hand, 
 Baber.owed Shah Ismail a debt of gratitude for rescuing his sister, Khanzada 
 Begum, as related at p. 239. 
 
 With regard to the missing pages in Baber’s Memoirs, Mr. R. S. Poole believes 
 that then absence may be accounted for by a desire, on the part of the autobio¬ 
 grapher, to hide the traces of proceedings which he could only look back upon with 
 shame. This view, I cannot help thinking, requires some substantiation. In the 
 first place, the objectionable connection with the Sliias extended only over the 
 period 9It) to 921—some five years—while the gap in the Memoirs embraces the 
 eleven years, from 914 to 925. If the object of the writer had been to hide the traces 
 of events of the shorter period, there would seem to be no reason for also destroy¬ 
 ing the record of an additional period of six years. Secondly, this gap in the 
 Memoirs is not the only one ; there is another, which extends from late in the year 
 
248 
 
 The Kharis Journey to Andijan , 
 
 the Kunji Amirs, Kul Nazar Mirza, Khananki 1 Mirza, Amir 
 Kambar, son of Haidar Kukildash Barki, and others. All these 
 departed in the train of the Ivhan. This party, on their arrival at 
 Andijan, were received by my uncle and the Amirs who had 
 assisted him in the conquest [istikhlas] of Farghana, such as 
 Sultan Ali Mirza Begjik, Pishka Mirza Itarji, Tubra Nuyaghut 
 and others, who all came and kissed the Khan’s stirrup. 
 
 After the Khan had come to Andijan, the Uzbeg Sultans in 
 Samarkand heard of his arrival and of the support he brought the 
 Moghuls of Andijan. [Moreover] as was mentioned above, Hamza 
 Sultan, Mahdi Sultan and Timur Sultan, together with a few 
 other Sultans, had assembled in Hisar with the intent of opposing 
 the Emperor. Although Ubaid Ullah Sultan knew that Shah 
 Ismail had given over [the kingdom of] Mavara-un-Nahr to the 
 Emperor, and was not going there in person, he [Ubaid Ullah 
 Sultan] nevertheless, by way of precaution, stayed and occupied 
 Karshi. What happened to him has just been mentioned. Jani 
 Beg Sultan, Kuchum Khan and Suyunjuk Sultan advanced towards 
 Akhsi and Andijan, in order to check the downfall of Farghana. 
 The Khan had made no preparations in Andijan, when news of 
 their approach arrived, but he then despatched Sultan Ali Mirza 
 and Tubra Nuyaghut Mirza to Kasan. As the castle of Kasan 
 was not well fortified, these men went and made it strong. It 
 was the first place which the Uzbeg Sultans attacked, and they 
 reduced it to straits. On learning this news, the Khan sent all the 
 captains of his army to the hills of Kasan, [hoping that] although 
 they were not strong enough to cause the Uzbeg to fear them, 2 yet 
 they might, at least, be able to harass their flanks, and inflict some 
 discomfort and annoyance on them; also that the force in Kasan 
 would thereby be somewhat encouraged. 
 
 When this body was sent to [help] the Kasani, news of the event 
 reached the ears of Aba Bakr Mirza, who had just come from 
 Kashghar, with the project of seizing the kingdom of Farghana. 
 He had taken possession of all the country above Andijan, such as 
 
 908 to the end of 909, and a third, where nearly six years are wanting, viz., from 926 
 to 932. Yet in these periods, it is nowhere suggested that Baber was concerned in 
 proceedings of which he had reason to be ashamed, or the evidence of whjcli he 
 desired to obliterate. In the third place, it is noticeable that in each case where 
 a gap occurs, the narrative breaks off suddenly in the middle of a sentence—a 
 circumstance that points rather to the accidental loss of certain sheets of the 
 manuscript, than to premeditated destruction, or a design to omit any particular 
 events. The matter, however, need hardly be pursued in detail here. (See 
 Erskine, Hist., i., p. 321; It. S. Poole, Cat. of Coins of Shahs of Persia in Brit. 
 Mus., 1887, pp. xxiv., seqq. Also, on the general question of Baber and Ismail, 
 Howorth, ii., pp. 712-13.) 
 
 1 This name is very uncertain. It may be read Janlci , and perhaps in other, 
 ways. 
 
 2 The Turki MS. has: to meet the Uzbeg face to face.—li. 
 
and Events that Occurred There. 249 
 
 Uzchand 1 (better known as Uzkand), Madu 2 and Usb, which 
 comprise the best parts of Farghana ; and he now [on hearing 
 that these troops had left Andijan] marched towards that place 
 intending to lay siege to it. [He imagined that the fort of 
 Andijan was a very strong and large one, and that, without the 
 necessary siege appliances, it could not be taken by a party of two 
 or three thousand assailants. Therefore, he first got ready some 
 engines [manjanik], ladders, etc., and then set out for Andijan]. 
 When news of this was brought to the Khan, he and all his people 
 were filled with the utmost alarm. 
 
 In the meanwhile the Uzbeg Sultans had delivered a simul¬ 
 taneous attack on the fort of Kasan, had made breaches on all 
 sides and applied the scaling ladders. Such was the violence of 
 their assault that those within the fort, giving up all hope of 
 being able to defend it, made their escape by the gateway on the 
 side removed from the river. All the Uzbeg army had dismounted 
 and were on foot; they had not thought of the garrison taking 
 flight, and before they had time to get back to their horses and 
 mount, the fugitives had gone a great distance. But those who 
 lagged behind they put to death, together with the people of the 
 fort. 3 
 
 The garrison that had escaped from the fort, fell in with those 
 captains who had been sent to the hills of Kasan to succour them. 
 They now all went straight on, until they arrived at a spot within 
 half a farsakh of Andijan, where they found Aba Bakr Mirza 
 encamped, with all his siege appliances made ready; for he had 
 determined to deliver an assault from all sides, early the next 
 morning. This same night the army arrived from Kasan. [On 
 the morrow the enemy] advanced with the intention of storming 
 the fort, quite ignorant of the fact that the Khan’s troops had 
 arrived. At early dawn, the Khan in person issued from the castle, 
 and drew up his troops in order of battle. Mirza Aba Bakr, on 
 his side, brought forward his force ready to lay siege to the castle. 
 The opposing armies met at a place on the road called Tutluk ; both 
 sides at one drew up, and raising their battle-cries, began the 
 struggle. It would take too long to detail all the particulars of 
 this battle. In short, the standard of the Khan was filled by the 
 winds of victory and success, while the faces of his enemies were 
 covered with the dust of death and destruction. The victorious 
 
 1 Or it may be read Urchcind. 
 
 2 Known nowadays as Mddi or Mad. 
 
 3 The Turki translator reverses the order of the two paragraphs which end at 
 this point, and which begin with the words : When this body was sent. . . . 
 He introduces his second paragraph with the following interpolation: “When 
 Aba Bakr Mirza heard the news of the Khan’s arrival in Andijan, and the storm¬ 
 ing of Kasan by the Uzbeg Sultans, he desired to bring within his power the 
 country of Farghana, and left Kashghar. . . /’ 
 
250 
 
 The Khans Journey to Andijan. 
 
 « r r * l 
 
 breezes of the Khan scattered the enemy (who in strength and 
 numbers might be compared to mountains) like chaff before the 
 wind. Thus the army of Mirza Aba Bakr suffered an overwhelm¬ 
 ing defeat. All of the enemy who were taken captive by the 
 conquering army, were brought together, and the order was issued 
 for them to be put to death in the park \kuru¥\ of Andijan. 
 Having, accordingly, made them sit down in lines [the victors] 
 began to kill them. At that moment my uncle [Sayyid Muhammad 
 Mirza] placing the knee of intercession upon the ground of en¬ 
 treaty, said to the Khan : “ Praise and gratitude we owe to God 
 for this victory, for it is the key by which may be opened the 
 whole kingdom of Kashghar. I sincerely hope that Kashghar 
 may fall into our hands with the same ease. But these prisoners 
 whose execution is permitted by, and is- in accordance with, 
 the laws of retaliation [mazhab-i-inlikam], are all natives of the 
 country [of Kashghar]. If you do not spare them here, it will be 
 as if you had committed a general massacre in that place itself— 
 an act that would, in the end, be a cause of repentance and regret 
 [to yourself]. If his Highness the Khan will forgive these men, 
 who yet remain, and hand them over to me as my share of the 
 spoil, his reward in this world and the next will be enhanced by 
 such an act of mercy.” When the entreaty of my uncle reached the 
 blessed ears of the Khan, he drew the line of forgiveness with 
 the pen of pardon, upon the tablet of the existences of those 
 prisoners. Thus about 3000 persons were rescued from death. 
 Then, raising up their hands in prayer, they filled the air with 
 acclamations of thanksgiving. 
 
 This important victory caused the Uzbeg to keep the foot of re¬ 
 flection yet longer within the skirt of hesitation. Following this 
 event, news arrived of the defeat which Hamza Sultan had suffered 
 from Babar Padishah, and of his death, by the Emperor’s order, after 
 the battle [which has been mentioned]. A short time afterwards, 
 intelligence was received of the Emperor’s march on Samarkand 
 and his reception by its inhabitants; also that the Uzbeg, who 
 were in the city, had taken flight and therefore were unable to 
 surround him. After these occurrences, the Emperor and the Khan 
 reigned absolute in Samarkand and Andijan, respectively. Shah 
 Ismail returned to Irak. The Emperor gave Kabul and Ghaznin 
 to his younger brother, Sultan Nasir Mirza. The Uzbeg all 
 collected together in Turkistan. The rest of the events that 
 ensued will, please God, be recounted below 1 —how, for example, 
 the Khan and Sultan Khalil Sultan came, one after the other, to 
 Andijan. Sultan Khalil Sultan left one son, who was still at the 
 breast, named Baba Sultan; and the wife of the Khan, who has 
 
 1 The Turki MS. interpolates here : It has been mentioned above that Sultan 
 Khalil Sultan was put to death, at Akhsi, by Jani Beg Sultan.—R. 
 
A ccount of Mirza A ba Bakr. 
 
 251 
 
 been mentioned above, was with child, at the time when the Kbhn 
 was put to flight by Khwaja Ali Bahadur the Uzbeg i 1 she fell into 
 the hands of the Uzbeg, and after a short time was delivered of a 
 son. The Khan arrived in Kabul at the same moment as this 
 news. 2 3 The Emperor said to the Khan: “ As your illustrious 
 name is Said, it would be very suitable to call him [the child] 
 Abdur Kashid,” and the Khan decided upon that name. Both 
 [these Khanzada], Baba Sultan, son of Sultan Khalil Sultan, and 
 Abdur Kashid Khan, son of Sultan Said Khan, were taken in 
 charge by Tutuk Khanim, daughter of Sultan Mahmud Khan, 
 who, at the destruction of Tashkand, had been captured by Jani 
 Beg Sultan, as has been mentioned. When the Khan gained his 
 victory at the battle of Tutluk, and drove the Uzbeg out of the 
 country of Farghana, these two Sultans were brought to him. I 
 shall speak of them hereafter. 
 
 Having reached the story of what passed between the Khan and 
 Mirza Aba Bakr, my history would not be complete without a 
 brief account of the Mirza’s career. 
 
 CHAPTEK XXVII. 
 
 SHORT ACCOUNT OF MIRZA ABA BAKR. 
 
 Amir Sayyid Ali, my great-grandfather [sivum jadd], whose 
 history will, God willing, be told in the First Part, had two sons: 
 Saniz Mirza, whose mother was of the line of the Jaras Amirs, 
 and Muhammad Haidar Mirza, my grandfather, whose fortunate 
 and blessed name has devolved upon me. His mother was an 
 aunt [amma] of Sultan Yunus Khan. On the death of the great 
 Amir Sayyid Ali, his elder son, Saniz Mirza, according to the 
 ancient Moghul custom, succeeded to his father’s throne. After 
 seven years, he went to join his father in the next world, leaving 
 two sons, the first Aba Bakr Mirza and the second Omar Mirza. 
 The mother of these children was married [afterwards] to 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza, in conformity with the Moghul custom 
 of Yangalikk By her, Muhammad Haidar Mirza also had two 
 
 1 There appears to be some mistake here, as Khwaja Ali Bahadur can hardly 
 haye been an Uzbeg. The Turki MS. seems to read: “At the time when 
 Khwaja Ali Bahadur was taking the Khan from the Uzbeg.” 
 
 The Turki version is: The Khan was in Kabul when this news reached 
 him.—R. 
 
 3 Yanga means “ aunt by marriage,” or “ wife of an elder brother ; ” the 
 custom being, apparently, that a younger brother should take to wife the widow 
 of his elder brother. 
 
252 Account of Mirza Aba Bakr. 
 
 sons: the first was my father Muhammad Husain Mirza, and the 
 second my uncle Sayyid Muhammad Mirza. After the death of 
 Saniz Mirza, the government of all the districts of Kashghar 
 devolved upon Muhammad Haidar Mirza, who for a period of 
 twenty-four years ruled with perfect justice and impartiality. 
 He was a prosperous man, for he had inherited great riches; ho 
 always realised his desires, and examined into details; [he ex¬ 
 perienced no trials or troubles]. But those young men in whose 
 conduct, indications of bravery and intelligence were traceable, he 
 failed to encourage. Most of those experienced and wise men whom 
 Amir Sayyid Ali had gathered round him, during a space of 
 eighty years, had died by the end of Muhammad Haidar Mirza’s 
 life, or if they were not actually dead, they were only decrepit 
 old men [shaikh-i-fani], whose hands and intellects were no longer 
 capable of guiding or controlling. Their sons [had developed 
 into incapable young men] quite unworthy of their parents. At 
 this time, Mirza Aba Bakr was about twenty years of age, and 
 was in the service of his guardian [abwi-mddb^\ uncle [Sayyid 
 Muhammad Mirza]. He mixed and associated, in the most friendly 
 way, with the princes and youths [of the court], while they, for 
 their part, from equality of age and from fellow service, became 
 very devoted to him. Mirza Aba Bakr was so open handed and 
 generous, that in a few days he distributed all his property and 
 household possessions, as if they were plunder [batdraj midad\ 
 One day, one of his followers, hearing of some spoil, came in great 
 haste, but found everything gone, and that others had already 
 exhausted the booty. So he came and laid hold of the skirt 
 of Mirza Aba Bakr, who was standing at the door of his own 
 house, saying: “ Although I have come the last [and am dis¬ 
 appointed of booty], nevertheless I have found a good pledge 
 [which I will not give up until a ransom is paid].” At these 
 words Mirza Aba Bakr laughed, and bought himself free from 
 the man with a large sum. In a word, his liberality was so 
 unbounded, that all men flocked to him. 
 
 At this period he went to Aksu and Moghulistan, and paid his 
 respects to Dust Muhammad Khan, son of Isan Bugha Khan. 
 Dust Muhammad Khan treated him with honour, and after giving 
 him his own sister in marriage, allowed him to depart. It would 
 take too long to tell this story, and the details would carry us too 
 far afield. In short, he managed, by one means or another, to 
 reduce Yarkand, which is one of the most renowned cities of the 
 province of Kashghar, and is distant four days’ journey from the 
 town of that name. To-day Yarkand is the capital of Kashghar. 
 
 He had collected 3000 men in his following, who had to oppose 
 30,000. AYhen his troops reached that district, he openly sounded 
 the drum of ascendency, and rang the bells of independence. 
 
253 
 
 A ccount of Mirza A bd Bakr. 
 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza went out to meet him with an army of 
 30,000 infantry and cavalry, hut he was defeated and fled. He 
 sought refuge with Yunus Khan, who was his cousin. The Khan 
 also undervalued the strength of Mirza Aba Bakr, and did not 
 take his whole army. He came against him with 30,000 armed 
 men. Muhammad Haidar Mirza again made ready his forces, as 
 best he could, and set out [with Yunus Khan]. This time, also, 
 [Mirza Aba Bakr] sallied forth from the gates of the citadel of 
 Yarkand with 3000 chosen men, and defeated and scattered these 
 two armies; and Yunus Khan and Muhammad Haidar Mirza both 
 retired, crestfallen, to Kashghar. The Khan passed into Moghul- 
 istan, and in the following year returned with the whole of his 
 troops. On this occasion, Mirza Aba Bakr had made fuller and 
 better preparations. He strengthened his cavalry by embodying 
 with it lightly-armed archers on foot, as he had done on two former 
 occasions, and engaged in such a battle [as the tongue of the reed 
 is incapable of describing]. His men then again became bold, and 
 showed more steadiness [and courage] than ever, so that they 
 easily put to rout that numerous army; and the Khan, with 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza, returned once more, defeated, to Kash- 
 ghar. But this time it became impossible for Muhammad Haidar , 
 Mirza to remain in Kashghar, so taking his household with him, 
 and accompanied by Yunus Khan, he went to Aksu. Meanwhile 
 Mirza Aba Bakr gained complete domination over the whole of 
 the kingdom of Kashghar. After this, he put out the eyes of his 
 full [yah zdda ] brother Omar Mirza, and then banished him from 
 his territories. Omar Mirza went and lived in Samarkand. [Sub¬ 
 sequently] when [Sultan Said] Khan took Yarkand and Kashghar, 
 Omar Mirza returned to Kashghar, where the Khan paid him 
 unbounded honour and attention, until his death. 
 
 The affairs of Muhammad Haida Mirza and of Yunus Khan will 
 be related in the First Part; the object of this chapter is to give a 
 brief account of Mirza Aba Bakr. 
 
 For forty-eight years he remained firmly established and suc¬ 
 cessful in Kashghar, exercising always absolute authority [ istild ]. 
 During this period [he was attacked] on one other 1 occasion, when 
 Sultan Ahmad Khan, son of Sultan Yunus Khan (and known 
 as Alacha Khan), in the course of the year 905, came against 
 Kashghar. But his army likewise was put to rout, as will be 
 mentioned in the First Part. 
 
 After the above mentioned victory over Sultan Ahmad Khan, 
 Mirza Aba Bakr began to extend his conquests on all sides. In 
 the first place, he sent an army into Tibet. It gained glorious 
 victories, subdued most of the districts of Tibet as far as the 
 
 1 In the Turki is inserted : encouraged by their two former successes.—R. 
 
 - The Turki MS. has : a third time.—R. 
 
254 
 
 Account of Mirza Abd Bakr , 
 
 frontiers of Kashmir, and carried such desolation [ zabun ] into 
 those countries, that nobody was left to withstand him. He next 
 sent armies in the direction of Balur, which gained decisive 
 victories and carried off untold booty. After this, he sent a force 
 into Badakhshan, where he subdued most of the Hazara of Badakh¬ 
 shan. At the time when Shahi Beg Khan was making the whole 
 world tremble, Mirza Aba Bakr despatched an army to Andijan 
 and reduced Jani Beg Khan to great straits. He took Ush, Madu 
 and Uzkand from the Uzbeg, and reduced the whole of Moghul¬ 
 istan to such a condition, that not a single Moghul was able to 
 remain in the country, 1 as already mentioned in the history of the 
 Ivlian. The reason of their [the Moghuls] passing into Andijan 
 has been explained. All the Moghuls who were in Moghulistan 
 fled in different directions before the prowess of his army. Even 
 the Kirghiz, who are the ravening lions 2 of Moghulistan, were 
 no longer able to stay there, but had to join Mansur Khan in 
 Chalish. After the death of Ahmad Khan, and the arrival of 
 Sultan Mahmud Khan in Moghulistan, Mirza Aba Bakr went to 
 Aksu, which he seized, together with Uch, 3 and carried off all the 
 people from the neighbourhood of the latter place. He also left a 
 garrison in the fort of Uch. My object in relating the prowess 
 and valour of Mirza Aba Bakr, and the extent of his conquests, 
 is to show what a great warrior Sultan Said Khan was, to have 
 defeated such a man, as he did, at the battle of Tutluk. 
 
 CHAPTER XXVIII. 
 
 THE EVIL DEEDS AND WICKED WAYS OF MIRZA ABA BAKR. 
 
 One of the obligations I have imposed on myself in writing this 
 Epitome [mukldasaf is, that what I have heard from other people 
 and on good authority, I would briefly rehearse, when it was of 
 importance ; but what I have not witnessed myself, I would not 
 dwell on too long, for fear of exaggeration, which I desire to avoid. 
 But what I have witnessed or taken part in, that I have written 
 as personal experience. I have divided the strange life, the evil 
 deeds, and the depraved conduct of Mirza Aba Bakr into three 
 sections. Firstly, what I have heard from others and from trust- 
 
 1 The Turki adds: there was nothing left for them but to go to Andijan, 
 prepared to die.—R. 
 
 2 Shir-i-bisha. Lit.: lions of the forest.—R. 
 
 3 The place now known as Ush Turfdn. 
 
and Iiis Evil Deeds. 
 
 255 
 
 worthy reports : this I have stated briefly ; secondly, what I have 
 myself seen or heard [directly], but which I could not bring 
 myself to relate ; and thirdly, what I have myself witnessed, and 
 have written down in this Epitome. But this is only as one in a 
 thousand incidents-^-a little out of many—a long story cut short. 
 
 Heaven forbid that any reader of these pages should accuse me 
 of exaggeration or of slander. If I had deemed it permissible to 
 depass the limits [of truth] in any way, I should not have said 
 anything about Mirza, Aba Bakr, for he was my uncle. But if I 
 were to omit his history, all other facts connected with him would 
 be obscure and incomprehensible. It is my duty both to shun 
 exaggeration and to avoid omissions. The truth is that for 
 more than forty years Mirza Aba Bakr ruled supreme. Towards 
 the end of his life, the spirit of tyranny so mastered his nature, 
 that if an offence was committed against him, though the offender 
 might not be liable to any sentence according to the law, yet his 
 evil heart was not satisfied with killing him once, but desired the 
 death of the sinless sinner, a thousand times over. 
 
 If any one had, in the slightest degree, opposed him, and he 
 only heard of it ten years after, he was sure to punish, not only 
 the offender, but likewise his children, relations, connections, and 
 dependants. On this account, his subjects grew so submissive to 
 his government, that nobody dared dream of acting contrary to 
 his orders. When he had brought his authority to the point of 
 complete supremacy in all things, he made such a collection of 
 wealth, in treasure, property, mules and cattle, as surpasses all 
 reckoning. 
 
 He used to set culprits to work, involving difficulty which was 
 proportionate to the gravity of their offence; he arranged for the 
 separate employment of men and women, but he got some work 
 out of everybody. [For instance] he ordered the old cities [known 
 as] Kazik 1 to be excavated by these [prisoners], and the earth dug 
 from them to be washed. If there were anything big, they would 
 come upon it in digging, while anything small [such as gems] 
 they would find when they washed [the earth]. In this way, 
 innumerable treasures in precious stones, gold and silver, were 
 discovered. I have heard some of his confidants say that a 
 
 1 The word Kazik has proved somewhat of a puzzle, and I am not quite 
 satisfied that the author’s meaning is correctly rendered, either in this passage or 
 in those immediately below, where the word is used. In all it occurs five times; 
 but the texts are so obscure that, in some places, it may be read as the name of 
 a person, rather than that of ruined towns, generally. Mr. Boss informs me that 
 there is a verb Kazmak , in Turki, meaning “ to make excavations, or excavating,” 
 while Kazik signifies, literally, “ a spade.” But from the context it appears 
 rather that Kazik stands for excavations , and has been applied, in a general way, 
 to the sites of ruined towns, or those buried in the sands, where probably the 
 inhabitants were in the habit of digging for treasures. In that case it would be 
 used like “ the mines,” “ the roads,” etc. Still, it is a word that does not appear 
 in any book relating to Eastern Turkistan and the buried cities, so far as I am 
 aware; and I am not acquainted with it from local experience. 
 
256 
 
 Account of Mirza Aba Bakr, 
 
 treasure was found in the citadel of Khotan. 1 There were twenty- 
 seven jars [kh/urri] of such a size that a man, with a quiver on, could 
 get inside them, without stooping or bending [and without touching 
 it on any side]. Inside each of these jars was a copper ewer 
 \dftdba-i-mis\ One of these ewers fell into my possession. It is 
 a sort of flask [, suralii ] with a long narrow neck, to which is fixed 
 a rough iron handle. In the centre of the ewer is a copper spout, 
 the nose of which is on a level with [ bardbar ] the mouth of the 
 ewer. The height of it is, at a guess, over one and a half gaz 2 
 When filled with water, two persons had great difficulty in lifting 
 it, and they could not carry it from one place to another. Inside 
 each of the jars was placed one of these ewers, filled with gold 
 dust, and outside [the ewers] the space was filled with bdlish of 
 silver. In historical works, such as the Jahdn-Kushdi , the Jami- 
 ut-Tavarikh , and others, a bdlish is thus described: “ A bdlish is 
 500 miihkal [of silver], made into a long brick with a depression 
 in the middle.’’ 3 I had [at that time] only heard the name [and 
 
 1 The Turki translator changes Kliotan into “ the old city of Yarkand,” and 
 very possibly he may have made the alteration with some reason—perhaps in 
 accordance with local traditions, with which he may have been acquainted. 
 Many stories, it may be remarked, are current in the country, to this day, con¬ 
 cerning Aba Bakr and his treasures. 
 
 2 See note, p. 58. The gaz as used by Baber, was estimated by Erskine, from 
 a variety of considerations, to be a little over two English feet. He con¬ 
 cludes his remarks on the subject as follows : “ A fair allowance for the pace, or 
 gaz, of Baber wmuld thus be thirty inches, which applies to his regular tandb or 
 surveying cord. But as the regulated measures were larger than the ordinary 
 ones, we may perhaps assume two feet, or little more, as an average popular gaz .” 
 A great variety of gaz are in use in India and Central Asia, and just as the 
 measure varies in different localities, it has probably also changed in value at 
 different periods. In estimating Mirza Haidar’s gaz, it will perhaps be best 
 always to assume that of Baber, seeing that it belonged to the same regions and 
 the same period. Baber, however, was fairly accurate in such matters as 
 measurements, etc., but this cannot always be said of Mirza Haidar. 
 
 3 The author is obviously alluding to the Chinese ingots of silver, called 
 Yuan-pao , which appear to have been very generally known, down to the seven¬ 
 teenth century, as bdlish, balislit , etc., among European, as well as Asiatic, writers. 
 Sir H. Yhile has an interesting dissertation on the subject in his “ Cathay ” 
 (i., pp. 115 seqq.), from which it maybe gathered that the true meaning and origin 
 of the word is uncertain. The value of the bdlish, as a measure of money, is also 
 very uncertain, and appears to have varied at different periods; while there were 
 bdlish of gold and of paper, as well as of silver. The Turki dictionary states the 
 weight of the bdlish at 8 miskal and 2 ddnak. But it is to the silver bdlish of 
 500 miskals weight that our author alludes. The actual weight of the miskal, 
 like that of most Asiatic measures, may be variable, but Mr. R. S. Poole ( Coins 
 of the Shahs of Persia, 1887) states it, for numismatic purposes, at 71T8 grains. 
 At this rate the bdlish would have weighed 741 oz. troy. As a rule, the modern 
 Chinese Yuan-pao is made to weigh about 50 to 55 liang (or taels), and the 
 standard Hang is equal to 579 84 grains. Thus, if taken at 500 mislials, the 
 bdlish would have weighed about 61J liang, which is perhaps nearly correct, for 
 at the period in question it may have been heavier than in modern times. The 
 Yuan-pao (or “ shoe of sycee ” as it is usually called in the ports of China) is made 
 somewhat in the shape of a shoe, or a shallow' boat, and this is what Mirza 
 Haidar means by describing a depression in the middle. In Eastern Turkistan 
 it is called nowadays Kurus —a Turki w T ord, the derivation of wdiich I am ignorant 
 of—and Yambu, which is, of course, only a corruption of the Chinese Yuan-pao. 
 Its value, in exchange with India, is usually about 165 or 170 rupees. (See also 
 Yule’s Glossary, under “ Shoe ” and “ Tael.”) 
 
and His Evil Deeds. 
 
 257 
 
 had never seen one myself, but had read the description in these 
 books]. These bdlisli had been placed outside the ewers, but inside 
 the jars. Many of them were brought, just as they were, to the 
 treasury, which fell into the hands of the Khan’s army [when 
 Sultan Said Khan conquered Yarkand]. 1 myself possessed some 
 of them. Thus [subsequently] I saw the bdlish [and found them 
 correspond to the description I had seen in books]. 
 
 One of the most singular things that I heard from those who 
 had worked at the Kazik was this : In every 011 c of the ewers was 
 a letter written in Turki, which read : [“ This treasure was pre¬ 
 pared for the expenses of the ceremony of circumcision of the son 
 of the Khatun called Khamar.”] But no one could discover who 
 this Khamar Khatun was, nor when she had lived, nor how. How 
 strange that in spite of witnessing such examples, man is not 
 restrained in his lusts, desires, and vain fancies! 
 
 After the discovery of this treasure, Mirza Aba Bakr urged 
 forward the men employed at the Kazik, to work with greater 
 diligence and care than before, and several other treasures were 
 brought to light in the old cities of Kashghar, Yarkand, and 
 Khotan. The mode of operations at the Kazik was as follows: 
 eighteen or twenty prisoners, more or less, were secured together 
 by a chain running from one to the other, at their backs, through 
 a collar fastened round the neck of each. In their hands they 
 carried spades [ lcaland ]. T They laboured both summer and winter. 
 [During the day they worked] and at night they were put into a 
 prison. If the prisoner’s offence was very grave, neither friends, 
 relations, nor strangers were allowed to speak to him or give him 
 anything. So that not even one of the same gang [chain] as him¬ 
 self was able to tell him a story. There was an overseer to every 
 gang, and over every eighteen of the overseers was another person, 
 and there was one man at the head of the whole of the Kazik. If any 
 one of these overseers, whether superior or inferior, in the slightest 
 degree neglected his duty with regard to the convicts, as in 
 Hogging, commanding, urging them on, or throwing them into 
 prison, and the like, he was himself consigned to a gang of con¬ 
 victs. Moreover, such was the strictness of discipline, that the 
 overseers never dared to show any leniency. In fact, they could 
 never speak a word, except officially. 
 
 Those who were confined for lesser offences, were allowed to see 
 a relation or friend once a week ; and in like manner, there were 
 many different gradations for individual cases, from which [favours], 
 however, not the slightest deviation, in the way of enhancement, 
 could be made, without authorisation. [Separate] work was found 
 for the men and the women. The above is only one example, out 
 
 1 Kaland may mean a shovel or spade or pick-axe. The Turki MS gives 
 Katmdn which signifies a spade. Vambery has : pelle, beche.—H. 
 
 s 
 
258 
 
 Account of Mirza Aba Bakr . 
 
 of many, of Mirza Aba Bakr’s cruelties. Many more instances 
 might be mentioned, but they would disgust the reader, and the 
 mind shrinks from narrating them. 
 
 It has been related above, that Shah Begum, Mihr Nigar 
 Khanim, my brother Muhammad Shah, and the maternal sister of 
 my father (who was the full sister of Mirza Aba Bakr), when they 
 were coming from Kabul, on their way to Badakhshan, were 
 captured by the army of Mirza Aba Bakr. The Mirza brought 
 them to Kashghar. His sister, Khan Sultan Sultanim, was a 
 very pious woman, and had spent all her life in acts of religious 
 devotion. For a long time he allowed her no food but wine, and 
 when she was brought to the point of death by hunger and thirst, 
 she was made by force to drink some of that [wine], so that she 
 died in torture and suffering, all the same. 1 
 
 He kept my brother, Muhammad Shah, up till the age of fifteen 
 years among his eunuchs \_gJmlam-i-alchta]. When [my brother] 
 reached this age [the Mirza] ordered a roasting-spit to be thrust 
 into his stomach, then to be driven through with a hammer, so as 
 to come out at his back, and impale him against a wall; thus 
 nailed to the wall, he was left [to die in agony]. From these 
 examples, one may judge of his treatment of his nephews and nieces, 
 and of those two noble women, the Begum and the Khanim. On 
 consideration, I have decided to withhold my pen from further 
 details, for I do not wish the honourable mind of the reader of 
 this Epitome to be clouded by the darkness of that black nature ; 
 I will therefore not detain him longer on this subject. 
 
 In spite of all these [barbarities] Mirza Aba Bakr affected great 
 piety, and was given over to good works, charity, and almsgiving 
 to such an extent, that he never rested from these matters; while 
 Mullas and doctors of the law were continually in his assemblies. 
 In all his affairs and actions he relied upon a fatwd ; he even pro¬ 
 cured fatwd for the most atrocious of his deeds. 2 If the Flama 
 granted the fatwd , well and good; if they refused it, he would 
 accuse the Mufti, find him guilty and sentence him to death, but 
 would pretend to show him mercy, saying: “ He ought, according 
 to the law, to die, but owing to my regard for him, I will remit 
 the sentence of death, and will give him some work to do instead.” 
 But the work he gave him was far worse than death. Among the 
 fcitwd he demanded were the two following. 
 
 1 I 11 the Turki we find: Mirza Aba Bakr practised such cruelty towards his sister, 
 that for some time he refused her all food, and gave her nothing but wine in place 
 of water; and that wretched woman was, at length, driven to drink one or two 
 drops of the wine to quench her thirst.—R. 
 
 2 In place of this passage the Turki MS. reads : Until the Ulama had granted 
 a fatwa, he had no right to do anything; and in order to legalise and justify his 
 most hideous and abominable undertakings, he would ask for a fatwd, and would 
 thus show that his action was in accordance with the Holy Law.—R. 
 
Ubaid Ullah defeats Babar. 
 
 259 
 
 If Ann* attack Zaid with the intention of killing him, Zaid does 
 all he can against Amr in self-defence, and according to the law is 
 justified. 1 
 
 Again, if Khalid 2 he one who excites sedition and carries his 
 evil intentions to another kingdom, in order to stir up rebellion in 
 his own, the governor of his own country does all he can to 
 prevent Khalid from going to another country, lest he may become 
 a source of distress to his own people; and in so doing is justified 
 by the law. 
 
 On the strength of these two fatwa , Mirza Aba Bakr put to 
 death 3000 of the men of Jagirak, Uzkand, and Madu, who had 
 designs upon his life. And he cut off the feet of several thousands 
 of others, with the excuse that: “ if theso men run away to another 
 country, they will stir up revolt [against me]; in this manner I 
 will keep them within my own kingdom, that they may not 
 escape.” Such were his acts of cruelty. [In this book] there is 
 no place for a further record of them. Haply they are contained 
 in the book of the Most Merciful of Scribes. On this account, I 
 will now close the description of these repulsive matters. 
 
 The rest of Mirza Aba Bakr’s reign will be related presently. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIX. 
 
 UBAID ULLAH KHAN MARCHES FROM TURKISTAN AGAINST BOKHARA. IS 
 MET AT KUL MALIK BY BABAR PADISHAH. A BATTLE TAKES PLACE, 
 IN WHICH THE LATTER IS DEFEATED. EVENTS THAT ENSUED. 
 
 When the Emperor, in Rajab of the year 917, 3 mounted the throne 
 of Samarkand, as has been stated above, the learned men and 
 nobles of Mavara-un-Nahr were indignant at his attachment to 
 Shah Ismail and at his adoption of the Turkoman style of dress. 
 When that winter had passed and spring had set in (the plentiful 
 drops of her rain having clothed the earth in green raiment) the 
 Uzbeg advanced out of Turkistan. Their main body marched 
 against Tashkand, while Ubaid Ullah went to Bokhara by way of 
 Yati Kuduk. As the citadel of Tashkand had been fortified by 
 Amir Ahmad Kasim Kuhbur, [the Emperor] sent him some rein- 
 
 1 In Arabic grammars Amr and Zaid are generally taken in examples of rules 
 of syntax, and correspond, in sort, to A. and B. in English, or Caius and Balbus 
 in Latin.—R. 
 
 2 Khalid is, I suppose, the typical name for a general, after the famous early 
 Muhammadan conqueror.—R. 
 
 3 October, 1511. 
 
26 o 
 
 Ubaid Ullah. defeats Babar 
 
 forcements, under the command of such men as Amir Dust Nasir, 
 Sultan Muhammad Duladi, 1 and others, while he himself [the 
 Emperor] advanced on Bokhara. When he neared the town, news 
 of his approach reached Ubaid Ullah Khan, who [becoming 
 alarmed] immediately drew his bridle and returned along the road 
 by which he had just come. The Emperor pursued him, overtook 
 him at Kul Malik, and compelled him to retreat. Ubaid Ullah 
 Khan had 3000 men with him, while the Emperor had 40,000. 2 
 Ubaid Ullah Khan having repeated to the end of the verse : “ And 
 how often has not a small force defeated a large one, by the per¬ 
 mission of God?” [faced the Emperor], and a fierce battle began 
 to rage. God, the most high, has shown to the peoples of the 
 earth, and especially to kings and rulers, that no boast is to be 
 made of, no reliance to be placed in, the numbers of an army nor 
 their equipment; for He in His might gives victory to whomsoever 
 He will. 
 
 Thus Ubaid Ullah Khan, with 3000 shattered [ rikhta ] men, who 
 eight months previously had retreated before this same force, now 
 entirely defeated an army of 40,000, perfectly equipped and 
 mounted on fine horses [tupchahf This event occurred in Safar 
 of the year 918. 4 The Emperor had reigned eight months in 
 Samarkand. 
 
 When the Emperor returned to Samarkand, he was unable 
 to get a firm footing upon the steps of the throne, and so bidding 
 farewell to the sovereignty of Samarkand, he hastened to Hisar. 
 He sent one ambassador after another to Shah Ismail, to inform 
 him of what had passed, and to beg for succour. Shah Ismail 
 granted his request, and sent Mir Najm, his commander-in-chief, 5 
 with 60,000 men, to his aid. Thus at the beginning of the winter 
 succeeding that spring, [the allies] once more marched against the 
 Uzbeg. On reaching Karshi, they found that Shaikham Mirza, 
 the uncle of Ubaid Ullah Khan, had strengthened the fort of 
 Karshi. They, therefore, began by laying siege to the fort, which 
 they quickly reduced. Then they put to death Shaikham Mirza, 
 and massacred the whole of the people of the fort, killing both 
 high and low—the sucklings and the decrepit. 
 
 Of the Uzbeg Sultans, each one had fortified himself in his own 
 
 1 For Duladi the Turki has Kutarlik. —R. 
 
 2 The Turki version of this passage is: Ubaid Ullah Khan saw that no escape 
 was possible, and that he must perforce remain and give battle to Baber Padishah, 
 although he had only 3,000 men to the Emperor’s 40,000.—E. 
 
 3 Tupckdk is an Eastern Turki word meaning “ a fine horse,” though Dr. Bellew 
 says it signifies “roadster,” and that it is used in distinction to drgliumak or 
 “ thorough-bred.” ( Yarkand Report , p. 70.) Baber constantly uses the word iu 
 his Memoirs, and implies a superior animal and a riding horse. 
 
 * April—May, 1512 a.d. 
 
 5 Mir Najm, sometimes called Najm Sani, or the “ Second Star,” was, according 
 to Howorth, minister of finance to Shah Ismail. Ilis real name was Yar 
 Muhammad, (ii., p. 712.) 
 
at the Battle of Kul Malik. 
 
 261 
 
 castle. Thus Jani Beg Sultan had stood 011 the defensive in 1I10 
 fort of Ghajdavan. When the Turkomans had finished with 
 Karshi, they asked the Emperor about the condition of all the 
 fortified cities of Mavara-un-Nahr, and he described them one by 
 one. It appeared that the easiest of all to take was that of Ghaj¬ 
 davan ; towards it, therefore, they marched. The Uzbeg Sultans 
 heard of their coming, and entered the fort on the same night that 
 the Turkomans and the Emperor, who were encamped before the 
 place, were busy preparing their siege implements. At dawn they 
 arranged their forces in the midst of the suburbs, and stood facing 
 [the enemy]. On the other side, too, preparations were made for a 
 fight . 1 Since the Uzbeg were in the midst of the suburbs, the field 
 of battle was narrow. The Uzbeg infantry began to pour forth 
 their arrows from every corner, so that very soon the claws of 
 Islam twisted the hands of heresy and unbelief, and victory 
 declared for the true faith. The victorious breezes of Islam over¬ 
 turned the banners of the schismatics. [The Turkomans] were so 
 completely routed, that most of them perished 011 the field ; all the 
 rents that had been made bv the swords at Karshi, were now sewn 
 up with the arrow stitches of vengeance. They sent Mir Najm 
 and all the Turkoman Amirs to hell. The Emperor retired, 
 broken and crestfallen, to Hisar. 
 
 And now a difference arose between the Emperor and those 
 Moghul Amirs who, when the Khan went [to Andijan], had stayed 
 behind and entered the Emperor’s service. To make a long story 
 short, one night, Ayub Begjik, Mir Muhammad, Yadgar Mirza and 
 Nazar Mirza, in company with the rest of the Moghuls, fell upon 
 the Emperor so unexpectedly that he was with difficulty able to 
 escape, naked, into the castle of Hisar; while [the conspirators] 
 having plundered all they could find outside [the fort], marched 
 away towards the mountains of Karatigin. The Emperor was 
 powerless to oppose them : having left several of his trusted Amirs 
 to detend the castle of Hisar, he himself proceeded to Ivunduz. 
 The whole province of Hisar, except the fort, fell into the hands 
 of the Moghuls. The Moghuls have a proverb which runs : when 
 a place is left unoccupied, the pigs will mount to the top of the 
 hillock . 2 . . . They withdrew the hand of tyranny and oppression 
 trom the sleeve of violence and enmity, and seized upon the 
 households, families, possessions and cattle of all the people. One 
 ot the most distinguished of those Moghuls, who was in my 
 service [at one time], used to relate : “ They once [by way of 
 paying my allowance] gave me an assignment [feared] for obtaining 
 provisions, which was addressed to one of the inferior officials 
 
 1 The Turki says : The Emperor and the Turkomans advanced.—It. 
 
 2 This saying is followed by a line containing a coarse pun, which is untrans¬ 
 latable.— K. 
 
262 Ubaid Ullah defeats Babar 
 
 at Vakhsh. I alighted at his house and showed him my assign¬ 
 ment. He pondered for a while ; then he came out and displayed 
 before my view about 200 horses, and a proportionate number of 
 sheep, camels, slaves, household furniture, clothes and [various] 
 materials, saying: ‘ I entreat you to let me and my children and 
 wives go with the clothes we have on, while you take possession of 
 all that is here, and release me from the balance of the sum that is 
 mentioned in the order.’ When I had reckoned up the value of 
 the cattle and property, though it came to a considerable sum, it 
 was only half of that entered in the assignment.” This story 
 shows what degree of tyranny, violence and oppression they had 
 begun to practise. Whatever property or flocks they found among 
 the people of Hisar, they extorted from the owners, whom they 
 ruined with waste and extravagance. There ensued a terrible 
 famine among the Musulmans, 1 and in the whole town of Hisar 
 [only] sixty persons survived. The living eat the dead, and when 
 these had died in such a condition that no nourishment was left 
 in their flesh, the living fell upon one another. The end of these 
 odious and revolting scenes was, that out of those thirty or forty 
 thousand people, only about two thousand escaped, leaving their 
 property behind; the rest were all engulfed in the ocean of 
 violence, or annihilated with the sword of vengeance. The women 
 and children were led away captive by the Uzbeg, and bear the 
 burden of the ignominy to this day. 
 
 To add to all this distress and suffering, that winter there was 
 such a prolonged and incessant snowfall, that the plains became 
 like hills and the hills like plains. But as for that abominable 
 race [the Uzbeg], as their tyranny and cruelty increased, so did 
 their prosperity decrease. They, also, began to suffer from want of 
 grain; and as the fodder all lay buried under the snow in the 
 plains, they had nothing to give their horses; nor could they find 
 any corn fur themselves. Thus were these cursed people likewise 
 reduced to great distress, and became impotent. 
 
 When news of their helpless condition reached Ubaid Ullah 
 Khan, most of whose efforts were guided [at least] by good inten¬ 
 tions, he felt it his bounden duty, both from a desire to restore 
 order in the country, and also from a sense of right and justice, to 
 go and expel these evil doers. At the end of the winter, therefore, 
 he set out for Hisar. When [the Moghuls] heard of the approach 
 of the Uzbeg, they knew not which way to turn, for they had 
 themselves darkened their road to the Emperor; nor did they think 
 fit to go to the Khan in Andijan, because whenever they might 
 enter the Khan’s service, they would be obliged to do some work 
 which they considered beneath their dignity: the hands of their 
 
 1 By Musulmans the Sunni appear to be meant— i.e., the Uzbegs and their 
 partisans. 
 
at the Battle of Kul Malik. 
 
 263 
 
 tyranny would be cut off and the feet of their insubordination 
 crushed. On this account they abhorred the idea of going to the 
 court of the Khan. Moreover, the roads were rendered impassable 
 by the snow. For these several reasons, they took up a strong 
 position in the mountains of the Surkhab and of Yakhsh. On one 
 side it was protected by the Kiver Surkhab, on two others by the 
 mountains, while on the remaining side was deep snow, on which 
 they placed much reliance. 
 
 When the Uzbeg drew near, they reconnoitred on all sides and 
 found the enemy well fortified. As the Ustad says : “ Life is like 
 snow under the summer sun.” The snow on the one flank, on 
 which they had put reliance, thawed a few days later, and left a 
 very broad way through the defile. This wide passage caused joy 
 to [the Uzbeg] and depression to those wicked [Moghuls]. One 
 morning the Uzbeg charged down upon [the Moghuls], who, when 
 they saw them coming, threw themselves into the water . . . . 
 (Couplet). . . . Most of those wretches passed through the water 
 to the flames of hell, some few escaped; and all those who had not 
 reached the river, went to hell by way of the flashing scimitar. 
 Those that survived were taken prisoners, and all the suffering 
 that they had inflicted on the people in Hisar during a year, God 
 Almighty now caused, by the hand of Ubaid Ullah Khan, to 
 descend upon them in one hour . . . (Couplets) .... All those 
 that escaped the Hisar river and the glittering sword, went to the 
 Khan in Andijan, in the condition that has been described, or 
 rather, their condition would not be possible to describe. 
 
 I have heard Mir Ayub relate : “ Often, when I experienced 
 ill-treatment from the Moghuls, and witnessed their dealings with 
 the people [in Hisar], I have prayed to God to hasten to send 
 down calamity upon them, that true Musulmans might thereby 
 be delivered.” The moral to be drawn from this story is that one 
 should shun cruelty, which embitters life and destroys happiness: 
 one should practise justice, which strengthens prosperity and 
 sweetens life. “ Divine aid is a precious thing, and is only given 
 to the faithful servant.” 1 In short, through the villany of that 
 tribe [the Moghuls], Hisar fell from the hands of the Emperor, 
 and came under the domination of the Uzbeg. So long as the 
 Emperor entertained any hopes [of recovering Hisar], he remained 
 in Kunduz, though exposed to the greatest distress and want. 
 Mirza Khan possessed that country, but in spite of his entire 
 subordination [to the Emperor], he was not able to give up his 
 own country to oblige him. The Emperor, with his accustomed 
 courtesy, bore the situation patiently, and made no attempt to 
 deprive Mirza Khan of his dominions. At last, despairing 
 altogether of recovering Hisar, he returned to Kabul. 
 
 1 An Arabic quotation from the Koran.—R. 
 
264 
 
 Account of the Authors Uncle , 
 
 When lie conquered Mavara-un-Narhr, he left Sultan Nasir Mirza 
 upon the throne of Kabul. On learning the Emperor's approach, 
 Sultan Nasir Mirza came out to receive him, with protestations of 
 devotion and respect, saying : “ When you withdrew your foot from 
 the throne of the glorious kingdom of Kabul, you entrusted the 
 high honour of government to me. And I have guarded this 
 imperial treasure for you until, through the changes of fortune 
 and the revolving of the spheres, you have again come to place 
 your noble foot upon the steps of the throne. I would now crave 
 your permission to be allowed to return to my former government 
 of Ghazna, and would be most grateful if a few Amirs, of whom I 
 stand in need, were appointed to my service.” This devotion on 
 the part of Sultan Nasir Mirza made a deep impression on the 
 mind of the Emperor, who showed his gratitude by many favours, 
 and allowed him to return to Ghazna, where Sultan Nasir Mirza 
 died soon after [<hxr haman ayyavn]. Whereupon grave disputes 
 arose among the Amirs in Ghazna, which shall be spoken of in 
 their proper place. The Emperor remained in Kabul until the 
 conquest of Kandahar; after that he conquered Hindustan, which 
 s hall likewise be mentioned in its right place. 
 
 CHAPTER XXX. 
 
 ACCOUNT OF MY UNCLE, SAYYID MUHAMMAD MIRZA. 
 
 It has already been briefly related how the Khan, on the 14th of 
 Safar, in the year 917, 1 separated from the Emperor, and went to 
 Andijan ; also how he defeated [Mirza Aba Bakr] and the Kash- 
 ghari [at the battle of Tutluk]. At the same time the Emperor 
 seized Samarkand : while the Khan became absolute master of 
 Andijan. In speaking of the children of Sultan Ahmad Khan, it 
 was mentioned that Sultan Khalil Sultan, being in great distress, 
 had come to Andijan, and that Jani Beg Sultan had been affected 
 in the brain, by falling from his horse onto his head. 
 
 At the time when Sultan Khalil Sultan came [to Andijan], Jani 
 Beg Sultan ordered my uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, Sultan 
 Ali Mirza Begjik, and Tubra Nuyaghut, 2 to kill Sultan Khalil 
 Sultan, in order that he might be assured that they were cut off 
 from the Moghuls, otherwise [he feared that], on the first oppor¬ 
 tunity, they would stir up a rebellion and attach themselves to 
 the Moghul Khakans. These three, fearing for their own lives, 
 
 1 The 14 Safar, 917 = 13 May, 1511. 
 
 2 The Turki MS. has: Tubdgliuth. —R. 
 
Sayyid Muhammad Mirza. 
 
 drowned Sultan Khalil Sultan in the river of Akhsi. The Sultan 
 
 was younger brother to the Khan. 1 
 
 So long as the Uzbeg had the upper hand and were successful, 
 these three men lived in peace; but when the Uzbeg were over¬ 
 thrown, they grew apprehensive lest the Khan should take 
 vengeance upon them for that crime [and this thought was never 
 out of their minds]. One day the Khan, in a state of intoxication, 
 killed Tubra. It came about in this wise. Tubra was a rude, 
 unpolished man, who had never been in personal attendance on the 
 Khakans, but had always lived in the deserts of Moghulistan and 
 Uzbegistan, engaged in forays JcazdJci] and skirmishes [kardvuli]. 2 
 He was ignorant of the manners of an Amir. He now looked 
 upon himself as one of the pillars of the State, and thought that 
 for him to speak gently or courteously to a prince was but flattery, 
 while flattery was the vilest of qualities; that coarse speech was a 
 sign of power, and that a rough manner and the non-observance 
 of the rules of politeness due to a king, should be regarded as a 
 mark of dignity in himself. The people thought he was insane, 
 and that pride had thickened the fibres of his brain. In spite of 
 fear and apprehension, he had certainly made roughness of speech 
 and rude manners his second nature. One day, at a feast given by 
 the Khan, the wine was passing freely, and Tubra’s head became 
 hot with intoxication; reason left his brain, and in its place came 
 pride and wickedness. All those thoughts which, when sober, he 
 kept to himself, he now let free with full force, and began to talk 
 wildly. It was in vain that the Khan expostulated and pointed 
 out to him that his railleries were out of place : that he should not 
 let loose the reins of coarse speech and vulgarity. Tubra retorted 
 in a speech reflecting on the Khan’s family. 3 At this answer, the 
 Khan quite lost control over his temper, and the harvest of his 
 patience was consumed ; he then and there gave orders for Tubra’s 
 head to be struck off and hung over the gate, as an example to all 
 not to forget the respect due to authority. 
 
 When Sultan Ali Mirza, who was one of the three, heard of this 
 event, he fled to the Emperor in Samarkand, and joined his 
 brothers, Mir Ayub, Mir Muhammad, and Mir Ibrahim. My 
 uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, who was their leader, was 
 plunged into the greatest alarm. This event had occurred at 
 Akhsi, while my uncle was in Andijan. The Khan immediately 
 sent off Mir Kambar, in great haste, from Akhsi [to explain the 
 matter to my uncle], saying: “Tubra was an ass; but no ass 
 would endure him, even to buckle on his nose-bag. 4 Moreover, 
 
 1 The expression is: birddar-i-padar-i-mddari. —It. 
 
 2 The Turki says : Like a Kazak.—R. 
 
 3 The speech, which is about one line in length, is obscure and impossible to 
 put into English.—R. 
 
 4 A play on the word Tubra, meaning a “ nose-bag ” for feeding horses. 
 
266 
 
 Account of the Aut/iors Uncle. 
 
 he had entirely given himself up to the paths of rudeness.” Mir 
 Kambar succeeded in quieting the Khan with this message. Soon 
 after this, the Khan himself came to Andijan. Here he treated 
 my uncle with such friendliness and affection, as to blot out all 
 fears from the latter’s mind, and such a firm friendship was estab¬ 
 lished between them, that it lasted all their lives. In later times 
 the Khan never mentioned my uncle’s name without shedding 
 tears of affection. 
 
 [Verse] Behold the kindness and mercy of the Lord; 
 
 The servant has sinned, and the master is ashamed. 1 
 
 After settling this matter, the Khan became firmly established 
 upon the throne of the Khanate, until the time when the Emperor 
 abandoned Samarkand, and the Uzbeg again obtained the ascend¬ 
 ency in Mavara-un-Nahr. The Emperor appealed to Shah Ismail 
 for assistance, which came in the person of Mir Najm, with whom 
 he again marched against Samarkand, as has been already recorded. 
 On learning this news, the Khan set out for Andijan; and with 
 the desire to anticipate [pishdasti] the Emperor and Mir Najm, 
 before they had crossed the Darband-i-Ahanin, he attacked Suyunjuk 
 Khan, 2 who was one of the chief Uzbeg Sultans. With him a 
 pitched battle was fought at a place called Bishkand. 3 But the 
 Khan was defeated, after displaying great personal valour and 
 receiving many wounds, and he arrived discomfited at Andijan, 
 where he awaited news of the Emperor and Mir Najm. The 
 Uzbeg, for their part, were unable to pursue or harass his troops 
 to any great extent, for the Emperor and Mir Najm had turned 
 towards Samarkand, thereby causing them great alarm. On this 
 account, the Khan remained jLn Andijan, to repair the effects of his 
 defeat and wait for news of the Emperor. 
 
 1 From Sadi’s Gulistan. Then follow four lines of rhetoric, which are omitted 
 —R. 
 
 2 He was son of Abulkhair Khan, and brother of Kuch Kunji and Shah 
 Badagh—consequently, uncle of Shaibani Khan. 
 
 3 Bisk-hind is no doubt intended for Panja-kand, a town in the Zarafshan 
 valley, some forty miles east of Samarkand. Bisk Kand , or “ five towns,” is 
 merely the Turki form of Panja Kand , which has the same signification in 
 Persian. The case, indeed, is similar to that of Yatikand and Haft Deh, alluded 
 to at p. 180. The movements of the three parties referred to in the text 
 are not very clear, but they are sufficiently plain to show that Biskand or 
 Piskand, beyond the right bank of the Sir, and south of Tashkand, cannot be 
 the place indicated by Bish-kand. 
 
Adventitres of the Author . 
 
 267 
 
 CHAPTER XXXI. 
 
 RELJSONAL ADVENTURES OF THE AUTHOR. 
 
 It has been already related that in Rajah of the year 915, 1 I left 
 Mirza Khan and proceeded to Kabul, to be honoured by the blessed 
 glance of the Emperor, who welcomed and entertained me with 
 the warmest affection. In public he ranked me with his brothers 
 and nephews ; but in private he regarded me with a truly paternal 
 eye, as one of his own children, and I was the special object of his 
 fatherly sympathy. So much did he comfort me, that he entirely 
 banished from my mind the bitterness of orphanage, and grief at 
 separation from my friends. Thus did I pass my time in perfect 
 ease and contentment. In the meanwhile the Emperor resolved to 
 lead an army against Kunduz, as has been already mentioned. It 
 was the season of the polar star, and in the rigour of Dai , 2 when he 
 said to me, with great affection: “ The difficulty of the road and 
 the coldness of the air are extreme. [You had better] stop in 
 Kabul this winter. When spring comes, and the air is cleared of 
 the bitter cold, you can come to me.” But I remonstrated with 
 him, saying: “ In this country, it is the consideration and kindness 
 of the Emperor which have enabled me to endure the bitterness of 
 my desolation. If the Emperor leaves me behind, to whom shall 
 I turn for comfort ? ” When he saw that to insist upon my re¬ 
 maining behind, in Kabul, would prey upon my mind and break 
 my heart, he ordered such preparations for my journey to be made 
 as the limited time allowed, and permitted me to accompany him 
 to Kunduz. 
 
 As many of my father’s old followers were among the Moghuls, 
 they all hastened, at this crisis, to enter my service, bringing with 
 them such presents and offerings as their circumstances admitted. 
 In short, I was well equipped with arms and men. More especially 
 [I must mention] my foster-father, Jan Ahmad Ataka, whose name 
 will frequently occur hereafter, in its proper place; he, together 
 with the rest of my father’s old retainers, attached himself to me. 
 This Ataka was a trustworthy man, and had distinguished himself 
 by his personal exploits at the time of the Uzbeg ascendency. He 
 had made a goodly collection of horses and arms, which he put at 
 my service. It was thus that he was employed until the winter, 
 when [the Emperor] led his army into the Dasht-i-Kulak, as has 
 been mentioned. I personally accompanied that expedition. On 
 
 1 Oct.—Nov., 1509. 
 
 2 Dai would be the tenth month of the ancient Persian year, or December. 
 
 —R. 
 
268 
 
 Adventures of the Author. 
 
 our return from the Dasht-i-Kulak, in the spring, the Emperor 
 sent the Khan to Andijan. The Khan was very anxious to take 
 me with him in his service, and, I for my part, had a strong 
 desire to go. But when I asked leave of the Emperor, his blessed 
 heart became heavy, and he put all such ideas on one side. Thus 
 the Khan went to Andijan, while I remained in the service of 
 the Emperor. 
 
 Soon after this, followed the campaign of Hisar, in which the 
 battle with Hamza Sultan and the defeat of the Uzbeg occurred. 
 In the former engagement, the aforesaid Jan Ahmad Ataka led my 
 men into battle, and having captured one of the Uzbeg chiefs alive, 
 brought him to the Emperor, who promised him a reward for his 
 bravery [juldnf saying: “This is Mirza Haidar’s first exploit, 
 and is a good omen.” He then ordered them to record the juldu 
 in the book, under Mirza Haidar’s name. This story has been 
 already related. 
 
 I was with the Emperor when he captured Samarkand. In 
 mentioning my father’s children, I said that the eldest of all was 
 Habiba Sultan Khanish; [she was my full sister] and had fallen 
 to Ubaid Ullah Khan. When Ubaid Ullah fled from Karshi to 
 Bokhara and entered Turkistan, he was not able to look after his 
 own family properly. Every one who could find means to make 
 that difficult journey went; those who could not, stayed behind. 
 Among these last was my sister, Habiba Sultan Khanish, whom I 
 joined in Bokhara. We then came to Samarkand, where we found 
 my uncle, who had come, that winter, from the Khan in Andijan, on 
 business of the State. Having settled his affairs to the best of his 
 powers, he returned to Andijan, taking with him my sister, whom 
 on his arrival he gave in marriage to the Khan. 
 
 In the spring of that year, when the Emperor went to encounter 
 Ubaid Ullah Khan at the battle of Kul Malik, I was detained in 
 Samarkand by an access of fever. When the Emperor retired to 
 Samarkand discomfited, and then again departed [being unable to 
 remain there], I was in a state of convalescence; nevertheless, I 
 continued to follow him to Hisar. The Khan sent messengers 
 several times to the Emperor to fetch me, and at last, displeased 
 and irritated, he gave me leave to go. In my childish folly I did 
 not (as it was my duty to do) pay attention to the Emperor’s 
 consent [hut determined to go to Andijan]. Thus, on the arrival 
 of Mir Najm, the Emperor mounted his horse and joined the 
 expedition, while I set out for Andijan. I have already mentioned 
 how the Emperor joined Mir Najm. I [as I say] went to Andijan ; 
 but before reaching my destination, the Khan 2 had been put to 
 rout by Suyunjuk Khan, and returned to Andijan just as I arrived 
 
 1 A Turki word meaning—a present made to heroes, or a reward for bravery. 
 
 2 Sultan Said Khan. 
 
Adventures of the Author . 
 
 269 
 
 there. This occurred in Rajab of the year 918. From that date 
 to the day of the Khan’s death, in Zulhijja 939, 1 1 remained con¬ 
 stantly in his service, and was all the while distinguished by his 
 regard and liberality. In short, until he conferred upon me the 
 rank of Kurkani, I was never absent from him. At night, where- 
 ever his bed was spread, one was also spread for my convenience, 
 at his side. At ro}^al banquets, the right hand of my fortune was 
 joined to the left hand of the Khan’s favour. Whenever a con¬ 
 sultation was held, my uncle was sure to be at the head of the 
 meeting [sar-i-daftar\ but he gave me precedence over my uncle; 
 nay more, he did so at the request of my uncle, who used frequently 
 to point out to the Khan that [although] I was only the son of his 
 brother, still he recognised that my precedence over him was not 
 only proper, but necessary. When he rode out, I always rode at 
 his side; and when he went hunting, he used to instruct me in the 
 sport [and initiate me into its secrets and subtleties]. lie used to 
 lead the hunt himself, for he was a keen sportsman. He never 
 allowed me out of his sight, but used to persuade me to go hunting 
 with him, and. if ever I showed any reluctance, he would compel 
 me to enjoy it. He used to set me various tasks to do, at the same 
 time pointing out what benefit I should derive [from doing them], 
 and would say ; “ Until young men begin to perform duties, they 
 can never gain experience. [Otherwise] in important affairs and 
 in large assemblies, in mosques and in the battlefield, where the 
 leaders of the people, whether Khakans or Sultans or Amirs, take 
 part, they become confused, and meet with opposition from their 
 people. But when young men practise themselves in the business 
 of their elders, they gain insight into the particulars of their 
 various duties, and in all such matters as wars and the like, they 
 acquire a certain confidence. This self-reliance gains for them the 
 esteem of the people, which strengthens their authority. In the 
 performance of these duties they learn to recognise their own 
 merits and demerits, and to judge of the best modes of action. 
 
 “ While in the service of my father and my uncle, I had these 
 principles indelibly engraved upon my heart, and they used to 
 make me perform numerous duties, that I might turn the advan¬ 
 tages derived from them to the best possible account. What I 
 learnt from my elders I now am teaching you, that you, in turn, 
 may also profit by it.” 
 
 Till the age of twenty-four, I was employed in every kind of 
 service, and all that the Khan gave me to do, both great things 
 and small, I carried out single-handed. But if, even in the councils 
 of the Amirs, in which I had my special place, an opportunity of 
 some service presented itself to me, the Khan would forbid my 
 performing it, saying: “ In the battlefield you must remember 
 
 Rajab, 1)18, began 12 Sept., 1512. 
 
 Zulhijja, 939, began 24 June, 1531 
 
 3. 
 
 1 
 
2yo 
 
 Defeat of Said Khan 
 
 your rank, so that you may not fall in the estimation of the 
 people.” When I was between twenty-four and twenty-five years 
 of age, he bade me desist from all these services, and said : “ All 
 that I have given you to do, you have done well. Now you can 
 return to your favourite pursuits.” Thereafter, till the age of thirty, 
 he entrusted to me the affairs of the army. But he caused me to 
 be attended by men of judgment and experienced Amirs, and 
 instructed me never to deviate from what they considered right, 
 but to follow them in all matters. When several campaigns 
 [. lashkar ] had been carried through in this way, he gave me leave 
 to speak my mind in debates and plans of action. Up to the age 
 of thirty I had never received this permission, nor had I ever 
 spoken in an assembly, but had always remained silent. After 
 sanction was accorded me, however, I spoke much, and whenever 
 I used to speak in the assemblies, the Khan would say to me : 
 “ Explain this matter more fully, give us your proofs and your 
 reasonings.” If I explained myself well and said what was fitting, 
 he would praise me, and desire the people to applaud ; and when 
 I did not say exactly what was right, he would add: “ What he 
 means to say is so-and-so ”; and thus would improve my words 
 and satisfy the Amirs. 
 
 When some time had passed in this way, he said to me: “ I have 
 now learnt to rely on you thoroughly; ” he then entrusted to me the 
 entire management of the army and the direction of the govern¬ 
 ment, giving me, in these matters, absolute freedom of action, 
 together with sanction to issue mandates and firmans. When I 
 returned from my expedition into Kashmir, and came to kiss the 
 Khan’s feet in Tibet, 1 he called me by no other name than 
 “ brother,” both in private and in public. The details connected 
 with [these events] will be given in the account of the Khan. 
 I shall not record the rest of my own life until I have related the 
 end of his. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXII. 
 
 ACCOUNT OF SULTAN SAID KHAN AFTER HIS DEFEAT BY 
 
 SUYUNJUK KHAN. 
 
 [Soon] after I entered the Khan’s service, news arrived of the 
 defeat of the Emperor and Mir Najm at Ghajdavan. This was at 
 the beginning of the same winter in which the Moghuls revolted 
 
 1 By Tibet , Ladak is meant here, as in nearly every case where the word Tibet 
 is used. 
 
271 
 
 by Suyunjuk Khan. 
 
 against the Emperor, when the severe famine broke out in Hisar, 
 [and much snow fell]. During that winter the whole of the 
 province endured great misery and want. 
 
 At this crisis, news came of Suyunjuk Khan’s march [on 
 Andijan]. Three months previously [the Khan] had been 
 defeated [by Suyunjuk], and his power of resistance had been 
 broken. After much deliberation, it was resolved that my uncle 
 should fortify himself in the citadel of Andijan; that Mir Ghuri 
 Barlas should defend Akhsi and Mir Daim Ali should hold the 
 citadel of Marghinan, while the Khan should retire to the hills on 
 the north of the province of Andijan, with his family and the rest 
 of the army ; for it would be difficult for the Uzbeg to come into 
 the hills [to fight], and the fact that the Khan was still in the 
 field [birun] would make them fear to besiege the citadels. 
 Having decided upon these plans, they were at once put into 
 execution. When Suyunjuk Khan learnt this, he did not see fit 
 to advance, but abandoning his purpose, remained quietly where 
 he was for that winter. 
 
 In the spring, news came of Kasim Khan. The incidents were 
 as follows. When the Emperor conquered Mavara-un-Nahr, he 
 gave Tashkand [in charge] to Mir Ahmad Kasim Kuhbur, and 
 Sairam to the latter’s brother, Kitta Beg. When the Emperor left 
 Samarkand and went to Hisar, the TJzbeg, having regained their 
 composure, laid siege to Tashkand, and at length reduced the 
 defenders to great straits. One night, however, [the garrison] 
 rushed out of the citadel, and attacking one corner of the Uzbeg 
 army, got away. The Uzbeg looked upon their departure as a 
 great blessing, and did not follow them, but were satisfied with the 
 reduction of Tashkand. Afterwards, Mir Ahmad Kasim went to the 
 Khan in Andijan, and on leaving that town, proceeded to join the 
 Emperor in Hisar. But his brother, Kitta Beg, had put the 
 citadel of Sairam into a state of defence, [lest the Uzbeg should 
 come and besiege him], and could find no road for escape. All 
 that winter he remained within his fortifications. Early in the 
 spring he sent to Kasim Khan for help, saying: “If you will 
 come to me, I will deliver the citadel of Sairam over to you.” 
 With such words did he entice his brother and arouse his 
 ambition, thus bringing him against Tashkand. 
 
 But at this point, in order to understand what follows, it is 
 necessary to say something about Kasim Khan. 
 
2/2 
 
 The Kazak and their Sultans . 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIII. 
 
 ACCOUNT OF THE KAZAK AND THEIR SULTANS : THE ORIGIN OF 
 THEIR NAME AND THEIR END. 1 
 
 When Abulkhair liad made himself master of the whole of the 
 Dasht-i-Kipchak, he desired to remove several of the Sultans of 
 the race of Juji, in whom he detected symptoms of seditious designs. 
 Karai 2 Khan and Jani Beg Khan, perceiving the intentions of 
 Abulkhair Khan, fled, together with a few other Juji Sultans, to 
 Moghulistan. This country was at the time under the Khansliip 
 of Isan Bugha Khan, who received them favourably and assigned 
 a corner of Moghulistan for them to live in. Here they dwelt 
 in peace. 
 
 On the death of Abulkhair, differences arose between the Uzbeg 
 Ulus. As many as were able, repaired to Karai Khan and Jani Beg 
 Khan, for the sake of peace and security ; and in this way [the 
 two Khans] became very powerful. Since they had first of all 
 separated from the mass of their people, and for some time had 
 
 1 The whole of this valuable section was translated by Erskine, and will be 
 found in his MS. at the British Museum. As Sir H. Howorth has reproduced it 
 in his chapter on the White Horde and the Kirghiz Kazaks , and has collated it 
 with other accounts of the same events, it would he superfluous to oft'er any 
 comment on the subject here. I would only remark that, when Mirza Haidar 
 says that “ in the year 944 not a vestige ” of the Kazak of Moghulistan remained 
 “ on the face of the earth,” he must have been unacquainted with what was 
 going on in that country. He wrote the passage, apparently, in the year 948 h. 
 (1541-2) in Kashmir, or about nine years after he had severed his connection 
 with Moghulistan, and was possibly wrongly, or imperfectly, informed. Sir H. 
 Howorth observes : “ This is probably an exaggeration, but there can be no 
 doubt that at this time the Kazak confederacy was much disintegrated.” Their 
 line of Khans continued, however, and Sir Henry traces their history, and that of 
 their people, down to the early years of the eighteenth century. 
 
 For convenience of reference, the Khans of the Kazak of the White Horde 
 may be detailed here, for the period of Mirza Haidar’s history, as follows:— 
 
 Karai j 
 
 and > (sons of Borak) . 
 
 Jani Beg ) 
 
 Baranduk (son of Karai) . 
 Kasim (son of Jani Beg) . 
 Mumash (son of Kasim) . 
 Tahir (grandson of Karai). 
 Bulash ( Ibid .) .... 
 
 . 1427-1488 a.d. 
 
 . . . 1488-1509 „ 
 
 . . . 1509-1518 „ 
 
 . . . 1518-1523 „ (?) 
 
 . . . 1523-1530 „ 
 
 . . . 1530-15.. „ (?) 
 
 There is some doubt about the last name. Sir H. Howorth, citing a Russian 
 author, shows that it may have been Uziak Ahmad. The date 1523, I have 
 taken from Stokvis, but do not know his authority for it. It is wanting in the 
 Tarikh-i-Rashidi, and in Howorth. (See Hist, of Mongols , ii., pp. 627, seq .; and 
 Stokvis, i., p. 163 ; but the latter’s table does not agree with the above.) 
 
 2 This is the exact transliteration of the name as it occurs in the texts, though 
 most European authors have written it Girai. 
 
The Kazak and their Sultans. 
 
 273 
 
 been in an indigent and wandering state, they got the name of 
 Kcizcik, which has clung to them [ever since]. 
 
 On the death of Karai Khan, his son Baranduk Khan succeeded 
 to the Khanship, while Kasim Khan, son of Jani Beg Khan, like 
 his father, became obedient and submissive to Baranduk Khan. 
 In addition to Baranduk Khan, Karai Khan had many sons, and 
 Jani Beg Khan had others besides Kasim Khan. Among [Jani 
 Beg’s sons] was Adik Sultan, who married Sultan Nigar 
 Khanim, the fourth daughter of Sultan Yunus Khan, on the 
 death of Mirza Sultan Mahmud, son of Sultan Abu Said Mirza. 
 After the devastation of Tashkand, Adik Sultan abandoned Shaki 
 Beg Khan to join the Kazak, and was followed by Sultan Nigar 
 Khanim. But Adik Sultan dying soon after this, Kasim Khan 
 took Sultan Nigar Khanim to wife. At the death of Adik Sultan, 
 Kasim Khan obtained complete ascendency, and Baranduk was 
 Khan in name only. Finally he banished Baranduk Khan, who 
 repaired to Samarkand and died in exile. 
 
 Kasim Khan now brought the Dasht-i-Kipchak under his 
 absolute control, in a maimer that no one, with the exception of 
 Juji Khan, had ever done before. His army exceeded a thousand 
 thousand. In the year 924 he died, whereupon contests ensued 
 among the Kazak Sultans. He was succeeded in the Khanate by 
 his son Mumash Khan, who, in one of the wars, died of shortness 
 of breath, 1 and was succeeded by Tahir Khan, son of Adik Sultan. 
 Being a harsh man, he practised much cruelty, so that his people, 
 who numbered about 400,000 persons, suddenly deserted him and 
 dispersed, while he was left alone among the Kirghiz, and died, 
 at last, in misery. 
 
 Nearly 30,000 men being now collected together in Moghulistan, 
 they appointed as their Khan, Bullish 2 Khan, brother of Tahir 
 Khan. But the wheel of Fate has made such strange revolutions, 
 that for the last four years, not a trace has been visible of these 
 people. In the year ’30, the Kazak numbered a thousand 
 thousand; in the year ’44, not a vestige of all this host remains 
 on the face of the earth. They will be frequently mentioned [in 
 this history] in connection with the Khan. Such is the story of 
 the Kazak. 
 
 Even previous to the time of Kasim Khan’s assumption of the 
 title of Khan, his power was so great that no one considered 
 Baranduk Khan; nevertheless he did not wish to live side by side 
 with Baranduk Khan, because, if near him, he would not be able 
 
 1 The Persian texts have dam-giri, the Turki tang-ncifsi. Both terms mean 
 practically the same thing, but dam-giri is generally used for shortness of breath 
 produced by the rarefied air at high altitudes, while tang-nafsi usually stands 
 for ordinary asthma or other affections of the breathing organs. In the Dasht-i- 
 Kipchak there are no high altitudes to produce dam-giri in its usual sense. 
 
 2 This name may perhaps read Tulash. 
 
 T 
 
274 Sultan Said Kharis Visit to 
 
 to pay him due respect, hut would offer him opposition ; and [he 
 felt that] if he did treat him with honour, he could not reconcile 
 passive submission with his own private convictions, lie there¬ 
 fore kept at a distance. Baranduk Khan lived at Sarai Chuk, 1 
 and Kasim Khan, in order to he far away from him, went to the 
 confines of Moghulistan. He made Karatal 2 his winter quarters, 
 intending, early in the spring, to return to his original capital; 
 when one of Kitta Beg’s men, with some of the chief inhabitants 
 of Sairam, arrived, bringing the keys of Sairam and beseeching him 
 to accept the town, which he did. He then marched on Taraz, 
 which the Moghuls call Yangi. In advance of himself, he des¬ 
 patched one of his own Amirs, into whose hands Kitta Beg 
 delivered the town of Sairam. [Kitta Beg waited on Kasim Khan 
 in person, and induced him to attack Tashkand.] Kasim Khan 
 then set out with a countless army for Tashkand, where Suyunjuk 
 Khan had fortified himself within the citadel. Kasim Khan 
 arrived, spent one night outside, and then turned back again, 
 plundering all the environs of Tashkand as he went. The rest 
 of the events of Kasim Khan’s life will be related in their proper 
 place. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIY. 
 
 EVENTS THAT FOLLOWED THE TATTLE WITH SUYUNJUK KHAN ; ALSO 
 
 SULTAN SAID KHAN’s JOURNEY TO THE KAZAK AND TO KASIM KHAN. 
 
 In the spring of the year 918, the Shaiban Uzbeg (by which name 
 is meant the followers of Shahi Beg Khan) had become absolute 
 masters of Mavara-un-Nahr. The fear of them had sunk into every 
 heart. That winter had been spent in the above-mentioned plot ; 3 
 in the spring they were busy devising further schemes, and 
 thinking what they should next attempt, when suddenly news 
 
 1 If this is intended for the name of a town, some possible variants are Sarai- 
 Juk, Sarai-Cliik, etc. There is a town of the last name on the Yaik or Ural 
 river, near the northern end of the Caspian, and it is quite possible that this is 
 the place indicated. But the text may be read “ the palace of Chuk, Juk,” etc., 
 and in that case I am unable to suggest any location for it. 
 
 2 The Karatal River, which flows into Lake Balkash from the south, was, as 
 Mirza Haidar states in a later chapter, on the northern confines of Moghulistan. 
 There was a place called Karatal on the upper course of the river, but it is less 
 likely to have been the name of a town than that of a camping-ground. Both the 
 river and the modern camping-ground, or village, are marked on the accompany¬ 
 ing map. There are, however, other insignificant spots called Karatal. 
 
 3 The Turki translator here interpolates the following explanation: The 
 Khan in Andijan had taken counsel with the Amirs ; and Suyunjuk Khan, 
 hearing of this, had desisted from his intended march against Andijan. 
 
275 
 
 Kasim Khan , Chief of the Kazak. 
 
 of Kasim Khan's advance [on Tashkand] was brought to them. 
 Before Kasim Khan’s arrival, however, the Khan went and 
 plundered Ahangaran, one of the most important towns in 
 Tashkand, and I accompanied him on this foray. When, at early 
 morn, we came upon the people of Ahangaran, they retired with 
 their wives and children and effects into a wood, and there took up 
 a strong position. On one side of the wood was a large river, and 
 on the other a deep ravine, which could only be approached by 
 one road. They would not allow the pillagers to approach, and 
 when the Khan heard of this he put me under the care of Khwaja 
 Ali, saying: “ Hold the bridle of Mirza Haidar’s horse, lest he get 
 into some dangerous place.” For I was still too young to 
 distinguish good from evil or to keep myself out of danger. 
 [Having entrusted me to Khwaja Ali, the Khan placed himself at the 
 head of his men and advanced on the enemy.] When he drew near 
 them, he saw that their foot bowmen had made ambushes in 
 every corner, and were ready to shoot. They had stretched their 
 bows, washed their hearts of life—made straight, crooked, and the 
 left, right. As our men advanced, the Khan stimulated and 
 encouraged the champions of his right and the warriors of his left, 
 warning them not to ride impetuously, but to make a charge in 
 one body. The heroes drew their horses up in line ready to 
 charge, and so busy were they getting into order, that they did 
 not notice the Khan, who had made a charge all alone. It had 
 been the Khan’s intention to conceal his design from them by his 
 words. Thus he threw himself upon the enemy before any of the 
 others. Three men who were lying in ambush let fly their arrows 
 simultaneously at him; but by the mediation of the Almighty, 
 they all three missed the mark. Then the Khan made his bright 
 sword to flash upon one of those three men who, bleeding, and in 
 fear for his life, fell at the feet of the Khan’s horse. The Khan 
 turned against another of them ; but the first had just put out his 
 head from behind the horse, when Abdul Vahid, who was the 
 Rustem of the Khan’s warriors, having followed close behind [his 
 master] came up and struck a blow with his sword at the wounded 
 man’s head, which sent it flying a bow’s length off, while the Khan 
 fell upon the second. Then commenced a conflict, in which all the 
 enemy were annihilated, and where the Khan exceeded all the 
 other warriors in valour. 1 
 
 On his return, in safety, from this expedition, laden with booty, 
 the Khan learnt that Kasim Khan had attacked Suyunjuk Khan 
 in Tashkand. Whereupon he immediately set out for that town, 
 but on reaching the pass of Kandarlik, which is situated between 
 the provinces of Farghana and Tashkand, news came of Kasim 
 
 1 This sentence is an abridgment of four lines full of high-flown phrases.—It. 
 
 T 2 
 
2 y 6 
 
 Said Khan's Visit to Kasim Khan. 
 
 Khan’s retreat. Returning, [the Ivhan] proceeded to Akhsi, and 
 having put the various forts of the province of Farghana into a 
 state of defence, he turned towards the Kazak, his object being to 
 make them attack Tashkand a second time. 1 did not accompany 
 that expedition ; being indisposed, I stayed behind. 
 
 The Khan advanced [in the direction of the Kazak] till he came 
 to a well-known town in Moghulistan called Jud. 1 At that date 
 Kasim Khan was nearer seventy than sixty years of age; while 
 the Khan, being still under thirty, was in the full vigour of youth. 
 Kasim Khan begged, on the plea of old age, to be excused from 
 coming out [in istikbal ] to receive the Khan. He commanded 
 all his Sultans to go and kneel before the Khan, and receive him. 
 Some of these Sultans were fifty and sixty years old ; such as 
 Janish Khan, Sabash Khan, Mumash Khan, Jan Haidar Sultan, 
 Karish Khan, and others to the number of thirty or forty—all 
 Sultans of the race of Juji. When Sabash Khan 2 and Janish 
 Khan (who were very old) 3 bowed, the Khan rose up, but w r hen 
 the others bowed he remained seated. Then Kasim Khan advanced 
 with a courtesy which the Khan, to the end of his life, never 
 forgot. Whenever he was spoken of, the Khan used to say that 
 Kasim Khan was a most upright and worthy man, and would 
 then relate the circumstances of their friendship. 
 
 On meeting, Kasim Khan approached and said : “ We are men of 
 the desert, and here there is nothing in the way of riches or for¬ 
 malities. Our most costly possessions are our horses, our favourite 
 food their flesh, our most enjoyable drink their milk and the 
 products of it. In our country are no gardens or buildings. Our 
 chief recreation is inspecting our herds. Therefore let us go and 
 amuse ourselves with looking at the droves of horses, and thus 
 spend a short time together.” When they came to where these 
 were, he examined them all, and said: “ I have two horses which 
 are worth the whole herd.” These two were then brought 
 forward; (and the Khan used to say that never in his life had 
 he seen such beautiful animals as these two). Then Kasim Khan 
 resumed: “ We men of the desert depend tor our lives upon our 
 horses; and [personally] I put my trust in no others than these 
 two. [I could not bear to part with either of them.] But you 
 are my esteemed guest, so I beg you to accept whichever of 
 them appears to you the better, and to leave the other for me.” 
 Having examined the points of each, the Khan chose one which 
 w r as called Uglilan Turuk; and truly such another horse was 
 never seen. Kasim Khan then selected several others from his 
 droves, and gave them to the Khan. He next offered the Khan a 
 
 1 For the author’s remarks on this place, see pp. 364-5. 
 
 3 This name reads Shush Khan in some texts.—R. 
 
 * The Turki text says: Much older than the Khan.—R. 
 
- Miracles of Maitland Muhammad. 277 
 
 cup of the spirit kimiz , saying: “ This is one of our forms of 
 hospitality, and I shall esteem it a great favour if you will drink 
 it.” Now the Khan, a short time before this, had renounced all 
 intoxicating liquors; so he excused himself, saying: “I have 
 foresworn such things as this: how can I break my vow ? ” To 
 which Kasim Khan replied : “I have already told you that our 
 favourite beverage is mare’s milk and its products, and of these 
 this [kimiz] is the pleasantest. If you do not accept what I now 
 offer you, I am totally at a loss to know what to give you in its 
 place, in performance of the duties of hospitality. Years must 
 elapse before such an honourable guest as yourself again enters the 
 house of your humble host; and now I am incapable of entertaining 
 you. How can I make reparation for this ? ” So saying he hung 
 down his head with shame, and marks of sorrow appeared upon his 
 face. Thereupon, for his host’s sake, the Khan drank the spirit 
 to the dregs, to the great joy of Kasim Khan. Festivities [sulibat] 
 then began, and during twenty days they continued to indulge 
 together in quaffing cups of the spirit kimiz. The summer was 
 just drawing to a close, and the Kazak set out, by Kazim Khan’s 
 orders, for winter quarters. ^Kasim Khan said: “To go and 
 attack the Shaibani, at this time, would involve great difficulties. 
 Men of the desert do not think of winter at this season [without 
 orders]. It is impossible. An expedition is not to be thought of at 
 this time.” He then dismissed his army ; l and with the utmost 
 courtesy and regard, he bade the Khan farewell. He himself 
 returned to his capital, while the Khan, much pleased with Kasim 
 Khan, returned to Andijan. It was then autumn [tirmali]. A 
 learned man, to commemorate these events, discovered the 
 chronogram : Ashti-i-Kazdk , or “ Peace with the Kazak ” [919 A.H.] 
 
 CHAPTER XXXY. 
 
 ACCOUNT OF THE MIRACLES OF MAULANA MUHAMMAD KAZI. 
 
 At the time of Shah Ismail’s victory over Shahi Beg Khan, and 
 the arrival of the Emperor in Samarkand, to lend his aid to the 
 former, Hazrat Maulana had left Samarkand and come to Andijan, 
 as has been mentioned above. At the period of which I am now 
 speaking, Hazrat Maulana was living in the province of Farghana, 
 
 1 The Turki text says, literally : He excused his army from going against 
 Tashkand. From the words, “ The summer was then drawing. ...” onwards 
 to this point, the passage is obscure and involved, in all the texts. 
 
278 
 
 Miracles of Mauldnd Muhammad. 
 
 and all the Amirs, of every degree, used to wait upon him, and 
 profit by the blessing of his converse. I also took upon myself the 
 duty of waiting on him frequently, and he continued to shower 
 upon me the same kindly 7 favours as he had done when I was a 
 child in Uratippa (at the time of the calamities in Bokhara) ; and 
 by the blessing of which favours, I was rescued from that terrible 
 abyss, all of which has been already explained. 
 
 Hazrat Maulana performed miracles and wonders. Among others 
 was the following: One of my father’s retainers, Sayyidim 
 Kukildash, who was a disciple of Hazrat Maulana, was one day 
 waiting on the latter. Hazrat Maulana, seeing that he looked 
 sad, questioned him [as to the cause]. Sayyidim Kukildash 
 replied : “ A certain person ” (meaning me) “ has come from Hisar 
 in the hopes of obtaining the Khan’s daughter in marriage, and 
 being thus raised to the dignity of Kurkani. 1 All the Amirs are 
 
 1 The title here spelt Kurkan , is also written in a number of other ways by the 
 Musulman authors. The difference, as it appears in translation, is in some cases 
 only due to confusion of the K with the G in the original text, for Persian and 
 Turki writers make no difference between these two letters. Thus the first 
 syllable may be read Kur or Gur indifferently, and in many instances the second 
 syllable may also be read kan or gdn, according to choice. But it frequently 
 happens that an author lias written the second syllable khan, and in this way 
 has implied a totally different meaning for the word. Kurkan, Gurkan, Gurgan, 
 or Kurgan, would mean nothing in Persian or Turki, but in Mongol (trans¬ 
 literated Khurghen in lvowalowski's dictionary) it means “ son-in-law,” and the 
 title is known to have been a Mongol one by origin. The matter lias been much 
 discussed, but with no very definite result; though Dr. Erdmann has come to 
 the conclusion that there were two separate titles, and that when the word is 
 met with under different spellings, in the best of the Persian and Turki 
 histories, it is accounted for by the aufhor having used two separate words, with 
 a distinct purpose. Thus he maintains that Kurluin or Gurgan , etc., stands for 
 ‘son-in-law,’ or for a prince who is allied by marriage with some “mighty 
 monarch.” In this way—its Mongol sense—it is used, he tells us, by Rashid- 
 ud-Din, “who knows well how to draw the distinction.” He also tells us that 
 Kurkan or Gurgan represents the Chinese expression Fu-ma , and that the Amir 
 Timur was called Timur Fu-ma by the Chinese, because he married the daughter 
 of Chun-ti, the ninth and last emperor of the Mongol dynasty. Fu-ma, in fact, 
 means ‘ son-in-law ’ in Chinese, when applied to princes, and thus is a translation 
 of the Mongol word; but Dr. Erdmann does not mention his authority for the 
 statement that Timur married a Chinese princess. In all probability he has 
 found it in some of the Musulman authors, for it is a statement that several of 
 them appear to have made, though there is good reason to believe that they 
 were mistaken. Dr. Bretschneidcr says that the Ming annals use for Amir 
 Timur the title Furna Tie-mu-rh , and he goes on to remark: “Fu-ma is a 
 Chinese term meaning ‘ son-in-law of the Chinese Emperor.’ But the Chinese 
 chronicler docs not mean to say that the great Timur had married a daughter of 
 the Emperor of China. Fu-ma here is a translation of the Mongol title Gurkan 
 or Kurgan , which was bestowed only on the princes allied by marriage with the 
 house of Chingiz Khan. In modern Mongol Khurghen means son-in-law.” Ho 
 then shows that, as a matter of fact, Timur never married a Chinese princess, 
 notwithstanding the assertions of several writers to the contrary. “ I have not 
 been able to find,” he continues, “ either in the Yuan Shi or the Ming Shi, where 
 lists of the imperial princesses, under each reign, and their respective husbands 
 are given, any corroboration of this suggestion. The Zafar-namah, also, which 
 notices nine wives of Timur, knows nothing about a Chinese princess among 
 them.” Timur’s favourite wife was (according to the Zafar-Nama ) one Sarai 
 Mulk Khanim, daughter of Kazan Sultan, Khan of Turkistan and Mavara- 
 
Miracles of Mauldnd Muhammad. 279 
 
 now opposed to this match, and it is difficult to carry through any¬ 
 thing that the Khan’s Amirs have set their faces against. This 
 is the reason of my sorrow and dejection.” Hazrat Maulana then 
 said: “ I feel convinced that God has fore-ordained this union; 
 therefore the efforts of the Amirs can avail nothing. This marriage 
 will certainly take place.” When Sayyidim returned, he repeated 
 to me the words of Hazrat Maulana, and announced the good news. 
 It was at this time that the Khan was away among the Kazak, but 
 a few days later he returned, and raised me to that dignity which 
 Hazrat Maulana had foretold. Thus, in Rajah of the year 919 I 
 was elevated to the rank of Kurkan. 
 
 un-Nalir, who was a descendant of Chingiz. She was married to Timur in 13G9, 
 and became the mother of Shah Rukh. The next year he married another 
 Moghul princess, named Tukal Khanim, who was a daughter of Ivhizir Khwaja, 
 Khan of Moghulistan, and was also a descendant of the house of Chingiz. 
 
 But the personages in Asiatic history, to whom a title in the form Gurlihan is 
 most generally applied, are the kings of the Kara-Khitai or Si-liao; and more 
 especially to that one of the line (named Ye-liu Taishi) who made himself 
 notorious in the early part of the twelfth century. In this instance, Rashid-ud- 
 Din, Abtd Ghazi, Juvaini, Mirza Haidar, and Ahmad Razi, all agree in writing 
 Gur-Khan , and three of them explain the meaning of the word to be “ great ” or 
 “ universal, king ”—a translation which one of them (Abul Ghazi, p. 50) derive 
 from the Kara-Khitai language. There, is this that is noticeable, however, in 
 Abul Ghazi: throughout his book, to whomsoever the title is applied, he (or his 
 translator, Desmaisons) spells Gur-Khan; while Rashid-ud-Din (according to 
 Erdmann) makes a distinction. Mirza Haidar also distinguishes between the 
 two forms. He uses the word Kurhan as a title applied to several characters in 
 his history, but in the passage under note here, he records that he himself, by 
 marrying the daughter of Sultan Said, Khan of Kashghar, was raised to the 
 dignity of a Kurlian; while only a few pages later (p. 287) he writes of the chief 
 of the Kara-Khitai by the title of Gur-Khan or Kur-Khan. 
 
 It would appear, therefore, that there were two titles in use: but if this was the 
 case, how is it that we find Shah Rukh, the son of Timur, styling himself on 
 his coins Gurhhan, while those of his own son and successor, Ulugh Beg, are 
 struck with the form Kurhan (S. L. Poole, as below) ? These two princes were 
 both descendants of Timur, who used Kurhan, and who could not possibly trace 
 any line of descent from the Gurhhans of the Kara-Khitai. At first sight, this 
 seems to be an objection to the opinion that there were two quite separate titles; 
 but the evidence is so complete on the other side, that I do not think the coins 
 of Shah Rukh need have much weight. In all probability the legend on them 
 is a mere misrendering of the style Kurhan on the part of the designer, who was 
 very possibly ignorant of the word Kurhan and its derivation, though well used 
 to the employment of the title of Khan in one form or another. 
 
 If this be admitted, perhaps the most likely explanation of the matter is: that 
 originally Kurhan was a Mongol title used only for sons-in-law of the Khakan 
 (first of Mongolia, and afterwards of China), while in later times, it was assumed 
 by all, or at any rate by many, (1) who married daughters of other reigning 
 princes; or (2) by those who married descendants of Chingiz Khan, though not 
 actually his daughters ; or (3) that when its true signification was once for¬ 
 gotten, it became a mere honorific, and was perhaps made hereditary. My im¬ 
 pression is that, as in the case of Mirza Haidar, No. 1 of the above propositions 
 is sufficient to account for the manner in which the title was used by Timur and 
 his descendants, and by most others who assumed it. Indeed, if applied in that 
 way, it would suit nearly every Khan or Amir in Central Asia, for most of them 
 must have been able to take to wife the daughter of one ruler or another, and 
 most likely did so. 
 
 Thus Dr. Erdmann's opinion that there were two separate titles, appears to be 
 established, although the facts he brings in support of it may not be correct. 
 One of theso titles was of Mongol origin, and meant “ son-in-law ”; the other, 
 
28 o 
 
 Details regarding foregoing Events. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXYI. 
 
 SOME FURTHER DETAILS IN THE SAME CONNECTION. 
 
 At the beginning of this book, in enumerating the offspring of 
 Sultan Ahmad Khan, it was mentioned that the Khan had four 
 daughters. The third daughter, Muhibb Sultan Khanim, on the 
 death of [her first husband] was married to his brother, Sultan 
 Mahmud Khan, who was martyred at Akhsi by order of Shahi 
 Beg Khan. Muhibb Sultan Khanim then remained with Kutuk 
 Khanim, daughter of Sultan Mahmud Khan, and who, after the 
 devastation of Tashkand, was given to Jani Beg Sultan, as has 
 been mentioned. After my uncle had risen up against Jani Beg 
 Sultan, and driven him out of the province of Farghana, Muhibb 
 Sultan Khanim separated from Kutuk Khanim, who was her cousin. 
 On the Khan’s return to Andijan, she rejoined him. Of all his 
 four sisters, the Khan loved her the best, so that when she came to 
 him, he showed her the greatest regard and affection. The occasion 
 of my marriage was celebrated by magnificent banquets and enter- 
 tainments, which were remembered long after. 
 
 That winter the Khan took up his winter-quarters at Pishkharan, 
 a township of Akhsi. In the middle of the same season, Mir Ghuri 
 Barlas, Governor of Akhsi, died a natural death, whereupon the 
 Khan moved from Pishkharan to Akhsi, where he remained the 
 rest of the winter. Early in the spring, Mir Ayub and the Moghuls 
 who had been in Hisar, having been defeated by Ubaid Ullah 
 Khan, as above related, came [to Farghana]. 1 The Khan gave 
 Akhsi to Mir Ayub Begjik. 
 
 Meanwhile, news was brought that the Uzbeg were approaching. 
 The reason for their coming was that, the year before, Kasim Khan 
 had advanced [and had again retired], but during the whole of 
 
 probably of Kara-Khitaian, or perhaps Mancliu origin, meant “ Great Khan.” 
 Both seem to have become familiar to Western writers about the same time—the 
 twelfth century—and they, knowing nothing of the languages in which the 
 words originated, began, in the course of time, when writing their histories, to 
 confuse the two. 
 
 In spelling the words, I have adopted throughout the form Kurltan for the 
 Mongol title, as being the most exact and simple transliteration of it, as it is 
 found in the Tarilth-i- Rasliidi as well as in other texts; while the Kara-Khitai 
 title I have written with a G — Gur Khan —in order to distinguish it as much as 
 possible from the other. (See Erdmann, Temudschin der Unerschutterliche , 
 p. 580; Bretschneider, ii., pp. 256-8; S. L. Poole, Cat. Orient. Coins in Brit. 
 Mus., VII., p. xxx.; Abul Ghazi, p. 50; Haft Hdim in Quatremcre’s Not. et 
 Extraits , XIV., p. 178). Klaproth, Berezin, Amyot, and many other Orientalists 
 have discussed this subject, but there appears to be no necessity to lengthen this 
 note by citing their views. 
 
 1 Or perhaps to Akhsi. 
 
281 
 
 Account of Shah Ismail's End. 
 
 the spring, the Uzbeg were afraid [that he might advance again]. 
 When winter set in, they were fearful lest Shah Ismail should come 
 and avenge Mir Najm, [taking advantage of] the low state of the 
 Amu. For these reasons they had, for a whole year, desisted from 
 attacking the Shaibani. 1 When Shah Ismail returned to Irak, and 
 Kasim Khan, likewise, went back to his original residence, and 
 Babar Padishah fled to Kabul, there was nothing left for the 
 Shaiban Uzbeg to attend to, but an expedition against the Khan 
 and Andijan. So that spring they set out in full force against 
 Andijan. On hearing of this, the Khan left the province of 
 Farghana [and went to Kashghar], as will be told. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVII. 
 
 SHORT ACCOUNT OF SHAH ISMAIL’S END. 
 
 From the time when Shah Ismail came from Irak and killed Shalii 
 Beg Khan in Merv, he inspired great dread among the Sultans 
 on all sides. Thanks to this dread, and with a little assistance 
 from Shah Ismail, the Emperor was able to meet and defeat Hamza 
 Sultan. After this, his fame spread in every direction, and 
 following up his success, he subdued Bokhara and Samarkand 
 [without difficulty], as has been related. When the Emperor a 
 second time quitted Samarkand and retired to Hisar, [he asked 
 Shah Ismail for help]. Shah Ismail, thereupon, sent him 60,000 
 men under the command of Mir Xajm. They were, however, 
 defeated at Ghajdavan, all [the Emperor’s] arms and military 
 accoutrements being lost [while Mir Xajm perished]. On this 
 account, [the Uzbeg] feared lest Shah Ismail should march into 
 Mavara-un-Nahr to avenge Mir Najm. They had been expecting 
 this event the whole year, and made no expeditions in any direction. 
 
 At that period Shah Ismail returned to Irak, where he was 
 attacked by the Sultan of Rum, Sultan Salim, with an army of 
 several hundred thousand men. Shah Ismail met him with a force 
 of 30,000, and a bloody battle was fought, from which he escaped 
 with only six men, all the rest of his army having been annihilated 
 by theRumi. Sultan Salim made no further aggressions after this, 
 but returned to Rum, while Shah Ismail, broken and [with his 
 forces] dispersed, remained in Irak. A short time after this event, 
 he went to join his colleagues Nimrud and Pharaoh, and was suc- 
 
 1 The Turin translator uses the word Uzbeg here instead of Shaibani; but the 
 meaning is the Shaiban-Uzbegs. 
 
282 
 
 Account of the Uzbeg-Shaiban. 
 
 ceedecl by his son Shall Tahmasp. This Shah, likewise, was on 
 several occasions exposed to the kicks of the Rumi army; moreover, 
 from fear of the Rumi he was not able to maintain his accursed 
 religion, nor uphold the evil practices of his father. He continues 
 to sit on the throne of Irak down to the present day. 
 
 CHAPTER XXXVIII. 
 
 ACCOUNT OF THE SHAIBANI WHO HAVE REIGNED IN SUCCESSION IN 
 JIAVARA-UN-NAHR, DOWN TO THE PRESENT DAY. 
 
 The Uzbeg Shaiban, in the beginning of the winter of the year 918, 
 had killed Mir Najm and defeated the Turkomans and the Emperor. 
 In the spring of the same year they desisted from further aggres¬ 
 sions on any side, being apprehensive both of Shah Ismail’s 
 vengeance and Kasim Khan’s invasion [istila], as has been ex¬ 
 plained. But in the winter of 919 [1513], Shah Ismail returned to 
 Irak to oppose Sultan Salim the Rumi, while Kasim Khan in order 
 to look to his own kingdom, went to Ubaira-Subaira. 1 The minds 
 of the Shaiban being now set at rest with regard to these two 
 formidable enemies, Ubaid Ullah Khan, near the end of the 
 winter, set out for Hisar, delivered it from the tyranny of the 
 Moghuls, and made an end of them, as mentioned before. In the 
 spring of 920, the Shaiban marched against Andijan. On careful 
 consideration, the Khan realised that in disputing over Andijan 
 with the Uzbeg, there could result nothing but the dimness of 
 trouble and ruin upon the mirror of his fortune. For those who 
 had power to withstand them, had moved out of the Shaiban 
 territory, and he who had offered them the stoutest resistance, 
 namely Babar Padishah, having placed the foot of despair in the 
 stirrup of despondence, had gone back to Kabul. He thought the 
 wisest plan for him was to retire from the country, before the 
 enemy arrived. So the Khan set out for Ivaslighar, by way of 
 Moghulistan. [Thus] the province of Farghana was joined on to 
 Mavara-un-Nahr [under the domination of the Uzbeg]. 
 
 The dignity of Khan was, 2 according to the old custom, vested 
 
 1 This mine is transliterated as written, and thoroughly pointed, in the Turki 
 text. It is usually found in the form lbir-Sibir, but other variants, sucli as Abar , 
 Sebur, etc., are found among Musulman writings, while the Chinese, in the 
 Yuan dynasty, used I-bi-rli Slii-bi-rh. ,Tlie double name was the ordinary term 
 for Siberia, but there was also a Tatar town of Sibir, in the sixteenth century, 
 situated on the river Irtish, sixteen veists above Tobolsk. This place (as Brel.- 
 schneider informs us) was the capital of the Tatar Khan, Kuchum, and was 
 taken in 1581 by the Russians under Yeimak. (See Med. lies., ii., 87 aud 154.) 
 
 2 That is, after the deatli of Shahi Beg Khan; see note, p. 20G. The best 
 
283 
 
 Account of the Uzbeg-Shaibdn. 
 
 in the eldest Sultan, who was Kuchum Sultan, and the heir- 
 apparent [Kaalfa] was Suyunjuk Sultan, who however died before 
 Kuchum Sultan, when Jani Beg Sultan became the heir-apparent. 
 He followed Suyunjuk Sultan, and Kuchum soon after journeyed 
 along the same road. The Khanship now devolved upon Abu 
 Said, son of Kuchum Khan, and on his leaving the throne of the 
 Khanate vacant, Ubaid Ullah Khan sat in his place. From the 
 year 911 down to the end of the reign of the last-mentioned Khan 
 [Abu Said], he had, in reality, conducted the entire affairs of the 
 State; and if he had chosen to assume the title of Khan, no one 
 could rightfully have opposed him. Nevertheless [the Uzbeg] 
 adhered to the old rule and conferred the Khanship upon the most 
 advanced in years. After Abu Said, there remained no one older 
 than [Ubaid Ullah] himself, and he therefore ascended the throne 
 of the Khans, and continued to perfume the world with the sweet 
 breezes of justice and the scent of right-dealing, until the year 946, 1 
 when he bade this transitory earth adieu, and his pure soul passed 
 to the regions of the blessed. 
 
 I have neither seen nor heard speak of such an excellent ruler as 
 he, during the past hundred years. In the first place, he was a 
 true Musulman, religiously inclined, pious and abstinent; he also 
 regulated all the affairs of religion, of the state, of the army, and of 
 his subjects, in conformity with the ordinances of the Holy Law; 
 never deviating from it one hair’s-breadth. He was pre-eminent 
 for his valour and for his generosity. He wrote seven different 
 styles of handwriting, but best of all he wrote the NasTdii. He 
 made several copies of the Koran and sent them to the two holy 
 cities [Mekka and Medina]. He also wrote Naskh Taalik well. He 
 possessed the divans of the various Turki, Arabic and Persian poets. 
 He was versed in the science of music, and several of his composi¬ 
 tions are still sung by musicians. In short, he was a king endowed 
 with every excellence, and during his lifetime, his capital Bokhara, 
 became such a centre of the arts and sciences, that one was 
 reminded of Herat in the days of Mirza Sultan Husain. Although 
 both the Emperor and the Khan died before Ubaid Ullah Khan, 
 and the account of the end of his days should have been given 
 after their deaths had been recorded, yet since the stories of the 
 Emperor and the Khan occupy much space, and since Ubaid Ullah 
 Khan has no further connection with my story, I have summarily 
 completed my account of him here. I shall have no further 
 occasion to refer to the Uzbeg in this history. 
 
 account of the events brieily touched upon in this section, will be found in 
 chap. ix. of vol. ii. of Sir H. Howorth’s Hist, of the Mongols, where all available 
 sources of information have been laid under contribution. 
 
 1 The year 946 began 19th May, 1539. See also Howorth, ii., p. 723, for 
 Ubaid Ullah’s death. 
 
2§4 
 
 Said Khan Quits Farghana 
 
 CHAPTER XXXIX. 
 
 REASONS FOll SULTAN SAID KHAN QUITTING FARGHANA AND REPAIRING 
 
 TO KASHGHAR. 
 
 In the summer of the year 920, the Uzbeg Shaiban who were in 
 Tashkand, advanced under the command of Suyunjuk Khan, against 
 Andijan. When the Khan learnt this, he convened a meeting of 
 all his Amirs and councillors, and they discussed what were the 
 wisest steps to take in the matter. They tried to foresee the 
 final issues of things, and were plunged in the ocean of meditation. 
 [At last] my uncle said: “The neighbouring Sultans are not 
 inclined to sacrifice their reputation, and have gone to look after 
 their own affairs. Our numbers are not sufficient to compete with 
 the Shaibani, nor are our armaments equal to theirs. If we offer 
 their legions fight, however zealous and loyal we may be, we shall 
 only be as men with broken weapons, and a defeat will not mean 
 the destruction of one particular person, but will result in constant 
 disputes and continual fighting. If, by some strange chance, 
 matters should turn out otherwise, they will have to make 
 reparation for what has gone before, and all their power will be 
 destroyed. Such an advantage we should turn to account. We 
 shall be able to make no reparation for what has passed. Nor will 
 any amount of binding make that breakage whole. 1 
 
 “ The province of Farghana is the territory and ancient dwell¬ 
 ing-place of the Chaghatai. The Shaibani have deprived them of 
 it by force and violence. We have become the guardians of the 
 Chaghatai country. Now that all the Sultans, in general, and the 
 Chaghatai Sultans in particular, have given up the contest, it 
 would be absurd for us to engage in this dangerous affair on their 
 account. If you wish to be on the safe side and consider the wisest 
 plan, then block up the path of war and follow the road of flight, 
 before the borders of this kingdom have been darkened by the 
 dust of the enemy’s army. Let our reins be drawn towards 
 Mogliulistan, which is the old home of the Moghuls ; this will tend 
 to the consolidation of the State. And yet another fact must be 
 taken into consideration : namely, that Mirza Aba Bakr, in the 
 face of the Khan’s] A r ictorious host, is like a wounded quarry, for 
 has he not once before fought a pitched battle, atTutluk, and been 
 defeated? If we enter his province, and if he keeps a brave heart, 
 he will probably again offer battle, and fighting with him will be 
 an easy matter in comparison with fighting the Uzbeg. In fact, 
 
 1 Down to this point, nearly the whole of this speech is obscure in meaning 
 and the translation doubtful. 
 
285 
 
 and Repairs to Kashghar. 
 
 there will be little to fear and much to gain. Another point that 
 ought to count in favour of this plan is that the Mirza is over 
 sixty years of age, and he has reigned close on fifty years. The 
 Almighty has, during forty years, suffered him to exercise tyranny. 
 The time has probably now come for his day of oppression to be 
 changed to the night of annihilation. Moreover, he has cast aside 
 all his own Amirs, and has neglected the leaders of his army, 
 setting up in their places a number of mean people of low birth, 
 who, by reason of their lack of judgment and small intelligence, 
 stand in great fear of him. Therefore, we ought to direct all our 
 energies, devote all our strength, to the conquest of Kashghar. 
 Haply the opener of all gates will open to us the gate of victory. 
 Finally, Mirza Aba Bakr’s men, who were my companions in the 
 service of my brother, when they see me in your train, will 
 probably return to me. And they will be a substantial assistance 
 to us in conquering Kashghar. 
 
 “ Although Mirza Aba Bakr is my own brother, (Verse) .... my 
 loyalty and devotion are to the Khan alone: and any head that 
 will not bow to him, verily will I bring it down, though it be 
 that of my own brother. In my devotion to the Khan, no such 
 consideration as a tie of brotherhood shall stand in the way. In 
 the Mirza’s downfall, I now recognise the establishment of the 
 Khan’s prosperity. If my plan is approved, let it be at once 
 proceeded with.” 
 
 When my uncle had finished his speech, the Khan, who had 
 been listening with evident satisfaction, began to praise and 
 commend him, saying : “ My thoughts have for a long time been 
 occupied with such considerations; but in our discussions, all the 
 suggestions made have been either impossible or inexpedient. I 
 find your plan most reasonable, and preferable to any other. My 
 opinion is the opinion of Sayyid Muhammad Mirza. If any one 
 has anything further to say on the matter, let him speak.” All 
 the Amirs were unanimous in their agreement, and began to 
 approve my uncle’s suggestion. 
 
 Being all of one mind, the Khan, in the month of Itabi-ul-avval, 
 of the aforesaid year, 1 left Farghana before Suyunjuk Khan had 
 entered it, and marched towards Kashghar by way of Moghulistan. 
 At this time Mirza Aba Bakr executed a very surprising work, the 
 truth of which is attested by all who were in Kashghar at the 
 time, and I myself have seen and measured the building . . . . 2 
 Now, he had destroyed the ancient citadel of Kashghar a long time 
 before, as well as its suburbs, and had carried the inhabitants off 
 to Yarkand, while he had turned several inhabited places into 
 cultivated fields. When he heard of the Khan’s approach, he 
 
 1 Rabi I., 920, or May, 1514. 
 
 2 Here six lines have been much condensed, and a repetition omitted. 
 
286 
 
 Description of Kdshghar. 
 
 commanded a fort to be built on the banks of the River Tuman. I 
 have taken the dimensions of that fort several times. It may 
 include about fifty jarib, more or less, and its height in some places 
 is twenty matd gaz. 1 The circumference of the towers at each 
 angle is more than thirty gaz. On the ramparts, in most places, 
 four horsemen can ride abreast. This huge fort was constructed 
 in seven days, which is, of course, a most extraordinary feat, and 
 confirms what has been said above, of Mirza Aba Bakr’s power and 
 activity. It is now necessary to give some account of Kashghar. 
 
 CHAPTER XL. 
 
 DESCRIPTION OF KASHGHAR. 
 
 Kashghar is an old and famous town. 2 In former times the 
 Sultans of Kashghar were of the family of Afrasiab the Turk, 
 whom the Moghuls call Bugha Khan. His genealogy is as follows : 
 Afrasiab, son of Pish, son of Dad Xashin, son of Tur, son of 
 Afaridun. It is thus given in the Tdrilch-i-Guzida , which has 
 copied from the Mujma-ut- Tavdrilch 3 of Khwaja Rashid-ud-Din 
 Fasl Ullah. In some other histories the descent is traced yet 
 further. But God alone knows the truth. 
 
 Among the Sultans of Kashghar was a certain Satuk Bughra 
 Khan, who was converted to Islam in his early years. During his 
 occupation of the throne, he brought over the whole country of 
 Kashghar to the true faith. After his death, several of his 
 descendants ruled in Kashghar, and even in Mavara-un-Nahr, until 
 the conquest of Chingiz Khan. 
 
 1 The ordinary gaz, as we have seen (notes, pp. 58 and 256), probably measured 
 about 26 to 28 inches. The matd gaz, or gaz for measuring goods or effects, may 
 have differed slightly from other gaz in use, but probably one will suit as well as 
 another for Mirza Haidar's loose statements. The jarib is a land measure, 
 generally said to be equal to 60 square ells, or zar; but the value of the zar is 
 very uncertain. At the present day, in Persia, it is equal to about 40 inches. 
 Col. Jarrett shows that it is taken to mean the same as the Tandb of Persia, and 
 the Bigah of India, but that its value differs greatly according to locality and 
 different historical periods. In Akbar’s time it was fixed at 3600 lldhi gaz ; 
 while the standard Bigah in the north-west provinces of Bengal, contains nowa¬ 
 days 3025 square yards, or § of an acre. ( Ain-i-Alcbari, ii., p. 61.) 
 
 2 The word used here is shalir, or town. In the following paragraph the 
 author speaks of the “country of Kashghar,” and it may be remarked that he 
 employs the name Kashghar indiscriminately for the town, for the province, and 
 for the whole of Eastern Turkistan as far east as Chalish, or Karashahr. In most 
 instances his meaning is obvious, but in many others it is not so clear, and in 
 these I have usually added either a word in parenthesis, or a brief note by way of 
 elucidation. 
 
 3 Usually called the .Tarni-ut- Tavdrilch . 
 
2 8 y 
 
 Description of Kashghar. 
 
 [Tai Yang Khan fled from Chingiz Khan. Kushlitk, son of Tai 
 Yang Khan] took Kashghar from the vassals of the Gur Khan of 
 Kara Khitai, who had himself taken it from the vassals of the 
 descendants of Afrasiab. At that time Sultan Osman, of that 
 family, was ruling in Samarkand and in the greater part of 
 Mavara-un-Nahr. What passed between him and Khwarizm Shah 
 is to be found in every history. 1 
 
 The rebellion of Kushluk and the conquest of Kashghar by the 
 Moghuls, I have copied from the Jahan-Kushai , as it stands [there]. 
 
 1 Taken separately, Mirza Haidar’s facts are, in the main, correct, but his 
 account is confusing. He derived his knowledge from books, and has stated it 
 imperfectly. The “ family of Afrasiab the Turk ” may, perhaps, be more 
 properly called the dynasty of the Halt Khans, who were, according to the 
 best authorities, Uighurs. Some writers prefer to call them the Kdrakhani , after 
 the title said to have been adopted by the first Musulman chief among them. 
 Afrasiab himself (otherwise Bugha, or Buku, Khan) was probably a mythical 
 personage, but the Uighur dynasty that bears his name was, no doubt, an ancient 
 one, of purely Turki origin. It only takes a place as a practical factor in history, 
 however, with the reign of Satuk Bughra Khan, who was the first to become a 
 Musulman. Satuk Bughra is said to have ruled over all Turkistan (Eastern and 
 Western) as far east as the borders of China, while shortly before his death, about 
 the end of the tenth century, he is reported to have captured Bokhara. His 
 capital was Kashghar, then called Urdukand; but not long after his death, his 
 descendants would seem to have moved the seat of government to Balasaghun. 
 His immediate successor appears to have taken the title of Ilalc Khan , or “ Great 
 King” or “Sovereign,” which seems to have been perpetuated in that of the 
 dynasty, though it is often wrongly written Il-Khan. This Ilak Khan (perhaps 
 Nasr by name) conquered Mavara-un-Nalir about 1008, drove out the Samani 
 rulers, and established his authority over the country. The date of his death 
 does not appear to be recorded, but he is said, in some accounts, to have been 
 succeeded by his brother Togban Khan, who is known to have been reigning at 
 Balasaghun in 1018. He, again, was succeeded by Arslan Khan I.; then 
 followed Kadir Khan, then Arslan II., and then a second Bughra, who was in 
 power in the year 1070; but there may have been others between those named 
 here. Whether the second Bughra was immediately succeeded by one Mahmud 
 Khan is not clear, but we learn, at any rate, that a Khan of that name was ruler 
 of the Uighur-Ilak kingdom about the year 1124, when the Gur Khan of the 
 Ivarakhitai invaded Eastern Turkistan and conquered it, together with Bala¬ 
 saghun, and perhaps also Western Turkistan. At about this date, the Uighur 
 kingdom is represented as coming to an end. But the Ivarakhitai do not appear 
 to have disturbed Mavara-un-Nahr, which, as a part of the Uighur dominion, was 
 administered by vassals or tributary Sultans. These Sultans continued to govern 
 till 1213, when the last of them, named Usman, was killed by Muhammad 
 Khwarizm Shah, who took possession of the country, and held it until he was. 
 himself ousted, shortly afterwards, by Chingiz Khan, with the Uighurs as his 
 allies. 
 
 Thus, dating only from Satuk Bughra Khan, this Musulman Uighur dynasty 
 flourished in Turkistan for nearly a century and a half, and in Mavara-un-Nahr 
 for over two centuries; but their history, as we have it, is somewhat uncertain if 
 not contradictory. 
 
 As regards the habitat of this nation, the author of the Tabaltat-i-Ndsiri says 
 that the Afrasiabi Turks under the Ilak Khans, or Afrasiabi Maliks, occupied 
 the tracts about Kayalik and Balasaghun until dispossessed by the Karakhitai. 
 
 Dr. Bretschneider may be consulted for a brief account of the Ilak Khans, 
 which he appears to have derived from the Kdmil-ut-Tavdrihh of Ibn-ul-Athir 
 (11G0-1233 a.d.). Dr. Bellew has published a full summary of the earlier history 
 of the same dynasty, extracted from the Tazhira-i-Sultan Sdtulc Bughra , a work, 
 however, which he evidently mistrusts. Mr. S. Lane Poole gives a brief sketch 
 of their history, and a list, as far as it can be authenticated, of the Khans; and 
 
288 
 
 Extract from the Jahdn Kushdi. 
 
 CHAPTER XLI. 
 
 EXTRACT FROM THE JAHAN-IOJSHAI. 
 
 When Chingiz Khan carried his victorious arms into the countries 
 of the East, Ivushluk, son of Tai Yang Khan, fled by way of Bish 
 Baligh, to the country of the Gur Khan. He wandered about 
 among the hills, in great w r ant, while those tribes who had accom¬ 
 panied him became scattered. Some people say that he was 
 captured by a body of the Gur Khan’s soldiers, who led him before 
 their chief; another story is that he went and presented himself 
 of his own accord. He at any rate remained some little time at 
 the court of the Gur Khan. Sultan Muhammad Khwarizm Shah 
 rose in revolt against the Gur Khan, while other Amirs in the 
 eastern quarter, rebelled also, and put themselves under the pro¬ 
 tection of the Emperor of the world, Chingiz Khan, by whose 
 favour they obtained immunity from the evil acts of the Gur Khan. 
 Kushluk then said to the Gur Khan: “ My tribes are very 
 numerous, and are scattered over all the territory of Imal, Kiyak, 1 
 and Bish Baligh, where they meet with opposition from every one. 
 If you will allow me, I will cause them to assemble and with their 
 assistance [I will bring the rebels again under your authority]. 
 Thus will I help the Gur Khan; and I will not in any way 
 
 lastly, Major Raverty, in kis translation of the Tabakat-i-Nasiri, furnishes a long 
 list of llak Khans, together with much comment, but he does not mention his 
 authorities. All these lists differ as to names aud dates. 
 
 The word Ilk or llak, Dr. Terrien de Lacouperie informs us, meant Sovereign. 
 It was a title first used by a Prince of the Tukiieh, and was revived by the Uighur 
 Khans of Turkistan, who used it from the middle of the tenth century till the 
 year 1213. Subsequently, it was revived a second time by the Mongols in 
 Persia; Hulaku having changed his own title of Khan, which he had held 
 during the reign of Mangu Kaan, for llak Khan, under the reign of Kublai 
 Kaiin. The form Il-Khan, often said to mean “ Khan of the Ilyat ”—the Ils or 
 tribes —is therefore erroneous. (See Bretschneider, Med. Res., i., pp. 252-3; 
 Bellew, Yar. Rept., pp. 121-30; S. L. Poole, Muham. Dyn., pp. 132 and 134-5; 
 Raverty, pp. 900-10; t Lacouperie, Babylonian and Orient. Record, Dec., 1888, 
 p. 13.)' 
 
 1 In the Persian texts this name may be read Kabalc, Katdk, or Kiyak, but the 
 Turki reads consistently Kiyak, so I have adopted that form. If it is correct, I 
 think there is no doubt that the Kayalik of some ancient writers, and the Cailac 
 of Rubruk, is the place intended. It was situated, according to the most trust¬ 
 worthy critics, to the south-west of the Imil river, and near the modem Kopal, 
 and in this position would accord well with what is known of the localities of 
 Kushluk’s tribes—the Naimans, or properly the Naiman-Uighurs; i.e., the 
 Kight-Uighurs. (See Yule, Cathay, p. 576; F. M. Schmidt in Zeitschrift der 
 Gesellt. fur Erdkunde, Berlin, 1888, xx., Bd., Heft 3, pp. 201-5; Brel- 
 schneider, i., p. 230. Also Schuyler, i., p. 405 ; Valikhanoff in Russians in 
 C. Asia, pp. 62 and 527 ; and D’Ohsson, ii., p. 516, who quotes Vasaf to the effect 
 that in 1301 Kayalik was on the frontier, between the territories of Kaidu and 
 the Khakan, though there is nothing to indicate where this frontier actually 
 was.) 
 
