i-ZJI 
 
 
 *,:•£ 1 . . *»■ ! 1 *- .- 
 
 
 
 '• i!i! 
 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2012 with funding from 
 
 University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/illinoisdemocrac01town 
 
7fjh*~£fc % J/&*,, 
 
 ir**4#Cc#^^ 
 
 THIRTY-SECOND PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 AND TITULAR LEADER OF DEMOCRACY 
 
JUtttfltH Semnrntrg 
 
 A History of the Party and Its Representative 
 Members — Past and Present 
 
 WALTER A. TOWNSEND 
 
 AUTHOR 
 
 CHARLES BOESCHENSTEIN 
 
 SUPERVISING EDITOR 
 
 Volume I 
 
 ILLUSTRATED 
 
 COPYRIGHT 
 
 DEMOCRATIC HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, Inc. 
 
 Springfield, III. 
 
 1935 
 
411 
 
 
 
 # 
 
 
 
 
 w 
 
 I 
 
 M^^ 
 
 
 . ■• 
 
 .■US ■•■ '; '■:. :-■■'": 1 
 
 
 
 
 WALTER A. TOWNSEND 
 
3A> f . 3 
 
 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 7 
 
 /■ / 
 
 TABLE OF CONTENTS 
 
 Dedication 9 
 
 A Few Words By Way of Preface 11 
 
 The Dawn of National Democracy 13 
 
 The Beginnings of Illinois Democracy 17 
 
 The Birthplace of Illinois Democracy 21 
 
 Interesting Facts Concerning Members of Illinois Democracy 29 
 
 The Earliest Statesman of Illinois Democracy 39 
 
 The Chief Democrat of Early Statehood 45 
 
 The "John The Baptist" of Illinois Democracy 47 
 
 A Northerner But a Slavery Advocate 51 
 
 Beginnings of the Convention System 57 
 
 Three Illinois Democratic Governors in Three Weeks 67 
 
 Early "Long Distance" Democratic Campaign 69 
 
 Early Days of Great Depression in Illinois 73 
 
 This Democratic Governor Lived in Many Parts of State 75 
 
 A Democratic Administration of Pronounced Ability 79 
 
 The Last of a Great Line of Pre-Civil War Democratic Governors 83 
 
 Illinois Democracy Meets First Defeat in State Campaign 87 
 
 No Convincing Basis Found For Many Graft Charges Made After Bissell 
 
 Won 91 
 
 The Year in Which Douglas Was Elected and Lincoln Defeated 95 
 
 Stephen A. Douglas and His Influence on Illinois Democracy 99 
 
 Illinois Democracy Keeps up Its Courage During Days of Civil War 
 
 Drama 121 
 
 Democratic Conventions From Civil War Period Until Campaign of 1878 125 
 
 State Conventions of Illinois Democracy During the "Eighties" 141 
 
 The Illinois Democracy in the Year That Was to Bring Back Victory 153 
 
 The Year That Made John Peter Altgeld One of the Nation's Notables 155 
 
 Chicago Proves Itself Fortunate Place for Democratic Conventions 161 
 
 The Only Illinois Democrat Ever Elected to the Vice Presidency, Adlai 
 
 Ewing Stevenson 167 
 
 Peculiar Headlines Incidental to Altgeld Inauguration of 1893 17:! 
 
 Words of Altgeld That Demonstrate the True Character of the Man 177 
 
 Stirring Days of Altgeld Administration Were Full of Intensive Drama 183 
 
 Some Called This Unusual Gathering "A Rump Convention" 191 
 
 Illinois Democracy in the Year Marked by "Cross of Gold" Speech 197 
 The Never-To-Be-Forgotten "Cross of Gold" Speech at Chicago 
 
 Convention 201 
 
 A Native Son of Illinois Democracy is Named For President 211 
 
 State Conventions of Illinois Democracy From 1894 to 1898 241 
 
8 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Alschuler Leads Ticket Bu1 Goes Down to Defeat With Bryan and 
 
 Stevenson 24!) 
 
 Illinois Democracy in Earlier Years of the Twentieth Century 25;") 
 
 Henry T. Hainey Starts Toward Speakership of National House 2.")!) 
 
 Illinois Democracy's Stormiest Convention Rainey Only Survivor 265 
 
 Bryan Opposes Roger C. Sullivan at State Convention 269 
 
 Bryan's Last Attempt at the Presidency; Stevenson Par Ahead 271 
 
 Democratic Campaign of 1910 Gave Signs of Coming Victory 279 
 
 Campaign of Illinois Democracy in 1912 Off to Early Start 285 
 
 Women's Suffrage Appears at 1912 Peoria Conclave of Illinois Democracy 291 
 
 One Election in Which Downstate Democracy Reversed Chicago Vote 295 
 Lights and Shadows of "Friendliest Administration" of Illinois 
 
 Democracy 301 
 
 The Last United States Senators Ever to he Elected by Assembly 313 
 
 Religious Intolerance Plays Prominent Part in Defeat of Sullivan for 
 
 Senator _ :!17 
 
 Second Woodrow Wilson Campaign Brought Defeat to Illinois Democracy 321 
 
 James Hamilton Lewis Meets First Defeat in Year of Great World War 323 
 
 Campaign in Which Both Franklin Roosevelt and Senator Lewis Met 
 
 Defeat 327 
 
 Battling Peter Bartzen Headed 1922 Ticket but All Went Down to Defeat 329 
 
 Popular Downstate Member of Illinois Democracy is Beaten 331 
 
 Well Loved Leader of Illinois Democracy Loses Close Race fore Senate 337 
 
 Brilliant Young Jurist Goes Down to Defeat in Hoover 1928 Landslide 339 
 
 The Campaign that Brought All-Time Margin of Victory to the Illinois 
 
 Democracy 345 
 
 Illinois State Convention That Introduced Great Chicagoan to Downstate 357 
 
 Mayor Cermak is Host at Important Function Preceding Convention 367 
 
 Principal Illinois Role Played at 1932 Chicago Convention was by Absent 
 
 Party Leader 371 
 
 Franklin Roosevelt, Alfred Smith, Will Rogers and Huey Long Among 
 
 Many Headliners 377 
 
 Most Experts Gave Palm for Convention Oratory to Massachusetts 
 
 Governor 379 
 
 Governor Roosevelt's Address Accepting Call to Leadership.. 385 
 
 Members of Illinois Democracy That Loomed Larger As Result of 1932 
 
 National < 'on vent ion 391 
 
 Distinguished Democrats Who Have Filled a Very Distinguished Position 395 
 
 Henry Horner Leads Democracy of Illinois to Impressive Victory 403 
 
 Judicial Elections of June, 1933, Were First Opportunity for Verdict 407 
 Courage and Humanitarianism Distinguishing Features of Present State 
 
 Administration 41 1 
 
 Victory of Illinois Democracy Made Complete by Returns of November, 
 
 1934 Election 415 
 
 The Final Chapter - 419 
 
STATE 
 FLAG 
 
 CENTENNIAL 
 BANNER 
 
 STATE FLAG AND CENTENNIAL BANNER 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 9 
 
 DEDICATION 
 
 To Edwards and Bond and Menard and other great Democrats of 
 those pioneer days when Illinois was but a territory! 
 
 To Coles and Reynolds and Ewing and other great Democrats of 
 the years when our state still was in its early infancy! 
 
 To Douglas and Stevenson and Bryan and other great Democrats 
 whose name and fame are far flung! 
 
 To Morrison and Springer and Rainey and numerous other great 
 Democrats of the congressional halls of fame ! 
 
 To Altgeld and Dunne and Horner and other great Democrats 
 whose services in the executive chair added luster, not only to their 
 party, but to their state! 
 
 To Stringer and Alschuler and Jones and Thompson and many 
 other selfless Democrats who have made real sacrifices to carry their 
 party banners forward in the face of well-nigh inevitable clef eat ! 
 
 To those illustrious world statesmen, Lewis and Dieterich, who, 
 today, are helping guide our nation through perilous seas! 
 
 To Sullivan and Boeschenstein and Hopkins and Brenuan and 
 Donovan and Igoe and Nash and Campbell, without whose genius for 
 leadership the present bright era of victory might not have dawned ! 
 
 To Harrison the Elder, to Harrison the Younger, to Dever and 
 Cermak and Kelly and other Democrats who have brought added credit 
 to their party by their splendid guidance of the destinies of our greatest 
 city! 
 
 To Hughes and Barrett and Martin and Stelle and Kerner and 
 Wieland and Bloch and Courtney and a goodly number of other dis- 
 tinguished Democratic officials who, today, are rendering great service 
 to their party by great service to their state! 
 
 To each and all of these this book well and worthily might be 
 dedicated ! 
 
 But I dedicate it, rather, to the great rank and file of our party — 
 to the men and women, old and young, who, under their faithful leader- 
 ship, alike through years of hopelessness and years of hope, unyielding, 
 undaunted, and unafraid, have kept the lamps of Democracy burning! 
 
 Walter A. Townsend. 
 
CHARLES BOESCHENSTEIN 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 11 
 
 A FEW WORDS BY 
 WAY OF PREFACE 
 
 To tell the full story of Illinois Democracy would require many 
 authors and many volumes. 
 
 Hence, your author has approached his task in no thought that 
 he may do the impossible, but rather that he may be able to tell you 
 the more important highlights of his party's history in succinct and 
 logical manner, and in language so simple that all may read and under- 
 stand. 
 
 It has been his aim to present a book of interesting facts that you 
 may turn to without being bored, rather than to produce a ponderous 
 tome that might adorn the shelves of a library, yet find but scant place 
 in the intimate reading of the subscriber. 
 
 Nevertheless, lie has made conscientious endeavor not to sacrifice 
 accuracy to interest, and while, on account of occasional conflicts of 
 dates and statements in the earlier archives of our state and of scant 
 records of some long bygone but important incidents, occasional in- 
 accuracies may occur, he has, in every instance, accepted the version 
 that appeared the most dependable. 
 
 The story of Illinois Democracy is a story of notable deeds per- 
 formed by notable men and women. 
 
 If, even in slight degree, in the telling of that story, you may 
 come to larger appreciation and fuller regard for the party that has 
 borne the burden of government during a very considerable part of 
 all the years of our state ; if any chapter or any paragraph shall inspire 
 you to larger vision and to larger service, he will count his task well 
 done. 
 
 The Author. 
 

 
 / 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 ,." 
 
 
 .Njj|, 
 
 
 MEM 
 
 
 t|k ..* »^*^^^H 
 
 
 I^B^^BC^^?^ jsH 
 
 
 8 /-fl 
 
 yJBB&fok 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 13 
 
 THE DAWN OF NATIONAL DEMOCRACY 
 
 The Democratic party is the oldest continuously existing political 
 entity, not only in the United States, but in the whole world. 
 
 While it has been said with considerable truth that all popular gov- 
 ernment had its beginnings in Ancient Greece and that the crucibles of 
 world Democracy were in the cities of that classic land, yet no other 
 political organization anywhere on earth has had so long a career as 
 that which we call the Democratic party. 
 
 Yet, by one of those peculiar quirks of politics, the Democratic 
 party originally was known as the "Republican party" and it w r as 
 under the latter title that it had its beginnings as an organized instru- 
 mentality and was mostly so called until the time of Andrew Jackson. 
 
 But it is to Thomas Jefferson rather than to the Hero of New 
 Orleans that the title "Father of the Democracy" must be given. 
 
 BIRTHDAY OF PARTY 
 
 The time of birth of the Democratic party, like several other im- 
 portant events of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth centuries, has been 
 variously stated. At least three writers have placed it as early as the 
 constitutional convention of 1787. 
 
 While, undoubtedly, the seeds of National Democracy had been 
 sown and shown in that gathering, yet the actual birthday of the party 
 may correctly be stated as May 13, 1792, on which date Thomas Jeffer- 
 son wrote George Washington with authoritative announcement of a 
 new party committed to the principle of "the least possible federal 
 government" as opposed to the then quite prevalent idea, especially 
 espoused by the elder Adams, of "centralization of government so far as 
 possible in federal authority." 
 
 While defeated in 1796, it largely was on that issue that Jefferson 
 was elected in IS'00 and re-elected four years later. 
 
14 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 CAME WITH FULL FORCE 
 
 It was not, however, until the election of Andrew Jackson in 1828 
 that the principle which so tersely had been stated by Jefferson in 1792 
 came with full force. 
 
 1'Vom the election of Jefferson in 1800 until that of Lincoln in 1860, 
 the Democracy was in control of national affairs, with the exception 
 of the brief period when the first Harrison took the reins, as a repre- 
 sentative of the Whig party, to surrender them shortly at'er at the hand 
 of death, for John Tyler, who succeeded him, leaned far more to the 
 principles of Jefferson than against them. 
 
 It was in these earlier days of Democratic ascendency that Illinois 
 was born, and it is little wonder, then, that the early history of Illinois, 
 both as a territory and as a state, largely is a history of the Illinois 
 Democracy. 
 
ANDREW JACKSON 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 17 
 
 THE BEGINNINGS OF 
 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 No one can get a true picture of the beginnings of Illinois Democ- 
 racy unless he first visualizes the' scantily populated territory in which 
 that Democracy was born and cradled — of soil and forest and rock still 
 unconquered by the hand of man. 
 
 A territory in which Indian depredations and Indian hostility to 
 the white face were no mere legend, but a picture of everyday life! 
 
 It had been a land of many flags before our own beloved one had 
 fluttered over it ; Spanish, British, and French, and then British again. 
 
 As late as 1774 it had been designated as part of Canada by the 
 famous Quebec act of that year. 
 
 This uncertainty of dominion continued even after the American 
 revolution for, treated as part of Virginia until 1778, in that year the 
 Virginia house of delegates officially extended the civil jurisdiction to 
 the "county of Illinois," later to be known as Northwest territory by 
 the ordinance, and still later as Indiana territory by the act of Congress. 
 
 So, too, we find ambiguity as to who really is entitled to the dis- 
 tinction of having been "the first governor of Illinois." 
 
 At least one early writer showed a disposition to accord that title 
 to John Todd of Kentucky, who had been so designated following the 
 cession of authority from Virginia. 
 
 But your present writer is not concerned with questions of this 
 kind, but rather to treat with actual facts of government following the 
 creation of Illinois territory by the act of Congress of 1809. 
 
 It has been said that Democrats seldom die and never resign, yet 
 it is in evidence that the Democrat who first was designated as terri- 
 torial governor of Illinois, John Boyle of Kentucky, declined the ap- 
 pointment after visiting the newly created territory. 
 
18 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 On his return to Kentucky, he declared that "the duties of terri- 
 torial governorship appeared too arduous." 
 
 As there are some who contend that John Boyle is entitled to the 
 designation of the first territorial governor of Illinois, it may be well 
 to state that he was a man of parts and one of the most distinguished 
 jurists of his time. 
 
 Born in Bottecourt county, Virginia, October 28, 1774, he moved 
 to Kentucky in 1794 and soon builded up a considerable practice as 
 attorney at law. 
 
 Elected to Congress in 1803, he served by re-election till 1809 — 
 the year he was named as territorial governor. 
 
 In 1810 he became chief justice of the Kentucky court of appeals. 
 
 In 1826 President Adams appointed him justice of the IT. S. dis- 
 trict court of Kentucky. 
 
 He died January 29, 1835. 
 
ILLINOIS' FIRST CAPITOL BUILDING 
 AT KASKASKIA 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 21 
 
 THE BIRTHPLACE OF 
 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 There have been many and conflicting claims as to the location of 
 "the birthplace of the Illinois Democracy." 
 
 Writers of generations long since passed had shown a disposition 
 to give the honor to a spot not even located in our great common- 
 wealth — to the ancient and romantic city of Vincennes, the early seat 
 of Indiana territory, of which, until 1809, our present proud state had 
 been somewhat of an orphaned stepchild. 
 
 While such claims are not without a basis of foundation, intelligent 
 and close research, it seems to this author, all point to Kaskaskia, 
 that little town of scant population and of few buildings, as being the 
 spot to which the really great honor of designation as "the birthplace of 
 Illinois Democracy" must be accorded. 
 
 Authentic archives show that it was to Kaskaskia that John Boyle, 
 the famed Kentuckian who had been appointed first territorial gover- 
 nor of Illinois, March 7, 1809, had come and looked over the ground 
 before returning home and declining the appointment. 
 
 Clearly it was to Kaskaskia that Ninian Edwards, appointed April 
 24, 1809, after a brilliant early career, had come to assume his duties as 
 the first territorial governor of Illinois. 
 
 It was in Kaskaskia that the first territorial legislature of Illinois 
 was called to order, on November 25, 1812, by Pierre Menard, president 
 of the legislative council. 
 
 It was in Kaskaskia that Shadrach Bond was sworn in as the first 
 governor of the then fresh created state, October 6, 1818. 
 
 Tt was in Kaskaskia that, in that same year, Illinois named its 
 two first United States senators, Ninian Edwards and Jesse B. Thomas, 
 both Democrats and both residents of that same small town of Kas- 
 kaskia. 
 
22 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 It was in Kaskaskia that most of the earlier incidents of the Illinois 
 Democracy, told in these pages, occurred. 
 
 And, because of these things, because Kaskaskia ever must be to 
 the Democracy of Illinois what that other little town of Bethlehem 
 ever must be to Christians the world over, it would seem well that 
 this history should tell you a few items of interest concerning that 
 birthplace of the Illinois Democracy as it was in the primitive days, 
 when that Democracy was being born and cradled and nurtured to 
 its larger stalwart manhood. 
 
 BORN IN RENTED PROPERTY 
 
 Till the autumn of 1809, when Illinois officially was recognized as 
 a territory, it had had neither legal status nor definite geographical 
 position. 
 
 Kaskaskia, famous as a fort, had been overlooked as a seat of 
 government until 1795, when the then St. Clair county was divided and 
 with Randolph county forming the southern sister county. 
 
 Kaskaskia, for several years was the county seat of Randolph. It 
 remained such until 1848, when Chester was made the new seat of 
 county government. 
 
 AT BEGINNING OF NINETEENTH CENTURY 
 
 The beginning of the nineteenth century had found the Indiana 
 territory in progress of organization and, with General William Henry 
 Harrison as its first governor, he selected Vincennes as the first capitol 
 of the then Indiana territory. 
 
 Illinois remained as the two big counties of St. Clair and Randolph, 
 with Cahokia and Kaskaskia as the respective county seats. 
 
 In 1809, when Illinois officially was organized as a territory, the 
 name it now bears was given to it, and Kaskaskia was declared the 
 seat of government. 
 
 HAD NO CAPITOL BUILDING 
 
 The territory, at that time, owned no capitol building. 
 
 Details of the transaction which provided the first meeting place 
 id' the primitive departments of territorial government, are sadly lack- 
 ing, but it is recorded that the first territorial legislature convened. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 23 
 
 on November 25, 1812, in a house which had been occupied by t lie mili- 
 tary commandants during the earlier French and English periods. 
 
 r l hat early capitol building is described as having been a large, 
 rough, old building of uncut limestone, with steep roof and with gables 
 of unpainted boards, located in the center of a large and rather forlorn- 
 looking square. 
 
 The first floor, a low and cheerless, but quite large room, was fitted 
 up for the lower house, which then consisted of only seven members. 
 
 A small room above was used as the meeting place of the territorial 
 council of five Democratic officials. 
 
 The two houses had but one doorkeeper — almost unbelievable in 
 these later days. This doorkeeper acted also as official janitor and 
 attended to the personal wants of the twelve legislators constituting 
 the assembly. 
 
 All members boarded with the same family and lodged in one 
 room which, apparently, must have been of considerable proportions. 
 
 That the early General Assemblies met in different houses, is 
 shown by many records of that time, and which also indicate frequent 
 change of ownership of the buildings which then were occupied as the 
 seat of government of what was destined to become one of the greatest 
 of states. 
 
 Many interesting, and sometimes amusing references are made, by 
 early historians, of the methods of renting these administrative prem 1 
 ises, and of the amount of compensation paid therefor. 
 
 RENT WAS A DOLLAR A DAY 
 
 An appropriation was made on December 26, 1812. "to Hugh H. 
 Maxwell, as agent for the heirs of Elijah Backus, now deceased," for 
 a house for the use of the territorial assembly then in session. 
 
 The appropriation bill designated that the rent would be "one 
 dollar per clay for each day that the same may have been occupied." 
 
 At the second session of that assembly, no appropriation appears 
 to have been made for house rent, but, on December 11, 1813, there 
 was an appropriation to "John Hogue for certain repairs done to the 
 courthouse of Randolph county, for the use thereof by the legislature 
 during the present session, the sum of $15.00." 
 
24 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Another appropriation made that same day was to Pierre Menard 
 "for plank furnished for repairs and for two pitchers, $10.40." 
 
 This clearly would indicate that the sessions then were being held in 
 the Randolph county courthouse. 
 
 Official records of the territorial assembly from 1813 to 181 S, eon 
 tain several other appropriations for house rent, for firewood, for re- 
 pairs, for twelve towels, and for other minor expenditures in behalf of 
 the maintenance of the seat of government. 
 
 Rent was paid by the territory of Illinois for governmental housing 
 purposes up to the time that statehood formally was declared. 
 
 RENT WAS NOT HIGH 
 
 Even with the coming of statehood, the maintenance of the Illinois 
 seat of government was anything but a costly affair. 
 
 The first general assembly of the state, at its second session, 
 March 29, 1819, appropriated for the two sessions of the legislature and 
 for the constitutional convention of 1818. 
 
 The actual language of that appropriation is: "To George Fisher 
 for the use of three rooms of his house during the present and preceding 
 session, $4 per day; also for the use of one room during the sitting 
 of the constitutional convention, $2 per day." 
 
 All early records indicate that Illinois owned no capitol building 
 of any sort, so long as the seat of government remained at Kaskaskia 
 and that, through all those rears, the so-called "capitol" consisted of 
 rented property, the location of which was quite frequently changed. 
 
 A seat of government for the State of Illinois was formally asked 
 for by the first general assembly. 
 
 On October 12, 1818, a state act petitioned congress to donate from 
 oue to four sections of land on the Kaskaskia river as a site for a 
 capitol building. 
 
 On March 30, 1819, five commissioners were authorized to select 
 the place at which the capitol should be situated. 
 
 The commissioners did their work in prompt manner, and located 
 the capitol at what was known as "Reeve's Bluff," on the Kaskaskia 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 25 
 
 river — some seventy-eight miles from the old and ever interesting town 
 of Kaskaskia. 
 
 The name of Vandalia was given to the place thus selected. 
 
 A PRIMITIVE AFFAIR 
 
 Construction of the first capitol to be actually owned by the state 
 was authorized by congress, the following month. 
 
 That capitol was a decidedly primitive affair. 
 
 Early writers describe it as: "A plain two-story wooden structure, 
 the lower floor of which was devoted to one room for the house of repre- 
 sentatives, and a passage and a stairway to the second floor." 
 
 This second floor contained two rooms, the larger of which was 
 used as a Senate chamber, and the smaller for what then was known 
 as the "Council of Revision." 
 
 The secretary of state, the auditor of public accounts, and the 
 state treasurer, at that time, occupied offices not in the capitol, but in 
 another building which they rented for their own purpose. 
 
 BREESE AS A TRUCKSTER 
 
 A one-horse wagon was all that was needed to transport all of the 
 state archives from Kaskaskia to Vandalia. 
 
 Sidney Breese, then clerk to the secretary of state, was given 
 official charge of the work of moving all state property from the old 
 seat at Kaskaskia to the new state capitol at Vandalia. 
 
 For his services rendered in this regard, the General Assembly 
 ordered that they should pay to that distinguished pioneer member of 
 the Illinois Democracy the sum of $25. 
 
SECOND CAPITOL BUILDING 
 AT VANDALIA 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 29 
 
 INTERESTING FACTS 
 
 CONCERNING MEMBERS OF 
 
 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 No member of the Illinois Democracy ever had been elected presi- 
 dent of the United States. 
 
 One adopted son, Stephen A. Douglas, and one native son of the 
 Illinois Democracy, William Jennings Bryan, were nominated by their 
 party for the presidency, the latter three times, but each was defeated. 
 
 The Illinois Democracy has had one of its members in the vice- 
 presidential chair — Adlai E. Stevenson, of Bloomington. 
 
 One Illinois Democrat. Henry T. Rainey, of Carrollton, was speaker 
 of the national house. 
 
 Only one Illinois Democrat lias been named to the supreme bench 
 of the United States — Melville W. Fuller, of Chicago, appointed chief 
 justice in 1888 by President Grover Cleveland. 
 
 Three men identified with the Illinois Democracy have served as 
 cabinet members: Walter Quinten Gresham, Franklin MacVeigh, 
 and AVilliam Jennings Bryan. But, of these, Gresham had been rated 
 as a Republican until given the portfolio of state by President Cleve- 
 land, while MacVeigh had left the ranks of the Democracy in the 1896 
 free silver split. 
 
 Harold G. Ickes, now serving under the term of President Roose- 
 velt, never had been rated as a member of the Illinois Democracy. 
 
 THIRTEEN DEMOCRATIC GOVERNORS 
 
 Thirteen Illinois Democrats have occupied the governor's chair. 
 Of these, Augustus C. French was the only one re-elected. 
 
 Democratic governors, with the date they took office, were : 
 Shadrach Bond, October 6, 1818. 
 Edward Coles, December 5, 1822. 
 
30 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Ninian Edwards, December 6, 1826. 
 .John Reynolds, December 6, 1830. 
 William L. D. Ewing, November 17, 1834. 
 Joseph Duncan, December 3, 1834. 
 Thomas Carlin, December 7, 1838. 
 Thomas Ford, December 8, 1842. 
 Augustus C. French, December 9, 184(5. 
 Augustus C. French, January 8, 1849. 
 Joel A. Matteson, January 10, 1853. 
 John P. Altgeld, January 10, 1893. 
 Edward F. Dunne, February 3, 1913. 
 Henry Horner, January 9, 1933. 
 
 FIFTEEN LIEUTENANT GOVERNORS 
 
 Fifteen Illinois Democrats have occupied the office of lieutenant 
 grnor. 
 
 These, with the date of their induction, were: 
 Pierre Menard, October 6, 1818. 
 Adolphus F. Hubbard, December 5, 1822. 
 William Kinney, December 6, 1826. 
 Zodak Casey, December 9, 1830. 
 William L. D. Ewing, March 1, 1833. 
 Alexander M. Jenkins, December 5, 1834. 
 William H. Davidson, December 9, 1836. 
 Stinson H. Anderson, December 7, 1838. 
 John Moore, December 8, 1842. 
 Joseph B. Wells, December 9, 1846. 
 William McMurty, January 8, 1849. 
 Gustavus Koerner, January 10, 1853. 
 Thomas A. Marshall, January 7, 1861. 
 Archibald A. Glenn, January 8, 1875. 
 Joseph B. Gill, January 10, 1893. 
 Barratt O'Hara, February 3, 1913. 
 Thomas F. Donovan, January 9, 1933. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 31 
 
 SECRETARIES OF STATE 
 
 Of the sixteen Illinois Democrats serving as secretary of state, 
 Stephen A. Douglas is the best known, from the historical standpoint, 
 although Morris Birkbeck and Lyman Trumbull also played large part 
 in making Illinois history. 
 
 Trumbull has the further distinction of being the second Demo- 
 cratic secretary of state to be removed from that office, the other being 
 Alexander P. Field. 
 
 Believe it or not, of the first seven Democrats appointed to the 
 position, six resigned. 
 
 Horace S. Cooley, of Quincy, is the only Illinois Democrat having 
 the distinction of serving twice as secretary of state, first by appoint- 
 ment and then by election. 
 
 Democratic secretaries of state, with the date they qualified, are : 
 
 Elias Kent Kane, October 6, 1818. 
 
 Samuel D. Lockwood, December 18, 1822. 
 
 David Blackwell, April 2, 1823. 
 
 Morris Birkbeck, October 15, 1824. 
 
 George Forquer, January 15, 1825. 
 
 Alexander P. Field, January 23, 1829. 
 
 Stephen A. Douglas, November 30, 1840. 
 
 Lyman Trumbull, March 1, 1841. 
 
 Thompson Campbell, March 6, 1843. 
 
 Horace S. Cooley, December 23, 1846. 
 
 Horace S. Cooley, January 8, 1849. 
 
 David L. Gregg, April 2, 1850. 
 
 Alexander Starne, January 10, 1853. 
 
 William H. Hinrichsen, January 10, 1893. 
 
 Harry Woods, February 3, 1913. 
 
 Lewis Greene Stevenson, October 14, 1914. 
 
 Edward J. Hughes, January 9, 1933. 
 
 NINE DEMOCRATIC AUDITORS 
 
 Due to the fact that several Illinois Democrats served more than 
 once in the office of auditor of public accounts, and that Elijah C. 
 
32 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Berry's term continued from 1818 to 1831, only nine Illinois Democrats 
 have served in that office. 
 
 These, with the start of their respective terms, have been: 
 
 Elijah C. Berry, October 9, 1818. 
 
 Elijah C. Berry, April 6, 1819. 
 
 James T. B. Stapp, August 29, 1831. 
 
 Levi Davis, November 16, 1835. 
 
 James Shields, March 4, 1841. 
 
 William L. D. Ewing, March 26, 1843. 
 
 Thomas H. Campbell, March 26, 1846. 
 
 Thomas H. Campbell, January 7, 1S47. 
 
 David Gore, January 10, 1893. 
 
 James J. Brady, February 3, 1913. 
 
 Edward J. Barrett, January 9, 1933. 
 
 STATE TREASURERS 
 
 Seventeen Illinois Democrats have served as state treasurer, with 
 John Moore having the distinction of being the only one to serve two 
 terms. This was before the state constitution forbade a treasurer 
 succeeding himself. 
 
 The list of Democratic state treasurers, with date of induction, is: 
 
 John Thomas, November 1, 1818. 
 
 R. K. McLaughlin, Augusl 2, 1819. 
 
 Abner Field, January 14, 1823. 
 
 James Hall, February 12, 1827. 
 
 John Dement, February 1, 1831. 
 
 Charles Gregory, December 5, 1836. 
 
 John D. Whiteside, March 4, 1837. 
 
 Milton Carpenter, March 6, 1841. 
 
 J«»hn Moore, August 14, 1848. 
 
 John Moore, December 16, 1850. 
 
 Alexander Starne, January 12, 1863. 
 
 Edward S. Wilson, January 12, 1891. 
 
 Rufus N. Ramsay, January 10, 1893. 
 
 Elijah P. Ramsay, November 14, 1894. 
 
 William D. Ryan, Jr., February 3, 1913. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 33 
 
 Edward J. Barrett, January 12, 1931. 
 John C. Martin, January 9, 1933. 
 John H. Stelle, January 9, 1935. 
 
 SUPERINTENDENTS OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION 
 
 The first occupant of the office of superintendent of public instruc- 
 tion was Ninian Wirt Edwards, by appointment of Governor Matteson. 
 
 Since then, only four Illinois Democrats have held that office and, 
 of these, Henry Raab is the only Democratic superintendent, thus far, 
 who has served more than one term. 
 
 These, with the dates on which they took office, were: 
 
 Ninian W. Edwards, March 24, 1854. 
 
 John P. Brooks, January 12, 1863. 
 
 Samuel M. Etter, January 11, 1875. 
 
 Henry Raab, January 5, 1883. 
 'Henry Raab, January 12, 1891. 
 
 John A. Wieland, January 9, 1935. 
 
 ATTORNEYS GENERAL 
 
 Names of many illustrious Illinois Democrats appear on the list 
 of attorneys general of their state, as follows: 
 Daniel Pope Cook, March 5, 1819. 
 William Mears, December 14, 1819. 
 Samuel D. Lockwood, February 26, 1821. 
 James Turney, January 14, 1823. 
 James Turney, January 15, 1825. 
 George Forquer, January 23, 1829. 
 James Semple, January 30, 1833. 
 Ninian W. Edwards, September 1, 1834. 
 Ninian W. Edwards, January 19, 1835. 
 Jesse B. Thomas, Jr., February 12, 1835. 
 Walter B. Scates, January 18, 1836. 
 Usher F. Linder, February 4, 1837. 
 George W. Olney, June 26, 1838. 
 Wickliffe Kitchell, March 5, 1839. 
 Josiah Lamborn, December 23, 1840. 
 
34 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 James A. McDougall, January 12, 1843. 
 David B. Campbell, December 21, 1846. 
 Washington Bushnell, January 11, 1869. 
 Maurice T. Maloney, January 10, 1893. 
 Patrick J. Lucey, February 3, 1913. 
 Otto Kerner, January 9, 1933. 
 
 UNITED STATES SENATORS 
 
 The name of Stephen A. Douglas appears three times on the list 
 of the eighteen distinguished Illinois Democrats who, between them, 
 have been sent twenty-six times to the Senate of the United States, 
 from the day that those two Kaskaskia Democrats, Edwards and 
 Thomas, were elected, until William H. Dieterich took his seat on 
 January 4, 1933. 
 
 Here's the list, with the place of residence at the time they were 
 elected or re-elected, and the years in which they served: 
 
 Ninian Edwards, Kaskaskia, 1818-1819. 
 
 Jesse B. Thomas, Kaskaskia, 1818-1823. 
 
 Ninian W. Edwards, Edwardsville, 1819-1824. 
 
 Jesse B. Thomas, Edwardsville, 1823-1829. 
 
 John McLean, Shawneetown, 1824-1825. 
 
 Elias Kent Kane, Kaskaskia, 1825-1831. 
 
 John McLean, Shawneetown, 1829-1830. 
 
 David J. Baker, Kaskaskia, November 12-December 11, 1830. 
 
 John M. Robinson, Carmi, 1830-1835. 
 
 Elias Kent Kane, Kaskaskia, 1831-1835. 
 
 John M. Robinson, Carmi, 1835-1841. 
 
 William L. D. Ewing, Vandalia, 1835-1837. 
 
 Richard M. Young, Jonesboro, 1837-1843. 
 
 Samuel McRoberts, Waterloo, 1841-1843. 
 
 Sidney Breese, Carlyle, 1843-1849. 
 
 James Semple, Alton, 1843-1847. 
 
 Stephen A. Douglas, Quincy, 1847-1853. 
 
 James Shields, Springfield, 1849-1855. 
 
 Stephen A. Douglas, Chicago, 1853-1859. 
 
 Lyman Trumbull, Belleville, 1855-1861. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 35 
 
 Stephen A. Douglas, Chicago, 1859-1861. 
 
 William A. Richardson, Quincy, 1863-1865. 
 
 John M. Palmer, Springfield, 1891-1897. 
 
 James Hamilton Lewis, Chicago, 1913-1919. 
 
 James Hamilton Lewis, Chicago, 1931-1937. 
 
 William H. Dieterich, Beardstown, 1933-1939. 
 
 You will note that Stephen A. Douglas, first elected while a resident 
 of Quincy, officially was designated as heing from Chicago in his last 
 two elections. 
 
NINIAN EDWARDS 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 39 
 
 THE EARLIEST STATESMAN 
 OF ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Xinian Edwards, first territorial governor (1809-1818) and third 
 state governor (1826-1830), came to office with a distinguished back- 
 ground. 
 
 Born id Montgomery county, Maryland, March 6, 177."), lie had 
 received his earlier education in the classical school of Rev. James 
 Hunt, M. A., a tutor of real ability. 
 
 Completing his general education at Dickerson college, Carlisle, 
 Pennsylvania, he then took up, in turn, study of law and medicine. 
 
 A year before attaining his majority, he removed to Nelson, Ken- 
 tucky, and lived with his father's family in that town and was promptly 
 elected to the general assembly of the Blue Grass state. 
 
 Re-elected at the expiration of his term, he definitely decided that 
 law rather than medicine had the larger appeal to him. He was admitted 
 to the Kentucky bar in 1798 and, eleven months later, to the bar of 
 Tennessee. 
 
 His rise was rapid. Serving successively as clerk and judge of 
 the general court; at the age of 28 he was advanced to the position of 
 circuit judge (180.">) ; judge of the court of appeals (1806) and chief 
 justice of Kentucky two years later. 
 
 COMES TO ILLINOIS 
 
 The congress of 1809 had made provision for formal organization 
 of the territory of Illinois embracing not only what is now our own 
 commonwealth, but also all of the present state of Wisconsin and ;i 
 considerable portion of Minnesota. 
 
 The act provided that such territorial organization was to be 
 effective March 1, 1809, and upon Justice John Boyle declining the 
 place, President Madison offered it to Edwards, then in his thirty- 
 fourth year, and it promptly was accepted. 
 
40 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Sworn in as territorial governor on June 11, ISO!), he found it 
 necessary to take immediate steps to cheek the frequent depredations 
 by Indians. 
 
 Congress had taken no action in the matter, so, chiefly on his own 
 initiative, the young governor organized and equipped several com- 
 panies of volunteers and built a line of sturdy stockade forts from the 
 Missouri to the Wabash river. 
 
 These precautionary measures proved of much service during the 
 war of 1812 and in frontier wars with the Indians. He received official 
 commendation from the national government. 
 
 EARLY PEACE COMMISSIONER 
 
 Edwards' success in dealing with Indians had been so pronounced 
 thai in 1816 President Madison appointed him one of three commis- 
 sioners to treat with the various tribes. 
 
 With the granting of statehood in 181S, Edwards was elected one 
 of the first two senators from Illinois, both of them Democrats. 
 
 He served from December 4, 1818, until March 4, 1824, when 
 he resigned to accept appointment as minister to Mexico, then, as 
 now, a position of grave responsibilities. 
 
 EDWARDS MADE A TARGET 
 
 Attacks on political leaders were not unknown even in the earliest 
 days of our state and charges alleging abuses in official expenditures 
 were brought against the minister to Mexico by William H. Crawford, 
 secretary of the U. S. Treasury. 
 
 On learning of the allegations, Edwards promptly returned to 
 Illinois and held several conferences with friends. After reviewing the 
 situation, he made np his mind that he could not prepare adequate 
 defense at long range, so he resigned from his position at Mexico 
 City and returned home. 
 
 The Crawford-Edwards controversy may be said to be the Hist sem- 
 blance of official scandal involving a distinguished Illinois Democrat, 
 and had a bearing on the snbseqnent history of state and party, as, 
 while the secretary of the treasury's charges were never substantiated 
 and were subsequently allowed to drop, Edwards agreed with his 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 41 
 
 friends that complete vindication could best be accomplished by again 
 submitting' himself to the voters of Illinois as a candidate for high 
 office. 
 
 His continued popularity was demonstrated by his election (182(1) 
 as governor in succession to Edward Coles. 
 
 Under his administration, Governor Edwards saw the population 
 of our state increase three-fold, and to him also must be accorded 
 credit for much of the beginnings of higher education in Illinois. 
 
 It was under his incumbency that McKendree college at Lebanon 
 was opened in 1828 and Illinois College at Jacksonville a year later. 
 
 Married to Elvira Lane, one of the recognized early belles of 
 Maryland, in 1802, Xinian Edwards was happy in his domestic life. 
 Three sons and two daughters were born to the union: Xinian Wirt, 
 Albert Gallatin, and Benjamin Stevenson, and Julia and Margaret. 
 
 A career of great activity and distinction came to a close at the 
 early age of fifty-eight years, when the former judge, senator, envoy, 
 and governor, passed away at Belleville, July 20, 1833. 
 
 Direct descendants of the man who well may be said to have been 
 the earliest statesman of Illinois are residents of Springfield at this 
 writing. 
 
SHADRACH BOND 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 45 
 
 THE CHIEF DEMOCRAT 
 OF EARLY STATEHOOD 
 
 Like Xinian Edwards, Shadrach Bond, first state governor of 
 Illinois, was a native of Maryland, having been born in Frederick 
 comity in 1773. 
 
 The son of Nicholas Bond, one of the chief planters of his day, 
 his education was thorough, but of the home-grown variety. 
 
 A determining event in his life, and one destined to leave lasting- 
 imprint on Illinois, came when, on reaching his majority, he journeyed 
 to "The American Bottom" country to join an uncle, Shadrach Bond, 
 Sr., who temporarily had settled in that part of the Northwest ter- 
 ritory 
 
 On October 15, 18i3, Shadrach Bond moved to the then territorial 
 capital at Kaskaskia, where his subsequent life largely was spent. 
 
 Elected in turn to the territorial legislature (1809) and to the 
 national congress, where he served from December 3, 1812, until April 
 18, 1814, he became one of the earliest and most energetic advocates of 
 prompt statehood for Illinois. 
 
 In 1814 President Madison appointed him as U. S. receiver of 
 public moneys for all of Illinois territory — a position of much import- 
 ance and responsibility in those primitive days. 
 
 The receiver's headquarters were at Kaskaskia and his offices in 
 that city, then with a population of about 3,000, soon became a recog- 
 nized center, not only of governmental, but of political activity. 
 
 Plain spoken, but attractive in personality, Shadrach Bond brought 
 to his immediate circle a large number of men with keen interest in 
 public affairs and, in no spirit of criticism, may be said to have been 
 the pioneer organizer of Illinois Democracy. 
 
46 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 STATEHOOD IS ATTAINED 
 
 The statehood for which Bond had been one of the earliest advo- 
 cates, came' into sight April IS, 1818, with the passing by congress of 
 the enabling act. In accordance with the terms of that act, a convention 
 met in Kaskaskia and (August 26, 1818) accepted the terms of con- 
 gress and framed the first state constitution. 
 
 The first election for state officers and members of the general 
 assembly was held a month later and Shadrach Bond was elected first 
 governor without opposition. 
 
 The same unanimous approval was accorded Pierre Menard for the 
 lieutenant governorship. 
 
 Shadrach Bond's administration gave general satisfaction and, 
 among other things, was marked by his persistent advocaev of water- 
 ways, especially the construction of a canal from Lake Michigan to 
 the Mississippi. 
 
 It was during the Bond regime that Vandalia became the capital. 
 
 With the close of his term as governor, he was appointed registrar 
 of the land office at Kaskaskia, a position which he held almost till 
 his death. 
 
 He passed out at Kaskaskia April 11, 1830, rich in honors and 
 in friendships. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 47 
 
 THE "JOHN THE BAPTIST" 
 OF ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Abraham Lincoln is known the world over as "The Great Eman- 
 cipator." 
 
 Conceding this, it well may be asserted that Edward Coles, second 
 governor (1822-1826) was "The John the Baptist" of the emancipa- 
 tion movement in Illinois. 
 
 Edward Coles, too, has the distinction of having been the first 
 governor of Illinois against whom an indictment was returned during 
 his term of office; but an indictment which, while he was convicted, 
 redounds to his credit. 
 
 This second executive of our great state had been born in Alber- 
 marle county, Virginia, December 15, 1786, and was early alluded to 
 as "our scholarly governor." 
 
 He was entitled to the designation. 
 
 The son of Colonel John and Rebecca Tucker Coles, a member of 
 one of the most distinguished families of the Old Dominion, he had 
 been educated at Hampden-Sidney and later, at William and Mary. 
 
 Failing health, however, necessitated his leaving the latter famed 
 institution before receiving his degree. 
 
 In 1808 he inherited a plantation of many acres and with numerous 
 slaves. 
 
 But he hated slavery and expressed deep regret at such inheritance, 
 announcing his determination to remove to a "Free State". 
 
 In 1809 he was appointed private secretary to President Madison, 
 a close friend of the family, of which Thomas Jefferson also was an 
 intimate acquaintance. 
 
 Serving in this confidential capacity to the national executive until 
 1815, in the intervening years, his disgust at slavery grew more intense 
 and, in 1814, he wrote Jefferson urging him to take up his pen in behalf 
 of abolition. 
 
48 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 JEFFERSON'S REPLY 
 
 Jefferson's letter in reply should be regarded as a really historic 
 document, for it contains this phrase: 
 
 "The love of justice and the love of country plead equally the 
 cause of these people and it is a mortal reproach to us that they should 
 have pleaded it so long' in vain." 
 
 That, mark you, was nearly half a century before Abraham Lincoln 
 put the force of his immortal manhood to rid these United States of 
 the ignominy of human bondage. 
 
 At the termination of his duties as secretary to the president in 
 1815, still determined to lie associated only with a free state, Edward 
 Coles made an extensive visit to Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. 
 
 But he made no choice of location at that time, as he was recalled 
 to the national capital in 1816. 
 
 THE EARLIEST ILLINOIS DIPLOMAT 
 
 He was sent to St. Petersburg, Russia, on an errand of much im- 
 portance which required personal interview with the Czar and which 
 lie performed in his usual skillful manner. 
 
 Returning to his native land in 1818, he definitely decided to settle 
 in Illinois. 
 
 He attended the Kaskaskia convention which, on August .">. 1818, 
 adopted Illinois' first constitution and was watchful throughout that 
 gathering that nothing might be inserted in that historic document 
 which could be held to countenance slavery. 
 
 In 1819 President Monroe appointed him registrar of the U. S. 
 land office with headquarters in Belleville. 
 
 Virtually simultaneous with his assumption of that office, Coles 
 not only freed all his slaves, but nave each negro head of a family 
 1(10 acres of land. 
 
 EARLY CURRENCY PROBLEMS 
 
 Elected governor in 1822, his inaugural address, delivered Decem- 
 ber 5 of that year, may have especial interest at this time for, in it, 
 Edward Coles deplored "the fluctuating and deranged state of the 
 circulating medium and the mania for establishing banks." 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 49 
 
 Coles' administration was, by far, the stormiest in the earlier 
 history of our state. 
 
 Soon after his inauguration he was beset by angry storms of pro- 
 test from pro-slavery advocates who insisted that the constitution of 
 1818 could not be held to set aside the original provisions of the Vir- 
 ginia acts in regard to slavery. 
 
 He was frequently heckled by pro-slavery legislators and when he 
 ignored a demand by the general assembly for the laying before it of 
 certain executive documents, a tempest broke out, which, later, was 
 described by Governor Reynolds as "The most furious and boisterous 
 excitement that was ever witnessed in Illinois." 
 
 Coles added to the flames, about this time, by purchasing a con- 
 trolling interest in The Vandalia Intelligencer, the only newspaper at 
 the new state capital. 
 
 In frequent editorials he denounced the pro-slavery forces, while 
 articles along the same line signed "Jonathan Freeman" attracted 
 attention throughout the United States. 
 
 It first was thought that the "Jonathan Freeman" articles were 
 penned by Coles himself, but it subsequently developed that they were 
 the work of Morris Birkbeck, an English farmer who had settled near 
 Vandalia, and who was an enthusiastic supporter of the governor's 
 anti-slavery policies. 
 
 GOVERNOR IS INDICTED 
 
 Even after the move for revision of the constitution had been 
 defeated in August, 1824, by a majority of 1,872 votes out of a total 
 vote of 11,772, the pro-slavery storm continued unabated. 
 
 Governor Coles was indicted on the charge that he had "Failed to 
 supply bonds that the negroes he had emancipated should not become 
 public charges." 
 
 He was convicted and heavily fined, but the conviction was over- 
 ruled by the supreme court (1826) and a new trial granted. 
 
 With Cole's out of office, a further hearing of the case was not 
 pressed. 
 
 As long as the battle continued, Coles held his ground and re- 
 mained an active Illinois citizen and an active Illinois Democrat. 
 
50 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 But, in 1833, physically wearied of a long but splendid battle, he 
 left the borders of the state that he loved so well and settled in Phila- 
 delphia, where, in November of that year, he married Miss Sally Logan, 
 daughter of a noted family of the Keystone commonwealth. 
 
 On July 7, 1868, in that city, he passed to his eternal reward — 
 Illinois' second governor, but its first emancipator and first diplomat! 
 
 His oldest son, Edward, and a daughter survived his death. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY yl 
 
 A NORTHERNER BUT A 
 SLAVERY ADVOCATE 
 
 Illinois had its first Northern-born executive in John Reynolds 
 (1830-1834) yet, strange to relate, he was a pronounced advocate of 
 slavery — the antithesis of the southern-reared Edward Coles in this 
 and in many other ways. 
 
 He had been born of Irish ancestry in Montgomery county, Penn- 
 sylvania, February 26, 1789. 
 
 Brought to Kaskaskia by his parents when he was barely eleven 
 years old, the first nine years of his life in Illinois were spent on a 
 farm — an early training which gave him that intimate knowledge of 
 agriculture which he demonstrated on many occasions during his sub- 
 sequent official career. 
 
 Following a common school education, he spent two years in college 
 at Knoxville, Tennessee, commencing the practicing of law soon there- 
 after. 
 
 In 1812-1813 he served as a scout in the campaigns against the 
 Indians, winning for himself the title which adhered in after life, of 
 "The Old Ranger". 
 
 Afterward, he removed to Cahokia, where he resumed the practice 
 of law and, in 1818, became Associate Justice of the first Supreme 
 Court of the new state. 
 
 Retiring from the bench in 1825, he served two terms in the general 
 assembly. In 1832 as governor, he created a precedent by personally 
 commanding the State volunteers called for service in the Black Hawk 
 War. 
 
 Two years before the expiration of his gubernatorial term (1834) 
 he resigned to accept the seat in Congress to which he had been elected 
 as successor to Charles Slade, who had died while in office. 
 
 UNWtRStH of 
 
 aU NO»s ubrMK 
 
52 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Reynolds was re-elected in 1838 and, at that time, was regarded 
 as one of the most consistent of Democrats. 
 
 In 1848 he returned to his earlier and less distinguished position 
 as representative of the fifteenth general assembly. He served also 
 in the eighteenth (1852-1854), being chosen speaker of the latter, being, 
 the first man who had served as governor to be chosen to the position. 
 
 In 1858 he became the administration, or Buchanan, Democratic 
 candidate for State Superintendent of Public Instruction, as opposed 
 to the regular, or Douglas, Democratic nominee. 
 
 HIS EDUCATIONAL QUALITIES? 
 
 Reynolds' educational qualities have been a subject of consider- 
 able controversy among earlier historians. 
 
 In his campaign for the governorship in 1830, he was opposed by 
 William Kinney, a minister of the Gospel, who had served as lieutenant 
 governor under Ninian Edwards. 
 
 While both Reynolds and Kinney were running as Democrats, the 
 campaign was marked by much bitterness and one of the charges hurled 
 at Reynolds by supporters of his opponent was that "despite his 
 alleged two years in a Tennessee college, his language is nncouth and 
 it is not apparent that his actual education extends even to the three 
 R's." 
 
 It was a stirring and spicy campaign and, when Kinney followers 
 introduced the charge that "Reynolds apparently is drunk during most 
 of his canvassing," supporters of the latter brought the counter indict- 
 ment that "Kinney is a heavier drinker than Reynolds." 
 
 It was the first gubernatorial campaign in which newspapers had 
 played much of a part and, as "personal journalism" was character- 
 istic of the period the editorial utterances largely were of a vitriolic 
 nature and much concerned with the alleged drinking habits of the 
 rival nominees. 
 
 Describing these charges in later years, Reynolds wrote: "It was 
 a universal custom of the times to treat with liquor. We both did it; 
 but he was condemned for it more than myself by the religious com- 
 munity, he being a preacher of the gospel." 
 
 The bitter campaign that resulted in a victory for Reynolds by a 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 53 
 
 vote of 12,937 to 9,038, remained a leading topic of conversation among 
 Illinois Democrats for many years thereafter. 
 
 GOOD INAUGURAL MESSAGE 
 
 Whatever may have been Reynolds' educational qualities, the 
 archives of Illinois show that his inaugural address, delivered Decem- 
 ber 6, 1830, was a thoughtfully prepared and highly creditable doc- 
 ument. 
 
 In view of the charges of illiteracy that had been hurled at him 
 before his election, the following paragraphs from that message may 
 not have been without their sense of the humorous : 
 
 "In the whole circle of your legislation, there is no subject that 
 has a greater claim upon your attention or calls louder for your aid 
 than that of education. 
 
 "There cannot be any appropriation of money within the exercise 
 of your legislative powers that will be more richly paid to the citizens." 
 
 EDITOR AND HISTORIAN 
 
 For several years Reynolds edited a Belleville daily newspaper, 
 "The Eagle." 
 
 He further gave the lie to the charges of being illiterate by 
 writing and publishing several books, largely historical. Of these the 
 best known are "Pioneer History of Illinois" (Belleville, 1848) and 
 "My Life and Times" (Belleville, 1855). 
 
 A WAVE OF INDIGNATION 
 
 Reynolds was a decidedly active force in Illinois Democratic poli- 
 tics for more than half a century, but his later years were marked by 
 much bitterness. 
 
 During the civil war period, quite general indignation was ex- 
 pressed over the state as the result of an ill-advised letter written by 
 Reynolds to Jefferson Davis and in which he expressed sympathy for 
 the cause of secession. 
 
 This letter naturally led to the charge, brought against many olher 
 Illinois notables at the time, that Reynolds was an active supporter of 
 the copperhead movement. 
 
54 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Death came to him at 76 years of age, the end occurring at Belle- 
 ville, May 8, 1865. 
 
 Even on his passing there were those that were not disposed to 
 let the kindly mantle of charity and of mother earth cover his career, 
 for one writer of the period said : 
 
 "Reynolds' career will be marked chiefly by future historians in 
 that he was governor of Illinois during the winter of the deep snow'' 
 (1830-1831). 
 
 But, for one, this humble attempt at history rather would close 
 the Reynolds chapter with the words of Governor Ford: "He had a 
 kind heart and was always ready to do a favor and never harbored 
 resentment against a human being." 
 
ORIGINAL STATE HOUSE 
 AT SPRINGFIELD 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 57 
 
 BEGINNINGS OF THE 
 CONVENTION SYSTEM 
 
 "While not connected with his administration, the period of John 
 Reynolds in the gubernatorial chair had been marked by another hap- 
 pening of great importance to the Illinois Democracy — the beginning 
 of the convention system. 
 
 From 1800 until 1824, all candidates for the presidency had been 
 named by caucuses of members of congress, and the people themselves 
 had very little to do with the matter. 
 
 But following the year 1824, when the election had been thrown 
 into the national house of representatives, this caucus system, owing 
 to the popular prejudice and vigorous clamor against it, was abandoned. 
 
 In its place was substituted the plan of nominating presidential 
 aspirants by state legislatures and popular meetings. 
 
 In this way General Jackson had been brought before the people 
 of his country, and elected in 1828. 
 
 FIRST NATIONAL CONVENTION 
 
 The first Democratic National convention was held in Baltimore 
 beginning May 21, 1832, and was called to select a nominee for the 
 vice-presidency. 
 
 General Robert Lucas, of Ohio, presided over the deliberations of 
 the gathering which was largely attended by delegates from many parts 
 of the union. 
 
 TWO-THIRDS RULE ADOPTED 
 
 It was at this first Democratic national convention that the two- 
 thirds rule, which originated with Delegate John Saunders of North 
 Carolina, was adopted. 
 
 It has been followed by every Democratic national convention 
 since that time although, as in Chicago in 1930, there have been move- 
 
58 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 ments for its abolition and the substitution of nominations by majority 
 vote. 
 
 Martin Van Buren, of New York, was nominated for vice-president 
 on the first ballot, after which President Andrew Jackson, who had no 
 opposition in his own party, was re-nominated for president by a reso- 
 lution offered by Delegate C. C. Clay of Alabama. 
 
 SYSTEM EXTENDED TO STATES 
 
 Tbe convention system was treated with considerable enthusiasm 
 all over the land and arrangements to extend it to the states made 
 rapid progress. 
 
 But in Illinois, the convention system appears to have been intro- 
 duced gradually and, as in several other states, as a matter of con- 
 venience rather than of adherence to any broad principle. 
 
 Tn 1835, at Vandalia, then the seat of government, the subject of 
 party organization and formal adoption of the convention system came 
 up for public discussion but no direct decision was made. 
 
 Yet the convention system well may be said to have commenced 
 in Illinois with that gathering. 
 
 DOUGLAS FAVORED IT 
 
 One of the first county conventions in Illinois was that held at 
 Jacksonville by the Democracy of Morgan county, in April, 1836. 
 
 Stephen A. Douglas, then a very young man, was one of the orig- 
 inators of the movement for the convention, and was an active partici- 
 pant in its proceedings. 
 
 FIRST ILLINOIS STATE CONVENTION 
 
 The first Democratic state convention met at Vandalia, December 
 11, 1837, and nominated James W. Stephenson, of Galena, for governor, 
 and John S. Hacher, of Union county, for lieutenant governor. 
 
 In April following, both of these nominees having withdrawn from 
 the race, the convention was called on to reassemble on June 5, when 
 Thomas Carlin, then of Quincy, was nominated for governor, and 
 Stinson H. Anderson, of Jefferson county, for lieutenant governor. 
 
 They were victorious at the ensuing election. 
 
 The Vandalia convention of June appointed the following state 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 59 
 
 committee, to serve until the next convention: Virgil Hiekox, John 
 Taylor, Robert Allen, John Cahoun, Charles R. Hurst, and David 
 Prickett. 
 
 THE SECOND STATE CONVENTION 
 
 The second Democratic state convention in the history of Illinois 
 Democracy met, pursuant to call by the state committee, at Springfield 
 on December 9, 1839, the seat of government meanwhile having been 
 removed to the present capital. 
 
 The gathering selected delegates to the national convention to be 
 held at Baltimore in May, 1840, and appointed members of the state 
 central committee as follows: E. D. Taylor, Virgil Hickox, James 
 Shields, Jonathan R. Diller, Milton Carpenter, William Walters, and 
 George R. Weber. 
 
 This was the year of the famous "Hard Cider" campaign, in 
 which Illinois was saved to the Democracy "by the skin of its teeth." 
 