289 
 
 Extract from the Jahan Kushai. 
 
 deviate from his commands.” With such flattery and deceit did 
 he throw the Gur Khan into the well of pride. Then having 
 loaded him with gifts, he begged that the title of “ Kushluk Khan ” 
 might be bestowed on him. The Gur Khan accepted the gifts and 
 gave him the title he desired, whereupon, quick as an arrow shot 
 from a bow, Kushluk left the territory of the Gur Khan and came 
 to the country of Imal and Kiyak. When the report of the 
 invasion of Kushluk got abroad, Tuktai, who was one of the 
 Makrit Amirs, had fled and joined Kushluk. This was before the 
 rumours of the conquests of the Emperor of the world, Chingiz 
 Khan, had been spread abroad. And wherever they went, they 
 were joined by bands of men, with whom they conducted forays— 
 plundering and burning as they came and went. 
 
 When they heard of the successes of Muhammad Khwarizm 
 Shah, they sent numerous ambassadors to persuade him to attack 
 the Gur Khan from the west. Kushluk, at the same time, was to 
 attack him from the east, so as to bring him out of the centre [of 
 his dominions]. [The conditions were that] if Sultan Muhammad 
 Khwarizm Shah should be the first to gain a victory, Almaligh, 
 Khotan and Kashghar, which were in Kushluk’s kingdom, should 
 be ceded to him; but if, on the other hand, Kushluk should have 
 the first success, Kara Khitai as far as Finakand should be delivered 
 over to him. These conditions having been agreed upon, a treaty 
 was concluded between them. (Finakand means Shahrukhia.) 1 
 Thus the two armies set out for Kara Khitai from opposite direc¬ 
 tions. Kushluk arrived before Sultan Muhammad Khwarizm Shah 
 [and defeated the Gur Khan], since the army of this Sultan was 
 more distant. Then, having plundered his treasury, which was at 
 Uzkand, he proceeded to Balasakun, where the Gur Khan himself 
 was, and a pitched battle was fought at Jinuj, 2 in which Kushluk 
 was, however, defeated, and most of his men being worn out [hufta] 
 
 1 The texts throughout this extract from the Jahan Kushai are corrupt and 
 obscure. In this instance the name is spelled in one text Shahr-Khiah , in another 
 Shahr-Kah , and so on. I have no doubt, however, that Shahruhhia is meant; for 
 Shahrukhia , as we learn from the Zafar-Nama, was founded by Timur, on the 
 ruins of the ancient Finakand, towards the end of the fourteenth century. The 
 author of the Jahan Kushai, however, died in 687 a.h., or about a hundred years 
 before any such place as Shahrukhia had come into existence ! The inference, 
 therefore, is that the sentence, “ Finakand means Shahrukhia,” is an interpolation, 
 either by Mirza Haidar, or by a copyist, while the bad spelling of the latter name 
 is due to the interpolator. See Pc>tis, Timur Bee, iv., p. 2()7. Also Baber, p. 1. 
 
 It may be added here that the forms Finakand, Finakat, and Binakat, denote, 
 without doubt, one and the same place, as Sadik Ispahani (p. 78) expressly notes 
 that Binakat was also called Shahrukhia. 
 
 2 By variations in pointing, the name here written Jinuj may become Jinhuj or 
 Chinbuj; it may therefore be taken to stand for the Chinhudje of D’Ohsson 
 (i., p. 168), where this episode is alluded to. It was the name of a river in 
 Turkistan, according to Bretschneider (i., p. 231), but if near Balasagliun, it must 
 have been in the extreme north-eastern quarter of that territory—mar the upper 
 left tributaries of the Chu ; for it was among these streams that Balasaghun 
 (or perhaps better Balasakun) was most probably situated. 
 
 U 
 
290 Extract from the Jahdn Kushai. 
 
 lie retired and set about reorganising his army. He heard that 
 the Gur Khan had returned from his war with Sultan Muhammad 
 Khwarizm Shah, and had been ill-treating the people of the 
 province; also that the army had returned to its own country. 
 Then, like lightning from a cloud, he rushed out to meet him, and 
 having seized his followers, brought his kingdom and his army 
 under his own power; he then demanded one of his daughters in 
 marriage. Now the tribe of Naiman were mostly Christians 
 [Tarsa'], 1 and when he took that daughter in marriage, he made 
 her abandon Christianity and become an idol worshipper. 
 
 After Ivushluk had firmly established himself on the throne of 
 
 1 The word Tarsa is rendered Christian here, as its most probable signification 
 when applied to the Naimans. It was a term, however, that was used for 
 Buddhists, for Zoroastrians, and for idolaters. Perhaps also, among Musulmans, 
 it may have meant any non-Musulman religion. There is much evidence to 
 show that Nestorian Christianity was prevalent among the Naimans in the twelfth 
 and thirteenth centuries, as well as among other Uighurs, though it cannot perhaps 
 be said for certain, as Juvaini is made to do in the translation at this place, that 
 they were “ mostly Christians.” It is possible that his meaning may have been 
 that they were mostly Buddhists ; he, at any rate, cannot have applied the word 
 to idolaters, as the succeeding sentence proves—the woman was made to abandon 
 the religion called Tarsa and become an idolater. Thus, so much stands out 
 clearly in this passage—that Fire-worship not being in question with the 
 Naimans, Tarsa cannot stand for any religion except Christianity or Buddhism. 
 But Buddhism and idolatry are frequently regarded as one and the same by 
 Musulmans, and called by the same name, so that if it could be regarded as 
 probable that Juvaini took this view, there would remain no other translation 
 for Tarsa than Christian. On all considerations, therefore, it is probable that the 
 words Christian and Christianity render the author’s meaning in these passages, 
 and hence they become an important contribution to the evidence (1) that the 
 Naimans were, indeed, “ mostly Christians,” and (2) to the fact 1 hat the term 
 Tarsa was used for Christianity. 
 
 Dr. Bretsehneider remarks that the Arcliimandrate Palladius (in a Russian 
 publication) states that “ Tie Sie is the Chinese transcription of the word Tarsa, 
 used by the Persians since the time of the Sassanides to designate the Christians, 
 and sometimes also the Fire-worshippers and Magi. The name of Tarse is 
 applied expressly to the kingdom of the Yogurs (Uighurs) by Haithon, the 
 Armenian, in his account of the kingdoms of Asia (beginning of the fourteenth 
 century). John of Montecorvino, in a letter written at Peking about tl e same 
 time, speaks of Tarsic characters, meaning evidently Uighur letters.” Thus the 
 name was applied also to the Uighurs as a nation, but probably only on account of 
 their Christianity or Buddhism—for both religions were prevalent among them. 
 
 D’Ohsson states that in the Jahdn Kushai, Juvaini explains that the Christians 
 (thirteenth century) were called by the Mongols Arcaoun [Arghun], while 
 Buddhist monks were known as Tonines. He also says that Rubruk speaks of 
 the Buddhists generally as Touiniens, and adds that Touin is in reality the 
 Mongol name for Buddhist ecclesiastics. He quotes, moreover, the Armenian 
 writer Orpelian, to the effect that the Christians were known as Arkliaioun 
 [Arghun]. These designations point to a well-understood difference between 
 Christianity and Buddhism among the Mongols, but this may not have been the 
 case among Musulmans. The term Arghun is now used in Ladak to mean a 
 “ half-breed,” and it was soused also in the time of Polo in North-Western China. 
 The real meaning of the word, in Turki, is •* fair ” (complexioned), and is said to 
 have been current in Mongol as well as Turki, in the Middle Ages; but it was 
 by no means always applied to Christians. A full discussion of the term Arghun 
 will be found in Yule’s Marco Polo, i., pp. 279 seqq. (See also D'Ohsson, ii., 
 p. 2G4 ; Remusat’s None. Melanges , ii., p. 198.) 
 
 As regards the country known as Tarse or Tarsia, the reduced facsimile of the 
 Catalan map in Yule’s Cathay shows, in large letters, a kingdom called Tarsia, 
 
291 
 
 Extract from the Jahdn Kushai . 
 
 Kara Kliitai, lie fought several battles with him [the Gur Khan ?] 
 at Jam Baligh, 1 and finally he surprised the Gur Khan on his 
 hunting grounds, when having captured him, he put him to death. 
 
 The chief men of Kashghar and Khotan had also become hostile. 
 The Gur Khan had imprisoned the son of the Khan of Kashghar. 
 [Kusliluk] now set him at liberty and sent him back to Kashghar. 
 But the Amirs declined him, and before he had placed his foot 
 within the city, they put him to death between the gates. At the 
 time when the corn was ripe, Kushluk sent his army to eat or burn 
 it. When the inhabitants had been deprived of three or four 
 quarters of their income [ dahlil ] and corn, a famine broke out. 
 The people of Kashghar suffered great distress, and had therefore 
 to submit. After that, Kushluk inarched away with his army. 
 And his soldiers used to lodge in the houses of the people of 
 Kashghar and mix with their families, so that [the Kaslighari] 
 had no homes left. [His troops] practised every form of violence 
 and wickedness. They did everything to encourage idolatry", and 
 no one was able to prevent them. They next went to Khotan, 
 which they captured, and compelled all the inhabitants of the 
 surrounding districts to abandon the religion of Muhammad, 
 giving them the choice of becoming either Christians or idolaters. 
 [Arabic quotation from Koran . . . .] Verily God is forgiving and 
 merciful. Having adopted the garments of sin, the cry of the 
 Muazzin and the confession of the Unity of the God of Believers 
 was no longer heard. The mosques were closed and the schools 
 abandoned. One day they conducted the Imams of Khotan out 
 into the plains and began to argue with them. Among their 
 number was Imam Ala-ud-Din of Khotan. He was asked questions 
 and gave answers, and at length they hanged him up over the 
 door of a college. Of this matter I shall speak presently. After 
 this, the faith of Islam having lost all its splendour, the darkness 
 of evil spread over all the servants of God, and they raised their 
 supplications to heaven. [Five couplets in Arabic . . . .] The 
 arrow of their entreaties reached the target, and God heard and 
 answered them. 
 
 \\ hen Kushluk was setting out to attack the kingdoms of 
 
 but the distort- d geography of the times, renders any location of the region on a 
 modern map impossible. Haithon of Gorigos, the historian (Mr. Warren tells us 
 in his notes to Mandeville’s Travels) expressly says that the kingdom of Tarse was 
 the land of the Uighurs, and that it adjoined Tangut on the west. It can, 
 however, hardly be said to be so placed on the Catalan map. (See Mandeville , 
 p. 211, and note, p. 125.) 
 
 1 This place stood on the north of the Tian Shan mountains, between 
 Bishbalik (the modern Urumtsi) and the Manas river. It is frequently 
 mentioned in this position, under the names of Chang-ba-la and Jang-ba-li , 
 by the Chinese travellers of the thirteenth century, whose narratives have been 
 so ably translated and elucidated by Dr. Bretschneider. It is also mentioned by 
 King Haithon of Little Armenia in the account of his homeward journey from 
 Mongolia. (See Bretschneider, i., pp. G7, 1G0, etc.; ii., p. 32.) 
 
 u 2 
 
292 Extract from the Jahdn Kushai. 
 
 Chingiz Khan, the latter sent a body of Nuin 1 to check Knshluk’s 
 evil progress. He [Knshlnk] was, at that time, in Kashghar. 
 The chief men of Kashghar related that when [the Nuin] 
 arrived, and before they had drawn up in line, Kushlnk turned 
 his hack and fled, while the regiments that arrived one after 
 the other, of the Moghuls [az Moghuldn ], demanded nothing 
 of them but news of Kushluk. They sanctioned the “ call to 
 prayer’’ [Takhir - ] and the prayers [ Uzdn] ; and they issued a pro¬ 
 clamation in the town, that every one might practise his own 
 religion. The advent of those people was held to be an act of 
 mercy and bounty from the Almighty. When Kushluk fled, 
 every one who lived in a Musulman town or house, suddenly 
 disappeared, like quicksilver; and the Moghul army went in 
 pursuit of Kushluk. Wherever he halted, they came up behind 
 him and drove him on, like a mad dog, until they reached the 
 frontier of Badakhshan, which is called Darazukhan. 
 
 When he arrived at Sarigh Chupan, he missed the road, and 
 entered a valley that had no egress. There happened to be a 
 party of Badakhshani hunters in those hills, and when they saw 
 [the fugitive party] they went towards them, while the Moghuls 
 advanced from the other side. The valley being rough, the 
 Moghuls found walking difficult, and came to an agreement with 
 the hunters, saying: “ This band, namely Kushluk and his 
 followers, have escaped from us ; if you will capture them and give 
 them over to us, we will do them no harm.” !So they went and 
 surrounded [Kushluk] and his party, and having bound him, 
 delivered him up to the Moghuls, who cut off his head and carried 
 it away with them. The Badakhshani, having found endless 
 booty and precious stones, returned. 
 
 How clear it is that no one can ever be victorious who opposes 
 the religion of Ahmad and the Holy Law of Muhammad; while 
 lie who promotes it becomes more successful day by da}? - ! 
 
 1 This sentence, again, is without doubt a corruption. All the texts have 
 “jVun’ i Nuin ” and no other reading seems possible. Nuin would represent the 
 well-known Mongol rank or title, Noyan (meaning general, or commander of 
 10.000); but there could not have been a body or assembly of Noyaos, as the 
 word jam ’ implies. The sentence should read, probably, that a force under one 
 Cliabah , or Jabah, Noyan , was sent, etc. The episode is to be found described in 
 most of the Musulman histories, and is always given in this way : thus the Haft 
 Jklim (Quatremere, Not. et Extr., xiv., p. 478) says that Chingiz “envoya Djebeh 
 Novian .” Abul Ghazi (p. 102) has Tcliepe-Noian. The Habib-us-Sayar (in 
 Price’s Muhd. History, vol. ii., p. 496) has Hubbali Noyan, though Trice adds in 
 a note, that the word is pointed Jabbah ; while D’Ohsson, citing, apparently, 
 Itashid-ud-Din, says that “ 20,000 homines sous les ordres de Noyan Tchebe ” were 
 sent. This Noyan Cliabah was a famous general of Ching z Khan s, and his 
 name frequently occurs in connection with the Mongol conquests. Dr. Bellew 
 (Yarkand Report, p. 179) gives the meaning of Noyan as ‘‘a lvalmak noble.” 
 Sir H. Howorth says that among the Mongols and lvalmaks it means “ a prince 
 or any member of the Royal family;” also that, according to Quatremere, it is 
 the title of a leader of a toman, or division of 10,000 men (iii., p. 152). 
 
Description of Kdshghar . 
 
 293 
 
 CHAPTER XLU. 
 
 THE MARTYRDOM OF IMAM ALA-UD-DIN MUHAMMAD OF KHOTAN, AT THE 
 
 HANDS OF KUSHLUK. 
 
 When Kushluk conquered Kashghar and Khotan, he changed from 
 the religion of Jesus to the practice of idolatry, and the rest of the 
 people he caused to abandon Hanifism and become fire worshippers. 
 He changed the lights of the true path into the darkness of 
 unbelief, and the service of the all merciful into the serfdom of 
 Satan. . . . 1 
 
 Thus far, I have copied from the Tarikh-i-Jalian-Kusliai. 
 
 After Chingiz Khan had subjugated the whole of Kashghar, he 
 went and set his mind at rest with regard to the affairs of Iran 
 
 and Turan—nay, rather of the whole world . 2 He then returned to 
 his capital and divided all his kingdoms among his four sons. We 
 learn from the Mujma-ut-TavariJch of Rashidi and from the Guzida 
 (the former entering into detail, the latter giving it in brief), that 
 the whole of the Dasht-i-Khizr and [Dasht-i]-Kipcliak, whose 
 boundaries are Rum, the ocean \_Muhit] Mavara-un-Nahr, and 
 Moghulistan, was given to his eldest son, Juji Khan. Moghulistan, 
 Kara Khitai , 3 Turkistan and Mavara-un-Nahr to Chaghatai Khan. 
 To Tuli he gave the whole of Khitai, while his original seat of 
 
 1 About one folio and a half of text is omitted here, as it has no bearing on 
 the history. It consists chiefly of Arabic phrases, etc., and is, like the rest of the 
 extract from the Jaliun Kushai, very corrupt and, in places, unintelligible. 
 
 It may be mentioned here that in the British Museum there is only one copy of 
 the Tarilch-i-Jahan-Kushai , and that one, Mr. Russ informs me, is so corrupt 
 that he is unable to make much use of it. It might perhaps have been advan¬ 
 tageous, had a good copy been obtainable, to translate Mirza Haidar’s extract 
 direct from the original, as was done with the Zafar-Ndma in Part I.; but Mr. 
 Russ found this impossible. On the other hand, a new translation of this section 
 of the Jahan-Kushai is not of great importance, seeing that the subject matter 
 lias appeared already in many other works—European as well as Asiatic—and 
 has been well elucidated by able Orientalists. I 11 fact, on the particular subject 
 of the transactions of the Kara Khitai and the Naiman, etc., it is constantly used 
 as an authority, although no translation of the whole work, into any European 
 language, has yet been made. The author, Ala-ud-Din Ata-ul-Mulk, known as 
 Juvaini, was born in Khorasan in 624 or 625 a.h., and died 681. He went on a 
 mission to the Court of Mangu Khakan at Karakorum about 647 (or 1249 a.d.), 
 and thus had, himself, travelled through the countries on which he wrote. He 
 is prubably, therefore, a good authority on all matters relating to the tribes, the 
 geography, etc., of these regions in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. For a 
 full account of his life and book, see Fundgruben des Orients (Mines de l'Orient), 
 i., pp. 220-234. 
 
 2 Meaning that he comjuered Iran and Turan, and the whole world. 
 
 3 While at p. 152, the author makes Moghulistan coincide with Kara 
 Khitai, he here distinguishes between them. The matter, however, has been 
 explained in the Introduction ; the mention, here, of two countries, may be 
 regarded merely as one of the ordinary inconsistencies or loo^e expressions, in 
 which the book abounds. 
 
294 
 
 Description of Kashghar 
 
 government, that is to say Karakoram and the Kalmak [country] 
 he entrusted to TJkt;ii. In the same manner he distributed his 
 army and his Amirs; and in that division, the Dughlat fell to the 
 lot of Chaghatai, who entrusted to them Mangalai Suyah , which 
 means “ facing the sun ” [Aftdb rui ]. 1 This country is bounded by 
 Shash, Chalish, Issigh Kul and Sarigh Uighur; and on the confines 
 of these four limiting provinces are situated Kashghar and Khotan. 
 The particular Dughlat who was established in this kingdom, was 
 Amir Babdaghan , 2 in whose family it remained, from father to son, 
 until the time of Mirza Aba Bakr. The Jdm-i-Giti Numdi 3 says 
 that Kashghar is the most important town of the Turks, arid goes 
 on to describe several objects in it, of which now no trace remains. 
 Among other things it says is, that people used to carry clothing of 
 ermine [. Kdkum ] and squirrel [Sinjdb] from Kashghar to all parts. 
 But nowadays there are no such [animals] to be found there. 
 
 Kashghar is bounded on the north by the mountains of Moghul¬ 
 istan, which stretch from west to the east, and from them rivers 
 flow towards the south. Those hills extend from Shash, on one 
 side, to beyond Turfan [on the other], their extremities reaching 
 into the land of the Kalmak, which quarter none but the Kalmak 
 themselves have seen, or know anything about. I have questioned 
 some of those who have seen something of that country, but I can 
 recall nothing of what they told me, which would be worthy of 
 mention in this book. Moghulistan will [afterwards] he described 
 shortly. From Shash to Turfan is three months’ journey. On the 
 west side of Kashghar is another long mountain range, of which 
 the mountains of Moghulistan are an off-shoot [munsliaib\ This 
 range runs from north to south. I travelled on those mountains 
 for six months without coming to their extremity. They also shall 
 be presently described, in the account of Tibet. From these 
 mountains, rivers run from west to east, and to these rivers 
 Kashghar owes its fertility [abadani]. The whole of the countries 
 of Khotan, Yarkand and Kashghar lie at the base of these mountains. 
 
 1 For some remarks on Mangalai Suyah, see note, p. 7. 
 
 2 The Turki MS. reads Babdayhan , as did also one of the Persian texts 
 originally, hut some native reader has altered the name into Amir Babda 
 Kurban, in both places where it occurs. That this is a Musulman conceit, is 
 obvious. The mention, however, of the name of a Dughlat Amir before the 
 time of Bulaji is interesting, and is the only one I have met with in the Tarikh- 
 i-Rashidi, or elsewhere, except that of Urtubu, who is spoken of by Mirza 
 Haidar in the first chapter of Part I. as grandfather of Bulaji. He has, as lie 
 says, avoided all mention of infidels, and the Duglilats previous to Bulaji had 
 not yet become Musulmans. Dr. Bellow makes the name of Babdayhan into 
 Amir Bdyzid, and has also misread his author, so far as to make him state that 
 this Amir “resided in the Sarigh-Uighur region.” Mirza Haidar’s statement, 
 however, refers to “ Mangalai Suyah,” and not to the Sarigh-Uighur country. 
 (See Yarkand Rep., p. l(J(j.) 
 
 3 The Jdm-i-Giti Numai is by one Mir Giyath-ud-Din Mansur. The British 
 Museum does not possess a copy, but in the Catalogue of Persian MSS. in the 
 Bodleian Library at Oxford, the work is mentioned. 
 
295 
 
 and the Neighbouring Regions. 
 
 To the oust and south of Kashghar and Khotan are deserts, which 
 consist of nothing but heaps of shifting sands, impenetrable jungles, 
 waste lands and salt-deserts. In ancient times there were large 
 towns in these [wastes], and the names of two of them have been 
 preserved, namely Lob and Katak; but of the rest no name or 
 trace remains: all are buried under the sand. Hunters, who go 
 there after wild camels, relate that sometimes the foundations of 
 cities are visible, and that they have recognised noble buildings 
 such as castles, minarets, mosques and colleges, but that when they 
 returned a short time afterwards, no trace of these was to be found; 
 for the sand had again overwhelmed them. On such a scale were 
 these cities of which, nowadays, neither name nor vestige remains ! 
 In a word, the habitable districts of Kashghar and Khotan lie along 
 the western skirts of these mountains. On the frontier of Kashghar 
 is the district of Artuj ; 1 from there to the confines of Khotan, at 
 Kariya and Jariya , 2 is one month’s journey. But as for the 
 breadth of fertility of the cultivated region (from the foot of the 
 western range to the eastward) by travelling quickly one can leave 
 all cultivation behind in a day or two. On the banks of every 
 stream that comes down from that range, corn is sown and the land 
 is cultivated. 
 
 The first of these is the River Timan , 3 which comes from a 
 mountain standing between Kashghar and Farghana. This river 
 flows between the ancient citadel of Kashghar, which Mirza Aba 
 Bakr destroyed, and the new' one which he built, on the banks of 
 this river, as has been related. Part of Kashghar is fertilised by this 
 same river. The second river is the Kara Tazghun. In the dialect 
 of Kashghar, Tazghun means a river . 4 It flows about three farsaklis 
 to the south of the above mentioned fort. The greater part of the 
 province of ILashghar is watered by it. At a distance of three 
 farsaklis from it, is a third river called Kusan Tazghun, on the 
 banks of which is the town of Yangi-Hisar, and its dependent 
 districts. The town is supplied with water by this river. The 
 distance from Kashghar to Yangi-Hisar is six statute [, sliarT] 
 farsaklis. At about six farsaklis from Yangi-Hisar is an insignifi- 
 
 1 This place is often mentioned in the Tarikh-i-Rashidi. It is, nowadays, a 
 favourite summer resort of the townspeople of Kashghar. According to the late 
 Mr. R. B. Shaw the proper spelling is Artush. {J. H. G. S., 1876, p. 282.) 
 
 2 Usually Kirici and Chiria, or Ghira. Both exist to the present day, the 
 former as a town of some size. 
 
 3 Nowadays called Tuman or Tuman. Mr. Shaw, in speaking of the situation 
 of the present Kashghar— i.e., the Kohna Shahr or old city—the Musulman and 
 not the Chinese city—says the Tuman , or Ara Tuman (meaning Middle Tuman) 
 washes the eastern side of the town. A short distance below, it joins the river 
 Kizil; thus Kashghar is situated on the tongue of land between these two rivers. 
 (Loc. cit., p. 282-3.) 
 
 4 Mr. Shaw says the real meaning of Tazghun is “ a flood ”; while the river 
 in question — the Kara Tazghun — is also known as the Yupurghi. (lb., p. 283.) 
 
296 
 
 Description of Kdshghar 
 
 cant hamlet called Kara Chanak, 1 in fi ont of which flows another 
 stream called Shahnaz, which waters several [other] places. The 
 valley of the Shahnaz lies in the western range, and the [high] road 
 from Kashghar to Badakhshan runs through this valley. On the 
 road from Kara Chanak to Kilpin Rabat, is a resting place [manzil] 
 for those coming and going [on the road]; the distance between 
 Kilpin Rabat and Kara Chanak is five statute farsakhs. Further 
 on is another halting place—a monastery [langar] —which is called 
 Kush Gumbaz, an excellent stage [manzil] watered by the Shahnaz. 
 It has both cultivated grounds and gardens [bdghat] which all 
 form a part of the foundation [vakf] of this “ langar.” Travellers 
 enjoy the advantages which the “langar” offers. The next stage 
 is a village called Ivizil. The water there is brackish, and nobody 
 stops there w T ho is not obliged to. It is considered the halfway 
 stage between Yangi-Hisar and Yarkand. It is about ten farsdklis 
 from Ivizil to Ivuk Rabat, and from Ivuk Rabat to the edge of the 
 district of Yarkand, wdiich is called Rabatchi, is by measurement 
 seven statute farsaklis? Between Rabatchi and Kara Chanak there 
 is but little inhabited country, except for the stages that have 
 been mentioned. 
 
 Yarkand was formerly a very important city. The old town was 
 dug out by Mirza Aba Bakr; it was among the excavations 
 [kdziklia ] which w r e have spoken about, and much treasure was 
 found [in it]. It is not known whether the old town was called 
 Yarkand, or whether it had another name. In the days of my 
 ancestors, Yarkand was a companion city to Yangi-Hisar. Mirza 
 Aba Bakr made Yarkand his capital. He introduced streams [into 
 the town] and laid out gardens ; and it is generally reported that 
 these numbered 12,000, most of which were in the city and its 
 environs. But I cannot imagine that this figure is correct. Mirza 
 Aba Bakr built a citadel which, in most places, is thirty statute (jaz 
 in height. The inside of the citadel is roughly about a hundred 
 chub , and in it has been built a very high fort [ark]. The citadel 
 has six gateways, which are devised for great strength. The gates 
 themselves are placed about a hundred gaz within [the walls] and 
 on either side are two towers near together, so that should any 
 one wish to enter either of the gates, he must Tfirst] pass between 
 
 1 Or Kara Khanak. But in either form the name, according to Mr. Shaw, is 
 nowadays unknown ; it is called now Suget Bulak. (lb., p. 284.) 
 
 Except the first two marches from Kashghar all the distances given by the 
 author are greatly exaggerated. 
 
 For a complete analysis of Mirza Haidar’s description of this road, and 
 of his geography of all the regions bordering on Eastern Turkistan, see 
 Mr. Shaw’s paper in the Journal of the B. G. S. for 1876, entitled A Prince 
 of Kashghar on the Geography of Eastern Turkistan. When in Yarkand and 
 Kashghar in 1874-75, Mr. Shaw had with him, if I remember rightly, a copy of 
 the Tarikh-i Bashidi, and was thus able to criticise it on the spot, with the help 
 of native informants. 
 
and the Neighbouring Regions. 
 
 297 
 
 these two towers. If an enemy attack the interior, he is assailed 
 with arrows and stones from front and rear, as well as from right 
 and left. This system is to be met with in very few forts. In 
 the fort [ ark ] of this citadel, magnificent buildings have been 
 constructed ; but to describe them would be tedious. In the 
 suburbs are about ten gardens, in which are erected lofty edifices, 
 containing about a hundred rooms each. All these rooms are 
 fitted with shelves and recesses in the wall [tdk and takchci bandi ], 
 they have ceilings of plaster work, and dados of glazed tiles [kdshi] 
 and frescoes. Along the public reads are avenues of white poplar 
 [safiddr], so that one may walk for a statutory [farsdkh] and a half 
 on every side of the city, under the shade of these trees. Streams 
 run by most of the avenues. 
 
 The water of Yarkand is the best in the world. Every praise 
 which doctors have bestowed upon any water is true of this. 1 It 
 comes down from the mountains of Tibet (a month’s journey 
 distant), which are covered with snow and ice; it flows swiftly 
 over a stony and sandy soil from south to north, and when it 
 reaches Sarigh-Kul, which forms the extremity of the hilly 
 country of Kashghar, it rushes on, with like rapidity, from rock to 
 rock, leaping and tossing, for seven days [journey] in an easterly 
 direction, until it arrives at the level ground. Here it continues 
 its rapid course over a stony bed for two days more, and when it 
 reaches the bed [majari] of the river of Yarkand, in which there are 
 few stones, the current in some degree abates its speed. A curious 
 fact concerning this stream is, that in the early part of the spring 
 it becomes so small that one might almost cross it, in some places, 
 by stepping from stone to stone. In the season of Leo, [Asad] it 
 swells so much that it becomes, in places, nearly a statutory mile 
 [mil] 2 in breadth, [while its depth is then nowhere less than four 
 yaz], and for a distance of one karuli 3 it is no less than ten gaz in 
 
 1 The Turki MS. interpolates here :—“ The waters of Yarkand and Kliotan 
 owe their excellence to the fact that jade and gold are found in them ; 
 and they are found in no other rivers. The people of Yarkand praise the 
 water of the Kara Tazghun very highly, and indeed it is an excellent 
 beverage.” 
 
 As a fact, the water of the city of Yarkand and its neighbouring districts 
 should be classed among the most impure and insanitary that can be imagined. 
 Even the natives are, nowadays, in the habit of attributing—and perhaps 
 rightly—some of the worst diseases they suffer from, to the impurity of the 
 drinking water. In the towns it is of course worse than in country places. 
 
 ' l All the rivers and streams of these regions are at their lowest in early 
 spring, and rise in summer. It is strange that the author should regard so 
 common a circumstance as “ curious.” What, however, is somewhat curious is that 
 he should use the term mil as a measurement, for it is a word he has not pre¬ 
 viously employed. Ho probably derived it from some of the authors he had read, 
 tor it was often used by the Arab writers to denote a measure of one thousand paces. 
 Y hether Mirza Haidar really intends this measurement is doubtful. 
 
 3 Karuli or Kuroli —the lvro or Kos of India—usually taken to measure about 
 l-£ statute mile. See note, p. 424. 
 
298 
 
 Description of Kdshghar 
 
 depth. Jade [Yashb] 1 is found in this stream. Most of the 
 country and districts of Yarkand are irrigated by it. At a distance 
 of about seven farsakhs, flows another stream called Tiz-Ab, 2 which 
 waters the rest of the country. For about three days’ journey, at 
 a medium pace, from Y r arkand [in the direction of Khotan] are 
 well populated towns and villages; the farthest of these is called 
 Lahuk. 3 From this place to Khotan is ten days’ slow marching, 
 during which time, excepting at the halting places, one meets 
 with no habitations [abadani]. 
 
 In Khotan there are two rivers, called Kara Kasli and Urung 
 Kask, 4 in both of which jade is met with, and it is found nowhere 
 else in the world. The waters of these two rivers are preferred 
 [by some] to that of Yarkand, but personally, I could never find the 
 superiority in them. Khotan is amongst the most famous towns 
 in the world, but at the present time its jade is the only thing 
 that remains worth writing about. One curious circumstance 
 concerning Khotan, is that magpies 5 are never seen there; or if, at 
 any time, one happens to appear, it is taken as a bad omen, and 
 the people band together and drive it away. 
 
 The Imam Ala-iid-Din Muhammad of Khotan is mentioned in all 
 histories, but no one in Khotan knows which is his tomb, nor even 
 recalls his name. There are many other tombs there, about which 
 nothing is known. According to tradition (the truth of which is 
 contradicted by books on history) there lie buried there, among 
 others, many martyrs, such as Imam Zabiha [or Zabija], Jafar 
 Tayyar, and Imam Jafar Sadik, and several others of the Com¬ 
 panions [of the Prophet]. But the falsehood of these traditions is 
 evident. It is possible that some of the followers of these com¬ 
 panions [tabViri] bearing their names, came here and suffered 
 martyrdom, for before the conversion of Kashghar to Islam, some 
 of the followers of the companions came to Kashghar and 
 . conducted a holy war [cjhazdt] there [and at Khotan]. But the 
 strange thing there is that the martyrs, whom they have deposited 
 in the tombs, are sometimes exposed to view, from the sand being 
 blown away by the wind, and no change is noticeable in them; 
 they are recognisable, and their wounds —nay more, the very blood 
 which has issued from the wounds, all dried up, is still visible. 
 
 1 Sang-i-Yaslib (or Yashin ) is rendered in the Turki by Kasli task, in Shaw's 
 Vocabulary, where there is also an interesting note on the subject. 
 
 2 Now called the Tiznaf. 
 
 3 The Luli hangar of modern maps, and the Lakliouf of the Haft IIdim . (See 
 Quatremcre, Not. et Extr., xiv., p. 476.) 
 
 4 The Yurung Kasli of ordinary maps, and according to modern pronunciation. 
 On and near its upper waters, jade is still quarried. The late Mr. W. H. John¬ 
 son, who was at Karanghu-tagh on the Upper Yurung in 1865, wrote: “It is 
 noted for the Yaslim. which is met with in the stream.” (See J. R. G. S., 1867, 
 
 P-7-) , „ 
 
 5 In the Persian ‘Aka, and in the Turki Sagluzglidn. —R. 
 
and the Neighbouring Regions. 299 
 
 Every one who makes the circuit [Jawdf] 1 of these graves, 
 witnesses these things. 
 
 The tombs of Yarkand, however, belong to no one who is men¬ 
 tioned in histories or other books. But the people of Yarkand 
 believe that there lie [buried there] the Seven Muhammadans. 
 Their story, as related by the mujdvir , 2 3 is not worth recording here, 
 but Maulana Khwaja Ahmad, who was a disciple of Hazrat Ishan, 
 and a good and industrious old man (of whom, God willing, I shall 
 speak in the First Part), has told me that the Seven Muhammadans 
 were grandees [lUdd]; but I do not remember having read of them 
 in any history. Another tomb is that of Dava Khan Padishah ; 
 but concerning him I could learn nothing from the mujdvir. 
 Suddenly Plazrat Shahab-ud-Din Khwaja Khavand Mahmud 
 passed in front of the tomb, and turning to me said: “ This man 
 possesses a wonderfully strong power of attraction [jazaba ], and I 
 never pass by here without being strongly drawn towards [his 
 tomb].” The edifice is a lofty one and is covered outside with 
 plaster, upon which are paintings and inscriptions. In spite of 
 having examined them carefully, my efforts did not enable me to 
 read them, for most of them were in Kufic character, but not in 
 the Kufic which is employed nowadays. A few are in Suls 3 writing, 
 but it is not inscribed in such a manner as to be easily read. Near 
 this, is a dome, upon the archway of which is some Turki writing 
 which is mostly destroyed. It is there written: “ In the year 
 656 ....,” but the rest is obliterated and cannot be read. This 
 date corresponds very nearly with the date of Dava Khan, better 
 known as Dava Sahan, 4 and I am convinced that this is his tomb. 
 I hold the proof to be conclusive for several reasons. Firstly, at 
 that date there was no other Dava Khan reigning; and this name 
 of Dava Khan does not indicate, in the least, that he was a Shaikh 
 or an Imam ; nor does the fact of such a magnificent tomb having 
 been raised over him. Again the father of Dava Khan, Barak 
 Khan, became a Musulman in Bokhara, received the title of Ghay- 
 yas-ud-Din, and was succeeded on the throne by his son Dava 
 Khan. 5 From this it is quite evident that Dava Khan was a 
 
 1 A ceremony which consists of walking round the Kaaba at Mecca, or other 
 tombs and sacred edifices.—R. 
 
 2 Properly the mosque sweepers, hut here the guardians of the tombs.—R. 
 
 3 Suls is a sort of large Naskhi hand.—R. 
 
 4 As far as is known, Dava Khan died in 706 a.h. (or 1306 a.d.) ; the date on 
 the dome, therefore, is just fifty years too early, and can hardly refer to the 
 (Jhaghatai Khan of that name. (See S. L. Poole’s Muluwi. Dynasties , p. 242 ; and 
 E. E. Oliver in J. R. A. S., xx., N.S., p. 104.) 
 
 The second title, given as Sahan in the text, is found in this form in the 
 Turki and in one Persian MS. In another Persian MS. it reads Chichan. —-R. 
 
 J Barak Khan was a great-grandson of Chaghatai. He reigned in Bokhara 
 down to about the year 670 h. (1270 a.d.), and was succeeded, not by his son Dava, 
 but by his great-uncle Nikpai, who reigned for two years, and was followed by a 
 nephew called Tuka Timur for a further period of two years. It was only after 
 
300 
 
 Description of Kashghav 
 
 Musulman. He is very much, lauded in histories, and it is not 
 surprising that God should have raised him to such high rank, 
 considering his “ Islam,” and his noble qualities. After his death, 
 any man who believed this to be his tomb, did it reverence, and as 
 time went on [its identity] became an established fact ; but God 
 alone knows the truth. 
 
 If, as is indeed the case, this is the tomb of the famous Hava 
 Khan, his story is told in histories. In the Prolegomena to the 
 Zafar-Nama, Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi says : “ Hava Khan was the 
 son of Barak Khan, son of Kara Isu, son of Bamnagai, son of 
 Chaghatai, son of Chingiz Khan. He was a powerful and worthy 
 monarch. [Couplet. ..] Mamalikiz Nuyan, son of Amir Aihal, son of 
 Nisun, was of the race of Karachar Nuyan Barlas. According to the 
 ancient charter [ Ahd-Ndma ] Hava Khan was made king, and the 
 duties and privileges of his forefathers devolved upon him. He 
 ruled for thirty years, and through the excellent management of 
 Altigiz Nnyan, the Chaghatai Ulus attained great prosperity. 
 [Couplet. . . .] Finally having drawn a few breaths he perished.” 
 Thus far from the Zafar-Ndma. 
 
 Within the citadel of Yarkand and near to the fort \_ar¥] is a 
 tomb called Abjaji Ata, in which is the bone of a man’s thigh, in 
 two pieces. I have always noticed this with great wonder. I 
 once pointed it out to Ivhidmat Maulana Shah Sayyid Ashik, one 
 of the most profoundly learned and pious Ulama in Mavara-un- 
 Nahr, who expressed great astonishment, and said: “ Let us take 
 the measurement.” He ordered to be brought the corresponding 
 thigh-bone of a man of the present time ; he broke off clods of earth 
 of the weight of that bone and tied them up in handkerchiefs, till 
 they were exactly the weight of the bone which was in two piect s. 
 He afterwards counted the clods and found there were sixty. 
 Then the Maulana said : “ The owner of this bone must have been 
 sixty times the size of men of our time.” This is indeed a most 
 wonderful thing ! 
 
 As for the tombs of Kashghar, the first is that of Satuk Bughra 
 Khan, of the race of Afrasiab, and ancestor of Yusuf Kadr Khan 
 and Sultan Ilak Mazi. He was the first Turk to become a Musul¬ 
 man, and he is related to have said : “ Satuk was the first of the 
 Turks to become a Musulman.” 1 I have heard from darvishts 
 that to visit his tomb is a source of great spiiitual advantage. 
 There are many other tombs, excellent accounts of which are to be 
 found in books. Among them are those of Husain Fasl Khwaja, 
 
 Tuka Timur that Dava attained the sovereignty—viz, in 1274. (See Chap. II. 
 of Introduction; also S. L. Poole, Muham. Dynasties, p. 242 ; and E. E. Oliver, 
 J. li. A. S., xx., N.S., pp. 123, 127, etc.) 
 
 1 See for some remarks on Satuk Bughra Elian and his successor.^ note, p. 287. 
 The saying here attributed to Satuk is in Arabic. 
 
and the Neighbouring Regions. . 301 
 
 Kutb-i-Alam, Shaikh Habib, Fakili ibn Bakr and others. The 
 strangest is the enclosure [hazira] of Husain Fasl Khwaja, which 
 they call the “ Enclosure of the Muftis,” for a hole has been made 
 in his grave opposite to where his face is. No change has taken 
 place : his beard is [still] perfectly straight, and he is recognisable. 
 
 I have heard the Ulama of Kashghar say that whenever they had a 
 difficult question to decide, they would write a copy of it and place 
 it in the tomb ; on the morrow, when they came, they found the 
 answer written down. And this has been tried and tested. (The 
 responsibility be upon their shoulders.) 
 
 All the people of Khotan and Kashghar are divided up into four 
 classes. One is called Tuman, which means peasantry : they are 
 dependent upon the Khan, and pay their taxes to him yearly. 
 Another class is called Kuchin, which means soldiery, who are all 
 dependent upon my relations. 1 A third is called Imak [or Aimak], 
 all of whom receive a fixed revenue [inulcataa] of grain, cloth and 
 the like. These people are also dependent upon my relations. The 
 fourth class are the controllers of legal jurisdiction, and the cus¬ 
 todians of religious houses and pious foundations; most of these 
 are of my family. They need not, however, be specified in this 
 place. 
 
 There are in that country one or two things quite peculiar to 
 it. Firstly, the Jade-stone, which is found in the rivers of 
 Yarkand and Khotan, and of which not a trace is to be found in 
 any other part of the world. 2 Secondly, the wild camel, which if 
 taken in such a way that it receives no injur} 7 , can be placed in a 
 line [of camels], and will follow exactly like a domestic camel. 
 This animal is found in the deserts to the south and east of 
 Khotan. 3 Thirdly, in the hills of that country are wild oxen 
 
 1 By “ relations,'’ it may be inferred that the Dughlat are meant. 
 
 2 This statement is not quite accurate; jade is found also in Burma and 
 "Western China. 
 
 3 The wild camel is an interesting subject, but this is scarcely the place to do 
 more than remark that, though its existence has been mentioned by Asiatic 
 authors for many centuries past, no one of them but Mirza Haidar, as far as I am 
 aware, has noticed the possibility of taming it. There is, I believe, a question 
 among naturalists as to whether the animal is really wild, or whether it is not 
 the tame camel run wild, its form and colour having changed somewhat during 
 the centuries it has had to shift for itself. Mirza Haidar’s statement, if 
 correct, might have some bearing on this question, though if judged by the case 
 of the wild ass of Central Asia (the Equus hemionus) it would not go far. There 
 is no question of the latter animal being otherwise than really wild, yet, if 
 caught young, it cm be readily tamed, up to the point of marching in line with 
 tame asses or ponies, though not beyond that point—all attempts to load, saddle, 
 or bridle it (as far as I have seen or heard in Mongolia and Ladak) being un¬ 
 successful. The earliest mention of wild camels that I am acquainted with, is in 
 the narrative of King Haitlion of Lesser Armenia, who saw them, or heard of 
 them, to the north of the Tian Shan, about the middle of the thirteenth century ; 
 but it is possible that the Arab authors may have mentioned them still earlier. 
 In modern times their existence was first reported by an English explorer in 1873, 
 and he was duly laughed to scorn by the naturalists. A few years afterwards, they 
 were seen in the Lob region by the Russian traveller and naturalist, Prejevalski, 
 
302 Description of Kdshghar 
 
 [kutds] of extreme size and nobility; they are the most ferocious 
 of savage beasts When one of them attacks a human being, its 
 butting with the horns, its kick, and its lick are all equally fatal. 
 When on my journey from Tibet to Badakhshan (which journey 
 I will speak of presently) we were a party of twenty-one persons, 
 and on the road a Jcutds was killed. It was only with the utmost 
 trouble and difficulty that four men were able to extract the 
 beast’s stomach. One man could not lift one of its shoulder 
 blades. After the twenty-one persons had each carried away as 
 much as he was able for food, two-thirds were still left. 1 
 
 wlio obtained, from the native hunters, a skin and skeleton, which he sent to 
 St. Petersburg. Since then they have been found, and shot, by Mr. St. G. Little- 
 dale on the skirts of the mountains to the south and east of Lake Lob, and the 
 specimens have been brought to England. The Chinese Buddhist pilgrims of the 
 fifth to seventh centuries do not appear to have mentioned them. It is probable 
 that the wild camel nowhere exists, nowadays, to the north of the Tiau Shan. 
 
 1 The Ivutas is the Bos Poephagus, the Khashgau, the Tibetan Yak, or Dong. 
 Nearly everywhere in Central Asia stories are told of the ferocity of the wild 
 yak, and of the dreadful nature, even, of the tame yak. One of the most 
 common is the allegation that its lick is fatal. Its tongue, as a matter of fact, is 
 peculiarly rough, and this circumstance often leads to the fable that it is made 
 of red hot iron. The evidence of modern sportsmen and travellers by no means 
 bears out our author, as to the ferocity of the wild yak. They are frequently shot 
 on the eastern frontiers of Ladak, but I have never heard of an instance of even 
 a wounded yak making a charge. Captain Hamilton Bower, in the narrative of 
 his recent journey across Tibet, especially notices the same thing; he says, 
 “They are extremely easy to stalk, their sight not being nearly as acute as 
 that of most wild animals. Their powers of scent are, however, fairly good 
 ... I have never known one charge, even when wounded and with his assailant 
 in view.” ( Journey Across Tibet, p. 286.) General Prejevalski also bears witness 
 to the harmless qualities of these animals. In 1873 he wrote: “ Their principal 
 characteristics are indolence and stupidity, which render them less formidable 
 than, at first sight, they would appear to be. If the yak were possessed of more 
 intelligence he would be far more dangerous to the sportsman than the tiger, for 
 one can never be sure of killing him with whatever weight of ball.” As regards 
 the dimensions of the wild yak, we have good evidence from two careful and 
 accurate observers—General Prejevalski, in Eastern Tibet, and my friend Colonel 
 A. E. Ward, in Western Tibet. The former, after mentioniug that he had shot 
 twenty specimens, continues : “ The adult male attains to enormous dimensions. 
 The one whose skin now figures in my collection measured 11 feet in length with¬ 
 out the tail, which, of itself, was 3 feet: thus the total length was 2 sazhens [ju.A 
 14 feet, English], the height of the hump was 6 feet [i.e., 18 hands], the circum¬ 
 ference of the body in the middle 11 feet, and the weight of the auimal from 
 35 to 40 poucls [11J to 12f cwt.].” Colonel Ward, who has also shot many yak, 
 writes : “ I put the measurements of a full-grown animal at 15| to 16 hands. The 
 bull whose horns I saw in 1869 was measured as 174 hands, and a writer in the 
 Asian [a sporting periodical published in India], in 1884, gives 18 hands as the 
 height of a bull yak. It is not easy to measure a dead animal’s height, and I 
 think there was some error in both these. Two measurements, carefully made of 
 big bulls, gave a record of 16 hands, and I do not think that they ever vary as 
 much as 6 and 8 inches, which would be the case if they reach 17J to 18 hands 
 in height. ... A solid bullet from a -500 Express will be found heavy enough 
 for yak.” He also mentions that the horns, alluded to as seen in 1869, measured 
 31 inches in length, while another pair, in 1886, were 314 inches long. Both 
 these specimens were shot in the (astern part of T.adak. The circumference of 
 the horns at the base has been found to be 15 inches. (See Prejevalski, P. It. G. S., 
 xviii., No. 1, Jan. 1874, p. 81; Ward’s Sportsmen's Guide to Kashmir and Ladal;, 
 3rd ed., Calcutta, 1887, pp. 76, 77.) 
 
303 
 
 and the Neighboitring Regions. 
 
 Again, most of the fruits of that country are very plentiful. 
 Among others the pears are especially good, and I never saw their 
 equal anywhere else; they are, in fact, quite incomparable. Its 
 roses and rose-water are also excellent, and almost as good as those 
 of Herat. Moreover, its fruits have an advantage over the fruits 
 of other countries, in that they are less unwholesome. The cold 
 in winter is very severe, and the heat in summer is moderate; 
 but the climate is very healthy. The fruits, which generally are 
 injurious when taken at breakfast or after any food, are there, on 
 account of the excellence of the climate, followed by no evil 
 consequences and do no harm. During the autumn [tirmali] it is 
 not the custom to sell fruit in the provinces of Kashghar and 
 Khotan, nor is it usual to hinder any one from plucking it. h ay 
 more, it is planted along the roadsides, so that any one who wishes 
 to do so, may take of it. 
 
 But [Kashghar] has also many defects. For example, although 
 the climate is very healthy, there are continual storms of dust and 
 sand, and violent winds charged with black dust. Although 
 Hindustan is notorious for this phenomenon [sifat], yet in Kashghar 
 it is still more prevalent. 1 The cultivation of the ground is very 
 laborious and yields but little profit. In Kashghar it is impossible 
 to support an army upon the produce of the country. Compared 
 with the Dasht-i-Kipchak, the Kalmak country and Moghulistan, 
 it has the semblance of a town, but with regard to productiveness 
 and its capacity to support an army, it cannot be compared to 
 those steppes. The inhabitants of towns who go there regard 
 Kashghar as a wild country [rusta\ while the people of the steppes 
 consider it a refined city. It is a sort of Purgatory between the 
 Paradise of Towns and the Hell of Deseits. “Ask those from 
 Hell of Purgatory, and they will call it Paradise.” 2 In a word, it 
 is free from the discord of men and the trampling of hoofs, and it 
 is a safe retreat for the contented and the rich. Great blessings 
 accrue to the pious, now, from the blessed saints who lived there 
 in time past. From two pious persons, out of many I have seen, 
 I have heard that when people migrate from that country to some 
 other, they cannot find the same peace of mind, and they remember 
 Kashghar [with regret]. This is the highest praise. 
 
 1 The haze peculiar to Eastern Turkistan is described in nearly all modem 
 writings on that country. It is not of the nature of the Indian dust-storm, as the 
 author seems to imply,but is present in the calmest weather,and only dh-appeais 
 for a brief interval after a fall of rain or snow. The sand-storms that occur 
 occasionally are altogether independent of the haze phenomenon. For some 
 particulars regarding both haze and sand-storms, see note, p. 12, and Sec. III. of 
 the Introduction to this volume. 
 
 2 A quotation from Sadi’s Gulistan. —It. 
 
304 
 
 Return to the Narrative 
 
 CHAPTER XLIII. 
 
 RETURN TO THE GENERAL NARRATIVE. 
 
 I had brought the Khan’s history down to the point where he, 
 having left the province of Farghana, set out for Kashghar by way 
 of Moghulistan. As soon as Mirza Aba Bakr heard of this, he 
 built the citadel of Kashghar in seven days, and placed in it one 
 thousand horse and foot, with provisions for several years, giving 
 his own son Yusfan 1 command over them. Then, having settled 
 whatever business he had there as best he could, he started for 
 Yangi-Hisar, which he also supplied with provisions, arms, and 
 siege implements, and finally went on to Yarkand. 
 
 In the meanwhile the Khan reached Atu Bum Bashi, 2 which is 
 one of the frontiers of Moghulistan on the side of Kashghar. 
 Leaving his family and baggage there, to follow slowly after, he 
 marched forward with an unencumbered army. On the first 
 night he encamped at a place called Mirza Turki; on the second 
 day he halted at Tushku, arriving at Artuj on the third day, 
 and there he performed the circuit [tawaf] of the shrine of 
 Shaikh Habib, an eminent Shaikh. The miracle is recorded of 
 him that in building the monastery, one of the beams [chub] 
 was found too short, and that he pulled it, and extended it [to 
 the required length]. This beam [the Khan] saw, and having 
 repeated verses from the Koran and uttered prayers, he begged 
 that he might profit by the spirit of the Shaikh. 
 
 On the following day, when the troops of the east put to rout 
 the army of the west, and in one moment seized the rays of the 
 lights of the world [when the sun rose, etc. . . . Two couplets], they 
 set out from Artuj and came to Uch Barkhan, a village near 
 which the river Yutun Bashi [or Tuyun B.], which flows down from 
 the valley of Kalik Kiya [or Kaba], must be crossed by travellers. 
 There is some rising ground above it, from the top of which 
 Kashghar, which is exactly three statute [farsdkhsj distant, is 
 visible. On this eminence Mirza Aba Bakr constructed a wall 
 with battlements, reaching from the highest point of the hill down 
 
 1 Only one MS. has “son”; the others Lave “his own mir” The name 
 Yusfan is probably a corruption, though possibly it may be an abbreviation—after 
 Die Andijani method—of Yusuf Jan. 
 
 - Perhaps the Gulja Bashi of modern maps, though the name of Atu Bum 
 Bashi would rather point to At Bashi —a tributary of the Narin—a place often 
 mentioned in this history. At Bashi, however, would be too far off and not quite 
 in ihe right direction, while Gulja Bashi would be about one march above Mirza 
 Tirah , as marked on maps, and that place, again, would stand about the same 
 distance from Tishak Tash , for which the Tushku of text would seem to be 
 intended. 
 
305 
 
 and the Invasion of Kashghar. 
 
 to the ravine which overhangs the river, and there he placed a 
 gate. Implicit orders were issued that the commanders [tavdji] 
 should take up their stand in that narrow passage [tangi] and 
 count the army. The troops passed through the defile [ tangi ] 
 regiment by regiment, and as they passed, the tavdji counted them 
 and the scribes [bakhshi] wrote down the numbers. Besides those 
 who stayed behind with the women and children and the baggage, 
 and those who were strong enough to guard the roads, there were 
 inscribed four thousand seven hundred and odd. 
 
 Though the number is small, it was composed entirely of 
 famous generals \_sarvar\ mighty Amirs, wise councillors and 
 brave warriors, who were ripe in experience and well tried in 
 adversity. From the date of the devastation of Tashkand in 908, 
 corresponding to the year of the Hog [of the Moghul cycle], to the 
 present date 920, corresponding [again] to the year of the Hog— 
 that is for twelve years—they had been persecuted by evil for¬ 
 tune, and had been continually engaged in warfare and contests 
 and disputes. Of the four [great] tribes, three—namely the Uzbeg, 
 the Chaghatai, and the Moghuls—had always been at variance, 
 [Couplet . . . ] as has been explained above. During those twelve 
 years, these people had been subject to many vicissitudes and 
 changes of fortune, and had endured innumerable reverses and 
 trials, so that each one of them had gained great experience, and 
 was acquainted with all the details of the art of war, such as 
 marches and countermarches and forced marches. Nor was this 
 knowledge peculiar to the Amirs—nay, rather, in every tribe of the 
 Moghuls many men were to be found in whose judgment and 
 advice every one placed reliance. 
 
 The following is a short account of some of those who passed 
 in review that day, as well as I can call them to memory. 
 First of all the family of Dughlat, of whom the leader—the most 
 noble and the eldest—was my uncle, Sayyid Muhammad Mirza. 
 He was at that time about forty-one years of age. He was the 
 prop and stay and overseer of the whole of that army. His wisdom 
 and foresight were well known, and he was famed for perception 
 and penetration. His story, and all that he did, has been already 
 related. He was conspicuous among his contemporaries, and 
 without an equal among the tribesmen. According to the 
 reckoning then drawn up, he had one hundred and eighty men in 
 his following. Next [in standing] was Kara Kulak Mirza, who 
 has been mentioned above, in connection with the Khan’s 
 adventures in Moghulistan. During those events, this Kara Kulak 
 Mirza held, at one time, the dignity of Amir, and at another, fell 
 into the most abject poverty, until at last, leaving the Khan, 
 he went to Andijan and there managed to live with the Uzbeg, in 
 some way or another, exchanging the bitterness of poverty for the 
 
306 
 
 The Invasion of Kdshghar. 
 
 sweets of commerce. At the time the Khan captured Andijan, he 
 again entered his service. In a word, this Kara Kulak Mirza 
 was renowned both for his courage and sound judgment, and great 
 reliance was placed in him. In the enumeration [of the army], 
 one hundred followers were entered in his name. [Another was] 
 his brother, Shah Nazar Mirza, who had precedence over his elder 
 brother in all matters. His retainers were entered as sixty in 
 number. Another was Mirza Ali Taghai; the wiles this man could 
 devise after a moment’s reflection, could not have been invented by 
 a cunning Delilah after years of deep thought. The hump-backed 
 old woman [who personifies] deception used to come to learn wiles 
 and tricks from him, and to serve him in order to learn how to stir 
 up sedition. This will be explained, in the account of the end of 
 the Khan’s days. Ninety men were entered in the list under his 
 name. Another was his brother, Kutluk Mirak Mirza, of whom 
 everyone expected great achievements. Seventy persons came 
 under his name. Another was Bahrika Mirza, who was of the 
 military caste [ahl-i-Tcushun], and he had forty followers. 
 
 Another was the compiler of these pages and the chronicler of 
 this history, your humble servant. The dawn of childhood had 
 not yet changed to the morning of youth, nor was my intelligence 
 yet fully developed. I was but fifteen years of age. Although 
 the Khan had honoured me with the title of Kurkan, yet on 
 account of my youth, and immaturity, both physical and mental, I 
 was not able to participate fully in that dignity. I however 
 carried out as much as was possible. The retainers and followers 
 of my father, as many as had remained behind, supported and 
 aided me nobly in every way, so that in spite of the general scarcity 
 of attendants upon the Moghuls, one hundred and twenty persons 
 were entered in my name. 
 
 There were many nobles \_mirzddas] of the Dughlat family, who 
 were entered as single individuals, since by reason of their poverty 
 they had no retinue. All those who were Amirs, and had a 
 following and attendants, were mentioned [in the lists]. 
 
 In this way, I propose to speak of all the families of the Moghul 
 Amirs. 
 
 Another family [tabalza] was that of the Dukhtui, whose chief 
 was Amir Daim Ali. At that time his brothers, Ahmad Ali and 
 Mahmud Kuli, had not yet come. This Amir Daim Ali was one 
 of the least worthy of the great Amirs. He will be frequently 
 mentioned hereafter in this book. There was a serious dispute 
 between him and [the family of] Barlas as to precedence, which 
 was at that time still undecided. But Amir Daim Ali took 
 precedence whenever he could, till on the first occasion of the 
 meeting with Mansur Khan, which shall be spoken of. The question 
 was referred to Amir Jabar Birdi, who was a Dughlat, and of 
 
307 
 
 The Invasion of Kdshghar. 
 
 whom I have spoken above, and he decided that the Dukhtui 
 should have precedence. After that the right of Amir Daim Ali 
 over the Barlas was established. 
 
 I do not recollect precisely, but I think there were more than 
 two hundred persons recorded in the list of this family. 
 
 Another family was the Barlas, whose leader was Ali Mirak 
 Mirza, the maternal uncle of my paternal uncle. He had both sons 
 and brothers. One of his sons, named Muhammad, will be 
 mentioned later. 
 
 There were many of the Moghul Amirs and notables who were 
 very aged, older indeed than any one else at that time in the 
 Moghul Ulus; upon all matters such as the Tura and the Tuzuh 
 they were consulted, and reliance was placed in their discretion 
 and judgment in all important consultations and councils. Of 
 these old men was Ali Mirak Mirza; among others were Kaka Beg, 
 Kara Bash Mirza, Sayyid Ali Agha, Allah Kuli Kukildash, and 
 Abdul Aziz Mirza. Among this group of aged men too, was 
 Ali Mirak Mirza himself. Like the rest of the old men, he was 
 much enfeebled by age, both physically and mentally, but his 
 courage was still firm. In spite of his having both brothers and 
 sons, he conducted all his own affairs, civil as well as military. In 
 the list, the number of his retainers is nearly as great as those of 
 Mir Daim Ali. 
 
 Another [of them] was Haji Mirza, who was renowned for his 
 valour. He had more than one hundred in his train. 
 
 Another family was that of Barki, 1 of whom the first and 
 eldest was Mir Kaka. But his extreme old age prevented him 
 from taking part any longer in the hardships of warfare, so he 
 entrusted his affairs to his son Mir Kambar. Many conspicuous 
 and able men of the Barki family accompanied the Khan from 
 Kunduz to Andijan, and numbers of them fell in the battles that 
 took place in Andijan. When no more of these were left, the 
 management of the affairs [of the family] devolved upon Mir 
 Kambar. His brothers Maksud, Hafiz, and Tuluk, were in 
 immediate attendance upon the Khan. The following of Mir 
 Kambar was larger than that of Haji Mirza; I cannot, however, 
 recall the exact number. 
 
 Another family was that of the Urdubegi; their leader was 
 Kara Bash Mirza, who has been mentioned in the list of old men. 
 His sons and brothers were men of note, such as Gadai Mirza, 
 Sabur Mirza, Muhammad Haji Mirza, and Muhammad Vali Mirza. 
 
 Another family was that of Itarji. Their chief was Bish Ka 
 Mirza, who had some capable sons and also some brothers. Their 
 retinue numbered about one hundred men. 
 
 Barki or Yarki. The Turki text reads Ydrki persistently.—R. 
 
 X 2 
 
 i 
 
508 The Invasion of Kdshghar. 
 
 Another family was that of Kunji, whose chief Amir at that 
 time was Mir Janaka. Mir Sharun, Kul Nazar Mirza, Mir Mazid, 
 and Mir Jaka had not yet arrived. His retinue exceeded that of 
 Bish Ka Mirza in numbers. 
 
 Another family was the Jaras, at the head of whom was Munka 
 Beg, a man distinguished among his equals for his bravery. His 
 suite numbered more than one hundred men. He had a brother 
 named Baba Sarik Mirza, who was a man of a similar nature to 
 the above-mentioned Kara Kulak Mirza and Miiza Ali Taghai. 
 All that is said of them applies equally to him. His following 
 was not less than that of Munka Beg. He had a brother named 
 Shahbaz Mirza, who, in the conduct of affairs, was not inferior to 
 his brother. 
 
 Another family was the Begjik. The chief among them was Mir 
 Ayub, whose history has been related in connection with Babar 
 Padishah and Ubaid Ullah Khan. He is one of the most 
 distinguished of all the famous Moghul Amirs. During those 
 twelve years of disturbances, wherever he was, he took the lead. 
 Indeed, he was a man admirably qualified in every respect to bear 
 the dignity of Amir. Nearly two hundred men were entered in 
 his name. His brother Muhammad Beg was an extremely calm 
 and polite man, of noble birth and breeding. His mother was a 
 Sayyida of Tirmiz. 
 
 [Of the same family^ was Sultan Ali Mirza, whom I have 
 mentioned above, in speaking of the Khan. Also Yadgar Mirza, 
 who, soon after this event, left the Khan’s service, made the Holy 
 Pilgrimage, and then rejoined the Khan, by whom he was highly 
 honoured. After this he again made the Pilgrimage, and he is at 
 the present time a recluse, having dealings with no man and 
 disturbed by none. [Of these too] was Nazar Mirza. Each of 
 them had a following of one hundred men or less. Another was 
 Mirza Muhammad, who had exercised the authority of Amir 
 among the Begjik and the Tuman of Mir Ayub, before the arrival 
 of this latter. But when Mir Ayub came, being the elder brother, 
 all the duties of Amir were passed over to him; he [Mirza 
 Muhammad] submitted to Mir Ayub, and in the administration of 
 business was associated with him. His followers were better 
 equipped than tllose of Amir Ayub. Another was Beg Muhammad, 
 the same young man whose excellent qualities were alluded 1o in 
 the account of the Khan’s doings in Kabul. Among all the young 
 men he had not his equal in courage. He had one hundred well 
 armed retainers. 
 
 There were violent disputes between the families of Jaras and 
 Begjik on the question of priority. On this account, the elder 
 Amirs assembled and held an inquiry. It was at length ascertained 
 that, in the time of each Khan, priority and inferiority had been 
 
309 
 
 The Invasion of Kdshghar. 
 
 decided by the favour [indyat] of that Khan. Therefore the Khan 
 now issued the following mandate [ydirligh] : “ I will not at present 
 determine your precedence. You must decide it among yourselves. 
 You must take it by turns, year by year, and whichever family 
 shows the greatest valour, that one will take precedence.” They 
 carried out the order, but the dispute exists to the present day, 
 and has found no settlement. 
 
 All the above-mentioned men were Amirs and commanders of 
 regiments and detachments. There was another set of men, who, 
 although not Mirs or sons of Amirs, had yet each his own tribe 
 and following. They had been at the head of some of the Moghul 
 tribes during those twelve eventful years, and having directed 
 their affairs, had thereby gained so much experience that every 
 one placed confidence in their advice and opinions. Among them 
 was Khwaja Ali Bahadur, of whose valuable services to the Khan 
 in his early days in Moghulisttin, I have spoken above. Another 
 was Beg Ivuli, whose name was mentioned in the history of Shahi 
 Beg Khan. At the time when the Emperor was defeated at Kul 
 Malik by Ubaid Ullah Khan, and retired from Samarkand, this 
 Beg Kuli, placing himself at the head of 3000 men, came and 
 joined the Khan. He was a trustworthy man. Another was 
 Ishak Bahadur, renowned for his valour and his sound judgment. 
 Others were, Marik Bahadur, Putaji Bahadur. Kara-Uehunghal, 1 
 Shaban, Sultakar 2 Tufta Kuli, and Uzun Sakai Tufta Kuli. [Each 
 of these was head of a tribe] and all were trustworthy and experi¬ 
 enced men. Another was Tuman Bahadur, leader [sar-khail] of 
 the Kaluchi, and one of the most notable generals of his time. He 
 will be mentioned in the account of the Khan’s last days. Another 
 was Malik Ali, commander [sirdar - ] of the tribe of Karluk and a 
 brave soldier. Another, Kulka, head [sar Mail] of the Makrit. 
 Another, Omar Shaikh, chief [kaldntar] of the Shulkarchi. 
 
 All these were chiefs of tribes, and each had a retinue. There 
 was yet another class of men, who had no following, but were 
 quite alone; yet they had distinguished themselves above the rest, 
 by their courage in many battles and engagements, and thus they 
 had acquired the name of “ heroes ” [bahddur]. Some of their 
 deeds of warlike valour will be mentioned below. A list of the 
 names of a few of them follows: Midaka [Bahadur], Abdul Vahid 
 [Bahadur], Khudai Kuli [Bahadur], Shakaval, Yusuf Bakaval, 
 Muhammad Ali Tuman, Kishkui Divana, Kara Dana Kuli, Shaikh 
 Nazar ^ asaval, Barka Yasaval, Hakk Nazar Divana, Ali Kurchi, 
 Shah Mirak Kalandar, Baba Kulaghan, Tangri Bardi, Bai Tisha, 
 Hakk Nazar Kughuchi, Pak [or Jabak] Mir Akhur, Palicha Mir 
 Akhur, Bar Mazid Mankish, Sukar Kaluchi, Sukar Pkhsi, Baburin 
 
 1 The voweld in this name are uncertain.—R. 
 
 2 Perhnps Naltnkar.—R. 
 
3io 
 
 The Battle at Kdshghar . 
 
 Azuk Mirza, and others. They were the talk of their time, and 
 all of them heroes like Rustam, Zal, and Afrasiab the brazen¬ 
 bodied. I have mentioned a few of tliom, but it would be tedious 
 to mention them all; moreover many of them have no place in this 
 history—no connection with the main events. 
 
 CHAPTER XLIY. 
 
 BATTLES 0E SULTAN SAID KHAN WITH THE 
 
 AT KASHGHAR. 
 
 ARMY OF MIRZA ABA BAKU 
 
 The army having been mustered, it began to descend from the rising 
 
 ground of Ucli Barkhan. 
 
 d The Amirs of Mirza Aba Bakr’s 
 
 troops saw the masses of soldiers from afar, and estimated their 
 numbers at 50,000. When a nervous person counts the enemy, 
 he mistakes a hundred for a hundred thousand. On nearing the 
 Tomb of the Khwaja, they drew their bridles to the right and 
 turned towards a village called Sarman, two farsakhs from 
 Kashghar, where there is a ford over the Timan. Crossing the 
 Tinian they passed on to a place called Sughunluk, where Mirza 
 Aba Bakr had laid out beautiful gaidens and meadows; in 
 these they encamped. Some of the Amirs, taking their troops, 
 approached the citadel of Kashghar, thinking that the enemy 
 would wish to defend the fortifications and decline to come out. 
 They approached quite close to the citadel and were examining it and 
 admiring how well it had been fortified, when the enemy, sallying 
 forth, drew up in battle order and stood ready. r Couplet]. . . . 
 
 On arrival of the Amirs the battle began. 
 
 Some courageous 
 
 youths, to whom the day of battle was as the nuptial night, and 
 the rumbling' of the drums of war was as the murmuring of 
 harps. . . . fthree couplets] now threw themselves upon the 
 enemy’s ranks, wielding their sabres on every side. All around 
 was disorder and confusion: victory and defeat fell sometimes to 
 one and sometimes to the other. The enemy having turned their 
 faces towards Baz-Shirak, 1 2 3 all the infantry and cavalry poured 
 out of the citadel to their assistance and joined in the fray. The 
 battle lasted till past midday. . . d Then some of the Amirs 
 sent messengers to the Khan, representing that the enemy bad 
 
 1 Three couplets, probably from Firdausi, are omitted here.—E. 
 
 2 The passage reads: “ Ru ba baz shirak shuda.” Thus buz shir ale probably 
 stands for the name of a place; but this is not certain.—E. 
 
 3 Some rhetoric is omitted here. 
 
The Battle at Kdshghar. 311 
 
 left their strong position and had descended into the plain. If 
 the Khan wished to meet them on equal terms, now was the 
 opportunity. Let him come before the sun should set, for then 
 the enemy would retire to the citadel, and would not come out 
 again. When the Khan received this message,.... [three couplets] 
 ho arranged his army in the manner above described, and went 
 forward, but as the ground was rough and broken, the troops were 
 not able to preserve their formation. The Amirs of the left wing 
 were ordered to go in advance, while the centre was to follow 
 them. The Amirs of the right wing had many of them advanced 
 in the early morning. When the Khan drew near he said : “ Let 
 the force advance slowly, while I ride forward and see how 
 matters are going.” The Khan arrived just as the left wing had 
 come up. The men who had been fighting [all the morning], 
 seeing the Khan arrive, received fresh courage and were overjoyed ; 
 for they had been anxiously expecting him. They now made a 
 combined charge .... [three couplets] and before the centre had 
 time to come up, had overwhelmed the enemy. 
 
 Khwaja Saki Ali was chief minister \musJirif-i-divdn], and was 
 sprung from the Uighurs of Khorasan. 1 He had always dis¬ 
 tinguished himself by his extreme valour, but through his 
 impetuosity the thread of his life was cut in two. He had been 
 one of the first to arrive on the scene of action, and was standing 
 with his men in the front of the army, when he saw that the 
 Khan had come. Before all the rest, he threw himself upon the 
 centre of the enemy, and allowed the reins of discretion to be 
 guided by the palm of recklessness. The infantry archers had 
 formed an ambush in a large stream called the Sarman. Khwaja 
 Saki Ali, without hesitating, made his horse leap this stream, 
 wishing to use his sabre against the cavalry that were standing 
 on the opposite bank. But one of those foot bowmen who were 
 standing in ambush in the water, shot an arrow into Khwaja Saki 
 Ali’s eye, so that it came out at the back of his head, and he 
 immediately fell [lifeless] from his horse. 
 
 In the meanwhile the enemy had been put to rout, having been 
 dislodged from their ground by the violence of the onslaught of 
 the Khan’s warriors. Before the whole army could come up, the 
 advanced body pushed on, striking and killing, up to the gates [of 
 Kashghar]. In a short space of time the King of Kings of the 
 universe, and rightful Lord of the realm, utterly destroyed the 
 numerous host together with its weapons and material of war. 
 They were only just able to creep, crushed and routed, into the 
 citadel and to close the gates. That night the Khan pitched his 
 royal camp in the immediate vicinity [of the town], and on the 
 
 1 Meaning Uighurs settled in Khorasan. This allusion, brief though it is, to 
 Uighurs in Khorasan is interesting. Compare Abul Ghazi, pp, 50, 51. 
 
312 
 
 March of the Khan against 
 
 morrow, at break of day, again drew up liis troops and approached 
 the citadel. But as there was nobody within, except a few soldiers 
 lightly armed, he retired to Tukuzak, where he encamped. On 
 the following day, having crossed the river Kara Tazghun, his 
 army went and pitched their camp at Tirak, one of the districts 
 depending on Yangi-Hisar. Here they were joined by the 
 families \lmcli\ who were following after them; these they left 
 here, and marched on to the gates of the citadel of Yangi-Hisar. 
 The men in the citadel did not come out, but there was some 
 infantry stationed below the citadel, and upon these Midaka 
 Bahadur (who has been spoken of already, and will be mentioned 
 again) made a bold attack. As their position was a strong one, he 
 retired, and they, in turn, having stood their ground for awhile, 
 also retreated. The Khan remained several days in that neighbour¬ 
 hood, changing his position from place to place, in the expectation 
 that Mirza Aba Bakr, having collected an army, would be coming. 
 He passed nearly two months in those parts, without hearing any 
 news of Aba Bakr Mirza. In the meantime Mirza Ali Taghai 
 and Ilaji Mirza, together with a few men from every division, 
 conducted forays round about the hills of Sarigh Kul, whero 
 they became possessed of much booty and countless sheep. 
 
 At this time Muhammad Kirghiz came to wait on the Khan and 
 was favourably received. He begged to be allowed to go to 
 Yarkand and bring back definite news [of Mirza Aba Bakr]. [The 
 Khan approving of the plan allowed him to depart], sending with 
 him several persons of consequence. They plundered Arshin 
 Bagh, which is two farsdkhs from Yarkand, and found much booty, 
 which they brought with them, together with the news that 
 [Mirza Aba Bakr] was doing his utmost to collect an army, and 
 was giving out horses and arms to the peasantry and villagers. 
 But he had no force on which he could rely. Upon hearing this 
 the Khan set out against Yarkand. 
 
 CHAPTER XLV. 
 
 MARCH OF SULTAN SAID KHAN AGAINST YARKAND, AND SEVERAL MATTERS 
 
 IN THE SAME CONNECTION. 
 
 When Muhammad Kirghiz brought the news of Mirza Aba Bakr, 
 all the councillors were for marching against Yarkand. If Mirza 
 Aba Bakr were to come forth and give them battle, well and good ; 
 if not, there was, at any rate, an abundance of corn and other 
 
313 
 
 Yangi-Hisar and Yarkand. 
 
 necessaries round about Yarkand. They must lay siege to the 
 citadel of Yarkand. If it should fall, Kashghar and Yangi-Hisar 
 would naturally fall also. With such projects they moved on 
 towards Yarkand, until they came to Sukat, a village at ten farsakhs 
 distance from Yangi-Hisar. 
 
 At this place some of those who had come in flight to Mir Ayub, 
 with neither family nor dependents, formed a plot [daglidaglid] to 
 desert and go off towards Karatigin and Hisar. But when their 
 scheme was discovered, most of them were unable to get away : 
 a certain number, however, went. While the talk about this 
 continued, Midaka Bahadur represented that Kitta Beg had had a 
 similar intention. This Kitta Beg is the same person who was 
 mentioned in the beginning of this book. He was the brother of 
 Mir Ahmad Kasim Kuhbur and when Mir Ahmad Kasim left 
 Tashkand, he was in Sairarn, which place he kept for himself for a 
 whole year. When the Emperor retired to Kabul, and no hope 
 was left him of relief from any quarter, he [Kitta Beg] sent a 
 message to Kasim Khan offering to give up Sairarn to him, and 
 thus brought Kasim Khan against Tashkand. This anecdote has 
 been already told. On leaving the service of Kasim Khan, Kitta 
 Beg went over to the Khan in Andijan. All the Amirs approved 
 the words of Midaka Bahadur, who said : “ His flight is quite 
 proper, because he is Babar Padishah’s subject, and he wished to 
 go away. But he must not be put into chains until the matter 
 has been more thoroughly inquired into.” When the Amirs had 
 confirmed this plan, the Khan said: “ I will myself stand security 
 for Kitta Beg, and if he gets away, I will be responsible.” The 
 Khan then sent for Kitta Beg and said to him : “ They have been 
 telling such and such stories about you. Now you are a brave 
 man. It is not fitting that you should desert us. I have made 
 myself security for you to the Amirs. If on this occasion you 
 show me attachment, your desires shall be satisfied; but if you 
 disgrace me in the sight of the Amirs by running away, that 
 course is also open to you.” To this Kitta Beg replied : “I am 
 not such a coward as to desert just at the time of battle.” He 
 said nothing more, but remained, in silence, in close attendance 
 upon the Khan. 
 
 In consequence of these dissensions, the proposed march on 
 Yarkand was abandoned, and at dawn on the following day they 
 set out in haste for Yangi-Hisar . . . [three couplets], where they 
 arrived at midday. There was one circumstance which was 
 most propitious for them. When the army that was occupying 
 Kashghar heard that the Khan had marched against Yarkand, 
 they sent a message to the Amirs in Yangi-Hisar, to the effect 
 that the light force in occupation were uneasy on many accounts. 
 If a few of the Kashghari were sent back to them, they would be 
 
314 March of the Khan on Yangi-Hisar . 
 
 of material aid to the garrison. The Amirs in Yangi-Hisar 
 thinking this reasonable, sent back a large number of Kashghari 
 to Kashghar. These men, issuing from the citadel, crossed the 
 river of Yangi-Hisar and were proceeding [homewards], when 
 suddenly the Moghuls 1 fell upon them, and the whole body 
 became a prey to the Khan’s army. 
 
 At this juncture, the Khan himself came up. The Yangi-Hisar 
 men, who were all on foot, had come into the midst of ravines and 
 streams, and rough, broken ground, but they made a brave stand. 
 When the Khan came upon the scene, Kitta Beg pushed for¬ 
 ward and struck Midaka Bahadur, saying: “ On that day you 
 told me that I was going to run away. Let it be seen to-day, who 
 it is that will run away.” Now Midaka was one of the most 
 eminent warriors, and the bravest of the brave. He replied : “ I 
 have been longing for this day for years; ” and therewith he 
 pressed forward. The two charged forward upon [the enemy] 
 [Verses] .... The road down which they rode was very 
 narrow; on one side of it flowed the river of Yangi-Hisar, in which 
 the water was surging in waves, while on the other side was a 
 deep ravine. The road was wide enough, perhaps, for three horse¬ 
 men to ride abreast. In the middle of this had been placed a gate, 
 through which infantry could pass, and in which many soldiers 
 in armour were posted, while outside it, others were engaged in 
 discharging their arrows. When these two horsemen charged, the 
 soldiers put their backs against the gate. The horse of Kitta Beg 
 came up in advance of Midaka’s, and however much the latter 
 might use his whip, he was not able to pass in front. When Kitta 
 Beg came near, the archers began to aim their arrows at his horse, 
 so that it fell on the spot, and Kitta Beg was dismounted. As the 
 passage was narrow, the horse fell into the water, while Kitta Beg 
 advanced on foot to attack the soldiers. They, however, placed 
 themselves so that his sword could not reach them, and Midaka, 
 coming close after, drew his horse up and said : “ Peace be on you. 
 Let this be a sufficient display of valour ; let us now return.” But 
 Kitta Beg replied : “ I will not retire until you do.” Now as the 
 arrows were pouring down, like rain, from the gate, and from the 
 top of the ravine, Midaka saw that if they advanced, both would 
 perish, he therefore withdrew first, while Kitta Beg followed very 
 slowly behind him. The Khan praised Kitta Beg loudly, while 
 the people blamed Midaka, who replied : “It was not a position in 
 which we could do the enemy any injury. Kitta Beg, in his 
 excitement, behaved like a madman ; if I, too, had made a fool ol 
 myself, the only result would have been the death of us both. I 
 yielded to his passion.” This excuse was approved by some, but 
 not by others. 
 
 1 Apparently those wbo were returning from Sukat with the Khan. 
 
3i5 
 
 The Siege of Ydngi-Hisdr. 
 
 To be brief, every one took up his quarters [■ muljdr ] in the 
 suburbs of Yangi-Hisar. A few clays later, Mir Ayub was carried 
 off by a form of dropsy. Towards the end of his illness the Khan 
 went to visit him, and he said to the Khan : “ I have not observed 
 fidelity and loyalty to Babar Padishah [but have broken my oath], 
 owing to the instigation of those hogs and bears,” alluding to the 
 Moghul generals who had incited him to join in the revolt at 
 Hisar, which has been mentioned. “ That [broken] oath is now 
 lacerating my bowels, and I am being killed by remorse. As for 
 those hogs and bears, may God restrain His wrath from them, for 
 causing me to break solemn vows.” [Quatrain] .... After the 
 death of Mir Ayub, his rank descended to his brother Muhammad 
 Beg. 
 
 During those times there were daily engagements, and every 
 man was eager to bring into evidence the precious stones of bravery 
 which he had stored up in the treasure-house of his heart. Among 
 those who distinguished themselves, were Midaka, Abdul Vahid, 
 Khuddai Ivuli Shakavul, and Muhammad Ali Tuman. Other 
 individuals displayed their gallantry on one, or two, or three 
 occasions, but as for these four men, there were few battles in 
 which they did not do something remarkable, and scarcely a day 
 passed without a battle taking place. When it was ascertained 
 that Mirza Aba Bakr did not intend leaving Yarkand, all were 
 agreed that Yangi-Hisar ought to be carried by storm, and this 
 having been determined upon, they sent off Ali Bahadur (who has 
 been alluded to above in the list of eminent Moghuls) to Kizil, 
 which is on the border of the desert of Yarkand, that he might 
 reconnoitre, and watch the movements of Mirza Aba Bakr. If, 
 during the siege, he should make a sally, the Khwaja was to return 
 immediately with the news, so that [the Khan] might be prepared 
 to meet him. 
 
 CHAPTER XLVI. 
 
 TAKING OF YANGI-HISxlR I THE KEY TO THE CONQUEST OF THE KINGDOM 
 
 OF KASHGHAR. 
 
 In the beginning of Rajab of the year 920, the Khan disposed his 
 troops round the citadel of Yangi-Hisar, and pitched his camp so 
 close to it, that if gaz -long arrows had been aimed at his tent from 
 the top of the citadel, they might have reached the edge of the cliff’ 
 under which he had camped. The intrenchments [murchal ] were 
 arranged on the following plan. On tbe north side there was no 
 need for intrenchments, because the fort was situated on the top 
 
316 
 
 The Siege of Yangi-Hisar. 
 
 of a cliff, which ended in a sheer precipice. Mines would there 
 take no effect, while to ascend the cliff was impossible. For these 
 reasons trenches were useless on the north side. The first tower 
 on the west, was taken in hand by the Khan himself and the 
 warriors of the centre, who were always in attendance upon him ; 
 these belonged to no particular regiment, but their names have been 
 mentioned above. Another tower on the same side—west of the 
 Khan’s—was entrusted to me, and to my right were Mirza Ali 
 Taghai, Kutluk Mirak Mirza, and Babrika Mirza, who, together, 
 were laying a mine. Beyond them, Baba Sarik Mirza and Shalibaz 
 Mirza, and a body of Bahrin, had charge of another. Farther on 
 again, were Mirza Muhammad Beg and Beg Muhammad Beg, avho 
 had chosen [a site for] a third. Beyond them was a tower, the 
 gate of which looked due south. To this tower were appointed 
 Janka Mirza and Bislika Mirza; while on the south side Munka 
 Beg had charge of another mine. At his side was yet another, 
 under the supervision of Mir Muhammad, who had lately succeeded 
 to the position held by Mir Ayub. Near him was Mir Kambar, 
 then came Ali Mirak Barlas, next Mir Daim, next Kara Kulak 
 Mirza, then my uncle; and beyond him was the eastern gate of 
 the citadel, which side, like the northern, overlooks a precipice. 
 For five days and nights all our energies were devoted to digging 
 and advancing galleries. 
 
 The first mine that was readj to be tried was the Khan’s. It 
 went off at midnight, and that tower which had raised itself to the 
 skies, now fell with a crash, level with the ground ; but part of the 
 original wall was left standing. On that day every one exerted 
 himself to the utmost, and the mines were so far advanced, as to be 
 ready to blow up the walls with very little further labour. [The 
 strongest of all the towers was the one] given to Janka Mirza and 
 Bishka Mirza to undermine, but they made cracks along the wall 
 for a distance of about sixty cjaz. 
 
 While the siege was thus proceeding, one of Khwaja Ali Baha¬ 
 dur’s men brought in a certain Alika and a few generals. This 
 Alika was the son of the commander of the citadel, who was called 
 Amin Darugha, and who was one of Mirza Aba Bakr’smost distin¬ 
 guished Amirs. To him had been committed the entire charge of 
 the citadel of Yangi-Hisar. It came about in this way. Mirza 
 Aba Bakr had collected a force in Yarkand and had amassed a 
 quantity of arms, hoping to come and relieve Yangi-Hisar. He then 
 detached a body of picked men and sent them off to reconnoitre at 
 Kizil, with orders to bring back any news they might learn, so 
 that he might form his plans accordingly. This body was under 
 the command of Pir Ali Beg, the brother of Yali Beg, who has 
 been alluded to already. On reaching Kizil, they found that a party 
 
 of Moghuls were reconnoitring in the same district. 
 
 cj O 
 
 Having 
 
3 1 7 
 
 The Siege of Ydngi-Hisdr. 
 
 ascertained his exact position, they fell upon Khwaja Ali Bahadur 
 unexpectedly, the same night. The horsemen were sleeping 
 soundly, when the din of giving and taking of blows, war cries, 
 and trumpets startled them from their slumbers. [Verses] . . . . 
 It was a pitch dark night—neither moon nor stars were visible— 
 nor could friend be distinguished from enemy. [Two couplets] 
 .... All who awoke were mad with confusion at the alarm, 
 and were unable to collect their thoughts sufficiently to realise what 
 was passing, so all fled in dismay, excepting Khwaja Ali Bahadur, 
 who did not lose his presence of mind, but stood his ground firmly, 
 and called out to his followers by name. All who heard his voice 
 rallied to his side, till at length a good number were gathered 
 round him, and they too began to call their war-cry loudly. Some 
 of those who had been stupefied by the sudden awakening, now 
 recovered their senses, and on listening attentively, heard the 
 voices calling the war-cry. On this their courage was renewed, 
 and they went and rejoined Khwaja Ali Bahadur. They dis¬ 
 charged their arrows in the dark, and fought on till the brightness 
 of dawn overcame the shadows of night, when by that light the 
 combatants began to see [the real state of things]. The enemy 
 became aware of their small numbers, while our men saw their 
 own superiority. 
 
 Pir Ali Beg had but a hundred men with him, while Khwaja 
 Ali Bahadur had three hundred. Since in the darkness they had 
 become confused and disordered, Pir Ali Beg saw that flight would 
 be a cowardly death, while to hold his ground was to die nobly. 
 Near to that spot was a garden ; within this he tried to defend 
 himself. Ere the sun had reached the meridian, the sun of the 
 lives of those men had set. Out of a hundred, only two escaped to 
 bear the news that the rest of their party had perished, The 
 above-mentioned Alika had been wounded in the fight. To prevent 
 his giving information, they did not send him back to his friends, 
 but despatched him to the Khan with the heads of the slain hung 
 round his neck—the throats running with blood. He reached 
 the Khan at midday, and the heads of those generals were sent 
 into the citadel as a gift. Alika was then asked for news. He 
 replied : “ Mirza Aba Bakrlias made all the necessary preparations 
 for an expedition. All the people know that he has got horses, 
 and arms of every kind, such as coats of mail, horse-armour, and so 
 forth ; that nothing is wanting—nay, rather there is a superabun¬ 
 dance of all such things. But he has no generals—no renowned 
 Amirs or brave warriors, whose strength and judgment are the 
 very foundations of true sovereignty. For all of these, he has 
 himself put to death. And now, in order to complete his army, 
 he is obliged to choose men from among the peasantry, artizans 
 and market-people, making one a Vazir, another an Amir: the 
 
3iS 
 
 The Siege of Yangi-His dr. 
 
 first a. Mir and the second a councillor. The rustic who has spent 
 his life with his hand on the plough, and has never done any 
 work hut ploughing, how can he begin to wield a sword or hold 
 the reins of government? Though he may try ever so hard, I am 
 sure he cannot succeed ; such foolish ideas can come to nothing.” 
 And he laid much stress upon the improbability of Mirza Aba 
 Bakr advancing. [Our] people, however, did not fully trust his 
 words, but suspected that this man, drowning in the whirlpool of 
 misfortune, was employing flattery as a means of reaching the 
 shore of salvation. 
 
 About evening prayer time, one of Khwaja Ali Bahadur’s fol¬ 
 lowers brought in another man who had come to him in flight. 
 This fugitive reported that Mirza Aba Bakr, having mustered an 
 army, had advanced two farsakhs out of Yarkand, when he deserted 
 him. Many were loth to believe this also, and imagined it to be a 
 trick on the part of Mirza Aba Bakr, by which he hoped to retard 
 the operations against the citadel of Yangi-Hisar; so they tortured 
 this informant till he died, but he persisted in his story to the end, 
 and then they believed it. 
 
 All the Amirs were for raising the siege that same night, and for 
 marching out to meet and engage Mirza Aba Bakr, before he should 
 be joined by the armies of Kashghar and Yangi-Hisar. But the 
 Khan said: “ I intend to remain at the foot of this cliff until 
 Mirza Aba Bakr comes, and to aim my arrows at the citadel and 
 at Mirza Aba Bakr, until I am killed on this spot. Those who do 
 not [wish to] follow my example, let them do what they like.” 
 When the Khan had said this, all knelt down before him, saying : 
 “ May your exalted majesty’s road be [strewed] with our lives as 
 a thousand sacrifices ! Who is there among us who holds his own 
 wretched existence more dear than the precious life of the Khan, 
 or thinks of his own personal safety first, in this undertaking ? ” 
 Then all again set to work, with contented hearts, at the mines. 
 
 At daybreak of the sixth day of the siege, the Khan rode round 
 all the trenches and infused his own enthusiasm into the hearts of 
 his Amirs and soldiers : praising those who had exerted themselves, 
 and ordering to be whipped any who had been remiss. In this 
 manner did he pass round the citadel. As he approached the 
 trench of my uncle, some one called out from the top of the 
 citadel. They listened. He was saying : “ Let one of the followers 
 of Sayyid Muhammad Mirza come forward ; I have something to 
 tell him.” Thereupon a man was sent forward, who [however] 
 asked whether Kukildasli Mirza Ali Sayyid Bahadur was there, 
 [and if so] had they not better send him [to parley] ? [So they 
 sent him.] After a short time Ali Sayyid returned reporting that 
 Amin Darughahad spoken as follows : “ Sayyid Muhammad Mirza 
 is Mirza Aba Bakr’s brother. For generations past I and my 
 
319 
 
 Decline of Mirzd Aba Bakr, 
 
 sons have been their servants. In our loyalty we have, during 
 three months, been in peril of our lives, in spite of never having 
 enjoyed during forty years, a moment’s security from Mirza Aba 
 Bakr. Those whom he wished to kill he killed, and those who 
 were left alive were all subjected to violent punishments, such 
 as castration—that is to say, depriving of virility—cutting off the 
 hands and feet, putting out eyes, and the like. All were sure to 
 be exposed to some calamity. In spite of all this, I felt it still my 
 duty to remain loyal. Now it has come to a question of life and 
 death; the knife has reached the bone. If Sayyid Muhammad 
 Mirza will forget our enmity, forgive our sins, and spare our lives 
 and our goods, we will deliver the citadel into his hands and 
 become his vassals.” When the Khan heard this message he was 
 overjoyed, and sent Ali Sayyid back, saying that their offer was 
 accepted. 
 
 CHAPTER XLVII. 
 
 DECLINE OF MIRZA ABA BAKR ; FACTS CONNECTED THEREWITH, AND THE 
 
 END OF HIS DOMINION. 
 
 One of the worst of the wicked practices of Mirza Aba Bakr was 
 that, having laid down the most strenuous and exacting regula¬ 
 tions and observances, he would not be satisfied with anything less 
 than the death of any person who should, in the least degree, in¬ 
 fringe them. Having put that person to death for a trifling fault, 
 he would become apprehensive of his tribe and relations, and would 
 persuade himself that they could never be pacified. He would 
 therefore set about their extermination, sparing neither suckling 
 babes nor women with child ; but punishing them all, from mature 
 men to the child at the breast, so that after he had been satisfied a 
 thousand times with their death, they died with thankfulness (as 
 has been related before). 
 
 In short, towards the end of his life, Mirza Aba Bakr entrusted 
 his army and all military affairs to Mir Yali, placing the adminis¬ 
 tration of the State and the people in the hands of Shah Dana 
 Kukildash. These two men fulfilled their duties with the utmost 
 possible diligence. 
 
 As has been briefly stated above, Mir Yali succeeded so thoroughly 
 in driving the Moghuls and Kirghiz out of Aksu and Moghulistan, 
 that for a long time none of them dared come within two or three 
 months’ journey of Kashghar . 1 All the Moghuls crept into Chalish 
 
 1 Here, no doubt, the province of Kashghar is meant. 
 
320 
 
 Decline of Mirza Abd Bakr, 
 
 and Turfan, but the Kirghiz were allowed to dwell on this side of 
 Issigh Kul. In the same manner, Mir Vali took entire possession 
 of certain places in Farglnina, such as Uzkand (which is the most 
 important [town] of that province), Ush, Madu, and Jagirak ; all 
 of which places lie above Andijan. He also brought under his 
 power much of Ivanitigin and Badakhshan, and the districts of 
 Balur and Tibet as far as Kashmir. All this was the achievement 
 of Mir Yali. 
 
 Before the battle of Tutluk, my uncle endeavoured to bring 
 about a meeting with Mir Yali, in order that they might discuss 
 the terms of a peace. [When Mir Yali heard this] he thought my 
 uncle must be reduced to straits and in despair; thus he might 
 be able to seize him by deception, and send him to Mirza Aba Bakr 
 as a present. He felt that he could not possibly perform a more 
 worthy or important service. These considerations induced him 
 to assent to the interview. They met at a place agreed on, between 
 two lines of men appointed respectively by either side, and they 
 began to confer together in a manner suitable to the occasion. 
 During the conference, my uncle said to the Amirs who had accom¬ 
 panied Mir Yali: “I have a few words to say to Mir Yali; leave 
 us.” Thereupon the Amirs rose up [and withdrew]; Mir Yali 
 alone remained. The few words were merely a repetition of some 
 civilities relating to Mirza Aba Bakr, which he had already uttered 
 in the presence of the Amirs. They then separated, and each man 
 returned to his own army. After this, occurred the event [battle] 
 at Tutluk, which weighed down the scale of Mir Yali in the balance 
 of the regulations of Mirza Aba Bakr. Mirza Aba Bakr asked the 
 generals who had been present at the interview what had been 
 said ; they told him all that had passed, and added : “ This is what 
 was said in our presence, but afterwards Sayyid Muhammad Mirza 
 spoke to Mir Yali in private, and we do not know what he said 
 then.” When, after the battle at Tutluk, Mir Yali came to Mirza 
 Aba Bakr’s presence, the latter asked what Sayyid Muhammad 
 Mirza had said to him in private, and Mir Yali told him what my 
 uncle had said. Then Mirza Aba Bakr replied: “But that is 
 exactly what he said before all the others; one does not demand a 
 private interview merely to repeat such things as these.” Ho 
 said nothing further, but from that moment he began to suspect 
 Mir Yali, thinking: “What Sayyid Muhammad really said to 
 him in private he will not tell me; perhaps he is in league with 
 him, and is planning my ruin.” So he seized Mir Yali and sent 
 him to the Kazih , together with his brothers. Some of them 
 he castrated. And thus did he annihilate all these people for the 
 simple question : “ why did Sayyid Muhammad demand a private 
 interview ? ” and subjected them all to hard punishments and 
 bitter suffering. [Yerses] .... 
 
321 
 
 and End of his Dominion. 
 
 This is an instance of Mirza Aba Bakr’s cruelty. Another 
 example is his treatment of Shah Dana Kukildash, to whom were 
 entrusted the affairs of the State and the people, and the control of 
 the treasury. He, too, had exerted himself to the utmost in the 
 performance of his duties. For example, the flocks of sheep he had 
 collected at the conquest of Kashghar were beyond reckoning, and 
 when by reason of my extreme youth I could not attend to business, 
 and on this account did not attempt to estimate the profits of the 
 booty [then taken], I only know that more than 15,000 sheep fell 
 to my lot. No one on that occasion got a smaller share than 
 myself, of Mirza Aba Bakr’s property. The soldiers who had 
 accompanied the Khan, and the men from the armies of the Mirza, 
 all received an equally large share; and from this, one can form 
 an estimate of the whole! In the same manner, his cattle and 
 flocks, grain and treasure (which have been mentioned, and will 
 be mentioned again), were so numerous and abundant, that the 
 intellect is incapable of conceiving the quantity that fell to each 
 man. All this had been amassed under the superintendence of 
 Shah Dana Kukildash. 
 
 After the fall of Mir Yali, the Mirza’s suspicions extended to 
 Shall Dana Kukildash, [thinking] that he might say to himself: 
 “Mir Yali was a greater man than I am, yet the Mirza seized 
 him : perhaps he will seize me too.” These thoughts had never 
 entered Shah Dana’s mind, nor that of anybody else ; he, however, 
 seized Shah Dana upon suspicion, saying [by way of pretext] that 
 Shah Dana had reduced the value of his property; and there, in 
 front of the seat of judgment [divan-khand], he ordered people to 
 pluck out the whole of his beard and to castrate him ; while, as 
 soon as his wounds were healed, he sent him to work [in the 
 Kazik.] 
 
 In the places of these two [officers] he set up mean creatures 
 [arazil] from among the Amirs; and, though he found himself 
 better off than formerly as regards worldly substance, the affairs 
 of the army ceased to flourish; for such another commander as 
 Mir Yali was not readily to be met with. In the meanwhile, the 
 news of the Khan’s march from Andijan to Kashghar received con¬ 
 firmation. [The Mirza] immediately proceeded to Kashghar, and 
 there, in seven days, constructed a citadel, as has been explained 
 above. By the time it was known that the Khan had reached At- 
 Bashi, which is seven days’ journey from Kashghar, the fort of 
 Yangi-IIisar had likewise been filled with stores, arms, and all 
 that was fitting and necessary. It was placed in the charge of a 
 few officers in whom he reposed confidence—namely, Amin Darugha, 
 Jan Hasan of the tribe of Karluk, Kuli Itarji, Ajmaga Akhta and 
 Jani Beg Akhta, Mir Yali, Shall Dana, and Muhammad Beg (whom 
 he had lately castrated), together with some of their followers. 
 
Decline of Mirza Aba Bakr, 
 
 322 
 
 Although he had just taken many of them from the works, 1 he 
 gave them each horses and arms, saying: “ If you prove to me 
 your devotion and loyalty, I will again take you into favour.” 
 
 At this juncture, it was reported that the Khan had reached 
 Tushgu. [Mirza Aba Bakr] thereupon set out for Yarkand, giving 
 his final injunctions [to the officers] in Yangi-Hisar. He promised 
 the people that he would go and muster an army in Yarkand, and 
 come to their relief. Upon his arrival at Yarkand he at once set 
 about collecting forces. He filled the country with horses and 
 arms. [There was a certain] Ustad Abdal Shaikh, who was a 
 perfect master [ustad], and unrivalled in all kinds of work with 
 hammer and anvil. After the fall of Mir Yali and Shah Dana 
 Ivukildash, Mirza Aba Bakr had set up this Shaikh Abdal in the 
 place of Shah Dana, and I have heard [Shaikh Abdal] say that 
 there were in the Mirza’s armoury 60,000 coats of mail [Juba] 
 and 12,000 sets of horse armour [hichim], besides other arms and 
 accoutrements, the number of which may be judged by these 
 figures. But the army itself was composed of peasants, artizans, 
 gardeners, and cultivators of the soil. Upon those he judged the 
 most capable among them, he conferred the rank of Mirza. A 
 hundred and twenty of them he made his own escort, and the rest 
 all received horses and arms. [Three couplets.] 
 
 (1) It takes many a year for the natural stone to become, by the sun’s 
 power, a ruby in Badakhsban, or an amethyst in Yemen. 
 
 (2) It is many months before a seed of cotton is ready to be made into a 
 robe for a huri, or a shroud for a corpse. 
 
 (o) It is many days before a handful of wool from the back of a sheep, 
 becomes a zealot’s shirt or a donkey’s halter. 
 
 . . . . 2 However this may be, Mirza Aba Bakr having mustered 
 his army, marched with it to a point two farsakhs distant from 
 Yarkand; thence he detached, and sent in advance, some picked 
 men, who fell in with Khwaja Ali Bahadur at Kizil, as has been 
 told above. [Thus we see] that the man who was brought before 
 the Khan at Yangi-Hisar during the siege operations, and who had 
 been tortured to death, spoke the truth. He had deserted at the 
 time when Mirza Aba Bakr, having led his army two farsakhs 
 out of Yarkand, sent forward the advance guard. The man had 
 reported exactly what he had witnessed. 
 
 When Mirza Aba Bakr had pitched his camp at this spot, he 
 wished to pass his forces in review, but his efforts to do so were 
 in vain. For these Amirs, who had been used all their lives to 
 handling the yoke [yugh], when they now raised the standard 
 
 1 The word is Kdr (work), and evidently refers to the Kazik, or excavation 
 works. 
 
 3 A rhetorical passage of one folio is omitted here. It is chiefly in verse, and 
 relates to the impossibility of a ploughman making a good soldier. 
 
323 
 
 and End of his Dominion. 
 
 [tugh ^\ 1 and formed in line, thought they were thrashing corn, 
 and got in each other’s way ; nor could they distinguish between 
 right and left and centre. When their spirited steeds reared and 
 shied, they held on anyhow to the withers, and when, in fear of 
 their lives, they pulled at the bridle, and the horse would rear, 
 the rider would lose his control, and slip back on the horse’s 
 haunches. If the animal started off, they would throw up the 
 bridle and fall, like a drop of sweat, to the ground. Their bows 
 got broken, and their arrows fell out [of the quivers]. When Mirza 
 Aba Bakr saw this kind of horsemanship—such soldiering and 
 such archery—he said : “ With such a troop as this, it would 
 be dangerous to try and rob a kitchen-garden ” \jpdliz] ; and he 
 returned, dispirited and anxious, to his tent, seriously meditating 
 flight. 
 
 Following this, came news that the citadel of Yangi-Hisar had 
 fallen; and when the people of Kashghar heard of that, they too 
 abandoned their citadel and dispersed. On this intelligence reaching 
 the Mirza, he felt that further delay was useless [and that the hour 
 for flight had come] [Couplet] .... Therefore, having packed 
 up the richest of his clothes and his valuables, having divorced his 
 kingdom, and handed Yarkand over to his eldest son, Jahangir 
 Mirza, he fled. [Verses] .... 
 
 Jahangir Mirza, who had passed all his life in seclusion, was of 
 a timorous disposition. Finding himself suddenly placed upon the 
 throne of a disordered State, he did what he was able in the way 
 of government, and then, at the end of five days (hearing that his 
 father was at a distance, and that the enemy were near at hand), 
 set out in flight. He collected all the treasure he could carry off’, 
 and issued a general order that every one might take what he 
 wished. Those who were afraid of the Moghuls, accompanied him 
 in his flight. The rest fell upon whatever treasure remained, 
 plundering the granaries and burning, or destroying, property of 
 all kinds. 
 
 Four days after the departure of Mirza Jahangir, Khwaja Ali 
 Bahadur arrived with two or three thousand men, and two days 
 later the Khan followed, all of which shall be related presently. 
 Mirza Jahangir retired to Sanju, which is the frontier on the high¬ 
 road to Tibet, while Mirza Aba Bakr went to Khotan. But, seeing 
 no possibility of making a stand in the citadel there, he marched 
 on to Karanghutagh, whither he was followed, in hot pursuit, by a 
 party of Moghuls. As the roads were difficult, it would have been 
 hard—nay, impossible, for him to carry off all the property he had 
 with him; he therefore collected it all together, and set it on fire. 
 I have heard from those who had charge of it, that there were nine 
 hundred mule-loads of embroidered and brocaded garments. Many 
 
 1 A play on the words Yugli and Tugh. —R. 
 
 Y 2 
 
324 
 
 End of Aba Bakr's Dominion. 
 
 of them were embroidered in gold in the European, Ottoman [ Rumi ], 
 and Chinese fashions ; while some of the robes were studded with 
 jewels and all kinds of precious stones. All these were consumed 
 in the fire; while his gold and silver vases, cups, and various 
 kinds of ornaments set with jewels, and his saddle-bags filled with 
 gold-dust, he threw from the bridge into the Biver Ak-Tash, which 
 flows through the middle of [the valley of] Karanghutagh. He 
 killed his riding horses \tupcha¥\ and mules; then, taking what 
 it was possible to carry on such a road, set out for Tibet. 
 
 On reaching Tibet [Ladak], he found that all the forts which he 
 had garrisoned had been abandoned by his men, who had fled in 
 different directions; so that his forts and treasures had again fallen 
 into the hands of the infidels of Tibet. Hence he could do nothing 
 in that country. He could discern no shore of safety from amid 
 the furious waves of hardship and trial, which tossed around him. 
 Mirza Aba Bakr had now for a space of forty-eight years 1 so filled 
 the book [of life] with black records, that there was no space left 
 to write anything more. He had devoted all his energies to 
 accumulating earthly goods, and the pen is unable to describe his 
 worldly magnificence. But, although he used ostentatiously to 
 speak of the next world, and to express hopes of attaining it, yet 
 he never performed an action that did not, as it were, open to him 
 a door of hell or shut upon him a gate of paradise. Between himself 
 and paradise was a long road. 2 
 
 In short, in the fulness of time, he reaped the fruits of his past 
 misdeeds; so that, finding it impossible to remain in Tibet, he 
 preferred death to life. Leaving his family and children there, be 
 departed, saying: “ I am going [to give myself up to the Khan]. 
 It is evident that I shall be killed with the poison of opj)ressiuii. 
 If this happens, bury my body in the sepulchre of my ancestors. 
 Although I have not discharged the duties of kinship towards 
 Sayyid Muhammad Mirza and Mirza Haidar, I beg you to show 
 them kindness. And if, contrary to my expectations, they should 
 not kill me, I have still a plan [which may be executed].” With 
 such intentions he set out, towards the middle of winter, to visit 
 the Khan. On his way, he met with a party of his own servants, 
 whom my uncle had sent into Tibet to fetch him, threatening them 
 with this and that [penalty] if they did not succeed. When Mirza 
 Aba Bakr met them, he asked their news; they replied: “ We 
 have been sent to find you : ” and then they strung together a few 
 lies to try and reassure him. But he did not believe them, and 
 
 1 This figure evidently has reference to Aba Bakr’s reign, and not to his age. 
 If we count from the death of Muhammad Haidar Mirza in 868, Aba Bakr's 
 reigu would be thirty-five years; hut he was in power over parts, if not the whole 
 of the country, at intervals, for some years during the Mirza’s lifetime. It is not 
 clear from what event our author dates Aha Bakr’s reign of forty-eight years. 
 
 2 Three lines of rhetoric are omitted here concerning Aba Bakr’s evil deeds. 
 
Final Conquest of Kashghar . 325 
 
 said : “ All I want you to do is to take me, living, before the Khan 
 and Sayyid Muhammad; after that, you can do what you please.” 
 They launched out into professions of readiness to comply with his 
 wish. Then, as it was late, having said his night prayers, he went 
 to sleep: and the saying, “ Sleep is the brother of Death,” was 
 verified in his case. When he retired to rest, the men of the party 
 consulted together, resolved to cut off his head and carry it to the 
 Khan, [as this would appear an important service] and cause the 
 Khan to place confidence in them. 
 
 Bad as he was, these people [should not have] betrayed their 
 charge, and used perfidy in place of good faith. However, they cut 
 off his head while he slept and then returned, as shall be narrated 
 shortly. Thus were all his subjects—prince and pauper, high and 
 low—delivered from his wickedness. [Verses, etc.] . . . 
 
 CHAPTER XLVIII. 
 
 THE CONQUEST OF KASHGHAR. 
 
 Having taken the citadel of Yangi-Hisar, in the manner above 
 described, the Khan turned his attention to [the reduction of] 
 Kashghar. On the third day he learnt that the garrison of Kash- 
 ghar had abandoned their citadel and, taking their horses, had fled 
 to whatever place each thought safest for himself. The Khan’s 
 noble mind being thus, in the most satisfactory manner, set at rest 
 with regard to Kashghar, he placed the foot of success in the 
 stirrup of victory, and drew his reins towards Yarkand, confident 
 of success and triumph. He sent Khwaja Ali Bahadur in advance 
 [Verses] . . . The first stage from Yangi-Hisar is Satlik, and here 
 the Khan pitched his camp. [On the same day] news came that 
 Mirza Aba Bakr, having given over Yarkand to the charge of his 
 son Jahangir Mirza, had retired to Khotan. [0 n hearing this 
 news] the Khan hastened still more, and on reaching Kizil heard 
 that Jahangir Mirza also had fled, and that Khwaja Ali Bahadur 
 had entered Yarkand. At the end of Rajab of the year 920, the 
 Khan made his triumphant entry into the town of Yarkand, and 
 with the splendour of his glittering sword, he allayed the dust of 
 tyranny and enmity [etc.] .... 
 
 Before [his army] entered the town, he sent on Amir Daim Ali 
 and Beg Muhammad to occupy Khotan ; he also despatched in 
 
326 Final Conquest of KAshghar . 
 
 pursuit of Mirza Aba Bakr, seven brave generals—namely, Kara 
 Kulak Mirza, Haji Mirza, Sultan Ali Mirza, Nazar Mirza, Mir 
 Kambar, Mirza Ali Taghai and Beg Kuli Makrit. These seven 
 generals started in pursuit with tbe greatest eagerness. This 
 affair having been attended to, the Khan issued a general order 
 that every one might go and plunder wherever he liked. And 
 every man in the army who cared for pillage and booty, immedi¬ 
 ately hastened out [to take advantage of the permission]. Only a 
 few of the Amirs, who held plundering to be derogatory, remained 
 in attendance on the Khan. Having settled this matter also, the 
 victorious Khan mounted the throne of the town. He then went 
 up to the citadel \arh\ within which were many lofty buildings, 
 containing, each of them, rooms and upper-apartments and battle¬ 
 ments, so numerous as to astound the beholder. And these build¬ 
 ings were filled with cloths, chintzes, carpets, porcelain, cuirasses, 
 horse-trappings, saddles, bows and other things useful to man. 
 All these things had been seized by Mirza Aba Bakr, or procured 
 by whatever means he chose to employ, and had been hidden away 
 by him, so that no one might know of their existence. Of such as 
 remained over, Mirza Jahangir had destroyed and wasted as much 
 as he was able; and on his departure had sanctioned a general 
 pillage, which, until the arrival of Khwaja Ali Bahadur, was 
 carried on by the whole population—each taking what he could. 
 When Khwaja Ali Bahadur entered the town, he, likewise, 
 devoted himself to pillage. Seven days later the Khan arrived, 
 and he too gave his men permission to plunder right and left. 
 Everything in the way of money, as well as the valuable cloths 
 and stuffs, had been carried off, but the houses were still full [of 
 other things]. Two months after the flight of Mirza Aba Bakr, 
 there were still great quantities of cuirasses and the like, lying 
 about the houses and passages, that no one had cared to carry 
 away. [Five couplets]. . . . 
 
 Thus, all that Mirza Aba Bakr had, in the course of forty-eight 
 years, amassed with infinite toil, and guarded with savage miser¬ 
 liness, he was finally obliged, with a thousand heart-rendings, to 
 abandon ; while the Khan, with one stroke of his pen, gave it all 
 over to a general sack, and during two months the dust thereof 
 rose to the sky. [Verses]. . . . 
 
 At the end of two months, every man returned safely—laden 
 with plunder from different directions—and presented the Khan 
 with tribute [pishkasli], according to the quantity of booty he had 
 taken. But the Khan, in order to w r in the hearts of his people, 
 divided the property up into shares [ suyurgJial ] in accordance 
 with the old Moghul custom, and distributed it among his soldiers. 
 I remember distinctly that some of the Amirs who had come from 
 Karanghutagh, presented, besides arms [ cildt ] and vases, an Andijan 
 
327 
 
 Pursint of Mirza Aba Bakr. 
 
 man of gold-dust. Now an Andijan man is sixty-four char He and a 
 chdrih is 400 mithhdl. 1 From this the extent of the rest of the 
 booty may be conceived. 
 
 CHAPTER XLIX. 
 
 STORY OF THE AMIRS WHO WENT IN PURSUIT OF MIRZA ABA BAKR. 
 
 Those nine Amirs whom the Khan had sent off to settle affairs in 
 Khotan and to pursue Mirza Aba Bakr, started off with great 
 eagerness and exerted themselves to the utmost of their powers. 
 On reaching Khotan, the inhabitants came out to receive them, 
 and delivered into their hands all their treasuries and granaries, 
 their flocks and herds, and everything connected with these. Mir 
 Daim Ali and Mir Beg Muhammad, according to [the Khan’s] 
 orders, stayed in Khotan, and occupied themselves with the 
 administration of the State and the government of the people- 
 The other seven Mirs, like the seven-headed devils fighting on the 
 top of the mountains of Kaf, swept on to Karanghutagh, but when 
 they arrived there, found that Mirza Aba Bakr had left the moun¬ 
 tains of Karanghutagh, and had gone on to Tibet [Ladak], in 
 which direction it was difficult to follow him. 
 
 When they came to the bridge over which Mirza Aba Bakr had 
 thrown his effects, they found the roads blocked with the carcases 
 of the tupchah horses [three couplets]. . . . which he had killed, and 
 of the mules, on which had been loaded the saddle-bags ( hhachir ] 
 full of money and stuffs. I do not quite recall whether there were 
 900 mules or 900 strings [, hitar ~\ 2 of mules. They next came 
 to the spot where he had burnt his brocades, etc., and saw that 
 these valuables were become an ash-heap from which smoke was 
 still rising. The gold and precious stones with which these 
 clothes had been adorned, were still remaining. These they 
 gathered from among the ashes, and found that the jewels and 
 rubies had not been affected [by the fire]. But the turquoises 
 [firuza] had turned black, and become brittle. No trace of their 
 
 1 No doubt Aba Bakr plundered the country and accumulated a large amount 
 of property and some treasure, but the exaggerations of Mirza Haidar on the 
 subject, in this chapter and the next, are too apparent to require pointing 
 out. As regards the Andijani man, if the data he gives are correct, and if the 
 mithkal be reckoned at its exact numismatic value of 71*18 grains, the chdrih 
 should weigh 59*32 oz. troy, or, roughly speaking, 5 lbs.; so that the Andijani 
 man of gold would be nearly 320 lbs. troy and its value some £15,000! 
 
 2 A kitar , or string of mules or ponies, consists, usually, of four in the hills 
 and of five in the plains. 
 
328 Story of Abd Bakrs Offspring. 
 
 original colour was left. The rubies [Idl] too, were broken into 
 little pieces, and had changed to an ugly colour. The pearls were 
 reduced to ashes, so that they could no longer be distinguished; also 
 the amber—which had lost all its charm. 
 
 The Amirs and their men, having gathered what they could from 
 the ashes, again set out upon their road, when they suddenly 
 noticed the boxes of gold-dust shining at the bottom of the river. 
 Indeed the jewelry [half and vessels of silver and gold, shone forth 
 the rays of the sun, as it were, from the depths of the stream. 
 They thereupon proceeded to attempt the recovery of these valu¬ 
 ables, from the water. The river was rushing over the rocks in 
 such a torrent that no one could, by any device, have entered it. 
 So each man prepared a long pole, at the end of which a hook was 
 attached. To reach the bottom, it was necessary to join several of 
 these poles together. Now when Mirza Aba Bakr had thrown 
 these treasures into the river, he had ordered his men to cut the 
 leather cases into pieces, so that the gold-dust might be scattered 
 in the water. But since the cutting up of the cases took a long 
 time, and the Mirza was impatient to go forward, he [finally] 
 ordered them to be thrown in just as they were, and thus they had 
 remained from that time. 
 
 When they struck the cases, their hooks broke most of them in 
 pieces, and [the contents] were washed away by the current. 
 Sometimes, however, if a man took great care, it did not break, and 
 was lifted out of the water. They were found to contain a mule’s- 
 load each. Such of the vases and vessels as had handles, or some¬ 
 thing to lay hold of, were hooked up, but nothing was recovered 
 upon which a firm hold with the hooks could not be obtained. 
 They only secured a very small quantity of the gold-dust; about 
 a hundred-thousandth part of the whole. However, they were 
 enriched by what they did secure, and got more than enough to 
 enable them to realise all their desires. At present, as compared 
 with those times, all this wealth and all these Moghuls are as a 
 mere drop in the ocean. 
 
 CHAPTEB L. 
 
 CONCLUSION OF THE STORY OF MIRZA ABA BAlvR’s OFFSPRING. 
 
 After the victorious Khan had settled all his important affairs in 
 Yarkand, it was discovered that Mirza Jahangir had not followed 
 his father into Tibet, but that he had settled down in the district 
 
Story of A bd Baler's Offspring. 
 
 329 
 
 of Sanju. The Khan, thereupon, sent my uncle to bring back his 
 nephew, by some means or other. When my uncle reached Sanju, 
 Mirza Jahangir came out to receive him, offering rich gifts, 
 and said to him : “ It is evident to all, that during my father’s 
 reign I lived in retirement and in mortal dread of him. During 
 all that time, I did not enjoy a single moment’s security or freedom 
 from anxiety. Fear of violence had always made me seek 
 seclusion, and thus the eye of my nature became closed to the 
 splendours of wealth and rank, and I have always been obliged to 
 drink from the cup of dissatisfaction. When the evil foundations 
 of my father’s realm began to give wav, and his power to crumble 
 from the earthquakes caused by the Khan’s forces, he drew me 
 forth from my corner of seclusion, and set me upon the throne 
 of pomp. And I, who during forty-two years, being in fear and 
 trembling for my life, had never gained any experience of the 
 world, how could I suddenly be expected to supervise a whole State ? 
 Besides these difficulties, it was my father’s constant practice, 
 whenever he stripped one of his children of the garments of life, 
 to lament the unfortunate victim in my presence, saying: ‘ He was 
 a full grown youth. I dreaded lest he might treat me as Shiruya 
 treated Khusrau and Abdul Latif Mirza treated Ulugh Beg Mirza.’ 1 
 Hearing such things as this, I endeavoured to the utmost, for the 
 sake of my personal safety, to appear very inefficient in my 
 behaviour. How shall I, who have thus spent forty-two years in 
 cultivating ineptitude and helplessness, revive, in one moment, the 
 welfare of a State which [my father] himself has ruined ? More¬ 
 over, I had no information concerning any of my father’s affairs. 
 Nor has any one ever experienced so much as an inconvenience, at 
 my hands. Whatever the people have suffered is due to my 
 father. They do not blame me, nor hold me responsible for his 
 sins. Let me now go to the Khan, and spend the rest of my days 
 in his service.” Words of abject humility, such as these, and 
 many more like them, he continued to pour forth; but my uncle 
 comforted him, and conveyed him, together with much treasure 
 and many horses, before the Khan. 
 
 Mirza Jahangir was born of one of the daughters of Isan Bugha 
 Khan, the youngest brother of Yunus Khan, who was the Khan’s 
 grandfather. At the time when Mirza Aba Bakr captured Aksu, 
 the residence of Alacha Khan (which event has been fully described 
 above), the fourth daughter of Alacha Khan fell into his hands. 
 And he took care of her and treated her with great honour. 
 When she was of age, he gave her in marriage to his son Jahangir 
 Mirza. The latter, arriving now in the Khan’s presence, was 
 
 1 The allusions are (l)to a fable in the Shdh-ndmah, where Khusrau is said to 
 have been killed by his son Shuruya; and (2) to the murder of Mirza Ulugh 
 Beg of Mavara-un-Nahr, by his son Abdul Latif, in the year 1449. 
 