 THE THIRD STATE CONVENTION 
 
 The third Democratic state convention met on the call of the 
 central committee, at Springfield, December 13, 1841, and nominated 
 Adam W. Snyder, of Belleville, for governor, and John Moore, of 
 McLean, for lieutenant-governor. 
 
 The convention selected a state central committee consisting of; 
 D. B. Campbell, James Shepherd and George R. Weber, of Sangamon 
 county : James H. Ralston, of Adams ; Thompson Campbell, of Jo 
 Daviess; M. W. Nunally, of Edgar county; and John A. McClernand, 
 of Gallatin. 
 
 The excitement of the convention proved too much for the guber- 
 natorial nominee and he died suddenly. 
 
 Thomas Ford, then justice of the supreme court, was selected by 
 the state central committee to fill the vacancy. 
 
 THE FOURTH STATE CONVENTION 
 
 The fourth Democratic state convention assembled at Springfield 
 February 4, 1844, to choose delegates to the national convention which 
 was to lie held in Baltimore in May of that year, and to nominate presi- 
 
GU ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 dential electors. No change was made in the personnel of the state 
 central committee which had been appointed by the convention of 1841. 
 
 THE CONVENTION OF 1846 
 
 The fifth Democratic state convention assembled at Springfield, 
 pursuant to call of the state committee February 10, 1846. 
 
 It nominated Augustus C. French, then of Palestine, for governor, 
 and Joseph B. Wells, for lieutenant governor. 
 
 Nominees for presidential electors were also chosen, and the fol- 
 lowing state central committee named: Jonathan R. Diller, William 
 Walters, Bela C. Webster, E. D. Jones, Peter Sweet, Murray Mc- 
 Comiell, and John Moore. 
 
 FRENCH RENOMINATED 
 
 The sixth Democratic state convention met in the capitol in 
 Springfield on April 24, 1848 and, while there was some talk of oppos- 
 ing the incumbent, Augustus C. French, the records show that he was 
 unanimously named as the party's candidate for re-election, while 
 William McMurtry was chosen for lieutenant governor. 
 
 By virtue of the provisions of the constitution of 1818, all state 
 officers other than the governor and the lieutenant governor were 
 appointed either by the chief executive or the legislature. 
 
 The 1848 Springfield convention also selected delegates to the 
 national gathering to lie held at Baltimore, and appointed as members 
 of the state central committee: Virgil Hickox, J. R. Diller, and H. E. 
 Roberts, of Sangamon; J. P. Cooper, of Clark; F. D. Preston, of Gal- 
 latin ; Robert Dnnlap, of Madison, and James Dunlap, of Morgan. 
 
 SYSTEM IS CHANGED 
 
 The changes made in the constitution which had been submitted 
 to the voters in 1848 were reflected in the seventh Democratic state 
 convention which assembled in Springfield on April 19, 1852, and that 
 convention, in addition to choosing candidates for governor and lien- 
 tenant governor, for the first time in the history of Illinois selected 
 nominees for secretary of state, auditor of public accounts, and state 
 treasurer. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 61 
 
 The nominees of this convention were: 
 
 Joel Matteson of Joliet, for governor. 
 
 Gustavus P. Koerner, of Belleville, for lieutenant-governor. 
 
 Alexander Starne, of Springfield, for secretary of state. 
 
 Thomas H. Campbell, for auditor. 
 
 John Moore, for treasurer. 
 
 In addition to selecting candidates for state offices, the convention 
 nominated candidates as presidential electors and selected delegates 
 to the national convention, again to be held at Baltimore. 
 
 On account of the rapid growth of Illinois in population, it was 
 decided to increase the number of the state central committee and, for 
 the first time in the history of the party, to select them by congressional 
 districts, rather than from the state as a whole which formerly had 
 been the rale. 
 
 The state central committee selected by the 1852 convention con- 
 sisted of: 
 
 At large — John A. McClernand, Josiah McRoberts, and Thomas L. 
 Harris. 
 
 First congressional district — William H. Snyder. 
 
 Second congressional district — F. D. Preston. 
 
 Third congressional district — B. W. Henry. 
 
 Fourth congressional district — E. Wilcox. 
 
 Fifth congressional district — M. W. Delahay. 
 
 Sixth congressional district — James Sibley. 
 
 Seventh congressional district — Charles H. Lanphier. 
 
 The committeeman from the seventh, or Springfield, district was 
 editor and publisher of the Illinois State Register and served on the 
 state central committee for a period of nearly a quarter of a century. 
 
 He was one of the foremost Democrats of his time and it hardly 
 is an exaggeration to say that few men at Springfield, at that time, had 
 more influence than Charles H. Lanphier. 
 
 NAMED BY STATE COMMITTEE 
 
 The year 1854 was one of considerable turbulence in politics. It 
 witnessed the breaking up of the Whig party and serious schism in 
 the Democratic ranks of main - states. 
 
62 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 A new political organization, at that time called the Anti-Nebraska 
 party but afterward called the Republican, was making its presence 
 felt and creating much havoc among adherents of the older party. 
 This especially was true in Illinois where the matter of slavery had 
 remained more or less of an issue despite the action of the 1847 consti- 
 tutional convention. 
 
 On account of these conditions and due also to the fact that the 
 state treasurer was the only office for which nominations were to be 
 made, it was decided to hold no formal convention. 
 
 Instead, the state central committee met in Springfield and, after 
 consultations with other party leaders, re-nominated "Honest John" 
 Moore, whose administration had given general satisfaction. 
 
 The ebbing fortunes of the Illinois Democracy, however, we're 
 already in evidence and, while John Moore was re-elected, it was by 
 much less than the normal party majority. 
 
 A good deal of rancor had been in evidence throughout the cam- 
 paign, and the intensive issues growing out of the repeal of the Mis- 
 souri Compromise were subjects of vigorous debate on nearly every 
 street corner. 
 
 CHAIRMAN REPORTED WAVERING 
 
 The situation drew more tense with the passing of each month 
 and there were rumors that John A. McClernand, afterwards famous as 
 one of the really great soldiers of the Civil War, was wavering in his 
 adherence to the Illinois Democratic party, of which he had been chosen 
 chairman of the state central committee. 
 
 However, Chairman McClernand issued the official call for the 
 eighth Democratic state convention to meet at Springfield on May 1, 
 IS56, and acted as its temporary presiding officer. 
 
 Thomas Dyer, of Chicago, which already was making tremendous 
 strides in population, was chosen permanent chairman of the' gathering. 
 
 The nominees of that convention, destined to be the first ticket 
 of their party to go down to defeat in Illinois, were: 
 
 For governor — Col. Wm. A. Richardson, of Quincy. 
 
 For lieutenant governor — R. J. Hamilton. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 6:5 
 
 For secretary of State — William H. Snyder. 
 
 For treasurer — John Moore. 
 
 For auditor — Samuel K. Casey. 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction — John H. St. Matthew. 
 
 The convention designated candidates for presidential electors 
 and chose delegates to the national convention which was to be held 
 at Cincinnati in the ensuing June. 
 
 The state central committee chosen by the 1856 convention was 
 as follows: 
 
 At large — Alexander Starne and Charles H. Lanphier. 
 
 First district— F. W. S. Brawley. 
 
 Second district — John Dement. 
 
 Third district— William Reddick. 
 
 Fourth district — Robert Holloway. 
 
 Fifth district— W. H. Carlin. 
 
 Sixth district — Virgil Hickox. 
 
 Seventh district — W. D. Latshaw. 
 
 Eighth district— A. H. Trapp. 
 
 Ninth district— S. S. Taylor. 
 
 WAS STIRRING CAMPAIGN 
 
 Some historians are disposed to regard the Illinois campaign of 
 1856 as the most dramatic in the history of our commonwealth, exclud- 
 ing even the momentous one that was to follow four years later. 
 
 Certainly the 1856 struggle was a stirring one and party lines 
 were "shot to pieces." 
 
 Col. Richardson, the party standard bearer, personally was popu- 
 lar, and had the further advantage of being a recognized lieutenant 
 and close friend of Stephen A. Douglas. 
 
 But the popularity of the candidates, themselves, was not sufficient 
 to withstand the rising tide, and all went down to defeat. 
 
 FIRST CONVENTION AS OUTS 
 
 The ninth Democratic state convention which assembled at Spring- 
 field April 21, 1858, was the first that met with the party out of office, 
 and this fact was decidedly manifest both in the lessened attendance 
 
(54 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 and an absence of the marked enthusiasm which had been characteristic 
 of former Democratic state meetings. 
 
 Alexander Ktarne of Springfield, as chairman of the state central 
 committee, called the gathering to order and there was considerable 
 applause when Col. John Moore, former state treasurer, was introduced 
 to assume the office of permanent chairman. 
 
 But taken as a whole, it was a listless gathering and there were 
 many empty seats when formal action was taken, choosing nominees as 
 follows : 
 
 For state treasurer — William B. Fondey. 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction — Former Governor Augus- 
 tus 0. French, of Lebanon. 
 
 Members of the state central committee selected were: 
 
 At large — John Moore and Charles H. Lanphier. 
 
 First district — C. J. Horseman. 
 
 Second district— James W. Sheahan. 
 
 Third district— N. D. Elwood. 
 
 Fourth district — John McDonald. 
 
 Fifth District — Alexander Starne. 
 
 Sixth district — Virgil Hickox. 
 
 Seventh district — Samuel A. Buckmaster. 
 
 Eighth district— O. B. Ficklin. 
 
 Ninth district — John H. White. 
 
 John Moore of McLean county, was selected as chairman of the 
 committee and directed the Democratic cause in the campaign which 
 followed, and in which the larger interest was in the senatorial contest 
 between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas, and in which the 
 latter triumphed. 
 
 CONVENTION OF GLOOM 
 
 A writer of the time has described the tenth Democratic state 
 convention which assembled in Springfield on January 2, 1860, as "The 
 Convention of Gloom." Despite the inspiration of Douglas the earlier 
 enthusiasms were missing and, after some discussion among members 
 of the state central committee, it was decided to defer action on the 
 nomination for state offices, and to confine action chiefly to the naming 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 65 
 
 of delegates to the Democratic national convention which was to be 
 held at Charleston, South Carolina, three months later. 
 
 A resolution continuing the existing state committee temporarily 
 in office, was adopted by unanimous vote. 
 
 SECOND CONVENTION OF YEAR 
 
 The eleventh Democratic state convention, and the second to be 
 called that year, met in Springfield on June 13, 1860. 
 
 On recommendation of the state central committee, William Mc- 
 Murtry, former lieutenant governor, was made permanent chairman. 
 
 In selecting candidates for presidential electors, the convention 
 after some discussion, pledged them to vote for the nominees of the 
 Charleston-Baltimore convention. 
 
 James C. Allen of Palestine, was nominated for governor, and 
 Lewis W. Ross of Lewiston, for lieutenant-governor. 
 
 As state central committeemen for the period which was destined 
 to be marked as that of the greatest civil war in history, the convention 
 selected : 
 
 At large — Virgil Hickox and Thomas H. Campbell. 
 
 First district— H. W. Foltz. 
 
 Second district — Aaron Haven. 
 
 Third district— W. N. Coler. 
 
 Fourth district— W. S. Moss. 
 
 Fifth district — Samuel Holmes. 
 
 Sixth district — Charles H. Lanphier. 
 
 Seventh district — Wm. M. Springer. 
 
 Eighth district— H. W. Billings. 
 
 Ninth district— John H. White. 
 
 William M. Springer, chosen as a member of the committee from 
 the seventh district, was just beginning to exercise marked influence 
 in Democratic politics and later was destined, not only to represent 
 the Springfield district in the congress of the nation, but to be floor 
 leader of his party in the lower house. 
 
 Virgil Hickox was chosen chairman of the state committee and 
 it was to him, in that capacity, that Senator Stephen A. Douglas 
 addressed his last public letter in May, 1861. 
 
66 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 RUMP CONVENTION HELD 
 
 The first Democratic "Rump Convention" ever held in Illinois 
 was called by the Buchanan wing of the party, and met in Springfield 
 on July 11, 1860. 
 
 However, only fourteen counties were represented and, while a 
 state ticket was named, the nominees thereof received insignificant 
 vote at the ensuing election. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 67 
 
 THREE ILLINOIS 
 
 DEMOCRATIC GOVERNORS 
 
 IN THREE WEEKS 
 
 An unusual happening of the' year 1834 was that Illinois had three 
 Democratic governors in as many weeks — or, to be more accurate, three 
 state executives within sixteen days. 
 
 Most historians have overlooked this peculiar incident, or series 
 of incidents, yet it stands out as unequalled in all the annals of our 
 commonwealth. 
 
 On November 17, 1834, John Reynolds was governor, but surren- 
 dered the office that day to take a seat in Congress. 
 
 Lieutenant Governor Casey, who normally would have succeeded 
 Reynolds, didn't do so for the reason that he also resigned to take a 
 congressional seat. 
 
 This automatically brought to the gubernatorial chair William Lee 
 Ewing, who was president of the upper chamber, or as the office then 
 was designated, "speaker of the senate." 
 
 Ewing served from November 17 until December 3, when Joseph 
 Duncan was inaugurated. 
 
 Some writers have attributed Paris, Kentucky, as having been the 
 birthplace both of Ewing and Duncan, but this is not correct. 
 
 William Lee Ewing was born near Nashville, Tennessee, the son 
 of Rev. Finis Ewing, famous in the early history of the Cumberland 
 Presbyterian Church, and of Peggy Davidson, daughter of General 
 William Davidson of North Carolina, and who had served under George 
 Washington. 
 
 Admitted to the Tennessee bar, Ewing moved to Illinois in 1818, 
 just as it had achieved statehood. 
 
 He settled in Shawneetown, then the most bustling and prosperous 
 communitv in the whole state. 
 
68 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 In 1825, President Monroe named him as receiver of public moneys 
 at Vandalia to which the seat of government recently had been trans- 
 ferred. 
 
 SUFFERED HEAVY LOSS 
 
 Ewing, personally, suffered serious financial loss when his office at 
 Vandalia was robbed during the destruction by fire of the state house 
 in which the office was located. 
 
 Valuable documents also were destroyed. 
 
 Ewing later served with considerable distinction in the Black Hawk 
 War, as a member of the ' ' Spy Battalion, ' ' or, as it now would be called, 
 of the intelligence division. 
 
 In 1832, an ardent supporter of Andrew Jackson, he was elected 
 to the state senate from the district then comprised of Fayette, Marion, 
 and Clay Counties, and two years later was elected presiding officer 
 of that body. 
 
 A year after his brief term in the executive chair (December 20, 
 1835) Ewing was elected by the general assembly as United States sena- 
 tor in succession to Elias K. Kane who had died. He served until March 
 4, 1837, being defeated for re-election. 
 
 In 1840 he was elected to the lower branch of the general assembly 
 and chosen speaker — being one of the few men who have presided over 
 both branches of the Illinois legislature. 
 
 GOVERNOR, SENATOR, AUDITOR! 
 
 Having served as governor and U. S. Senator, in 1843, the general 
 assembly elected him auditor of public accounts — thus completing an 
 unusual whirligig of ups and down in political office. 
 
 Whatever question may have existed as to the scholarly attainments 
 of his immediate predecessor, there could be none as to Ewing. He 
 was recognized as an authority on latin and a real scholar. 
 
 His wife was a daughter of Elijah E. Berry, the first state auditor 
 of Illinois. 
 
 Ewing died while on a visit to Ohio, March 25, 1846. 
 
 A kindly man of uniformly pleasant disposition, his death sincerely 
 was mourned by the manv thousands that knew him. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 69 
 
 EARLY "LONG DISTANCE" 
 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN 
 
 The 1834 campaign that ended in the election of Joseph Duncan 
 as governor (1834-1838) was noteworthy in that the Democratic nom- 
 inee made no personal canvass and delivered no address within the 
 horders of his own state. 
 
 Instead, he remained in Washington, attending to the duties in 
 congress to which he first had been elected in 1827. 
 
 But during the progress of the campaign, Duncan delivered several 
 addresses from the floor of the house and these promptly were printed 
 and sent on from the national capitol for distribution to the electorate 
 of Illinois. 
 
 Duncan also had the advantage of an early military background 
 hardly second to that of any Illinois pioneer and was looked on as "a 
 soldier hero." 
 
 In August, 1813, then only nineteen years of age, he had served 
 under Colonel Craghan as a lieutenant of the 17th U. S. Infantry in 
 the defense of Fort Stephenson, near Fremont, Ohio. 
 
 The attacking British army, under General Proctor, numbered 500 
 regulars and they were aided by nearly as many Indians, while the 
 defending force had only 129 men. 
 
 The situation appeared so hopeless to Gen. William Henry Harrison 
 that he gave orders to evacuate the fort. 
 
 Craghan didn't like the instruction to retreat and, instead of com- 
 plying, he called a war council of his officers. 
 
 Duncan was the first to recommend disobedience of the order to 
 retire and suggested that the defending force stand its ground at any 
 cost. 
 
 Craghan required no second urging to await the onslaught of the 
 enemy. 
 
70 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 For thirty-nine hours Fort Stephenson was under cannonade and 
 with numerous sorties in which Duncan showed himself most intrepid. 
 
 The foe finally was repulsed with their forces retreating in the 
 worst kind of disorder and the British advance toward Cleveland was 
 definitely stopped. 
 
 DECORATED BY CONGRESS 
 
 Despite this flagrant disobedience to General Harrison's orders, 
 the daring insubordination was overlooked in the impressive victory 
 that had followed and Duncan and his fellow officers were thanked by 
 congress and presented with gold medals (1835). 
 
 The monument at Fremont commemorative of the American defense 
 and victory still stands. 
 
 In November, 1815, Duncan was given command of a company of 
 infantry and sent to Canada to watch the movements of the British 
 forces. For five months that winter he maintained camp within a few 
 miles of enemy headquarters. 
 
 With the declaration of peace he relinquishes his army commission, 
 but saw subsequent service as major general of Illinois militia and com- 
 manded the state forces in the field during the first Black Hawk War. 
 
 "MORGAN'S FIRST STATESMAN" 
 
 Joseph Duncan has been described as "Morgan county's first 
 statesman." 
 
 Born in Paris, Kentucky, February 22, 1794, the son of Major 
 Joseph and Ann McLaughlin Duncan — descendants of the famous 
 "Duncan clan" of Scottish history — Joseph Duncan moved to Illinois 
 from his native state in 1818, settling for a while at Fountain Bluff, 
 on the Mississippi river. He soon changed his residence to Jacksonville 
 with which city he remained identified until his death. 
 
 From his first arrival in the Morgan metropolis he showed a keen 
 interest in politics and in 1823 was elected state senator. 
 
 TRAGEDY DURING HIS TERM 
 
 The many excellent accomplishments of the Duncan administration 
 are somewhat dimmed from the historical standpoint, by the larger 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 71 
 
 interest that has pertained to the lamentable tragedy at Alton in which 
 Elijah P. Lovejoy lost his life at the hands of a mob (November, 1837). 
 Some critics, both of that period and later, have been disposed to 
 blame Governor Duncan for not having taken measures for the protec- 
 tion of the liberator editor, but close students of the many events con- 
 nected with the lamentable affair agree that this was impossible in view 
 of the suddenness with which the killing came. 
 
 A CONSTRUCTIVE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Considering the many handicaps of the period, the Duncan regime 
 well may be classed as constructive. 
 
 He was far in advance of his generation as an advocate of public 
 schools and of institutions of higher learning. 
 
 Knox College at Galesburg and Monticello seminary at Godfrey 
 had their beginnings during the Duncan incumbency. 
 
 He donated lands valued at more than $10,000 to Illinois College 
 and made numerous cash contributions. 
 
 He was persistent in his denunciation of slavery which, early in 
 his public career, he had branded as "a great moral and political evil." 
 
 A devout Presbyterian, he was a rigid advocate of the temperance 
 cause and participated in early campaigns in its behalf. 
 
 MARRIED IN WASHINGTON 
 
 While in Washington on his congressional duties, May 13, 1828, 
 Duncan married Miss Elizabeth Caldwell Smith of New York City — 
 granddaughter of James Caldwell, the New Jersey "fighting parson." 
 
 Of ten children only three survived his death which took place in 
 Jacksonville, January 15, 1844. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 73 
 
 EARLY DAYS OF 
 
 GREAT DEPRESSION 
 
 IN ILLINOIS 
 
 Thomas Carlin, state executive from 1838 to 1842, has been de- 
 scribed as "The first Irish governor of Illinois." 
 
 He came to the chief position of the state in times of financial st ress 
 bordering- on chaos. 
 
 His predecessor, Joseph Duncan, was not responsible for the vast 
 program of public works which had brought tremendous indebtedness 
 to the state and that program had been passed by an over-enthusiastic 
 legislature, in face of his veto. 
 
 This indebtedness including state bonds which had been exchanged 
 for bank stock aggregated $6,688,784, an amount that would seem in- 
 significant in 1935 but which was an enormous sum in those early days. 
 
 The credit of the state was at low ebb and with the $1,500,000 failure 
 of the Illinois bank the stringency was increased ; while ruin and despair 
 came to thousands of private citizens who lost their all. 
 
 Carlin, himself, was a man who, in early life had overcome many 
 difficulties, but he now found himself little able to cope with deplorable 
 conditions. 
 
 Several suicides were recorded in various parts of the state. 
 
 Carlin had been born under conditions somewhat bordering on 
 poverty near Frankfort, Kentucky, July 18, 1789. 
 
 In 1800, on the death of his father, he came to Illinois and tried 
 farming in an attempt to sustain the family. 
 
 During the war of 1812, he enlisted and saw considerable service 
 under General Howard. 
 
 In 1814 he married Rebecca Hewitt and, after living in Madison 
 county for four years, removed to Monroe county becoming a pioneer 
 
74 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 settler at Carrollton, then the Monroe county seat, but now the metrop- 
 olis of Greene. 
 
 He was the first sheriff at Carrollton and early displayed that acute 
 interest in Democratic polities which, later, carried him to the executive 
 chair. 
 
 February 24, 1834, he was given further political recognition by 
 appointment from President Andrew Jackson, as receiver of United 
 States public moneys — a position which had been a stepping stone to 
 many pioneer Democrats of our state. 
 
 SMITH FOLLOWERS ENTER 
 
 The Carlin administration, among other interesting things, was 
 marked by the Morman entry to Illinois, with the followers of Joseph 
 Smith rapidly swelling to a population of 20,000, most of them settling 
 in Nauvoo and vicinity. 
 
 At the expiration of his term as governor, Thomas Carlin retired 
 to his farm but returned to political life for a short time in 1849, serving 
 an unexpired term in the legislature. 
 
 He passed away at Carrollton, February 14, 1852. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 75 
 
 THIS DEMOCRATIC GOVERNOR 
 LIVED IN MANY PARTS OF STATE 
 
 Thomas Ford well has been described as "one of Illinois' really 
 great governors." 
 
 Coming to the executive position in 1842 at a time of long continued 
 financial disaster, he stood like a rock against repudiation of debts 
 which was being vigorously demanded by many legislators and advo- 
 cated by a large section of the populace. 
 
 The conditions which confronted Ford when he took office have 
 been described in his own "History of Illinois" in the following 
 language : 
 
 "The treasury was bankrupt; the revenues were insufficient. The 
 people were unable and unwilling to pay higher taxes. The state has 
 borrowed itself out of all credit. 
 
 "A debt of nearly fourteen millions of dollars had been contracted 
 for the canal, railroads and other purposes. 
 
 "The currency of the state had been annihilated; there was not 
 over two or three hundred thousand dollars in good money in the pockets 
 of the whole people, which occasioned a general inability to pay taxes. 
 
 "The whole people were indebted to the merchants, nearly all of 
 whom were indebted to the banks or to foreign merchants, and the 
 banks owed everybody, and none were able to pay." 
 
 As a matter of fact, Governor Ford underestimated the state debt 
 which had confronted him on his inauguration, as the official archives 
 of Illinois show that the correct amount was $15,657,970. 
 
 A GLOOMY OUTLOOK 
 
 "Not unlike the situation which confronted Henry Horner, ninety 
 years later," perhaps you say. 
 
 But certainly it was not an inviting picture to meet a governor at 
 the very beginning of his term. 
 
76 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 The new executive went at his problems with vigor. 
 
 In his rirst message to the thirteenth general assembly, then meet- 
 ing at Springfield, he said: 
 
 "Let it be known in the first place that no oppressive or extermin- 
 ating taxation is to be resorted to. In the second, we must convince our 
 creditors and the world that the disgrace of repudiation is not counten- 
 anced among us, that we are honest and mean to pay as soon as we are 
 able." 
 
 Ford decided that one of the first steps to be taken to restore the 
 state's credit was the completion, long delayed, of the costly Illinois and 
 Michigan canal. 
 
 He called to his conference board Justin Butterfield, well-known 
 Chicago lawyer who already had gained considerable reputation as 
 consulting counsel for various banks. 
 
 Plans were devised and put through a somewhat unwilling legisla- 
 ture, which went a long way toward saving the financial structure of 
 Illinois and to restore it to good grace in the money markets of the 
 world. 
 
 THE TERRIBLE DRAMA OF NAUVOO 
 
 But, by all odds, the intensely interesting event of Ford's decidedly 
 eventful administration was the slaughter of the Mormons at Nauvoo. 
 
 A good deal of the blame for this tragedy has been placed at the 
 door of Thomas Ford but, as this history is one of the Illinois Democracy 
 and not of general events, I prefer to leave that chapter in the hands 
 of other historians who have written so much about it. 
 
 To the mind of the present writer, the pros and cons of the drama 
 of Nauvoo in which Joseph and Hyrum Smith lost their lives, are best 
 presented by my old friend, Thomas Rees, lamented publisher of the 
 Illinois State Register of Springfield, in his review published by the 
 Illinois Historical Society, and by Governor Ford, himself, in his 
 "History of Illinois." 
 
 A STATESMAN WITH WANDERLUST 
 
 In addition to his many other distinguishing attribute's, Thomas 
 Ford appears to have been a great wanderer and, at one time or other 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 77 
 
 in his public or private career, resided in many parts of Illinois, in- 
 cluding Chicago. 
 
 Born of brave but decidedly poor parentage at Uniontown, Penn- 
 sylvania, December 5, 1800, the son of Robert and Elizabeth Ford, his 
 family had already settled at New Design, then in Randolph county, 
 and had rented a farm. 
 
 Like Lincoln, young Ford did most of his early studying at home 
 by candle light. 
 
 But he was determined to get an education and finally succeeded 
 in scraping together enough money to take a year's course at Transyl- 
 vania University in Lexington, Kentucky. 
 
 In 1823 he was admitted to the bar. 
 
 An Andrew Jackson enthusiast, he went to St. Louis in 1824 and 
 became associate editor of a newspaper advocating the election of 
 Jackson to the presidency. 
 
 In 1825 Ford removed to Belleville and gained considerable practice 
 as a lawyer. 
 
 But the following year, he journeyed on to Galena where his shingle 
 remained for the next thirty-six months. 
 
 In 1829 he decided to try his fortunes in Quincy and, that same year, 
 Governor Niiiian Edwards appointed him state's attorney to which 
 position he was reappointed. 
 
 In 1835 a new judicial district was created consisting of "Peoria 
 and all territory north thereof." 
 
 Ford was appointed that same year, judge of this new circuit. 
 
 In 1837 he was elected first municipal judge of Chicago, then in its 
 infancy. 
 
 On February 15, 1841 he was placed on the supreme bench of the 
 state, serving until August 1, 1842. 
 
 NOMINATION DUE TO DEATH 
 
 His nomination to the governorship in 1842 was due to the death of 
 Adam W. Snyder who originally had been named the Democratic can- 
 didate in opposition to former Governor Joseph Duncan, who had gone 
 over to the Whigs and was the nominee of that party. 
 
78 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 After a campaign of much interest Ford won out by a majority of 
 8,100. 
 
 He was a close friend of "Long" John Went worth. 
 
 On leaving the executive chair, Ford went to Peoria to again take 
 up the practice of the law, and it was generally understood that he, 
 who had done so much to restore the credit of his state, left the office 
 a virtual bankrupt. 
 
 The closing years of his life largely were devoted to the writing 
 of his "History of Illinois"- — rather a dubious way in which to restore 
 one's finances. 
 
 He died at Peoria November 3, 1850, before his now well-known 
 history was completed. 
 
 Edited by General James Shields, it was published in 1854 — four 
 years after Ford's demise. 
 
 A monument to his memory has been erected at Peoria by the state 
 that he served so well. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 79 
 
 A DEMOCRATIC 
 
 ADMINISTRATION OF 
 
 PRONOUNCED ABILITY 
 
 The official record of the Illinois Democracy, past and present, is 
 one in which there are few things of which any member of our party 
 need be ashamed, many things of which he well may be proud. 
 
 And, while the administration headed by Augustus C. French 
 (1846-1853) was devoid of much of the drama that had characterized 
 prior Democratic regimes, it was one notable for a great record of 
 construction. 
 
 Augustus C. French was the first man in the history of Illinois to 
 be twice elected to the governor's chair. 
 
 His first term had been shortened by nearly a year, as a result of the 
 adoption of the constitution of 1848, which provided that a governor 
 was to be chosen in November, 1849 and in November of each fourth 
 year thereafter, and that, hereafter, all governors should take office 
 in the January succeeding such election. 
 
 He largely was responsible for the adoption of that constitution, 
 which, undoubtedly, marked a forward step in Illinois government, but 
 the larger and more important feature of his administration was the 
 further restoration of the state's credit by persistent adherence to and 
 amplification of the policies of non-repudiation which had been advo- 
 cated and fostered in the preceding Ford incumbency. 
 
 When French first was sworn into office, the Mexican war still was 
 under way and he proved of great assistance to the national government 
 by the rapid-fire manner in which he assembled Illinois troops and got 
 them to the front. 
 
 His first term was so satisfactory that there was a very general 
 demand for his renomination, although it would require the setting- 
 aside of long-continued precedent. 
 
80 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 His party cheerfully responded to this demand and French was 
 renominated and triumphantly re-elected. 
 
 It was during his term that the famous Illinois Central railroad 
 grant was passed. 
 
 SHIELDS ELIGIBILITY ATTACKED 
 
 It was during - French's second term that the historic three-way 
 struggle between Sidney S. Breese, John A. McClernand, and General 
 James Shields for senatorial seat, took place. 
 
 Breese had resigned from the supreme bench, January 1, 1843, to 
 accept a place in the United States senate. 
 
 With the expiration of his senatorial term in 1849, he was a candi- 
 date for re-election and, at first, it was supposed that he would have 
 little trouble in this regard at the hands of a legislature that was 
 heavily Democratic, because his services at Washington had been gen- 
 erally satisfactory. 
 
 But a considerable number of the legislators early showed a dis- 
 position to favor John A. McClernand. 
 
 Then a somewhat new figure entered the struggle in the person of 
 General James Shields, who had been invalided home from the Mexican 
 War desperately wounded. 
 
 In nearly all generations, the soldier hero has had tremendous 
 appeal, and this proved true in the case of Shields, who finally, was 
 elected by the general assembly. 
 
 But, even with his election, he found the path still blocked as serious 
 question was raised as to his eligibility on account of his being a native 
 of Ireland. 
 
 The matter was not solved until Governor French had called a 
 special session on the legislature, and Shields' ineligibility had been 
 removed by law. 
 
 A HANDSOME GOVERNOR 
 
 Impressive personality ever had been an asset in attaining political 
 favor, and Augustus C. French certainly had this in marked degree. 
 
 The wife of a prominent Chicago Democrat, visiting the state capitol 
 in the early part of the present century, on viewing the portraits of 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 81 
 
 former Illinois governors, expressed the opinion that "French was by 
 far the handsomest." 
 
 He is reputed to have been as charming- in his everyday greetings 
 and to contemporaries, as he was great in his constructive qualifications. 
 
 Born at Hill, New Hampshire, August 2, 1808, he had been orphaned 
 by the death of his father while still a youth. 
 
 After attending district school, he obtained his higher education 
 at Dartmouth college. 
 
 Admitted to the bar in 1823, he journeyed to Illinois and took up 
 residence at Albion, but removed to Paris in 1825. 
 
 In 1837 he became a member of the legislature and, a close friend 
 of Stephen A. Douglas. Through the influence of the latter, he was 
 appointed receiver of United States moneys, in 1839, with headquarters 
 at Palestine, in Crawford county. 
 
 In the campaign of 1844, he was a presidential elector on the Polk 
 and Dallas ticket. 
 
 PROFESSOR AT McKENDREE 
 
 After laying aside the duties of the longest term ever spent at the 
 executive desk up to that time, in 1854 he became professor of law at 
 McKendree college. 
 
 He was a delegate to and one of the leading figures in the consti- 
 tutional convention of 1862. 
 
 The end came to him peacefully at Lebanon, Illinois, September 4, 
 1868. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 83 
 
 THE LAST OF A GREAT LINE OF 
 
 PRE CIVIL WAR 
 
 DEMOCRATIC GOVERNORS 
 
 While unnoticed by all but a few of the more observant of party 
 leaders, conditions were arising- in Illinois during the early fifties that 
 were going to mean that Joel Aldrich Matteson was to be the last of a 
 great line of pre-civil war Democratic governors. 
 
 The slavery question, long discussed and often pushed into the 
 background, was becoming more and more of a vital issue and one that 
 well-nigh inevitably could find its permanent arbitrament only in the 
 blood of hundred of thousands of brave men of north and south. 
 
 But if, as was predicted by a Republican enthusiast at the time of 
 the election of Bissell in 1856, Joel Aldrich Matteson had been destined 
 to pass into history as the last of all Democratic governors, the Illinois 
 Democracy still would have had permanent reason to be proud of a 
 splendid succession of notable men that had done much in guiding the 
 destinies of their state from the installation of Ninian Edwards as 
 territorial governor in 1809 till close of the Matteson administration 
 in 1857. 
 
 AN ERA OF GREAT PROSPERITY 
 
 The four years of the Matteson regime (1853-1857) were among the 
 most prosperous that our state ever has known, far more fruitful than 
 any that had gone before, and, considering the smaller general oppor- 
 tunities that then prevailed, comparable even to the great and now 
 lamented boom that characterized the years just before the tremendous 
 crash of 1929. 
 
 Unlike nearly all his predecessors, who had been lawyers, Matteson 
 was a man of business devoid of professional training, but successfully 
 familiar with the contracting line. 
 
84 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 It is no criticism of the legal profession to write that Matteson's 
 early training in the field of construction was of great service to the 
 state in a four-year period which was marked by building operations 
 such as Illinois never had known before — not only public works, but 
 great railway systems and manufacturing and mercantile establishments 
 erected, for the most part, by private citizens and out of private funds. 
 
 CHICAGO SURGES AHEAD 
 
 Under the Matteson administration, general credit was greatly 
 aided by the fact that the state indebtedness was reduced by nearly 
 five million dollars. 
 
 The population of Chicago increased more than 80 per cent during 
 the four years, and imposing business structures began to arise, day 
 after day, by the side of the great lakes. 
 
 Railway mileage in the state, during the Matteson term of governor, 
 increased from a scant 513 miles to 2,860. 
 
 The population of Illinois, as a w r hole, doubled and we' passed into 
 fourth place in the galaxy of the states. 
 
 Commerce increased by leaps and bounds, and the wealth of our 
 commonwealth grew from approximately $135,000,000 in 1851 to more 
 than $350,000,000 five years later. 
 
 Among the railroads that so notably increased their mileage or were 
 constructed during the term were the Illinois Central, the Rock Island, 
 the Chicago and Alton, and the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy. 
 
 FREE SCHOOL SYSTEM 
 
 But it was not only for the vast development in commercial and 
 industrial lines, that the Matteson administration was noted. 
 
 In 1855, largely under the skillful guidance of the governor, the 
 free school law was adopted and which, with comparatively few changes, 
 has remained the basic system through the intervening years. 
 
 Institutions of higher learning also developed apace. 
 
 PROHIBITION IS PROPOSED 
 
 Incidentally, it may be stated that during the Matteson term, pro- 
 hibition first came to the front as an important political issue. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 85 
 
 In 1855, the general assembly enacted legislation based largely on 
 the Maine laws and which would have made the state "dry" if a majority 
 of the voters supported the proposition at a referendum election. This 
 provision for submission at a referendum, had been inserted in the bill 
 as an ammendment. 
 
 But the referendum resulted in a decidedly large "wet" majority 
 and, so, prohibition went down to its first official defeat in Illinois. 
 
 NATIVE OF EMPIRE STATE 
 
 Joel Aldrieh Matteson was the first native son of New York to reach 
 the Illinois governorship, having been born at Watertown, August 2, 
 1808. 
 
 His father had come from the famous cathedral town of Canter- 
 bury, England, and was quite wealthy. Joel was the only son. 
 
 The future governor's first business venture was in 1827, when, at 
 the age of 19, he journeyed to Prescott, Canada, and opened a general 
 store which proved reasonably profitable. 
 
 But, at the end of a year, he sold out at a fair figure and returned 
 to Watertown, where he attended academy and also taught school. 
 
 Later, he served two terms as teacher at Brownville, New York, 
 and then became superintendent of construction of a railway line that 
 was being- built in South Carolina. 
 
 l 6 
 
 SETTLES NEAR JOLIET 
 
 In 1833 he moved to Illinois, settling in Kendall county, near Joliet. 
 
 He removed to the latter city in 1836 and, two years later, obtained 
 several important contracts in connection with the construction of the 
 Illinois-Michigan canal, which work he pushed with much energy. 
 
 Early taking an interest in Illinois Democratic politics, in 1842, he 
 was elected to the state senate, serving as chairman of the finance com- 
 mitttee, an experience which served him in good stead when called to 
 the governor's desk. 
 
 On his retirement from office he resumed his activities in the 
 general business world and, for several years, served as president of 
 the Chicago and Alton railway. 
 
 He died in Chicago, January 31, 1873, at the age of 65 years. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 87 
 
 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 MEETS FIRST DEFEAT 
 
 IN STATE CAMPAIGN 
 
 While there were rumblings of the coming storm early in 1856 and 
 there already had been several important defections from the party 
 lines, a large majority of the recognized leaders of the Illinois Democ- 
 racy remained quite confident that the success which had come to the 
 party banners in all preceeding campaigns would come to it again that 
 year. 
 
 Their optimism, while not justified by subsequent events, was ex- 
 cusable. 
 
 Recent Democratic administrations had been especially capable. 
 
 The state was doing well, with its credit restored and the average 
 citizen decidedly prosperous. 
 
 "Surely, the people will vote to keep good times going!" was a 
 quite common answer by party leaders to less optimistic lieutenants 
 who might venture the opinion that things did not look so rosy as usual 
 for their party. 
 
 Writing in 1935, it may be remarked that in virtually every election, 
 in every state, during the present century, good times or bad times have 
 been a determining factor of a campaign. 
 
 But in 1856 it was different. 
 
 The intensive question of whether or not slavery should continue in 
 these United States was coming to a point where it dimmed all ordinary 
 economic issues. 
 
 ENTHUSIASTIC CONVENTION 
 
 There were even more than the ordinary enthusiasms when the Dem- 
 ocratic state convention was called to order in Springfield at eleven A.M. 
 of May Day, 1856. 
 
 Stephen A. Douglas, whose great story is dealt with in another 
 
«8 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 chapter, had become a figure of vast popularity throughout the nation 
 and every mention of his name was greeted with thunderous applause. 
 
 The Democracy of Cook county was just coming into its own as a 
 factor in party affairs, and when Thomas Dyer of Chicago, one of the 
 pioneer Democratic leaders of that city, was introduced as permanent 
 chairman, he was given an ovation lasting several minutes. 
 
 There was little doubt from the beginning as to who the standard 
 bearer would be, for Colonel William A. Richardson of Quincy was an 
 intimate friend of Douglas, whose influence was paramount, and it was 
 known that he favored the nomination of the distinguished gentleman 
 from Adams county. 
 
 The ticket, headed by Richardson, was a strong one in every respect, 
 including such popular party figures as Hamilton and Snyder and Moore 
 and Casey, and the campaign that followed was conducted with all the 
 old-time vigor. 
 
 MEETINGS ARE CROWDED 
 
 Close research of the files of the press of the period shows that 
 the campaign crowds that year were even larger than usual, and that 
 there was no lack of attendance at any of the many Democratic rallies 
 held throughout the state — rallies, by the way, that almost invariably 
 were preceded by colorful torchlight parades. 
 
 For reasons that are not altogether apparent to a writer covering 
 the story nearly eighty years later, most of the speakers, including even 
 the state candidates themselves, were disposed to stress national rather 
 than local issues. 
 
 That was the year of the very interesting three-way presidential 
 fight between Buchanan, Democrat; Fremont, Republican; and Fill- 
 more ; the latter running on what was officially designated as the "Amer- 
 ican ticket." 
 
 Buchanan won out with 1,838,109 votes and 174 presidential electors. 
 
 Fremont, the first national standard bearer of his party, was second 
 with a vote of 1,341,264 and 114 electors. 
 
 Fillmore' had 874,584 votes, but only 8 electors. 
 
 But in Illinois it was different! 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 89 
 
 Returns were much slower in coming in than now is the case and, 
 while, even on the night of the election, there had been rumors that the 
 Republicans had won, old Democrats hardly could believe their eyes 
 when the official returns showed that Bissell and not Richardson was 
 to be governor, and that their entire state ticket had gone down to defeat. 
 
 The Illinois Democracy, so long a party of "ins," had become a 
 party of "outs." 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 91 
 
 NO CONVINCING BASIS 
 
 FOUND FOR MANY GRAFT CHARGES 
 
 MADE AFTER BISSELL WON 
 
 Partisan politics was no more polite in the years before the Civil 
 War than it has been in several subsequent periods. 
 
 It has been more or less trite for incoming administrations to 
 charge graft and maladministration of funds against predecessors that 
 were of opposite party faith. 
 
 Charges of graft, especially in the awarding of state contracts, 
 against Joel A. Matteson and some of his Democratic predecessors, 
 were quite frequent during the first Republican regime, under William 
 11 Bissell. 
 
 Some historians have dignified these charges by dealing with them 
 at considerable length. 
 
 The present author will not do so. 
 
 He has made close study of the available archives of that period, 
 and has failed to find any convincing evidence of maladministration. 
 
 There undoubtedly had been considerable waste of public funds 
 during those earlier years — but that, more or less, has been a character- 
 istic of American politics in all generations, and in all states. 
 
 Joel Matteson, large figure in the general contracting business, if 
 judged by present-day ethics, may have been unwise in permitting firms 
 with which he was identified to accept contracts on which payment of 
 state funds indirectly was concerned, but this was quite in keeping 
 with the custom of the times. 
 
 Nor is there any scrap of real evidence that the state of Illinois 
 was overcharged, or lost anything, through those contracts. 
 
 Perhaps the best proof in justification of exoneration is found in 
 the fact that, although the charges of graft frequently were touched on 
 
92 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 by Republican speakers in the 1858 campaign, the voters, themselves, 
 declined to believe them. 
 
 Despite the Bissell victory two years earlier, the Illinois Democracy 
 staged a partial comeback in 1858 and returned Stephen A. Douglas 
 to the United States Senate over Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 Moreover, that November, while the Republican nominee for state 
 treasurer was victorious, it was by a plurality of only 3,821 votes — 
 one of the smallest in the history of Illinois. 
 
BIRTHPLACE OF STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 
 BRANDON, VERMONT 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 95 
 
 THE YEAR IN WHICH 
 
 DOUGLAS WAS ELECTED 
 
 AND LINCOLN DEFEATED 
 
 Discussing the famous struggle in which he had defeated William 
 McKinley of Ohio, for speaker of the national house in 1889, Thomas 
 Brackett Reed of Maine, several years later, said: 
 
 "The real victor in that contest was McKinley for, by becoming 
 chairman of the ways and means committee, his path to the presidential 
 chair was opened, while my election to the speaker's chair eliminated 
 me as a presidential possibility." 
 
 History relates many similar instances, and the Illinois campaign 
 of 1858 is illustrative of these. 
 
 This was the year of the memorable Lincoln-Douglas battle for a 
 United States senatorship, dealt with in other pages. 
 
 If Lincoln, instead of Douglas, had been the victor and had gained 
 the senatorial seat for which he long had been grooming himself, he 
 might not have been a presidential nominee two years later, and the 
 story not only of Illinois, but of the whole nation, might have been 
 decidedly different. 
 
 So far as the Illinois Democracy was concerned, it was a year of 
 part victory and part defeat. 
 
 CHASTENED SPIRIT MANIFEST 
 
 The Democratic state convention which was called to order at 
 Springfield, by State Chairman Alexander Starne, was a much less 
 boisterous gathering than the one which had preceeded it two years 
 earlier. 
 
 It was not devoid of enthusiasm as mark the great outburst of ap- 
 plause which had greeted the introduction of Former Treasurer John 
 Moore of Bloomington as permanent chairman. 
 
96 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 But, as a Democratic writer of the period expressed it: "It was 
 a decidedly sober gathering, chastened, apparently, by the unexpected 
 defeat of 1856." 
 
 A well-known Democrat of Springfield, William B. Fonder, was 
 nominated for state treasurer, while the perennially popular, Augustus 
 C, French, former governor, was placed on the ticket for superintendent 
 of public instruction — an office which had been created only four years 
 earlier. 
 
 In the campaign that ensued, however, the state ticket was some- 
 what lost sight of in the tremendous interest that was taken in the 
 Lincoln-Douglas struggle. 
 
 The state candidates were beaten, but the Illinois Democracy suc- 
 ceeded in again capturing the general assembly and in re-electing 
 Stephen Arnold Douglas to a third senatorial term that was to be ended 
 by death less than three years later. 
 
 MORRISON IS SPEAKER 
 
 One of the greatest of Illinois Democrats, William R. Morrison of 
 Monroe county, the well-beloved "Horizontal Bill," was speaker of the 
 historic Twenty-first general assembly which re-elected Douglas. 
 
STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 99 
 
 STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 
 
 AND HIS INFLUENCE ON 
 
 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 There is an oft-quoted saying- that "Vermont is the most glorious 
 spot on the face of this globe for a man to be born in, provided he 
 emigrates when he is very young.-" 
 
 The career of Stephen Arnold Douglas is intelligible only if it is 
 viewed against the background of his New England boyhood, his young 
 manhood passed on the prairies of Illinois, and his wedded life with 
 the gentle culture of Southern womanhood. The records of the Douglass 
 family are quite interesting. The first of the family to cross the ocean 
 was William Douglass, who was born in Scotland, and who married 
 Mary Ann Marble, of Northampton. Just when these people left Old 
 England is not known, but it is recorded that a son was born in Boston 
 in 1645. Soon after this event the family migrated farther west and 
 settled in New London, in the Pequot country. 
 
 A little more than one hundred years after this, Benajah Douglass, 
 one of their descendants, pushed still farther into the interior and 
 settled in Rensselaer County, in the province of New York. The mar- 
 riage of Benajah Douglass to Martha Arnold, a descendant of Governor 
 "William Arnold, of Rhode Island, has given rise to the idea among 
 certain of his admirers that there were Celtic qualities in the grandson, 
 for the Arnolds were of Welsh stock. Tradition has made Benajah 
 Douglass a soldier in the Revolutionary War, but the first authentic 
 records begin with the year 1795 when he removed with his family to 
 Brandon, Vermont. The family settled on a farm of four hundred acres, 
 which Benajah must have cultivated with some degree of skill, since it 
 yielded an ample competency. 
 
100 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 THE ELDER DOUGLAS 
 
 To Benajah and Martha Arnold Douglass was born the father of 
 the subject of our sketch, Stephen A. Douglass, Sr., who grew to young- 
 manhood in Brandon, graduated at Middlebury College, and became a 
 physician by profession. He married Sally Fisk, the daughter of a well- 
 to-do farmer in Brandon. To this couple two children were born, the 
 younger of whom, born on April 23, 1813, was given the family name of 
 Stephen Arnold Douglass. A sudden stroke cut short the career of the 
 young doctor soon after the birth of his son, and the widow removed 
 to the farm which she and her brother, who was then unmarried, had 
 inherited from their father. This bachelor uncle took the place of father 
 to the young man, and Stephen had no reason to bemoan the fate which 
 left him dependent upon his uncle's generosity. He went to the district 
 school on the Brandon turnpike and after his school hours work and 
 play alternated, as w r as the custom among the farmer folk. 
 
 Young Stephen learned to be industrious and not to despise honest 
 labor. He fell heir to a wealth of inspiring local tradition. The quiet 
 valleys and the uplands of the Green Mountains had echoed with the 
 noise of battle during the Revolutionary War, and many a legend of 
 adventure, border warfare, and personal heroism were still current 
 among the mountain folk. The battles of Bennington, Ticonderoga, and 
 Plattesburg were still talked about at the fireside gatherings. 
 
 HIS EARLY SURROUNDINGS 
 
 In this surrounding young Douglass spent his boyhood and became 
 imbued with some of the principles for which he so tenaciously fought 
 in later years. Stephen was nearing his fourteenth birthday when his 
 uncle brought home a bride. The birth of a son and heir was Stephen's 
 undoing. While the uncle regarded Stephen with undiminished affection, 
 he was now much more emphatically an outsider in the family. An 
 indefinable something had come between the uncle and his nephew, which 
 was brought to an acute head when Stephen requested to be sent to 
 the academy at Brandon to prepare to go to college. His uncle firmly 
 but kindly informed him that he could not further look after the boy's 
 education, and advised him io give up the notion of going to college 
 and to remain on the farm. Resentfulness at this turn of affairs caused 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 101 
 
 Stephen to make up his mind to live no longer under his uncle's roof, 
 and much against the wishes of his mother apprenticed himself to a 
 cabinet maker in Middlebury. 
 
 Here he found companionship and spent his idle hours with young 
 fellows who had a taste for politics and who kindled in the young 
 cabinet maker a confirmed admiration for Andrew Jackson. He began 
 to read all that he could lay his hands on, particularly political works 
 dealing with his hero. In after years he was heard to say that the 
 happiest days of his life were spent in the cabinet maker's shop, in 
 Middlebury. 
 
 Becoming dissatisfied because he had been requested to perform 
 some menial task about the home, he terminated his apprenticeship in 
 Middlebury, returned to Brandon, and entered the shop of Deacon Caleb 
 Knowlton, also a cabinet maker. From this apprenticeship he quit in 
 less than a year on the excuse of ill health. It is evident that he had 
 lost his taste for cabinet work, as he never again expressed a wish to 
 follow a trade. 
 
 STUDENT AT BRANDON 
 
 He returned to live with his mother, who in some manner found 
 the means to send him to Brandon Academy, where he enrolled with the 
 avowed purpose of preparing for a professional career. His mother 
 at about this time was married to Gehazi Granger, and moved to the 
 state of Xew York. His academic course was not long interrupted by 
 this migration, for Canandaigua Academy was within easy reach of his 
 home. Here he studied Latin and Greek, made considerable improve- 
 ment, took an active part in the doings of the literary societies of the 
 academy, and distinguished himself by his readiness in debate. He was 
 an ardent defender of Democracy against the rising tide of anti-Masonry 
 which was threatening the political moorings of the state of Xew York. 
 Douglass was now maturing rapidly. His ideals were clearer and his 
 tastes more pronounced, and it is very probable that he already was 
 forming his plans to make politics his career. He entered the office of 
 some local attorneys while continuing his studies in the academy and 
 began the study of law. In the spring of 1833 the lure of the West seized 
 the young man, and against the remonstrances of his mother and rela- 
 
102 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 fives he started out with no ultimate goal in view. Tradition says that 
 the last word he said to his mother as he left was, "I am not coming- 
 back until I am on my way to Congress," and this promise he fulfilled 
 to the letter. 
 
 HIS CLEVELAND RESIDENCE 
 
 In Cleveland he found a friend in Sherlock J. Andrews, Esq., a 
 successful attorney. Liking the city, and the requirements by the Ohio 
 Bar being less rigorous, Douglass determined to stay in this pleasant 
 spot. Mr. Andrews encouraged him in this purpose and offered him the 
 use of his office and law library. Stephen hoped to gain admission to 
 the bar in a year, and with characteristic energy began his studies, but 
 malarial typhoid put an end to his efforts for the time being. For four 
 weary months he kept his bed, and his life was despaired of many times, 
 but the first frosts of the fall set him on his feet again. After paying all 
 his bills he had forty dollars left, and he resolved to push on farther 
 into the new and undiscovered West. From Cleveland he went by canal 
 to Portsmouth, on the Ohio River, and from there to Cincinnati, from 
 which place he drifted to Louisville and then to St. Louis. Here lie 
 endeavored to find work which would enable him to pay his expenses and 
 continue his law studies. Having no letters of introduction to smooth 
 his path, he was unable to make connections and became convinced that 
 he must seek a smaller community. He had been informed that Jack- 
 sonville, Illinois, was a likely spot, and he resolved to try his luck in 
 that quarter. 
 
 HIS ARRIVAL AT JACKSONVILLE 
 
 A primitive stagecoach took him to Jacksonville. To one born and 
 bred among the hills of Vermont, the vast expanse of rolling prairie 
 which met his gaze as the stagecoach wended its way across the inter- 
 vening miles must have been a revelation, for years afterwards when 
 he had become famous, he said, "I found my mind liberalizing and my 
 opinions enlarging when I got on these broad prairies with only the 
 heavens to bound my vision, instead of having them subscribed by the 
 little ridges that surrounded the valleys where I was born. ,, 
 
 He arrived in Jacksonville without a friend and with only a dollar 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY LlM 
 
 and a quarter in his pocket. This little village was composed of log- 
 cabins and was one of the outposts of civilized Illinois. It had a popula- 
 tion of about one thousand, and there were eleven lawyers, or at least 
 those who called themselves such, located in the village. Here again 
 he met with disappointment, for he could find no labor to his liking, and 
 he was forced to sell a few school books that he had brought with him 
 in order to procure money upon which to live. Murray McConnell, a 
 lawyer, advised him to go to Pekin and open a law office, and assured 
 him that a license was a matter of no consequence, since anyone could 
 practice before a Justice of the Peace, and he could procure the license 
 at a later date. So again Douglass took up his travels. Arriving at 
 Meredosia he waited a week for the boat upstream, as there was no 
 other available route to Pekin. Then came the intelligence that the 
 only boat which plied between these points had blown up at Alton. 
 
 After paying his lodging to the tavern keeper he found that he had 
 fifty cents left in his pocket. Necessity being the mother of invention, 
 young Douglass decided to teach school, but Meredosia being a thriftless 
 and forlorn settlement, it was necessary that he go somewhere else. A 
 kind-hearted farmer befriended him that night and took him next morn- 
 ing to Exeter, where there was prospect of securing a school. However, 
 disappointment awaited him here, and hearing that there were possi- 
 bilities in Winchester, ten miles distant, he set off on foot with his coat 
 over his arm, leaving bis trunk at Meredosia. 
 
 The morning after his arrival at Winchester he came upon a crowd 
 in the public square and learned that an auction sale of personal effects 
 was about to take place, but that they could not find a clerk who was 
 able to keep a record of the sales and draw the notes. The administrator, 
 noticing young Douglass, asked him if he could "cipher," and the 
 impatient bystanders " 'lowed that he might do," so he was given a 
 trial. Young Douglass proved equal to the task, and in two days was in 
 possession of five dollars for his pains. The village storekeeper, who 
 also hailed from Vermont, presented Douglass to several citizens who 
 wished to see a school opened in town, and by the first Monday in 
 December he had a subscription list of forty scholars, each of whom 
 had paid three dollars for three months' tuition. He secured lodging 
 with the friendly village storekeeper, and here Douglass spent his even- 
 
104 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 ings, devoting some hours to his law books and undoubtedly more to 
 comfortable chats with his host and talkative neighbors around the 
 stove. 
 
 HIS FIRST POLITICAL SPEECH 
 
 A Lyceum had just been formed in the village and this was his 
 diversion. In this lyceum he made his first political speech, defending 
 Andrew Jackson against one Josiah Lamborn, an attorney from Jack- 
 sonville. 
 
 When the first of March came he closed the schoolhouse door on 
 his career as a pedagogue and went to Jacksonville where he presented 
 himself before a Justice of the Supreme Court for license to practice 
 law. After a short examination he was duly admitted to the bar of 
 Illinois, even though he still lacked a month of being twenty-one years 
 of age. What he lacked in technical knowledge he planned to make up 
 by experience. 
 
 In Jacksonville Stephen A. Douglass began to give promise of the 
 greatness which was later to be his. He entered into society, was liked 
 by the young people because of his jovial nature. The mothers liked 
 his animation and ready gallantry, while the fathers found him equally 
 responsive on the more serious matters of conversation. One of the first 
 friendships which the young lawyer formed in his new home was with 
 S. S. Brooks, editor of the Jacksonville News. The intimacy which 
 followed this acquaintanceship was of great value to the young man, 
 who needed the advertising which the editor was in a position to give. 
 Their common bond was in their devotion to the fortunes of Andrew 
 Jackson, and together they labored to consolidate the Democratic forces 
 of Morgan County with results which must have surprised even the most 
 sanguine. 
 