330 
 
 Story of Aba Bakrs Offspring. 
 
 received with respect, and this fourth daughter of Alacha Khan, 
 whose name was Khadija Sultan Khanim, also joined the Khan, 
 whose full-sister she was. The Khan showed favour to Jahangir 
 Mirza, in accordance with the verse, “ I will not ascribe to thee the 
 sins of others ”; and ignoring the cruelties and hideous deeds of 
 his father, entered him among the men of trust around his person, 
 and promised that feasts should be celebrated in honour of Khadija 
 out of regard for her noble birth. 
 
 One night towards the end of that winter, Jahangir Mirza was 
 killed in Yangi-Hisar, together with several of his followers. It 
 was never known who committed this deed. Every one had his 
 own suspicions, but God alone knows the truth. Mirza Aba Bakr 
 had many children. Several of his grown up sons he had put to 
 death, with the most horrible tortures, for totally inadequate 
 reasons. Of those that survived, the eldest and most honourable 
 was Jahangir Mirza, whose fate has been related. There were 
 two other sons, named Turangir Mirza and Bustangir Mirza, the 
 children of the daughter of Mirza Sultan Mahmud, son of Mirza 
 Sultan Abu Said. 
 
 In the spring following the winter in which Jahangir Mirza 
 had been murdered, a person was sent to Tibet to bring back the 
 family of Mirza Aba Bakr; his wife, Khanzada Begum, and her 
 elder son, Turangir Mirza, were thus brought to Kashghar. In 
 conformity with the custom of the Tanga , she was married to my 
 uncle, while Turangir remained in the Khan’s service, until he 
 was drowned in the river. 
 
 Bustangir Mirza did not accompany his mother and brother. 
 He went from Tibet to Kashmir and thence into Hindustan. (At 
 that time Babar Padishah had not conquered Hindustan.) From 
 Hindustan he retired to Kabul, but although he was [the son of 
 the daughter of the Emperor’s uncle], his father’s misdeeds made 
 him repulsive to the Emperor, so that he could not stay in Kabul, 
 but fled into Badakhshan, to Mirza Khan, who was his maternal 
 uncle. Mirza Khan, however, instead of showing him the affection 
 of an uncle, displayed hostility towards him on account of his 
 father, Mirza Aba Bakr; so that he was forced to fly from him 
 also, and betake himself to the Uzbeg Shaiban. Suyunjuk Khan 
 received him with the utmost courtesy and honour, saying : “He 
 is a human being, and it is incumbent on us to treat him with 
 kindness.” 
 
 He is still about Andijan and Tashkand, where he enjoys high 
 distinction, and is famous among the Uzbeg for his honourable 
 conduct. 
 
The Khan, after the Conquest of Kdshghar. 
 
 331 
 
 CHAPTER LI. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE KHAN AFTER THE CONQUEST OF KASHGHAR. 
 
 As soon as the Khan had reduced the State to order, he bestowed 
 liberal gifts and rewards upon his followers, especially upon those 
 who had distinguished themselves in battle, by their courage and 
 daring; these have been enumerated above. [Verses] .... He 
 poured down favours, more plentiful than drops of rain, upon his 
 soldiers ; and by the splendour of his justice, he dispelled the 
 darkness of tyranny which had settled on the inhabitants of the 
 country. [Verses] .... The roads which had before been too 
 dangerous to traverse, were now made so safe and tranquil as to 
 become proverbial, that if an old woman were to travel along them, 
 bearing a jar of gold on her head, she would not be molested. At 
 that time there was a popular song which ran: “ A solitary person 
 may carry a jar of gold from east to west, for the respect he [the 
 Khan] inspires, causes all corners of the earth to be safe.” But 
 what is yet more remarkable, and more creditable, is that if, for 
 example, a woman should leave a vessel full of gold and proceed 
 on her road, she would, on returning at any time, find it untouched. 
 [Verses] .... 
 
 Into such a complete state of order did the Khan bring the king¬ 
 dom, that the doors of pleasure and the gates of security were 
 opened to high and low alike. And now all the people gave them¬ 
 selves up to wine and song and dancing. [Verses and rhetoric] ... 
 
 The entire population of the country, and the Khan and his 
 courtiers in particular, turned night into day and day into night 
 in draining the wine cups; nor did they care to learn of events 
 that were passing [around them]. [Verse] .... “I came intoxi¬ 
 cated to thy street and I left mad : 1 know not how I came nor how 
 I departed.” Revelling became so much the fashion that sobriety 
 was held as a disgrace, and drunkenness as a cardinal virtue. 
 These illicit indulgences [ mandhi ] lasted from Rajab of the year 
 920, to the end of the year 928, after which time the Khan was, by 
 the favour of Heaven, defended from exposing himself to further 
 censure, as shall, Grod willing, be related in its proper place. 
 
332 
 
 Arrival of Aiman Khwdja 
 
 CHAPTER LII. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF AIMAN KHWAJA SULTAN FROM TURFAN TO WAIT ON THE 
 
 KHAN. 
 
 In the middle of this winter, Aiman Khwaja Sultan arrived. The 
 explanation is as follows. In the list given of the offspring of 
 Sultan Ahmad Khan, it was noticed that Aiman Khwaja Sultan 
 was the full brother of the Khan. After the death of Sultan 
 Ahmad Khan, when Aksu, on account of the hostility of Amir 
 Jabar Birdi, fell under the domination of Mirza Aba Bakr, all 
 Sultan Ahmad’s children, together with the tribe [Ulus'], 1 migrated 
 to Turfan and Chalish, and Mansur Khan reigned in his father’s 
 stead. 
 
 All his brothers were in his service, as was also this Aiman 
 Khwaja Sultan, till he attained to adolescence, when, at the insti¬ 
 gation of some seditious persons, he laid claim to the throne— 
 an act which resulted in an insurrection [kkuruj] and much 
 intrigue. At first Mansur Khan acted generously in counselling 
 him to desist and in forgiving him, but finally, since Aiman 
 Khwaja Sultan would not cease to urge his claims, Mansur Khan 
 ordered him to be put to death. On Yaraka Ataka, the Khan’s 
 trusted servant, was imposed the duty of carrying out the 
 order; but he took Aiman Khwaja Sultan to [his own] house 
 and hid him in an underground [chamber], spreading the report 
 that he had put him to death. Not long after this, came news of 
 the Khan’s victory over Mirza Aba Bakr, and the conquest of 
 Kashghar. [Thereupon] Mansur Khan repented his deed, and 
 showed strong marks of regret and sorrow. Yaraka Ataka repre¬ 
 sented that learned men had said: “‘It is an easy matter to 
 deprive a man of his life’s breath ; but life cannot be restored to a 
 dead man.’ I acted in opposition to orders, and have kept him 
 safe.” On hearing this the Khan was overjoyed, and expressed 
 his gratitude to Yaraka Ataka, who brought forth Aiman Khwaja 
 Sultan from the house. Aiman Khwaja Sultan, on being set at 
 liberty, went to Babajak Sultan, the full brother of Mansur Khan, 
 who had lately settled in Kusan and Bai. 
 
 These places Mirza Aba Bakr had destroyed, and they had 
 remained for some time in ruins, but Babajak Sultan restored 
 them. He lives there to the present day. Thence, taking leave, 
 [Aiman Khwaja] proceeded to Kashghar, and when the Khan heard 
 
 1 It is not clear wliat ulus, or tribe, is alluded to. Probably the family of 
 Ahmad Khan, together with their relations and retainers, is all that is meant; 
 but the word ulus is nowhere else used in so restricted a sense. 
 
at the Khan's Court. 
 
 333 
 
 he was coming, his joy knew no bounds ; a new delight sprang up 
 in his heart. In accordance with his frame of mind, he began to 
 sing : “ Har dam az in bagh bari mirasad: Tdza tiraz tdza tari 
 mirasad.” (At that time I often heard the Khan sing this song.) 
 [Couplet] .... The Khan did all that was possible to make the 
 reception of Aiman Khwaja Sultan a splendid one, and in his 
 affection, honoured him so far as to go out himself and receive him 
 [istikbdV]. He treated him as a brother in his domestic life 
 [buyutat\ All that winter was spent in entertainments and 
 banquets, and with the setting in of spring, princely feasts were 
 celebrated in honour of Aiman Khwaja Khan. The Khan selected 
 men [as retainers] for him from among all the Moghul tribes. 
 Sarik Mirza, a Dughlat and nephew of Mir Jabar Birdi, was 
 appointed to be his Ulusbeg. The greatest of his Amirs of the 
 right wing \bardnghdr\ namely, Munka Beg (who has been men¬ 
 tioned in the battles of Kashghar), Nazar Mirza, brother to Mir 
 Ayub Begjik, and others, together with a select band chosen from 
 among the various tribes and Ulus of the Moghuls, were sent to 
 Aksu [with Aiman Khwaja], The inhabitants of Aksu also, 
 whom Mirza Aba Bakr, after conquering the place, had led away 
 to Kashghar, were now permitted—nay, rather urged—to return, 
 all together. Thus, in the beginning of the year 921, Aiman 
 Khwaja Sultan repaired to Aksu. 
 
 At the time of his conquest, Mirza Aba Bakr had laid waste 
 Aksu and all its dependencies, and had carried its inhabitants 
 away to Kashghar. He had also placed a lightly armed [ jarida ] 
 garrison in Uch, 1 which is a strong place. This garrison carried 
 on a little cultivation of the soil. When [the Khan] conquered 
 Kashghar, he immediately sent to Uch to fortify it, in the same 
 way that Mirza Aba Bakr had done. Aiman Khwaja Sultan, 
 setting out at once, proceeded to Uch, and there pitched his camp. 
 Having restored the cultivation of the town and its districts, he 
 went on, during the second year, to Aksu, where he rebuilt the 
 citadel. The rest of Aiman Khwaja Sultan’s life will be told in 
 a fitting place. 
 
 1 By Uch is meant, no doubt, Ush-Turfan. 
 
334 
 
 The Khan Stibmits to Mansur. 
 
 CHAPTER LIII. 
 
 THE KHAN (iN SPITE OF PAST ILL-TREATMENT) CRAVES AN INTERVIEW 
 WITH MANSUR KHAN AND SUBMITS TO HIM. 
 
 The Almighty Creator, at the beginning of the world, so ordained 
 that nothing but good should proceed from those beings whom He 
 had endowed with laudable qualities and a praiseworthy character, 
 so that even when treated badly, they should return good for evil. 
 This truth is instanced by what follows. 
 
 It was explained at the beginning of this book, that the Khan 
 was in Moghulistan with his brother, 1 that the Kirghiz were sub¬ 
 ject to them, and that they lived in comparative comfort and 
 security, till Mansur Khan led an expedition against them. The 
 opposing armies met at Charun Chalak, 2 and a fierce battle ensued, 
 in which these two brothers weie ultimately defeated. On this 
 account they were unable to remain longer in Moghulistan, and 
 all other asylums in the world being closed to them, they were 
 obliged to retreat into the province of Farghana. Sultan Khalil 
 Sultan, the Khan’s brother, was drowned by the Sultans of Shahi 
 Beg Khan in the river of Akhsi, while the Khan himself was 
 thrown into prison, whence he finally escaped to Kabul in the 
 guise of a kalandar. The details of these events have all been 
 given above. It was at the hands of Mansur Khan that the Khan 
 suffered all these calamities. [Verse] .... The enmity of brother 
 to brother is worse than that of other foes. But when the Khan 
 had laid the foundations of a lasting State, had collected a countless 
 host and gathered round him the most distinguished warriors 
 [verses] .... the surrounding rulers began to be sorely afraid of 
 his might and majesty. More especially [was he feared by] 
 Mansur Khan, who, having fled from Mirza Aba Bakr, had retired 
 to Turfan and Chalish, and now had neither strength to oppose, 
 nor place of refuge to fly to. The saying : “ Alas ! they have 
 stopped my road on six sides,” now became applicable to Mansur 
 Khan. Furthermore, Aiman Ivhwaja Sultan had attached himself 
 to the Khan, who recounted to him all he had endured at the 
 hands of Mansur Khan, and opened afresh his old wounds. 
 
 All the chiefs of the State, and the nobles, were unanimous in 
 wishing to lead an army against Mansur Khan, and to attack 
 
 1 Khalil Sultan. 
 
 2 This place has been mentioned before under the same form. I cannot iden¬ 
 tify it, but it seems just possible that it may be the same as the Jarun mentioned 
 in the account of one of Timur’s invasions of Moghulistan. If this is the case, 
 it lay probably not far to the eastward of Sairam—perhaps about the upper 
 waters of the Talas. 
 
The Khan Submits to Mansur. 
 
 335 
 
 Turfan. They represented that: “ When he had the opportunity, 
 Mansur Khan did what has been related; if he is given his own 
 way, he will do such things as cannot he told. It is therefore 
 fitting that we should fall upon him at once, and in such a way 
 that our minds may be set finally at rest with regard to him.” To 
 this the Khan replied : “ The duty of the young is obedience ; that 
 of adults is favour [indyat]. If the young neglect their duty, it 
 
 is incumbent upon their elders to correct them. 1 At this 
 
 time, the elder brother is in the place of the father. To him repa¬ 
 ration can be made for disobedience to the father.” He then sent 
 several ambassadors [to speak as follows]: “ What I have suffered 
 from my elder brother (that is to say, Mansur Khan) was all on 
 account of my own shortcomings. Even if this were not the case, 
 the elder brother is the father’s successor, and although he has 
 treated his younger brother with the reverse of kindness, how 
 should this younger brother venture (in his position of son) to 
 overstep the prescribed limits? [Verse] .... Forgiveness for 
 past offences is now humbly solicited. May they all be swept from 
 the recesses of your blessed memory. I would, moreover, crave 
 for permission to kiss the carpet at your noble feet. From our 
 [meeting] many advantages will result. One of them being that 
 you will wash away, with the water of good-will, the stains of my 
 offences. Another that (thanks be to God) from this victory our 
 friends will derive strength and elation, while our enemies [will 
 foresee] disaster and despair. If we meet in harmony, our troubles 
 will be at an end, and the backs of all evil-wishers will be broken.” 
 Many other advantages were mentioned, which it is needless to 
 repeat. [Verse] .... 
 
 When Mansur Khan saw all these ambassadors arrive, one after 
 the other, bearing costly gifts, his soul, which had risen to his lips, 2 
 was refreshed with unbounded joy. After much passing backwards 
 and forwards of envoys, and the discussion of preliminaries, an 
 interview was arranged. 
 
 1 Three lines of rhetoric, on the disobedience of children, are omitted here.—R. 
 
 2 Or: “ was about to take flight i.e., from fear.—R. 
 
 f 
 
336 
 
 Transactions of Mansur Khan. 
 
 CHAPTER LIY. 
 
 TRANSACTIONS OF MANSUR KHAN. 
 
 The context here demands some further details of the life of 
 Mansur Khan. He was the eldest son of Sultan Ahmad Khan, 
 son of Yunus Khan. The experiences of Sultan Ahmad Khan’s 
 elder brother, Sultan Mahmud Khan (which have been touched 
 upon in their proper place in this book, and will be mentioned, in 
 detail in the First Part, are briefly as follows. 
 
 [Sultan Ahmad Khan] dismissed the old Amirs of Yunus Khan, 
 and set up in their places some mean persons [ arcizil ] whose flattery 
 suited the Khan’s nature. To these men he gave up the manage¬ 
 ment of all important affairs of State, and they, with their narrow¬ 
 minded views and want of judgment, so worked upon the Khan, 
 that he estranged his old friends—that is to say, the Uzbeg Kazak 
 and the kings of the Chaghatai—and made new ones of his old 
 enemies, thinking that they would be his true allies; but these [in 
 the end] ruined him. 
 
 Thus Shahi Beg Khan, after he had, with the assistance of 
 Sultan Mahmud Khan, defeated the Chaghatai and conquered 
 Mavara-un-Nahr, turned against Sultan Mahmud Khan and took 
 Tashkand [from him]. [Verses] .... When Sultan Ahmad Khan 
 heard of the helpless condition of Sultan Mahmud Khan, brotherly 
 love began to glow in his heart. Seizing the skirt of fraternal 
 affection with the hand of resolution, he’, in the course of the year 
 907, set out towards Tashkand to the relief of his brother, leaving, 
 in his own place, his eldest son Mansur Khan, with absolute 
 authority and power over the whole of Chalish, Turfan, Bai, Kus, 
 Aksu, and Moghulistan. 1 The events that now followed in Tash¬ 
 kand have been already related. When Ahmad Khan returned, 
 defeated and sick, to his capital Aksu, he was met in state by his 
 son Mansur Khan. After entering the city, he became anxious 
 about his illness, and sent Mansur Khan away to Turfan, wdiere the 
 latter remained till his father’s death, when he returned to Aksu. 
 But Sultan Mahmud Khan, despising the sovereignty of Aksu, left 
 it and went to Moghulistan. [Verses] .... 
 
 Mansur Khan continued to dwell in Aksu, and Amir Jabar Birdi 
 in Uch. This Amir Jabar Birdi was a Dughlat, and filled the 
 post of Ulusbegi under Sultan Ahmad Khan, by whom he had 
 been held in the highest honour and esteem. Indeed, he was a wise 
 
 1 The year 907 h. fell in 1501-2. At the time, it will be remembered, AM 
 Bakr was in possession of the rest of the Moghul dominions. 
 
Transactions of Mansur Khan . 337 
 
 man and worthy of the rank he held; for he was without an equal 
 as an administrator. [Verses]. . . . In those turbulent days he was 
 of the greatest value. But Mansur Khan, for the reason explained 
 above—namely, that heirs are not always able to estimate the 
 value [of their inheritance]—purposed putting Amir Jabar Birdi 
 to death, saying: “ Until I have put him out of the way, I shall 
 never feel safe on the throne.” As a fact, the very reverse of this 
 was true. When Amir Jabar Birdi [became aware of this design], 
 though he lamented and bewailed the matter much, he exerted 
 himself in every possible way to avert the impending danger. He 
 continued to carry on the Khan’s business and offered explanations 
 [suklianan guft]. But it was of no avail: he saw that nothing but 
 his death would satisfy the Khan. He therefore set about planning 
 his own safety, and sent a messenger to invite Mirza Aba Bakr to 
 come. 
 
 Now this had been the Mirza’s intention, independently of the 
 invitation, so he marched at once and appeared, like a flash of 
 lightning, at the head of 30,000 men. Amir Jabar Birdi offered 
 him the best presents he could [command], and himself became the 
 guide [ yazaJc ] of the army. He went in advance, while Mirza Aba 
 Bakr followed after. Mansur Khan, being informed of these move¬ 
 ments, took away as many men as he could muster and [started for 
 Turfan], while the rest, together with some of the Amirs, stayed 
 to defend the citadel of Aksu. Mirza Aba Bakr came up, and 
 took the citadel by storm ; then, forming a junction of his troops, 
 with those of Amir Jabar Birdi, he conducted forays against Bai 
 and Kusan. All the inhabitants of those districts were carried off 
 to Aksu, so that the country became entirely depopulated. 
 
 Then Amir Jabar Birdi said [to Mirza Aba Bakr]: “It must be 
 quite evident to you, that I have now gone to too great lengths ever 
 to expect protection at the hands of the Moghul Khakans. For I 
 have treated them as no one ever treated them before. I have 
 scattered to the winds of perdition their throne, kingdom, and 
 men : their wives and children. My loyalty now prompts me to go 
 again, and utterly devastate Bai, Kusan and Aksu [and to carry off 
 the inhabitants to Kashghar], while Uch must be defended by a 
 light-armed [Jarida ] force. My household and family shall remain 
 with you. You must give me leave to go to Chalish and the 
 mountains around, and I will drive all the inhabitants into your 
 hands, in order that I may make an end of the Moghul Khakans, 
 and have no longer any cause to fear them.” Mirza Aba Bakr 
 highly approved of these plans, and having allowed Amir Jabar 
 Birdi to depart, carried off his family, together with all the Moghul 
 people. Thus did Amir Jabar Birdi make his wives and family a 
 sacrifice for his own life ; for, with the exception of two sons, he 
 sent them all—though with many misgivings [ihtimdm\ —to Kash- 
 
33 § 
 
 Transactions of Mansur Khan. 
 
 ghar. He displayed so much energy in the whole matter, that he 
 won the entire confidence of Mirza Aha Bakr, who, leaving his 
 army with him, then returned. 
 
 Amir Jabar Birdi drove the inhabitants out of all the towns, 
 districts, open country, and uplands. The owls were left in 
 possession of the cities and villages, while the plains were made 
 over to the antelopes. It would be impossible to give an idea of 
 the numbers of the flocks and herds, and the quantity of treasure 
 that he took in those countries and cities, all of which he carried 
 back to Kashghar. Mirza Aba Bakr entered Kashghar in great 
 pomp. Mir Jabar Birdi having conducted countless forays with 
 Mirza Aba Bakr’s army, at length left it: he himself going into 
 Moghulistan, while the army returned to Kashghar, driving the 
 flocks before them. 
 
 Meanwhile, Mansur Khan repented of the designs he had enter¬ 
 tained against Amir Jabar Birdi, and saw that prosperity was 
 impossible without such men as he. So he sent a person after 
 him, with apologies and entreaties to return. Mansur Khan was 
 born of Mir Jabar Birdi’s sister. Mir Jabar Birdi knew that 
 Mansur Khan was sorry for what he had done ; he therefore made 
 an end of the quarrel [az niza barkhasta ], for he saw that if he 
 did not go quickly, the effect of separation would be the entire 
 destruction of Mansur Khan. So having accepted apologies and 
 strengthened matters by concluding a covenant, he set forth [to 
 visit Mansur Khan]. 
 
 There is a story current at the present time, which is very 
 appropriate, and which I give here. Talkhak died in Tirmiz. 
 Before dying, he expressed a wish that he might be buried at a 
 certain cross-way, that his tomb might be high, and that on it might 
 be inscribed in large letters : “ Every one who passes by here and 
 repeats the Fatiha for my soul, may he be cursed; and if he do not 
 repeat it, may his father be cursed ! ” Those who were present 
 laughed, and asked : “ But how can one avoid both these curses ? ” 
 [The djdng man] replied: “ There is one means of escape, and 
 that is to keep away from Tirmiz.” 1 This saying applies to the 
 situation of the Moghul Khakans and Dughlat nobles. For 
 [they reasoned], if they imitated Mir Jabar Birdi [in his behaviour 
 towards Mansur Khan], they would save their own lives, but 
 would be accused of ingratitude and disloyalty; if, on the other 
 
 1 Tirmiz is sometimes found written Termedh. The city was, in the early 
 Middle Ages, a famous seat of learning and commerce, and stood on the north 
 hank of the Oxus. It was destroyed during the campaigns of Chingiz, but was 
 rebuilt in the fourteenth century, about two miles away from the river bank. 
 During the first half of the fifteenth century, the new" town was visited aud 
 described by the Moorish traveller Ibn Batuta, who speaks of it as a great city 
 provided with fine markets, numerous gardens, and traversed by streams. It has 
 now passed almost out of existence. (See Defremery’s Ibn Batuta , iii., pp. 56, 
 57, and Yule in Wood’s Oxus, p. lxx.) 
 
339 
 
 Transactions of Mansur Khan. 
 
 hand (following the example of my uncle), they remained faithful, 
 and stood round the tomb of the late Khan, wailing and weeping, 
 their heads would be struck off then and there : though it might be 
 said of them that they were incapable of a cowardly action. The 
 result of remaining in the service [of the Moghul Khans] will in 
 the end only be to gain the name of cowards or traitors. [There¬ 
 fore, it may be said, the only way to avoid these two bad names, 
 is not to remain in the service of the Moghul Khans, nor to go 
 near them.] 
 
 As my maternal uncle Mahmud Khan has said [couplet in 
 Turki] ....:“ No one ever met with fidelity from the world or its 
 people. Oh, happy that man who has nothing to do with the 
 world ! ” 1 [Verses.] . . . 
 
 But the pearls of these intentions found no place in the shell of 
 the Moghul Khakan’s ears. ... 2 Thanks be to the Most High 
 God that this servant has at length found the means of avoiding 
 them. It were also preferable to abstain from further words on 
 this matter. 
 
 To return to the thread of my narrative. Mansur Khan, having 
 given him every possible assurance of safety, took Amir Jabar Birdi 
 back into his service, and after the return [of the Amir], the Khan’s 
 affairs began again to improve. 
 
 From the year 910, which is the date of [the commencement of] 
 Mansur Khan’s disturbed and turbulent reign, to the year 922, the 
 date 3 we have now reached in our history, Mansur Khan lived in 
 Chalish and Turfan. During this period many important events 
 occurred. In those times the brothers [of the Khan’s family] 
 quarrelled among themselves, and everybody in the Moghul tribes 
 was rebellious. On this account, Mansur Khan dismissed the Arlat 
 —an ancient order of Amirs—and, bringing the Kirghiz into his 
 power by stratagem, put many of them to death. He once went to 
 war with the Kalmak, and won a signal victory over them. 
 
 After these events, his government began to assume an orderly 
 shape, which was due to the wisdom and tact of Mir Jabar Birdi. 
 Towards the end of this period, Babajak Sultan separated himself 
 from Mansur Khan, and together with his following, proceeded to 
 Kusan. Mansur Khan pursued him, in person, and besieged him. 
 His object, however, was not to destroy Babajak Sultan, so he 
 sought terms of peace. The answer he received was : “ Aiman 
 Khwaja Sultan was also [your] brother, and him you killed like a 
 stranger. What reliance can I place in you, that I should make 
 peace ? ” Now Aiman Khwaja Sultan had devised treasonable 
 
 1 The Persian is not clear in the above passages. I have, therefore, followed 
 the Turki.—R. 
 
 2 Here are omitted a passage of two lines containing an untranslatable play 
 on words, and some verses.—R. 
 
 3 a.h. 910 to 922 would be 1504 to 1516 a.d. 
 
 z 2 
 
340 
 
 Birth of Iskandar Sultan. 
 
 plots, and on this account Mansur Khan had ordered Yaraka Ataka 
 to put him to death, hut [instead of this] Yaraka Ataka had hidden 
 him in an underground place, as has been already related. When 
 Babajak Sultan mentioned the affair of Aiman Khwaja Khan, 
 Yaraka Ataka saw the Khan was much distressed, and represented : 
 “ I had the presumption to disobey the order, [and did not put him 
 to death]. ” Thereupon Mansur Khan fell to commending Yaraka 
 Ataka, and Aiman Khwaja Sultan was brought out. After this, 
 Babajak surrendered, and peace was made. Mansur Khan then 
 returned, while Aiman Khwaja Khan went to Kashghar, as has 
 been mentioned already. Babajak Sultan stayed on in Kusan, 
 where he is to this day. 
 
 After this occurrence, negotiations for a peace ensued between 
 the Khan and Mansur Khan. Mansur Khan came forth from 
 Turfan, Kusan, and Bai, and sent Mir Jabar Birdi in advance. 
 The meeting, which shall be described below, took place in the 
 plains of Arbat. 1 
 
 CHAPTER LY. 
 
 BIRTH OF ISKANDAR. 
 
 In the month of Juraada II. 921, new fruit was added to the tree 
 
 of the Khanate. 2 As the Khan was the grandson of Shah 
 
 Begum, who was descended from Zulkarnain, he was called 
 Iskandar. Learned men have found chronograms for this child’s 
 birth. Among them was Maulana Muhammad Shirazi, who was 
 one of the great TJlama , being not only versed in all the sciences, 
 but also a skilled physician. For a space of thirty j T ears he 
 rendered praiseworthy services to the Moghul Khakans, and was 
 appointed Sadr-i-Sudur. Some details of his life will be given 
 below. He discovered the chronogram : “ Shdh-i-Iskandar far ” [a 
 king equal in power to Iskandar]. Khwaja Nur-ud-Din Abdul 
 Yahid Tuhuri Kazi, who shall also be mentioned, found the date 
 in : “ Nakhl-i-Iram ” [the tree of Irani]. Many discovered : “ Lash- 
 kard shikari” [army breaker]. There were many more, but I have 
 given as many as I can remember. 
 
 At that time, the Khan’s health was somewhat affected by his 
 excessive wine-drinking. He, therefore, went to Moghulistan 
 hoping to restore his health by a change of air. On his return, he 
 
 1 Arbdt, Arwat, or Aruvat, is marked on most modern maps to the north-east of 
 Aksu and west of Bai. There was (and perhaps is still) a place called Arawdn , 
 near Ush in Eastern Farghana. 
 
 2 Five lines ©f rhetoric omitted. 
 
34i 
 
 Rebuilding of A ksu. 
 
 said to me : “ To you, who are like a son to me, I have given my 
 dear sister, who is a pearl in the shell of the Khanate. My hope 
 is that if a child should be born to you, I may be a father to 
 him as well as you. Thus, a child with two loving fathers ; two 
 fathers with one happy child. But since you have, up to this time, 
 no offspring, you must look upon this son of mine [Iskandar] as your 
 child, so that what I hoped of you, you may realise in me. If 
 eventually you should have a son, he will be a brother to this child; 
 if you should have no children, you will have no need of another 
 son.” Favours and kind words such as these, did he express to me 
 and his sister; we accepted them with gratitude, and feasts were 
 instituted and presents given. The life of Iskandar shall be 
 presently related. 
 
 CHAPTER LYI. 
 
 REBUILDING OF AKSU AND NEGOTIATIONS OF THE AMBASSADORS OF 
 
 MANSUR KHAN AND THE KHAN. 
 
 Aiman Khwaja Sultan, having been sent to Aksu, departed 
 thither, and in the spring set about rebuilding the town, while 
 ambassadors went backward and forward, between Mansur Khan and 
 the Khan, to arrange a friendly settlement. In the summer the 
 Khan’s health became much impaired by excesses in wine-drinking, 
 as was stated above, and he was finally seized with ague [tap 
 larzai]. Maulana Shirazi, who was a talented man and a skilled 
 physician, and who had spent all his life in attendance on the 
 Khans, pronounced a change of air to be needful. So the Khan 
 betook himself to a place in Moghulistan, not far from Kashghar. 
 But as he did not yet trust the people of Kashghar, he left me in 
 Yarkand, while he himself went on his way. I did all I could to 
 keep order in the country. At the end of the autumn the Khan 
 returned from Moghulistan, in good health ; the pure air of those 
 plains having cured him of the malady which indulgence in wine 
 had produced in him. He alighted in Yarkand. 
 
 CHAPTER LYII. 
 
 DEATH OF HAZRAT MAULANA MUHAMMAD KAZI. 
 
 In different parts of this history, the life of Hazrat Maulana has 
 been told, down to the point where he went to Akhsi and its depen- 
 
342 Death of Mauldna Muhammad Kdzi. 
 
 dencies. Wherever he stayed the people received the blessing of 
 his converse. In that province he gained many followers and 
 devotees, all of whom were honoured by witnessing some miracle 
 or wonderful act. [Verses] .... 
 
 When the Khan left Akhsi, Hazrat Maulana remained there. 
 When Suyunjuk Khan came to that town, he waited on Hazrat 
 Maulana and entreated him to honour Tashkand with a visit. He 
 
 went to Tashkand, but a short time afterwards died. 
 
 [Verses and rhetoric] .... His intimates and followers discovered 
 the date of his death in “ Nahd-i-Khwdja Ubaid Ullali ” [ = 922]. 1 He 
 was between sixty and seventy years of age, was versed in all 
 sciences, and wrote several interesting and profitable works. 
 
 His tracts are text-books for the pious. Among his compositions 
 is the Salscdat id Arifin , written in excellent style. It is divided into 
 three parts. The first of these treats of the manners of Shaikhs 
 and the conditions of discipleship. The second part contains the 
 life of Hazrat Ishan, together with the truths and sayings he 
 uttered in various assemblies, in the language of the country ; also 
 some of his miracles and wonders. The third part comprises the 
 sayings and miracles of various pious men. The tongue is 
 incapable of adequately praising this book. There are about fifty 
 parts. 
 
 Besides this work, he composed many pamphlets [rasdil\ xVmong 
 them are answers to certain questions which, in the course of 
 different meetings [majlis], I had the presumption to put to him. 
 These, together with some rules and maxims, he put into book 
 form, but never found an occasion of giving it to me. After his 
 death, however, his son and successor, Maulana Kutb-ud-I)in 
 Ahmad, sent it to me, and I have copied the whole of it, as it stood, 
 into this work. I know well that, with my lack of literary 
 capacity, this rough copy, written by the pen of carelessness, with 
 the help of ignorance, will have but small merit in the eyes of 
 critics; but I trust that the embodiment of the pamphlet will 
 bring a blessing on my work, and that my shortcomings may be 
 overlooked. I look to the Pardoner of all Sins to forgive me my 
 faults and errors in this Epitome, in consideration of the truths 
 contained in [the Hazrat’s] pamphlet. [Verses] . . . .- 
 
 1 The year 922 h. began 5 Feb. 1516. 
 
 2 As the Maulana’s pamphlet lias no reference whatever to the history of the 
 Moghuls, or to any historical subject, it is omitted. It is a purely religious 
 treatise, but is not, I believe, what is usually known as the Salsalat id Arifin. 
 It occupies about four folios of the Persian texts. 
 
Meeting of Mansur and the Khan. 
 
 343 
 
 CHAPTER LVIII. 
 
 MEETING OF MANSUR KHAN AND SULTAN SAID KHAN, AND CONCLUSION 
 
 OF PEACE BETWEEN THEM. 
 
 The winter was passed in Yarkand, in feasting and merry-making. 
 As Turfan was a two months’ journey from Kashghar, the 
 negotiations of the ambassadors, the settlement of the place of 
 meeting and other preliminaries lasted a whole } r ear. In the 
 month of Moharram 922, the Khan started for Aksu. [Verses] 
 . . . . He entered Kashghar in great pomp and splendour. [On 
 the road] I had a fall from my horse and dislocated my right 
 elbow ; it was a bad accident, and I was confined for some days in 
 Kashghar before getting well. As soon as the pain began to abate, 
 the Khan set out again, while I remained a few days longer in 
 Kashghar. On my arm becoming cured, I followed the Khan and 
 came up with him at Jai Tuba, whence we proceeded stage by 
 stage to Uch. [Verses] .... 
 
 At that time Aiman Khwaja Sultan was living in Uch, for Aksu 
 was not yet habitable. On the Khan’s approach, he came out to 
 meet him with gifts [verses] .... and invited him to come and 
 bless his house by alighting there. He entertained the Khan with 
 regal banquets. [Verses] .... [Departing again] the Khan 
 passed Aksu and pitched his royal camp at a place called Jam, 
 while Mansur Khan, coming from the opposite direction, reached 
 Arbat, which is seven farsdhhs from Jam. Mir Jabar Birdi now 
 came and waited on the Khan, and finally settled [under what 
 conditions the two Khans were to meet]. The two armies were to 
 advance and stand opposite each other in battle array; hostages 
 were then to be exchanged; the two Khans were to come forward, 
 each attended by thirty men selected from liis own army, and 
 were to meet between the two lines [of troops]. As soon as these 
 plans had been agreed upon, I was sent to Mansur Khan as a 
 hostage. Aziz Birdi was appointed to select the men who were 
 to accompany Mansur Khan. I was received with much affection 
 and friendship by Mansur Khan, who poured down honours upon 
 my head. [Verses] .... 
 
 When the King of the East placed his foot upon the steps of the 
 throne of the firmament, and brought the whole world under the 
 sway of his brightness, repulsing the powers of night, Mansur 
 Khan set his noble foot in the stirrup, and having drawn up his 
 troops, rode forth. On reaching the trysting-place, he sent for 
 Babajak Sultan and Shah Shaikh Muhammad, who were his full 
 
344 Meeting of Mansur and the Khan. 
 
 brothers, and enjoined them to exercise caution and judgment. 
 Aziz Birdi Agha, standing at the head of the passage [between 
 the lines], told off exactly thirty persons. From the side of 
 Mansur Khan, Sahib Daulat Begum, sister of Mir Jabar Birdi, and 
 Mahim Khanim, sister [hamshira] of Mansur Khan, were given as 
 hostages. The Khan advanced from the other side, accompanied 
 also by thirty persons. At the meeting-place between the armies, 
 awnings [ saya-ban ] were erected. [Couplet] .... Mansur, 
 advancing first, went and seated himself upon a throne under the 
 shade of the awnings. [Couplet] .... Then the Khan came, 
 and dismounted at a respectful distance. [Couplet] .... 
 
 When he had approached within the distance assigned by the 
 Moghul custom, he fell on his knees [zdnu zad\ Although Mansur 
 Khan was the elder brother, he got up, advanced towards the 
 Khan, and embraced him affectionately [couplet] . . . .; then 
 taking him by the hand, he walked towards the throne. When 
 Mansur Khan was seated on the throne, the Khan rose up and 
 returned to the place where he had first made his obeisance, 
 [Two couplets] .... He then offered him such presents as 
 became the dignity of both ; while Mir Jabar Birdi, in presenting 
 the gifts [pisMash] to Mansur, made an eloquent speech, as is the 
 custom of those who observe the Tura. Mansur Khan was pleased 
 with his words, and accepted all the gifts. The Khan having 
 knelt again, stood with his arms respeotfully crossed on his breast. 
 Mansur Khan then invited him to come and sit at his side, saying: 
 “ I know 1 am your elder brother, but why should you, with your 
 high rank, be so modest before me, who am in the place of a father 
 to you ? ” The Khan, having once more made obeisance, expressed 
 his profound respect for Mansur Khan, and returned to his seat. 
 Mansur Khan called him forward again and repeated what he had 
 said before, but with greater emphasis. He, moreover, took the 
 Khan by the hand and drew him towards himself, when the Khan, 
 having knelt again, took a seat beside him. [Couplet] .... 
 
 Mansur Khan began by asking: “ How did you fare in those 
 disturbed times?” To which the Khan, with every token of 
 respect, replied: “ Misfortunes that end in success—separations 
 that terminate in union—are not remembered. The sweetness 
 of the end causes the bitterness of the beginning to be forgotten. 
 [Two couplets] .... Thanks be to God, that in one moment 
 reparation can be made for what has happened during long years.” 
 They went on, then, to discuss policy, military tactics, and justice; 
 they also swore a solemn oath to remain at peace, and to strengthen 
 the bonds of friendship. By the time they had finished all their 
 business, the day was also ended. Mansur Kh;in next gave the 
 Khan rich presents in the shape of horses and silver, brocades 
 and embroidered robes. At the hour of bidding farewell, they- 
 
Return of the Khan. 
 
 345 
 
 embraced once more, and exchanged the clothes they were wearing 
 and the horses they were riding. They finally separated in the 
 most friendly manner, and each went back to his own army. 
 
 When Mansur Khan returned to his own ranks, he called for 
 me and explained all the particulars of the interview, as I have 
 given them above. Thus conversing, he accompanied me from his 
 troops to the camp. He said : “ The thirst of longing and the 
 hunger of absence cannot be satisfied with this small quantity of 
 the wine of union.” [Verses] .... He continued to speak in 
 such terms until we arrived at the camp, which we did at about 
 the middle of the first watch of the night. At sunrise Mansur 
 Khan sent for me, and loaded me with favours and distinctions 
 becoming his own greatness. He then permitted me to return, 
 and having travelled all night, I reached the Khan [on the 
 following day]. The Khan told me what Mansur Khan had said, 
 and showed marks of regret at separation from him. The result 
 of this peace was that soldiers and civilians—in fact, every indivi¬ 
 dual—enjoyed full repose and freedom from anxiety, and testified 
 their thankfulness to the two Khans. 
 
 Ingenious scholars devised many chronograms to commemorate 
 this happy event. Among others, the date was found to be con¬ 
 tained in “ Du lashkar ba nislidt ’’—Two armies in gladness- 
 922 [1516]. 
 
 CHAPTER LIX. 
 
 THE KHAN’S RETURN AFTER THE PEACE—SUBSEQUENT EVENTS AND VISIT 
 
 OF BABAJAK SULTAN. 
 
 [After the conclusion of this affair] the Khan made for Yarkand. 
 At Sungtash, which is three days’ journey from Uch, on the road 
 to Kashghar, he separated from his army, and riding long stages 
 [ilghdr\ arrived at Yarkand in six days. Here new displays of 
 festivity and rejoicing were commenced [verses] . . . . ; and 
 every one, according to his means, made merry and rejoiced. 
 
 At the season of the Khan’s return to Yarkand, the King of Kings 
 of the Firmament had placed the fourth throne of his sovereignty 
 in the palace of Taurus, and the Prince of the Flowers had. pitched 
 his tent on the plains. [Verses] .... From the time of his 
 accession to that day, a period of about two years, the Khan had 
 lived in the citadel of Yarkand, both summer and winter. But 
 this year, feeling his mind relieved of all its anxieties, when the 
 season of flowers and foliage came round [verses] .... he 
 
346 
 
 Return of the KJuin 
 
 changed his quarters from the town to the palace of Gul Bagh, 
 [which had been] a favourite residence of Mirza Aba Bakr. When 
 the temperate days of spring changed to the oppressive heat of 
 summer, the only way to keep in health was to sit under the 
 shade of the trees. On this account the Khan retired to Gul Bagh, 
 and there enjoyed the protection afforded by the shade of his 
 garden. Meanwhile the army and the populace were dwelling in 
 peace, and the nobles and pillars of the State lived in the lap of 
 luxury and magnificence. Every brain had its scheme, and every 
 scheme had a brain [to work it]. 
 
 All the Amirs came to the palace of the Khan to sit in council; 
 they made the following representation to him: [Most noble 
 Khan] to-day, by the favour of God’s assistance, the arm of our 
 State is strong enough to lay low its enemies, and annihilate its 
 opponents at one blow. If you do not take vengeance on your 
 enemies now, when will you be able to do so? If you do not 
 destroy them now, when will you have the power to destroy them ? 
 [Verses] .... 
 
 Thus were the Khan’s old projects revived, and he issued a 
 mandate \ydrligli] for the mustering of troops and preparation for 
 an expedition. At the close of summer [922] he marched for 
 Andijan, to make war on Suyunjuk Khan. He gathered all his 
 army together in Kaslighar, and set out from there. On reaching 
 Tuyun Bashi, he resolved upon a hunt, and issued stringent orders 
 for the preparations. On the second day [the beaters] formed a 
 ring. [Three couplets] .... When the hunt w r as at an end, 
 they left that place and proceeded to encamp on the south side of 
 Chadir Kul. There they learnt the approach of Babajak Sultan. 
 His reason for coming was, that on the occasion of Mansur Khan’s 
 interview with the Khan, Babajak Sultan, being in the service 
 of the former (whose full brother he was) could not go and wait 
 on the Khan. But when autumn came round, he asked permission 
 from Mansur Khan to do so, saying, that if he did not wait on his 
 brother, he would be considered guilty of disrespect. Mansur 
 Khan had given him leave, and he, having set off from his home 
 of Bai and Ivusan, was now arriving. 
 
 When he reached Kaslighar, he learnt that the Khan had [just] 
 left on his way to fight Suyunjuk Khan and to invade Andijan. He 
 immediately moved on after him, and overtook him at Chadir Kul. 
 The Khan, in his brotherly affection, was quite overcome with 
 emotion, and though Babajak was his junior in years, went out 
 to receive him. He embraced him warmly, and bestowed upon 
 him brotherly attentions and fatherly kindness. [Couplet] .... 
 [The Khan said]: “ I was then bent on avenging myself on my 
 foes : to have summoned my brother at that juncture would have 
 been open to misinterpretation. Thank God that we have both 
 
347 
 
 and Visit from Babajak Sultan. 
 
 obtained the fulfilment of our wishes. The arrival of my brother 
 is as the commencement of conquest and victory.” So saying, the 
 two brothers (Conquest and Victory, as it were) rode off side by 
 side towards Andijan. 
 
 On reaching Arpa' Yazi, they hunted the wild ass, 1 the deer 
 [gavazan] and other animals. So much game did they kill, that 
 the beasts of the plains and the fowls of the air were able to 
 feast upon the flesh, without fighting for it among themselves. 
 [Couplet] .... The Khan, from his ambush, brought down 
 some quarry with every arrow he shot. When the hunt was over, 
 a sumptuous banquet was prepared, in a delicious spot where the 
 air was fresh as in the garden of Irani, and where [the heavens] 
 seemed filled with birds from Paradise. Babajak Sultan and 
 Aiman Khwaja Sultan were in attendance on their brother the 
 Khan, surrounded by a distinguished assembly. [Two couplets] ... 
 
 When the feast was over, Babajak Sultan represented apolo¬ 
 getically to my uncle : “ At the beginning of the spring I was 
 guilty of a neglect of courtesy; I had longed for years to have the 
 happiness of waiting upon you, but my aspiration could not then 
 be realised. After that opportunity had elapsed, I saw that it 
 would be respectful on my part, to come to your court at Yarkand 
 and sprinkle my eyes with the dust of your palace. On reaching 
 Kashghar, I heard of your expedition [against Andijan], where¬ 
 upon I set out in all haste after you, not waiting to collect an 
 army or make ready the necessaries for an expedition. Thus did 
 I come, [thinking] this time the preparations have been delayed ; 
 but next time [that I go against Andijan] my arrangements shall 
 be perfect, and I will bring into my service all the Sultans and 
 soldiers, with their arms, that are to be found in my country. I 
 will collect such a mighty host that it will be evident to friend 
 and foe alike, that the Khan has, in his train, subjects who can rival 
 the kings of the earth. [If this proposition is acceptable to you, 
 well and good] ; if not, it will do me no harm to change my plans. 
 I am ready to devote myself, body and soul, to the Khan.” 
 
 In reply to these words the Khan said : “ For many years I 
 have longed to see this dear brother. The most fitting form of 
 thanksgiving is that we should return now, and spend a few days 
 together. We will devote ourselves, until next spring, to prepara¬ 
 tions such as those described by our dear brother; we will then 
 go forward. At the present time the occasion is not suitable ; the 
 
 season is too far advanced. While the enemy remains where he is, 
 
 • 
 
 1 The Persian texts have Khar-gura as the name of this animal, and the Turki 
 text the ordinary one of Kuldn. It is the Asinus hemionus —the Jigatai of the 
 Mongols and the Kiang of the Tibetans. The wild ass of Western India, though 
 a somewhat different animal, is known by almost the same name as that used 
 here by Mirza Haidar—viz., Glior Khar. 
 
34 § 
 
 The Sdrigh Uighur Expedition. 
 
 we can advance whenever we choose. [Even though we do not 
 go to Andijan at all, nothing will he lost.”] So they turned hack 
 from Arpa Yazi, and travelled hy a direct route towards Kashghar. 
 Bahajak Sultan accompanied the Khan to Yarkand, and there 
 they gave themselves over to feasting. The Khan bestowed 
 countless presents and inestimable favours upon him; while each 
 of the Amirs offered presents according to his rank and means. 
 [Verses] .... When these hospitable entertainments had been 
 concluded, Babajak Sultan, having obtained leave to return to 
 his own country, rode away in that direction. These events 
 happened in the autumn of the aforesaid year [922 = 1516]. 
 
 CHAPTER LX. 
 
 THE KHAN’S HOLY WAR AGAINST SARIGII UIGHUR AND THE REASON FOR 
 
 HIS TURNING BACK. 
 
 The winter was passed in the festivities and enjoyments, above 
 described . . . . 1 The Khan’s mind had always been occupied 
 with plans for making a holy war [gJiazdt], and after much 
 thought he finally decided [whom he should attack]. Between 
 Khotan and Khitai there was a race of infidels called Sarigh 
 Uighur, and upon these people he proceeded to make a holy war. 
 It is a twelve days’ journey from Yarkand to Khotan, and most of 
 the stages are without cultivation or inhabitants. When the 
 Khan reached Khotan, a change in his health became evident. 
 The holj* war is one of the supports of Islam and a plenary 
 duty. The Khan desired to discharge this obligation towards the 
 faith; but now that his health failed him, he was obliged to 
 appoint certain Amirs to perform the duty for him, and having 
 thus relieved himself of this necessity, he returned [to Yarkand]. 
 On the homeward journey, cups of wine were brought every 
 morning, and drinking went on all through the day, so that [the 
 Khan and his companions] were generally unable to distinguish 
 the light from the darkness. At the end of a few days they 
 reached Yarkand. In the autumn of that year, the expedition 
 against the Kirghiz took place. 
 
 Those Amirs who had been sent against the Sarigh Uighur, after 
 spending two months in the plains between Khotan and Khitai, 
 
 1 Here arc omitted ten lines of florid description, regarding tlie effects of spring 
 upon nature. 
 
The Kirghiz Campaign. 349 
 
 returned in safety, laden with plunder, but without having seen 
 or heard anything of the infidels. 1 
 
 CHAPTER LXI. 
 
 THE KIRGHIZ CAMPAIGN AND THE CAPTURE OF MUHAMMAD KIRGHIZ. 
 
 In the account of the conquest of Kashghar, it was mentioned that 
 Muhammad Kirghiz had come from Moghulistan and, in those 
 days of strife and turmoil, had rendered good service. After the 
 conquest he became possessed of much spoil and booty. Moreover, 
 on his departure, the Khan had loaded him with valuable presents, 
 such as sword-belts, vases, and drinking-cups of gold and silver. 
 [Verses] .... On his return to Moghulistan all the Kirghiz had 
 submitted to him. He conducted plundering parties into Turkis¬ 
 tan, Tashkand, and Sairam, and created much alarm. The Shaibani 
 Sultans in those districts found great difficulty in repulsing him. 
 
 On one occasion he made on inroad 011 Turkistan, and had started 
 to return. At that time Abdullah Sultan, the son of Kuchum 
 Khan, was not yet Khan, 2 but he was Governor of Turkistan. He 
 
 1 The country of the Sarigh TJighur, or Yellow Uighurs (as we have seen in the 
 note at p. 9), is probably to be sought for to the eastward of Charchan, or 
 perhaps nearly south of Lake Lob; though to judge from the indication of its 
 position, derived by Dr. Bretschneider from the Ming Shi, it would seem to have 
 lain somewhat farther eastward, or to the north of the Zaidam valley. It 
 appears from Mirza Haidar’s statement that the expedition occupied two months, 
 as if the country of the Sarigh Uighurs might reasonably be looked for about one 
 month’s journey east of Khotan. The Sarigh Uighur are spoken of, not only in 
 the Ming annals, but in those of the Yuaus, as Sa-li Wei-wu-erh; while it is 
 possible that the district of An-ting, mentioned by the Ming writers, may also be 
 meant for the Sarigh Uighur country. Plano Carpini (the Franciscan monk who 
 visited the court of Mangu Kaan, as the envoy of Pope Innocent IV. in 1215-47) 
 also mentions a nation of Sari Huiur, among those conquered by Chingiz. Again, 
 Abel Bemusat tells of an envoy sent from Khotan to the Chinese court in 1081, 
 who reported that between Khotan and the Tangut country (this last would 
 include probably the Zaidam valley) he had to cross the great desert of the 
 “ yellow-headed Hoei-he ” (Hoe'f-he a tete jaune). Bemusat raises the question 
 whether this denomination refers to the colour of the head-dress worn by these 
 people, like in the cases of the Kara Kalpak, the Kizil-bash, and others, or whether 
 it points to the existence of a Turkish tribe with light hair. Judging from the 
 numerous instances, in Central Asia, of tribes or peoples being named by their 
 neighbours after the colour of their head-dress, it would seem likely that some 
 yellow cap, or turban, that they may have worn, would be sufficient to account 
 for the name. It would also seem quite likely, from the situation of their terri¬ 
 tory, that the Sarigh Uighur were a remnant of the inhabitants of the old Uighur 
 states which lay south of the Tian Shan, and which have been mentioned in 
 Secs. IV. and V. of the Introduction to this volume. Like the Aryan communities 
 in Shighnan, Wakhan, etc., some sections of the Uighurs, from dwelling in remote 
 mountain tracts, may have preserved their national characteristics and name, till 
 a later date than the mass of the population from which they sprang. (Bret- 
 sclmeider, i., p. 2G3; Be'musat, Hist, cle la Ville de Khotan , p. 95.) 
 
 2 He became Khan in 1540, but reigned only six months (Howorth, ii., p. 723.) 
 
350 
 
 The Kirghiz Campaign. 
 
 immediately set off in pursuit of Muhammad Kirghiz, and overtook 
 him when he was at some distance from the town. Muhammad 
 Kirghiz turned upon him, and they closed in battle. After a 
 [short] engagement the day was decided in favour of the Kirghiz. 
 Most of their enemies they killed, but Abdullah Sultan was 
 captured, kept by Muhammad Kirghiz for one day, and then 
 sent back to Turkistan with the rest of the survivors. [Muham¬ 
 mad Kirghiz] sent their Khan a few horses, arms, and other 
 suitable gifts, with the following excuse: “I made a vow that if 
 any of the Shaibani Sultans should fall into my hands, I would 
 release them. I have been true to my word, and trust that I am 
 forgiven.” When the Khan heard this he was enraged, and in 
 the autumn of the year 923 marched upon Moghulistan with an 
 army, to punish Muhammad Kirghiz. [Verses] .... 
 
 He assembled his forces in Kashghar. Khwaja Ali Bahadur 
 was appointed “ Yazak ” of that army. In the Turki language 
 they called a Karavul [picquet or guard] “ Yazak.” On reaching 
 Kafir Yari [they were joined by] Aiman Khwaja Sultan, who had 
 come from Aksu by way of Sarigh-at-Akhuri. In the night it was 
 decided that the Khan should proceed by way of Baris Kaun, and 
 Aiman Khwaja Sultan by way of Jauku. 1 
 
 On the next day, Aiman Khwaja Sultan marched off on the Jauku 
 road, while the Khan proceeded in the direction of Baris Kaun. 
 As they were descending from the pass of Baris Kaun, Khwaja 
 Ali sent two men of the Kirghiz, whom he had captured, with 
 news that [Muhammad Kirghiz] and his followers were lying on 
 the shores of Issigh Kul, at the mouth of the Baris Kaun [stream], 
 ignorant [of the approach of the enemy]. Now Issigh Kul is a 
 month’s march from Kashghar. That day they hastened their 
 march and reached the mouth [of the pass], which is known as 
 Hujra, at the hour of afternoon prayers. The Khan, attended by 
 a few of his chief officers, went [to reconnoitre] and from a distance 
 espied the tents and pasture-grounds of the enemy. After the 
 sun’s disc had sunk into darkness—when Jonas had entered the 
 fish’s mouth—the commanders gave orders that of every ten men, 
 four were to be fully armed in the centre of the force, and six 
 were to be equipped for rapid movements [chcijokun ]; also that 
 every man was to make ready his arms and be prepared for an 
 assault. By midnight all were assembled and in order. When 
 the sun rose . . . . 2 the army was drawn up in battle array on the 
 level ground. All stood perfectly still, and the verse of “ the deaf 
 
 1 Evidently the passes of Barskun and Zauka (as shown on our maps) which 
 lead across the range hounding the Issigh-Kul valley on the south. Kafir-Yari 
 must have been near the southern cud of these passes, and Sdrigh-At some 
 distance to the south-east. (See Kostenko’s Turkistan , vol. ii., pp. 66-7.) 
 
 2 The usual metaphor on sunrise is omitted in this passage, and 'will hereafter 
 usually he omitted or abridged. 
 
35i 
 
 Arrival of Danlat Sultan Khanim. 
 
 and the dumb ” was recited. After a short interval, when it was 
 seen that the whole arm} 7 was in perfect readiness and order, there 
 came a sudden blast from the trumpets and horns, mingled with 
 the sounding of drums and cymbals and snorting of horses. That 
 portion of the army which had been told off for the attack, suddenly 
 let loose the reins of patience [verses] .... and rushed down. 
 The whole of the attacking [ chdpJcunclii ] party advanced, while 
 the centre, as pre-arranged, remained in one body and supported 
 the assaulters. When the sun had fully risen, Taka, the brother 
 of Khwaja Ali, who had distinguished himself by former services 
 (which have been mentioned above), brought Muhammad Kirghiz 
 bound before the Khan. The Khan said to him : “ Although, by 
 the laws of the Tura, you are guilty of death, I will nevertheless, 
 out of benevolence, spare your blood.” And he issued a mandate 
 for his imprisonment, under the charge of my uncle. The soldiers 
 were enriched with his droves of horses, his flocks of sheep, and 
 his strings of camels ; while all the Kirghiz whom they had made 
 jnisoners, were set at liberty. [Verses] .... Having remained 
 on the spot a few days, the Khan set out at his ease for the 
 capital, Kashghar, which, by the help of God, he reached at the 
 beginning of the winter. 
 
 CHAPTER LXII. 
 
 DAULAT SULTAN KHANIM, DAUGHTER OF YUNUS KHAN, COMES FROM 
 
 BADAKHSHAN TO KASHGHAR. 
 
 I have mentioned above, in enumerating the offspring of Yunus 
 Khan, that the youngest of all was Daulat Sultan Khanim. At 
 the devastation of Tashkand, she fell into the hands of Timur 
 Sultan, son of Shahi Beg Khan, and remained in his haram till 
 Babar Padishah captured Samarkand, when she joined the Padishah. 
 With the departure of the latter for Kabul, she separated from her 
 nephew and went to Mirza Khan, who was also her nephew, and 
 remained [with him] in Badakhshan. Mirza Khan treated her as 
 his own mother. On the Khan’s return from Aksu, he sent for 
 her; Daulat Sultan Khanim being his paternal aunt. The mes¬ 
 sengers bore her gifts from the Khan in the shape of horses, 
 vessels of gold and silver and fine cloths. While the Khan was 
 away on his expedition against the Kirghiz, she arrived at 
 Yarkand from Badakhshan. On his return from the campaign he 
 
352 Marriage of Aiman Khwdja. 
 
 went to visit liis aunt, and thus all her relations—all of us to whom 
 the Khanim was either maternal or paternal aunt—had the felicity 
 of meeting her. She remained there to the end of her precious 
 life. An account of her end will be given at the close of the 
 Khan’s history. 
 
 CHAPTER LXIII. 
 
 CELEBRATION OF THE MARRIAGES OF AIMAN KHWAJA SULTAN ANT) 
 
 SHAH MUHAMMAD SULTAN. 
 
 When Aiman Khwaja Sultan came from Turfan, he ashed my 
 uncle’s daughter in marriage. My uncle willingly granted his 
 request, and from that time forward was busy with preparations 
 for the event. This winter the marriage festivities began. 
 
 Shah Muhammad, son of Sultan Muhammad Sultan, son of 
 Sultan Muhammad Khan, was still a child when his father and 
 grandfather, together with many others, were put to death by 
 Shahi Beg Khan. One of the Uzbeg Amirs, taking pity on him, 
 saved him. When the Emperor went from Kabul to Kunduz, that 
 Uzbeg sent off Shah Muhammad Sultan to Kunduz, where he joined 
 the Emperor, and remained in his service until the latter returned 
 to Kabul, when he obtained permission to join the Khan in 
 Kashghar. [This was] one year after the conquest of Kashghar. 
 The Khan treated him as a son and honoured him even above 
 Baba Sultan, his brother’s son, and Rashid Sultan, his own son. 
 While the festivities in honour of Aiman Khwaja Sultan’s marriage 
 with my uncle’s daughter were proceeding, it occurred to the 
 Khan to give in marriage to Shah Muhammad Sultan, his sister 
 Khadija Sultan Khanim, whose story has been already related. 
 After Jahangir Mirza, son of Mirza Aba Bakr, had been assassi¬ 
 nated by some unknown hand, this Khadija Sultan Khanim, 
 having survived him, had remained, respected and honoured, in 
 the Khan’s haram. 
 
 Thus these two important marriages were celebrated at one 
 time. 1 
 
 When some time had been passed in feasting and rejoicing, an 
 assembly of all the nobles, great men and pillars of the State, was 
 convened, who, in the first place, fastened the marriage knot of 
 the daughter of the Khan with Aiman Khwaja Sultan, and after 
 that, of Khadija Sultan Khanim (my maternal uncle’s daughter, 
 
 1 About sixteen lines of rhetoric, interspersed with verses descriptive of the 
 banquets and festivities, are left out here.—E. 
 
First Invasion of Badakhshdn . 
 
 353 
 
 and the Khan’s full sister) with Shah Muhammad Sultan. . . . 1 
 At the same time I built myself a house, and by way of compli¬ 
 ment, some learned men invented chronograms to commemorate 
 the date of the event [923 = 1517] 2 
 
 CHAPTEK LXIV. 
 
 BEGINNING OF THE QUARRELS BETWEEN THE KHAN AND MIRZA KHAN. 
 
 THE KHAN’S FIRST INVASION OF BADAKHSHAN. 
 
 During the summer 3 which followed this winter, the Khan invaded 
 Badakhshan. It came about in this way. In the story of Mirza 
 Aba Bakr, it was stated that after the reign of Khusrau Shah, the 
 Mirza had subdued several of the upper Hazara [districts] of 
 Badakhshan, such as Sarigh Chupan, Ghund, Parvaz, Yarkh, Pasar 
 and Shiva-i-Shighnan. 4 Before Khusrau Shah was able to adopt 
 any plan for avenging himself, he sustained a defeat at the hands 
 of Shahi Beg Khan. But when Shahi Beg Khan established him¬ 
 self in the kingdom of Khusrau Shah, the Mir of the Hazara 
 refused to yield to him, and after a few engagements, the Uzbeg 
 were repulsed. In those days, all the upper defiles [tang-i-bala] of 
 Badakhshan were held by Mirza Aba Bakr. 
 
 After Mirza Khan had established his power in Badakhshan, he 
 was still trammelled [ darmdnda ] by the hostility of the Uzbeg. 
 Nor was he able to restrain the usurpations of Mirza Aba Bakr. 
 [The country extending] from the upper defiles [tang-i-bala] as 
 far as Sarigh Chupan, had fallen under the jurisdiction of Kash- 
 ghar. “ When your enemies are occupied with each other, sit 
 down at your ease with your friends; ” this saying applies to the 
 
 1 Three lines of rhetoric omitted.—It. 
 
 2 This is given in a verse of four lines containing the words :—ba daulat Mirza 
 Haidar = 923.—R. 
 
 3 Viz., the summer of 924, or 1518 a.d. 
 
 4 All these names are easily recognised except Parvaz. At first sight it would 
 appear to stand for Darwaz, and I believe that to be the place intended, although 
 the initial letter cannot be read as a D in any of the MSS. The Turki MS., 
 which is usually the most perfect and trustworthy on the subject of names, 
 specially points the letter in order to make it a P. Nevertheless I suspect that 
 it is only a misrendering of a little known name. The other places named, all 
 point to the direction of Darwaz , and there is every probability that, up till quite 
 recent times, it was regarded as a Hazara (or hill district) of Badakhshan, 
 equally with the various divisions of Wakhan, Shighnan, etc. Ghund and 
 Shiwa are marked on all maps ; Pasar is the upper division of Roshan, in which 
 stands the village of Tash-Kurghan, or Sonab on the Bartang; while Yarkh, 
 or Yarokh, is a small village and district at the lower end of Roshan, near the 
 border of Darwaz. Pary an, near Jarm in Badakhshan, might possibly be a 
 reading of Parvaz, but it does not lie in the direction towards which the author 
 is obviously pointing. 
 
354 
 
 First Invasion of Badakhshan. 
 
 state of affairs [at that time]. During twelve years, the districts 
 above the upper gorges were outside of Badakhshan, and formed a 
 part, of Kashghar. The Khan, therefore, after his conquest of 
 Kashghar, ordered those districts to be divided into [administra¬ 
 tive] sections as if they formed part of the province of Kashghar. 
 Thither he sent Mir Beg Muhammad, whose story has been told 
 above, and during [his] government, Wakhan was a Hazara of 
 the Hazarajat of Badakhshan. 
 
 The people of Badakhshan call the frontier [between Badakh¬ 
 shan and Wakhan] DarazuJcJidn. The Kashghari call it Sarigh 
 Chupdn. The people of Darazukhan took violent possession of it 
 and appealed to Mirza Khan for protection. 1 [They said: “ Let 
 us become the subjects of Mirza Khan.”] So Mirza Khan took 
 possession of the country without hesitation, his claim being that 
 it belonged originally to Badakhshan : nay more, that Badakhshan 
 was but another name for these Hazarajat. Mirza Aba Bakr had 
 taken it by force. With the extinction of Mirza Aba Bakr’s 
 power, the region should again fall within its original [kingdom 
 of Badakhshan]. Everything returns to its prime origin. [Mirza] 
 Khan also contended as follows : “ In consequence of Mirza Aba 
 Bakr’s conquests, this country was cut off from its ancient attach¬ 
 ment and was, for twelve years, under the jurisdiction of Kashghar. 
 The Emperor, with the help of his brave troops, delivered into 
 my power the regions usurped by Mirza Aba Bakr. If you desire 
 to have this kingdom it will be necessary, in the first place (on 
 account of my relationship to the Emperor), that I should send 
 him a salutation and beg him to despatch an army to assist me, as 
 I am too weak [to act independently]. . . . When so requested 
 he may answer : * that country which I have unlocked with the 
 key of conquest, you may take possession of wdthout fear.’ ” 2 After 
 
 1 The three last sentences are obscure, and read somewhat differently in the 
 different texts; but I believe the true sense to be preserved in the translation. 
 The name of Darazukhan is new to me: I know it neither locally, nor in any 
 book or document, modern or ancient. It evidently originates with some Persian 
 or Ghalcha (not Turki) speaking people. Most probably it was peculiar to the 
 locality itself, and is now obsolete. It may be mentioned also, that tbe first two 
 syllables of the name have no connection with the word dara, meaning a valley or 
 gorge: that word is differently spelled. I suspect tluit the term intended is 
 Darazi-i- Wakhan, or Daraz-Wakhan, and that it points to the long narrow 
 valley of the upper Panjab, sometimes known in modern days as Sarigh Chupdn or 
 Sarhad. The word tangi for “ a narrow” or “ a strait” is often used, and even 
 halai is heard occasionally for “ a height ” or “ small table-land.” It appears to me 
 quite possible, therefore, that in the colloquial language of people who have to name 
 briefly, and for practical purposes, the various features of a mountainous country, 
 such a term as darazi may easily have grown up out of the adjective draz, or long. 
 Parallel instances to this kind of adjectival nomenclature are to be found in 
 English, in such terms as the “ narrows ” of the Hugli, the “ broads ” of Norfolk, 
 the “flats” in New South Wales, etc. 
 
 2 This speech is so obscure and involved, that it is only possible to give a brief 
 and freely translated abridgment of it. When fully and literally translated, it 
 makes no sense; and even in the few sentences now standing in the text, I am 
 
First Invasion of Badakhshan. 
 
 355 
 
 informal communications, such, as these, had passed between 
 [the two Khans] the matter was finally concluded by the Khan 
 marching against Badakhshan. 
 
 At the time when he determined upon this, one of Mirza Aha 
 Bakr’s sons, whom my uncle had protected [and cared for] as a 
 child of his own, ran away; the report got abroad that he had 
 gone to Suyunjuk Khan to inform him of the Khan’s movements, 
 and to induce him [to attack] Kashghar. On this account I was 
 left in Kashghar, where I busied myself with the management of 
 all that was important in the affairs of that country. Mirza Aha 
 Bakr’s son was overtaken on the road, and put to death by some 
 persons who had been sent in pursuit of him. 
 
 The Khan advanced into Badakhshan and carried all before 
 him. Mirza Khan, helpless and in despair, took refuge in Kala-i- 
 Zafar, and gnawed his hands with the teeth of regret, for having 
 done what had been better left undone. When the Khan saw that 
 absolute ruin had fallen upon [Mirza Khan] and his country, 
 he was moved to pity and withdrew. Mirza Khan, moreover, 
 realising his own [weakness] did not make any further attempt 
 to overstep his boundaries. Down to the present day that 
 country remains under Kashghar. 
 
 Thus was the dust of dissension raised between those two rela¬ 
 tions on account of a few acts of inhumanity. To the end of their 
 lives they carried on official intercourse, but their protestations 
 of friendship were usually tainted with insincerity; while [the 
 people of] the country itself, were faithful neither to Mirza Khan 
 at the beginning, nor to the Khan afterwards. In short, the Khan 
 withdrew from Badakhshan with pomp and ceremony, and on 
 reaching Yarkand, his capital, gave himself up to all kinds of 
 rejoicing and pleasure. 
 
 not sure that the author’s meaning is correctly conveyed. The broad facts, how¬ 
 ever, remain: that Sultan Said Khan based his right to Sarigh Chupan on Mirza 
 Aba Bakr’s conquest and tenure of the district for twelve years, while, in the 
 meantime, he had become the Mirza’s successor, and heir to his kingdom. 
 Mirza Khan contended that Sarigh Chupan was an integral part of Badakh¬ 
 shan, and had been wrongfully detached by the superior force of Aba Bakr. 
 He confessed himself too weak to offer armed resistance, but put forward the 
 desire of the inhabitants to live under his rule. He also reminded the Khan 
 that it was his cousin Baber, who had put him in possession of Badakhshan 
 (alluding to the events of 913, or 1507) and threatened to call him in again. 
 But the Khan, feeling himself the stronger, and knowing perhaps, that Baber 
 was too much engaged in India, at this time, to take any active interest in 
 Badakhshan, cut all argument short by marching on Kila-Zafar. 
 
 2 A 2 
 
356 
 
 Second Visit to Mansur Khan. 
 
 CHAPTER LXY. 
 
 THE KIIAN’S SECOND INTERVIEW WITH MANSUR KHAN. 
 
 In the following year, Mansur Khan purposed visiting his beloved 
 paternal aunt, Daulat Sultan Khanim, in order that, by looking on 
 her kind face, his grief at the loss of his father might be mitigated. 1 
 The Khan having agreed to this, [Mansur Khan] set out for Aksu 
 in the summer of that year, and in the same manner, on the same 
 spot, and with similar formalities, as on the occasion of their first 
 interview, they met, and the bonds of affection were drawn tighter. 
 After this, each returned to his own seat of government. From 
 this date—926—to 928 [1520-22] the Khan and his people enjoyed 
 perfect repose and freedom from care, nothing occurring which 
 wo aid be worthy of record. 
 
 CHAPTER LXVI. 
 
 CONCLUSION OF THE AFFAIRS OF BABAR PADISHAH AFTER HIS RETURN 
 TO KABUL. DEATH OF HIS BROTHER SULTAN NASIR MIRZA. 
 CAUSE OF THE INSUBORDINATION OF HIS AMIRS. 
 
 That point in Babar Padishah’s history has been reached, at which 
 he returned from Kundaz to Kabul. He committed Kabul to the 
 care of his brother Sultan Nasir Mirza, who [however] died from 
 excessive indulgence in wine in the course of the year 921. 
 [Couplet] .... Ghazna had belonged to Sultan Nasir Mirza, 
 and after his death a dispute arose among the Amirs of that town, 
 which took the form of a mutiny, in which all the Moghuls and 
 the rest of the people in the Emperor’s service joined. As for 
 example, Mir Shiram, the uncle of the Emperor’s mother, who had 
 spent all his life in the Emperor’s service ; his brother, Mir Mazid, 
 Jaka, Ivul Nazar, and others ; also of the Chaghatai and Tajik 
 Amirs, Maulana Baba Bashaghiri and his brother Baba Shaikh. 
 This Maulana Baba was one of the associates \_shariV of the 
 village of Bashaghir in Samarkand. He won such favour with 
 the Emperor that, when the latter took Mavara-un-Nahr, he gave 
 Maulana Baba the government of Samarkand, Fratippa, and 
 part of Kuhistan. Others Twho rebelled were] Mir Ahmad, whose 
 
 1 The Turki MS. substitutes for this passage : “ being prompted thereto by the 
 extreme warmth of his affection for her.”—It. 
 
357 
 
 The Affairs of Bdbar Padishah . 
 
 story has been given above, and his brother Kitta Beg (the one 
 being Governor of Tashkand, and the other of Sairam) Maksnd 
 Karak, Sultan Kuli, Chunak, and others. These were all distin¬ 
 guished Amirs and great chiefs. But Satan took possession of 
 their brains, and put there, in the place of sound reason, vain¬ 
 glory and wickedness, which are the outcome of cursed natures. 
 
 They rose in rebellion, putting round their necks the accursed 
 collars left behind by Mir Ayub. In short, after a few intrigues 
 and skirmishes, a pitched battle was fought between themselves 
 and the Emperor. As soon as the opposing troops had been drawn 
 up facing each other, the son of Amir Kasim Kuchin, named Amir 
 Kambar Ali, arrived from Kunduz with a powerful force, and the 
 rebels were defeated. [A proverb] .... Several of them were 
 captured [and met with their due reward ; others fled in shame to 
 Kashghar.] Among these were Mir Shiram and bis brothers, who 
 [on the occasion of the Khan’s first interview, and conclusion of 
 peace, with Mansur Khan] had gone to wait on the Khan, and had 
 remained for some time in his service. They were ashamed and 
 dejected. Mir Mazid, on account of insufficient means of livelihood, 
 went to Tibet in hopes of plunder. But at Ghazwa 1 a stone fell 
 on his head, and he was killed. 
 
 Mir Shiram, likewise, finding it impossible to stay near the 
 Khan, returned to the Emperor, who with his usual benevolence, 
 received him kindly, and closing the eye of wrath on his wrong¬ 
 doings, opened the eye of favour upon past services. He, however, 
 soon afterwards, left this faithless world. The Emperor, having 
 become firmly established in Kabul, marched upon Kandahar, which 
 was then in the hands of Shah Beg, son of Zulnun 2 Arghun, as 
 mentioned above. He besieged it for five years. At length, Shah 
 Beg, having resolved on flight, went to Sivi, and thence to Tatta, 
 which he took, together with Ucha and Bakar, 3 as will be 
 mentioned in the proper place. The Emperor, having captured 
 Kandahar, proceeded to Hindustan. He made several inroads, but 
 retired after each one. At last, he met, in a pitched battle at 
 Panipat, the Ughan Sultan, Ibrahim, 4 the son of Sultan Iskandar, 
 who was king at that time. 5 Ibrahim’s army numbered more 
 
 1 The word appears rather as Ghazwa in one text, but the others mention no 
 place-name. I can find no name to answer to Ghazwa in Ladak, or on the road 
 to it. 
 
 2 This name, here and elsewhere, has been spelled Zulnun for convenience of 
 recognition of a historical personage; but the proper spelling should be Zu’un 
 Nun —as in the original texts. 
 
 3 This would mean that he conquered Sibi and the whole of Sind from the 
 Delta of the Indus up to near Multan ; for of the many places in upper India 
 bearing the name of Ucli, or Ucha, the one indicated here is the ancient town 
 situated on the Panjnad, 70 miles S.S.W. of Multan. See note 2, p. 431). All 
 these names are easily recognised. 
 
 4 The Afghan Sultan, Ibrahim Lodi. Ucjhdn should read Aoghdn . 
 
 5 The battle of Panipat, April 21, 1520. 
 
358 
 
 Settlement of Moghulistdn 
 
 than 100,000 men, but the Emperor utterly defeated him with 
 10,000 men. He and his army became possessed of so much 
 treasure, that all the world, from there to Rum and to Khitai, 
 benefited by it. The rich brocades of Rum and the embroidered 
 satins of Khitai, which are scarce in those countries, were found 
 in ass-loads. All this will be explained presently. 
 
 CHAPTER LXVII. 
 
 SETTLEMENT OF MOGHULISTAN AND THE KIRGHIZ. I3EG1NNING OF 
 
 RASHID SULTAN’S CAREER. 
 
 In the year 928 [1522] the Khan conceived the plan of invading 
 Moghulistan, and subduing the Kirghiz. He was prompted thereto 
 by several considerations, the first of which was as follows: It 
 has been mentioned that in the year 92o he had made Muhammad 
 Kirghiz prisoner, because he, after having taken Abdullah, son 
 of Kuchum Khan, in battle, had let him go free again, and had 
 sent some poor excuses [for his action] to the Khan. For this he 
 was detained in prison for five years, and the Kirghiz, who [all 
 this time] were without a chief, carried plunder and rapine into 
 the territories of Turkistan, Sainim, Andijan, and Akhsi; they had 
 been guilty of many excesses, carrying off into bondage many 
 Musulman women and children. Although these provinces were 
 under the government of the Shaiban, and these people were his 
 old enemies, the Khan, being a pious and God-fearing man, was 
 offended. He determined to avert this misfortune from the 
 Musulmans, and thereby to secure a high place in the next world 
 and a good name in the present one. Besides this, Khwaja Ali 
 Bahadur, whose valiant and worthy services have been spoken of 
 above, had, according to his natural instincts, a great longing for 
 Moghulistan. He always complained of town life, and pined for 
 the plains of Moghulistan. He had been appointed Atdbeg to 
 Baba Sultan, son of Khalil Sultan (and a nephew of the Khan), 
 and had had the care of his education from the age of seven till he 
 was fifteen. 
 
 He represented to the Khan: “ By the grace of God, the 
 Moghul Ulus —both man and beast—have so greatly increased in 
 numbers, that the wide grazing grounds of Kashghar have become 
 too confined for them, and frequent quarrels arise concerning 
 pasture. If you will issue a decree [to sanction my doing so], I 
 will take Baba Sultan into Moghulistan, subdue the whole of that 
 
and of the Kirghiz. 
 
 359 
 
 country, and reduce the affairs of the Kirghiz to order, so that our 
 people may have ample pasture and quiet minds.” The Khan 
 quite approved of this proposal, and held a consultation with his 
 Amirs, who were unanimous in their concurrence, with the excep¬ 
 tion of my uncle, who said: “ The first part of this plan is most 
 reasonable, but it is not advisable to send Baba Sultan. For the 
 Moghuls, being originally from Moghulistan, have a natural 
 attachment to that country, and as soon as it is conquered they 
 will all wish to return thither. If Baba Sultan is there, he will 
 be offended should we forbid [the Moghuls going there] ; and 
 should we not forbid them, the whole mass of them will rush in, 
 the inevitable result of which will be confusion and discord. 
 Instead of [Baba], let us send Rashid Sultan, your son ; let him 
 become ever so powerful, that cannot injure you; and if it is seen 
 fit to hinder the people from migrating into Moghulistan, he, at 
 any rate, will not object. If they should do so [there is nothing 
 to be feared, for he is your son].” 
 
 In the meantime, Kliwaja Ali Bahadur died from excessive wine¬ 
 drinking. Thus the conduct of the expedition devolved upon 
 Rashid Sultan. Now it happened that at this time my sister (by 
 the daughter of Sayyid-as-Sadat Khavand-zada Sultan Muhammad 
 Arhangi) had been wedded to Baba Sultan. Nevertheless my 
 uncle did not allow this family tie to stand in the way, but caused 
 Rashid Sultan to be appointed for the enterprise. Baba Sultan 
 was much offended, but my uncle feared nothing ; he persisted in 
 pushing forward Rashid Sultan, and proposed a plan which shall 
 be mentioned later. 
 
 It is now necessary to give some account of the country of 
 Moghulistan. No book contains an exact description of its locali¬ 
 ties : though incidentally, in some histories, the names of a few 
 towns are given, and in the Suvar-i-Ahdlim and the Taarif-i-Balddn 
 may be found some notices. For the most part these accounts 
 are inaccurate; but all that can be verified in them, I will state 
 here in abridgment. 
 
360 
 
 Extracts from the Jahdn-Kushdi, 
 
 CHAPTER LXVIII. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM THE JAHAN-KUSHAI OF ALA-UD-D1N MUHAMMAD 
 
 JUVAINI. 1 
 
 (I have copied exactly what the author has written descriptive of 
 Moghulistan). Thus it is written in the Jahdn-Kushdi, that the 
 dwelling, original seat, and birthplace of the Tatar was a valley 
 devoid of cultivation; 2 the length and breadth of which was seven 
 or eight months’journey. It is bounded on the east by the country 
 of Khitai, on the west by the province of Uighur, on the north 
 by Kara Iviz and Salinkai, 3 and on the south by a side jdnih~\ of 
 Tangut. Of these four limiting countries [hudud], mentioned in 
 the Jahdn-Kushdi, Kbitai is definitely known, and [can be] speci¬ 
 fied. But what [the author] calls ‘ Uighur ’ is quite unknown at 
 the present time ; it is not understood which country is meant. 4 
 Xor is anything now known of Kara Kiz and Salinkai, nor have any 
 places been discovered with such names. The name of Tangut is 
 frequently mentioned in Moghul histories. At the outset of 
 Chingiz Kahn’s conquests, he sent an army thither. Uktai Kaan 
 also, when settling his dominions, sent some persons to Tangut, 
 among other places; and from the way it is spoken of in histories, 
 it was evidently a very important province. At that time the 
 king of this country bore the name of Shidarku. Most histories 
 state that his army numbered 800,000 men. However, at the 
 present time it is not even known where it was. Thus it is 
 impossible to say anything about those limiting countries which 
 are specified in books. 5 
 
 1 The heading is somewhat misleading, for the chapter is not an “extract” 
 from the Jahan-Kushai, hut rather an account of the author’s own, based on that 
 book. 
 
 2 From the Koran S. XIV., v. 40.—K. 
 
 3 Kara Kiz would be Lake Zaisan, or the place of that name on its banks; 
 Salinkai, the Selenga river in northern Mongolia. 
 
 4 The author of the Johan Kushai (writing about 1259 a.d.) has perhaps 
 better reason for making the Uighur country the western border of Moghulistan 
 than Mirza Haidar gives him credit for. He is alluding, no doubt, to the king¬ 
 dom of the Ilak Khans in Turkistan and to Mavara-un-Nakr, which was under 
 the rule of an Uighur dynasty down to about the year 1213, and consequently 
 almost to within the writer’s own lifetime. (See note, id. 287.) 
 
 5 It was towards the end of the career of Chingiz, that Shidarku became king 
 of Tangut; indeed the campaign which Chingiz undertook against that country, 
 at the close of the year 1225, was his last. Tangut was, as Mirza Haidar says, 
 a powerful kingdom at that time. It played a great part in Chinese history for 
 about a hundred years, and Tangut rulers conquered large tracts of territory 
 from the Chinese and the Uighurs. It may be said to have included, in its best 
 days, all the regions lying between Turfan and the Chinese province of Shansi, 
 together with Zaidarn—the homeland of the people—and some portions of northern 
 Tibet. The name of the king here mentioned is variously written— Shidarku 
 
361 
 
 and Description of Moghulistdn. 
 
 In the same way, some of the towns in Moghulistan are men¬ 
 tioned by name and described, in standard works. Among them is 
 Bala-Sakun, which in the Suvar-i-Akdlim is reckoned among the 
 cities of Khitai, and called ‘ Khan Baligh ’; while in Moghulistan 
 and Kara Khitai they have written the same ‘ Bala Sakun.’ They 
 have applied the name to no other city. 1 In books of repute and 
 
 Shidurgho, Sliidasku, etc.—while, according to the Tabakat-i-Nasiri , he styled 
 himself the Tingri Khan (or Heavenly King), and was known to the Chinese as 
 Li-Hien. The country also is found mentioned under many names and corrup¬ 
 tions of names. Tangut, Tingit, Koshi, Kashin, etc., are the most common among 
 western Asiatic writers; Ilsia and Hosi among the Chinese. Indeed it is this 
 last name, meaning “west 1 of the river” ( i.e . the Yellow River) that has been 
 corrupted into Koshi, etc. The Tibetans seem to have known it as Minyog. By 
 Mirza Haidar’s time Tangut had sunk to very small proportions, and it is now 
 only a geographical expression, for there is no separate state hearing the name. 
 
 The story of Shidarku and Chingiz’s last war with Tangut will be found in 
 Sir H. Howortli’s Northern Frontagers of China (J. R. A. S., xv., (n.s.) pp. 472 
 seqq.), the Habib us Siyar (Price’s Mahd. Hist., ii., pp. 535-6), Major Raverty’s 
 Tabakat-i-Ndsiri, pp. 1084 seqq., etc. 
 
 It may be added that, according to Mr. W. Woodville Kockhill, Tangut is only 
 another name for Tibet in general—the Si Tsang of the Chinese. “ The word 
 Tangut ,” he writes, “is interchangeable with Hsi-Tsang, or Tibet, although 
 since Col. Prejevalsky’s travels, it has come to be used by Europeans as desig¬ 
 nating the Tibetan-speaking tribes in the lvokonor region, known to Tibetans as 
 Andowa and TanakaT In saying this Mr. Rockhill is, I presume, referring to 
 the Chinese or Mongol nomenclature; as is the case also when, in another 
 passage, he cites a Chinese work to the effect that: “ The name Tangutan was 
 originally applied to tribes of Turkish origin living in the Altai.” Although 
 the name Tangut was in use for the regions about Zaidarn, lvokonor, etc., many 
 centuries before Col. Prejevalsky’s time, and although the Tangut tribes can 
 never have been Turks (in an ethnical sense), the application of the word, as 
 pointed out by Mr. Rockhill, is interesting and instructive. (See Mr. Rockhill’s 
 valuable papers on Tibet in J. R. A. S.. 1891, pp. 21, 189, etc.) 
 
 1 It is quite possible that this curiously inaccurate statement may, indeed, have 
 some truth in it. The work the author names, may very likely call Khan-baligh 
 —the Cambalu of Marco Polo and the Mongol name for the modern Peking—by 
 the Turki term Bala Sdghun —or Bala-Sakun, as Mirza Haidar spells it. It is 
 known that Karakorum was, and even is to the present day, known as Bala 
 Sakun, and it seems not unlikely that the name was used, in a general way, to 
 denote a large fown, or capital of some influential ruler. Still it is evident that 
 Mirza Haidar is not alluding here, to any capital in northern China or in Mongolia, 
 but to the seat of the old Turkish dynasty of Western Turkistan. It is all the 
 more strange that he should have allowed himself to fall into an apparent 
 confusion, seeing that he cites, immediately below, an account of Bala-Sakun by 
 Rasliid-ud-Din, which shows that it was an altogether separate city from Khan- 
 baligh. He had, moreover, the Jalidn-Kushai before him, where an exactly 
 similar description of Bala-Sakun is given to that in Rasliid-ud-Din, who 
 apparently copied from the Jahan-Kushai. 
 
 There is every reason to believe that the Bala-Sakun spoken of in this passage, 
 was situated on or near the head waters of the Karagaty branch of the River 
 Chu in Moghulistan, and that it was, up to the first quarter of the twelfth 
 century, the capital of the Ilak Khans, or the so-called Afrasiabi Turks; while 
 later it became, for a time, the chief town of the Kara-Khitai. (See note 1, 
 p. 287). 
 
 As there has been some difference of opinion respecting the identity and posi¬ 
 tion of Bala-Sakun, it may be worth while to explain, in this place, that probably 
 the basis of our information, regarding the times when it flourished, is the brief 
 account contributed by Ala-ud-Din Ata Mulk, Juvaini, in the Jalidn-Kushai, a 
 work that he completed about the year 1259. He had himself travelled through 
 the country in question, when on a mission to the court of Mangu Kaan at 
 
362 Extracts from the Jahcui-Kushai, 
 
 histories, Bala-Sakun is said to have been 0 De of the cities built by 
 Afrasiab, and [the authors] have praised it very highly. In the 
 Mujma-ut-Tavarikh it is written: “Bala-Sakun, until the time of 
 
 Karakorum, and liad made several other journeys in Turkistan and the neighbour¬ 
 ing regions. He may be assumed, therefore, to have heard the rights of a story 
 which was, in his day, not particularly ancient. His work is one of the few 
 original ones of the period of which it treats. Unfortunately it has never been 
 translated into any European language, but some extracts from it have been 
 published by D’Ohsson, and these have been utilised by many subsequent 
 writers. On the subject of the city itself, D’Ohsson’s extract (i. p. 433) merely 
 shows that the building of Bala-Sakun is attributed to Afrasiab, otherwise Buku- 
 Khan, believed (according to tradition) to have been the first of the line of 
 so-called Afrasiabi kings of Turkistan; that it stood among fine pastures in a 
 well-watered plain; and that after the time of the Kara-Khitai invasion, in the 
 twelfth century, it v T as called by the Mongols “ Gu-balik.” No geographical 
 indication of its position is given; and all that can be inferred is that it stood 
 within the very uncertain limits of what was then called Turkistan. From 
 another extract, however, (i., p. 167) it may—by inference again—be placed a 
 little more precisely towards the southern part of Turkistan— i.e. near the 
 northern limit of Fargliana. Abul Ghazi is equally unsatisfactory in his 
 reference to the situation of Bdla-Sdkun. But some of the Arab geographers of 
 an earlier epoch are more explicit, and they point to the city having stood at no 
 great distance from Kashghar. Thus Abul-feda (ii., pt. 2, p. 227), quoting from 
 a work called the Lobub, says that it was on the frontier of Turkistan, near 
 Kashghar ; Mukaddasi (as cited by Sprenger, p. 19) places it within the province 
 of Isfijab (which was the ancient representative of the present Chimkent) and 
 very near Merke, on one of the upper affluents of the Chu. Sprenger, also, on 
 the authority of Ibn-Khordadba and Kodama, gives (pp. 22-3) the distance from 
 Isfijab to “the capital of the Turkish Khan” as 75 farasangs, and he demon¬ 
 strates (p. xxvi.) that a farasang was equal to three Arabian miles, while each of 
 the latter he calculates at a fraction over one English geographical mile. Thus 
 one farasang might be about 3f English statute miles, making the total 
 distance from Isfijab about 281 statute miles. Whether by “ the capital of the 
 Turkish Khan,” Bala-Sakun is intended, is of course uncertain, but taking the 
 nomenclature of the period into consideration, it may, I think, be concluded that 
 this and no other town must be meant. The late Mr. E. Schuyler, who studied 
 the subject of Bala-Sakun and other old sites in Turkistan, presumed this to be 
 the case ( Geo . Mag., 1874, p. 389) and his opinion is worthy of attention. If 
 281 miles be measured off to the E.N.E. of Chimkent, so as just to clear the 
 great range of mountains, now called the “Alexander chain,” and allowing 
 one-fifth for windings of the road, a point will be reached within the upper 
 system of the Chu, about 50 miles west of Constantinowski, and about 33 miles 
 east-north-eastward of Merke—or approximately in Lat. 43 and Long. 73’40 
 from Greenwich. 
 
 There is, however, another way of arriving, or endeavouring to arrive, at the 
 position of Bala-Sakun. Mr. Schuyler (loc. cit .) has given, in translation, a 
 valuable extract on the subject from the “ Chronicle of the chief astrologer ” at 
 the court of the Osmanli Sultan, Muhammad IV. This author was an Arab 
 who lived from 1630 to 1701, and is usually known as the “Munajim Baslii.” 
 Two passages from this extract run : (1) “ Balasagun .... situated at the 
 beginning of the 7th climate in 102° of Long., and 48° of Lat., not far from 
 Kashghar, and considered from of old the boundary city of Turkistan.” 
 (2) “ Kashghar, the capital of Turan, in the 6th climate, in 106 of Long., and 
 
 45 of Lat.” Thus the difference of longitude between the two towns 
 
 would be 4° and the difference of Lat. 3°. Now the latitude and longitude of 
 Kashghar were correctly fixed by Col. H. Trotter, R.E., in 1873-4. If we take 
 his values (to the nearest half degree) as 39£ N. and 76 E. and apply to them 
 the differences in the Munajim Bashi’s figures, we obtain for Bala-Sakun Lat. 424 
 N., and Long. 72 E., approximately. This would be a point altogether west of 
 the Chu basin, on the head streams of the Talas, about 80 miles S.E. of Taraz, 
 (or Aulia-Ata) and about 110 miles (allowing, on this more plain section of the 
 
3 6 3 
 
 and Description of Moghulistan. 
 
 the Kara Khitai, was under the rule of the offspring [and descend¬ 
 ants] of Afrasiab. The Gur Khan of Kara Khitai took it from one 
 of these descendants, Ilak Khan, and made it his own capital. For 
 
 road, one sixth for deviations) from Chimkent. Again, it will be found that in 
 the geographical tables of Sadik Ispahani, Bala-Sakun is placed (p. 76) in 
 Lat. 46, and Long. 107, while to Kashghar is assigned (p. 126) Lat. 44, and 
 Long. 106. Applying the differences between these figures and Col. Trotter’s 
 value, in the same way as before, we get for Bala-Sakun Lat. 41J, and Long. 77, 
 or a position just on the banks of the Narin river, nearly fifty miles above Fort 
 Narin. Further, the Arab geographer Abul-feda supplies us with two more 
 indications of the position of Bala-Sakun , with reference to Kashghar. One of 
 these, on the authority of Atwal, is a perfect one, and results (when computed as 
 before) in Lat. 43T0, and Long. 71; while the other, on the authority of Kanun, 
 fails in the Latitude, and furnishes the Longitude only as 72J. 
 
 Thus the positions taken from the Arab writers stand :— 
 
 Munajim Bashi . . Lat. 42-30, and Long. 72 - 00 fr. Greenwich. 
 
 Sadik Ispahani . . „ 41-30 „ „ 77’00 „ „ 
 
 Atwal . ... „ 43-10 „ „ 7100 „ „ 
 
 Kanun . . . 72 30 „ „ 
 
 The mean of these data, to the nearest half degree, would be Lat. 42J, and 
 Long. 73; or a point near the sources of some of the heads of the Karagaty branch 
 of the Chu, some eighty-five statute miles E.S.E. of Aulia-Ata, and about twenty- 
 six miles S.S.W. of Merke. Other statements of the Latitude and Longitude of 
 Bala-Sakun are to be found in the writings of Asiatic geographers, but as no 
 value is given for any other scientifically fixed point in the neighbourhood, to 
 which the figures may be referred, they cannot be utilised. 
 
 The only conclusion that can be arrived at is, that the positions assigned by 
 the Arab authors are worthless for anything approaching an accurate determi¬ 
 nation. All that can be gathered from them is that the city most likely stood among 
 the left head-tributaries of the Chu, and was more probably to the north than to the 
 south of the Alexander mountains. In this way it may be said not to differ seriously 
 with the position which Sir H. Howorth would assign to the town, after examining 
 the narratives of the Chinese travellers, Hiuen Tsang and Hueli. He finds that 
 the city, known in those days to the Chinese by the name of Su-Yeh, stood 
 almost certainly on the River Chu, and not far from the northern slopes of the 
 Alexander mountains. Also that it was the capital of the Turkish kingdom of 
 that region, and therefore, Bala-Sakun under another name. This conclusion 
 appears to be extremely likely, more especially when it is considered in connec¬ 
 tion with Hiuen Tsang’s itinerary, which places Su-Yeh at 540 or 550 li east of 
 Taraz, and north of a range of snowy mountains; for taking five li to the mile, 
 for Hiuen Tsang’s time—or about 110 miles—and allowing one-fifth for devia¬ 
 tions along the skirts of the hills, Su-Yeh would be located about eiglity-eight 
 miles, in direct distance, eastward of Taraz (Aulia-Ata), or at a spot only just to 
 the west of Merke. This bears out also Mr. Schuyler’s contention. (See for 
 Howorth, Geo. Mag., 1875, pp. 215-17, and for Hiuen Tsang’s itinerary, Beal’s 
 Buddhist Records, i., p. 26.) 
 
 As regards the orthography of the name, Mirza Haidar throughout writes 
 Bala-Sakun, and for this reason I have retained that form. When, however, he 
 comes to the passage in the Jahan-Kushai, which includes the name said to have 
 been given to the town by the Mongols, he writes Gliar balik, while in D’Ohsson 
 and other extracts from the Jahan-Kushai hitherto published, this name has 
 always stood Gu-bdlik, and has been translated “ good city.” Desiring to clear 
 up this discrepancy, I examined, with Mr. Ross, the British Museum copy of the 
 Jahan-Kushai, and am satisfied that (in that copy at any rate) the name should 
 be read Ghar-bdligh, or possibly Ghur-baligh. The passage runs “. . . . they 
 passed on to Bala Sdkun, which the Moghuls now call Ghar [or Ghurj-baligh. 
 The Amir of that country claims descent from Afrasiab.” Thus in the original 
 we find Sdkun instead of Sdghun , Moghuls instead of Mongols, and Ghar (or 
 perhaps Ghur ) in place of Gu ; while there is no sentence after the word Ghar- 
 bdlik to indicate that the meaning of the name is “good city.” (See, among 
 other works, D’Ohsson, i., pp. 433 and 442 ; Bretschneider, i., p. 226.) 
 
364 Extracts from the Jahan-Kushai, 
 
 ninety-five years Bala-Sakun remained the capital of Kara Khitai, 
 and all the countries on this side of the Jihun—that is, to the east 
 of it—carried tribute to Bala-Sakun. The Moghuls call Bala- 
 Sakun, ‘ Ghar-baligh.’ The author of the Surdh-ul-Liighat , in his 
 Supplement, says that his father was one of the traditionists \lidfiz] 
 of Bala-Sakun. He gives, in this Supplement, the names of eminent 
 men \_afdzil] of every town. In Samarkand he reckons fewer than 
 ten. But in Bala-Sakun he mentions Ihe names of a great number 
 of learned and notable persons, and quotes traditions concerning 
 some of them. The mind is incapable of conceiving how there 
 could have been,.at one time and in one city, so many men of 
 eminence, and that now neither name nor trace is to be found of 
 Bala-Sakun. Nor have I ever heard of a place called Ghar- 
 baligh. 
 
 Another town mentioned in books is Taraz. It is said that the 
 Moghuls call Taraz, ‘ Yangi ’; and this Yangi is placed in Moghul- 
 istan. There are many men of Yangi in Mavara-un-Nalir who are 
 called 4 Yangiligh.’ Now in those deserts [mafaza], which they call 
 Yangi, there are remains of many cities, in the form of domes, 
 minarets, and traces of schools and monasteries; but it is not 
 evident which of these ruined cities was Yangi, or what were the 
 names of the others. 
 
 Another famous town was Almaligh, 1 which is known at the 
 present day. The tomb of Tugliluk Timur Khan is there, together 
 with [other] traces of the city’s prosperity. The dome of the 
 Khan’s tomb is remarkable, being lofty and decorated ; while on 
 the plaster, inscriptions are written. I recall one-half of a line, 
 from one of the books, namely: “ This court [bargdh ] was the 
 work of a master-weaver [sJiar-bdf] ”—words which show that 
 this master was an Iraki; for in Irak they call a weaver [jdma- 
 baf ] 4 shar-bdf .’ As far as I can recollect, the date inscribed on that 
 dome was seven hundred and sixty and odd. 2 
 
 There are many other cities in Moghulistan, in which traces 
 remain of very fine buildings. In some places they still stand 
 intact. 3 4 In [the district of] Jud 4 there are traces of an important 
 town, and remains of minarets, domes, and schools. Since the 
 
 1 Almaligh—the Armalec of the medieval European travellers—was the 
 capital of Chaghatai Khan and his immediate successors. It was situated on, or 
 near, the Hi river, in the neighbourhood of the modern town of Kulja. During 
 the Mongol period it was a Latin bishopric, and had previously, most likely 
 been a Nestorian See. (See Cathay , pp. cexxii., 236, etc.) 
 
 2 The death of Tugliluk Timur was about 761 h., or 1363 a.d. 
 
 3 The Persian texts are incomplete here. The Turki MS. reads :—“ In some 
 places, where the buildings were solid they will stand, in others they have been 
 restored, while in others again they have already fallen into ruins.” 
 
 4 This word may be read Juv or Jud, or the J in each case may be replaced by 
 Ch. The Turki MS. has:—“a village called Ju” It seems possible that the 
 region, or district, of the River Chu may be intended. See text, immediately below. 
 
and Description of MogJiulistdn. 
 
 365 
 
 name of that town is not known, the Moghuls call it ‘ Minara.’ 
 In the same place is also a dome made of stone, into which the 
 following inscription has been cut, in the Nasklii writing: “ This 
 is the tomb of [titles omitted] Imam Muhammad Fakih Bala 
 Sakuni [Arabic invocation], who died in the year 711. Written by 
 Khwaja Omar Hadavi.” Jud is a district [mauza] of Moghulistan, 
 of a month’s journey in length. In it there are many cities like 
 this one. 
 
 In Moghulistan there is a place \mausa] called Yumghal, 1 which 
 is well known. There a dome is to be found, half fallen into 
 ruin. The inscription on it reads: “Shah Jalil, son of Kism, son 
 of Abbas. . . The rest has broken away, so it is not clear 
 whether this was his tomb, or whether the inscription refers to some 
 one else. God alone knows. Such remains as these are to be found 
 all over Moghulistan, but the names of the towns are never known. 
 The tomb of Maulana Sakkaki, author of “ The Key ” [Miftdh], 
 has a lofty dome. It is situated on the banks of the Eiver Tika, 
 which flows from the foot of the lake. 2 With the exception of this 
 dome, there are no remains in that place. It was either a town of 
 which nothing is left, or else it was there that Chaghatai Khan 
 slew [the Maulana], the building being afterwards raised [over the 
 spot]. God knows best. The story of Maulana Sakkaki is told in 
 histories. 
 
 Beyond this, nothing is recorded of the districts [, hadud ] of 
 Moghulistan in the histories and books of former writers, nor does 
 any one know the [above] names nowadays. What is now known 
 as Moghulistan has a length and breadth of seven or eight months’ 
 journey. Its eastern frontier adjoins the Kalmak country : that is 
 to say, Baris Kul, Imal, and Irtish. It is bounded on the north by 
 Kukcha-Tangiz, Bum Lish, and Karatal; 3 on the west by Turkistan 
 and Tashkand ; and on the south by the provinces of Farghana, 
 Kashghar, Aksu, Chalish, and Turfan. 
 
 Of these four boundaries I have seen the southern. From Tash- 
 
 1 The name Jumgal and Jumghal, which occurs on modern maps in the heart 
 of the region that was Moghulistan, may perhaps represent the Yumghal of the 
 text. It is the name of one of the head tributaries of the Nariu and of a small 
 place—encampment or village—on its banks. 
 
 2 Which lake is not specified, but I take it to mean Issigh-Kul. The sentence 
 may read in the Persian texts : “ which flows from Bai Kul,” but the Turki MS. 
 makes the reading plain—“ from the foot of the lake.” Thus Pai-i-Kul should be 
 read in the Persian. The Tika river probably stands for the Tekes, which takes 
 its rise near the eastern end , or foot, of Issigh-Kul, and flows eastward. 
 
 3 These names may be read Bari Kul (sometimes Barkul , and in Chinese Pa- 
 li-Kun), Imil and Irtish. Kukcha Tingiz or Tangiz is lake Balkash , and 
 Karatal is the name of a river which flows into it from the south-east. Bumlish 
 I cannot identify. As regards lake Balkash, Mr. J. Spbrer (in Petermann for 
 1868, p. 74) says, Tengis is the old Kirghiz name, and that Balkash originated 
 with the Zungars [who were Kalmaks]. But farther on (p. 393) he tells us that 
 “ Balkhazi Nor ,” meaning “ great lake,” is Kalmak, while the Kirghiz name is 
 “ Ale Dengis ,” or “ white lake.” The two statements are not quite consistent. 
 
3^6 Description of Moghulistan. 
 
 kand to Andijan is ten days’ journey; from Andijan to Kashghar, 
 twenty days; from there to Aksu, fifteen days ; from Aksu to 
 Chalish, twenty days ; from Chalish to Turfan, ten days; from 
 Turfan to Baris Kul, fifteen days; 1 and Baris Kul is the eastern 
 boundary of Moghulistan. [The whole of the southern boundary] 
 is about three months’ march at a medium pace, for it is ninety 
 stages. I have never visited the other three boundaries, but I 
 have learned [something] about them from the descriptions of 
 persons who have travelled in those quarters. The greater part of 
 this country, which is seven or eight months’ journey [in circuit], 
 is mountain or desert, 2 and is very beautiful and pleasant—so 
 much so, that I am incapable of describing it in words. On the 
 mountains and in the plains, grow numberless flowers, whose names 
 no one knows; they are not to be met with outside Moghul¬ 
 istan, nor can they possibly be described. The summer is, in most 
 parts, quite temperate, so that if a single tunic [tdi Jcurta ] be 
 worn, no other covering is required, though even if more be worn, 
 the heat does not make one uncomfortable. However, in some 
 parts of the country, the temperature inclines to be cold. 
 
 There are many large rivers in Moghulistan—as large, or nearly 
 so, as the Jihun; for example, the Ila, the Imil, the Irtish, and 
 the Narin, not one of which is inferior to the Jihun or the Sihun. 
 Most of them flow into the lake of Kukcha Tangiz, which sepa¬ 
 rates Moghulistan from Uzbegistan. Its length is eight months’ 
 journey, 3 and its breadth, in some parts, thirty farsdkhs , by estima¬ 
 tion. In winter, when it is frozen over, the Uzbeg cross Kuk¬ 
 cha Tangiz on the ice, and thus enter Moghulistan. By using all 
 possible speed, they can cross in two nights and a day into 
 Moghulistan, and can return in the same time. At the end of 
 winter they cross with the same rapidity; but at that time of the 
 year it is dangerous, and it often happens that the ice gives way. 
 On one occasion a hundred and twenty families, more or less, 
 perished under the ice. The water of this lake is sweet. The 
 same quantity of water that flows into the lake is not discharged 
 from it. What does flow out is about equivalent to one of 
 the rivers which enters it. It flows down through Uzbegistan, 
 under the name of Atal, and empties itself into the Kulzum 
 [Caspian]. 
 
 Another point of interest in Moghulistan is Issigh Kul, [a lake] 
 into which nearly as much water flows as into Kukcha Tangiz. It 
 
 1 These stages are about correct, according to modern itineraries. 
 
 2 The word in the texts is sahra, and has been literally translated desert; but 
 sahra is often used to designate plains, open country, or “ steppes,” and it is 
 employed in this sense here. 
 
 3 There is either some mistake in this estimate of the length of the lake, or 
 else it is a reckless exaggeration. The estimate of 30 farsakhs (120 miles) for 
 the breadth is also far too high, even if the broadest part be taken. 
 
3 67 
 
 Events of the Year 928 [ 1522 ]. 
 
 is twenty days’ journey , 1 2 and no water issues from it on any side. 
 It is surrounded by hills. All the water that flows into it is 
 sweet and agreeable, but once it enters the lake it becomes so 
 bitter and salt that one cannot even use it for washing, for if any 
 of it enters the eyes or mouth, severe inflammation is produced; 
 it has also a most unpleasant taste in the mouth. It is remarkably 
 pure and clean, so that if, for example, some is poured into a 
 china cup, no sediment appears at the bottom. The water of the 
 rivers around is delicious. Aromatic herbs, flowers and fruit¬ 
 bearing trees are plentiful, while the surrounding hills and plains 
 abound in antelopes [ahu] and birds. There are few localities in 
 Moghulistan more remarkable for their climate. 
 
 From the year 916 the Kirghiz, for the reasons mentioned 
 above, have rendered it impossible for any Moghul to live in 
 Moghulistan. In the year 928 the Khan resolved to subdue 
 Moghulistan, as shall be explained. 
 
 CHAPTER LXIX. 
 
 RETURN TO THE THREAD OF THE HISTORY. 
 
 t- * * 2 
 
 The flocks and herds had so greatly increased, that the plains 
 and hills of Kashghar could no longer provide sufficient pasturage, 
 and therefore, in order to satisfy the wants and demands of his 
 people, the Khan formed the bold project of subduing Moghulistan. 
 Moreover, the Kirghiz, who were for the most part devoid of faith 
 and given over to evil deeds, had thoroughly intimidated the 
 Musulmans of Turkistan, Shash and Farghana, by their constant 
 invasions and forays. Although that province 3 was under the 
 rule of the Uzbeg Shaiban, who were his old enemies, the Khan, 
 on account of his devotion to the faith and out of pity for the 
 Musulmans, took the matter to heart, and determined that no 
 Musulman should be molested and no infidel should prosper; but 
 rather that the Musulmans should thrive and the infidels should be 
 subdued. For these two actions he expected to gain a good reputa- 
 
 1 If twenty days’ journey in circuit is meant, the statement might be not far 
 from correct. For some remarks on Issigh Kul, see note pp. 78-9. 
 
 2 This chapter opens with five lines of rhetoric (which are omitted) showing 
 how the Khan desired to gain fame in this world and “ a high place ” in the 
 next.—R. 
 
 3 Apparently Farghana is meant. Only the words “ an valayat ” are used. 
 
368 
 
 Events of the Year 928 [ 1522 ]. 
 
 tion in this world and merit in the world to come. May God 
 reward him well! [Three couplets]. . . . 
 
 Mirza Ali Taghai, Khwaja Ali Bahadur, and most of the Amirs, 
 supporting the cause of Baba Sultan, desired that he should be 
 sent in command of the expedition against Moghulistan and the 
 Kirghiz. His father, Sultan Khalil Sultan, had been leader of 
 the Kirghiz, as has been explained; and he therefore had some 
 right in the matter. My uncle alone supported Kashid Sultan, 
 who was the Khan’s son, and upon him the conduct of the 
 expedition finally devolved. Active preparations were set on 
 foot [verses] : . . . and in the course of the year 928, Kashid Sultan 
 set out loaded with favours. Mirza Ali Taghai was appointed Ulus - 
 beg , and Muhammad Kirghiz being released from confinement, 
 was made Amir of the Kirghiz; while brave warriors and distin¬ 
 guished Amirs were chosen out of all the Moghul tribes. [Couplet]. 
 . . . Everything becoming the prince’s rank and dignity was made 
 ready; such as banners \tugh\ trumpets, mint [ zarab-hhdna ] 
 and all kinds of furniture. Feasts were given to the Amirs and 
 soldiers, who made merry; and favours were bestowed on all. 
 [The Khan] gave his son much good advice. [Verses]. . . Indeed he 
 lavished sermons and wise counsels on the young prince, who did 
 not heed them, for is it not said: Sermons and advice are as wind 
 to the profligates of this world ? Finally, however, the army was 
 despatched. 
 
 At the hour of his taking leave of Kashid Sultan, the Khan said 
 to me : “ You accoutre him : fasten on his quiver and sword, and 
 mount him on his horse: it may bring good fortune. In respect 
 of what I have told him, let him be your pupil: you shall be his 
 master. . . d 
 
 In short the Khan sent them off in the handsomest manner, and 
 himself returned to Kashghar. [Two couplets] .... 
 
 With their entrance into Moghulistan, Muhammad Kirghiz 
 marched on in advance. He brought in most of the Kirghiz, 
 though a few fled to the farthest confines of Moghulistan. When 
 winter set in, quarters were taken up at Kuchkar. 
 
 1 A couplet from Sadi and five lines of rhetoric and verses are omitted.—R. 
 
The Khan's Repentance. 
 
 369 
 
 CHAPTER LXX. 
 
 THE KHAN’S REPENTANCE. 
 
 * * *- * 1 
 
 It has been already explained to how great an extent the Khan 
 was addicted to wine-drinking. If, for example, he dreamt of 
 sobriety, he interpreted it to mean that he ought to get drunk; 
 this is [the system of] interpretation by contraries. [Turki 
 couplet]. . . . 
 
 No one would ever have imagined that the Khan could give 
 up this habit, but by the intervention of Providence he repented 
 him of his intemperance . . . . 2 
 
 In short, at the end of the winter following that spring which 
 saw Eashid Sultan set out for Moghulistan, the Khan happened 
 to be in Yangi-Hisar. My uncle was in attendance on him, while 
 I was in Yarkand. I have frequently heard the Khan relate 
 that, one night when a drinking bout was coming to an end, the 
 following verse came into his head : “ ‘ At night he is drunk, at 
 dawn he is drunk, and all day he is crop-sick; see how he passes 
 his noble life ! It is time that thou should’st return to thy God 
 [and abandon these unseemly practices].’ When this purpose had 
 become fixed in my heart, I again became irresolute [and said to 
 myself]: * these ideas are merely the outcome of excessive inebriety. 
 For otherwise, who could endure life without this form of enjoy¬ 
 ment ? ’ Thinking thus I fell asleep; when I awoke I writhed 
 like a snake with crop-sickness, and to dispel this I called for 
 a draught. When it was brought, the intentions of the night 
 before again took possession of my brain, and I sent for Sayyid 
 Muhammad Mirza, and said to him: ‘ I am tired of this wine¬ 
 drinking, and wish to reform.’ ” Now my uncle had for a long 
 while been a disciple of the order of Yasavvi Shaikhs, 3 and practised 
 austerity and abstinence ; thus he had been greatly distressed 
 at the Khan’s shortcomings; but when the Khan now announced 
 
 1 The five lines with which the chapter opens contain only rhetorical flights 
 concerning “ Repentance.”—R. 
 
 3 Four more lines on the virtue of Repentance are omitted here.—R. 
 
 3 The Yasavvi Shaikhs were the followers of one Shaikh Ahmad, otherwise 
 Hazrat Khwaja Ahmad, of Yassi, who was the founder of the sect of Jaliria, and 
 died about 1120 a.d. He is said by Mr. E. Schuyler, who visited his tomb at 
 Turkistan, to be one of the most celebrated saints of Central Asia, and the special 
 patron of the Kirghiz. The town of Turkistan, near the right bank of the 
 Jaxartes, is the modern representative of Yassi. There the mosque of ‘ Hazrat ’ is 
 still to be seen, which was built over the tomb of Shaikh Ahmad, by Timur, at 
 the end of the fourteenth century, and was restored in the latter half of the 
 sixteenth, by Abdullah Khan II., the famous Uzbeg chief. It is considered one 
 of the holiest mosques in Central Asia. (Sec Schuyler, i., pp. 70-72.) 
 
 2 B 
 
370 
 
 The Khan is Dissuaded 
 
 to him his desire to mend his ways, my nncle burst into tears and 
 urged him strongly to carry out his intention. Having repented, 
 the Khan went into the assembly ; [verses] .... the wine-bibbers 
 and profligates were dejected and distressed, but all the pious and 
 the learned rejoiced, Avliile the zealots and devotees began to thank 
 God, and the townsfolk and peasantry stretched their hands in 
 praise to heaven. Thus the Khan repented of his past deeds, 
 and night and day begged the forgiveness of God for his 
 offences. . . . 1 
 
 CHAPTER LXXI. 
 
 HOW THE KHAN, WISHING TO BECOME A DARVISH, INTENDED TO 
 ABDICATE THE THRONE, AND HOW HE WAS DISSUADED. 
 
 After the Khan had been distinguished with the honour of repen¬ 
 tance, and had entered the circle of those of whom it is said, “ God 
 loves the penitent,” he passed into Moghulistan, and joined 
 Rashid Sultan at Kuchkar. 2 Remaining himself in Kuchkar, he 
 sent forward Rashid Sultan, with his Amirs and Muhammad 
 Kirghiz, to the farthest limits of Moghulistan. They collected 
 and brought back the scattered Kirghiz, thus setting [the Khan’s] 
 mind at rest with regard to this affair. In the spring the 
 Khan went back to Kashghar. After this, he used to return every 
 year to Moghulistan with his family, to see that the country was 
 in order, and to confirm the authority of Rashid Sultan. In the 
 second spring that he took his family there, most of the Moghul 
 Ulus , who were able to do so, went with him of their own accord 
 and desire. That winter the Khan and Rashid Sultan took up 
 their quarters in Kuchkar, and at the end of the winter the Khan, 
 leaving his family there, went back to Yarkand. 
 
 The reason for this was that, since his repentance, he had 
 devoted himself much to the study of Sufi books; and having 
 pondered deeply on their sayings, was greatly influenced by 
 them. . . . 3 The Khan entered fully into the tenets of the sect, 
 and was profoundly impressed by them. From their books and 
 pamphlets, he learnt that the blessing [of Sufistic knowledge] was 
 only to be attained by devoting himself to the service of a perfect 
 
 1 Two couplets and four lines of rhetoric are omitted here. They contain much 
 the same matter as the preceding- passages.—R. 
 
 2 The Kuchkar, Koshkur, or Guchgar river is one of the head streams of the 
 Chu. Its valley lies to the south-west of Issigli-Kul, and appears to have been a 
 favourite camping, and grazing, ground of the Moghuls. See the Map. 
 
 3 An irrelevant anecdote concerning some saints is left untranslated. 
 
from Abdicating. 
 
 3/1 
 
 [Sufi]; on this account he withdrew his mind from his earthly 
 kingdom, while his heart became entirely detached from the 
 Avorld. lie spent most of his time in seclusion; engaged in 
 discussions on Sufism. Not every one was allowed to intrude on 
 his privacy. One of his companions was my uncle, who had been 
 a disciple of the Yasavvi Shaikh’s, and who, under the guidance 
 of that sect, practised abstinence. Most of the conferences took 
 place in his presence. Another was Shah Muhammad Sultan, 
 who was a cousin of the Khan and a son-in-law of his sister, and 
 who has been mentioned briefly above; at times I was also 
 admitted. No one else was allowed to enter, and the people used 
 to wonder what kind of discussions those could be, to which only 
 these four persons were admitted. [Couplet]. . . . 
 
 It was finally decided that the Khan should go to Yarkand, and 
 that his brother, Amin Khwaja Sultan, should be brought from 
 Aksu and set up as king in his stead. To him should be confided 
 the whole Ulus, while the Khan, divesting himself of everything, 
 should set out on his journey; haply he might thus render the 
 Most High God perfect service. My uncle then suggested that 
 before taking this step, preparations should be made for the 
 journey to Mekka, and all necessaries got ready; that he would 
 accompany [the Khan]; that wherever he was he would spend 
 his whole life in attendance on him, and that Shah Muhammad 
 Sultan and myself should also be in waiting. 
 
 No sooner had these plans been determined on, than Khwaja 
 Muhammad Yusuf, son of Khwaja Muhammad Abdullah, son of 
 Khwaja Nasir-ud-Din Ubaid Ullali, arrived in Kashghar from 
 Samarkand, and the news [of his arrival] reached Moghulistan. 
 The Khwaja was an exceedingly pious and austere man, and the 
 Khan longed to wait upon him, in the hope that [in his service] 
 his desire might be realised. So he journeyed from Kuchkar to 
 Yarkand, where he arrived at the end of the winter and waited 
 on the Khwaja. [But] when he explained to him his resolve, the 
 Khwaja remarked: “ Much has been said by wise men on this 
 subject; such as: Remain on the throne of your kingdom, and be 
 like an austere darvish in your ways ! And again : set the crown 
 on your head, and science on your back ! Use effort in your work, 
 and wear what you will! In reality sovereignty is one of the 
 closest walks [with God], but kings have abused its rights. A 
 king is able, with one word, to give a higher reward than can a 
 darvish (however intent upon his purpose) during the whole of 
 a long life. In this respect sovereignty is a real and practical 
 state ... A But I will show you one line that my father, 
 
 1 Four lines omitted, containing a quotation from Najm-ud-Din, which points 
 out what a faithful disciple may attain to, and what an unfaithful one must 
 forego.—R. 
 
 2 B 2 
 
3/2 
 
 Khwaja Taj-ud-Din. 
 
 Khwaja Muhammad Abdullah, wrote for me.” And he gave the 
 writing to the Khan. It was written : ‘ c The most important con¬ 
 ditions, for a seeker of union with God, are: little food, few 
 words, and few associates.” This brief [sermon] sufficed to 
 compose the Khan, and he resolved to pursue the road of justice 
 and good deeds. lie began to occupy himself, at once, with what 
 he was able, until the words of Shaikh Najm-ud-Din should be 
 realised. A short time after this, Khwaja Nura came, and the 
 Khan’s desire was fulfilled. In the meanwhile Khwaja Taj-ud- 
 Din arrived from Turfan. 
 
 CHAPTER L X X 11. 
 
 KHWAJA TAJ-UD-DIN. 
 