 HE ENTERS CAMPAIGN 
 
 The state elections were nearing, and President Jackson's high- 
 handed acts had alarmed many of those who had supported him in 1832. 
 The state election would undoubtedly turn on national issues. The Whigs 
 were noisy, combative, and confident. Largely through the efforts of 
 Brooks and Douglass a mass meeting of the Democrats of Morgan 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 1U5 
 
 County was called, and it was on this occasion that Stephen A. Douglass 
 made his debut on a political stage. A well-known Democrat was to 
 have presented a set of resolutions endorsing the national administra- 
 tion. The courthouse was full to overflowing, with excitement running 
 high, for the opposition within the Democratic party was vehement in 
 its protest to cut and dried resolutions commending Jackson. The afore- 
 said well-known Democrat hesitated to face this audience, and, placing 
 the manuscript in Stephen's hands, asked him to read it. Douglass not 
 only read the resolutions, but he defended them with such vigorous 
 logic and with such caustic criticism of the Whigs and half-hearted 
 Democrats that he carried the meeting with him in a tumultuous ap- 
 proval of the course of Andrew Jackson, past and present. 
 
 DROP LAST LETTER OF NAME 
 
 At the age of twenty-two Stephen A. Douglass was elected by the 
 state Legislature to the office of State's Attorney for the First Judicial 
 District. This was his first reward for his political activities. While 
 he averred that he neither coveted the office nor believed himself fit for 
 it, he accepted, nevertheless. At this time he dropped the superfluous 
 "s" from his name — "for simplicity's sake" — and set out on his judicial 
 circuit. Astride his horse, with a book under his arm, there was little 
 in his face or figure to command attention. He measured scarcely over 
 five feet and weighed less than one hundred ten pounds. His chief asset, 
 however, was a large fund of Yankee shrewdness and good nature. 
 
 His travels over the circuit threw him into contact with a large 
 number of lawyers and also brought him into prominence before the 
 public. Court days were holidays in rural Illinois at that time, and the 
 primitive court rooms were filled to overflowing with the people who 
 flocked in from the surrounding communities. The more his fellow 
 practitioners saw of him, the more respect they had for him. His whole- 
 some frankness disarmed opponents, and his generosity made them 
 fixed friends. 
 
 ADVOCATES CONVENTION SYSTEM 
 
 At this time a new trend in politics was introduced to the people 
 of the state. Heretofore, anyone who desired might announce himself 
 
106 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 ;is a candidate for office, choose his party affiliation, and begin his 
 campaign. It might be that several would announce for the same office, 
 while the opposition would confine itself to one man, who invariably 
 was elected because of the splitting of the vote among the larger number 
 on the opposite ticket. Organization was necessary in order to stop this 
 fault, but organization was abhorrent, because it necessitated the sub- 
 ordination of the individual to the centralized authority of a group. 
 Certain Democrats, foremost among whom was Stephen A. Douglas, 
 took the first step in the effective control of nominations by party in 
 Illinois. With his friend Brooks, of the News, Douglas prevailed upon 
 the Democrats of Morgan County to put themselves on record as favor- 
 ing a state convention to choose delegates to the national convention 
 in 1836. Several other counties adopted the suggestion, and the move- 
 ment culminated in a well-attended convention at Vandalia in April, 
 1835. Among the delegates from Morgan County was young Douglas, 
 and the signs pointed to the fact that he was in league with others to 
 execute some piece of strategy within the party. 
 
 Early in the session it was proposed that the convention should 
 proceed to nominate not only presidential electors but candidates for 
 state offices as well. This provoked a storm of protest, but the next day 
 it was again proposed. Douglas is reported to have said that he had 
 seen the workings of this sort of a convention in New York, and he knew 
 it to be the only way to successfully handle elections. The meeting 
 broke up in disorder, and the party was left with divided counsels. 
 
 DOUGLAS GOES ON TICKET 
 
 A convention was called at Jacksonville which succeeded in nom- 
 inating one candidate for each elective office, and at the same time 
 secured the support of the disappointed aspirants, which under the 
 circumstances was in itself a triumph. The campaign got under way 
 with a great deal of vigor. It was found necessary for some one to be 
 placed on the ticket who was ready and willing and able to debate the 
 questions of the day with the leaders of the Whig Party. One of the 
 nominees for State Representative was persuaded to withdraw, and 
 Douglas was placed on the ticket. The Whigs at once attacked this 
 procedure because Douglas had at one time told his people not to vole 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 107 
 
 for anyone who had not been nominated by caueas. There were stal- 
 wart Democrats who refused to put on "the caueas collar." Douglas 
 and his convention were roundly abused, but the young politician doubt- 
 less replied that the rank and file had not yet become accustomed to 
 the system. 
 
 The campaign was fought in the usual manner. Country stores 
 were subsidized by the candidates and liquor liberally dispensed. The 
 candidate who refused to treat was doomed. To speak from an impro- 
 vised platform — "the stump" — to a boisterous throng of men who had 
 accepted the orator's hospitality at the country store was no matter 
 lightly to be undertaken, but this was the school in which Douglas must 
 train. The election of all but one of the Democratic nominees was hailed 
 as a vindication of the convention. At all events, the value of organiza- 
 tion and discipline had been demonstrated, and the day of the profes- 
 sional politician and of the machine had dawned in the state of Illinois. 
 
 IMPRESSIVE PUBLIC WORKS 
 
 Internal improvements, which were then sweeping the country, had 
 forced many promises of the candidates in this election. The Legisla- 
 ture which met in December of 1836 is perhaps one of the most remark- 
 able in the history of the state. A plan for internal improvement was 
 presented by the young representative from Morgan County. He would 
 have the state complete the Illinois and Michigan Canal and also im- 
 prove the navigation of the Illinois and Wabash Rivers. He would build 
 two railroads, bisecting the state in each direction, and for these 
 purposes he would negotiate a loan for which he would pledge the credit 
 of the state. He would get the interest payments by selling public lands 
 which had been granted by the Federal Government for the purpose of 
 constructing the Illinois and Michigan Canal. This was a very moderate 
 proposal, but there was not the slightest prospect that moderate views 
 would prevail. In the end, a bill was drawn which proposed to appro- 
 priate $10,230,000 for public works. $500,000 of this was for river 
 improvements, and the remainder to be used in the construction of eight 
 railroads. $200,000 was given to those counties through which no rail 
 road nor canal was to pass. 
 
 Douglas was opposed to this mammoth bill, but he knew that his 
 
lUb ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 constituency favored it, and so lie voted for it. This was only a part of 
 the things which the Tenth General Assembly put through. However, 
 there are pleasanter things about it, one of which was the removal of 
 the State Capitol from Vandalia to Springfield. 
 
 REGISTRAR AT SPRINGFIELD 
 
 Soon after the adjournment of the Legislature, Douglas resigned 
 his seat in the House of Representatives and was appointed registrar 
 of the Land Office in Springfield. His advent was noted by the Sangamo 
 Whig- Journal in these words : "The Land Office at this place was opened 
 on Monday last. We are told the Little Man from Morgan was perfectly 
 astonished to find himself making money at the rate of from one to two 
 hundred dollars a day." Evidently this Land Office was doing a thriving 
 business. Douglas was now assured of a competency. Besides, as a 
 resident of Springfield he was in close touch with the politics of the 
 state and could wait until he was again promoted for conspicuous service 
 to his party. 
 
 One of the haunts of young Douglas was the office of the Republican, 
 a Democrat journal then edited by the Webers. He was a welcome 
 visitor, and now and then undoubtedly furnished some editorials which 
 caused comment among the politicians of Springfield. While he was 
 seated in this office one day, the commissioners who were charged with 
 the building of the new State House, having been aggrieved at an attack 
 which the Republican had leveled at them concerning their expenditures, 
 came down to administer a flogging to the editors for the attack. 
 Sheriff Elkins, who seems to have been acting in an unofficial capacity, 
 was stabbed, though not fatally, in this brawl. The Sangamo Journal 
 played it up for all it was worth. However, public attention was diverted 
 by the excitement of a state election. 
 
 DEFENrS PARTY ORGANIZATION 
 
 The leading spirits in the reform movement held frequent consul- 
 tations, and a Democratic state convention was called for December. 
 Committees were appointed and each county was urged to send a dele- 
 gation. On the committee to prepare an address to the voters wns the 
 name of Stephen A. Douglas, and he was the most vigilant defender of 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 109 
 
 the new organization. Before many weeks of the campaign had passed, 
 Douglas was drawn into active service, and he was nominated for 
 Congress, taking precedence over William L. May, who had already 
 served a term in Congress. An experienced public servant had been set 
 aside to gratify the ambition of a stripling, and there was much shaking 
 of heads over the nomination. 
 
 Douglas' Whig opponent was Maj. John Todd Stuart. Douglas was 
 eager to match himself against Stuart, and they started off together in 
 a friendly contest. They often met in joint debate and many times 
 occupied the same quarters at night. The rivals began the canvass good 
 naturedly, but as the campaign wore on gave evidence of increasing 
 irritability. Shortly before the election they met in joint debate in 
 Springfield. In the course of his speech Douglas used language that 
 offended his opponent, and Mr. Stuart, who was six feet tall and heavily 
 built, promptly tucked Douglas' head under his arm and carried him 
 around the square. Tn his efforts to secure his freedom, Douglas seized 
 Stuart's thumb in his month and bit it vigorously, so that the Major 
 carried a scar for many years. 
 
 DOUGLAS IS DEFEATED 
 
 The district was so large, and means of communication so meager 
 that it was several weeks before the results of the election were known, 
 and the Whig candidate was declared to have been elected by a majority 
 of thirty-five votes. Mr. Douglas refused to prosecute a contest and he 
 suffered his first defeat. 
 
 Stephen A. Douglas then returned to his practice of law and formed 
 a partnership with a Springfield attorney bv the name of Urquhart, 
 but as soon as the political pot began to boil he forsook his books, and 
 we find him presiding over a Democratic county convention and lending 
 a hand in the drafting of a platform. In November of 1839 he was 
 called upon to answer a Whig who was making havoc of the Democratic 
 program at a mass meeting at the courthouse, and there he encountered 
 Abraham Lincoln, who was later to become his formidable opponent and 
 who would compass the defeat of his ambitions which even at this time 
 were undonbtedlv form ins; in his mind. Tie was elected chairman of 
 
110 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 the State Central Committee. Processions, torch-light parades, barbe- 
 cues, and other noisy demonstrations of the Whigs were causing the 
 Democrats no end of trouble. These demonstrations could not be lightly 
 dismissed, for they were effective to an alarming degree in winning- 
 votes. This memorable campaign of 1840 won for Stephen A. Douglas 
 the nickname "Little (riant." The victory of Van Buren over Harrison 
 in Illinois was a personal triumph for Douglas, for the Democrats had 
 suffered reverses elsewhere which emphasized the conspicuous fact that 
 Illinois had been saved for the party by organization and leadership. 
 
 BECOMES SECRETARY OF STATE 
 
 In 1840 Stephen A. Douglas was appointed Secretary of State to 
 fill a vacancy. At that time this office was appointive, and the Governor 
 the appointing officer. A Whig had been appointed Secretary several 
 years before, and a Democrat had been elected Governor. Measures 
 were finally set on foot to terminate Secretary Field's term of office by 
 an act of the Legislature, and that gentleman promptly resigning, Gov- 
 ernor Carlin appointed Douglas to fill the vacancy. In 1841, under 
 pressure from the party leaders, a bill to reorganize the Supreme Court 
 was driven through both houses of the Legislature, and at twenty-seven 
 years of age Stephen A. Douglas became one of the new Judges. 
 
 The Mormons, who had been persecuted and driven out of Missouri, 
 had now settled in Xauvoo, which was in the district allotted to young 
 Douglas. Douglas at once became a firm friend, and while the Whigs 
 coquetted with the Mormons, they were never able to overcome the in- 
 fluence which Stephen A. Douglas wielded over Joseph Smith. As a 
 result, the Democratic party was the recipient of the Mormon vote. 
 
 The Democrats had nominated Adam W. Snyder as a candidate for 
 Governor in 1844, but three months before the election he was removed 
 by death, and Judge Thomas Ford was nominated to fill the vacancy in 
 a caucas held in the office of the State Register, in Springfield. Under 
 the guiding hand of Douglas the political game was played adroitly, 
 and the Mormon and anti-Mormon factions were made to feel that the 
 Democratic party was their friend, and Ford was elected Governor. 
 
 Young Douglas next attempted to secure the nomination for the 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 111 
 
 United States Senate. A protracted contest followed in the convention, 
 during which nineteen ballots were taken. Douglas' chief competitor 
 finally secured the nomination of the caucas by a majority of five votes. 
 Meantime, changes were being made in the political map of Illinois. 
 The census of 1840 gave the state seven Congressmen, and a reappor- 
 tionment act was expected from the next Legislature. A gerrymander 
 was the outcome. Friends of Stephen A. Douglas saw to it that a 
 desirable district was carved out which included the most populous 
 counties in his judicial circuit. A convention was called to meet at 
 (Jriggsville, in Pike County, following the passage of the Reapportion- 
 ment Act, and on the second ballot Judge Douglas was nominated as 
 the candidate of the party for Congress. 
 
 ELECTED TO CONGRESS 
 
 At first Douglas made a show of declining the nomination but 
 yielded to the urgent solicitation of friends who made him believe he was 
 the only Democrat who could carry the district. He burned his bridges 
 behind him, resigned his office, and plunged into the thick of the battle. 
 
 His opponent was 0. II. Browning, a Kentuckian by birth. The can- 
 vass was short, and Douglas so overworked himself that when election 
 day came he was put to bed with a fever, from which he did not fully 
 recover for months. Douglas had a majority of four hundred sixty-one 
 votes, and this cheering news hastening his convalescence, he went to 
 visit his mother at Canandaigua, thus fulfilling his declaration when he 
 left there in 1833. He had every reason to be well satisfied with himself. 
 A new chapter in his career was now opening. He was a Congressman 
 at the age of thirtv. 
 
 *r> v 
 
 WANTED CANADA ANNEXED 
 
 Mr. Douglas entered Congress for the first time in 1843. He was 
 re-elected each biennium until 1846, when he made the race for Senator 
 and was elected to that office for the term of six years. 
 
 During his service in the House of Representatives lie was found 
 fighting for the principles of extension of the territory of the United 
 States. He opposed the joint occupancy of the Oregon Territorv with 
 England and was heard manv times to make the statement that he honed 
 
112 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 to see the day when England would be driven from the North American 
 continent and the United States extend from the Isthmus to the Arctic 
 Ocean, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific. He opposed the recommen- 
 dation that the northern boundary of this nation be set at the forty- 
 ninth degree and used all his energies to secure the passage of the 
 measure demanding that it be set at 54° 40.' 
 
 He was also found trying in every way to secure the perpetuation 
 of the Union by keeping the slavery question within its own bounds. He 
 was particualrly interested also in the securing of assistance from the 
 Federal Government for the State of Illinois, especially in the granting 
 of public lands to the Illinois Central Railroad. 
 
 AT ODDS ON SLAVERY 
 
 On the matter of slavery, Mr. Douglas was ever at odds with many 
 of his fellow members in Congress. He even now was looking toward 
 the time when he might become President. Slavery was not profitable 
 in the northern states, and the South was well aware of this fact. But 
 Texas was clamoring for admission, Kansas was being bombarded with 
 settlers demanding admission to the Union, border warfare was rampant 
 in that state, and the Lawrence Massacre had set the nation by the ears. 
 Every northern Abolitionist was demanding the overthrow of the right 
 of the South to traffic in human lives. Mr. Douglas tried to placate both 
 factions at every turn. 
 
 Mr. Douglas was the first exponent of the great principle which 
 became so much a debatable ground in later years — that of "Squatter 
 Sovereignty." This question was of vast importance in his own state. 
 IIMiois was settled in the southern part largely by immigrants from 
 Kentucky, Georgia, Tennessee and the Carolinas, while the northern 
 part was settled by those from the New England States, New York, 
 Ohio, and Pennsylvania. There was bitter antagonism between the 
 sections. The settlement of the boundary line between Wisconsin and 
 Illinois was one of the things which caused the young statesman much 
 trouble. The original line as established by the Ordinance of 1787 bi- 
 sected the state at the southern bend of Lake Michigan. But Congress 
 had set the boundary at its present location, much to the chagrin of the 
 northern tier of counties. Illinois was a debt-ridden state, while Wis- 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 113 
 
 cousin was as yet unburdened. The northern contingent naively stated 
 this fact as one reason why they should be permitted to vote on the 
 question of which state they wished to enter. This was causing - the 
 politicians much trouble. The northern part was aligned against the 
 southern, and an election was coming on which might endanger the 
 status of the political parties. Douglas set himself to settle this question. 
 
 MOVES TO CHICAGO 
 
 In 1847 he had moved to Chicago, and, forseeing the future of this 
 lake city, purchased real estate in the city. The Illinois Central Railroad 
 was being fostered. He saw that the original proposal of the route from 
 Galena to Cairo was too sectional and doubtless could not be forced 
 through Congress, but by tying the line to Chicago he saw the possibility 
 of securing large grants of national domain to the railroad, and to this 
 end he toured the state. During the next session of Congress he suc- 
 ceeded in getting the measure through the Senate, but it was defeated 
 in the House by the opposition of the Southern and Eastern repre- 
 sentatives. Thereupon Douglas went on a trip through the South. He 
 stopped at Mobile and there met certain railroad interests who were 
 in dire straits. He proposed the coalition of their interests and met 
 with a ready response. 
 
 In 1850 when he again presented his Illinois Central land grant 
 bill, he had the support of these men from the Middle South, and the 
 great trunk line from the Gulf to the Lake's w T as made possible. On 
 September 17, 1850, the House passed the measure by a vote of one 
 hundred one to seventy-five, and the Illinois Central Railroad came into 
 its own. This action seemed to quell the distaste of the northern part of 
 the state for the South and began to heal the bad feeling that had 
 grown to be such a bugbear to the Senator from Illinois. His vision had 
 been vindicated, and the influence of this man on the state of Illinois 
 can never be rightly valued. 
 
 FOUGHT FOR WHAT HE WANTED 
 
 Douglas was of that school which fought for what it wanted. When 
 he returned to Chicago after the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law he 
 found the city in an uproar. Douglas had been called to Xew York on 
 
114 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 private business when this bill was in debate. He had been promised 
 that it would not be called while he was absent. While dining with some 
 friends from Illinois he was informed that the bill had been ordered 
 engrossed for a third reading. He at once left his business unfinished 
 and returned to Washington, where he found that the bill had passed. 
 However, some of his opponents had started the story that he had side- 
 stepped the issue by his trip to New York. Chicago was radically anti- 
 slave. He therefore was astonished to find the sentiment so strongly 
 against him. Learning of a mass meeting to be held that evening, he 
 determined to meet his detractors and refute their charges. He went 
 to the meeting, mounted the platform, and publicly announced that he 
 would speak from the same platform on the next evening and explain 
 his stand. He was greeted with hisses and jeers but secured an adjourn- 
 ment until he could make his statement. He fought his battle, and when 
 the smoke had cleared he introduced a series of resolutions which ex- 
 pressed the obligation of all good citizens to uphold the Constitution 
 and all laws duly enacted by Congress in pursuance of the Constitution. 
 Tt was passed without a dissenting vote, and Douglas had turned a 
 defeat into victory. 
 
 THAT FAMOUS CONTEST 
 
 In 1858 Mr. Douglas again went before his constituency with his 
 claims for re-election, and his opponent was the lank, homelv Abraham 
 Lincoln. Douglas knew Lincoln of old and realized that he had a hard 
 fight on his hands for the office he then held. He had also been advanced 
 in 1856 by a groui) known as "Young America" as the Democratic 
 candidate for the Presidency, the plum for which he was steadilv work- 
 ing, but a coalition of events had made it impossible for him to bo nom- 
 inated at this time. He then plunged into the battle in Illinois to be 
 returned to the Senate. Douglas and Lincoln debated the ouestious of 
 the hour over the most of the state. There is no need to enter into the 
 details of this memorable campaign. Everyone has read of the addresses 
 given during this series of debates and knows how first Douglas and 
 then Lincoln would score in the hustings. But Douglas was still the 
 great Democratic leader in the nation as well as his own state. While 
 the Republicans elected their candidates for treasurer and superintend- 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 115 
 
 ent of public instruction; the Democrats were able to maintain a majority 
 on joint ballot in the Legislature, and Douglas was re-elected to the 
 Senate. 
 
 Then began more years of vigorous attempts on the part of Douglas 
 and others to keep the slavery question in the background. But this was 
 to no avail. The black problem would not down. The Southern wing- 
 was absolutely certain that there must be further territory in which 
 slavery would be legalized, while the Abolitionists and the Northern 
 Democrats were for keeping it where it was or abolishing it altogether. 
 In these debates Douglas entered with his usual vigor. He was a forceful 
 speaker and drew no lines as to the question. His every purpose was to 
 placate the South and at the same time keep the North where he could 
 command their respect and win the Presidency. 
 
 CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENCY 
 
 Then came the memorable campaign of 1860. Douglas was again a 
 candidate for the Democratic nomination, his third attempt at the pluck- 
 ing of the plum. The convention was held in Charleston, South ( Carolina. 
 The party was sadly at odds over the eternal question of slavery. In 
 order to hold their own in the North it was necessary for those above 
 the Mason and Dixon line to see to it that the platform was so worded 
 that there could be no chance for argument about the spread of the 
 traffic. To those in the South there was the same determination to see 
 to it that such a plank was not inserted. On this issue the great battle 
 started. Douglas' leaders had made a good fight and the minority report 
 of the platform committee was adopted. It was stated in the convention 
 that the fate of the Democratic party and the preservation of (he Union 
 depended upon is adoption and by weight of argument was carried. 
 Upon its adoption Alabama withdrew, followed by Mississippi, Louis- 
 iana, South Carolina, Florida, Texas and Arkansas. The remainder 
 of the convention delegates, lacking the requisite two-thirds majority 
 necessary for a nomination, adjourned, after a few futile ballots in which 
 Douglas led his opponents, to meet in Baltimore. Meanwhile the Re- 
 publicans had nominated Abraham Lincoln to lead their battle forces. 
 
116 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 ARGUES WITH DAVIS 
 
 Between the dissolution of the Charleston convention and the recon- 
 vening at Baltimore, Douglas canvassed the situation and hot words 
 were passed between the leaders of the South, headed by Jefferson 
 Davis, and Douglas, in which he stated his belief that the South was 
 headed for dismemberment of the Union. To this charge Davis re- 
 sponded that it was not a truth. No Northern Democrat could accept a 
 nomination on a Southern platform, and no Southerner would accept 
 such a place with a plank dictated by the North. So matters stood when 
 the convention met again. 
 
 The situation was further complicated by the return of some of the 
 seceding delegates demanding admission. Some states had sent contest- 
 ing delegations, and a five days' battle ensued which finally narrowed 
 down to the vote of the New York delegation of thirty-five votes. Douglas 
 wrote to Dean Richmond: "If my enemies are determined to divide and 
 destroy the party, and perhaps the country, rather than see me elected, 
 and if the unity of the party can be preserved, and its ascendancy per- 
 petuated by dropping my name and uniting upon some reliable non- 
 intervention and Union-loving Democrat, I beseech you in consultation 
 with my friends, to pursue that course which will save the country, 
 without regard to my individual interests.'" On the third ballot Douglas 
 was nominated and the Southern Democracy was alienated from him 
 by the platform fight. They met in another convention and nominated 
 John C. Breckinridge for the Presidencv. 
 
 •,-.' 
 
 DEFEATED BY LINCOLN 
 
 The division of the Democracy could have but one result. Douglas 
 was to taste defeat again, this time at the hands of his lanky antagonist 
 from his own state, Abraham Lincoln. One thing was certain in all of 
 his addresses. Whenever he was asked as to his attitude if Mr. Lincoln 
 were elected and the South persisted in its objective' of withdrawal from 
 the Union, Mr. Douglas always replied that he stood for the preservation 
 of the nation and would use every power at his command to force the 
 South to remain. And he was true to his word. He it was who stood 
 at the right hand of President Lincoln and held his hat while he received 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 117 
 
 the oath of office and made his address, and he it was who at all times 
 stood back of the President in every effort to preserve the Union. 
 
 His defeat, together with the rigorous life he had lived, combined 
 to shorten his days. In the spring of 1861 he returned to Chicago where 
 he became ill, and on June 3rd, the soul of a great man and patriot passed 
 on. To the last he would fight for the Union; even in his delirium he 
 would make some assertion that the nation must be preserved. His last 
 word to his boys, Robert and Stephen, was: "Tell them to obey the laws 
 and support the Constitution of the United States." 
 
 Mr. Douglas was twice married. In 1847 he was united with Martha 
 Denny Martin, of Rockingham County, North Carolina. To them three 
 children were born : Robert Martin and Stephen Arnold, and a daughter 
 who died in infancy shortly after the death of the mother, which occurred 
 January 23, 1853. 
 
 His second marriage was to Miss Adele Cutts, of Washington. To 
 them one daughter was born, who, too, died in infancy. 
 
 AN EVER-EVENTFUL LIFE 
 
 Thus we come to the close of a truly eventful life, and one that had 
 much to do with the formative period of the great nation and the great 
 state of which we are a part. Stephen Arnold Douglas was a Democrat 
 first, last and all the time, and his every thought was for the proper 
 aggrandizement of that party as well as his own ascendancy. His life 
 has left an impress upon the party in Illinois such as no other man has 
 ever exerted. His preceptor was Andrew Jackson, the "Old Hickory" 
 of New Orleans fame, and his life was patterned after the hero of his 
 dreams. Thus we leave him to his fame. On the shores of the beautiful 
 lake in the city where he last made his home, his ashes are interred, and 
 his tomb is a shrine of Democracv the nation over. 
 
WILLIAM R. MORRISON 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 121 
 
 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY KEEPS 
 
 UP ITS COURAGE DURING 
 DAYS OF CIVIL WAR DRAMA 
 
 The not unnatural presumption made by so many, that the Illinois 
 Democracy Avas in more or less of a panic during the Civil War period, 
 is not apparent to the one that closely will study the record. 
 
 As a matter of fact, there is more evidence of temporary lack of 
 the Illinois Democracy's traditional courage in the so-called reconstruc- 
 tion period that followed the Civil War than during the actual years of 
 conflict. 
 
 That the Illinois Democracy still was a fighting organization from 
 1860 on, is shown by the fact that Abraham Lincoln carried his own 
 state by the scant plurality of 11,966 votes the first time he ran, and by 
 only 30,795 plurality in his second race. 
 
 In 1860, the elder Yates won the governorship from James C. 
 Allen, Democratic nominee, with only 12,94.3 votes to spare. 
 
 LINCOLN LOST SANGAMON 
 
 Considering the 1860 and 1864 campaigns, it is interesting to note 
 that Abraham Lincoln lost his home county of Sangamon, wherein his 
 immortal remains now rest, in each of his presidential races. 
 In November 1860, the Sangamon vote was: 
 
 Douglas 3.598 
 
 Lincoln 3,556 
 
 Bell 130 
 
 Breckenridge 77 
 
 During the crucial four years that followed, Lincoln appears to 
 have lost rather than gained popularity in the vicinity of the Illinois 
 capitol, for the Sangamon vote in 1864 was: 
 
 McClePan 3,945 
 
 Lincoln 3.565 
 
122 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 That peculiar quirk of politics by which the county wherein is 
 located the Illinois capitol, goes against the administration in power, 
 has been demonstrated in many elections since that time. 
 
 DEMOCRATS WON IN 1862 
 
 With the Civil War almost at its height in November 1862, the 
 Illinois Democracy put over its candidate for state treasurer, Alexander 
 Starne, of Springfield, by a plurality of 16,666 votes. 
 
 That same year it also elected its nominee for superintendent of 
 public instruction, the able John P. Brooks — the first time, by the way, 
 that it ever obtained control of that important office through an election. 
 
 A DEMOCRATIC BLUNDER 
 
 Viewed in retrospect, one of the few really serious blunders made 
 by the Illinois Democracy, was on June 15, 1864, when, at the Spring- 
 field state convention, the party voted a plank denouncing the conduct 
 of the war by the Lincoln administration, declaring that war a failure, 
 and demanding prompt cessation of hostilities. 
 
 The plank had been adopted in the face of much opposition, and 
 was said to have been inserted against the advice of William A. Hacker, 
 chairman of the convention, Alexander Starne, Isaac R. Diller, Charles 
 A. Lanphier and other party leaders of that era. 
 
 SPELT DEFEAT FOR MORRISON 
 
 That "stop firing" demand in the party platform was seized on by 
 many Republican orators, that year, and is said to have been respon- 
 sible for the defeat of the great William R. Morrison for congress, 
 in the twelfth district. 
 
 He lost to John Baker, Republican nominee, by only 12 votes. 
 
 That ill-advised plank rose to haunt the party — and to help defeat 
 it! — in many subsequent campaigns. 
 
 It was quoted and denounced in vitriolic language by "Fire Alarm" 
 Foraker, of Ohio, in an address at Chicago, as late as the campaign 
 vear 1888. 
 
MELVILLE W. FULLER 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 125 
 
 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTIONS 
 FROM CIVIL WAR PERIOD 
 UNTIL CAMPAIGN OF 1878 
 
 The twelfth Democratic State convention assembled in Spring-field 
 on September 10, 1862, and was called to order by Virgil Hickox, chair- 
 man of the state central committee. 
 
 Alexander Starne of Springfield, formerly of Pike county, was 
 nominated for state treasurer, John P. Brooks for superintendent of 
 public instruction, and James C. Allen for congressman-at-large. 
 
 Despite the darker days which were falling on their party, all were 
 successful in the ensuing election. 
 
 The committee appointed by the convention to choose members of 
 the state central body, reported the following list : 
 
 At large — John Moore, chairman; William C. Goudy, and H. K. S. 
 'Melveny. 
 
 First district — George L. Kimberly. 
 
 Second district — E. D. Marsh. 
 
 Third district— H. W. Foltz. 
 
 Fourth district — James X. Pitman. 
 
 Fifth district— Peter Sweet. 
 
 Sixth district — John L. MeCormack. 
 
 Seventh district — W. D. Latshaw. 
 
 Eighth district — George Judd. 
 
 Ninth district — John Hill. 
 
 Tenth district — Anthony Thornton. 
 
 Eleventh district — George H. Varnell. 
 
 Twelfth district — "William Kempt. 
 
 Thirteenth district — John G. Powell. 
 
 The first chairman of this committee was John Moore. He died 
 in September, 18G.3 and was succeeded by Isaac R. Diller. 
 
126 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 THE FIRST 1864 CONVENTION 
 
 Amid all the bitterness of the Civil War, the thirteenth Democratic 
 State convention met in Springfield on call of the state committee, June 
 15, 1864, to choose delegates to the national convention of their party 
 which was to be held at Chicago on August 29, and to nominate candi- 
 dates for presidential electors. 
 
 The chairman of the convention, William A. Hacher, was instructed 
 by that body to appoint the state committee for tlu- ensuing year, and he 
 selected the following. 
 
 At large — Alexander Starne, Charles H. Lanphier, and Isaac R. 
 Diller. 
 
 First district— Timothy S. Fetch. 
 
 Second district — B. F. Parks. 
 
 Third district— F. B. Stiles. 
 
 Fourth district— J. B. Danforth. 
 
 Fifth district— George W. Stipp. 
 
 Sixth district — John Hise. 
 
 Seventh district — Henry Prather. 
 
 Eighth district — George Judd. 
 
 Ninth district — S. Corning Judd. 
 
 Tenth district — H. M. Vandever. 
 
 Eleventh district — R. W. Town send. 
 
 Twelfth district — John J. Mitchell. 
 
 Thirteenth district — N. R. Casey. 
 
 The committee organized with the election of Isaac R. Diller as 
 chairman, and George Judd as secretary. 
 
 SECOND 1864 CONVENTION 
 
 The fourteenth Democratic State convention, the second of the year, 
 met in Springfield, September 6, 1864. The following state ticket was 
 nominated. 
 
 For governor — James C. Robinson, of Clark county. 
 
 For lieutenant governor — S. Corning Judd, of Fulton. 
 
 For auditor of public accounts — John Hise. 
 
 For treasurer — Alexander Starne. 
 
 For secretarv of state — William A. Turnev. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 127 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction — John P. Brooks. 
 No change was made in the personnel of the state central committee. 
 Despite the counter interest of civil strife, an active campaign was 
 conducted, and the party meetings were well attended. 
 The whole ticket, however, went down to defeat. 
 
 GENERAL McCLERNAND PRESIDES 
 
 The fifteenth Democratic State convention met in Springfield, 
 August 29, 1866 and, after being called to order by Isaac R. Diller, 
 chairman of the state central committee, John A. McClernand of Spring- 
 field, was introduced as permanent chairman. 
 
 McClernand had been one of 111111018' greatest and bravest figures 
 in the Civil War, and the ovation which greeted him on his assumption 
 of the gavel was tremendous and long continued. 
 
 Nominees of the convention were as follows : 
 
 For state treasurer — Gen. Jesse J. Phillips. 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction — Col. John M. Crebs. 
 
 For congressman-at-large — Col. T. Lyle Dickey. 
 
 The state committee, appointed by the convention, was as follows: 
 
 At large— John A. McClernand, Elliot B. Herndon, and R. E. 
 Gooclell. 
 
 First district — David A. Gage. 
 
 Second district — W. H. Gillman. 
 
 Third district — Louis Schisler. 
 
 Fourth district — W. A. Richardson. 
 
 Fifth district — Tames J. Herron. 
 
 Sixth district — Alonzo Leech. 
 
 Seventh district — John Donlon. 
 
 Eighth district— R. B. M. Wilson. 
 
 Ninth district — L. W. James. 
 
 Tenth district — Cyrus Epler. 
 
 Eleventh district — James C. Robinson. 
 
 Twelfth district- — George B. Burnett. 
 
 Thirteenth district — John Q. Harmon. 
 
 The issues principally discussed during the' campaign of 1866 re- 
 lated to the work of reconstructing those states that recently had been 
 
128 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 in rebellion and, despite the large attendance and the enthusiasm which 
 had greeted McClernand and other notables of the gathering, a feeling 
 of hopelessness as to party success was apparent among the delegates. 
 
 THE 1868 CONVENTION 
 
 The sixteenth Democratic state convention met at Springfield, April 
 15, 1868, being called to order by (Jen. McClernand as chairman of the 
 state central body. 
 
 Anthony L. Thornton was chosen permanent chairman. 
 
 The following state ticket was nominated. 
 
 For governor — John R. Eden, of Sullivan. 
 
 For lieutenant governor — William H. Van Epps. 
 
 For secretary of state — Gustavus Van Hoorbecke. 
 
 For treasurer — Jesse J. Phillips. 
 
 For auditor of public accounts — John R. Shannon. 
 
 For attorney-general — Robert E. Williams. 
 
 For congressman-at-large — William W. 0. Brian. 
 
 Candidates for presidential electors also were chosen, as were dele- 
 gates to the national convention which was to be held at New York City, 
 beginning July 4. 
 
 The state central committee chosen was as follows: 
 
 At large — John A. McClernand, Edward L. Merritt, and John 
 Oberly. 
 
 First district — George S. Kimberly. 
 
 Second district — William M. Case. 
 
 Third district— J. E. McFarren. 
 
 Fourth district — Thomas Redmond. 
 
 Fifth district— H. F. Baldwin. 
 
 Sixth district — William M. Steele. 
 
 Seventh district — Simeon H. Bnsey. 
 
 Eighth district — Jefferson A. Davis. 
 
 Ninth district — Edward Lanning. 
 
 Tenth district — John T. Springer. 
 
 Eleventh district — Charles Gordon Smith. 
 
 Twelfth district— S. M. Kase. 
 
 Thirteenth district— John H. Oberlv. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 129 
 
 THE CONVENTION OF 1870 
 
 The seventeenth Democratic state convention met in the Opera 
 House at Springfield, June 15, 1870. 
 
 Col. John Dement was chosen permanent chairman and, despite the 
 comparatively lowly state to which the party had fallen, there was con- 
 siderable, but friendly, rivalry for the nominations which finally were 
 made as follows: 
 
 For state treasurer — Charles Ridgely. 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction — Charles Fiense. 
 
 For congressman-at-large — Gen. William B. Anderson. 
 
 Candidates for penitentiary commissioners also were nominated. 
 
 MELVILLE W. FULLER ON LIST 
 
 The personnel of the state central committee chosen by the con- 
 vention of 1870 is notable for the fact that the first name reported was 
 that of Melville W. Fuller, then comparatively new T to the public gaze, 
 but later destined to be chief justice of the United States and famed 
 as one of the greatest lawyers in the history of Illinois. 
 
 The committee consisted of : 
 
 First district— Melville W. Fuller. 
 
 Second district — A. M. Harrington. 
 
 Third district — William Shannon. 
 
 Fourth district — George Edmunds. 
 
 Fifth district— B. W. Seaton. 
 
 Sixth district — William Hanley. 
 
 Seventh district — John W. Smith. 
 
 Eighth district— Edward L. Merritt. 
 
 Ninth district — A. A. Glenn. 
 
 Tenth district— A. T. Hall. 
 
 Eleventh district — J. R. Robinson. 
 
 Twelfth district — S. A. Buckmaster. 
 
 Thirteenth district — William H. Green. 
 
 The committee organized by the selection of Albert G. Burr, of 
 Carrollton, as chairman, and George S. Kimberly, as secretary. 
 
130 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 CONVENTION IN MERGER 
 
 The eighteenth Democratic state convention, which assembled at 
 the Opera House in Springfield on June 26, 1872, is notable in that it 
 witnessed a merger with a wing of the Republican party in the naming 
 of candidates. 
 
 The convention was called to order by Chairman Burr of the state 
 committee, and Hon. James C. Allen was introduced as permanent pre- 
 siding officer. 
 
 A feeling of optimism marked the spirit of the gathering because 
 the news of the merger had been quite generally circulated, and it was 
 thought that such coalition would serve to bring Democrats back to 
 those official positions, which formerly had been regarded as their birth- 
 right, but from which they now had been dislodged. 
 
 A committee on conference was appointed to meet with a like body 
 from the Liberal Republican state convention which also was in session 
 in Springfield, and to report candidates for the different state offices, 
 on a "share-and-share-alike" basis. 
 
 General McClernand was chairman of the conference committee 
 which, after lengthy discussions, reported that the following list of 
 state candidates had been agreed to: 
 
 For governor — Gustavus P. Koerner (Liberal Republican). 
 
 For lieutenant governor — John C. Black (Democrat). 
 
 For secretary of state — Edward M. Rummel (Liberal Republican). 
 
 For auditor of public accounts — Daniel O'Hara (Democrat). 
 
 For treasurer — Charles H. Lanphier (Democrat). 
 
 For attorney-general — Lawrence Weldon (Liberal Republican). 
 
 Mr. "Weldon declined the nomination which had been tendered him, 
 and John V. Eustace (Liberal Republican) was substituted on the 
 ticket. 
 
 The report was enthusiastically approved by the convention, which 
 also named candidates for clerks of the supreme court in three grand 
 divisions of the state. 
 
 Delegates also were chosen to the Democratic national convention 
 which had been called to meet at Baltimore on the following July 9. 
 
 The merged ticket thus nominated by the two conventions was 
 
GENERAL JOHN C. BLACK 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 133 
 
 known as the "Democratic-Liberal Republican" ticket and, at the be- 
 ginning of the campaign was regarded as having sufficient strength 
 to carry it on to victory. 
 
 Personally, all the nominees were popular with the people. 
 
 But no such popular wave met the nomination of Horace Greeley, 
 at Baltimore, a few weeks later and the defeat of the coalition ticket in 
 Illinois largely is attributed to that fact. 
 
 The state central committee nominated by the June 1872 conven- 
 tion was as follows : 
 
 At large' — James C. Robinson, of Springfield, and Cyrus H. Mc- 
 Cormick, of Chicago. 
 
 First district — George S. Kimberly. 
 Second district — A. C. Storey. 
 Third district — Thomas Schintz. 
 Fourth district— J. S. Ticknor. 
 Fifth district— W. 0. Wright. 
 Sixth district— C. Seech. 
 Seventh district — J. G. Ellwood. 
 Eighth district— W. S. Cook. 
 Ninth district— AY. T. Dowdall. 
 Tenth district — W. R. Hamilton. 
 Eleventh district — A. A. Glenn. 
 Twelfth district— E. L. Merritt. 
 Thirteenth district — Silas Beson. 
 Fourteenth district — J. R. Cunningham. 
 Fifteenth district — E. Barrett. 
 Sixteenth district— W. A. J. Sparks. 
 Seventeenth district — S. P. Wilcox. 
 Eighteenth district — AY. H. Green. 
 Nineteenth district — Charles Carroll. 
 
 Hon. Cyrus H. McCormick, of Chicago, one of the most distin- 
 guished men in the history of that city, and of the state, was elected 
 chairman of the central committee with Edward L. Merritt, of Spring- 
 field, secretary. 
 
134 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 "FREE SILVER" APPEARS ON SCENE 
 
 The nineteenth Democratic state convention, which assembled in 
 Springfield on August 26, 1874, was notable in that it was one of the 
 first to insert a free silver plank. 
 
 The convention was called to order by Judge W. H. Green, a mem- 
 ber of the committee, in the absence of Chairman Cyrus McCormick. 
 
 In its official call, the state central body had departed from all early 
 practice by embodying a proposed party platform in view of the gather- 
 ing of the delegates. 
 
 It is understood that this platform had been the work of E. L. 
 Merritt, at that time secretary of the committee, and one of the best 
 known and most progressive of Springfield Democrats. 
 
 The proposed platform as included in the call, read as follows : 
 
 "All voters of the State who desire to promote the following pur- 
 poses, are invited to join in sending delegates to this convention. 
 
 "First. The restoration of gold and silver, as the basis of the 
 currency of the country; the speedy resumption of specie payments, 
 and the payment of all national indebtedness in the money recognized 
 by the civilized world. 
 
 "Second. Free commerce. 
 
 "Third. Individual liberty, and opposition to sumptuary laws. 
 
 "Fourth. Rigid restriction of the governments, both state and 
 national, to the legitimate domain of their political power, by excluding 
 therefrom all executive and legislative intermeddling with the affairs 
 of society whereby monopolies are fostered, privileged classes aggran- 
 dized, and individual freedom unnecessarily and oppressively re- 
 strained. 
 
 "Fifth. The right and duty of the State to protect its citizens 
 from extortion and unjust discrimination by chartered monopolies." 
 
 ENTHUSIASM FOR PALMER 
 
 Former Governor John M. Palmer of Springfield, later United 
 States senator, was given a tremendous ovation when he was intro- 
 duced to the convention as its permanent chairman. 
 
 R. E. Goodell was secretary. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 135 
 
 For the second time in party history, the convention nominated a 
 "merged ticket," the candidates being: 
 
 For state treasurer — Charles Carroll, of Shawneetown. 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction — Samuel M. Etter. 
 
 Mr. Etter previously had been nominated for the same office by 
 a convention of what was then known as the "Anti-Monopoly" party. 
 
 The Democrats appeared to have supported both Mr. Carroll and 
 Mr. Etter, but the former does not seem to have received like treatment 
 of the Anti-Monopoly adherents. 
 
 Etter was elected but Carroll was defeated by Thomas S. Eidgway, 
 the Republican nominee. 
 
 Members of the state central committee as chosen by the conven- 
 tion were : 
 
 At large — N. B. Miller, R. W. Townsend, and William Brown. 
 
 First district — Egbert Jamieson. 
 
 Second district — William J. Inahan. 
 
 Third district— F. H. 0. Winston. 
 
 Fourth district — A. M. Harrington. 
 
 Fifth district— William P. Wright. 
 
 Sixth district — J. S. Drake. 
 
 Seventh district — George W. Ravens. 
 
 Eighth district — Washington E. Cook. 
 
 Ninth district — Charles P. King. 
 
 Tenth district — David E. Head. 
 
 Eleventh district — J. M. Bush. 
 
 Twelfth district— Edward L. Merritt. 
 
 Thirteenth district — John A. Mallory. 
 
 Fourteenth district — J. H. Busby. 
 
 Fifteenth district — N. 0. Robinson. 
 
 Sixteenth district — C. D. Hoiles. 
 
 Seventeenth district — W. H. Krome. 
 
 Eighteenth district — William H. Green. 
 
 Nineteenth district — James P. Robinson. 
 
 The state central committee organized by the election of Hon. 
 William Brown, of Jacksonville, as chairman, and E. L. Merritt, of 
 Springfield, as secretary. 
 
136 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 FIRST CONVENTION OF 1876 
 
 The twentieth Democratic state convention met, in the new State 
 House in Springfield, June 22, 1876, for the purpose of electing dele- 
 gates to the national gathering. 
 
 Hon. A. G. Burr was elected chairman and, afterward, the tem- 
 porary organization was made permanent. 
 
 Other than the choosing of the delegates and alternates to the 
 St. Louis convention, which was to assemble five days later, little busi- 
 ness was transacted and no change was made in the state central 
 committee. 
 
 SECOND CONVENTION OF 1876 
 
 The twenty-first Democratic state convention and the second of the 
 year, met in Springfield, July 27, 1876, to nominate candidates for 
 state offices. 
 
 The convention was called to order by Chairman Brown, of the 
 state central committee with Hon. James C. Allen chosen as permanent 
 chairman. 
 
 A state ticket was nominated as follows: 
 
 For governor — Lewis Steward, of Kendall county. 
 
 For lieutenant governor — Archibald A. Glenn, of Brown county. 
 
 For secretary of state — Stephen G. Thornton. 
 
 For auditor of public accounts — John Hise. 
 
 For state treasurer — George Gundlach. 
 
 For attorney-general — Edmund Lynch. 
 
 Nominations also were made of candidates for presidential elec- 
 tors, and the convention appointed the following state central com- 
 mittee : 
 
 At large— C. H. McCormick, C. D. Hoiles, J. B. Mann, W. K. 
 Murphy, A. P. Godard, and B. F. Bergen. 
 
 First district— R. E. Goodell. 
 
 Second district — Thomas E. Courtney. 
 
 Third district — Thomas Shirley. 
 
 Fourth district — Richard Bishop. 
 
 Fifth district— F. H. Marsh. 
 
 Sixth district — J. S. Drake. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 137 
 
 Seventh district — W. A. Steele. 
 
 Eighth district— J. Duff. 
 
 Ninth district— AY. T. Davidson. 
 
 Tenth district — George Edmunds. 
 
 Eleventh district — J. M. Bush. 
 
 Twelfth district— H. P. Shumway. 
 
 Thirteenth district— J. A. Mallory. 
 
 Fourteenth district — John W. Smith. 
 
 Fifteenth district — W. A. Cochrane. 
 
 Sixteenth district — L. B. Parsons. 
 
 Seventeenth district — H. C. Gerke. 
 
 Eighteenth district— T. F. Bouton. 
 
 Nineteenth district — S. Z. Landes. 
 
 The state central committee organized with the election of Cyrus 
 H. McCormick of Chicago, as chairman, and Thomas Shirley as 
 secretary. 
 
 PARTY ENTHUSIASM RESTORED 
 
 The party nominees for governor and for auditor also were can- 
 didates on the so-called "Greenback ticket" and the campaign in behalf 
 of all the Democratic nominees was carried on with new vigor. 
 
 The presidential standard bearers, Tilden and Hendricks, were 
 very popular with the masses and the enthusiasms of earlier years 
 were again in evidence. 
 
 But the ticket went down to defeat in an election in which Tilden 
 and Hendricks received a majority of the popular vote of the country 
 but, by political chicanery, were kept out of the offices. 
 
 CONVENTION OF 1878 
 
 The twenty-second Democratic state convention was held at the 
 capitol in Springfield, April 11, 1878. 
 
 M. W. Robinson, of Cook county, the Democracy which now was 
 making its presence very manifest in Democratic state circles, was 
 selected as permanent chairman. 
 
 The nominees selected were : 
 
 For state treasurer — Edward L. Cronkrite, of Freeport. 
 
138 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction — Samuel M. Etter, the 
 incumbent. 
 
 The state central committee selected was as follows : 
 
 At large — John Forsyth, John M. Crebs, Alfred Orendorff, Charles 
 Dunham, William K. Murphy, and Andrew J. Fryer. 
 
 First district — H. F. Sheridan. 
 
 Second district — Thomas E. Courtney. 
 
 Third district— F. H. Winston. 
 
 Fourth district — H. R. Enoch. 
 
 Fifth district— F. H. Marsh. 
 
 Sixth district— J. S. Drake. 
 
 Seventh district — C. Zarley. 
 
 Eighth district — G. C. Harrington. 
 
 Ninth district — W. T. Davidson. 
 
 Tenth district— W. C. Hooker. 
 
 Eleventh district — J. M. Bush. 
 
 Twelfth district— T. W. McNeely. 
 
 Thirteenth district — J. B. Irwin. 
 
 Fourteenth district — E. A. Barringer. 
 
 Fifteenth district — W. A. Cochrane. 
 
 Sixteenth district — Lewis B. Parsons. 
 
 Seventeenth district — F. W. Coppinger. 
 
 Eighteenth district — T. F. Bouton. 
 
 Nineteenth district — F. Pace. 
 
 The state central committee organized by the election of Hon. 
 Thomas W. McNeely, of Petersburg, as chairman, and Alfred Oren- 
 dorff, of Springfield, as secretary. 
 
HENRY W. CLENDENIN 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 141 
 
 STATE CONVENTIONS 
 OF ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 DURING THE "EIGHTIES" 
 
 The enduring fiber of the Illinois Democracy never was more con- 
 vincingly shown than in the days of the "eighties"— days which had 
 their bright spot for the party, as a national body, in the election of 
 Cleveland and Hendricks in 1884, but which offered "little to write 
 home about" to Democrats of our own state. 
 
 Yet, every two years, in the face of repeated defeats, the Democracy 
 of Illinois met in gallant array, undismayed by the fact that, for the 
 time being, their commonwealth had become one of the most dependable 
 of Republican strongholds. 
 
 Each two years they nominated men of fine ability who conducted 
 courageous battles in the face of the well-nigh inevitable. 
 
 To the writer, these are among the proudest days of the Illinois 
 Democracy, for it requires real bravery repeatedly to face a strongly 
 entrenched enemy on empty stomachs — and throughout all the eighties, 
 the stomachs of party leaders and party followers were destined to 
 remain empty so far as the fleshpots of state office were concerned. 
 
 THE 1880 CONVENTION 
 
 The twenty-third Democratic state convention assembled at the 
 capitol building in Springfield, June 10, 1880, and was called to order 
 by T. W. McNeely, chairman of the state committee. 
 
 Hon. Samuel S. Marshall, of McLeansboro, presided over the gath- 
 ering and nominations were made as follows : 
 
 For governor — Lyman Trumbull, of Chicago. 
 
 For lieutenant governor — Lewis B. Parsons. 
 
 For secretary of state — John H. Oberly. 
 
 For auditor — Lewis C. Starkel. 
 
142 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 For treasurer — Thomas Butterwortli. 
 
 For attorney-general — Lawrence Harmon. 
 
 Candidates also were named for presidential electors and dele- 
 gates were selected to the Democratic national convention, which was 
 to meet in Cincinnati on June 22, and which nominated Gen. Winfield 
 Scott Hancock as the presidential standard hearer. 
 
 The state central committee selected was : 
 
 At large — T. E. Courtney, J. W. Alexander, Alfred Orendorff, 
 C. D. Hoiles, W. G. Ewing, F. M. Youngblood, J. R. Darnell, John C. 
 Campbell and W. J. Mize. 
 
 First district — Richard Pendergast. 
 
 Second district — M. B. Bailey. 
 
 Third district— Clayton E. Crafts. 
 
 Fourth district — H. R, Enoch. 
 
 Fifth district— W. 0. Wright. 
 
 Sixth district — A. K. Truesdale. 
 
 Seventh district — A. J. O'Connor. 
 
 Eighth district — James R. Walsh. 
 
 Ninth district — A. M. Brown. 
 
 Tenth district — Charles H. Whittaker. 
 
 Eleventh district — J. M. Bush. 
 
 Twelfth district— T. W. McNeely. 
 
 Thirteenth district — James A. Mallory. 
 
 Fourteenth district — E. A. Barringer. 
 
 Fifteenth district — W. A. Cochrane. 
 
 Sixteenth district — S. L. Dwight. 
 
 Seventeenth district — D. B. Gilham. 
 
 Eighteenth district — Thomas F. Bouton. 
 
 Nineteenth district — M. M. Poole. 
 
 This committee organized with the election of D. B. Gilham as 
 chairman, and W. J. Mize secretary. 
 
 THE CONVENTION OF 1882 
 
 The twenty-fourth Democratic state convention met in Springfield 
 on September 7, 1882. Hon. W. A. Sparks was temporary chairman, 
 while that great figure, who had headed the Lincoln presidential electors 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 14:3 
 
 in 1860, but who now had returned to the Democracy, Gen. John M. 
 Palmer, was made permanent chairman. 
 
 The nominees were : 
 
 For state treasurer — Alfred Orendorff, of Springfield. 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction — Professor Henry Raab, 
 of Belleville. 
 
 The state central committee named by this convention was: 
 
 At large — W. J. Mitz, John H. Oberly, W. H. Green, J. W. Coppin- 
 ger, S. Corning Judd and Herman Lieb. 
 
 First district — Joseph Mackin. 
 
 Second district — J. H. Hildreth. 
 
 Third district — Theodore T. Gurney. 
 
 Fourth district — S. B. Chase. 
 
 Fifth district — Joseph Glidden. 
 
 Sixth district— W. H. Mitchell. 
 
 Seventh district — J. McCormick. 
 
 Eighth district — A. J. 'Conner. 
 
 Ninth district — E. B. Buck. 
 
 Tenth district— W. T. Dowdall. 
 
 Eleventh district — C. H. Whittaker. 
 
 Twelfth district— F. M. Bridges. 
 
 Thirteenth district — J. B. Irwin. 
 
 Fourteenth district — William Fuller. 
 
 Fifteenth district — A. J. Fryer. 
 
 Sixteenth district — George W. Fithian. 
 
 Seventeenth district — W. E. P. Anderson. 
 
 Eighteenth district — W. S. Forman. 
 
 Nineteenth district — S. L. Dwight. 
 
 Twentieth district — T. F. Bouton. 
 
 The committee organized by choosing John H. Oberly as its chair- 
 man, and W. J. Mize, as secretary. 
 
 THE 1884 PEORIA CONVENTION 
 
 The twenty-fifth Democratic state convention was called to order 
 in Peoria, July 2, 1884, by J. A. Oberly, chairman of the state com- 
 mittee. 
 
144 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 There are Illinois Democrats still alive today to testify that the 
 weather at the 1884 gathering- was the hottest of any like assemblage. 
 But, of course, they may be mistaken, for many conventions of the 
 Illinois Democracy have been held in torrid weather. 
 
 Judge Monroe C. Crawford was selected as permanent chairman, 
 and W. J. Mize, secretary. 
 
 Nominations for state offices made by the Peoria gathering- were: 
 
 For governor — Carter H. Harrison, of Chicago, that splendid and 
 verile figure of the earlier Democracy of that city. 
 
 For lieutenant governor — Henry Seiter, of St. Clair. 
 
 For secretary of state — Michael J. Dougherty. 
 
 For auditor of public accounts — Walter E. Carlin. 
 
 For treasurer — Alfred ( )rendorff . 
 
 For attorney-general — Bobert L. McKinlay. 
 
 Nominations also were made for presidential electors and alternates 
 to the national Democratic convention which was to gather in Chicago 
 on July 10 and which there nominated Cleveland and Hendricks as the 
 standard bearers who, after so many long years of defeat, would restore 
 victory to the party banners. 
 
 CLENDENIN IS NAMED 
 
 The state central committeemen appointed by the 1884 convention 
 were : 
 
 At large — S. Corning Judd, John H. Oberly, Charles Dunham, W. 
 J. Mize, W. H. Green, Herman Lieb, and Joseph C. Mackin. 
 
 District members of the central body nominated that year at Peoria 
 were : 
 
 First district — A. W. Green. 
 
 Second district — Frank Lawler. 
 
 Third district— Patrick McCarthy. 
 
 Fourth district— S. B. Chase. 
 
 Fifth district— S. L. Bignal. 
 
 Sixth district— VY. H. Frazer. 
 
 Seventh district — W. C. Green. 
 
 Eighth district— J. C. Campbell. 
 

 ^HHEiflL w*i 
 
 
 
 
 w 
 
 "'&■• 1 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 14- 
 
 
 
 CARTER H. HARRISON 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 147 
 
 Ninth district— R. S. Mclllduff. 
 
 Tenth district — William McLean. 
 
 Eleventh district — C. R. Whittaker. 
 
 Twelfth district — Maurice Kelly. 
 
 Thirteenth district, then the Springfield district — Henry W. Clen- 
 denin, the famous editor of the Illinois State Register. 
 
 Fourteenth district — William Fuller. 
 
 Fifteenth district — A. J. Fryer. 
 
 Sixteenth district — C. C. Boggs. 
 
 Seventeenth district — W. Crouch. 
 
 Eighteenth district — H. G. Wheeler. 
 
 Nineteenth district — S. L. Dwight. 
 
 Twentieth district — L. A. Goddard. 
 
 This committee organized with the re-election of John H. Oberly 
 as chairman, and W. J. Mize, secretary. 
 
 Mr. Oberly subsequently resigned from the chairmanship when he 
 received a federal appointment at the hands of Grover Cleveland and 
 was succeeded by Gen. Alfred Orendorff, of Springfield. 
 
 THE 1886 CONVENTION 
 
 The twenty-sixth Democratic state convention returned to Spring- 
 field as its meeting place, gathering at noon of August 26. 
 