 Khwaja Taj-ud-Din was of the race of Maulana Arshad-ud-Din, 
 who was of the race of Khwaja Shuja-ud-Din Mahmud, brother 
 of Khwaja Hafiz-ud-Din of Bokhara, the last of the Mujtahids. 
 During the interregnum [ fatrat ] of Chingiz Khan, this Shuja-ud- 
 Din was brought [into this country], and of his race is Maulana 
 Arshad-ud-Din, who brought about the conversion of the Moghuls 
 to Islam. All this, God willing, will be fully described in the 
 First Part. This Khwaja Taj-ud-Din is of the race of Maulana 
 Arshad-ud-Din. His father’s name was Khwaja Ubaid Ullali. 
 He was a disciple of Mir Abdullah of Bushirabad ... 3 Having 
 remained for some time in the service of Hazrat Ishan, the latter 
 gave the Khwaja leave to go to Turfan, where he was cordially 
 received by Sultan Ahmad Khan . . . . l 
 
 1 The omissions here consist of a number of names of, unimportant saints, and 
 of a brief reference to an anecdote relating to one of them.—R. 
 
Peace with the Kazah-Uzbeg. 
 
 373 
 
 CHAPTER LXXIII. 
 
 KHWAJA TAJ-UD-DIN IS ALLOWED TO RETURN TO TURF AN. THE KHAN 
 MAKES PEACE WITH THE KAZAK-UZBEG. OTHER CONTEMPORARY 
 EVENTS. 
 
 When Khwaja Taj-ud-Din came from Turfan, tlie Khan received 
 him with due honour. He stayed one year in Yarkand, and then 
 returned [to Turfan]. Next winter Rashid Sultan went and 
 plundered the Kalmak, slew one of their Amirs named Baran 
 Talish, 1 and acquired the honourable name of C-hazi. He had his 
 winter quarters at Kuchkar, whither the Khan went with a small 
 attendance [ jarida ] and joined him. With the middle of the 
 winter arrived Tahir Khan, who has been briefly mentioned above 
 among the Kazak Khans. After a long intercourse by means of 
 ambassadors, it was ascertained that he had come to wait on the 
 Khan, and to deliver over to him Sultan Nigar Khanim, the 
 Khan’s aunt. 
 
 This Sultan Nigar Khanim has been already spoken of above. 
 She was the fourth daughter of Yunus Khan, and after the death 
 of Sultan Mahmud Mirza, son of Abu Said Mirza, she was given 
 to Adik Sultan, son of Jani Beg Khan, the Kazak. By Mirza 
 Sultan Mahmud she had one child, Mirza Khan, who became king 
 of Badakhshan, and in the year 917 2 died a natural death. His 
 son, Sulaiman Shah Mirza, is now ruling in Badakhshan. By Adik 
 Sultan she had two daughters, the elder of whom was married to 
 Abdullah Sultan, son of Kuchum Khan, but died soon after. The 
 younger was given, at this time, to Rashid Sultan, as shall be 
 mentioned. After the death of Adik Sultan, this Sultan Nigar 
 Khanim married his brother Kasim Khan. When this last died, 
 the Khanship devolved upon Tahir Khan, who was the son of 
 Adik Sultan. He was very much attached to the Khanim, and 
 even preferred her to the mother that had given him birth. She 
 showed him her gratitude, but entreated him, saying: “Although 
 you are my child, and I neither think of nor desire any child but 
 
 1 Talish should probably be read Taisli , a common title among Kalmak 
 leaders. 
 
 2 This date is no doubt intended for 927. It is given in the texts in Arabic 
 numerals, but in such a way that it may be easily misread (aslir for ashrun). 
 Mirza Khan (properly Vais Mirza) was only son of Sultan Mahmud Mirza and 
 cousin of Baber. In 913 (1507) he became ruler of Badakhshan. He is believed 
 to have died about 926 (1520), and if the date here should read 927, as I surmise, 
 it would be perhaps exact. Mirza Khan left one child, Sulaiman Mirza, whom 
 Baber took care of. At the same time, Baber appointed to Badakhshan his son 
 Humayun, who retained charge of the province till 932 (1526). (See Erskine, 
 Hist, i., pp. 249, 286, 511, etc.) 
 
374 
 
 Peace with the Kazak- Uzheg. 
 
 you, nevertheless I am grown old, and have no longer the strength 
 to hear this migratory life in the deserts of Uzbegistan. I wish 
 you now to take me to my nephew, Sultan Said Khan, that I may 
 pass my last days in a city and enjoy some quiet and repose. 
 Moreover, in consequence of [the hostility of] the Mangit your 
 atfairs in Uzbegistan are not thriving. On account of the opposi¬ 
 tion [of the Moghuls] 1 your army has decreased from 1,000,000 
 men to 400,000, and you have no longer strength to oppose them. 
 I will be a mediator for you, and will bring about a reconciliation 
 between you and the Moghul Khakans. In this way the Mangit 2 
 may be kept in check.” 
 
 Tahir Khan fell in with this plan and came to the borders of 
 Moghulistan, where negotiations for peace were entered upon. He 
 came in person to Kuchkar and waited on the Khan. The latter, 
 from love of his aunt, rose [to receive him], saying : “Although 
 my rising [to receive] you is contrary to the Tura, yet my great 
 gratitude to you for having brought my aunt, makes it possible for 
 me to rise.” Thus saying the Khan rose, but [Tahir Khan], 
 observing all the formalities, bowed his head to the ground, and 
 then advanced towards the Khan, who having embraced him, 
 showed him great honour and showered ro}’al favours upon him. 
 After this, his sister, the Khanim’s daughter, was given in marriage 
 to Kashid Sultan, in whose haram she is at the present time. She 
 has children, each of whom will be mentioned in the proper place. 
 
 At the time of [Tahir Khan’s] departure, Muhammad Kirghiz 
 was captured a second time, and brought bound to Kaslighar. 
 The reason for this was that he had shown signs of insubordina¬ 
 tion, and a desire to escape to the Uzbeg. He was therefore 
 detained in custody, but after the Khan’s death he was released. 
 The Khan now returned to Kashghar, and I was left in Moghul¬ 
 istan to keep the people quiet. But in spite of my efforts, I was 
 unable to pacify the Kirghiz, who fled and again betook them¬ 
 selves to the remotest parts of Moghulistan, where they joined 
 Tahir Sultan. Some of them, however, remained. In this year a 
 son was born to the Khan. 
 
 1 The texts do not mention whose opposition is referred to, hut I presume the 
 Moghuls are indicated (if the translation is correct), and that the speaker 
 is alluding to the defeats which Sultau Said had recently inllicted on the 
 Kirghiz Kazak. The next sentence bears out this presumption. But see next 
 note. 
 
 2 The uncertainty regarding this name was alluded to at p. 134. It occurred 
 on that occasion once, in the form of Manfalrit or Man’akit; here it is twice made 
 use of, but is spelled differently, and in such a way that it may be read Manlcafit , 
 Mil-aft , etc., etc. Dr. liieu, however, who has done me the kindness to examine 
 the passages in the original text, is of opinion that in both cases the incompre¬ 
 hensible words may stand for the tribal name of Mangit or Mangut , corruptly 
 reproduced by the copyist. It is significant that the word, in both forms, should 
 only occur in reference to the one subject—viz., the relations of the Kazak with 
 the rest of the Uzbeg tribe. It is found nowhere else in the book. 
 
Birth of Stilt an Ibrahim. 
 
 375 
 
 CHAPTER LXXIV. 
 
 BIRTH OF SULTAN IBRAHIM, SON OF SULTAN SAID KHAN. 
 
 In the month of Shawal of the year 930 ... I [a son was born 
 to the Khan], and he was given the name of Sultan Ibrahim. 
 Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf received him as a son, and Baba Sarik 
 Mirza, whose name was mentioned in the review [of the army] 
 of Kashghar, was appointed his Atdbeg. Magnificent banquets 
 were held in honour of his birth—more splendid, in fact, than any 
 that had been held on previous occasions. The Khan loved him 
 above all his other children . . . . 1 2 His life will be recounted in 
 its proper place. 3 
 
 CHAPTER LXXY. 
 
 THE KHAN’S SECOND INVASION OF ANDIJAN. 
 
 On return of the spring . . . . 4 the Khan saw fit to go again into 
 Moghulistan to confirm Rashid Sultan’s authority. He set forth 
 from Yarkand, and on reaching Kashghar met Hazrat Khwaja 
 Nura, who was coming from the direction of Andijan. Having 
 had the felicity of kissing the Khwaja’s feet, the Khan proceeded 
 on his journey to Moghulistan, while the Khwaja went on to 
 Yarkand. Towards the end of summer the Khan reached Issigli 
 Kul, where he learnt that the Kalmak had approached the frontiers 
 of Moghulistan. The Khan, putting his trust in God, hastened on 
 with all speed to Kabikalar, which is ten marches from Issigli Kul. 
 Here a messenger from my uncle in Kashghar brought the news 
 that Suyunjuk Khan was dead, that the Uzbeg Sultans were 
 without a leader, and that a better opportunity than the present 
 
 1 Three lines of verse, etc., omitted. 
 
 2 Here follows a chronogram in four lines of verse, containing the word Zill — 
 equal to 930—[1524]. 
 
 3 The author has not followed out his intention in this matter. He mentions 
 Ibrahim only once hereafter, as having been taken to Kabul by his mother 
 Zainab Sultan Khanim, on being banished from her home in Kashghar, by Abdur 
 Rashid (see p. 4G7). At that time, this third son of Said Khan would have been 
 about thirteen years of age, and even when the author wrote his history, he 
 must have been too young to have accomplished anything worthy of record. 
 
 1 Four lines of verse in praise of spring are left out. 
 
376 
 
 Second Invasion of Andijan . 
 
 one for revenge, was never likely to occur; for how long had such 
 a day been awaited ? 
 
 The reason for my uncle’s remaining in Kashghar was that in 
 the last-mentioned spring [summer], on account of the extreme 
 heat of the weather, he had caused fresh green grass to he spread 
 on the ground and iced water to he sprinkled over it; he had then 
 lain down naked on it and had gone to sleep. On awaking he found 
 that he had become paralytic \lakwa\ and noticed an impediment 
 in his speech. In the meanwhile, the Ivhan arrived at Kashghar 
 on his way to Moghulistan, and Khwaja Kura 1 from Andijan. 
 [Two couplets . . . .] There is a proverb which runs : “ When a 
 sick man is destined to recover, the doctor comes uncalled ”—a 
 saying which illustrates the good luck of my uncle. Khwaja 
 Kura applied himself to his treatment, and that is why he had 
 stayed behind in Kashghar. On learning the death of Suyunjuk 
 Khan, he had sent off a messenger to the Khan, and when this 
 messenger arrived in Kabilkakla , 2 [the Khan] quickly returned. 
 Ilis family being in Issigli Kul, thither he went; then, taking 
 them with him, he proceeded to Kunghar Ulang, and thence 
 towards Andijan. [Verses . . . .] 
 
 The fort of Uzkand, which was a very strong one, was taken. 
 [From Uzkand] he marched on to Madu, where the fort is the 
 strongest in all the province of Farghana. It, too, fell an easy 
 prey to his army. Thence they advanced on Ush. All the 
 nobles, learned men, artisans, and peasantry in this neighbour¬ 
 hood were agreed that since Suyunjuk Khan was dead, it would 
 be some time before the Uzbeg could come to any agreement. 
 “ Until they have decided upon some definite plan [of action],” 
 said they, “let us go and strengthen and provision the fort of 
 Andijan; then let us take up a position in the mountains. As 
 the Khan [cannot penetrate into the Uzbeg mountains] he will 
 not be able to touch us, nor will he succeed in laying siege to the 
 fort.” [So saying, they set out for Andijan.] But when the 
 Uzbeg-Shaiban heard of the Khan’s advance towards Andijan, 
 without further conferring or planning, all poured into [Andijan], 
 like locusts or ants, from every quarter. There was no time for 
 making the necessary preparations for a siege, and the Khan was 
 obliged to send many [of his people] back. In that expedition the 
 Khan’s army was composed of 25,000 men all told, while the 
 Uzbeg had more than 100,000. [Couplet] .... 
 
 1 Nura stands for Nur-ud-Din.—R. 
 
 2 This is evidently the same name that occurs at the beginning of the chapter 
 under the form Kabihaldr. The Turki MS. has Kapilkalar. I can trace neither 
 this name nor that of Kunghar Ulang, which follows a few lines below. They 
 were both, most likely, mere camping grounds, and consequently it may well 
 happen that no trace of them remains. Kapilkalar must have been ten days 
 to the eastward of Issigh-Kul, seeing that it was against the lvalmaks that the 
 Khan was marching. 
 
377 
 
 Withdrawal of the Moghuls to Kashghar. 
 
 The men who had been turned away, were sent to Kashghar. 
 The Khan himself went back to Moghulistan and joined his 
 family, which was in Utluk—a well-known place [mauza] in 
 Moghulistan. Then, leaving Rashid Sultan in Moghulistan, he 
 returned to Kashghar, where he again waited on Khwaja Nura. 
 These events took place in the year 931 [1524-5]. 
 
 CHAPTER LXXYI. 
 
 LAST VISIT OF THE KHAN TO MOGHULISTAN. THE MOGHULS ARE BROUGHT 
 TO KASHGHAR FROM MOGHULISTAN; AND SOME OTHER CONTEMPORARY 
 EVENTS. 
 
 As Rashid Sultan remained in Moghulistan, he made Kuchkar his 
 winter quarters. Now Tahir Khan was in Uzbegistan, but some 
 events occurred there which obliged him to retire to Moghulistan. 
 He therefore came [and settled down] near Kuchkar, where be was 
 joined by half the Kirghiz, to whom he gave protection in his own 
 territories. On this account Rashid Sultan became alarmed, and 
 in the depth of winter fled from Kuchkar to At-Bashi. On learning 
 this, the Khan, towards the end of that same winter, repaired to 
 At-Bashi, and joined his son at [the] Katilish 1 of At-Bashi. 
 [Rashid’s] followers were [thus] reassured. 
 
 In the [following] spring, the Uzbeg penetrated to the eastern 
 quarter of Moghulistan, which is called Khass and Kunkas. 2 
 
 All the Kirghiz who had remained with Rashid Sultan, were 
 anxious to unite with those Kirghiz who had joined the Uzbeg. 
 The Khan ordered me to accompany Rashid Sultan, and [we] 
 having driven the Kirghiz out of Bumghal and Kuchkar, brought 
 them to At-Bashi. The Khan himself went to Kashghar, in order 
 to gather all the people together, and to see if any agreement could 
 be brought about between them and the Uzbeg. He left me in 
 Moghulistan to ensure law and order among the inhabitants. I 
 accompanied Rashid Sultan, until the Khan returned from Kash¬ 
 ghar with his family and rejoined our people; then he sent me off 
 to the Kashghar [province] to bring Sultan Nigar Khanim into 
 Moghulistan, that she might mediate with Tahir Khan for the 
 
 1 Katilish means the confluence of two streams : in this case probably of some 
 stream with At-Bashi, or of the At-Bashi with the Narin. The At-Bashi 
 valley, situated about half way between Kashghar and Issigh-Kul, seems to have 
 been one of the chief, and most central, camping grounds of the Moghul Khans. 
 Most likely there was no town or village there. 
 
 ' The rivers Kdsli and Kunges , as usually written by the Russians 
 
37 ^ 
 
 Withdrawal of the Moghuls to Kdshghar. 
 
 settlement of a peace [with ourselves]. So I went to Yarkand, 
 and conveyed the Khanim back to Moghulistan. The Khan was 
 at Aksai. 1 
 
 Before I arrived, he learnt that the Kirghiz had separated from 
 the Uzbeg. On hearing this, he thought it advisable to go and 
 subdue the Kirghiz, and started from Aksai [for that purpose]. 
 When they had gone one stage, Bashid Sultan fell ill. Bandagi 
 Hazrat Khwaja 2 happened to be there, on an excursion. When he 
 arrived, he was able in three days, by means of his Christ-like 
 healing power, to change sickness into health. 
 
 Having delivered the Khanim into the hands of the people, I 
 hastened on to join the army, and came up with them the same 
 day that they left that stage. 3 I had the felicity of kissing the 
 stirrup of Khwaja Kura, who then turned back. The Khan [at 
 the same time] pushed forward, and in twelve days accomplished 
 forty days’ journey. The details of the matter are as follows. 
 
 When we reached Ak Kumas, the Khan sent me with 5000 men 
 to accompany Bashid Sultan against the Kirghiz, who were then 
 in Arisli Lar. 4 On arriving at this place, we found their camp 
 and their tents left standing. It was clear that they had fled 
 and got away. Some of their arms and baggage [partdl] were 
 lying tumbled about. We concluded that they got news of [our 
 approach]. As we proceeded, we came across some dead bodies, 
 and several horses, wounded or killed by arrows, besides many 
 broken arrows. After careful search, we discovered a man who 
 was half-dead, from whom we learnt that Babajak Sultan had 
 come from Kusan, and attacked the Kirghiz; that three days 
 previous to our arrival a fierce battle had been fought, resulting in 
 the defeat of Babajak Sultan. The Kirghiz, having despatched 
 their families towards the Uzbeg, had then gone in pursuit of 
 Babajak Sultan. 
 
 Advancing yet further, we lighted upon some 100,000 sheep of 
 
 1 No doubt a camping ground on the Aksai river, between Kashgkar and 
 At-Bashi. 
 
 2 Otherwise Khwaja Nura, or Nur-ud'Din. 
 
 Meaning, apparently, one stage from the Alcsai river. 
 
 4 Ale Kumas may perhaps be identified with Ale Kum , between the lower Talas 
 and the Chu; and Arisli Lar with Lake Aris , which lies to the west of the Sari 
 river and nearly north from Ak Masjid on the Sir Daria. These places arc a 
 long distance from Moghulistan, and one can scarcely imagine the Moghuls 
 following the Kirghiz so far. Still, it is evident from the text, that the chase was 
 a long one, and it was in a north-westerly direction, for it is stated below that 
 the Kirghiz took refuge with the Uzbegs, who occupied the steppes to the north¬ 
 west. There is another, and smaller, Ale-Kum, on the south bank of the Hi river, 
 a short distance above the modern fort of Ilijsk, but this would not lie in the 
 right direction, and would not be distant enough 1o suit the narrative; nor is 
 there any Arisli in the vicinity that I am aware of. The only other possible 
 Arisli (or Aris) suggested by modern maps, would be on the river of that name 
 which falls into the Sir, near Chimkent, but this would be a settled country to 
 which the Kirghiz would be unlikely to fiy for refuge, or the Moghuls to enter, 
 in pursuit. The word Lar I can find no trace of. 
 
379 
 
 Story of Baba Sid tan. 
 
 the Kirghiz, which we drove along with us. As the Kirghiz had 
 united with the Uzbeg, we were unable to offer them further oppo¬ 
 sition, so we turned back and rejoined the Khan, for the original 
 object of this expedition was to punish the Kirghiz, and not to 
 attack the Uzbeg. This campaign got the name of Kui Jarilri , 
 or the “ sheep-army.” 
 
 Now at that time Tahir Khan had a force of 20,000 men, but 
 his fortune was on the decline; for his army had formerly counted 
 a million. He began to increase his violence and severity, and on 
 this account he was abhorred of the surrounding Sultans and men 
 of note. He had a brother named Abul Kasim Sultan. The people 
 were able to judge of him by the violent treatment he meted out 
 to this brother, whom he suddenly put to death; the}'' therefore 
 all at once fled from him, so that none remained but he and his 
 son. These two hurried forward and joined the Kirghiz. This 
 news reached the Khan when he had arrived in Kashghar. 
 
 The reason for his going there, was that the Moghuls had repre¬ 
 sented to him that the Kirghiz had united with the Uzbeg, and 
 these latter intended to settle down in Moghulistan, while he knew 
 that he had not strength sufficient to cope with the numbers of the 
 Uzbeg. It would therefore be dangerous for them [the Moghuls] 
 to remain in Moghulistan that winter. For these reasons, the Khan 
 brought Rashid Sultan, and all the Moghuls of Moghulistan, to 
 Kashghar. 1 Here they learned the news of the rout of the Uzbeg. 
 At the end of the spring, it being difficult to return to Moghulistan, 
 they remained in Kashghar. It was about the beginning of spring 
 that Tahir Khan joined the Kirghiz. He carried off all the Kirghiz 
 who had been left in At-Bashi, together with the droves of horses 
 which the Moghuls had left in Moghulistan. 
 
 CHAPTER LXXVII. 
 
 REASONS FOR BABA SULTAN’S FLIGHT, AND THE CONCLUSION OF HIS 
 
 STORY. 
 
 Baba Sultan has been already mentioned above, as the son of the 
 Khan’s brother, Sultan Ivhalil Sultan. He was a mere child when 
 his father was drowned in the river, at Akhsi, by Jani Beg Sultan, 
 
 1 Meaning, no doubt, to the Kashghar province, or to the hills in the neighbour¬ 
 hood of Kashghar. Nothing marks the decay of the Moghuls, as a nation, more 
 strongly than this episode. They had now to abandon their own country to their 
 enemies, and though they afterwards returned, at intervals, this was the beginning 
 of their end. 
 
380 
 
 Story of Baba Sultan. 
 
 in the year 914. After the Khan took Andijan, Baba Sultan 
 remained in the Khan's service, and was treated with such con¬ 
 sideration that he became an object of envy to [the Khan’s 
 own] children. Khwaja Ali Bahadur, who has been frequently 
 mentioned, was appointed his governor [Atoka]. This man, as 
 has been explained, had a plan [for seizing] Moghulistan, and 
 taking Baba Sultan with him. But my uncle opposed this, and 
 arranged that Rashid Sultan should go instead. On this account, 
 Baba Sultan was offended. Despite the attentions the Khan 
 showed him, his resentment increased daily, and in proportion as 
 Rashid Sultan rose [in power], his jealousy became the more bitter. 
 Moreover, some devils of companions (who are to be found every¬ 
 where, and who sow the seeds of hypocrisy in the soil of men’s 
 hearts) did their best to incite him to sedition and revolt; so that 
 at length he came to the conclusion that there was nothing left 
 but flight. 
 
 One of these men was named Mazid, a person of evil ways, whom 
 the Khan had at first favoured, but finding that he did not perform 
 his duties in the posts to which he was appointed, the Khan de¬ 
 prived him of his rank. This person found it inconvenient to 
 remain in Kashghar, so he approached Baba Sultan, and filled his 
 ears with many idle tales, which Baba Sultan, from the vanity of 
 youth, or rather from sheer ignorance, took for truth. Among 
 other deceitful statements, he said to him: “ It is a ruler of 
 capability such as you, that Kashghar stands in need of, and every¬ 
 body 7 is seeking for a really good king. Wherever you go, the 
 people accept you as Baba Shahi. Look, for example, at Sultan 
 Avais in Khatlan-Hisar. Failing to find a good king, he set him¬ 
 self up on his own account, and now bows his head to no one. If 
 y 7 ou present yourself before him, he will make you king, while he 
 himself will advance and take the whole of Badakhshan, and 
 accomplish much that I cannot [now] explain. The truth of the 
 matter is, that the sovereignty" of Khorasan and Mavara-un-Nahr 
 is far more important than that of Kashghar and Moghulistan 
 [and y-ou may attain it].” Such idle tales as these did he string 
 together, and by persistence, made them appear reasonable. Thus 
 was Baba Sultan duped by 7 this man and one or two others of the 
 same sort. 
 
 In the summer of the afore-mentioned y 7 ear, they fled from 
 Yarkand. The Khan did not send in pursuit of them, but said : 
 “ If they 7 find some one better than I am, well and good ; if not, 
 they 7 will retnrn.” Baba Sultan fled to Sultan Avais, and thence 
 to Badakhshan. Here he saw that he had been deceived, and that 
 these cowardlv men had misled him for their own private ends. 
 Repentant, he returned to Kashghar. But the Khan was un¬ 
 willing [that he should remain], as shall be shortly explained. 
 
Story of Shah Muhammad Sultan. 381 
 
 So being obliged to quit the country, he withdrew to Hindustan, 
 where he conducted himself badly. Babar Padishah gave him 
 Ruhtak, an important town in Hisar-Firuza, where he followed 
 his uncommendable courses, but shortly afterwards was seized 
 with dysentery, and died in the course of the year 937, at the age 
 of twenty-four. In his youth he had been so spoiled by the Khan, 
 that his masters could do nothing with him, and his studies came 
 to naught. [Two couplets]. . . . Yet he was not devoid of natural 
 talents, for he was a skilled archer and conversed well. At an 
 early period he was fond of me, and we were such warm friends 
 that we always used the same tent on journeys, and the same 
 dwelling at court. His aunt was with me and my sister with 
 him, on which account we were always able to associate without 
 ceremony. Then occurred the affair of my uncle; a bitterness 
 arose between them, and he plotted against the Khan. All my 
 warnings and reproofs were in vain, and after this our friendship 
 began to cool. When he came back [from his flight into Badakh- 
 shan] the Khan sent me to order him away again. [On our 
 meeting, Baba Sultan] began to make profuse excuses and apologies 
 and to profess regret that he had turned a deaf ear to my counsels. 
 [Verses]. . . . Seeing him thus sad and repentant, I hoped he 
 might persist in reforming his conduct, but on reaching India, a 
 change for the worse came over him, and on account of his former 
 evil associations, he never again mended his ways. [Verse]. . . . 
 His body was carried from Ruhtak to Badakhshan, and was buried 
 in the tomb of Shah Sultan Muhammad Badakhshi—his grand¬ 
 father on his grandmother’s side. 
 
 CHAPTER LXXVIII. 
 
 SHAH MUHAMMAD SULTAN, AND CONCLUSION OF HIS STORY. 
 
 Shah Muhammad Sultan was the son of Sultan Muhammad Sultan, 
 son of Sultan Mahmud Khan, son of Yunus Khan. He was only 
 a child when Sultan Mahmud Khan, with his [other] children, was 
 put to death by Shahi Beg Khan, as has been explained. One of 
 Shahi Beg Khan’s Amirs, taking pity on this child, instead of 
 putting him to death, kept him safe in hiding. After Shahi Beg 
 Khan had been killed, and Babar Padishah conquered Mavara-un- 
 Nahr, this Uzbeg Amir sent the child to the Emperor, in whose 
 service he remained [for some time]. When the Emperor, on 
 account of the successes of the Uzbeg, was obliged to return to 
 
382 Story of Shah Muhammad Sultan. 
 
 Kabul, Shall Muhammad Sultan stayed in Badakhshan with Mirza 
 Khan. On hearing of the conquest of Kashghar, he went to join 
 the Khan, who loved, and treated, him as his own son. He was 
 brought up in the special apartments of [the Khan’s] children, and 
 when he was grown up, the Khan gave him his full sister, Khadija 
 Sultan Khanim, as a proof of his love and a token of his perfect 
 regard for him. [Couplet]. . . . 
 
 We spent most of our time in each other’s society. During nine 
 years Shah Muhammad Sultan, Baba Sultan and I had remained 
 continually in the Khan’s service. Like the three dots under the 
 letter Sin in Said, 1 we were never separated, nor did we leave his 
 service for a moment on any pretext. Our worldly goods we 
 shared in common, and were participators in each other’s praise 
 and blame. . . ? 
 
 For nine years this unanimity of feeling and action continued. 
 But at length the crooked wheel of fortune worked a change. . . . 3 
 In the spring following the winter in which Baba Sultan fled, a 
 strange circumstance happened to Shah Muhammad Sultan. The 
 details are as follows. There was, at this time, a certain Baba 
 Sayyid, son of the sister of Mirza Muhammad Begjik, for whom 
 Shah Muhammad Sultan conceived a great friendship. But Baba 
 Sayyid was a young man who, from the first, passed the limits 
 of decency and moderation. [Verses concerning impiety and im¬ 
 morality]. . . . The remonstrances, reproofs and advice of the Khan 
 and myself were in vain; his immoral conduct could not be 
 checked, and he went so far as to prompt the young Sultan to 
 aspire to sovereignty. The matter was rumoured everywhere and 
 discussed by every one, till at last the Khan saw no remedy, but to 
 banish the young Sultan from the country. [Couplet]. . . . He 
 therefore sent Shah Muhammad Sultan, together with Baba 
 Sayyid and some attendants, to Karatigin. Two of the Amirs, 
 Muhammadi Barlas and Amir Janaka, attended them as an escort. 
 But on the road Amir Janaka showed some hostility and wished 
 to convey the Sultan to some place [other than their destination], 
 on which account Muhammadi Barlas seized him. Thereupon 
 Baba Sayyid incited Shah Muhammad Sultan to attempt the 
 release of Amir Janaka, saying : “ It is his fidelity to you that 
 has exposed him to this misfortune. You must save him from 
 the hands of Muhammadi Barlas, by main force. What can 
 Muhammadi do to you ? ” Shah Muhammad Sultan, deceived by 
 these words, turned back and at midnight approached the party, 
 
 1 This refers to the custom, in very careful writing, of placing three dots under 
 the letter Sin to distinguish it, with certainty, from the Shin with three dots 
 above.—R. 
 
 2 This passage is slightly abridged and a quatrain omitted.—R. 
 
 3 Six lines and some verses, on fortune reversing the order of things, are left 
 out here.—R. 
 
Story of Sheik Muhammad Sultan. 383 
 
 who being apprehensive [of some such danger] were standing 
 fully armed. [As he approached] he called out: “ Release Amir 
 Janaka! ” to which they replied: “ Whosoever you may be, retire ! 
 otherwise we will smother you in arrows.” The Sultan heard 
 this threat, but paid no attention to it. (Has it not been said : at 
 night the king is unjust?) The party then let fly their arrows 
 and, by chance, the Sultan was struck [in the breast] ; he retired a 
 short distance and then expired. Muhammadi captured Amir 
 Janaka. 
 
 Having acted thus violently without orders, the party were 
 thrown into the utmost consternation and knew not what to do 
 next. A strange discussion took place among the Ulus. Some 
 who had advised the Sultan, fled. Others, the Khan reassured 
 with promises and agreements. 
 
 In the meanwhile Baba Sultan, who had fled the previous winter 
 to Khatlan and Kunduz, having discovered that what Mazid and 
 the rest of them had told him was false and groundless, returned 
 ashamed and penitent. The Khan sent me to meet him, and I 
 turned him back ; but I supplied him with all necessaries for the 
 journey, before bidding him farewell, as has been related. The 
 wife of Shah Muhammad Sultan (the Khan’s sister) and Sultan 
 Nigiir Khanim and Daulat Sultan Khanim (the Khan’s aunt) and 
 also the aunt of Shah Muhammad Sultan’s father, and the Khan’s 
 wife, Zainab Sultan Khanim (Shah Muhammad Sultan’s aunt) all 
 came and demanded of the Khan why he had ordered the death of 
 Shah Muhammad Sultan. Whereupon the Khan swore a solemn 
 oath, saying: “ I did not give the order.” They then said: 
 “ Deliver Muhammadi over to us! that we may avenge on him 
 the death [of the Sultan].” To this the Khan agreed. 
 
 Muhammadi appealed to me and my uncle to rescue him. He 
 was in the service of Rashid Sultan. He begged me to use my 
 endeavours for his security, so I took his part, and privately, but 
 with great emphasis, represented to the Khan as follows : “ The 
 Sultans who were brothers are all gone : this Sultan, who is your 
 son, and still remains, will also be offended, and I too should be 
 much afflicted [if you put Muhammadi to death], for he is a blood 
 relation of mine.” The Khan then placed the whole matter in my 
 hands [saying: “ You can act as you choose; if you wish to retaliate, 
 do so : if you wish to let him go, the choice lies with you.”] But 
 the above-mentioned Khanims, who were all either my maternal 
 aunts or their daughters, began with one accord to blame and 
 reproach me, saying: “ What in the world will your blood 
 connection with the Barlas lead you to, if it make you neglect- 
 such an important duty as this ? Shah Muhammad Sultan was a 
 closer connection by many degrees than he. If [Muhammadi] is 
 your father’s uncle, this man [Shah Muhammad Sultan] was your 
 
3«4 
 
 Invasion of Balur. 
 
 own uncle, and besides this, your friend and companion. Your 
 cousin 1 Khadija is his wife, and his wife’s sister (the daughter of 
 his paternal uncle) is of your household. 2 How can you, in con¬ 
 sideration of all this, attach yourself to the side of Muhammadi? ” 
 [Such were the taunts and reproaches they poured down on me] ; 
 nevertheless, Fate willed that I should pay no attention to the true 
 words of my relations; I returned falsehood for truth and would 
 not hear of retaliation. I put Muhammadi under the care of 
 my uncle, who carried him off into the mountainous tracts of 
 Kashghar. 
 
 This incident led to a certain degree of ill-feeling between 
 myself and my relations, [which was, however, dispelled a short 
 time after]. But I was caused much trouble and exposed to great 
 annoyance, ere I was able to deliver Muhammadi Barlas out of the 
 hands of the Khanims; and [in doing so] I raised an executioner 
 for my uncle and his children. I brought calamity upon myself— 
 God forgive me! and again I say God forgive me! Since I did 
 this unjust action, God sent this same Muhammadi [to overpower 
 us]. Verily injustice can only bring ruin in its train. This 
 same Muhammadi, whom I and my uncle had saved from so great 
 a danger, neglected nothing in his endeavours to murder my uncle 
 and his children, and to bring about the extinction of myself and 
 my house—a house upon which four hundred years had worked no 
 change. The Prophet said : “ Whoso helpetli a tyrant, God will 
 give the tyrant power over him.” . . . . 3 
 
 CHAPTER LXXIX. 
 
 RASHID SULTAN AND THE AUTHOR LEAD A HOLY WAR INTO BALUR. 
 
 After the affair of Shah Muhammad Sultan, misunderstandings 
 arose among my relations. In the winter of the same year, the 
 Khan commanded Rashid Sultan and myself to make a holy war 
 on Balur. Though we had been at variance with our relations, we 
 made it up, and set out in all haste for Balur. 
 
 Balur is an infidel country \Kafiristan\ and most of its inhabitants 
 are mountaineers. Not one of them has a religion ora creed. Nor 
 is there anything which they [consider it right to] abstain from or to 
 avoid [as impure]; but they do whatever they list, and follow their 
 
 1 Lit.: daughter of maternal uncle.—K. 
 
 2 By “ of your household ” is meant (as the Turki version explains) “ your 
 wife.”—R. 
 
 3 Some verses from the Koran and a prayer of about seven lines, are left out 
 here.—It. 
 
385 
 
 Invasion of Balin'. 
 
 desires without check or compunction. Baluristan is bounded on the 
 east by the provinces of Kashghar and Yarkand ; on the north by 
 Badakhshan ; on the west by Kabul and Lumghan ; and on the 
 south by the dependencies of Kashmir. 1 It is four months’ journey 
 in circumference. Its whole extent consists of mountains, valleys, 
 and defiles, insomuch that one might almost say that in the whole 
 of Baluristan, not one farsakh of level ground is to be met with. 
 The population is numerous. No village is at peace with another, 
 but there is constant hostility, and fights are continually occurring 
 among them. 
 
 1 The author gives so good a definition of the region that was formerly called 
 by Western Asiatics Bolor , Balur, Baluristan , Malur , etc.., and by the Chinese 
 Po-lo-lo, that further elucidation is scarcely required. In one form or another the 
 name is found in writings dating from the seventh century down to the eighteenth. 
 Even at the present day it may not be entirely extinct, for some twenty years 
 ago, Mr. R. B. Shaw found that the Kirghiz of the Pamirs called Chitral by the 
 name of Pdlor. To all other inhabitants of the surrounding regions, however, 
 the word appears now to be unknown. 
 
 I would only remark that when our author gives the provinces of Kashghar 
 and Yarkand as the eastern boundary of Balur, he appears to be somewhat at 
 fault in his orientation. The province of Kashghar, at any rate, can hardly 
 have formed part of the eastern boundary, if Kabul and Lughman (the Lumghan 
 of the text) formed the western, and Badakhshan the northern limits, as he con¬ 
 ceives them to do. He appears to have been facing about north-west, when he 
 imagined himself to be looking to the north, and thus to have displaced his 
 bearings by about 45 degrees, all round the horizon. If Kashghar was the 
 eastern neighbour of Balur, Badakhshan must have been the western and not the 
 northern, and so on. Again, Sarigh-Kul and the Pamirs must have formed part 
 of Balur, but this, from Mirza Haidar’s own statements, does not appear to have 
 been the case. His description of the country, products, and people applies 
 obviously to the region south of the Indus water-parting range (the Eastern 
 Hindu Kush), and not to the open Pamirs ; while his return from Balur to Sarigh 
 Chupan, also implies advent from the region south of the mountains. 
 
 Yarkand may, in a sense, have formed part of the eastern boundary, for it is 
 possible to reckon all the uninhabited mountain masses lying between the 
 southern plains of Yarkand, on the one hand, and Baltistan, or Little Tibet, on 
 the other, as included in the Yarkand province. Possibly even the comparatively 
 low-lying district of Tash-Kurghan, though north of the watershed, may also 
 have been included in Balur. Thus it would, perhaps, be more correct to say 
 that the provinces of Yarkand and Baltistan formed the eastern boundary of the 
 region in question. 
 
 The Balur country would then include Hunza, Nagar, possibly Tash-Kurghan, 
 Gilgit, Panyal, Yasin, Chitral, and probably the tract now known as Kafiristan : 
 while, also, some of the small states south of Gilgit, Yasin, etc., may have been 
 regarded as part of Balur. 
 
 The location of Balur, or Bolor, was long a subject of uncertainty for geo¬ 
 graphers and commentators, but as the matter has now been cleared up, the old 
 questions need not be discussed afresh. The most complete dissertation on the 
 entire subject that I know of, is that contained in Sir H. Yule’s notes in the 
 J. It. G. S. for 1872 (pp. 473 seq .) and in his Marco Polo, i., pp, 187, 188, where 
 the conclusions arrived at, are very nearly borne out by Mirza Haidar’s description. 
 The only differences are (1) that, according to our author, Baltistan cannot have 
 been included in Balur, as he always speaks of that country, later in his work, 
 as a separate province with the name of Balti, and says that it bordered on 
 Balur; and (2) that Balur was confined almost entirely, as far as I am able to 
 judge from his description in this passage and elsewhere, (see for example his 
 statements pp. 405 and 417) to the southern slopes of the Eastern Hindu Kush, 
 or Indus water-parting range ; while Sir H. Yule’s map makes it embrace Sarigh- 
 Kul and the greater part of the eastern Pamirs. 
 
 2 C 
 
Invasion of Balter. 
 
 386 
 
 Most of tlieir battles are conducted in the following manner. 
 Their women are employed in the management of the house and 
 the labour of the fields; the men in war. While their wives are 
 in their houses preparing the food [the men will be engaged in 
 fighting]. Then the wives will come out to them and make them 
 desist, saying it is time for a meal, and they must leave off fighting. 
 So they separate and go back to their homes to eat their food, 
 after which they return to the fight until afternoon prayer-time, 
 when the women will again come on the scene and make peace, 
 which endures till sunrise, every one having returned to his own 
 house. Sometimes it happens that no pacification is brought about, 
 in which case they fortify and watch their houses all through the 
 night with the utmost vigilance. In this way do they spend the 
 whole of their lives. 
 
 As plains and pasture grounds are scarce, the people can keep 
 but few cattle. They own a small number of sheep and goats from 
 whose wool they make clothes, and cows which furnish them with 
 milk and butter; beyond these they have nothing [in the way of 
 flocks]. The tribe of each separate valley speaks a different 
 language [to that of its neighbours], and no one tribe knows the 
 language of another. On account of being continually at war, few 
 of them have seen any other village than their own. In Balur 
 there are beautiful gardens and an abundance of fruits, especially 
 of pomegranates, which are excellent and most plentiful. There 
 is one kind of pomegranate which is peculiar to Baluristan. Its 
 seeds are white and very transparent; it is also sweet, pure, and 
 full-flavoured. Honey is also abundant. 
 
 To resume: we passed that winter in Baluristan and fought 
 many bloody [sab~\ battles, in which victory was on our side. In 
 the spring we returned in safety, laden with spoil, and came to 
 Sarigh Chupan, where a fifth of the booty was set apart; and a 
 fifth amounted to more than a thousand [loads]. 
 
 In the early part of the spring of 934 we rejoined the Khan. In 
 the summer following, Sultan Nigar Khanim, whom I have had 
 occasion to mention so frequently in this book, died of a haemorrhage. 
 I discovered the date in [the word] “ lchuldash.” 
 
Second Expedition into Badakhshan. 
 
 33 7 
 
 
 CHAPTER LXXX. 
 
 SECOND EXPEDITION OF THE KHAN INTO BADAKHSHAN, AND THE CAUSES 
 
 OF CERTAIN CONTEMPORARY EVENTS. 
 
 In the year 935 [1528-9] Babar Padishah recalled Humayun Mirza 
 into Hindustan. The reason for this was that Mirza Khan (the 
 son of Sultan Mahmud Mirza, son of Abu Said Mirza) had died in 
 Badahkshan, as has been related, and left behind him a child 
 named Sulaiman. Babar Padishah took this boy and kept him 
 near himself, placing his own distinguished son, Humayun, on the 
 throne of Badakhshan, where he reigned from 926 to 935. 
 
 At the time when Babar Padishah had subdued Hindustan and 
 overthrown his enemies, two of his sons had become youths— 
 Humayun Mirza and Kamran Mirza. Leaving the latter in 
 Kandahar, he sent for Humayun in order that he might have one 
 of his sons [continually] by him, so that if he were to die suddenly, 
 there would be a successor near at hand. For these reasons he 
 recalled Humayun Mirza into Hindustan. But the people of 
 Badakhshan made the following representation to Humayun 
 Mirza : “Badakhshan borders on the [territory of the] Uzbeg, who 
 cherish in their hearts an ancient hatred for Badakhshan. [If they 
 attack Badakhshan] our Amirs will be unable to check them.” 
 To this Humayun Mirza made reply : “ All that you say is true, 
 still I am unable to deviate from my father’s commands. But 
 I will do my best to send one of my brothers to you, as soon 
 as possible.” Having thus reassured the people, he started for 
 Hindustan. 
 
 [No sooner was he gone than] the inhabitants of [Badakhshan] 
 began to despair; and all the Amirs, with Sultan Avais at their 
 head, despatched express messengers to the Khan, representing: 
 “ Humayun Mirza has gone to Hindustan, leaving this province in 
 the hands of Fakir Ali, who is quite incapable of coping with the 
 Uzbeg, [and therefore] of establishing tranquillity in Badakhshan. 
 If, by such and such a date, the Khan were to come, all would be 
 well; otherwise we must succumb to the Uzbeg. But if the Uzbeg 
 come and attack us before the arrival of the Khan, they will not be 
 able [by the date mentioned] to obtain a firm footing. We implore 
 his help. Perhaps he may be the cause of our salvation. More¬ 
 over, Badakhshan belongs to the Khan by right of inheritance from 
 his grandmother, Shah Begum ; nor is there a more rightful heir 
 than he.” So persistent were they in their appeals, that the Khan 
 became convinced that if he did not go [to their aid] Badakhshan 
 would fall into the hands of the Uzbeg. Therefore, at the begin- 
 
 2 c 2 
 
388 Second Expedition into Badakhshdn. 
 
 ning of Moharram of the year ’36, he set out for Badakhshan, leaving 
 Rashid Sultan in Yarkand. 
 
 It has been mentioned above, that Tahir Khan had been left 
 alone, and in the winter had been deserted by the Kirghiz and all 
 his following. On this account the Khan showed him magnanimity 
 and did nothing. After he had been a short time among the 
 Kirghiz, about twenty or thirty thousand Uzbeg again gathered 
 round him; and he prepared himself in every way [for war]. 
 [The Khan on his departure] therefore left Rashid Sultan to guard 
 and protect the province of Kashghar. On reaching Sarigh 
 Chupan, the Khan sent me forward with an advance guard 
 [manglicdai], while he followed after. I arrived in Badakhshan 
 and learnt that Hindal Mirza, the youngest of the Emperor’s sons, 
 had been sent from Kabul by Humayun Mirza; also that twelve 1 
 days previous [to my arrival] he had reached and entered Kala 
 Zafar. As it was the season of Capricorn and the middle of 
 winter, to turn back would have been difficult. So [we were 
 obliged to] go on to Kala Zafar, where we tried to enter into some 
 negotiations, suggesting that some of the districts of Badakhshan 
 should be given up to us, and at the close of the winter the 
 Khan would again retire. But they did not tiust us; nay, more, 
 they suspected us of deceit. So we finally resolved upon pillage, 
 and, until the Khan arrived, I scoured the whole country round 
 Kala Zafar; I brought together both man and beast, and indeed 
 all to which the word “ thing ” could be applied. At the end of 
 a few days the Khan himself arrived, and during three montbs 
 laid siege to Kala Zafar, while his men carried off, from the sur¬ 
 rounding country, the little that I had left. Near the end of 
 winter, many of the Amirs who had sent for the Khan, came and 
 waited on him, representing, with profuse apologies, that if Hindal 
 Mirza had not come, they would have hastened to meet and 
 receive the Khan. To this the Khan replied : “ It is out of the 
 question that I should oppose Babar Padishah. You sent me 
 entreating letters, saying that you would be swallowed up by the 
 Uzbeg, and that the presence of the Uzbeg in Badakhshan would 
 be equally hurtful to both sides; 2 for this reason I came. As 
 matters stand, every man ought now to return to his own home.” 
 [Thereupon] the Khan left Kala Zafar, and set out again for 
 Kashghar. 
 
 When news of the Khan’s entry into Badakhshan reached the 
 Emperor, he was greatly displeased, and after due consideration 
 and reflection, he despatched Sulaiman Shah Mirza [to Badakhshan] 
 and recalled Hindal Mirza [into Hindustan]. At the same time 
 
 1 The Turki version has fifteen days.—R. 
 
 2 Here the Turki MS. has: “equally hurtful to us and to the Emperor,” 
 which is obviously the sense intended. 
 
Second Expedition into Badakhshan. 
 
 389 
 
 he wrote to the Khan : “ Considering my numerous claims [on 
 your consideration] [and the ties that exist between us] this affair 
 seems strange. I have recalled Hindal Mirza, and have sent 
 Sulaiman. If you have any regard for hereditary rights, you 
 will be kind to Sulaiman Shah, and leave him in possession of 
 Badakhshan, for he is as a son to us both. This would be well. 
 Otherwise I, having given up my responsibility, will place the 
 inheritance in the hands of the heir. The rest you know.” 
 
 When Sulaiman Shah Mirza reached Kabul, 1 [he found that the 
 Khan] had retreated some time before. Hindal Mirza, in obedience 
 to the orders he had received, gave up Badakhshan to Sulaiman 
 Shah Mirza, and proceeded to India. From that time to the 
 present, Sulaiman has reigned in Badakhshan. 
 
 The Khan [returning from Badakhshan] reached Yarkand at 
 the beginning of spring. On the road my uncle fell ill, and when 
 he arrived at Kashghar, his complaint took the forms of intermittent 
 fever, dropsy, asthma and ague, so that all the doctors who were 
 attending him, such as Khwaja Nur-ud-Din, Abdul Vahid Tuhuri, 
 Kazi Shams-ud-Din Ali and others, were at a loss ; the symptoms 
 at last became so grave that his life was despaired of. In the 
 meanwhile Khwaja Nura arrived from Turfan, whither he had 
 gone on the invitation of Mansur Khan, who had said that if [the 
 Hazrat] would honour him with a \isit, he and his friends would 
 esteem it a great blessing. [Couplet] . . . Accepting this invitation, 
 Khwaja Nura went to Turfan, and having quenched the thirst of 
 those parched wanderers in the desert of longing, with the wine 
 of his presence, he returned to Kashghar. [Two couplets] . . . 
 
 My uncle’s state was now such that he fainted ever} 7 few minutes, 
 and became unconscious. 2 Soon after his Holiness began to attend 
 to my uncle, the gravity of the disease showed signs of abatement. 
 All his remedies had a beneficial effect, yet as a fact, this was not 
 medical treatment, but miraculous power and holy influence: for 
 the patient had become so weak and emaciated that he could not 
 take medicines, and in such circumstances what can a doctor do ? 
 Therefore this was a miracle. 
 
 During this time a difference arose between Khwaja Nura and his 
 younger brother, Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf, on account of the neg¬ 
 lect of a point of etiquette. The breach widened [from day to day]. 
 One day I went to wait upon Khwaja Nura, and found Khwaja 
 Muhammad Yusuf sitting in his presence. Khwaja Nura had 
 worked himself into a passion, and as soon as I had taken my seat, 
 haid : “ Muhammad Yusuf, why do you act thus ? If you are the 
 disciple of our father, I am the disciple of his Holiness—that is, 
 
 1 All the texts read Kabul , but apparently that name is a slip for JBadaJchshdn. 
 As it stands, the sense of the passage is not evident. 
 
 ' Some details of the symptoms of the disease are omitted. 
 
390 Death of Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf 
 
 of Khwaja Ihrar Khwaja Ubaidullah ; and besides this I have 
 many points of superiority over you. You are foster-brother to 
 my eldest son. Apart from all this, I am supported by God and 
 His Prophet; what strength have you to oppose me ? ” Khwaja 
 Muhammad Yusuf replied : “ I also am hopeful of the help of the 
 Prophet.” Then, asked Khwaja Nura : “ Are you willing that the 
 Prophet should be mediator between us?” Khwaja Muhammad 
 Yusuf answered : “ I am quite willing,” and Khwaja Nura having 
 intimated that he also was willing, not another word was said. 
 Thus the meeting terminated. 
 
 Shortly after this, Khwaja Nura set out for Badakhshan. One 
 day somebody came and told him that Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf 
 had fallen ill, and was asking for him. I went to visit him and 
 found he had a fever. The Khwaja said to me: “ I know well 
 that Khwaja Khavand Mahmud has taken an interest in me for 
 some time past, he is kindly disposed towards me and gives me 
 comfort from the Prophet. But now I do not know what has 
 become of this comfort; for not a trace of it is apparent, and I am 
 quite convinced that I shall not recover from my present illness. 
 Khwaja Khavand, who is my brother—nay more, stands in the place 
 of a father to me, ought not to have treated me thus; he has put 
 aside all his brotherly love and fatherly affection.” These and a 
 thousand such lamentations did he pour into my ears. He also 
 told me a few anecdotes, and entrusted some of his household to 
 my care. He gave me a garment of cameFs-hair and an apron, as 
 souvenirs. In vain did I attempt to dispel his ideas [of impending 
 death]; he only replied : “ I am convinced ; there is not a shadow 
 of doubt.” He died on the sixth night of his illness, on the 14th 
 of the month Safar of the year 937. I discovered this date in 
 “ Tair-i-Bihishti ” [a bird of paradise]. 
 
 After this, the Khan sent me to Khwaja Nura to entreat him to 
 return, which he did, and the Khan came out to receive him ; he 
 placed his head at the Khwaja’s feet and offered him profuse 
 apologies. The funeral rites of Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf were 
 then performed, [including] the giving of alms, distribution of food 
 and reading the Koran through. 
 
 But Khwaja Nura chose to dwell in Yangi-IIisar, and the Khan, 
 in order to wait on him, left Yarkand and went thither likewise. 
 There, they and the friends and disciples of the Khwaja spent that 
 winter. The Khwaja performed wondrous things in their sight. 
 The Khan was continually in his service. 
 
Rupture between the Khan and Aim an. 
 
 391 
 
 CHAPTER LXXXI. 
 
 CAUSES OF THE RUPTURE BETWEEN THE KHAN AND AIMAN KHWAJA 
 
 SULTAN. 
 
 The details of this affair would be tedious and irrelevant; but it 
 was briefly as follows. Mirza Ali Taghai, whose name appears in 
 the lists made at Kashghar, 1 was exceedingly jealous of my uncle, 
 but this did not show itself outwardly. Although he tried hard 
 [to injure him], slander and detraction could gain no hearing in 
 the service of the Khan. As was mentioned above, the Khan gave 
 my uncle’s daughter to Aiman Khwaja Sultan in marriage, and 
 from this connection had come many fine children; thus a bond of 
 union [which should have lasted till the day of judgment] was 
 formed between my uncle and the Sultan. 
 
 But seditious thoughts suggested themselves to Mirza Ali 
 Taghai. Since the spirit of jealousy had no effect on the Khan’s 
 relations with the Mirza, he tried to beguile Aiman Khwaja Sultan, 
 and stir up the dust of dissension between the brothers. He 
 would thus, he thought, gain his end. For if Sayyid Muhammad 
 Mirza took the part of his son-in-law and the latter’s children, he 
 would have, of necessity, to break with his maternal uncle, which 
 would suit his [Mirza Ali Taghai’s] purposes well. If, on the 
 other hand [the Mirza] sided with the Khan, he would be closing 
 the eye of fatherly affection on Aiman Khwaja Sultan, and his 
 children. In this event likewise [the Mirza] would suffer, for the 
 cause of Aiman Khwaja Sultan would be ruined, and the power 
 of the Mirza, in a measure, broken. Acting upon these mis¬ 
 chievous calculations, he, by a series of misrepresentations and 
 suggestions, made the Khan and Aiman Khwaja Sultan mutually 
 apprehensive of one another. 
 
 The details are briefly these : At the time when the Khan 
 marched against Andijan, [Mirza Ali Taghai] said privately to 
 Aiman Khwaja Sultan : “ I perceive that the Khan has changed 
 [in his conduct] towards you, on account of my loyalty ; he wishes 
 to set up his son Rashid Sultan in your place, and give him the 
 province of Aksu. You must now look well to your own interests, 
 and trusting my words, act upon them.” While to the Khan, he was 
 for ever saying : “ Aiman Khwaja Sultan is afraid of you without 
 right or reason. It is very probable that he will appeal to your 
 
 1 The author frequently refers, in these words, to the analysis or review of 
 the Khan’s army, when on the point of invading Kashghar in the spring, of 
 920 h. (See pp. 305 seq.) 
 
392 Rapture between the Khan and Atman. 
 
 enemies for aid [and stir up a revolt]. But the Khan does not 
 credit my words, and sa}’s they are the outcome of mere delusion. 
 His evidence is that this year Aiman Khwaja Sultan is committing 
 such and such acts.” [Then Mirza Ali Taghai] sends secretly to 
 the Sultan, saying: “ The right time is now come for you to do so 
 and so.” In his artlessness and stupidity [the Sultan] does what 
 has been suggested. Then Mirza Ali Taghai represents to the 
 Khan : “ I told you that Aiman Khwaja Sultan would do such and 
 such a thing this year. My words have come true.” 
 
 From the time of the Khan’s march against Andijan until his 
 death, a period of some six years, this sort of intrigue was con¬ 
 tinually going on. And finally the Khan became altogether 
 estranged from Aiman Khwaja Sultan. 'It was in vain that my 
 uncle and I reproved Aiman Khwaja Sultan ; when we asked 
 him why he acted in this way, he could give no satisfactory reply, 
 but persisted in his course; his motives were unknown to us. 
 
 At last we discovered that it was all the work of Mirza Ali 
 Taghai. When Mirza Ali Taghai remarked the great change in 
 the Khan’s feelings towards Aiman Khwaja Sultan, he took advan¬ 
 tage of the opportunity, and represented as follows to the Khan : 
 “ Since Aiman Khwaja Sultan’s presence in Aksu may lead to a 
 revolt, it will be better to set up Rashid Sultan in his place, and 
 send him to govern some district of Badakhshan. This would be 
 greatly to your advantage. But I am fearful lest the Mirzas 
 become angry with me. If they consent [to the arrangement] 
 you will find it most advantageous; but it will be a difficult thing 
 to mention to the Mirzas.” (By the Mirzas, he meant my uncle 
 and myself.) 
 
 The Khan told me of this ; I replied : “ In what way is Aiman 
 Khwaja Sultan preferable to your Highness’ [other] servants, that 
 this change should be necessary for the good of the State ? I do not 
 consent to it. His relationship to your Highness is [only] equal to 
 ours. If my uncle’s daughter is of bis household and has children 
 [by him], the daughter of my paternal uncle is in your haram, 
 and these two amount to precisely the same [degree of relation¬ 
 ship]. Rather them is the advantage [on our side] that I have 
 been in your service for twenty-three years, and you have always 
 singled me out for your fatherly care and brotherly love. How 
 then shall I exchange the Khan’s cause for that of the Sultan? I 
 will forward any measure that may be for the benefit of your State, 
 by all the means in my power.” 
 
 The Khan spoke also of this matter to my uncle, who said: 
 “ [Your Highness’] opinion is always enlightened ; I am ready to 
 do your bidding on every occasion. . . 9 Although I did not 
 know that [the Sultan] could harm you, yet I trust your hitherto 
 1 One line, containing a passage of which no sense can be made, is omitted.—R. 
 
The Authors Mission to Aksu. 
 
 393 
 
 infallible judgment, and will do whatever is most fitting in the 
 matter.” 
 
 These discussions being terminated, the Khan explained to us 
 his proposals. He ordered me to take Rashid Sultan [to Aksu], 
 and after sending Aiman Khwaja Sultan away from there, to 
 place Kashid Sultan upon the throne. Aiman Khwaja SulUn was 
 to come to [the Khan’s] court, and to remain there until the 
 country should be reduced to order. All must be done to advance 
 the affairs of Rashid Sultan. To my uncle he said : “ Let all be 
 carried out as I have ordered.” I said : “ With all willingness I 
 undertake the task.” 
 
 Two days later I started for Aksu. On reaching Uch I was 
 received by Shah Baz Mirza, who was also mentioned in the lists 
 at Kashghar. After leaving Uch, I was met [istikbal] by all the 
 men of Aiman Khwaja Sultan, who sent a message to me asking : 
 “ What has happened? How would it be for us, having set aside 
 all considerations of relationship, to meet [in consultation] ? ” But 
 I would not consent [to an interview] and said : “ As there is 
 nothing to be gained by an interview, it is not worth while to 
 have one.” I then sent a person to [the Sultan] with all the 
 necessary provisions for a journey, and also some trusty men to 
 accompany him. [After that I set myself] to encourage the 
 soldiers and populace [of Aksu] and to settle their affairs in the 
 most profitable manner ; I passed the necessary orders to the old 
 servants of Kashid Sultan, and arranged the government of the 
 province by dividing it equally into villages and districts. Thus 
 all the people were reassured. I stayed there six months. 
 
 Rashid Sultan was satisfied with all that was done, and there 
 grew up between us the strongest attachment. During my 
 sojourn, we were never apart for a moment. There was not the 
 slightest disagreement between us. All that he did was pleasing 
 in my sight; and all that I performed met with his approval. 
 
 Whatever I had suffered in being separated from my old friends, 
 that is to say, Shah Muhammad Sultan and Baba Sultan, was 
 atoned for in my friendship with Kashid Sultan. One day Kashid 
 Sultan said to me : “ Although formerly in Moghulistan, in accord¬ 
 ance with the Moghul usage, and by the Khan’s express command, 
 there existed between us close friendship, and we used to give each 
 other horses, nevertheless this fellowship was not confirmed by any 
 vow. I am now desirous of renewing the old friendship and of 
 ratifying it by solemn oaths.” I too showed my willingness, and the 
 conditions of our covenant were that, on my side, as long as the 
 Khan should live, I would remain in his service ; but if the Khan 
 were to die, I would serve no one but him [Rashid Sultan]—and 
 serve him in the Khan’s place, as he had served the Khan. Rashid 
 Sultan said: “After the Khan, I look upon you as my eldest 
 
394 
 
 The Authors Mission to Aksu. 
 
 brother. If, in public, you reverence me in the place of the 
 Khan, I in private will honour you as you deserve, and will 
 show you even greater kindness and favour than did the Khan. I 
 will give such offices to your uncle and relations as you may judge 
 best.” And all this we confirmed with binding oaths. [Two 
 couplets], . . . 
 
 This matter being concluded, he bade me farewell, and I returned 
 to the Khan, who was in Yangi-Hisar. He received me in a most 
 flattering manner, and would not hear of my going back to my 
 home; in Yarkand; but instead, took me with him on a hunting 
 expedition to Tuyun Bashi—one of the frontiers of Moghulistan. 
 On reaching the hunting ground, we were joined by the Sultan, 
 who came from Aksu. Soon after this the Khan had a return of 
 his old chronic illness, which took the form of flatulence, or wind 
 in the belly and stomach, fits of shivering, and partial paralysis. 
 Often, after hunting, he got a chill on the stomach, and his malady 
 returned. But on this occasion the symptoms were worse than 
 they had ever been before. My uncle was immediately sent for 
 from Kashghar; but by the time he arrived the doctors of the 
 royal camp had succeeded in curing the disease, by means of 
 effective remedies. 
 
 Still, this time the Khan was much concerned about his illness. 
 He sent for my uncle and Rashid Sultan, and said to them : “ This 
 illness has made me very anxious. I have frequently had such 
 attacks before; for several years they have happened annually, 
 but this year I have been seized twice, and the second time more 
 severely than the first. My wish now is that there should be a 
 covenant between you (meaning my uncle) and Rashid Sultan. 
 In Mirza Haidar’s case there is no need of renewal, for not only 
 did I establish them on a friendly footing in Moghulistan, but 
 they have lately again, in Aksu, concluded a satisfactory agree¬ 
 ment.” Then, addressing them both in the Turki language, the 
 Khan continued: “Oh, Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, if anything 
 should happen to me, look upon Rashid Sultan as standing in my 
 place. And you, Rashid, look upon the Mirza as in my place also.” 
 He said many kind things besides, all of which it would be tedious 
 to repeat here. 
 
 The Khan took up his winter quarters in Yangi-Hisar, while I 
 went to Yarkand. Previously, when I had come from Aksu I had 
 found the Khan busily engaged in reading with, and learning 
 under \iradat], Hazrat Makhdumi Nura. 
 
The Khan and Khwdja Khavand. 
 
 395 
 
 CHAPTER LXXXir. 
 
 THE KHAN BECOMES A DISCIPLE OF KHWAJA KHAVAND MAHMUD. 
 
 After the Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf incident, I tried constantly 
 to induce the Khan to place himself under the guidance of Hazrat 
 Makhdumi Nura. The Khan would reply : “ I desire this with all 
 my soul. Without seeking [what you suggest], I wished to resign 
 the government in order that I might follow that most perfect 
 guide, Khwaja Nura; but the more I examined myself, the less 
 capable did I feel of making an open request to his Holiness. I 
 then resolved to change my mode of living and to mend my ways, 
 so as to render myself more fitting for his service. If 1 should 
 acquire proficiency and capacity in the right path, then would 
 Khwaja Nura show me favour, without any request on my part; but 
 if I should fail, my petition would be fruitless. I trust that, by 
 God’s grace, I may attain my end without addressing an open 
 request to his Holiness. If such a happy consummation should 
 be reached I shall feel reassured.” However much I insisted, 
 the Khan always gave the same reply. A few months after my 
 departure for Aksu, a letter arrived, directed in my name, con¬ 
 taining certain [instructions] with regard to the affairs of Aksu ; 
 and on the margin there was some of the Khan’s blessed hand¬ 
 writing. I have it intact before me at this moment. 1 
 
 % % % % % # 
 
 CHAPTER LXXXIII. 
 
 GENEALOGY AND LIFE OF HAZRAT KHWAJA KHAVAND MAHMUD 
 
 SHAHAB-UD-DIN. 
 
 (He is always spoken of in this book as Hazrat Makhdumi Nura.) 
 He received the name of Mahmud from his father, and that of 
 Shahab-ud-Din from his grandfather. Out of veneration they 
 gave him the name of Khwaja Khavand Mahmud . . . . 2 
 
 I have heard Hazrat Makhdumi Nura relate that when his 
 father died he was twenty-seven years of age. He had heard his 
 
 1 The omission here consists of some long high-flown passages on the subject 
 of saints. The Khan’s marginal note is not given by the author.—R. 
 
 2 Some more irrelevant matter regarding saints and their virtues, is left 
 out here.—R. 
 
39 ^ Life of Khwaja Khdvand Mahmud. 
 
 father say : “ In Shahr-i-Sabz of Samarkand there is a garden, 
 and in the garden a mulberry tree; and Khwaja Baha-ul-Hakk 
 wa ud-Din Nakhshband used to sit leaning against that tree. 
 Hazrat Ishan, on account of this blessing, bought the garden. In 
 front of the tree is a tank. One night, on the edge of the tank, 
 Hazrat Islian related to Khwaja Ubaid-ul-Hadi and myself as 
 follows : “ During the lifetime of Hazrat Ishan 1 I suffered from a 
 weakness of the stomach, which the doctors of Mavara-un-Nahr 
 were unable to cure. I then went into Khorasan, 2 where the 
 Shaikh ul Islam, Maulana Abdur Rahman Jami, brought me fo his 
 own house, and in his service I remained [for some little time]. 
 I studied some of his tracts under him.” I learnt that he had 
 received his education at the hands of Bandagi Maulavi [Jami], 
 and from the pamphlet which I have copied into this book, 3 it 
 appears that Khwaja Nura read standard books under him. 
 After the death of Jami, he went into Irak, where he enjoyed the 
 society of Mir Hasan Yazdi and Mir Sadr-ud-Din. He next went 
 and studied, for a period of six years, under Maulana Jalal-ud-Din 
 Davani, and he also studied medicine under Maulana Imad-ud- 
 Din, who was the most eminent physician, not merely in Irak, 
 but in the whole world. 4 
 
 Having completed his medical studies in Shiraz, he passed into 
 Rum, where also he devoted himself to study. Thence he journeyed 
 into Egypt. Having performed the pilgrimage [to Mekka], he 
 embarked at Jadda, and went to India by way of Gujrat. Thence 
 he repaired to Kabul, where Babar Padishah was at that time; 
 and I, as already mentioned, was there also. These travels had 
 occupied Khwaja Nura twenty-three years. When the Emperor 
 took Samarkand, the Khwaja went thither, and on the Emperor’s 
 returning to Kabul, the Khwaja remained in Samarkand until the 
 year 931, when he returned to Kashghar, as was mentioned. In 
 those days he related : “ In Samarkand I saw, in a vision, Maulana 
 Haji Kasim (one of Hazrat Ishan’s servants) come with two horses, 
 saying that Hazrat Ishan had ordered him to tell Khwaja Nura to 
 take these two horses and go to Kashghar.” Before the Khwaja 
 reached Kashghar my uncle was attacked by paralysis, but on his 
 arrival the Khwaja, by means of his remedies, completely restored 
 him to health. He stayed two years in Kashghar, where his 
 associates were enriched by his blessings. 
 
 Mansur Khan sent some persons to him, saying that no Makh- 
 
 1 The Hazrat Ishan alluded to here, is apparently one who has not been 
 hitherto mentioned. 
 
 2 In the Turki stands: “ In order to be cured, I was obliged to go to 
 Khorasan.”—It. 
 
 3 Quoted in extenso lower down, but omitted in this translation, as having no 
 bearing on the history. 
 
 4 A line of rhetoric omitted,— It- 
 
397 
 
 Life of Khwdja Khdvand Mahmud . 
 
 dumzada had ever come to those corners [of the earth], Turfan and 
 Chalish, which were the residence of the disciples of his [spiritual] 
 fathers; these people and this country had never been blessed by a 
 visit from the Khwaja. As it would be difficult for his friends in 
 those quarters to go to him, all their blessings would be upon him 
 if he would come and honour them. The Khwaja accepted this 
 invitation of Mansur Khan, and set out for Turfan, where he 
 remained nearly three years, and brought blessings to those who 
 associated with him. 
 
 On the Khan’s return from the Badakhshan campaign, Khwaja 
 Nura left Turfan and stayed in Kashghar to attend my uncle, 
 who, as mentioned above, had become subject to fits of vomiting 
 [istiska]. Having again restored my uncle to perfect health, he 
 proceeded to Yarkand. Here Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf, as has 
 been related above, did not come out to greet him in the prescribed 
 manner, from which circumstance a dispute arose, which termi¬ 
 nated as already described. After this affair he went to Yangi- 
 Hisar, in which place the Khan also spent the winter, in order to 
 wait upon his Holiness ... A The Khwaja told me that after 
 the death of Abdur Kahman Jami, ho found under his pillow 
 some rough copies, one of which he gave, written out, to me; an L 
 I have copied it here. He gave me these passages in Yangi-Hisar 
 in the year 937 [1530-31]. 1 2 
 
 At the end of the winter I went to Aksu, and there [found] the 
 Khan and some of his adherents, liigh officials, nobles, and others. 
 At their request the Khwaja wrote several pamphlets. One of 
 
 these is the following, which I have copied out in full. 3 
 
 * * ^ ^ * 
 
 1 About five lines left out, regarding some miracles performed by the saint, 
 together with three verses of an ode by the author. 
 
 2 Here follows half a folio containing Jami’s “rough copies,” which need not 
 be inserted. 
 
 3 The pamphlet is omitted. It is entirely theological, and has no reference 
 to the Tarihh-i-BasMdi, or to any historical subject. 
 
39 § 
 
 Journey of Hazrat Makhdumi. 
 
 CHAPTER LXXXIY. 
 
 JOURNEY OF HAZRAT MAKHDUMI INTO INDIA, 1 AND CERTAIN MATTERS " 
 
 y i 
 
 CONNECTED THEREWITH. 
 
 That spring, Hazrat Makhdumi Nura set out for India by way of 
 Badakhshan. The Khan escorted him as far as the pass of Shah- 
 n«iz, 2 [representing] seven or eight days’ journey. I, being in Aksu 
 at the time, was denied participation in this happiness. On my 
 return from Aksu the Khan said to me: “ On bidding farewell to 
 Khwaja Nura, I begged him to recite the Fatiha , and just as he 
 was about to commence I asked him, as a favour, to first of all 
 repeat it for Mirza Haidar and afterwards for me. He granted my 
 request, and having first recited it for you, he then did so for me.” 
 [Two couplets]. . . . Those who were present relate that the 
 Khan, during the few stages he made with the Khwaja, was over¬ 
 come with grief, and whenever the Khwaja spoke, he was so over¬ 
 powered with emotion, that he could not restrain his tears,—a 
 circumstance that greatly impressed those who were present. 
 [Verses]. ... As this was the last time the Khan would see the 
 Khwaja, he naturally felt severely the pangs of separation. 
 
 In short, Khwaja Nura arrived in Hindustan. The frontier 
 towns of Hindustan, namely, Kabul and Lahur, were then held by 
 Kamran Mirza, who humbly begged the Khwaja to stay in Lahur, 
 but the Khwaja replied: “ From the first, it had been my intention 
 to wait upon the Emperor [Babar]; therefore I must now go and 
 condole with Humayun. Having performed this duty, should I 
 return, I will accept your invitation.” He then went to Agra, the 
 capital of India, where he was received with great honour by the 
 Emperor [Humayun]. 
 
 At that period there had arisen in Hindustan a man named 
 Shaikh Pul. Humayun was anxious to become his disciple, for he 
 had a great passion for the occult sciences—for magic and conju¬ 
 ration. Shaikh Pul having assumed the garb of a Shaikh, came to 
 the Emperor and taught him that incantations and sorcery were 
 the surest means to the true attainment of an object. Since 
 doctrines such as these suited his disposition, he became at once 
 the Shaikh’s disciple. Besides this person, there was Maulana 
 Muhammad Parghari who, though a Mulla, was a very [irreligious] 
 and unprincipled man, and who always worked hard to gain his 
 
 1 The Turki rubric reads : “Journey into Badakhshan.” 
 
 2 I do not know which of the passes reached by ascending the Shahnaz river, is 
 meant by this name. It might be the Kashasu , or perhaps the Kara-tash. The 
 Khan appears to have returned at this time, from Aksu to one of the western 
 towns. 
 
Miracles of Khwaja Nurd. 
 
 399 
 
 ends, even when they were of an evil nature. The Shaikh asked 
 the aid of Mulla Muhammad and, in common, by means of flattery, 
 they wrought upon the Emperor for their own purposes, and 
 gained his favour. 
 
 Not long after this I went to visit the Emperor, as shall be 
 presently related, but I could never gather that he had learned 
 anything from his Pir, Shaikh Pul, except magic and incantations. 1 
 But God knows best. The influence of Shaikh Pul being thus 
 confirmed, Maulana Muhammad, or rather the Emperor and all 
 his following, neglected and slighted Khwaja Nura, who had an 
 hereditary claim to their veneration. This naturally caused the 
 Khwaja great inward vexation. It was mentioned above that 
 when passing through Lahur, he had been invited by Kamran 
 Mirza to take up his abode in that place, and‘he had promised to 
 do so on his return. In pursuance of his promise, he now set out 
 from Agra to Lahur. Humayun and his companions begged him 
 [to stay], but he would not listen to their entreaties. He reached 
 Lahur in the year 943 [1536-7]. I had arrived in Lahur just 
 before, and I now had the honour of kissing his feet. 
 
 In those days I used frequently to hear him say : “ I have seen 
 in a vision, a great sea which overwhelmed all who remained 
 behind us in Agra and Hindustan; while we only escaped after a 
 hundred risks : ” and thus did it come about three years later— 
 just as he had said—as shall be presently related.’’ 2 After the 
 devastation of Hindustan he escaped, in safety, to Mavara-un-Nahr, 
 by way of Kashghar. 
 
 CHAPTER LXXXY. 
 
 MIRACLES OF KHWAJA NURA. 
 
 I was present in the assembly when Maulana Muhammad Par- 
 ghari arrived from Agra, with a letter from Humayun Padishah ; 
 he also was present when the Khwaja gave the answer before- 
 mentioned. Maulana Muhammad began to weep and begged that 
 his sins might be forgiven him; he beseeched [the Khwaja] with 
 great earnestness to write a letter to Humayun. The Khwaja 
 wrote : “ Oh ! Huma, do not throw thy noble shadow, in a land 
 
 1 Shaikh Pul, Phul or Buhlul, was well-known in India as a saint and sorcerer. 
 He was put to death at, or near, Agra by adherents of Hindal Mirza in 1587. 
 (See Beale’s Or. Biogra. Diet.) 
 
 2 The author alludes, apparently, to the battle of Kanauj in 947 (1540), when 
 the Moghuls were overwhelmed by the army of Shir Shah, Sur. 
 
400 
 
 Miracles of Khwdja Nurd. 
 
 where the parrot is less common than the kite [zaghari].” Now, 
 in this miracle there is a curions pnn, for Huma Padishah did not 
 throw Lis shadow in the country where the parrot is rarer than 
 the kite. [Maulana Muhammad] returned stupefied. . . . 1 2 
 
 While I was in Lahur, Tahmasp Shah, son of Shah Ismail, came 
 from Irak, took Kandahar from the deputies of Kamran Mirza, 
 and having given it over to some of his trusted officers, he returned. 
 This caused Kamran Mirza intense grief, and he asked me to tell 
 the Khwaja of his misfortune. The next day, when I went to wait 
 on the Khwaja, he said to me : “ I have seen his Holiness in a 
 vision, and he asked me, ‘Why are you sad?’ I replied: ‘On 
 account of Kamran Mirza, for the Turkomans have taken Kandahar. 
 What will come of it?’ Then his Holiness advanced towards 
 me and taking me by the hand said : ‘ Do not grieve ; he will 
 soon recover it.’ ” And thus, indeed, it came to pass, for Kamran 
 Mirza marched against Kandahar, and the troops of Tahmasp Shah 
 gave up the city to him in peace. This is an especially strange 
 thing to have occurred, since the Turkoman rulers are very severe 
 with their subordinates. Be this as it may, the matter was termi¬ 
 nated quite simply. 
 
 Khanzada Begum, the Emperor’s sister, who has been frequently 
 mentioned in this book, fell ill in Kabul. She wrote a letter to 
 the Khwaja, and sent it by me, to ask him for a cure for her malady. 
 Now as that letter was badly composed, I rewrote it correctly, 
 and then took it to the Khwaja. He, on my arrival, said to me: 
 “ I wish to make you partner in a secret,” whereupon I stood up 
 humbly. He continued: “ Give me the letter that the Begum 
 herself wrote.” Now, as a fact, I had written my letter in secret, 
 and no one knew anything about my having done so. 
 
 I witnessed many other wonders performed by him. 
 
 * * * * *2 
 
 1 Huma is the name of a mythical bird, supposed to watch over, and throw 
 its shadow upon, kings. By the land where the parrot is common, India is no 
 doubt meant. The omission here consists of a miraculous tale concerning the 
 fasting of the author. 
 
 2 Here follows a Sufi letter by Khwaja Nura, copied by the author into His 
 text, but not translated. 
 
Khwaja Nurds Biography, 
 
 401 
 
 CHAPTER LXXXVI. 
 
 THE END OF KHWAJA NURa’s BIOGRAPHY. 
 
 Though I am not suited to the task, the context demands that I 
 should give Khwaja Nura’s line of descent in discipleship. . . . l 
 
 He was the disciple of his grandfather Khwaja Nasir-ud-Din 
 Ubaidullah, the disciple of Maulana Yakub Charkhi, the disciple 
 of Khwaja Baha-ud-Din Nakshband, the disciple of Mir Kalal, 
 the disciple of Khwaja Muhammad Baba-i-Samasi, the disciple of 
 Khwaja Ali Ramatini, the disciple of Khwaja Mahmud Anjir 
 Faghravi, the disciple of Khwaja Arif Rivgarvi, the disciple of 
 Khwaja Abdul Khalik Ghajdavani. It were fitting that, in this 
 place, I should speak of each of these holy men individually, but 
 on consideration I do not think myself equal to the task. [Coup¬ 
 let]. . . . 
 
 I am fully aware that what I have already written is beyond 
 my powers, but the requirements of the context have been the 
 cause of my boldness, and I ask forgiveness for anything that be 
 not pleasing to God or His Prophet, or the friends of God. 
 [Verses]. ... 
 
 After Khwaja Nura went to Hindustan, the Khan gave Amin 
 Khwaja Sultan (who had been brought from Aksu to Badakhshan) 
 leave to go to India also. Although this step was necessitated by 
 the affairs of the State, yet it did not cut the Khan off from his 
 kin. However, Amin Khwaja Sultan went to India, where I 10 
 died a natural death. His eldest son, Masud Sultan, followed him 
 into India. Khizir Khwaja Sultan, Mahdi Sultan, and Isan Daulat 
 Sultan, after this dispersion towards India, settled themselves in 
 different places, but there is no object in entering into further 
 details. Whatever God wills that should be said of them, will 
 appear. 
 
 1 Some Su fistic details are omitted here.—R. 
 
402 
 
 Conclusion of Babar s History. 
 
 CHAPTER LXXXYII. 
 
 CONCLUSION OF BA BAR PADISHAH’S HISTORY. 
 
 We have brought the Emperor’s history down to the date contained 
 in the words “ Fath-ba daulat ” [930 = 1524]. So much treasure fell 
 into his hands, that all the people of the world benefited by it. In 
 short, I went to India and was employed in the direction of the 
 affairs of that country, as will be mentioned. The Emperor took 
 possession of all the dominions of Sultan Iskandar Aoghan. Rami 
 Singa, one of the Rajas of Hindustan, came against Babar Padishah 
 with an army of several hundreds of thousands. The Emperor 
 engaged him in battle, and defeated him; 1 and in his mandates 
 took the title of Ghazi. After this, he marched towards Chitur, 
 where he won decisive victories over the infidels. Returning, he 
 devoted himself to the settlement of the whole of Hindustan. In the 
 course of the year 937 he fell a victim to a severe illness, which the 
 efforts of the doctors were powerless to cure. [Two couplets] .... 
 As his end approached, he entrusted all the Amirs and people of 
 the world to Humayun Mirza (whom he had recalled from Badakh- 
 shan) and his own soul to the Creator of the world. As soon as 
 Humayun had mounted his father’s throne, such persons as 
 Muhammad Zaman Mirza (son of Badi-uz-Zaman Mirza, son of 
 Mirza Sultan Husain), who had been in Babar Padishah’s service, 
 and was his son-in-law, together with others, began to raise the 
 flag of revolt and sound the drums of sedition. But Humayun 
 quieted them all by his kindness. He conquered what little of 
 Hind had been left unsubdued by his father, and went into 
 Guzrat and captured it; but on account of discord among his 
 brothers and the Amirs, he had to abandon it. The rest of his 
 story will be told later. 
 
 1 Kana Sanga, or Sanka, of Cliitur—now Udaipur in Rajputana. The author 
 appears to allude to the battle of Kanwa, in March, 1527, (Jamadi II., 933) when 
 Baber defeated the Rana. 
 
Projected Invasion of Tibet . 
 
 403 
 
 CHAPTER LXXXVIII. 
 
 INVASION OF TIBET BY THE KIIAN. 
 
 When Khwaja Nura passed into Hindustan, and I withdrew from 
 Aksu, Rashid Sultan also returned, as has been already mentioned. 
 During the same winter Rashid Sultan went back, with his family, 
 to Aksu. In the spring of that year, the Khan resolved to conduct 
 a holy war against Tibet. Previous to this, [his] Amirs had 
 frequently invaded and plundered that country, but on account of 
 their ignorance and folly, Islam had made no progress, and there 
 were still numberless infidels in Tibet, besides those whom the 
 Amirs had subdued. 1 
 
 The Khan had always been animated by a desire to carry on 
 holy wars in the path of God, and especially so now that he had 
 just assumed the saintly ways of the Khwajas. He was always 
 ready to devote himself to the cause of the faith, and felt that the 
 holy war was one of the surest roads to salvation and union with 
 God. Prompted by such pious feelings as these, at the end of the 
 year 938 2 he set out to invade Tibet. 
 
 Having reached this point in my narrative, it is necessary for 
 me to give some account of the land of Tibet, for this country is 
 so situated that only a few travellers have been able to visit it. On 
 account of the difficulties of the route, which from every point of 
 view is most dangerous—whether by reason of its hills and passes, 
 or the coldness of the air, or the scarcity of water and fuel, or the 
 shameless and lawless highwaymen, who know every inch of the 
 roads and allow no travellers to pass—no one has ever brought 
 back any information concerning this country. In such standard 
 works as the Muajjam ul Buldan , the Jam-i-Giti Numai, and the 
 Supplement to the Surah , Tibet is not described as other countries 
 are; they merely mention that there is such a region, and some 
 few facts regarding it are given. I am therefore emboldened to 
 furnish some details about the kingdom of Tibet which are to be 
 found in no book. 
 
 1 There appear to be no precise, or detailed, records of invasions of Ladak, from 
 the side of Eastern Turkistan. From the allusions to them which Mirza Haidar 
 makes, they must have occurred pretty frequently during the early years of 
 the sixteenth century, though previous to that period I know of no mention of 
 them. Besides those incidentally referred to in this passage, it will he remem¬ 
 bered that Aba Bakr’s general, Mir Vali, overran Ladak, and afterwards one Mir 
 Mazid, who, however, was killed there by a stone falling on his head. The date 
 of Mir Vali’s exploit can only be roughly placed towards the end of the fifteenth 
 century. That of Mir Mazid must have been about the year 923 (1517). All 
 were, no doubt, wanton plundering expeditions, hypocritically disguised as holy 
 wars. 
 
 2 938 h. ended 2 August, 1532. 
 
 2 D 2 
 
404 
 
 Description of Tibet. 
 
 CHAPTER LXXXIX. 
 
 DESCRIPTION OF THE POSITION, MOUNTAINS, AND PLAINS OF TIBET, AND 
 
 AN ACCOUNT OF THE CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE INHABITANTS. 
 
 Tibet is a long [and narrow] country. 1 From Rikan Bain , which 
 means “between the north and the west,” towards Bakanip which 
 is “ between the south and the east,” is eight months’ journey. 
 Its breadth is [nowhere] more than one month’s journey, nor less 
 than ten days. Its frontier on the side of Rikan Bain , adjoins 
 Baluristan (as was stated above, in the description of Balur); that 
 on the Bakani side, touches Huchu Salar, which is a dependency 
 of [what is called] Kanjanfu 3 of Khitai. In the description of the 
 
 1 The expression literally translated is “running lengthwise.” 
 
 2 These terms are not to be found in Persian or Turki dictionaries, and I am 
 not aware what language they belong to. The first one especially is subject to 
 many readings, and that adopted in the text is by no means certainly the right 
 one. It may be Rukn, Zikan, etc., and Baib , Payin, etc., etc. Bakani may also 
 be read in several ways. Fortunately, the author himself enlightens us as to the 
 meaning. 
 
 3 Huclm, properly Hocliou, is a town of the Kansu province of China 
 standing on a right tributary of the Yellow River, about 320 li (or some 80 miles) 
 south-west of Lancliou. Salar consists of a large group of villages on the south 
 bank of the Yellow River, to the north and north-west of Hochou. Kanjdn-fu 
 represents the modern Si-Ngan-fu, the capital of the province of Shensi, The 
 region does not fall within the limits of the map attached to this volume, but 
 from a general map of China, it will be seen that, in reality, it lies more to the 
 north-east of Tibet than to the south-east, as Mirza Haidar places it; but his 
 statement of the general position lie is indicating, is a remarkably clear one. 
 
 Si-Ngan-fu was known in the time of the Mongols as Kenjan-fu, or Kan-zan-fu, 
 and it was so called by Marco Polo, who wrote: “And when you have travelled 
 those eight days’ journey, you come to that great city .... called Ivenjan-fu. 
 A very great and fine city it is, and the capital of the kingdom of Kenjan-fu, 
 which in old times was a noble, rich, and powerful realm, and had many great 
 and wealthy and puissant kings.” Previous to the Mongol era it was the capital 
 of several of flic Chinese dynasties and bore, at different times, the names of 
 Chan-gan and King -cliou-fu. It is the latter which is believed to have been 
 corrupted by the Mongols into Kenjan-fu. Thus its Mongol form seems to have 
 survived among the nations of Turkistan, etc., down to the days of Mirza Haidar. 
 
 The Hochou and Salar district is chiefly known as the seat of a large and fanatical 
 Musulman population, which has been settled there for at least four centuries. 
 The region has lately been visited by Mr. W. W. Rockhill, who tells us that these 
 Musulmans are of Turki extraction, and speak a language mixed with Turki 
 words. They are divided into two sections called locally the “ black capped ” 
 and the “ white capped ” Muhammadans. Salar is rather the name of the people 
 than of a locality, though their chief town goes by the name of Salar-pakun (or 
 palceri). It is the Solar who are designated “ Black Caps” by the Chinese. In 
 an interesting note, Mr. Rockhill observes that the annals of the Ming dynasty 
 make mention of the Salar , as the remnants of various Turki tribes who had 
 settled in the Ho-chou , Hwang-chou, and other neighbouring districts, and had 
 become a source of much trouble to the Empire. He concludes by pointing 
 to the notice in the “ Ming Shi,” of the Sali TJighur (see note, p. 349), and 
 inquires whether the Solar can be the same as the Sari (in Chinese Sali). The 
 answer is that the two words can have no connection. Sdrigli TJighur is the 
 right term— Sdrigli being the Turki for yellow, and Sali only its Chinese corrup- 
 
405 
 
 Description of Tibet. 
 
 mountains of Moghulistan and Kashghar, it was stated that the 
 principal range in Moghulistan, from which all the other hills 
 branch out, passes the north of Kashghar, runs towards the west, 
 and continues to the south of Kashghar. It was also mentioned 
 that the province of Farghana lies to the west of Kashghar, this 
 range running between. [This part of the range] which lies 
 between Kashghar and Farghana is called Alai. 
 
 Badakhshan is on the west of Yarkand. These countries are also 
 divided by [a part of] this same range, which here takes the name 
 of Pamir. The width of the Pamir, in some places, is eight days’ 
 journey. Passing onwards, one comes to some of the Yarkand 
 mountains which adjoin Balur, such as Kaskam 1 and Tagh Duin 
 Bash ; proceeding yet further, one arrives in the land of Tibet. 
 Badakhshan is in the direction of summer sunset (tabistdni) from 
 Yarkand, as stated above, and Kashmir is in the direction of 
 winter sunset ( zamistdni ) from Yarkand. 2 That same range runs 
 between Yarkand and Kashmir, and is here called Balti; this 
 [district] belongs to the province of Tibet. There is, in these 
 parts, a mountain 3 wider than the Alai or the Pamir. The width 
 in Balti is twenty days’ journey. 
 
 The pass ascending from Yarkand is the pass of Sanju, and the 
 pass descending on the side of Kashmir is the pass of Askardu. 4 
 [From the Sanju pass to the Askardu pass] is twenty days’journey. 
 In the direction of winter sunset from Khotan, are some of the 
 cities of Hind, such as Lahur, Sultanpur, and Bajwara, 5 and the 
 
 tion—while Solar is written in the Turki quite differently ; it is a proper name 
 and not an adjective. 
 
 It may be noted that it was among these turbulent Musulmans of Hochou and 
 Salar, that the revolt broke out in 1862, which afterwards acquired the name of 
 “the Tungani rebellion”—a movement which spread all over Shensi, Kansu, 
 Eastern Turkistan, Zungaria, and some parts of Mongolia. (See Yule’s Marco 
 Polo, ii., pp. 18-23; Rockhill in Land of tlie Lamas, pp. 38-40 ; and in J. R. A. S ., 
 1892, p. 598). 
 
 1 The Turki text spells Rdst-Kdm. 
 
 - The expressions used for indicating these directions are peculiar. They 
 stand respectively, in the texts, gharab i tabistdni and gharb i zamistdni of 
 Yarkand. The passage, however, falls within the brief extracts translated by 
 the late Mr. R. B. Shaw in his paper entitled‘A Prince of Kashghar on the 
 Geography of Eastern Turkistan,’ and I have taken the rendering from him, 
 knowing that he had the advantage, when using his Tarilch-i-Rashidi, of some 
 excellent local instruction on such points. (See J. R. G. S., 1876, p. 279.) The 
 author’s orientation is not particularly accurate, for Badakhshan lies nearly due 
 west of Yarkand, and Kashmir between south and south-west. 
 
 3 The meaning is a mountain mass, or mountainous region. 
 
 4 Properly Shardu, or Shardo, written Askardu on account of the inability of 
 Persian, Turki, and Hindustani-speaking peoples to pronounce an s immediately 
 preceding a hard consonant at the beginning of a word. Shardo is a Tibetan 
 name. Prom this reference to a pass behind Skardo it would appear that a road 
 led over it in Mirza Haidar’s time. The passes in that quarter are nowadaj r s 
 blocked by glaciers, and the road lias become impracticable for travellers. 
 
 5 The Sultanpur mentioned here, must be the chief town of Kulu in the valley 
 of the upper Bills river. Just south of Sultanpur, and on the same side of the 
 Bias, there is also a small place called Bajaora, which would appear, at first sight, 
 
40 6 
 
 Description of Tibet. 
 
 afore-mentioned mountain range lies between. Between Khotan 
 and tbe towns of Hind above-named, are situated Arduk, Guga, 
 and Aspati, 1 which belong to Tibet; and it must be supposed that 
 those mountains extend into Khitai. On the west and south of 
 th e range lies Hindustan; while Bhira, 2 Lahur and Ban gala arc 
 all on the skirts of it. All the rivers of Hind flow down from 
 these hills, and their sources are in the country of Tibet. 
 
 On the north and east of Tibet lie Yarkand, Khotan, Charchan, 
 Lob, Katak and Sarigh Uigliur. The rest is a sandy waste 
 [ri gist an], whose frontier adjoins Kanju and Sakju 3 of Khitai. All 
 the streams which 'flow down from the mountains of Tibet, in 
 a westerly and southerly direction, become rivers of Hind, such as 
 the Nilab, the river of Bhira, the Chinab, the river of Lahur, the 
 river of Sultanpur and the river of Bajwara, which are all rivers 
 of Sind. The Jun and the Gang and others flow through Bangala 
 into the ocean 4 ; all the streams which flow in an easterly and 
 northerly direction from the mountains of Tibet, such as the river of 
 Yarkand, the Ak Kash. and the Kara Kash, the Kirya, the Charchan, 
 and the rest, all empty themselves into the Kuk Naur, 5 which is a 
 
 to be the locality alluded to by our author; but Mr. Sliaw notes : “ I incline to 
 think that Bajwara must be an old town of that name, not far from the Satlej, 
 near Phillor, from its being mentioned afterwards in connection with that river.” 
 (loc. cit., p. 279.) This is probably the correct view. 
 
 1 These three names obviously stand for Rudolc, Gugeli, and Spiti —the two 
 tirst in Lassa-governed Tibet, the third within British territory. 
 
 2 The Bldra here pointed to is, no doubt, the town of Bhira on the left bank of 
 the Jhilam below Pind-Dadan-Khan. It was a place much in evidence in Mirza 
 Haidar’s time, and is often mentioned by Baber. Gen. A. Cunningham remarks 
 that until it was supplanted by Pind-Dadan-lvhan, Bldra was the principal town 
 in that part of the country. He tells us also that on the opposite bank of the 
 river, near Ahmadabad, there is a very extensive mound of ruins called Old Bhira, 
 or Jobnathnagar. (See Baber, pp. 253 seqq.; Elliot, ii., p. 392; and Cunningham, 
 Ancient Geog. Ind., p. 155.) 
 
 3 Kan-chou and Su-chou in the province of Kansu. 
 
 4 The Nildh , or Blue River, was the name almost always in use among the 
 Musulman authors down to the seventeenth century (and perhaps later) for the 
 Ab-i-Sind , or Indus ; and must, from the sequence and the absence of any other 
 mention of the Indus, be the river intended here. The “ river of Bhira ” is the 
 Jhilam, and that of Bajwara, as we have just seen from Mr. Shaw’s note, in all 
 probability the Satlej. The Jun and the Gang, it is almost unnecessary to 
 remark, stand for the Jamna and Ganges. 
 
 3 The Kolco Nor, or Blue Lake—the Tsing-hai of the Chinese. Though the 
 author is remarkably correct regarding the rivers of India, he appeals to have 
 confused Lob Nor with Kol;o Nor. He could, with his excellent knowledge of the 
 geography of Eastern Turkistan, have hardly been unaware of the fact that the 
 Kara Nash empties itself into Lob Nor. The river of Kirya he very probably 
 regarded as a tributary of the Yurung Kadi, or of the united Yurung and Kara 
 Kdsh, though in reality, it loses itself in the sandy desert before reaching any 
 great stream. The Alc-Kdsh I cannot trace under that name, but I suspect, from 
 the context, that he uses the term as another name for the Yurung-Kash. Both, 
 indeed, mean the same thing— i.e. ‘ white jade’; while Kara Kash means ‘black 
 jade.’ (See Remusat, Hist, de la ville de Khotan, p. 151.) When, and immediately 
 below, he writes that the Kara Muran (the Mongol name for the Yellow River 
 of China) issues from Kolco Nor, he is of course in error, but he would have been 
 
4°7 
 
 Description of Tibet. 
 
 lake in the aforesaid sand waste. I have heard some Moghuls say 
 that one may travel round [the lake] in three months. From one 
 end of it, issues a large river, which is called the Kara Muran of 
 Khitai. 
 
 From these details it will he clear that Tibet is a very high- 
 lying country, since its waters run in all directions. Any one 
 wishing to enter Tibet, must first ascend lofty passes, which do 
 not slope downward on the other side, for on the top the land is 
 level; in a few cases only, the passes have slight declivities [on the 
 fir side]. On account [of the height] Tibet is excessively cold—so 
 much so, that in most places nothing but turnips can be cultivated. 
 The barley is generally of a kind that ripens in two months. In 
 some parts of Tibet, the summer only lasts forty days, and even 
 then the rivers are often frozen over after midnight. In all Tibet, 
 in consequence of the severity of the cold, trees never reach any 
 height; nor does the corn, for, being low on the ground, it is 
 trodden down by the cattle. 
 
 Now the inhabitants of Tibet are divided into two sections. 
 One is called the Yulpa—that is to say, ‘ dwellers in villages,’ and 
 the other the Champa, meaning ‘ dwellers in the desert.’ 1 But 
 these last are always subject to one of the provinces of Tibet. The 
 inhabitants of the desert [nomads] of Tibet have certain strange 
 practices, which are to be met with among no other people. 
 Firstly, they eat their meat and all other foods in an absolutely 
 raw state, having no knowledge of cooking. Again, they feed 
 Iheir horses on flesh instead of grain. 2 They also use sheep ex¬ 
 clusively, as beasts of burden. Their sheep carry, perhaps, twelve 
 statute man. They harness them with pack-saddles, halters, and 
 girths; they place the load upon the sheep, and except when 
 necessary, never take it off, so that summer and winter it remains 
 on the animal’s back. 3 
 
 no more incorrect had he described it as issuing from Lake Lob. Indeed, the 
 legend that the Yellow River flows by an underground channel from Lake Lob , 
 is a very ancient one among the Chinese and some of their neighbours. The 
 situation of the great lake in a sandy waste, would point far more accurately to 
 Lob Nor than to Koko Nor. 
 
 1 Probably Yal-pd is an abbreviation of Yul-cho-pa , from Yul-cho , or Yul-che, 
 meaning a village. The Cham-pa are, as the author says, the dwellers in tents— 
 the pastoral people, or nomads—of Tibet. But the ordinary meaning of Yulpa , 
 Dr. Waddell tells me, is “native of the country.” 
 
 2 The first of these statements requires modification; the second is, of course, 
 ludicrously wrong. In winter, when meat is frozen hard, the Champa, and 
 indeed other Tibetans, have no objection to eat it raw, but they usually cook it 
 after a fashion. In this respect their customs arc the same as those of the 
 Mongols, Kalmaks, and other similar tribes. 
 
 3 Here too, the author mixes fact and fiction in a somewhat easy manner. 
 The load-carrying sheep are, as far as I am aware, peculiar to Tibet and Tibetan 
 regions, and are to the nomad tribesmen of those regions what the camel is to the 
 Bedouin. They are of a large and handsome, though perhaps a rather leggy 
 breed, and they carry a load of some 32 lbs. weight for a distance usually of about 
 7 or 8 miles a day. Gen. A. Cunningham gives 27 to 30 inches as their average 
 
408 
 
 Description of Tibet. 
 
 The Champa, or nomads, live in the following manner. In the 
 winter they descend tow r ards the western and southern slopes of the 
 aforesaid mountains—that is to say, to Hindustan—taking with 
 them wares of Khitai, salt, cloth of goats’ hair [tana-kar\ zedoary, 1 
 kutas [yaks'], gold, and shawls, 2 which are Tibetan goods. They 
 trade in Hindustan and in the mountains of Hindustan, and in 
 the spring they return from that country, bringing many of its 
 products, such as cloths, sweets, rice, and grain, loaded upon their 
 sheep. After feeding their flocks, they advance slowly but con¬ 
 tinuously into Khitai, wdiicli they reach in the winter. Having 
 laid in a stock, during spring, of such Tibetan products as are in 
 demand in Khitai, they dispose of the Indian and Tibetan goods 
 there in the winter, and return to Tibet in the [following] spring, 
 carrying with them Khitai wares. The next winter they again 
 go on to India. The burdens which they load on the sheep in 
 Hindustan are removed in Khitai, and those put on in Khitai are 
 taken off in Hindustan. Thus they' spend their winters alternately 
 in Hindustan and Khitai. 3 This is the mode of life of all the 
 Champa. A Champa will sometimes carry as many as 10,000 
 sheep-loads, and every sheep-load may be reckoned at twelve man. 
 AVhat an enormous quantity is this ! That amount is loaded in 
 one year, either in Hindustan or in Khitai. On every occasion, 
 
 height. As a rule, their burden consists of salt, soda, or borax when travelling 
 towards India, and grain or flour when returning homeward. These products arc 
 sewn up in bags and, indeed, any other kind of load it would be almost impossible 
 for them to carry. Col. J. Biddulph, when attached to Sir D. Forsyth’s mission to 
 lvashghar in 1873, made an interesting experiment with a flock of 30 sheep, 
 carrying loads of grain and flour. He marched with them from Tankseh in 
 Ladak, to Shaliidulla on the Kara Kash, a distance of 330 miles, by the Chang 
 Chenmo road, in 31 days, but loaded only with 20 lbs. each. In his report he 
 remarks : “ The loads, secured by breast and breach ropes, ride well, sinking into 
 tbe fleece and not being liable to shift. On fair ground, where they travelled 
 with a broad front, they marched at the rate of If miles an hour; a large number 
 would no doubt travel slower, and much must depend on the breadth of the road. 
 .... On days when they had no grass, they had literally nothing to eat, for 
 
 they refused grain, not being accustomed to it.On arrival in camp, they 
 
 were unloaded, and turned out to shift for themselves till dark, when they were 
 herded for the night.” The Champa frequently march with several thousands 
 of sheep, divided into flocks, which are driven separately, but within a few miles 
 of each other, the whole forming one caravan. They usually camp about midday, 
 turn the sheep loose, and stack the loads till the next morning. To leave them 
 on their backs, as the author states, would soon make an end of both sheep and' 
 merchandise. When Mirza Haidar speaks of 12 statute man, he is probably 
 alluding to the man of Andijan, which, as wc have seen above (p. 327), weigbe l 
 a fraction under 5 lbs., so that between 0 and 7 Andijani man would be a more 
 correct figure. (See, for Col. Biddulph’s report, Yuri;and Mission Report , p. 492, 
 and Cunningham, Ladalc , pp. 210-11.) 
 
 1 Zedoary , or jadwar, is an aromatic root used in medicine by Orientals. (See 
 Yule’s Glossary, p. 74.) 
 
 2 By ‘shawls’ the author probably means shawl-wool, for in this sense the word 
 shal is frequently used in Kashmir and Ladak. Similarly the word Kutds or Yak 
 is, I suspect, intended for ‘Yak’s wool.’ 
 
 3 This account of the mode of life led by the Champa sheep-traders, though 
 correct in the main, is somewhat confused; it is, however, given literally, as the 
 author states it. 
 
409 
 
 Description of Tibet. 
 
 wherever they go, they take all these loads with them, and are 
 never caused fatigue or trouble by them. I have never heard of 
 a similar practice among any other people. In fact, some do not 
 even credit this story. 
 
 These Champa are a numerous race, inasmuch as one of their 
 tribes, called Dulpa, 1 numbers more than 50,000 families. And 
 
 1 The word Dulpa maybe read in several different ways, such as Dulia, Bulla, 
 Pulba, etc., etc. It seems also possible, as regards the text, that a Jc may be read 
 for the l. I am inclined to think that the author intended a Jc, and that the 
 word is meant either for Dulcpat or Pulcpa; though Dr. Waddell informs me that 
 Dolpa (spelt gol pa) is the name of an aborigiual tribe in Tibet (analogous to 
 the Chandals of India) to which the Tibetan butchers belong. From Jaeschke’s 
 dictionary, however, I infer that these Dolpa are more a caste than a tribe, and 
 that they are persons dishonourably distinguished for taking animal life. 
 
 First, as to Dulcpa. This word, or properly Dogpa in Western and Central 
 Tibet, is a corruption all over the Tibetan provinces for Drugpa, DroJcpa, or 
 Brolcpa. But if the author meant Dolcpa , he could scarcely call them a tribe of 
 the Champa, or nomads, though their habits are to some extent similar to those 
 of the Cliampa; so much so, in some parts of Tibet, that Mr. Rockhill calls them 
 “ semi-nomadic herdsmen.” The true definition of the word Drolc, etc., is a 
 mountain pasture used in summer only, or, as Mr. Shaw has happily translated 
 it, “ an Alpwhile both he and Mr. Drew render DroJcpa, Brolcpa, etc., by the 
 term “ highlander.” In Ladak the DroJcpa differs from the Champa in so far 
 that he is only away in the Drolc during summer; in winter he descends 
 with his sheep, yaks, etc., to the settled villages and lives as an ordinary villager. 
 The Champa, on the other hand, lives his whole life in tents made of yak hair, 
 and merely moves between higher and lower grazing grounds, according to the 
 seasons. In most villages in Ladak and the neighbouring provinces, there are a 
 certain number of DroJcpa, who take charge of the flocks and herds of their 
 settled neighbours in summer, and drive them up to the Drolcs for pasture. 
 Thus, judging by customs and mode of life, it appears doubtful if Mirza Haidar 
 is alluding, here, to the DroJcpa or Dulcpa. It may be added that the term is 
 often used to denote a strange, or foreign tribe, belonging to neighbouring hill 
 countries, if of pastural, or semi-pastural, habits; such as the inhabitants of 
 Bhutan and the hill tribes, mis-called Darcls, living west of Baltistan. 
 
 Secondly, as to Pulcpa. A little lower down (p. ill), Mirza Haidar tells us of 
 gold mines worked by a branch of the Didpa tribe, who live in caves, or holes 
 in the ground near their mines. These gold mines and those who work them 
 arc described in almost exactly the same way by Pandit Nain Sing, who visited 
 them on his journey from Ladak to Lassa in 1873. Speaking of the localities 
 north of the Tsang-pu valley, he says, “ the diggers mostly dwell in 
 caves excavated in the earth. These habitations, which are locally termed, 
 Phulcpa, .... contain populations varying from five to twenty-five in each, 
 according to the wealth of the proprietors,” who live in them as a means of 
 protection from robbers, the caves being easily defensible, while tents are 
 peculiarly open to attack. These gold diggers the Pandit states to have been 
 mostly Champa. Here the habitations, and not the inhabitants, are termed 
 Phulcpa (or, more probably, in Tibetan, Pugpa or Pukpa); but it is quite 
 possible that the word may have been applied, by the Moghuls, to the diggers, 
 aud that Mirza Haidar came to know the latter as Pulcpa Champa. It is also 
 possible that he may have heard of both Dulcpa and Pulcpa, when in Tibet, and 
 that when writing his history, some twelve years subsequently, may have 
 confused the two strange words. In any case, he rightly describes the miners as 
 Champa ; while he would be scarcely correct in speaking of the Drolc men as 
 belonging to that class. The caste of Dogpa appear to have no special habitat, 
 and it seems impossible that Mirza Haidar’s narrative can apply to them, as it 
 dees to the Pug-pa, or cave-men. (See Rockhill, J. B. A. S., 1890, pp. 50 and 
 128; Shaw, J. A. S. B., xlvii., No. 1, 1878, p. 30 ; Drew, Jummoo and Kashmir, 
 p. 43 ’; and Pundit Nain Sing in llep. Trans-Himalayan Explorations, 1873-5, 
 p. 58; also Jaeschkc’s Tib. Diet, for meanings.) 
 
4io 
 
 Description of Tibet. 
 
 there are many more tribes like this one. From some of the 
 chiefs I have asked their numbers, but they have been unable to 
 inform me. God knows best; and the responsibility be upon 
 [those who have failed to inform me]. 
 
 The dwellers in villages are called Yulpa : they inhabit many 
 districts—such as Balti, which is a province of Tibet; Balti, in 
 turn, comprises several [smaller] districts, such as Purik, Khapula, 
 Ashigar, Askardu, [Bunk], and Ladaks, and each of these con¬ 
 tains fortresses and villages. Wherever I went in Tibet, I either 
 took the country by force or made peace, on the inhabitants 
 paying tribute. Among these [places may be mentioned] Balti, 
 Zanskar, Maryul, 1 Budok, Guga, Lu, Buras, Zunka, Minkab [or 
 Hinkab], Zir-Sud-Kankar, Nisan, Ham, Alalai-Lutak, Tuk, Labug 
 [or Lanuk], Astakbark [or Askabrak], 2 which is the limit of my 
 
 1 The name of Mar Yul, though never used in Ladak nowadays, is not 
 entirely forgotten there. It is said by Dr. Marx to include the upper and 
 lower districts of Ladak proper, together with Nubra, Zangskar, etc.; General 
 Cunningham speaks of it as applied to Ladak generally ; while General Strachey 
 gives it a much wider definition, and makes Maryul include the whole of 
 Baltistan. I venture to think that Dr. Marx’s definition is the one usually 
 accepted by the natives of the jnovince. On the meaning of the word too, our 
 authorities are at variance. Dr. Marx, quoting a highly intelligent and well- 
 instructed lama (my old acquaintance Tashi-Tanpel) says the word is derived 
 from me-ru , meaning ‘ bare rocks; ’ General Cunningham translates ‘red land; ’ 
 Strachey and Csoma de Koros (cited by Cunningham), render it ‘ low country ; ’ 
 while Dr. Waddell agrees with the rendering of de Koros. There may, therefore, 
 be still some uncertainty as to the meaning of the term. It may be thought 
 that a country including no spot lower than about 9,500 ft. above sea-level, 
 could scarcely .gain the name of ‘low,’ but with reference to Gugeh, Rupchu, 
 and the mountain tracts surrounding Maryul, the settled parts of the country, 
 are, in fact, at a low elevation. The division between Upper and Lower Ladak 
 is said, by Dr. Marx, to be the plateau dividing the village districts of 
 Basgo and Saspola on the Indus. Maryul, however, must not be confounded 
 with Mang-yul, or the Many country.” Many, as Dr. Waddell points out, is a 
 specific name for the province lying between Ladak and Western Tibet, or 
 Tsang; and is, in fact, another name for part of Nyari. 
 
 Mirza Haidar, when speaking of Ladak as a country, always applies to it the 
 name of ‘ Tibet,’ as is the custom at the present day among all natives of Eastern 
 Turkistan, Badakhslmn, etc. It is only on the south of the Karakorum and 
 Hindu Kush that the name of ‘Ladak’ is heard; and in those regions it is 
 applied to the chief town, Leh, as well as to the whole country, just as the name 
 of ‘ Kashmir ’ is given to Srinagar, because it is the capital of Kashmir. ‘ Leh ’ 
 aud ‘ Srinagar ’ are rarely heard, among the natives, in Ladak and Kashmir. 
 In the same way, when Mirza Haidar speaks of Maryul, he usually, if not 
 always, denotes the capital and its immediate district—either the town of Leh, 
 or else Shell, in its near neighbourhood. The author is wrong in making Ladak 
 a part of Baltistan in the sixteenth century. 
 
 The exact Tibetau spelling of the name Ladalc, it may be added, is Latlvays, 
 but in pronouncing these syllables, certain letters are dropped and others altered, 
 so that the result arrived at is La-dak. The final Kh, so often seen in the name, 
 is a Kashmiri and Hindustani corruption. (Sec Marx, J. A. S. B. as above, 
 pp. 115, 110; Cunningham’s Ladal;, pp. 18, 19; and II. Strachey, Pliys. Geoy. of 
 West. Tibet, p. 13.) 
 
 2 These names, as far as ‘ Gugeh’ inclusive, are easily recognised; for some 
 attempts at identifying the remainder see lower down—Note 1, p. 456. As 
 regards Ursany, which follows immediately, a reference to note 3, p. 130, in 
 Part I., will show that Lassa is intended. 
 
The Curiosities of Tibet. 411 
 
 journey. From Askabrak to Bangala is twenty-four days’journey, 
 and Ursang is on the east, and Bangala on the south, of Askabrak. 
 Ursang is the Kibla and K’aba of all Khitai and Tibet, and has 
 a vast idol-temple. As what I heard concerning this temple is 
 incredible I have not written it. There are many false stories 
 told of it. In short, it is the seat of learning and the city of the 
 pious of Tibet and Khitai. 
 
 CHAPTER XC. 
 
 ACCOUNT OF THE CURIOSITIES OF TIBET. 
 
 The nature of those portions of Tibet that I have visited, and of 
 its inhabitants, is such that in spite of my strong wish to describe 
 it I find it impossible. I will, however, on account of their strange¬ 
 ness, mention a few of the particulars which I have either seen 
 myself or heard spoken of. 
 
 One of these is the gold-mines. In most of the Champa dis¬ 
 tricts gold-mines are found. Among them are two strange mines ; 
 one is called by the Moghuls the Altunji [or Goldsmith] of Tibet, 
 and it is worked by a branch of the above-mentioned tribe of 
 Dulpa. On account of the extreme coldness of the atmosphere, 
 the}’ are not able to work more than forty days in the year. In the 
 level ground are pits [or caves] large enough for a man to enter. 
 There are numbers of these holes, and most of them terminate by 
 running into one another. It is said that three hundred heads 
 of families live permanently in those caves. They watch the 
 Moghuls from afar, and when these come near, they all creep into 
 their caves, where no one can find them. In the caves no oil 
 burns except the oil made from sheep’s milk [sar-jush] that has no 
 fat in it. 1 Out of these caves they bring soil, which they wash, 
 and (the responsibility be upon those who tell this story) it is said 
 that in one sieve of soil from those mines, ten mithkals of gold are 
 sometimes found. One man digs the earth, carries it out and 
 washes it by himself. Some days he sorts twenty sieves full. 
 Although this may appear incredible, I have heard it confirmed 
 all over Tibet, and for this reason I have written it down. 
 
 Again, Guga has two hundred forts and villages. It is three 
 days’ journey in length, and in it gold is everywhere to be found. 
 Wherever they dig up the earth and spread it on a cloth, they find 
 gold. The smallest pieces are about the size of a lentil [aclas ] or 
 a pea [mash], and they say that sometimes [lumps] are found as 
 large as a sheep’s liver. At the time when I was settling the 
 
 1 The translation of ibis passage, regarding Ibe oil, is uncertain. 
 
412 
 
 The Curiosities of Tibet . 
 
 tribute upon Guga, the head men related to me that a man was 
 lately digging a piece of ground, when his spade stuck fast in 
 something, so that he could not, with all his effort*, draw it out. 
 Having removed the earth, he saw that it was a stone, in the 
 middle of which was gold ; in this his spade had become fixed. 
 Leaving the spade where it was, he went and informed the 
 governor. A body of men went to the spot and extracted it, and 
 having broken the stone, found in it 1,500 Tibetan mithkals of 
 pure [mohri] gold (a Tibetan mithkal is worth one-and-a-half 
 ordinary mithkals ), and God has so created this soil that when the 
 gold is taken from the ground it does not diminish [in bulk] how¬ 
 ever much they beat it out, bake it and stamp it; it is only fire 
 that has any effect on it. This is all very wonderful, and is 
 looked upon by assayers as very strange and curious. Nor is this 
 peculiarity to be met with anywhere else in the world. 1 In the 
 greater part of Tibet the merchandise of Khatai and India is to be 
 found in about equal quantities. 
 
 Another peculiarity of Tibet is the dam-giri , which the Moghuls 
 call Yas , 2 and which is common to the whole country, though less 
 prevalent in the vicinity of forts and villages. The symptoms are 
 a feeling of severe sickness [nakhuslii], and in every case one’s 
 breath so seizes him that he becomes exhausted, just as if he had 
 run up a steep hill with a heavy burden on his back. On account 
 of the oppression [it causes] it is difficult to sleep. Should, however, 
 sleep overtake one, the eyes are hardly closed before one is awoke 
 with a start caused by oppression on the lungs and chest. And this 
 is always the case with everybody. When overcome by this malady 
 the patient becomes senseless, begins to talk nonsense, and some¬ 
 times the power of speech is lost, while the palms of the hands and 
 soles of the feet become swollen. Often when this last symptom 
 occurs, the patient dies between dawn and breakfast time ; at other 
 times he lingers on for several days. If, in the interval, his fate 
 
 1 The existence of gold in the western provinces of Tibet is well known, hut 
 the quantities found are very small and usually confined to dust—nuggets being 
 seldom heard of. The quality is said to be good, and most of it finds its way to 
 Kashmir and India. The workings—in Ladak at any rate—are in the form of 
 caves or pits, much as Mirza Haidar describes them. His mention of the miners 
 watching for ‘the Moghuls’ is curious, but it is not quite clear whether he is 
 alluding to his own expedition (presently to be described), when he may have 
 seen the miners escape from his party by taking refuge underground, or whether 
 he points to a general custom. If to the latter, it would imply that the Moghuls 
 from Eastern Turkistan were in the habit of raiding on the gold diggers. In 
 Chaps. XCII. and XCIV., we shall see that to plunder the Dulpa or Tukpa was, 
 indeed, the chief object of the Khan’s expedition to Tibet, though it was 
 disguised as a holy war; and if this was the case in one instance, it is possible 
 that former raids had been undertaken with the same end in view. 
 
 2 The proper spelling of this word, according to Mr. Shaw would be Tss. 
 There is no English word for dam-giri or “ breath seizing,” caused by the 
 rarefied air at high altitudes. It is the French “ nml de montagne,” and 
 the German “ Passen-gift.” (See note next page.) 
 
4 X 3 
 
 The Curiosities of Tibet. 
 
 lias nut been sealed, and he reach a village or a fori, ii is probable 
 that he may survive, otherwise he is sure to die. This malady 
 only attacks strangers; the people of Tibet know nothing of it, 
 nor do their doctors know why it attacks strangers. Nobody has 
 ever been able to cure it. The colder the air, the more severe is 
 the form of the malady. [Couplet] .... It is not peculiar to 
 men, but attacks every animal that breathes, such as the horse, as 
 will be presently instanced. One day, owing to the necessity of a 
 foray, we had ridden faster than usual. On waking [next morning] 
 I saw that there were very few horses in our camp, and [on 
 inquiring] ascertained that more than 2000 had died in the night. 
 Of my own stable there were twenty-four special [riding] horses, 
 all of which were missing. Twenty-one of them had died during 
 that night. Horses are very subject [ sarayat] to dam-giri. I have 
 never heard of this disease outside Tibet. No remedy is known 
 for it. 1 
 
 1 The effects of the rarefied atmosphere at high altitudes on respiration and 
 circulation are, ou the whole, well described, though the author had no idea of 
 the cause of the symptoms. In some respects he is at fault, as when he says 
 that the natives of Tibet do not suffer from it. Tibetans born and bred at an 
 elevation of, say, 12,000 feet, will often suffer more severely from dam-giri (or dam 
 as it is usually called) when they ascend to 17,000 or 18,000 feet, than natives of 
 countries on about the level of the sea. The degree of suffering depends on the 
 constitution of the individual, or on how far he has become accustomed to high 
 altitudes. The cold too, so far from intensifying the symptoms, slightly miti¬ 
 gates them, as it modifies the pressure to some extent. This, however, is more a 
 matter of theory than of experience. The only cure which modern science has 
 suggested, is the use of salts which increase the supply of oxygen to the system, 
 such as chlorate of potash ;* but no very marked result has, I believe, ever been 
 attained from experiments of this kind. Dr. Bellew was of opinion that chlorate 
 of potash “ relieves the dreadful nausea and headache produced by the circulation 
 of insufficiently oxygenated blood.” Mirza Haidar, when he prescribes the 
 removal of the patient to the neighbourhood of forts and villages, unconsciously 
 proposes what is perhaps the only real cure—viz., a descent to a lower altitude, 
 for it is only at comparatively low elevations, that villages or buildings of any 
 kind are to be found. The natives of the Tibetan and Pamir regions have many 
 nostrums, such as onions, dried apricots, aromatic herbs, etc., for mitigating the 
 effects of attenuated air, which they almost invariably ascribe to poisonous 
 exhalations from the ground, or to the presence of noxious weeds. Good 
 accounts of the effects of “ dam,” or height sickness, in Central Asia, will be 
 found in Wood’s Oxus, pp. 236-238; Drew’s Jummoo and Kashmir, pp. 290-2; 
 Bellew’s Kashmir and Kashghar, pp. 164, etc., and other works. Sir H. Yule 
 ( Prelim: Essay to Wood’s Oxus, p. lxv.) says that the malady “is called by the 
 Badakhshis and Wakhis TunJt, by the Turkis Esh [Iss?], signifying an 
 odour or miasm, and by the Indian population of the Himalaya Bish-hd-liawa, or 
 poisonous air.” In the Turki MS. employed for this translation the word used 
 is tutlci, which (Mr. Ross informs me) is “ from the verb tut-malc to seize, as gir 
 from griftan” The Tibetan words (as Dr. Waddell is good enough to note) are 
 Dug-ri, or “ poison of the mountain,” and La-dug, or “ pass poison.” Other 
 accounts of the malady are no doubt common in books dealing with the Alps, the 
 Andes, etc. 
 
414 
 
 Customs of the Tibetans . 
 
 CHAPTER XCI. 
 
 TIBET AND THE CUSTOMS OF ITS PEOPLE. 
 