 Gen. Alfred Orendorff as chairman of the central committee, intro- 
 duced James W. Duncan, of Ottawa, as temporary presiding officer, 
 and that fine La Salle county Democrat was given a real ovation. 
 
 Later the convention made the temporary organization permanent, 
 and named its ticket as follows: 
 
 For state treasurer — Henry F. J. Ricker, of Quincy. 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction — F. T. Oldt, of Carroll. 
 
 On motion of Delegate Shirley, of Chicago, the convention declared 
 that : 
 
 "The state committee named by this convention shall be the com- 
 mittee for the ensuing two years, and the members therof shall begin to 
 discharge their duties as of January, 1887." 
 
 This action of the convention left the state central committee, which 
 had been named in 1884, as the body to handle the campaign. 
 
148 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 The Democratic state central committee reported by the 1886 con- 
 vention consisted of: 
 
 At large — Alfred Orendorff, W. H. Green, Charles Kern, E. M. 
 Phelps, James S. Ewing, and J. W. Olson. 
 
 First district — George M. Haynes. 
 
 Second district — John J. Cnrran. 
 
 Third district — John Gaynor. 
 
 Fourth district— S. B. Chase. 
 
 Fifth district— Richard N. Botsford. 
 
 Sixth district— William 0. Wright. 
 
 Seventh district — W. H. Mesenkop. 
 
 Eighth district— J. C. Campbell. 
 
 Ninth district — Joseph E. Ong. 
 
 Tenth district — Moses N. Gish. 
 
 Eleventh district — Delos P. Phelps. 
 
 Twelfth district — John Jones. 
 
 Thirteenth district— T. W. McNeely. 
 
 Fourteenth district — W. J. Mize. 
 
 Fifteenth district — William B. Brinton. 
 
 Sixteenth district — George N. Parker. 
 
 Seventeenth district — J. H. Baker. 
 
 Eighteenth district — H. G. Wheeler. 
 
 Nineteenth district — S. L. Dwight. 
 
 Twentieth district— T. F. Bouton. 
 
 The committee thus selected was organized with Delos P. Phelps 
 as chairman, and W. J. Mize as secretary. 
 
 THE 1888 CONVENTION 
 
 With the national Democrats in power, but with that of our own 
 state still out in the cold, the twenty-seventh Democratic state conven- 
 tion met in Springfield, May 23, 1888. 
 
 One of the most famous jurists of his day, Jesse J. Phillips, was 
 elected permanent chairman. 
 
 The following state ticket was nominated: 
 
 For governor — Gen. John M. Palmer, of Springfield. 
 
 For lieutenant-governor— Andrew J. Bell, of Peoria. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 149 
 
 For secretary of state — N. D. Ricks. 
 
 For auditor of public accounts — Andrew Welch. 
 
 For treasurer — Charles H. Wacker. 
 
 For attorney-general — Jacob R. Creighton. 
 
 The convention nominated candidates for presidential electors 
 and appointed delegates and alternates to the Democratic national 
 convention, which was to assemble at St. Louis on the 6th day of the 
 following month, and which convention then renominated Grover 
 Cleveland for president, and named Allan C. Thurman as his running 
 mate. 
 
 The state committee appointed was : 
 
 At large — Thomas W. McNeely, S. P. Cummings, Delos P. Phelps, 
 J. W. Richards, John Powers, and W. B. Brinton. 
 
 First district — George M. Haynes. 
 
 Second district — J. C. Strain. 
 
 Third district — John Gaynor. 
 
 Fourth district — S. B. Chase. 
 
 Fifth district— R. M. Botsford. 
 
 Sixth district— W. 0. Wright. 
 
 Seventh district — W. H. Mesenkop. 
 
 Eighth district — John C. Campbell. 
 
 Ninth district — J. E. Ong. 
 
 Tenth district— M. N. Gish. 
 
 Eleventh district — Delos P. Phelps. 
 
 Twelfth district — John Jones. 
 
 Thirteenth district — J. D. Wright. 
 
 Fourteenth district — W. J. Mize. 
 
 Fifteenth district — W. B. Brinton. 
 
 Sixteenth district — George N. Parker. 
 
 Seventeenth district — J. H. Baker. 
 
 Eighteenth district — J. W. Coppinger. 
 
 Nineteenth district — Walter Watson. 
 
 Twentieth district — T. F. Bouton. 
 
 This committee was organized with John C. Campbell as its 
 chairman, W. J. Mize, secretary, and James S. Ewing, treasurer. 
 
JOHN M. PALMER 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 153 
 
 THE ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 IN THE YEAR THAT WAS 
 TO BRING BACK VICTORY 
 
 There were early indications in the good Democratic year 1890 
 that, after many long years of defeat, party success once more was in 
 sight for the Democracy of Illinois. 
 
 It was true that Cleveland, while receiving a good plurality in 
 the popular vote, had been defeated for re-election two years earlier, 
 hut, obviously the Benjamin Harrison administration was proving 
 anything but a howling success. 
 
 Even that year, the economic barometer was beginning to show 
 signs of its bad times which were to become more pronounced in the 
 following years, and which period now quite generally is alluded to as 
 "the panic of 1898." 
 
 It was a decidedly optimistic and cheerful gathering which assem- 
 bled in Springfield on June 4, 1890, and which wildly applauded General 
 John M. Palmer when he appeared before it after having been declared 
 the party nominee for United States senator. 
 
 This, the twenty-eighth Democratic .state convention of Illinois 
 was called to order by Delos P. Phelps, as chairman of the state cen- 
 tral committee. 
 
 He introduced Hon. Joseph B. Mann, of Danville, one of the most 
 popular and distinguished Democrats of the period, as temporary 
 chairman. 
 
 This temporary organization afterwards was made permanent. 
 
 Nominations for state officers were: 
 
 For state treasurer — Edward S. Wilson, of Olney. 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction — Henry Raab. 
 
 After these candidates had been nominated and trustees had been 
 named for the university of Illinois, the convention unanimously 
 adopted a resolution offered by Hon. J. M. Bush of Pike county, declar- 
 ing that John M. Palmer, of Springfield, was the party choice for 
 United States senator and recommending him not only to the consider- 
 ation of the voters, but to the general assembly that was to meet in 
 January, 1891. 
 
154 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 There were many issues in the 1890 campaign, the principal of 
 which was the McKinley tariff act, and the state compulsory education 
 law. 
 
 It was largely on these issues that the Democrats elected their 
 state ticket by large majority and, the following year, after many bal- 
 lots by the general assembly, succeeded in sending John M. Palmer 
 to the Senate of the United States, as successor to Hon. Charles B. 
 Farwell, of Chicago, by the scant majority of one vote. 
 
 The state central committee appointed by the 1890 convention was 
 composed of: 
 
 At large — Delos P. Phelps, S. B. Chase, James C. Strain, John H. 
 Baker, Andrew Welsh, J. R. Creighton, and C. D. Hoiles. 
 
 First district — Thomas Gahan. 
 
 Second district — Joseph P. Mahoney. 
 
 Third district — William J. Mahoney. 
 
 Fourth district — Fred Greisheimer. 
 
 Fifth district — Dennis J. Hogan. 
 
 Sixth district— W. 0. Wright. 
 
 Seventh district — C. C. Johnson. 
 
 Eighth district— P. C. Haley. 
 
 Ninth district— D. C. Taylor. 
 
 Tenth district— S. Y. Thornton. 
 
 Eleventh district — J. W. Potter. 
 
 Twelfth district — W. H. Hinrichsen, who was to become secretary 
 of state two years later. 
 
 Thirteenth district — J. D. Wright. 
 
 Fourteenth district — Theodore Nelson. 
 
 Fifteenth district— W. B. Brinton. 
 
 Sixteenth district — John Londrigan. 
 
 Seventeenth district — J. W. Lumpkin. 
 
 Eighteenth district — Timothy Gruaz. 
 
 Nineteenth district — Walter Watson. 
 
 Twentieth district — Ralph E. Sprigg. 
 
 The committee was organized the following January by the elec- 
 tion of Delos P. Phelps, of Monmouth, as chairman ; Theodore Nelson, 
 of Decatur, as secretary; and W. B. Brinton, of Tuscola, as treasurer. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 155 
 
 THE YEAR THAT MADE 
 JOHN PETER ALTGELD ONE 
 OF THE NATION'S NOTABLES 
 
 The year 1892 ever will remain one of much importance in the 
 annals of the Illinois Democracy, because, among other things, it 
 marked: 
 
 The advance of John Peter Altgeld to a large place in the councils 
 of his party throughout the nation. 
 
 The growing dominance of Chicago in Democratic state politics and 
 which dominance has continued ever since. 
 
 The election of the first Illinois Democrat, Adlai E. Stevenson, ever 
 to achieve victory as one of the standard bearers of his party in a presi- 
 dential campaign. 
 
 Until the Democratic state convention of April, 1892, John Peter 
 Altgeld had been a stalwart figure and a distinguished judge in Cook 
 county, but he was little known throughout the balance of the state. 
 
 Indeed, even then there was a good deal of aloofness on the part of 
 downstate Democrats toward their Chicago brethren — an aloofness 
 which, while not justified, has remained in more or less degree, even 
 until the present year, 1935. 
 
 The attitude of the Democratic downstate press, prior to the con- 
 vention, had been none too friendly toward Altgeld but, when he came 
 to the platform of the convention and delivered one of those character- 
 istic addresses that later endeared him so much to the rank and file of 
 the people, it was another case of: "I came, I saw, I conquered!" for 
 John Peter Altgeld, who really won the minds and hearts of the 
 delegates. 
 
 THE 1892 CONVENTION 
 
 This, the twenty-ninth Democratic state convention, assembled at 
 the capitol in Springfield on April 27, and was called to order by Chair- 
 man Delos P. Phelps of the State central committee. 
 
156 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 That fine Democrat of White county, Hon. James R. Williams, of 
 Carmi, was selected as temporary chairman. 
 
 Former speaker, Clayton E. Crafts, was made permanent presiding 
 officer. 
 
 The nominations for state officers were: 
 
 For governor — Judge John P. Altgeld, of Chicago. 
 
 For lieutenant governor — Joseph B. Gill, of Murphysboro. 
 
 For secretary of state — W. H. Hinrichsen, of Quincy. 
 
 For auditor of public accounts — David Gore, of Carlinville. 
 
 For treasurer — Rufus N. Ramsey, of Carlyle. 
 
 For attorney-general — Maurice T. Maloney, of La Salle. 
 
 In addition to three candidates for trustees of the University of 
 Illinois, the convention was to name candidates for two congressmen for 
 the state at large. This, on account of the increased representation in 
 the lower house in Washington to which Illinois had been shown to be 
 entitled by the 1890 census. 
 
 The nominees for these two places were: Gen. John C. Black, of 
 Chicago, and Hon. Andrew J. Hunter, of Paris. 
 
 The convention also named candidates for presidential electors and 
 appointed delegates and alternates to the national convention which was 
 to meet in Chicago on June 21 of which, for the third time, was to nom- 
 inate Grover Cleveland as its candidate for president, with Adlai E. 
 Stevenson, of Bloomington, Illinois, as the vice presidential nominee. 
 
 The April, 1892 state convention did not endorse either of these two 
 great Democrats, although on their nomination it gave them enthusiastic 
 support. 
 
 Instead, all delegates and alternates to the Chicago national con- 
 vention were instructed to vote as a unit for United States Senator John 
 M. Palmer, of Springfield, as the choice of the state for president. 
 
 FREE SILVER ENDORSED 
 
 The platform was one of the lengthiest on record — indeed, to many, 
 all state and national platforms of all parties appear too long for general 
 consideration and at some time or other, the Democracy of Illinois is 
 going to sound a newer and wiser note by adopting a platform so concise 
 that all will read it and understand. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 157 
 
 The lengthy platform of 1892 covered many subjects. 
 
 It endorsed : " To the fullest extent, the wise and patriotic adminis- 
 tration of Grover Cleveland." 
 
 It denounced the "robber tariff " —virtually all Democratic plat- 
 forms until that of Houston in 1928, did that. 
 
 It congratulated the nation on the election of John M. Palmer to 
 the Senate, and on the splendid record he was making in that august 
 body. 
 
 It denounced the so-called "Bennett school law" in a carefully 
 drawn and decidedly wise plank, and one which cut large figure in 
 bringing victory to the party ticket the following November. 
 
 But, perhaps the most important of all, it paved the way for the 
 nomination of that immortal son of Illinois, William Jennings Bryan, 
 four years later, by its utterance on the question in a plank which read: 
 
 "We reiterate our allegiance to the historic policy of the Democratic 
 party in favor of honest money; the gold and silver provided by the 
 constitution of the United States, and of a currency convertible into 
 such coinage without loss to the holder ... so that parity may be main- 
 tained between the two metals and all mints be thrown open to free 
 coinage." 
 
 On that plank, the party went to triumphant victory, the following 
 November, but just how much the free silver declaration really had to do 
 with this victory, never had been altogether clear. 
 
 Grover Cleveland, who certainly did not favor free silver at any 
 time in his great career, carried Illinois by a plurality of 26,993. 
 
 John Peter Altgeld, who just as certainly did favor free silver, was 
 elected by a plurality of 22,882, and all the other candidates of the 
 Illinois Democracy were successful. 
 
 THE "AMERICAN EAGLE" WINS 
 
 Thus, John P. Altgeld the ' ' American Eagle ' ' of the Illinois Democ- 
 racy became the first Democratic governor of his state since the days of 
 Joel A. Matteson, who had retired thirty-six years earlier. 
 
 And, once in the governor's chair, he grew and grew in the minds 
 of the masses and became one of the strongest of the notable figures 
 which were to appear in the Chicago national convention of July, 1896. 
 
158 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Quiet, unassuming, but in an unmistakable way, John P. Altgeld 
 dominated that never-to-be forgotten gathering with its "Cross or 
 Gold" speech and scores of other enduring highlights. 
 
 STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF 1892 
 
 The Democratic state central committee which acted in the manage- 
 ment of the Cleveland-Stevenson-Altgeld ticket of 1892, and which was 
 entitled to considerable credit for the successful outcome of that conflict, 
 was as follows: 
 
 At large — Delos P. Phelps, Samuel B. Chase, Joseph P. Mahoney, 
 Thomas Gahan, P. C. Haley, Frank Havill and W. J. Broderick. 
 
 First district — J. P. Leyendecker. 
 
 Second district — William J. O'Brien. 
 
 Third district — J. J. Townsend. 
 
 Fourth district— John F. O'Malley. 
 
 Fifth district — Dennis J. Hogan. 
 
 Sixth district — Charles Neiman. 
 
 Seventh district — C. C. Johnson. 
 
 Eighth district — Daniel Heenan. 
 
 Ninth district — Edwin Beard. 
 
 Tenth district — Frank J. Quinn. 
 
 Eleventh district — J. W. Potter. 
 
 Twelfth district— E. F. Binns. 
 
 Thirteenth district — W. T. Vandeveer. 
 
 Fourteenth district — Theodore Nelson. 
 
 Fifteenth district — William B. Brinton. 
 
 Sixteenth district — W. F. Beck. 
 
 Seventeenth district — John H. Baker. 
 
 Eighteenth district — Lucas Pheiffenberger. 
 
 Nineteenth district — Walter Watson. 
 
 Twentieth district — W. W. Carr. 
 
 The state central committee had organized by the re-election of all 
 the 1890 officers: 
 
 Delos P. Phelps, chairman; Theodore Nelson, secretary; and W. B. 
 Brinton, treasurer. 
 
EDWARD C. HURLEY 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 161 
 
 CHICAGO PROVES ITSELF 
 
 FORTUNATE PLACE FOR 
 
 DEMOCRATIC CONVENTIONS 
 
 Chicago repeatedly has proven itself a wise selection as the place 
 for holding Democratic national conventions. 
 
 The colorful gathering of 1932 is too recent history to need elabora- 
 tion in this particular chapter, but it may be well to recall that the 
 gathering that nominated the first Democratic national ticket to be 
 elected since before the Civil War, Cleveland and Hendricks, met in 
 Chicago on July 10, 1884. 
 
 The convention that nominated Cleveland for a third time and 
 which named Adlai K. Stevenson, of Illinois, as his running mate, met 
 in the same city on June 22, 1892, and victory again perched on the party 
 banners. 
 
 Vice President Stevenson's distinguished career is set forth in 
 another chapter. 
 
 Suffice here to say that he had been a famous member of Congress 
 and that, during Cleveland's first administration, first assistant Post 
 Master General. 
 
 He had become popular among Democrats largely because of his 
 ever affable disposition, his democratic manners, and his faithfulness 
 to the Democracy not only of Illinois, but of the country, in the disposi- 
 tion of post offices so far as they came within his management. 
 
 He was a Democrat of the old school in that, as well as in other 
 respects, and the Democrats of the nation who came in contact with 
 him always liked him, and when he defeated Isaac Pusey Gray of 
 Indiana, his principal competitor for the vice presidential nomination 
 at the June, 1892 convention, there was great rejoicing throughout his 
 home state. 
 
 Mr. Stevenson's fine personality and popularity undoubtedly added 
 much strength to the ticket not only in Illinois, but all over the country. 
 
162 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 UMBRELLAS HELPED 
 
 The 1892 convention was held, in a temporary structure erected for 
 the purpose on the lake front. 
 
 Largely due to the scheme of decorations it was decidedly attractive 
 so far as the interior was concerned, but it was a leaky affair, as was 
 demonstrated when along came the heavy rains that fell during days 
 and nights of the gathering. 
 
 While the balloting of Stevenson was in progress, umbrellas were 
 much in evidence — the only time in the recorded history of Democratic 
 national gatherings that this unusual spectacle has been seen. 
 
 The bold declaration that had been made by the Republicans for the 
 McKinley tariff, coupled with the very ambiguous action of the opposi- 
 tion on the then all-important silver question, finally resulted in the 
 tariff again being the main issue of the campaign. 
 
 The nominations of Stevenson for vice president and John P. 
 Altgeld for governor, made Illinois one of the battle grounds of the 
 struggle. 
 
 John Peter Altgeld traveled through the state from end to end, 
 visiting every locality. 
 
 Besides making speeches, sometimes as many as three in a day in 
 the larger cities, he would go from town to town, stop off between trains, 
 hunt up the leading Democrats of the vicinity and, through them would 
 meet personally as many of the people as was possible. 
 
 ALTGELD MET THOUSANDS 
 
 In this way, he met and shook hands with thousands of the rank 
 and file, encouraged them to large personal efforts, not only in his own 
 behalf, but for the county tickets. 
 
 This contributed much toward the carrying of our state that year 
 and to the victory of so many Democrats for lesser offices. 
 
 Then, too, the stand taken by "Sir. Altgeld on the much-debated 
 school question, backed up as it was by the Democratic platform, caused 
 many former Republicans, especially those who were German Luther- 
 ans, to vote the entire Democratic ticket. 
 
 At that time there was an element in the state, and ('specially in 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 163 
 
 Cook county, of independent voters, or, as they then Mere called "Mug- 
 wumps," who voted very generally for Cleveland and, in many in- 
 stances, for the entire Democratic ticket without a single scratch. 
 
 Not only were national and state tickets victorious, but the general 
 assembly elected only 22 Republicans to 29 Democrats in the Senate 
 with 78 Democrats to 75 Republicans in the lower house. 
 
ADLAI E. STEVENSON 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY KJ7 
 
 THE ONLY ILLINOIS DEMOCRAT 
 
 EVER ELECTED TO THE VICE PRESIDENCY 
 
 ADLAI EWING STEVENSON 
 
 Following the formation of the Constitution, the leaders of the 
 people rose from the people themselves. It was test of courage and 
 wisdom which bore ever onward toward victory over every difficulty. 
 When the great struggle of the early nineteenth century began between 
 the Federalists and Republicans, ending with the success of Thomas 
 Jefferson, the die was cast in favor of the popular tide which increased 
 throughout the years until the administration of Andrew Jackson. This 
 forward thrust of the common people maintained its upward course, 
 secured the foundations of a great government, and transmitted the 
 spirit to a National Democracy which governed the land with but few 
 interruptions until the memorable struggle in 1860. 
 
 When the heroic statesman was retiring to the Hermitage and 
 to private life, Adlai Ewing Stevenson was born in Christian County, 
 Kentucky, October 23, 1835. His parents were John T. and Ann Aliza 
 (Ewing) Stevenson. The father was born in the Carolinas and early 
 had moved to Kentucky, only to continue' the westward trek to estab- 
 lish the family home in Bloomington, Illinois. Adlai was eighteen when 
 this move was made. He at once entered the Methodist school now 
 known as Illinois Wesleyan University, where for two years he con- 
 tinued his studies. His parents, thinking well of the faculty of Center 
 College in Kentucky, sent him there to finish his education. 
 
 His father dying in 1856, the young man returned to his ancestral 
 home and prepared to study law. He entered the office of Judge Davis 
 and R. E. Williams for his apprenticeship, and in 1858 had reached the 
 place where he passed the examination and was admitted to the bar. 
 Casting about for a suitable place in which to hang out his shingle, he 
 chose Metamora in Woodford County, and in 1859 began to practice his 
 profession in that city. He was soon thereafter appointed Master in 
 Chaneerv for Woodford Countv and served four vears. He then ran 
 
168 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 for State's Attorney of the County and was elected for another four 
 years of official service. He was obliging and made a very favorable 
 impression on the other members of the bar irrespective of political 
 affiliation. 
 
 In 1869 he left Woodford County and returned to Bloomington 
 where he entered into a partnership with Hon. James S. Ewing, which 
 firm was continued for several years after Mr. Stevenson retired from 
 public life. 
 
 ENTERS NATIONAL ARENA 
 
 Serving four years as state's attorney (1865-1869) Adlai E. Steven- 
 son, in 1874 was nominated for Congress by his party. At that time the 
 district was strongly Republican, scarcely varying from a majority for 
 the candidates on that ticket of three thousand. The Democratic party 
 w T as minded that an undercurrent of opposition to the Republican admin- 
 istration w r as likely to place some Democrat in the halls of Congress, 
 and, casting about for the strongest man in the district, took Mr. 
 Stevenson from his law office and made him the party nominee. They 
 fell that with his personality he could win. His nomination was an en- 
 thusiastic one, and he entered the campaign fired with a determination 
 to do his best and win if possible. 
 
 It was a heated campaign. Feelings ran high, but to the everlasting 
 credit of both Mr. Stevenson and his opponent, their part of the campaign 
 was conducted with decency and honor. He made his appeal to the 
 younger element in the district, and there being many former residents 
 of the Blue Grass state residing in the district, who felt more than a 
 passing interest in the young Kentuckian, these elements rallied to his 
 support with a great deal of enthusiasm. The Republican leaders early 
 felt the impact of the canvass and began to feel they might lose their 
 candidate. They could not fathom nor suppress the tide and fought 
 with stubborn resistance till the last. But Stevenson's popularity stood 
 him well in hand, and he was elected with a handsome majority. 
 
 AN ABLE CONGRESSMAN 
 
 His entrance into the Forty-fourth Congress was hailed as an omen 
 of the coming national supremacy of the Democratic party. With dignity 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 169 
 
 and without catenation he entered upon his duties. Carefully attentive 
 to the duties of his station, he was ready at all times to perform his 
 task, and soon was classed among- the better informed of the members 
 of the House. He was well versed in the law, and what he might have 
 to say on any subject under debate was given due consideration. He 
 had as compatriots in the House at that term many of the greatest 
 statesmen of the day. This was the Congress which was called upon to 
 settle the election dispute between Tilden and Hayes in which the 
 electoral votes of Florida and Louisiana were in dispute. He entered 
 into the debate, and his speech delivered at that time created a profound 
 impression on his colleagues. He numbered among his good friends at 
 that time such men as Blaine, Carlisle, Hoar, Garfield, Lamar, Knott and 
 McKinley. 
 
 WAS DEFEATED FOR RE-ELECTION 
 
 He stood for re-election in 1876 and was defeated by a small 
 majority. But the following general election found him again on the 
 ticket, and this time he was elected. In the Forty-sixth Congress he 
 continued the work he had begun in his previous term and returned 
 home at the end of the session with his reputation well established. 
 Deciding not to run again for Congress he again became active in his 
 office with his partner. This firm was considered one of the very best 
 and most successful in the state at that time. 
 
 In 1880 and 1884 he was a delegate to the National Democratic 
 Conventions and took an active part in the deliberations. In 1884 he 
 was active in the campaign for Cleveland and Hendricks, and for his 
 work was honored by the President by being called to Washington and 
 offered the First Assistant Postmaster General's place. He accepted 
 and for four years was attentive to his duties. Here he made many 
 friends and formed ties which stood him well in hand when he later was 
 nominated with Mr. Cleveland in 1892. In the memorable campaign of 
 that year Mr. Stevenson did yoeman service for the ticket. He travelled 
 much and spoke to large crowds over the country. Everywhere it was 
 his warm personality that helped to place the ticket to the fore. His 
 personal popularity in his own state helped to carry the state by twenty- 
 seven thousand, the first time the Republicans had lost it since 1860. 
 
170 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 His many friends in the state went wild with enthusiasm when the 
 returns showed his elevation to the second office in the nation. Enthus- 
 iastic meetings were held everywhere to send their greetings to the 
 successful man. 
 
 WON RESPECT OF ALL 
 
 His election to the Vice-Presidency was the culmination of his 
 career. As presiding officer of the Senate he was courtly, dignified, 
 self-poised and fair, and challenged the cordial respect of both parties 
 in that distinguished body. 
 
 This was attested when at the close of his tenure of office he was 
 presented with a silver service and a written testimonial from the gifted 
 pen of his former colleague in the House, Senator George Hoar of 
 Massachusetts. His words of appreciation and his farewell address to 
 the Senate were gracious and eloquent pieces of oratory. 
 
 He was a favorite of President McKinley, who when making his 
 first appointments made Mr. Stevenson a member of the Bi-Metallic 
 Commission, which was made in pursuance of congressional enactment. 
 The labors of this commission, despite its able and faithful service, 
 were confronted with the antagonism of financial interest the world 
 over, and were practically fruitless. In 1900 he was again nominated 
 for Vice-President; this time with Bryan, but failed of election. 
 
 HIS RACE FOR GOVERNOR 
 
 In 1908 Mr. Stevenson was to make his last important political cam- 
 paign. He was nominated for Governor of Illinois against the incumbent 
 Charles S. Deneen. This was another of those close and hard fought 
 campaigns. Enthusiasm on both sides ran high and it was a vigorous 
 contest. Mr. Stevenson's popularity is shown to have been very great 
 as attested by the vote. In 1904 Deneen had carried the state by three 
 hundred thousand, while in 1908 Mr. Stevenson reduced the former's 
 majority to twenty-three thousand, even though the Republicans carried 
 the state for the President by a majority of one hundred seventy-nine 
 thousand. Claims were made that had the vote been correctly tabulated 
 Mr. Stevenson would have been elected, and that he was cheated out of 
 the office bv fraud. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 171 
 
 Mr. Stevenson stands forth as a man whose best qualities were of 
 nobler stamp than those of a mere candidate for official place. There was 
 in him a guiding light that made him greater and grander than could 
 all the honors that were linked with his name. His close friendships, 
 devotion to books, appreciation of art, and love of family filled him 
 with an inspiration that guided his aspirations more wisely and firmly 
 than the shouts of a party loving crowd. He felt that life held more than 
 just party strife, and tried to show his followers the better part. 
 
 AN IMPRESSIVE SPEAKER 
 
 Mr. Stevenson was an orator worthy of being classed with the best. 
 His close attention to business and his fidelity to his firends, his courtly 
 manner and his dignity and grace made him a general favorite. He was 
 never interested in intrigues and felt that any campaign could be carried 
 to a successful conclusion without any of the political chicanery which 
 was so prevalent in his day. His book "Something of Men I Have 
 Known," written during his retirement from business cares, is replete 
 with stories and impressions of the men with whom he had been con- 
 nected in his busy career. The pages were so free and unsullied that he 
 dedicated the volume to his wife, "Letitia Green Stevenson, the patient 
 listener to these twice-told tales." 
 
 Mr. Stevenson was married to Miss Letitia Green, daughter of a 
 minister in Kentucky, on December 20, 1866. Four children were born 
 to them, one son, Lewis Green, and three daughters. 
 
 Early in 1914 Mrs. Stevenson died, and Mr. Stevenson suffered a 
 serious breakdown and nervous prostration followed. For several weeks 
 he was seriously ill, until on June 14 he passed away at the Presbyterian 
 Hospital in Chicago. 
 
 NO STAIN TOUCHED HIM 
 
 It was said of him : "He had an irresistable power of humor without 
 frivolity; a profound sense of life's seriousness without heaviness; dig- 
 nity without dullness ; honor without hauteur ; no stain ever touched his 
 garments, and not even the breath of suspicion ever rested upon his 
 good name." 
 
172 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 His funeral cortege was one of the largest ever seen in the state. 
 His body was brought back to Bloomington and laid to rest by the side 
 of his wife who had preceded him but a short time. The mayor of the 
 city issued a proclamation calling on the business men of the city to 
 close their stores and offices during the ceremonies. His eulogy was one 
 which displayed the love and admiration of his fellow townsmen for 
 the departed man. Such a man deserves the admiration of the people 
 of the nation for his ability to walk in the paths of rectitude while 
 surrounded by the vices of public life. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 173 
 
 PECULIAR HEADLINES 
 
 INCIDENTAL TO ALTGELD 
 
 INAUGURATION OF 1893 
 
 Newspaper copy readers — the men and women who write the head- 
 lines that go over the various stories — have their daily troubles in de- 
 termining' news values! 
 
 For, obviously the heading should reflect the more important inci- 
 dent or incidents told in the story. 
 
 Yet, in looking over the files of some of the newspapers of Illinois 
 of that period, one is suprised to find snch headings as "Pickpockets 
 Busy at Ceremony" and "Thieves Reap Harvest" rather than what 
 would seem to be the more engrossing incidents connected with the 
 Altgeld induction. 
 
 Undoubtedly, the crowds assembled for the first Democratic inaug- 
 uration in so many years, attracted a throng record-breaking in numbers 
 up to that time. 
 
 Also, there is no doubt that pickpockets were busy in the crowd, 
 and that they reaped much bounty for their labors. 
 
 But their political identity was never revealed and, while three of 
 them were captured and convicted, the news record gives no indication 
 as to whether they were Democrats, Republicans or "Mugwumps." 
 
 ALTGELD A SICK MAN 
 
 John Peter Altgeld never was a man of strong constitution and 
 there is no doubt he was a sick man on the day of his inauguration. 
 From the files of several papers, the author culls the following synopsis 
 of the event and one which may be regarded as substantially correct. 
 
 The induction of the newly elected state officers took place on Janu- 
 ary 10, 1893. The ceremonies were held in Representative Hall, which 
 had been beautifully decorated for the occasion, both branches of the 
 
174 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 assembly being present as well as an impressive concourse of party 
 leaders. 
 
 The hall was filled to a point of discomfort. 
 
 Altgeld entered, leaning- somewhat wearily on the arm of Governor 
 Joseph Fifer. 
 
 The latter delivered his retiring address, and spoke with much 
 feeling but with no rancor. 
 
 Governor Altgeld followed with his inaugural. 
 
 He looked to be in decidedly poor health, and he read his pages 
 with apparent effort. 
 
 Finally he was compelled to turn the manuscript over to the clerk 
 of the house, who finished its reading. 
 
 The address, like virtually all of Altgeld's, was an able one, but 
 the evident physical weakness of the new governor made the occasion 
 appear solemn rather than joyous. 
 
 Many prophesied that Altgeld would not live to complete his term — 
 a prediction which, fortunately, was not borne out. 
 
 The whole city of Springfield was crowded for the occasion, and 
 the pickpockets already mentioned, found easy prey. Some had worked 
 their way into the assembly hall and, while the ceremonies were going 
 on, Senator Hamer, of Fulton county, was robbed of several hundred 
 dollars. 
 
 The closeness of the atmosphere had caused the senator to become 
 sick and, on attempting to leave the room, his money was forcibly 
 taken from him near the main entrance to the hall, and was done so 
 cleverly that no one other than the senator and the robbers, knew what 
 was going on. 
 
 JOLLIFICATION FOLLOWED 
 
 When the ceremonies were over and the state capitol of Illinois 
 was occupied by Democratic officials for the first time since before the 
 Civil War, a veritable gala was held. 
 
 Until then, the clerk of the Supreme Court, Ethan Allen Snively, 
 and the clerk of the Appellate Court, George W. Jones, had been about 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 175 
 
 the only Democratic officials who had been able to keep their desks at 
 the capitol. 
 
 Once or twice a state superintendent of public instruction bad been 
 a Democrat, and that office and that of the state treasurer bad been 
 Democratic since January, 1891, but Snively's and Jones' corner had 
 been the Democratic mecca for nearly a generation, and when those 
 good party men later were swept out of office, in 1894, many a member of 
 the Illinois Democracy felt deep and personal regret. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 177 
 
 WORDS OF ALTGELD THAT 
 DEMONSTRATE THE TRUE 
 CHARACTER OF THE MAN 
 
 Both during' the four years of his administration and after, it is to 
 be doubted if any Democratic governor of Illinois, or state executive 
 of the party for that matter, ever was more condemned and reviled than 
 John Peter Altgeld. 
 
 Yet, especially in the long years of Democratic defeat that ensued 
 between the end of his term of office in 1897 and that year of 1912 when 
 sweeping victory again came to the Illinois Democracy, he became a sort 
 of patron saint — an idol sacred to a large proportion of the rank and 
 file of his party in our state. 
 
 During those years, too, even with those that had and still con- 
 demned his policies, there was a growing appreciation of the high 
 spiritual motives of the man. 
 
 To many who love the deeper tones of oratory, there has been a 
 feeling that one of the public utterances of John Peter Altgeld belongs 
 in that immortal class that may be exemplified by Patrick Henry's 
 "Give me liberty or give me death" and by Lincoln's Gettysburg ad- 
 dress. This address, delivered at the close of his administration and 
 especially addressed to the young men of Illinois and of the nation, was 
 in the following striking words: 
 
 "Young men, life is before you. Two voices are calling you — one 
 coming from the swamps of selfishness and force, where success means 
 death ; and the other from the hilltops of justice and progress, where 
 even failure brings glory. Two lights are seen in your horizon — one the 
 fast fading marsh light of power, and the other the slowly rising sun of 
 human brotherhood. Two ways lie open for you — one leading to an 
 ever lower and lower plain, where are heard the cries of despair and the 
 curses of the poor, where manhood shrivels and possession rots down 
 
178 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 the possessor; and the other leading off to the highlands of the morning, 
 where arc heard the glad shouts of humanity and where honest effort 
 is rewarded with immortality." 
 
 To the writer, then a quite young man, who knew and admired 
 John Peter Altgeld, it would seem that nothing could illustrate the true 
 character of that great Illinois Democrat than these words uttered by 
 himself. 
 
 AN UNUSUAL INTRODUCTION 
 
 Because of the high regard in which Altgeld had come to be held 
 by the Illinois Democracy, it hardly could be said to be out of place that 
 the Blue Book issued for 1913-1914, contained as its frontispiece, a por- 
 trait of Former Governor Altgeld and the excerpt from his address as 
 quoted above. 
 
 And that same Blue Book contained this noteworthy introduction: 
 
 "Here in this introduction and the advent of an administration 
 that proposes to present facts and a true history of events to a people 
 who are both just and generous when fully informed, but whose time, 
 because of unjust social conditions, too fully is occupied in making a 
 living for themselves and those dear to them to watch political events 
 with that carefulness which, under more natural conditions, would prove 
 profitable, we are endeavoring to furnish in these pages a history that 
 should be studied and preserved. 
 
 "The frontispiece in memory of the late governor, John Peter 
 Altgeld, who was villified and maligned in life, because he dared to 
 stand for the persecuted and downtrodden, at a time when soldiers were 
 few in the cause of humanity, is most fitting to be presented to our 
 people in this age when truth and justice is once more in the ascendency. 
 
 "To that gathering which howled him down when delivering his 
 address at the close of his administration, to those who followed the 
 lead of the plutocratic press ('Forgive them for they know not what 
 they do') this introduction will not be pleasing, but it has been too long 
 delayed, to those who seek the truth and would follow it. 
 
 "His message to young men which faces his likeness, has become, 
 to those who knew the man as sacred as a prayer. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 17!) 
 
 "Enough of this edition has been permitted, through the State 
 Board of Contracts, so that a copy can be furnished to every school in 
 the State, in the hope that it may be appreciated and preserved as a 
 part of the history of the great State of Illinois. 
 
 "Illinois has not lived in vain, but it is the future that must prove 
 that her foundations were well laid. Ever forward, freedom beckons— 
 freedom to worship — freedom of speech — freedom of press — freedom 
 to trade — all these are advancing. 
 
 "Freedom of opportunity is the Star in the East, the goal we arc 
 seeking, its light disclosing the brotherhood of man based upon the 
 universal fatherhood of God." 
 
JOHN P. ALTGELD 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY l«:i 
 
 STIRRING DAYS OF ALTGELD 
 
 ADMINISTRATION WERE FULL 
 
 OF INTENSIVE DRAMA! 
 
 It is to be doubted if any Democratic administration in the history 
 of Illinois had larger fill of really intensive drama than the one beaded 
 by John Peter Altgeld. 
 
 Highlights of that term included : 
 
 The pardoning of tbe so-called Chicago anarchists — Fielden, 
 Schwab and Neebe — who had escaped that capital punishment meted 
 out to several of their fellow defendants as a sequel to the Haymarket 
 tragedy. 
 
 The World's Columbian exposition, which is held in memory bv 
 many residents of Illinois and other states, as having been of much 
 greater magnificence, of far more inspiration, than the Chicago World 's 
 Fairs of 1933 and 1934, notable as were the latter. 
 
 The assassination of that mayor who had so endeared himself to 
 the Democracy of Illinois, and to men and women of all parties, Carter 
 II. Harrison the Elder, in the closing days of that exposition at the 
 hands of the crazy Prendergast, who afterward was hanged for the 
 crime. 
 
 The Pullman strike with its weeks of violence and killings. 
 
 The protest of Governor Altgeld against the action of President 
 Grover Cleveland in sending federal troops to Chicago, and in the 
 determined resistance of the national executive that those troops would 
 remain. 
 
 Tbe destruction of the beautiful World's Fair buildings by fire — 
 regarded by many as part and parcel of the Pullman strike. 
 
 Tbe activities of the then newly-formed American Railway Union, 
 under the guidance of the brilliant but erratic Eugene V. Debs, willi 
 its resultant imprisonment of Debs and some of his associates. 
 
184 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 This epitome, in itself, will give some idea of the stirring times 
 of 1893 to 1896, but couple them with the constant political drama then 
 enacted, and you will see why some historians have not hesitated to 
 pronounce the Altgeld term the most interesting of all Illinois adminis- 
 trations. 
 
 STORMS BROKE EARLY 
 
 Storms broke early in the term. 
 
 When Altgeld entered office there were many rumors to the effect 
 that, during his campaign for the governorship, he had promised the 
 Chicago Amnesty Association that, if elected, he would pardon Fielden, 
 Schwab and Neebe. 
 
 The unbiased searcher after facts will find no warrant for these 
 rumors. 
 
 The Chicago Amnesty Association had been formed in 1890, having 
 for its avowed object the release of the three Haymarket defendants 
 then imprisoned in the Joliet penitentiary. 
 
 Permanent residents of Chicago, regardless of party, had enrolled 
 in its membership, with S. E. Gross, then one of that city's best-known 
 and successful real estate men, among its most active proponents. 
 
 Gross had supported Altgeld in the campaign and this appears to 
 be the only basis for the claim that the new governor had made the 
 rumored pre-election pledge. 
 
 Altgeld, himself, denied any such promise having been made and 
 those who best knew the unyielding truthfulness of the man, never 
 doubted his word. 
 
 In considering the events that led up to the pardon of the then 
 famous trio, it should be noted that many of the leading men and 
 women not only of Illinois, but of other states, had added their voices 
 to the pleas that they should be released. 
 
 \mong these were such occupants of the hall of fame as Robert 
 G. Ingersoll, Joseph Pulitzer, Lyman J. Gage, and William Dean 
 Howell s, the latter being then the best known and most widely read of 
 American novelists. 
 
 DARROW MOST INSISTENT 
 
 But, perhaps, the most insistent of all the pardon advocates was 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 185 
 
 Clarence S. Darrow, of Chicago, then only at the beginning of that 
 great renown which was to come to him later. 
 
 Darrow did not hesitate at quite bitter criticism of Altgeld's failure 
 to act more promptly in the matter. 
 
 But the attitude of the governor throughout was along the lines 
 of calm equity. 
 
 "If these men really are guilty, their punishment has been too 
 little rather than too much," was the way he put it, coupled with the 
 announcement that he would do nothing until he had made full investi- 
 gation of the court record. 
 
 HUGE PETITION PRESENTED 
 
 Early in 1893, a petition bearing the signatures of 62,.'U1 men and 
 women, was presented to the governor. 
 
 It had been circulated by the Chicago Amnesty Association and, 
 while the number of signatures may appear small in these later days, 
 it was a record breaker at the time it was presented. 
 
 In connection with its being handed to the governor, a statement 
 v;'s made to the effect that among the signatures were those of every 
 railwav president and of every bank executive of Chicago. 
 
 This may or may not have been entirely true, but anyway, it made 
 no difference to Altgeld, who again informed the petitioners that no 
 action would be taken by him until he had completed his investigation. 
 
 To enable him to a full understanding of the case, he obtained 
 a complete transcript of the record of the trial and testimony as filed 
 in the supreme court of Illinois, to which an appeal had been taken and 
 which tribunal had confirmed the judgment of the lower court. 
 
 FEARED FOR HIS FUTURE 
 
 Before the governor had announced his decision in the matter, 
 there were persistent rumors that it would be in favor of the defend- 
 ants. 
 
 Some of Altgeld's closest friends and political lieutenants, includ- 
 ing Secretary of State Hinrichsen, were reported as being much 
 alarmed at these rumors and were said to have gone to the governor 
 and told him that, especially in view of the fact that the supreme 
 
186 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 court had fully reviewed the case, any action not in keeping with the 
 judgment of that body roundly would be condemned by the people of 
 Illinois, and would be Altgeld 's political death knoll. 
 
 ALTGELD'S REPLY 
 
 The governor's reply was: "I am reviewing this case with open 
 mind and will decide it on the facts. By God, if I decide that these 
 men are innocent, I will pardon them if 1 never hold office another day!" 
 
 On June 26, 1893, Governor Altgeld issued a "full and complete 
 pardon" to the imprisoned trio. 
 
 Then the storm broke ! 
 
 Vigorous protests came from many sections of the state, as well 
 as from other commonwealths. 
 
 Some of these protests were from men who previously had been 
 Altgeld's loyal supporters. 
 
 There can be little doubt that the governor's action, courageous 
 and well-considered as it had been, was a factor in the party defeats 
 that marked Illinois Democratic campaigns for years thereafter. 
 
 THAT CLEVELAND EPISODE 
 
 Briefly stated, the episode that brought John Peter Altgeld into 
 open conflict with a Democratic president was: 
 
 Early in July 1894, the Pullman strike had flared into a veritable 
 storm of violence and there had been several killings and much de- 
 struction of property. 
 
 Among the trains reported to have been interfered with by the 
 strikers were several carrying the United States mails, and this was 
 held to be sufficient warrant to call for federal action. 
 
 It mav be stated here that, in several subsequent railway strikes 
 where mail trains had been attacked or their passage interfered with, 
 the action taken by President Cleveland at that time had been followed 
 and fully sustained. 
 
 FEDERAL TROOPS ORDERED 
 
 By a coincidence, department headquarters of the United States 
 army then were located on an upper floor of the Pullman building, in 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 187 
 
 Michigan avenue, which also contained the executive offices of the Pull- 
 man Car Company, against whom the strike was being directed. 
 
 Of course, there was nothing but mere coincidence in this, but it 
 led several of the more intemperate among the strikers to intimate that 
 Grover Cleveland's action in the matter was influenced by the close 
 proximity of the Pullman offices to army headquarters. 
 
 That fine soldier and excellent Democrat, whose name later was 
 to be considered by the St. Louis national convention of 1894 as a 
 possible Democratic nominee for president of the United States, Gen- 
 eral Nelson A. Miles, was department commander. 
 
 On July 4, 1894, General Miles received instructions from the war 
 department at Washington, to move all troops from Fort Sheridan into 
 Chicago "for the purpose of preserving property of the United States 
 and for preventing interference with United States mails." 
 
 Miles, of course, immediately complied with the order. 
 
 Governor Altgeld forthwith protested by wire, direct to the presi- 
 dent, aerainst the action which he declared to be "a clear and un- 
 warranted intrusion on the rights of the State of Illinois." 
 
 President Cleveland's reply, also by wire, was received the following 
 day. 
 
 It stated that there was no thought of any intrusion of the rights 
 of the State of Illinois, and that the action taken by him, in ordering 
 out the federal troops, was clearly within his duty and in keeping with 
 the authority imposed on him by the constitution of the United States. 
 
 AN UNPREJUDICED CONCLUSION 
 
 It is the controlling thought in the compiling of this history of the 
 Illinois Democracv, that it shall state the facts as they actually occurred 
 and without bias to any faction of that Democracy, or of the Democracy 
 of the nation. 
 
 Impartial review of the facts connected with the Altgeld protest 
 to the president, which made a great sensation at that time, must lead 
 to these conclusions : 
 
 That Governor Altgeld was entirely conscientious in his protest 
 to the president. 
 
 That President Cleveland was equally conscientious in taking the 
 action that he did. 
 
188 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 That the coming of the federal troops to Chicago undoubtedly went 
 a long way in checking the grave disorder and riotous conditions thai 
 had prevailed before they came. 
 
 Nor would it be fair to close this brief story of the episode withou 1 
 paying tribute to the unfailing equity and kindly judgment of General 
 Nelson A. Miles, whose fair disposition never failed him, even in 
 moments of areat stress. 
 
 & j 
 
 HIS LIFE'S STORY 
 
 John Peter Altgeld had been born in Prussia, of humble parents, 
 December 30, 1847. 
 
 Throughout most of his career, he had known the long, hard road 
 of poverty. 
 
 If he always had deep sympathy for the poor and the oppressed, 
 it hardly could have been otherwise, for he had been one of them. 
 
 An emigrant lad, who often had known what it meant to go hungry, 
 at the age of sixteen years, he had enlisted, May 1864, as a private in 
 the 163rd Ohio Volunteer Infantry. 
 
 After the war he was, in turn: 
 
 A farm hand. 
 
 A day laborer. 
 
 A huckster. 
 
 A "hobo" (to use his own word). 
 
 A lawyer. 
 
 A judge of the superior court of Cook county, from which office 
 he resigned August 1, 1891, before entering the race for governor. 
 
 A real estate dealer. 
 
 A capitalist, and one who was rated as being either a millionaire 
 or close thereto. 
 
 An owner of one of Chicago's earlier office structures, the Unity 
 building. 
 
 Like Lincoln, he largely was self-educated. 
 
 He left the governor's chair a virtual bankrupt. 
 
 The later days of his life were mostly of sickness, and of com- 
 parative poverty. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 189 
 
 He died in Chicago where so many of his bravest battles had been 
 fought, on March 12, 1902, at the age of 54 years. 
 
 "THE EAGLE THAT IS FORGOTTEN" 
 
 The author of this history of the Illinois Democracy knows of no 
 better, nor more fitting way to conclude this chapter of the career of 
 this courageous son of that Democracy, than in the words that were 
 penned by another of Illinois' immortal sons, that sweet singer of 
 Springfield, the poet of the great vision, Nicholas Vachel Lindsay: 
 
 THE EAGLE THAT IS FORGOTTEN 
 (John P. Altgeld. Born December 30, 1847; died 
 March 12, 1902) 
 Sleep softly . . . eagle forgotten . . . under the stone. 
 Time has its way with you there, and the clay has its own. 
 
 "We have buried him now," thought your foes, and in secret rejoiced. 
 They made a brave show of their mourning, their hatred unvoiced. 
 They had snarled at you, barked at you, foamed at you day after day. 
 Now you were ended. They praised you, . . . and laid you away. 
 
 The others that mourned you in silence and terror and truth, 
 
 The widow bereft of her crust, and the boy without youth, 
 
 The mocked and the scorned and the wounded, the lame and the poor 
 
 That should have remembered forever, . . . remember no more. 
 
 Where are those lovers of yours, on what name do they call 
 The lost, that in armies wept over your funeral pall? 
 They call on the names of a hundred high-valiant ones, 
 A hundred white eagles have risen the sons of your sons, 
 The zeal in their wings is a zeal that your dreaming began 
 The va'or that wore out your soul in the service of man. 
 
 Sleep softly, . . . eagle forgotten, . . . under the stone, 
 
 Time has its way with you there and the clay has its own. 
 
 Sleep on, O brave-hearted, wise man, that kindled the flame — 
 
 To live in mankind is far more than to live in a name, 
 
 To live in mankind, far, far more . . . than to live in a name. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 191 
 
 SOME CALLED THIS 
 
 UNUSUAL GATHERING 
 
 "A RUMP CONVENTION" 
 
 An unusual happening' of the Altgeld administration, and one that, 
 for the most part, has been overlooked by earlier historians, was the 
 calling- of a Democratic state convention in extraordinary session on 
 June 5, 1895. 
 
 At the time, the opponents of Altgeld in his own party, denounced 
 the gathering as being a "rump convention." 
 
 Yet it bore none of the traditional earmarks of the "rump" or 
 irregular. 
 
 It was largely attended and undoubtedly was representative of the 
 majority sentiment of the Illinois Democracy of that year. 
 
 The convention was called under circumstances that briefly may be 
 stated as follows : 
 
 Hostility to Grover Cleveland's administration had been steadily 
 growing among the Democrats of Illinois — indeed among many of the 
 Democrats of the nation, especially in the south and west. 
 
 The disastrous results of the election of 1894 had intensified that 
 antagonism to the national executive. 
 
 The president's course on the money question was distasteful to 
 that large and growing element in the party which was favorable to the 
 remonetization of silver. 
 
 Many of the leading Democrats of our own state believed that, unless 
 something was done and done quickly, to contravert the Cleveland 
 policies, the Democratic party of the state was in danger of annihilation. 
 
 This belief was held and openly expressed both by Governor Altgeld 
 and by Secretary of State Hinrichsen, the latter being the chairman of 
 the state central committee. 
 
192 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 A large majority of the members of that committee had shown 
 that they shared these opinions. 
 
 To crystallize the sentiment, the committee called the Democracy 
 of the state to meet in extraordinary convention "to induce the Demo- 
 cratic party, as a party, to assume and pursue a decided position on 
 the currency question, and to draw its party lines according to the 
 undoubted wishes of a majority of its members." 
 
 The convention met in Springfield on June 5, 1895. 
 
 It consisted of 1,076 delegates, on the basis of one delegate for every 
 300 votes or a fraction of 150 or over, that had been cast for the 
 Democratic candidate for state treasurer in 1894. 
 
 The convention proved overwhelmingly and enthusiastically in 
 favor of the remonetization of silver. 
 
 Monroe C. Crawford, of Union county, was the temporary chairman. 
 
 He had been a distinguished Union soldier during the Civil War, 
 and was a recognized wheelhorse of the' Democracy of southern Illinois. 
 
 BRYAN A SPEAKER 
 
 The permanent chairman was Judge Samuel P. McConnell, of 
 Chicago. Addresses, in the order of their giving, were made by State 
 Chairman Hinrichson, Judge Crawford, Judge McConnell, Judge An- 
 drew J. Hunter, Governor Altgeld, Editor Michaelis, of the "Freie 
 Presse," a leading German-American publication of Chicago, and by 
 the "Peerless Leader," William Jennings Bryan, of Lincoln, Nebraska. 
 
 Bryan already had gained much renown as an orator, and his ap- 
 pearance on the platform was a signal for an ovation which lasted for 
 nearly six minutes. 
 
 His address frequently was punctuated by tumultuous applause, 
 and at its conclusion there was another great demonstration. 
 
 After Mr. Bryan had finished, a letter from Governor William J. 
 Stone, of Missouri, an early advocate of free silver, was read and, 
 again, there was a great outburst. 
 
 Former Congressman George W. Fithian had been named as chair- 
 man of the committee of resolutions and, amon<> - the declarations which 
 lie reported, was the following: 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 193 
 
 "Resolved, by the Democrats of Illinois in convention assembled, 
 that we are in favor of the use of both gold and silver as the standard 
 money of the United States. 
 
 ' ' We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both metals at the 
 ratio of 16 to 1 without waiting for the action of any other nation, and 
 such coin shall be legal tender, for all debts both public and private. 
 
 "That all contracts hereafter executed for the payment of money, 
 whether in gold, silver, or coin, may be discharged by any money which 
 is by law legal tender." 
 
 SEVERE CRITICISM FOLLOWS 
 
 The action of the state central committee in calling the convention, 
 as well as the action of the convention itself, severely was criticized by 
 a considerable number of prominent Illinois Democrats. 
 
 Among these were Senator John M. Palmer, while most all of those 
 who were holding important federal positions under the federal govern- 
 ment, throughout Illinois, vigorously joined in the protest. 
 
 But these were not the only protestants by any means. 
 
 Many, who for decades, had been devoted followers of the principles 
 of the Illinois Democracy, and who were holding no official position, 
 did not hesitate to denounce the unusual action that had been taken in 
 Springfield in June, 1895. 
 
 The claim was made that this action not only was unusual, but 
 was unauthorized by any party rule or regulation. 
 
 Then too, there were many Illinois Democrats who, while not ap- 
 proving either the convention or its action, declined to make public 
 utterance at the time. 
 
 ACTION SHOWED POSITION 
 
 The action of that 1895 extraordinary convention undoubtedly 
 showed the Democracy of Illinois to be hostile to the course which Presi- 
 dent Cleveland was pursuing on the paramount money question. 
 
 But there were many Illinois Democrats still decidedly friendly to 
 the national administration and they undertook to stem the growing 
 tide in favor of the remonetization of silver. 
 
194 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 "COIN" HARVEY'S BOOK 
 
 A little book written by W. H. Harvey, of ( Ihicagp, entitled "Coin's 
 Financial School" had been published and was being widely read, par- 
 ticularly throughout Illinois and the central west. 
 
 To counteract the influence of this, the Chicago Tribune and 
 numerous other newspapers committed to maintaining the gold stand- 
 ing, violently assailed, not only "Coin" Harvey's book but virtually 
 everything connected with the silver movement, and many pamphlets 
 were published professing to expose the alleged fallacies of free silver. 
 
 CARLISLE IS SPEAKER 
 
 On April 5, 1896, John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky, secretary of the 
 treasury and one of the most distinguished of all-time Democrats, 
 journeyed to Chicago and delivered a brilliant address at the Audi- 
 torium on the money question. He emphatically opposed the remoneti- 
 zation of silver and eloquently upheld the gold standard. 
 
 Secretary Carlisle's address undoubtedly had its effect, and there 
 were some who declared that he had gone a long way toward checking 
 the onrush of free silver advocates. 
 
 Therefore, on May 16 of that year, Governor John P. Altgeld 
 arranged a free silver meeting and during one of his characteristically 
 able addresses, in the same auditorium in which Secretary Carlisle had 
 spoken, he answered that cabinet member. 
 
 Carlisle's meeting had been well attended, and there had been few 
 vacant seats. 
 
 But that of the governor drew a crowded house. 
 
 Not a single vacant seat was in evidence when the meeting got 
 under way, and the enthusiasm was tremendous. 
 
 Thus, the contest between the Cleveland and Anti-Cleveland Demo- 
 crats up for the control of the Illinois delegation to the national conven- 
 tion of 1896, got its real start. 
 
 The gold Democrats of Cook county had another meeting in Chicago 
 in April of that year and, while vigorously denouncing the free silver 
 movement, they had unanimously endorsed John P. Altgeld for re- 
 election as governor. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 195 
 
 But the governor, in a public interview immediately thereafter, not 
 only refused the endorsement, but derided it. 
 
 Later, Governor Altgeld went from Springfield to Chicago and took 
 personal charge of the campaign in Cook county. 
 
 It was a hard, bitter fight and, undoubtedly, wounds were made in 
 those weeks of interparty strife that counted on the wrong side of the 
 ledger in the campaigns which were held for years thereafter and which, 
 in some measure, at least, accounted for the repeated and disastrous de- 
 feats which the Illinois Democracy was to meet for many subsequent 
 years. 
 
 The Anti-Cleveland, or Silver Democrats, won out in Chicago as 
 they did elsewhere. 
 
 They controlled the Cook county convention and sent a solid delega- 
 tion in support of Altgeld and of free silver, to the state conVention 
 when it convened in Peoria the following June. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 197 
 
 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 IN THE YEAR MARKED BY 
 "CROSS OF GOLD" SPEECH 
 
 It is to be doubted whether any address by Demosthenes, by Patrick 
 Henry, by William Ewart Gladstone, or by other more or less recognized 
 orator in any period of the world's history, had quite so large an 
 effect on the destinies of his party or of a nation, as the historic "Cross 
 of Gold" speech of William Jennings Bryan, native son of Illinois 
 Democracy, at the Chicago convention of 1896. 
 
 For one thing, that address made the then comparatively unknown 
 young man who delivered it, the presidential nominee of his party — not 
 once, nor twice, but three times. 
 