 Their men of learning [ Ulama ] are, as a body, called Lamas. But 
 they have different names, in proportion to the extent of their 
 learning. Just as we say “ Imam and Mujtaliid,” they say 
 “ Tunkana and Kahjavar.” 1 I had much conversation with them 
 with the help of an interpreter. But when it came to nice dis¬ 
 tinctions, the interpreter was at a loss both to understand and to 
 explain, so that the conversation was incomplete. Of their tenets 
 and rites, however, I was able to discover the following particulars. 
 They say that the Most High God is from all eternity. At the 
 beginning of creation, when He called the souls into being, He 
 taught each one separately how to attain to the regions of the 
 blessed (which was the path that leads to Paradise), and how to 
 escape from hell. [This He taught them] without palate, or tongue, 
 or any other [corporeal] medium. These souls He sent down at 
 various times, as seemed fitting to Him, and mixed them with earth. 
 And this is the origin of the power of vegetation of plants in the 
 earth. When the soul has descended from the highest to the lowest 
 degree, it is no longer pure, but unconsciousness and oblivion 
 dominate it. In the process of time, it migrates to some vile body; 
 and this migration, although it be into a base degree, is yet an 
 advance upon the state of being mixed with earth. In every body 
 [the soul] makes progress according to its conduct. If its conduct 
 is perfect in that body, it enters into a better body; if, on the other 
 hand, it errs, it enters a yet viler body; and if in this [last] body 
 
 1 Kahjavar may also read Kichuva. On these terms Dr. Waddell has favoured 
 me with the following remarks:—“ The ordinary Tibetan degree of divinity, 
 somewhat analogous to our b.d., carries with it the title of Tung-Ba (properly 
 Tung-ram-pa —spelt Drun-rams-pa *) when the degree is conferred by the 
 Tashi-lhunpo university; or Ge-she (spelt dge-sds ) when conferred by the great 
 universities of Central Tibet (viz., Depung, iSerra and Gahldan). These may be 
 the names here mentioned. The highest degree, however, which may be called 
 the Doctorate, and held by very few Lamas, gives the title of Kah-chan, or Kah- 
 chu, or Kab-chu (spelt shabs-bchu, or skabts-tschu 2 ) when the degree is con¬ 
 ferred by Tashi-lhunpo; but Bab-byam-pa when given by those of Central Tibet. 
 Khajavar or Kichuva may thus be intended either for Kah-chan or Ge-she —the 
 former more probably, though it is possibly meant for Ku Shog, a title given by 
 courtesy to educated Tibetans, even amongst the laity, though in Ladak it seems 
 restricted to the highest Lamas—those who pose as reincarnated hierarchs. 
 
 Nor does Tunkana probably mean Tul-Ku —the proper title of reincarnated 
 Lamas—the Kliutuktu of the Mongols. Taking the two titles together, I think 
 they are probably intended for Tung-ram-pa and Kah-Chu, thus rendering it 
 probable that the author was conversing with Lamas affiliated to Tashi-lhunpo 
 which, in Northern Tibet and Mongolia, enjoys greater repute as a teaching 
 centre than the universities of Lhasa (' Cf. Jaeschke’s Tibetan Diet., p. 263, 
 and 2 Kbppen, Die Religion cles Buddha , ii., p. 253).—L. A. W.” 
 
Customs of the Tibetans. 415 
 
 it still does evil, it again becomes mixed with the earth, and again 
 remains inanimate [ muattal ] for some time. 
 
 In this manner [the soul] migrates from one body to another, and 
 progresses until it attains the human body. In the human body 
 it first of all reaches the lowest degree, such as that of a peasant 
 or a slave. It gradually rises in the scale of humanity, until it 
 enters the body of a lama, in which state, if [the entity] conducts 
 itself in a becoming manner, it attains a knowledge and insight 
 into former states, and knows what it has done in each separate 
 body, what has been the cause of its progress, and what the 
 reason of its degradation. This knowledge and consciousness is 
 the degree of saintliness. And in like manner, by means of much 
 contemplation, people attain to the stage in which they recall what 
 was taught them at the beginning of eternity; they remember 
 everything that the Most High God communicated to them, with¬ 
 out palate, tongue, or any other [physical] medium. This is the 
 degree of prophecy. In it men learn what they have heard from 
 God Almighty, and [on these revelations] are their religion and 
 faith based. The soul which has attained to the degree of prophecy 
 is no longer subject to death, but has eternal life. The being 
 continues until his physical strength is quite broken, when his 
 body perishes, and nothing remains but his spirituality. All who 
 have spiritual force of this kind may see [the soul]; but otherwise 
 it cannot be seen with the eye of the head, which is bodily vision. 
 
 Such are the tenets of the religion of Skaka Muni. All Khitai 
 is of this faith, and they call it the religion of “ Shakia Muni ”; 
 while in Tibet it is called “ Shaka Tu Ba,” 1 and “ Skaka Muni.” 
 In histories it is written “ Shaka Muni.” In some histories, Shaka 
 Muni is reckoned among the prophets of India, and some hold that 
 he was a teacher \lidkim\. Also, it is maintained that no one goes to 
 Heaven by the mere acceptance of the faith and religion, but only 
 in consequence of his works. If a Musulman performs good acts, he 
 goes to Heaven; if he do evil, he goes to Hell. This also applies 
 to [these] infidels. They hold the Prophet in high esteem, but 
 they do not consider it the incumbent duty of the whole of man¬ 
 kind to be of his religion. They say : “ Your religion is true, and 
 so is ours. In every religion one must conduct oneself well. 
 Shaka Muni has said: After me there will arise 124,000 prophets, 
 the last of whom will be called Jana Kasapa, 2 an orphan, without 
 
 1 Dr. Waddell writes: “ Sakya, Tu-Ba. Tub-pa is the Tibetan equivalent of 
 the Sanscrit Salty a, and means, literally, ‘ the mighty one.’ ( Cf . Jaeschke’s 
 Diet., p. 234.)—L. A. W.” 
 
 2 This word is not badly transliterated. It should read, Professor Bendall 
 informs me, Jnana-Kdsyapa. Dr. Waddell notes on this subject: “ Kdsyapa 
 was the last mythical human Buddha who preceded Sakya-Muni, and he is 
 especially worshipped now by the Bonpa followers of the pre-Lamaist religion 
 of Tibet. Compare Fa Hian’s reference to the followers of the mystic cross in 
 the regions about Ladak.—L. A. W.” 
 
416 Customs of the Tibetans. 
 
 father or mother. All the world will comprehend his religion. 
 When he is sent, it will he necessary for the whole world to submit 
 to him, and blessed will he be who hastens to adopt his faith. I 
 bequeath my own religion in order that it may be handed down 
 from generation to generation until the blessed time of his appear¬ 
 ance. The semblance of this prophet will be in this wise ”—and 
 therewith he gave an image which the people were to remember, 
 for in this form the prophet would appear. People should believe 
 in him before all other men. 
 
 At the present time, the chief idol (which they place in the 
 entrance of all the Idol Temples) besides all their fables, 1 have 
 reference to him. This idol is the figure of Jana Ivasapa. And 
 they attribute most of those qualities to Jana Kasapa, which apply 
 to our Prophet. I observed to them : “ What Shaka Muni said refers 
 to our Prophet.” They replied: “ Shaka Muni said he would 
 come after 124,000 prophets, and after him would come no other 
 prophet. Now of those 124,000, but few have appeared as yet.” 
 I insisted earnestly that they had all appeared, but they would 
 not admit it, and so remained in their error. 
 
 At Zunka, which is the most famous r place] in Tibet, and one 
 which produces zedoary [malt farjin ], I saw another [interesting 
 object], viz.*, an inscription of the Padishah of Khitai. It was 
 written in the Khitai character, but in one corner it was in 
 Tibetan writing, while in another corner was a clear Persian 
 translation in the Naskhi hand. It ran as follows : “ His Highness 
 the king sends greeting to all his people, saying: It is more than 
 3,000 years ago now, that Shaka Muni introduced idol-worship 
 and spoke words which are not intelligible to all. . . .” This 
 much I have retained; the rest related to some orders for the 
 repairing of the temple. I have quoted this to show that Shaka 
 Muni lived 3,000 years previous to the date of the inscription, 2 
 Avhich, however, not being [dated] in the Hajra, I could not 
 understand. But judging from the extent to which the inscrip¬ 
 tion was worn, not more than a hundred years could have elapsed 
 since it was written. But God knows best. I was in Zunka in 
 the month of Eabi ul Awal, 940 [October 1533]. 
 
 Another [curiosity] is the wild hutas. This is a very wild and 
 ferocious beast. In whatever manner it attacks one it proves 
 fatal: whether it strike with its horns, or kick, or overthrow its 
 
 1 The fables here alluded to, Prof. Bendall thinks, arc probably the Jdtakas, 
 or “ Birth stories.” 
 
 2 The date usually assumed for the Nirvana of Sakya-Muni is about the 
 middle of the fifth century, b.c. ; thus Mirza Haidar’s estimate would appear to 
 be about 1,000 years too early, but Dr. Waddell informs me that, among 
 the Tibetan Lamas, an antiquity of 3,000 years is often assigned to Sakya- 
 Muni. Mirza Haidar, therefore, may have had authority for what he sets down 
 here. 
 
Arrival of the Author in Tibet. 417 
 
 victim. If it lias no opportunity of doing any of these things, 
 it tosses its enemy with its tongue, twenty gaz into the air, and 
 he is dead before reaching the ground. One male kutas is a load 
 for twelve horses. One man cannot possibly raise a shoulder of 
 the animal. In the days of my forays \kazaki] I killed a lzutas , 
 and divided it among seventy persons, when each had sufficient 
 flesh for four days. 1 This animal is not to be met with outside 
 the country of Tibet. The remaining particulars concerning Tibet 
 will be given in the account of the campaign. 
 
 CHAPTER XCII. 
 
 THE KHAN MAKES A HOLY WAR ON TIBET. 
 
 The Holy War is the main support and fortifier of Islam—the 
 most efficient ground-work for the foundations of the Faith . . . ? 
 After the Khan’s repentance, he had always awaited an opportunity 
 for personally conducting a holy war [gkazdtl, nor could his hunger 
 and thirst for this exploit be in any way satisfied by merely sending 
 out a ghazdt expedition, every year; so at length, in Zulhijja of 
 the year 938 [July 1532] he set out to attack the infidels of Tibet. 
 
 As I mentioned above, Tibet is bounded on the north, where 
 it is called Balti, by Balur and Badakhshan ; in the direction 
 of winter sunrise 3 of that place is Yarkand, and on the west is 
 Kashmir. Having bidden Iskandar Sultan accompany me, and 
 having deputed me to that country, the Khan himself started (by 
 way of Khotan) for the Altunji 4 of Tibet, which is another name 
 for the Dulpa. 
 
 CHAPTER XCIII. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF THE AUTHOR IN TIBET, AND SUBSEQUENT EVENTS. 
 
 I set out in Zulhijja of the aforesaid year, and in the beginning 
 of Safar, reached Nubra, a dependent province of Tibet. I then 
 sent a person all over that country to greet the people with a 
 
 1 For the true dimensions of the tcutds, or ydh, see note, p. 302. 
 
 2 Here ten lines of rhetoric on the virtues of the Ghazdt, or holy war, are left 
 untranslated. 
 
 3 The expression is Sharlc-i-Zamistdni , and is translated, according to 
 Mr. Shaw, “direction of winter sunrise,” as in the cases mentioned in note 2, 
 p. 405. 
 
 4 See notes, pp. 409 and 412, 
 
 2 E 
 
418 
 
 Arrival of the Author in Tibet , 
 
 general invitation. [He was to say] : “ This is a general invitation 
 to the faith of Ahmad. Happy the man who comes to the Faith 
 and obtains his portion.” The greater number submitted ; but not 
 the chiefs of Nubra, who were refractory and rebellious, and 
 retired to their castles and forts. A certain man named Bur Kapa, 
 who was at the head of the chiefs of the infidels, strengthened 
 himself within the castle of Mutadar, 1 which is the chief fort of 
 that country. I laid siege to this fort, and was for some days 
 employed in making ready the siege implements, such as catapults, 
 shields [tura], etc. On the appointed day I approached the fort, 
 and the talons of Islam, seizing the hands of infidelity, the 
 enemy were thrown into disorder and routed. Having deserted 
 the fort, they fled in confusion and dismay, while the Musulmans 
 gave them chase, as far as was possible, so that not one of these 
 bewildered people escaped. Bur Kapa was slain together with 
 all his men ; their heads formed a lofty minaret—and the vapour 
 from the brains of the infidels of that country ascended to the 
 heavens. 
 
 Thenceforth no one dared offer resistance. Having thus reduced 
 the whole province of Nubra, a garrison was placed in the fort and 
 order established. 
 
 Thence we passed into Maryul, and there encamped. In Miiryul 
 there are two rulers. One called Lata Jughdan, and the other 
 Tashikun. 2 They both hastened to wait [on me]. At that period 
 
 1 This name may also read Maut-ddr , but is probably intended for Hundar, 
 near the junction of the Nubra and Shayok rivers. The chief village, and seat of 
 the district officials in the Nubra Valley is, nowadays, Tagdr —a name which bears 
 a certain resemblance to a part of the word Mutadar. At one time Cliarasa, on 
 the opposite side of the river, was the chief place. 
 
 2 The kings or rulers of Ladak are not easy to trace about this period. In the 
 first place, the history of the country has not yet been completely worked out; 
 in the second place, no dates are recorded (except one uncertain one) till the year 
 1580 a.d. is reached. We possess two lists of rulers previous to that date—one 
 by the late Emil v. Schlagintweit, and the other by the late Dr. Karl Marx of the 
 Moravian mission in Ladak. Both are taken from the same Tibetan work—the 
 Ladak Gijalrabs —but they differ to some extent, and more especially about the 
 period which embraces the transactions related by Mirza Haidar. On the w r hole, 
 probably the later version of Dr. Marx is the one to be most trusted, as he collated 
 several manuscripts of the Ladak Gyalrabs, and had the assistance of good local 
 authorities on the history of the country. Had he only been able to supply dates 
 for the reigns of the kings and for the events he mentions, his work would indeed 
 have been valuable. The only way in which I have been able roughly to set up 
 a reference mark for the dates, is to assume that the sixteenth king of the line, 
 reigned not later than the early part of the fifteenth century, for it is during this 
 king’s time that an event is mentioned, showing that the famous religious 
 reformer Tsong-Kapa was then alive, and the period of Tsong-Kapa’s life is well 
 known (from Chinese sources) to have been 1355 to 1417 a.d. Thus the sixteenth 
 king of Ladak must have been ruling before 1417, while Mirza Haidar’s invasion 
 took place in the autumn of 1532 (Safar 939 h.), when the name of one of the 
 rulers was Lata Jughdan, or Chogdan. Now the only ruler of the name of Chogdan 
 (fully Lo-dos-chog-ldan) is the seventeenth, who was son of the sixteenth, and it 
 would seem impossible that a man should be reigning in 1532 whose father was 
 king some time previous to 1417. There is, therefore, some discrepancy here 
 which I see no way of reconciling. The name of the other ruler, given by Mirza 
 
419 
 
 and Beginning of the War. 
 
 Libra began to change. In the whole of Tibet during Libra, the 
 cold is so intense that, compared with it, the winter of other 
 countries is as the hottest days of summer. I then held a con¬ 
 sultation with the Amirs, who were with me, as to which district 
 of Tibet would be best suited to establish our Avinter quarters in, 
 and where we might find grain and provender for the cattle during 
 the winter. As no such place was to be found in those parts, 
 Kashmir was decided upon for the winter quarters. If we could 
 conquer it, well and good ; if not, we could winter there and leave 
 in the spring. 
 
 This matter having been settled, we left Maryul and the neigh¬ 
 bouring districts, and taking the army of Tibet along with us, 
 advanced towards Kashmir. At this juncture Abdal Kuli Yasavul, 
 one of the Khan’s trusty chamberlains, arrived with news that 
 the Khan was making for this quarter [Maryul], that on the road 
 he had been afflicted with dam-giri (which is the peculiarity of 
 that infidel country), and [adding] that he wished to see me as 
 soon as possible. That same hour I set out to [meet] him, leaving 
 the army where it was. 
 
 Haidar as Tasliikun, or Tashi-gon, may fit in somewhat better, for Dr. Marx’s 
 nineteenth king has the name of Ta-shis-nam-gyal. In reality this would be two 
 very common Tibetan names, and the second s in shis would not be uttered ; the 
 whole would be pronounced Tashi Namgyal. It is related of this personage that 
 he made himself master of the whole of the country from Purig (or Purik—lying 
 between lower Ladak and Suru) in the west, to Do Shod, near the source of the 
 Tsang-po (Brahmaputra) in the east; that “ he fought against an invading force 
 of Turks, and killed many Turks. He erected a temple (dedicated) to the (four) 
 Lords .... and laid the corpses of the Turks under the feet of (the images of) 
 the (four) Lords. Again, by building the temple to the (four) Lords, he obtained 
 power over the demon that turns back hostile armies.” Whether this invasion of 
 “ Turks ” points to Mirza Haidar’s exploit, can only be a matter of conjecture, 
 and, indeed, it seems to me very doubtful if Tashi-Namgyal and Tashi-Kun can 
 be regarded as one and the same person. Tashi is so common a name among the 
 natives of Ladak, that it scarcely distinguishes one person from another. The 
 Tashi-Kun named here is apparently the same chief who is mentioned later 
 as having welcomed Mirza Haidar on returning from his expedition 
 towards Lassa; while another person of the name seems to have been the head 
 man of Nubra, and is recorded lower down to have been executed by 
 the Moghuls. On the whole, nothing very distinct can be made out of the Ladak 
 annals as we have them. (See, for Marx’s translation, J. A. S. B., Yol. LX., 
 1892, Part III., pp. 97 seqq. ; and for Schlagintweit’s tables in Stokvis’ Manvel 
 d'Histoire, etc., i., pp. 242-3.) 
 
 2 E 2 
 
420 
 
 Arrival of the Khan in Tibet, 
 
 CHAPTER XCIY. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF THE KHAN IN TIBET, FOLLOWING THE AUTHOR. HIS ENTRANCE 
 INTO BALTI. JOURNEY OF THE AUTHOR TO KASHMIR. 
 
 It was mentioned above that the Khan had decided to advance 
 against the Dulpa, by way of Khotan, and had sent me forward to 
 Balti. At that time the Emperor of the firmament was in the 
 sign of Leo; the Khan, having marched for one month, took np his 
 summer quarters among the hill pastures of Khotan, until the end 
 of the season of Virgo. Those who had had experience of that 
 region then represented to the Khan: “ It is now too late [in the 
 season] to achieve anything: for very soon all the waters and 
 rivers will be frozen over, so that no water will be obtainable : nor 
 is there sufficient firewood to be found to melt the ice, for watering 
 the cattle and horses. It will also be hardly possible to kill enough 
 kutds to make a sufficient supply of soup. It is for these reasons 
 that, on previous occasions, several armies have been dismounted 
 [lost their horses] on this road.” The Khan being convinced [of 
 the impracticability of continuing by that route] said : “ Were I 
 to give up the holy war in Tibet, I should be disappointed of great 
 recompense hereafter. If this route is too difficult, it will be best 
 for me to follow in the steps of Mirza Haidar, and complete the 
 holy war in that quarter.” So saying, he turned back from Khotan 
 and advanced along the road which I had taken. 1 
 
 On the way he was so severely attacked by dam-giri , that for 
 some da} T s he was quite insensible, and his life was reduced to a 
 breath. The doctors applied suppositories [shiyaf] and used 
 aperients, and whenever these took effect he became conscious for 
 the moment, but soon again fainted away. To the nobles and 
 courtiers he said: “ Although my health is not strong enough to 
 admit of my conducting a holy war, I shall not be wanting in 
 intention. When I am deprived, as I certainly shall be, of the 
 companionship of the living, it will only be to join the band of the 
 departed. Perhaps I may die on the road. As long as there is 
 a breath of life in me I will not abandon the war. When all life 
 
 1 From this, it appears that the Khan had started from Khotan witli the inten¬ 
 tion of crossing by one of the direct routes to Ngari-Ivhorsum, or the western 
 province of what is now Lassa-goverued Tibet—the region where the gold 
 workings are to be found. These routes, whether by the upper Karakash, or by 
 Polu, are so difficult and at such excessive altitudes, as to be practically impass¬ 
 able, except for light and well-equipped parties at the best season of the year. 
 They are never used by traders or travellers and are very little known. Mirza 
 Haidar’s route (and the one the Khan afterwards followed) was the ordinary one 
 over the Karakorum pass, as is evident from Nubra being mentioned as the first 
 point reached on arriving in Ladak. 
 
421 
 
 and Distribution of the Army. 
 
 has gone out of me, you can do as you please.” During this time 
 he frequently asked after me, and used to say, with emotion and 
 regret: “ At the present moment I have no other desire than this 
 ["seeing the author], and I pray God that my life may he preserved 
 until I meet him once more.” He also repeated verses suited to 
 his frame of mind : among them the following couplet. [Verses]. 
 . . . He constantly uttered such sentiments during his intervals 
 of consciousness. 
 
 It is strange that in spite of the severity of this malady, ono 
 never desires to stay in one place [for any length of time]. Indeed, 
 so excessive is the cold, and so great the scarcity of water and corn, 
 that supposing one to make a halt, it would only aggravate the 
 disease. The cure is to do one’s best to reach some place where 
 dam-giri is less prevalent. Whenever the Khan reached such a 
 place he recovered consciousness. 
 
 On the day that the Khan returned to his senses, I joined his 
 camp. Having embraced me affectionately, he said : “ Of all my 
 friends or children, it is you who have been in my thoughts [the 
 most], and I thank God for having been allowed to see you again.” 
 [Verses]. . . . From that hour he began to regain his usual 
 health and strength, and by the time we reached Nubra he was 
 entirely restored, so that he was able to enter that district on 
 horseback. After this, all the Amirs assembled together in council 
 and each gave his opinion on the best course to pursue. I sug¬ 
 gested: “After careful investigation, I can discover no spot in 
 these districts of Tibet, which can provide winter quarters for 
 more than one thousand men. But with a thousand men, there will 
 be no possibility of insubordination or revolt. There seems to be no 
 place capable of supporting a large army in winter, except Kash¬ 
 mir. But on the road to Kashmir there are many passes, which 
 the Khan’s strength will not allow him to cross. If the Khan 
 would issue the needful order, he might retain 1000 men in his 
 own service and proceed to Balti with them; for in Balti there is 
 no dam-giri , and no passes need be traversed [to reach it]. He 
 might place me in command of the rest of the troops, when, 
 having spent the winter in Kashmir, we could, on the return of 
 spring, do whatever seemed wisest.” 
 
 Of all the propositions this one pleased the Khan most, and thus 
 it was decided. At the outset of his expedition [the Khan] knew 
 that Tibet was no place for a large army. Five thousand men had 
 been fixed [as the number]; 3,000 belonged to the Khan’s army 
 and 2,000 to mine. Of those 3,000 men, the Khan [now] retained 
 1,000 for his personal service and advanced towards Balti, while I 
 turned in the direction of Kashmir attended by 4,000 men, and also 
 by several distinguished Amirs, such as Amir Daim Ali, who was 
 mentioned in the lists at Kafiighar, Baba Sarik Mirza, and others. 
 
422 
 
 The Khaiis Experiences in Bdlti. 
 
 CHAPTER XCV. 
 
 THE KHAN’S EXPERIENCES IN BALTI. 
 
 At the end of Libra the Khan arrived in Balti. Bahrain Chu, one 
 of the head men of Balti, submitted and waited on the Khan. All 
 the other Chu 1 began to practise sedition and revolt, the natural 
 outcome of infidelity. In the first place, under the guidance of 
 Bahrain Chu, the Khan took the fort of Shigar 2 (which is the 
 capital of all Balti) at the first assault. All the men of the place 
 were mown down by the blood-stained swords of the assailants, 
 while the women and children, together with much property, fell 
 a prey to the victorious army. Furthermore, wherever in that 
 hill-country a hand was stretched out, it never missed its object; 
 [and even the strongly fortified ravines and castles were trampled 
 under foot by the horses of the Khan’s army.] 3 
 
 On account of the snow, no news from Kashmir could reach the 
 Khan during that winter, and the infidel insurgents, to serve their 
 own vile purposes, spread many false reports, thereby causing 
 the Khan, and all the army, to become distressed and anxious. At 
 length, towards the end of winter, an express messenger who had 
 been sent from Kashmir arrived, bearing news of our successes, 
 whereupon the apprehension and distress of the Khan [and his 
 troops] were changed to joy and gladness; and they recited the 
 verse: “ Thanks be to God who has put sorrow away from us.” 
 
 At the beginning of spring they withdrew from Balti. [At this 
 juncture] the Khan entrusted to Amir Kambar Kukikhish, who 
 was mentioned in the lists [muster roll] at Kashghar, the province 
 
 1 Chu may also read Ju, which is a very common termination to the names of 
 natives of the Kishtawar province of Kashmir, whether Hindus or Musulmans. 
 But this can hardly be the sense in which Mirza Haidar employs it, in this and 
 many passages to come. He obviously means it to signify an official of some 
 kind, and I believe it to be the word Clilio, or C/m, of Gen. Cunningham. He 
 writes (p. 2G0) : “ Among the Mahomedans of Ladak .... the petty chiefs arc 
 invariably called Chi to ” ; while (p. 277) he gives Chu-pon as the equivalent of 
 an inferior official—a chief of ten,” or sergeant. Moorcroft, too, (ii., pp. 29, 30, 
 etc.) speaks of an inferior official by the style of Chu-chu. I do not know the 
 word, in local use among modern officials in Ladak, but it may be current in 
 Baltistan. Bahram was, to judge by his name, a Musulman, and it will be seen 
 below, that it is with reference to Musulman chiefs that Mirza Haidar always 
 employs the word Chu. 
 
 2 The right spelling; but written Ashigar at p. 410. 
 
 3 The Persian texts make no apparent sense of this passage, so the Turki 
 alone has been translated. The allusion is, I think, to the Tibetan method of 
 defence, in barricading ravines by building walls of loose stones across them. 
 The remains of defensive barricades of this kind, are found still, in many parts of 
 Ladak. There are two. for instance, on the direct road to Yarkand, which were 
 originally built to assist in keeping out the Moghuls. 
 
The Author's Invasion of Kashmir. 423 
 
 of Nubra, which I had set in order and handed over to the Khan. 
 But in consequence of the Amir’s bad judgment and want of 
 capacity, the country went to ruin and the inhabitants rose in 
 revolt, each man betaking himself to some strong place. Utterly 
 disregarding those weak men who had been placed over them, the 
 people gave themselves up to robbery and every kind of crime. 
 On this account [the Khan’s officials] not deeming it safe to remain 
 any longer in Nubra, came to Maryul. 1 Tasbikun, for his neglect 
 of duty, was deprived of his fortress and put to death. 2 It was 
 here [in Maryul] that I found [the Khan’s officers] encamped 
 when I arrived from Kashmir, as shall be presently related. 
 
 CHAPTER XCVI. 
 
 THE AUTHOR’S ARRIVAL IN KASHMIR AND EVENTS CONNECTED 
 
 THEREWITH. 
 
 I left Nubra with the Amirs and the new army, which the Khan 
 had sent with me, and joined my own forces in the district of 
 Maryul; after which I set off, by forced marches, in the direction 
 of Kashmir. On the road, all the chief men of Tibet submitted 
 and, joining us, greatly increased the numbers of our army. Some 
 of the Balti Tibetans, who live in the valleys of Kashmir, acting 
 as our guides, we reached that country at the beginning of the 
 sign of Scorpio—Jamad II. 939—after crossing the pass of Kashmir, 
 which is called Zuji. The chiefs of Kashmir had already heard of 
 the approach of our army, and were occupying the narrow defile of 
 Lar . 3 Having crossed the pass [of Zuji] I sent forward 400 men, 
 chosen out of the whole army for their experience, under the com¬ 
 mand of Tuman Bahadar Kaluchi, who was one of those mentioned 
 in the lists at Kashghar. When they reached the narrow defile, 
 they found it occupied by the Kashmir army, a few of whom were 
 stationed as outposts at its [upper] end. At dawn our soldiers 
 made a charge on these pickets, who fled down the defile, followed 
 by our men. When the main body perceived this, seeing no 
 way of holding the road, they too turned and fled. Arriving [ at 
 
 1 Maryul is here differentiated from Nubra, and obviously stands for the 
 district of the capital—at that time probably Shell, near Leh. (See note, p. 410; 
 also the first translated sentence of Chap. CY., where it is obviously used for the 
 capital, and not for Ladak in general.) 
 
 2 See note, pp. 418-19, regarding Tashikun. 
 
 3 The Sind river (of our maps) flowing from the Zoji pass down towards the 
 Jhilam, was called the Lar. The narrow and difficult defile mentioned imme¬ 
 diately below, as the position defended by the Kashmiris, is most likely the 
 defile of Hang, or Hang Satu, between the villages of Gangangir and Sonainarg 
 —or about twenty miles below the western foot of tbe Zogi pass. 
 
424 Description of Kashmir . 
 
 this moment] I gave them chase; thus easily did our whole force 
 pass such a difficult place. On the second day after [this affair] 
 we alighted in Kashmir. Having reached this point, it seems 
 fitting, in order to render the subject clear and intelligible, to give 
 some account of the country of Kashmir and its rulers. 
 
 CHAPTER XCVII. 
 
 DESCRIPTION OF KASHMIR. 
 
 Kashmir is among the most famous countries of the world, and is 
 celebrated both for its attractions and its wonders. In spite of its 
 renown, no one knows anything about its present state, nor can 
 any of its features or its history be learned from the books of former 
 writers. At this present date of Moharram 950, [1543-4] now that 
 I have subdued this beautiful country and seen all that is notable 
 in it, whatever I shall write will be what I have witnessed. 
 
 The second time that I entered Kashmir, and w r hen I had not 
 reduced the whole of the country, I drew an omen [fdl] from the 
 Koran, with reference to its conquest and to my becoming 
 established there. The verse that turned up was: “ Eat of the 
 daily bread from your Lord, and return your thanks to him in the 
 shape of a fair city. The Lord is forgiving.” 
 
 The plain [ julgd ] of Kashmir extends from the Bakani quarter, 
 which means “ between the south and the east,” towards the RiJcan 
 Bain [or north-west]; it is a level expanse about a hundred kruh 
 (equivalent to thirty farsdkhs ) in length. Its width is, at some 
 parts, about twenty kruh, and in a few places ten IcruJi. 1 In this 
 
 ] The word Kruh or Kuroh is the Persian form for the familiar Kro or Kos of 
 India. As a measure of distance, it has varied so greatly with time, and still 
 varies according to locality, that a better estimate could hardly be given than 
 our author’s, when he makes it 0’3 of a farsalch, or about 11- mile. I 11 
 Northern India and Kashmir, in our own times, the Kos is usually taken at about 
 H mile. The Emperor Akbar established the Kos on the basis of 5000 llahi Gaz, 
 which produces an English equivalent of rather over 2\ miles ; but it is probable 
 that the value of the Kos , like that of the Gaz, had fallen very low previous to 
 Akbar’s reform, so that Mirza Haidar’s Kruh may well have measured much less 
 than the Ildhi Kos. Even later than Akbar’s time, as General Cunningham shows, 
 a Kos measuring much less than 2\ miles was in frequent use. On the whole, 
 therefore, mile may be fairly assumed to have been the approximate length 
 of Mirza Haidar’s Kruh, and may be applied in all cases where he states distances 
 in that measure. As a matter of fact, the length of the Kashmir valley is 
 about 80 English miles, while its breadth varies so greatly that it is impossible 
 to state it in figures. (For full and interesting discussions on the origin, etc., of 
 tho words Kruh and Kos, and the measurements they have represented at 
 different periods, see Cunningham’s And. Geoy. India, Appendix B, and Yule’s 
 Glossary, p. 202.) 
 
425 
 
 Description of Kashmir. 
 
 region all the land is divided into four kinds. The cultivation is: 
 (1) by irrigation [abi], (2) on land not needing artificial irrigation, 
 (3) gardens, and (4) level ground, where the river banks abound in 
 violets and many-coloured flowers. On the [level] ground, on account 
 of the excessive moisture, the crops do not thrive, and for this reason 
 the soil is not laboured, which constitutes one of its charms. 1 The 
 heat in summer is so agreeable, that there is at no time any need 
 of a fan. A soft and refreshing breeze is constantly blowing. . . . 2 
 
 The climate in winter is also very temperate, notwithstanding 
 the heavy snowfalls, so that no fur cloak [pastin'] is necessary. In 
 fact its coldness only serves to render the heat yet more agreeable. 
 When the sun does not shine, the warmth of a fire is far from un¬ 
 pleasant. [Couplet]. . . . 3 In short I have neither seen nor heard 
 of any country equal to Kashmir, for charm of climate during all 
 the four seasons. 
 
 In the town there are many lofty buildings constructed of fresh 
 cut pine. Most of these are at least five stories high and each 
 story contains apartments, halls, galleries and towers. The beauty 
 of their exterior defies description, and all who behold them for 
 the first time, bite the finger of astonishment with the teeth of 
 admiration. But the interiors are not equal to the exteriors. 
 
 The passages in the markets, and the streets of the city, are all 
 paved with hewn stone. But the bazaars are not laid out as they 
 are in other towns. In the streets of the markets, only drapers and 
 retail dealers are to be found. Tradesmen do all their business in 
 the seclusion of their own houses. Grocers, druggists, beer-sellers 
 [fukai\ and that class of provision vendors who usually frequent 
 markets, do not do so here. The population of this city is equal 
 to that of [other] large towns. 
 
 As for the fruits—pears, mulberries, [sweet] cherries and sour 
 cherries are met with, but the apples are particularly good. There 
 are other fruits in plenty, sufficient to make one break one’s 
 resolutions. Among the wonders of Kashmir are the quantities of 
 mulberry trees, [cultivated] for their leaves, [from which] silk is 
 obtained. The people make a practice of eating the fruit, but 
 rather regard it as wrong. In the season, fruit is so plentiful that 
 it is rarely bought and sold. The holder of a garden and the man 
 that has no garden are alike; for the gardens have no walls and it 
 is not usual to hinder anyone from taking the fruit. 
 
 1 The whole of this passage, regarding the land, is obscure and the translation 
 uncertain. The Turki MS. is clearer, but mentions only three categories of land: 
 “ One kind is land where agriculture is done with [river] water. Another where 
 it is done with rain-water. Another is the level ground, where the river- 
 banks abound in violets and many-coloured flowers; this land is too damp to 
 cultivate.” 
 
 2 Some rhetorical sentences slightly abridged and a couplet omitted.—It. 
 
 3 About half a folio of florid prose and verse, descriptive of the flowers, birds, 
 etc., is omitted here.—It. 
 
426 
 
 The Wonders of Kashmir. 
 
 CHAPTEK XCVIII. 
 
 FURTHER WONDERS. 
 
 First and foremost among the wonders of Kashmir stand her idol 
 temples. In and around Kashmir, there are more than one 
 hundred and fifty temples which are built of blocks of hewn stone, 
 fitted so accurately one upon the other, that there is absolutely no 
 cement used. These stones have been so carefully placed in 
 position, without plaster or mortar, that a sheet of paper could 
 not be passed between the joints. The blocks are from three to 
 twenty gaz in length, one gaz in depth, and one to five gaz in 
 breadth. The marvel is how these stones were transported and 
 erected. The temples are nearly all built on the same plan. There 
 is a square enclosure which in some places reaches the height of 
 thirty gaz, while each side is about three hundred gaz long. 
 Inside this enclosure there are pillars, and on the top of the 
 pillars there are square capitals; on the top of these again, are 
 placed supports, 1 and most of these separate parts are made 
 out of one block of stone. O 11 the pillars are fixed the supports of 
 the arches, and each arch is three or four gaz in width. Under 
 the arch are a hall and a doorway. On the outside and inside 
 of the arch are pillars of forty or fifty gaz 2 in height, having 
 supports and capitals of one block of stone. On the top of this are 
 placed four pillars of one or two pieces of stone. 
 
 The inside and the outside of the halls have the appearance of 
 two porticos, and these are covered with one or two stones. 
 The capitals, the ornamentation in relief, the cornices, the “ dog 
 tooth ” work, the inside covering and the outside, are all crowded 
 with pictures and paintings, which I am incapable of describing. 
 Some represent laughing and weeping figures, which astound the 
 beholder. In the middle is a lofty throne of hewn stone, and over 
 that, a dome made entirely of stone, "which I cannot describe. In 
 the rest of the world there is not to be seen, or heard of, one 
 building like this. How wonderful that there should [here] be a 
 hundred and fifty of them ! 3 
 
 1 Literally, “ small arm-pits.”—R. 
 
 2 Mirza Haidar’s gaz, as we have already seen (note, pp. 58 and 256), was probably 
 the same as that used by Baber, and therefore measured some 26 to 28 inches. 
 But even if he is using, here, the smaller gaz of India—the ell, of 18 inches—it 
 will be seen, in the note below, that his measurements are, out of all proportion, 
 too great. 
 
 3 There is nothing, in this account, to show which of the ruined temples of 
 Kashmir the author is describing. When he gives one hundred and fifty as the 
 number of them, he probably commits no great exaggeration, for even in Mr. 
 Vigne’stime (about 1834-8) the number was reckoned at not less than seventy to 
 
427 
 
 The Wonders of Kashmir. 
 
 Again, to the east of Kashmir there is a district called Barnag 
 [Yirnag]. Here there is a hill on the top of which is a ditch 
 [ basti ] like a tank, and at the bottom of the tank is a hole. It 
 
 eighty. During the three intervening centuries, very many must have disap¬ 
 peared. Some are known to have been destroyed, and the stones they were made 
 of used for various purposes. Others, again, have been built over, or otherwise 
 hidden from sight; while some, no doubt, have been overgrown by the jungle. 
 The five most remarkable ruins now known, are those at Martand, or Pandu 
 Koru, about five miles east of Islamabad (the ancient capital of the valley, and 
 now called, by the Hindus, Anant Nag),' at Bhaniyar (near Uri), Avantipur, 
 Pandrettan, and Payech. The Martand temple is not only the largest of them 
 all, but by far the finest, and as the late Mr. Fergusson observes, is the most 
 typical example of the Kashmir style. It dates from about 750 a.d., and some 
 of the others may be somewhat older; “but none,” writes Mr. Fergusson, “can 
 be carried farther back than the reign of Ranaditya— a.d. 578 to 594. 1 Nor can 
 any be brought down below say 1200, which is probably the date of that of 
 Payech. . . . The style during these six centuries is so uniform that it may be 
 taken as one, for the purposes of general history.” 
 
 If we assume Mirza Haidar’s description to refer to this, the largest of the 
 temples, it may be interesting to compare Mr. Fergusson’s account with it. He 
 says : “ The temple itself is a very small building, being only 60 feet in length, 
 by 38 feet in width. The width of the facade, however, is eked out by two 
 wings, or adjuncts, which make it 60 feet.” He then cites General Cunningham, 
 who estimated its height to be also 60 feet when complete, thus making each 
 dimension 60 feet. Mr. Fergusson doubted if the temple ever had a roof. No 
 fragments of a roof have been found in modern times on the floor of the temple, 
 and judging from the tenuity of the walls, and the large voids they include, he 
 doubted if they could have supported a stone roof. If, indeed, there was a roof 
 he believed it must have been of wood. The courtyard that surrounds and en¬ 
 closes the temple, was regarded by Mr. Fergusson as a more remarkable object 
 than the temple itself. Its internal dimensions he gives as 220 feet by 142 feet. 
 On each face is a central cell which, if complete, would have reached to 30 feet 
 in height, at the summit of its roof, while the pillars on each side of the cells are 
 
 9 feet high. No inscription has been found on the Martand ruin, and its date has 
 been fixed from historical records only. 
 
 Mr. T. G. Vigne who published, in 1842, a narrative of his travels in Kashmir, 
 had measurements made of the Martand temple, and records that the greatest 
 length—that of the side walls—was about 270 feet, while that of the front was 
 168 feet. The height of the pillars, including foot and capital, he made barely 
 
 10 feet, and the huge blocks of limestone of which the temple was built, 6 to 9 feet 
 in length, “of proportionate solidity, and cemented with an excellent mortar.” 
 His measurements of the side walls and front, evidently refer to the outer en¬ 
 closure, and not to the temple itself. They are somewhat in excess of those given 
 by Mr. Fergusson, but this discrepancy may be accounted for by Mr. Yigne 
 having perhaps measured the outside of the walls, while Mr. Fergusson par¬ 
 ticularly mentions that his figures relate to the interior of the enclosure. But 
 however this may be, the Brobdingnagian proportions of Mirza Haidar’s account 
 have to be considerably pared down in every instance, as is usually the case with 
 statements made in figures by Asiatics. The chief interest that his description 
 possesses is, that it is one of the oldest notices of the Kashmir ruins that have 
 come down to us—perhaps the oldest from the pen of any Musulman, or foreign, 
 writer. 
 
 As regards the question of the roof, if our author’s account were otherwise 
 exact, his particular mention of the existence of a dome would be important; but 
 judging from the inaccuracy of his other statements, this one can scarcely deserve 
 much consideration. (See Fergusson’s Hist, of Indian and Eastern Architecture , 
 1876, pp. 279 seqq .; Yigne’s Travels in Kashmir , i., pp. 385-6; also Moorcroft, ii., 
 pp. 239 seqq .; and an interesting paper by Mr. W. Simpson, in the Journal of the 
 Inst, of Brit. Architects for May, 1862.) 
 
 1 Other authorities differ somewhat as to this date. (See Stokvis, i., p. 239.) 
 
428 
 
 The Wonders of Kashmir. 
 
 remains dry throughout the year, except during the season of 
 Taurus, when water issues from it. 1 Two or three times a day it 
 gushes out [with such force] that the tank is filled, and enough 
 water flows down the side of the hill to drive one or even 
 two mills. After this it subsides, so that no water remains 
 except in the hole. When the season of Taurus is passed, it again 
 becomes dry for a whole year. Though endeavours have been 
 made to stop it up with lime and mortar, yet when the season has 
 come, all this has been washed away, and it has never been 
 found possible to stop its flow. 
 
 Further, in Nagam, a notable town of Kashmir, 2 there is a tree 
 which is so high that if an arrow be shot at the top, it will 
 probably not reach it. If anyone takes hold of one of the twigs and 
 shakes it, the whole of this enormous tree is put in motion. 
 
 Again, Div Sar, 3 which is one of the most important districts of 
 Kashmir, contains a spring twenty gaz square. On the sides of it 
 are pleasant shady trees and soft herbage. One boils some rice, 
 puts it in a bottle, closes up the mouth [of the bottle] tightly, 
 and having written a name on it, throws it into the spring and 
 then sits down [to wait]. Sometimes the bottle remains there 
 five years ; on other occasions it comes up again the same day : the 
 time is uncertain. If, when it reappears, the rice is found to be 
 warm, the circumstance is regarded as a good omen. Sometimes 
 the rice has undergone a change, or earth and sand may have got 
 inside it. The more [substances] that find their way into it, the 
 more unfavourable is the omen considered. 
 
 Moreover, there is in Kashmir a lake called Ulur, the circum¬ 
 ference of which is seven farsakhs. In the middle of this lake 
 Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin, one of the Sultans of Kashmir, erected a 
 palace. First of all he emptied a quantity of stones into the lake, 
 [at this spot] and on these constructed a foundation [or floor] of 
 closely-fitting stones, measuring two hundred square gaz in extent, 
 
 1 The spring of Virnag is one of the most famous in Kashmir, and is made 
 much of by the Hindus. It is reputed to be the source of the Jhilam, but the 
 real sources are in the hills at some distance to the south and east of Virnag. 
 We read in luce’s Kashmir Handbook: “ The water of the spring, which is very 
 cold and of a deep bluish-green colour, is received into an octagonal stone basin, 
 about 111 feet wide, 50 feet deep in the centre, and 10 feet deep at the sides, and 
 filled with sacred fish ; after flowing through the garden in stone-lined canals, it 
 shortly joins the Sandrahan. Around the basin is an old building consisting of 
 twenty-four arched alcoves, which were faced with large and elaborately carved 
 stones, many of which still remain. . . The stone basin, the canals and other 
 constructions are of a later date than Mirza Haidar : they are ascribed to the 
 Emperor Jahangir, whose favourite resort was Virnag. 
 
 2 Now a mere village. It lies one short march south of Srinagar. 
 
 3 The name of JDiv Sar, or Deo Sar, does not appear to be in use nowadays. It 
 was the district, however, of which lvolagam was the chief town or village, and 
 Kolagam, or Kulgam, stands to the left of the upper Jhilam—to the south¬ 
 west of Islamabad. (See Moorcroft, ii., p. llo; also the map in Cunningham’s 
 Ladalc.) 
 
The Wonders of Kashmir . 
 
 429 
 
 and ten gaz in height. Hereupon he built a charming palace 
 and planted pleasant groves of trees, so that there can be but few- 
 more agreeable places in the world. 1 Finally, this same Sultan 
 Zain-ul-Abidin built himself a palace in the town, which in the 
 dialect of Kashmir is called Rajdan. It has twelve stories, some 
 of which contain fifty rooms, halls, and corridors. The whole of 
 this lofty structure is built of wood. 2 
 
 [Among] the vast kiosks of the world are :—in Tabriz, the Idasht 
 Bihisht Kiosk of Sultan Yakub ; in Herat the Bagh-i-Khan, the 
 Bagh-i-Safid, and the Bagh-i-Shahr; and in Samarkand the Kuk 
 
 1 The Ular, or Wular lake—the largest sheet of water in Kashmir. The author 
 usually exaggerates measurements, but in giving 28 miles as the circumference 
 of the Wular, he has somewhat understated the fact. It is about 12 miles by 10, 
 but varies according to season. As regards the palace on the island of Lanka, 
 its ruins are to be found still, and have often been explored by travellers since the 
 days of Mirza Haidar. The island is near the entrance of the river Jhilam into 
 the lake, and measures some 95 yards by 75. The French traveller, Bernier, 
 visited Lanka in 1665, and speaks of the palace as “ an hermitage . . . which it 
 is pretended floats miraculously upon the water” ; though he also explains that, 
 according to tradition, “ one of the ancient kings of Kachemire, out of mere fancy 
 built it upon a number of thick beams fastened together.” In 1821 Mr. Mooreroft 
 landed on the island and found two ruined buildings : one of stone at its eastern 
 extremity, around which were strewed several massive polygonal columns; the other 
 merely an oblong house, with pitched roof and plastered walls, bearing frag¬ 
 ments of blue enamel. The first of these he regai’ded as of undoubted Hindu 
 construction, but he makes no mention of the origin of the other. The founda¬ 
 tions of both, however, according to his native informants, had been made up of 
 the stones derived from the ancient Hindu temples in other parts of Kashmir, 
 which had been destroyed by the Musulmans. If this is the case it is possible 
 that in constructing the mosque or palace itself, slabs, columns, etc., from the 
 ancient temples may have been used; and this may have led Mr. Mooreroft to 
 believe the ruin to be of Hindu origin, although he records having seen an 
 inscription relating that the building had been erected by Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin, 
 who reigned about 827 to 874 a.h. (1424 to 1469 a.d). There are many traditions 
 connected with this island and its ruins, but all seem to point to on artificial 
 foundation for the buildings that were erected there. In all probability there 
 was a shoal rather than an island; or perhaps a shoal that appeared as an 
 island above the surface of the lake, only during the low-water season. If this 
 be the case, the spot would, no doubt, have been soft and muddy, and the founda¬ 
 tion for any palace or temple put up there, would have had to be laid. However 
 this may be, Mirza Haidar rightly ascribes the building to Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin, 
 whose reign dates only about a hundred years previous to his own time. In 1874 
 Mr. A. Constable (Bernier’s editor) saw there, like Mr. Mooreroft, a slab of black 
 slate bearing a Persian inscription, dated 1443-4, which had been carved to com¬ 
 memorate the erection of the edifice by that Sultan—Bernier’s “ ancient king of 
 Kachemire.” The inscription is, I believe, still preserved. 
 
 The name of Lanka would seem to be of pre-Musulman origin, though Moor- 
 croft heard that Zain-ul-Abidin had so named the place in ridicule of Hindu 
 traditions. Lanka , or Lanka-dipa, is the ancient Hindu and Pali name for the 
 island of Ceylon, and it is not improbable that this small island in the 
 Wular, may have been named after the greater one, long before the days of tho 
 Musulman kings of Kashmir. 
 
 It may be remarked that it is with reference to this spot, that Mooreroft shows 
 his acquaintance with our author. He writes: “ The celebrated Mirza Haidar 
 extols Lanka as a delightful spot for a party of pleasure ”—but nothing more ! 
 (Constable’s Bernier, pp. 416-17; Mooreroft, ii., pp. 223-5.) 
 
 2 There appears to be no trace left of a palace bearing the name of Bdjddn. 
 That the building should have disappeared is not surprising, since it is reported 
 to have been constructed of wood. 
 
430 
 
 Extract from Zafar-Nama 
 
 Sarai, the Ak Sarai, the Bagh-i-Dilkushai, and the Bagh-i-Buldi. 
 Though [the Raj dan] is more lofty and contains more rooms than 
 all these, yet it has not their elegance and style. It is, neverthe¬ 
 less, a more wonderful structure. 
 
 In the Zafar-Namci , Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi has stated a few 
 facts with regard to Kashmir, hut he is not quite consistent with 
 reality. He had never been there himself, but derived his 
 information from travellers, who had not a proper regard for 
 accuracy; hence his statements are not always exact. 
 
 CHAPTER XCIX. 
 
 EXTRACT FROM THE “ ZAFAR-NAMA.” 
 
 Though Kashmir is one of the most famous spots in the world, yet 
 on account of its secluded position, it is seldom visited by any but 
 those who make it the express object of a journey. I here give 
 such details as I have been able to verify; having derived them 
 from trustworthy sources and also from the natives. I have taken 
 its position, size, and extent from geographical works. 1 
 
 Kashmir lies near the middle of the fourth climate, for the beginning of 
 the fourth climate is where the latitude is 33° 54', and the latitude of 
 Kashmir is 34° from the equator. Its longitude from the Jazair-i-Sada 2 is 
 105°. This country runs longitudinally, and is enclosed by mountains on every 
 side; the southern range [lies] in the direction of Dahli [Delhi]; the northern 
 [looks] towards Badakhshan and Khorasan; the west towards the county 
 inhabited by the Ughani [Afghans] tribes; its eastern side terminates in the 
 outlying districts of Tibet. The extent of its level plains from the eastern 
 limits to the western, is about 40 farsdJchs, and from south to north 
 20 farsdkhs. In the heart of the level plain lying within this mountainous 
 district, are 1000 inhabited villages, abounding in wholesome streams and 
 vegetation. It is popularly believed that in the whole of the province—plains 
 and mountains together—are comprised 100,000 villages. The land is thickly 
 inhabited, and the soil is cultivated. The climate is very salubrious, while the 
 beauty of the women of the country is proverbial. [Verses.] . . . 
 
 In the mountains and plains are to be found many kinds of fruit-trees, and 
 the fruits are especially good and wholesome. But, since the temperature 
 inclines to be cold and the snow falls in great abundance, those fruits which 
 
 1 The remainder of the chapter is from the Zafar-Nama. 
 
 - The Arabic name for the Insulae Fortunatx , which the ancient geographers— 
 Arabs as well as Greeks—took for their prime meridian, subsequent to the date 
 of Ptolemy. The latitude given here, it may be observed, is remarkably correct, 
 for Srinagar stands in 34° 7' north lat. 
 
on Kashmir. 
 
 431 
 
 require much warmth, such as dates, oranges and lemons, do not ripen there ; 
 these are imported from the neighbouring warm regions. 
 
 In the middle of the valley there is a town called Srinagar, which stretches 
 eastward and westward for a far salJi in either direction. This is the 
 residence of the governor of the country. Like at Baghdad, there flows 
 through the middle of it a great river, which is even larger than the Tigris. 
 The wonderful thing is that this mighty river comes from one spring, which 
 rises within the limits of the country, and is called the spring of Yir [Virnag]. 
 The people of the place have constructed across this river about thirty bridges 
 of boats bound together by chains, through which they can open a way. 
 Seven of these bridges are in the town of Srinagar, which is the capital of 
 the province and the seat of the governors. After the river has passed the 
 limits of Kashmir, it takes in one place the name of Dandana, in another 
 that of Jumla ; 1 it flows through the upper portion of Multan and joins the 
 river Siyab. The united streams empty themselves into the Sind near the 
 [town of] Ucha, and the whole river thenceforth takes the name of Sind, 
 which discharges itself into the sea of Oman at the extremity of the land of 
 Tatta . 2 
 
 1 The two names, it will be remarked, are not Mirza Haidar’s, but those of the 
 author of the Zafar-Nama. Whether either, or both, are correctly given, or 
 whether they are misrenderings copied from one history into another, it is not 
 easy to conjecture, but my impression is that the Jumla of the text is a cor¬ 
 ruption of Jamd. Though Mirza Haidar professes to quote the Zafar-Nama, 
 these passages by no means accord closely with the extracts on the same subject 
 translated in Elliot’s Hist, of India. They correspond far better with a part of 
 the description of Kashmir contained in Abu Talib Husaini’s Persian version 
 of the Mulfazdt-i-Timuri , also reproduced in English by Elliot. It would not 
 be unlikely that Mirza Haidar, possessed as he was of local knowledge, should 
 amend the Zafar-Nama while copying it, but whether Sharaf-ud-Din copied from 
 the original Turki of the Mulfazat (if there was one), or whether Abu Talib 
 (whose translation dates from 1620) copied from Sharaf-ud-Din, is by no means 
 clear. The two accounts are, however, one and the same, small differences not¬ 
 withstanding. The two names now in question for the Jhilam, are precisely the 
 same in both, and Mirza Haidar has made no amendment in this instance. 
 Dandana is mentioned, as far as I have been able to ascertain, nowhere else than 
 in these passages of the Zafar-Nama and the Mulfazat-, but Jamd (perhaps 
 Jamad) occurs constantly in the latter work as the name of the Jhilam, not only 
 in the neighbourhood of Kashmir, but throughout its course. The historian of 
 Timur’s campaigns seems to have deemed it the common name for the river. 
 The Tdrikh-i-Hdfiz Abru , a work which dates from about the same period as the 
 other two (the first half of the fifteenth century) describes the whole length of 
 the Jhilam, from its source in Kashmir to its confluence with the Indus, under 
 the name of Jamd ; while the Matla' us Sa'dain (dating from about the middle 
 of the fifteenth century) likewise speaks of the Jhilam as the Jamd. Somewhat 
 less than a century later, however, we find Baber calling it the Behat —a name 
 which has remained in use down to our own time, and is a form of the ancient 
 Bidasta or Vidasta. Thus, at whatever period Jamd or Jamad may have first 
 come into use, it seems to have been forgotten by Musulman writers since the 
 fifteenth century. (See Elliot for Zafar-Nama , iii., p. 521; for Mulfazdt-i- 
 Timuri, iii., pp. 410-83; for Tarilch-i-Hdfiz Abru, iv., p. 4; and for Matla' us 
 Sa'dain, iv., p. 94; Baber, p. 294; also Major Raverty, J. A. S. B., lxi., 1893, 
 pt. i., pp. 290-1.) Siyab is evidently Gliindb , badly copied. 
 
 2 The Uch, alluded to here, is no doubt the old town of that name, situated near 
 the left bank of the Panjnad just below the Sutlej confluence. “ In the time of 
 Timur and Akbar,” says General Cunningham, “ the junction of the Chenab and 
 Indus took place opposite Uchh, 60 miles above the present confluence at Mithan- 
 kot. . . . But early in the present century the Indus gradually changed its 
 course, and leaving the old channel at 20 miles above Uchh, continued its course to 
 
432 
 
 The Religion and the 
 
 This country [Kashmir] is protected naturally by its mountains on every 
 side, so that the inhabitants, without the trouble of fortifying themselves, 
 arc safe from the attacks of enemies. Nor have they anything to fear from 
 the revolutions worked by time, or by the rain or the wind. 
 
 There are three principal highways into Kashmir. The one leading to 
 Khorasan is such a difficult route, that it is impossible for beasts of burden 
 with loads to be driven along it; so the inhabitants, who are accustomed to 
 such work, carry the loads upon their own shoulders for several days, until they 
 reach a spot where it is possible to load a horse. The road to India offers the 
 same difficulty. The route which leads to Tibet is easier than these two, 
 but during several days one finds nothing but poisonous herbs, which make the 
 transit inconvenient for travellers on horseback, since the horses perish . 1 
 
 CHAPTER C. 
 
 THE CONVERSION OF KASHMIR TO ISLAM, AND A SHORT ACCOUNT OF 
 THE MUSULMAN SULTANS OF KASHMIR. 
 
 The conversion of Kashmir is a comparatively recent event. The 
 people were all Hindus and professed the faith of Brahma. A 
 certain Sultan Shams-ud-Din came thither disguised as a kalandar. 
 At that time there was a governor in every district of Kashmir. 
 There was also a queen, into whose service Sultan Shams-ud-Din 
 entered. After a short time the queen desired to marry Sultan Shams- 
 ud-Din ; and not long after this event, his power became absolute 
 throughout Kashmir. He was succeeded by his son Ala-ud-Din, who 
 was in turn succeeded by his son Kutb-ud-Din, during whose reign 
 Amir Kabir Ali the Second, called Sayyid Ali Hamadani, 2 appeared 
 
 the south-south-west, until it rejoined the old channel at Mithankot.” At the 
 time of Mirza Haidar, then, Uch must have been near the confluence of the 
 greater rivers, and was, for this reason perhaps, a city of some importance. The 
 name of Uch or Uchcha is common in Northern India; and one place so called, is 
 to be found a short distance west of the junction of the Jhilam with the Cliinab; 
 while a third lies some HO miles north ot Jacobabad. (See Cunningham, Ancient 
 Geog., pp. 220-21 and 242 seq .) 
 
 Tatta , standing near the apex of the delta of the Indus, though a town of not 
 much importance now, is a place of great antiquity, and at the period of tho 
 earlier Moghuls, seems to have given its name to the whole of Lower Sind. (See 
 for a complete account of Tatta , Cunningham, pp. 288 seq.) 
 
 1 The Zafar-Nama contains this passage about the poisonous herbs on the road 
 from Kashmir to Ladak. Whoever originally wrote it, had remarkably accurate 
 local information, and the statement holds good to the present day. Round about 
 the spot called Baltal, at the western foot of the Zoji pass, there are poisonous 
 weeds among the grass, which frequently prove fatal to horses if turned out to 
 graze. Nowhere else in these regions (as far as I am aware) do similar poisonous 
 herbs occur. 
 
 2 This Sayyid Ali Hamadani was a refugee from Hamadan in Persia, whence 
 he and those of his order are said to have been expelled by Timur, about the 
 
433 
 
 Sltans of Kashmir. 
 
 there. Kntb-ncL-Din died in less than forty days, 1 and was suc¬ 
 ceeded by his son Sultan Iskandar, who established the Musulman 
 faith and destroyed all the idol-temples. His son Sultan Zain-ul- 
 Abidin succeeded him, and reigned for fifty years. 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 He devoted 
 
 year 1380. Mr. Beale records that seven hundred Sayyids accompanied their 
 leader in his flight to Kashmir in that year, while this large party was afterwards 
 followed by another, of three hundred of the order, in the train of Sayyid Ali’s 
 son, Mir Muhammad. It is to these immigrations of Persian Sayyids, during 
 the reign of Kutub-ud-Din, that the conversion of Kashmir to Islam is usually 
 attributed. Sayyid Ali died in Pakhli about the year 138G, and the son seems 
 to have left the country only some six years later. The name by which the 
 father is usually known in Kashmir is “ Sayyid Hamadani,” and he may be 
 regarded as a sort of patron saint of the Musulman section of the population. 
 His descendants—or persons claiming this distinction—still exist, I believe, in 
 Srinagar, while the mosque of Shah-i-Hamadan is perhaps the most reverenced 
 of any in the town. A recent writer in the Times tells us that the original 
 Sayyid’s “place of retreat and devotion” is still shown in the gloomy interior of 
 the building, “ where but little light breaks upon the pillars and ceiling and 
 walls of stained deodar.” The architecture he describes as peculiar to Kashmiri 
 mosques, for neither cupola nor minaret exists, “but only a sloping four-sided 
 roof, surmounted by a conical wooden steeple . . '. from time to time the mosque 
 of Shah-i-Hamadan is burned down, but is re-erected with faithful attention to 
 the original model.” (See Beale’s Orient. Biog. Diet., p. 238, and the Times , 
 7th November, 1894). 
 
 1 This would appear to mean that the length of Kutub-ud-Din’s reign was less 
 than forty days, but a possible reading may be that he died less than forty days 
 after the arrival, in Kashmir, of Sayyid Ali Hamadani. The dates for Kutub- 
 ud-Din’s reign are uncertain, but they usually indicate for it a length of about 
 fifteen years. (See the next note.) 
 
 2 It would have been interesting and satisfactory to be able to accept Mirza 
 Haidar as an original authority on the history of the kings of the country he 
 ruled over so long; but his data are so entirely at variance with two of the best 
 historians of India—Firislita and Abul Fazl—that it is impossible to place his 
 brief remarks in the scale against their detailed accounts, and carefully elaborated 
 tables. Firislita and Abul Fazl by no means agree in the dates they assign to 
 the various Sultans, or in the length of their reigns; and even the different 
 editions of Firishta vary to some extent among themselves. Mr. C. J. Rodgers 
 has published a careful summary, from collated copies of Firishta, of the 
 history of Kashmir, and has shown how uncertain some of the dates are; also 
 how the coins in many cases give different results to the historical tables. It is 
 possible, as he seems to think, that Firishta is a better authority than Abul 
 Fazl; but as this note makes no pretension to investigate discrepancies, or to 
 give a history of the Musulman kings of Kashmir, I have only compiled a rough 
 table, from Mr. Rodgers’ translation, of those kings whose names a little more 
 than cover the period which Mirza Haidar briefly touches on. Where the 
 sign ? precedes a date, it means that I have merely taken an average figure 
 among those Mr. Rodgers has found authority for, or one that appears to be 
 preferable to the others:— 
 
 1. Shah Mir, or Shams-ud-Din 
 
 2. Jamshid. 
 
 3. Ala-ud-Din. 
 
 4. Shahab-ud-Din .... 
 
 5. Kutub-ud-Din .... 
 
 6. Sikandar. 
 
 7. Ali Shir. 
 
 8. Zain-ul-Abidin .... 
 
 9. Haidar Shah .... 
 
 10. Hasan Shah. 
 
 A.H. A.D. 
 
 began to reign ? 743 = 1342 
 
 „ „ 746 = 1345 
 
 „ „ 748 = 1347 
 
 „ „ 761 = 1360 
 
 „ „ 781 = 1379 
 
 „ „ ? 796 = 1394 
 
 „ „ 819 = 1416 
 
 „ „ ? 827 = 1424 
 
 „ „ ? 874 = 1469 
 
 „ „ ? 891 = 1486 
 
 After Hasan Shah there was much dis 
 
 sension, and those who followed him- 
 
 2 F 
 
434 
 
 Religious Sects of Kashmir. 
 
 himself to embellishing Kashmir with buildings, and in order to 
 humour all the nations of the world, he paid attention neither to 
 Infidelity nor Islam. It was in his reign that Kashmir 1 became a 
 city, which it has remained to this day. 
 
 In Kashmir one meets with all those arts and crafts which are, 
 in most cities, uncommon, such as stone-polishing, stone-cutting, 
 bottle-making, window-cutting [tabdan-turasli], gold-beating, etc. 
 In the whole of Mavara-un-Nahr, except in Samarkand and 
 Bokhara, these are nowhere to be met with, while in Kashmir 
 they are even abundant. This is all due to Sultan Zain-ul-Abidin. 
 After him, the power of the Sultans of Kashmir began to decline, 
 and the Amirs became so strong that the Sultans ruled in name 
 only; insomuch that outward respect was no longer paid them. 
 Those helpless Sultans, therefore, in order to secure their own 
 safety, had to flee the country and endure much adversity. 
 
 To Sultan Kazak, who is to-day my companion, I have shown 
 far more respect than the former administrators of the kingdom 
 ever showed [their contemporary Sultans]. Since [the reign of] 
 Zain-ul-Abidin a few of his offspring have borne the title of 
 ‘ king/ but of authority they have had none. 
 
 CHAPTER Cl. 
 
 ACCOUNT OF THE RELIGIOUS SLCTS OF KASHMIR. 
 
 The people were [formerly] all Hanifij but in the reign of Fath 
 Shah, the father of this Sultan Nadir, 2 a man of the name of 
 
 Muhammad, Fatli Shah, Ibrahim, Ismail, and Nazuk—came to the throne and 
 went down, time after time, until the date of Mirza Haidar’s invasion of the 
 country in 948 ( = 1541). Nazuk was the nominal Sultan during the Mirza’s 
 regency— i.e., till 958 ( = 1551). The date of the first of these Musulman kings, 
 Shams-ud-Din, is especially uncertain, for Mr. Rodgers appears to think that 
 747 is as likely a one as 743. In that case the whole of the above table would 
 be inexact, as each date is usually based on the one that precedes it. This 
 Shams-ud-Din, under the name of Shah Mirza, or Shah Mir, had been minister 
 to the last Rajah of the preceding Hindu dynasty, Sinha Deva by name, and of 
 his successors, and had served in that capacity for somewhere about thirty years, 
 before he made himself king and married Sinha Deva’s widow. 
 
 Abul Fazl’s complete table of this Musulman line of rulers will be found in 
 vol. ii. (Colonel Jarrett’s) of the Ain-i-Akbari , pp. 379-80. Briggs’ Firishta, 
 vol. iv., pp. 444 to 503, also contains their history, together with a genealogical 
 tree. (See, for Mr. Rodgers’ translation, J. A. S. B., 1885, pt. i., pp. 98 seq .) 
 
 1 Meaning, here, the town of Srinagar, usually called “ Kashmir.” 
 
 2 By Nadir, the author probably means the same Sultan that he has just 
 styled Ndzak. Mr. Rodgers shows that on the coins of Kashmir the name 
 usually occurs as Nadir, though in histories it is more often met with in the 
 form of Ndzak. (Rodgers Joe. cit .) 
 
435 
 
 Religious Sects of Kashmir. 
 
 Shams came from Talish in Irak, 1 who gave himself out as a 
 Nurbakhshi. He introduced a corrupt form of religion, giving it 
 the name of Nurbakhshi ’ and practised many heresies. He wrote 
 a book for these cowardly people called Fikh-i-Ahwat , which does 
 not conform to the teachings of any of the sects, whether Sunni or 
 Shia. [These sectaries] revile the companions of the Prophet and 
 Aisha, as do the Shias, but contrary to the teaching of these latter, 
 they look upon Amir Say}'id Muhammad Nur Bakhshi as the Lord 
 of the Age and the promised Mahdi. 
 
 They do not believe in the saints and holy persons in whom 
 the Shias believe, but regard all these as [appertaining to] Sunnis. 
 [Shams] introduced many impious practices and infidel beliefs, 
 and gave his heretical sect the name of 4 Nurbakhshi.’ I have seen 
 many of the Nurbakhshi elders in Badakhshan and elsewhere. I 
 discovered that outwardly they follow the precepts of the Prophet 
 and hold with the Sunnis. One of the sons of this Amir Sayyid 
 Muhammad Nurbakhshi showed me his tract. In it was written : 
 44 Sultans, Amirs and fools [or the ignorant] maintain that worldly 
 power cannot be combined with purity and piety. But this is 
 absolutely false, for the great prophets and apostles, in spite of 
 their missions, have exercised sovereignty, and have likewise 
 striven diligently after those other matters \i.e ., purity and 
 piety], as for example Joseph, Moses, David, Solomon and our 
 Prophet.” 
 
 Now this is opposed to the belief of the Nurbakhshi of Kashmir, 
 and is in accordance with that of the Sunnis. That book, the 
 Fikh-i-Ahwat , which is celebrated in Kashmir, I sent, complete, to 
 the Uiama of Hindustan, who repudiated it and wrote on the 
 back of it a decree [fatwa] of remonstrance as follows: 44 In the 
 name of God the Merciful. Oh ! God, show unto us the truth in 
 its reality, and the false, wherein it is void ; also show us things 
 as they are. After perusing this book and weighing its contents, 
 it seemed clear [to us] that the author of it was of a false sect, 
 who had gone against the Book and the Sunna, and did not belong 
 to any denomination of the people of Truth. His pretension is 
 that God hath commanded him to do away with all differences 
 among the people ; (Firstly) in the developments and ordinances of 
 the Holy Law, and to make them as they were in his time, with 
 neither increase nor diminution; and (Secondly) in the funda¬ 
 mental principles among all the peoples of the earth. [In this] 
 he is certainly lying, and inclined to heresy and schism. It is the 
 duty of such as have the power, to obliterate such a book, and a 
 religious necessity for them to stamp out and extirpate this sect; 
 
 1 Talish appears to have been a name that was applied to the province of Gilan, 
 though properly speaking, it was only that of a tribe which inhabited a part of 
 Gilan. (See Sadili Ispctliani , p. 15.) 
 
 2 f 2 
 
436 
 
 Religions Sects of Kashmir. 
 
 to prohibit persons from following it and acting according to its 
 dogmas. If they persist in their belief and abandon not their 
 false creed, it is necessary for the security of Musulmans, from 
 their evil example, to repulse them with chastisement and [even] 
 death. If they repent and abandon the sect, they must be com¬ 
 manded to follow the teaching of Abu Hanifa.” 
 
 At the present time in Kashmir, the Sufis have legitimatised so 
 many heresies, that they know nothing of what is lawful or 
 unlawful. They consider that piety and purity consist in night- 
 watching and abstinence in food; yet they take and eat whatever 
 they find, without ever considering what is forbidden or what is 
 lawful. They give way to their lusts and desires in a manner 
 not consistent with the law. They are for ever interpreting 
 dreams, displaying miracles, and obtaining from the unseen, 
 information regarding either the future or the past. They 
 prostrate themselves before one another and, together with such 
 disgraceful acts, observe the forty [days of retirement]. They 
 blame and detest science and men of learning ; consider the Holy 
 Law second in importance to the True ‘ Way,’ and that in con¬ 
 sequence the people of the ‘ Way ’ have nothing to do with the 
 Holy Law. In short, nowhere else is such a band of heretics to 
 be found. May the Most High God defend all the people of Islam 
 from such misfortunes and calamities as this, and turn them all 
 into the true path of righteousness. 
 
 Thanks be to God that, at the present time, no one in Kashmir 
 dares openly profess this faith ; but all deny it, and give them¬ 
 selves out as good Sunnis. They are aware of my severity towards 
 them, and know that if any one of the sect appears, he will not 
 escape the punishment of death. I hope and trust that through the 
 intervention of God and by my own efforts, the land will gradually 
 be entirely delivered of this misfortune, and that all will become, 
 as they now profess to be, Musulmans from the bottom of their 
 hearts. Amen ! Oh Lord of the two worlds ! 
 
 There was also a sect of infidels who were Sun-worshippers, 
 called Shammasi. Their creed is as follows: “ The phenomenon 
 of luminosity of the sun is due to the purity of our faith : and our 
 being is derived from the sun’s luminosity. If we defile the 
 purity of our creed the sun would no longer have any existence, 
 and if the sun withdraw its bounty from us, we should no longer 
 have any being. We are dependent on it for our existence, and it 
 on us. Without us it has no existence, without it we have none. 
 As long as the sun is visible, our actions are visible to it, and 
 nothing but uprightness is lawful. When night falls, it does not 
 see us or know us.” Since the sun is not aware of what passes in 
 the night, they cannot be called to account for what they do in 
 the night season. This sect used to be called Shammasi. 
 
Return to the Narrative. 
 
 437 
 
 When this Mir Shams appeared in Kashmir and corrupted its 
 people, he bore the title of Shams-ud-Din [Sun of the Faith]. All 
 titles descend from heaven, and the real one must have been 
 Shammas-ud-Din. It has been misunderstood by the Kashmiris, 
 or else they called him Shams-ud-Din by way of reproach. For 
 this reason they called him Mir Shams. 
 
 CHAPTER CII. 
 
 RETURN TO THE MAIN NARRATIVE. 
 
 Before entering upon the description of Kashmir, I had brought 
 the thread of my story down to the point where, after passing the 
 defile of Lar without difficulty, we entered the city. The army of 
 Kashmir was dispersed, and the townspeople, forsaking their city 
 and homes, fled towards the hills and glens, leaving their property 
 in their dwellings. I took up my quarters in the Rajdan, which 
 has been mentioned, and entrenched my men within its walls. 
 During many days no trace of any one was visible. For twenty- 
 four days we remained there, by which time the horses and cattle 
 had quite recovered their strength. The army of Kashmir was 
 stationed in the middle of some swamps [lai] at about two 
 farsdkhs to the south of the city, where they could be seen. Wise 
 men were of opinion that we ought not to remain within the city, 
 but thought that we should march out and watch for an oppor¬ 
 tunity to give them battle. For, though the enemy were far 
 stronger than we, both in arms and numbers, we might yet defeat 
 them by strategy. [Couplet] .... So, sallying forth from the 
 city, we passed, in line, in sight of the enemy, and went and 
 encamped at a place called Baklata 1 on the east side of Kashmir. 
 
 In a word, from that date of Jamad II. till Shaban—that is to 
 su} r , from the end of autumn till the spring—we avoided the army 
 of Kashmir, who on this account became elated, and grew so bold 
 that, at first, every time we marched on, they halted for some days, 
 finding some strong position from which to oppose us. In the 
 first place they would fortify the position secretly, by every 
 means in their power, and then, advancing in the night, would 
 take up a defensive station in the place [where they halted]. At 
 
 1 Or Balcldna , or Nalddnci , etc. It is not traceable on existing maps. By the 
 “ east side of Kashmir,” the author probably means “ to the eastward of 
 Srinagar.” 
 
438 
 
 The Campaign in Kashmir. 
 
 length they became so [confident] that they would follow after us 
 on the same day that we made a move, without taking any 
 precautions. Finally, in a village called Bagli Navin, 1 after they 
 had advanced fearlessly and had hastened over some level ground, 
 having drawn up my men, I turned and faced them. It would be 
 tedious to enter here into details, but, to be brief, in the twinkling 
 of an eye, the wind of victory began to blow and the enemy were 
 scattered and discomfited .... 2 The chief Malik of Kashmir, 
 Malik Ali, together with several other eminent Maliks who were 
 generals and commanders, perished. 3 Those who escaped the sword, 
 tied to the tops of the mountains. Many were wounded, while 
 such as remained unhurt had their hearts broken in tw r o from fear. 
 That night they resolved on flight, lest on the morrow it should 
 be impossible. Their generals were alarmed and stupefied. 
 
 By the ordering of Providence, the following noteworthy 
 incident occurred to me : I discovered the devilry and base nature 
 of Mirza Ali Taghai, who for devilish designs is more famous than 
 Satan himself. [Couplet .... In short, Mirza Ali Taghai came 
 to me and offered his advice, saying: “ If our army had fled, it 
 would have been utterly broken. When the [enemy reach the 
 hills, it is clear that they will there take up a strong position, and 
 it will not be prudent for us to advance into the hills to attack them. 
 It is foolish to risk a disgrace. The way to destroy the enemy at 
 this juncture, is for us to descend with all speed to the lowlands of 
 Kashmir, and attack their families ; it will then be impossible that 
 they should remain where they are ; they will perforce come down 
 to defend their families. Those that have their households with 
 them in the hills will not want to descend, while those whose 
 families are on the lowlands, will make for the hill-tops. A certain 
 number will remain where they are. Being once separated in this 
 manner, they will find no possibility of reuniting, and no further 
 fighting will be necessary.” 
 
 I allowed myself to be deceived by these devilish promptings 
 and lying suggestions, and decided that on the following morning 
 we should descend with all haste. [Couplet] .... At dawn [next 
 day] we started on the downward road. Mir Daim Ali came to 
 me and said with much severity: “ What bitterness have we 
 swallowed that matters should have come to this pass ? Xow that 
 we have scattered the enemy and have driven him into these hills, 
 you would leave him ? Where are you going? ” I then hesitated 
 and halted, when Mirza Ali Taghai, who had marched forward, 
 came back and asked why I had stopped. Mir Daim Ali then 
 
 1 The variants might be Banin, Bunn, etc. It does not appear on modern 
 maps. 
 
 ' 2 Two lines of rhetoric and a couplet omitted.—R. 
 
 3 This sentence is somewhat abridged.—R. 
 
439 
 
 The Campaign in Kashmir. 
 
 repeated to him what he had said to me. Mirza Ali Taghai, 
 turning towards me his double-faced countenance, said: “ It is 
 childish to alter one’s decisions; I maintain my opinion still 5 
 [Couplet] .... But I, setting aside the wise counsel of the 
 provident Mir Daim Ali, followed the evil advice of that worthless 
 wretch .... 1 
 
 In short, we set out and came to the district of Nagam. Mirza 
 Ali Taghai went in advance. At the second stage we learnt that 
 lower down there was no road, or if there were one, it was not 
 suitable for the passage of an army. Chased from one place, 
 and stopping in another, we finally halted at a spot called Jarura. 
 The army of Kashmir, overjoyed with this march of ours, began 
 again to collect their scattered forces from all sides, and descending 
 from the hills, stationed themselves in a strong position, round 
 which they threw a stockade [, shaikh ]. [Couplet] .... This 
 happened on the 4th of Shaban, 939. (An ingenious person found 
 the date in Buz-i-chaJidrum az mah-i-Shabdn). When Shaban was 
 over and the season of Taurus had come to an end, the snows of 
 mid-winter (that is, the season of Capricorn) were melted from 
 the passes by the heat of the summer sun. 
 
 Mirza Ali Taghai, continuing his intrigues, began to point out, 
 and enlarge upon, the enormous difficulties which the conquest of 
 Kashmir would involve. He thus turned the hearts of the whole 
 army from a desire to conquer Kashmir. The only exception was 
 Mir Daim Ali, upon whom these base reasonings had no effect. 
 All the leaders of the army of the Moghuls ... 2 who had been 
 scattered about, and were now re-united, came to Mir Daim Ali, 
 and with one mind and one accord said, amid much noise and com¬ 
 motion : “ Tell a certain person ” (by which they meant me) “ that 
 we are Moghuls, and we have been continually occupied with the 
 affairs of Moghulistan. The natural solace and joy of the Moghul 
 Ulus is the desert, in which there is no cultivation [abadani]. The 
 screeching of the owl in the wilderness is sweeter, to our ear, than 
 the song of the nightingale in the grove. We have never made a 
 cultivated land our home. Our companions have been the ravenous 
 beasts of the mountains, and our associates the wild boars of the 
 desert. Our favourite haunts and our most agreeable dwellings 
 have been the caves in the mountain tops; our clothing the skins 
 of dogs and wild animals, our food the flesh of birds and wild 
 beasts. How can men of our race associate with this besotted band 
 of infidels of Kashmir, which is the garden of Aram—nay more, a 
 specimen of Paradise ? It has been said : The idolaters shall not 
 enter Paradise. Moreover, from Kashmir to Kashghar is a long 
 
 1 A quatrain and a play on words are omitted here.—It. 
 
 2 The passage left out here is, bailed jnmhur-i-zardil-i-chaghuldn. I can make 
 nothing of it.—R. 
 
440 The Campaign in Kashmir. 
 
 journey, and not only is the distance great, hut the difficulties of 
 the road are well nigh insurmountable. There are [to be con¬ 
 sidered] our families, our baggage, and our flocks and herds. 
 "Without flocks we must despair of our lives : separated from our 
 herds we shall have to give up existence, and resign ourselves to 
 death. Therefore, it is better that having ruined the army of 
 Kashmir, we should return to the Khan. If the Khan kills us, our 
 bodies will at least be buried by our own people. If he does not 
 kill us, we will certainly never again draw our bridles towards any 
 other place than Moghulistan.” [Couplet] .... 
 
 Mir Daim Ali came to me and reported what had been said. I 
 was astounded at the men’s behaviour. [Verse] ... It is related 
 that a certain sweeper [. kannds ] was passing a perfumer’s shop, and 
 when the scent got into his head, he fainted away. A doctor, who 
 happened to be present, cried : “ Apply some filth to his nose; ” 
 
 and the man immediately came to his senses. [Two couplets]. 
 
 Finally, I said to Mir Daim Ali: “ [If I make an attempt to com¬ 
 plete the conquest of Kashmir], these cowardly men will be eager 
 to do something to shatter the foundations of sovereignty.” Mir 
 Daim Ali replied : “ On our departure, the Khan told us that Mirza 
 Ali Taghai, in all affairs of the State, considered in the first place, 
 his own advantage, and generally neglected the rest. By this rule 
 he abides, so that in considering his own personal gain, he entirely 
 ignores the necessities of the State. , l 
 
 “ Let us put the Khan’s proposal into practice, so that henceforth 
 no one will dare to show signs of insolence or insubordination ; 
 perfect concord will ensue, and thus the kingdom of Kashmir, 
 which has never yet been subdued by a Moghul Khakan, will fall 
 into your hands. You will earn a great name for all time, and the 
 gratitude of the race of Moghul Khans. For this country has 
 never been conquered by any one [of them].” 
 
 To this I replied : “ It is now ten years since the affairs of tho 
 Khan’s army have been placed under my direction, and suitable 
 Amirs have always been associated with me. I thank God that 
 hitherto all has gone well with me, and that nothing has ever 
 occurred to cause the finger of reproach or blame to be pointed at 
 me. If this [execution] should take place, all the blame will be laid 
 at my door, and all these Amirs, whose minds are full of devilish 
 promptings, will be convinced that he [Mirza Ali Taghai] was sent 
 with the army in order that I might carry out the orders of the 
 king of death. lie would doubtless make every effort to save his 
 
 1 In this place there follows a passage of which I have been able to make but 
 little sense. The substance seems to be that the Khan had frequently overlooked 
 the misdeeds of Mirza Ali Taghai; but desired that if he were found to be laying 
 plots, such as winning over Sultan Iskandar to his side, there should be no delay 
 in putting him to death. This is the end of what the Khan told Daim Ali, who 
 continues to Mirza llaidar as follows in the text.—R. 
 
44 i 
 
 Retreat f rom Kashmir. 
 
 own life, and every one will imagine that in accompanying me, his 
 own life is in danger. Moreover, it would not he acting like a good 
 Musulman.” 
 
 After much reflection, I saw that there were only two courses 
 open to me to pursue. On the one hand, to kill Mirza Ali Taghai 
 and subdue Kashmir ; on the other, to spare him and retire from 
 the country. I finally decided upon the latter course, and sent 
 messages of truce to the Maliks of Kashmir. Thus did I disregard 
 the dictates of wisdom, and my action has caused me much suffering. 
 I have seen what I have seen. As has been said : 1 He that hath 
 his enemy before him, if he do not kill him, he is his own enemy.’ 
 [Couplet] . . . 
 
 CHAPTER CIII. 
 
 RETREAT FROM KASHMIR AND SUBSEQUENT EVENTS. 
 
 The government of Kashmir was, at that time, conducted in the 
 name of Muhammad Shah. Among the Maliks of Kashmir, after 
 Ali Mir, who was killed [in an engagement with us], there were 
 Abdal Makri, Kajichak, Lahur Makri and Yakchak. When terms 
 of peace were proposed, they were very thankful, but they did not 
 credit [our good faith], wondering how people who had once 
 conquered such a beautiful country, could be so senseless as to 
 give it up. 
 
 In a word the Klmtba was read and coins were struck in the 
 exalted name of the Khan. The revenue of Kashmir, which was 
 due to the Moghuls, we took. One of Muhammad Shah’s daughters 
 was wedded to Iskandar Sultan. And everyone, according to his 
 rank, formed a connection \_muldkdt] with one of the Sultans or 
 Maliks of Kashmir. I, for example, became connected with 
 Muhammad Shah, and in accordance with the Moghul practice we 
 called each other “ friend.” Similar [relations] were established 
 between Mir Daim Ali and Abdul Makri; Mirza Ali Taghai and 
 Lahur Makri; Baba Sarik Mirza and Kajichak; my uncle’s son 
 Mahmud Mirza (who will be mentioned below) and Yakchak. 
 Numerous presents and offerings were interchanged. 1 
 
 1 It may be worth while to transcribe in this place Firishta’s account of Mirza 
 Haidar’s campaign in Kashmir, as translated by Mr. C. J. Rodgers. “ In 939,” 
 he says, “the Sultan of Kashghar, Said Shah, sent his son, Sikandar Khan, 
 together with Mirza Haidar and 12,000 soldiers, by the way of Tibet and bar, to 
 invade Kashmir. The inhabitants, fearing the hardy valour of the Central 
 Asians, fled from their homes in all directions, and took refuge in the mountains. 
 
44 2 
 
 Retreat from Kashmir. 
 
 At the end of Sliawal we set out again by way of Lar, as we 
 had come. On reaching the frontiers of Tibet many of the 
 inhabitants hastened out to receive us, bringing presents and flocks. 
 But Ivarsa , 1 which is a district of Tibet, contains a valley, which 
 is as narrow as a miser’s heart, and in it is a very deep ravine, 
 forming a lofty rampart wall, which seemed beyond the realms of 
 possibility to pass. So narrow indeed was the road, that on the 
 brightest day the darkness of night prevailed there. Trusting to 
 this valley, which they considered no human being could take, they 
 were refractory and refused to pay the tribute r demanded of them]. 
 We encamped there at the noontide prayer-hour. During the 
 night all were engaged in making preparations for an assault. At 
 dawn next day 2 all the warriors raised a shout, and made ready 
 to fight. In short, fierce fighting ensued. More than once the 
 Musulman forces were driven back by blows, or by rocks which 
 were rolled [down the sides of the ravine], but each time they 
 again made fast the skirt of valour in the girdle of endeavour, and 
 kept a firm footing on the hill-side of holy war! Finally the 
 infidels were routed and most of them perished ; 3 those who 
 escaped the edge of the sword fled like chaff before the wind. All 
 their women, children and families fell a portion to the victorious 
 army. The rest of the infidels were filled with the utmost alarm. 
 
 To save their own lives and those of their children, they came 
 and delivered up whatever they possessed. All the property of the 
 province of Purik, which is one of the most important in Tibet, 
 was collected together and distributed among the Amirs and 
 soldiers of our army. Having selected a few curiosities and 
 rarities for the Khan, we set out for Maryul. 
 
 The invaders, finding everything open before them, destroyed the palaces of the 
 olden kings and levelled them with the dust. The city was burnt. The 
 treasury and the buried treasures were plundered, and the whole army of in¬ 
 vaders was laden with goods and gold. Wherever the Kashmiris were found 
 hidden, they were pursued and slain or imprisoned. This state of things lasted 
 six months.” A great battle then took place, and is described in detail; but 
 Firishta does not assign the victory to either side. He continues: “ In the 
 evening the prisoners were numbered on both sides and were liberated, and botli 
 armies were ready to accept peace, the Kashgbar party taking with them presents 
 of wool, hawks, and precious things, went to Muhammad Shah (the king then 
 reigning) and asked his daughter in marriage to Sikandar Khan, and desired 
 that the women whom the Moghuls had in their hands should there remain. 
 Peace being thus concluded the Central Asians returned to their homes, and 
 peace once more reigned in Kashmir.” (/. A. S. B., 1885, pt. i., p. 115.) Mr. 
 Rodgers does not indicate what the term is which he translates “Central 
 Asian.” 
 
 1 Probably Kartse is intended by Kdrsa. It is a district and village between 
 Kargil and Suru. But it is also possible that Kdlsa, or Kahsi, may be meant—a 
 village on the Indus, on the main road to Ladak, and near the foot of an extra¬ 
 ordinarily deep and narrow gorge. 
 
 2 and 3 These two passages are slightly abridged.—R. 
 
Return of the Khan towards Yarkand. 
 
 443 
 
 CHAPTER CIV. 
 
 RETURN OF THE KHAN FROM MARYUL TO HIS CAPITAL, YARKAND; 
 
 AND THE AUTHOR’S MISSION TO URSANG. 
 
 On my return from the war, I was most affectionately welcomed 
 by the Khan, who embraced me and showed his abundant regard 
 for me in every way . 1 After these demonstrations, the Khan 
 questioned me concerning the particulars of the campaign. I 
 told him what I have herein written down. When I arrived at 
 the end of my recital, the Khan said : “ Hitherto no one of the 
 conquer ing Khakans, from the time of Chingiz Khan to the present 
 day, has laid the hand of dominion upon the collar of Kashmir. 
 But now, by your laudable and strenuous efforts, the pulpits of 
 Kashmir have been decorated with the titles of the Moghul 
 Khakans. The Sultans of Kashmir, who in former times owed 
 allegiance to none, and the governors who were dependent on them 
 alone, are now subject to the Moghul Khans. For this mighty 
 achievement, not only I, but all the Moghul Khakans owe you a 
 debt of gratitude, as do also my nobles, and especially my own 
 children, for whom such a glorious name has been won.” 
 
 By order of the Khan, I left the army and entered his [personal j 
 service. On the next day, the rest of the Amirs and Iskandar 
 Sultan had the honour of waiting on the Khan. I laid before the 
 Khan, as offerings, some valuables from Kashmir and some coins 
 both silver and gold, which had been struck in his name, together 
 with other treasures which I had brought back from the various 
 countries. All of these he graciously deigned to accept, and, 
 according to the custom, distributed them [among his men]. 
 
 These formalities being terminated, he summoned a council of 
 all the great Amirs and nobles. Each one spoke as his feelings 
 prompted him. Having listened to these speeches, the Khan 
 pondered for a while and then said to me: “ You well know that it 
 has always been my ardent desire and earnest intention to conduct 
 the holy wars in person. I am resolved on the destruction of the 
 idol-temple of Ursang, which is the point of adoration of the 
 whole of Kliitai. Now, this has never been achieved by any 
 Musulnnin king; not one of them, indeed, has ever been near the 
 place. My health will not withstand such an undertaking . 2 I 
 
 1 The chapter opens with a few lines of rhetoric and verse, concerning separa¬ 
 tion and union, which are omitted, while this sentence is much abridged.—11. 
 
 2 In the Turki version this sentence stands: It is a pity that, having made 
 such a resolution, my health should have failed me.—R. 
 
444 Return of the Khan towards Yarkand. 
 
 have come to the end of my strength, and since I have this feeling 
 of weakness, which is apparent from my exterior, I desire you to 
 commend me to the protection of God, and full of earnestness and 
 religious fervour, to hasten to destroy that temple. I will mean¬ 
 while return to my loved home, leaving the whole of the adminis¬ 
 tration in your hands. Let me and your uncle, who have both 
 grown old, retire to the corner of devotion, which is a haven of 
 repose, while you take upon yourself the affairs of the State. We 
 will help you with our prayers for your welfare; you will benefit 
 us by your good actions.” 
 
 After this lengthy speech, he issued a mandate of the following 
 purport, viz.: “ Mirza Haidar had been elected. He may take with 
 him whomsoever he chooses. Those who accompany him are 
 subject to his commands and not to mine.” 1 When this mandate had 
 been promulgated, I gave the great Amirs leave to return home. 
 I then chose to accompany me, my brother Abdullah Mirza and 
 my uncle’s son Mahmud Mirza. I set in command of the army 
 Janaka Mirza and Bahrika Mirza, who were both mentioned in 
 the lists [muster roll] at Kaslighar. From the rest of the soldiers 
 I selected 2000 men. I then turned my attention to this matter 
 [the invasion of Ursang], and before the [preparations] were 
 completed, six days of Zulhijja were past. This was the extent 
 of my attendance [on the Khan]. 
 
 On the day of leave-taking, the Khan sent for me privately, and 
 bestowed on me, as gifts, all the royal clothing he had at hand, 
 besides some horses. In addition he gave me a belt and a sheath 
 containing several knives, both of which he had devised himself. 
 He gave these to me with his own hands, saying : “ These I have 
 acquired myself, I entrust them to you as a keepsake. If you 
 return in safety, and find me still among the living, you can return 
 them to me. They are a deposit. But if anything should occur 
 which should separate us for ever, you can keep them as a 
 remembrance of me.” I thanked him greatly for his kindness; 
 but the reins of self-control fell from my hands, and my extreme 
 grief and sorrow caused the humidity, which lay in the recesses of 
 my heart, to pour, forth by way of my eyes : I was much affected. 
 The Khan, in his kindness of heart, began to comfort me, and after 
 he had in a measure succeeded in quieting my mind, I said to him : 
 “ What heart would be strong enough to be consoled after hearing 
 such words as yours ? Allow me to accompany you as far as your 
 capital, Yarkand. When I have seen you seated on your happy 
 throne, I will then return to mv own duties; in the meanwhile the 
 rest of the army can pasture their cattle in one of the grazing 
 grounds of Tibet.” 
 
 1 This sentence is somewhat obscure in the text, and I have not been 
 literal.—R. 
 
445 
 
 Death of the Khan . 
 
 But tlie Khali replied: “ It is not wise to despise difficult 
 undertakings. You have misunderstood what I said to you. [My 
 meaning was that there is no living person who does not doubt 
 whether he will remain in the world, or whether he will not taste 
 of the wine of death] ; nor is this dependent on an illness. I am 
 not exempt from the hand of fate. Even though I reach Yarkand 
 in safety, I am not secure from death. Since our separation is 
 likely to be of long duration, and since no man can hear what is 
 said, I have taken this opportunity of speaking to you. What I 
 have said to you I have said, and I do not think that your accom¬ 
 panying me and then returning, is compatible with what I have 
 arranged. 1 In every circumstance one must look to God. Every¬ 
 thing must be entrusted to Him. I consign you to God, and I 
 hope that we may meet again in Yarkand. Be strong of heart 
 and energetic! The great name you have won by the conquest 
 of Kashmir will be magnified by this expedition.” Having uttered 
 these words he allowed me to depart, and himself set out on the 
 return journey. 
 
 CHAPTER CY. 
 
 THE DEATH OF THE KHAN AND AN EPITOME OF HIS LIFE. 
 
 * * * 2 
 
 In short the Khan, having finally arranged the above-mentioned 
 affairs, set out from Maryul in Tibet, for Yarkand. 1 attended 
 him on his first stage, and then, with evil forebodings, took a 
 touching and melancholy leave of him. [Two couplets], . . . Four 
 days later I received a letter in the Khan’s own handwriting, stat¬ 
 ing that he had crossed the pass of Sakri, 3 and that the feelings of 
 weakness which he apprehended, had not come over him. He 
 had reached Nubra in safety and was camped there, intending 
 to proceed towards Yarkand after the festival of the Sacrifice. 
 
 1 In these passages, the Persian texts being very corrupt, I have partially 
 followed the Turki.—R. 
 
 2 This chapter opens with half a folio of verse and rhetoric on the mortality of 
 man, the whole of which is passed over. 
 
 3 By the Sakri, probably the Kardung pass is indicated. It leads across the 
 range immediately north of the town of Leh, and is about 17,800 feet in height. 
 If not the Kardung, the pass within a few miles east of it, called the Digar, and 
 of about the same height, may be meant. The local names for these passes vary 
 considerably among the people of the country ; but as these are the only practic¬ 
 able ones that lead into Nubra in about three marches, the Khan must have 
 followed one or the other, if news of bis arrival there was received in Leh four 
 days after his departure. 
 
446 
 
 Death of the Khan 
 
 [Turkish quatrain.] The last letter sent me from the Khan’s 
 [camp] was to the following effect:—Having celebrated the 
 Festival of the Sacrifice, they set forth on their homeward road 
 with all speed. When they had crossed the ice passes [muzajat] 1 
 a grave change for the worse took place in the Khan’s condition, 
 from the effects of that hell-tainted air. From that place to a 
 region where there was no dam-giri , was eight days’ journey. (I 
 have already explained the symptoms of this malady, in my account 
 of Tibet.) All the Amirs were agreed that both hurry and 
 delay were to be feared. Still, they considered that a place where 
 there was no dam-giri should be reached as quickly as possible, 
 hoping that the Khan’s natural strength would enable him to 
 combat the violence of the malady, until such a spot should be 
 attained. If they delayed any longer in a neighbourhood where 
 dam-giri prevailed, his strength might not hold out. [Couplet] . . . 
 
 But the ill-advised nobles, foremost among whom was Mirza 
 Ali Taghai, mounted the Khan, in his weak condition, upon his 
 horse, and then started with all speed, supporting him on every 
 side. As it is dangerous [with this malady] to remain in an 
 upright position, it would have been proper to construct a litter. 
 But these Amirs excused themselves for not making one, on the 
 ground that it could not be carried over the passes. [Verse]. . . . 
 They made eight days’ journey in four, and at eventide prayers 
 they arrived within three farsakhs of a stage where dam-giri is 
 less prevalent. There, suddenly, the Khan’s strength, gave way 
 before the violence of his malady, and his nature became utterly 
 exhausted by that hell-tainted climate. 2 Thus did the pure soul 
 of that noble-minded and just ruler hasten to the regions of the 
 blessed. [Three couplets]. . . . This awful and heartrending- 
 event happened on the 16th of Zulhijja in the year 939 [9 July, 
 1J33]. After this calamity many terrible and strange things 
 came about, of which I shall speak presently. 
 
 The life of the Khan, his noble character and worthy qualities 
 have already been fully described in these pages: but although 
 an account of the whole of his life is contained in this history, 
 the context has rendered it necessary to give the facts in a some¬ 
 what disjointed and scattered manner. I will therefore add here 
 a brief recapitulation. His genealogy is as follows: Abul Fath 
 
 1 Meaning the ‘ glacier pass,’ or Sasser, which consists of a series of glaciers. 
 The elevation of the highest point is about 17,700 feet. 
 
 2 The eighth stage on the road to Yarkand, from the east foot of the Sasser 
 pass, is in the Suget ravine, which leads from the Suget pass down to the Kara- 
 kash river, a little above Shahidulla. Three farsakhs short of the Suget 
 halting-place would mean some spot on the pass of that name, which is, as 
 nearly as possible, 18,000 feet in altitude. It is a locality noted for height- 
 sickness, and no doubt it was on this pass that Sultan Said succumbed. The 
 twelve miles which he failed to accomplish, would have carried him to a level 
 nearly 6000 feet lower. 
 
44 7 
 
 and Epitome of His Life. 
 
 Sultan Said Khan Ghazi, was son of Sultan Ahmad Khan, son of 
 Yunus Khan, son of Shir Ali Khan, 1 son of Muhammad Khan, son 
 of Khizir Khwaja Khan, son of Tughluk Timur Khan. The 
 descent of Tughluk Timur Khan from Japhet, the son of Noah, is 
 traced in both the Mujma lit Tavarikh and in the Prolegomena to 
 the Zcifar-Nama , and God willing, the details shall be given in 
 the first part [of this history] ; I will therefore avoid repeating it 
 [in this place]. 
 
 He was born in Moghulistan in the year 892 [1487]. He received 
 his name from his distinguished grandfather, Yunus Khan. Up to 
 the age of fourteen he remained in Moghulistan, under the care 
 and guidance of his father. But when Sultan Ahmad Khan went 
 to Tashkand to meet his brother Sultan Mahmud Khan, he took the 
 [young] Khan with him. On the occasion when the battle took 
 place between Shahi Beg Khan and the two brothers, at Akhsi, in 
 which the Khans were defeated, the [young] Khan being wounded, 
 fell into the hands of Shaikh Bayazid, who was Governor of Akhsi. 
 As was shown above, there was but an insincere alliance between 
 Shaikh Bayazid and Shahi Beg Khan. [Shaikh Bayazid] detained 
 the Khan in prison one year, but the foliowiug year Shahi Beg 
 Khan came and put Shaikh Bayazid, and his brother Tambal, to 
 death, and conquered the province of Farghana. He next 
 released the Khan from his confinement in Akhsi, and took him 
 with him on the expedition which resulted in the capture of Hisar 
 and Kunduz. On his return from that expedition, [Shahi Beg] 
 set out to attack the Khwarizin. 
 
 The Khan, who was then sixteen years of age, having, together 
 with seventeen other persons, escaped from Samarkand, went and 
 joined his uncle, Sultan Mahmud Khan, in Moghulistan. Finally, 
 fleeing after one of the contests in Moghulistan, he repaired to 
 Andijan, where the governor, who was subject to Shahi Beg Khan, 
 threw him into prison, with the intention of putting him to death ; 
 but escaping thence, he took refuge with his cousin, Babar 
 Padishah, in Kabul. When the Emperor marched again upon 
 Hisar, with the purpose of subduing Mavara-un-Nahr, he sent the 
 Khan to Andijan. On reaching this place, it was given up to 
 him by my uncle, who entered his service. When the Uzbeg 
 a second time became masters of Mavara-un-Nahr, the Khan 
 abandoned Andijan and went to Kashghar, which he took by 
 force of arms, and there he reigned absolute during twenty years. 
 At the end [of his reign] he undertook a holy war against Tibet, 
 where, in the year 939, he died of dam-giri at the age of forty-seven. 
 
 He was a Hanifi by descent. In his youth he was addicted to 
 forbidden pleasures, and little inclined towards laudable and 
 
 1 The author has omitted Vais Khan, who was father of Yunus: see pp. 73 
 and 120. 
 
448 
 
 Epitome of the Khan's Life. 
 
 becoming pursuits. On attaining the age of tliirty-seven, lie 
 renounced all unlawful enjoyments and betook himself to a 
 religious life, under the guidance of Hazrat Makhdumi Khwaja 
 Shahab-ul-Millat wa ud-Din, better known as Khwaja Khavand 
 Mahmud. He devoted all his attention and thought to this noble 
 course, fasting by day and watching by night. 1 In all his private 
 gatherings little else was discussed but religious matters, and by 
 these conferences he was much influenced. Justice had a strong 
 hold over his mind, and in all his affairs he conformed with the 
 Holy Law, never tiring of its observances, but rather delighting 
 in them. He referred most questions to the spiritual courts [ddr 
 ush-shar ] for settlement. 
 
 He had the greatest reverence for the Ulama. For this he was 
 much blamed by the Sultans of the day; but he answered them 
 saying: “ It is fitting to honour and exalt those of my own rank : 
 these people, considering their station in life, cannot claim equality 
 with the humblest of my servants, but I reverence them on 
 account of their knowledge. Whether they are great or whether 
 they are humble [in station, makes no difference], I regard only 
 their learning. No reproach can be levelled at me for this. Those 
 who honour the man for his learning, and not the learning [for its 
 own sake] commit an act of folly.” 2 He treated Sufis and pious 
 men as brothers, and they never overstepped the bounds of 
 propriety with him [though there was no ceremony between him 
 and them]. Thoughts of sovereignty and royal dignity never 
 entered his head. He was equally polite to all; and although he 
 upheld the dignity of the royal state, he observed an attitude of 
 affability beyond all conception. 
 
 I was twenty-four years in his service, and do not remember 
 ever having heard him use abusive or obscene language to an 
 inferior. If any of the slaves in his attendance committed an 
 offence worthy of punishment or reproof, he would frown, but 
 keep his temper and say very little. If he did speak and wished 
 to use abusive language, he never went beyond calling any one 
 “ unclean ” or “ carrion,” and if he spoke in Turki he said much 
 the same. 
 
 1 That is, observing the hours for night prayers.—R. 
 
 2 This passage is not an exact rendering. In order to make sense, the trans¬ 
 lation has, of necessity, been somewhat freely dealt with. 
 
Events in Kashghar. 
 
 449 
 
 CHAPTER CYI. 
 
 EVENTS IN KASHGHAR AFTER THE KHAN’S DEATH. 
 
 * * * * * 1 
 
 In short, after the Khan had resigned his life into the hands of 
 the angel of death, Mirza Ali Taghai (that Shaikh of Satans) and 
 Khwaja Shah Muhammad Divan (mother of Satans, in whose eyes 
 for years past, the ophthalmia of envy had filled the place of 
 light) having conspired together, sent Yadgar Muhammad, son-in- 
 law of Mirza Ali, to Rashid Sultan in Aksu, with a letter issued 
 in the Khan’s name and made up of impertinences and falsehoods. 
 They declared it to be the Khan’s last testament, and that he, 
 before dying, had said: “ I did not wish to make the holy war 
 in Tibet. It was Sayyid Muhammad Mirza and Mirza Haidar who 
 forced me to take the step. I shall never be satisfied with my 
 son Abdur Rashid, if he does not put these men to death. Their 
 death will be in retaliation for mine. Moreover, as long as they 
 exist, the sovereignty will not be his.” Having devised such 
 infamous lies as these—the outcome of that devilry which for so 
 many years had held possession of their brains—they sent [the 
 letter] off. At the same time, they sent another messenger to my 
 uncle, relating the manner of the Khan’s death, asking what was 
 to be done, and adding that any instructions should be carried out 
 in full. These lies were confirmed by the most solemn oaths. 
 
 When this message reached my uncle, he was filled with emotion 
 and alarm. He performed the proper ceremonies of mourning, and 
 set out from Kashghar for Yarkand. As it was the season of Asad 
 and the heat was excessive, the Khan’s remains were brought in and 
 buried, as quickly as possible, in a chamber of the palace [Divdn- 
 khana~\. In the meanwhile, my uncle arrived from Kashghar. 
 Having paid a visit of condolence to the ladies of [the late Khan’s] 
 haram, he performed similar duties with respect to the rest of the 
 household. All the Amirs who were on the spot, came and begged 
 my uncle for a compact or treaty. First of all, in the presence of 
 this body of grandees, Ulama and Amirs, he promised that their 
 interests should be attended to even better than they had been 
 in the lifetime of the late Khan. They, on their part, professed 
 their allegiance to him by means of the strongest and most 
 solemn oaths. “ We too,” [they said] “ will, even more than in 
 times past, show our loyalty and singleness of purpose.” In 
 
 1 This chapter opens with about ten lines, chiefly of verse, regretting the 
 severity of the Fates in cutting off the Khan’s life.—R. 
 
450 Events in Kdshghar 
 
 particular, Mirza Ali Taghai was profuse in his protestations of 
 devotion and sincerity. 
 
 Having satisfied their minds on these points, they turned their 
 attention to the raising up of Ahdur Rashid Sultan as the new 
 Khan, and plans were suggested for his installation. These 
 having been settled in the most satisfactory manner, they only 
 awaited the arrival of Rashid Sultan. It was the last day of Zul- 
 liijja when news of his arrival was received. My uncle sent 
 forward the grandees to meet him, and made every preparation 
 for a royal and dignified reception. “ But,” he said, “ it is not 
 proper that he should make his entry on the last day of the month 
 and of the year, and on a Wednesday. To-night he had better 
 remain in the suburbs, and to-morrow, Thursday, the first of 
 Moharram, and the beginning of the year 940, he should enter the 
 town.” This plan was decided upon and the Amirs went forward. 
 
 But Mirza Ali Tagluii went privately, and said to [Rashid 
 Sultan] :—“ As the Khan’s honour is in my keeping, I feel it my 
 duty to tell him of a scheme now being laid, which was proposed 
 to myself and the Amirs by Sayyid Muhammad Mirza. I would 
 lay it before you now, in order that timely measures may be taken 
 to check it. The promise he exacted from us was, that as soon as 
 Rashid Sultan arrived, we should lay him by his father’s side, 
 and that we should set upon the throne of the Khanate, Iskandar 
 Sultan, who is in Tibet. ” Such lies as these he not only 
 invented, but impressed in such a way [on Rashid Sultan] that 
 [the latter] saw no good reason for doubting him. On the 
 morning of Thursday, the first of Moharram 940, Rashid 
 Sultan set out towards his father’s tomb. My uncle, clothed in 
 mourning, [two couplets] . . . was seated by the [late] Khan’s grave. 
 As Rashid Sultan rode up to the door of the house, my uncle 
 came forward, his vest rent open, his beard torn, his black turban 
 thrown upon the ground, and on his shoulders black felt [two 
 couplets], . . . uttering moans and laments. Rashid Sultan [imme¬ 
 diately] ordered his men to seize him, which they did from either 
 side, and let fall upon his Musulman neck, a non-Musulman sword 
 —severing his head from his body. Ali Sayyid, likewise, who has 
 been mentioned in several places, attained the degree of martyr. 
 
 Having murdered these two unfortunates, he dismounted and 
 advanced to the head of his father’s tomb. Thence, he went and 
 paid a visit of condolence to the ladies of the haram. Mean¬ 
 while, he sent Mirza Ali Taghai to Kashghar to put to death 
 my uncle’s children, Husain Mansur, son of Sayyid Muhammad 
 Mirza, and Sultan Muhammad Mirza, son of Mirza Aba Bakr, and 
 also the son of Sayyid Mahmud; none of these three had attained 
 the age of twenty. He spared no act of insult or violence [towards 
 those who were left alive—namely, the wives and families of my 
 
after the Khan's Death. 
 
 451 
 
 uncle]. Thus were my uncle’s faithful and devoted services to 
 Rashid Sultan, rewarded with murder and violence, and those 
 solemn oaths and binding compacts which they had mutually 
 sworn to, consumed like blood-money. 1 [Couplet]. . . It is a practice 
 among [some] nations to do honour to their dead, by sacrificing 
 the choicest of their flocks and the best of their cattle. Rashid 
 Sultan, on his father’s demise, put to death my uncle, his children 
 and Ali Sayyid: that is to say, he sacrificed them. [Two couplets]... 
 
 After he had killed my uncle, and had ill-treated [his family], he 
 went on to offer such insults and indignities to the haram of his 
 noble father, as modesty prevents me from describing. Maulana 
 Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi, in the Zafar-Kama , describes the misdeeds 
 of Sultan Khalil Mirza, one of the grandsons of Amir Timur, who 
 succeeded his grandfather on the throne of Samarkand. This 
 passage I have copied exactly into this place. Certainly, with the 
 exception of Sultan Khalil Mirza, no one but Rashid Sultan has 
 practised such tyranny and wrong. These matters being some¬ 
 what delicate to relate, I have copied out the passage in order to 
 give some idea of this lamentable affair. The evident intention of 
 Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi, in mentioning these hideous deeds, was 
 that his readers and men of note might be warned to avoid 
 criminal acts, and practise works of righteousness. 2 
 
 Rashid Sultan did not stop here, but also subjected to every kind 
 of harsh treatment and insult, his aunts, who were members of 
 my haram, and the mother of the children of Shah Muhammad 
 Sultan, who have been mentioned above on various occasions, and 
 will be spoken of again in their proper place. The mother of the 
 children of Shah Muhammad Sultan is Khadija Sultan, a full 
 sister to the late Khan. Though she was suffering from hectic 
 fever and dropsy, and confined to her bed, he banished her and her 
 children into Badakhshan, but ere she could arrive, she died on 
 the road, after undergoing a thousand trials and hardships. Her 
 children, Ismail Sultan, Ishak Sultan, Yakub Sultan, and 
 Muhtarima Khanim—some in infancy, some still at fhe breast, 
 desolate and friendless exiles—were sent to Kabul, where they 
 were received with fatherly kindness by Timur Sultan, who has 
 been mentioned as being in Hind, in the service of Kamran 
 Mirza. He undertook the entire charge of his sister’s sons. 
 
 Ismail Sultan perished in the wars in Hindustan. Yakub Sultan 
 died a natural death. Muhtarima Khanim was, by my agency, 
 married to Kamran Mirza, as will be related ; Ishak Sultan, also 
 through my influence, is still with Kamran. 
 
 1 This is nearly a literal translation of the sentence Cliun Khunhaha-i-ishan 
 dsliamid, which, however, has no meaning in English.—R. 
 
 2 Here is omitted a short extract from the Zafar-Ndma consisting of about a 
 dozen lines of mere rhetoric and some verses.—R. 
 
 2 g 2 
 
45 2 
 
 Account of Muhammadi Bar las. 
 
 CHAPTER CYIT. 
 
 ACCOUNT OF MUHAMMADI BARLAS WHO WAS 1 AMIR-UL-UMARA TO 
 RASHID KIIAN—OR RATHER HIS REASONING SOUL. 
 
 He was son of Ali Mirak, son of Darvish Husain Barlas. During 
 the Khan’s sojourn in the province of Earghana, on the occasion 
 of the release of Rashid Sultan from the captivity of the Uzbeg, 
 and when he rejoined his father, the latter appointed Ghuri 
 Barlas, Muhammadi’s uncle, to be [Rashid’s] Ala Beg. But about 
 the same time, Ghuri Barlas died a natural death. The office of 
 Ata Beg was then, quite properly, conferred upon Ali Mirak Barlas. 
 A few years after the reduction of Kashghar, Ali Mirak Barlas went 
 on a holy war to Tibet, and the office of Ata Beg to Rashid Sultan, 
 descended by inheritance, to Muhammadi. Soon after this, Rashid 
 Sultan was brought into Moghulistan. The Amirship over all, was 
 given to Mirza Ali Taghai, while the affairs of the Kirghiz were 
 placed under the control of Muhammad Kirghiz. Muhammadi was 
 likewise in the service of Rashid Sultan, as has been explained. 
 
 Ali Mirak Barlas was my uncle’s maternal uncle, by reason of 
 which connection, my uncle and I used every effort to further his 
 interests. But Mirza Ali Taghai was not friendly towards him. 
 Without showing it, he was afraid that my uncle’s intentions were 
 evil and his devotion insincere. On [Muhammadi’s] account, Mirza 
 Ali Tagliai’s dislike for my uncle increased, while Muhammadi, 
 on every occasion, sought to defend my uncle. At length, Shall 
 Muhammad Sultan was killed by [Muhammadi]. It has been men¬ 
 tioned above, how the Khanims and the heirs of the dead man, were 
 bent on retaliating by the death of Muhammadi, and how my uncle 
 and I rescued him from that calamity. This produced bitterness 
 against me on the part of my maternal aunts, their children and 
 my other relations. All this [hostility] was encountered for the 
 sake of Muhammadi. 
 
 The atrocities which took place after the death of the Khan, the 
 murders, the violence, all [seemed to be the working of Mirza Ali 
 Tagh ai]. Though Mirza Ali Taghai used all his influence, yet 
 without the sanction of [Muhammadi], Rashid Sultan would never 
 have committed such scandalous acts. In fact [Muhammadi’s] 
 influence for evil was greater [than Mirza Ali Taghai’s], and his 
 control over Rashid Sultan’s mind was so great, that the latter 
 
 1 A word occurs here signifying apparently some other office, but it is illegible 
 in the text.—R. 
 
453 
 
 Account of Muhammcidi Bar las. 
 
 did whatever he told him, however “ infidel ” the action might be. 
 All these lying tales and unrighteous deeds were for the sake of 
 [Muhammadi]. The ladies of the Khan’s liaram—Rashid Sultan’s 
 [step-] mothers—were pressed to marry Muhammadi, and those 
 who did not yield, he went so far, in his resentment, as to plunder 
 and expel. But he did not see fit that the mates of the liumd 
 should become the co-mates of the crows. 
 
 His own sister Badi-ul-Jamal Khanim had been engaged to 
 Baush Sultan, son of Adik Sultan, the Uzbeg Kazak. When he 
 [Rashid Sultan], in alliance with the Uzbeg Shaiban, routed 
 the Uzbeg Kazak, Bausli Sultan, because of his position as son-in- 
 law, and relying on this [for safety], came forward to meet Rashid 
 Sultan, who threatened to put him to death if he did not at once 
 divorce Badi-ul-Jamal Khanim. Having taken her from this 
 chief, who was worthy of the alliance, he gave her to Muham¬ 
 madi, whose ancestors had never attained to a dignity nearly 
 so great. This act was a complete breach of propriety : for a 
 peasant was treated as of equal rank with a prince. But Rashid 
 Sultan disregarded everything, and brought disgrace upon his 
 own house. He could not distinguish a man endowed with reason, 
 from a brute beast. Still the most infamous thing of all, was 
 taking her from a worthy man and giving her to an unworthy 
 one. Such a deed is quite unheard of. 
 
 [Muhammadi’s] influence over Rashid Sultan was without 
 limit, but the reason for it was never apparent. It did not lie in 
 the merit of past services, nor in his intelligence and sagacity as 
 an Amir; nor yet in eloquence in council, nor in affable manners 
 or good breeding, nor in vivacious humour at feasts, nor in 
 courage in battle, nor in grace or charm of bearing. [Verses] 
 
 . . . All that he said and did, was tainted with falsehood and 
 evil. In short, all the unworthy deeds of Rashid Sultan are to be 
 traced to him. We have nothing further to blame Rashid Sultan 
 for, than that he allowed himself, on every occasion, to be guided 
 by Muhammadi. There has lately come a report that Muham¬ 
 madi has bidden this life farewell. If it is true, it is not unlikely 
 that Rashid Sultan will grasp the reins of rectitude, and re¬ 
 nouncing bis evil ways, will repent him fully. Amen. Oh Lord 
 of the two worlds! 
 
454 
 
 The Authors Invasion of Ur sang. 
 
 CHAPTER CVIII. 
 
 MARCH OF THE AUTHOR TOWARDS URSANG. THE SLAYING OF HIS 
 BROTHER ABDULLAH MIRZA. DETAILS OF THE EXPEDITION. 
 
 When the Khan set out for Yarkand, I took leave of him, and in 
 the first ten days 1 of Zulhijja of the year 939, after keeping the 
 feast of the Sacrifice in Maryul, I set out to destroy the idol-temple 
 of Ursang. After marching for twenty days in that part of Tibet, 
 we found no signs of infidels, except a few fortresses. These 
 were so strongly situated and fortified, that they could only have 
 been taken with great difficulty, and the gain was not worth the 
 pain. Leaving behind Iskandar Sultan, my brother Abdullah 
 Mirza and my cousin Mahmud Mirza, together with the heavy 
 baggage and the tired beasts of burden, I took the strongest and 
 freshest of the horses with me, and started in all haste. 
 
 On the first of Safar we reached a place called Barmang. Here 
 we found some of the Champa people of Tibet, whom we 
 plundered ; nearly 300,000 sheep fell to the lot of our victorious 
 army, besides prisoners, horses and goods, in proportion. For the 
 completion of our desires, and the satisfaction of our necessities, 
 we halted in a suitable pasture land, to rest and refresh our 
 horses; by this means we afforded Iskandar Sultan, Abdullah 
 Mirza and Mahmud Mirza, time to overtake and rejoin us. But 
 while I had hastened forward, they had followed leisurely, and on 
 the first of Moharram 940, they had approached one of the above- 
 mentioned fortresses, which was called Kardun. 
 
 The despicable men [in the fortress] being reduced to ex¬ 
 tremities, applied for aid to one of the Rai of Hindustan, who 
 sent 3,000 Hindu Kcitard-dar infantry 2 [men armed with short 
 swords]. [Couplet . . .]. Iskandar Sultan and my brothers 
 advanced with 200 men, to give them battle, but they pushed 
 
 1 This sentence should perhaps read, “ on the eleventh day of . . .”—R. 
 
 2 The Rai, or Raja, of Hindustan would appear rather to have been one of the 
 rulers of Nipal, for the events described in this passage, took place in the near 
 neighbourhood of the Nipal frontier. The circumstance that the men sent by 
 the Rai, to help the Tibetans, were armed with “katara,” or short swords, would 
 also point to inhabitants of Nipal—of one tribe or another—armed with their 
 national weapon, the kukri. The katara is, in fact, not the same as the kukri; 
 it is an Indian weapon, of which the handle consists of two parallel bars with a 
 cross-piece joining them; but it is short, and its name would probably be a 
 sufficiently accurate description of the kukri, for a writer who may not have 
 known the name of “kukri.” At the date in question, the ruling dynasty in 
 Nipal was that of the Malla, a line of reputed Rajput origin, like that of 
 the Ghurkas, or Gliurkhali, who succeeded them, but the particular Rai or 
 Raja who was reigning in 1533 does not appear to be known. 
 
455 
 
 The Author's Invasion of Ur sang. 
 
 forward so rapidly that only a few of the 200 kept up with them. 
 My brother, Abdullah Mirza, was a daring youth, and had already 
 distinguished himself in the Khan’s service in Balti, where having 
 gained the juldu, he was respected by all the army. Elated and 
 animated by this distinction, and without reflection, he neglected 
 to await the main body, but advancing with only three men, 
 threw himself into the middle of the 3,000. He was dismounted, 
 but at this juncture my cousin Mahmud Mirza came up with four 
 men. Seeing his brother [cousin ?] in this plight, he too made a 
 daring charge, and saved his brother from imminent danger; 
 whereupon the latter again returned to the charge, only to be a 
 second time dismounted. At this moment five of the bravest 
 warriors arrived on the scene, and seeing the two brothers so hard 
 pressed, they charged the enemy ; but by this time my brother, 
 Abdullah, had been cut in pieces—so completely that each 
 separate part of his cuirass and coat was in the possession 
 of some infidel. [Four couplets] .... I repeated -the verse, 
 “ Verily unto God do we return.” 
 