 But, more than this, that address and its accompanying commit- 
 ment of the Democracy to the cause of free silver in "the heaven-born 
 ratio of 16 to 1" brought schisms in the ranks of the party that were 
 large factors in the defeat of the Democratic tickets for long years 
 thereafter. 
 
 The dramatic events of the Democratic national convention of July 
 of that year touched the Democracy of Illinois closer than it did that 
 of most other states ; not only because the peerless leader was one who 
 had had his beginnings with our own people, but because it was held in 
 our own city of Chicago. 
 
 The writer, then a quite young man, was in that great historical 
 gathering, and was carried away with the others, in the mighty wave of 
 enthusiasm with which it was greeted. 
 
 He has distinct memories of all the events of that great convention — 
 of the enduring figure of John Peter Altgeld, one of the strong men of 
 the assemblage — of Governor Russell of Massachusetts, and of the 
 others. 
 
198 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 But rather than trust to remembrance so many years after, he 
 has thought it better to cull the more formal facts from the record as 
 it then was written. 
 
 ILLINOIS TOOK LEADING PART 
 
 The convention was called to order July 7, 1896. 
 
 Illinois took a leading part throughout. 
 
 Governor Altgeld was made chairman of the delegation, and C. W. 
 Bliss of Hillsboro, secretary. 
 
 There was pronounced sentiment in the Illinois delegation favorable 
 to Richard Parks Bland, of Missouri, as the presidential candidate. 
 
 This was strongest with the delegates from the southern half of the 
 state, but was shared by Governor Altgeld. 
 
 A few were favorable to Horace Boies, the distinguished Democrat 
 who had been elected governor of Iowa, while Vice-President Adlai E. 
 Stevenson had several votes in his delegation, as did Justice Alfred M. 
 Craig, of the State Supreme Court. 
 
 William J. Bryan from the very beginning had friends there, who 
 would have been glad to vote for him from the start if they had thought 
 he stood any real chance ; but Dr. Felix Rignier, of Monmouth, was the 
 one who was outspoken for Bryan even before the convention met. 
 
 BLAND WAS FAVORITE 
 
 Bland, however, early had a clear majority of the Illinois delegation 
 and, under unit rule, the delegates were bound to vote solidly for the 
 great Missourian, and this unanimously had been agreed to the day 
 before the convention met. 
 
 Members from Illinois of various committees of the convention 
 were : 
 
 ( Jredentials : A. H. Hope, Alton. 
 
 Permanent Organization: Judge AVilliam Prentiss, Chicago. 
 
 Rules: George W. Fithian, Newton. 
 
 Resolutions : N. E. Worthington, Peoria. 
 
 SEVERAL ILLINOIS SPEAKERS 
 
 Illinois delegates who made speeches before the convention included 
 Charles K. Ladd, who took part in the debate over the temporary chair- 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 199 
 
 manship; J. R. Williams, of Carmi, who seconded the nomination ox 
 Bland; Free P. Morris, of Watseka, and George W. Fithian, of Newton, 
 each of whom seconded the nomination of Sibley, of Pennsylvania, for 
 Vice-President later in the proceedings. 
 
 Governor Altgeld also addressed the convention at its unanimous 
 invitation. 
 
 After Mr. Bryan had made his speech closing the debate on majority 
 and minority reports as to the party platform, the Eloquent Nebraskan's 
 stock rose very rapidly among the Illinois delegates. 
 
 Those who had been friendly to him before began to work more 
 vigorously for him now, both in their own delegation and among those 
 from other states. 
 
 The Illinois delegation, however, because of its previous agreement 
 to vote for Bland, who had so many friends in the delegation and who 
 were adhering to him tenaciously, was recorded for the Missourian mi 
 the earlier ballots. 
 
 During the third and fourth ballots, however, the Bryan sentiment 
 in the delegation became so pronounced that, immediately after the 
 fourth ballot, Governor Altgeld called on the delegation to retire from 
 the hall for a further conference. 
 
 In the caucas Altgeld insisted that the roll be called without any 
 speech making, and that each delegate again should state his preference 
 for president. 
 
 Former Congressman, J. R. Williams, however, made an earnest, 
 though short appeal for Bland, and pleaded with every delegate to 
 stand by the original unit roll agreement. 
 
 On the roll call, the first name was that of Governor Altgeld. and 
 he voted for Bryan, but before it could be recorded there was much 
 interruption. 
 
 The noise and confusion became very great, and it was with much 
 difficulty that the responses of the delegates could be heard by Secretary 
 Bliss. 
 
 There was trouble over the tally and the roll was called several 
 times. 
 
200 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 WANTED ALTGELD TO DECIDE 
 
 Finally a delegate proposed that, as Governor Altgeld, head of the 
 state ticket for re-election, had more at stake than anyone else, he 
 should be allowed to name the man for whom the delegation would vote. 
 
 This the governor very emphatically refused to do. 
 
 Instead, he stated that he would not vote, himself, but would abide 
 by the selection that a majority of the delegates might see fit to make. 
 
 Thereupon, the delegation divided into two groups — one for Bland 
 and the other for Bryan. 
 
 Altgeld and one or two others, declined to join either group. 
 
 On counting the tallies, there were four more for Bryan than for 
 Bland, and thereupon it was agreed that the solid vote of the delegation 
 on the last ballot should be cast for the Nebraskan. 
 
 Returning to the convention, this was done. 
 
 Illinois' action created a veritable stampede, and the final outcome 
 hardly was in doubt. 
 
 Ohio promptly withdrew the name of its favorite son, John R. Mc- 
 Lean, of Cincinnati, and voted for Bryan. 
 
 Other states followed suit and, on the fifth ballot, Bryan was nom- 
 inated, receiving 642 votes. 
 
 The whole number of delegates in the convention was 930. 
 
 After the great demonstration following Bryan's nomination, an- 
 other caucus of the delegates was held and, at it, Illinois decided to cast 
 its vote for Joseph C. Sibley, of Pennsylvania, as the candidate for 
 vice-president. 
 
 Illinois and several other states were strong for Sibley, but Arthur 
 Sewall, of Maine, said to be the personal choice of Mr. Bryan, was 
 nominated as his running mate. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 201 
 
 THE NEVER TO BE FORGOTTEN 
 "CROSS OF GOLD" SPEECH 
 AT CHICAGO CONVENTION 
 
 "I would be presumptuous, indeed, to present myself against the 
 distinguished gentlemen to whom you have listened, if this were a mere 
 measuring of abilities ; but this is not a contest between persons. The 
 humblest citizen in all the land, when clad in the armor of a righteous 
 cause, is stronger than all the hosts of error. I come to speak to you in 
 defense of a cause as holy as the cause of liberty — the cause of humanity. 
 
 "When this debate is concluded, a motion will be made to lay upon 
 the table the resolution offered in commendation of the administration. 
 We object to bringing this question down to the level of persons. The 
 individual is but an atom; he is born, he acts, he die's ; but principles are 
 eternal ; and this has been a contest over a principle. 
 
 "Never before in the history of this country has there been wit- 
 nessed such a contest as that through which we have just passed. Never 
 before in the history of American politics has a great issue been fought 
 out as this issue has been, by the voters of a great party. On the 4th 
 of March, 1895, a few Democrats, most of them members of Congress, 
 issued an address to the Democrats of the nation, asserting that the 
 money question was the paramount issue of the hour; declaring that a 
 majority of the Democratic party had the right to control the action 
 of the party on this paramount issue; and concluding with the request 
 that the believers in the free coinage of silver in the Democratic party 
 should organize, take charge of, and control the policy of the Demo- 
 cratic party. Three months later, at Memphis, an organization was 
 perfected, and the silver Democrats went forth openly and courageously 
 proclaiming their belief, and declaring that, if successful, they would 
 crystallize into a platform the declaration which they had made. Then 
 began the conflict. With a zeal approaching the the zeal which inspired 
 the crusaders who followed Peter the Hermit, our silver Democrats 
 went forth from victory unto victory until they are now assembled, not 
 
202 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 to discuss, not to debate, but to enter up the judgment already rendered 
 by the plain people of this country. In this contest brother has been 
 arrayed against brother, father against son. The warmest ties of love, 
 acquaintance and association have been disregarded; old leaders have 
 been cast aside when they have refused to give expression to the senti- 
 ments of those whom they would lead, and new leaders have sprung up 
 to give direction to this cause of truth. Thus has the contest been waged, 
 and we have assembled here under as binding and solemn instructions 
 as were ever imposed upon representatives of the people. 
 
 "We do not come as individuals. As individuals we might have 
 been glad to compliment the gentleman from New York (Senator Hill), 
 but we know that the people for whom we speak would never be willing 
 to put him in a position where he could thwart the will of the Democratic 
 party. I say it was not a question of persons; it was a question of 
 principle, and it is not with gladness, my friends, that we find ourselves 
 brought into conflict with those who are' now arrayed on the other side. 
 
 ' ' The gentleman who preceded me ( Former-Governor Russell) spoke 
 for the State of Massachusetts, but we stand here representing people 
 who are the equals, before the law, of the greatest citizen in the State of 
 Massachusetts. When you (turning to the gold delegates) come before 
 us and tell us that we are about to disturb your business interests, we 
 reply that you have disturbed our business interests by your course. 
 
 "We say to you that you have made the definition of a business 
 man too limited in its application. The man who is employed for wages 
 is as much a business man as his employer; the attorney in a country 
 town is as much a business man as the corporation counsel in a great 
 metropolis; the merchant at the cross-roads store is as much a business 
 man as the merchant of New York; the farmer who goes forth in the 
 morning and toils all day — who begins in the spring and toils all summer 
 — and who by the application of brain and muscle to the natural re- 
 sources of the country creates wealth, is as much a business man as the 
 man who goes upon the board of trade and bets upon the price of grain ; 
 the miners who go down a thousand feet into the earth, or climb two 
 thousand feet upon the cliffs, and bring- forth from their hiding places 
 the precious metals to be poured into the channels of trade are as 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 203 
 
 much business men as the few financial magnates who in a back room, 
 corner the money of the world. We come to speak for this broader 
 class of business men. 
 
 "Ah, my friends, we say not one word against those who live upon 
 the Atlantic coast, but the hardy pioneers who have braved all the 
 dangers of the wilderness, who have made the desert to blossom as the 
 rose — the pioneers away out there (pointing to the west), who rear 
 their children near to Nature's heart, where they can mingle their voices 
 with the voices of the birds — out there where they have erected school- 
 houses for the education of their young, churches where they praise 
 their Creator, and cemeteries where rest the ashes of their dead — 
 these people, we say, are as deserving of the consideration of our party 
 as any people in this country. It is for these that we speak. We do not 
 come, as aggressors. Our war is not a war of conquest; we are fighting 
 in the defense of our homes, our families, and posterity. We have peti- 
 tioned, and our petitions have been scorned; we have entreated, and our 
 entreaties have been disregarded; we have begged, and they have 
 mocked when our calamity came. We beg no longer; we entreat no 
 longer; we petition no more. We defy them. 
 
 "The gentleman from Wisconsin has said that he fears a Robes- 
 pierre. My friends, in this land of the free you need not fear that a 
 tyrant will spring up from among the people. What we need is an 
 Andrew Jackson to stand, as Jackson stood, against the encroachment 
 of organized wealth. 
 
 "They tell us that this platform was made to catch votes. We reply 
 to them that changing conditions make new issues; that the principles 
 upon which Democracy rests are as everlasting as the hills, but that 
 they must be applied to new conditions as they arise. Conditions have 
 arisen, and we are here to meet these conditions. They tell us that the 
 income tax ought not to be brought in here ; that it is a new idea. They 
 criticize us for our criticism of the Supreme Court of the United States. 
 My friends we have not criticized; we have simply called attention to 
 what you already know. If you want criticisms, read the dissenting 
 opinions of the court. There you will find criticisms. They say that we 
 passed an unconstitutional law; we deny it. The income tax law Mas 
 
204 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 not unconstitutional when it was passed; it was not unconstitutional 
 when it went before the Supreme Court for the first time; it did not 
 become unconstitutional until one of the judges changed his mind, and 
 we cannot be expected to know when a judge will change his mind. The 
 income tax is just. It simply intends to put the burdens of government 
 justly upon the backs of the people. I am in favor of an income tax. 
 When I find a man who is not willing to bear his share of the burdens of 
 the government which protects him, I find a man who is unworthy to 
 enjoy the blessings of a government like ours. 
 
 ' ' They say that we are opposing national bank currency ; it is true. 
 If you will read what Thomas Benton said, you will find he said that, in 
 searching history, he could find but one parallel to Andrew Jackson ; 
 that was Cicero, who destroyed the conspiracy of Cataline and saved 
 Rome. Benton said that Cicero only did for Rome what Jackson did 
 for us when he destroyed the bank conspiracy and saved America. We 
 say in our platform that we believe that the' right to coin and issue money 
 is a function of government. We believe it. We believe that it is a part 
 of sovereignty, and can no more with safety be delegated to private indi- 
 viduals than we could afford to delegate to private individuals the power 
 to make penal statutes or levy taxes. Mr. Jefferson, who was once 
 regarded as good Democratic authority, seems to have differed in 
 opinion from the gentleman who addressed us on the part of the 
 minority. Those who are opposed to this proposition tell us that the 
 issue of paper money ought to go out of the' banking business. I stand 
 with Jefferson rather than with them, and tell them, as he did, that 
 the issue of money is a function of government, and that the banks 
 ought to go out of the governing business. 
 
 "They complain about the plank which declares against life tenure 
 in office. They have tried to strain it to mean that which it does not mean. 
 What we oppose by that plank is the life tenure which is being built up 
 in Washington, and which excludes from participation in official benefits 
 the humbler members of society. Let me call your attention to two or 
 three important things. The gentleman from New York says that he will 
 propose an amendment to the platform providing that the proposed 
 change in our monetary system shall not affect contracts already made. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 205 
 
 Let me remind you that there is no intention of affecting those contracts 
 which according to present laws are made payable in gold; but if he 
 means to say that we cannot change our monetary system without pro- 
 tecting those who have loaned money before the change was made, I 
 desire to ask him where, in law or in morals, he can find justification for 
 not protecting the debtors when the act of 1873 was passed, if he now 
 insists that we must protect the creditors. 
 
 "He says he will also propose an amendment which will provide 
 for the suspension of free coinage if we fail to maintain the parity 
 within a year. We reply that when we advocate a policy which we believe 
 will be successful, we are not compelled to raise a doubt as to our own 
 sincerity by suggesting what we shall do if we fail. I ask him, if he 
 would apply his logic to us, why he does not apply it to himself. He says 
 he wants this country to try to secure an international agreement. Why 
 does he not tell us what he is going to do if he fails to secure an inter- 
 national agreement? There is more reason for him to do that than there 
 is for us to provide against the failure to maintain the parity. Our 
 opponents have tried for twenty years to secure an international agree- 
 ment, and those are waiting for it most patiently who do not want it 
 at all. 
 
 "And now, my friends, let me come to the paramount issue. If they 
 ask us why it is that we say more on the money question than we say upon 
 the tariff question, I reply that, if protection has slain its thousands, the 
 gold standard has slain its tens of thousands. If they ask us why we 
 do not embody in our platform all the things that we believe in, we reply 
 that when we have restored the money of the Constitution all other 
 necessary reforms will be possible ; but that until this is done there is no 
 other reform that can be accomplished. 
 
 "Why is it that within three months such a change has come over 
 the country? Three months ago, when it was confidently asserted that 
 those who believe in the gold standard would frame our platform and 
 nominate our candidates, even the advocates of the gold standard did 
 not think that we could elect a President. And they have good reason 
 for their doubt, because there is scarcely a state here today asking for 
 the gold standard which is not in the absolute control of the Republican 
 
206 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 party. But note the change. Mr. McKinley was nominated at St. Louis 
 upon a platform which declared for the maintenance of the gold standard 
 until it can be changed into bi-metalism by international agreement. 
 Mr. McKinley was the most popular man among the Republicans and 
 three months ago everybody in the Republican party prophesied his 
 election. How is it today? Why, the man who was once pleased to think 
 that he looked like Napoleon — that man shudders today when he re- 
 members that he was nominated on the anniversary of the battle of 
 Waterloo. Not only that, but as he listens he can hear with ever-increas- 
 ing distinctness the sound of the waves as they beat upon the lonely 
 shores of St. Helena. 
 
 "Why this change? Ah. my friends, is not the reason for the change 
 evident to any one who will look at the matter? No private character, 
 however pure, no personal popularity, however great, can protect from 
 the avenging wrath of an indignant people a man who will declare that 
 he is in favor of fastening the gold standard upon the country, or who 
 is willing to surrender the right of self-government and place the legis- 
 lative control of our affairs in the hands of foreign potentates and 
 powers. 
 
 "We go forth confident that we shall win. Why? Because upon 
 the paramount issue of this campaign there is not a spot of ground 
 which the enemy will dare to challenge battle. If they tell us that the 
 gold standard is a good thing, we shall point to their platform and tell 
 them that their platform pledges the party to get rid of the gold standard 
 and substitute bi-metalism. If the gold standard is a good thing, why 
 try to get rid of it? I call your attention to the fact that some of the 
 very people who are in this convention today and who tell us that we 
 ought to declare in favor of international bi-metalism — thereby declar- 
 ing that the old standard is wrong and that the principle of bi-metalism 
 is better — these very people four months ago were open and avowed 
 advocates of the gold standard, and were then telling us that we could 
 not legislate two metals together, even with the aid of all the world. 
 If the gold standard is a good thing, we ought to declare in favor of its 
 retention and not in favor of abandoning it ; and if the gold standard 
 is a bad thing why should we wait until other nations are willing to help 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 207 
 
 us to let go ? Here is the line of battle, and we care not upon which issue 
 they force the fight ; we are prepared to meet them on either issue or 
 on both. If they tell us that the gold standard is the standard of civiliza- 
 tion, we reply to them that this, the most enlightened of all nations of 
 the' earth, has never declared for a gold standard and that both the 
 great parties this year are declaring against it. If the gold standard 
 is the standard of civilization, why, my firends, should we not have it? 
 If they come to meet us on that issue we can present the history of our 
 nation. More that that ; we can tell them that they will search the pages 
 of history in vain to find a single instance where the common people of 
 any land have ever declared themselves in favor of the gold standard. 
 They can find where the holders of fixed investments have declared for 
 the gold standard, but not where the masses have. 
 
 "Mr. Carlisle said in 1878 that this was a struggle between 'the 
 idle holders of idle capital' and 'the struggling masses who produce the 
 wealth and pay the taxes of the country'; and, my friends, the question 
 we are to decide is: Upon which side will the Democratic party fight; 
 upon the side of 'the idle holders of idle capital' or upon the side of 
 'the struggling masses'? That is the question which the party must 
 answer first, and then it must be answered by each individual hereafter. 
 The sympathies of the Democratic party, as shown by the platform, 
 are on the side of the struggling masses who have ever been the founda- 
 tion of the Democratic party. There are two ideas of government. There 
 are those who believe that, if you will only legislate to make the well-to- 
 do prosperous, their prosperity will leak through on those below. The 
 Democratic idea, however, has been that if you legislate to make the 
 masses prosperous, their prosperity will find its way up through every 
 class which rests upon them. 
 
 "You come to us and tell us that the' great cities are in favor of the 
 gold standard; we reply that the great cities rest upon our broad and 
 fertile prairies. Burn down your cities and leave our farms, and your 
 cities will spring up again as if by magic ; but destroy our farms and 
 the grass will grow in the streets of every city in the country. 
 
 "My friends, we declare that this nation is able to legislate for its 
 own people on every question, without waiting for the aid or consent 
 
208 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 of any other nation on earth; and upon that issue' we expect to carry 
 every state in the Union. I shall not slander the inhabitants of the fair 
 State of Massachusetts nor the inhabitants of the State of New York 
 by saying that, when they are confronted with the proposition, they will 
 declare that this nation is not able to attend to its own business. It is 
 the issue of 1776 over again. Our ancestors, when but three millions in 
 number, had the courage- to declare their political independence of every 
 other nation; shall we, their descendants, when we have grown to 
 seventy millions, declare that we are less independent than our fore- 
 fathers? No, my friends, that will never be the verdict of our people. 
 Therefore, we care not upon what lines the battle is fought. If they say 
 bi-metalism is good, but that we cannot have it until other nations help 
 us, we reply that, instead of having a gold standard because England 
 has, we will restore bi-metalism, and then let England have bi-metalism 
 because the United States has it. If they dare to come out in the open 
 field and defend the gold standard as a good thing, we will fight them to 
 the uttermost. Having behind us the producing masses of this nation 
 and the world, supported by the commercial interests, the laboring in- 
 terests, and the toilers everywhere, we will answer their demand for a 
 gold standard by saying to them: You shall not press down upon the 
 brow of labor this crown of thorns, you shall not crucify mankind upon 
 a cross of gold." 
 
WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 211 
 
 A NATIVE SON OF 
 
 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 IS NAMED FOR PRESIDENT 
 
 "I have kept the faith." 
 
 With these words William Jennings Bryan, whose influence upon 
 the Democratic Party as a whole never can be measured, carried many 
 of his audiences to his way of thinking, and several times in conventions 
 these words brought his opponents to his side of the question. 
 
 The life story of the "Boy Orator of the Platte" tells of a power 
 which was to be reckoned with for a quarter of a century. On March 
 16, 1860, William Jennings Bryan was born in Salem, Illinois. His 
 father, Silas L. Bryan, was a Circuit Judge, born in the Shenandoah 
 Valley in Virginia, who had come to Illinois to make his home while still 
 a young man. Here he met Miss Maria Elizabeth Jennings, and they 
 were united in marriage. To this union William Jennings Bryan was 
 born. 
 
 The home in Salem was the average, as the elder Bryan had been a 
 successful farmer as well as lawyer. At the age of six William moved 
 with his family to the farm, where he knew the usual joys and labors of 
 the farm lad. The father was a Baptist, while his mother was a member 
 of the Methodist church. During his early manhood Judge Bryan had 
 become seriously ill, and, on being informed by his physician that 
 there was a possibility that he would not live, offered up a prayer to 
 his Maker and promised the Lord that if he were brought back to health 
 he would pray to Him three times every day. He recovered, and kept 
 his promise. It is said that many times in his career as a trial judge lie 
 would stop some important suit, kneel down, and ask divine guidance 
 for some decision which he was to make. William was early taught the 
 value of prayer and of a religious life, and this fact is responsible for 
 manv of his activities, especially during his later years. 
 
212 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 A BORN POLITICIAN 
 
 William was a born politician. At the age of fourteen he decided 
 to join the Cumberland Presbyterian Church, and his reason for this 
 act was that it was the largest denomination in the city and he wanted 
 to be with the crowd. At the age of fifteen he was sent to Jacksonville, 
 Illinois, where he enrolled in Whipple Academy, the preparatory school 
 of Illinois College. In the grades William had not been particularly 
 brilliant. His mother often had him to stand on a chair and make 
 declamations and practice in the art of oratory. When he entered the 
 academy he featured that particular branch of his education. He made 
 some advancement in Whipple, not only in his grades, but in his orator- 
 ical efforts, and in his second year won a third prize in an oratorical 
 contest. 
 
 At the age of seventeen, while his parents were absent for a visit 
 in Virginia, he hauled corn to the market in order to obtain money to 
 pay his expenses to St. Louis where the Democratic National Convention 
 was to meet. He was present during that convention when Samuel H. 
 Tilden was nominated for the Presidency. The contest, which was car- 
 ried to the House of Representatives in Washington to decide whether 
 Tilden or Hayes had received the votes of Florida and Louisiana, made 
 quite an impression on the mind of the young man. His father being a 
 Democrat, William naturally turned to that party. 
 
 AT ILLINOIS COLLEGE 
 
 Illinois College was the center of culture in the Middle West at that 
 time, and Bryan made good in his academic work. Here he met his 
 future wife, Miss Mary Baird, of Perry, whose father, a storekeeper, 
 had sent her to the Women's College in Jacksonville. He was among a 
 number of young men invited to attend a tea given by the young ladies, 
 and there the young couple first met. Bryan was living at the home of 
 distant relatives just across the street from the dormitory where Miss 
 Baird was staying, and in the evenings it was an easy matter for these 
 young people to meet on their strolls about the campus. 
 
 The president of the Women's College, having learned of these clan- 
 destine meetings, dismissed Miss Baird for the remainder of that term, 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 213 
 
 and to avoid any embarrassing notoriety accompanied her to the train. 
 After the train had started, a young man made his way from the baggage 
 car to where Miss Baird was sitting, and William prevailed upon Mary to 
 permit him to accompany her to her father's home and there to lay the 
 case before her parents. Soon he stood before her father, a very nervous 
 and agitated young man. 
 
 As in later years he turned to the Scriptures for his inspiration. 
 "Mr. Baird," said William, "I have been reading Proverbs a good deal 
 lately, and find that Solomon says, 'Whoso findeth a wife findeth a good 
 thing, and obtaineth favor of the Lord'." 
 
 Mr. Baird also knew his Bible, and replied, "Yes, I believe Solomon 
 did say that, but Paul suggests that while he that marrieth doeth well, 
 he that marrieth not doeth better." 
 
 Bryan was nonplussed for a moment, and then replied, "Solomon 
 would be the better authority on this point, because Paul never married, 
 while Solomon had a number of wives." 
 
 BRYAN'S MARRIAGE 
 
 This settled the matter. He completed his education and entered a 
 law office in Jacksonville where he achieved some success. The young- 
 couple were united in marriage October 1, 1884. This love match con- 
 tinued throughout their remaining years. Mrs. Bryan later read law, 
 and during his strenuous campaigns looked after many matters for him 
 which enabled him to devote more of his time to the business in hand, 
 that of achieving political success. 
 
 When William entered Illinois College his parents had planned that 
 he should go from there to Oxford to complete his law course, but the 
 death of his father just about the time of his graduation put an end to 
 the plan. It is hard to tell what would have been the result and the 
 influence upon the history of his country had Bryan gone to such staid, 
 orthodox school. Its sophistication and worldiness would undoubtedly 
 have made a great change in the life of this impressionable young man. 
 Had he gone to Oxford he might not have become the Great Commoner 
 and doubtless would not have risen to challenge the leadership of the 
 master mind of politics, Mark Hanna, of Ohio. He would not have stood 
 
214 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 in the halls of Congress and defied the President of his country. He 
 would not have forced President Cleveland to show his hand in later 
 years. Had he not been the Great Commoner it is doubtful if Theodore 
 Roosevelt would have been nominated for Vice-President on the ticket 
 with MeKinley. In fact, it is hard to fathom just what the results would 
 have been had Bryan become an Oxford student. 
 
 It is possible that he might have returned to the effete East, settled 
 in New York, and become another one of those whom he as the Great 
 Commoner fought so valiantly and who as valiantly fought him at every 
 turn of the political wheel. 
 
 DECIDES ON POLITICAL CAREER 
 
 Having decided to enter the political arena, he and Mrs. Bryan 
 began to buy books on tariff, politics, and the financial system of the 
 nation. These he read voraciously, and when in later years lie stood 
 on the platform in Chicago and through his speech won the nomination 
 for the Presidency, it was not an accident but the culmination of long- 
 years of study and attention to detail in his reading. 
 
 Illinois had become fairly well settled in her politics. The politi- 
 cians of that day had built their fences good and tight, and there was 
 not much chance for the young attorney to break into the political 
 arena. He attended faithfully all of the local meetings of his party, 
 helped in the campaign which kept Congressman Springer in Wash- 
 ington, made some speeches, and was generally useful in political odd 
 jobs, but his standing with the party was unimportant. It began to look- 
 as if he were just another attorney. 
 
 In the summer of 1887 he was sent to Iowa and Kansas on some legal 
 business. Having a former schoolmate in Lincoln, Nebraska, he decided 
 to visit him over the Sabbath day. The city appealed to him. His friend 
 told him how different things were in the West, and how any bright 
 young man might be able to forge ahead and how he would be made 
 royally welcome. This was the kind of atmosphere for which William 
 Jennings Bryan was looking. 
 
 lie returned to Jacksonville filled with the idea that this was the 
 Promised Land. However, there were many reasons against his moving 
 there from the standpoint of logic. He had been reared a Democrat, 
 while Nebraska had been a Republican or a Populist state. To go there, 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 215 
 
 he thought, might mean the end of his political ambitions. It would 
 mean beginning again at the bottom of the ladder in his profession. It 
 would all depend upon the amount of business which he might be able 
 to develop. 
 
 MOVES TO LINCOLN 
 Lincoln, Nebraska, at this time was filled with hard-working, modes! 
 living people with but one standard of measurement. There was no 
 aristocracy. Newcomers were arriving so thick and fast, and the situa- 
 tion was altering so rapidly, that accomplishments rather than posses- 
 sions were the measure of a man. Instinctively Bryan realized that this 
 was his place, and on the third anniversary of his marriage he took 
 the train for his new home and career. Mrs. Bryan and Ruth, who had 
 come to bless their home in the meantime, remained behind until the 
 young man should establish a law practice. Within a year after he 
 landed in Lincoln he was on his way to the presidential nomination. He 
 could not keep out of politics. He had been in Lincoln but a few weeks 
 until he was on the inside of all Democratic operations. In 1888 he was 
 elected a delegate to the Democratic State Convention and made his 
 first political speech in the spring of that year. He had a thirst for 
 personal acquaintanceship, together with a singular gift for remember- 
 ing faces and incidents. The time was ripe for vigorous leadership, 
 Civil War personalities were passing, and a younger generation was 
 coming on the stage. Gold had been established as the sole coin of the 
 nation in 1873. The demonitization of silver had appreciated the value 
 of gold and correspondingly depreciated the values of other products. 
 The idea of a joint gold and silver coinage at a given ratio was not a new 
 proposal. It had been the coinage basis of the nation up to 1873. The 
 abolition of silver coinage was passed so quietly by Congress in 1873 
 that the public knew little about it. With the resumption of specie 
 payment in January of 1879, the gold coin was at a premium and the 
 effect of the demonitization of silver began to be felt. 
 
 ARDENT STUDENT ON MONEY 
 
 Bryan was an avid reader of all literature dealing with the money 
 question, and it is not strange that he immediately became an authority 
 on the matter in the local circles of his party. 
 
216 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 With all this, however, the matter of earning- money was his para- 
 mount problem. There was quite a bit of rivalry for such law business 
 as there was in the city. His experience gained at Jacksonville in the 
 collection of debts proved useful, and in a short time he was making a 
 fair living. He soon had an opportunity to try a case before a jury and 
 won. In the twenty jury cases which he tried during his years of law 
 practice at Lincoln, he won nineteen. The attorney for the other side 
 in the case which he lost was Charles G. Dawes. 
 
 After several months he sent for Mrs. Bryan, and the young couple 
 soon became active in the affairs of Lincoln. Bryan's first political 
 activity of any importance in Nebraska was his campaign for the elec- 
 tion of J. Sterling Morton when the latter was running for Congress 
 in 1888. Mr. Morton was defeated, yet entirely undiscouraged by this 
 defeat, two years later Mr. Bryan addressed the Democratic State Con- 
 vention with as much enthusiasm and vigor as though the election had 
 been a success for his party. At this convention he made a speech in 
 which he attacked the Republicans and accused them of having perpe- 
 trated a marriage between the G.O.P. and monopoly, and said, "What 
 <i(id has joined together, let no man put asunder." 
 
 ELECTED TO CONGRESS 
 
 The Democrats decided that if Mr. Bryan felt in that sort of a 
 fighting mood he might as well be the candidate for Congress, and be 
 the one to take a good thrashing. There were no serious competitors for 
 the task of defeating the man who had won two years before. Like a 
 hound in the chase, Mr. Bryan set out on his campaign. He spoke in 
 every town and county in the district and made many addresses every 
 day. He changed his theme. In one place he would attack the tariff; in 
 another place the trusts came in for their share of his attention. At 
 yet others he expounded on the free coinage of silver, and to cap it all 
 he challenged his opponent to a series of debates. Mr. Council accepted. 
 Bryan cleverly kept the best of his arguments under cover so that the 
 reports went out that he was simply saying the same thing at every 
 meeting but when the debates finally came on he turned loose his powers 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 217 
 
 of oratory and made a different speech at every event. AY lien the votes 
 were counted on election day, Nebraska for the first time sent a Demo- 
 cratic Congressman to Washington. Bryan had won by a plurality of 
 sixty-seven votes. 
 
 SPRINGER BEFRIENDS BRYAN 
 
 During all of his life Air. Bryan seemed to know when an affray 
 was going on and immediately ran to it as though it were a three-alarm 
 fire. Such an affray was going on in the House when he arrived in 
 AVashington. A contest was on for speaker. Bryan's old friend, Con- 
 gressman Springer, was a candidate for the office, but he had made a 
 deal with Congressman Crisp, of Georgia. The young Congressman 
 joined forces with his friend, and Crisp as a reward placed Bryan on the 
 treasured AYays and Aleans Committee. As a member of this committee 
 he was able to appear in many oratorical contests. 
 
 Meantime, he looked after his own political fences. It is said that 
 he obtained more pensions in his district than all his predecessors put 
 together had obtained. His maiden speech in the House was on the sub- 
 ject of tariff. The attendance was small as he started in, but the word 
 soon spread around that the dynamic young man from Nebraska was 
 saying something worth hearing. The tariff was an old subject, but 
 Bryan was capable of making an interesting talk. Before he had hardly 
 launched on his address he glanced at the clock and saw that his time 
 was nearly gone because of a heckling which he had experienced from 
 the opposition. The House, however, amused by his ability to take care 
 of himself, moved to extend his time indefinitely. His black eyes flashing 
 with enthusiasm, he launched into a denunciation of tariffs and privilege. 
 The next morning, the unknown man from the prairies of Nebraska was 
 known to the country at large. 
 
 FAME AS ORATOR SPREADS 
 
 The Washington Post reported as follows : "There was hardly any- 
 thing else talked about except the wonderfully brilliant speech of the 
 young Nebraskan in the House." The New York Times, commenting on 
 the speech, said, "The man who today ceased to be a new and young 
 
218 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 unknown member lias jumped at once into the position of the best tariff 
 speaker in ten years." 
 
 The advantages of this event were immediate. Bryan was invited 
 to speak all over the country, and he accepted those invitations which 
 would lit in best with his political program. He had already made up his 
 mind that free silver would soon be a paramount question before the 
 country. The campaign of 1892 was coming on. Cleveland, being the 
 titular head of the party, was again a candidate for the nomination. 
 Bryan was present at the convention, although not a delegate. Cleve- 
 land was a gold Democrat. The silver leaders showed themselves unable 
 to cope with his prestige, and Mr. Bryan thoughtfully observed the 
 situation. He was due to speak at a Fourth of July celebration in Tam- 
 many Hall. B was his first address before a New York audience. His 
 first advantage in being there was to become acquainted. It would not 
 do at this time to become too definite in support of questions or per- 
 sonalities. The New York Times, in reporting his speech, said: "Mr. 
 Bryan spoke for an hour in high terms of the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence and its author, but created little fervor." 
 
 The event had accomplished, however, what he had wished. He had 
 become acquainted with the great sachem, Richard Croker, and Thomas 
 F. Gilroy, ex-mayor of the city. Bryan was well-known now in the East 
 and in the West, and known personally. He had to go back to Lincoln 
 and fight for his return to Congress. If he were successful in that 
 attempt, he was coming back to Washington to take on Grover Cleveland 
 and see who would be leader of the party. 
 
 BRYAN IS RE-ELECTED 
 
 He found upon his return to Lincoln that his fame was not only 
 an asset, but very much of a liability. The Republicans, recognizing his 
 strength and being determined to defeat him, imported their big guns 
 from the East. Senator Foraker and Congressman William McKinley 
 were the speakers. Fortunately, the G.O.P. had a local quarrel, and 
 Bryan was returned to Congress by a majority of one hundred fifty- 
 seven votes. 
 
 WTien the young Congressman came back to Washington the Demo- 
 cratic President was in the White House with all the advantages of 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 219 
 
 patronage at his command. Congress had been called together in special 
 session. The purpose of this special session was to repeal the existing 
 coinage act which directed the Treasury to purchase 4,500,000 ounces 
 of silver monthly for coinage. Mr. Cleveland's program was to see 
 that silver was not coined at all under any set agreement, much less thai 
 it was to be a standard of value. Into the arena walked Mr. Bryan, 
 fully intent upon making an address against the Cleveland program. 
 He did not confine himself to the discussion of theory, but at once served 
 notice on the President that here was an issue which would lose him 
 the support of many of his followers. The bill passed, however, was 
 sent to the Senate, and came back to the House with an amendment, 
 and again Mr. Bryan spoke against the Cleveland measure. 
 
 FIGHTS CLEVELAND POLICIES 
 
 These addresses placed him in a fighting position which few Con- 
 gressmen cared to adopt. He was not only ignoring administration 
 policy, but he was trying to destroy the administration. The admin- 
 istration could not let such insubordination pass unnoticed. Cleveland 
 singled Bryan out for discipline, and this was an unintended recognition 
 of his leadership. Mr. Cleveland informed Mr. Bryan that he was in 
 outer darkness and that his political opponents in Nebraska would be 
 appointed to office, and that none of his recommendations to the White 
 House would receive consideration. Bryan felt, however, that Cleve- 
 land's action had made him a political martyr, and he knew that this 
 would do him no harm among the Silverites. The income tax measure 
 came to the front in the next regular session of the Congress. Mr. 
 Bryan favored it. By a piece of political strategy he was able to combine 
 the income tax measure with the revenue bill, and obtained an agree- 
 ment that they should be voted upon jointly. The bill went to Cleveland 
 with the income tax law a part of it. The President was not in favor of 
 the measure, but, not wishing to veto the revenue provisions, he sinned 
 the bill. The Supreme Court subsequently held that its income tax pro- 
 visions were unconstitutional. Many years later, however, this measure 
 was submitted to the individual states for ratification as an amendment 
 to the Constitution, and on February 25, 1913, Secretary of State 
 William Jennire-s Br^an proclaimed its ratification. 
 
220 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 DECLINES TO BE CANDIDATE 
 
 The election of 1894 found Mr. Bryan wisely deciding not to become 
 a candidate for Congress again. The political situation had become 
 such that as a result of this election the number of Democrats in the 
 House dropped from two hundred nineteen in 1892 to ninety-three in 
 1894. Instead, he permitted his name to be placed before the state as a 
 candidate for the Senate. Such a race could not have any measurable 
 effect upon his political future, as Senators were elected by the Legis- 
 latures from the several states. The Nebraska Legislature went heavily 
 Republican, and a Republican was sent to the Senate. 
 
 BRYAN AS AN EDITOR 
 
 Mr. Bryan became editor-in-chief of the Omaha World Herald fol- 
 lowing this event, but he still had a few months of his term remaining 
 in Congress, and he improved them by taking some final shots at Presi- 
 dent Cleveland. These proved to be the most effective of all. Through 
 the legislation recently passed, gold was increasingly difficult to obtain, 
 and the Secretary of the Treasury had been directed to redeem all Gov- 
 ernment obligations in gold at the option of the holder, whether the 
 obligation called for gold redemption or not. The result was that the 
 Government had to sell bonds to get the gold to meet the notes. 
 
 Instead of selling the bonds direct to the public, the Secretary of the 
 Treasury had called upon New York financial institutions with their 
 English banking connections for assistance in floating a $65,000,000 issue 
 of three per cent gold bonds. A contract was made to sell the bonds to 
 these houses at 104i/>, while the same kind of bonds were selling on the 
 open market at 112. This would have netted a bonus to the bonding 
 houses of seven and one-half million dollars. Mr. Bryan saw his oppor- 
 tunity, and he lambasted the Government, and especially President 
 Cleveland, in no uncertain terms. The contract was rejected by the 
 House, and Bryan closed his record in Congress with a victory. 
 
 WEST WANTED FREE SILVER 
 
 In the East, free silver had but few advocates, while the Middle 
 West and the Rocky Mountain states were filled with Free Silverites 
 clamoring for recognition for bi-metallism. Mr. Bryan determined that 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 221 
 
 free silver should be the issue in 1896. Nebraska was ready to instruct 
 its delegates to the convention which met in Chicago for Mr. Bryan, 
 but he asked them to defer such action. Several of the states had form- 
 ally instructed for him, but Mr. Bryan discouraged talk of his possibili- 
 ties in advance. The silverites had by far the largest number of delegates 
 present, but a debate was due on the issue before bi-metallism could be 
 officially adopted as a party plank. 
 
 Rivals of Mr. Bryan had blocked his efforts to be made temporary 
 chairman and later permanent chairman of the convention, but this 
 proved to be a stroke of fortune. Someone was needed to make the 
 main and concluding talk in favor of the silver plank, and Bryan was 
 invited to accept this assignment on the program. It was almost mid- 
 night when he realized that his hour had come. At last the chairman 
 called for Mr. Bryan, of Nebraska. Here was a man whom most of the 
 delegates knew, and he was given a great round of applause. 
 
 Immediately he began to speak and the audience showed interest. 
 For more than two hours he held his audience as he poured forth his 
 vitriolic attacks upon the gold standard, the Republican Party, and priv- 
 ilege. Climax followed climax until he came to the final challenge of his 
 address. ''If they dare to come out in the open field," he said, "and 
 defend the gold standard as a good thing, we will fight them to the 
 uttermost. Having behind us the producing masses of this nation and 
 the world, supported by the commercial interests, the laboring interests, 
 and the toilers everywhere, we will answer their demand for a gold 
 standard by saying to them: 'You shall not press down upon the brow 
 of Labor this crown of thorns ; you shall not crucify mankind upon a 
 cross of gold'." 
 
 CONVENTION IN UPROAR 
 
 The convention was in an uproar. Tall, bronzed farmers wept and 
 grasped each other by the hand. A delegate from Georgia, bewhiskered 
 and strong of lung, set out with his standard to the Nebraska delegation. 
 A violent yell from the rear of the hall called attention to a Cherokee 
 Indian crashing through the chairs of the New York delegation at break- 
 neck speed in an attempt to beat the Georgian in his race. Bryan was 
 lifted high on the shoulders of his friends, and Alabama led a march of 
 
222 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 triumph around the delegates' pit. Bryan prevailed upon his supporters 
 to let him down, and he slipped away to his hotel to await the outcome. 
 
 The next day the balloting began, and Mr. Bryan was nominated 
 for the Presidency. The convention then, thinking to placate the gold 
 standard element of the party, attempted to place John R. McLean, of 
 Ohio, on the ticket. He was a man of great wealth. Democracy had few 
 persons in its ranks who could be financially accommodating, and the 
 McLean willingness was a godsend. Not only did McLean have money, 
 but he was the proprietor of the Cincinnati Enquirer, a powerful news- 
 paper of the Ohio Valley. 
 
 A delegation told Mr. Bryan of the availability of this running mate. 
 Rising to his feet, and with eyes flashing, Mr. Bryan said, "If that man 
 is nominated for Vice-President I would decline the nomination for the 
 Presidency. I would not run on a ticket with that man." 
 
 Consternation and dismay filled the mind of the delegation, but 
 Bryan was adamant. It was his prerogative to say who should be his 
 running mate, and he would have nothing to do with Mammon. When 
 the news came to the convention it was then balloting. On the fifth ballot 
 Sewell, a shipbuilder of Maine, was named. 
 
 NOTIFIED IN NEW YORK 
 
 Bryan chose to be notified of his nomination in Madison Square 
 Garden, in New York. Bryan's hold upon his audiences had been his 
 ability to speak without a manuscript, but he decided that this was one 
 time he would read his speech. Mrs. Bryan argued against it, but in 
 vain, and for ninety minutes he stood on the platform and read out a 
 careful, if somewhat glowing analysis of the Chicago platform, of his 
 own stand, and of the benefits of bi-metallism. The audience plied its 
 fans in the summer heat and suffered the suffocation of boredom. The 
 reporters who had come expecting to make a dramatic writeup were 
 soggy with disappointment as he turned page after page of his manu- 
 script. It was a bad start, and the Peerless Leader knew it. All the 
 commercial and financial interests were determined to destroy him in 
 the East, and this Garden failure was but a part of their plan. 
 
 In his round of speeches he arrived at Wilmington, where he re- 
 ceived the affront of this campaign, which, however, he was ready to 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 223 
 
 meet. The Democrats of New York had nominated John B. Thatcher 
 for Governor, and as Bryan arrived at Wilmington he received a copy 
 of the evening- paper which announced that Thatcher had come out for 
 the gold standard and would not support the Democratic platform. 
 Bryan, beside himself with anger, immediately got the Democratic State 
 Chairman on the long distance telephone. "The Democrats of New 
 Y r ork will nominate a man who will stand by the Chicago platform or 
 1 will not enter the state," he said. "If New York wants to repudiate 
 the platform of the party we shall repudiate Xew York. Bemove 
 Thatcher from the ticket." The Chairman pleaded, explained and 
 argued, but finally agreed, and a silver candidate was named on the 
 ticket. 
 
 EAST PROVES HOSTILE 
 
 Bryan, continuing his round of speeches, met with ridicule by the 
 metropolitan papers, especially those of the East. He was roundly 
 applauded by those of the South and the Middle West. His campaign 
 was creating a sense of uncertainty in the minds of the Republican 
 leaders. Mark Hanna, Chairman of the Republican National Committee, 
 who was directly in charge of the McKinley campaign, and who was 
 considered to be one of the most astute politicians of his day, w;is 
 markedly worried. The ministers of the East, speaking from their pul- 
 pits, arraigned Mr. Bryan and his platform in no uncertain tones, but the 
 young man continued unabashed in his ardor. During the campaign 
 he travelled more than eighteen thousand miles, and is said to have 
 spoken to more than five millions of people. Xo town was too small and 
 no audience too humble to warrant his attention. 
 
 He seldom slept more than three or four hours at a stretch, and 
 as his train travelled over the country he was awakened at all hours of 
 the day and night to speak to gatherings of farmers who may have 
 travelled many miles over dirt roads, through mud and rain, in order 
 to see this man who was the friend of the common people. Mark Hanna 
 stirred restlessly in his sanctum, and as the campaign drew to a close 
 it began to look as if the Commoner would be the victor. Then Hanna 
 played his trump card. He sent forth word that all the financial world 
 should be taxed and he made an assessment on all national banks. There 
 
224 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 was no law at that time requiring the publication of expense accounts 
 for campaign purposes, and hundreds of thousands of hand bills were 
 printed, bearing the legend, "Free Silver will bring another panic." 
 The officials of many of the large factories called their workers together 
 before the election and said to them, "You may vote as you please, but 
 if Bryan is elected the whistle will not blow the next day." 
 
 The campaign wound up with these declarations ringing in the ears 
 of the laboring man. The light in the West faded out. The brilliance of 
 the sky rocket was ended. Bryan was done for. Such was the view of 
 the metropolitan press when the results of the election were announced, 
 but they little knew their man. His sun had set in the West only to rise 
 again upon a new and brighter day. 
 
 A difference of nearly 600,000 votes between the two men was 
 accounted for by the tremendous majorities rolling up in New York, 
 Pennsylvania, and Illinois. However, a calm consideration of the vote 
 revealed the fact that if fourteen thousand and one votes had been 
 changed in the proper places Bryan would have been elected by a ma- 
 jority of three in the electoral college. 
 
 BRYAN REMAINS TRUE 
 
 McKinley's administration was to see the silver issue gradually 
 decline. The discovery of gold in the Transvaal and in the Klondike 
 relieved the pressure on that matter, and prices for farm commodities 
 began to rise. A general era of prosperity swept over the country. 
 Bryan, however, remained true to his first love and prepared himself 
 for the second battle. He filled in his next four years by writing the 
 story of his campaign, called the "First Battle," by lecturing and 
 filling Chautauqua dates. 
 
 On Mrs. Bryan's shoulders fell the burden of taking care of his 
 heavy correspondence. As many as twenty-five hundred letters were 
 daily pouring into his home in Lincoln. Gifts poured in on them from 
 every corner of the country. Every conceivable thing from a stuffed 
 alligator to a live mule found its way there, and there were demands 
 as well as gifts. One correspondent told Mr. Bryan that he had lost 
 his cow in an election bet and his children were without milk. Would 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 225 
 
 Mr. Bryan kindly send another cow at once ? One day while he was 
 away on a lecture tour, a letter came from a widow in the South, 
 stating that she was shipping to him a carload of watermelons. 
 She needed to get a favorable price for these articles in order to sup- 
 port her family, and would Mr. Bryan kindly sell them for her and remit? 
 The widow wanted two hundred dollars for the carload, and the local 
 market was full of home grown melons. When Mr. Bryan returned, the 
 freight office, Mrs. Bryan, and the widow were in a state of turmoil. 
 Fearing that the melons might be totally ruined, Mrs. Bryan offered 
 them at auction sale and realized something near one hundred dollars 
 for them. This he sent to the widow, and this incident gave rise to the 
 story that the Democratic leader had robbed a widow of her melon 
 money. 
 
 SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR 
 
 National affairs had taken on a new interest. Cuba was in revo- 
 lution against the rule of Spain, and McKinley in his address to Con- 
 gress predicted thai a protectorate of the United States might eventu- 
 ally have to be established along the lines of the Monroe Doctrine. The 
 country was aroused over the stories circulated in many of the flam- 
 boyant newspapers of the East mainly inspired by men who were 
 interested in Cuba because of its sugar industry. These journals were 
 sounding the tocsins of war, and into this high state of nervousness and 
 excitement fell the spark of the sinking of the battleship "Maine" in 
 Havana harbor. Result, a declaration of war, and Bryan volunteered for 
 service. McKinley, thankful that he was to have a united country be- 
 hind him, asked whal assignment should be given lo Mr. Bryan. Mark 
 Hanna was not going to have any war heroes in the Democratic camp. 
 The waving of the war flags was to be reserved for Republican purposes. 
 Bryan, however, was made a Colonel by the Governor of his state, 
 organized the Third Nebraska Volunteer Regiment, which was mustered 
 into service on July 13, 1898. His troops were encamped at Panama 
 Park, in Florida, and suffered from typhoid fever and other ills due 
 to lack of sanitation, endured the decayed beef supplied by the Gov- 
 ernment and the lack of necessities caused by the mismanagement of 
 the "War Department. The Colonel bought manv supplies for his men 
 
226 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 out of his own pocket until he himself came down with the fever. Neither 
 before this time nor after his recovery did his regiment get a chance 
 to go to the front. Twenty years later Theodore Roosevelt, himself a 
 beneficiary of that same war, offered his services to his country and a 
 Democratic President, remembering the precedent set by Mr. McKinley, 
 refused to answer his letter. 
 
 ATTACKS IMPERIALISM 
 
 The end of the war found the United States embarking upon what 
 the Democratic Party soon featured as an imperialistic campaign. While 
 we had refused to annex Cuba, the Phillippine Islands was another 
 question. The Phillipines, too, had been fighting the yoke of Spain, and 
 when Dewey sailed into Manila Harbor, annihilated the Spanish Fleet, 
 and broke up the forts of Cavite, the United States made a pact with 
 Aguinaldo, who threw his revolutionary forces into the fray and assisted 
 the United States in defeating the Spanish forces in the Islands. The 
 Phillippines expected their freedom. Instead, the United States in- 
 formed them that it intended to hold a protectorate over that country. 
 The President gave the public the message as follows : "Our concern was 
 not for territory or trade or empire, but for the people whose interesl 
 and destiny without our willing it has been placed in our hands." 
 
 Bryan found himself in a peculiar situation. His friendship for 
 McKinley, his desire to do the right and the grand thing, and his love 
 of peace had put him into an embarrassing situation. He did not, how- 
 ever, stay. He campaigned up and down the country, denounced im- 
 perialism, and demanded that McKinley, now that the peace treaty was 
 signed, give assurance that the Philippines at some definite future time 
 would be set free. The campaign of 1900 found Mark Hanna again with 
 a wary eye cast toward the prairies of Nebraska. Just what would this 
 boy orator of the Platte do next? The discovery of gold had minimized 
 the silver situation, but would Bryan with his oratory rouse the farmers 
 of the Middle West with his cries of imperialism to the point where 
 they would turn upon and rend the Republican Party in twain ? It was 
 necessary that the flag be waved, and waved by a hero who could match 
 with his cry of "Don't haul down the flag!" the jingoistic ideas of the 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 227 
 
 former candidate from Nebraska. Mr. Hanna did not like Roosevelt, 
 but Roosevelt was Governor of New York, and Tom Piatt did not like 
 him either. Senator Piatt was highly pleased when the' announcement 
 was made that Governor Roosevelt was acceptable as a running mate for 
 McKinley in his second campaign. The Vice-Presidency was considered 
 the political burying ground, and Senator Piatt would be only too glad 
 to bury the New York Governor at once. 
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT NAMED 
 
 The Republican convention placed the names of McKinley and 
 Roosevelt as their banner bearers, and the Democrats in Kansas City 
 accepted the challenge put forth in the plank of the Republican Party 
 which said that "There must be no scuttle policy. We will fulfill in the 
 Philippines the obligations imposed by the triumph of our arms. The 
 Phillipines are ours, and American authority must be supreme through- 
 out the archipelago." 
 
 Bryan was called by the Democrats to head the ticket, and another 
 campaign such as he had experienced four years before was in full swing. 
 This time, however, Bryan had the full backing of Tammany Hall in New 
 York. The Tammany forces figured that national policies are of but 
 little value if local elections can be won and the local boys cared for. 
 Mr. Bryan again demanded the free silver plank, even though bi-metal- 
 lism had passed out of the picture. The Republicans talked about "the 
 full dinner pail," a theme which proved to be as stirring as the flag of 
 a successful war. Mr. Bryan chose Indianapolis as the location for his 
 speech of acceptance, and he assured the country that if he were elected 
 he would call Congress in special session, establish a stable form of 
 government in the Phillipine Islands and put forward a Monroe Doc- 
 trine for their protection. While Roosevelt and Bryan were the out- 
 standing political figures at this time, they never opposed each other 
 for the Presidency. However, Roosevelt carried the burden of the cam- 
 paign for the Republicans, while Bryan again set out in a whirlwind 
 campaign for the Democrats. 
 
 SUPREME MORAL FACTOR 
 
 "Behold a Republic," he cried, "gladly but surely becoming the 
 supreme moral factor in the world's progress and the accepted arbiter 
 
228 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 of the world's disputes — a Republic whose history, like the path of the 
 just, is as the shining light that shineth more and more unto the 
 perfect day." 
 
 Teddy roared, "Don't haul down the flag!" 
 
 Mr. Bryan awaited the election returns with a confident heart, but 
 when the final vote was tallied it was found that he was slightly behind 
 what he had been four years before. 
 
 OUTLOOK WAS DARK 
 
 The political outlook for the man who now at forty years of age had 
 twice been defeated for the Presidency was indeed dark. The price of 
 corn and wdieat under the Republican regime had risen; the gold pro- 
 duction was increasing; more currency was provided, creating a rise in 
 prices and doing away with the circumstances which had made free 
 silver an issue. 
 
 Lincoln had lost its two other citizens who were to win international 
 fame. Pershing had been moved to another army post, and Charles 
 Dawes had gone to Washington as Comptroller of the Currency under 
 McKinley. Alone in his glory and his responsibility, Bryan continued 
 to be the spokesman for the farmers and small tradesmen in his part 
 of the country and, to some extent, in the entire nation. He had some 
 thought of returning to his law practice, but discovered that he could 
 make far more money on the Chautauqua platform. This gave him the 
 opportunity which he enjoyed most of all, that of meeting the people. 
 
 ESTABLISHES "COMMONER" 
 
 About this time he entered into a new venture. He established a 
 weekly journal of opinion called "The Commoner." From the beginning 
 he ran this newspaper after the manner of the small country weeklies. 
 The paper sold for a dollar a year. One hundred seventy-five thousand 
 copies of the first issue were printed, and the paid-in-advance circula- 
 tion the second year had attained a total of one hundred forty thousand. 
 He rejected advertising which he considered unfit for a family news- 
 paper and refused to advertise trust-made goods, and for that reason 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 229 
 
 nis income was not so great as many supposed. He attacked President 
 Eliot of Harvard for eulogizing non-union strike breakers. He cham- 
 pioned religious freedom; he egged Roosevelt on to do more trust- 
 busting, and his point of view with respect to the negro was distinctly 
 Southern. He at last reached the point where he could become a country 
 gentleman. He bought some land several miles from town and built a 
 home which he called "Fairview," and there the family moved from D 
 Street in Lincoln, where they had lived since 1888. 
 
 His finances had reached the point where he could afford to travel, 
 and so he went to Europe. While only a private citizen, he was accorded 
 all the honors usually attending official visitors. His sojourn in England 
 was a triumphal procession. He met diplomats, labor leaders, financiers, 
 and commercial men. He hobnobbed with royalty and visited the slums. 
 He was dined and feted in many of the ancestral homes of the islands. He 
 stopped in Switzerland, Holland, Belgium, and Denmark. Russia was 
 a holiday for him. He met the Czar and did not hesitate to put his host 
 on the defensive. The young ruler found himself in the position of a 
 man who was asked to explain his theories, for Mr. Bryan was not 
 reluctant to ask questions. Mr. Bryan, however, was destined to meet 
 a man who wielded a greater influence on his later life than perhaps 
 any other individual. This was Count Leo Tolstoi, the intellectual giant 
 of Russia. He had read Tolstoi's books and was partly in sympathy with 
 his great ideas, but he wanted to meet him face to face. A very pleasant 
 visit ensued, during which Count Tolstoi and Mr. Bryan exchanged 
 views and opinions on the great problems of life. Out of this meeting 
 grew the stand which Mr. Bryan took while serving as Secretary of State 
 in the Wilson administration. 
 
 ADVOCATES GOVERNMENT OWNERSHIP 
 
 He came back from his European trip ready to thunder for Gov- 
 ernment ownership of railroads and public utilities, and during the next 
 eight years he espoused the cause of prohibition. 
 
 A great many of the Democratic leaders had come to the conclusion 
 that his star was in the descent, and that his influence was gone, but the 
 campaign of 1904 found him at the St. Louis convention. 
 
230 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 ST. LOUIS CONVENTION OF 1904 
 
 In that convention, of which Champ Clark was permanent chair- 
 man, the leading candidates were Alton B. Parker, of New York and 
 William Randolph Hearst, of California. 
 
 The Illinois delegation, while controlled by the Roger Sullivan 
 organization, cast its entire vote for Hearst, whose nomination had been 
 seconded, in brilliant speech, by Clarence S. D arrow, of Chicago. 
 
 Bryan was chairman of the Nebraska delegation and, by having 
 Nebraska yield to Wisconsin on the roll call, he succeeded in getting 
 the final word. 
 
 His speech, in that convention, usually is alluded to as the "I 
 Have Fought A Good Fight" address and, in the opinion of many, in- 
 cluding the writer, was at least equal to his ''Cross of Gold" effort of 
 eight years earlier. 
 
 It was given at four o'clock in the morning of a terribly hot July 
 day, and was delivered in seconding the nomination for president of 
 Missouri's favorite son, United States Senator Francis Marion Cockrell. 
 
 PARKER HAD THE DELEGATES 
 
 But, while the galleries were with Bryan, the delegates were with 
 Parker. 
 
 The latter did not have enough votes on the first ballot, but no 
 second ballot was taken, as Alexander Monroe Dockery, then governor 
 of Missouri, switched the vote of that state from Cockrell to Parker, 
 and the nomination then was made unanimous. 
 
 BIG ROW DEVELOPS 
 
 After nominating Parker at six o'clock that Saturday morning, the 
 convention recessed until eight o'clock at night. 
 
 But during the ensuing hours, Judge Alton B. Parker had wired 
 repudiating the money plank in the platform. 
 
 Bryan was at the nearby Jefferson hotel, quite sick, but he dressed 
 and came back to the convention and denounced Parker's repudiation 
 of the money plank. 
 
 \ i lo- row? participated in by Tillman, of South Carolina, John 
 Sharp \v lliams, of Mississippi, and Bryan, and others ensued. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 231 
 
 ELECTION OF 1904 
 
 Mr. Bryan's experience had left him in a grim humor. He was 
 resolved to support the ticket and to bide his time. While Judge Parker 
 was trying to lead his party back to the good old days of Grover Cleve- 
 land, the front page of the "Commoner" of July 22nd carried the 
 challenging heading, "Democracy must move forward," and he placed 
 himself at the head of the radical and Progressive element of the 
 Democratic party and came out strongly for Government ownership and 
 operation of the railroads. 
 
 He kept quiet during the campaign on these issues, and put in most 
 of his time working for the Democratic ticket. When the election returns 
 came in he was justified in what he had told the convention in St. Louis. 
 Parker had a million and a half votes less than Mr. Bryan had polled in 
 1896. 
 
 Mr. Bryan felt that his stand had been vindicated, and he set out 
 on his new theories. 
 
 TAKES TRIP AROUND WORLD 
 
 Realizing that a public can be surfeited with one subject, he decided 
 to take another vacation, and this time started west and completed a 
 tour of the world. He visited Japan where he was received with all the 
 pomp of royalty. One evening he attended a banquet given to Admiral 
 Togo, the hero of the Japanese-Russian War. The time came to drink 
 a toast. Those present lifted their champagne glasses, when a gasp of 
 alarm went up as Mr. Bryan was seen to raise a glass of water. Someone 
 grasped his arm and whispered that such a toast would be considered an 
 insult, but he was equal to the delicate situation. "You won your victory 
 on water," he said, turning to the Admiral, "and I drink to your health 
 in water. Whenever you win any victories on champagne, I shall drink 
 to your health in champagne." The day was saved. 
 
 Mr. Bryan visited the Philippines where he was received with great 
 ceremony and acclaimed as a friend of the Filipinos. However, when 
 he got to the southern islands doubts began to assail him as to whether 
 there might not be some reason why the Islands should remain under 
 the protectorate of the United States, at least for a time. 
 
232 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 BRYAN IN HOLY LAND 
 
 Continuing his trip he reached the Holy Land. Here he received 
 much inspiration as he trod the paths which his Master had travelled two 
 thousands years before. He finally landed in New York to find that 
 another campaign was nearing, and that his toast to Admiral Togo had 
 preceded him. A great demonstration and ovation was given him as he 
 came up the bay to the Statute of Liberty. A reception boat came down 
 to the entrance of the harbor, loaded with the leaders of Democracy, 
 officials of the state, and his closest friends from Lincoln. Another 
 speech was made in Madison Square Garden, and again he read it and 
 again it met with the same reception, for he came out emphatically for 
 Government ownership of railroads, which the headlines of the daily 
 papers screamed to the world. 
 
 While he was in Europe the Democratic party at large had looked 
 upon him as their saviour, and the belief was common that he could lead 
 them to a mighty victory. But the edge was gone from the Eastern 
 enthusiasm after his Madison Square Garden speech. He was nominated 
 by acclamation at the next convention, but the sureness of victory was 
 disappearing. He was a Moses, but his followers did not know where 
 he was likely to lead them. But he was not dismayed. He stormed the 
 country in a cause in which he believed heart and soul. Whatever the 
 result, he would keep the faith. 
 
 THEODORE ROOSEVELT ELECTED 
 
 Bryan sat in his home and received the returns. He picked up some 
 states which had been lost by Parker, and polled nearly one hundred 
 thousand more votes than he had in 1900, but his numerical losses were 
 heaviest in the Southern states, largely because of the apathy of the 
 voters. Missouri went to the Republican column by a few more than six 
 hundred votes. The brewing interests, remembering his toast to Admiral 
 Togo, and fearing that he was about to join forces with the prohibition 
 element, had decided that he was not the proper man for President. 
 They undoubtedly turned the tide of battle in Missouri, as well as in 
 some of the larger cities. The prohibition question had been an em- 
 barrassing one for Bryan for years. A tetotaler himself, he vet was 
 liberal enough not to attempt to force his own personal opinions upon 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 233 
 
 the nation at large. Large areas of the country were under local option. 
 In Nebraska, a city or village might vote itself dry, but a saloon could 
 operate just outside the limits of that city or village with impunity. 
 The dry sentiment was growing apace throughout the South and the 
 Middle West. The state Democratic convention was to meet at Grand 
 Island, Nebraska, on July 26, 1910. Three factions had arisen. The Gov- 
 ernor had signed the daylight saloon law which required all saloons 
 to close at eight P.M. Many of the faithful had transferred their 
 allegiance to the Republican party, but they had gone one degree worse, 
 and now came out with an endorsement for county option. The mayor 
 of Omaha was demanding a plank seeking opposition to county option, 
 while still another faction wanted a compromise platform. 
 
 The Bryan plank was presented to the convention and read as 
 follows: "We favor county option as the best method of dealing with 
 the liquor question." He arose to make a speech, and after outlining 
 the history of prohibition and its effect upon the country at large, he 
 closed by making an appeal to those who had worked with him for so 
 long. He stated that he would never sound retreat and if the standard 
 were to be given over to the enemy it could be put in other hands. The 
 plank lost by a three to one vote. 
 
 HELPS DEFEAT DEMOCRAT 
 
 Mr. Bryan kept quiet during the campaign, until just a few days 
 before the election in November, he announced that he would speak in 
 Lincoln on a certain evening, and that his address would deal with 
 political subjects. The local auditorium was filled long before the hour 
 for the address. Hundreds of Republicans as well as Democrats had 
 come to hear him. While this meeting was unimportant on the surface, 
 it was the culmination of years of struggle. The Great Commoner was 
 about to cast his lot with the Prohibitionists who had campaigned in 
 America for more than a century. Here, for the first time, he came out 
 vehemently and whole-heartedly for the prohibition cause, and the' fight 
 was on. The election was the next day, and he was asked what he was 
 going to do about the Democratic candidate' for Governor, who was an 
 avowed Wet. On that subject he said, "I shall neither speak for Mr. 
 Dahlman nor vote for him. I hope to see him defeated by a majority 
 
234 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 so overwhelming as to warn the brewers, distillers, and liquor dealers 
 to retire from Nebraska politics and allow the people to act upon the 
 liquor question as they do upon other questions." 
 
 Dahlman was defeated in the election by nearly twenty thousand 
 yotes, while most of the other Democratic candidates were elected. 
 
 On January 1G, 1920, the Eighteenth Amendment to the Constitution 
 went into effect. The Great Commoner was chief speaker at the celebra- 
 tion ceremonies in Washington. He took for his text, "They are dead 
 which sought the young child's life." Mr. Bryan had lived to see many 
 of the great principles in which he believed and for which he fought 
 enacted into law, among them prohibition. 
 
 Later he had passed to his reward and did not live to see his party 
 repudiate its act by repealing the Eighteenth Amendment. 
 
 BRYAN IN 1912 CAMPAIGN 
 
 The 1912 campaign found a new situation. Society was reading a 
 new literature. Articles were appearing in various magazines exposing 
 trusts, combines, and privilege. Lincoln Steffens was hammering away 
 in Everybody's Magazine against "The Sovereign Political Power of 
 Organized Business." The vocabulary of the world was changing also. 
 The words "plutocrat" and "anarchist" had been revised to read 
 "conservative" and "progressive." Mr. Bryan realized that he was 
 not the logical candidate to carry the banner in 1912. He had been to 
 the front three times, and had lost. Other men felt the same way. 
 
 Governor Wilson was campaigning in the East. Champ Clark was 
 calling upon the South and the Middle West, while lesser lights were 
 running here and there trying to corral a few votes. Months before the 
 Baltimore convention, letters poured in to Mr. Bryan urging him to be 
 a candidate. Mrs. Bryan, in her memoirs, acknowledged that she felt 
 that this was his time, that he could be elected, and she wanted him to be 
 President. But he stood adamant and refused to permit his name to be 
 placed before the people. 
 
 BRYAN AT BALTIMORE 
 
 A maker of kings in the person of Colonel House, of Texas, was 
 managing Governor Wilson's campaign, and he felt that it would be 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 235 
 
 impossible to nominate anyone whom Mr. Bryan might oppose, so he set 
 himself to sell his candidate to the Great Commoner. Champ Clark had 
 supported Mr. Bryan in all of his campaigns, and felt that he should re- 
 ceive his support in return. In this controversy the part of Bryan was 
 supreme, and whichever way he turned the nomination would undoubt- 
 edly go. Clark was a Conservative, and in that trend of though had 
 served in the House for many years. At this time he was the Speaker. 
 While the ties of friendship were strong, Mr. Bryan felt that his con- 
 servatism was influenced too much by the same interests which he had 
 fought for so many years, and in the convention finally threw his forces 
 to Mr. Wilson. 
 
 A split in the Republican forces assured the Democrats electing a 
 President, and Woodrow Wilson was elevated from the office of Gov- 
 ernor of New Jersey to that of the Chief Executive of the nation. He 
 could only thank one man, and that one man who himself had thrice 
 striven for the place but failed. 
 
 AS SECRETARY OF STATE 
 
 The question then in the minds of everyone was, "What will the 
 President do for Bryan?" His training had not been in diplomacy, and 
 yet it was the only place where they could see him accepting an office. 
 Mr. Wilson offered him the portfolio of Secretary of State, and after 
 some discussion Mr. Bryan agreed to accept. It was a wonderful op- 
 portunity for him to place the stamp of his personality upon the world. 
 He hoped to write treaties which would prevent any war. He was 
 placing to the fore the thoughts and theories of his friend in Russia, 
 Count Leo Tolstoi. He succeeded in a large measure in formulating 
 treaties with many of the governments of the world, but even while 
 he was so engaged, events were shaping themselves which eventually 
 threw the world into the greatest war of its history. 
 
 In July, 1914, a shot was fired in Serbia which exploded the European 
 powder barrel, and Bryan, the apostle of peace, found himself as Sec- 
 retary of State in the bloodiest period of the world's history. Bryan 
 hoped to keep this country out of the embroglio, but the sinking of the 
 Lusitania and other outrages upon the sea against American shipping 
 
236 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 and American citizens forced the hand of the President. It began to 
 look like war. Mr. Bryan, rather than to be a party to it, resigned. 
 
 He remained loyal to his chief, however, and in the convention in 
 1916 sounded the keynote of the campaign which ended in Wilson's re- 
 election. It was he who started the slogan "lie kept us out of war." 
 However, America was finally drawn into the conflict, and on April 
 6, 1917, a declaration of war was voted by Congress. 
 
 At the conclusion of the Treaty of Peace, Mr. Bryan indicated a 
 willingness for this country to enter the League of Nations, although it 
 was clear that he was not entirely in sympathy with all of the articles 
 in the Treaty. 
 
 SILENT IN 1920 CAMPAIGN 
 
 The 1920 campaign saw Mr. Bryan playing a passive part. His 
 dry enforcement plank had been voted down in the convention, and he 
 did not propose to actively support the ticket. 
 
 In 1924 he was again a delegate to the convention which met in 
 New York. Alfred E. Smith, who might logically have been thought 
 to be the recipient of the Bryan toga because of his attitude toward 
 trusts and special privileges, and who had come up from the common 
 people himself, was a candidate for the Presidency. So also was William 
 Gibbs McAdoo. Mr. Bryan was very careful to explain that it was not 
 a matter of religion, but he supported McAdoo, which so embittered 
 the Smith forces that a prolonged deadlock resulted in the convention. 
 
 Neither side would yield, and the Great Commoner could not bring 
 his persuasive powers to bear to the point where he could secure any 
 co-operation from either side. John W. Davis, an attorney for J. P. 
 Morgan and Company, who had long been identified with corporate 
 interests, was nominated. This was a far cry from the apostle of the 
 common people, William Jennings Bryan. However, to placate Mr. 
 Bryan and his friends, his brother Charles w^as placed on the ticket. The 
 attempt to appeal to the East and West by a team which stood for 
 Conservatism in the Presidency and Bryanism in the Vice-Presidency 
 did not work. Calvin Coolidge, the Republican nominee, was elected 
 President. This was Mr. Bryan's last political battle. The old war 
 horse had served his day. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 237 
 
 BRYAN TURNS TO RELIGION 
 
 Mr. Bryan, having' become convinced that he was through with 
 politics, now turned his attention to affairs of the church, and made an 
 active campaign in an endeavor to be elected to the position of Modera- 
 tor of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church. He was not 
 successful, but he had turned his thoughts toward things religious, and 
 his early training was coming back to him many fold. 
 
 Some of the states in the South had in earlier days passed legisla- 
 tion forbidding any teaching of the biological theory as advanced by 
 Darwin. A young school teacher in Dayton, Tennessee, had been in- 
 dicted for teaching the theory that man had evolved from a lower 
 animal. This became one of the great trials of the age, and Mr. Bryan 
 was asked to assist in the prosecution. He pitted himself against his 
 old friend, Clarence Darrow, and for days fought with might and main 
 to place the seal of Christianity upon the educational facilities of the 
 youth of Tennessee. Mr. Bryan made one of the most eloquent addresses 
 of his life in closing the argument for the prosecution, and from the 
 nature of the evidence it was a forgone conclusion that the jury would 
 return a verdict of guilty. Mr. Bryan had won his last case. 
 
 Some further arguments which he had prepared were contained 
 in a pamphlet which he proceeded to edit immediately following the 
 close of the trial. He was in the habit of driving to the neighboring 
 towns, and on July 26, 1925, he had been to Chattanooga to correct proof 
 on an article. He ate a hearty noonday meal and was in a happy frame 
 of mind. He had just been to a physician who had given him all of the 
 necessary tests and assured him that he had several years in which to 
 live. After making some long distance calls he lay down to take a nap, 
 as was his usual custom. His failure to join his wife led to an investi- 
 gation. 
 
 The Great Commoner had passed on. 
 He had kept the faith. 
 
 HIS CONTRIBUTION 
 
 Bryan's contribution to his age was primarily his belief in the in- 
 herent dignity of the common man. Brought up in the tradition of 
 
238 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Jefferson and Jackson, he opposed the trespassing upon individual free- 
 dom, either by Socialism or by corporate aggrandizement. His prin- 
 ciples are everlasting, and to that extent another may come to be called 
 a Great Commoner, but as a human being he was alone of his kind. The 
 label that his early followers gave him suggests this. What a wealth 
 of adoration, of personality, and of the singular timbre of his time is 
 wrapped up in this title, "The Peerless Leader." 
 
 A little storekeeper in Lincoln expressed the greatest epitaph which 
 could be placed above any man's resting place. When accosted by a 
 stranger asking about "Fairview" and commenting on the life of Bryan, 
 he said in a quiet voice as if imparting a vital secret, "We loved him." 
 
BIRTHPLACE OF WILLIAM JENNINGS BRYAN 
 SALEM, ILLINOIS 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 241 
 
 STATE CONVENTIONS 
 
 OF ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 FROM 1894 TO 1898 
 
 The Thirtieth Democratic state convention met in Springfield, June 
 27, 1894, and was called to order by Delos P. Phelps of Monmouth, 
 chairman of the state central committee. 
 
 Hon. Owen Scott, of Bloomington, was made both temporary and 
 permanent chairman. 
 
 The nominees chosen were : 
 
 For state treasurer — Bernard J. Claggett, of Lexington. 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction — Henry Eaab, the very 
 capable incumbent. 
 
 Three nominees for trustees for the university also were named. 
 
 The Hon. Franklin Mac Veagh, of Chicago, was then declared the 
 choice of the party for United States senator, and was greeted with 
 much enthusiasm when he was introduced to the delegates and delivered 
 a brief address. 
 
 But this was the year of "terrible slaughter" of Democrats all over 
 the country and, although the state administration was Democratic 
 throughout, the party ticket went down to defeat by heavy majorities. 
 
 State central committeemen selected by the committee were : 
 
 At large — Thomas Gahan, John P. Hopkins, Samuel B. Chase, Ben- 
 jamin T. Cable, Joseph P. Mahoney, R. E. Spangier, W^ H. Hinrichsen, 
 William S. Forman, and Theodore Nelson. 
 
 First district — A. A. Goodrich. 
 
 Second district — Thomas Byrne. 
 
 Third district — John P. Leinendecker. 
 
 Fourth district — William Loeffler. 
 
 Fifth district— M. C. Conlon. 
 
 Sixth district — Rudolph Brand. 
 
242 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Seventh district — Charles P. Williams. 
 
 Eighth district — D. J. Hogan. 
 
 Ninth district— W. 0. Wright. 
 
 Tenth district— John W. Potter. 
 
 Eleventh district — Daniel Heenan. 
 
 Twelfth district — George E. Brennan, afterward Democratic na- 
 tional committeeman and candidate for United States senator. 
 
 Thirteenth district — William B. Brinton. 
 
 Fourteenth district — Frank J. Qninn. 
 
 Fifteenth district— S. S. Hallam. 
 
 Sixteenth district — E. F. Binns. 
 
 Seventeenth district — J. B. Ricks. 
 
 Eighteenth district — J. H. Baker. 
 
 Nineteenth district — Ross R. Fuller. 
 
 Twentieth district — Dr. Walter Watson. 
 
 Twenty-first district — James D. Baker. 
 
 Twenty-second district — Reed Green. 
 
 The committee organized with the election of Secretary of State 
 W. H. Hinrichson, as chairman ; Thomas Gahan, vice-chairman ; Theo- 
 dore Nelson, secretary; and William B. Brinton, treasurer. 
 
 THE 1896 CONVENTION 
 
 In 1896 the early signs gave the leaders of the Illinois Democracy 
 new courage and new hope, and it was a decidedly cheerful assemblage 
 that greeted the calling to order of the thirty-first Democratic state 
 convention in Peoria, on June 23, by "Buck" Hinrichson of the state 
 central committee. 
 
 Hon. A. J. Bell, of Carlinville, was the temporary presiding officer, 
 while Charles K. Ladd, of the Henry county Democracy, was the per- 
 manent chairman of the convention, which was one of the largest state 
 gatherings held up to that time. 
 
 John P. Altgeld was nominated for re-election to the governorship, 
 and the other nominees were: 
 
 For lieutenant governor — Monroe C. Crawford, of Jonesboro. 
 
 For secretary of state — Finis E. Downing, of Virginia. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 243 
 
 For auditor of public accounts — W. F. Beck, of Olney. 
 
 For treasurer — Edward C. Pace, of Ashby. 
 
 For attorney-general — George A. Trude, of Chicago. 
 
 Three candidates for university trustees also were named, as were 
 candidates for presidential electors and delegates and alternates to the 
 national convention which was to meet in Chicago on July 7, and which 
 was to mark new history for its party by the nomination of William 
 Jennings Bryan, of Nebraska, for president, and Arthur Sewall, of 
 Maine, for vice-president. 
 
 NOTABLES ON STATE COMMITTEE 
 
 The 1896 Democratic state convention named a central committee 
 of the party as follows : 
 
 At large — Ross R. Fuller, Thomas Gahan, Theodore Nelson, Joseph 
 P. Mahoney, Fred E. Eldred, George E. Brennan, B. J. Claggett, W. H. 
 Hinrichson, and Frank W. Havill. 
 
 First district— Alexander J. Jones. 
 Second district — Thomas Byrne. 
 Third district— T. J. McNally. 
 Fourth district — Thomas Cusack. 
 Fifth distirct— Thomas F. Little. 
 Sixth district — Joseph S. Martin. 
 Seventh district — Charles A. Williams. 
 Eighth district — D. J. Hogan. 
 Ninth district — Charles W. Ferguson. 
 Tenth district — A. W. Bastian. 
 Eleventh district — Daniel Hee'nan. 
 
 Twelfth district — Thomas F. Donovan, that great Democrat who 
 now is lieutenant-governor of Illinois. 
 Thirteenth district — J. F. Heffernan. 
 Fourteenth district — Frank J. Quinn. 
 Fifteenth district — T. J. Dudman. 
 Sixteenth district — A. C. Bentley. 
 Seventeenth district — J. B. Ricks. 
 Eighteenth district — George F. Miner. 
 
244 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Nineteenth district- — H. B. Lee. 
 
 Twentieth district — Walter Watson. 
 
 Twenty-first district — W. S. Matthews. 
 
 Twenty-second district — Reed Green. 
 
 Dwight W. Andrews, of Chicago, was chosen chairman of the state 
 central body, but resigned shortly after the general election and the 
 committee then was reorganized with : James W. Orr, of Champaign, 
 chairman; Thomas Gahan, of Chicago, vice-chairman; Arthur C. Bent- 
 ley, of Pittsfield, secretary, and Millard Fillmore Dunlap, of Jackson- 
 ville, treasurer. 
 
 Just prior to the assembling of the 1898 state convention, the com- 
 mittee, which had been named in 1896 but which had been considerably 
 reorganized, met in Springfield and prepared a written constitution 
 designed to cover the government of all future Democratic state com- 
 mittees. 
 
 This proposed constitution had been drafted subject to its approval 
 and adoption by the convention. 
 
 Among other things, its provisions were: 
 
 That the state committee might go outside of its own membership 
 to select a chairman. 
 
 That the state committee, at all times, should have authority to 
 expel any member or set of members found guilty of disloyalty to their 
 party for failing to give entire support to any nominee of that pary. 
 
 The subsequent record shows that this constitution was duly pre- 
 sented to the 1898 state convention by Delegate J. P. Mahoney, but that, 
 while no formal motion to lay it on the' table is shown by the minutes, 
 no action, one way or the other, appears to have been taken. 
 
 THE CONVENTION OF 1898 
 
 The thirty-second Democratic state convention met on a decidedly 
 hot day, July 12, 1898, and the delegates were pleased that its sessions 
 were held in the comparatively cool state fair grounds, and not in a 
 closed building. 
 
 It was called to order by James W. Orr, of Champaign, chairman 
 of the state central committee. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 245 
 
 That distinguished and ever popular Democrat of Chicago, Judge 
 "William Prentiss, was both temporary and permanent chairman. 
 
 The nominations made were: 
 
 For state treasurer — Millard F. Dunlap, of Jacksonville. 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction — Perry 0. Stiver, of Free- 
 port. 
 
 Nominations for three trustees of the university of Illinois also were 
 made. 
 
 ROGER C. SULLIVAN ON LIST 
 
 The state central committee named at the 1898 convention is notable 
 for the fact that one of the members of that body chosen was Roger C. 
 Sullivan, afterwards destined to be one of the greatest leaders of his 
 party, and the determining factor in the selection of Woodrow Wilson 
 for president of the United States by the Baltimore convention of 1912. 
 
 The personnel of the committee was as follows : 
 
 At large — Thomas Gahan, Fred E. Eldred, Joseph P. Mahoney, 
 James W. Orr, J. E. Murphy, A. W. Hope, Frank W. Havill, E. P. May- 
 hew, and AVilliam L. Mounts. 
 
 First district — Alexander J. Jones. 
 
 Second district — Thomas Byrne. 
 
 Third district — William J. Roach. 
 
 Fourth district — William Loeffler. 
 
 Fifth district — Roger C. Sullivan. 
 
 Sixth district— Robert E. Burke. 
 
 Seventh district — Joseph S. Schwab. 
 
 Eighth district — Dennis J. Hogan. 
 
 Ninth district — Charles W. Ferguson. 
 
 Tenth district — Ben F. Cable, the distinguished Democrat of Pock 
 Island, who afterwards became national committeeman. 
 
 Eleventh district — Daniel Heenan. 
 
 Twelfth district — Thomas F. Donovan. 
 
 Thirteenth district — J. F. Heffernan. 
 
 Fourteenth district — Frank J. Quinn. 
 
 Fifteenth district — Thomas F. Dunn. 
 
246 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Sixteenth district — A. C. Bentley. 
 
 Seventeenth district — James B. Ricks. 
 
 Eighteenth district — W. H. Dowdy. 
 
 Nineteenth district — H. B. Lee. 
 
 Twentieth district— Walter Watson. 
 
 Twenty-first district— W. S. Matthews. 
 
 Twenty-second district — James Lingle. 
 
 Walter Watson, very popular Democrat of Mount Vernon, was 
 elected chairman of the state central committee, with Thomas Gahan, 
 of Chicago, as vice-chairman; Fred E. Eldred of Chicago, as secretary; 
 and Millard F. Dnnlap, of Jacksonville, as treasurer. 
 
SAMUEL ALSCHULER 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 249 
 
 ALSCHULER LEADS TICKET 
 
 BUT GOES DOWN TO DEFEAT 
 
 WITH BRYAN AND STEVENSON 
 
 The Democracy of Illinois met in convention at Springfield, June 
 27 and 28, 1900, for the purpose of writing its platform and making- 
 nominations for state offices. 
 
 They were called to order by the state chairman, Dr. Walter 
 Watson, of Mt. Vernon, who announced the following as the committee 
 selections for temporary officers of the convention: 
 
 E. W. Hurst, chairman. 
 
 John M. Eapp, secretary. 
 
 Chairman Hurst was called to the platform and made a speech, 
 saying in part: 
 
 "New issues have arisen involving principles affecting, in my 
 judgment, the permanency of the republic. These new issues are, how- 
 ever, but the natural outgrowth of the old contest of man and the dollar, 
 between plutocracy and democracy. 
 
 "If Jefferson saw danger to the republican institutions in a landed 
 aristocracy, what, think you, would he say if alive today, at the growth 
 and power of combinations of capital in the form of trusts." 
 
 After reviewing the course of this government in respect to other 
 peoples, of the world and their struggles for liberty, he continued: 
 
 "In April, 1898, we went to war with Spain because the great heart 
 of the American people went out in sympathy to the people of Cuba in 
 their struggle for liberty. The object of the war was proclaimed by a 
 solemn resolution of Congress, repudiating all intentions of annexation 
 on our part. * * '* * President McKinley also declared that annexation 
 by force would not be thought of according to our code of morals. Tt 
 would be 'criminal aggression.' 
 
 "Then came the treaty of Paris and the purchase of the Phillippine 
 
250 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Islands from Spain for $20,000,000. Then followed the war against the 
 Filipinos." 
 
 McKINLEY ADMINISTRATION ATTACKED 
 
 Chairman Hurst followed this statement with an attack on the Re- 
 publican administration for its attitude towards the Islands and also 
 brought in the Porto Rican problem, and claimed the imperialistic ten- 
 dencies of the government were being fostered by the desire of big- 
 business to further its world trade. He paid a high tribute to William 
 Jennings Bryan. 
 
 Following the opening address, the committee on permanent organi- 
 zation moved the temporary organization be made the permanent or- 
 ganization, which motion carried, with the amendment adding the name 
 of Chas. C. Chain to the list of assistant secretaries. 
 
 Former Governor John Peter Altgeld was called upon for a speech 
 and was accorded a great demonstration when he went to the platform. 
 He spoke at some length and called upon the Democracy of Illinois to 
 rally behind the ticket. He felt that the time was ready for another 
 victory, both state and national. 
 
 A platform was adopted which held many points taken from the 
 national platform of the previous campaign. Among the planks were 
 the following: A demand that the currency laws be changed so that 
 silver should be on a par with gold ; a strong plea against the imperial- 
 istic tendency of the Republican administration ; especially in its attitude 
 toward the Phillippine Islands and the Filipinos; a demand that this 
 nation remain aloof from any and all foreign entanglements and reiter- 
 ating the principles of Thomas Jefferson on the subject ; strongly con- 
 demned trusts and the tendency toward great combinations of wealth 
 and the control of industry; endorsing the election of United States 
 senators by popular vote. 
 
 The nomination of candidates for state offices followed: 
 
 Governor — Samuel Alschuler, Aurora. 
 
 Lieutenant Governor — Howard S. Taylor, Chicago. 
 
 Secretary of State — James F. O'Donnell, Bloomington. 
 
 Treasurer — Millard F. Dunlap, Jacksonville. 
 
 Auditor — George B. Parsons, Shawneetown. 
 
 Attorney General — James Todd, Chicago. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 251 
 
 HOPKINS HEADS COMMITTEE 
 
 The selection of the state central committee was made by the dele- 
 gates to each district holding caucuses and the selections were announced 
 on the second day of the convention. 
 
 This committee was as follows: 
 
 At large — Thomas Gahan, William J. Roach, A. J. Jones, Fred 
 Eldred, F. W. Havill, William L. Mounts, P. C. Haley, W. B. Brinton 
 and J. E. Murphy. 
 
 First District — John P. Hopkins. 
 
 Second District — Thomas Byrne. 
 
 Third District— Thomas J. McNally. 
 
 Fourth District — William Loeffler. 
 
 Fifth District— Roger C. Sullivan. 
 
 Sixth District— Robert E. Burke. 
 
 Seventh District — John Fitzsimmons. 
 
 Eighth District — Dennis J. Hogan. 
 
 Ninth District — Charles W. Ferguson. 
 
 Tenth District— Guy C. Scott. 
 
 Eleventh District — Daniel Heenan. 
 
 Twelfth District — Thomas F. Dona van. 
 
 Thirteenth District — B. J. Claggert. 
 
 Fourteenth District — Frank J. Quinn. 
 
 Fifteenth District — Thomas F. Dunn. 
 
 Sixteenth District — J. F. Robinson. 
 
 Seventeenth District — J. M. Ricks. 
 
 Eighteenth District — A contest resulted in this district which was 
 not settled for some time following the convention. 
 
 Nineteenth District — I. A. Lumpkin. 
 
 Twentieth District — Walter Watson. 
 
 Twenty-first District — W. S. Mathews. 
 
 Twenty-second District — James Lingle. 
 
 At a subsequent meeting John P. Hopkins was selected as chairman 
 of the committee and William L. Mounts, secretary. 
 
 A good campaign was waged for the election of the tickets, but 
 neither the state nor national was successful. Samuel Alschuler polled a 
 
252 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 total of 518,966 votes but was defeated by Richard Yates by 61,233. He 
 ran ahead of the national ticket, however, by nearly 16,000 votes. 
 
 PARTY MAKES GAINS 
 
 The party made gains in the number of congressmen elected at this 
 time. In the proceeding Congress, Illinois was represented by eight 
 Democrats, but this year they were successful in electing eleven, picking 
 up the Second, Fifteenth and Twenty-first districts. 
 
 The Illinois delegation to the National convention was instructed to 
 vote as a unit on all matters pertaining to the platform and nominees 
 and after supporting Bryan for the presidential nomination succeeded 
 in placing the name of Adlai E. Stevenson on the ticket as his running 
 mate. An enthusiastic attempt had been made to place Carter H. Har- 
 rison as vice-presidential candidate, but Mr. Harrison refused and was 
 instrumental in securing the Stevenson nomination. 
 
WILLIAM M. FARMER 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 255 
 
 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 IN EARLIER YEARS OF THE 
 
 TWENTIETH CENTURY 
 
 The dawn of the present century found the Illinois Democracy in 
 none too good shape. 
 
 Bryan had gone down to defeat, for the second time in 1900, as 
 the nominee of that year's Kansas City convention. 
 
 And with him to defeat had gone that really great Illinois Demo- 
 crat, Samuel Alschuler, of Aurora, and all of his excellent fellow nom- 
 inees on that year's state ticket. 
 
 William McKinley had just entered on his second term as president 
 of the United States — a term that was to be so schockingly ended by 
 the tragedy of Buffalo, New York. 
 
 Richard Yates the Younger was governor of Illinois, and Repub- 
 licans were firmly entrenched in nearly every public office, no matter 
 how small, throughout the state. 
 
 The outlook for the Democracy was decidedly dark; the more so 
 because the wounds of 1896 and of 1900 had been but partly healed and, 
 in nearly every convention of the party, there was much discord between 
 the rival f ollowings of that stalwart figure of Illinois Democracy, Roger 
 C. Sullivan, of Chicago, and those who were bitterly opposed to his 
 growing ascendency — the latter wing being largely led by that capable 
 and conscientious Democrat, Henry W. Clendenin, editor of the Illinois 
 State Register of Springfield, Judge Owen P. Thompson, of Jack- 
 sonville, and Millard Fillmore Dunlap, of the' same city. 
 
 This strenuous rivalry added much color to Illinois Democratic 
 conventions, but hardly was of a character to promote party success, 
 even if such success had been in reach — which it was not! 
 
 For, thoughtful Democrats, the writer believes, will agree with him. 
 
256 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 that Illinois is a peculiar state in that, unlike New York, Ohio, and 
 many others that could be cited, ours is a commonwealth where, with 
 very few exceptions and these mostly for minor state offices, elections 
 go one way or another — head, hide and tail — and it always has been a 
 case of heaven help the Democratic nominee on a state ticket when the 
 national ticket is doomed to lose Illinois by heavy majority. 
 
 It was that way with Alschuler and his associates in 1900. 
 
 It was even more so with that gracious and genuine statesman of 
 Illinois Democracy, Lawrence B. Stringer, of Lincoln, the standard 
 bearer in 1904. 
 
 What possible chance could the Stringer ticket, or any other Demo- 
 cratic ticket, have in a year when the doughty "rough rider" Theodore 
 Roosevelt, was riding on such mighty wave of popularity, that even 
 Missouri, heretofore a dependable stronghold of the Democracy, was 
 swept into the Republican column as "The Mysterious Stranger." 
 
 "POLITICS LIKE MARRIAGE" 
 
 It has been well said that politics is a good deal like a marriage 
 ceremony : 
 
 The best man seldom wins ! 
 
 And so, in Illinois Democratic campaigns of earlier years of the 
 stirring century in which we are living, many a "best man" went down 
 before Republican nominees of decidedly lesser worth. 
 
 It is well that we take full cognizance of these facts in any survey 
 of Illinois Democracy, past or present. 
 
 Let us never appraise a Democratic nominee as having been of 
 poorer quality merely because he went down to defeat. 
 
 Rather, let us give the Democratic badge of courage to them for 
 having dared to fight the good fight; for having kept the faith when 
 the keeping of it could mean nothing more than personal loss and large 
 sacrifice. 
 
HENRY T. RAIXEY 
 
ILLINOIS DEMiH'KACY 259 
 
 HENRY T. RAINEY 
 
 STARTS TOWARD SPEAKERSHIP 
 
 OF NATIONAL HOUSE 
 
 The convention for the mid-presidential year, met June 17 and 18, 
 1902, at the fair grounds in Springfield. 
 
 This year saw a hot factional fighl between John P. Hopkins and 
 Mayor Carter 11. Harrison, of Chicago, for control of the Cook county 
 delegation, especially the committeeman from the First district. Hop- 
 kins was successful in winning a place on the committee from the state 
 at large, hut Harrison elected his friend, Thomas J. McNally, as the 
 regular committeeman from the First district. 
 
 Mr. Hopkins, as chairman of the state committee, called the con- 
 vention to order, lie announced the following as the committee's choice 
 for temporary officers : . 
 
 Lawrence B. Stringer, of Lincoln, chairman. 
 
 Arthur \Y. Charles, of Carmi, secretary. 
 
 The temporary organization was made permanent on motion of the 
 committee on permanent organization. 
 
 The following were nominated as the party candidates: 
 
 PICKERING A NOMINEE 
 
 John L. Pickering, Springfield, Clerk of the Supreme Court. 
 
 George W. Duddleston, Cook County, Treasurer. 
 
 Anson L. Bliss, Jefferson county, Superintendent of Public In- 
 struction. 
 
 The state having been re-apportioned into twenty-five congres- 
 sional districts at the preceding session of the General Assembly, the 
 districts proceeded to caucus for their committeemen as follows: 
 
 At Larue — lohn P. Hopkins, Ben T. Cable, William L. Mounts, 
 James E. Murphy, John D. Harris, Wm. B. Brinton, Frank B. Bowman, 
 L. 0. Whitnell and Thomas Mehan. 
 
260 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 First District— Thomas J. McNally. 
 Second District — Thomas J. Hahan. 
 Third District— W. J. Doherty. 
 Fourth District — Thomas Carey. 
 Fifth District— A. J. Sabath. 
 Sixth District — John E. Owens. 
 Seventh District — Roger C. Sullivan. 
 Eighth District — Miles J. Devine 
 Ninth District — Robert E. Burke. 
 Tenth District— Robert J. Farrell. 
 Eleventh District — D. J. Hogan. 
 Twelfth District — James N. Haskins. 
 Thirteenth District— W. O. Wright. 
 Fourteenth District — John W. Lusk. 
 Fifteenth District — Jackson K. Pierce. 
 Sixteenth District — F. J. Quinn. 
 Seventeenth District — B. J. Claggert. 
 Eighteenth District — H. S. Farmer. 
 Nineteenth District — William M. Berring. 
 Twentieth District — Frank E. Robinson. 
 Twenty-first District — John E. Hogan. 
 Twenty-second District — Chas. Boeschenstein. 
 Twenty-third District — Max Prill. 
 Twenty-fourth District — Arthur W. Charles. 
 Twenty-fifth District — Wm. A. Swartz. 
 
 This committee organized at a later date by electing John P. Hop- 
 kins as chairman to succeed himself, and William J. Mounts as sec- 
 retary. 
 
 RAINEY ELECTED TO CONGRESS 
 
 The party again suffered defeat, the treasurer running nearly 
 90,000 votes behind his Republican opponent. However, this campaign 
 saw the entry into National politics of that great party leader, Henry T. 
 Rainey, who was elected to Congress from the Twentieth district, and 
 who later rose to prominence as Speaker of the National House of 
 Representatives. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 261 
 
 The Democrats elected eight Congressmen out of twenty-five from 
 the state and had a total of seventy-seven votes on joint ballot in the 
 General Assembly. 
 
 The party split between Hopkins and Harrison in Chicago, was 
 said to be one of the reasons there was not a better showing at this 
 election. 
 
JOHN P. HOPKINS 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 265 
 
 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY'S 
 STORMIEST CONVENTION 
 RAINEY ONLY SURVIVOR 
 
 Feeling that there was a chance to elect a National ticket this year, 
 the meeting of the state convention at Springfield on. June 14 and 15. 
 1904, was very large and enthusiastic. 
 
 William Randolph Hearst had secured the endorsement of the dele- 
 gates to the state convention and he was made the choice of the partj 
 for President. Instructions were given the delegation to the National 
 convention to use every effort to secure his nomination. 
 
 Chairman Hopkins called the convention to order and placed the 
 following in nomination for temporary officers : 
 
 Frank J. Quinn, chairman. 
 
 James A. Long, secretary. 
 
 This was also made the permanent organization of the convention. 
 
 The nomination of candidates for state offices resulted as follows : 
 
 Governor — Lawrence B. Stringer. 
 
 Lieutenant Governor — Thomas F. Ferns. 
 
 Secretary of State — Frank E. Dooling. 
 
 Auditor — R. E. Spangler. 
 
 Treasurer — Charles B. Thomas. 
 
 Attorney General — Albert Watson. 
 
 PLATFORM OF MUCH APPEAL 
 
 A platform was adopted that made a strong appeal. 
 Among its planks were: 
 
 A curtailment of trusts and of the accumulation of vast wealth in 
 the hands of few. 
 
 A primary law which would permit all to enter the contest for party 
 nomination. 
 
 Stronger statutes curbing corporations. 
 
266 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 A public utility bill that would make such industries amendable to 
 state Jaws. 
 
 A civil service law which would place all employees of the state 
 under the law. 
 
 Stronger laws protecting labor and making employers responsible 
 for working conditions that would be easier for the employees. 
 
 Demanding the election of United States Senators by popular vote. 
 
 The several districts having caucused, the following were elected 
 as state central committeemen : 
 
 First District— John P. Hopkins. 
 
 Second District— Thomas P. Flynn. 
 
 Third District — Jeremiah O'Rourke. 
 
 Fourth District— Thomas J. Carey. 
 
 Fifth District— William Loeffler. 
 
 Sixth District— M. L. Sullivan. 
 
 Seventh District— Roger C. Sullivan. 
 
 Eighth District— Stanley IT. Kunz. 
 
 Ninth District— Robert E. Burke. 
 
 Tenth District— Robert J. Farrell. 
 
 Eleventh I )istrict— Dennis J. Hogan. 
 
 Twelfth District— C. H. Woolsey. 
 
 Thirteenth District— IT. L. Fordham. 
 
 Fourteenth District— Ben T. Cable. 
 
 Fifteenth District— J. E. Wyand. 
 
 Sixteenth District— Frank J. Quinn. 
 
 Seventeenth District — B. J. Claggert. 
 
 Eighteenth District— H. S. Tanner. 
 
 Nineteenth District — C. J. Millikin. 
 
 Twentieth District— George W. Hogan. 
 
 Twenty-first District— Arthur L. Hereford. 
 
 Twenty-second District— Chas. Boeschenstein. 
 
 Twenty-third District— George M. LeCrone. 
 
 Twenty-fourth District— Arthur W. Charles. 
 
 Twenty-fifth District— W. A. Swartz. 
 
 This committee organized at a later date with Charles Boeschen 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 267 
 
 stein, of Edwardsville, chairman, and Dennis J. Hogan, of Chicago, sec 
 
 retary. 
 
 The committee at large selected by the convention was: 
 
 F. B. Bowman, J. F. Murphy, L. C. VVhitnell, W. M. Berring, John 
 
 J. Feeley, John F. O'Malley, and Stephen D. Griffin. 
 
 CONVENTION IN UPROAR 
 
 The convention was in an uproar much of the time because of ap- 
 peals from the rulings of the chair. Mr. Quinn was the choice of .Mr. 
 Hopkins, who, as chairman of the state committee, was in a position to 
 dictate the policies of the convention. 
 
 The Harrison forces were still at odds with the Hopkins forces from 
 the split in the convention of two years before, and a vigorous use of 
 the gavel tended to increase the turmoil. 
 
 The vote at the fall election was not reassuring to the parly as 
 the state went Republican for both state and national candidates by a 
 larger majority than at any time in the previous history of the state. 
 
 The only Democrat on the state ticket to pull through was Henry T. 
 Rainey, candidate for Congress in the Twentieth district, the delegation 
 to Washington having twenty-four Republicans and one Democrat as 
 its personnel. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 269 
 
 BRYAN OPPOSES 
 ROGER C. SULLIVAN 
 AT STATE CONVENTION 
 
 The State central committee decided to go to Peoria for the state 
 convention of 1906, and it met there August 21, for a two days' session. 
 
 Chairman Boeschenstein called the convention to order and intro- 
 duced Judge C. C. Boggs as the chairman, and Edward Cahill, of Spring- 
 field, as secretary. 
 
 The convention settled down to routine work and dispensed with 
 oratory at this time. 
 
 A fight on Boger C. Sullivan was then being made by friends of 
 W. J. Bryan, who felt that Mr. Sullivan should not be a member of the 
 state committee. 
 
 Mr. Bryan was in Europe at the time on his tour and wired to Judge 
 Owen Thompson, of Jacksonville, a message which contained the follow- 
 ing sentence: "Oppose instructions unless Sullivan repudiated." 
 
 Judge Thompson led the fight against Sullivan, but failed by a vote 
 of 1,038 to 570. 
 
 The platform denounced the primary law which had been passed 
 by the General Assembly in 1905 ; demanded new banking laws protect- 
 ing the small depositors; denounced Congress for its failure to enact 
 anti-trust laws; favored child labor laws and the eight-hour law for 
 labor and in general assailed the Bepublican state administration for 
 extravagance and maladministration of charitable institutions. 
 
 The convention nominated the following state ticket: 
 
 State Treasurer — Nicholas L. Piotrowsky. 
 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction — Miss Caroline Grote. 
 
 The membership of the state central committee was selected as 
 follows : 
 
 At Large— H. W. Wheeler, D. Heenan, S. D. Griffin, J. P. O'Malley, 
 
270 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 T. S. Stanton,.). Shaw, J. H. Donohue, George A. Cooke, C. J. Dittamroe, 
 Ernest I [oover and Isaac 1!. ( !raig. 
 
 First District — lolm McCarthy. 
 
 Second District — Joseph .1. Kelly, 
 
 Third District— J. J, O'Rourke. 
 
 Fourth District — E. J. Rainey. 
 
 Fifth District— William Loeft'ler. 
 
 Sixth District- M. I,. Sullivan. 
 
 Seventh District— Ecger C. Sullivan. 
 
 Eighth District— M. 0. Conlon. 
 
 Ninth District -John McGillen. 
 
 Tenth District —John T. Connery. 
 
 Eleventh District— D. J. Eogan. 
 
 Twelfth District— James G. Doyle. 
 
 Thirteenth District— Martin J. Dillon. 
 
 Fourteenth District — Truman H. Plantz. 
 
 Fifteenth District— J. H. DeWolf. 
 
 Sixteenth District— Frank J. Quinn. 
 
 Seventeenth District — Louis V. Fitzilenry 
 
 Eighteenth District— A. L. White. 
 
 Nineteenth District— C. J. Millikin. 
 
 Twentieth District — Frank On-. 
 
 Twenty-first District— A. W. Crawford. 
 
 Twenty-second District — Charles Boeschenstein. 
 
 Twenty-third District — George M. LeCrone. 
 
 Twenty-fourth District— A. W. Charles. 
 
 Twenty-fifth District— Wm. Hart. 
 
 BOESCHENSTEIN RE-ELECTED 
 
 The state committee met in Springfield at a later date and completed 
 its organization by electing Charles Boeschenstein, chairman and D. J. 
 1 [ogan, secretary. 
 
 The stale ticket was again defeated, the party polling 271,984 votes 
 and losing by a majority of 145,500 votes. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 271 
 
 BRYAN'S LAST ATTEMPT 
 
 AT THE PRESIDENCY; 
 STEVENSON FAR AHEAD 
 
 There were two Democratic slate conventions in 1908. 
 
 The first, held at the Springfield state arsenal in May, was for the 
 purpose of electing delegates to the Denver national convention. 
 
 The Springfield convention, while controlled by Roger C. Sullivan, 
 unanimously endorsed Bryan for nomination as president. 
 
 "lie cannot win, hut neither can any other Democrat, until he gets 
 out of the way," was Roger's comment to his closest friends. 
 
 A feeling of unrest in the nation was conducive nevertheless, to a 
 I'eeling that this year might see the election of a Democrat as president 
 and therefore a fine chance of electing the governor of Illinois. 
 
 When the state convention met in Peoria on September 9. 1908, n 
 greaLr>f orators was marshalled to speak to the delegates. 
 
 It was a very enthusiastic gathering. 
 
 The state committee had selected Former Congressman Fred .1. 
 Kern, of Belleville, to act as chairman of the convention and he was 
 introduced by State Chairman Charles Boeschenstein. .Mr. Kern started 
 to speak but had only talked a few minutes when Senator Gore, the blind 
 senator from Oklahoma was led to the platform. 
 
 The convention went into an uproar and demanded to hear the 
 Senator at once. 
 
 Kern good-naturedly gave way and the Senator was introduced. 
 
 lie made a short speech in which he paid tribute to Lincoln, Grant, 
 Logan, Douglas and other great Illinois men, and said: "And Illinois 
 now gives you the opportunity to give to the nation and its people 
 another son — William Jennings Bryan." 
 
 This statement was met with long applause. 
 
272 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Mr. Bryan, nominated for president at the Denver convention, was 
 present in Peoria. 
 
 His entire stay was one great ovation. 
 
 Everywhere he went he was met with the greatest enthusiasm and 
 at this juncture was introduced to the convention, making one of his 
 remarkable speeches. 
 
 His reception was all that any man could seek, and Mr. Bryan went 
 from Illinois expressly confident that he would carry the state in the 
 fall election. 
 
 This year was the first that the state primary election had deter- 
 mined the state ticket. 
 
 The primary was held on August 8 and the following had been 
 elected as the nominees for state offices: 
 
 Governor — Adlai Ewing Stevenson, Bloomington. 
 
 Lieutenant Governor — Elmer A. Perry, Springfield. 
 
 Secretary of State — Francis Xavier Beidler, Lincoln. 
 
 Auditor — Ralph Jeffries, Charleston. 
 
 Treasurer — John B. Mount, Joliet. 
 
 Attorney General — Ross C. Hall, Chicago. 
 
 ( !lerk of Supreme Court — John L. Pickering, Springfield. 
 
 The platform ado] tied reaffirmed the national platform adopted at 
 Denver and added a few planks dealing with state affairs. It paid tribute 
 to William Jennings Bryan and John W. Kern, the national candidates ; 
 also strongly endorsed Adlai E. Stevenson and the entire state ticket: 
 and demanded prudence in the administration of the state institutions 
 and the state finances. 
 
 STEVENSON'S STRONG ADDRESS 
 
 Mr. Stevenson was called to the platform and made a very strong 
 address. Among other things he said: 
 
 "The office of governor is one of great honor and of great responsi- 
 bility. It has little to do with any possible determination of questions of 
 national politics. From the moment the oath of office is taken, the in- 
 cumbent governor is the accredited representative of all the people of the 
 state. From that moment he should case to be a partisan. It is a great 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 273 
 
 business office, having to do with the dearest, nearest interests of five 
 and a half millions of people. * * * * 
 
 "At this very hour, the people of our great state have deeper con- 
 cern in the skillful and humane care of the inmates of our charitable 
 institutions than in any pending question of national policies. It may 
 be that in the not distant future, the list of inmates will be lengthened 
 to include loved ones from our own hearthstones. Whatever differences 
 may exist upon other questions there is absolute concensus of opinion 
 that our charitable institutions should be conducted upon the highest 
 possible plane, wholly disconnected from partisan politics. * : 
 
 "The executive of this great state, who for the time prescribed, 
 keeps steadily in view the welfare of the entire people, and by judicious 
 appointments and tireless vigilance, causes our charitable institutions to 
 fulfill the sublime purpose of their creation, can at the close seek retire- 
 ment from official station with the glad consciousness that he had indeed 
 rendered a public service." 
 
 STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE 
 
 The newly elected state committeemen were as follows : 
 
 First District— John B. Evan. 
 
 Second District — James J. Kelly. 
 
 Third District— J. J. 'Eourke. 
 
 Fourth District — Edward J. Rainey. 
 
 Fifth District— Thomas J. Scully. 
 
 Sixth District — M. L. Sullivan. 
 
 Seventh District — Eugene W. Sullivan. 
 
 Eighth District— Michael C. Conlon. 
 
 Ninth District — John McGillen. 
 
 Tenth District — August Krumholz. 
 
 Eleventh District — John A. Logan. 
 
 Twelfth District — James G. Doyle. 
 
 Thirteenth District — William Hogan. 
 
 Fourteenth District — George A. Cooke. 
 
 Fifteenth District— H. N. Wheeler. 
 
 Sixteenth District — Edward D. McCabe. 
 
274 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Seventeenth District — Louis FitzHenry. 
 
 Eighteenth District — Harry Moss. 
 
 Nineteenth District Isaac B. Craig. 
 
 Twentieth District — Wm. X. Hairgrove. 
 
 Twenty-first District — Ernest Hoover. 
 
 Twenty-second District — Chas. J. Boeschenstein. 
 
 Twenty-third District— John J. Baker. 
 
 Twenty-fourth District — Arthur W. Charles. 
 
 Twenty-fifth District— Wm. S. Cant rail. 
 
 At a subsequent date this committee met and selected as its officers 
 Charles Boeschenstein, chairman, and George A. Cooke, secretary. 
 
 This campaign brought to a close the active political participation 
 of two of the most illustrious men in the party who hailed from the 
 • reat state of Illinois — William Jennings Bryan and Adlai E. Stevenson. 
 
 THIRD ATTEMPT FAILS 
 
 This was Mr. Bryan's third attempt to reach the presidency. The 
 elements which had fought him within his own party were still in a large 
 measure active against him, and although lie was still a force to be 
 reckoned with, he never again was seriously considered as presidential 
 timber. 
 
 As will be noted in the chapter dealing with his life, he still had 
 the power to make or break candidates, and he lived to see his choice 
 serve the people as president in the person of Woodrow Wilson, under 
 whom Bryan, himself, served as Secretary of State until their ways 
 diverged over the World War situation. 
 
 Mr. Stevenson never again ran for any office. 
 
 His great popularity however cut the Republican majority of 179,1 22 
 for president down to 2:>,164 for governor. His home county, McLean, 
 gave him a great vote of confidence. Its normal Republican majorities 
 ran from three to four thousand, but Mr. Stevenson lost it by less than 
 three hundred. 
 
 The party, while meeting defeat, still maintained a delegaion of 
 eight Congressmen in Washington and had seventy-seven votes on joint 
 ballot in the General Assembly. 
 
 After the November election there was a quite general feeling that 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 275 
 
 Stevenson really had won, but had been cheated out in the Busse wards 
 of Chicago and elsewhere. 
 
 A contest was started before the 1909 general assembly but was 
 sidetracked by the bipartism election of Shurtleff as speaker and Lori- 
 mer as senator. 
 
LOUIS FITZHEXRY 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY -J7!J 
 
 DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN 
 OF 1910 GAVE SIGNS 
 OF COMING VICTORY 
 
 Viewed from a national standpoint, the campaign of 1910 gave 
 
 many and sure signs of the Democratic victory that was to follow two 
 years later. 
 
 In that campaign, the Democrats captured the lower branch of 
 Congress for the first time since 1892, when that able Georgian states 
 
 man, Charles F. Crisp, had been re-elected speaker. 
 
 Since 1903, thai picturesque and hard-boiled Republican from Dan- 
 ville, Illinois, Joseph G. Cannon, had retained possession of the 
 speaker's gavel, and had wielded it to the marked disadvantage of the 
 Democratic minority. 
 
 But, by the vote of November 1910, "Uncle Joe" was destined to 
 surrender the gavel to that brilliant and well-beloved, if somewhat 
 erratic Missouri statesman. Champ Clark, of Pike — the latter to hold 
 it for eight years thereafter. 
 
 Tn Illinois, as in other states, the Democrats made gains in that 
 year's congressional electors. 
 
 To the Congress of 1909-1911, only six Democrats had been elected 
 from our state, these being: 
 
 James T. Dermott, Chicago. 
 Adolph J. Sabath, Chicago. 
 Thomas Gallagher, Chicago. 
 Henry T. Rainey, Carrollton. 
 James M. Graham, Springfield. 
 Martin D. Foster, Olney. 
 
 But, in November 1910, the Democrats of Illinois added to this 
 distinguished list, the names of : 
 Edmund J. Stack, Chicago. 
 
280 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Frank Buchanan, Chicago. 
 
 Lynden Evans, Chicago. 
 
 Claude U. Stone, Peoria. 
 
 H. Robert Fowler, Elizabethtown. 
 
 This made the Illinois delegation at Washington stand 11 to 14, 
 which certainly was not so bad in view of earlier years. 
 
 Moreover, in other Illinois districts, the Democratic congressional 
 nominees reduced the erstwhile heavy Republican majorities to slim 
 margins. 
 
 Evidence of this was in the seventeenth, or Bloomington, district, 
 where Louis F. Fitzhenry, now one of the most honored of American 
 jurists, polled 14,215 votes and was beaten by a plurality of only 2,386 
 in a district which usually had given the Republican nominee three or 
 four times that advantage. 
 
 INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM 
 
 But the campaign for the "off year" state offices to be filled that 
 November, was a somewhat listless affair and, in measure at least, 
 was subordinated not only to the keener interest in the congressional 
 fights, but in the considerable ado raised over the Initiative and Refer- 
 endum, submitted to the voters. 
 