 I halted for some days in that pasture-ground, until the beasts 
 were rested and refreshed. I then sent back all the booty that 
 had fallen into our hands, and having chosen out 900 men from 
 the army, set forth with them for Ursang. From Maryul of Tibet 
 to that place is two months’ journey. After one month’s journey, 
 one comes to a spot where a lake is situated ; it is forty farsakhs in 
 circumference, and on its shores there is a castle, which is called 
 Luk-u-Labuk. We halted there for the night; the next morning 
 we found all our horses had died, except a few that were half 
 dead—groaning and writhing [with pain]. Thus of my own 
 twenty-seven horses, only one was, on that morning, in a sound 
 condition, two others were dying, and the remaining twenty-four 
 were dead. The cause [of their death] was the dam-giri , which 
 has been described above. 
 
 When we left that place, [only] a fifth part of the army were 
 mounted, all the rest proceeded on foot. On the second day we 
 plundered the province of Ham [or Hari]. The people of that 
 place assert that it is twenty-four days’ journey into Bangala. 
 Many captives were taken by us. Those of our army who were 
 mounted on serviceable horses, only numbered ninety men. With 
 these ninety, I advanced and plundered a place called Askabrak. 
 About 100,000 sheep, 20,000 hutds and a proportionate number of 
 prisoners and horses, fell into our hands. There remained eight 
 days’ journey from Askabrak to Ursang. However, the horses of 
 our party being entirely broken down, w r e were obliged to turn 
 back. Six days later, we reunited and set out on our return. This 
 took place on the 8th of Kabi II. On the last day of Jamad II. 
 we overtook the party that had been sent back with the booty and 
 
45 6 The Author's Invasion of Ur sang. 
 
 plunder, at a place called Tamlik, which is twenty days’ journey 
 from Maryul. 1 
 
 The Guga people came and represented to us that Guga was the 
 chief district of Tibet; they were willing to pay any capitation 
 
 1 Mirza Haidar's expedition into Tibet, though one of his most remarkable 
 exploits, is related, with tantalising brevity and with an absence of explicitness, 
 as to localities and dates, that renders his record of it unsatisfactory in the 
 extreme. It would be interesting to be able to trace his route from the borders 
 of Ladak, to the point where he had to turn back, and give up his designs on 
 Lassa. If indeed, this one point, the name of which he writes Astalcbarlc , or 
 Aslcdbralc, could be identified, the extent of his incursion might be determined, 
 and a clue would be obtained to the whereabouts of the other places he mentions. 
 But I am unable to trace the name Aslcdbralc , on any map or in any account of Tibet 
 known to me. It appears from his narrative that be started from Maryul (Leh, 
 or its immediate neighbourhood), and passed, on his line of march to AslcdbraIc, 
 four places, the first of which he names Barmang (or Yarmang, or Bartang, 
 etc.—the variants would be numerous); the second Kardun; the third Lulc Link 
 (or Tulc u Lobule , or Lulc Lanulc, etc.), on a large lake, and halfway from Leh to 
 Lassa; the fourth Ham (or Hurt), two marches farther on; and finally arrived 
 at Aslcdbralc, which he puts at eight days’ journey from Lassa. Here he stayed 
 six days, and then took eighty days to return to a place which he writes Tdm- 
 lilc. This last was two days’ short of Gugeh (the chief village of the Gugeh 
 district may be assumed) and twenty days from Maryul, or Leh. 
 
 The distance from Leh to Lassa is actually reckoned at sixty ordinary marches, 
 just as Mirza Haidar has it; and about halfway on this journey—or one month, 
 as he also puts it—the great lakes of Mansarowar (the Tso Lanak and Tso 
 Mapham) are passed. Thus we seem here, to have a referring point; for no 
 other lake that he could estimate at 40 farsakhs (160 miles) in circumference, is 
 to be found anywhere near the halfway point between Leh and Lassa. 
 
 According to the itinerary compiled by the Indian Survey Pundit in 1866, the 
 poat-station called Barlcha, close to the north shore of the Lanak Lake, is the 
 twentieth from Lassa, while each post-stage would, on the average, be 35J miles 
 in length—total, 710 miles. The ordinary marches shown by the Pundit’s table, 
 average something under 14 miles each, but these are traders’ stages, intended only 
 for loaded animals. If we take ordinary marches for travellers without caravans, 
 at an average of about 23% miles, the estimate for thirty days' journey would bring 
 the distance tolthe same—or, nearly 710 milts. Mirza Haidar is speaking every¬ 
 where, apparently, of ordinary marches for mounted travellers, but he may have 
 obtained his information of the distance between Aslcdbralc and Lassa, in post¬ 
 stages, or in either kind of ordinary, or road, march. If the first be reckoned, 
 Aslcdbralc should be looked for about 284 miles from Lassa ; if the last, only some 
 102 miles. The name of the eighth post-station from Lassa, in the Pundit’s list, 
 is Jang Lache; the name of the eighth traders’ halting-place is Gobzi; while the 
 eighth stage, at about 23^ miles, would be Pcna-jong. Of these names, not one 
 has any resemblance to Aslcdbralc or Astalcbarlc. 
 
 But there is reason to believe that Aslcdbralc was much more than eight 
 marches, or indeed, than eight post-stages, distant from Lassa, and that the 
 Mirza was not so near his goal as lie imagined. The only one point that is 
 certain, on the route from Ladak, is the great lake; even the name of the 
 “ castle,” or fort, which stood near it (though it may contain the word “Lanak”) 
 cannot be located exactly. The Pundit shows a place he calls Long-gong near 
 the northern shore of the Lanak, which bears a faint likeness to Lulc-Liulc , but 
 not sufficient to hazard an identification. However, Mirza Haidar tells us that 
 lie marched only two days from this “ castle” to the province of Ham (or Han), 
 whence it required twenty-four days’ journey to reach Bengal. After pro¬ 
 ceeding for an undefined distance towards Lassa, and on arriving at Aslcdbralc, 
 he records that from that place also, the journey to Bengal was twenty-four 
 days. If the same distance to Bengal was reckoned from both these places, the 
 probability is that they were not far apart. Moreover, it was at the castle near 
 the great lake that the disastrous loss of horses occurred ; it was from here that 
 the Mirza set out with only ninety mounted men, while four times that number 
 
457 
 
 The Author s Invasion of Ur sang. 
 
 tax which I might impose, in accordance with the extent and 
 wealth of the country; I therefore proceeded to Guga, where 
 I arrived in two marches from Tamlik. I was received by the 
 people in the most respectful, obedient, and hospitable way. After 
 
 went on foot. Thus it is scarcely likely that with Lis force in this condition, and 
 with winter setting in (for it was towards the end of October), he would have 
 pushed forward to any great distance. 
 
 Again, the dates given in the narrative are too imperfect to afford any sure basis 
 for an estimate of distances or halts. We find scarcely more than that the ex¬ 
 pedition left Leh, on or about the 4th July, 1533 ; that it reached Askabralc on the 
 22nd October; started thence on its retreat 28th October; and arrived at Tdmlilc 
 on the border of Gugeli on the 10th Januarv, 1534. This Tdmlilc was two 
 days from the chief place in Gugeli (possibly Tsaprang or Danltar ), and twenty 
 days from Maryul or Leh. Of the other places the author mentions on this 
 expedition, Barmang (or Barlcang, etc.) should probably be looked tor in the 
 districts of either Gugeli or Clmmurti, in order to accord with the estimate of 
 twenty days from Leh ; while Kardun may be the Kardam, or Kardung, marked 
 on the maps of Tibet at about twelve miles south of the Lanalc lake. 
 
 The names detailed at p. 410, are, from that of Gugeli onwards, fully as 
 puzzling as those on the line of march towards Lassa. Indeed, most of them 
 appear to refer to places visited in the course of that march. For the position 
 of the place written Zunlca in the text, a vague clue might be obtained from the 
 passage at p. 416, if the author can be credited with a mistake of a month in the 
 dates. He records, there, that he was at Zunlca in the month of Rabi I., 940. 
 He also says (1) that he reached Barmang on the 1st Safar, and (2) that that 
 place was only twenty days from Maryul, while he marched rapidly from one to 
 the other. From the date of leaving Maryul, twenty days would bring the date 
 to 1st Muharam, while fifty days would be needed to attain the 1st Safar. Rut 
 at the same time, the author implies that he was at, or near, Kardun on the 
 1st Muharam, and halted there for some days. Kardun (if Kardum ) is a good 
 distance farther removed from Maryul than is Barmang , or than any point 
 twenty days from Leh; but the author places himself at the former spot one 
 month earlier than at the latter. Thus, in all probability, the dates in the text 
 should read, 1st Muharam at Barmang, and 1st Safar at Kardun—that is, twenty 
 days from Maryul to the former, and fifty days to the latter. And, if so, Zunlca , 
 would have to lie (according to the dates) between Kardun (or the great lake) 
 and Askabralc. This correction is the more reasonable, as the author states that 
 he went on rapidly from Maryul to Barmang, and that his relations followed 
 leisurely till the two parties met near Kardun. If such an amendment is 
 admissible, the clue to Zunka would be as above. 
 
 Now, an itinerary obtained by Captain H. Strachey in 1846, gives a place called 
 Samku as the fourteenth post-stage from Lassa, which would locate it at Sarlca 
 of the Pundit’s and other maps, and in this position Zunlca (if Samlcu ) might 
 fall within Mirza Haidar’s location for the month of Rabi I. In this case Ham 
 (or Hari ) and Askabralc could not, with regard to dates, have been tar off, and it 
 is just possible that it'Hari be the right reading, that place may be represented 
 by theAri dsong shown on D'Anville’s map, as standing near an unnamed lake to 
 the south of the great river, but intended obviously for the lake Palgu , or Palu, 
 of later maps. Yet, strangely enough, the position of D’Anville’s Ari-dsong is 
 occupied, on more modern maps, by a spot called Jonglcu —a word bearing a 
 curious resemblance to Zun-lca. However, the Samlcu of Stracliey’s itinerary is 
 not far off, and is the preferable of the two names, as a possible identification 
 of Zunlca. If not a corruption of the same word, Samlcu may be auother name 
 for Sarlca. Captain Strachey gives no particulars of the place, but the Pundit 
 describes it as “a large village containing numerous houses,” while Mirza Haidar 
 says it was the most famous place in Tibet. The result, in any case, is that Mirza 
 Haidar’s farthest point towards Lassa could not (on these assumptions) have been 
 beyond the Palgu, or Palu lake, situated about the 86th degree of E. long., or 
 some 350 miles, at least, from Lassa. 
 
 Still, all this is based on more or less of speculation, for very little can he 
 pertainly established. The Tibetan names are, in all probability fairly well 
 
45 s 
 
 The Author's Invasion of Ur sang. 
 
 staying there three days, and fixing the levy at 3,000 Tibetan 
 mitlikals (one of which is equal to one and a half statute mithkal) 
 I returned, and on the road heard of the dispersion \viran~\ of my 
 army, which I will speak of immediately. 
 
 represented in Mirza Haidar’s Persian, since in the list of places at p. 410, those 
 that are known in Ladak and Baltistan, are transliterated with remarkable 
 accuracy, and it is only when we come to localities which are (almost certainly) 
 in the imperfectly known regions of Tibet proper, that difficulties occur. The 
 explanation probably is, that we know too little of this region to be aware of the 
 names of places ordinarily in use. Most of those on our maps reach us from 
 foreign sources—the Chinese of the last century, and the Indian Survey 
 Pundits—and are, therefore, as likely to be distorted as those in Mirza Haidar’s 
 text. The narratives of more modern travellers, moreover, do not help us. Even 
 that of Ippolito Desideri, the Jesuit missionary of the first quarter of the last 
 century, contains scarcely the name of a place between Ladak and Lassa, or so 
 much as a glance at the geography of the country. Yet he travelled, it seems, 
 over almost exactly the same route as Mirza Haidar. The same must, as we 
 have seen, be said of the Pundit’s narrative. 
 
 It may be added here, that Dr. "Waddell informs me the meaning of Stak-brak 
 is Tiger Roclc, which would be a very likely name to occur in Tibet. In Western 
 and Central Tibet these syllables would be pronounced Ta Dale, or Ta Da; but 
 even in this form I cannot trace the name. (See for Strachey, Journey . . . in 
 Tibet, Extr., J. A. S. B., 1848; and Physical Geography of Tibet, J. R. G. S., 
 1854; the Pundit in Report of Trans. Himalayan Explorations, 1865-7; 
 D’Anville’s map in Dxihalde, iv., pi., p. 458; and Desideri in MS. belonging to 
 Hakluyt Society.) 
 
 The likeness that Mirza Haidar’s expedition bears to that of the Dogras under 
 Zorawar Sing, just 300 years later, is remarkable. Golab Sing, the Dogra 
 Rajah of Kashmir, having subdued Ladak without much difficulty, thought it 
 also an easy matter to extend his conquests to Lassa territory. In the spring of 
 the year 1841, a force commanded by Zorawar Sing was pushed forward into the 
 Tibetan province of Nari Khorsum, in three columns—one advancing by Tankse, 
 one by the Indus valley, and the third over the Rupshu table-land. At first no 
 resistance was offered by the Tibetans, and the Dogras made easy progress; but 
 after passing to the south-eastward of the Mansarowar lakes, and while in a 
 region some 15,000 feet above the level of the sea, the winter set in. The cold 
 was intense; supplies and shelter were alike wanting, and the sepoys are 
 recorded to have burned their arrows and gunstocks for fuel. The Tibetans, 
 having awaited their opportunity, sent up a large force from the eastern 
 provinces, and attacked the invaders while hard pressed by cold and hunger, or, 
 as the Dogra chronicler puts it, “ by the army of the season.” The Dogras were 
 defeated about the middle of December, in a battle which took place between 
 Kardung and Purang. 
 
 Though Mirza Haidar’s expedition ended in a somewhat less disastrous way, 
 the similarity with that of Zorawar Sing extends to the circumstance of the 
 Nipalis becoming alarmed at the presence of an invading army so near their 
 frontier. Their Government sent envoys to demand explanations of the Dogra 
 commander, and apparently they received satisfaction, for no hostilities are 
 recorded to have occurred with Nipal, while, after the disaster near Kardung, 
 the fugitive sepoys were permitted to take refuge in the Ghurka Raja’s territory. 
 
 (An account of this expedition will be found in the Guldb-Ndma of Diwan 
 lvirpa Ram of Kashmir: a Persian history of the Dogras in Kashmir, some 
 extracts from which I translated some yearn ago.) 
 
 It may be added that the Government of India, believing Nari Khorsum to 
 belong to China, decided, on hearing of the invasion, that the Dogras should 
 evacuate the territory they Lad seized, in order to avoid complications with the 
 Chinese Government, and the 10th December, 1841, was fixed for the surrender. 
 A British officer, Captain J. Davey Cunningham, R.E., was sent to see that the 
 decision was carried out, and Zorawar Sing was accordingly recalled. But 
 before the order could reach him, the disaster above related, had overtaken his 
 force. (See J. D. Cunningham’s Hist, of the Sihhs, pp. 250-S.) 
 
Sufferings in Tibet. 
 
 459 
 
 CHAPTER CIX. 
 
 SUFFERINGS IN TIBET, AND THE DEATH OF THE AUTHOR’S COUSIN, 
 
 MAHMUD MIRZA. 
 
 * * * * * t- 1 
 
 As soon as Rashid Sultan had made an end of murdering and 
 insulting my uncle and others of his near relations, he sent a 
 messenger into Tibet bearing divers mandates. One of these was 
 for his brother Iskandar Sultan, and ran thus: “We have 
 conferred upon you the country of Tibet. [We desire] Mirza 
 Haidar and Mahmud Mirza also to remain tliere.” Another was 
 addressed to the whole army as follows : “ The wives and families 
 of all those who are in Tibet will be sold. Immediately upon the 
 arrival of this, you are ordered to disperse and set out for Yarkand.” 
 When these unwelcome orders arrived, I had gone to Guga, as 
 has been said. No sooner did the soldiers learn the purport of the 
 message than, seizing their opportunity, they set out for Yarkand; 
 but Iskandar Sultan and my cousin Mahmud, with a handful of 
 men, having got away [from the rest], remained behind. Two 
 days later, I reached the stage where the men had disbanded 
 fir an sliuda]. Iskandar Sultan and my cousin Mahmud pointed 
 out that we had better remain there that night, as many of the 
 soldiers had fled unwillingly, and were probably only watching 
 for an occasion to rejoin us. 
 
 There yet remained with me more than a hundred men; these 
 were all brave soldiers or commanders of battalions, whose service 
 was hereditary, who had often distinguished themselves in battle, 
 and had won juldus ; each one also had been born to the title of 
 Amir. Some of them were my [foster]-brothers, and were called 
 [by me] Kukilddsh ; from these I had no reason to expect opposition. 
 But on the morrow I discovered that all my trusted men had dis- 
 appeared, like the stars at dawn. 
 
 After the sun had lit up the earth’s dark surface, Jan Ahmad 
 Ataka, who has been already mentioned as my foster-brother, came 
 to me with a certain Shah Muhammad, a Kukilddsh , and one of 
 the most distinguished of that band. With them they brought 
 five followers. Thus was the fear of loneliness dispelled. After 
 a while, Iskandar Sultan and my cousin Mahmud came back, and 
 having collected about fifty men we proceeded towards Maryul. 
 
 1 The chapter opens with some high-flown passages and many verses con¬ 
 cerning bad news, misfortunes, and the like. The author then says that, for the 
 information of the reader, he will venture to record, briefly but truly, some of the 
 terrible events which immediately succeeded upon the death of the Khan.—R. 
 
460 
 
 Sufferings in Tibet and 
 
 It was the beginning of the season of Capricorn, and the commence¬ 
 ment of winter-time. [Couplet]. . . The cold was so intense that 
 were I to describe it, I should be accused of word-painting. Out 
 of those fifty men, more than forty had either hands or feet, or 
 nose or ears, taken off by the cold [frost-bitten]. Sustaining such 
 fatigues and sufferings as these, at the end of twenty-five days we 
 reached Maryul. The Chui of Maryul, named Tashikun and Lata 
 Juglidan, who have been mentioned in a few places already, 
 hastened out to wait upon us. Since we had [on a former occasion] 
 treated them with violence, both plundering and killing [their 
 people], I was inwardly in great fear of them. But contrary to 
 my apprehensions, they showed their willingness to assist us in 
 every way, and even proffered excuses, saying: “For four 
 hundred years, from father to son, we have been the subjects and 
 you the king ; we the slave, you the master; if in the days of 
 your glory and greatness we were alarmed and trangressed, we 
 met with our due retribution at your hands. At that time the 
 Chui of Tibet submitted to and obeyed you, solely from fear. But 
 now we offer our services, out of attachment to you, and in all 
 sincerity.” [Verses.] 
 
 They gave us the castle of Shaya, which is the capital of 
 Maryul. 1 In Shaya we took the opportunity to recover [from our 
 fatigues], and here, some of the army who had stayed behind, now 
 rejoined us. Among them wasMaulana Darvish Muhammad Kara 
 Tagli, one of the attendants of Khwaja Muhammad Yusuf, who has 
 been mentioned above. This Maulana Darvish Muhammad was 
 a pious and devoted Musulman. He knew the Tibetan language 
 remarkably well, and enjoyed the entire confidence of all the Chui 
 of Tibet. He was thus able to settle all our affairs with them in 
 a satisfactory way. 
 
 From Kashmir there came a certain man named Haji, who 
 attached himself to my service; he will be mentioned frequently 
 hereinafter; our party now numbered more than sixty persons. 
 
 But the disbanded army, as it advanced, began to suffer from 
 
 1 Shaya, ordinarily called Shell, or Shay, but properly written Shel in Tibetan, 
 is a village about eight miles south-east of Leh, on the right bank of the Indus. 
 On a high rook above the village, stands one of the old residences of the Ladak 
 Kings, who, at various times, have made it their headquarters. This may have 
 been the case in Mirza Haidar’s time, and for this reason, probably, he calls Shell 
 the capital of Ladak. The period when Leh became the capital is nowhere 
 recorded that lam aware of, but the Ladak Chronicle, translated by Dr. Marx, 
 states that the 19th King (the Tashi Namgyal mentioned in note 2, p. 418) 
 was the builder of the old fort at Leh, the ruins of which are still to be seen on a 
 pinnacle overlooking the town. As the Leh “palace,” which stands on the 
 same hill, but a little lower down, is not mentioned in the Chronicle, I infer that 
 it was built somewhat later, though it is generally said to date from over three 
 hundred years ago. It was at Shell that Moorcroft, in 1821, found settled one 
 Khwaja Shah Niaz, whom he describes as a descendant of “ a branch of the same 
 family as the Emperor Baber.” (See Marx, J. A. S. B., lx., pt. iii., 1891, 
 pp. 123-4: and Moorcroft, i., p. 241.) 
 
461 
 
 Death of Mahmud Mirzd. 
 
 the change in the season ; so much so, that most of the men were 
 unable to proceed, while those who attempted to go on, lost all 
 their effects. Nearly one hundred and fifty men died from 
 exposure to the cold. The rest arrived in a half-dead state at 
 Yarkand. Another party, turning back, reached Maryul in 
 a helpless condition. Thus a body numbering five hundred men 
 was again assembled, together with about 10,000 sheep. [For a 
 time] we enjoyed a complete rest. 
 
 Before reaching Maryul, I sent forward Jan Ahmad Ataka and 
 Shah Muhammad Kukildash, to Rashid Sultan in Yarkand, with 
 many gifts from the spoil we had taken in our last expedition. I 
 also wrote him a few lines, reminding him of our ancient bonds of 
 friendship, and sent him as proof thereof, some old tokens we 
 had interchanged. A dark coloured Arab pus tin, and a steel bdluka , 
 both of which Rashid Sultan had given me, I now sent back to 
 him, just as they were [ha-jins']. [Verses] . . . 
 
 Towards the close of that winter Rashid Sultan sent Bidakan, 
 son of my foster-brother Jan Ahmad Ataka, accompanied by 
 Hasan Divana, to bear to me messages of apology and expressions 
 of repentance. His past behaviour [he admitted] had been due to 
 his ignorance, and was a cause for shame in this world and the 
 next. He now frankly begged the forgiveness of his dear friend. 
 He had sent Maulana Kudash with two hundred men, for my 
 service. All those of my following who had gone over to him, 
 might now return to me; no one should hinder them. He also 
 sent me some horses and other gifts. I was not a little encouraged 
 by these messages, and most of Tibet submitted. 
 
 In the meanwhile Maulana Kudash arrived, bringing with him 
 some of my chief retainers. Being reinforced by this band, we 
 marched for Balti, which touches the confines of Kashmir. All 
 Balti paid the appointed tax in kind, without hesitation or delay. 
 ►Suru is a department of Balti, and its chief defence and stronghold. 
 Maulana Kudash asked permission from me to go and impose 
 a levy upon Suru, but I would not consent to this, knowing that 
 those infidels would not be willing to let any one visit their 
 districts and valleys. 1 [Indeed the people of Suru] begged that 
 [no one might come]. “ Whatever amount is due,” [they said], 
 “ that we will ourselves bring to the camp where you now are; 
 there is no need for you to come [to us].” However, when the 
 fowler of destiny places the grain of earthly desire in the net of 
 fate, not even a bird of wisdom can escape from that net. 
 [Couplet]. . . . But Kudash, not accepting my refusal, was so 
 
 1 It is remarkable that, even in our own times, the people of Suru have tiie 
 reputation for being contumacious; they have a strong dislike to foreigners 
 visiting their district, and throw whatever obstacles they are able, in the 
 traveller’s way. The invasion of the Dogras, in the present century, was resisted 
 by them with much determination. 
 
4 62 
 
 Sufferings in Tibet and 
 
 importunate in his demands that I at last sanctioned his going, 
 and he set forth. The people of Suru put him to death in a 
 narrow pass, together with twenty-four worthy men who were 
 with him; they were subjected to a hundred ignominies, and were 
 unable to strike a blow. Although our force numbered some seven 
 hundred men, yet, on account of our poverty and want of arms, 
 we were unable to avenge him. [Three couplets]. . . . 
 
 Leaving Balti, we set out towards a province in Tibet called 
 Zangskar. The crops had, as yet, attained no height; harvest 
 time was not yet come, when we arrived. While we were waiting 
 for the harvest, that we might divide the crops, one of the Ohm of 
 Balti, named Tangi Sakab, who had in the past rendered us 
 useful services, came and told us that the time had come to go 
 and attack the murderers of Kudash, that is to say, the people of 
 Suru. “ You can go and pillage their country,” [he said], “ carry 
 off their women and take vengeance on their men.” 
 
 Some of those who had lost their strength, were at once despatched 
 to Maryul, in order that the strong men among us might proceed 
 with all speed. I sent my cousin to escort the party [going to 
 Maryul], as one day’s march of that journey was very dangerous. 
 He was to see them [safely] through this part of the road. At 
 night he encamped there. As the place was dangerous, he kept 
 his horse by him all through the night. During his sleep, the 
 horse, while grazing, kicked him so hard on the forehead as to 
 fracture his skull [making a wound] the size of the hoof. On the 
 next day he came to me and showed me his wound. According to 
 the practice of Moghul surgeons, I broke the bone [again], and 
 seizing the edge of it, applied remedies. I then sent to tell Tangi 
 Sakab what I had done. He sent back answer : “ Since your 
 coming would involve no little difficulty, [you had better] send me 
 a small contingent to take Suru. We will send you a fifth part 
 of all that falls into our hands. This also would be an acceptable 
 service.” 
 
 Between Zangskar, where I was dwelling, and Sut, 1 the home 
 of Tangi Sakab, is five days’ journey. I sent [to Tangi Sakab], 
 seventy men under the command of Maulana Darvisli Muhammad 
 Kara Tagh, who enjoyed the entire confidence of the Chui of Tibet, 
 and Nur Ali Divana, one of the most promising young soldiers, 
 and who had turned back to rejoin me. Nearly two months were 
 passed in exchange of messages before a decision was arrived at. 
 Mahmud Mirza’s wound had opened afresh, and it became quite 
 impossible for him to remain in Zangskar, on account of the severity 
 of the weather. So I was obliged to send him back to Maryul, 
 
 1 Sut or Sot is a name not often seen on modern maps. It will be found, 
 however, on Moorcroft’s map, spelled Soth. It is one of the group of villages 
 usually known as Kargil. It may, indeed, have been another name for Kargil. 
 
Death of Mahmud Mirzei. 
 
 4-63 
 
 while I remained in Zangskar, in order that, as soon as he had 
 reached Maryul in safety, I might myself proceed to Suru, where 
 I hoped to find some means of existence. When Mahmud reached 
 the spot where he had received the kick from his horse, he halted 
 for the night, and on the morrow, as he was about to mount, he 
 exposed his head to apply the dressing. The cold got into the 
 wound and, fainting away, he became insensible. At noontide 
 prayers a person came and informed me of his condition. I at 
 once set out in all haste to see him. I arrived at midnight and 
 found him unconscious. On the following day he came to himself 
 and entirely recovered consciousness. The next day also, he was 
 conscious, but on the third day he began to talk incoherently, and 
 two nights later he died. 1 
 
 Meanwhile a messenger arrived from the party which I had 
 despatched against Suru, saying that Nur Ali Divana, in company 
 with his companions and Maulana Kara Tagh, had gone to attack 
 Baghan, who was a Chui of the provinces of Tibet. Maulana 
 Darvish Muhammad having enticed him into a place [apart], they 
 exchanged blows, and at length Baghan, being mortally wounded, 
 they made a present of that infidel to the Musulmans, and taking 
 leave, proceeded to Yarkand. 2 That infidel killed the Maulana 
 by transfixing him with a stick. Thus the Suru expedition came 
 to nothing. Having conveyed Mahmud’s body to Maryul, I sent 
 it on thence to Kashghar [to be buried in the tomb] of his forefathers. 
 These events happened in the beginning of the season of Scorpio. 
 It was at the commencement of the cold season of Tibet, that we 
 went to Maryul. That winter, until spring came round, we passed 
 in such a manner that, were I to describe our sufferings, I should 
 be suspected of exaggeration. 
 
 On the return of spring, seventy persons were sent with the 
 horses, to a place called Utluk—a ravine [muglidrd] famous in all 
 Tibet for the richness of its crops. I spent the interim in hunting 
 the wild ass and the wild kutds, and then returned. On my 
 departure, I had left Iskandar Sultan in Maryul with a body of 
 men. When we had once again reassembled, the horses had grown 
 fat and strong, but our men, unable to support the pressure of 
 misfortune and trial, all at once dispersed and went off to Yarkand ; 
 only fifty of them stayed behind, the rest all fled. At this junc¬ 
 ture Jan Ahmad Ataka, whom, two years previously (on my return 
 
 1 Half a folio of verse and tlorid passages is omitted here. The author 
 complains of the grief he has suffered from the loss of his uncle and other 
 relatives. His troubles, he says, reached their climax when he was past thirty 
 years of age and not yet forty.—R. 
 
 2 This passage is obscure, and makes little sense. It would appear that 
 Baghan killed the Maulana, and was afterwards made over to the Musulmans of 
 the district, as a slave, by the Maulana’s companions, who then went on to 
 Yarkand. 
 
464 
 
 Journey to Badakhshan. 
 
 from the Ursang expedition) I had sent to Rashid Sultan (as was 
 mentioned), came hack from Yarkand, bringing the orders that we 
 were to stay no longer in Tibet. Hitherto my reason for lingering 
 in Tibet had been, that if of my own choice I moved to some 
 other place, I should be accused of breaking my engagement. He 
 [Rashid Sultan], however, while outwardly pretending to be up¬ 
 right, had broken this engagement, which he had sworn to with 
 the most solemn oaths, and now, disregarding every [honourable] 
 consideration, ordered me to take flight. [Verses]. . . . No sooner 
 had Jan Ahmad Ataka delivered his message, than I set out 
 for Badakhshan. 
 
 CHAPTER CX. 
 
 THE AUTHOR CROSSES FROM TIBET TO BADAKHSHAN. 
 
 1 mentioned above that out of my force of 700 men, only fifty 
 remained with me. The rest all got away to Yarkand, as best they 
 could. It has also been already observed, that the difficulties of 
 travelling in Tibet are due to the scarcity of provender and the 
 terrible severity of the cold, while the roughness of the paths is 
 almost beyond conception. We were without a proper supply of 
 clothing and food, and more particularly of horse-shoes, which are 
 above all things indispensable on those roads ; our horses were feAv, 
 and were in a broken condition. To remain in Tibet, therefore, 
 became impossible; while to leave it was difficult. However, if 
 to stay and to go were both attended by obstacles, there was at 
 least hope in the latter course ; to it we might look for a termina¬ 
 tion of our troubles, but we could foresee none if we determined to 
 stay. [Verse]. . . . [The routes] to Kashmir, Kashghar, Turfan, 
 and Hindustan were all equally impossible. The road to Badakh¬ 
 shan was the only one that offered any hope of safety. 
 
 No one of us had ever travelled from Tibet to Badakhshan, 
 excepting by way of Kashghar. But among those who had 
 deserted and fled to Yarkand, was a certain man named Jahan Shah. 
 He once related that he had heard from the people of the moun¬ 
 tain districts of Yarkand, that from a place called Tagh Nak, 1 
 
 1 Mirza Haidar’s spelling of this name is probably the right one. It appears 
 on our latest maps as Tolcandk, aud is a spot on the Yarkand river just below 
 Kulan-uldi, where the track to Kugiar and Yarkand leaves the valley of that 
 river. Mirza Haidar’s party (it will be seen by the map) branched of from the 
 direct route to Yarkand at Ak-Tagh, then followed down the Yarkand river past 
 Kulan-uldi, Tdgh-nak, etc., first into the district known as Kaskam and eventu¬ 
 ally on to the Pamir of Taghdumbash. The route is an exceedingly difficult 
 one, on account of the river crossings, and is seldom or never followed by traders 
 or travellers. 
 
465 
 
 Journey to Badakhshdn . 
 
 there was a bye-path leading to the Pamirs of Badakhshan. I 
 had inquired the particulars of him. By that unknown road we 
 now advanced. “ Can one travel bv a road one has never seen and 
 
 t / 
 
 knows not?” Of the fifty persons who had remained with me 
 many, from want of strength, stayed behind in Tibet. 
 
 I moved off finally, with twenty-seven men. [We suffered much] 
 from want of supplies for the journey—from the weakness of the 
 beasts of burden, from the difficulties of the road and from the 
 cold. For although it was now the season of Virgo, the cold was 
 so severe, that at a place we came to called Kara Kuram, as the sun 
 sank, the river (which is a large one) froze over so completely, that 
 wherever one might break the ice, not a drop of water was forth¬ 
 coming. 1 We continued our efforts [to obtain water] until bed¬ 
 time prayers. The horses that had travelled all day over dam-giri 
 ground, arriving at a stage where there was neither water nor 
 grass, refused to eat the little barley that was left (and which we 
 now gave them) because they had not drunk. Jan Ahmad Ataka 
 said : “ I remember once noticing a spring at about half a farsakh’s 
 distance from here.” He indicated a spot in the middle of the ice, 
 where we had to cut a hole; this time there was water, and we 
 gave the horses to drink. There was one mare \liajr~\ among them, 
 the strongest of all the beasls, whose teeth, from want of water, 
 became so tightly locked together, that in spite of every exertion 
 she could not drink, and therefore died. 2 The baggage which she 
 had carried was thus left behind. This will give some idea of the 
 intensity of the cold. [Verse.] . . . 
 
 When, after much hardship, we reached the spot where the 
 untried road to Badakhshan branched off, Iskandar Sultan came 
 to ask my permission to make his way to Rashid Sultan, saying: 
 “ Perhaps his brotherly affection will induce him to take pity on 
 me, and cause him to heal the wounds which have hitherto cut him 
 off from his relations.” I replied : “ Your brother is certainly not 
 a man of his word, as his actions testify. Good faith is the first 
 duty of a Musulman; but he is so entirely under the evil influence 
 of Muhammadi, that you need never expect mercy at his hands.” 
 [Quatrain] . . . With such words did I attempt to dissuade him, but 
 
 1 The meaning is that the river was llowing till the sun set, and then suddenly 
 froze over—not an uncommon circumstance, in clear weather, at great altitudes. 
 
 2 Neither is it uncommon to find that horses refuse their ration of grain, when 
 they have been some days without grass or chopped straw, or when suffering 
 from height-sickness. When food is refused for these reasons, usually no great 
 harm results to the animal, but when he declines it on account of thirst, he 
 generally succumbs within a short time. Lockjaw is, as the author rightly 
 implies, caused by the cold and not by the rarefied air, as is often supposed. It 
 occurs even at low altitudes during severe cold. It may be observed here, that 
 though the word “ horseis always used in this translation, the more correct 
 term would be “ pony; ” for in none of the regions east of Afghanistan and 
 Western Turkistan are the horses more than about 13 hands, as a rule. In some 
 places they are seldom above 12 or 12.1 hands. 
 
 2 II 
 
466 
 
 Journey to JBadakhshdn 
 
 lie, being worn out with the sufferings of the journey and the 
 misfortunes in Tibet, shut his eyes to the path of reason, and was 
 so persistent in his demands, that at last I gave him leave to go, 
 sending four men to accompany him. 
 
 My party of twenty-seven, by the loss of these five, was thus 
 reduced to twenty-two, and with these I went forward upon this 
 [strange] road. A few of our horses had become useless from 
 want of shoes. On the same day that we parted from Iskandar 
 Sultan, towards midday prayer-time, we killed a wild kutas. 
 With its skin we made coverings for the feet of our disabled 
 horses : of its flesh we carried away as much as we were able, and 
 even then there remained what would have been sufficient for a 
 day or two. This was a favour bestowed upon us by the Giver of 
 daily bread. We carried away as much as our beasts could bear, 
 which amounted to about five days’ provisions for the party. I 
 suppose about a quarter of the kutas was lost: that is to say about 
 that quantity remained behind. The crows and ravens, by their 
 screams, gave a general invitation to the beasts of prey of the 
 neighbourhood, and they celebrated a feast in company. 1 
 
 We proceeded in this manner, guessing [our way]. On the 
 next day we killed another kutas , of a very large breed. 
 [Couplet.] . . . 
 
 From the information I had gathered from Jahan Shah, I 
 reckoned that it would be another six days, before we should come 
 to a cultivated region; but on the third day after our separation 
 from Iskandar Sultan, at about breakfast-time, we met with some 
 men with their families, some of whom came out to receive us 
 with great cordiality, and asked us whence we had come and 
 whither we were going. They told us that this valley was called 
 Eas Kam, and that from here to [the] Pamir was five days’ journey. 
 When we arrived at this place [Eas Kam], all of us took a rest, 
 after the trials of so many years. 
 
 The people took over all our broken horses and gave us strong 
 ones in their stead. They also supplied us, in the most 
 hospitable manner, with such meat and drink as they had to give. 
 When they saw me, they all began to weep and cried, in their 
 own language: “ Thanks be [to God] that there still remains 
 a prince of the dynasty that has ruled over us for four hundred 
 years : we are your faithful and devoted servants.” They then 
 attached themselves, with their wives and families, to me. I was 
 powerless to hinder them. At every place we came to, I was joined 
 by all the men, women and children of the district. For the space 
 
 1 It may be noticed that the wild yak, or kutas, is not found nowadays so far 
 west as the valley of the Yarkand river. Its most westerly limits are the head¬ 
 waters of the Karakash and the Chaim Chennio valley, ia the extreme east of 
 Ladak. 
 
and to Hindustan . 
 
 467 
 
 of seven days they lavished every attention and honour upon us, 
 brought us to the Pamir, and induced us to proceed to Badakhshan. 
 (Sulaiman Shah Mirza, the son of Mirza Khan, the son of my 
 maternal aunt, has been mentioned in several places above. When 
 I came to his [abode] he hastened out to receive me, showing me 
 honour, by every means at his disposal.) 1 We then otfered up a 
 thousand thanks to God Almighty, who had delivered us from 
 such great dangers, and had brought us into safety; [verse] .... 
 and from a land of Infidels to one of true Believers. [Three 
 couplets.] . . . 
 
 When we reached Wakhan, which is the frontier [ sar-hadd ] of 
 Badakhshan, there came to me one of Rashid Sultan’s followers, 
 who was there on some business. I gave him some Turki verses, 
 which I had composed, to deliver over to his master. . . . 2 
 
 If I were to detail the acts of violence and unkind ness of Rashid 
 Sultan, a separate chapter would be necessary. God willing an 
 account of his life will be given in the First Part; repetition 
 would not be pleasing. 
 
 To be brief, at this time my wife, who was Rashid Sultan’s 
 paternal aunt, was banished [ikhrdj] in a kindly way, with 
 Iskandar Sultan to accompany her. Another act of kindness was 
 that she was not robbed, or deprived of anything; all that she 
 had at hand was sent with her. She reached Badakhshan, 
 however, in a pitiable and destitute condition. About ten 
 persons were allowed, by Rashid’s favour, to accompany her, and 
 these took with them all their cattle. 3 
 
 That winter I passed in Badakhshan in perfect comfort, and 
 the spring I spent in the plains and hills of that country ; in the 
 summer I went to Kabul. Soon after my arrival, there came 
 together, in Kabul, some of my connections who had been banished 
 [by Rashid Sultan]: namely, the Khan’s wife, Zainab Sultan 
 Khanim, who was his cousin, with her children Ibrahim Sultan 
 (the Khan’s favourite child), Muliassan Sultan and Mahmud 
 Yusuf. 
 
 [Afterwards] I passed on into Hindustan. When I reached 
 Lahur 1 found Kamran Mirza, son of Babar Padishah, there. 
 He came out to meet me with every mark of respect, and 
 bestowed honours on me. From the depths of distress and 
 hardship, I found myself raised to honour and dignity. [Verses.] 
 . . . The princely patronage and attention [of Kamran Mirza] 
 
 1 The two sentences enclosed within parentheses are obviously out of place 
 here. They anticipate the narrative, for it could not have been till after passing 
 through Wakhan and arriving in Badakhshan, that the author was received by 
 Sulaiman Shah. 
 
 2 Three couplets in Turki omitted. They contain reproaches addressed to 
 Rashid Sultan for his bad faith.—R. 
 
 3 The translation of this passage is uncertain. 
 
 2 H 2 
 
468 
 
 Kamran Mirza and the Persians. 
 
 acted as an antidote to the numerous sufferings and griefs, which 
 had made the sweetness of life bitter on the palate of my soul. 
 [Verses.] . . . 
 
 At this period, one of the sons of Shah Ismail marched upon 
 Kandahar, and captured it. It came about thus : Sam Mirza, one 
 of Shall Ismail’s sons, fleeing with a body of men from his 
 brother Shah Tahmasp, reached the territory of Sisfan. Thence 
 he turned towards Kandahar, where was Mir Khwaja Kilan. 
 This Mir Khwaja Kilan was the son of Maulana Muhammad Sadr, 
 one of the pillars of religion and state to Mirza Amar Shaikh, son 
 of Mirza Sultan Abu Said. His [Maulana Sadr’s] children, after 
 the death of Mirza Amar Shaikh, entered, by hereditary succession, 
 the service of Babar Padishah, for whom they achieved great 
 things. In that family their reputation stands high, for six 
 brothers were killed in battle on separate occasions, and this one, 
 Mir Khwaja Kilan, alone survived. 
 
 He was a brave and learned man, and by his sound judgment 
 was able to regulate most of the Emperor’s affairs of State. It 
 was owing to his exertions that, under the divine decree, the 
 Emperor achieved the conquest of Hindustan. 1 In short, he 
 defended the fort of Kandahar in such a way, that Sam Mirza, 
 after besieging it vigorously and persistently for eight months, 
 was unable to take it. At the end of eight months, Kamran 
 Mirza arrived from Hindustan and engaged [Sam Mirza] in battle, 
 at the very gates of the fort of Kandahar. Through the gallantry 
 and energy of Mir Khwaja Kilan, victory declared for Kamran 
 Mirza after a hard fought combat, and Sam Mirza, humbled and 
 discomfited, fell back on Irak, 2 while Kamran Mirza returned to 
 Lahur. It was at that time that I arrived at Lahur. 
 
 That winter passed over, and in the following spring, Shah 
 Tahmasp marched against Kandahar to avenge his brother. It 
 was this Shah Tahmasp who, whenever he made war upon 
 Khorasan, met with such determined opposition from the Uzbeg 
 under Ubaid Ullah Khan, and such overpowering resistance from 
 their numerous forces, that he was always compelled to retreat. 
 [Couplet]. . . . Mir Khwaja Kilan was not able to put the fort 
 in a state to withstand a siege, on account of the numbers and the 
 strength of Shah Tahmasp’s army, and also because, having the 
 year before sustained a siege of eight months, his ammunition 
 and other necessaries were exhausted. Moreover, he entertained 
 
 1 This Mir, or Amir, Khwaja Kilan is frequently mentioned by Baber. He 
 was one of the Emperor’s best generals and most trusted followers. At one time 
 he held the governorship of Bajaur, and at another was in charge of Ghazni and 
 Kabul; but during the later part of Baber’s career, was always entrusted with 
 some important command. (See Memoirs , pp. 248, 293, 335, etc.) 
 
 2 The date of this victory is given by Er^kiue, as 25th January, 153G. (Hist., 
 ii., p. 101.) 
 
The Emperor Humdyun . 
 
 469 
 
 no hope of Kamran Mirza coming to his relief. Under these 
 conditions, he abandoned Kandahar and retired to Ucha and 
 Tatta, whence he passed on to Lahur. 
 
 When this news reached the ears of Kamran Mirza, he resolved 
 to march [at once] for Kandahar. Leaving the whole of Hindu¬ 
 stan and its dependencies in my charge, and giving me entire 
 authority over all his officials and nobles—setting me, in fact, 
 over the whole of the affairs of his kingdom—he proceeded to 
 Kandahar. On reaching this place, the emissaries of Shah 
 Tahmasp gave the fort up to him peacefully, and returned to 
 Irak. This journey [of Kamran Mirza] lasted rather more than a 
 year, during which period I did all that was possible to discharge 
 my duties, in the administration of the State. I attended carefully 
 to collecting taxes, suppressing revolt, protecting the frontiers 
 and establishing Islam, so that when Kamran Mirza returned, in the 
 full glow of victory, to his capital Lahur, he raised my salary 
 from fifteen to fifty laics , and distinguished me among my peers, 
 by his favours. One laic of Hindustan is worth twenty thousand 
 shahrukliis. A current shahrulchi is worth one mithkal of silver. 1 
 
 CHAPTER CXI. 
 
 HUMAYUN PADISHAH, SON OF BABAR PADISHAH, AND HIS DOWNFALL. 
 
 Humayun Padishah was the eldest, greatest, and most renowned 
 of Babar’s sons. I have seen few persons possessed of so much 
 natural talent and excellence as he, but in consequence of frequent 
 intercourse with the sensual and profligate men who served him, 
 such as Maulana Muhammad Parghari in particular, and others 
 like him, he had contracted some bad habits ; among these was 
 his addiction to opium. All the evil that has been set down to 
 the Emperor, and has become the common talk of the people, is 
 attributable to this vice. Nevertheless he was endowed with 
 excellent qualities, being brave in battle, gay in feast and very 
 generous. [Couplet.] ... In short, he was a dignified, stately 
 and regal sovereign, who observed much state and pomp. When, 
 for example, I entered bis service at Agra, as shall be mentioned, 
 it was after his defeats, and when people said that compared with 
 
 1 Thus, one shahrulchi was equal to five of some coin of India then current, 
 and contained 71'18 grains of silver—for this, as we have seen, was the true 
 weight of the mUhlml. Its value is estimated, as already noted, at about 
 9J pence ; at which rate the Indian current coin or money of account would have 
 been worth something under two pence. But see Erslrine, Hist. i. App. E. 
 
4 ;o 
 
 The Emperor Humayun. 
 
 what it had been, there was nothing left of his pomp and 
 magnificence. Yet when his army was arrayed for the Ganges 
 campaign (in which the whole direction devolved upon me) there 
 were still 17,000 menials \shagird pisha ] in his retinue, from 
 which circumstance an estimate may be formed of the rest of his 
 establishment. 
 
 To be brief; when Kamran Mirza went the first time to 
 Kandahar, the Emperor invaded Gujrat and conquered it. But 
 on account of the insubordination and discord that prevailed 
 among the Amirs, he was obliged to abandon the country, and 
 return empty handed. To repair this disappointment—being still 
 at the height of his power—he turned to attack Bangala, which 
 he also conquered, and where he made a protracted stay. 
 
 Hind.il Mirza, his } T oungest brother, was in Agra. [Hearing 
 that] Shir Khan was coming from Barkunda and Kuhtas, against 
 Agra, [ Hindal] put to death Shaikh Pul who has been mentioned 
 as the Emperor’s spiritual guide, and caused the Khutba to be 
 read in his own name. He began openly to sound the drums of 
 sovereignty. As the proverb says: “ Whenever sedition arises, 
 prosperity gets up [to go].’’ 1 When this news reached Bangala, 
 the Emperor at once set out for Agra, leaving Bangala in charge 
 of Jahangir Kuli, son of Ibrahim Begjik, the Moghul, supported 
 by 5000 men. But when Hindal read the Kkuiba in his own 
 name, none of the Emperor’s Amirs who were in the surrounding 
 cities, would acknowledge him. With his lack of good sense — and 
 this was the cause of his misfortunes—he left Shir Khan behind, 
 and turned to conquering the Emperor’s dominions. As has been 
 said : “ Do the work of your friends, that your enemy may do his 
 own work.” In the first place he marched against Dehli, the 
 capital of the whole of Hindustan. But the governors of Dehli, 
 who were Amirs of the Emperor, would not give up the town, 
 and a fierce encounter ensued between the two parties, each 
 filling its enemy with fear, and its friends with courage. 
 
 While Hindal Mirza was thus engaged, Humayun came from 
 Bangala to Jusa and Paik. Shir Khan, seizing his opportunity, 
 cut off his progress. 2 The Emperor had lost all his horses in 
 Bangala, and the strength of his army was wasted; the rainy 
 season too, had come on. He remained for three months encamped 
 opposite to Shir Khan. Repeated messengers came [from the 
 
 1 This is really a play on the Persian verbs hhast and bar-hhdst. —It. 
 
 - The allusion here is to the defeat which Humayun suffered at Chausa 
 (the Jusa of'the text) near Buxar on 27th June, 1539, while marching north¬ 
 ward from Bengal. Shir Khan, after coming to an understanding with the 
 Emperor, treacherously attacked his camp on the banks of the Karamnasa, and 
 afterwards endeavoured to cut off his road to Kalpi and Agra. In most histories, 
 the surprise of Humayun’s camp is said to have occurred at Chapa Ghat on the 
 Ganges—a spot not far from Chausa. The name written Pail:, or Bail:, in the 
 text does not appear in any other account of these events that T am acquainted with. 
 
47i 
 
 The Battle of the Ganges. 
 
 Emperor] saying that Shir Khan was at the bottom of all the 
 confusion in Hindustan, that he was now face to face with him, and 
 that his brothers should come quickly, as it was necessary to make 
 an end of Shir Khan. [The letters arrived, but] the brothers 
 were engaged in hostilities, so the enemy remained at his ease. 
 
 When news of these events reached Kamran Mirza, he at once 
 led his army against Dehli. [On his approach] Hindal Mirza fled, 
 and the Emperor’s Amirs came out to meet him. His arrival filled 
 the breasts of the people with fresh courage, so that the veterans 
 exerted themselves in affording assistance to the Emperor in 
 Jusa. But some perverse advisers offered different counsel, 
 saying: “To go to Jusa would release the Emperor, destroy the 
 enemy and ensnare us.” Kamran Mirza, in his ignorance and 
 childlike folly, mistook this bad advice for wisdom, and delayed in 
 setting forth. But men of experience said : “ Since he is putting 
 off his departure, we had better return, lest the equipment of the 
 army be spoiled. Let every one go back to his own home and 
 make fitting preparations for an active campaign. If Shir Khan 
 defeat the Emperor, we shall be equipped and ready [to meet 
 him]. If, on the other hand, the Emperor destroys Shir Khan, 
 well and good.” 
 
 But this did not quite satisfy [the discontented]. They argued: 
 “ If the Emperor destroy Shir Khan, he will be enraged against 
 us. We must contrive some means to procure the forgiveness of 
 the offended Emperor.” In short they returned to Agra. After 
 they had been there a little more than a month, the Emperor 
 arrived, defeated and crestfallen. In the middle of the rains 
 [ pashlcdl ] the brothers came together. This occurred in Safar of 
 the year 946. 1 
 
 CHAPTER CXII. 
 
 THE BATTLE OF THE GANGES . 2 
 
 When all the brothers were assembled, they conferred together 
 upon the state of affairs. The discussion was protracted, but no 
 profitable decision was arrived at; in fact, nothing was proposed 
 that was wortby of the occasion, for as it is said : “ When fortune’s 
 adverse, minds are perverse.” Kamran Mirza was very anxious 
 to return, but Humayun, conceding all other representations, dis¬ 
 regarded his request on this point. Seven months were wasted 
 
 1 The montli of Safar 946 h., fell 18th June to 17th July, 1539. 
 
 2 Throughout this chapter the word Gang has been rendered Ganges. 
 
472 
 
 The Battle of the Ganges , 
 
 in weary indecision, until the opportunity was lost, and Shir Khan 
 was on the Ganges, ready for war. [Verses], ... In the midst 
 of this discussion and argument, Kamran Mirza became very ill. 
 The climate of Hindustan had brought on some serious disorders. 1 
 When he had thus suffered for two or three months, he lost the use 
 of his hands and feet. [Verses]. ... As no medicine or treatment 
 relieved him, he became more desirous of departing to Lahur. At 
 length his maladies so increased, that he made up his mind to 
 return thither. 
 
 This departure of Kamran Mirza was the turning-point in the 
 rise of Shir Khan, and in the downfall of the Chaghatai power. The 
 Emperor strongly urged him to leave some of his officers and 
 forces as auxiliaries, but Kamran Mirza, on the contrary, did all 
 he could to induce those who were at Agra to go away with him, 
 and strenuously rejected the proposal to leave his own army 
 behind. Mir Khwaja Kilan, who vras Lis prime minister (and a 
 slight allusion to whose character has been made above), exerted 
 himself to the same purpose. Kamran Mirza sent him on in 
 advance, and then followed in person. 
 
 While this was passing, Shir Khan advanced to the banks of the 
 Ganges and crossed his army over. Kutb Khan, his son, marched 
 towards Atava [Etawa] and Kalpi. These territories were the 
 fiefs \ikta] of Husain Sultan, who was one of the Uzbeg Sultans, 2 
 and Yadgar Nasir Mirza, son of Sultan Nasir Mirza, the brother of 
 the Emperor Babar, win se story has been told above. Part of 
 Kalpi had been given to Kamran Mirza and he had sent to that 
 district Iskandar Sultan, as his representative. These three 
 persons advanced against Kutb Khan, who was slain in the battle, 
 and they gained a complete victory. The Emperor now marched 
 from Agra towards the Ganges against Shir Khan. 
 
 Kamran Mirza, having placed the entire management of his own 
 affairs in my hands, strongly urged me to return to Lahur. He 
 represented as follows: “ You left Kashghar on account of the 
 unworthy treatment of your own people, whom you had served 
 faithfully all your life : the result is evident. When you came to 
 me, I treated you, in consideration of our relationship, like a 
 brother—nay, even better: I entrusted the conduct of all my 
 affairs to you and gave you full authority to appoint and displace, 
 and generally to administer [my dominion]. If in these matters I 
 have been guilty of any shortcoming, you must point it out to me, 
 that I may make reparation. But do not, on the other hand, 
 at such a crisis as this, when the enemy has the upper hand in my 
 kingdom and disease in my body, withdraw the hand of brotherly 
 
 1 The various complications are specified, but omitted in translation. 
 
 2 One Persian MS. lias here: “The Uzbeg and Kirim Sultans'* 
 “ Crimean.” 
 
 t.e. 
 
at Kanauj. 473 
 
 compassion from acts of kindness; rather save me from these two 
 imminent dangers, and accompany me to Lahur.” 
 
 Now the Emperor and myself had become friends, after the 
 Moghul fashion, and he bad given me the name of dust [friend]. 
 In council he never addressed me by any other name, and on the 
 firmans it was wiitten in this manner. No one of my brothers or 
 the Sultans of the time, who had been in the Emperor’s service, 
 had ever been honoured in such a way as was I, Muhammad Haidar 
 Kurkan, who being the approved friend of such a prince as the 
 Emperor, was called not merely ‘ brother ’ but was chosen as dust. 
 
 Although I was already in the service of Kamran Mirza [the 
 Emperor] acted upon my advice in all his affairs. He said : 
 “ What Kamran Mirza asks of you, with regard to escorting him 
 [to Lahur], in consequence of the aggravated symptoms of his 
 malady, which prevent his full comprehension of things as they 
 are, is not an affair of yours. His going does not depend upon 
 your accompanying him, nor are you in any way bound to go to 
 Lahur. If he gives his illness as a reason, you are not a physician, 
 nor have you any remedies. If he urges you on the ground of 
 kinship, your relationship descends from the [late] Emperor, and 
 therefore your connection with me and with Kamran Mirza is 
 exactly equal. Consider, for the sake of justice, the truth of what 
 I am saying to you ! On the issue of this battle between myself 
 and Shir Khan, depends the fate of all India and all the house of 
 Babar Padishah. If, with such a conflict about to take place, you 
 betake yourself to Lahur on account of Kamran Mirza’s sickness, 
 two things will ensue. Firstly, having escaped from the yawning 
 abyss, you will save your own head, and by means of Kamran 
 Mirza’s feigned illness, will regain safety. All the rest will die, 
 but you will be safe ! Secondly, you being the cousin of Babar 
 Padishah, your relationship [to his sons] is equal, and it is fitting 
 that you should show your sympathy with the whole of the 
 Emperor’s race. In such a flight as you meditate, yon will bear 
 nobody’s sorrow. 1 Escaping in safety to Lahur, you will thence 
 proceed to whatever place you consider secure. If you think this 
 conformable with the conduct of a ‘ friend ’ and a ‘brother,’ you 
 may act accordingly: but know, for a certainty, that you will 
 encounter the opposition of the people. Instead of their saying : 
 ‘ In spite of Kamran Mirza’s illness, he did not escort him to 
 Lahur, but with sound judgment, took part in the Ganges 
 campaign with the army: ’ they will say that you left me alone to 
 undertake a combat, on the result of which hung the fate of the 
 house to whom your loyalty is owing. [They will add] that giving 
 as an excuse the illness of Kamran Mirza, you found for yourself 
 
 1 Or “ you will be showing sympathy with none.”—1*. 
 
4/4 
 
 The Battle of the Ganges , 
 
 a place of security. Besides, it is a fact that if we lose the day 
 here, Lahur too will quickly fall.” 
 
 These arguments quite convinced me, and being unable to 
 obtain Kamran Mirza’s permission, I remained behind without it. 1 
 
 Kamran Mirza himself, shamefully leaving only Iskandar Sultan 
 with about one thousand men as auxiliaries, went off to Lahur, 
 taking with him all the men from Agra whom he could carry with 
 him, thus giving strength to the enemy and preparing defeat for 
 his friends. 
 
 The Imperial army reached the banks of the Ganges in the best 
 way that it could. There it encamped and lay for about a month, 
 the Emperor being on one side of the river, and Shir Khan on the 
 other, facing each other. The armies may have amounted to more 
 than 200,000 men. Muhammad Sultan Mirza, a descendant of 
 Ulugh Mirza and Shah Mirza (who were of the house of Timur) 
 and grandson (by a daughter) of Sultan Husain Mirza (of Khorasan), 
 had come to India to wait upon the Emperor Babar, and had been 
 received with every mark of kindness and royal favour. After 
 Babar’s death, he had several times revolted against Humayun; 
 but being unsuccessful, he had sought forgiveness, and had been 
 pardoned. Now having colluded with Shir Khan, he deserted. A 
 new way was thus opened. Everybody began to desert, and the 
 most surprising part of it was, that many of those who deserted 
 did not go over to Shir Khan, and so could expect no favour from 
 him. An excited feeling ran through the army and the cry was, 
 “ Let us go and rest in our homes.” A number of Kamran’s 
 auxiliary forces also abandoned him and fled to Lahur. 
 
 Among the equipments which were in the train of the Emperor 
 were 700 carriages ( gar dun ), each drawn by four pairs of bullocks, 
 and carrying a swivel ( zarb-zan ), which discharged a ball ( haloid) 
 of 500 mithkals weight. I, myself, saw several times that from the 
 top of an eminence they unfailingly (bi-khata ) struck horsemen who 
 slightly and unsuspectingly exposed themselves. And there were 
 twenty-one carriages, each drawn by eight pairs of bullocks. 
 Stone balls were of no use in these, but the shots were of molten 
 brass weighing 5000 mithkals , and the cost of each was 200 mithkals 
 of silver. They would strike anything that was visible at the 
 distance of a parasang. 
 
 As the army had taken to desert, it was judged better to risk a 
 battle, than to see it go to ruin without fighting. If the result 
 were unfavourable, we could not, at least, be accused of having 
 
 1 Firishta, according to Briggs’ translation, disposes of this subject in one 
 short sentence:—“ Mirza Haidar Doghlat, disgusted with his [Kamran’s] 
 conduct, abandoned his standard and joined Hoomayoon, to whom he was after¬ 
 wards of great service.” And the translator adds in a footnote :—“ This person 
 ascended the throne of Kashmir, and is the author of the most authentic history 
 of that interesting principality.” Would that it were so! (liriggs, ii., p. 89.) 
 
at Kanauj. 
 
 475 
 
 abandoned an empire like Hindustan, without striking a blow. 
 Another consideration was, that if we passed the river, desertion 
 would no longer be possible. We therefore crossed over. 
 
 Both armies entrenched themselves. Everyday skirmishes 
 occurred between the adventurous, swaggering spirits of both sides. 
 These proceedings were put an end to by the monsoon rains, which 
 came on and flooded the ground, rendering it unfit for a camp. To 
 move was indispensable. Opinions were expressed that another 
 such a deluge would sink the whole army in the abyss of despair, 
 and it was proposed to move to some rising ground which the 
 inundation could not reach, and which lay in front of the enemy. 
 
 I went to reconnoitre, and found a place suitable for the purpose. 
 
 I said that we would, on the morrow, try the enemy on the touch¬ 
 stone of experience; for he ought not to atfack while we were on 
 the march, but if he should do so, it would be wrong to attempt a 
 pitched battle while moving. The morrow would be the 10 th of 
 Moharram, and we must keep our forces well under control, until 
 we should see if the enemy came out of his trenches and advanced 
 against us. Then, at last, a regular pitched battle would be 
 fought between us. The proper plan would be for us to place the 
 mortars and swivels in front: and the gunners, nearly 5000 in 
 number, must be stationed with the guns. If he should come out 
 to attack us, there would be no time or place more suitable than 
 the present, for battle. If he should not come out of his entrench¬ 
 ments, we must remain drawn up till about midday, and then 
 return to our position. Next day we must act in just the same 
 way. Then the baggage must move to the new position, and we 
 must follow and occupy the place. This scheme of mine met with 
 general approbation. 
 
 On the 10th Moharram, 947, we mounted to carry the plan 
 into effect, and made our dispositions. As had been determined, 
 the carriages and mortars and small guns were placed in the 
 centre. The command of the guns was given to Muhammad Khan 
 Rumi, to the sons of Ustad Ali Kuli, to Ustad Ahmad Rumi and 
 Husain Khalifa. They placed the carriages and mortars in their 
 proper positions, and stretched chains between them. In other 
 divisions there were Amirs of no repute—men who were Amirs 
 [nobles] only in name. They had got possession of the country, 
 but they had not a tincture of prudence or knowledge, or energy or 
 emulation, or dignity of mind or generosity—qualities from which 
 nobility draws its name. 
 
 The Emperor had posted the author of this work upon his left, 
 so that his right flank should be on the Emperor’s left. In the 
 same position he had placed a force of chosen troops. On my 
 left all my retainers were stationed. I bad 400 chosen men, 
 inured to warfare and familiar with battle, fifty of whom were 
 
476 
 
 The Battle of the Ganges. 
 
 mounted on horses accoutred with armour. Between me and the 
 river ( jui-bar) there was a force of twenty-seven Amirs, all of 
 whom carried the tugli [banner]. In this position also, were the 
 other components of the left wing, and the 3 T must he judged of by 
 the others. On the day of battle, when Shir Khan, having formed 
 his divisions, marched out, of all these twenty-seven banners not 
 one was to be seen, for the great nobles had hidden them, in the 
 apprehension that the enemy might advance upon them. The 
 soldiership and bravery of the Amirs may be conceived from this 
 exhibition of courage. 
 
 Shir Khan came out in five divisions of 1000 men each, and in 
 advance of him were 3000 men. I estimated the whole as being 
 less than 15,000, but I calculated the Chaghatai force at about 
 40,000, all mounted on tipchdk horses, and clad in iron armour. 
 They surged like the waves of the sea, but the courage of the 
 Amirs and officers of the army was such as I have described. 
 When Shir Khan’s army came out of its entrenchments, two 
 divisions ( jauk ) which seemed to be equal to four divisions, drew 
 up in that place, and three divisions advanced against their 
 opponents. On our side I was leading the centre, to take up the 
 position which I had selected; but when we reached the ground, 
 we were unable to occupy it, for every Amir and Yazir in the 
 Chaghatai army, whether he be rich or poor, has his camp- 
 followers [ ; ghulam ]. An Amir of note, with his 100 retainers and 
 followers, has 500 servants and gliulams , who on the day of battle 
 render no assistance to their masters and have no control over 
 themselves. So in whatever place there was a conflict, the 
 gliulams were entirely ungovernable. When they lost their masters, 
 they were seized with panic and blindly rushed about in terror. 
 In short, it was impossible to hold our ground. They so pressed 
 us in the rear, that they drove the centre upon the chains stretched 
 between the chariots, and they and the soldiers dashed each other 
 upon them. Those who were behind, so pressed upon those who 
 were in front, that they broke through the chains. The men who 
 were posted by the chains were driven beyond them, and the few 
 who remained behind were broken, so that all formation was 
 destroyed. 1 
 
 1 The Indian historian, Jaulier, refers to this episode of breaking through the 
 chains of the gun-carriages. He implies that the chains were loosened by order of 
 Humayuu, and attributes the order to bad advice given by Mirza Haidar. He 
 writes: “ Mirza Haidar represented that, in order to let the fugitives pass, it was 
 requisite to loose the chains of the carriages which formed a barricade in front of 
 the centre; His Majesty unfortunately complied with this advice, and the 
 chains, being unloosed, the runaways passed through the line of carriages in 
 files.” There appears, however, to be no reason to doubt Mirza Haidar’s version 
 of the affair. He took an active part in the battle, and was an eye-witness of 
 what occurred. (For Jaulier, see Elliot , v., p. 143; or C. Stewart’s Mem. of 
 Ilumayun , p. 21.) 
 
477 
 
 Flight of the Chaghatai to Ldhur. 
 
 Such was the state of the centre. On the right Shir Khan 
 advanced in battle array; but before an arrow was discharged, the 
 camp followers lied like chaff before the wind, and breaking the 
 line, they all pressed towards the centre. The ghulams whom the 
 commanders had sent to the front, rushed to the lines of chariots, 
 and the whole array was broken : the Mir was separated from his 
 men, and the men from the Mir. While the centre was thus 
 thrown into disorder, all the fugitives from the right bore down 
 upon it. So before the enemy had discharged an arrow, the whole 
 army was scattered and defeated. I had estimated the Chaghatai 
 army as numbering 40,000 men, excluding the camp-followers 
 [ gliulam ] and workmen [shagird jpisha]. They fled before 10,000 
 men, and Shir Khan gained a victory, while the Chaghatai were 
 defeated on this battle-field, where not a man, either friend or foe, 
 was wounded. Not a gun was fired and the chariots [gardun] 
 were useless. 
 
 When the Chaghatai took to flight, the distance between their 
 position and the Ganges might be nearly a farsakh. All the 
 Amirs and braves [bdhadurdn ] fled for safety to the river, without 
 a man of them having received a wound. The enemy pursued 
 them, and the Chaghatai, having no time to throw off their armour 
 and coats, plunged into the water. The breadth of the river might 
 be about five bowshots. Many illustrious Amirs were drowned, 
 and each one remained or went on, at his will. When we came 
 out of the river, His Majesty, who at midday had a retinue of 
 17,000 in attendance upon his court, was mounted upon a horse 
 which had been given to him by Tardi Beg, and had nothing on 
 his head or feet. “Permanence is from God and dominion is from 
 God.” Out of 1000 retainers eight persons came out of the river ; 
 the rest had perished in the water. The total loss may be 
 estimated from this fact. When we reached Agra, we made no 
 tarry, but, broken and dispirited, in a state heart-rending to relate, 
 we went on to Lahur. 
 
 CHAPTEK CXIII. 
 
 FLIGHT OF THE CHAGHATAI FROM HINDUSTAN TO LAHUR. 
 
 On the 1st of Kabi I. 947, all the Sultans, Amirs and people 
 assembled together. So great was the crowd of people that there 
 was but little space for moving about, while it was difficult to 
 find a lodging. High and low, each had his own ends to serve, 
 and each made suggestions; every man of noble birth had his 
 
478 
 
 Flight of the Chaghatdi to Lahur. 
 
 scheme, and all those of low parentage their ideas. Among them 
 were Muhammad Sultan Mirza and Ulugh Mirza, who had deserted 
 on the hanks of the Gang, on the eve of the battle. Not finding 
 any place in which they could remain, they came in a most pitiable 
 condition to Lahur. They kept apart [from the others] and were 
 still boasting hostility. [These two] made themselves the heads, 
 or rather the donkeys’-heads, of a rabble of ruffians and senseless 
 Hindus. Hindal Mirza and Yadgar Nasir Mirza likewise entered 
 into baseless and idle plans, [saying] : We will go to Bakar and 
 take it from Shah Husain Arghun, and with his forces will subdue 
 Gujrat. Kamran Mirza was engrossed with devising some plan 
 for dispersing all this assemblage, while he should repair, alone, to 
 Kabul. 
 
 Humayun Padishah for a time thought of reunion, but seeing 
 difficulties in the way, he abandoned all hope of this, and was 
 at a loss what to do next. [Reunion], however, was his object. 
 At this time repeated meetings were held, out of mere hypocrisy. 
 Union was discussed, but they had only disunion at heart; they 
 called in the magnates and leading men, to be witnesses that no 
 one opposed or deviated from the resolutions agreed to. Thus 
 were summoned Khwaja Khand Mahmud, 1 his younger brother 
 Khwaja Abdul Hakk and Mir Abul-baka, who were all noted for 
 their learning and esteemed for their piety, together with many 
 other great men, whose names it would take too long to mention 
 individually. The Sultans, Amirs and many others were present. 
 At first they assented to reunion and drew up a written engage¬ 
 ment, upon the margin of which the magnates signed their names 
 as witnesses. They then embarked upon the discussion. 
 
 First of all the Emperor, pointing to me, said : “ You must tell 
 us what you consider the most suitable line of action to pursue at 
 this moment.” I represented: “When Sultan Husain Mirza of 
 Khorasan departed this life, his seventeen sons, in consequence 
 of their disunion, abandoned Khorasan to Shahi Beg Khan, so 
 that to the present day they are objects of reproach to the people, 
 and rejected of all mankind. To add to this disgrace they have 
 all been extinguished; insomuch that within the space of one 
 year, excepting Badi-uz-Zaman who went to Rum, not one remains 
 alive. The late Emperor, Babar, conquered this far-stretching land 
 of Hindustan with much exertion and toil, and on leaving this 
 world, transmitted [the empire] to you. Would you suffer a 
 country like Hindustan to be seized by such a man as Shir Khan? 
 Consider what a difference there is between Hindustan with all 
 its revenues, and Khorasan; and how inferior is Shir Khan to 
 Shahi Beg Khan! Also remember the degree of censure you will 
 
 1 Three lines of titles of the Khwaja are omitted.—R, 
 
479 
 
 Flight of the Chaghatdi to Ldhur . 
 
 incur from mankind ! Now is the moment for you to consider 
 your condition, and having removed your head from the collar of 
 envy, to place it in the pocket of meditation, that you may acquire 
 the esteem of the people. Formerly, when matters could have 
 been arranged with ease, you put obstacles in the way, by your 
 want of constancy and of purpose. At present it is impossible to 
 achieve anything, without encountering untold difficulties. 
 
 “ I will now lay before you what seems to me your wisest course. 
 It involves great hardships, but it is you who have made hard 
 what was once easy. And moreover, if you do not bear patiently 
 your present troubles, they will become yet more onerous. My 
 advice is as follows: Shir Khan will still take four months to 
 reach Lahur. During these four months, the mountain slopes of 
 Hindustan should be given to the Sultans, and each one, in pro¬ 
 portion to his share, should be made to pledge his allegiance. 
 
 “ Let every man attend to the particular business to which he has 
 been appointed. Let me, for instance, be appointed to the task of 
 subduing Kashmir, and I engage that within two months I will 
 accomplish it. As soon as you hear of my arrival in Kashmir, let 
 every one send his family and baggage thither, while he betakes 
 himself to the mountains, and forms a strong position on the 
 slopes—from the hills of Sarind to those [occupied by] Sarang. 1 
 
 1 As this passage has been differently translated in two published works— 
 those of Mr. Erskine and Major Price—a few words of explanation are necessary, 
 to account for the alteration I have made in the text. The Tdrikh-i-Rashidi 
 reads (and Mr. Ross translated the sentence in this way) just as Erskine has it, 
 i.e., “ the skiits of the hill-country between Sirhind and Sarang ” ; but no indica¬ 
 tion is afforded of the meaning of Sarang. It appears to be intended for the 
 name of a place or district, but no such place-name occurs in the part of India 
 in question. Price’s translation is not from the Tarikh-i-Rashidi , but from the 
 Akbar-Ndma , though the author of that work evidently copied from Mirza 
 Haidar. The passage stands thus, as Price gives it: “ they should . . . occupy 
 the acclivities of the hills all the way from Sehrind to Saurung, that is, all across 
 the sources of the Kuggar, Sareswaty, and Jumna rivers, from Sehrind to 
 Sauhaurungpour.” The last sentence is, apparently, an insertion by the author 
 of the Akbar-Ndma, added by way of explanation. 
 
 In the next chapter but one of the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, it will be seen that the 
 name Sarang appears again, and this time is applied to a person and not to a 
 place. But Sarang is then described as: “ One of the Sultans of the slopes of 
 the hills of Hind.” From this indication, it is, I think, clear that the personage 
 alluded to, can be no other than Sultan Sarang of the tribe of Gakars, and that 
 the region which Mirza Haidar advised should be occupied by the Chaghatai 
 princes and army, was that of the lower or outer hills, extending from Sirhind to 
 the Salt Range—for it was in and about the Salt Range, that the Gakar country 
 was situated. Therefore, in making the passage read as it now does in the text, 
 the only intelligible meaning has been given to it. 
 
 Sultan Sarang, as chief of the Gakars and the ally of the Chaghatais, in the 
 early half of the sixteenth century, is a character fairly well known in Indian 
 history, and the tract of country which was occupied by the Gakar tribe, was 
 then very much the same as now. Nizam-ud-Din Ahmad, in the Tabdkdt-i- 
 Alcbari says : “ The country of the Gakars lies upon the banks of the river Sind, 
 well-known as the Nilab. This territory, from the Siwalik hills to the borders 
 of Kashmir, has been, from all time, the possession of the Gakars. ” % 
 
 the Siwalik hills he means, apparently, the Salt Range. Though Sadik 
 
480 
 
 Flight of the Chaghatdi to Lahur. 
 
 The mortars \_dig~] and swivels [ zarb-zan\ of Shir Khan are the 
 mainstay of his fighting power. It is impossible to bring gun- 
 carriages into the hills, and he will not hazard a battle without 
 them. Ilis army, from stress of numbers, will perish for want of 
 grain, and must perforce retreat.’’ 
 
 Ispakani, it may be mentioned, speaks of Jammu as “ a territory in the Kuliistan 
 of Suvalik ” (p. 86)—thus the skirts of the Pir Panjal range. Abut Fazl, in the 
 Alcbar-Nama, more briefly locates it “between the Sind and the Behat,” that is, 
 between the Indus and the Jhilam. What little is to be found about the Gakars in 
 the two authors above-named, in the Tarildi-i-Daudi, and the Tarilih-i-Jalidn Khun 
 Lodi , differs very considerably, while dates are very sparingly furnished in any 
 of the extracts from these works, as published by Elliot. It appears, however, that 
 the Gakar country belonged to Kashmir in the first half of the fifteenth century, 
 but during the reign of the Kashmir Sultan, Zain-ul-Abidin (1423-69 according 
 to Firishta, and 1422-72 according to others), one Malik Kad, Amir of Ghazni, 
 invaded the territory and wrested it from the Kashmiris. Malik Kad was 
 succeeded by his son, Malik Kilan, as chief of the tribe, and the latter by his 
 son, Malik Pir. After the reign of Malik Pir, and shortly before the year 1519, 
 the Gakars seem to have been divided into two factions. One, Hati Khan, 
 possessed the higher and more inaccessible country, while a certaiu Tatar Khan 
 held the lower tracts. When Baber was about to return from Bhira to Kabul in 
 1519, Hati Gakar had made war on Tatar, had defeated and slain him, and seized 
 his territory. Baber planned an expedition against Perhalah (or Pliarwala), 
 which had been the capital of Tatar, and took it, together with the whole 
 country. Shortly afterwards Hati Khan, who had escaped from Perhalah, 
 tendered his submission, and from that time forward his family became the 
 staunch allies of the Chaghatais. 
 
 At his death, which appears to have taken place about 1525, he left two 
 sons named Sarang and Adam respectively ; the former succeeded to the chief- 
 ship, and at once gave in his allegiance to Baber. After the disasters experienced 
 by Humayun in 1540, and his flight across the Indus, Sarang maintained himself 
 bravely against the Afghans, under Shir Shah, but was at last, after several 
 years of hostilities, taken prisoner and flayed alive. The date of his death I find 
 nowhere stated with certainty, and moreover, the native authors disagree as to 
 the name of the Afghan king of Hindustan who committed this act of barbarity. 
 Niiimat Ullah and Nizam-ud-Din Ahmad ascribe it to Shir Shah, and in this 
 case it must have occurred before the year 1545, when the latter’s death took 
 place. Shir Shah was succeeded by his son Salim, in May of that year, and two 
 years later marched to attack the Gakars. It is to this prince that Abdulla, 
 the author of the Tarilih-i-Daudi , attributes the death of Sarang, and, if his story 
 is the correct one, the date would be 1547 or 1548. At any rate the authorities 
 appear to be so far agreed, as to make Sultan Adam, Sarang’s brother, the reigning 
 chief of the Gakars, when Salim prevailed over them in 1548. In the closing 
 chapters of his book, which relate to Kashmir, Mirza Haidar gives few par¬ 
 ticulars, but by a comparison of the events of that period, as recounted by 
 Firishta, Abul Fazl and others, it would appear that the end of Sarang’s career 
 must have occurred about the date estimated above. 
 
 However this may be, it is evident that Sarang was not a place-name, but that 
 of a Gakar chief, who was an ally of Humayun and the house of Chaghatai, and 
 who was alive in 1540; while nothing is more consistent with the narrative than 
 tliat Mirza Haidar should have advised his master, after the defeat at Kanauj, to 
 take up a position that included Sarang’s territory as a support. A subsequent 
 allusion to Adam, Sultan of the Gakars, occurs in Firishta, when he is repre¬ 
 sented as having met Mirza Haidar at “ the fortress of Dibal” [Deobal?] in 
 1549, for the purpose of mediating between the refugee Maliks of Kashmir. 
 (See Erskine, Hist., i., pp. 414-15; ii., pp. 425-27 and 465-6. Also Baber, 
 pp. 259-62 ; Abul Fazl in Price’s Muliam. Hist., iii., pp. 787-8 ; Tarilih-i-Daudi 
 in Elliot, iv., p. 493; Tarihh-i-Jdhdn Khan Lodi, ib., p. 114; Tabalcdt-i-Albari, 
 ib., v., pp. 278-80; Firishta (Briggs), iv., p. 501, and ib. (Bodgers), J. A. S. B., 
 1855, pt, i., p. 118.) 
 
481 
 
 Origin of the Expedition to Kashmir. 
 
 Kamran Mirza, frowning at these words, said: “ Although 
 what you recommend is plausible enough, it involves difficulties 
 too great.” I replied : “ When I began, I represented, in excuse 
 for myself, that the business was a difficult one. All easy methods 
 are now out of question. Nothing but difficulties remain. If any 
 one can suggest an easier solution, let him speak.” Kamran Mirza 
 said : “ We have now with us nearly 200,000 householders Jdidna- 
 var mardum\ Should the advice just offered be acted upon, and 
 the attempt fail, it is probable that all this multitude will be 
 destroyed. It is, therefore, better that the Emperor and the 
 Mirzas should go unencumbered, either to the hills or to Kashmir, 
 leaving their families to be conducted to Kabul by me. Having 
 safely disposed of the families, I will return to join the army.” 
 
 All were bewildered by this suggestion and asked themselves, 
 “ What has now become of our oath of union ? What are these 
 sentiments? Who would think of sending his family to Kabul 
 and himself remaining without baggage ? Between Lahur and 
 Kabul there are rivers, highway robbers, and mountains. The 
 Mirza’s scheme is quite impracticable.” Although much discussion 
 followed, Kamran Mirza did not carry a single point. Thus 
 [ostensible] desires for union were shown to be hypocrisy, and the 
 meeting broke up. But time passed, and meanwhile Shir Khan 
 had reached the banks of the river of Sultanpur. 1 2 Every man 
 chose a place of retreat for himself. The Emperor consulted with 
 me in this exigency, and I again respectfully represented that I 
 still held by the Kashmir plan. “At any rate,” I continued, “if 
 you allow me to go in advance, the rest can follow after, and I 
 guarantee that I will conquer Kashmir.” The Emperor then gave 
 me leave to depart, furnishing me with what help he was able; 
 so that with four hundred freed men and slaves, I set out for 
 Kashmir. 
 
 CHAPTER CXIY. 
 
 ORIGIN OF THE AUTHOR’S EXPEDITION TO KASHMIR. 
 
 It has been observed above, that the Sultans of Kashmir had fallen 
 under the power of their worthless Amirs, every one of whom acted 
 in whatever way he saw fit. At the time when Kamran Mirza 
 went to Kandahar to fight the son of Shah Ismail, as was 
 mentioned, the chiefs [ maliks ] of Kashmir were engaged in mutual 
 
 1 The Bias. 
 
 2 1 
 
482 
 
 Origin of the Expedition to Kashmir. 
 
 hostilities. Kachi Chak, Abdal Makri and Zangi Chak had been 
 turned out of Kashmir and, having taken up their abode at the foot 
 of the mountains of Hind, they appealed to me for help. 1 Haji, 
 who was mentioned in the relation of events in Tibet, acted as 
 intermediary. Frequently, and with insistence, had I tried to 
 convince Kamran Mirza on the subject of Kashmir. At the time 
 of [Kamran Mirza’s] march on Dehli, an army was mustered in 
 Agra, and a certain Baba Chuchak was placed at the head of it. 
 Haji came from Agra to Lahur with Baba Chuchak, to join in the 
 expedition against Kashmir. But Baba Chuchak, being weak- 
 minded and incapable, could not manage this business, and delayed 
 in setting out till the news of the defeat on the Gang arrived. 
 The soldiers stood fast, and Baba Chuchak was released from [the 
 duty of] conducting the Kashmir expedition. 
 
 At the time when the general assemblage took place in Lahur, 
 Haji carried many messages to and fro, between myself on the one 
 hand, and Abdal Makri on the other, in furtherance of my plan. 
 All terminated in a most desirable way, and I was thus able to 
 impress it strongly on the Emperor. I showed him the letter 
 which had been sent me, and he became convinced that Kashmir 
 would be conquered as soon as I should appear there. 
 
 1 It may be noted here, that there had existed in Kashmir, since the days of 
 the first Musulman Sultan, Shah Mir, about the middle of the fourteenth 
 century, two great families, or houses, known as the Chak and the Makri. Their 
 rivalry seems to have been the cause of most of the disorder and confusion, from 
 which the State suffered for the greater part of the sixteenth century. They 
 contended with one another perpetually, for the office of chief minister under the 
 dynastic princes, whose power was merely nominal, and who were, apparently, 
 incapable either of administering their dominions, or suppressing the ambitions of 
 these two influential houses. The names of the Chak and Makri are very 
 variously spelled by Mirza Haidar, Firishta, Abul Fazl, and other writers, but 
 they may generally be identified one with another. One, Malik Achi, Kachi, or 
 Ajlii, of the Chak family, appears to have been the minister in power, under a 
 prince called Nazuk Shah (or sometimes Nadir Shah) when Mirza Haidar 
 invaded the country. 
 
 A detailed account of the affairs of Kashmir during Mirza Haidar’s regency, 
 will be found in Appendix A. It consists of an extract from Mr. C. J. Rodgers’ 
 able paper on “ The Coins of the Sultans of Kashmir,” which is based chiefly on 
 translations made by him from collated copies of Firishta. (See J. A. S'. B., liv., 
 pt. i., 1885, pp. 92, seq.) 
 
Conquest of Kashmir. 
 
 483 
 
 CHAPTER CXV. 
 
 THE AUTHOR CONQUERS KASHMIR. ADVENTURES OF THE CHAGHATAI 
 AFTER THEIR DEPARTURE FROM HINDUSTAN. 
 
 I had arranged with the Emperor that I should, in the first place, 
 proceed with a small number of men to Nau Shahr, 1 and that as 
 soon as the Maliks of Kashmir should have joined me, Iskandar 
 Tupchi should overtake me there. When I should have reached 
 the pass, Mir Khwaja Kilan, in praise of whom I have spoken 
 above, was to enter Nau Shahr. On my descending into Kashmir 
 Mir Khwaja Kilan was to advance to the foot of the pass of 
 Kashmir, while the Emperor would pitch his camp at Nau Shahr. 
 Matters having been thus arranged, Kamran Mirza and the rest 
 were allowed to go wherever they pleased. 
 
 All being settled, I set out, and in Nau Shahr was joined by all 
 the Maliks of Kashmir. Iskandar Tupchi was one day’s journey 
 from Nau Shahr. Mir Khwaja Kilan was in Sialkut. On the 
 same day that I despatched a messenger to Iskandar Tupchi, news 
 reached me that all our people had evacuated Lahur. I started in 
 all haste: when I arrived at the foot of the pass [leading to] 
 Kashmir, Kachi Chak ascended by one road, and we by another, 
 and without further contention or discussion we [all] arrived at 
 [Kashmir]. 
 
 Now when Iskandar Tupchi and Mir Khwaja Kilan heard of the 
 evacuation of Lahur, the former sought a refuge with Sarang, who 
 was one of the Sultans of the slopes of the hills [huh paya~\ of 
 Hind, while the latter, leaving Sialkut, went and joined the 
 fugitives [from Lahur]. In spite of the Emperor’s endeavours to 
 reach Kashmir, he could induce no one to accompany him. Some 
 foolish imbeciles, namely, Hindal Mirza, Yadgar Nasir Mirza and 
 others beside, carried him off to Tatta and Bakar, to attack [basar] 
 Mirza Shah Husain the son of Shah Beg Arghun (son of Zulnun 
 Arghun). This Mirza Shah Husain is the same personage who 
 was spoken of above. When Babar Padishah wrested Kandahar 
 from Shah Beg, the latter retired to Ucha and Tatta and subdued 
 the whole of the surrounding country. He was succeeded on his 
 death by his son Mirza Shah Husain, who busied himself for some 
 time in strengthening his forts and settling his country; for he 
 was, in truth, a methodical and prudent man. 2 Against him it 
 
 1 A village in the lower hills of Rajaori. 
 
 2 Sliah Beg seems to be usually known in history as Shah Shuja Beg, while 
 his son is as often called Shah Hasan, as Shah Husain. The former’s conquest 
 of Tatta (or Sind), here alluded to, took place in 1521. He died in 1524, when 
 his dominions in Sind passed to his son Husain or Hasan, who, after two years 
 
 2 1 2 
 
484 
 
 Conquest of Kashmir. 
 
 was that this blundering band marched. But being able to achieve 
 nothing, Hindal Mirza went to Kandahar, whose governor came 
 out to receive him. He began to boast of empire, [whereupon] 
 Kamran Mirza marched against him, from Kabul. After some 
 unfortunate occurrences, and being reduced to extremities, he 
 begged Kamran Mirza to spare his life, promising that he would 
 enter his service. Not long after this, Yadgar Nasir Mirza and 
 Kasim Husain Sultan also fled from the Emperor and joined 
 Kamran Mirza. The Emperor, after endless hardships and 
 incalculable misfortunes, passed on to Irak, but up to the present 
 time it is not known what has become of him. As for Kamran 
 Mirza, he is at Kabul and in despair from the buffetings of 
 fortune. 
 
 My trust is in the most glorious and merciful God, that He will 
 again raise to the throne of sovereignty Humayun Padishah, than 
 whom there have been few greater Sultans. He has endured such 
 suffering and misery as have fallen to the lot of few Emperors. 
 May he make the people prosperous and contented under his 
 benevolent shadow. It is thus written in the “ Sunna ” : that 
 when the affairs of a great ruler goto ruin, he is himself the cause. 
 If, as is rarely the case, the ruler be spared these calamities, his 
 escape must be certainly attributable to his good sense. 
 
 It is related, in the earlier portion of this book, that his [Huma- 
 yun’s] father, Babar Padishah, on several occasions mounted the 
 throne of Samarkand, but as often suffered ruinous defeats. In 
 those defeats his own head was kept safe, and finally God raised 
 him to such power, that all the world felt his influence, while his 
 name remains among the [immortal] Sultans. May God, having 
 delivered Humayun Padishah from these perils and dangers, grant 
 him similar well-being and wisdom! 
 
 CHAPTER CXYI. 
 
 PARTING OF THE AUTHOR FROM HUMAYUN PADISHAH. HIS MARCH 
 AGAINST, AND CONQUEST OF KASHMIR. CONTEMPORANEOUS EVENTS, 
 AND CONCLUSION OF THE “ TARIKH-I-RASHIDI.” 
 
 After a settlement of some kind had been arrived at among the 
 Mirzas, I obtained, by the grace of Providence, the permission of 
 Humayun to depart, and for the reasons above stated, started from 
 
 of hard struggles, possessed himself of Uch and Multan. He lost the latter 
 province to Baber in 1527, but eventually recovered it from Humayun. He was 
 the third and last of the Arghun line, while his rule continued till 1551. (See 
 Erskine, Hist., i., chap, vi., secs. 1 and 2; and Stokvis, i., p. 253.) 
 
Conquest of Kashmir . 
 
 485 
 
 Lahur in the direction of Kashmir. I have explained that on the 
 22nd of Kajab, I crossed the pass of Kashmir. This date I dis¬ 
 covered in the words “ Julus-i-ddr-ul-mulk-i-KashmirC [ascending 
 the throne of Kashmir]. It was the season of Sagittarius. I had 
 scarce ascended the throne of triumph, when the snow began to 
 fall and the face of the earth became white, while the eyes of the 
 enemy turned dark. By the divine favour, that winter passed in 
 quiet. 
 
 Now Kachi Chak had been forced, thrice previously, to dis¬ 
 connect himself from the government of Kashmir. His own wife 
 and children had not seen him, for he had left them in the care 
 of Malik Abdal and Zangi Chak, and had gone off, thinking that, 
 as on former occasions, his resignation and resumption of power 
 would not be settled within a year. [Verse] . . . All the [chief] 
 men of Kashmir, believing this too, went with him, ignoring that 
 God gives to whomsoever He will, and takes away from whomso¬ 
 ever He will. [Two couplets]. . . . Kachi Chak, vainly imagining 
 that Shir Khan, by force of arms, could change the decree of the 
 Most High God, appealed to him for aid. 
 
 In the beginning of spring .... 1 having obtained auxiliaries 
 from Shir Khan, he again moved forward with a large force. Just 
 at this juncture, and when this news was confirmed, Malik Abdal 
 [Makri] who was the mainstay of the whole scheme, was attacked by 
 paralysis, and migrated to the Eternal abode, so that the brunt of 
 the affair fell on Zangi Chak. In a word, after various difficulties 
 had been surmounted, which it would be tedious to relate in 
 detail, we left our families in the fort of Andarkul 2 and went out 
 to meet and oppose [the enemy], with a vacillating band. [Two coup¬ 
 lets] . . . During three months we attacked their strongholds and 
 met them in the field; till at length, Kachi Chak, having formed 
 a junction with the auxiliaries of Shir Khan, marched boldly out 
 of the hill district [ Balddcist ] which he had fortified, and took up a 
 position on a spot that was a halting stage. At this place the 
 army of Kashmir, who from their outward appearance looked as if 
 they must disperse in flight, held their ground. [On our side] 
 [only] the Moghul army kept its position. No one expected a 
 battle that day; most had gone off in different directions to attend 
 to their own affairs; so that only about 250 men were present, 
 together with a few Kashmiris who had joined the Moghuls, making 
 in all about 300. These advanced and attacked a force comprising 
 5000 cavalry, two elephants, and a body of infantry more 
 numerous than the cavalry. Falling upon their rear, [our army] 
 
 1 The omission here consists of a few lines descriptive of spring.—R. 
 
 2 Firishta makes this name (according to both Rodgers and Briggs) Indrakot, 
 a form which would be thoroughly Kashmiri, and more likely to be correct than 
 Andarkul. I cannot identify the place, but infer from the context in Firishta 
 (see App. A., p. 489) that it must have been near the modern Baramula. 
 
486 
 
 Conquest of Kashmir. 
 
 began by plundering their baggage and stores. The battle was 
 so desperate, that should I enter into the particulars, the reader 
 would imagine I was exaggerating. Therefore, avoiding details, 
 I will content myself with a summary account. To resume, at 
 noonday prayers on Monday, the 8 Rabi II. 948, 1 we routed an 
 army of 5000 cavalry, and several thousand foot, with a body of only 
 300 men. [Verses] . . . The preacher [Khatib] of Kashmir, Maulana 
 Yusuf, found the date in Fath-i-Muharrar [The repeated victory], 
 for I had already once entered Kashmir and gained a victory there, 
 as has been related. 
 
 [Here follows a prayer, ending with an apolog}^ to the reader for 
 the faults and shortcomings of the “ Epitome.”] 
 
 1 2nd August, 1541 a.d. 
 
 THE END. 
 
Appendix A. 
 
 487 
 
 APPENDIX A. 
 
 Extract from a paper entitled: The Square Silver Coins of the 
 Sultans of Kashmir , by Mr. C. J. Rodgers, M.R.A.S., &c., 
 in the Journ. Asiat. Socy. Bengal, Yol. LIY. Pt. I., No. 2, 1885, 
 pp. 92 to 139 (see pp. 116-21). 
 
 In Notes 2, p. 433—1, p. 441—1, p. 482, and in Sec. I of the 
 Introduction , reference has been made to Mr. C. J. Rodgers’ transla¬ 
 tions from Eirishta’s History contained in the able and interesting 
 paper cited above. As Mirza Haidar closes his narrative some¬ 
 what abruptly, at the time of his conquest of Kashmir, I believe 
 that a summary of the affairs of the country during his regency, 
 will be found useful to the reader, and therefore transcribe here, 
 that portion of Mr. Rodgers’ published paper which deals with the 
 period in question. It comprises the last ten years of Mirza 
 Haidar’s life, and is also, no doubt, the best account that exists 
 of a little known phase of Indian history. 
 
 Nazuk Shah. 2nd Time .—After his father, Nazuk sat on the throne of 
 the kingdom. (His father we are told was Ibrahim Shah. There is confusion 
 again here.) He had not, however, reigned more than five or six months 
 when Mirza Haidar Turk, having obtained a firm footing in Kashmir ruled it. 
 In his time the Khutba was read and coins were struck in the name of Nasir- 
 ud-Din Muhammad Humdyun Bddshdh. (The coins of Humayun struck in 
 Kashmir are exceedingly rare. They are exactly of the same type as those of 
 the preceding kings. There are some small differences in the inscriptions in the 
 arrangements of the letters. One coin has a ha in the field to the right, which 
 I coDsider to be the first letter of Haidar’s name. The dates of the coins fall 
 within the period during which Mirza Haidar ruled Kashmir nominally in his 
 master’s name. But all these ten years poor Humayun was a fugitive in 
 Sind and Persia and Afghanistan and he never derived any benefit from the 
 fact that prayers were used in Kashmir with his name in them, and coins 
 current with his name on them.) 
 
 In the year 948 a.h . 1 when Humayun, flying before Slier Shah Suri, 
 reached Lahore, Malik Abdal Makari, Zangi Cliakk and other petitioners 
 wrote about Humayun’s taking Kashmir and sent the letter by the hands of 
 Mirza Haidar. The emperor dismissed the Mirza in the direction of Kashmir 
 
 Should be 947 .—[Ed.]. 
 
 1 
 
4cS8 
 
 Appendix A. 
 
 and gave it out as his intention to follow shortly himself. When the Mirza 
 arrived at Bhir he was met by Abdal Makari and Zangi Chakk. The Mirza 
 had with him only three or four thousand horsemen, but when he arrived at 
 Rajaori, Malik Gan Chakk who was the ruler of Kashmir, arrived at Khabal 
 Kartal (it is called Karmal by Erskine) and entrenched himself with from 
 three to four thousand horsemen and 50,000 infantry. Mirza Haidar 
 therefore changed his route and went by Pabhaj (the Panuj of Erskine) 
 which Gaji Chakk in his pride had forgotten to defend. The Mirza crossed the 
 mountains and descending into the plain of Kashmir took possession at once 
 of Srinagar. Abdal Makari and Zangi Chakk finding themselves strong, busied 
 themselves with the affairs of the kingdom, and they gave several pergunnahs 
 to the Mirza. But just at this time Abdal Makari, died after recommending 
 his sons to the care of the Mirza. 
 
 After the arrival of Mirza Haidar in Kashmir, Malik Gaji Chakk went to 
 Sher Shah Afghan for assistance, lie obtained five thousand horsemen, over 
 whom were Husain Sharvani and Adil Khan; and two elephants. Mirza 
 Haidar met him between Danahdyar and Ivawah, and the zephyr of victory 
 blowing in favour of the Mirza, the Malik and his Affghan allies fled from the 
 field and took possession of Bahramgalla. 
 
 In the year 950 a.h. Mirza Haidar settled himself in the fort of Indarkot. 
 Zangi Chakk being suspected by him fled to Gaji Chakk and in 951 a.h. 
 the two set out, in the direction of Srinagar, determined to root out Mirza 
 Haidar. Bahrain Chakk, son of Zangi Chakk arrived first at Srinagar, but 
 he was easily put to flight by two of the Mirza’s generals, and his disorganised 
 troops falling back on the main army Zangi Chakk and Gaji Chakk also fled 
 and returned to Bahramgalla. After this the Mirza employed his army in 
 invading Tibet. He took Lansur and many other large forts. 
 
 In 952 a.h. Gaji Chakk and his son Muhammad Chakk died of fever and 
 ague. This year the Mirza spent in ease. 
 
 In 953 a.h. Zangi Chakk fighting with Mirza Haidar was killed. His 
 head with the head of his son Gazi Khan were presented to Haidar. 
 
 In 954 a.h. ambassadors came to the Mirza from Kashgar and he went 
 with many nobles as far as Lar to meet them. In Ear the head of Khwaja 
 Ujh son of Masaucl Chakk was brought to him. This man had for the space 
 of seven years been fighting in Kamraj, but at last he had desired peace. 
 Mirza Mirak, swearing that all should be right, asked him to attend on him 
 to make a treaty. But when Ujh came into the assembly he was stabbed by 
 Mirak and he fled to the jungle pursued by Mirak who took his head off and 
 sent it to Mirza Haidar. Ide Zina was far from pleased at seeing it, and, 
 standing up in anger said, that after an oath and covenant had been made 
 the slaughter of one man was not necessary. Haidar replied that he was not 
 privy to the circumstances of the death. 
 
 After this Mirza Haidar turned his attention to Kishtwar. Bandagan Kukali, 
 Muhammad Makari and Yalii Zina led the van. The Mirza took up his 
 abode at Jhapur near Kishtwar. The van, doing three days’ journey in one 
 descended on Dahlot, where the river winds, and they were not able to ford 
 it, for the enemy too opposed them. The next day the army of Haidar made 
 a diversion to the right in hopes of reaching Kishtwar, but when they reached 
 the town of Dhar, gusts of cold air laden with dust came down upon them, 
 the day became dark and the people of the town made an attack on them. 
 Bandagan Kukah with five other men was slain. The rest of the army with 
 
Appcndix A. 489 
 
 a thousand exertions at last joined themselves with Haidar. The Mirza was 
 not successful: he was obliged to retrace his steps ingloriously. 
 
 In 955 he turned his attention to Tibet. Taking Rajaori he gave it to 
 Muhammad Nazir and Nasir Ali. Pakli 1 he gave to Mulla Abdullah and 
 Little Tibet 2 he gave to Mullah Qasim. Conquering Great Tibet, 3 he appointed 
 Mulla Hasan its governor. 
 
 In 956 he took the fort of Danel. At this time Adam Ghakkar came 
 before the Mirza and asked him to pardon Daulat Chakk. He agreed to do so 
 and Adam called Daulat into the tent. The Mirza, on his coming in, showed 
 him no honour. For this reason Daulat became very angry, and taking away 
 the elephant he had brought as a present, he went away. The courtiers 
 wished to pursue him but the Mirza forbade them. After some time Haidar 
 returned to Kashmir. Daulat Chakk and Gazi Khan and Jai Chakk went to 
 Haidar Khan who had fled from Islam Shah to Rajaori. When Islam Shall 
 who was pursuing the Niyazis arrived at the town of Madawar from Naoshahra, 
 Haibat Khan Niyazi sent Sayyid Khan to him. Sayyid Khan making 
 propositions of peace gave up the mother and son of Haibat Khan Niyazi to 
 Islam Shah who turning back went to the town of Ban near Sialkot and 
 agreed to the conditions. The three Kashmiris above-mentioned then took 
 Haibat Khan to Baramula and wished to take him to Kashmir, and carry 
 away Haidar. As Haibat did not see his way to doing this he sent a Brahman to 
 Haidar with conditions of peace. When he had received a promise from Haidar 
 he went to live at Hir (Nir in MS. No. 6571 opening 190 in British Museum) 
 in Jammu and the Kashmiris went to Islam Shah. Ghazi Khan Chakk, 
 however, went to Mirza Haidar. (It is evident that at this time the Kashmiris 
 were tired of Haidar. They wished Islam Shah to be king. We do not read 
 that Islam ever went so far as Kashmir. The nobles, however, must have 
 struck coins in his name, using the formula struck in Kashmir on the reverse. 
 I have seen two coins of Islam Shah of this time. It was a common practice 
 to strike coins anticipating events which did not come to pass. The date on 
 this coin is 957 a.h. It may have been struck by Haidar as a compliment 
 to Islam Shah.) 
 
 In the year 957 a.h. Mirza Haidar being at peace with his neighbours 
 sent presents of saffron to Islam Shah by the hands of Khwajah Shams 
 Mughal. In the following year Islam Shah sent the ambassadors back with 
 presents of silk cloth and goods accompanied by Yasin (Basin in above MS.) 
 as envoy. Mirza Haidar sent back Yasin laden with shawls and saffron to 
 Islam Shah. 
 
 Mirza Qarra Bahadur was appointed governor of Bhirpul (or BharmffI) and 
 along with him were sent from amongst the Kashmiris Idi Zina and Nazuk 
 Shah, Husain Makari and Khwajah Haji. The whole of these with Mirza 
 Qarra came back to Indarkot and went thence to Baramula and became 
 rebellious. The reason of this rebellion was that the Mughals (the forces of 
 Mirza Haidar) were not acceptable to them. When the Mughals informed 
 the Mirza of this he told them they were no less ready than the Kashmiris to 
 rebel. Husain Makari sent his brother Ali Makari to Mirza Haidar to make 
 excuse for the Kashmiris and to call again the army. Haidar was not aware 
 
 1 The western province of Kashmir. See Pakhli on map.— [Ed.]. 
 
 2 Baltistan.—[E d.]. 
 
 3 Ladak.— [Ed.]. 
 
490 
 
 Appendix A. 
 
 of the condition of things, and told them that the Kashmiris were powerless 
 and that there was no use in calling the army. 
 
 On the 27th of Ramzan a great fire burst out in Indarkot. Mirza Qarra 
 and his following sent word that their houses were destroyed, and asked for 
 orders saying that if convenient they would rebuild their houses and next 
 year go to Bhirpul. Mirza Haidar was displeased at this conduct. Never¬ 
 theless whether he would or not the army went towards Bhirpul. At night 
 time, however, Idi Zina and the rest of the Kashmiris left the Mughals and 
 came to the pass of Bhirpul and took with them Husain Makari, Ali Makari 
 and others in order that they might not be slain by the Mughals. When it 
 was morning the men of Bhirpul fought with the Mughals who were fastened 
 in the mountains. Sayyid Mirza fled and went into the fort of Bhirpul. 
 About 80 Mughals, men of note were slain in this affair. Muhammad Nazir 
 and Mirza Qarra Bahadur were captured. The rest of the army came to 
 Bahramgalla. When Mirza Haidar heard of this he was sorely vexed and 
 ordered all the silver vessels to he broken and the coin now current in 
 Kashmir was struck from them. Jahangir Makari at this time got into 
 favour and the estates of Husain Makari were bestowed upon him. Trades¬ 
 people had horses and outfits given to them and were made soldiers. After 
 this news came that Mulla Abdullah, hearing of the exodus of the Kashmiris, 
 was coming to Kashmir. When he got near to Baramula the Kashmiris 
 crowded on him and slew him. Khwajah Qasinr was slain in Little Tibet. 
 Muhammad Nazir was imprisoned in Rajaori. The Kashmiris leaving Bahram¬ 
 galla came to Hambarapur. Mirza Haidar was thus forced to fight them and 
 he came to Indarkot. He had with him only a thousand men. With him 
 were Mughal nobles who had 700 men more. The whole took up a position 
 in Skahab-ud-Dinpur. Daulat Chakk and Ghazi Khan Chakk went to 
 Hambarapur to help Idi Zina and coming from that place assembled in 
 Khanpur. Mirza Haidar took up his position in the plain of Kkalidgarb 
 near Srinagar. Fath Chakk, whose father had been slain by the Mughals, 
 Khwajah Bahrain brought, with 3,000 men to Indarkot to revenge his father’s 
 death. They burned all the palaces of Mirza Haidar in the Safa gardens. 
 When Mirza Haidar heard of this he said, “ I have not brought this from 
 Kashgar that I might by the grace of God, again build it.” Jai Ali in revenge 
 burnt the palaces of Zain-ul-Abidin in Suryapur, but this did not please 
 Mirza Haidar and the army burnt the palaces of Idi Zina and Nauroz Chakk 
 in Srinagar. Mirza Haidar himself took up a position in Khanpur in which 
 place was a willow tree under which 22 horsemen could stand. If one branch 
 of this tree were shaken the whole tree was moved. At last the Kashmiris 
 came from Khanpur and took up a position at Adnipur and not more than a 
 distance of two kos remained between the two armies. Mirza Haidar 
 determined to make a night attack on the enemy. He first of all made his own 
 younger brother Mirza Abdur Rahman his heir-apparent and inaugurated 
 him, then getting his men into order he prepared for the night attack. It so 
 happened that the night was very cloudy and when he got to the tent of 
 Khwajah Haji who was the soul of the rebellion and the agent of the Mirza, 
 the darkness hid everything. Shah Nazar a cuirassier of Mirza Haidar said, 
 “ When I shot an arrow the voice of the Mirza fell on my ear, saying, ‘ you 
 are at fault.’ I then knew that the arrow had accidentally struck the Mirza.*’ 
 It is also said that a butcher shot him in the thigh with an arrow. In another 
 tradition it is stated that Kama! Kuka killed him with a sword. But except an 
 
A ppendix B. 491 
 
 arrow-wound in his heart no other thing was visible. In reality this is the sum 
 of the traditions. When morning dawned it became noised abroad amongst the 
 Kashmiris that a Mughal was lying slain in their camp. When Khwajah 
 Haji came to view the corpse, he said it was that of Haidar. He held up the 
 head from the earth but nothing but the last breath remained. He moved 
 his eyes and gave up the ghost. After this the Mughals fled to Indarkot and 
 the Kashmiris buried the corpse of Haidar and then pursued the Mughals. 
 They took refuge in Indarkot and for three days defended themselves. On 
 the fourth day Muhammad Kumi loaded the cannon with copper coins and 
 fired them on the enemy. Every one who was struck with them died. At 
 last, however, Khanmai, the widow of Mirza Haidar, and her sister Khanji 
 spoke to the Mughals and said, ‘ Inasmuch as Mirza Haidar has departed from 
 our midst, it would be better to make peace with the Kashmiris.” The 
 Mughals agreed to this and sent Amir Khan, builder, to the Kashmiris to ask 
 for peace. The Kashmiris were pleased at this and wrote a letter with oath 
 and covenant that they would not persecute the Mughals any more. The 
 government of Haidar Turk lasted for ten years. 
 
 Nazuk Shah. 3rd Time .—When the doors of the fort were opened, the 
 Kashmiris went into the treasury of Mirza Haidar and plundered it, taking 
 away the beautiful and delicate garments it contained. The family of the Mirza 
 was taken to Srinagar and placed in the hands of Manuja. The Kashmiri chiefs 
 then divided Kashmir between themselves. Daulat Chakk got the pargannah 
 of Deosar, Ghazi Khan the pargannah of Walii; Yusuf Chakk and Baliram 
 Chakk obtained Kamraj. Khwajah Haji the wakil of the Mirza took a lakh 
 of shawls and the whole of the nobles of Kashmir, but especially Idi Zina, took 
 the government of the province into their hands. Nazuk Shah as a kind of 
 shadow of a king was upheld in name. In truth Idi Zina was king. 
 
 APPENDIX P>. 
 
 THE KARAWANAS. 
 
 Some inquiries regarding the Karawanas, which were very kindly made for 
 me in Khorasan by Mr. Maula Bakhsh, K.B., Attache at the Meshed Consulate 
 General, have resulted, it would seem, in tracing some of the posterity of the 
 Karawanas. Mr. Maula Bakhsh writes from near Asterabad :—“ Only the other 
 day, while passing through the Mana district of Bujnurd, I heard of a village 
 called Samandarra or Karnas. This excited my curiosity and, on inquiry, I 
 found that the village derived its name from its Karnas inhabitants, about 
 thirty families of whom (the total population of the village) are settled there. 
 In the Gurgan country again, which extends from Dahana-i-Gurgan on the 
 east, to the Gunbad-i-Kabus (or Kaus) on the west, on both banks of the 
 Gurgan river, and is occupied by the Goklan Turkomans, I found about fifty 
 families of Karnas, and was told that there were some families in Khiva also. 
 
 “ These people speak Turki now, and are considered part of the Goklan 
 Turkomans. They, however, say they are Chingiz-Khani Moghuls, and are 
 
49 2 Appendix />. 
 
 no doubt the descendants of the same Karnas, or Karavanas, who took sucli 
 a prominent part in the Moghul victories in Persia. 
 
 “ The word Karnas, I was told by a learned Goklan Mullah, means Tir- 
 andaz , or Shikari (i.e., Archer or Hunter) and was applied to this tribe of 
 Moghuls on account of their professional skill in shooting, which apparently* 
 secured them an important place in the army. In Turki the word Karnas 
 means Shikam-parast —literally ‘ belly worshippers,’ which implies avarice. 
 This term is in use at present, and I was told, by a Kazi of Bujnurd, that it is 
 sometimes used by way of reproach .... The Karnas people in Mana and 
 Gurgan say it is the name of their tribe, and they can give no other 
 explanation.” 
 
 Although the modern name has become curiously abbreviated, there appears 
 to be little reason to doubt that these Karnas, or “ shooters,” represent, at any 4 
 rate, the “ artillerists” of Wassaf (see pp. 76, 77, Introduction). 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OP EVENTS. 
 
 ENGLAND. 
 
 1327. Edward II. deposed and mur¬ 
 dered. 
 
 1338. Edward III. invaded France. 
 1316. Battle of Crecy. 
 
 1356. Battle of Poictiers. 
 
 1371. Stuart dynasty established in 
 Scotland. 
 
 1377. Accession of Eichard II. 
 
 1399. Deposition of Eichard II. 
 
 1403. Battle of Shrewsbury. 
 
 1413. Accession of Henry V. 
 
 1415. Battle of Agincourt. 
 
 1422. Henry VI. proclaimed king of 
 France. 
 
 1461. Edward IV. becomes king. 
 1485. Battle of Bosworth Field. Tu¬ 
 dor dynasty founded. 
 
 1509. Death of Henry VII. 
 
 1512. Henry VIII. invades France. 
 1520. Field of the Cloth of Gold. 
 1534. Papal authority abolished. 
 1547. Accession of Edward VI. 
 
 1553. Accession of Mary. 
 
 1558. Accession of Elizabeth. 
 
 CONTINENTAL EUROPE. 
 
 1328. Valois dynasty founded in 
 France. 
 
 1358. Turks first cross the Hellespont. 
 1378. The Papacy restored in Rome. 
 1385. Independence of Portugal. 
 1396. Crusade in Hungary against 
 the Turks. 
 
 1403. Sultan Bayazid defeated by 
 Timur. 
 
 1428. Joan of Arc delivers Orleans. 
 1436. Supposed date of invention of 
 printing. 
 
 1453. Constantinople taken by the 
 Turks. 
 
 1462. Ivan III. becomes Prince of 
 Muscovy. 
 
 1467. Bombs and mortars invented 
 in Italy. 
 
 1478. Khans of Crimea submit to 
 Turks. 
 
 1482. Ivan III. becomes first Tsar 
 
 of Muscovy. 
 
 1483. Cape of Good Hope discovered. 
 
 (Portugal). 
 
Appendix C. 493 
 
 !1492. Discovery of America. (Spain). 
 1501. Naples subdued by France. 
 
 1516. Charles Y. ascends the throne 
 
 of Spain. 
 
 1517. Egypt conquered by Turks. 
 1523. Gustavus Wasa becomes king 
 
 of Sweden. 
 
 1529. Vienna besieged by the Turks. 
 1533. Ivan IV. (the Terrible) suc¬ 
 ceeds as Tsar. 
 
 1545. Council of Trent assembles. 
 1552. Treaty of Passau. 
 
 1584. Death of Ivan the Terrible. 
 
 INDIA. 
 
 1325. Death of Mahom. Tugliluk, 
 founder ofTughluk dynasty 
 of Delhi. 
 
 1398. Timur invades India. 
 
 1450. Lodi dynasty of Afghans. 
 1498. Arrival of Vasco de Gama at 
 Malabar. 
 
 1509. Albuquerque becomes viceroy 
 of Portuguese India (d. 
 1519). 
 
 1526. Baber founds Moghul (Chag- 
 hatai) Empire. 
 
 1530. Humayun succeeds. 
 
 1538. Turkish attack on Portuguese 
 at Diu. 
 
 1540. Humayun defeated by Shir 
 Khan at Kanauj. 
 
 1540. Rule of Afghan Sur dynasty 
 begins. 
 
 1555. Return of Humayun to India. 
 
 1556. Accession of Akbar. 
 
 CHINA. 
 
 1333. Accession of Ching-tsung (or 
 Tohan Timur), last Emperor 
 of Mongol dynasty. 
 
 1368. Ming dynasty established. 
 
 Emperor Hung Wu. Capi¬ 
 tal at Nanking. 
 
 1403. Yung Loh, 2nd Ming Emperor, 
 changes capital to Peking. 
 
 1536. Macao granted to the Portu¬ 
 guese. 
 
 1580. (abt.) Jesuit missious first 
 established. 
 
 1644. Ming dynasty ends. 
 
 PERSIA. 
 
 1380 Invaded by Timur. 
 
 1399. 
 
 1468. Conquered by Turkomans. 
 
 1501. Sufavi dynasty founded by 
 Shah Ismail. 
 
 1519. Ismail conquers Georgia. 
 
 1525. Accession of Shah Tahmasp. 
 
 1576. Ismail II. succeeds. 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 _ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
INDEX. 
 
 (Abbreviations : * denotes ‘ Introduction ’; and n. signifies ‘ footnote.’) 
 
 Aba Bakr, Mirza, son of Saniz Mirza, 
 defeat and murder of, 11* ; invasion 
 of Ladak, 13 *; Moghul invasions 
 during reign of, 65,* 66 * ; exploita¬ 
 tion of sand-buried towns by, 70*; 
 married to Husn Nigar Khanim, 88, 
 89, 99 ; makes himself master ot 
 Yarkand, 99; attempt to subdue 
 Khotan, 99-101; and Muhammad 
 Haidar Mirza, 102, 103; defeats 
 Amir Abdul Kudus, 103; battles 
 with Yunus Khan and Muhammad 
 Haidar Mirza, 104-107 ; attacked by 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza, who is 
 taken prisoner, 111, 112; defeats 
 Sultan Ahmad Khan in Yarkand, 
 122; attacks Aksu with Mir Jabar 
 Birdi, 125, 337; defeated by Sultan 
 Said Khan at Tut-lugh, 132, 249, 
 250, 284 ; pursued by Sultan 
 
 Said Khan to the mountains of 
 Tibet, 133; exterminates the .Jagi- 
 rak, 165; raids of his army into 
 Moghulistan, 188; captures Shah 
 Begum, 203, 258; and Badakhshan, 
 221; and Fargliana, 248-250; his 
 parents and early days, 251; gene¬ 
 rosity of, 252 ; takes Yarkand, 252; 
 defeats Yunus Khan, 253; and 
 Alacha Khan, 253; sends armies to 
 Tibet and Balm’, 253-4; also to 
 Badakhshan, 254 ; defeats Jani Beg 
 Khan, 254; seizes Aksu and Uch, 254; 
 his evil deeds and ways, 254-9, 319 ; 
 excavations ( Kazik ) of, 254-9 ; fort 
 built by him on the Tuman River, 
 285-6; citadel of Kashghar built 
 by, 295, 304; and city of Yarkand, 
 296-7; at Kashghar, 304,321; battle 
 with Said Khan at Kashghar, 310- 
 312; at Yarkand, 312-13, 322; be¬ 
 sieged at Yangi-Hisar by Said Khan, 
 313-19, 322-3; his treatment of Mir 
 Vali, 320; and of Shah Dana Kukil- 
 dash, 321; retires to Khotan, 323; 
 stays in Tibet, 324; reign of, 324 n .; 
 is killed while journeying to surrender 
 to Said Khan, 324-5; his treasure 
 at Yarkand, 326; pursued by Said 
 
 Khan’s Amirs, 327; throws away 
 his treasures on the road to Tibet, 
 327-8 ; children of, 330 ; Kusan and 
 Bai destroyed by, 332 ; lays waste 
 road to Aksu, 333; enters Kashghar, 
 338 ; subdues the upper districts of 
 Badakhshan, 353, 354. 
 
 Abaka, Il-Khan of Persia, 35*, 80* n. 
 
 Abbas Bahadur, 32, 36, 37, 50. 
 
 Abdul Makri, Malik of Kashmir, 441, 
 482, 487. 
 
 Abdara, 243. 
 
 Ab-dara Pass, the, 237 n. 
 
 Abdul Ali Tarkhan, Amir, 116, 166. 
 
 Abdul Aziz, fourth son of Rashid 
 Sultan, 121,* 307. 
 
 Abdul Hakk, Khwaja, 478. 
 
 Abdul Karim, second son of Rashid 
 Sultan, 121*, 123*. 
 
 Abdul Karim, Khwaja, 72. 
 
 Abdul Kasim Baber, 83 n. 
 
 Abdul Kudus, Amir, kills Shaikh 
 Jamal-ud-Din, 94, 111; defeated by 
 Aba Bakr Mirza, 103. 
 
 Abdul Kuli Yasavul, 419. 
 
 Abdul Latif, son of Ulugh Beg, 59 n. ; 
 murders his father, 329 n. 
 
 Abdul Latif, first son of Rashid Sultan, 
 121 *. 
 
 Abdul Rahim, third son of Rashid 
 Sultan, 121,* 122.* 
 
 Abdul Vahid Bahadur, 275, 309, 315. 
 
 Abdul Vahid Tuhuri, 389. 
 
 Abdulla, author of the Tarikh-i-Daudi ; 
 fight between the Niazi and Mirza 
 Haidar’s force, 21,* 22.* 
 
 Abdulla, governor at Khotan, 123.* 
 
 Abdullah Barlas, Shaikh, 108. 
 
 Abdullah, son of Sultanim Begum, 170. 
 
 Abdullah Khan, son of Mahmud Khan, 
 193. 
 
 Abdullah Mirza, son of Sultan Ibrahim, 
 85 n .; 83, 193. 
 
 Abdullah Mirza, brother of Mirza 
 Haidar, 444, 454, 455. 
 
 Abdullah Sultan (Uzbeg), son of 
 Kuchum Khan, 349, 350. 
 
 Abdur Rahman Jami, Maulana, 194, 
 396, 397. 
 
496 
 
 Index . 
 
 Abdur Rashid Khan: see Rashid Sul¬ 
 tan. 
 
 Abdur Razzak, Maulana, the Matla ’ 
 Asaadin of, 42,* 75 n. ; the Tarihh- 
 i-Manzum of, 151. 
 
 Abdur Razzak Mirza, defeated by 
 Babar Padishah, 204. 
 
 Abjaji Ata, tomb called, in Yarkand, 
 300. 
 
 Abul-baka, Mir, 478. 
 
 Abul Fazl the historian, 246 n., 247 n .; 
 account of the battle of Kanauj, 
 17* n. ; Humayun’s invasion of 
 Kashmir, 19,* 20*; the death of 
 Mirza Haidar, 22* ; on Mirza Hai¬ 
 dar’s character and government of 
 Kashmir, 23*; coins struck in 
 Humayun’s name, 24*; Mirza Hai¬ 
 dar’s love of music, 147 n. ; on the 
 Sultans of Kashmir, 433 n., 434 n .; 
 on the Gakars, 480 n. 
 