 One hears very little nowadays about the once famous I and R. 
 
 But, then, it was a subject of intense discussion, and the average 
 Illinois voter was bombarded with heavy volume of pamphlets, pro 
 and con. 
 
 It was, too, a favorite proposition with the redoubtable Theodore 
 Roosevelt and, two years later, was included in the Progressive na- 
 tional platform. 
 
 Writing in 1935, it may be stated that the Initiative and Refer- 
 endum is now at the disposal of all Illinois voters who live in cities 
 under the commission form of government, but it seldom is mentioned 
 and even less frequently invoked. 
 
 THREE PROPOSITIONS VOTED ON 
 
 Three public policy propositions were submitted to the Illinois 
 voters that year. 
 Thev were : 
 
GEORGE K. PAGE 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 283 
 
 To instruct the general assembly to take action for a constitu- 
 tional amendment to include the Initiative and Referendum. 
 
 To extend civil service in public office. 
 
 To limit the amount that could be expended in political campaigns. 
 
 The vote on the first proposition was 447,1" >s for, to 128,398 against. 
 
 On the civil service proposition it was 411,676 for, to 121,123 
 against. 
 
 On limiting campaign expenditures there were 422,437 affirmative 
 votes to 122,689 negative. 
 
 NOMINEES NOT SO FORTUNATE 
 
 But, while all the propositions thus carried by big majorities, the 
 Democratic nominees for state offices did not fare so well in that elec- 
 tion of November 8, 1910. 
 
 Vlpheus E. Hartley, a Democrat of high integrity, and of fine per- 
 sonality, was defeated by Edward E. Mitchell, the Republican candi- 
 date, for state treasurer, the vote for Hartley being 376,046, while his 
 successful opponent received 436,484. 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction, that talented educator.. 
 Conrad M. Bardwell, lost out, gathering 370,870 votes to 430,332 given 
 his Eepublican rival, Francis Grant Blair, thus continuing the latter in 
 the office to which he had been elected four years earlier, and which 
 office he was destined to continue to hold through landslides and other- 
 wise, until the great Democratic year 1934. 
 
 GAINS IN ASSEMBLY 
 
 So Illinois Democracy had to rest content in 1910 with their con- 
 gressional victories, and with several gains in the general assembly, 
 where they increased their joint membership from 77 in 1909 to 83 in 
 1911; while the Republican total was cut from 127 to 117. 
 
 THE 1910 CENTRAL COMMITTEE 
 
 Democratic state central committeemen of 1910 were elected by 
 congressional districts in the primary, by the voters direct, instead of 
 by the convention delegates as had been the case until the new primary 
 law had been passed. 
 
284 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Charles Boeschenstein, of Edwardsville, was chairman, and 
 Isaac B. Craig, of Mattoon, secretary. 
 
 The members, by districts, as reported to the state convention, 
 were: 
 
 1 — Robert Redfield, Chicago. 
 
 2 — James J. Kelly, Chicago. 
 
 3 — Henry P. Bergen, Chicago. 
 
 4 — Thomas F. Aylward, Chicago. 
 
 5 — Frank Venecek, Chicago. 
 
 6 — Stephen D. Griffin, Chicago. 
 
 7 — Eugene W. Sullivan, Chicago. 
 
 8 — Michael C. Conlon, Chicago. 
 
 9 — Herman J. Bauler, Chicago. 
 10 — John Haderlein, Chicago. 
 11 — John A. Logan, Elgin. 
 12— Fred Le Roy, Streator. 
 13 — William Hogan, Lanark. 
 14 — John W. Williams, Carthage. 
 15— H. N. Wheeler, Quincy. 
 16 — Joseph A. Weil, Peoria. 
 17— Martin A. Brennan, Bloomington. 
 18 — Harry Moss, Paris. 
 19 — Isaac B. Craig, Mattoon. 
 20 — James McNabb, Carrollton. 
 21 — Ernest Hoover, Taylorville. 
 22 — Charles Boeschenstein, Edwardsville. 
 23— Rene Havill, Mt. Carmel. 
 24 — Arthur W. Charles, Carmi. 
 25— William S. Cantrell, Benton. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 285 
 
 CAMPAIGN OF ILLINOIS 
 
 DEMOCRACY IN 1912 
 OFF TO EARLY START 
 
 The Illinois Democratic campaign of 1912 got off to an unusually 
 early start. 
 
 In November 1911, Congressman Benjamin Franklin Caldwell, of 
 Chatham, who had made a real mark at Washington, formally an- 
 nounced his candidacy for governor. 
 
 Almost simultaneously, Samuel Alschuler, of Aurora and Chicago, 
 who had been the party standard bearer in 1900, made similar formal 
 announcement. 
 
 This quickly was followed by that of Former Judge and Former 
 Mayor Edward F. Dunne, of Chicago. 
 
 George E. Dickson was another aspirant for gubernatorial honors, 
 but his candidacy attracted scant attention and he got but few votes. 
 
 ROGER SULLIVAN'S FORECAST 
 
 The author then was editor of a Springfield Democratic daily 
 newspaper, and one which always had been outspoken for Roger C. 
 Sullivan, then the national committeeman from Illinois. 
 
 Ben Caldwell resided in the Springfield district and, naturally, 
 the Democratic press of Springfield was friendly to his candidacy. 
 
 Hence, when Congressman Caldwell asked the writer to present 
 his candidacy to Roger C. Sullivan, prompt acquiescence was given. 
 
 This interview had occurred in the national committeeman's private 
 office on Michigan boulevard, the day following Thanksgiving in 1911 
 and, in part, may be related here as showing the remarkable powers 
 of political foresight possessed by a famous leader of Illinois Democ- 
 racy. 
 
 "I know and like Mr. Caldwell. He is a fine man and a fine Demo- 
 crat, who would make a great governor," said Mr. Sullivan. 
 
286 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 "Bui I am equally friendly to Sam Alschuler and a little closer to 
 him personally, than to either of the other candidates. Perhaps, if I 
 had tlr say, 1 would be disposed to reward Alschuler's sacrifice in 
 1900 by giving him the nomination now," he continued. 
 
 'We are going to take no part for or against any of the candidates 
 for governor in the primary, however. 
 
 • r i here are many excellent reasons why we should take this stand, 
 and one of them is that we have a real fight on our hands to keep control 
 of the stale organization, and we are not going to jeopardize ourselves 
 
 in that regard by being f or or against any of the thr andidates for 
 
 governor in the primary election. 
 
 •'Inst,. ad, we are going to go along with Caldwell in Caldwell terri- 
 tory, with Alschuler in Alschuler territory, and with Dunne in Dunne 
 territory. 
 
 "You can tell Mr. Caldwell that our organization wishes him w< II, 
 and that he can rely on our doing him no harm in his candidacy. 
 
 "But," he added, "while I wouldn't want you to tell him this, I 
 am sure I can tell you who the nominee will be. It will be Dunne and, 
 what is more, he not only is going to be nominated, but he is ffoinsr 
 to be the next governor of Illinois." 
 
 Subsequent history proved the entire correctness of Roger C. 
 Sullivan's prediction made a year before that prediction was verified 
 by the election itself. 
 
 Your writer always will feel, from several other things sa id by 
 the national committeeman, to him then and later, that of the three 
 serious contenders on the Democratic side, Judge Dunne was the one 
 least preferred by Roger C. Sullivan. 
 
 But Sullivan did as he said be would. 
 
 In the very interesting campaign that followed, the Roger Sullivan 
 organization went along with Dunne men in Dunne districts, with 
 Alschuler men in Alsculer districts, and with Caldwell men in Caldwell 
 districts. 
 
 PREDICTED WILSON VICTORY 
 
 But the nomination and election of Dunne was not the only long- 
 distance forecast made by Roger C. Sullivan to the writer on that 
 November 1911 afternoon. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 287 
 
 John P. Hopkins was present, and the three of us got to discussing 
 the held of presidential possibilities. 
 
 On grounds of personal friendship, the writer had printed several 
 editorials favorable to the candidacy of Governor Judson Harmon, of 
 Ohio, who had support in several states, but who, later decided not to 
 file his name in the Illinois primary election. 
 
 Champ Clark then was a leading candidate but, while the writer 
 knew him well and liked him much, his newspaper had been committed 
 to Woodrow Wilson rather than to Clark, as between the two who 
 finally became the real battle figures of the Baltimore convention. 
 
 "Roger seems to lie pretty sure that Governor Wilson will not only 
 be the nominee, but that he will be elected," Mr. Hopkins had remarked. 
 
 "But Champ Clark seems to have all the best of it down in my 
 section of the state," the writer interposed. 
 
 "Clark will carry Illinois, but Woodrow Wilson will lie the nom- 
 inee and, unless 1 am much mistaken, he's going to be the next president 
 of the United States," Roger Sullivan said while, as usual, he whittled. 
 
 Asked as to what was wrong with Clark, the national committee- 
 man replied : 
 
 "He's a wonderful fellow, hut no one wants William Randolph 
 Hearst for president, and that's what it would mean if Champ (Mark 
 ever got in the wdiite house." 
 
 All, of which, not only gave evidence of Roger C. Sullivan's keen 
 political vision, lint was one of the reasons why the writer regarded it 
 as entirely logical that the Illinois delegation to the Baltimore conven- 
 tion, seven months later under the leadership of its chairman, that same 
 Roger Sullivan, should swing from Clark to W T ilson at the crucial hour, 
 assuring the nomination of that great former president of Princeton 
 University, who then was governor of New T Jersey. 
 
 PRIMARY ELECTION RESULTS 
 
 But, returning to the primary fight of 1912 for the nomination for 
 governor of Illinois, the figures of April 9 of that year, told the following 
 storv: 
 
288 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Edward F. Dunne, 131,212 votes. 
 
 Samuel W. Alsehuler, 87,127 votes. 
 
 Ben F. Caldwell, 71,972 votes. 
 
 George E. Dickson, 9,034 votes. 
 
 That result further emphasized the growing dominance of Chicago 
 in Illinois Democratic affairs for, as between Cook county and the rest 
 of the state, the vote was divided : 
 
 Dunne — Cook county, 106,253 ; outside, 24,959. 
 
 Alsehuler — Cook county, 41,502 ; outside, 45,625. 
 
 Caldwell— Cook county, 9,260 ; outside, 62,712. 
 
 CALDWELL CARRIED MOST COUNTIES 
 
 Benjamin Franklin Caldwell had the distinction of carrying more 
 counties than any other candidate. 
 
 Of the 102, he was the choice of 45. 
 
 Samuel Alsehuler carried 43. 
 
 Judge Dunne carried 14, which included Peoria where the Demo- 
 cratic state convention was to be held shortly thereafter. 
 
 The defeated candidates gave gallant and unselfish assistance to 
 Judge Dunne in the campaign of that year. 
 
 Mr. Caldwell was chairman of the downtown mass meeting, held 
 on the east side of the historic Sangamon county court house and 
 former capitol, in Springfield, on the morning of Thursday of state 
 fair week, October, 1912. 
 
 Woodrow Wilson, who spoke three times in Springfield that day to 
 crowds that were estimated at an aggregate of more than 80,000, was 
 the principal attraction, but Edward F. Dunne and his fellow nominees 
 on the state ticket were all given great ovations. 
 
 The presidential nominee later declared that the Springfield meet- 
 ings were the "turning point" of his campaign. 
 
 THE 1912 STATE COMMITTEE 
 
 Arthur W. Charles of Carmi, was chairman, and Robert M. Sweit- 
 zer, of Chicago, secretary of the Democratic state central committee 
 named at the primary, and which committee conducted the sweepingly 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 289 
 
 successful campaign of 1912 which placed Illinois in the Wilson-Mar- 
 shall column and every Democratic state candidate in office. 
 
 The personnel of the committee was: 
 
 1. George Noonan, Chicago. 
 
 2. Edward F. Brennan, Chicago. 
 
 3. Frank J. Walsh, Chicago. 
 
 4. James J. McCormic, Chicago. 
 
 5. Michael Zimmer, Chicago. 
 
 0. Robert M. Sweitzer, Chicago. 
 
 7. James Furlong, Chicago 
 
 8. Michael F. Sullivan, Chicago. 
 
 9. James J. Townsend, Chicago. 
 
 10. Peter Reinberg, Chicago. 
 
 11. John A. Logan, Elgin. 
 
 12. Fred Le Roy, Streator. 
 
 13. C. J. Dittmer, Freeport. 
 
 14. John W. Williams, Carthage, 
 lo. H. N. Wheeler, Quincy. 
 
 16. Joseph A. Weil, Peoria. 
 
 17. Martin A. Brennan, Bloomington. 
 
 18. Clint C. Tilton, Danville. 
 
 19. James M. Gray, Decatur. 
 
 20. James McNabb, Carrollton. 
 
 21 . Ernest Hoover, Taylorville. 
 
 22. Jerry J. Kane, East St. Louis. 
 
 23. Thomas J. Xewlin, Robinson. 
 
 24. Arthur W. Charles, Carmi. 
 
 25. William S. Cantrell, Benton. 
 
ILL1X10S DEMOCRACY 291 
 
 WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE 
 
 APPEARS AT 1912 PEORIA CONCLAVE 
 
 OF ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 If the writer of this history were asked to name the father of 
 women's suffrage among the members of the Illinois Democracy, he 
 would be disposed to award the laurel to Kent E. Keller, of Ava, now 
 congressman from the twenty-fifth district, and who recently was re- 
 elected by the largest majority ever recorded therein. 
 
 The talented Kent was a member of the resolutions committee of 
 the April, 1912 Peoria Democratic state convention. 
 
 Women's suffrage then was regarded with suspicion by most poli- 
 tical leaders of both parties and in most states. 
 
 So, when a delegation of prominent women appeared before the 
 platform committee in executive session at the Jefferson hotel, and re- 
 quested a hearing, there was some opposition to granting the request. 
 
 But better judgment prevailed, and the ladies were told that they 
 could have twenty minutes in which to present their case. 
 
 The writer of this history was a member of that committee from 
 the twenty-first congressional district, and can testify that few causes 
 ever have been presented more logically or convincingly than women's 
 suffrage was presented that afternoon. 
 
 The presentation was so brilliantly made that, although the con- 
 vention proper was impatiently awaiting the committee's report, the 
 time allotted the ladies repeatedly was extended until nearly two hours 
 had been consumed. 
 
 When it came to the matter of voting on a women's suffrage plank 
 in the platform, the lamented Charles A. Karch, of East St. Louis, who 
 was chairman of the resolutions committee, suggested that the guber- 
 natorial nominee, Judge Edward F. Dunne, who, with Will O'Connell 
 and other intimate advisors, was in an adjacent room, should be con- 
 sulted. 
 
 This was done, and Judge Dunne asked the writer if he could find 
 
292 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 out what the Republican state convention, then in session at Springfield, 
 was doing about a women's suffrage plank. 
 
 The writer called his Springfield newspaper office, over long 
 distance, and found that the Republican state convention already had 
 decided not to include such a plank. 
 
 A majority of the committee, with the acquiescence of the guberna- 
 torial nominee, appeared to favor similar Democratic rejection, but 
 Kent Keller put up a valiant battle in favor of adoption of the suffrage 
 plank. 
 
 In this, he was supported by only five members of the committee and, 
 so, the majority report, as presented to the convention soon after, con- 
 tained no allusion to women's suffrage. 
 
 Mr. Keller carried his fight to the floor of the convention by means 
 of a minority report, but was overwhelmingly defeated. 
 
 It is significant, though, that very early in the Dunne administra- 
 tion, the following year, Illinois women were granted the right of 
 suffrage and the governor was an enthusiastic supporter of it. 
 
 TRAGEDY AND MOTHBALLS 
 
 Interest in the proceedings of that Peoria convention was somewhat 
 dimmed by the hunger of delegates to obtain the fullest news of the 
 great Titanic disaster, which had just taken place. 
 
 Preliminary to the convention, there were many indications of 
 stubborn fight over the' seating of delegates from Chicago— the quite 
 customary battle, in those days, between the Roger C. Sullivan and the 
 Carter H. Harrison forces. 
 
 But the matter was adjusted in the credentials committee, and the 
 proceedings of the convention were fairly harmonious throughout. 
 
 A good laugh was raised when Michael E. Bray, of Litchfield, passed 
 large boxes of alleged candy balls among his fellow delegates, who, on 
 getting the presumed sweetmeats in their mouths, discovered that they 
 were mothballs, instead. 
 
 Little comedy plays of this sort, are not without their value in 
 counting for better humor in minutes when conventions get tense. 
 
 The general good nature at Peoria, that April, helped in the election 
 of the whole state ticket the following November. 
 
HENRY M. PINDELL 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 295 
 
 ONE ELECTION IN 
 
 WHICH DOWNSTATE DEMOCRACY 
 
 REVERSED CHICAGO VOTE 
 
 The campaign of 1912 was unusual, among twentieth century elec- 
 tions, in that the downstate section of Illinois Democracy, that Novem- 
 ber, overruled the vote of Cook county for the important office of 
 president of the United States. 
 
 In that three-way fight, Theodore Roosevelt was a prime favorite 
 with the voters of Chicago, and when the ballots were counted, they 
 revealed the following Cook county totals, as between the three leading 
 nominees : 
 
 Roosevelt 166,061 
 
 Wilson 130,702 
 
 Taft 74,851 
 
 But the man destined to guide our nation's destinies through a 
 World War, fared much better with downstate voters, the official tabu- 
 lation outside Cook showing: 
 
 Wilson 271,346 
 
 Roosevelt 220,417 
 
 Taft 178,742 
 
 That's how Wilson came to carry Illinois by 18,570 plurality — 
 making it a complete victory for Illinois Democracy for the first time in 
 twenty years. 
 
 Wilson and Marshall, that year, carried 64 downstate counties. 
 Roosevelt and Johnson carried Cook and 27 others, Taft and "Sunny 
 Jim" Sherman had to be content with ten. 
 
 HISTORIC MEETING AT SPRINGFIELD 
 
 Woodrow Wilson toured Illinois twice that year — first as a primary 
 candidate against Champ Clark, later as the standard bearer of the 
 Democracy. 
 
296 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 His simple bearing and his Hue personality won many thousands of 
 voters to his candidacy. 
 
 The Illinois state fair was the scene of historic meeting, in October 
 that year, when, for the first time since the Baltimore convention of 
 July, Champ Clark met Wilson, face to face, and the pair shook hands 
 as the tens of thousands gathered in the big coliseum on the fair grounds, 
 applauded for many minutes. 
 
 John M. Crebs, of Carmi, presided over that tremendous gathering. 
 
 The committee in charge of that day's three Woodrow Wilson meet- 
 ings was composed of Judge Rufus C. Potts, Dr. Otto H. Seifert, and 
 AValter A. Townsend, all of Springfield. 
 
 On account of the density of the crowd, this committee had a real 
 task in getting their automobile, with the Champ Clark party, through 
 to the speaker's stand, that afternoon. 
 
 Accompanying Speaker Clark, were Former Governor David R. 
 Francis, later president of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition ; Former 
 Governor Joseph Wingate Folk, and other famous Missouri Democrats. 
 
 INTERESTING REMINISCENCES 
 
 Here are a few reminiscences of that meeting which may be of 
 interest : 
 
 Woodrow Wilson walked from the St. Nicholas through great 
 crowds to the morning mass meeting on the Springfield public square. 
 
 When this was suggested to him by the committee, he said: "Fine! 
 Walking is the really Democratic way, and it will give me a much- 
 needed opportunity to stretch my legs." 
 
 While waiting at the St. Nicholas, that same afternoon, for the 
 start of the big parade to the fair grounds, the future president ad- 
 dressed Edward F. Dunne as "Governor." 
 
 "Not yet," replied the latter. 
 
 "Well, it's as good as Dunne, anyway," said Wilson, breaking into 
 one of his famous puns. 
 
 ILLINOIS AT BALTIMORE 
 
 Early Woodrow Wilson admirers among the Illinois Democracy, 
 Harrv M. Pindell, of Peoria ; Lawrence B. Stringer, of Lincoln ; and 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 297 
 
 Irving- Shuman, then of Sullivan but now of Chicago, played their part 
 at the Baltimore convention, that year, by their constant urging of 
 Roger C. Sullivan to throw the Illinois strength to the New Jersey 
 governor. 
 
 Roger Sullivan had been friendly to Woodrow Wilson from the 
 start, but he wanted to give Champ Clark, who had carried the Illinois 
 primary, a square deal. 
 
 That's why he delayed the Illinois switch to Woodrow Wilson. 
 
 When that switch came, it was all over but the shouting. 
 
 REASON FOR BRYAN FIGHT 
 
 But an earlier factor in the tight of Baltimore, had been the 
 eloquently outspoken opposition of William Jennings Bryan to the Clark 
 candidacy, as especially expressed in the battle over the naming of 
 Alton B. Parker, of New York, for the chairmanship. 
 
 A few weeks after the convention, Bryan stopped over in Springfield 
 on his way to a Chautauqua appearance. 
 
 He had sent for several Springfield Democrats to meet him in his 
 room at the St. Nicholas. 
 
 Among these were Judge Creighton, Henry W. Clendenin, Thomas 
 Rees, and the writer. 
 
 The latter pointedly asked Bryan why he so bitterly had opposed 
 Clark's nomination. 
 
 Here's what the great Nebraskan said in reply: 
 
 "You generally can judge a candidate's backing by his selection of 
 a campaign manager, and when Mr. Clark selected Mr. Dubois for that 
 position, there could be no doubt as to where he really stood!" 
 
 Bryan was just in the act of putting on a clean shirt. 
 
 "Careful, Mr. Bryan!" said Tom Rees, "this is Springfield and 
 Springfield is Dubois' old home town." 
 
 Bryan laughed. 
 
 Dubois then was Democratic senator from Idaho. 
 
EDWARD F. DUNNE 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 301 
 
 LIGHTS AND SHADOWS OF 
 
 "FRIENDLIEST ADMINISTRATION" 
 
 OF ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 The Democratic administration headed by Edward F. Dunne (1913- 
 1917) was one of the most capable, conscientious, and constructive in 
 the history of Illinois. 
 
 It placed on the statute books many laws that became, and still are, 
 the basis for the management of most state institutions, and which 
 marked a distinct advance in good government. 
 
 Among these may be mentioned the act creating Illinois ' first board 
 of administration and the purpose of which was to provide humane and 
 scientific treatment of the dependent wards of the state, to promote the 
 study of the causes of dependency and delinquency and to secure the 
 highest attainable degree of efficiency and economy in the administra- 
 tion of the state institutions. 
 
 Another great constructive step of the Dunne administration, was 
 the passage of hitherto long-discussed and long-delayed legislation for 
 the control of the public service corporations of the state — the creation 
 of Illinois' first public utilities commission, or, as it now is known, the 
 Illinois Commerce commission. 
 
 In keeping with the vogue of that period, these commissions were 
 appointed on a bi-partisan or non-partisan basis, with not more than 
 three of the five members constituting each commission, being from 
 any one party. 
 
 The writer may be wrong, but he always has felt that this was 
 "the better way" and it was with real regret that he noticed the success 
 of the Republican moves, made under subsequent administrations, to 
 have these commissions changed to one-party affairs, absolutely con- 
 trolled by the administration that might be in power. 
 
 Despite occasional clamor for its abolition, there hardly can be 
 
302 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 reasonable doubt that the control of the public service corporations by 
 the state, has given the consumer a much "fairer break" than was the 
 case before the system was introduced under the Dunne regime and that, 
 the people of Illinois have made great savings in their bills for elec- 
 tricity, gas, and other utilities, as a consequence. 
 
 KERN HEADS BOARD 
 
 Then, too, it would be difficult to find anyone in 1935 who would 
 question the wisdom of maintaining our institutions for the care of the 
 wards of the state under the humane, efficient and economical system 
 that was inaugurated by Edward F. Dunne, as governor, and by the 
 first board of administration, appointed by him in 1913, and which was 
 headed by that sterling Democrat and man of real parts — the now 
 lamented Fred J. Kern, of Belleville. 
 
 James Hyland, of Chicago, and Thomas O'Connor, of Peoria, were 
 the other Democrats on that first board, and they proved worthy asso- 
 ciates of Editor Kern. 
 
 Confronted by a really tremendous task in remapping the adminis- 
 tration of the state's many charitable, penological and eleemosynary 
 institutions, they did it in a manner on which no word or hostile criti- 
 cism was heard. 
 
 MOST DISTINGUISHING FEATURE 
 
 If the Dunne administration had done nothing more along con- 
 structive lines than the things enumerated, it still would be one to which 
 Illinois Democrats could "point with pride" ; but it was brimful of many 
 other steps in behalf of the ordinary citizen. 
 
 To the writer, then editor and publisher of a Democratic daily in 
 Springfield, it is well remembered panorama, viewed at close range, 
 yet, if he were asked to write a paragraph that adequately would set 
 out its most distinguishing, everyday feature, he w r ould write: 
 
 "The Dunne administration was the most genial of all and, with 
 the door ever ajar in welcome to every legitimate visitor — Democrat 
 or Republican." 
 
 In penning these lines I have no thought of criticism, implied or 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 303 
 
 otherwise, of any administration that has followed and regardless of its 
 political complexion. 
 
 For things were different then than they now are. 
 
 It is true, that even in 1913, there were "hordes of office seekers," 
 but there were only hundreds in those days of Edward F. Dunne, and 
 of Barrett O'Hara, and of Harry Woods, and of Pat Lucey, and of Jim 
 Brady, and of "Bill" Ryan, the honest blacksmith; whereas, largely 
 on account of the long-continued depression, there now are not only 
 thousands but tens of thousands. 
 
 Even in Governor Dunne's day the persistent office-seeker was a 
 good deal of a problem as may be shown by a casual remark made in 
 1913 to the author of this book, by the then Democratic executive. 
 
 "I am told that the dome of the state house can be seen, on a fine 
 day, from nearly all parts of Sangamon county and from a considerable 
 portion of adjacent territory. 
 
 ' ' Sometimes I think that on such bright days, every Democrat gets 
 up in the morning, takes a look at the capitol dome, and says : ' Good, 
 I '11 go down there and have Dunne give me a job '. ' ' 
 
 WITH HANDSHAKE AND SMILE 
 
 But, ably aided by the able, ever genial private secretary, William 
 L. (Billy) Sullivan, Edward F. Dunne always met them with that sincere 
 smile and hearty handshake, which sent most of them away happy even 
 if none of the loaves and fishes of political office were to be had. 
 
 BUT IT COULDN'T BE DONE 
 
 The writer visualizes that more than one disappointed Democrat 
 of 1935, reading of these things of twenty years earlier, will say: 
 "Why cannot Horner and Donovan and Hughes and Kerner and Barrett 
 and Stelle and Wieland do like Dunne and others used to do in 1915?" 
 
 The answer, of course, is that it just simply couldn't be done, much, 
 as he is sure, present Democratic officers would like to do it. 
 
 Applications for state positions have been so multitudinous since 
 Henry Horner took office that, even if the executve and his fellow 
 Democratic officials attempted to see even one-twentieth of all the suppli- 
 cants, they would have no time whatsoever for attending to the duties 
 for which they were elected by the people of Illinois. 
 
304 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 THE DUNNE FAMILY CIRCLE 
 
 If the visitor to the state capitdl met geniality from Dunne and his 
 associate officials, the feeling of warm friendship was even more in 
 evidence when one visited the executive mansion. 
 
 Somehow or other, the writing of that phrase "executive mansion" 
 seems entirely out of keeping with those days for memories of the 
 Dunne family, the warm courtesy of the wife and mother, now beyond 
 life's shadows — Mona and Eileen and (leraldine and little Jeanette and 
 the boys — all of these bespoke just a happy, loving, lovable American 
 home rather than "an executive mansion." 
 
 Here, too, it was a case of open door to high and low and rich and 
 poor, alike. 
 
 Many notable and notably enjoyable social functions were held in 
 I he governor's house during the Dunne term. 
 
 Among some of those out of the ordinary and which the writer 
 recalls in pleasant memory, were dinners at which William Jennings 
 Bryan, James Hamilton Lewis, and numerous other notables were 
 present, including one dinner that was commemorative of the Stephen 
 A. Douglas anniversary, and at which the closest surviving lineal de- 
 scendant of the "Little Giant" was the guest of honor. 
 
 PERHAPS THE MOST NOTABLE 
 
 But, perhaps, most notable of all was the small gathering at which 
 Former President Theodore Roosevelt was the principal guest. 
 
 Edward F. Dunne had been in considerable quandary about the 
 Roosevelt dinner, for it presented unusual problems. 
 
 Roosevelt, former idol of the Republican party, but who had left 
 its ranks in 1912, came to Springfield in October, 1914, to speak at the 
 since-destroyed state arsenal in behalf of the candidacy of Raymond 
 Robbins, of Chicago, for United States Senator, as against Roger C. 
 Sullivan, of Chicago, the Democratic nominee, and Lawrence Y. Sher- 
 man, of Springfield, the Republican candidate who, a month later, was 
 elected over Sullivan by a close plurality. 
 
 Of course, a visiting former president of a nation had to be enter- 
 tained by the governor, but who should be invited to sit with him at the 
 banquet? 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 305 
 
 That was the question which confronted Governor and Mrs. Dunne. 
 
 Obviously, it would be malapropos to invite distinguished members 
 of the party to which Roosevelt previously had belonged but which he 
 then was trying to send into oblivion. Equally, it would look out of 
 place to have leading members of the Illinois Democracy, which he also 
 was fighting. 
 
 Then, too, the local leaders of the Progressive party, under whose 
 auspices the former president was to appear at the state arsenal, were 
 neither numerous nor outstanding. 
 
 After consulting with Henry W. Clendenin, Thomas Rees, Vincent 
 Y. Dallman, with the present author, and with other Democratic news- 
 papermen, it finally was decided to limit the invitations to the immediate 
 members of the Roosevelt traveling party, leading ministers of each 
 denomination in the city, and to local editors and other representatives 
 of the press. 
 
 BISHOP OSBORNE THERE 
 
 Hence, it was that Bishop Osborne of the Protestant Episcopal 
 diocese of Springfield, Vicar General Timothy Hickey, of what was then 
 the see of Alton, but which now is the Catholic diocese of Springfield, 
 and other recognized leaders of the world spiritual rather than of the 
 world temporal, shared honors with the famous former president at 
 the Dunne dinner board, that night. 
 
 Roosevelt was in his best and wittiest mood and kept all at the table 
 laughing with good-natured anecdotes of several of which, he himself, 
 was the butt. 
 
 Despite the prevalence of clerical garb, that dinner proved one of 
 the happiest functions of Illinois Democratic administrations. 
 
 BUT THERE WERE SHADOWS 
 
 But it was not all lights and smiles throughout the Dunne term. 
 
 That administration had its shadows and its intensive tragedy ! 
 
 For that is our common life, the world over and in all generations. 
 
 The drama of death in the Dunne administration came shortly be- 
 fore it had reached the half-way mark — October, 1914, in the' untimely 
 end of Harry Woods, the kind-hearted but somewhat erratic Chicago 
 
806 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Democrat who had been elected secretary of state by great majority, 
 in the general election of November, 1912, defeating Cornelius J. Doyle, 
 the Republican silver-tongued orator, and Edward O. Peterson, the 
 Progressive nominee. 
 
 The author of this history of the Illinois Democracy was something 
 more than a silent spectator of that tragic chapter. 
 
 A close friend and neighbor of the secretary of state, it had been the 
 custom with members of his family, to go automobile riding with Mr. and 
 Mrs. Woods and their two pretty little daughters, nearly every Sunday 
 afternoon. 
 
 One of these quite usual appointments had been made for Sunday, 
 October 11, 1914. 
 
 SECRETARY MISSING 
 
 But, before the hour set for the ride, Mrs. "Woods had come to the 
 house of the writer and inquired if he had any information as to the 
 secretary's whereabouts. 
 
 It transpired that "Woods, who had paid a visit to his widowed 
 mother in Chicago on the Friday immediately preceeding, had returned 
 on the fast mail, arriving in Springfield just before eleven o'clock 
 Saturday night, and had seemed in ordinary good spirits. 
 
 But, without any explanation to his wife, lie had set his big alarm 
 clock for 6 :30 Sunday morning. 
 
 Arising promptly at that hour, he had hurriedly dressed and left. 
 
 As his large Thomas Flyer still was in the garage, which was locked, 
 the conclusion was reached that the secretary had returned to Chicago 
 on an early Sunday morning train. 
 
 But this illusion shockingly was shattered shortly after dawn the 
 following morning, when the two little girls, panic-stricken, rushed over 
 to the writer's home and informed him that their mother had just 
 discovered that the keys to the locked garage were on the inside of the 
 front door, clearly indicating that something was radically wrong in 
 there. 
 
 The writer could not succeed in breaking in the heavy front doors, 
 but succeeded in crashing a side door which also had been locked from 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY :J07 
 
 the inside and with a bedstead, occasionally nsed by the chauffeur, 
 placed against it as a further blockade. 
 
 Harry Woods, first Democratic secretary of state of Illinois since 
 1896, was found sitting in his own blood with a bullet in his head. 
 
 The tragedy made a great sensation throughout the state, especially 
 in his home city of Chicago where he was a familiar figure, not only in 
 political circles but on the board of trade. 
 
 There was no doubt, as shown by the inquest, that it was a plain case 
 of suicide, but there was the usual crop of rumors of this, that and the 
 other thins:. 
 
 >,->• 
 
 HAD BEEN SENATORIAL ASPIRANT 
 
 Harry Woods had been a candidate in the Democratic primary of 
 a few weeks earlier for the United States senatorship; but, as all prog- 
 nosticators had felt from the beginning, he had finished away in the rear 
 of Roger C. Sullivan, the nominee, and of Judge Lawrence Stringer of 
 Lincoln, Roger's chief opponent and the administration's candidate. 
 
 There was a general disposition to attribute the tragic deed to 
 chagrin at his defeat in the primary, but the author of this history, who 
 knew him so well, never had accepted this general verdict. 
 
 Harry Woods was the type of Democrat who fundamentally be- 
 lieves that ''To the victor belongs the spoils." 
 
 On assuming office, he had removed Republican office holders right 
 and left, and without regard to their civil service standing. 
 
 For this, he had gotten into difficulties with Governor Dunne 's civil 
 service commission and, with that body against him, he had carried a 
 tost case to the Supreme Court. 
 
 He had felt confident that he would win out before that august body, 
 basing this confidence largely on the fact that three of the then sitting 
 judges had dissented from the majority opinion sustaining the so-called 
 "Denee'n blanket amendments" to the civil service law. 
 
 But the personnel of the court recently had changed with the 
 election of Justice Craig, and the secretary had banked on a changed 
 decision. 
 
 He had proven wrong in this and had shown general worry over 
 
308 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 the result, whereas he had accepted the verdict of the senatorial primary 
 not only with good humor, but had had more than one hearty laugh at 
 the result. 
 
 There are good reasons to believe that Secretary of State Harry 
 Woods' rash deed came of a mind that had been deranged by brooding 
 over civil service worries. 
 
 DISTINGUISHED MEN AT BIER 
 
 After temporary interment in the receiving vault of Oak Ridge 
 Cemetery in Springfield — where Abraham Lincoln's body also had 
 rested, Harry Woods was buried in beautiful Roseland cemetery on the 
 Chicago North shore. 
 
 The sermon was preached by the famous Bishop Samuel J. Fallows. 
 
 At the bier stood Carter H. Harrison, Jr. and scores of members 
 of the Chicago board of trade, and hundreds who were notable in shaping 
 the history of Illinois Democracy. 
 
 STEVENSON IS SUCCESSOR 
 
 Lewis Greene Stevenson of Bloomington, son of the great Adlai 
 E. was one of many applicants for the place, and was appointed by 
 Governor Dunne to fill the unexpired term. 
 
 A comparative novice in Illinois Democratic politics, he made a 
 high-grade, capable official, and added to the excellent general record 
 of the 1913-1917 Democratic administration. 
 
 WHEREIN DUNNE'S BOOK ERRS 
 
 In Governor Dunne's fine and dependable book, "Illinois, the Heart 
 of the Nation," the following paragraph occurs: 
 
 "Since the adoption of the constitution of 1848, all governors of 
 Illinois have been elected in November and inaugurated in January." 
 
 A correct statement ordinarily, but there are exceptions to every 
 rule, and the one exception to date was in the case of the distinguished 
 gentleman, who, himself wrote that paragraph. 
 
 Edward F. Dunne was not inaugurated in January, 1913, nor were 
 any of his fellow Democrats who had been chosen at the polls, the prior 
 November. 
 
 Instead, the terms of their Republican predecessors automatically 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 30!) 
 
 were extended by the serious difficulty which was experienced in solving 
 that first essential, the election of the speaker of the house of repre- 
 sentatives, until which function has been performed, the official vote 
 cannot be canvassed nor declared effective. 
 
 The deadlock was due in some measure, at least, to one of the few 
 political blunders of the lamented Roger C. Sullivan, in having those 
 Chicago legislators who were especially friendly to him, stand by the 
 candidacy of Representative John J. McLaughlin of the Nineteenth, 
 Chicago, district. 
 
 From the very start, it was obvious to virtually every observer, 
 including many who were personally known to Roger Sullivan, that 
 McLaughlin had no possible chance of getting the seventy-seven requi- 
 site votes in a house in which no party had a majority, and which was 
 divided; 72 Democrats, 52 Republicans, 26 Progressives, and 3 So- 
 cialists. 
 
 Medill McCormick, of Chicago, w T as one of the Progressive members, 
 and early in that session showed those qualities of marked political 
 strategy which later carried him to a United States senatorship. 
 
 In the speakership struggle, many of the downstate Democnits 
 were strong for the election of either John M. Rapp, of Wayne county, 
 or Charles A. Karch, of St. Clair — both of whom, later, went quite high 
 in the councils of their party. 
 
 The deadlock finally was broken in the election of William Mc- 
 Kinley from the Thirty-first, Chicago, district, and who made an ex- 
 cellent, fair-minded presiding officer under conditions that confronted 
 few other speakers of the Illinois house. 
 
 Incidentally, it may be mentioned that John P. Devine, of Dixon, 
 speaker of the 1935-1936 general assembly, was one of the Democratic 
 members of that 1913 body and was of valuable assistance in helping 
 break the deadlock. 
 
 FEBRUARY INAUGURATION 
 
 The delay meant that the Democratic officers-elect, most of whom 
 were patient or impatient temporary residents of the old St. Nicholas 
 Hotel in Springfield, pending action by the general assembly, had to 
 wait until February 3 before they could be installed. 
 
310 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 But they kept their usual good nature, and the inauguration was 
 all the merrier when, at last, it came. 
 
 WILL O'CONNELL LOOMS 
 
 William L. O'Connell was one of several stalwart figures that 
 loomed high in the Illinois Democracy during the Dunne administration 
 and who since have made marked imprint in party councils. 
 
 Mr. O'Connell, while not one of the original members of the Dunne 
 public utilities commission, succeeded James E. Quan, also of Chicago, 
 on that body and became its presiding officer — which important position 
 he held with great ability. 
 
 The other Democratic members were Walter A. Shaw, of Chicago, 
 and Judge Owen P. Thompson, of Jacksonville. 
 
 It was then a bi-partisan board and former Governor Richard 
 Yates, of Springfield, and Frank H. Funk, of Bloomington, were the 
 minority members. 
 
 C. N. Hebner, of Chicago, was the first secretary, but was succeeded 
 by Robert V. Prather, of Olney, during the latter part of the term. 
 
 Everett Jennings, famous and colorful protege of James Hamilton 
 Lewis, was general counsel of the commission. 
 
 Many additional pages well might be written concerning the Dunne 
 administration, but most of the matter already has been so well covered 
 in Governor Dunne's own book, that the present writer has confined 
 himself rather to items not touched upon therein — to interesting inci- 
 dents concerning the administration which, for the most part, not only 
 was good but which, unlike some good things, was decidedly pleasant to 
 take. 
 
JAMES HAMILTON LEWIS 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 313 
 
 THE LAST UNITED STATES 
 SENATORS EVER TO BE 
 ELECTED BY ASSEMBLY 
 
 Outstanding events in the early part of the Dunne administration, 
 were the passage of the workmen's compensation act, and of the 
 women's suffrage bill, of which mention already lias been made. 
 
 But, by far, the greater public interest of that period pertained to 
 the election of two United States senators — the last ever to be chosen 
 by the general assembly. 
 
 James Hamilton Lewis, of Chicago, and Lawrence Y. Sherman, of 
 Springfield, were the primary choices of their respective parties for 
 the long term, in succession to Shelby M. Cullom, who had been defeated 
 in the primary by his fellow townsman, the rapier-like Sherman. 
 
 But neither party had named a primary choice for the short term, 
 to be filled as a result of the expulsion from the senate of William 
 Lorimer, Chicago Republican. 
 
 "With neither party controlling a majority of the assembly, and 
 with the balance of power held by a considerable representation of 
 Progressives, plus a scattering of Socialists, a long-continued deadlock 
 ensued. 
 
 Roger Sullivan, then the recognized Democratic organization leader, 
 was more or less confident that, with the right sort of effort, two Demo- 
 crats would be elected. 
 
 Charles Boeschenstein, of Edwardsville, then national committee- 
 man, was the caucus nominee of the Illinois Democracy for the short 
 term, but, during the many ballots, several other prominent party men 
 received complimentary votes. 
 
 The deadlock finally was broken as the result of an agreement which, 
 at the time, was said to have been engineered by administration leaders 
 without consultation with Roger Sullivan or other organization chief- 
 tains. 
 
314 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 By virtue of this agreement, James Hamilton Lewis was elected 
 for the long term, and Lawrence Y. Sherman for the short. 
 
 While organization representatives in the assembly acquiesed in 
 the bi-partisan deal, there was much ill-feeling and many members of 
 the legislature insisted on explaining their votes before casting the 
 determining ballots. 
 
 Most vitriolic of alj(denunciations of the deal, was that of Lee O'Xeil 
 Browne, Democrat of Ottawa, then quite a power in the assembly and 
 anything but friendly to Roger C. Sullivan. 
 
 But the agreement went through. 
 
 Several leaders of the Democratic state organization, declared that 
 if the balloting had continued for a few more days, both Lewis and 
 Boeschenstein would have been sent to Washington. 
 
 That, however, like so many other things political, was but a matter 
 of opinion. 
 
ROGER C. SULLIVAN 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 317 
 
 RELIGIOUS INTOLERANCE PLAYS 
 
 PROMINENT PART IN DEFEAT OF 
 
 SULLIVAN FOR SENATOR 
 
 A preponderant number of the Democratic state officials, nominated 
 in the 1912 primary and elected with Woodrow Wilson that November, 
 were of Catholic faith. 
 
 There was no Ku Klux Klan then, but its ancestor, the famous 
 A. P. A. was much in evidence. 
 
 Throughout that campaign, Illinois voters were bombarded with 
 free copies of the official A. P. A. organ, "The Menace" published at 
 Aurora, Missouri. 
 
 In 1914, this war of intolerance was renewed. 
 
 The primary election that year, was held on September 9, and 
 Roger C. Sullivan was nominated for United States Senator over that 
 other splendid Illinois Democrat, Lawrence B. Stringer, of Lincoln, then 
 congressman-at-large, and who had received the backing of the Dunne 
 administration leaders. 
 
 The primary vote was: Sullivan, 141,005; Stringer, 109,928, with 
 Harry Woods, Barrett, O'Hara and James Traynor receiving consid- 
 erable support, and finishing in the order listed. 
 
 Lawrence Y. Sherman, of Springfield, was the primary nominee of 
 the Republicans for re-election, and Raymond Robins, of Chicago, 
 nominee of the Progressives, of which party Theodore Roosevelt then 
 was the leader. 
 
 Added interest was given to the campaign that year, because it was 
 the first in which a United States Senator was to be elected by direct 
 vote of the people, and not by the general assembly. 
 
 The nomination of Roger C. Sullivan was the signal for another 
 outburst of the propaganda of religious intolerance which had marked 
 the 1912 campaign. 
 
318 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Not only daily whisperings, but pamphlets and placards were in 
 evidence in many sections, especially downstate. 
 
 But a clearer and more logical argument, much used in downstate 
 counties against both Sullivan and Raymond Robins w r as that, with 
 James Hamilton Lewis already in the Senate, the election of any candi- 
 date other than Sherman would give Chicago both representatives in 
 the upper branch of Congress. 
 
 MADE AUTOMOBILE TRIP 
 
 The Democratic senatorial nominee, that year, relied on personal 
 touch with the voters, rather than on public speaking. 
 
 For the most part, the latter was left to that engrossing campaign 
 orator, Congressman-at-large William Elza Williams, of Pittsfield, who, 
 by the way, was the only Democratic nominee to survive the November 
 election. 
 
 Meanwhile, Roger Sullivan, accompanied by an automobile load of 
 newspaper men, journeyed from top to bottom of the state, and cordially 
 was greeted by many tens of thousands. 
 
 As he entered each section, he would be joined by well-known party 
 men of the district. 
 
 That veteran Democrat, Richard F. Kinsella, of Springfield, and 
 Edmund Burke, then state's attorney of Sangamon county, were among 
 those who, with the author of this history, accompanied Roger Sullivan 
 on a three-day trip through the central section of the state. 
 
 Three motor cars carried the party and, everywhere we went, the 
 senatorial nominee was well received, although Mr. Sullivan, himself, 
 more than once on that trip, expressed the thought that he was doomed 
 to defeat. 
 
 RESULT WAS CLOSE 
 
 The result was quite close with doubt as to the final outcome for two 
 or three days. 
 
 Roger Sullivan carried Cook county easily, the vote there being: 
 
 Sullivan 159,372 
 
 Sherman 103,808 
 
 Robins 88,487 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 319 
 
 But it was different downstate, where the famous Democrat carried 
 only 17 counties to 80 for Sherman, and 3 for Robins. 
 
 Tims Roger was beaten by a plurality of 17,258, the total vote of 
 the state being : 
 
 Sherman 390,661 
 
 Sullivan 373,403 
 
 Robins 203,027 
 
 W. C. "Cash" Clifford, of Champaign, lost the race for state trea- 
 surer to Andrew Russell, of Jacksonville, the Republican nominee, by 
 43,782 plurality. 
 
 Robert C. Moore, Carlinville Democrat, made a good run against 
 Francis Gr. Blair for superintendent of public instruction, but was 
 beaten by 58,687 votes. 
 
 Charles W. Vail beat Alexander W. Crawford, the Democratic 
 nominee for clerk of the Supreme Court, with 23,409 votes to spare. 
 
 Congressman-at-large Williams, was the only Democratic victor, 
 finishing in second place behind Burnett M. Chipperfield, Republican, 
 but beating J. McCann Davis by the eyelash finish of 375,465 to 373,682. 
 
 Thomas P. Sullivan, of Chicago, the other Democratic nominee for 
 congressman-at-large, finished in the rear. 
 
 TIE VOTE IN WHITE 
 
 After the election, Roger Sullivan told the writer that the vote he 
 regretted most of all was that of White county, home of his close friend, 
 State Chairman Arthur W. Charles, of Carmi, and which he confidently 
 had expected to carry, and which usually had been heavily Democratic. 
 
 The vote in White was a tie, 2,143 for Sullivan, and 2,143 for 
 Sherman. 
 
 Defeat of Sullivan did not set so well with many of his leading- 
 supporters, and the charge was made, more or less openly, that the 
 support given him by part of the Dunne organization had been de- 
 cidedly lukewarm. 
 
 This charge occasionally was coupled with threats of reprisals 
 against Governor Dunne in case he should be the nominee two years 
 later. 
 
320 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE 
 
 Thai year's state central committee by districts, was 
 
 1 — John J. Coughlin, Chicago. 
 
 2 — James J. Sullivan, Chicago. 
 
 3 — Eugene McCarthy, Jr., Chicago. 
 
 4 — William J. Lynch, Chicago. 
 
 5 — Hugo L. Pitte, Chicago. 
 
 6 — Thomas M. Sullivan, Chicago. 
 
 7 — James Furlong, Chicago. 
 
 8 — Thomas J. O'Brien, Chicago. 
 
 9 — Thomas Rohan, Chicago. 
 10 — Thomas J. Dawson, Chicago. 
 11 — Thomas F. Donovan, Joliet. 
 12— William F. MacNamara, Ottawa. 
 13 — Douglas Pattison, Freeport. 
 14 — John W. Williams, Rock Island. 
 15 — H. N. Wheeler, Qnincy. 
 16 — James M. Daugherty, Chillicothe. 
 17 — Martin A. Brennan, Bloomington. 
 18— Clint C. Tilt on, Danville. 
 19 — Isaac B. Craig, Mattoon. 
 20 — James McNabb, Carrollton. 
 21 — Ernest Hoover, Taylorville. 
 22 — lerry J. Kane, East St. Louis. 
 23 — George W. Fithian, Newton. 
 24 — Arthur W. Charles, Carmi. 
 25 — Edward M. Spiller, Marion. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 321 
 
 SECOND WOODROW WILSON 
 
 CAMPAIGN BROUGHT DEFEAT 
 
 TO ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 While Woodrow Wilson was re-elected president in November, L916, 
 he had to do so without the aid of Illinois. 
 
 That was the year of the "He Kept Us out of War" campaign, with 
 Charles Evans Hughes heading the Republican presidential ticket, and 
 the ever-popular Frank 0. Lowdcn, the candidate for governor. 
 
 There was some pre-primary opposition to certain members of the 
 Dunne administration and the veteran William B. Brinton entered the 
 lists against Governor Dunne. 
 
 The latter won the primary election by a wide margin, but Lieu- 
 tenant Governor Barratt O'Hara was beaten in that primary by Henry 
 W. Huttman. 
 
 The state ticket of the Illinois Democracy in that campaign was: 
 
 For governor — Edward F. Dunne. 
 
 For lieutenant governor — Henry W. Huttman. 
 
 For secretary of state — Lewis Greene Stevenson. 
 
 For auditor of public accounts — James J. Brady. 
 
 For state treasurer — Arthur W. Charles. 
 
 For attorney general — Patrick I. Lucey. 
 
 For congressmen-at-large — William Elza Williams and Joseph 0. 
 Kostner. 
 
 There was more than one echo of the defeat of Roger ( !. Sullivan, 
 two years earlier, in the 1916 campaign and indications that the party 
 was not as united as it should have been. 
 
 Governor Dunne, however, made a fairly good race, losing to 
 Lowden by only 139,881 plurality. 
 
 Woodrow Wilson lost the state to Hughes to 202,320. 
 
 Lewis Greene Stevenson led his ticket that year, being beaten by 
 Louis L. Emmerson for secretary of state by ()0,974 votes. 
 
322 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 All the other Democratic nominees were defeated, including- William 
 Elza Williams, of Pittsfield, who had survived the slaughter of 1914, 
 but who could not stem the tide of Republican victory in Illinois two 
 years later. 
 
 Thus Frank 0. Lowden became World War governor of Illinois. 
 
 STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE 
 
 Arthur W. Charles, of Carmi, was chairman, and Isaac B. Craig, 
 of Mattoon, secretary of the state central committee, in Chicago of the 
 1916 Wilson-Dunne campaign. 
 
 By districts, the members were: 
 
 1 — John J. Coughlin, Chicago. 
 
 2 — Martin J. Moran, Chicago. 
 
 3 — Terence F. Moran, Chicago. 
 
 4 — Michael J. Donkin, Chicago. 
 
 5 — Barth P. Collins, Chicago. 
 
 6 — Stephen D. Griffin, Chicago. 
 
 7 — James Furlong, Chicago. 
 
 8 — Edmond B. Lynch, Chicago. 
 
 9 — Edward L. Mulchay, Chicago. 
 10 — Thomas J. Dawson, Chicago. 
 11 — Thomas F. Donovan, Joliet. 
 12— William P. McNamara, La Salle. 
 13 — Douglas Pattison, Freeport. 
 14 — John W. Williams, Carthage. 
 15 — Hiram N. Wheeler, Quincy. 
 1(> — James M. Daugherty, Chillicothe. 
 17 — Martin A. Brennan, Bloomington. 
 18 — William Ryan, Jr., Danville. 
 19— Isaac B. Craig, Mattoon. 
 20 — James McNabb, Carrollton. 
 21— William Clark, Palmer. 
 22 — Terry J. Kane, East St. Louis. 
 23— William John, Carlyle. 
 2-1 — Arthur W. Charles, Carmi. 
 25— Edward M. Spille'r, Marion. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 323 
 
 JAMES HAMILTON LEWIS 
 
 MEETS FIRST DEFEAT IN YEAR 
 
 OF GREAT WORLD WAR 
 
 James Hamilton Lewis, victor of many an earlier battle in this and 
 other states, was compelled to bow to defeat in November, 1918. 
 
 Our nation then was in the throes of the great war drama, and our 
 entry into that conflict had alienated many Democrats of German- 
 American blood — and who did not return to the ranks of the Illinois 
 Democracy for years thereafter. 
 
 The general election that year, was held less than a week before 
 armistice was declared. 
 
 If that armistice had come a few days earlier, the result might 
 have been different — although this is to be doubted. 
 
 At that, though, Lewis made a gallant fight in his race for re-election 
 as United States Senator, losing to Medill McCormick, the Republican 
 primary nominee, by only 53,024 votes. 
 
 The other Democratic nominees, that year, lost by pluralities rang- 
 ing between 140,000 and 155,000. 
 
 They were : 
 
 For state treasurer — James J. Brady. 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction — Edwin Straus. 
 
 For congressmen-at-large — William Elza Williams and Michael H. 
 Cleary. 
 
 THE 1918 MANAGING COMMITTEE 
 
 Ernest Hoover, of Taylorville, was chairman of the state central 
 committee in the 1918 campaign, with Isaac B. Craig, of Mattoon, sec- 
 retary. 
 
 The full membership, by districts, was : 
 1 — John J. Coughlin, Chicago. 
 2 — James Joseph Kelly, Chicago. 
 
324 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 3 — Terence F. Moran, Chicago. 
 
 4 — Michael J. Donkin, Chicago. 
 
 5 — Barth P. Collins, Chicago. 
 
 6 — Stephen D. Griffin, Chicago. 
 
 7 — William Kells, Chicago. 
 
 8 — James O'Connor, Chicago. 
 
 9 — Edward L. Mulcahy, Chicago. 
 10 — John P. Dougherty, Chicago. 
 11 — Thomas F. Donovan, Joliet. 
 12— William F. McNamara, La Salle. 
 13 — Douglas Pattison, Freeport. 
 14 — Ira J. O'Hara, Macomb. 
 15 — Jackson R. Pearce, Quincy. 
 16 — James M. Daugherty, Chillicothe. 
 17 — T. F. Clinton, Bloomington. 
 18 — James Dwyer, Danville. 
 19 — Isaac B. Craig, Mattoon. 
 20 — Charles R. Barnes, Nebo. 
 21— Ernest Hoover, Taylorville. 
 22— Jerry J. Kane, East St. Louis. 
 23 — George W. Fithian, Newton. 
 24 — Val. B. Campblee, McLeansboro. 
 25 — Reed Green, Cairo. 
 
JOHN C. EASTMAN 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY \V>7 
 
 CAMPAIGN IN WHICH 
 
 BOTH FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT AND 
 
 SENATOR LEWIS MET DEFEAT 
 
 Encouraged by the excellent showing 1 which the then Former Sena- 
 tor James Hamilton Lewis had made under decidedly discouraging- 
 conditions two years earlier, the Illinois Democracy in 1920, drafted 
 that brilliant statesman as its nominee for the governorship. 
 
 Len Small of Kankakee, had won the Republican nomination for 
 that office, when Frank ( ). Lowden had preferred to take chances against 
 General Leonard Wood for the presidential nomination — both of them 
 to be beaten, later, in the Chicago Republican national convention, by 
 Warren G. Harding. 
 
 That was the year of the Cox-Harding fight which resulted in a 
 Harding landslide. 
 
 ROOSEVELT ON TICKET 
 
 Governor James B. Cox, of Ohio, presidential nominee, that year 
 had as his running mate, none other than Franklin Delano Roosevelt, 
 of New York — now president of the United States, and the most popular 
 figure in all the world. 
 
 But, that November, Warren G. Harding and Calvin Coolidge 
 carried Illinois over Cox and Roosevelt, by a plurality of 886,085. 
 
 James Hamilton Lewis, as usual, ran far ahead of his ticket, losing 
 to Len Small by only 511,577 plurality — big enough it is true, but a 
 much better showing than that made by any other of the many tine 
 Democrats on the ticket. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET OF 1920 
 
 Full ticket of the Illinois Democracy that year was: 
 For United States senator — Peter A. Waller. 
 For governor — James Hamilton Lewis. 
 For lieutenant governor — Walter W. Williams. 
 For secretarv of state — Arthur W. Charles. 
 
328 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 For auditor of public accounts— James J. Brady. 
 
 For state treasurer— William Ryan, Jr. 
 
 For attorney general— James T. Bums. 
 
 For clerk of supreme court— George F. Johnson. 
 
 For congressmen-at-large— William Murphy, and C. S. Schneider. 
 
 MANAGING COMMITTEE OF 1920 
 
 But few changes, from two years earlier, were recorded in the make- 
 up of the Democratic state central committee, for the Cox-Lewis 
 
 campaign. 
 