 Abul-feda, 86 n. ; on Taikhan, 24 n .; 
 on the city of Bala-Sakun, 362 n., 
 363 n. 
 
 Abul Ghazi Khan the historian, on Isan 
 Bugha, 39,* 40*; on the Kankali 
 tribe, 16 n. ; on the inhabitants of 
 Moghulistan, 73*; use of the word 
 Turk, 84,* 89* n. ; on the Uighurs, 
 95*; and Uighuristan, 100,* 101* ; 
 on the title Gur-Khan, 279 n. ; on 
 the situation of Bala-Sakun, 362 n. 
 
 Abul Ghazi Hussain (Sultan Hussain 
 Baikara), 154 n. 
 
 Abu Ishak, son of Khizir Yasuri, 40. 
 
 Abu Lais, Shaikh, 40 
 
 Abulkhair Khan, 79; death of, 82, 92 ; 
 his sons, 92 n. ; and the Juji Sultans, 
 272. 
 
 Abu Ma’ali Turmadi, the Khanzada, 
 40. 
 
 Abu Nasr Kului Naddaf, 37. 
 
 Abu Said, son of Kuchum Khan, 
 283. 
 
 Abu Said Mirza, Sultan, and Isan 
 Bugha, 79-81 ; takes Samarkand 
 from Abdullah Mirza, 83; takes 
 Khorasan, 83, 85 ; Yunus appointed 
 Khan, 83, 84 ; visit of Yunus Khan 
 at Khorasan, 87 ; sends Yunus Khan 
 a second time to Moghulistan, 90; 
 death of, 93; marries a daughter of 
 Shah Sultan Badakhshi, 108; friend¬ 
 ship with Yunus Khan, 172; his 
 personal appearance, 79.* 
 
 Adam, Sultan, Sarang’s brother, 480 n. 
 
 Adham Sultan (Sufi Sultan), fifth son 
 of Rashid Sultan, 121.* 
 
 Adik Sultan, 273, 373. 
 
 Adilshah Jalair, 41, 43; revolt of, 44, 
 45; put to death, 49. 
 
 Adun Kuri, 40. 
 
 Afghanistan, subjugation of, in 1545, 
 25.* 
 
 Afghans of Hindustan, the, Mirza 
 Haidar and the Niazi tribe, 21,* 22 * ; 
 with Said Khan’s army, 66.* 
 
 Afrasiab, the Turk (Bugha Khau), 
 286, 287 n. ; Bala-Sakun built by, 
 362, 363, and n. 
 
 Afridi country, an early conquest of, 
 by “ Turki tribes,” 127 * n. 
 
 Afshar tribe, 214 n. 
 
 Aftab Ru: see Mangalai Suyah. 
 
 Agha Sultan Sultanim, 103. 
 
 Agra, march on, by Shir Shah Sur, 16*, 
 17*; Khwaja Nura at, 398; Shir 
 Khan and, 470, 471; Emperor Hu- 
 mayun returns defeated to, 477. 
 
 Agha, Mir, mother of Amir Khudaidad, 
 39, 51. 
 
 Aliangaran, plundered by Said Khan, 
 275. 
 
 Ahmad, Amir, 226, 356; Governor of 
 Sairam, 171. 
 
 Ahmad Mirza, 62. 
 
 Ahmad, Maulana Khwaja, 10 ; and the 
 death of Vais Khan, 72, 73; and 
 the Seven Muhammadans, 299. 
 
 Ahmad Mirza, Sultan, Alacha Khan, 
 son of Husain Mirza, 80* w., 104,* 
 107*; 93, 111, 156, 157, 167, 336; 
 marriage to Mihr-i-Nigar Khanim, 
 94, 96, 117, 155, 196; his brothers, 
 112; dispute with Omar Shaikh 
 Mirza, 112 ; hostilities with his 
 brother Sultan Mahmud Khan, 113, 
 115, 116; death of, 119, 120, 123, 
 160; his administration of Moghul¬ 
 istan, 120, 121, 166; hostilities with 
 the Uzbeg Kazak, 122, 146; cap¬ 
 tured by Shahi Beg Khan, 122, 123; 
 treasure of, stored at Aksu, 124; 
 Khwaja Tajuddin’s attendance on, 
 127; his sons, 130; seized by the 
 Moghuls, 156; Maulana Khwaja 
 Ali, his spiritual guide, 213; 
 eighteen sons and four daughters 
 of, 160, 161, 178, 280; defeated by 
 Mirza Aba Bakr, 253. 
 
 Ahmad Khan, son of Yunus Khan, 
 108, 109-111. 
 
 Ahmad Shaikh (Hazrat Khwaja Ah¬ 
 mad), tomb of, 369 n. 
 
 Ahmad, son of Sultan Ali of Turfan, 
 105*. 
 
 Ahmad Ali, brother of Daim Ali, 247, 
 306. 
 
 Ahmad Itarji, Amir, 240. 
 
 Ahmad Ivaraul, Sultan, 177. 
 
 Ahmad Kasim Ivuhbur, Amir, 197, 
 259, 271, 313. 
 
 Ahmad Razi, Amin, author of the 
 Haft Iklim, mention of Mirza 
 Haidar in, 25,* 26*; Rashid Sultan 
 and his sons, 120*-123*; on the 
 title Gur-Khan, 279 n. 
 
 Ahmad Tambal, Sultan, 130. 
 
Index. 
 
 49 7 
 
 Ai-Khanim, ruins of a fort called, 220 
 221 n. 
 
 Ailah (Ilah) River, 66, 91. 
 
 Aimal, ‘ city ’ of, 58*. 
 
 Aimal Khwaja : see Isan Bugha. 
 
 Aimau, Amir, 31. 
 
 Aiman Khwaja Sultan, son of Sultan 
 Ahmad Khan, 125, 126, 133, 144, 
 161, 371 ; rebuilds town of Aksu, 
 135, 341 ; revolt of, 142, 143; Man¬ 
 sur Khan and, 332, 339, 340; Said 
 Khan and, 333,334 ; repairs to Aksu, 
 333; meets Said Khan at Uch, 343; 
 goes to attack Muhammad Kirghiz, 
 350; marriage of, 352-3; rupture 
 between Said Khan and, 391-4; 
 dies a natural death in India, 135, 
 401. 
 
 Ais Bugha : see Isan Buglia. 
 
 Aishah Khatun, River, 39. 
 
 Aisha Sultan Khanim (Moghul Kha- 
 nim), 160, 192, 193. 
 
 Ajmaga Aklita, 321. 
 
 Akar (Akar Kamar), place called, 29, 
 32. 
 
 Akbar, Emperor, and the Kos, 424 n. 
 
 Ak Bugha, Amir, 44, 45, 49. 
 
 Akhsi, given to Yunus Khan, 96; 
 battle at, between Shahi Beg Khan 
 and two Khans, 122, 130; occupied 
 by Shaikh Bayazid, 159; Omar 
 Shaikh’s death at, 174 n. ; Said 
 Khan wounded at the battle of, 178; 
 Khalil Sultan drowned in the river 
 at, 183, 264-5 ; Said Khan kills 
 Tubra at, 265 ; defended by Mir 
 Ghuri Bari as, 271; Said Khan at, 
 276, 280, 378 and n. ; plundered by 
 the Kirghiz, 358. 
 
 Akhsiket, 9 n. 
 
 Akhur, Mir, 309. 
 
 Akka Begi, Princess, 40. 
 
 Ak Kabas, 78. 
 
 Ak-Koinlu (White Sheep Turkomans), 
 line of, 154 n. 
 
 Ak Nazar, chief of the White Horde, 
 121* n. 
 
 Aksu, province of, under the rule of 
 the eastern Khan, 100,* 101*; Man¬ 
 sur, chief of, 109;* Benedict Goes 
 and, 122* ; city of, 51 * n. ; Kuchar, 
 a dependency of, 54 * ; residence of 
 Amir Bulaji, 7-9; Tughluk Timur at, 
 12 ; Amir Sayyid Ali at, 75; Isan 
 Bugha, governor of, 78, 79; seized 
 by Yunus Khan, 90, 91; given to 
 Ilyas Khan, 100; given to Isan 
 Bugha Khan, 101 ; Muhammad 
 Haidar Mirza and Yunus Khan at, 
 106,108-111; Mansur Khan at, 123, 
 336 ; taken by Mirza Aba Bakr, 
 124, 254, 337; marched against by 
 Mansur Khan, 128, 145; rebuilt by 
 Aiman Khwaja Sultan, 135 ; Rashid 
 
 Sultan sent to, 142, 143; visit of 
 Mirza Aba Bakr to, 252; Mir Yali 
 drives the Moghuls out of, 319; 
 Aiman Khwaja Sultan repairs to, 
 333, 341 ; Rashid Sultan at, 393-4, 
 403. 
 
 Aksuma, tower of, 49. 
 
 Aktaglilik , the party of the “ White 
 Mountain,” 125.* 
 
 Ak-Tash, river, 324. 
 
 Aktimur Bahadur, 43, 46, 50. 
 
 Alabugha, place called, 78. 
 
 Alacha Khan : see Ahmad Khan Sul¬ 
 tan. 
 
 Alai, mountain range, 168 n.; 405. 
 
 Alaknut tribe: see Arkenut. 
 
 Alaku, fortress called, 76. 
 
 Alalai-Lutak, in Tibet, 410. 
 
 Alankua-lvurkluk, story of, in the 
 Zafar-Ndma, 5. 
 
 Ala-Nor Lake, 30.* 
 
 Ala-ud-Din Ata-ul-Mulk : see Juvaini. 
 
 Ala-ud-Din Muhammad, Imam of 
 Kliotan, 291, 298. 
 
 Ala-ud-Din, Sultan, 432. 
 
 Alemanni, the tribe, Sir H. Ho worth 
 on, 91* n. 
 
 Alexander the Great, the princes of 
 Badaklishan descended from, 107 n. 
 
 Algu (great-grandson of Chingiz), 34.* 
 
 Ali, Amir, son of Sayyid Ahmad: see 
 Sayyid Ali. 
 
 Ali, Khwaja, Mirza Haidar entrusted 
 to his care, 275. 
 
 Ali, Mirza, 247. 
 
 Ali, of the house of Oktai, 37.* 
 
 Ali, a Turfan chief, 104.* 
 
 Ali, Malik of Kashmir, 438, 441. 
 
 Ali Bahadur, Khwaja, 140, 141, 144, 
 183-188, 222-225, 251, 309, 315,317, 
 323, 325-6, 350, 358, 368 : his death, 
 359 ; appointed Baba Sultan’s gover¬ 
 nor, 380. 
 
 Ali Bahadur, Shaikh, 39, 46. 
 
 Ali Barlas, Sultan, 70, 71. 
 
 Ali Darvish, son of Bayazid Jalair, 
 43. 
 
 Ali Gharran, Maulana, 127. 
 
 Alika, son of Amin Darugha, 316, 317. 
 
 Ali Kuchuk, Mirza, 81. 
 
 Ali Kurchi, 309. 
 
 Ali Mirak Barlas Khan, brother of 
 Khwaja Ali Bahadur, 140, 141, 187, 
 307, 316, 452. 
 
 Ali Mirza Bcgjik, Sultan, 248, 264. 
 
 Ali Sayyid, 450 ; put to death, 143. 
 
 Ali Sayyid Gur, 204. 
 
 Ali Sinar, 204. 
 
 Ali Taghai Mirza, 136 n, 141-145, 306, 
 312, 316, 326, 368; and Aiman 
 Khwaja Sultan, 391; in Kashmir, 
 438-441, 446; in Kashghar, 449, 
 450, 452. 
 
 Alim Shaikh Bahadur, 105, 106. 
 
 O T r 
 — Iy 
 
493 
 
 Index. 
 
 Allah Kuli Kukildash, 307. 
 
 Allah Birdi, 224. 
 
 Almaligh, towniof, 32,* 58*, 364, and n.; 
 attacked by Kuyuk, 33* ; marched 
 against by Algu, 34* ; reservoirs at, 
 
 60* ; Friar Nicholas reaches, 117.* ! 
 
 Almatu, territory of, invaded by Amir 
 Timur, 39, 40 ; battle of, 182. 
 
 Alti-Shahr, Amirs of, contemporary 
 with the Khans of Mogliulistan, 48,* 
 
 49* ; province of, 51* ; (Land of the 
 Six Cities) the boundaries of the 
 province, 53,* 54* ; ruined towns in, 
 mentioned by Mirza Haidar, 59* ; 
 the “ six cities ” of, 63,* 64*; un¬ 
 warlike people of, 65,* 66*; central 
 desert of, 66,* 67*; the Uighurs, 
 ancestors of the population of, 92*- 
 97* ; the Kalmaks in, 97* ; few 
 Moghuls in, 98* ; the Dughlat 
 Amirs in power, 99,* 111*; the 
 Kirghiz descend into the lowlands 
 of, 124.* 
 
 Altun Artush, village of, 77 n. 
 
 Altunji (Dulpa), gold miners in Tibet, 
 411, 417 n. 
 
 Altyn Tagli, Tibetan highland, 54.* 
 
 Aman Sarbadal, 45. 
 
 Amar Shaikh, Mirza, 468. 
 
 Amasanji Taishi (son of Isan Taislii), 
 
 79 ; flight to Moghulistan and defeat 
 of Yunus Khan, 91. 
 
 Amirs called Kukildash, 52. 
 
 Amirs of Kusliuns, 55. 
 
 Amol (Arnuya), town of, 170 n. 
 
 Amu River, 211, 234. 
 
 Amuya River, 170 and w., 193. 
 
 Amuyah (or Amol) ford, 36 and n. 
 
 Amyot, Pere ; Chinese documents re¬ 
 lating to Turfan, 107*-109*, 111*. 
 
 Andarkul (Indrakot), fort of, 485, 488. 
 
 Andijan, 75,180 n., 181 n .; Mirza Hai¬ 
 dar at, 11*; Moghul attacks on, 68; 
 plundered by Mir Karim Bardi, 78 ; 
 taken by Isan Bugha, 81; Yunus 
 Khan at, 96, 97; Sultan Ahmad 
 Mirza and, 119; invaded by Sayyid 
 Muhammad Mirza, 131, 132, 144; 
 advance of the Uzbeg Sultans 
 against, 133 ; Rashid Khan marches 
 on, 146; quarrels between the sons 
 of Omar Shaikh at, 154, 173; revolt j 
 of Sultan Ahmad Tambal, 158, 167- 
 169 ; given to Jani Beg Sultan, 169, 
 178 ; Babar Padishah goes to relief 
 of, 175 ; Mahmud Khan’s advance 
 on, 207; Said Khan imprisoned at, 
 222,224 ; Said Khan made governor 
 of, 225, 242, 247-8, 264 ; Mirza Aba 
 Bakr lays siege to, and is defeated j 
 by Said Khan, 219. 250; fortified by I 
 Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, 271 ; Said ^ 
 Khan returns to, 277 ; the Uzbeg set 
 out against, 280-2 ; Suyunjuk Khan , 
 
 advances on, 284-5, 346; plundered 
 by the Kirghiz, 358; Said Khan’s 
 second invasion of, 376-7 : see also 
 Farghana. 
 
 Andkhud, 44. 
 
 Ankghun, desert plains of, 189. 
 
 Arabs, invasion of Eastern Turkistan, 
 96.* 
 
 Arawan, place called, 340 n. 
 
 Arbat, plains of, 340. 
 
 Arcaoun (Arghun), Christians called, 
 290 n. 
 
 Arduk (Rudok), 406, and n. 
 
 Arghun tribe, 55 n. 
 
 Arhang, 24. 
 
 Arif Sultan, son of Rashid Sultan, 
 122 .* 
 
 Arish, battle at, 127 and n., 128 n. 
 
 Arish Lar, 378 and n. 
 
 Arjirak, the Amirs of Itarji descended 
 from, 51. 
 
 Arkenut (Azkenut), tribe of, 16 n. 
 
 Arlat tribe, 55 n .; Mansur Khan and, 
 339. 
 
 Arpa Yazi, 42, 347. 
 
 Arsalan Khan, fort destroyed by, 67.* 
 Arshad-ud-Din, Maulana, 3, 10,13,14, 
 127, 372. 
 
 Arshal Atar (Otar), 41. 
 
 Arslan Bagh, plundered, 312. 
 
 Artuch (Artush), village of, 77. 
 
 ! Artuj (Artush), district of, 295; Said 
 Khan at, 304. 
 
 Ashigar (Shigar), district of Balti, 
 410. 
 
 Ashtar Abdal: see Sayyid Ali, Amir. 
 Asil Pulad, son-in-law of Khwaja Ali 
 Bahadur, 187. 
 
 Askabrak, place in Tibet, 455, 456 n. 
 Askardu, pass of, 405. 
 
 Askardu (Runk), district of Balti, 410 
 Aspati (Spiti), 406 and n. 
 
 Aspera (Asparah) town in Moghulis¬ 
 tan, 79 n, 80 n. 
 
 Assassins (Ismaili), a sects of Shiahs, 
 218 n. 
 
 Astakbark (or Askabrak), in Tibet, 
 410, 411; plundered by Mirza 
 Haidar, 14.* 
 
 Astarabad, battle at, 206. 
 
 Asterlha, 33. 
 
 Ataka Fakir: see Jan Ahmad Ataka. 
 Atakum, 47. 
 
 Atal, outlet of Kukcha Tangiz, 366. 
 Atalik, the (guardian or tutor), 222 n. 
 Atava (Etawa), 472. 
 
 At Bafiii, 42, 46, 304 n., 321, 377 ; en¬ 
 campment of, 59.* 
 
 At Kash River, 406 and n. 
 
 At Kumas, 378 and n. 
 
 Atu Bum Bashi, 304. 
 
 Atwal, Arab writer, on situation of 
 Bala-Sakun, 363 n. 
 
 Aulia-Ata, town of, 63 n. 
 
Index. 
 
 499 
 
 Auls (or encampments; of tlie Moghuls, 
 57*-59*. 
 
 Avais, Sultan (Vais), 380. 
 
 Avantipur, ruins of temple at, 427 n. 
 Ayar Nor, Lake, 53.* 
 
 Ayub, Mir, 241, 308, 313 ; death of, 
 315. 
 
 Ayub Begjik, Mir, 261, 263, 265, 
 280. 
 
 Azarbaijan, Yunus Khan journeys in, 
 85. 
 
 Aziz Birdi Agha, 185, 187, 188, 343, 
 344. 
 
 Baba Bashaghiri, Maula'na, 356. 
 
 Baba Cliuchak, 18*, 482. 
 
 Baba Kulaghan, 309. 
 
 Baba Sarik Mirza, 308, 316, 375, 421, 
 441. 
 
 Baba Sayyid, 382. 
 
 Baba Sultan, 142, 144, 250, 251, 358, 
 368; kept a prisoner by Jani Beg 
 Sultan, 140 ; marries Mirza Haidar’s 
 sister, 359; his history, 379-383. 
 
 Babajak Khan, son of Sultan Ahmad 
 Khan, 122, 130, 160; Mansur Khan 
 and, 126. 
 
 Babajak Sultan, 178, 332; pursued by 
 the Kirghiz, 378; forays against by 
 Mirza Aba Bakr, 337 ; proceeds to 
 Kusan, 339 ; surrenders to Mansur 
 Khan, 340, 343; friendly meeting 
 with Said Khan, 346-8. 
 
 Babarin Azuk Mirza, 309, 310. 
 
 Babar Kalandar, Mirza (Abdul Kasim 
 Baber), 83. 
 
 Babar Padishah (Baber Emperor), the 
 first of the Moghuls of India, com¬ 
 pared with Mirza Haidar, 3 * ; 
 contempt for the Moghul race, 4*; 
 memoirs, written in Turki, 4*; his 
 son: see Humayun. Mirza Haidar 
 related to, 9 *; plot against, by 
 Haidar’s father, 9*; takes Mirza 
 Haidar into his household, 10 *; 
 defeats the Uzbegs at Hisar, 10*; the 
 battle of Ghajdiwan and subsequent 
 retreat to Kabul, 10*; threatens 
 to support the chief of Badakhshan 
 against Sultan Said, 12*; a copy of 
 his ‘ Memoirs ’ in Mirza Haidar’s 
 possession, 23*; forces of, the Mo¬ 
 ghuls and the Uzbegs against, 57* ; 
 ancestors of, were Turks, 78,* 79* ; 
 and the Turali , 22 n.; on the 
 Jadah stone, 32 n. ; the Shibartu 
 Pass, 36 n. ; buildings, etc., erected 
 by Ulugh Beg at Samarkand, 60 n. ; 
 visited by Sultan Said Khan, 131; 
 defeats the Uzbeg Sultans, 132; 
 Sultan Mahmud’s nephew, 158, 159 ; 
 his kind treatment of Chin Timur 
 Sultan and Yusun Timur Sultan, 
 
 161 ; son of Omar Shaikh Mirza, 
 154, 155, 156; his birth, 173 ; gene¬ 
 alogy of, 173 ; his * Memoirs ’ and 
 other works, 173, 174 n. ; raised to 
 the throne at the age of twelve, 
 174; attacks Samarkand 174 ; de¬ 
 feated by Shahi Beg Khan and sub¬ 
 sequent flight, 175, 196 ; meets with 
 Khusrau Shah, 176; takes Kabul, 
 177, 191; welcomes Muhammad 
 Husain Kurkan, 196, 199 n. ; ex¬ 
 pedition into Khorasan, 197-8; and 
 Shall Begum, 200 ; his sojourn in 
 Kabul, 199, 201-204, 263-4, 356; 
 battle with Shah Beg near Kan¬ 
 dahar, 202 ; battle with Abdur Raz- 
 zak, 204; executes Hamza Sultan, 
 217; reception of Mirza Haidar at 
 Kabul, 228-230; sets out for Kunduz, 
 237-8, 267; proceeds against Ilisar, 
 238, 243, 260-1, 268; Sultan Said 
 Khan and, 242 ; enters city of Samar¬ 
 kand, 246, 250, 268; defeated by 
 Ubaid Ullah Khan at Kul Malik, 
 260; defeated by the Uzbeg at Gliaj- 
 davan, 261; revolt of the Moghul 
 Amirs, 261, 357; and Sultan Nasir 
 Mirza, 264; obtains help from Shall 
 Ismail, 281; Daulat Sultan Khanirn 
 joins, 351; marches upon Kandahar, 
 357; proceeds to Hindustan, 357, 
 387 ; defeats Ibrahim, the Aoghan 
 Sultan, 357-8 ; gives Rulitak to 
 Baba Sultan, 381 ; his two sons, 
 387; sends Sulaiman Shall Mirza to 
 Badakhshan, 3*8, 389; defeats Ran a 
 Singa at Kanwa, 402; marches 
 against Chitur, 402 ; his death, 402 ; 
 and the town of Bhira, 406 n.; sends 
 Said Khan to Andijan, 447 ; expedi¬ 
 tion against Perhalah, 480 n. ; and 
 the throne of Samarkand, 484; the 
 province of Sind, 484 n. : see also 
 Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad. 
 
 Baber Emperor: see Babar Padishah. 
 
 Baber’s ‘ Memoirs,’ by Erskine, 173; on 
 the ‘ Dispersion of the Irazan,’ 73 n .; 
 and Yangi, 79 n ., 86 n. ; and Yunus 
 Khan, 85 n. ; the battle of Tika- 
 Sakaratku, 97 n. ; and lvattor, a 
 division of Kafiristan, 104 n. ; the 
 tribe of Jagirak, 165 n.; description 
 of his father’s death in, 174 n. ; his 
 battles with the Uzbeg Sultans 
 wanting in, 245 W.-248 n. ; other 
 gaps in, 247 n., 248 n .: see also 
 Erskine. 
 
 Babtlaghan (Babda Kurkan) Amir, 
 294. 
 
 Babis, the, in Persia, 69 n. 
 
 Babrika Mirza, 316. 
 
 Babulai, son of Ibrahim. 91„ 
 
 Badakhshan (Darazukhan),; 103, 111 ; 
 province of, 10,* 24* ; Sultan Said’s 
 
 2 K 2 
 
5 oo 
 
 Index. 
 
 campaign against, 12,* 135; Mirza 
 Haidar winters in, 16*; overrun by 
 foreign troops, 65*; Karluks in, at 
 the present day, 19 n. ; return of 
 Husain and Timur to, 23, 24; Sikan- 
 dar in, 107 and n. ; subjugated by 
 Khusrau Shah, 130, 163; the Uzbeg 
 army and, 203; claimed by Sliah 
 Begum, 203; Mirza Khan’s reign 
 over, 203, 219-221; Shah Razi-ud- 
 Din in, 217, 219; the Mulaliida in 
 hill districts of, 218 n. ; capital of: 
 see Kala-Zafar; escape of Sultan Said 
 to. 226; Mirza Haidar at, 221, 227- 
 28, 467; Mirza Aba Bakr sends an 
 army to, 254 ; Kushluk captured in, 
 292; Mir Yali and, 320; Bustangir 
 Mirza dees to, 330; upper districts 
 of, subdued by Mirza Aba Bakr, 
 353 ; Said Khan and, 354, 355 ; Baba 
 Sultan dees to, 380, 381; Said 
 Khan’s second expedition into, 387- 
 390; Sulaiman Shah Mirza’s reign 
 in, 389. 
 
 Badi-ul-Jamal Khanim, 453. 
 
 Badi-uz-Zaman, son of Mirza Sultan 
 Husain, 164, 195, 196. 
 
 Bagh-i-Zaghan, garden at Herat, 83. 
 
 Baghau, kills Maulana Kara Tagli, 
 463. 
 
 Bagh Navin, village called, 438. 
 
 Bagli Yasar Oghlan, 165. 
 
 Baharlu tribe, 214 n. 
 
 Bahauddin, Khwaja, 67. 
 
 Baha-ul-Hakk, Khwaja, 396. 
 
 Bahramgalla, 488. 
 
 Bahrain Chu, of Balti, 422. 
 
 Bahrain Jalair, Amir, 26, 39, 41; re¬ 
 volt of, 44, 45. 
 
 Bahrika Mirza, 306, 444. 
 
 Bahrin, tribe of, 183-185, 316. 
 
 Bai, 75 ; raids into, by Mir Jabar Birdi, 
 124; Babajak Sultan and, 126 ; 
 Babajak Sultan in, 332 ; forays 
 against, by Mirza Aba Bakr, 337. 
 
 Bai Gul (Oikul) near Aksu, 12. 
 
 Baisanghar Mirza, 119, 154; Khusrau 
 Shah and, 163, 174, 203 n. 
 
 Baitak, village of, 42. 
 
 Bai Tisha, 309. 
 
 Bai-ya-dsi, Prince of Hami, 105.* 
 
 Bajwara (Bajaora), city of, 405 and n., 
 406 n. 
 
 Bajwara, River of, 406 and n. 
 
 Bakabulung, 72. 
 
 Bakar, 357. 
 
 Bakhulan, Rivers called, 72 n. 
 
 Bakhsh, Mr. Maula, on the Karawanas, 
 491, 492. 
 
 Bakhtimulk Agha, wife of Prince 
 Jahangir, 48. 
 
 Baki Chaghaniani, 165 n., 177 and n. 
 
 Baki Nila Furush, 177. 
 
 Baklan (Baglilan), plain of, 37, 175. 
 
 Baklata, place in Kashmir, 437. 
 
 Balasaghun, city of, 58,* 287 n., 289 
 captured by Yeliu Taishi, 94.* 
 
 Ba-la-ma-rh, a chief of Turfan, 103.* 
 
 Bala-Sakun (Khan Baligh), city of, 
 361 and n. ; 362-4. 
 
 Balghaji, 79. 
 
 Balish, a, 256-7. 
 
 Balkash, Lake, 53.* 
 
 Balkh, 36; conquered by Sultan Abu 
 Said, 81 n. ; besieged by Shahi Beg, 
 164, 165, 167, 204-5. 
 
 Balti, mountain range, 405. 
 
 Balti (Baltistan), invaded by Mirza 
 Haidar, 13,* 14* ; again in 1548, 21*; 
 province of Tibet, 410; Said Khan 
 in, 421, 422 ; Mirza Haidar in, 461, 
 462. 
 
 Balti, tribe of Baltistan {Little Tibet), 
 82*; Balti, tribe of, 82,* 83*; pro¬ 
 vince of, 135 n.; holy war against, 
 by Sultan Said Khan, 136. 
 
 Balur (Bolor),'country of, 135 n. ; in¬ 
 vaded by Mirza Haidar and Rashid 
 Sultan, 142, 384-386; Mirza Aba 
 Bakr and, 254 ; Mir Yali takes, 320. 
 
 Baluristan, province of, 385 «., 386. 
 
 Bandagan Koka, attack on the province 
 of Kishtawar, 21.* 
 
 Bandagi Hazrat Khwaja, 378: see 
 Nura, Khwaja 
 
 Bandagi Khwaja Tajuddin, 127. 
 
 Bandagi Maulavi Jami, 396. 
 
 Bangala, 406, 410, 411; attacked by 
 Emperor Humayun, 470. 
 
 Bangi: see Pir Muhammad Barlas. 
 
 Banihal, district of, 21.* 
 
 Barak Khan, father of Dava Khan, 3 ; 
 his tomb, 299, 300. 
 
 Baramula, Mirza Haidar killed near, 
 
 22 .* 
 
 Baranduk Khan, 82, 154, 163, 230, 
 272 n. 
 
 Baran Talish, Amir, 373. 
 
 Barat Khwaja Kukildash, 49. 
 
 Bariu, tribe of, 79. 
 
 Baris Kaun (Barskun Pass), 350 and n. 
 
 Barka Yasaval, 309. 
 
 Barkha, post station in Tibet, 456 n. 
 
 Barki (or Yarki), family of, 307. 
 
 Barlas tribe, 55 n., 146; Timur, a 
 member of, 3.* 
 
 Barlas, family of, dispute with Amir 
 Daim Ali, 306-7. 
 
 Barmang, place in Tibet, 454, 456 n. 
 
 Bar Mazid Mankish, 309. 
 
 Barnag (Yirnag), district called, 427. 
 
 Barskun Pass, 350 n. 
 
 Bashgirds, the, 88.* 
 
 Batu, son of Juji; dominion of, 30* ; 
 and the province of Turkistan, 34.* 
 
 Rausli Sultan, 453. 
 
 Bayan Sulduz, Amir, 19, 22. 
 
 Bayan Timur, 40. 
 
Index. 501 
 
 Bayazid Jalair, Amir, 16, 18, 19, 81. 
 
 Bayazid, Shaikh, 130,159,167; throws 
 Said Khan into prison, 178, 447. 
 
 Bayazid (Babdaghan) Amir, 294 %. 
 
 Baz-Shirak, 310. 
 
 Beale, Mr., on Khwaja Bahauddin, 
 67 %.; on Sayyid Ali Hamadani, 
 433 %. 
 
 Beam in the monastery of Shaikh 
 Habib, 304. 
 
 Beg Abdullah, chief of the province 
 of Hami, 124* %. 
 
 Begjik, Amir, taken prisoner by Amir 
 Timur, 28. 
 
 Begjik, merchant named, 9. 
 
 Begjik of the tribe of Kankali, 16, 
 
 22 . 
 
 Begjik, family of, 308; dispute with 
 the family of Jaras, 308-9. 
 
 Beg Kuli Makrit, 309, 326. 
 
 Beg Muhammad Mir, 241, 247, 308, 
 316, 325, 327, 354. 
 
 Bellew, Surg.-Genl. W. H., ‘ History of 
 Eastern Turkistan,’ largely drawn 
 from the Tarikh-i- Rashidi, vii., on 
 Uch Burhan, 42 %.; on the column 
 of Ak’suma, 49 %. ; on Inagliu, 
 50%.; ten privileges granted to an¬ 
 cestors of Amir Khudaidad by Chin¬ 
 giz Khan, 54 %., 55 %.; on the cities 
 of Eastern Turkistan, 51* %. ; on 
 Tash-Rabat, 59 %.; on towns buried 
 by moving sands, 67,* 68*; on 
 Buruj Oghlan, 92 %.; on the tombs 
 of the Khwajas, 125*; on small re¬ 
 sidue of Moghuls still existing in 
 Eastern Turkistan, 127*; on Man- 
 lik, 7 n .; on ruins of ancient towns 
 in Eastern Turkistan, 11%., 12%.; 
 on the word TupcMk, 260 %.; on 
 the Ilak Khans, 287 %.; on the 
 name of Babdaghan, 294 %.; on 
 dam-giri, 413 %. 
 
 Bendall, Professor, on Jnana-Kdsyapa, 
 415 %.; on the Jatakas, 416 %. 
 
 Bengal, Humayun defeated by Shir 
 Shah Sur, 16.* - 
 
 Bernier, French traveller on island of 
 Lanka, 429 %. 
 
 Bhaniyar, ruins of temple at, 427 %. 
 
 Bhira, town of, 406 and %. 
 
 Bhirbal, district of, 22.* 
 
 Bias River, the, 481. 
 
 Bidakan, 461. 
 
 Biddulph, Col. J., on Kature, the 
 rulers of Chittal, 104 %.; on load¬ 
 carrying sheep, 408 %. 
 
 Biljavan, 24. 
 
 Biloeh frontier, the; use of the word 
 Turk on, 90.* 
 
 Biluchi, Sir H. Yule and, 77.* 
 
 Bilur (or Bolor) hill country, invasion 
 of, 12* ; see also Balm*. 
 
 Binakat (Shalirukhia), 289 %. 
 
 Birilash, brother of Tahir Khan, 82. 
 
 Birkeh-i-Ghurian, 41. 
 
 Bisli Baligh, territory of, 288. 
 
 Bishbalik (or BishbaligTi ), city or ‘ town ’ 
 of, 58 *; its situation, 62 *; the 
 Chinese and the name of, 61* ; (the 
 Five Towns) the Toghuz Uighurs 
 of, 93* ; (the modern Urumtsi) 100.* 
 
 Bish Ka Mirza, 307, 316. 
 
 Bishkand, battle at, 266. 
 
 Blochmann, Professor, 89* ; and privi¬ 
 leges granted by Chingiz Khan to 
 ancestors of Amir Khudaidad, 54 %., 
 55 %. 
 
 Bogdo-Ula Mountain, in the Tian 
 Shan, 112.* 
 
 Bokhara, Mirza Haidar carried off to, 
 9*; taken by Baber, 10* ; seized by 
 the Uzbegs, 10*; in 1232, Chaghatai 
 and, 31* ; death of Borak at, 35* ; 
 plundered and burnt by Abaka, 36* ; 
 wars in, 154 ; conquered by Shahi 
 Beg Khan, 158,166; ruled by Ubaid 
 Ullah Khan, 206%., 207 ; the Uzbeg 
 driven out of, by Emperor Babar, 
 245; marched against by Ubaid 
 Ullah Khan, 259, 260; during reign 
 of Ubaid Ullah Khan, 283. 
 
 Boldai, tribe of, 23. 
 
 Bolor : see Balur. 
 
 Borak (or Barak), great-grandson of 
 Chaghatai, 34* ; invades Khorasan, 
 35* ; death at Bokhara, 35.* 
 
 Bower, Capt. Hamilton, bircli-bark 
 MSS. found near Kucliar, 70,* 71,* 
 124* ; on the wild yak, 302 %. 
 
 Bretschneider, Dr., translation of the 
 history of the Ming dynasty; on 
 the Moghul Khans, 41 *-46*; on 
 the ancient kingdoms of Karashalir 
 and Kuchar, 62*; ancient Taraz, 63 %.; 
 the River Ili, 66 %.; the work of Arab 
 Shah, 79 %.; on the history of Turfan, 
 102*-106,* 113; on the Khans of 
 Uighuristan, 123,* 124*; on the 
 Sarigh Uighur, 9 n. ; Chinese names 
 for Lake Lob, 12 %.; on the Kangali 
 tribe, 16 %.; on the Karluk tribe, 
 19 %.; on the Kara Khitai capital, 
 153 %.; on the title Fuma, 278 %.; on 
 Ubaira-Subaira, 282 %. ; on the Ilak 
 Khans, 287 %.; the River Jinuj, 
 289 %.; the Tie-Sie (Tarsa), 290 %.; 
 on Chcing-ba-la (Jam Baligh), 291%.; 
 on country of the Yellow Uighurs, 
 349 %. 
 
 “Bridge of Stone,” the, 24 and %., 25. 
 
 Briggs, Gen., and Firishta’s version of 
 Mirza Haidar’s death, 22.* 
 
 British and Foreign Bible Society : 
 copies of the Tarikh-i-BasMdi in 
 possession of, ix., x. 
 
 British Museum : Erskine’s partial 
 translation of the Tarikh-i-Uashidi , 
 
502 
 
 Index. 
 
 in, v., vi., xi.; copy of the Tcirilch- 
 i-Rushidi at, ix. 
 
 Buddhists, the, known as Tarsi, 96*; 
 Uighuristan, centres of the, in 
 Middle Ages, li3.* 
 
 Bugha Khan (Afrasiab the Turk), 280, 
 287 n. ; Bala-Sakun built by, 362 n. 
 
 Bugham Issigh-Kul, 50. 
 
 Builash Khan, son of Uyak Sultan, 
 161. 
 
 Bu Kutlugh, Amir Timur’s private 
 secretary, 46, 47. 
 
 Bulaji Dughlat, Amir, 7,* 26,* 118*, 
 38, 51 n. ; sends after Manlik and 
 her child, 6, 7; his territory, 7; sur¬ 
 name of, 9 ; nine privileges granted 
 to by Tughluk Timur, 23, 55 ; intro¬ 
 duces Islam, 153. 
 
 Bulash (Tulash) Khan, 273. 
 
 Bui as, in Tibet, 410. 
 
 Burhan-ud-Din Kilij, Shaikh, 46. 
 
 Bur Kapa, a Nubra chief, 418. 
 
 Buruj Oghlau, son of Abulkhair Khan, 
 92 ; his murder by Yunus Klian, 92, 
 93, 116. 
 
 Bustangir Mirza, 330. 
 
 Buy a, 179. 
 
 Buyan Ivuli, servant of Yunus Ivhan, 
 87. 
 
 Buyun Pir Hasan, 231. 
 
 Buzana, son-in-law of Khwaja Ali Ba¬ 
 hadur, 187. 
 
 Buz-ghala Khana (the Iron Gate), 20 n. 
 
 Cailac (Kiyak), 288 n. 
 
 Camels in the desert of Khotan, 295, 
 301, 301 n. ; hunted by Yais Khan, 
 67. 
 
 Caraonas (the Chaghatais), Marco Polo 
 on, 77*. 
 
 Carpini, Plano, traveller in Asia, 117*, 
 119* ; account of the Uighurs in the 
 Middle Ages, 96*. 
 
 Cathay : see China. 
 
 Central Asia; Mongol rule during 
 days of Chingiz, 115* ; impcneiraOle 
 to European travellers then, 116*— 
 118.* 
 
 Chadir Kul, Rabat (rest house) at, 58, 
 346. 
 
 Chagu, Amir, 29, 32. 
 
 Chaghanian, country of, 177 n. 
 
 Chagliatai Khan (Chingiz’s second 
 son), dominion of, 30*; as a gover¬ 
 nor, 31* ; his capital, 32* ; death of, 
 32,* 33* ; and the province of Uig¬ 
 huristan, 100*; kingdom of, 293; 
 the Dughlat army given to, 294. 
 
 Chagliatai Khans; western branch of 
 the line of, 49*; genealogical table 
 of the house of, facing p. 49*. 
 
 Chagliatai, otherwise ‘ the Moghuls of 
 India,’ 2,* 3* ; branch of the Mongol 
 dynasty, history of, as recorded in 
 
 the Tarilch-i-RasMdi, 28,* 29*; other 
 historians and the, 28,* 29* ; the 
 line of, 28*-49* ; subordinate princes 
 of, styled Klian, 30* n. ; division of 
 the realm of, 37*; declining power 
 of the Khans, 39*; two separate 
 lines of Khans established, 40* ; call 
 the Moghuls Jatali, 75*; called 
 Karawanas by the Moghuls, iu 
 return, 76*; Khwaja Sharif and, 
 76; a branch of the Moghuls, 148; 
 at enmity with the Moghuls, 172 ; 
 and name of Babar Padishah, 173 ; 
 overthrown by Sliahi Beg Khan, 
 201, 206 ; part of Said Khan’s army, 
 305; in India : Mirza Haidar’s ser¬ 
 vices transferred to, 12* ; their re¬ 
 treat after the battle of Kanauj, 17,* 
 18,* 476, 477 ; their flight to Lahur, 
 477-480. 
 
 Chak, family of, in Kashmir, 482 n. 
 Chakui Barlas, 26. 
 
 Chalish (Jalish) town of, 99,* 100* ; 
 province of, 102*; Benedict Goes 
 and, 122*; Kabak Sultan Oghlan 
 taken to, 90. 
 
 Chalish (Karashahr), 125; Mansur 
 Khan’s expeditions into, 128, 131: 
 see also Karashahr. 
 
 Chalish, tribe of, 51. 
 
 Chalish-Turfan : see Uighuristan, pro¬ 
 vince of. 
 
 Champa, inhabitants of Tibet, 407 and 
 n., 408-410. 
 
 Champa, people of Tibet, plundered 
 by Mirza Haidar, 454. 
 
 Chanak Bulak, 15. 
 
 Chang Chun, Chinese traveller, and 
 Bo-lu-dji (Bulaji Amir), 6 n.; the 
 Taoist monk, passage of the ‘Iron 
 Gate,’ 20 n. 
 
 Chang-tan, or the Northern Plain of 
 Tibet, 136 n. 
 
 Chang-Te, the Chinese traveller, 60 n. ; 
 
 and the Talki defile, 20 n. 
 
 Chapar, son of Kaidu, 35*; succeeds 
 to Khanate, 36*; battles against 
 Dava, 3o* ; attacks Kabak, 37*. 
 Charchan(d), 52. 
 
 Charchan River, 406. 
 
 Chargalik, village, 12 n. 
 
 Cliartara, the (instrument), 139 n. 
 Charuchi. 36. 
 
 Charun Chalak. battleat, 125,131, 139, 
 334. 
 
 Chausa (Chapa Ghat) Emperor Huma- 
 yun defeated at, 470 and n., 471. 
 Chekadalik, town of, 26. 
 
 Chi-gu, the city of, 79 n. 
 
 Chinab River, 406. 
 
 China, tribute paid to, by the Khans 
 of Moghulistan and the Dughlat 
 Amirs, 63* ; the Mongols still called 
 Tatars in, 88* ; Turfau sends tribute 
 
Index . 
 
 503 
 
 to, 103,* 107* ; expeditions of, to re¬ 
 cover Hami, 104,* 105* ; counterfeit 
 tribute missions to, 109*-111*; 
 Mongol rule during days of Chingiz, 
 115*; known as Khitai or Cathay, 
 152 n. 
 
 Chinese and the name of Bishbalik, 
 61,* 62* ; the Khans of Kao-Chang 
 and the, 94* ; ingots of silver (Yuan- 
 pao), 256 n. 
 
 Chinese annals of the Sung and Yuan 
 dynasties, on the town of Kara- 
 Khoja, 100.* 
 
 Chinese chronicles of the Ming 
 dynasty ( Ming Shi), on the history 
 of Turf an, 102,* 108,* 113* : see also 
 Bretschneider, Dr. 
 
 Chingiz Klian assigns his dominions to 
 his four sons, 29*-31*; and Moghul- 
 istan, 58,* 73*; and Bishbalik, 62* ; 
 partition of the empire of, 100* ; puts 
 Hafiz-ud-Din to death, 10; the ‘ Iron 
 Gates ’ at the time of, 20 n. ; legal 
 code of the Mongols instituted by, 
 22 n. ; nine privileges granted by, 
 23* ; seven privileges granted to the 
 ancestors of Amir Khudaidad, 54, 
 55; date of his death, 56 n. ; the 
 Turali of, 70; divides kingdom 
 among his four sons, 148, 293-4; 
 history of his ancestors and de¬ 
 scendants : see Ulus Arbaa ; and the 
 Kara-Khitai, 153 n. ; and Tai Yang 
 Khan, 287; Khwarizm Shah and, 
 288; sends an army to capture 
 Kushluk, 292; subjugates the whole 
 of Kashghar, 293; and Tangut, 360, 
 361 n. ; his father : see Timurchi ; 
 his second son : see Chaghatai. 
 
 Chin Sufi, 204. 
 
 Chin Timur Sultan, son of Sultan 
 Ahmad Khan, 161. 
 
 Chiragh-Kush, the word, 218 n., 219, 
 
 221 . 
 
 Chir River, battle of the, 116, 118. 
 
 Chitral, invasions of, during reigns of 
 Aba Bakr and Sultan Said, 65*; 
 rulers of (Shah Katur), 104 n. ; 
 known by the name of Palor, 385 n. 
 
 Chitur, Emperor Babar takes, 402. 
 
 Chuan Yuan, Chinese travellers, and 
 the Zungars, 97* n. 
 
 Chu, town of, 69. 
 
 Chu River, 50 n. ; the Kara-Khitai 
 capital on, 152 n. 
 
 Chu, the, officials in Balti, 422 n. 
 
 Chunak, 357. 
 
 Churchi, the, 88.* 
 
 Citadel at Yarkand, built by Aba 
 Bakr, 296-7 ; at Kasljghar, 304. 
 
 Cities, sand buried, 295. 
 
 Ckaranut (Ckurulas): see Kuranas. 
 
 Clavijo, Ruy Gonzalez, 118* ; on the 
 Kulugha Pass, 20 n. 
 
 Coins; of Nazuk Shah, 20* n. ; of 
 Kashmir, struck in Humayun’s name, 
 24*; ancient Greek, obtained by Sir 
 D. Forsyth from a submerged town, 
 70*; Shah Rukh’s, ‘Gurkhan’ on, 
 279 n. ; of Kashmir, Mr. Rodgers 
 on, 434 n., 487-491; brought to Said 
 Khan by Mirza Haidar, 443. 
 
 Colebrooke, Mr., and the Mulahida, 
 218 n. 
 
 Cowell, Prof., copy of the Tarilih-i- 
 Rashidi in possession of, ix. 
 
 Croix, Pe'tis de la, translation of the 
 Zafar-Nama, xiii., 85 n. ; on the 
 name Jatah, 75* ; on the legal code 
 of the Mongols, 22 n.; on Arhang, 
 24 n. ; and Sali-Sarai, 24 n. ; on 
 the Kerranai (trumpet), 34 n. ; on 
 Faryab (Otrar), 44 n. ; and Kat, 
 45 n. ; number of Amir Timur’s ex¬ 
 peditions against the Moghuls, 48 n: 
 see also Zafar-Nama. 
 
 Cultivation in Kashmir, 425. 
 
 Cunningham, Gen. A., on the town of 
 Bhira, 406 n. ; on the Champa sheep 
 traders, 407 n. ; and Maryul, 410 n. ; 
 on Chu, 422 n. ; and Kos, 424 n .; 
 on the temples of Kashmir, 427 n ; 
 and tiie Indus at Uch, 431 n., 432 n. 
 
 Cunningham, Capt. J. Davey, and 
 Zorawar Sing, 458 n. 
 
 Daim Ali, Amir, 241, 247, 271, 306, 
 307, 316, 325, 327, 421; campaign 
 in Kashmir, 438-441. 
 
 Dam-giri {Yds), the, in Tibet, 273 n., 
 412 and n., 413 and n .; Sultan Said 
 Khan’s death from, 137 and n., 446. 
 
 Dana Kukildash, Shah, 319; Aba 
 Bakr’s treatment of, 321. 
 
 Dandana (Sind) River, 431. 
 
 Danel, fort of, 489. 
 
 Danibeg, the Georgian traveller, and 
 dust showers, 69* n. 
 
 Danishmanjah, of the house of Oktai, 
 37.* 
 
 “Dar al Islam” (the Seat of Islam), 
 52. 
 
 Darazukhan, 354 ; see Badakhshan. 
 
 Darband-i-Alianin (Iron Gate), pass of, 
 20 n., 21 n., 179, 245. 
 
 Darugha, Amir, 316, 321. 
 
 Darugha, a tribe of Khotan, 67. 
 
 Darvish Muhammad Kara Tagli, Mau- 
 lana, 460, 463. 
 
 Dashmand, messenger named, 46. 
 
 Dasht-i-Khizr, given to Juji Khan, 
 293. 
 
 Dasht-i-Kipchak, subdued by Kasim 
 Khan, 207; Abulkhair Khan in, 92; 
 given to Juji Khan, 293 ; Kasim 
 Khan ruler of the, 82, 133, 273; the 
 1 Uzbeg Kazak leave the, 135; Baran- 
 
504 
 
 Index. 
 
 chik Khan in power, 154,163 ; Abul- 
 khair Khan master of, 272. 
 
 Dasht-i-lvulak, 267. 
 
 Daud Khwaja, Amir, 31, 36. 
 
 Daulat Nigar Khanim, wife of Muham¬ 
 mad Haidar Mirza, 88. 
 
 Daulat Shall, 28. 
 
 Daulat Sultan Khanim, 108, 118, 156, 
 356; married to Timur Sultan, 160 ; 
 daughter of Yunus Khan, 351-2. 
 
 Daulat Sultan Sakanj, marries Va : s 
 Khan, 64. 
 
 Dava (son of Borak), reign of, 35,* 36* ; 
 his battles with Chapar, 36* ; death 
 of, 36.* 
 
 Dava Khan Padishah (Dava Salian), 
 tomb of, 299, 300. 
 
 Dazak Bulbul, place called, 29. 
 
 Deguignes, work of; on the house of 
 Chaghatai, 28* ; on the legal code of 
 the Mongols, 22 n. 
 
 Delhi, sacked by Dava, 36*; Moghuls 
 still living in neighbourhood of, 128*; 
 captured by Hindal Mirza, 470, 471; 
 retaken by Kamran Mirza, 471. 
 
 Desert (or ‘ steppe ’) in Moghulistan, 
 55* ; central, of Alti-Shahr, 66,* 67*. 
 
 Deserts to the east and south of Kash- 
 ghar and Khotan, 295. 
 
 Desideri, Jesuit missionary, on Tibet, 
 135 n. 
 
 Digar Pass, 445 n. 
 
 Dili Bazar, village of Khatlan, 219. 
 
 Dilsbad Agha, Priucess, 42 ; her mar¬ 
 riage with Amir Timur, 43. 
 
 Div Sar, district of Kashmir, 428 and n. 
 
 Dogras, expedition to Tibet, under 
 Zorawar Sing, in 1841, 458 n., 461 n. 
 
 D’Ohsson, work of, and the house of 
 Chaghatai, 28*; on the inhabitants 
 of Moghulistan, 73*; and the name 
 Tatar, 84* n., 85* ; and the Chin- 
 hudje, 289 n. ; Christians and Budd¬ 
 hist monks, 290 n. ; on city of Bala- 
 Sakun, 362 n. 
 
 Dowson, Prof., 87* n .; episode of the 
 battle of Kanauj translated from 
 Tarikh-i-Rashidi, viii. 
 
 Dowaira, fortress of, 79 n. 
 
 Drohpa, the, 409 n. 
 
 Dughlat tribe; Mirza Haidar a mem¬ 
 ber of, 3*; mixed with Turki tribes, 
 4*; the Amirs of Eastern Turkistan, 
 7*, 39* ; the latter province given to 
 the house of, 33* ; genealogical table 
 of the Amirs of, 50* ; Mangalai 
 Suyah under administration of, 75; 
 given to Chaghatai Khan, 294; 
 commanded by Sayyid Muhammad 
 Mirza at siege of Kashgliar, 305,306. 
 
 Dughlat Amirs; pay tribute to China, 
 63* ; in power in Alti-Shahr, 99*; 
 entrusted with the province of 
 “Mangalai Suyah,” 100*. 
 
 Duklitui, family of the, 306, 307 
 
 Dukhtui Sharawal, Amir, 6, 7. 
 
 Dulan, 183. 
 
 Duldi tribe, 55 n. 
 
 Dulpa (Dukpa), tribe of Champa called, 
 409 and n., 411, 412 n., 417. 
 
 Dust Ali Chulak, 224. 
 
 Dust Muhammad Khan, son of Isan 
 Bugha Khan, Khanship of, 88-90 ; 
 his death, 91,98 ; marries the widow 
 of Saniz Mirza, 99, 102; bis great 
 stature, 99; Aba Bakr pays respects 
 to, 252. 
 
 Dust Nasir, Amir, 260. 
 
 Earle’s ‘ Philology of the English 
 Tongue,’ 91.* 
 
 Ebi Nor, Lake, 53.* 
 
 Ebuskun, Chaghatai’s widow, 33.* 
 
 Eleuths, the, 97* n. 
 
 Elliot’s ‘ History of Indiaextract 
 from the Tarikh-i-Rashidi in, viii. 
 
 Ellis, Mr. A. G., and the term Tdjilc, 
 90.* 
 
 Encampments of the Moghuls: see Aul. 
 
 Enigmas, introduced by Maulana 
 Sharaf-ud-Din Yazdi, 84. 
 
 Erdmann, Dr., on the Ivuranas tribe 
 (Ckaranut), 76,* 77*; the Mongol 
 originally connected with the Turk, 
 78* n. ; and Rasliid-ud-Din’s list of 
 Mongol tribes, 16 n. ; on the title 
 Kurkani, 278 n., 279 n. 
 
 Erskine, Mr. W., the historian, 2,* 
 89*; his partial translation of the 
 Tarihh-i-Rashidi , v., vi., xi., 4* n., 
 479 n. ; Mirza Haidar wounded at 
 Fattehpur Sikri, 17* n ; date of the 
 recovery of Kabul by Humayun, 
 25* ; on Mirza Haidar’s personal 
 characteristics, 26*; History of India, 
 information regarding the Chaghatai, 
 29* ; and Manlik (Manselik), 7 n. ; 
 on the Jatah stone, 32 »., 33 n.; the 
 Turah of the Moghul tribes, 22 n ; 
 and Kat, 45 n. ; the twelve privileges 
 granted by Chingiz Khan to the 
 ancestors of Amir Khudaidad, 54, 
 55 n; the chief computers of the 
 astronomical tables (Zik Kurkan), 
 59 n., 60 n. ; on Shir Kuli, 60; 
 and Masiki (Yangi), 79 «., 80 n. ; 
 on Muhammad Haidar Mirza’s rule, 
 98 n. ; Shahi Beg and the siege 
 of Kelat, 192 n. ; on Mirza Sultan 
 Husaiu, 193 n. ; on Sivi (Sibi), 
 202 n. ; on Shahrukhi coin, 202 n. ; 
 on the word Sarddr, 203 n. ; on the 
 Kizil-bash, 214 n. ; History of India, 
 the Emperor Babar and Shah 
 Ismail, 246 n., 247; on the gaz 
 (measure), 256 n. ; the Kazak and 
 their Sultans, 272 n. 
 
 Erskine’s History of India under the 
 
Index. 
 
 505 
 
 Moghuls ; extracts aud comments of, 
 the Tarildi-i-Bashidi, vi., vii.; and 
 the succession of the Moghul Khans 
 from the time of Isan Buglia, 40*- 
 47.* 
 
 European travellers ; Central Asia im¬ 
 penetrable to, during the period of 
 Mirza Haidar’s history, 116*—118.* 
 
 Excavations (Kazik), by Mirza Aba 
 Bakr, 255n., 256-7, 296. 
 
 Fakhruddin, Khwaja, a merchant, 76, 
 77. 
 
 Fakir Ali, 387. 
 
 Fakih ibn Bakr, tomb of, in Kashghar, 
 
 301. 
 
 Famine in Hisar, 262. 
 
 Farah, Muhammad Husain Kurkan in, 
 201, 205-6. 
 
 Farghana, 8 n., 9 n. ; a possession of the 
 Khans of Moghulistan, 52*; Isan 
 Bugha Khan’s incursion, 85; pro¬ 
 vince of, 87 n.; capital of: see Akhsi; 
 Sultan Ahmad Mirza and, 110; 
 taken by Shahi Beg, 130 ; Mirza 
 Aba Bakr’s advance on, 132 ; raided 
 by Muhammad Kirghiz, 134; at¬ 
 tack and conquest of, by Sayyid 
 Muhammad Mirza, 140, 239-41 ; 
 quarrels and disputes between the 
 sons of Mirza Omar Shaikh Kurkan, 
 154, 173; Aba Bakr and, 248: see 
 also Andijan; province of Said Khan 
 and, 276,284-6; joined on to Mavara- 
 un-Nahr, 282 ; Mir Yali and, 320 ; 
 plundered by the Kirghiz, 367. 
 
 Farhad Aberdi, 32, 34. 
 
 Fars, Yunus Khan journeys in, 85. 
 
 Faryab (Farab), 44. 
 
 Fattehpur Sikri, Humayun shot at, 
 17* n. 
 
 Fcitwa, Mirza Aba Bakr’s use of, 258-9. 
 
 Ferebr (Farab), 170 n. 
 
 Fergusson, Mr., on the Martand temple, 
 427 n. 
 
 Fikh-i-Ahwat , book celebrated in Kash¬ 
 mir, 435, 436. 
 
 Finakand (Shahrukhia), 289 and n. 
 
 Firishta, the historian, 19,* 29,* 246 n., 
 247 n.; on the Niazi tribe of Af¬ 
 ghans, 21,* 22*; on the death of 
 Mirza Haidar, 22* ; on the Sultans 
 of Kashmir, 433 n. ; account of Mirza 1 
 Haidar’s invasion of Kashmir, 441 n., 
 442 n. ; on Kamran Mirza’s behaviour 
 to Mirza Haidar, 474 n. ; on Indra- 
 kot, 485 n. ; history translated by 
 C. J. Kodgers, 487. 
 
 Firman, country of, 42. 
 
 ‘ Five Cities’ (Bishbalik), 61,* 62* n. 
 
 Forsyth, Sir Douglas, and towns buried 
 by moving sands, 67* ; on sand- 
 buried towns of Lob and Katak, 
 
 11 n., 12 n. ; on ancient Greek coins 
 
 obtained from a submerged town, 
 70*; mission to Kashghar in 1873, 
 vii., 408. 
 
 Fort built on Tuman River by Aba 
 Bakr, 285-6. 
 
 Fort at Yarkand, built by Aba Bakr, 
 296-7. 
 
 Fraser, Mr. James, on Faridb, 44 n .; 
 on the Kizilbash, 214 n. 
 
 Fruit, in the provinces of Kashghar 
 and Khotan, 303. 
 
 Fu-ma, the title, 278 n. 
 
 Gabelentz, Professor von der, and the 
 Hazaras, 80*. 
 
 Gadai Mirza, 307. 
 
 Gadai Piri, 226. 
 
 Gakars, tribe of, 479 n., 480 n. 
 
 Gang (Ganges) River, 406. 
 
 Ganges, battle of, at Kanauj, 471-477. 
 
 Gauhar Shah Begum, 193. 
 
 Gauhar Shad Agha, wife of Shah Rukli, 
 83 n. 
 
 Gciz (measure), 256 n ., 286 n., 426 n. 
 
 Geta, the word : see ‘ Jatah.’ 
 
 Ghajdavan, fort of, 261, 270 ; battle of, 
 10,* 281. 
 
 Ghar-baligh : see Bala-Sakun. 
 
 Ghar-balik: see Kara Khitai. 
 
 Ghayyas-ud-Din : see Barak Khan. 
 
 Ghazna, 356, 357; Sultan Nasir Mirza, 
 governor of, 264. 
 
 Ghazni, taken by Dava, 36*; Jahangir 
 Mirza in, 196. 
 
 Ghias-ud-Din Jamshidi, Maulana, 60 n. 
 
 Ghor Khar (wild ass), 347 n. 
 
 Ghund, a district of Badakhshan, 353. 
 
 Gliuri, hills of, Babar Padishah’s flight 
 to, 175, 176. 
 
 Ghuri Barlas, Mir, 140, 241, 247, 271, 
 452 ; death of, 280. 
 
 Girai Khan, 272 n. 
 
 Gmelin, the Russian savant, and the 
 Mongol race in general, 81.* 
 
 Goes, Benedict (Portuguese mission¬ 
 ary), travels of, in China, 1603-4, 
 109,* 111,* 122,* 123.* 
 
 Golab Sing, the Dogra Rajah of 
 Kashmir, 458 n. 
 
 Gold mines in the Champa districts of 
 Tibet, 409 n., 411, 412 and n, 
 
 Grigorietf, Prof., uses the Tarilh-i- 
 Eashidi, viii.; on the name Mongol 
 (or Mogol), 74* n .; on the Kalmaks, 
 97.* 
 
 Grijmailo, the Russian traveller, 113.* 
 
 Guga (Gugeh), district of Tibet, 406 
 and n., 410 and n., 456-8, 457 n .; fort 
 and villages in, 411, 412. 
 
 Gujarat (Gujarab), 25. 
 
 Gujrat, invaded by Emperor Humayun, 
 470. 
 
 Gulak, 24. 
 
 Gul Bagh, palace of, 346. 
 
506 
 
 Index. 
 
 Guli-zindan, village called, 24 n. 
 
 Gulja Basin', 304 n. 
 
 Gui’gan (Gur Khan) : see Kurkani. 
 
 Gur Khan, 288-291; takes Bala-Sakun, 
 363. 
 
 Guzida, the, 293. 
 
 Guzrat, captured by Emperor Huma- 
 yun, 402. 
 
 Habib, Shaikh, 194; tomb of, in 
 Kashghar, 301, 304. 
 
 Habib Ullali, Khwaja, 216, 217. 
 
 Habiba Sultan Khanish, 140, 192, 207, 
 268. 
 
 Hafiz, brother of Mir Kambar, 307. 
 
 “ Hafiz Magas-i-sag,” Mansur Khan’s 
 reader, 128, 129 n. 
 
 Hafiz Miram, 207, 209. 
 
 Hafiz-ud-Din, 235 ; put to death, 10. 
 
 Haft Deh: see Yatikand. 
 
 Haft lldim, the, 120,* 121.* 
 
 Haidar Audarkliudi, Amir, 30. 
 
 Haidar Kharsuz, Maulana, 223. 
 
 Haidar Mirza (author’s grandfather) 
 sends Amir Abdul Kudus against 
 Mirza Aba Bakr, 103 ; battles with 
 Yunus Khan against Mirza Aba 
 Bakr, 104-107; ditference with 
 Yunus Khan at Aksu, 109-111; ( 
 attacks Aba Bakr Mirza and is taken 
 prisoner, 111, 112; waits on Yunus 
 Khan on his death-bed, 115 : see also 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza 
 
 Haidar, Mirza, the only historian of 
 the Moghuls, vi., xv., 1,* 2*; com¬ 
 pared with Baber, 3*; member of ( 
 the Dughlat tribe, 3* ; language of, 
 4*; the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, summary 
 of, 4*-27* ; full name and designa- i 
 tion, 8*; birth and descent, 9*; ( 
 early life, 9*; enters Emperor i 
 Baber’s household, 10*; follows | 
 Sultan Ahmad (his uncle) to 
 Andijan, 11*; enters the service of 
 Sultan Said, 11,* 12,* 25*; transfers 
 his services to the Chaghatais in 
 India, 12*; invades the Balur hill 
 country, 12*; campaign against 
 Badakhshan, 12*; invasion of Ladak, 
 Kashmir and Baltistan, 13* ; starts 
 to destroy the great temple at Lassa, 
 14* ; returns to Ladak, 15* ; winters 
 at Badakhshan, 16*; appointed 
 Governor of the Punjab 1538, 16* ; 
 an adherent of Humayun, 17* ; at j 
 the battle of Kanauj, 17* ; wounded | 
 at Fattelipur Sikri, 17* n.; invasion 
 and administration of Kashmir, 17*- 
 20*; invasion of Ladak in 1543,20* ; 
 attacks Kishtawar and other pro¬ 
 vinces in 1548, 21* ; on the Niazi 
 tribe of Afghans, 21*; his death, 
 22*; estimate of his character by 
 various historians, 22*-27* ; history ( 
 
 of the Dughlat Amirs, 39* ; no men¬ 
 tion in his history of intercourse with 
 China, 63*; on Alti-Shahr, 64,* 65*; 
 analysis of the chiefs of Sultan Said’s. 
 army, 66* ; description of the over¬ 
 whelming of Katak, 67.* 68*, 12 n .; 
 on Jatah (Moghulistan), 75 * ; the 
 Moghul Ulus a separate people from 
 the Turks, 82* ; the word Turk used 
 by him in a non-racial sense, 84*; 
 on Uighuristan, 100,* 101*; suc¬ 
 cessors of in Kashmir, 126,* 127* ; 
 difficult task of writing the story of 
 the Moghul Khakans, 2, Tarikh- 
 i-Rashidi, reasons for being so- 
 called, 3, and personal history re¬ 
 corded therein, 3, 4; and use of 
 ‘ Jatah,’ 45 n .; number of Amir 
 Timur’s expeditions against Mo¬ 
 ghuls, 48 n. ; twelve privileges of, 
 56; and the district of Sarigh- 
 Kul, 54*; the climate of Moghul¬ 
 istan, 54,* 55*; and battles of the 
 Moghuls, 56*; on the ‘ cities ’ and 
 ‘ towns ’ of Moghulistan, 57*-60* ; 
 his chronology unreliable, 68 n .; 
 war against country of Balur, 135, 
 142, 384-6 ; holy war on the country 
 of Tibet, 135, 136, 417-419; in¬ 
 vasion of Kashmir, 136; sent to 
 Ursang (Lassa), 136 ; goes to Aksu, 
 142, 143; and Muhammadi Bari as, 
 145 n. ; his love of music, 147 n. ; 
 history of the Moghul Khakans 
 as recorded in the Tarihh-i-Rashidi, 
 148-151; date of his birth, 152; on 
 the Kara Khitai country, 152 n. ; 
 gives his father’s pedigree, 153; 
 marries the daughter of Sultan 
 Khan, 161, 280, 341; subject to 
 hemorrhoids soon after birth, 157, 
 158; living in Bokhara, 207; his 
 teacher, Hafiz Miram, 207, 209; fare¬ 
 well interview with his father, 207- 
 209; Shahi Beg Khan orders his 
 destruction, 210, 211; escape to 
 Mirza Khan in Badakhshan, 215- 
 221, 227, 228; accidents to, 216, 
 227-8 ; and the Chiragh - Kush , 
 218 n. ; his reception at Kabul by 
 the Emperor Babar, 228-230 ; meets 
 Said Khan, 229,421; Babar Padishah 
 and his followers, 244,268; Emperor 
 Babar’s affection for, 267 ; the cam¬ 
 paign of Hisar, 268; stricken with 
 fever at Samarkand, 268; goes to 
 Andijan, 268; rank of Kurkani con¬ 
 ferred on, by Said Khan, 269, 278- 
 79; entrusted with the affairs of 
 Said Khan’s army, 269, 270; en¬ 
 trusted to care of Khwaja Ali, 
 275; with Said Khan’s army before 
 Kashghar, 306; at the siege of 
 Yangi-Hisar, 316; transcribes pain- 
 
Index. 
 
 50 7 
 
 plilet by Hazrat Maulana, 342; 
 accident to, near Kashghar, 343; 
 sent to Mansur Khan as a hostage, 
 343, 345; stays in Kashghar, 355; 
 and the Kirghiz in Moghulistan, 
 374-5, 377; friendship with Shah 
 Muhammad Sultan, Baba Sultan 
 and, 382-4; second expedition to 
 Badakhshan, 388; visits Khwaja 
 Muhammad Yusuf, 390; goes to 
 Aksu with Rashid Sultan, 393-4; 
 Said Khan’s illness, 394; meets 
 Khwaja Nura at Lahur, 399, 400 ; 
 on Ladak as a country, 410 n. ; his 
 remedy for dam-girt, 413; on the 
 wild lmtds , 417; besieges the castle 
 of Mutadar, 418; at Kashmir, 421, 
 423-4; campaign in and retreat 
 from Kashmir, 437 -441 ; meeting 
 with Said Khan on his return, 
 443 ; enters the Khan’s personal 
 service, 133, 443-445; invasion of 
 Tibet, 444 ; march towards Ursang, 
 454-459 ; stays in Maryul, 460; 
 sends gifts to Rashid Sultan, 461; 
 in Balti, 461, 462; crosses from 
 Tibet to Badakhshan, 464-7 ; goes 
 to Kabul, 467; left in charge of 
 Punjab, 469 ; urged by Kamran 
 Mirza to return to Lahur, 472-3; 
 Emperor Humayuu and, 473-4, 478- 
 480; at the battle of the Ganges, 
 475-477; origin of his expedition 
 to Kashmir, 481-2; conquest of 
 Kashmir, 483-8*; Kishtwar, 488; 
 captures the fort of Danel, 489; 
 sends presents to Islam Shah, 489. 
 
 Haidar Razi, on the death of Ab iul 
 Latif, 121* n. 
 
 Haidar, Shaikh, on the Kizilbash,214 n. 
 
 Hai Shan (or Wu Tsung) : see Kuluk. 
 
 Haithon of Gorigos, on the kingdom of 
 Tarsde. 291 n. ; on wild camel in 
 Khotan, 301 n. 
 
 Haji, joins Mirza Haidar, 460, 482. 
 
 Haji Barlas, Amir, 16 ; Amir Timur 
 intrigues with, 17, 18 ; killed, 19. 
 
 Haji Beg of the tribe of Arkenut, 16, 
 
 34. 
 
 Haji Kasim, Maulana, 396. 
 
 Haji Mahmud Shall Yasuri, 18. 
 
 Haji Mirza, 307, 312, 326. 
 
 Haji Muhammad Shayistah, battle with 
 Amir Sayyid Ali, 75, 76. 
 
 Hakas; Sir H. Howorth and the people 
 called, 93* n. 
 
 Hakk Bardi Begjik, Mir, 78. 
 
 Hakk Nazar Divana, 309. 
 
 Hakk Nazar Kughuchi, 309. 
 
 Halman (Helniand) River, 231. 
 
 Ham (or Hart) in Tibet, 410; province 
 of, 455, 456 n. 
 
 Haindami, adherent of Amir Husain, 
 
 35. 
 
 Hami: see Kamul. 
 
 Hami, captured by Sultan Ali, 104,* 
 105* ; province dependent on Turfan, 
 124* n. 
 
 Hamid, Amir, 19, 26, 27; taken 
 prisoner by Timur, 28 ; his death, 
 31. 
 
 Hamid Ullah Mustaufi, the Tarikh-i- 
 Guzida of, 151. 
 
 Hamza Sultan, Uzbeg chief, 178, 
 179 n., 217 n., 238; defeated and 
 killed by Babar Padishah, 243-5, 
 248, 250, 268. 
 
 Hang (or Hang Satu), defile of, 423 n. 
 
 Harimulk Salduz, 43. 
 
 Hasan Divana, 461. 
 
 Hasan Sultan, 66. 
 
 Hasan Yazdi, Mir, 396. 
 
 Hashishin (Ismaili) a sect of Shiahs, 
 218 n. 
 
 Hasht Bihisht, Kiosk of Sultan Yakub, 
 429. 
 
 Hati Khan, 480 and n. 
 
 Hayton, Prince of Gorigos, Armenian 
 author, 96.* 
 
 Hazaras, the (hill tribes), 30,* 31*; 
 of Afghanistan, their descent, 80,* 
 82*; home of, 83,* 91*; of Kudak, 
 46 ; of Badakhshan, 221. 
 
 Hazara country, sub-tribes still flourish¬ 
 ing in, under the name of Mongol or 
 Mangal , 127.* 
 
 Hazara highwaymen, 197 ; Shalii Beg 
 Khan’s expedition against, 231, 233. 
 
 Hazara mountains, 200. 
 
 Hazarajat, 354. 
 
 Haze phenomenon in Eastern Turki- 
 stan, 303 n. 
 
 Hazrat Afak, the celebrated saint, 
 125.* 
 
 Hazrat Begum, shrine of, buried by 
 sand, 67.* 
 
 Hazrat Ishan, 213, 396. 
 
 Hazrat Khwaja Ahmad, tomb of, 369 n. 
 
 Hazrat Khwaja Hasan, 67. 
 
 Hazrat Khwaja Khavand Mahmud 
 Shahab-ud-Din ; see Nura, Khwaja. 
 
 Hazrat Makhdumi Nura: see Nura, 
 Khwaja. 
 
 Hazrat Maulana Muhammad Ivazi, 
 211-15 ; escapes with Mirza Haidar 
 to Badakhshan, 215-21; miracles 
 performed by, 277-9; death of, 341-2. 
 
 Hazrat Shahab-ud-Din Khwaja Kha¬ 
 vand Mahmud, 299. 
 
 Herat (Heri), Muhammad Husain 
 Kurkan at, 9* ; the capital of Sultan 
 Abu Said, 81 n. ; celebrated garden 
 at, 83 n. ; capital of Khorasan, 
 193 n., 195 ; attacked by Shahi Beg 
 Khan, 202, 205; Shah Ismail 
 
 returns to, 235; famous kiosks in, 
 429. 
 
 Hibat Shira Sut, tribe, 67. 
 
508 
 
 Index. 
 
 Hidayat Ulla, Khwaja Hazrat Afak, 
 the celebrated saint, 125.* 
 
 “Himar,” epithet of, applied to the 
 tribe of Barlas, 146. 
 
 Hindal Mirza, 388, 389, 478, 483, 484 ; 
 marches against Delhi, 470. 
 
 Hindu Kush, passes of, 200. 
 
 Hindushah, 30. 
 
 Hindustan, Emperor Babar decides to 
 invade, 20! ; Babar Padishah pro¬ 
 ceeds to, 357 ; Baba Sultan in, 381; 
 Khwaja Nura’s journey to, 398-9; 
 source of rivers of, 406 ; the Champa 
 traders to, 408 ; the Rai or Raja of, 
 454 n. ; Mirza Haidar goes to, 467. 
 
 Hisar, Baber’s attempts on, 10* ; 
 Baber’s retreat to, 10,* 132,175, 238 ; 
 Shahi Beg’s campaign against, 130; 
 in possession of Khusrau Shah, 163, 
 164, 174; ravaged by Shahi Beg 
 Khan, 167, 170, 178; advance of 
 Shahi Beg Khan on, 176; Uzbeg 
 Sultans in, 245, 248 ; Emperor 
 
 Baber at, 260, 261, 268 ; falls into 
 hands of Moghuls, 261-2; famine 
 in, 262 ; taken by Ubaid Ullah from 
 the Moghuls, 262-3; Ubaid Ullah 
 Khan sets out for, 282. 
 
 Hisar Shadman, town of, 216; battle 
 at, 132. 
 
 Iiiuen Tsang, and sand-buried towns, 
 67*-69*; and the name Su-Yeh, j 
 8 n. ; and the Iron Gates, 20 n. 
 
 Hiung Nu, the (a Turki race), 87* n 
 
 Hoernle, Dr., on MS. discovered by 
 Captain Bower, 124 n. 
 
 Ho-lo-lo Kia, town of, a sand heap, 
 67.* 
 
 Horses (ponies), killed by the dam-qiri , 
 413, 455, 465 n. 
 
 Howorth, Sir H., xiv., xv.; History 
 of the Mongols, Mirza Haidar’s data 
 referred to in, vii.; work of, and the 
 house of Chaghatai, 28*; on the 
 inhabitants of Moghulistan, 73,* 
 74* n. ; the common origin of tin* 
 Mongol and the Turk, 78* n. ; the 
 name Gypsey a corruption of Egypt¬ 
 ian, 90* n. ; on the Turki tribe of 
 Khazars, 21* n. ; on the specific 
 tribe Alemanni, 91* n. ; on the 
 people called Hakas, 93* n. ; on 
 remnants of the Mongols still exist¬ 
 ing in northern Hazara country, 127* 
 and n. ; on the Karai (or Karait) 
 tribe, 16 n. ; on the six tribes form¬ 
 ing the ‘ Kunkurat ’ confederacy, 
 16 n. ; on the Kankali tribe, 16 n. ; 
 on the Karluk tribe, 19 n. ; on the 
 Ydzdlt , 22 n. ; on ancient Taraz, 
 63 n. ; on the sons of Abulkhair 
 Khan, 92 n., 116 n. ; on the Uzbeg 
 government, 206 n. ; on the duties 
 of the Atdlili , 222 n. ; on the Say- 
 
 yid and Sayyidata, 239 n. ; on Mir 
 Najm, 260 n. ; on the Kazak and 
 their Sultans, 272 n. ; account of the 
 Uzbeg Shaiban in Mavara-un-Nahr, 
 283 n. ; and the meaning of Noyan, 
 292 n. ; and situation of the city of 
 Bala-Sakun, 363 n. 
 
 Huchu (Hochou), 404 n. 
 
 Huchu Salar, 404. 
 
 Hujra, the moutli of the Baris Kaun 
 Pass, 350. 
 
 Huma (a mythical bird), 400 n. 
 
 Humayun (Emperor), son of Baber, 4* ; 
 defeated in Bengal, 1538, 16* ; de¬ 
 feated by Shir Shah Sur, 16*; and 
 the battle of Kanauj, 17*; his life 
 attempted at Fattehpur Sikri, 17* n .; 
 return from exile, 23,* 24* ; coins 
 struck in his name in Kashmir, 24* ; 
 recovery of Kabul, 25*; on the 
 throne of Badakhshan, 387 ; visited 
 by Khwaja Nura, 398 ; the Khwaja 
 slighted by the Emperor, 399 ; suc¬ 
 ceeds his father Babar Padishah on 
 the throne of Hindustan, 402; com¬ 
 mencement of his downfall, 469; 
 defeated by Shir Khan at Chausa, 
 470, 471 ; battle of the Ganges, 471- 
 477 ; and Mirza Haidar, 473-4, 478- 
 480 ; flight to Lahore, 477-9; goes 
 to Irak, 484; coins of, 487. 
 
 Husain, Amir; pursues the army of 
 Jatah, 26; battle with the army of 
 Jatah, 27-29 ; conference with Amir 
 Timur, 29-31; the battle of the 
 Mire, 31-36. 
 
 Husain Barlas, Shah, 70, 71. 
 
 Husain Fasl Khwaja, tomb of, in 
 Kashghar, 300, 301. 
 
 Husain Khalifa, son of Ustad Ali Kuli, 
 475. 
 
 Husain Mansur, 450. 
 
 Husain Mirza, Sultan, 93, 108. 
 
 Husain Sultan, 472. 
 
 Husn Nigar Khanim, 89, 99. 
 
 Ibbetson, Mr. Denzil, on the words 
 Turk and Moghul , 89*-91*, 128*; 
 and the Kizilbash, 214 n. 
 
 Ibir-Sibir, 282 n. 
 
 Ibn Ali Muhammad Koshji, 60 n. 
 
 Ibn Batuta, Moorish traveller, on 
 Tirmiz, 338 n. 
 
 Ibn Dast, an author of the tenth cen¬ 
 tury, and Khakan, 21 n. 
 
 Ibn Haukal, 86*; and Faryab, 44 n. 
 
 Ibrahim, Mir, son of Pir Haji Kunji, 
 86, 241, 265. 
 
 Ibrahim Barlas, 108. 
 
 Ibrahim Lodi, the Aoghan Sultan, 
 357. 
 
 Ibrahim, son of Maklitum Khanim, 
 91. 
 
Index. 
 
 509 
 
 Ibrahim, Sultan, son of Said Khan, 
 375, 467. 
 
 Ibrahim, Sultan, son of Shah Rukh, 
 85 n. 
 
 Idegu, brother of Amir Haji, 19. 
 
 Idol temples in Tibet, 416; of Kashmir, 
 426 and n. ; 427 n. 
 
 Idrisi mentions Tibetan Turks, 86,* 
 87.* 
 
 Ila River, 366. 
 
 Ilak-Khans (Kara-Khans), rulers of 
 the Karlughi Uighurs, 94*; dynasty 
 of the, 287 n., 288 n. ; kingdom of 
 the, 360 ; capital of the, 361 n ., 363. 
 
 Ikbal Nama Jahangiri, the, of Mutamad 
 Khan, vi. 
 
 Ilchi Bugha, 45, 49. 
 
 Hi (Ailah) River, 66 n. 
 
 Ili-balik; the “Karlughi” Uighurs 
 at, 93* : see also Bislibalik. 
 
 Ilk or link, the word, 288 n. 
 
 II Khwaja : see Isan Bugha. 
 
 Ilkijin tribe, the, 16 n. 
 
 Ilyas, son of Makhtum Khanim, 91. 
 
 Ilyas Khwaja Khan, 34; his last days, 
 38. 
 
 Ilyas Khwaja Oghlan, sou of Timur, 
 22, 23; encamped at Tash Arighi, 
 26; Amir Timur decides to make 
 war on, 27; is taken prisoner by 
 Timur, 28. 
 
 Ilyas Shah, brother of Amir Khudaidad, 
 
 100 . 
 
 Imad-ud-Din, Maulana, 396. 
 
 Imak (or Aimak), people so called, in 
 Khotan and Kashgliar, 301. 
 
 Imal, territory of, 288, 289. 
 
 Imam Muhammad Fakih Bala, Sakuni, 
 tomb of, 365. 
 
 Imil Khwaja, son of Dava, 39.* 
 
 Imil River, the, 53,* 366. 
 
 Inaghu (Jumgan), 50 n. 
 
 Inchumalik, son of Sharawal, 7. 
 
 India, expeditions by Dava into, 36*; 
 north of ; the words Turk and 
 Moghul used at the present day in, 
 89*, 90*, 128* : see also Hindustan. 
 
 Indus River, 431 and n. 
 
 In-ghi-rh-cha, a chief of Turfan, 103*. 
 
 Inkirass tribe, the, 16 n. 
 
 Irak (Persia), custom in the army of, 
 53; Sultan Abu Said and, 81, 83, 
 85; annals of kings of, 151; invaded 
 by Shah Ismail, 154, 232; Shah 
 Ismail returns to, 281; Sam Mirza 
 at, 468; Emperor Humayun in, 484. 
 
 Iran, conquered by Chingiz Khan, 293. 
 
 Irazan Barin, 73, 84 ; killed by Ulugh 
 Beg, 74. 
 
 Irlat, the. powerful chiefs suppressed 
 by Sultan Ahmad Khan, 121. 
 
 Ir Nazar Khwaja, a noted Pir, 67 n. 
 
 Iron Gate, the (Kulugha Pass), 20 n., 
 21 n., 26 : see also Darband-i-Ahanin. 
 
 Irrigation; in Moghulistan in 1253, 
 60*; in Turfan and Kara-Khoja, 
 112*; in Turfan, by Vais Khan, 67. 
 
 Irtish River, 366. 
 
 Irtukbuka, war against Kublai, 34.* 
 
 Isan Bugha Khan (son of Dava), 7*; 
 ascends the throne of the Chaghatai, 
 37* ; invades Khorasan, 37* ; turns 
 his steps towards Moghulistan, 39* ; 
 identity of, 39,* 40*; Mr. Erskine 
 and, 39*, 40* ; his wives, 6; reign of, 
 6 n. 
 
 Isan Bugha II., son of Vais Khan, 
 73-75; separate principality of, 99*; 
 quarrels with his Amirs, 77-82; 
 and Andijan, 81 ; lights against his 
 brother Yunus Khan, 81, 82 ; reign 
 of, 82 n. ; incursions iuto Turkistan, 
 Sliash and Farghana, 85; helps Amir 
 Sayyid Ali to defeat Yunus Khan, 
 86 ; his death, 88 ; opposed by Yunus 
 Khan, 172; and the Juji Sultans, 
 272. 
 
 Isan Daulat Begum, wife of Yunus 
 Khan, 86, 94, 175, 197. 
 
 Isan Taislii, 91 ; combats with Vais 
 Khan, 65, 67 ; Ahmad Khan’s battles 
 with, 121. 
 
 lsjijdb or Isbijab (Sairain), province of, 
 80 n., 171 n. 
 
 Ishak Bahadur, 309. 
 
 Ishak Sultan, 451. 
 
 Iskandar Aoghan, Sultan, 402; taken 
 prisoner by Timur, 28, 31. 
 
 Iskandar Beg, Persian author, 246 »., 
 247 n. 
 
 Iskandar Sultan, son of Sultan Ahmad 
 Khan, 160. 
 
 Iskandar Sultan, son of Sultan Said, 
 14,* 15,* 102,* 130; his birth, 340, 
 341 ; invasion of Kashmir, 136, 143 ; 
 marries daughter of Muhammad 
 Shah, 136. 
 
 Iskandar, Sultan, son of Kutb-ud-Din, 
 433; marries one of Muhammad Shah’s 
 daughters, 441 ; holy war on Tibet, 
 417, 454, 459; returns to Rashid 
 Sultan, 465-6. 
 
 Iskandar Tupchi, expedition to Kash¬ 
 mir, 18,* 19,* 483. 
 
 Islam, sons of Makhtum Khanim con¬ 
 verted to, 91 ; Tughluk Timur’s 
 conversion to, 10-15 ; introduced by 
 Amir Bulaji, 153. 
 
 Islam Shah (otherwise Salim) son of 
 Shir Shah, 21,* 22.* 
 
 Islam, Shaikh ul, 396. 
 
 Ismail Khan, ruler of Kashgliar, 123.* 
 
 Ismail, Shah, seven Turki tribes sup¬ 
 porters of, 214 n. ; kills Shahi Beg 
 Khan, 226, 231-7 ; sends an ambas¬ 
 sador to Emperor Babar, 238-9; and 
 Khanzada Begum, 239 ; helps Babar 
 Padishah, 243, 245, 246 n., 247 n., 
 
5io 
 
 Index . 
 
 259, 260, 266, 281 ; returns to Irak, 
 248 ; attacked by Sultan Salim, 281. 
 
 Ismail Sultan, 451. 
 
 Ismaili, a sect of Sliialis, 218 n. 
 
 Issigh-Kul Lake, 30,* 53,* 72, 75,78 n., 
 79 n., 365 n., 366-7 ; monastery near, 
 59 n. ; the Begjik Amirs in, 86; 
 Said Khan at, 375. 
 
 Itarji, the Amirs of, 51 ; family of, 307. 
 
 Izzat Ullah, Mir, and the Jadah stone, 
 33 n. 
 
 Jahak (or Pak), 309. 
 
 Jabar Birdi, Amir, 306, 336, 343-4; 
 and Mansur Khan, 123-5 ; death of, 
 127; joins Mirza Aba Bakr, 337-9. 
 
 Jadah stone, superstition of the, 32 n., 
 33 n. 
 
 Jade-stone found in the Kara Tazghun, 
 298; in the rivers of Ivhotan, 298,301; 
 and in the rivers of Yarkand, 301. 
 
 Jafar Sadik, tomb of, 289. 
 
 Jafar Tayyar, tomb of, 298. 
 
 Jagirak, people called, 165 and n., 168. 
 
 Jagirak, Mir Vali takes, 320. 
 
 Jahangir Barlas, 108. 
 
 Jahangir Mirza, brother of Baber, 174, 
 196, 197; expedition to Khorasan, 
 199-200; death of, 201-2. 
 
 Jahangir, Mirza, son of Mirza Aba 
 Bakr, 323, 325, 330; marries Kha- 
 dija Sultan Khanim, 161; settled at 
 Sanju, 328-9; is brought to Said 
 Khan, 329, 330. 
 
 Jahangir, Emperor, and Yirnag, 428 n. 
 
 Jahangir, Prince, son of Timur, 154; 
 defeats lvamar-ud-Din,41,42 ; battle 
 at Karmina, 45 ; his illness, 46 ; and 
 death, 47, 48. 
 
 Jahangir Ivuli, 470. 
 
 Jahan Kushai, the, of Juvaini, 86,* 119.* 
 
 Jahan Shah, 464. 
 
 Jai-Tuba, 343. 
 
 Jaka, Mir, 308, 356. 
 
 Jakir, servant of Mir Muhammad 
 Shah, 72. 
 
 Jalair, tribe of, 88,* 41, 45, 55 n. 
 
 Jala (Sar Jala), 24. 
 
 Jalal, 226. 
 
 Jalal-ud-Diti Barlas, 26. 
 
 Jalal-ud-Din, Maulana, 396. 
 
 Jalil Shah, tomb of, 365. 
 
 Jam, place called, 343. 
 
 Jamal A glia, wife of Saniz Mirza, 88, 
 89, 99, 102, 104. 
 
 Jamal Khar, Shaikh, 112. 
 
 Jamal-ud-Din, Shaikh, 5, 93; the de¬ 
 struction of Katak, 11, 12 n.; meets 
 Tughluk Timur near Aksu, 12, 13; 
 his death, 13, 94; captures Yunus 
 Khan, 94. 
 
 Jam Baligh, battles at, 291. 
 
 Jam Giti Numdi , the, on Tibet, 403 ; 
 on Kashgl ar, 294, and n. 
 
 Jan Ahmad Ataka (Atka Fakir), 244, 
 267, 268, 459, 461, 463-5. 
 
 Jana Kasapa, 415, 416. 
 
 Janaka, Amir, 308, 382, 383. 
 
 Janaka Mirza, 444. 
 
 Jan Haidar Sultan, 276. 
 
 Jan Hasan, 321. 
 
 Jani Beg Akhta, 321. 
 
 Jani Beg Khan, 82, 92, 159, 272, 283; 
 puts Sultan Khalil Sultan to death, 
 131,183; driven out of Andijan, 132; 
 keeps Rashid Khan a prisoner, 140 ; 
 marries Kutuk Khanim, 160; Andi¬ 
 jan given to, 169, 178; and Said 
 Khan, 191 ; orders the release of 
 Said Khan, 222-225; and Sayyid 
 Muhammad Mirza, 241 ; defeated by 
 Babar Padishah, 243, 248; and by 
 Mirza Aba Bakr, 254; and the fort 
 of Ghajdavan, 261; accident to, 264. 
 
 Janish Khan, 276. 
 
 Janki Mirza, 248 n., 316. 
 
 Jan Vafa, Amir, 192. 
 
 Jaras, Amirs of, 79. 
 
 Jaras, a prince of Moghulistan, 14. 
 
 Jaras family, the, 308; dispute with 
 the family of Begjik, 308-9. 
 
 Jarib , the, a land measure, 286 n. 
 
 Jariya (Chiria), town of, 295. 
 
 Jarrett, Col., on the jarib , 286 n. 
 
 Jurun, place called, 41. 
 
 Jarura, in Kashmir, 439. 
 
 Jatah, Petis de la Croix on the name, 
 75* ; Timur and the three princes of, 
 17, 18; army of put to flight, 25, 26; 
 its defeat by Amir Timur and Amir 
 Hussain, 27-29 ; the battle of the 
 Mire, 31-36; siege of Samarkand, 
 37; Amir Timur’s third invasion 
 of, 41, 42 ; his fourth expedition 
 into, 46, 47; and fifth expedition, 
 48 n., 50 ; the Moghuls so called, 
 by the Chaghatai, 148: see also 
 Moghulistan. 
 
 Jauhar (Indian) historian; on Hum- 
 ayun, 17* n .; and Mirza Haidar on 
 his Memoirs of Humayun, 25*; on 
 the battle of the Ganges, 476 n. 
 
 Jauku (Zauka Pass), 350 and n. 
 
 Jhilam River, 406 n., 431 n. 
 
 Jihun River, 17, 35, 366. 
 
 Jinuj, battle at, 289. 
 
 Jobnatlmagar ^Old Bbira), 406 n. 
 
 John of Marignolli, 117* 
 
 John, Friar, of Montecorvino. 96* ; and 
 Tar sic characters, 290 n. 
 
 Johnson, Mr. W. H., on dust showers, 
 69* n. ; on the Yurung River, 298 n. 
 
 Jones, Sir W., method of translitera¬ 
 tion, xii. 
 
 Jorjan (Charchan), 9 n. 
 
 Jud, town in Moghulistan, 276; dis¬ 
 trict of, in Moghulistan, 364 and n., 
 365. 
 
Index. 511 
 
 Jud Kuzi, encampment of, GO.* 
 
 Jud Kuzi Bashi, 82 n. 
 
 Jugham Barlas, 19. 
 
 Juji (or Tushi), eldest son of Chingiz, 
 29,* 30*. 
 
 Juji, the race of, 82, 92. 
 
 Juji Khan, Chingiz Khan’s eldest son, 
 273; kingdom of, 293. 
 
 Juji Sultans, subservient to Baranduk 
 Khan, 154; Abulkhair Khan and 
 the, 272; reception by Said Khan, 
 276. 
 
 Jumgal (Jumghal), place called, 365 n .; 
 
 encampment of, 60.* 
 Jumilat-ul-Mulk, a Musulman, 31.* 
 Jumla (Jamd) River, 431 and n. 
 
 Jun (Jamna) River, 406. 
 
 Jungar (oi Zungaria), country of, 31,* 
 34.* 
 
 Jurjan : see Charchan. 
 
 Jusa (Chausa), 470 and n. 
 
 Juvaini, Ala-ud-Din, author of the 
 Jahan Kusliai; Ata-Mulk, the Jiis- 
 torian, 35* n., 86,* 293 n. ; on the 
 title Gur-Khan, 279 n. ; names for 
 Christians and Buddhist monks, 
 290 n. 
 
 Juvain, plain of, 19 n. 
 
 Kabak, son of Dava, 36,* 104,* 3; 
 
 attacked by Chapar, 37.* 
 
 Kabak Sultan Oghlan, son of Dust 
 * j Muhammad, 90, 91; murder of, 95. 
 Kabaka, battle at, 65. 
 
 Kaba Matan, place called, 28. 
 Kabikalar, 375, 376 and n. 
 
 Kabil Shah Oghlan raised to the rank 
 of Khan, 29-31. 
 
 Kabir Ali, Amir (Sayyid Ali Hama- 
 dani), 432 ; death of, 433 n. 
 
 Kabul, Baber at, 9,* 10,* 131, 140, 
 201-4; Humayun at, 24*; recovery 
 of, by Humayun, 25*; taken by 
 Babar Padishah, 177, 196; left in 
 charge of Muhammad Husain Kur- 
 kan, 197; troubles in, 198, 199; 
 Shah Begum’s attempt to take, 200; 
 the Kizilbash in, 214 n. ; Said Khan 
 arrives at, 226, 242; Mirza Haidar 
 goes to, 228-230, 467 ; Babar returns 
 to, 356; held by Kamran Khan, 398. 
 Kachi Chak, 20,* 482, 483, 485. 
 
 Kadir Bardi Mirza, 91. 
 
 Kafiristan, see Khust. 
 
 Kafir tribes, 104 n. 
 
 Kafir Yari, 350. 
 
 Kahjavar (Kichuva), a degree of the 
 Lamas, 414 n. 
 
 ’Kaidu (grandson of Oktai), 34*; ac¬ 
 knowledged the rightful Kliakan 
 of the Moghuls, 35* ; wars with 
 Khakan Kublai, 36,* 38* ; death of, 
 36* ; dominion and power of, 38.* 
 Kaikhusru, 24. 
 
 Kaikobad, brother of Kaikhusru, 21 n. 
 
 Kajar tribe, 214 n. 
 
 Kajichak, Malik of Kashmir, 441. 
 
 Kaka, Mir, of the family of Barki, 
 307. 
 
 Kala-i-Zafar (fort), 220, 355; ruins of, 
 220 n., 221 n. ; residence of Khan 
 Mirza, 221, 226; siege of, 388. 
 
 Kalandars, Amir Sayyid Ali and some, 
 63 ; Dust Muhammad Khan affects 
 the ways of, 88. 
 
 Kalik Kiya (or Kaba), valley of, 304. 
 
 Kalmak, the, tribe in Moghulistan, 73,* 
 74* n., 80,* 87* ; in Alti-Shahr, 97* ; 
 few Moghuls in, 98*; (Oirat), 101,* 
 104,* 105* n., 113,* 124*; Vais 
 Khan’s battles with the, 65-67; land 
 of the, 79 n. ; ‘ Ung ’ in the language 
 of, 91; return to their own homes, 
 1472, 95 ; Sultan Ahmad Khan and, 
 121; Mansur Khan and, 125; 
 country, given to Uktai Khan, 294; 
 Mansur Khan goes to war with the, 
 339, 375 ; plundered by Rashid 
 Sultan, 373 ; Tibetan customs similar 
 to, 407 n. 
 
 Kalpi, 472. 
 
 Kalu Aj Bari, place near Yarkand, 105. 
 
 Kaluchi tribe, the, 187, 309. 
 
 Kaluji tribe, the, in Moghulistan, 79, 
 
 121 . 
 
 Kam, province of Tibet, 136 n. 
 
 Kambar Ali, Mir, son of Mir Kaka, 
 241, 248, 265, 266, 307, 316, 326, 357. 
 
 Kamar-ud-Din, Amir, the Moghuls 
 under, 56*; reign in Moghulistan, 
 102,* 103*; history of, 38-40; at 
 Keuk - Tubeh, 41 ; defeated by 
 Prince Jahangir, 42; battle with 
 Amir Timur, 46, 47; Timur sends 
 an army against, 48-50; last days 
 of, 50, 51; his brothers, 51 n. 
 
 Kambar Kukildash, Amir, 422. 
 
 Kamran Mirza, son of the Emperor 
 Baber, 16,* 17,* 24,* 387 ; and 
 Khwaja Nura, 398, 399; retakes 
 Kandahar from Tahmasp Shall, 400, 
 467-469,471, 484 ; returns to Lahur, 
 472, 478, 481. 
 
 Kamul (Kumul) in Khitai, 126. 
 
 Kamyai, battle at, 119. 
 
 Kanauj, battle of, in 1540, viii., 6,* 
 17*: see Ganges. 
 
 Kandahar, besieged by the sons of 
 Shall Ismail, 16*; Babar’s battle 
 with Shah Beg near, 202, 206; 
 Babar Padishah marches on, 357 ; 
 taken by Shah Tahmasp, 400,468-9 ; 
 retaken by Kamran Mirza, 400; cap¬ 
 tured by Sam Mirza, 468. 
 
 Kandarlik, pass of, 275. 
 
 Kanjanfu, of Khitai, 404. 
 
 Kanju (Kan-chou), 406. 
 j Kankali (or Kangali) tribe, the, 16 n. 
 
512 
 
 Index. 
 
 Kanun, Arab writer, on situation of 
 Bala-Sakun, 363 n. 
 
 Kanwa, battle of, 402 and n. 
 
 Kao-Chang, the ancient Uighur ca¬ 
 pital, 113.* 
 
 lvapak Timur Khan, 36 ; palace built 
 „ by, 37. 
 
 Kara Bash Mirza, 307. 
 
 Karabulun, 72 n. 
 
 Kara Clianak (Suget Bulak), hamlet 
 called, 296. 
 
 Karacliar, Amir, 18. 
 
 Kara Dana Kuli, 309. 
 
 Karaguz Begum, 114, 116. 
 
 Kara Hulaku, 33.* 
 
 Karia (Girai) Khan, 82, 92, 272, 273. 
 Karait (Karai), the, a Mongol tribe, 
 88,* 16 n., 39. 
 
 Karajik, mountains of, 49. 
 Kara-kalpaks : see Kalmaks. 
 
 Karakash, river in Khotan, 298, 406 n. 
 Kara Kasmak, 42. 
 
 Karakhani, the, 287 n. : see Karluk. 
 Kara-khans (Ilak-khans), rulers of the 
 Karlughi Uighurs, 94.* 
 
 Kara-Khitai, the, 57*; ruins of, 60,* 
 61* ; tribe in Moghulistan, 73,* 74* ; 
 the dominion of, in 1124.. 94* ; the 
 Uigliurs and, 95* ; country and 
 people of, 152 and n. ; (Si-liao), 
 kings of the, 279 n. ; Kushluk de¬ 
 feats the Gur Khan of, 289-291 ; 
 given to Chaghatai Khan, 293 ; 
 capital of: see Bala-Sakun. 
 Kara-Khoja (called also Si-Chao, Ho- 
 Cliao, and Kao-Cbang), the Naiman 
 Uigliurs of, 93*; town of, 100,* 102,* 
 106*; conquest of, by Khizir Khwaja, 
 103,* 52; depression below the sea 
 level, 112*; ruins of ancient, 113.* 
 Kara Kiz, 360, and n. 
 
 Karakorum, Chingiz Khan’s capital, 
 31* ; every form of worship at, 32* ; 
 the Mongol capital in 1253..60*; 
 ancient city of, 10; known as Bala- 
 Sakun, 361 n. 
 
 Karakorum Pass, 420 n. 
 
 Kara Kulak Mirza, 185, 305-6, 316, 
 326. 
 
 Kara Kurain (Karakorum), 465; given 
 to Uktai Khan, 294. 
 lvaranghutagh, Aba Bakr marches to, 
 323, 326, 327. 
 
 Karang Kaingligb, tight at, 64. 
 Karanut tribe, the, 16 n. 
 
 Kara Saman, 40. 
 
 lvarashahr (Chalish), town of, 54,* 
 62* n., 99,* 125. 
 
 Kara Sultan Ali Mirza, 241. 
 
 Kara Tagh, Maulana, 460, 463. 
 Kara-taghlik , the party of the “Black 
 Mountain,” 125.* 
 
 Karatal, 274, and n. 
 
 Kara-tash, pass of, 398 n. 
 
 Kara Tatar (a Tartar tribe), 79 n. 
 
 Karatau Hills, 53.* 
 
 Kara Tazghun (river), 295, 312; water 
 of, 297 n. 
 
 Karatigin, 145; mountains of, 261; 
 Mir Yali conquers, 320 ; Shah Mu¬ 
 hammad Sultan sent to, 382; (Kair 
 Tagin) 241 ; Muhammad Husain 
 Kurkan at, 163, 164. 
 
 Kara Tukai, 181 n. ; Yunus Khan at, 
 92, 93. 
 
 Kara-Uchunghal, 309. 
 
 Karawanas, the Chaghatai, so-called 
 by the Moghuls, 76,* 148, 491, 492. 
 
 Karawinah (or Karawinas), the, 77.* 
 
 Kardun, fortress of, 454, 456 n. 
 
 Kardung Pass, the, 445 n. 
 
 Karias Lake, 54. 
 
 Karim Bardi, Mir, 78, 86. 
 
 Kari-Sairam, city of, 171 n. 
 
 Karish Klian, 276. 
 
 Kariya (Kiria), town of, 295. 
 
 Karlughi, section of Uighurs, 93.* 
 
 Karluk tribe in Moghulistan, the, 73,* 
 74* n., 88,* 19 n., 309 ; with Sultan 
 Said’s army, 66* ; (or Karakhani), 
 kingdom of, 94.* 
 
 Karipina, battle at, 45. 
 
 Karnas, the word, 492. 
 
 Karsa (Kartse) district of Tibet, 442. 
 
 Karslii, Amir Timur encamped at, 37 ; 
 the Uzbeg encampment at, 243; 
 Ubaid Ullah Khan fortified in castle 
 of, 245, 248, 260. 
 
 Karuh (Kroh), measure of distance, 
 297 n. 
 
 Kasan, town of, 9 n. ; given to Sayyid 
 Muhammad Mirza, 240; attacked 
 by the Uzbeg Sultans, 248, 249. 
 
 Kashghar (or Alti-Shahr), Sir D. For¬ 
 syth’s mission to in 1873, vii., 408; 
 the Amirs of, 7* ; invaded by Sultan 
 Said Khan, 11,* 133, 325-7, 331; 
 Amirs of, contemporary with the 
 Khans of Moghulistan, 48,* 49*; 
 Sultan Said’s headquarters, 56* ; 
 his operations against, 66,* 98*; 
 the Karlughi Uighurs’ chief town, 
 94* ; ancient name Su-li, 8 n. ; the 
 modern town of, 42 n.; and Amir 
 Khudaidad, 61; expedition of Amir 
 Sayyid Ali to, 75-78; Yunus Khan’s 
 expeditions against, 86, 90 ; Sayyid 
 Ali’s mausoleum at, 87; rule of 
 Mirza Saniz in, 87, 88; attacked 
 by Dust Muhammad Khan, 89 ; 
 rule of Muhammad Haidar Mirza, 
 95, 98, 102, 104, 252; ravaged by 
 Aba Bakr Mirza, 103, 252-3, 338; 
 captured by Sultan Ahmad Khan, 
 122; Sayyid Muhammad Mirza’s 
 expedition against, 144: Moghuls 
 in, 148; treasure found in city of, 
 257; the Sultans of, 286; rebel- 
 
Index. 
 
 513 
 
 lion of Kushluk in, 287-291 ; con¬ 
 quest of, by the Moghuls, 292-294; 
 famine in, 291 ; the Jam-i-Giti 
 Numai on, 294 ; boundaries of, 294 ; 
 rivers in, 295-6; situation of the 
 town of, 295 n .; tombs in, 300, 301; 
 people of, 301; fruit plentiful in, 
 303; climate of, 303; its defects, 
 303 ; haze phenomenon in, 303 and 
 n. ; citadel of, 304; battles between 
 Said Khan and Mirza Aba Bakr at, 
 310-312; citadel abandoned by Aba 
 Bakr’s army, 323; Said Khan re¬ 
 enters, 343, 351; events in, after 
 Said Khan’s death, 449-51. 
 
 Kashmir, no copies of the Tctrikh-i- 
 Easliidi to be found in, ix.; second 
 invasion of in 1541, 8,* 17*-20* ; 
 invaded by Mirza Haidar in 1531, 
 13,* 14,* 136, 143; administration 
 of, 17*-20,* 23*; coins in, struck in 
 Humayun’s name, 24 ; invasions of, 
 during reigns of Aba Bakrand Sultan 
 Said, 65,* 66*; Mirza Haidar’s suc¬ 
 cessors of, in, 126,* 127* ; regiment of 
 the Jatali army defeats Amir Haji, 
 19; ancient temples of, 58 and n. ; 
 Mirza Haidar and, 419, 421, 423-4; 
 the plain of, 424; climate of, 425; cul¬ 
 tivation in, 425; buildings and streets 
 of, 425; fruit in, 425; idol temples 
 in, 426; wonders in, 426-430 ; ac¬ 
 count of, in the Zafar-Nama, 430- 
 432; conversion of, to Islam, 432-3 ; 
 the Musulman Sultans of, 433 and w., 
 434; religious sects in, 434-437; 
 Mirza Haidar’s campaign in and 
 retreat from, 437-441; Firishta’s 
 account of Mirza Haidar’s invasion, 
 441 n., 442 n. ; origin of Mirza 
 Haidar’s expedition to, 481, 482; its 
 conquest by him, 483-8. 
 
 Kasim Husain Sultan, 484. ] 
 
 Kasim Khan (Kasim Beg), son of Jani 
 Beg Khan, 82, 163, 230, 231, 271, 
 273, 373; visited by Sultan Said 
 Khan, 133; takes Taraz and Tash- 
 kand, 274; attacks Suyunjuk Khan 
 in Tashkand, 275, 313; reception of 
 Said Khan, 276-7; goes to Ubaira- 
 Subaira, 282. 
 
 Kasim Kuchin, Amir, 242. 
 
 Kasim Maulana, 213. 
 
 Kaskasu, pass of, 398 n. 
 
 Kat, ancient capital of Khwarizm, 4 5. 
 
 lvatak, the overwhelming of, 67,* 68*; 
 as described by Mirza Haidar, 10 
 12 n. ; town of, 67, 295. 
 
 Kattaghan, territory of, 203 n. 
 
 Katur (or Kitaur) a Kafir tribe, 103, 
 104 n. 
 
 Kaum (tribe), the word, 148 n. 
 
 Kazan, Sultan (the “ Grand Can ” of 
 the Chaghatai), 20 n. 
 
 Kazaks, the, 126*; supplant the Mo¬ 
 ghuls, 56* ; gradual disappearance 
 of, 82 ; some of Abulkhair Khan’s 
 people join, 92; Mansur Khan’s 
 battle with. 127, 128; Said Khan 
 and, 276-7; in Mavara-un-Nahr, 
 attacked by Shahi Beg Khan, 207, 
 230, 231; history of, and their Sul¬ 
 tans, 272-4. 
 
 Kazak-Kirghiz, the (White Horde), 
 121* n. 
 
 Kazak-Uzbegs, Said Khan and the, 
 120*; Sultan Mahmud Khan and 
 the, 119, 122. 
 
 Kazi Imad-ud-Din Maskin, 212. 
 
 Kazik, the word, 255 n., 256-7. 
 
 Kazi Shams-ud-Din Ali, 389. 
 
 Kazi-Zadah Rumi : see Salah-ud-Din 
 Musa. 
 
 Keene, Mr. H. G., on transliteration, 
 xii. n. ; 4 Turks in India,’ 88,* 
 
 89.* 
 
 Kelat (Kalat), Shahi Beg besieges, 
 192 w., 209. 
 
 Kerranai, the (trumpet), 34. 
 
 Kesh, Timur meets the three princes 
 at, 18; 4 Iron Gate’ near, 21 n. ; 
 plains of, 26; the princes of Jatali 
 return to, 35 ; Prince Jahangir 
 buried at, 48. 
 
 Keuk Tubeh (or Kuk Tipa), 41. 
 
 Khadija Begum, 196. 
 
 Khadija Sultan Khanim, daughter of 
 Sultan Ahmad Khan, 161, 330, 382 ; 
 marriage of, 352. 
 
 Khadija Sultan, 451. 
 
 Khafi Khan, the historian, 89,* 246 n. 
 
 Khakan, the word, 30 n. 
 
 Khaliki, Maulana, 225, 226. 
 
 Khalil Sultan, defeated by Mansur 
 Khan at Almatu, 182; drowned by 
 Jani Beg Khan in the river at 
 Akhsi, 183, 191, 264-5, 334; and 
 Moghulistan, 240; his son Baba 
 Sultan, 250, 251. 
 
 Khalil Mirza, Sultan, grandson of 
 Timur, misdeeds of, 451. 
 
 Khamar Khatun, 257. 
 
 Khan, subordinate princes of Chagha¬ 
 tai styled, 30* n. 
 
 Khan Baligh (Bala-Sakun), town of. 
 361-4. 
 
 Khan, Mirza : see Mirza Khan. 
 
 Khan Nazar, Mirza of Khotan, 100 ; 
 killed by Aba Bakr, 101. 
 
 Khan Sultan Khanim, daughter of 
 Saniz Mirza, 88. 
 
 Khan Sultan Sultanim, sister of Mirza 
 Aba Bakr, 258. 
 
 Kliand Mahmud, Khwaja, 478. 
 
 Khanikoff on the Hazaras, 80* n. 
 
 Khananki Mirza, 248. 
 
 Khans, succession of Moghul, from the 
 time of Isan Bugha, 40*-47* ; power 
 
514 
 
 Index . 
 
 of the, from the reign of Amir Timur 
 to Ulugh Beg, 83. 
 
 Khans of the White Horde (Kirghiz 
 Kazaks), 272 %. 
 
 Khanzada Begum, 117, 155; married 
 to Shahi Beg Khan, 175, 196, 239; 
 wife of Mirza Jahangir, 48, 330; 
 and Khwaja Nura, 400. 
 
 Khapula, district of Balti, 410. 
 
 Khardak Bukhari, Mankind, 37. 
 
 Ivhar-gura (wild ass), 347 %. 
 
 Khashgau, the, 302 %. 
 
 Kliass, part of Moghulistan, 377. 
 
 Khatlan (or Khutlan), hill tracts of, 
 10* ; Baber gains possession of, 10*; 
 proviuce of, 21 %. 
 
 Khavand Mahmud, Khwaja, 448: see 
 Nurd Kliwdia. 
 
 i/ 
 
 Khazars, Turkish tribe of, 91* %. 
 
 Khidmat Mauldna, 14, 15, 67, 85. 
 
 Khidmat Mauldna Shall Sayyid Asliik, 
 300. 
 
 Ivhitai (or China), 152 %., 360; people 
 of, 88*; Mansur’s wars against, 
 91, 104,* 127; holy war against, by 
 Khizir Khwaja, 52; Amir Timur’s 
 expedition against, 53; given to 
 Tuli Khan, 293; wares of, 408; the 
 Padishah of, 416. 
 
 lvliitai Bahadur, 39, 45, 46, 49. 
 
 Khiva, Husain and Timur at, 23 n. 
 
 Khizar Yasuri, Amir, 18. 
 
 Khizir Shah, brother of Amir Khudai- 
 ddd, 100. 
 
 Khizir Khwaja Khan, commencement 
 of his reign, 51-57, 68; sons and 
 successors of, 43*, 44*, 57 ; of 
 Moghulistan, 101,* 39; death of, 
 102* ; temporary conquest of Turfan 
 and Kara Khoja, 103.* 
 
 Khodaidad, Amir, 45.* 
 
 Kliojand, Amir Timur at, 43 ; the river 
 of, 29, 113, 120. 
 
 Khojas, the, 239%. 
 
 Khorasdn, country of, 30* ; invaded by 
 Bordk, 35*; invaded by Isdn Bugha, 
 37; Amir Timur’s conquest of, 19; 
 conquered by Sultan Abu Said, 
 81 %., 83, 85; Yunus Khan at, 87; 
 annals of kings of, 150, 151; Sultan 
 Husain Mirza in, 154, 193, 195 ; 
 capital of, 193%.; Babar Padishah’s 
 expedition into, 197, 198; conquest 
 by Shahi Beg, 164, 201, 205 ; Ivhus- 
 rau Shah proceeds to, 176, 177; 
 Slidh Ismail in, 236; Uighurs in 
 311 %. 
 
 Khorasani Mirzas, the Moghuls and 
 the Uzbegs against, 57.* 
 
 Khorasha (Kuddshah), village of, 19. 
 
 Khotan, 103.* 
 
 Khotan, city of, 51*%.; Goes’ visit to, 
 122* ; hills of, 52 ; Aba Bakr Mirza 
 and Omar Mirza’s attempt to subdue, 
 
 99, 101; the Mirzas of, 100; and 
 their extirpation, 101; Kashid Khan 
 follows Mirza Ali Taghdi to, 145; 
 citadal of, treasure found at, 256-7; 
 captured by Kushluk Khan, 291, 
 293; water of, 297 %.; rivers of, 298 ; 
 jade found in, 298, 301; tombs in, 
 298; people of, 301; wild camels 
 found in deserts of, 301; wild oxen 
 in the hills of, 301-2 ; fruit in, 303 ; 
 climate of, 303; Mirza Aba Bakr 
 flees to, 133, 323, 325, 327. 
 
 Khub Nigdr Khanim, mother of Mirza 
 Haidar, 9,* 156; marries author’s 
 father, Muhammad Husain, 117,118, 
 153. 
 
 Khudabanda, governor at Aksu, 123.* 
 
 Khudaidad, Amir, son of Bulaji, 38, 
 39, 51-54; nine privileges granted 
 to the ancestors of, by Chingiz Khan, 
 54, 55; three additional privileges 
 granted by Khizir Khwaja, 56 ; 
 Khans raised by, to the Khanate, 58, 
 68; Kashgliar his native country, 
 61; pilgrimage to Mekka, 67-71; 
 his death and burial at Medina, 
 71 ; division of dependencies of the 
 Dughlats, 100. 
 
 Khudai Kuli Bahadur, 309. 
 
 Khuddai Kuli Shakavul, 315. 
 
 Khundamir, Persian author, 246 %., 
 247 %. 
 
 Khurram Sliah Sultan, 239. 
 
 Khush Gildi Kukildash, 185, 187. 
 
 Ivhush Rai Kukildash, 165. 
 
 Khusrau Shah, and the province of 
 Khutlan, 21 %. ; in possession of 
 Hisar, Kunduz, etc., 130,163,167,177, 
 203 %.; defeat at the hands of Shahi 
 Beg Khan, 164-166, 169, 353; puts 
 Baisanghar Mirza to death, 174; 
 and Babar Padishah, 175, 176; his 
 death, 177, 329 %. 
 
 Kliusru, Amir, the poet of mediaeval 
 India, and the Moghuls, 81,* 82,* 
 87.* 
 
 Khust (Khost), Amir Abdul Kudus, 
 governor of, 103, 104 %. 
 
 Khuzar, town of, 26; Babar gains 
 possession of, 10*; meeting of Amir 
 Timur and Haji Mahmud at, 18. 
 
 Khwajas, the, of Kashgliar, 123.* 
 
 Khwajas (priests) in Alti-Shahr, 124*- 
 12(5.* 
 
 Khwajas (sect), Ahmad one of, 10. 
 
 Khwaja Ali, Maulana, 213. 
 
 Khwaja Baha-ud-Din, 33.* 
 
 Khwaja Kalan, expedition to Kashmir, 
 18,* 19* ; murdered by Yunus Khan’s 
 wife, 94. 
 
 Khwaja Nura : see Shahab-ud-Din. 
 
 lvhwand Mir, history of, 108, 121. 
 
 Khwandamir, and reign of Isan Bugha, 
 39.* 
 
Index. 
 
 515 
 
 Khwan-i-Salar, battle at, 80. 
 
 Khwarizm, third expedition of Amir 
 Timur into, 44; invaded by Shahi 
 Beg- Khan, 130, 171, 180, 191, 192, 
 195, 204. 
 
 Kilan, Mir Khwaja, 212; defends Kan¬ 
 dahar, 468, 469, 472; in Kashmir, 
 483. 
 
 Kila Zafar, chief town of Badakhshan, 
 
 10 ,* 12 .* 
 
 Kilpin Rabat, resting place, 296. 
 
 Kirniz, a beverage, 53 n., 62, 277. 
 
 Kiosks, the vast, of the world, 429. 
 
 Kipchak, plains of, 30* ; tribes of, 31.* 
 
 Kipchak tribe, 87,* 88,* 45, 55 n. ; 
 White Horde of, 45 n. ; deserts of, 45, 
 49; with Sultan Said’s army, 66*; 
 mixed up with the Kangali tribe, 
 16 n. 
 
 Kiran Bahadur, governor of the dis¬ 
 trict of Bhirbal, 22.* 
 
 Kirghiz, the, 87,* 88*; supplant the 
 Moghuls, 56* ; in Alti-Shahr, 124*- 
 126*; originators of all the revolts 
 in Moghulistan, 125; rebellions 
 against the Moghul Khakans, 148 ; 
 tribe, the, 181 n. ; join Mansur Khan 
 in Chalish, 254 ; Mansur Khan and 
 the, 339; Said Khan’s campaign 
 against, 348-351; plunder Turkistan 
 etc., 358; in Moghulistan, 367; at 
 At-Bashi, 377, 378 ; pursue Babajak 
 Sultan, 378; Tahir Khan joins 
 forces with, 379; desert Tahir Khan, 
 388. 
 
 Kirghiz Kazaks, Khans of, 272 n. 
 
 Kirman, the Caraonas at, 77.* 
 
 Kirya, River of, 406 n. 
 
 Kishkui Divana, 309. 
 
 Kishtawar, province of, attacked by 
 Mirza Haidar, 21*. 
 
 Ki Shwang Na (Kesh), 8 n. 
 
 Kitan, the : see Kara Khitai. 
 
 Kitta Beg, 313, 357; and Midaka 
 Bahadur, 314; in charge of Sairam, 
 271, 274. 
 
 Kiyak (Kayalik, etc.), territory of, 288, 
 289. 
 
 Kizil, village called, 296, 315, 316. 
 
 Kizil River, 295 n. 
 
 Kizilbash, the, 214 and n., 235, 246. 
 
 Klaproth and Uighuristan, 101* ; and 
 Turfan, 104* n. 
 
 Kokcha valley, the ruins in, 220 n., 
 221 n. 
 
 Koko Nor, 406 n., 407 n. 
 
 Kolagam, in district of Div Sar, 428 n. 
 
 Kolpakofsky, Gen., on Lake Issigh- 
 Kul, 78 n. 
 
 Koraish Sultan, eighth son of Rashid 
 Sultan, 121.* 
 
 Koran, the, sections of, 1 ; treaties and 
 solemn engagements written and 
 sealed in copies of, 101 n. 
 
 Koroi-Saroi, place called, 78 n. 
 
 Kords, Csoma de, on Maryul, 410 n. 
 
 Kos (kruh), a measure of distance in 
 India, 424 n. 
 
 Kostenko, and island of Kui Sui, 78 n. 
 
 Kruh (or Kuroh) a measure of distance, 
 424 n. 
 
 Kublai, Mongol Emperor of China, 
 styled Kaan, 30* n. ; war against 
 Irtukbuka, 34* ; the “ Great Kaan ” 
 of Marco Polo, 34,* 35* ; wars with 
 Kaidu, 36,* 38* ; death of, 36.* 
 
 Kuchar (Kuitze) district of, 54,* 93* ; 
 town of, 62* n., 70,* 100,* 102*; 
 remains of Buddhistic buildings, 
 etc. in, 124 n. 
 
 Kuchin, people so called, in Khotan 
 and Kashghar, 301. 
 
 Kuchkar (Koshkar), 50 n., 368, 370 
 and n., 377 ; encampment of, 59.* 
 
 Kuchum (Tartar Khan), 282 n. 
 
 Kuchum Sultan, 159, 283. 
 
 Kuchum Khan, 206 n., 243, 248. 
 
 Kudash, Maulana, 461, 462. 
 
 Kuen-lun, Tibetan highland, 54.* 
 
 “ Kui Jariki,” campaign of, 379. 
 
 Kulilagha (the Iron Gate), 37. 
 
 Kui-Kule, pass of, 21 n. 
 
 Kui-Sui, island of, in Lake Issigh-Kul, 
 78, and n. 
 
 Kuitze, town of: see Kuchar. 
 
 Kukanit, a tribe of Khotan, 67. 
 
 Kukcha Tangiz, lake of, 366. 
 
 Kukildash, Amirs called, 52. 
 
 Kukildash Mirza Ali Sayyid Bahadur, 
 318-9. 
 
 Kuk Kashana, district of, 231. 
 
 Kuk Naur (Koko Nor), 406, and n.; 
 407. 
 
 Kuk Rabat, 296. 
 
 Kuk Uchgu, surname of Amir Bulaji, 
 9. 
 
 Kulak, plain of, 238. 
 
 Kui Malik, battle of, 260, 268. 
 
 Kui Nazar Mirza of Khotan, 100, 241, 
 248, 308, 356; killed by Aba Bakr, 
 101 . 
 
 Kulunjak Sultan, 164. 
 
 Kulab, hill tracks of, 10.* 
 
 Kuli Itarji, 321. 
 
 Kuli, Sultan, 357. 
 
 Kulja, the present town of, 32.* 
 
 Kulka, head of the Makrit tribe, 309. 
 
 Kulugha (or Kuhlagha) Pass, the (Iron 
 Gate), 20 n., 21 n., 26. 
 
 Kuluk, nephew of Uljaitu, 37.* 
 
 Kumala Kachur, jungle of, 189. 
 
 Kumul (Humi), State of, 101,* 124* n. 
 
 Kumzah, 39. 
 
 Kunah-Shahr, ruins of; Sir H. Yule 
 on, 12 n. 
 
 Kunduz, 23, 56; Baber gains posses¬ 
 sion of, 10*; regained by Mirza 
 Haidar, 24* ; Shahi Beg’s campaign 
 
 2 l 2 
 
5 i6 
 
 Index. 
 
 against, 130; Babar Padisliuli at, 131; 
 in possession of Khusrau Shah, 163, 
 177,203 and n .; attacked by Mahmud 
 Sultan, 169, 170, 176, 178; Emperor 
 Babar and, 237-8, 267. 
 
 Kunghar Ulang, 376 and n. 
 
 Kunji, Amir, 86. 
 
 Kunji, the Amirs of, 51 ; family of, 
 308. 
 
 Kunkas, part of Mogliulistan, 377. 
 
 Kunkurat tribe, the, 16 n. 
 
 Kurarna, Kazaks in, 126* ; district of, 
 181 n. 
 
 Kuranas, a tribe among the Mongols, 
 76* 
 
 Kuratu, desert of, 49. 
 
 Kurgan-Tube (or Tipa), 21 n. 
 
 Kurguz, a Uighur named, 95.* 
 
 Kurkani, the title, 278 W.-280 n. 
 
 Kurlukut, tribe of, 19. 
 
 Kurulat (or Ivurlut), tribe, the, 16 n. 
 
 Ivus, 75. 
 
 Kusan (Kuchar), 9 n., 378; raids into 
 by Mir Jabar Birdi, 124; Babajak 
 Sultan and, 126; Babajak Sultan in, 
 332, 339. 
 
 Kush Gumbaz, monastery called, 296. 
 
 Kushji, Amirs called, 52. 
 
 Kushk-i-Bagh-i-Zaghan, a garden at 
 Herat, 83. 
 
 Kushluk, sou of Tai Yang Khan; 
 rebellion of, in 'Kashghar, 287- 
 
 291, 293; his capture and death, 
 
 292. 
 
 Kushluk’s tribes (the Naiman Uighurs), 
 288 n. 
 
 Kutds (wild oxen) in the hills of 
 Kliotan, 301-2, 302 n .; in Tibet, 
 416, 417, 446 and n. 
 
 Kutb-i-Alam, tomb of, in Kashghar, 
 301. 
 
 Kutb-ud-Din Ahmad, 342. 
 
 Kutb-ud-Din, Sultan, 432, 433. 
 
 Kutb Khan, 472. 
 
 Kutluk Mirak Mirza, 241, 247, 306, 
 316. 
 
 Kutluk Nigar Khanim, 94, 96, 117, 
 155, 160, 196, 197. 
 
 Kutlugli Turkan Aglia, 43. 
 
 Kuyuk (son of Oktai), attacks Alma- 
 ligh, 33*. 
 
 Kuyuk (son of Dava), 36.* 
 
 Kuzi Bashi, 82. 
 
 Kuzmin, province of, 44 and n. 
 
 Labug (or Lanuk), in Tibet, 410. 
 
 Lacouperie, Prof, de, on the Hiung 
 Nu, 87* n .; on the compilation of 
 the Ming Shi, 107* n. ; on the 
 term Mangalai Suyah, 8 n .; on the 
 word Hk or Hal;. 288 n. 
 
 Ladak; invaded by Aba Bakr, 13* ; 
 
 expedition into, by Sultan Said in 
 1531, 13,* 14*; Mirza Haidar’s re¬ 
 turn to, in 1534, 15*; expedition 
 against, in 1533, 12* n. ; invasion of, 
 in 1543, 20* ; in 1548, 21* ; overrun 
 by foreign troops, 65*; invaded by 
 Sultan Said in 1532, 66*; invasions 
 of, 270 n. ; 410 n. ; district of Balti, 
 410; kings and rulers of, 418 n. : 
 see also Tibet. 
 
 Ladak Gyalrabs, the work called, 
 418 419 n. 
 
 Lahore (Laliur), city of, 405, 406 ; 
 Mirza Haidar received by Kamran 
 at, 16,* 467; sacked by Dava, 36* ; 
 held by Kamran Mirza, 398, 468, 
 472; Khwaja Nura at, 399, 400; 
 flight of the Chaghatai to, 17,* 18,* 
 477-9. 
 
 Lahur Makri, of Kashmir, 441. 
 
 Lahuk (Luk Langar), town of, 298 
 and n. 
 
 Lai (mire or mud), battle of, 31-6. 
 
 Lak of Hindustan, 469. 
 
 Lali: see Shall Sultan Muhammad 
 Badakkshi. 
 
 Lai Shad Khanim, daughter of Sultan 
 Ahmad Khan, 161. 
 
 Lamas of Tibet, 414-416. 
 
 Lanak Lake, 456 n. 
 
 Langar Mir Amad (dependency of 
 Hisar), 227. 
 
 Lanka, island of, 429 n. 
 
 Lansdell, Dr.; travels in Chinese Tur- 
 kistan, 58 n., 59 n. 
 
 Lansur, fort of, 488. 
 
 Lar, narrow defile of, 423, and n. 
 
 Lassa (Ursang); Mirza Haidar starts 
 to destroy the great temple at, 14,* 
 136 n., 143, 454-459 ; temple at, 
 411, 443 : see also Ursang. 
 
 Lata Jugh Dan, ruler of Maryul, 418 
 and 419 n., 460. 
 
 Leh, town of, 410 n. ; distance from 
 Lassa, 456 n., 457 n. ; capital of 
 Ladak, 460 n. ; palace of, 460 n. 
 
 Lerch, Mr. P., and the Kirghiz proper, 
 in 1873, 126*; on YaDgi, 80 n. 
 
 Littledale, Mr. St. G.; on wild camels 
 in neighbourhood of Lake Lob, 
 302 n. 
 
 Little Tibet, Balti tribe of, 82,* 83*; 
 see also Baltistau. 
 
 Liu Sha (or Moving Sands) of Alti- 
 Shahr, 67.* 
 
 Lob, 67, 295. 
 
 Lob lvatak, town of, 10 r?., 11 n., 52, 64. 
 
 Lob, Lake. 54,* 406 n., 407 n .; Chinese 
 names for, 12 n. ; wild camels in 
 neighbourhood of, 302 n. 
 
 Lu, in Tibet, 410. 
 
 Lu-ko-tsin (Liu Cheng), town of, 106*; 
 situation of, 113* n. 
 
 Luk Langar, town of, 298 /?. 
 
Index. 
 
 5 T 7 
 
 Lukman Sultan, 66. 
 
 Luk-u-Labuk, castle of, 455, 456 n. 
 
 Madu (Madi), fort of, seized by Aba 
 Bakr, 249,254, 259 ; Mir Vali takes, 
 320 ; taken by Said Khan, 376. 
 
 Magpies never seen in Khotan, 298. 
 
 Mahdi Sultan, 179 and n., 238, 243, 
 245, 248. 
 
 Ma-hei-ma (Muhammad) brother of 
 Shah Khan, 123,* 124.* 
 
 Mahim Khanim, 344; daughter of 
 Sultan Ahmad Khan, 161. 
 
 Mahmud Khan, Sultan, son of Yunus 
 Khan, 72, 83, 153, 156, 336; early 
 days of, 107,108; sent against Sultan 
 Ahmad Mirza, 113; pays his respects 
 to Nasiruddin Ubaidullah, 114 ; war 
 with Sultan Ahmad Mirza, 115, 
 116; marries Karaguz Begum, 116, 
 117; his reign in Tashkand, 118, 
 119; death of 120, 131, 179, 192, 
 208-9 ; war with the Uzbeg Kazak, 
 119, 122; defeated by Mirza Aba 
 Balo', 122 ; expedition into Mavara- 
 un-Nahr, 125 ; in Yatikand, 130 ; 
 reign in Shash, 155 ; succeeds Yunus 
 Khan in Tashkand, 157 ; helps Shahi 
 Beg Khan to conquer Samarkand 
 and Bokhara, 158,166 ; advances on 
 Kunduz, 169,170,176,178; plunders 
 Sairam, 171; martyrdom of, and liis 
 children, 162, 163; friendship with 
 Muhammad Husain Kurkan, 171; 
 Babar Padishah and, 175; and his 
 mother Shah Begum, 180; goes over 
 to Shahi Beg Khan, 182,207-8, 240 ; 
 Hazrat Maulana his spiritual guide, 
 213; Said Khan joins him in Mo- 
 ghulistan, 447. 
 
 Mahmud Kuli, 247, 306. 
 
 Mahmud Mirza, son of Sayyid Mu¬ 
 hammad, 444, 454, 455, 459; his 
 death, 462-3. 
 
 Mahmud Yusuf, 467. 
 
 Makhtum, woman named, 187, 190. 
 
 Makhtum Khanim, sister of Vais Khan, 
 67, 91. 
 
 Makri, family of, in Kashmir, 482 n. 
 
 Makrit tribe, 309. 
 
 Maksud, brother of Mir Kambar, 
 307. 
 
 Maksud Ali, wounds Said Khan in 
 battle, 137, 181, 182. 
 
 Maksud Karak, 357. 
 
 Malcolm, Sir J., and the Kizilbash, 
 214 n. 
 
 Malik, adherent of Amir Husain, 35. 
 
 Malik Ali, 309. 
 
 Malik Bahadur, 32. 
 
 Malik Duladai, Governor of Kashghar, 
 
 / o. 
 
 Malik Pir, 480 n. 
 
 Maliks of Kashmir, 438, 441. 
 
 Malleson, Col., on Shahrukhi coin, 
 202 n. 
 
 Malur: see Balur. 
 
 Mamak Sultan, 245. 
 
 Mamlakat Ata, 63. 
 
 Man of gold dust, weight of Andijan, 
 327 and n. 
 
 Mangai, ancient town of, 124 n. 
 
 Mangalai Suyali (Aftab Ru), province 
 of, 99,* 100*; given to Urtubu, 7; 
 the name, 7 n- 9 n. ; under adminis¬ 
 tration of the Dughlats, 75, 294 ; see 
 also Farghana. 
 
 Mangit, the tribe of, 134 and n. ; 374 
 and n. 
 
 Mangu, succeeds Kuyuk as Khakan, 
 33,* 34.* 
 
 Mangu Kaan (Chingiz’s graudson), 
 60* 
 
 Mankafit or Manfakit (Mangit): see 
 Mangit. 
 
 Manlik, wife of Isan Bugha, and her 
 child, 6, 7. 
 
 Mansur Khan, son of Sultan Ahmad 
 Khan, 122, 156, 160, 178, 190, 306 ; 
 holy war against Khitai, 91, 127 ; 
 annexes Kumul to Turfan, 101*; 
 wars against Khitai or China, 104*, 
 105* ; succeeds to Uighuristan, 109,* 
 123* ; fortifies Aksu against Mirza 
 Aba Bakr, 123, 124; return of Mir 
 Jabar Birdi to the court of, 125 ; 
 battle against his brothers at Charun 
 Clialak, 125, 131, 139 ; and the 
 Kalmak, 125 ; and Babajak Sultan, 
 126 ; meeting with his brother Sultan 
 Said Khan, 126; Khwaja Tajuddin’s 
 attendance on, 127; defeated by the 
 Uzbeg Kazak at Arish, 127 ; marches 
 against Aksu, 128, 145; his death 
 after a reign of forty-three years, 
 128, 129 ; makes peace with Sultan 
 Said Khan, 134 ; and Chin Timur 
 Sultan, 161; defeats Said Khan and 
 Khalil Sultan at Almatu, 182; and 
 Aiman Khwaja Sultan, 332, 339, 
 340 ; treatment of Said Khan, 334 ; 
 submission of Said Khan to, 335 ; at 
 Aksu, 336, 337 ; quarrel with Amir 
 Jabar Birdi, 337-9; war with the 
 Kalmak, 339 ; pursues Babajak 
 Sultan, 339, 340; meeting with Said 
 Khan at Arbat, 340, 343-5; and 
 Mirza Haidar, 345; second inter¬ 
 view with Said Khan, 356 ; Khwaja 
 Nura visits, 396-7. 
 
 Manuscript found by Capt. Bower near 
 Kuchar, 70,* 71,* 124.* 
 
 Maralbashi, city of, 51* n. 
 
 Marco Polo, 117,* 119*; on the mov¬ 
 ing sands of Alti-Shahr, 67; and 
 Kadn, 30* n.; styles Kublai “the 
 Great Kaan,” 34* ; on wars be- 
 
518 
 
 Index. 
 
 tween Kaidu and Ivublai, 36*; on 
 the Caraonas (Chaghatais), 77* ; on 
 ruins called Gas Shahr, 12 n.; on 
 Si-Ngan-fu, 404 n ., 405 n. 
 
 Marghinau (Marghilan), 87* n. ; town 
 of, 119, 167; citadel of, beld by Mir 
 Daim Ali, 271 ; given to Yunus 
 Khan, 97. 
 
 Marik Bahadur, 309. 
 
 Martand, ruins of temple at, 427 n. 
 
 Marx, Dr., on Mar Yul, 410 n. ; on the 
 rulers of Ladak, 418 n., 419 n. ; on 
 old fort of Leh, 460 n. 
 
 Maryul, in Tibet, 410 and n. ; Mirza 
 Haidar in, 418, 423, 460, 461, 463. 
 
 Mashhad, battle at, 206. 
 
 Masiki (Yangi or Taraz), 79 n- 81 n. 
 
 Masud Kabuli, Sultan, 108. 
 
 Masud Mirza, Sultan, 163, 176, 203 n. 
 
 Masud Sultan, 401. 
 
 Matla ’ Asaadin, the, 42* ; description 
 of River Jhilam, 431 n. 
 
 Maula Bakhsh, Khan Bahadur, on 
 the Kuranas tribe, 76* n., 77* n., 
 App. B. 
 
 Maulana-Zada Samarkandi, 37. 
 
 Mavara-un-Nahr (Transoxiana), king¬ 
 dom of Chaghatai, 29,* 30* ; tribes 
 of, 31*; Kaidu and, 35*; the rise 
 of Timur, 37*; declining power of 
 the Khans of Chaghatai, 39* ; dis¬ 
 appearance of Isan Bugha from, 40*; 
 list of Khans of, 49* ; invaded by 
 the Moghuls, 54,* 58,* 65* ; the 
 Chaghatais of, and Jatah, 61*; 
 Tughluk Timur’s expedition into, 
 15, 16; his second invasion of, 18- 
 22; delivered from the people of 
 Jatah, 29, 30; Sultan Abu Said- 
 Mirza pddishdh of, 79, 80; Sultan 
 Abu Said, ruler of, 81 n. ; Yunus 
 Khan and the kings of, 95-98; ex¬ 
 pedition of Sultan Mahmud Khan 
 into, 125; annals of kings of, 150, 
 151; Shahi Beg Khan at, 16(5; the 
 Kazak in, attacked by Shahi Beg 
 Khan, 207, 230, 231; accession of 
 Babar Padishah to the throne of, 
 243-6; the Shaiban Uzbeg masters 
 of, 274, 282-3; under Ilak Khans, 
 287 n. ; given to Chaghatai Khan, 
 293. 
 
 Mayef, Mr. N. A., on the Iron Gate, 
 
 20 n.; on the province of Khatlan, 
 
 21 n. ; on the ‘ Bridge of Stone,’ 
 24 n. 
 
 Mazid, Mir, 241, 308, 356, 357; and 
 Baba Sultan, 380, 383 ; invades 
 Ladak, 403 n. 
 
 Medina, Amir Khudaidad at, 70, 71. 
 
 Mekka, Amir Khudaidad’s pilgrimage 
 to, 67-71. 
 
 Merv, battle near, between Shahi Beg 
 Kh&n and Shah Ismail, 233-237. 
 
 Midaka Bahadur, 309, 312, 313, 315; 
 Kitta Beg and, 314. 
 
 Mihr Nigar Khanim, 86, 94, 96, 117, 
 155, 196, 197, 200, 258. 
 
 Mimash Khan, 82. 
 
 Minara, town of, 364-5. 
 
 Ming Lak, battle at, 65. 
 
 Ming dynasty, Dr. Bretschneider’s 
 translation of the history of the ; 
 and Moghul Khans, 41*—46*; and 
 Bishbalik, 62*; and the Sali Uighur, 
 404 n. 
 
 Ming Shi, the: see Chinese chronicles 
 of the Ming dynasty; also Bret- 
 sclmeider, Dr. 
 
 ! Mingli: see Manlik. 
 
 Minhaj-ud-Din, author of the Tabakdt- 
 i-Ndsiri, 86.* 
 
 Minkab (Hinkab), in Tibet, 410. 
 
 Miracles attributed to Amir Khudai¬ 
 dad, 69. 
 
 Miracles of Maulana Muhammad Kazi, 
 277-9. 
 
 Mirak Kalandar, Shah, 309. 
 
 Mirak Turkoman, 73, 84; killed by 
 Ulugh Beg, 74. 
 
 Mire, battle of the, 31-36. 
 
 Mir Kliwand, 108, 121; the Rauzat us 
 Safa, ; and the succession of the 
 Moghul Khans, 41*-46*; and the 
 ‘ Karavanas ’ (Chaghatais), 76.* 
 
 Mir Muhammad Shah, son of Amir 
 Khudaidad, 71, 73. 
 
 Mirza Khan, son of Mirza Sultan 
 Mahmud, 156; and Khusrau Shah, 
 176; besieges Kabul, 200, 201; goes 
 to Kandahar, 201, 202, 205; sets out 
 against the Uzbeg, 244 ; kills Zobir 
 Raghi, 203, and reigns over Badakh- 
 shan, 203, 219-221,226; his parents, 
 203 n. ; Mirza Haidar in service of, 
 221, 227-8; sends news of Shahi 
 Beg Khan to Emperor Babar, 237-8, 
 243,263 ; and Bustangir Mirza, 330; 
 Daulat Sultan Khanim stays with, 
 351; in Badakhslian, 353; attacked 
 by Said Khan, 354, 355; dies ill 
 Badakhslian, 387. 
 
 Mirza Turki, place called, 304. 
 
 Mirza Haidar : see Haidar. 
 
 Mirza Shah Husain, 483. 
 
 Mithhal , the weight, 256 n., 469 n. 
 
 Mizrab Barlas, 108. 
 
 Moghul tribe, and Satuk Khan, 73; 
 the word Turk in connection with, 
 98 n. ; Moghul custom of Yangalik, 
 251; name of: see Chaghatai. 
 
 Moghul Ulus, a mere band of refugees 
 about 1525-6.. 98* ; division in the, 
 99*; submits to Shaikh Jamal, 
 94. 
 
 Moghul Khakans, the, Muhammad 
 Khan, the last of, 57; Mirza Haidar’s 
 history of, 148, 149; their power at 
 
Index. 
 
 519 
 
 the time of Mirza Haidar’s birth, 
 152 153. 
 
 Moghul Khanim, 160, 192, 193. 
 
 Mogliulistan (Jatah), the Moghuls of, 
 1*2*; history of, in the Tarikh-i- 
 Rashidi , 7*; Khans of, 29* ; pro¬ 
 vince of, 37*-39* ; epitomised ac¬ 
 count of the Khans of, 46*-48*; 
 the land of, 51,*-71* ; proper boun¬ 
 dary of the province, 52,* 53*; the 
 climate of, 54,* 55*; ‘ cities and 
 towns’ of, 57*-61*; irrigation in, 
 60* ; known as SJatah’ by the Cha- 
 ghatais of Mavara-un-Nalir, 61*; 
 the ‘ steppes ’ of, 54,* 55*; Khans of, 
 pay tribute to China, 63*; the 
 people of, 72*-98*; the name of 
 Jatah, 75* ; Tughluk Timur ruler of, 
 13, 14 ; invasion of, by Amir Timur, 
 39; Yunus Khan in, 86, 87, 95; 
 Sultan Ahmad Khan’s administra¬ 
 tion of, 120, 121 ; Sultan Mahmud 
 Khan and, 122, 131; the Kirghiz 
 the originators of revolts in, 125; 
 subdued by Sultan Said Khan, 134 ; 
 Rashid Sultan sent to, 141, 142,144; 
 Mahmud Khan and, 181; Khalil 
 Sultan flees to, 182; raids of Mirza 
 Aba Bakr’s army into, 188, 254; 
 governed by Sayyid Muhammad 
 Sultan, 240; visit of Aba Bakr to, 
 252: Juji Sultans flee to, 272; 
 given to Chaghatai Khan, 293; 
 mountains of, 294 ; Mir Yali drives 
 the Moghuls and Kirghiz out of, 
 319; Amir Jabar Birdi retreats to, 
 338; Said Khan invades, 350, 351, 
 358-9, 368; description of, in the 
 Jahdn-Kushdi , 360-367; boundaries 
 of, 365 and n., 366; summer in, 366; 
 rivers in, 366-7 ; mountains of, 405 : 
 see also Bishbalik, and Jatah. 
 
 Moghuls of India, the : see Chaghatai. 
 
 Moghuls of Mogliulistan, the, 1,* 2* ; 
 as described in the Tarikh - i - 
 Rashidi , 7* ; succession of the 
 
 Khans from Isan Bugha, 40*-47*; 
 the land of, 51*-71*; traditions of 
 the, 55* ; numbers engaged in their 
 battles, 56*; battles under Kamar- 
 ud-Din with Amir Timur, 56* ; their 
 fear of the Uzbegs, 56*; the auls or 
 encampments of the, 57*-59*; raids 
 in Western Turkistan, 65* ; compo¬ 
 sition of Sultan Said’s armies, 66*; 
 called Jatah by the Cliaghatais, 75* ; 
 in return the M.’s call the Chagha- 
 tais ‘ Karawanas,’ 7(5* ; declining in 
 power and numbers, 77,* 78*; the 
 Moghul Ulus a separate people from 
 the Turks, 82* ; the history of, Mirza 
 Haidar the only Musulman authority 
 for, 119*; small residue of, still 
 existing in Eastern Turkistan, 127* ; 
 
 history of, as recorded in the Zafar- 
 Nama, 2; title of Tarkhan among 
 the, 55 n.; Muhammad Khan’s me¬ 
 thod of converting to Islam, 58; 
 friendly with the Kazaks from the 
 days of Isan Bugha Khan to the 
 time of Rashid Khan, 82 ; Ulusbegi' 
 (chief of the tribe), 132 n. ; many 
 battles with the Uzbeg, 146; at the 
 beginning of reign of Yunus Khan, 
 156 ; at enmity with the Chaghatai, 
 172 ; custom among the young, 185, 
 186; province of Hisar taken by, 
 261 ; defeated by the Uzbegs under 
 Ubaid Ullali Khan, 262-3 ; conquest 
 of Kashghar, 292-4; Sultan Said 
 Khan’s army, 305, 314. 
 
 Mongol and Moghul, the terms, 72,* 
 73*; called Jatah , 75* ; common 
 origin with the Turk, 78,* 79*; type 
 of features still preserved, 81.* 
 
 Mongol rule in Central Asia and China 
 in the days of Chingiz, 115.* 
 
 Mongol (Mangal), a few, still flourish¬ 
 ing in the Hazara country, 127*; 
 and in the Punjab, 128.* 
 
 Mongolia, region known to Europeans 
 as, 73.* 
 
 Mongols, history of, by Rashid-ud-Din, 
 88*; Yazak, or legal code of the, 
 22 n. 
 
 Moorcroft, travels of, viii; on the 
 island of Lanka, 429 n. : finds 
 Khwaja Shah Niaz at Shell, 460 u. 
 
 Muajjam ul Buldan , the, on Tibet, 
 403. 
 
 Muayad, Amir, 46. 
 
 Mubarak Shah (son of Algu), 34,* 35,* 
 220; killed by Zobir Raghi, 221. 
 
 Mubarakshah Makrit, 42. 
 
 Mughol Khan, 89.* 
 
 Muhammad (son of Ali Mirak Mirza), 
 
 307. 
 
 Muhammad (son of Salduz), 26. 
 
 Muhammad Ali Turnan, 309, 315. 
 
 Muhammad Amin, Maul ana, 213. 
 
 Muhammadabad, battle at, 237 n. 
 
 Muhammad Amir Mirza (son of Amir 
 Jabar Birdi), 161. 
 
 Muhammad Attar, Maulana, 89. 
 
 Muhammad Baki (seventh son of Ra¬ 
 shid Sultan), 121.* 
 
 Muhammad Baranduk Barlas, Mir, 
 195. 
 
 Muhammadi Barlas, Amir, 382-384, 
 452, 453. 
 
 Muhammad Bay tin Salduz, Shaikh, 41, 
 43. 
 
 Muhammad Beg, brother of Mir Ayub, 
 
 308, 315, 316. 
 
 Muhammad Beg, one of Mirza Aba 
 Bakr’s officers, 321. 
 
 Muhammad Beg, son of Musa, 50. 
 
 Muhammad Begjik. Mirza, 247. 
 
520 
 
 Index. 
 
 Mukammadi bin Ali Mirak Barlas, 
 141, 142 ; Mirza Haidar and, 145 n .; 
 his influence on Rashid Khan, 146, 
 147. 
 
 Muhammad bin Burhan-ud-Din: see 
 Hazrat Maulana. 
 
 Muhammad Duladi Sultan, 260. 
 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza, son of Say- 
 yid Ali, 56. 
 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza, grandfather 
 of Mirza Haidar, 76, 87, 88, 251; 
 governor of the districts of Kash- 
 ghar, 95, 98, 102, 252; joins Yunus 
 Khan, 89, 90; and Mirza Aba Bakr, 
 99, 100, 102, 103: see also Mirza 
 Haidar. 
 
 Muhammad Haji Mirza, 307. 
 
 Muhammad Husain Kurkan, father of 
 Mirza Haidar, 9.* 56, 102, 106-108, 
 111, 115, 153; plot against Baber, 
 9*; put to death by Shahi Beg 
 Khan, 9,* 209 ; marries Ivhub Nigar 
 Kkanim, 117, 118, 156 ; left in Ura- 
 tippa to oppose Shahi Beg Khan, 
 158, 163; visits Kkusrau Shah in 
 Hisar, 163,164; escapes to the hills of 
 Fargkana, 165; attacked by Tambal, 
 168; the guest of Shahi Beg Khan, 
 169, 205 6; returns to Samarkand, 
 199; marries Sultanim Begum, 164, 
 170; friendship with Mahmud Sultan, 
 171,192 ; flees to Khorasan, 171,192, 
 195; his children left in Shahr-i-Sabz, 
 192, 193; visits Babar Padishah in 
 Kabul, 196-198, 199 n. ; at Kabul, 
 200 ; goes to Kandahar, 201 ; and 
 thence to Farah, 201; stays in Samar¬ 
 kand, 207; goes to Khorasan, 207; 
 tells the story of Sultan Mahmud 
 Khan’s martyrdom, 207-9 ; governs 
 Kashglmr, 252-3; defeated by Mirza 
 Aba Bakr, 253. 
 
 Muhammad Kazi (Maulana), and Yu¬ 
 nus Khan, 8,* 84,* 85,* 97,113,114; 
 and Mirza Haidar, 157,158; miracles 
 of, 277-9: see also Hazrat. 
 
 Muhammad Khan, son of Kkizir 
 Khwaja; reign of, 57-59, 68; Rabat 
 constructed by, 58; his sons, 60; 
 governor at Yarkand, 123.* 
 
 Muhammad Khan Rumi, 475. 
 
 Muhammad Kirghiz, 312, 358, 368, 
 374, 452; attacked by Sultan Said 
 Khan, 134; released from prison, 
 141; appointed Amir of the Kirghiz, 
 141, 142; captured by Said Khan, 
 349-351. 
 
 Muhammad Kkwarizm Shah, 287-289. 
 
 Muhammad Maulana, entrusted with 
 the care of Mirza Haidar, 9,* 209- 
 211, 228. 
 
 Muhammad Mazid Tarkhan, 118. 
 
 Muhammad, Mir, 241, 261, 265, 316. 
 
 Muhammad, Mirza, 241, 308. 
 
 Muhammad Parghari, Maulana, 398-9, 
 469. 
 
 Muhammad Sadr, Maulana, 468. 
 
 Muhammad Salih, Mir, 205. 
 
 Muhammad Shah, the Padishah of 
 Kashmir, 136, 193, 196, 203, 441; 
 Mirza Aba Bakr and, 258. 
 
 Muhammad, Shah Shaikh, 343. 
 
 Muhammad Shah Kurkan, Amir, 56, 
 78, 79. 
 
 Muhammad Shirazi, Maulana, 140, 340, 
 341. 
 
 Muhammad Sultan, sixth son of Rashid 
 Sultan, 121*; Benedict Goes and, 
 122,* 123* ; marriage of, 352. 
 
 Muhammad Sultan Mirza, 474, 478. 
 
 Muhammad Sultan, son of Prince 
 Jahangir, 48. 
 
 Muhammad Sultan, son of Mansur 
 Khan, 129. 
 
 Muhammad Sultan, Shah, 371 ; his 
 history, 381-4. 
 
 Muhammad Vali Mirza, 307. 
 
 Muhammad Yusuf, Khwaja, 371, 372, 
 375; dispute with Khwaja Nura, 
 389, 397 ; death of, 390. 
 
 Muhammad Zaman Mirza, 402. 
 
 Muhammadans, seven, tombs of the, 
 at Yarkand, 299. 
 
 Mukassan Sultan, 467. 
 
 Muhibb Sultan Khauim, 280. 
 
 Muhtarima Khanim, 451. 
 
 Mujtahids, the last of the, 10. 
 
 Mujma-ut-Tavarikh, the, of Raskid- 
 ud-Din, 151, 293. 
 
 Mukadasi, the Arab writer, on Taraz, 
 80 n. 
 
 Mukaddasi, on situation of Bala- 
 Sakun, 362 n. 
 
 Mukim, son of Zunnun Arghun, 177, 
 201, 204 n. 
 
 Mulahida of Kohistan, the sect, 217, 
 218 and n., 220. 
 
 Mulberry trees in Kashmir, 425. 
 
 Mulfazat-i-Timuri, description of Kash¬ 
 mir in, 431 n. 
 
 Multan, sacked by Dava, 36.* 
 
 Mumasli Khan, 273, 276. 
 
 Mumin Mirza, 75. 
 
 Munajim Bashi, on situation of Bala- 
 Sakun, 362 n. 
 
 Munir Marghinani, Maulana, 173. 
 
 Munka Beg, 308, 316, 333. 
 
 Murad Barlas, Amir, 32. 
 
 Musa, Amir, 25, 40. 
 
 Muslih-ud-Din, Shaikh, mausoleum of, 
 209. 
 
 Musulman influence, rise of, in Asia, 
 115,* 116.* 
 
 Musulmau prisoners, Amir Kliudaidad 
 and, 68. 
 
 Musulman Sultans of Kashmir, 433 n., 
 434 n. 
 
 Musulraans, the, chiefly of Turki race, 
 
Index. 521 
 
 86*; in Hochou and Salar districts 
 of Tibet, 404 n., 405 n. 
 
 Mutadar (Hundar), castle of, in Tibet, 
 418. 
 
 Mutamad Khan, the Ilcbal Ndma 
 Jahangiri, vi. 
 
 Muvayid Arlat, Amir, 25. 
 
 Muzaifar Husain Mirza, 196. 
 
 Muzaffari, tribe called, 220. 
 
 Nadir Shah, invades India, 214 n. 
 
 Nagan, town in Kashmir, 428; district 
 of, in Kashmir, 439. 
 
 Naimau, the, tribe in Moghulistan, 73,* 
 74* n., 88,* 288 n., 290 n. 
 
 Naiman TJigliur (or “ Eight Uighurs”), 
 the, 93.*' 
 
 Najm, Mir (Najm Sani), marches on 
 Samarkand, 132, 133; Shah Ismail’s 
 commander-in-chief, 260, 261, 266, 
 268, 281. 
 
 Nakhshab (Karshi), 243; palace near, 
 37. 
 
 Nakhshbandi Order in Central Asia, 
 67 n. 
 
 Nakhsh-i-Jahan Khan, 43,* 57, 68. 
 
 Nalivkine, Mr., and village of Baitak, 
 42 n. 
 
 Namangan, town of, 9 n. 
 
 Nan-gyass (Southern China), 88.* 
 
 Narin River, 53,* 366. 
 
 Nasir Mirza, Sultan, brother of Babar 
 Padishah, 202, 206, 250; death of, 
 356 
 
 Nasiruddin Ubaidullah, Khwaja, 111, 
 212; visit to Yunus Khan, 97; 
 makes peace between three Padi¬ 
 shahs, 113; visit of Sultan Mahmud 
 Khan, 114; and Khwaja Tajuddin, 
 127; Yunus Khan and, 155. 
 
 Nasr, an Ilak Khan, 287 n. 
 
 Nau Shahr, 483. 
 
 Navab Matlab Sultan, 217. 
 
 Nazar Mirza Sultan, 261, 264, 306, 
 308, 326, 333. 
 
 Nazak (Nadir), Sultan, 434 and n. 
 
 Nazar Yasaval, Shaikh, 309. 
 
 Nazuk Shah, 20,* 23,* 24,* 482 n., 487, 
 491. 
 
 Nestorian Christianity prevalent among 
 the Uighurs, 96* ; prevalent among 
 the Naimans, 290 n. 
 
 Nestorian monastery at Chi-gu, 79 n. 
 
 Ngari, province of Tibet, 136 n. 
 
 Niazi, tribe of Afghans, 21,* 22.* 
 
 Nicholas, Friar (Bishop of Cambalu), 
 117,* 118.* 
 
 Nikallu tribe, 214 n. 
 
 Nikpai, grandson of Chaghatai, 35*; 
 reigns in Bokhara, 299 n. 
 
 Nik Pai Shah, 219. 
 
 Nikudar Oghlan, the Hazaras de¬ 
 scended from the remnants of the 
 army of, 80.* 
 
 Nilab, or Blue River (Indus), 406 
 and n. 
 
 Nipal, the Rai or Raja, rulers of, 454 n. 
 Nisan, in Tibet, 410. 
 
 Nishapur, battle at, 206. 
 
 Nizam-ud-Din on the Gakars, 479 n. 
 Nizam-ud-Din Ali Khalifa Maulana 
 Baba Bishaghari, 194, 197. 
 
 Nogais, tribe of, 16 n. 
 
 Noldeke, Professor, and the word 
 Tajik, 91.* 
 
 Noyan Chabah, one of Chingiz Khan’s 
 generals, 292 n. 
 
 Nubra, province of Tibet, 417, 418, 
 420 423. 
 
 Nuin, sent to capture Kushluk, 292. 
 Nur Ali Divana, 462, 463. 
 
 Nura (Nur-ud-Din) Khwaja, 372,375- 
 378, 448 ; cures Sayyid Muhammad 
 Mirza of an illness, 389, 397; dif¬ 
 ference with his brother Muhammad 
 Yusuf, 389, 390; goes to Yangi- 
 Hisar, 390 ; Said Khan under the 
 guidance of, 395, 398; genealogy 
 and life of, 395-7 ; his journey to 
 India, 398-9; miracles of, 399, 400; 
 line of descent in discipleship, 401 ; 
 and Iskandar’s birth, 340. 
 Nurbakhshi, sect called, in Kashmir, 
 435-7. 
 
 Nuruddin, Amir Shaikh, Governor of 
 Turkistan, 64. 
 
 Observatory built by Ulugh Beg at 
 Samarkand, 60 n. 
 
 Odoric of Pordenone, 117.* 
 
 Oirat , the Kalmaks known as, 97* : 
 see also Kalmaks. 
 
 Oktai (or Ogodui), third son of Chingiz 
 Khan, 95* ; dominion of, 31,* 32*; 
 death of, 32*; Chapar, the last of 
 the house of, 37.* 
 
 Oliver, Mr. E. E., paper entitled ‘ The 
 Chaghatai Mughals,’ 28,* 29*; and 
 the representatives of Chaghatai, 
 32,* 33*; and the reign of Borak, 
 35* ; and Chapar, 37.* 
 
 Olkhonod tribe, the, 16 n. 
 
 Omar Mirza, son of Saniz Mirza, 88; 
 
 attempt to subdue Khotan, 99, 101. 
 Omar Mirza, brother of Aba Bakr 
 Mirza, 251 ; has his eyes put out, 
 253. 
 
 Omar Shaikh, chief of the Shulkarchi 
 tribe, 309. 
 
 Omar Shaikh, governor of Andijan, 45, 
 46; sent by Amir Timur against 
 Kamar-ud-Uin, 49. 
 
 Omar Shaikh Mirza, Timur’s son, 20 n ., 
 
 I 21 n. 
 
 Omar Shaikh, Mirza, son of Sultan 
 Abu Said, 93, 110, 111; married to 
 Kutluk Nigar Khanim, 94, 96, 117, 
 155 ; and Yunus Khan, 96; battle at 
 
522 
 
 Index. 
 
 the bridge of Tika Sagrutku, 96,97 ; 
 hostilities with Sultan Ahmad Mirza, 
 112, 113, 115, 116; his sons, 15-4; 
 death of. 119, 174; visit of Yunus 
 Khan to, 173. 
 
 On Arclia (Ankghun Archa), 189 n. 
 
 Organah Khatun, widow of Kara 
 Hulaku, 33,* 34*; driven from Al- 
 maligh, 34.* 
 
 Orong Timur, 34. 
 
 Orpelian, the Armenian writer, and 
 Arghun , 290 n. 
 
 Osman Mirza, 112. 
 
 Osman Sultan and Khwarizm Shah, 
 287. 
 
 Otar (Arshal Atar), 41 n. 
 
 Otrar (Farab), 44 n., 49, 63 n. ; Amir 
 Timur’s death at, 54 ; see Taraz, 
 Yangi, etc. 
 
 Ottogusli-Shahr, remains of ancient 
 town of, 12 n. 
 
 Oxen, wild ( [kutas ), in the hills of 
 Khotan, 301-2, 302 n. 
 
 Pair, 470. 
 
 Paitoug (Baitok), village, 42 n. 
 
 Pak (or Jabak), 309. 
 
 Pakhli, province of, invaded in 1548 
 by Mirza Haidar, 21.* 
 
 Palicha Mir Akhur, 309. 
 
 Pamirs, the, 54,* 405. 
 
 Pandit Nain SiDg, and the gold mines 
 of Tibet, 409 n. 
 
 Pandrettan, ruins of temple at, 427 n. 
 
 Panipat, battle at, 357. 
 
 Panja-Kand: see Bishkand. 
 
 Pandu Koru, ruins of temple at, 427 n. 
 
 Parak : see Cliir River. 
 
 Parvaz (Darwaz), a district of Badakh¬ 
 shan, 353. 
 
 Pasar, a district of Badakhshan, 353. 
 
 Payech, ruins of temple at, 427 n. 
 
 Perhalah (Pharwala), Babar’s expedi- j 
 tion against, 480 n. 
 
 Persia, no copies of the Tarikh-i- 
 Itashidi to be found in, ix.; the 
 Moghul army in, 58.* 
 
 Peshawar, ravaged by Dava, 36.* 
 
 Phukpa, habitations of the Dulpa tribe, 
 409 n. 
 
 Pir Ali Beg, 316, 317. 
 
 Pir Haji Kunji, Mir; his daughter 
 married to Yunus Khan, 86. 
 
 Pir Muhammad Barlas (called 
 ‘ Bangi’), 75, 76. 
 
 Pir Muhammad, Mirza, son of Prince 
 Jahangir, 48. 
 
 Pishka Mirza Itarji, 248. 
 
 Pishkaran, a township of Akhsi, 280. 
 
 Plano Carpini; the Sari Huiur nation, 
 349 n. 
 
 Poisonous herbs, on road from Kashmir 
 to Tibet, 432 and n. 
 
 Po-lo-lo (Balur), 385 n. 
 
 Pomegranate peculiar to Balur, 386. 
 
 Poole, Mr. S. Lane, Muhammadan 
 Dynasties , and the western branch 
 of Chaghatai Khans, 49*; Emperor 
 Baber and Shah Ismail, 247 n .; 
 dual character of Shaibani’s dynasty, 
 206 n. ; on the Miskal, 256 n. ; on 
 the llak Khans, 287 n. ; on Dava 
 Khan, 299 n. 
 
 Prejevalski, Gen., on wastes of moving 
 sand, 69* ; on ruins of ancient towns 
 in Turkistan, 11 n., 12 n. ; wild camel 
 seen in the Lob region by, 301 n., 
 302 n. ; on the wild yak, 302 n. ; on 
 Tangut, 361 n. 
 
 Price, Major, translation from Akbar- 
 Nama, 479 n. 
 
 Pukpa (Dulpa tribe), 409 n., 411, 412 n. 
 
 Pul, Shaikh, and the Emperor Huina- 
 yun, 398-9; put to death, 470. 
 
 Pul-i-Sangin, 243. 
 
 Pulad Bugha, 24, 32, 34, 44, 45; death 
 of, 47. 
 
 Punch Pass, the, 19.* 
 
 Punjab, Mirza Haidar, governor of, 
 16*; ravaged by Dava, 36.*; Mr. 
 Ibbetson and the words Turk and 
 Moghul in, 89*-91,* 128.* 
 
 Puranvar Shaikh, tomb of, in Tash- 
 kand, 115. 
 
 Purik, a district of Ladak, 15,* 442 ; 
 district of Balti, 410. 
 
 Pushang, village of, 216, 227. 
 
 Putaji Bahadur, 309. 
 
 Quatremere, translations from the 
 Haft Iklim, 25,* 26* ; his transla¬ 
 tions of the Matla’ Asaadin, 42* ; 
 on the term Jatali , 75* n.; on the 
 ‘ Karavenas ’ (Chaghatais), 76,* 
 77* ; on Taraz, 80 n. 
 
 Rabat (or traveller’s rest house), built 
 by Muhammad Khan, 58. 
 
 Rabat-i-Kataan, the, 41. 
 
 Rabat-i-Malik, 45. 
 
 Rabatchi, district of, 296. 
 
 Ragh, hill district of Badakhshan, 
 203 n., 219. 
 
 Rajaori, province of, invaded in 1548 
 by Mirza Haidar, 21.* 
 
 Rajdan, palace built by Sultan Zain- 
 ul-Abidin, 429 and n., 430, 437. 
 
 Rashid Khan, son of Sultan Said, 14,* 
 25,* 57, 82, 251; puts to death many 
 of Mirza Haidar’s relatives, 15*; 
 battles with the Uzbegs, 120* ; sons 
 of, 121*—123* ; governor of Kuchar 
 and Turfan, 123*; the Tarikh-i- 
 Basliidi named after him, 3; invades 
 Balur with Mirza Haidar, 12,* 142 ; 
 goes to Aksu, 142, 143; puts Mirza 
 Haidar’s uncle to death, 143, 144; 
 defeats Mansur Khan at Aksu, 145 ; 
 
Index. 
 
 goes to Kkotan, 145; greatly in¬ 
 fluenced by Muhammadi Barlas, 146, 
 147; defeats tlie Uzbeg Kazak, 146 ; 
 characteristics of, 147; enters Mo- 
 gkulistan, 134; retires to Kashghar, 
 135; at Aksu, 135; Mirza Haidar 
 inscribes his history ( Tarikli-i-Ras - 
 hidi) to, 139; his mother, 140; his 
 birth and early education, 140; kept 
 a prisoner by Jani Beg Sultan, 140 ; 
 sent to Moghulistan, 141-2; invades 
 Moghulistan, 359, 368, 370, 378-9 ; 
 plunders the Kalmak, 373 ; marries 
 the daughter of Sultan Nigar 
 Khanim, 374; flees to At-Bashi, 377 ; 
 illness of, 378 ; invades Balur, 384- 
 386 ; friendship with Mirza Haidar, 
 393-4 ; goes to Aksu, 393-4, 403; 
 succeeds his father in Kashghar, 
 450 ; puts Sayyid Muhammad Mirza 
 to death, 450-1; banishes Khadija 
 Sultan, 451 ; Muhammadi Barlas's 
 influence over, 452-3; sends apolo¬ 
 gies to Mirza Haidar, 461; his 
 violence and cruelty, 467. 
 
 Raskid-ud-Din, the history of, 84* n. ; 
 on the bravery of the Chaghatais, 
 76* ; use of the word Turl:, 85* ; and 
 the name Tatar, 86,* 88*; on the 
 Uighurs, 95* ; and the Karait tribe, 
 16 n. ; the Alkunut tribe, 16 n; the 
 Kankali tribe, 16 w.; the Karluk 
 tribe, 19 n. ; the Mujma-ut-Tavarikh 
 of, 151; and the city of Kari-Sairam, 
 171 n. ; and the title Kurkani, 278 n., 
 279 n. 
 
 Raskam, mountains, 405; valley of, 
 466. 
 
 Rauzat us Safa, the, and succession of 
 the Moghul Khans, 41*-46.* 
 
 Raverty, Major, translation of the 
 Tabdkdt-i-Ndsiri, 85* ; on the Uak 
 Khans, 288 n. 
 
 Razi-ud-Din, Shah, 217, 218 n., 219, 
 221 . 
 
 Regel, Dr., on reservoirs in Turfan, 
 112*; on the situation of Lu-ko-tsin, 
 113* n .; on ruins of “Old Turfan,” 
 113.* 
 
 Remusat, Abel, and country of the 
 Yellow Uighurs, 349 n. 
 
 Renaudot, and the Ydza, 22 n. 
 
 Resmes, Khwaja, tomb of, 26. 
 
 Rest-house (Rabat) constructed by 
 Muhammad Khan, 58, 59 n. 
 
 Ricci, Father Matthew, 122*; story of 
 Goes’ adventures, 110.* 
 
 Rieu, Dr. Chas., on the Tarikh-i- 
 Rashidi , xi., xv.; description of the 
 Tarikh-i-Rashidi, 6,* 7* ; on date of 
 Sharaf-ud-Din’s death, 85 n. ; on 
 saints of the time of Mirza Sultan 
 Husain, 194 n. 
 
 Ritter ; on the Kafir people, J04 n. 
 
 523 
 
 Rockliill, Mr. W. W., on the word 
 Tibet, 135 n. ; on Tangut, 361 n. ; 
 the Musulman population in Hocliou 
 and Salar, 404 n., 405 n. ; on the 
 Dulpa tribe, 409 n. 
 
 Rodgers, Mr. C. J., on coins of Nazuk 
 Shall, 20* n. ; version of Mirza 
 Haidar’s death, 22*; and coins in 
 Kashmir struck in Humayun’s 
 name, 24*; on the Sultans of Kash¬ 
 mir, 433 n., 434 n. ; translation of 
 Firishta’s History, 441 n, 442 n ; 
 extract from paper entitled ‘ The 
 Square Silver Goins of the Sultans 
 of Kashmir,’ Appendix A, 487-491. 
 
 Ross, Mr.: translator of the Tarikh-i- 
 Rasludi, ix., xi.-xiii. ; on Aldjd, 
 121 n. 
 
 Rubruk, Win., traveller in Asia, 117,* 
 119*; narrative of visit to Mangu 
 Kaan in 1253, 60*; account of the 
 Uighurs in the Middle Ages, 96.* 
 
 Rudok, 406 n., 410. 
 
 Rulitak, town of, 381. 
 
 Ruins of ancient towns, near the River 
 Chu, 69 n. 
 
 Rum (Turkey), custom in the army of, 
 53. 
 
 Rumi, the, annihilate Shah Ismail’s 
 army, 281-2. 
 
 Russian Hisar expedition, the, 20 n. 
 
 Russians, the, called a people of Turki 
 race, 86*. 
 
 Rustak, 219, 220. 
 
 Sabur Mirza, 307. 
 
 Sabasli (Skasli) Khan, 276. 
 
 Sadik Ispahani, on situation of Bala- 
 Ssikun, 363 n. 
 
 Sadr-ud-Din, Mir, 396. 
 
 Sad-ud-Din Kaskgkari, Maulana, 194. 
 
 Saghej, wells of, 23 n. 
 
 Sahib Daulat Begum, 125, 344. 
 
 Said Kazaruni, Shaikh, 145 n. 
 
 Said Khan, son of Sultan Ahmad 
 Khan, 56,* 109,* 122, 160; takes 
 Mirza Haidar into his service, 11,* 
 25*; 3,4; invades Kashghar, 11*; 
 expeditions against Balur and Ba- 
 dakhshan, 12*; invades Ladak, Kash¬ 
 mir, and Baltistan, 13,* 14* ; death 
 of, 14* ; Sayyid Muhammad Mirza 
 and, 15,* 16*; Moghul invasions 
 during reign of, 65,* 66* ; the chiefs 
 of his army, 66*; and the Uighurs 
 of Kashghar, 98* ; religious advisers 
 of, 116*; expedition into Ladak, 
 120*; battle with Mansur Khan, 125, 
 131, 145; friendly meeting with 
 Mansur Khan, 126; wounded at the 
 battle of Aklisi, 130; taken to 
 Samarkand by Shahi Beg, 130; 
 visits his brother in Moghulistan, 
 131 ; stays at Kabul with Babar 
 
524 
 
 Index. 
 
 Padishah, 131 ; sent to Andijan, 
 132; defeats Mirza Aba Bakr at 
 Tut-lugh, 132; defeated by Suyunj 
 Khwaja Khan near Tashkand, 133 ; 
 captures Kashghar, 133; makes 
 peace with his brother, Mansur 
 Khan, 134; attacks Muhammad 
 Kirghiz, 134 ; subdues the whole of 
 Moghulistau, 134 ; invasions of 
 Badakhshan, 135; holy war against 
 Tibet, 135, 136, 143; and Baltistan, 
 136 ; and Mirza Haidar’s conquest 
 of Kashmir, 136; his death, 137, 
 143 ; virtues and rare attainments of, 
 137-133; and Rashid Khan at Aksu, 
 143; his favourite wife, 146; birth 
 and early days, 178; accompanies 
 Shahi Beg Khan on his expedition 
 to Hisar and Kunduz, 178, 179; 
 stays with Sultan Mahmud Khan at 
 Yatikand, 181 ; wounded by Maksud 
 Ali, 181, 182; his generosity, 182; 
 defeated by Mansur Khan at Al- 
 matu, 182, 183; and Khwaja Ali 
 Bahadur, 183-188, 222-226 ; marri¬ 
 age contracted with Makhtum, 187, 
 190; attacked by Mirza Aba Bakr’s I 
 men, 188,189; decides to go to Shahi 
 Beg Khan at Andijan, 190, 191, 222, 
 247-8, 264, 266, 268-9; flight 1o 
 Mogliulistan, 192, 195 ; Maulana 
 Kasim, his spiritual guide, 213 ; 
 imprisoned at Andijan by Khwaja 
 Ali Bahadur, 222; sent to Jani Beg 
 Khan who orders his release, 222- 
 226; escapes to Mirza Khan at 
 Badakhshan, 226; welcome by Em¬ 
 peror Babar at Kabul, 226; meets 
 Mirza Haidar at Kabul, 229 ; and 
 Mogliulistan, 240 ; and Babar Padi¬ 
 shah, 242 ; battle with, and defeat 
 of Mirza Aba Bakr, 249, 250, 254, 
 310, 312; kills Tubra, 265 ; attacks 
 Suyunjuk Khan, 266, 270-271, 346; 
 and Mirza Haidar, 268-270; plunders 
 Ahangaran, 275 ; proceeds to Akhsi, 
 276; meeting with Kasim Khan, 
 276; presented with horses by Kasim 
 Khan, 276-7; his sisters, 280; quits 
 Farghaua and repairs to Kashghar, 
 284-6, 304, 321; review of his troops 
 before Kashghar, 305-310; his marcl i 
 against Yarkand abandoned, 312- 
 313 ; sets out for Yangi-Hisar, 313- 
 314, 390, 394 ; visits Mir Ayub, 
 315 ; Yangi-Hisar besieged, 315- 
 319; Aba Bakr killed while on his 
 way to see, 324-5 ; conquest of 
 Kashghar, 325-7, 331; and Mirza 
 Jahangir, 330 ; his reception of 
 Aiman Khwaja Sultan, 333; Mansur 
 Khan’s treatment of, 334; sends sub¬ 
 mission to Mansur Khan, 335 ; 
 meeting with. Mansur Khan on the , 
 
 plains of Arbat, 340, 343-5; health 
 affected by excessive wine-drinking, 
 340,369, 370; goes to Mogliulistan, 
 341 ; returns to Kashghar, 343,351 ; 
 returns to Yarkand, 345; meeting 
 with Babajak Sultan, 346-8; holy 
 war against Sarigh Uighur, 348-351; 
 capture of Muhammad Kirghiz, 351; 
 sends for Daulat Sultan Khanim, 
 daughter of Yunus Khan, 351-2; 
 marriage of his sister, 352 ; first 
 invasion of Badakhshan, 354-5 ; his 
 second meeting with Mansur Khan, 
 356; invasion of Moghulistan, 358-9, 
 368; Sayyid Muhammad Mirza in 
 attendance on, 371; birth of his son, 
 Sultan Ibrahim, 375 ; second in¬ 
 vasion of Andijan, 375-7; returns to 
 Moghulistan, 377 ; goes to At-Bashi, 
 377 ; thence to Kashghar, 377, 
 379 ; and Baba Sultan, 379-381; and 
 Shah Muhammad Sultan, 382-3 ; se¬ 
 cond expedition into Badakhshan, 
 387-390; siege of Kala Zafar, 388 ; 
 meets Khwaja Nura, 390, 401; rup¬ 
 ture between Aiman Khwaja Sultan 
 and, 391-4 ; illness of, 394 ; places 
 himself under the guidance of Khwaja 
 N ura, 395,398; invasion of Tibet, 403; 
 holy war on Tibet, 417, 420, 421 ; 
 attacked by dam-giri, 420, 421; pro¬ 
 ceeds to Balti, 421, 422 ; and Mirza 
 Haidar, on return from tbe invasion 
 of Kashmir, 443-445 ; goes to 
 Yarkand, 445; death of, from the 
 effects of dam-giri , 446 ; genealogy 
 of, 446,447; epitome of his life, 447, 
 448 ; burial of, 449. 
 
 Said (Shahid) Khan, 56; date of death, 
 57 n. 
 
 Saifuddin, Amir, 26, 31, 32, 48. 
 
 Sairam, town of, 53,* 40, 41; laid 
 waste by Isan Bugha Khan, 79; 
 given to Yunus Khan, 112, 113; 
 Mahmud Sultan’s advance on, 171; 
 in charge of Kitta Beg, 271, 274 ; 
 Kitta Beg and, 313; plundered by 
 the Kirghiz, 358. 
 
 Saki Ali, Khwaja, 311. 
 
 Sakju (Su-chow), 406. 
 
 Sakkaki, Maulana, tomb of, 365. 
 
 Sakri, pass of, 445 and n. 
 
 Salah-ud-Din Musa, Maulana, 59 n. 
 
 “ Salai Begum,” battle called, 75. 
 
 Salar, group of villages, 404 n., 405 n. 
 
 Salibari, Khwaja, 26. 
 
 Salik, Khwaja, 225, 226. 
 
 Salinkai, 360. 
 
 Salim, son of Shir Shah, 480 n. 
 
 Salim Khan : see Islam Shah. 
 
 Sabm Sultan, defeats Shall Ismail, 
 281. 
 
 Sali-Sarai, Amir Husain’s residence, 
 24, 31, 35, 37. 
 
Index. 
 
 525 
 
 Salsalat-ul-Arifin , work bv Hazrat 
 Maulana, 113, 212, 213, 342 and n. 
 
 Salt Range, the, 479 n. 
 
 Samarkand, Baber’s advance on, 10*; 
 Tughlnk Timur Khan at, 22, 23 ; at¬ 
 tacked by Amir Chagu in 1363, 29; 
 siege of, by the army of Jatah, 37; 
 return of Amir Timur to, 47, 50; 
 buildings, etc., erected by Ulugh 
 Beg, 60 n. ; Hiyat-i-Khan at, 72 ; 
 taken by Sultan Abu Said, 83 ; 
 Sultan Mahmud Khan and Shahi 
 Beg Khan attempt to take, 119,120 ; 
 Babar Padishah marches on, 132, 
 133; wars in, 154; conquered by 
 Shahi Beg Khan, 158,166; attacked 
 by Babar Padishah, 174, 175; falls 
 again into hands of Shahi Beg 
 Khan, 175, 196; Emperor Babar at, 
 246, 260, 266, 268; famous kiosks 
 in, 429, 430; Emperor Babar on the 
 throne of, 484. 
 
 Samgaz (Sam Seirak), 8 n. 
 
 Samku, place in Tibet, 457 n. 
 
 Sam Mirza, besieges Kandahar, 16,* 
 468. 
 
 Sand, advance of, as seen by Sir D. 
 Forsyth and Dr. Bellew, 12 n. 
 
 Sand-buried ruins, 67,* 68* ; exploita¬ 
 tion of, by Aba Bakr, 70.* 
 
 Sand-storms in Eastern Turkistan, 
 303 n. 
 
 Sangarighaj, place called, 40. 
 
 Sang Zighaj, fight with Kamar-ud-Din 
 at, 47. 
 
 Sanju, 323, 328-9; pass of, 405. 
 
 Sanka Rana of Chitur, 402 and n. 
 
 Saniz Mirza, son of Amir Sayyid Ali, 
 251; his rule in Kashghar, 87, 88; 
 joins Yunus Khan, 90; death of, 98, 
 99. 
 
 Sarai, village of, 24 n. 
 
 Sarai Chuk, 274 and n. 
 
 Sarai Mulk Khanim, Timur’s favourite 
 wife, 40, 278 n., 279 n. 
 
 Sarang Sultan, 479 n., 480 n., 483. 
 
 Sar Bugha, Amir, 32; revolt of, 44, 
 45; pardoned by Amir Timur, 49. 
 
 Sarigh (Jhupan, a district of Badakli- 
 shan, 292, 353, 354, 355 n., 386, 
 388 
 
 Sarigh-Kul, district of, 54,* 297; hills 
 of, 312. 
 
 Sarigh Uighur (Yellow Uighur), 
 country of, 9 rt., 52, 64, 349 n., 
 404 n., 405 n. ; Said Khan’s holy 
 war against, 348-351. 
 
 Sarik Mirza, 333. 
 
 Sarman, village called, 310; stream ! 
 called, 311. 
 
 Sart, the word; definition of, 87* n. 
 
 Sasser Pass, 446 n. 
 
 Satlej River, 406 n. 
 
 Sataghni Buka (Sanghoy Boca), 14. 
 
 Satilmish Khatuu, wife of isan Buglia 
 Khan, 6. 
 
 Satlik, 325. 
 
 Satuk Kara Ivhan, a Karlughi Uighur, 
 94*. 
 
 Satuk Bughra Khan, 286, 287 n .; 
 tomb of, in Kashghar, 300. 
 
 Satuk Khan, 71 ; Yais Khan and, 
 73. 
 
 Sayyadi (or Siadi), of the tribe of 
 Ckalish, 51. 
 
 Sayyid Ali, Amir, 61; expedition to 
 Kashghar, 75-77 ; and Isan Bugha, 
 78; hunting parties of, 76, 77; a 
 proof of his justice, 77; makes Isan 
 Bugha governor of Aksu, 78; defeats 
 Yunus Khan with the aid of Isan 
 Bugha Khan, 86; death of, 87; his 
 distinguished generals and captains, 
 99, 104. 
 
 Sayyid Ali Kurkan, Amir, 56. 
 
 Sayyid Ali, Mir, in the service of 
 Shaikh Habib, 194; his two sons, 
 251. 
 
 Sayyid Ali Agha, 307. 
 
 Sayyid Ali Hamadani (Amir Kabir 
 Ali), 432; death of, 433 n. 
 
 Sayyid Ahmad, Mir, 60, 61, 75; stories 
 relating to, 61-64; saves Yais Khan, 
 65-67. 
 
 Sayyid Ahmad Mirza, 100. 
 
 Sayyidatai, the, 239 and n. 
 
 Sayyid Daud, Amir, 42. 
 
 Sayyid Hadi, the, 239. 
 
 Sayyid Husaini, Amir, mausoleum of, 
 209. 
 
 Sayyidim Kukildasb, 278-9. 
 
 Sayyid Mahmud Mirza, 75. 
 
 Sayyid Muhammad Mirza, uncle of 
 Mirza Haidar, 56, 102, 111, 133, 
 203 n., 252 ; put to death, 15*, 57 n., 
 143, 144, 450, 451 ; invades Andijan, 
 131,132,144; attacks Fargliana, i40; 
 and battle of Tutluk, 132, 249, 250 ; 
 Jani Beg Sultan and, 241; conquest 
 of Fargliana, 239-241; senttoTurfan, 
 240; sends from Andijan for help, 
 242 ; drowns Khalil Sultan by order 
 of Jani Beg Khan, 183, 240, 264-5; 
 Said Khan and, 265-6 ; fortifies 
 Andijan, 271; advises Said Klian 
 to leave Farghana, 284-5; in charge 
 of the Dughlat army before Kash¬ 
 ghar, 305 : at the siege of Yangi- 
 Hisar, 316, 318-19 ; and Mir 
 
 Vali, 320 ; goes to fetch Mirza 
 Jahangir, 329; in attendance on 
 Said Khan, 369, 371 ; a disciple of, 
 the order of Yasavvi Shaikhs, 369, 
 371; taken ill, and healed by Khwaja 
 Nura, 389, 397; Said Khan and, 
 392-4. 
 
 Sayyid Muhammad Nurbakhshi, Amir, 
 435. 
 
526 
 
 Index. 
 
 Savyid Na Mahdumi Maulana : see 
 Muhammad Kazi. 
 
 Sayyid Shah Buzurg Arhangi, 108. 
 
 Sayyids of Khorasan, the, called 
 Mughols, 89.* 
 
 Schuyler, E., on the observatory at 
 Samarkand, 00 n. ; the ancient Ta- 
 raz, 63 n. ; account of Lake Issigli- 
 Kul, 78 n. ; on city of Chi-gu, 79 n .; 
 on city of Bala-Sakun, 362 »., 363 n.; 
 and Shaikh Ahmad, 369 n. 
 
 Seeland, Dr. N.; rest-house constructed 
 by Muhammad Khan, 58 n., 59 n. 
 
 Shaban, 309. 
 
 Shah Badagh Sultan, son of Abulkhair 
 Khan, 92 n. 
 
 Shah Baz Mirza, 393. 
 
 Shah Beg, defeated near Kandahar by 
 Babar Padishah, 202 ; son of Zulnun 
 Argkun, 357, 483 n. 
 
 Shah Begum, 108, 135, 180, 195, 196, 
 258; attempt to seize Kabul, 199, 
 200 ; lays claim to Badakhshan, 203 ; 
 captured by Aba Bakr’s army, 203; 
 sent into Khorasan, 204. 
 
 Shah Hasan, couquest of Tatta, 483 n. 
 
 Shah Ismail, sons of, 16,* 132 ; finally 
 defeats Shahi Beg Khan, 131; in¬ 
 vades Irak, 154. 
 
 Shah Ivhan, son of Marsur Khan, 105,* 
 123,* 124,* 129. 
 
 Shah Mirak, 185. 
 
 Shah Muhammad, a Kukildash, 459, 
 461. 
 
 Shah Muhammad Divan, Kliwaja, 449. 
 
 Shah Muhammad Sultan, son of Sultan 
 Muhammad Sultan, 142, 161, 163, 
 452. 
 
 Shah Nazar Mirza, 241, 247. 
 
 Shah Rukh, Mirza, 43,* 59, 62, 84 ; 
 Hazaras the posterity of an army of, 
 80 * n. ; his mother, 40 n. ; founds 
 Bagh-i-Zaghan, 83 n .; the Za/ar- 
 Nama dedicated to, 85 n. 
 
 Shah Shaikh Muhammad Sultan, son 
 of Sultan Ahmad Khan, 160. 
 
 Shah Sultan Muhammad Badakhshi, 
 107. 
 
 Shah Talimasp; besieges Kandahar, 
 16,* 24* 
 
 Shahab-ud-Din, a holy Shaikh, 8 *; 
 description of Mogliulistan in the 
 Masalak-al-Absdr, 57.* 
 
 Shahbaz Mirza, 308, 316. 
 
 Shahi Beg Khan, 56,* 57,* 56, 116; 
 puts Mirza Haidar’s father to death, 
 9 * ; defeat and death of, 10* ; his 
 grandfather, Abulkhair Khan, 79 n .; 
 Turkistan given to, 118; takes 
 Samarkand, 119,120; murders Sultan 
 Mahmud Khan, 120 ; defeats Sultan 
 Mahmud Khan and Sultan Ahmad 
 Khan at Akhsi, 122, 123, 159; cam¬ 
 paigns against Farghana, Hisar, and 
 
 Kunduz, 130; the Mangit tribe fol¬ 
 lowers of, 134 n ., 154 ; conquers 
 Samarkand and Bokhara, 158, 166 ; 
 forms three marriage alliances, 160 ; 
 and Sultan Mahmud Khan, 163,167 ; 
 and Khusrau Shah, 164-166, 169; 
 beheads Mir Vali, 165 n.; and Tam- 
 bal’s revolt in Andijan, 167-9 ; mar¬ 
 ries Khanzada Begum, 175, 196, 
 239; advance on Hisar, 176, 178; 
 puts Tambal to death, 178 ; and the 
 death of Sultan Mahmud Khan, 179, 
 208-9 ; invades Khwarizm. 180, 191, 
 195, 204 ; Said Khan decides to go 
 to, at Andijan, 190, 191; and Habiba 
 Sultan Khanish, 192; besieges Ko- 
 lat, 192 n ., 209 ; marries Mihr Nigar 
 Ivhanim, 196; besieges Babar Padi¬ 
 shah in Samarkand, 196; conquest 
 of Khorasan, 201, 205 ; captures 
 Balkh, 204-5; receives Muhammad 
 Husain Ivurkan, 205-6, 208-9; and 
 afterwards puts him to death, 209 ; 
 orders Ubaid Sultan to drown Mirza 
 Haidar, 210, 211; and Sultan Said 
 Khan, 221-225 ; killed by Shall 
 Ismail, 226, 234 ; expedition against 
 Kazak, 230, 231 ; hostilities with 
 Shah Ismail, 232-7; followers of, in 
 Mavara-un-Nahr, 274, 282-3; takes 
 Tashkand, 336; defeats Khusrau 
 Shah, 353; conquers province of 
 Farghaua, 447. 
 
 Shahnaz, 103; pass of, 398 and n .; 
 river, 296. 
 
 Shahr-i-Sabz, town of, 171, 191-93. 
 
 Shahrukki, coin, 202 n., 469 n. 
 
 Shahrukhia (Finakand), town of, 53,* 
 112, 289 and n. 
 
 Shaibani Khan: see Shahi Beg Khan. 
 
 Shaiban Uzbegs, Said Khan and the, 
 120*; in Mavara-un-Nahr, 282-3; 
 take the province of Farghana, 284. 
 
 Shaikham Mirza, 216 260. 
 
 Shaikh-i-Daulat, Amir, 38, 51. 
 
 Shaikh-ul-Islam, 235, 236. 
 
 Skaka Muni, religion of, 414-16. 
 
 Sliakaval, 309, 315. 
 
 Sliam-i-Jakan Khan, 57, 68. 
 
 Shamlu tribe, 214 n. 
 
 Shammasi, or sun-worshippers in Kash¬ 
 mir, 436. 
 
 Shams Abdal: see Dust Muhammad 
 Khan. 
 
 Shams-ud-Din, Amir, 38 : at the battle 
 of the Mire, 34, 35, 51 n. ; and his 
 sect of ‘ Nurbakhski,’ 435-437. 
 
 Shams-ud-Din Juvaini, 35.* 
 
 Shams-ud-Din, Sultan, 432; tomb of, 
 26 n. 
 
 Sharaf-ud-Din, author of the Zafar- 
 Namci, 7,* 118,* 119*; on the suc¬ 
 cession of the Moghul Khans, 41*- 
 46,* 74, 84, 85 151, 155. 
 
Index. 527 
 
 Sharawal, 34. 
 
 Shariat, the (Muhammadan law), 70. 
 
 Sharif, Khwaja of Kashghar, 61, 75, 
 76, 90. 
 
 Sharim, Mir, 241, 308. 
 
 Sliash (Tashkand), province of, 52,* 
 53*; invaded by the Moghuls, 54,* 68 ; 
 Isan Bugha Khan and, 85 ; country 
 of, 153, 154; reign of Sultan Mah¬ 
 mud, 155 ; plundered by the Kirghiz, 
 367. 
 
 Shaw, Mr. R. B., geography of Eastern 
 Turkistan gathered from the Tarikh- 
 i-Rashidi, viii. 10 n., 417 n.; death 
 of, 10 ; and the word Tajik , 87*; 
 definition of Sart, 87* n. ; on the 
 word Alack, 121 n.; and the sons of 
 Rashid Sultan, 121* n., 123*; and the 
 word ghalcha, 220 n. ; on Artush , 
 295 n. , situation of town of Kash¬ 
 ghar, 295 n.; meaning of Tazghun, 
 295 n. ; and Suget Bulak, 296 n ; 
 paper entitled ‘A Prince of Kash¬ 
 ghar on the Geography of Eastern 
 Turkistan/ 296 n. ; on Kashtash, 
 298 n ; Chitral called Palor, 385 n. ; 
 on idioms used by Mirza, Haidar, 
 405 n., 406 n.; on the word Drok, 409. 
 
 Shaya (Shell), eastle of, 460 and n. 
 
 Sheep as beasts of burden in Tibet, 
 407 and n. 
 
 Sheep traders, the Champa, of Tibet, 
 407 and n., 408 n. 
 
 Sheh, town of, 410 n. 
 
 Sheh (or Shay), a village in Tibet 
 (Ladak), 460 n. 
 
 Shenkummuyan, brother of Amir 
 Hamid, 34. 
 
 Shiahs, sect of (the Mulahida), 218 n., 
 247 n. ; use of the word Mujtahid, 
 10 n. ; sect in Kashmir, 435-7. 
 
 Shibarghan; Bayan Timur, governor 
 of, 40. 
 
 Shibartu, place called : see Shibr. 
 
 Shibr Pass (or Shibartu), the, 36 n. 
 
 Shidarku, name borne by the King of 
 Tangut, 360 and n., 361 n. 
 
 Shigar, fort of, 422. 
 
 Shighnan, 54.* 
 
 Shir Ali Oghlan, son of Muhammad 
 Khan, 60. 
 
 Shir Bahram, 24, 26, 29, 32, 34. 
 
 Shir Khan defeats Emperor Humayun 
 at Chausa, 470, 471; battle of the 
 Ganges, 471-477. 
 
 Shir Muhammad Khan, son of Mu¬ 
 hammad Khan, 60, 63, 68 ; hostility 
 between Vais Khan and, 43,* 64, 65. 
 
 Shir Shah Sur, 480 n. ; defeats Huma¬ 
 yun in Bengal, 16*; battle of Kanauj, 
 viii., 17*, 18*; battle in Kashmir 
 against Mirza Haidar, 20.* 
 
 Shiram Chahra, 169. 
 
 Shiram, Mir, 356, 357. 
 
 Shiraz, residence of Yunus Khan, 85. 
 
 Shirun Taghai, 228. 
 
 Shiva-i-Shignan, 353. 
 
 Shulkarchi tribe, 309. 
 
 Shun-Chi, Emperor of China and Tur- 
 fan, 107,* 108,* 114*. 
 
 Shuruya, kills Khusrau, his father, 
 329 n. 
 
 Shuja-ud-Din, Maulana, 10, 13, 14. 
 
 Sihpayah, place called, 44. 
 
 Sihun River, battle of Lai on the bank 
 of, 31-36. 
 
 Si-liao (Kara-Khitai), kings of the, 
 279 n. 
 
 Sikandar Zulkarnain, 107. 
 
 Sind, ravaged by Dava, 36.* 
 
 Sind (Tatta) conquered by Shah Hasan, 
 483 n ., 484 n. 
 
 Sind River, the, 423 n., 431 and n. 
 
 Sind, rivers of, their source, 406. 
 
 Singa, Rana (Sanka), defeated by Babar 
 Padishah, 402. 
 
 Si-Ngan-fu, 404 n. 
 
 Singim, 113.* 
 
 Sir River, the, 53,* 54.* 
 
 ‘Six Cities’ of Eastern Turkistan: see 
 Alti-Shahr. 
 
 Skardu (Skardo), pass of, 405 n. 
 
 Snake stone, the (called Jadah), 33 n. 
 
 So-fei (Sufi) sends an embassy to 
 China, 124.* 
 
 Spiti, 406 n. 
 
 Sprenger, on situation of Bala-Sakuu, 
 362 n. 
 
 Square silver coins of the Kashmir 
 Sultans, Mr. C. J. Rodgers on, 487- 
 491. 
 
 Srinagar (Kashmir) town of, 410 n.; 
 described in the Zafar-Nama, 431-2, 
 433 n .; attack on, in 1543. .20 *. 
 
 Stak-brak, meaning of, 458 n. : see 
 Askabrak. 
 
 Steppes, nomads and inhabitants of 
 the, called Turks, 83.* 
 
 Stewart, Major C., on Amir Timur 
 (Sahib-i-Kiran), 17 n. 
 
 Stone Bridge, the, Amir Timur at, 24-26. 
 
 Strachey, General, on Maryul, 410 n. 
 
 Strachey, Capt. H., on Samku, 457 n. 
 
 Sufi Mirza, killed at the battle of 
 Arish, 127, 128. 
 
 Sui (Sibi), 202. 
 
 Suchou, town of, in Kansu, 109.* 
 
 Sufi Sultan : see Adham Sultan. 
 
 Sufis, the, sect in Kashmir, 436, 437; 
 Said Khan and, 448. 
 
 Suget Bulak, hamlet of, 296 n. 
 
 Suget Pass, 446 n. 
 
 Sughunluk, place called, 310. 
 
 Sukar, 187. 
 
 Sukar Kaluchi, 309. 
 
 Sukar Ukhsi, 309. 
 
 Sukat, village of, 313, 314 n. 
 
 I Sulaiman, son of Mirza Khan, 156. 
 
528 
 
 Index. 
 
 Sulaimau Barlas, 26. 
 
 Sulaiman Shah Mirza, 373 and n., 
 387,467 ; reigns in Badaklishan, 388, 
 389 
 
 Sulat-Kaud, 222. 
 
 Snlduzi tribe, 55 n. 
 
 Su-li, ancient name for Kashghar, 8 n. 
 
 Sultakar Tufta Kuli, 309. 
 
 Sultan Ahmad, uncle of Mirza Haidar, 
 
 11 .* 
 
 Sultan Ahmad Tambal, revolts in 
 Andijan, 158,159 ; Shahi Beg Khan 
 and, 167-169, 174, 178. 
 
 Sultan Ali Jaras, Amir, 121. 
 
 Sultan Ali Mirza, sou of Sultan Ahmad 
 Khan, 154, 174, 175, 183, 196, 265, 
 308, 326. 
 
 Sultan Avais, Amir, 387. 
 
 Sultan Husain Mirza, in Khorasan, 
 154, 193; and Muhammad Husain 
 Kurkan, 195; death of, 196, 210. 
 
 Sultan Khatun, mother of Yais Khan, 
 67. 
 
 Sultan Khalil Sultan, brother of Man¬ 
 sur Khan, 125, 131, 139, 161; his 
 death, 125, 126, 131. 
 
 Sultan Mahmud Mirza, 93, 103; mar¬ 
 ries Sultan Nigar Khanim, 117,118. 
 
 Sultan Muhammad Mirza, 450. 
 
 Sultan Muhammad Sultan, son of 
 Mahmud Khan, 158, 159, 162, 163. 
 
 Sultan Nigar Khanim, daughter of 
 Yunus Khan, 108, 117,156,373, 377, 
 378 ; death of, 386; taken to wife 
 by Kasim Khan, 273. 
 
 Sultanpur, city of, 405. 
 
 Sultan Sanjar, 108. 
 
 Sultan Valad Mirza, 112. 
 
 Sultanim Begum, daughter of Sultan 
 Ahmad Mirza, 164, 170, 193. 
 
 Sultans of Kashmir, 433 n., 434 n. 
 
 Sultan Vais Mirza : see Mirza Khan. 
 
 Sungtash, 345. 
 
 Sunnis, the, sect in Kashmir, 247 n., 
 262 ?i., 435-7; and use of the w T ord 
 Mujtabid, 10 n. 
 
 Sun-worshippers (Shammasi) in Kash¬ 
 mir, 436. 
 
 Superstition: the Jadah stone, 32 n ., 
 33 n. 
 
 Surkhab Kiver, 263. 
 
 Sum, a district of Ladak, 15* ; depart¬ 
 ment of Balti, 461, 462. 
 
 Sut, Tangi Sakab’s home, 462 and n. 
 
 Sut Im Bahadur, 121. 
 
 Suvar-i-Akalim , the, 359, 361. 
 
 Suyali, the word, 7 n ., 8 n. 
 
 Su-Yeh (or Su-Sa), the name, 8 n. ; 
 city of: see Bala-Sakun. 
 
 Suyunj Kliwaja Khan defeats Sultan 
 Said Khan near Tashkand, 133. 
 
 Suyunjuk Khan puts Said Khan to 
 rout, 266, 268, 271, 274, 283; at¬ 
 tacked by Kasim Khan, 275; ad¬ 
 
 vances against Andijan, 284-5; and 
 Bustangir Mirza, 330; at Akhsi, 
 342; Said Khan makes war on, 346; 
 death of, 375, 376. 
 
 Suyunj uk Sultan, 159, 243, 248. 
 
 Suyurghatmish Khan, 72 n., 83. 
 
 Taarif-i-Bulddn, the, 359. 
 
 Taban Bahadur, 34, 35. 
 
 Tabriz, Sultan Yakub’s kiosk in, 429. 
 
 Tagar, in the Nubra Valley, 418 n. 
 j Tagh-Dum-Bash mountains, 405. 
 
 Tagh Nak, place called, 464 and n. 
 
 Ta-gaz-gaz, the Karlughi Uighurs 
 known as, 94.* 
 
 Ta-hi, Arabs referred to as, 90* n. 
 
 Tahir Khan, 82, 273, 373, 374, 377; 
 joins forces with the Kirghiz, 379; 
 deserted by the Kirghiz, 388. 
 
 Tahit, tribe of, 20 n. 
 
 Tahmasp Shall, 282 ; takes Kandahar, 
 400, 468, 469; and is retaken by 
 Kamran Khan, 400. 
 
 Taikhan (Talikan), return of Amir 
 Husain and Amir Timur to, 23. 
 
 Taisbi, a designation of Kalmak chiefs, 
 79 n. 
 
 Tai Yang Khan, flees from Chingiz 
 Khan, 287. 
 
 Tajik (or Tazik), the, 13, 141 ; name 
 given by the Mongols to the Mu¬ 
 hammadans, 85,* 87*; Mr. A. G. 
 Keene on, 90,* 91* ; features of 
 Yunus Khan, 97 n., 98 n. 
 
 Tajri of Khwarizm, 51. 
 
 Taj-ud-Din Muhammad, Kliwaja, 127, 
 160, 372, 373. 
 
 Taka, brother of Kliwaja Ali Bahadur, 
 351. 
 
 Takil (or Jakil), governor of Khiva, 
 23 n. 
 
 Takudar Oghlan, 80* n. 
 
 Talak Muhammad, 112. 
 
 Talas (Taraz), city of, 171 n. 
 
 Talas Biver, 80 «., 81 n. 
 
 Taliku, descendant of Cliagliatai, 36.* 
 
 Talish, tribe in Gilan, 435 n. 
 
 Talkbak, death of, in Tirmiz, 338. 
 
 Taiki, defile of, 20 n. 
 
 Tamerlane (Timurlang) : see Timur, 
 Amir. 
 
 Tamlik, place in Tibet, 456 and «., 
 457 and n. 
 
 Tangi Bala, the, of Badaklishan, 227. 
 
 Tangi Sakab of Balti, 462. 
 
 Tangri Bardi, 309. 
 
 Tangut, the, 88*; Chingiz Khan and, 
 360 ; rulers of, 360 n., 361 n. 
 
 Tank in district of Barnag, 427, 428. 
 
 Taraz (Yaugi), city of, 58,* 79 n., 80 n., 
 81 n., 364 ; taken by Kasim Khan, 
 274. 
 
 Tarbagatai mountains, 53.* 
 i Tarbugur (Bugur), 9 n. 
 
Index. 529 
 
 Tarikh-i-Guzida, the, of Hamid Ullali 
 Mustaufi, 151. 
 
 Tarikh-i-Jahan Kushai, extract from, 
 288-293, 293 n. ; account of Moghul- 
 istan in, 360-367. 
 
 Tarikh - i - Manzum , the, of Abdur 
 Razzak, 151. 
 
 Tarikh-i-Rashidi, the, first translation 
 of, into English, v.; Erskine’s 
 partial translation, v., vi.; data 
 obtained from, by Sir H. Howorth, 
 
 vii. ; by Sir D. Forsyth, vii.; by Mr. 
 R. B. Shaw, viii.; by Professor Dow- 
 son, viii.; Moorcroft’s reference to, 
 
 viii. ; copies of, in England, ix.; in 
 Asia, ix.; the object of, 1,* 4, 5; its 
 shortcomings, 5,* 6*; scope and 
 character, 6,* 7*; divided into two 
 parts, 7,* 8*; written during Mirza 
 Haidar’s administration of Kashmir, 
 23*; a history of the Chaghatai 
 branch of the Mongol dynasty, 28,* 
 29*; weak points in, regarding the 
 succession of the Moghul Khans, 
 41*-46* ; the Khans of Uighuristan 
 mentioned in, 106*; religious ad¬ 
 visers of the Khans and Amirs, 116*; 
 its value as a history, 119*; sequel 
 to, 120*-128* ; reasons for being so 
 called, 3; its contents, 3, 4; use of 
 the word Tibet (Ladak) in, 135 n. ; 
 when completed, 149; reason for 
 Mirza Haidar writing, 150, 151. 
 
 Tarikli-i-Sahib - Kirani : see Zafar- 
 Nama. 
 
 Tarim, 67. 
 
 Tarkhan, title of, among the Moghuls, 
 55 n. 
 
 Tarsa, the word, 290 n. 
 
 Tarsi , the Uighurs spoken of as, 96.* 
 
 Tarse (Tarsia), country of, 290 n., 
 291 n. 
 
 Tash Arighi, 26, 27. 
 
 Tashikun, ruler of Maryul, 418 and n., 
 419 n., 423, 460. 
 
 Tashkand, town of, 53* ; Timur camps 
 at, 29; devastated by Isan Bugha 
 Khan, 79 ; Yunus Khan captured at, 
 94, 95; passes into the power of 
 Shaikh Jamal Khar, 112; made over 
 to Yunus Khan, 113; death and 
 burial of Yunus Khan in, 114, 115; 
 events in, during the rule of Sultan 
 Mahmud Khan, 118-120; Sultan 
 Said Khan defeated near, 133; 
 (Shash) Sultan Mahmud and, 155, 
 157; Shahi Beg Khan at, 178; taken 
 by Shahi Beg Khan, 159, 167, 336; 
 destruction of, by Shahi Beg Khan, 
 164, 171; Hazrat Maulana at, 213; 
 Uzbeg march against, 259, 271; in 
 charge of Ahmad Kasim Kuhbur, 
 271; taken by Kasim Khan, 274; 
 Kasim Khan attacks Suyunjuk Khan 
 
 in, 275; death of Hazrat Muhammad 
 at, 342. 
 
 Tash-Rabat, not a Hindu temple, 59 n. 
 
 Tash Timur; sent after Manlik and 
 her child, 6, 7. 
 
 Tatar (or Tartar), the nomadic nations 
 of the interior of Asia, 83,* 84,* 
 87.* 
 
 Tatar tribe, 55 n. 
 
 Tatars, the; Rashid-ud-Din, the histo¬ 
 rian, and, 88.* 
 
 Tatta (Sind), town of, 357, 431, 432 n .; 
 conquest of, by Shall Hasan. 483 n., 
 484 n. 
 
 Tavakkal Khanim, 52. 
 
 Tax-gatherer, story of the, 159. 
 
 Tazghun , meaning of, 295 n. 
 
 Tazi: see Tajik. 
 
 Taziks, the, 88.* 
 
 Tazkira-i-Khwajagan (Memoirs of the 
 Kliwajas), x. 
 
 Tengri-Tagli Mountain, in the Tian 
 Shan, 112.* 
 
 Termedh (Tirmiz), town of, 338 n. 
 
 Tian Shan mountains, 53,* 112* ; sub¬ 
 merged towns along the southern 
 spurs of, 70.* 
 
 Tibet (see also Ladak), Dr. L. A. 
 Waddell’s work on, xv.; invaded in, 
 1531 by Mirza Haidar, 13*-15* ; also 
 in 1548, 21*; invasions of, during 
 reigns of Aba Bakr and Sultan Said, 
 65,* 66*, 253-4; invasion of, men¬ 
 tioned by Minhaj-ud-Din, 86* ; Idrisi 
 on the Tibetan Turks, 86,* 87* ; 
 holy war against, by Sultan Said 
 Khan, 135, 136, 143; Mir Yali takes, 
 320 ; Mirza Aba Bakr flees to, 324; 
 invaded by Said Khan, 403 ; position 
 of, 404; mountains and rivers of, 
 405-7; inhabitants of, 407-11; gold 
 mines in, 411, 412; the dam-giri in, 
 412, 413; Lamas of, 414-16; idols 
 in, 416; wild katas in, 416, 417; 
 idol temples in, 416, 443; holy war 
 on, 417-419; cold in, 419; method of 
 defence in, 422 n .; temple at Ursang, 
 443; invasion of, 444, 454-464. 
 
 Tibetan Yak (or Dong), the, 302 n. 
 
 Tie-men-Kuan (‘ Iron Gate ’ barrier), 
 20 n. 
 
 Tika, brother of Ivhwaja Ali Bahadur, 
 187. 
 
 Tika River, 365 and n. 
 
 Tika (or Tekka) Sagrutku, battle at, 
 96, 97 and n. 
 
 Tilanji, 34. 
 
 Timur, Amir (Tamerlane), the rise of, 
 37*; selects Khans from the Oktai 
 stock, 37*; genealogical table of the 
 house of, facing p. 50*; expedition 
 of in 1389-90, 53*; battles with the 
 Moghuls under Kamar-ud-Din, 56* ; 
 the conquests of, 61*; expedition in 
 
 2 M 
 
530 
 
 Index. 
 
 138S against the Kalmaks, 101*; 
 sends one of his columns to Kara- 
 Rhoja, 102*; passage of the River 
 Vakhsh at the Stone Bridge, 25, 26; 
 arrives at Chekadalik, 26; his dream, 
 27; battle with the army of Jatah, 
 27-29; conference with Amir Hu¬ 
 sain, 29-31; the battle of the Mire, 
 31-36; and the country of Jatah, 
 37; invasion of Almatu, 39; his 
 chief wife, 40 n. ; third invasion of 
 Jatah, 41, 42; marriage with the 
 Princess Dilshad Agha, 43; third 
 expedition into Khwarizm, 44, 45; 
 fourth expedition into Jatah, 46, 47; 
 the death of his son. Prince Jahangir, 
 47,48; sends an army against Kamar- 
 ud-Din, 48, 49, 51; fifth expedition 
 into Jatah, 50; expedition against 
 Khitai, 53; death of, at Otrar, 54; 
 tribes submitted to his government, 
 55 n. ; and Sultan Mahmud Khan, 
 72; Tartar tribe banished by, 79 n. ; 
 difficulty with the Moghuls under 
 Kamar-ud-Din, 81 n. ; and his gene¬ 
 rals, 83 ; called Timur Fu-ma by 
 the Chinese, 278 n. ; nine wives of, 
 278 n., 279 n. ; of the Uighur tribe 
 of Turfan, 77, 78. 
 
 Timur, a member of the Bari as tribe, 
 
 3.* 
 
 Timurchi, father of Chingiz Klian, 
 86 .* 
 
 Timur-Klialaga (Iron Gate), 20 u. 
 
 Timur Khwaja Oghlan, 32, 36. 
 
 Timan (Tuman) River, 295 and /*., 
 310. 
 
 Timur Sultan, son of Shahi Beg Khan, 
 160, 169, 234,351, 451; defeated and 
 killed by Babar Padishah, 243-5, 
 248. 
 
 Timurtu Nor (Lake Issigh-Kul), 79 n. 
 
 Timur Uljaitu: see Uljaitu. 
 
 Tirak, district of, 312. 
 
 Tiraz (Taraz), 86.* 
 
 Tirlauji Irlat, 32. 
 
 Tirmiz (Termedli), town of, 179, 
 338 n. 
 
 Tiz-Ab (Tiznaf), stream called, 298. 
 
 Toghuz Uighur, the (or “ Nine Ui- 
 ghurs ”), 93.* 
 
 Tokanak, 464 n. 
 
 Toklita Rashid (Uighur chief), 67.* 
 
 Toktamish Oghlan, brought before 
 Amir Timur, 50. 
 
 Tombs in Khotan, 298-9 ; of Yarkand, 
 299, 300; of Kashghar, 300, 301. 
 
 Touines, Buddhist monks called, 290 n. 
 
 Tou Nazar Khan, kills Abdul Latif, 
 121 * n. 
 
 Tragai, Amir (father of Amir Timur), 
 death of, 17. 
 
 Transoxiana (Mavara-un-Nahr), tribes 
 of, 31*; capital of: see Samarkand; 
 
 the Uighurs and, 95*; ruled by Ubaid 
 Ullah Khan, 206 n. : see Mavara-un- 
 Nahr. 
 
 Tribute missions to China, Benedict 
 Goes and, 110,* 111.* 
 
 Tsong-Kapa, religious reformer, 418 n. 
 Tub River, 78 n. 
 
 Tubra Nuyaghuth (Tubra Tiaghuth), 
 183, 248, 264 ; killed by Said Khan, 
 265. 
 
 Tughai tribe, 55 n. 
 
 Tughluk Salduz, 24. 
 
 Tughluk Timur Khan, his reign, 7,* 2 ; 
 converted to Islam, 2, 3, 10-15 ; and 
 Shaikh Jamal-ud-Din, 5, 12, 13; 
 forefathers of, 5; early history, 6-9; 
 expedition into Mavara-un-Nahr, 15, 
 16 ; intrigues with Amir Haji Barlas, 
 17, 18 ; second invasion of Mavara- 
 un-Nalir, 18-22 ; and Amir Husain, 
 22 n., 23 n.‘, return to Taikhan and 
 Badakhshan, 23, 24; death of, 26, 
 38; one of his sons, 39; privileges 
 conferred upon Amir Bulaji, 55; his 
 rule extended as far as Kunduz, 56 ; 
 tomb of, in Almaligh, 364. 
 
 Tuk, in Tibet, 410. 
 
 Tukal Khanim, one of Timur’s wives, 
 279 n. 
 
 Tuka Timur, 299 a., 300 n. ; succeeds 
 Nikpai to the Khanate, 35.* 
 
 Tuktai, a Makrit Amir, 289. 
 
 Tuk Timur, Amir, slain in battle, 28. 
 Tukuz Taram, ford of, 238 and n. 
 
 Tulik Amir, governor at Kashghar, 14, 
 38, 51 n. 
 
 'J'uli Khan ; Khitai given to, 293. 
 Tulkchi tribe, 55 n. 
 
 Tului, son of Chingiz Khan, and the 
 Jadah stone, 33 n. 
 
 Tuluk, brother of Mir Kambar, 307. 
 Tu-lu-fan (Turfan), prince of, 102.* 
 Tuman, people to called, in Khotau and 
 Kashghar, 301. 
 
 Tuman (Karman), town of, 20. 
 
 Tuman Agha, Amir, 42, 50. 
 
 Tuman Bahadur Kaluchi, 309, 423. 
 Tuman Bughai Salduz, 36. 
 
 Tuman Kapak Khan, 36. 
 
 Tuman River, 295 n. ; fort built by 
 Aba Bakr on, 285-6. 
 
 Tunkana, a degree of the Lamas, 414 
 and n. 
 
 Tupchdk (a fine horse), 260 a. 
 Turakima, Oktai’s widow, 32,* 33.* 
 Turan, conquered by Chingiz Khan, 
 293. 
 
 Turangir Mirza, 330. 
 
 Turah, the: see Yazak. 
 
 Turfan, district of, 67, 99,* 100,* 125, 
 332; Kumul annexed to, 101* ; con¬ 
 quest of, by Khizir Khwaja, 103*; 
 a tribute to China, 103* ; history of, 
 as recorded in the Chinese Chronicles 
 
Index. 
 
 531 
 
 of the Ming dynasty, 102*-109* ; 
 depression below the sea level, 112*; 
 the modern city of, Captain F. E. 
 Younghusband on, 112*; Dr. Regel 
 on ruins near, 113* ; attacked bv 
 Khizir Khwaja, 52; Mansur Khan’s 
 expeditions into, 128; Rashid Khan 
 marches on, 146; Moghuls in, 148; 
 Sayyid Muhammad Mirza sent to, 
 240; Khwaja Nura visits Mansur 
 Khan in, 396-7; see also Uighuris- 
 tan. 
 
 Turkan Arlat, 43-5. 
 
 Turk, dual use of the word, 78,* 98 n. ; 
 common origin with the Mongol, 
 78*-80* ; misleading employment of 
 the name, 83*; Abul Ghazi and 
 others, use of the word, 84*-87*; 
 used in opposition to the word Sart. 
 87* n. ; Mr. H. G. Keene and others, 
 on the word, 88*-92* ; the first, 
 to become a Musulman, 300. 
 
 Turkat tribe, 67. 
 
 Turki language, the Uigliurs first to 
 reduce to writing, 95.* 
 
 Turki-Uiglmr people ; see Uighurs. 
 
 Turks, literary compositions of the, 2.; 
 a separate people from the Moghul 
 Ulus, 82*; see also Uighurs. 
 
 Turkistan, delivered from the oppres¬ 
 sion of the Jatah, 29, 30 ; province 
 of, 53*; invaded by the Moghuls, 
 54,* 58*; town of, 63 n.\ Moghul 
 attacks on, 68; laid waste by Isan 
 Buglia Khan, 79; inhabitants of, 
 of, under Buruj Khan, defeated by 
 Yunus Khan, 92, 93; given to 
 Shahi Beg Khan, 118; Muhammad 
 Kirghiz in, 134,349; Uzbeg Sultans 
 flee to, 245, 250 ; Uighur dynasty in, 
 287 n. ; given to Chaghatai Khan, 
 293; plundered by Kirghiz, 358, 
 367. 
 
 Turkistan, Eastern, province of, given 
 to the house of Dughlat, 33* ; Batu 
 and, 34*; Dr. Bellew’s history of, 
 vii.; the ‘Six Cities’ of, 51 * n .: see 
 Alti-Shahr ; towns ruined by moving 
 sands, 68*; overrun by Yeliu Taislii, 
 94*; small residue of Moghuls still 
 existing in, 127,* 128* ; the air of, 
 12 71. ; Buddhism in, 124 n.; haze 
 peculiar to, 303 n. 
 
 Turkistan, Western, raids of the 
 Moghuls into, 65.* 
 
 Turkoman, the, 88.* 
 
 Turkomans, with Sultan Said’s army, 
 66 .* 
 
 Turkomans, under Babar Padishah, 
 defeated by the Uzbeg Sultans, 
 260-1. 
 
 Turmish, brother of Turkan Arlat, 44, 
 45. 
 
 Turshiz, battle at, 206. 
 
 Turuk Sliaran, valley of, 168. 
 
 Tushi (or Juji), eldest son of Chingiz, 
 29 * 30 * 
 
 Tusliku, placed called, 304, 322. 
 Tutluk (Tutlugh), battle of, Said Khan 
 defeats Aba Bakr Mirza at, 11,* 
 132, 249, 250, 284, 320. 
 
 Tutuk Khanim, daughter of Mahmud 
 Khan, 251. 
 
 Tuyun Bashi, River, 304, 346, 394. 
 Tuz-kul (Lake Issigh-Kul), 79 n. 
 
 Ubaid-ul-Hadi, Khwaja, 396. 
 
 Ubaid Ullah Khan,'206, 234, 243, 
 247 n. ; battle with Babar Padishah, 
 132; married to Habiba Sultan 
 Kbanish, 207; ordered by Shalii 
 Beg Khan to drown Mirza Haidar, 
 210, 211; fortified in castle of Ivarshi, 
 245, 248 ; marches against Bokhara, 
 259; is met by Babar Padishah, 
 260; battle at Kul Malik, 260, 268 ; 
 takes Hisar from the Moghuls, 262- 
 3; his reign in Mavara-un-Nahr, 
 283. 
 
 Ubaira-Subaira, 282. 
 
 Uch (Ush Turfan), town of, 393, 431 71., 
 432 m. ; country of, 42 ; fort of, 124; 
 seized by Aba Bakr, 254 ; garrisoned 
 by Mirza Aba Bakr, 333; Aiman 
 Khwaja Sultan in, 343. 
 
 XJclin 357 
 
 Uch Barkhan, village of, 75, 304, 310. 
 
 Uch Burhan, 42 n. 
 
 Uchibi, a lieutenant of Amir Timur, 
 45. 
 
 Uch Kara Bahadur, Amir, 25, 42, 47. 
 
 Uchku Muhammad Mirza, 185. 
 
 Uighur, the, 88* : province of, 360. 
 
 Uighurs, the (a Turki tribe), 57* ; re¬ 
 mains of one of their towns or forts, 
 59*; country of, 61*; in Mogliulis- 
 tan, 73,* 74* 71 . ; their origin and 
 early history, 92*-97* ; credited with 
 having first reduced the Turki lan¬ 
 guage to writing, 95* ; spoken of as 
 Tarsi, 96,* 97* ; displaced by the 
 Karai tribe, 16 n. ; the “ family of 
 Afrasiab the Turk,” 287 ti. ; Nes- 
 torian Christianity prevalent among, 
 
 290 n. ; Tarse, land of the Uighurs, 
 
 291 71 . ; settled in Khorasan, 311 n. 
 
 Uighuristan {Turfan), the province of, 
 
 7,* 54,* 99*—114*; mentioned by 
 Mirza Haidar, 100,* 101*; given to 
 Chaghatai Khan, 100*; people of, 
 101,* 102,* 112*; subdued by the 
 Ming army, 103*—106*; the Khans 
 of, 105,* 106* ; irrigation in, by Yais 
 Khan, 112*; once one of the chief 
 centres of the Buddhists, 113*; 
 ancient capital of, 113*; becomes 
 Chinese territory, 113-4*; sucoes- 
 
532 
 
 Index . 
 
 sion of Klians of, after date of Mirza 
 Haidar’s history, 123,* 124*; Khizir 
 Khwaja and, 52 n. 
 
 Uirat, the, 88.* 
 
 Uja Betu Irdi (Ulja Yetu Aberdi), 
 32. 
 
 Uktai Khan, 360 ; kingdom of, 294. 
 
 Ulama, the: Dust Muhammad Khan 
 and, 89; Said Khan and the, 448. 
 
 Ulang Kahdastan, 206. 
 
 Ulang-zadagan, 162. 
 
 U1 Islam, Shaikh, 194. 
 
 Uljai Turkan, Princess, 29. 
 
 Uljaitu, grandson of Kuhlai, 36* ; routs 
 Chapar, 36*. 
 
 Ulugh Mirza, 478. 
 
 Ulugh Timur, 26. 
 
 Ulugh Tuktimur, of the tribe of Karait, 
 15, 16. 
 
 Ulugh Beg Mirza, 59, 68 n. ; defeats 
 Shir Muhammad, 43* ; battles with 
 the Moghuls, 56*; his reign and 
 death, 59 n. ; governor of Kashgliar, 
 61; and Amir Sayyid Ali, 62; and 
 Khwaja Sharif, 76; summoned to 
 Moghulistan by Khudaidad, 69; 
 reception of Yunus Khan at Samar¬ 
 kand, 74; history called the Ulus 
 Arbaa , 148, 151 ; murdered by his 
 son, Abdul Latif, 329 n. 
 
 Ulur (or Wular) lake in Kashmir, 428, 
 429 n. 
 
 Ulus Arbaa (the four hordes), work of 
 Mirza Ulugh Beg, 148, 151. 
 
 Ulusbegi, the title of, 132 n. ; office of, 
 38. 
 
 Ulus Sultan, son of Rashid Sultan, 
 122 .* 
 
 Ungut, the, 88.* 
 
 Urdubegi, family of the, 307. 
 
 Urdukand (Kashghar), 287 n. 
 
 Uratippa, country of, 118, 154, 158, 
 163, 164. 
 
 Urdu, an: see Aul. 
 
 Urdum Padshah, sand dunes at, 12 n. 
 
 Ursang (Lassa), 410 n., 111, 443; Mirza 
 Haidar sent to, 136 and n., 143; 
 temple of, 454-459. 
 
 Urtubu, Dughlat Amir, 294 n. ; Man- 
 galai Suyah given to, 7; seven 
 privileges conferred upon, by Chin¬ 
 giz Khan, 54, 55. 
 
 Uruk, 183. 
 
 Urumtsi, town of, 62*; the present, 
 93* : see also Bishbalik. 
 
 Urung Kash (Yurung Kash), river in 
 lvhotan, 298. 
 
 Urun Sultan Khanim, 88. 
 
 Urus Durman, Amir, 237. 
 
 Urus Khan, 45, 50. 
 
 Ush, province of, given to Yunus Khan, 
 110, 111; taken by Aba Bakr, 249, 
 254; Mir Vali takes, 320; Said 
 Khan and, 376. 
 
 Ushter Ushna (Uratippa), country of, 
 154. 
 
 Ushtur, fort of, in Taslikand, 115. 
 
 Ush-Turfan, city of, 51* n. 
 
 Ustad Abclal Shaikh, 322. 
 
 Ustad Ahmad Rurni, 475. 
 
 Ustad Yunus (Yunus Khan), 85. 
 
 Ustajlu tribe, 214 n. 
 
 Utluk, place in Moghulistan, 377, 463 ; 
 desert plains of, 189. 
 
 Uzbeg, a tribe of Khotan, 67. 
 
 Uzbegs, the, defeated at Hisar, 10*; 
 route of Baber at the battle of Ghaj- 
 diwan, 10* ; lay siege to Andijan, 
 11*; the Moghuls and, 56,* 57* ; de¬ 
 feated by Rashid Sultan, 120*, 146; 
 present line of Bokhara Khans de¬ 
 scended from, 126*; defeat the 
 Cliaghatai under Shahi Beg Khan, 
 206, 234; government of the, 206 n .; 
 defeated by Babar Padishah, 243-6; 
 set out against Andijan, 280-2; in 
 Said Khan’s army, 305: see also 
 Shaiban-Uzbeg. 
 
 Uzbeg: see also Kazak-Uzbegs. 
 
 Uzbegistan, 366, 374. 
 
 Uzbeg-lvazak, the tribe of, 82; de¬ 
 feated by Rashid Khan, 146. 
 
 Uzbeg-Shaiban, Rashid Khan and, 146; 
 retire from Andijan, 376; to Klniss 
 and Kunkas, 377. 
 
 Uzbeg Sultans, the, defeated at Hisar 
 Shadman, 132 ; advance on Andijan, 
 133; attack fort of Kasan, 248-9; 
 flee to Turkistan, 245, 250; march 
 against Tashkand, 259, 271; defeat 
 the Turkomans and Babar Padi¬ 
 shah, 260-1; decimated by famine, 
 262; take Hisar from the Moghuls, 
 262-3. 
 
 Uzbeg Timur, 39. 
 
 Uzbeg Ulus, division among, on the 
 death of Abulkhair Khan, 272. 
 
 Uzchand (Uzkand), seized by Aba 
 Bakr, 248-9, 254, 259. 
 
 Uzkand, 50; Amir Timur at, 43; 
 plundered by Kushluk Khan, 289 ; 
 Mir Vali takes, 320; taken by Said 
 Khan, 376. 
 
 Uzun Ahmad, 130. 
 
 Uzun Sakai Tufta Kuli, 309. 
 
 Uzun Sultan Khanim, 64. 
 
 Vakai, or Turki History : see Baber’s 
 “ Memoirs.” 
 
 Vais Khan, son of Shir Muhammad 
 Khan, 103*; attacks Shir Muhammad 
 Oghliin, 43*; and irrigation in 
 Turfan and Kara-Khoja, 112* ; early 
 life of, 60, 61; takes to highway 
 robbery, 63; hostility between Shir 
 Muhammad Khan and, 64, 65.; 
 battles with the Kalmaks, 65-67; 
 
Index. 533 
 
 saved by Amir Sayyid Ali, 65-7; 
 studies theology, 67; and Amir 
 Khudaidad, 69 ; martyrdom of 71-3; 
 his sister, 91. 
 
 Yais Mirza, son of Sultan Mahmud 
 Mirza, 10*, 373 and n. 
 
 Yais Khan : see Mirza Khan and Vais 
 Mirza. 
 
 Vakhsh River, 20. 
 
 Vakhsh, mountains of, 263. 
 
 Vali Beg, 316, 317. 
 
 Vali, Mir, brother of KhusrauShah, 165. 
 
 Vali Mir, Aba Bakr’s general, entrusted 
 with army and military affairs, 319, 
 320; at Yangi-Hisar, 321 ; overruns 
 Ladak, 403 n. 
 
 Valikhanof, Captain, and ancient 
 Taraz, 63 n. 
 
 Vigne, Mr. T. G., and the ruined 
 temples of Kashmir, 426 n., 427 n. 
 
 Virani of Irazan, the, 73 n. 
 
 Virnag (Barnag), spring of, 428 and n., 
 
 431. 
 
 Waddell, Dr. L. A., xv.; on the mean¬ 
 ing of Yulpa, 407 n. ; on the Dolpa 
 tribe, 409 n. ; on Maryul, 410 n.; on 
 dam-giriy 413 n. ; on the Lamas, 
 414 n.y 415 n., 417 n. ; meaning of 
 Stak-brak, 458 n. 
 
 Wakhan, 54,* 467.* 
 
 Wala: see Oirat. 
 
 Wang Khan (or Prester John), the 
 Karai tribe ruled by, 16 n. 
 
 Ward, Colonel A. E., on dimensions of 
 the wild yak, 302 n. 
 
 Warren, Mr., on the kingdom of Tarse, 
 291 n. 
 
 Wassaf, and the Kuranas tribe, 76,* 
 77* 
 
 Watters, Mr., and the “ Five Cities,” 
 62* n. ; on the town of Ivuchar, 
 100* n. ; on Su-Sa (Su Yeh), 8 n. 
 
 Wheeler, Mr. Stephen, xv., 91* n. 
 
 White Horde, Toktamish Khan of the, 
 50 n. 
 
 White Horde (Kazak), Khans of, 272 n. 
 
 William of Modena, 117.* 
 
 Wilson, Prof. H. H., and Moorcroft’s 
 travels, viii. 
 
 Wular, lake of: see Ular. 
 
 Yadgar Muhammad, 449. 
 
 Yadgar Nasir Mirza, 241, 261, 308, 
 472, 478, 483, 484. 
 
 Yadrintzetf, Mr. N., and ancient city of 
 Karakorum, 10 n. 
 
 Yaghistan, petty states known as, 12.* 
 
 Yak, wild ( kutds ), 466, and n. ; in the 
 hills of Khotan, 302 n. 
 
 Yakchak, Malik of Kashmir, 441. 
 
 Yakabulung, 72 n. 
 
 Yakut, the Arab author, and Farghana, 
 8 n. 
 
 Yakub Sultan, 451 ; kiosk of, in 
 Tabriz, 429. 
 
 Yakuti, the Arab, and Tagltaz-ghaz, 
 94* n. 
 
 Yam, River, 29. 
 
 Yangnlilc, Moghul custom of, 251. 
 
 Yanki (Chalish or Kara Shahr), town 
 of 99.* 
 
 Yangi (Taraz), town of, 40, 63 n., 81 n., 
 364; Isan Bugha Khan in, 79 n.y 
 80 n. 
 
 Yangi-Hisar, city of, 51* n. ; siege of, 
 6,* 11*; Sultan Said’s operations 
 against, 66,* 133, 369, 394; sand 
 buried ruins in the neighbourhood 
 of, 67*; given to Muhammad Haidar 
 Mirza, 88, 89; ravaged by Aba Bakr 
 Mirza, 103; taken by Sultan Ahmad 
 Khan, 122; its situation, 295; Yar¬ 
 kand a companion city to, 296; Aba 
 Bakr at, 304, 321; attack on the 
 citadel of, by Said Khan, 312-319; 
 Mirza Jahangir killed in, 330; 
 Khwaja Nura at, 390. 
 
 Yangi-Kand (Yangi), 80 n.y 81 n. 
 
 Yar, Amir, son of Amir Jan Vafa, 
 193. 
 
 Yaraka Ataka, 125, 126, 332, 340. 
 
 Yarkh, a district of Badakhshan, 353. 
 
 Yarkand, city of, 51* n.y 296; fall of, 
 11*; Benedict Goes at, in 1603.. 
 122* ; attacked by Dust Muhammad 
 Khan, 89 ; Yunus Khan’s head¬ 
 quarters, 90; Mirza Aba Bakr master 
 of, 99, 304, 322 ; his battles at, with 
 the joint armies of Yunus Khan and 
 Muhammad Haidar Mirza, 104-107; 
 Mirza Aba Bakr defeats Sultan 
 Ahmad Khan, 122; reduced by Mirza 
 Aba Bakr, 252, 253; treasure found 
 in, 257, 326-7; cita'del at, built by 
 Aba Bakr, 296-7; water of, 297; 
 river of, 297-8; tombs of, 299, 300; 
 Sultan Said Khan’s march against, 
 312-313, 445 ; Said Khan enters, 
 325-6, 345. 
 
 Yar Muhammad; see Najm, Mir. 
 
 Yas: see Dam-giri. 
 
 Yasavvi Shaikhs, order of the, 369 
 and n. 
 
 Yashm: see Jade. 
 
 Yasu (or Isu) Mangu, 33,* 180 n., 
 181 n. ; given to Yunus Khan, 87. 
 
 Yazak (Turali) of Chingiz Khan, 70. 
 
 Yazak (Yassa) the, legal code of the 
 Mongols, 22 n. ; Khwaja Ali 
 Bahadur, appointed, 350. 
 
 Yazi Daban, Pass of, 43. 
 
 Ye-liu Taishi, a Kara-Khitai king, 
 279 n. ; the Gurkhan of the Kara- 
 Khitai, 94.* 
 
 Yeliu Taishi, Liao prince, 152 n. 
 
 Yellow River, legend concerning, 
 406 n.y 407 n. 
 
534 
 
 Index. 
 
 Yellow Uighurs, country of the, 349 n. 
 
 Ye-mi-li Huo-jo, Turfan chief, 103.* 
 
 Yen-liai, Chinese name for Lake Issigli- 
 Kul, 79 n. 
 
 Yenki: see Karashahr. 
 
 Yogurs, the: see Uighurs. 
 
 Younghusband, Captain F. E., x. n. ; 
 and the modern city of Turfan, 
 112*; and Mr. Shaw's papers, 
 121* n. 
 
 Yuan-pao, Chinese ingots of silver, 
 256 n. 
 
 Yulduz of Moghulistan, 86. 
 
 Yule, Sir H., on counterfeit tribute 
 mission to China, 111 * n. ; on occu¬ 
 pants of the throne of Moghulistan, 
 2, 3; on the word Khakan, 30* n.; 
 on the Caraonas, 77* ; on old town of 
 Kunah-Shahr, 12 n. ; on the “ Iron 
 Gate,” 20 n. ; on the province of 
 Khatlan, 21 n. ; on Arhang, 24 n. ; 
 on the word Jndah, 33 n. ; on the 
 Katur tribe, 104 n. ; on a Bishop of 
 Kuinul, 126 n. ; on the town of 
 Sairam, 171 n. ; on Yuan-pao , Chinese 
 ingots of silver, 256 n. ; on the Kizil- 
 bash, 214 n. ; on Balur (or Bolor), 
 385 n .; on dam-giri, 413 n. 
 
 Yulpa, inhabitants of Tibet, 407 and n., 
 410. 
 
 Yultimur, 26. 
 
 Yumghal, place called, 365 and n. 
 
 Yunus Khan, son of Yais Khan, 73,153; 
 personal appearance of, 79; Muham¬ 
 mad Kazi and, 84,* 85* ; his recep¬ 
 tion in Samarkand by Ulugh Beg, 
 74 ; fights against his brother Isan 
 Buglia Khan, 81, 82,172 ; appointed 
 Khan by Sultan Abu Said, 83, 84 ; 
 early life of, 84, 85; his arrival in 
 Moghulistan, 86, 87; marries Isan 
 Daulat Begum, 86 ; Yatikand given 
 to, 87; seizes Aksu, 90; second 
 return to Moghulistan, 90-92; de¬ 
 feated bv Amasanji Taislii, 91; 
 defeat and murder of Buruj Oglilan, 
 92,93; captured by Shaikh Jainal- 
 ud-Din at Tashkand, 94, 95; and 
 the Kings of Mavara-un-Nalir, 95- 
 98 ; battle with Omar Shaikh Mirza 
 at Tika Sagrutku, 96, 97 ; visited by 
 Khwaja Nasiruddin Ubaidullah, 97, 
 114; the Tajik features of, 97 n., 98 n. ; 
 battles in conjunction with Muham¬ 
 mad Haidar Mirza against Mirza 
 Aba Bakr, 104-7; marries Shah 
 Begum, 108 ; obtains complete con¬ 
 trol over the Moghuls, 108; dif¬ 
 ference with Muhammad Haidar 
 Mirza at Aksu, 109-111; enters 
 Tashkand, 112, 113; his death and 
 burial in Tashkand, 114, 115, 157; 
 daughters of, 117, 118; account of 
 bis life and list of bis offspring, 155, 
 
 156, 197, 198; defeated by Mirza 
 Aba Bakr at Yarkand, 253. 
 Yupurghi Liver, 295 n. 
 
 Yurung Kash, river in Khotan, 298. 
 Yusfan, son of Mirza Aba Bakr, 
 304. 
 
 Yusuf, Amir, taken prisoner by Timur, 
 28. 
 
 Yusuf Ali Kukildash Divana, 203. 
 Yusuf Bakaval, 309. 
 
 Yusuf Kashghari, 226. 
 
 Yusuf, Maulana, 486. 
 
 Yusun Timur Sultan, son of Sultan 
 Ahmad Klian, 161. 
 
 Yusurghatmish Khan, 72. 
 
 Yutun Bashi Liver, 304. 
 
 Zabiha, Imam, tomb of, 298. 
 
 Zafar-Ndma, Sharaf-ud-Din Ali Yazdi, 
 author of, 84, 85 n., 151 ; Petis de la 
 Croix’s translation of, 75* ; extracts 
 from, in the Taril;h-i-Rashidi, xi., 
 xiii.; and succession of the Moghul 
 Khans, 41*—46*; mention of the 
 ‘cities’ of the Moghulistan, 57*; 
 and Moghul encampments, 60*; and 
 w r ars between Timur and the Mo¬ 
 ghuls, 99* ; history of events in 
 Moghulistan, 118,* 119*; history of 
 the Moghuls and their Khakans, 2; 
 story of Alankua Kurkluk, 5 ; speaks 
 of Amir Timur as Sahib-i-Kiran, 
 17 n. ; victory of Timur over a Jatah 
 Amir, 21 n. ; adventures of Timur 
 and Husain, 22 n., 23 n.; and Ilyas 
 Khwaja Khan, 23, 38; rebellion of 
 Kamar-ud-Din, 38-40 ; and Amir 
 Timur’s expedition against Khitai, 
 53; history of Tughluk Timur re¬ 
 corded in, 56 ; nine wives of Timur, 
 278 n.; and Dava Khan, 300; account 
 of Kashmir in, 430-432 ; the mis¬ 
 deeds of Sultan Khalil (grandson of 
 Timur) recorded in, 451. 
 
 Zarafshan, valley of, invaded by the 
 Jatah anny, 29 n. ; Kazaks in the, 
 126* 
 
 Zaliid, Khwaja, 69. 
 
 Zahir-ud-Din Muhammad Babar Padi¬ 
 shah Ghazi, 117, 119,120 : see Babar 
 Padishah. 
 
 Zainab Sultan Khanirn, 146, 467. 
 
 Zain-ul-Abidin, Sultan, 428, 433, 434 ; 
 palace of, on the island of Lanka, 
 429 and n., 430. 
 
 Zamindawar, Shall Beg conducts atfairs 
 of, 202. 
 
 Zangi Chak, 482, 487. 
 
 Zangskar, a district of Ladak, 15,* 
 410, 462. 
 
 Zanjir Sarai, 43. 
 
 Zauka Pass, 350 n. 
 
 Zia-ud-Din. Amir, 107, 108. 
 
Index . 
 
 Zij Kurkan, astronomical tables called, 
 59 and n .; 60 n. 
 
 Zikul Bahadur, 185. 
 
 Zinda Hashara, 32, 34, 40. 
 Zir-Sud-Kankar in Tibet, 410. 
 
 Zobir Raghi, killed by Mirza Khan, 
 203, 219. 
 
 Zorawar Sing, the Dogra general, 15* ; 
 expedition of, to Tibet in 1841.. 
 458 n., 461 n. 
 
 535 
 
 Zoroastrians, the, in Asia, known as 
 Tarsi , 96.* 
 
 Zuji, the pass of Kashmir, 423. 
 Znlkadar tribe, 214 n. 
 
 Znngaria (or Jungar), country of, 
 31,* 34,* 53* ; the Uighurs of, 93,* 
 95.* 
 
 Zungars, the, 97* n. 
 
 Zun’ka, in Tibet, 410, 416. 
 
 Zu'nnun, Mirza, 205. 
 
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 [Meerut 
 
 'n/LiLdj 
 
 D elhi 
 
 SCALES 
 
 Natural Scale 1 6.348,000 100 Mlleet-One luck 
 
 S:jnpaon Low. Maroton t Co limited, London.