 By districts, the members were: 
 l_john J. Coughlin, Chicago. 
 2— James Joseph Kelly, Chicago. 
 3_ Terence F. Moran, Chicago. 
 1— L. 0. J. Mulford, Chicago. 
 5_Barth P. Collins, Chicago. 
 6_ Stephen D. Griffin, Chicago. 
 7— William Kells, Chicago. 
 8— Michael Palise, Chicago. 
 9_Edward L. Mulcahy, Chicago. 
 10— John P. Dougherty, Chicago. 
 H_Thomas F. Donovan, Joliet. 
 
 12 Peter E. Coleman, La Salle. 
 
 13_Douglas Pattison, Freeport, 
 14— Ira J. O'Hara, Macomb. 
 15— Jackson R. Pearce, Quincy. 
 16— Thomas F. O'Connor, Peoria. 
 17_Ernest Smith, Lincoln. 
 18— James H. Elliott, Danville. 
 19— Isaac B. Craig, Mattoon. 
 20— James McNabb, Carrollton. 
 2l_Ernest Hoover, Taylorville. 
 22— Jerry J. Kane, East St. Louis. 
 23— George W. Fithian, Newton. 
 
 2-( Val. B. Campbell, McLeansboro. 
 
 2.-)— Reed Green, Cairo. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 329 
 
 BATTLING PETER BARTZEN 
 
 HEADED 1922 TICKET BUT ALL 
 
 WENT DOWN TO DEFEAT 
 
 The 1920 Harding landslide was of such huge proportions that the 
 Illinois Democracy found it somewhat difficult in 1922 to get candidates 
 for a campaign that appeared doomed in advance. 
 
 That famous old Democrat of Cook county, Peter Bartzen, was the 
 primary nominee for state treasurer. 
 
 The ticket that year was : 
 
 For state treasurer — Peter Bartzen. 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction — James A. Murphy. 
 
 For congressmen-at-large — William Murphy and Simon J. Gor- 
 man. 
 
 For the short term for congressman-at-large, the Democrats nom- 
 inated one of the best-known of Central Illinois leaders, a big figure in 
 Rotarian circles, Allen D. Albert, of Paris. 
 
 The vote in that off-year campaign was larger than generally had 
 been anticipated, and the Democratic nominees lost out by pluralities 
 approximating 225,000. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE 
 
 The personnel of the state central committee virtually was un- 
 changed from that of two years earlier. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 331 
 
 POPULAR DOWNSTATE 
 
 MEMBER OF ILLINOIS 
 
 DEMOCRACY IS BEATEN 
 
 The irony of politics seldom was more clearly shown than in the 
 defeat of Norman L. Jones, of Carrollton, now chief justice of the state 
 supreme court, by Len Small, of Kankakee, in the campaign that ended 
 on Tuesday, November 4, 1924. 
 
 There was little doubt that, at that time, Norman L. Jones was 
 one of the most popular of downstate Democrats — perhaps the most 
 popular of all. 
 
 As against this, Len Small's first term as governor had been replete 
 with scandals involving interest on state funds, during his prior term 
 as treasurer. 
 
 The feeling against the governor, even in his own party, then was 
 so pronounced that, if Warren G. Harding had not died and had been 
 renominated — as he probably would have been — Judge Norman Jones 
 would have been elected. 
 
 But President Harding had died in San Francisco, and Calvin 
 Coolidge had become his successor, and the nominee of his party. 
 
 The "Keep Cool With Coolidge" sentiment was at its height. 
 
 STRINGER'S SIGNIFICANT SPEECH 
 
 The Jones campaign, that year, opened at Lincoln, with that fine 
 tigure of the Illinois Democracy, who, himself, had been the victim of 
 a landslide twenty years earlier, Judge Lawrence B. Stringer, the pre- 
 siding officer. 
 
 "If the best man won in every election, there would be no doubt 
 about Norman L. Jones being the next governor, but I am too old a bird 
 not to know that the best man does not always win," said Judge Stringer 
 in introducing the gubernatorial nominee. 
 
 Judge Jones fought a splendid battle, and drew much Republican 
 
332 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 support, but the result is best shown by the official figures of the Illinois 
 voting : 
 
 For president — Calvin Coolidge (Republican) 1,453,321 
 
 John W. Davis (Democrat) 576,97.1 
 
 For U. S. senator — Charles S. Deneen (Republican) 1,449,180 
 
 Albert A. Sprague (Democrat) 806,702 
 
 For governor — Len Small (Republican) 1,336,436 
 
 Norman L. Jones (Democrat) 1,021,408 
 
 For lieutenant governor — Fred A. Sterling (Republican). ..1,502,517 
 
 Ferdinand A. Garesche (Democrat) 722,390 
 
 For secretary of state — Louis L. Emmerson ( Republican). ..1,578,456 
 
 Andrew Olson (Democrat) 655,100 
 
 For auditor of public accounts— Oscar Nelson (Rep.) 1,511,830 
 
 Edward J. Hughes (Democrat) 688,603 
 
 For state treasurer — Omar Custer (Republican) 1,498,925 
 
 John C. Martin (Democrat) 693,658 
 
 For attorney general — Oscar E. Carlstrom (Republican) ...1,474,602 
 
 Thomas F. Donovan (Democrat) 755,223 
 
 Illinois Democrats that year nominated a talented woman, Mary 
 Ward Hart, as one of their nominees for congressmen-at-large. 
 The other Democratic nominee was Allen D. Albert. 
 Both, of course, were beaten. 
 
 MANY NOTABLES LOST 
 
 Thus, it will be seen that in that 1924 fight, Norman L. Jones, while 
 running nearly half a million votes ahead of the presidential standard 
 bearer, could not resist the' Calvin Coolidge landslide. 
 
 Nor could those other fine figures of the Illinois Democracy — 
 Andrew Olson, of Moline ; Edward J. Hughes, of Chicago ; Albert A. 
 Sprague, of Chicago; Ferdinand A. Garesche, of Madison; Thomas F. 
 Donovan, of Joliet; and John C. Martin, of Salem. 
 
 All of these, like that year's defeated candidate for governor, now 
 are filling important public offices with marked ability. 
 
 LA FOLLETTE A CANDIDATE 
 
 The elder Robert M. La Follette, of Wisconsin, also was a presi- 
 dential aspirant that year. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 333 
 
 Sunning on the Progressive ticket, he received the votes of 432,027 
 Illinois citizens. 
 
 STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE 
 Stephen D. Griffin, of Chicago, was chairman, Charles P. Power, 
 of Cantrall, secretary, and Yal B. Campbell, of McLeansboro, treasurer, 
 of the 1924 Democratic state central committee'. 
 Members by congressional districts were: 
 
 1 — John J. Coughlin, Chicago. 
 
 2 — James J. Kelly, Chicago. 
 
 3 — Terence F. Moran, Chicago. 
 
 4 — Patrick G. McGirire, Chicago. 
 
 5 — Barth P. Collins, Chicago. 
 
 6 — Stephen D. Griffin, Chicago. 
 
 7 — William Kells, Chicago. 
 
 8 — -Albert A. Bock, Chicago. 
 
 9 — -Arthur Donoghue, Chicago. 
 10 — John P. Dougherty, Chicago. 
 11 — Thomas F. Donovan, Joliet. 
 12— P. E. Coleman, La Salle. 
 13— Robert B. Mitchell, Freeport. 
 14 — Ernest 0. Reaugh, Carthage. 
 15— Edward P. Allen, Quincy. 
 16 — William J. Reardon, Pekin. 
 17 — C. E. Smith, Lincoln. 
 18 — James H. Elliott, Danville. 
 19 — Isaac B. Craig, Mattoon. 
 20— James McNabb, Carrollton. 
 21— Charles P. Power, Cantrall. 
 22 — Jerry J. Kane, East St. Louis. 
 23— Boyce E. Powell, Newton. 
 24 — Val B. Campbell, McLeansboro. 
 25 — Reed Green, Cairo. 
 
 VETERAN COMMITTEEMAN DIES 
 
 Isaac B. Craig, of Mattoon, so long a member of the Democratic 
 state central committee, and many years its secretary, died before the 
 expiration of his term. 
 
GEORGE E. BRENNAN 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 337 
 
 WELL LOVED LEADER OF 
 
 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY LOSES 
 
 CLOSE RACE FOR SENATE 
 
 With the death of Roger C. Sullivan on April 1-1, 1920, George E. 
 Brennan of Chicago, who long had been one of his chief lieutenants, 
 became the recognized leader of the organization forces in the Illinois 
 Democracy. 
 
 He proved himself one of the most capable of the many distin- 
 guished Democrats who have filled the important position of national 
 committeeman from Illinois. 
 
 If being well liked by virtually everyone with whom he came in 
 contact, may be classed as one of the elements of greatness, then George 
 E. Brennan certainly may be counted as a really great man. 
 
 But, like everyone to whom the designation "Political Boss" has 
 been applied, George E. Brennan followed the usual rule of being con- 
 demned in life by many who extolled him in death. 
 
 It has been said that no matter how great a hold a "political boss" 
 may have on the rank and file, he never should seek office himself, for, 
 in nearly every instance, no matter how well fitted he may be, he is 
 likely to meet defeat. 
 
 Roger C. Sullivan found it that way in 1914. 
 
 His successor found it that way in 1920. 
 
 The exception to the rule was Anton J. Cermak, that large figure 
 of the Chicago Democracy, who, in the closing years of his eventful life, 
 was able to combine the position of "political boss" with that of being 
 a successful candidate for high public office. 
 
 BRENNAN SEEKS SENATORSHIP 
 
 In 1926, George E. Brennan was the primary nominee for United 
 States Senator against Frank L. Smith, of Dwight, who had defeated 
 William B. McKinley for the Republican nomination. 
 
338 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 As chairman of the Illinois Commerce Commission, Smith had heen 
 seriously involved in connection with alleged campaign contributions 
 by Samuel Insull. 
 
 The revelations were a real newspaper sensation for many weeks, 
 and the chances for Brennan's election appeared decidedly bright. 
 
 He visited nearly every part of the state and his engaging per- 
 sonality won him many supporters. 
 
 But, just as Brennan's candidacy appeared the brightest, an inde- 
 pendent candidate entered the race in the person of Hugh S. Magill, 
 of Princeton. 
 
 Magill was a brilliant man and well-fitted for the proud position he 
 sought. 
 
 But it was obvious to close observers from the beginning, that he 
 had virtually no chance of finishing better than third in the race. 
 
 Magill took many votes — votes that might not have been cast for 
 Brennan, but votes which certainly would not have been cast for Smith. 
 
 The official result, that November was : 
 
 Frank L. Smith .842,273 
 
 George E. Brennan 774,843 
 
 Hugh S. Magill 156,245 
 
 Thus another great Illinois Democrat went down to defeat. 
 
 Smith's victory was a hollow one. 
 
 The United States Senate refused to seat him. 
 
 He sought vindication in subsequent campaigns, and was successful 
 to the extent that he was one of the Republican nominees for congress- 
 man-at-large in 1930. 
 
 But in that year of the Lewis high tide, he finished last of the four 
 serious contenders, William H. Dieterich, Democrat, and Richard Yates, 
 Republican, being the winning candidates. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY :W«J 
 
 BRILLIANT YOUNG JURIST 
 
 GOES DOWN TO DEFEAT IN 
 
 HOOVER 1928 LANDSLIDE 
 
 The Illinois Democracy again turned to the bench for its guberna- 
 torial candidate in election of 1928. 
 
 Floyd E. Thompson, of Rock Island, but now of Chicago, with a 
 brilliant record of victories to his credit, and who had been said to have 
 been "the youngest chief justice in the United States" was a prime 
 favorite with the downstate Democracy, and was urged by many thou- 
 sands to enter the race for state executive. 
 
 Consenting, he resigned from the supreme bench to which he re- 
 peatedly had been elected from a district usually heavily Republican. 
 
 The Illinois Democracy, that year, named a particularly strong 
 ticket, as follows: 
 
 For United States senator — Anton J. Cermak, of Chicago. 
 
 For governor — Floyd E. Thompson, of Rock Island. 
 
 For lieutenant governor — Peter A. Waller, of Kewanee. 
 
 For secretary of state — William D. Meyerling, of Chicago. 
 
 For auditor of public accounts — George F. Sebring, of Joliet. 
 
 For state treasurer — George W. Alschuler, of Aurora. 
 
 For attorney general — Thomas J. Courtney, of Chicago, now the 
 well-commended state's attorney of Cook county. 
 
 But that was the year of the Smith-Hoover presidential fight, with 
 all of its accompaniments of bigotry and what not. 
 
 A gallant tight was waged and many huge meetings were held. 
 
 Especially large were the crowds that greeted the "Happy 
 Warrior" in his Chicago and Springfield appearances, while the cam- 
 paign closed with a great mass meeting at the state arsenal in Spring- 
 field, with Senator Robinson, of Arkansas, vice-presidential nominee, 
 sharing the honors with Floyd Thompson and his fellow Democratic 
 candidates. 
 
340 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 THE SAME OLD STORY 
 
 But, it was the same old story, although one to be totally rewritten 
 two and lour and six years later. 
 
 Hoover and Curtis carried the state over Smith and Robinson by 
 a plurality of 455,324, and the handicap was too much for all the candi- 
 dates of the Illinois Democracy. 
 
 Floyd E. Thompson lost by 424,921 votes, and Louis L. Emmerson 
 
 was governor. 
 
 Anton J. Cermak polled the highest number of ballots of any Demo- 
 cratic nominee, 1,315,338, but lost to Otis F. Glenn by 278,693 plurality. 
 
 William D. Meyerling came the closest of any to victory, however, 
 losing to William J. Stratton by 269,095 votes. 
 
 All the other Democratic nominees, including Charles F. Brown 
 and C. D. Joplin for congressmen-at-large, met the usual fate of candi- 
 dates on "the other ticket" in landslide years. 
 
 Perhaps if Alfred E. Smith had won that year, instead of Herbert 
 Hoover, the great economic crisis that came later might have been 
 averted. 
 
 Who knows ! At any rate, a whole lot of folks think so, and they are 
 not all Democrats either. 
 
 Floyd E. Thompson now is one of the most successful attorneys of 
 Chicago. 
 
 STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE 
 
 In the 1928 fight to elect Alfred E. Smith president, and Floyd E. 
 Thompson governor, campaign headquarters were maintained at the 
 Hotel Sherman, under the direction of that very capable veteran of the 
 Illinois Democracy, Thomas F. Donovan. 
 
 J. Earl Honston, of Peoria, who recently was called beyond the 
 shadows, was secretary. 
 
 By congressional districts, the members were : 
 1 — John J. Coughlin, Chicago. 
 2 — James J. Kelly, Chicago. 
 3 — David M. Hickey, Chicago. 
 4 — Patrick G. McGuire, Chicago. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 341 
 
 5 — Barth P. Collins, Chicago. 
 
 6 — Peter M. Kelly, Chicago. 
 
 7 — William Kells, Chicago. 
 
 8 — Albert A. Bock, Chicago. 
 
 9 — Edward L. Mulcahy, Chicago. 
 10 — John P. Dougherty, Chicago. 
 11 — Thomas F. Donovan, Joliet. 
 12— Peter E. Coleman, La Salle. 
 13— Robert B. Mitchell, Freeport. 
 14 — Willard A. Schaeffer, Rock Island. 
 15 — Edward P. Allen, Quincy. 
 16 — J. E. Houston, Peoria. 
 17— P. D. Maxwell, Lincoln. 
 18—0. D. Mann, Danville. 
 19— John W. Yantis, Shelbyville. 
 20 — James McXabb, Carrollton. 
 21— Charles P. Power, Cantrall. 
 22 — Jerry J. Kane, East St. Louis. 
 23— Edgar E. Fyke, Centralia. 
 24 — Arthur W. Charles, Carmi. 
 25 — Harry Holland, Marion. 
 
WILLIAM H. DIETERICH 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY :545 
 
 THE CAMPAIGN THAT BROUGHT 
 
 ALL-TIME MARGIN OF VICTORY 
 
 TO THE ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 No other nominee of the Illinois Democracy for an office to be 
 voted on by the people of our state, ever has achieved a plurality of 
 the vast proportions obtained by James Hamilton Lewis in the cam- 
 paign that sent him back to the United States Senate — the first Illinois 
 Democrat to occupy a seat in that august body since he, himself, had 
 left it in 1918. 
 
 The Lewis plurality of 744,747 votes over Mrs. Ruth Hanua Mc- 
 Cormick, in the November election of 1930, had not been approached 
 by any Democratic nominee, either for national or state office, before 
 that time. 
 
 Nor has it since been reached. 
 
 It is the more noteworthy because it was accomplished in a so-called 
 off year with the aggregate of ballots cast by all parties much less than 
 is rolled up in campaigns when a presidency is at stake. 
 
 Perhaps, figuratively speaking, a presidency Avas at stake in that 
 1930 struggle, for, since then, not a single Democratic nominee for state 
 or national office has failed to carry Illinois; whereas, not a single one 
 of the many worthv Democratic nominees bad carried Illinois on 
 national or state ticket since Woodrow Wilson and Edward F. Dunne 
 and his associate candidates had done so in November, 1912. 
 
 The Lewis campaign of 1930 was the turning point. 
 
 NOT AUSPICIOUS AT START 
 
 Nor can any well-informed commentator contend that, at the start 
 of that campaign, the conditions were at all propitious for the Demo- 
 cratic victory that followed. 
 
 At the primary election of April 8, that year, Illinois Republicans 
 
346 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 had rolled up the impressive aggregate of 1,410,535 ballots in their 
 senatorial struggle, against a scant 327,311 recorded on the Democratic 
 side. 
 
 In the general election of 1928 the tremendously popular Alfred 
 E. Smith had lost Illinois to Herbert Hoover by a margin of 455,324 
 votes. 
 
 That fine and magnetic nominee, Former Chief Justice Floyd E. 
 Thompson, had gone down to defeat at the hands of Louis L. Emmer- 
 son by a plurality of 424,921 — the first and only political battle that the 
 gallant young Democrat ever had lost. 
 
 But, most impressive of all, in that same general election of Novem- 
 ber, 1928, Ruth Hanna McCormick had shown her popularity with 
 the voters by running far ahead both of the Republican presidential 
 and gubernatorial nominees, achieving a plurality of 540,131 votes- — 
 nearly an eighth of a million more than that of Emmerson. 
 
 Then, too, her victory over the veteran Charles S. Duncan in the 
 Republican primary, had been of the smashing variety, the official 
 figures showing: 
 
 McCormick 714,505 
 
 Den een 496,261 
 
 Jenkins 161,261 
 
 Wisler 19,778 
 
 McPherson 18,582 
 
 Total 1,410,538 
 
 On the other side of the political fence the primary figures had 
 been: 
 
 Lewis 247,420 
 
 Monroe 24,390 
 
 Kirby 23,014 
 
 Warner 19,619 
 
 Beach 12,868 
 
 Total 327,311 
 
 So that, while the primary figures were convincing of Lewis' popn- 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY :!47 
 
 larity in his own party, they offered no indication that, at best, his 
 battle could be other than an uphill one. 
 
 "LET'S DO EVERYTHING DIFFERENT" 
 
 "Let's do everything different this year, dear old friend!" was 
 the senatorial nominee's injunction, early in the campaign, to the writer 
 of this history, who had been designated as chairman of the publicity 
 division of the state central committee, and as personal publicity man- 
 ager for the senatorial nominee. 
 
 And, so far as possible, we did do everything different! 
 
 The usual voluminous "Year Book" that had characterized many 
 campaigns was eschewed. 
 
 So were all lengthy pamphlets. 
 
 Everything in the line of publicity was of the short, crisp order, 
 that could be fully absorbed almost before the reader could know it. 
 
 Chairmen of several Democratic county committees early wrote 
 in for the biographical sketches of nominees which, heretofore, had 
 been regarded as a prime essential of every campaign, not only in Illi- 
 nois, but throughout the country. 
 
 "If they won't vote for us without a document of self-praise, they 
 are not likely to do so with one. We may be forced to get out a 
 pamphlet of that sort later, but not if we can avoid it," was the sena- 
 torial nominee's comment. 
 
 And no biographical booklet ever was issued in that "altogether 
 different" campaign of 1930. 
 
 STATE-WIDE CAMPAIGN OPENING 
 
 Another innovation, decided on at a special meeting of the state 
 central committee at the St. Nicholas Hotel in Springfield early that 
 September was that, so far as possible, the campaign would be for- 
 mally opened in every part of the state on the same day. 
 
 September 11, then barely a week away, was decided on as the 
 day for this state-wide opening. 
 
 The choosing of this particular date largely was due to the fact 
 that it was to be Democratic Day at the Morgan county fair, and party 
 leaders of that district were very anxious to have the Senator and his 
 fellow nominees as the main drawing cards. 
 
348 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 So, on September 11, 1930, meetings formally opening- the Demo- 
 cratic campaign were held in nearly every congressional district out- 
 side of Cook county, with the congressional nominees as the main 
 speakers, except at Jacksonville and Shelbyville, where the respective 
 afternoon and evening gatherings were addressed by James Hamilton 
 Lewis, William H. Dieterich, Edward J. Barrett, and Mrs. Eva Batterton. 
 
 The crowds both at Jacksonville and Shelbyville were very large 
 and decidedly enthusiastic. 
 
 SOME DRYS WERE AFRAID 
 
 James Hamilton Lewis' earlier utterances in that campaign had 
 included a clear-cut advocacy of repeal of the Volstead Act, and of the 
 18th amendment. 
 
 The state convention at Springfield in April, had embodied like 
 plain-spoken policy. 
 
 Some excellent Illinois Democrats of dry persuasion had been 
 quite alarmed at this. 
 
 Hence, when the writer visited Jacksonville, in connection with his 
 publicity duties, a few days before the formal opening, he was called 
 on by several prominent women with the request that he ask the sena- 
 torial nominee to "put the soft pedal" on any wet allusions, so far as 
 the Jacksonville meeting was concerned. 
 
 "It will do the state ticket no good, and it may defeat Henry T. 
 Eainey for re-election to congress," was the way the principal spokes- 
 woman put it — and she was one of the best loved Democrats of the 
 county and a great admirer of James Hamilton Lewis. 
 
 The writer only could promise that he would lay the matter before 
 the senator in advance of the meeting. 
 
 CHARACTERISTIC OF THE MAN 
 
 When this was done, the Lewis reply was characteristic of the 
 man : 
 
 "Tell the dear lady that we regret that we cannot comply with 
 her request as, in our candidacy, we are not going to be for one thing 
 in one county and for something different in another. We are going 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 349 
 
 to run on the same priciples in Cook and in every other section, and 
 this, regardless of whether it carries us on to victory or to defeat!" 
 
 Addresses by each of the Democratic nominees were vigorously 
 applauded that afternoon, but it especially was interesting to note that 
 the greatest volume of all came when Senator Lewis gave utterance to 
 his advocacy of repeal. 
 
 The lady, who had been so afraid, noted this, too, and she was 
 sportsmanlike enough frankly to admit it to the writer after the 
 meeting. 
 
 GREAT CROWDS GREET COLONEL 
 
 Colonel Lewis carried his message from one end of the state to the 
 other, returning to Chicago at nearly every week-end, for a Sunday 
 conference with William L. O'Connell and other close advisors. 
 
 From the very start, big crowds greeted his every appearance and, 
 before the earlier weeks of the campaign bad passed, the demand for 
 meetings was so great that it was decided to split the tour into two 
 itineraries, with Lewis and some of the other nominees journeying into 
 one part of the state, and William H. Dieterich, the nominee for con- 
 gressman at large, who already was proving quite an oratorical attrac- 
 tion, heading the other division. 
 
 In the larger cities, such as Peoria, Springfield, Bloomington, and 
 East St. Louis, this split arrangement would be temporarily set aside 
 and Lewis, Dieterich, and the other nominees would speak at the same 
 meeting. 
 
 A feature of the campaign worthy not only of note, but of remem- 
 brance, was its courteously cheerful and cheerfully courteous character 
 throughout. 
 
 In earlier campaigns, and justifiably so, Illinois Democratic nom- 
 inees dynamically, and sometimes vitriolically, had made serious 
 charges against their Eepublican opponents. 
 
 But in this regard, too, the Lewis canvass of the state was alto- 
 gether different. 
 
 If the weakness of Mrs. McCormick's position on the liquor and 
 other questions were pointed out, always it was done with kindly polite- 
 
350 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 ness and usually tempered with humorous stories thai started the 
 crowds to laughter, and then to applause. 
 
 The senatorial nominee seldom mentioned his opponent by name — 
 nearly always his allusion was to "the lady." 
 
 THAT WORLD COURT ISSUE 
 
 As the campaign progressed, there were unmistakable signs of a 
 rising tide of sentiment for Lewis, an ebbing tide for Mrs. McCormick 
 
 In an effort to check this tide, the Republican nominee and other 
 speakers in her behalf tried hard to raise the "World Court" issue — 
 the one in which she had beaten Senator Deneen in the primary — and 
 went to lengths hardly short of ridiculous to persuade the voters that 
 Lewis not only was for the World Court, but for the League of Nations. 
 
 In a statement issued in connection with a big afternoon rally at 
 Lincoln, the Democratic nominee neatly and emphatically turned the 
 tables on "the lady" and the World Court issue, as General Hugh 
 Johnson might say, was "dead as a dodo." 
 
 LAST DESPERATE CHARGE 
 
 With the tide rising more and more against "the lady" and reach- 
 ing crestlike proportions, Mrs. McCormick, as a last desperate step, 
 made the charge that Lewis was "Bill" Thompson's candidate and 
 had entered into an alliance with the then mayor of Chicago. 
 
 For several days Colonel Lewis declined to dignify this charge 
 by answering it. 
 
 Downstate county chairmen doubted the wisdom of this attitude, 
 and many telegrams were sent to the writer, at Springfield, advising 
 that it would be harmful to continue to ignore the matter. 
 
 When Senator Lewis finally decided to make answer — and that 
 answer like so many other of his campaign utterances, was entirely 
 impromptu — it was at a great rally in Chicago. 
 
 "Am I to blame, because the mayor has left the lady waiting at 
 the church?" he said, and the laughter and applause that followed 
 lasted for many minutes. 
 
 SOME NOTABLE FEATURES 
 
 Among many notable features of that decidedly notable campaign 
 were : 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 35] 
 
 The return of many thousands of German- American voters to the 
 Democratic ranks — men and women who, in earlier years, had been 
 counted in the ranks of the Illinois Democracy, but who had gone over 
 to the opposition column when President Woodrow Wilson bad carried 
 our country into the World War. 
 
 The changed attitude of the press, not only the great metropolitan 
 dailies, but those of many of the larger cities outside Chicago. 
 
 In the 1924 and 1928 campaigns, the lack of editorial support of the 
 Democratic candidates bad proven a tremendous handicap. 
 
 It was true that the Democracy bad loyal and valuable cooperation 
 from such great dailies as the Pindell papers in Peoria, the Illinois 
 State Register in Springfield, the Decatur Review, and a number of 
 dependable Democratic newspapers in smaller communities, while the 
 influential Bloomington Pantagraph always bad shown a disposition 
 to be fair. 
 
 But, to every friendly newspaper in those campaigns, there bad 
 been six or seven decidedly unfriendly. 
 
 CHICAGO NEWSPAPER SITUATION 
 
 The newspaper situation, in Chicago especially, bad been dis- 
 couraging. 
 
 The Chicago Tribune bad been strong for Hoover and the Repub- 
 lican ticket generally, in 1928. 
 
 This was true, too, of the Chicago Daily News — although it had 
 endorsed some Democratic nominees. 
 
 The Hearst newspapers, the Herald and Examiner, and the Ameri- 
 can, wielding much influence especially among Americans of foreign 
 birth or parentage, had conducted particularly bitter fight against 
 Alfred E. Smith and the Democratic nominees in the campaign that 
 made Herbert Hoover president. 
 
 Nor was this situation much changed nor more encouraging, at 
 the beginning of the Lewis campaign of 1930. 
 
 The Tribune, through family relationship, naturally was disposed 
 to be for Ruth Hanna McCormick. 
 
 The Hearst papers, in their news columns at least, appeared more 
 disposed to "play up" the McCormick candidacy than that of Lewis. 
 
352 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 The Daily Times then was new, but none too friendly. 
 
 Nor was the situation much better downstate. 
 
 But with the passing weeks, this situation completely changed. 
 
 William Randolph Hearst, himself, had come to Chicago, for the 
 "Recovery Week" program, which Mayor William Hale Thompson 
 had arranged. 
 
 Leaving the city without completing his scheduled appearances, 
 Mr. Hearst — always an admirer of Senator Lewis — from his special 
 train, then at Omaha, had wired a personally signed editorial to the 
 Sunday Herald and Examiner, and which ran through all editions of 
 his newspapers the following day, extolling James Hamilton Lewis, and 
 urging all Illinois voters to support him. 
 
 Many other newspapers, both in Chicago and downstate, including 
 the ureal foreign language journals, one after the other, fell in line. 
 
 And, in their recommendations just before election, nearly every 
 daily in Chicago was outspoken for Lewis and Dieterich. 
 
 Even the Tribune, while not advising the voters to cast their ballots 
 for Lewis for senator, failed to recommend Mrs. McCormick for that 
 office. 
 
 With the exception of Rockford, this largely was the situation 
 downstate. 
 
 Nine days before the voting, the oldest newspaper in Illinois, and 
 usually dependably Republican, the Illinois State Journal of Spring- 
 field, conceded the election of James Hamilton Lewis by a large 
 plurality. 
 
 A DESIRABLE SITUATION 
 
 This decidedly desirable newspaper situation has, in considerable 
 measure, continued since that campaign. 
 
 It will be remembered that Henry Horner had the more or less 
 active support of a large majority of the newspapers of Illinois, both 
 Democratic and Republican, two years later. 
 
 This undoubtedly was a very material factor in the sweeping suc- 
 cess of the whole Democratic ticket in November, 1932. 
 
 Let's hope it will continue, for no party can get very far, even 
 in these days of radio, without friendly newspapers. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 353 
 
 TWO NEW FIGURES APPEAR 
 
 Two new and attractive figures in Illinois Democracy were brought 
 to the front by the 1930 campaign. 
 
 Until then, Edward J. Barrett bad been unknown to the great 
 masses of Illinois Democrats. 
 
 Entering the primary against the organization and caucus- 
 endorsed candidate, M. C. Zaeharias of Chicago, Edward J. Barrett lost 
 liis own county of Cook by a vote of 93,258 for Mr. Zaeharias, to 83,669 
 recorded for bis youthful opponent. 
 
 But Barrett, in that April primary election, swept the downstate 
 counties to the tune of 87,136 to 21,119 — becoming the Democratic nom- 
 inee for state treasurer with more than fifty thousand votes to spare. 
 
 The other Democrat to come to the front as a result of that cam- 
 paign was John IT. Stelle of McLeansboro, then already known through- 
 out his own district as an organizer of unusual ability, but who, until 
 then, had not become a state-wide figure. 
 
 Markedly popular among his fellow war veterans, John H. Stelle, 
 with headquarters at Springfield, that year, brought together a for- 
 midable organization of former service men in behalf of the candi- 
 dacies of Lewis and Dieterich and Barrett. 
 
 The two former had seen service in the Spanish-American war, 
 while the nominee for state treasurer had been wounded while with 
 his nation's forces in France. 
 
 The body of former service men thus organized proved a real 
 factor for Democratic victory, not only in the campaign of 1930, but 
 in those of 1932 and 1934. 
 
 THAT RECORD PLURALITY 
 
 The official figures of the ueneral election of November 4, 1930, 
 were : 
 
 For United States Senator : 
 
 James Hamilton Lewis (Democrat), 1,432,216. 
 
 Ruth Hanna McCormick (Republican), 687,499. 
 
 Lottie Holman O'Xeil (Independent), 99,485. 
 
 For the first time, perhaps, in Illinois history a Republican nom- 
 
354 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 inee had received less votes in a general election than that same nom- 
 inee had received in the primary ! 
 
 For Mrs. McCormick's November figures were more than 27,000 
 votes shy of those recorded in her favor the previous April. 
 
 James Hamilton Lewis had been sent back to the United States 
 Senate by 744,747 plurality! 
 
 A new era had dawned for the Illinois Democracy, and one that 
 was to continue for years! 
 
 DIETERICH'S FINE SHOWING 
 
 William H. Dieterich, of Beardstown, also had made fine showing. 
 
 The vote for congressmen-at-large that year was: 
 
 William H. Dieterich (Democrat), 1,062,606. 
 
 Richard Yates (Republican), 991,083. 
 
 Walter Nesbit (Democrat), 975,422. 
 
 Frank L. Smith (Republican), 890,327. 
 
 Walter Nesbit, beaten by a slim margin, by the veteran former 
 governor Richard Yates, undoubtedly lost as a result of interfactional 
 fights between the coal miners, of which he was a leading official. 
 
 CLOSE FIGHT FOR TREASURER 
 
 The fight for state treasurer also was close, but with the Demo- 
 cratic candidate the victor by a vote of : 
 
 Edward J. Barrett (Democrat), 1,039,938. 
 
 Clarence F. Buck (Republican), 965,017. 
 
 If Mrs. Batterton had been a man that year, in all likelihood she 
 would have beaten the veteran Francis G. Blair, for superintendent of 
 public instruction. 
 
 She made a fine race, but was under the handicap of so many 
 voters still being reluctant to vote for a nominee of the feminine gender. 
 
 The vote was: 
 
 Francis G. Blair (Republican), 1,037,150. 
 
 Eva B. Batterton (Democrat), 953,464. 
 
 Thus ended the Democratic campaign of 1930 — a campaign that 
 had been "altogether different." 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 355 
 
 STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE 
 
 That year's Democratic State Central Committee maintained its 
 headquarters at the Hotel Sherman, Chicago. 
 
 Thomas F. Donovan, of Juliet, was chairman, and Edward P. Allen 
 of Quincy, secretary. 
 
 Members by congressional districts were : 
 
 1 — John J. Coughlin, Chicago. 
 
 2 — James J. Kelly, Chicago. 
 
 3 — David M. Hickey, Chicago. 
 
 4 — Patrick McGuire, Chicago. 
 
 5 — Leo Slaski, Chicago. 
 
 6 — Edward J. Upton, Chicago. 
 
 7 — William Kells, Chicago. 
 
 8 — Albert A. Bock, Chicago. 
 
 9 — Edmond L. Mulcahy, Chicago. 
 10 — John P. Dougherty, Chicago. 
 11 — Thomas F. Donovan, Joliet. 
 12— John Hart, Ottawa. 
 13— Robert B. Mitchell, Freeport. 
 14— William A. Schaeffer, Rock Island. 
 15 — Edward P. Allen, Quincy. 
 16 — J. Earl Houston, Peoria. 
 17 — C. E. Smith, Lincoln. 
 18 — Norman Bennett, Marshall. 
 19— John W. Yantis, Shelbyville. 
 20— Buell Brake, Mount Sterling. 
 21— Walter T. Day, Springfield. 
 22 — Maurice T. Joyce, East St. Louis. 
 23 — Conrad Schul, Mount Vernon. 
 24 — Arthur W. Charles, Carmi. 
 25 — Harry Holland, Marion. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 357 
 
 ILLINOIS STATE CONVENTION 
 
 THAT INTRODUCED GREAT 
 
 CHICAGOAN TO DOWNSTATE 
 
 While Anton J. Cermak already was known to thousands of Demo- 
 crats outside his own county of Cook, the Springfield Democratic state 
 convention of 1932 may he said to have marked the formal introduction 
 of that great Chicago leader to the downstate Democracy in his new 
 garb, not only as mayor of our largest city, but as recognized chieftain 
 of his party in Illinois. 
 
 Mayor Cermak made one of the principal speeches of that, one of 
 the last of many historic gatherings to be held in the state arsenal, 
 later to be consumed by flames. 
 
 The mayor made a fine impression and countless new friends. 
 
 Bruce A. Campbell, of Belleville, was chairman of the convention, 
 with Michael L. Igoe heading the resolutions committee. 
 
 All the successful nominees of the recent primary were presented, 
 as follows: 
 
 For United States Senator — "William H. Dieterich, of Beardstowi:. 
 
 For congressmen at large — Martin A. Brennan, of Bloominuton. 
 and "Walter Xesbit, of Belleville. 
 
 For governor — Henry Horner, of Chicago. 
 
 For lieutenant governor — Thomas F. Donovan, of Joliet. 
 
 For secretary of state — Edward J. Hughes, of Chicago. 
 
 For auditor of public accounts — Edward J. Barrett, of Chicago. 
 
 For state treasurer — John C. Martin, of Salem. 
 
 For attorney general — Otto Kerner, of River Forest. 
 
 For clerk of the supreme court — Adam F. Bloch, of Chicago. 
 
 All were victorious by great majorities at the election that fol- 
 lowed on November 8, as were the candidates for trustees of the Uni- 
 versity of Illinois, nominated by the convention that day, and who were : 
 
 Dr. Karl A. Meyer, of Chicago. 
 
358 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Mrs. Nellie V. Freeman, of Mattoon. 
 0. M. Karraker, of Harrisburg. 
 
 DELEGATES AT LARGE 
 
 Delegates at large to the national convention to meet in Chicago 
 the following June were named as follows : 
 Henry T. Rainey, Carrollton. 
 Edward F. Dunne, Chicago. 
 Henry Horner, Chicago. 
 Melvin A. Traylor, Chicago. 
 Bruce A. Campbell, Belleville. 
 Michael L. Igoe, Chicago. 
 A. A. Sprague, Chicago. 
 William L. O'Connell, Chicago. 
 Charles Boeschenstein, Edwardsville. 
 Floyd E. Thompson, Evanston. 
 Mrs. Elizabeth A. Conkey, Chicago. 
 Robert M. Sweitzer, Chicago. 
 Stuyvesant Peabody, Chicago. 
 John P. Devine, Dixon. 
 Scott W. Lucas, Havana. 
 M. S. Symczak, Chicago. 
 Joseph Kehoe, Chicago. 
 Harry M. Fisher, Chicago. 
 Francis X. Busch, Chicago. 
 Mrs. Sarah Bond Hanley, Monmouth. 
 Roy D. Keehn, Lake Forest. 
 Charles Frey, Chicago. 
 Robert Carr, Chicago. 
 Ernest Kreutzen, Chicago. 
 Richard F. Kinsella, Spring-field. 
 Thomas Sinnett, Rock Island. 
 Thomas J. Cody, Peoria. 
 Willis J. Spaulding, Springfield. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 359 
 
 Joseph Fleming, Chicago. 
 Al Carter, Murphysboro. 
 Ben Alschuler, Aurora. 
 Truman Snell, Carlinville. 
 
 ALTERNATES-AT-LARGE 
 
 Alternates-at-large to the Chicago convention were named as 
 follows : 
 
 Francis Wilson, Chicago. 
 Charles A. Karch, East St. Louis. 
 Janet Fairbank, Chicago. 
 A. L. Granger, Kankakee. 
 Charles McHatton, Mt. Sterling. 
 Beatrice Walker O'Kane, Cairo. 
 Charles J. Vopicka, Chicago. 
 Blaine Hoffman, Lawrenceville. 
 Ray McKeough, Chicago. 
 Winifred G. Mclntyre, Chicago. 
 Hugh Murray, Carlyle. 
 A. J. Sabath, Chicago. 
 Owen P. Thompson, Jacksonville. 
 C. A. Wightman, Waukegan. 
 Earl B. Dickerson, Chicago. 
 Walter J. Cummings, Chicago. 
 William Sexton, Chicago. 
 William Meyering, Chicago. 
 Mrs. Alfred Bergland, Galva. 
 Walter Williams, Peoria. 
 Mrs M. C. Shugure, Centralia. 
 Clarence N. Woodwin, Lake Forest. 
 William Worder, Marion. 
 Phillip Sullivan, Chicago. 
 Frank J. Burns, Kankakee. 
 James Welch, Galesburg. 
 Russell Whitman, Evanston. 
 Albert Watson, Mt. Vernon. 
 
360 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 L. F. Bonfoey, Quincy. 
 Paul Colianni, Chicago. 
 John P. Harding, Chicago. 
 John J. Sonsteby, Chicago. 
 
 DELEGATES FROM DISTRICTS 
 
 District delegates to the Chicago convention who had been nom- 
 inated at the recent primary election were : 
 
 First district — Michael Kenna, Chicago; Joseph Tiltinger, Chicago. 
 
 Second district — James M. Whalen, Chicago ; Edward J. Kelly, 
 Chicago. 
 
 Third district — Peter B. Cavey, Chicago; Emmett Whealan, Chi- 
 cago. 
 
 Fourth district — Joseph B. McDonough, Chicago; A. J. Cermak, 
 Chicago. 
 
 Fifth district — Moe Rosenberg, Chicago; Joseph A. Gerhart, Chi- 
 cago. 
 
 Sixth district — Albert J. Horan, Chicago; John Toman, Chicago. 
 
 Seventh district— P. A. Nash, Chicago; Clayton F. Smith, Chicago. 
 
 Eighth district — John J. Touhy, Chicago; Walter J. LaBuy, 
 Chicago. 
 
 Ninth district — Joseph L. Gill, Chicago; Carter H. Harrison, 
 Chicago. 
 
 Tenth district — J. Frank Lyman, Chicago; William Schlake. Chi- 
 cago. 
 
 Eleventh district — J. Walter Lowrey, Joliet ; Frank J. Wise, Joliet. 
 
 Twelfth district — Thomas J. Keenan, LaSalle; Leonard R. Con- 
 don, Rockford. 
 
 Thirteenth district — Frank T. Sheean, Galena; John B. Hayes, 
 Rochelle. 
 
 Fourteenth district — T. L. Roark, Macomb; M. B. Welsh, Blan- 
 dinsville. 
 
 Fifteenth district — W. Emery Lancaster, Quincy; Albert A. Hut- 
 macker, Quincy. 
 
 Sixteenth district — John E. Cassidy, Peoria; Charles L. O'Brien, 
 Peoria. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 361 
 
 Seventeenth district — Frank A. Ortman, Peoria; Edward Fahey, 
 Bloomington. 
 
 Eighteenth district — James Wyatt, Chrisman; James A. Meeks, 
 Danville. 
 
 Nineteenth district — Craig Van Meter, Mattoon; James M. Allen, 
 Decatur. 
 
 Twentieth district — William N. Hairgrove, Jacksonville; Will E. 
 Burns, Virginia. 
 
 Twenty-first district — V. Y. Dallman, Springfield; James Hardie, 
 Carlinville. 
 
 Twenty-second district — Joseph C. Fanlstick, Alton; Robert L 
 Kern, Belleville. 
 
 Twenty-third district— Peter J. Kolb, Mt. Carmel; Arthur Roe, 
 Vandal ia. 
 
 Twenty-fourth district — Roland R. Cross, Dahlgren; Chauncey S. 
 Conger, Carmi. 
 
 Twenty-fifth district — J. Riley Rankin, Sparta ; John L. Levitt, 
 Cairo. 
 
 ALTERNATES BY DISTRICTS 
 
 Alternates, by districts to the Chicago convention also selected at 
 the preceding primary election, were : 
 
 First district — Louis Levy, Chicago; John Budinger, Chicago. 
 
 Second district — Barnet Hodes, Chicago; Francis J. Loughran. 
 Chicago. 
 
 Third district — Michael J. Flynn, Palos Park; Daniel P. Bergin, 
 Chicago Heights. 
 
 Fourth district — William J. Lynch, Chicago ; Michael Konkolewski, 
 Chicago. 
 
 Fifth district — Henry Minsky, Chicago; John H. Luczak, Chicago. 
 
 Sixth district — Andrew T. Berg, Forest Park; Edward J. McCabe, 
 Chicago. 
 
 Seventh district — Ning Eley, Des Plaines ; P. J. Cullerton, Chicago. 
 
 Eighth district — Michael Rosinia, Chicago; Maurice F. Kavanagh, 
 Chicago. 
 
362 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Ninth district — Mrs. George E. Brennan, Chicago; John M. O'Con- 
 nor, Chicago. 
 
 Tenth district — Joseph H. Voss, Chicago; Philip J. Finnegan, 
 Chicago. 
 
 Eleventh district — Martin R. O'Brien, Aurora; Peter W. Dittmeyer, 
 Joliet. 
 
 Twelfth district— C. E. Hibhs, Grand Ridge; M. J. Charley, 
 La Salle. 
 
 Thirteenth district — Ehvyn R. Shaw, Freeport; George Fruin, 
 Dixon. 
 
 Fourteenth district — Nota McCormick Hutchins, Monmouth; Al- 
 bert Salisbury, Carthage. 
 
 Fifteenth district — William A. Detrick, Abingdon; W. J. Smith, 
 (^nincy. 
 
 Sixteenth district — Harlow B. Brown, Princeton; Harry Ziegler, 
 Henry. 
 
 Seventeenth district — Michael Malone, Gibson City ; T. D. Karnes, 
 Fairbury. 
 
 Eighteenth district — J. T. Musselman, Paris; H. L. Bernard, 
 Clifton. 
 
 Nineteenth district — Dr. T. 0. Freeman, Mattoon; John D. Eads, 
 Arthur. 
 
 Twentieth district — Robert H. Garm, Beardstown; Edward Bowe, 
 Jacksonville. 
 
 Twenty-first district — Joseph W. Rizzie, Staunton ; Dennis Noonan, 
 Morrisonville. 
 
 Twenty-second district — Harry E. Jackson, Waterloo ; Lee Friend, 
 Nashville. 
 
 Twenty-third district — Guy McGaughey, Lawrenceville ; George E. 
 Ray, Centralia. 
 
 Twenty-fourth district— 0. M. McGhee, Metropolis; Dr. W. E. Mc- 
 Guire, Omaha. 
 
 Twenty-fifth district — H. B. Strawhun, Murphysboro; Robert 
 Blavlock, Herrin. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 363 
 
 STATE CENTRAL COMMITTEE 
 
 Prior to the calling- to order of the convention, at the state arsenal, 
 the State Central committee met at the St. Nicholas hotel and organized 
 for the coming campaign by the election of the following officers : 
 
 For Chairman — Thomas F. Donovan, of Joliet, who had headed 
 the committee for so many years. 
 
 For Treasurer — Patrick A. Nash, of Chicago. 
 For Secretary — Edward P. Allen, of Quincy. 
 
 The full roll of the committee as elected by districts at the primary, 
 and which did such fine work in bringing victory in the campaign that 
 ensued, was: 
 
 1 — John J. Coughlin, Chicago. 
 
 2 — Daniel Sullivan, Chicago. 
 
 3 — David M. Hickey, Chicago. 
 
 4 — Patrick Gr. McGuire, Chicago. 
 
 5 — Leo J. Slaski, Chicago. 
 
 6 — Eichard M. Sullivan, Chicago. 
 
 7 — Joseph F. Higgins, Chicago. 
 
 8 — Albert A. Bock, Chicago. 
 
 9 — Edmond L. Mulcahy, Chicago. 
 10 — Joseph P. Dougherty, Chicago. 
 11 — Thomas F. Donovan, Joliet. 
 12— John J. Hart— Ottawa. 
 13 — Sherwood Dixon, Dixon. 
 14 — J. C. Clendenin, Monmouth. 
 15 — Edward P. Allen, Quincy. 
 16 — J. Earl Houston, Peoria. 
 17 — C. Everett Smith, Lincoln. 
 18 — Norman Bennett, Marshall. 
 19— John W. Yantis, Shelby ville. 
 20— George 0. Daab, Mt. Sterling. 
 21 — Harry B. Hershey, Taylorville. 
 22 — Maurice V. Joyce, East St. Louis. 
 23 — John Kassermann, Newton. 
 24- — James O'Neal, Fairfield. 
 25 — Harry Holland, Marion. 
 
364 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 OLD TIME LOVE FEAST 
 
 The convention, throughout, was of the old-time Democratic love 
 least variety, without a trace of bitterness from the primary election 
 fight, in which such a fine ticket had been nominated, but in which so 
 many splendid leaders of Illinois Democracy had gone down to defeat. 
 
 That's the Illinois Democratic way! 
 
ANTON J. CERMAK 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 367 
 
 MAYOR CERMAK IS HOST 
 
 AT IMPORTANT FUNCTION 
 
 PRECEDING CONVENTION 
 
 One of the most important, and certainly one of the most enjoy- 
 able functions of the Illinois Democracy in connection with the 1932 
 national convention, was the elaborate dinner given by Anton J. Cermak 
 to the delegates and alternates from our state, and the press of Illinois 
 at the Sherman hotel, the Sunday evening immediately preceding the 
 convention, and coincidental with which a caucus of delegates was held. 
 
 The great Democratic mayor never appeared to larger advantage, 
 nor in better mood, than he did that night. 
 
 Undismayed by the unexpected withdrawal of Senator Lewis from 
 the presidential race, he had proceeded with other plans, and these 
 plans included : 
 
 Endorsement of, and formal presentation of the candidacy of that 
 lovable and now lamented Democrat of great parts, Melvin A. Traylor 
 of Chicago, as Illinois' choice for president of the United States. 
 
 Endorsement of that splendid warhorse of Illinois Democracy, 
 Bruce A. Campbell of Belleville, for vice-presidential nominee, in case 
 the Traylor candidacy should not succeed. 
 
 These plans duly were carried out. 
 
 At that time, there was a run on the banks of Chicago, and that 
 run had not excepted the two impregnable institutions then presided 
 over by Mr. Traylor, the First National and the First Trust and 
 Savings. 
 
 Detained by constant conferences in connection with the serious 
 banking situation, he could not be present during the earlier part of 
 the dinner, and it was doubted if he would be able to come at all. 
 
 But when, at a very late hour, he arrived, he was given real ovation 
 and he had to yield to the insistent demands for a brief address. 
 
368 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 THAT CHERISHED WHIMSICAL SMILE 
 
 With the whimsical smile, the memory of which will always be cher- 
 ished by those who knew "Mel" Traylor, he said: 
 
 "I always knew that the banks of which I am president had a 
 great number of depositors, but never did I know until the last few 
 days how large that number really was," as his andience broke into 
 laughter at the allusion to the run on the banks. 
 
 Thanking the delegates who had endorsed him, but not otherwise 
 mentioning his own candidacy, Mr. Traylor continued : 
 
 "I would rather see the party go down to defeat than to win on a 
 demagogic platform appealing to class prejudice." 
 
 Urged by several members of the press, later, to amplify this state- 
 ment, he declined to do so, but the utterance quite generally was inter- 
 preted at the time, as being none too friendly to the Roosevelt candi- 
 dacy which, then, was considerably short of the requisite two-thirds 
 of all the delegates. 
 
 MAY HAVE COST HIM PORTFOLIO 
 
 Months later, when Franklin Delano Roosevelt had been elected, 
 and the personnel of his cabinet was being considered, there was much 
 mention of Melvin A. Traylor as a strong possibility for secretary of 
 the treasury. 
 
 He had given loyal support to Roosevelt after the nomination, but 
 there was intimation in some quarters that his brief address in the 
 late hours of that Sunday night might have cost him a portfolio in 
 the cabinet. 
 
 This, however, was mere deduction, although not altogether an 
 illogical one. 
 
 Other action taken at the Democratic state caucus held incidental 
 to the dinner included : 
 
 Election of Anton J. Cermak as national committeeman, and as 
 chairman of the delegation, on motion of Michael L. Igoe of Chicago, 
 retiring national committeeman. 
 
 Re-election of Mrs. Elizabeth Conkey of Chicago, as national com- 
 mitteewoman. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 369 
 
 Naming of Illinois members to various convention committees, as 
 follows : 
 
 Rules — John P. Devine, of Dixon, now speaker of the Illinois 
 house of representatives. 
 
 Credentials — Scott W. Lucas, of Havana, now congressman in suc- 
 cession to the great Henry T. Rainey. 
 
 Permanent organization — W. Emery Lancaster, of Quincy, now 
 head of the Illinois Civil Service commission. 
 
 Resolutions — Michael L. Igoe, of Chicago, now congressman at 
 large from our state. 
 
 To notify presidential nominee — Charles Boeschenstein, of Ed- 
 wardsville. 
 
 To notify vice-presidential nominee — Albert Carter, of Murphys- 
 boro. 
 
 Honorary officers of the convention — James A. Meeks, of Danville, 
 and Emmett YVhealan, of Chicago. 
 
 SOME NOTABLE CHAIRMEN 
 
 Mayor Cermak, Michael L. Igoe, and Bruce A. Campbell, in turn. 
 presided over the joint dinner and caucus, which went on record, despite 
 all the tensity of that and succeeding- days, as "a veritable Jeffersonian 
 love feast," and one which went far in keeping solid the ranks of the 
 Illinois Democracy in the national and state campaigns that followed. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 371 
 
 PRINCIPAL ILLINOIS ROLE PLAYED 
 
 AT 1932 CHICAGO CONVENTION 
 
 WAS BY ABSENT PARTY LEADER 
 
 As at full many another Democratic National gathering - , the Illinois 
 Democracy played large and important part at the greatest and most 
 colorful convention thus far held by any political organization of our 
 own or any other country — that which was called to order by John J. 
 Easkob, retiring chairman of the Democratic national committee, on 
 Monday, June 27, 1932, and the first act of which was to listen to a 
 prayer by Evangeline Booth, then principal officer of the Salvation 
 Army in the United States, but now the commander in chief of all the 
 forces of that religious organization the world over. 
 
 Yes! The Illinois Democracy played a part in that historic assem- 
 blage hardly second to that of any other state! 
 
 But the Illinois Democrat acting the chief role in the tense drama 
 of that hot summer week never was present in person. 
 
 Twenty-eight Democratic United States Senators were there, but 
 the then lone Democratic senator from Illinois — James Hamilton 
 Lewis — was not present, nor was any word received from him during 
 the proceedings of the convention proper. 
 
 For James Hamilton Lewis had played his great role forty-eight 
 hours before the convention met, and had he not played it, the outcome 
 might have been altogether different and Alfred E. Smith or Albert 
 Eitchie or some great statesman other than Franklin Delano Eoosevelt, 
 might have been chosen to lead the forces of Democracy on to victory 
 the following November. 
 
 THEY DID NOT WANT HIM THEN! 
 
 This is a Democratic volume written by one who never has been 
 other than a Democrat. 
 
372 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 But the author regards the chief function of a writer of history 
 to be not the mere penning of. eulogy, well justified as that eulogy may 
 be, but the truthful recording of facts as they actually have occurred. 
 
 Franklin Delano Roosevelt now is the most popular personage in 
 all the world, easily the best loved man that ever has occupied the 
 presidential chair — not even excepting George Washington and Abra- 
 ham Lincoln. 
 
 And in no state is that popularity more pronounced than in Illinois. 
 
 But the truth is, that in June 1932, a considerable majority of the 
 recognized leaders of the Illinois Democracy did not want Roosevelt. 
 
 A devoted band, largely from downstate, wanted him and wanted 
 him badly; but the party organization, then under control of that 
 heroic and, later, tragic figure, Anton J. Cermak, Mayor of Chicago, 
 and now one of the nation's great martyrs, was active in the "Stop 
 Roosevelt" movement. 
 
 If you should feel disposed to challenge the truth of this statement, 
 please recall the vote of the Illinois delegation, not only on the earlier 
 ballots for the nomination, itself, but on the many other tests that pre- 
 ceded that balloting. 
 
 Recall, too, please, that in the long, but none too boisterous demon- 
 stration which had followed Judge Mack's address placing Roosevelt 
 in nomination, the banner of Illinois never once went into the parade, 
 whereas it went in and was enthusiastically waved in the parades that 
 followed the nominating addresses for Smith and Ritchie and others. 
 
 GALLERIES NOT FOR ROOSEVELT 
 
 From the very beginning of the convention, Mr. Roosevelt un- 
 doubtedly had a considerable majority of the total number of the dele- 
 gates with him — though not enough to nominate under the two-thirds 
 rule. 
 
 But just as unquestionably, he did not have the galleries with him, 
 as witness the joyous enthusiasm that greeted the every playing on that 
 mighty organ of "The Sidewalks of New York" and "Maryland, My 
 Maryland," and the unfailing outburst in every session, when Alfred 
 Emmanuel Smith or Albert C. Ritchie put in an appearance. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 373 
 
 If you still have doubts on the subject, and most convincing of all, 
 remember the thousands of hisses — the largest volume of disapproval 
 ever exhibited in any political convention — that greeted William Gibbs 
 McAdoo's announcement on the Friday night of the joint action that 
 had been taken during the recess by the California-Texas delegations; 
 action that was to insure Franklin Delano Roosevelt becoming the next 
 president of the United States, and John Nance Garner being the next 
 vice-president. 
 
 The many thousands of Democrats from all over the land who 
 were in the stadium that night, and who have not forgotten that the 
 hostile demonstration refused to stop until Chairman Walsh, of necee 
 sity, called Mayor Cermak to the platform to calm the turbulent wave 
 of disapproval, will not doubt that, much as those that were in those 
 galleries love Roosevelt today, they loved others far better then. 
 
 GALLERIES WERE NOT PACKED 
 
 It was asserted by some, at that time, that the galleries on that 
 Friday night and at earlier sessions, had been ''packed," as part of 
 the "Stop Roosevelt" movement, but, coming from one who was pres- 
 ent during every moment of the convention, and who was familiar 
 not only with the vast demand for seats at every session, but with the 
 methods pursued in meeting that demand, it very emphatically can be 
 stated that there was no truth in that charge of "packed galleries." 
 
 Those galleries, naturally, largely were occupied by Democrats from 
 Illinois, Indiana, Wisconsin and other states adjacent to the convention 
 city. 
 
 They had obtained their tickets through the legitimate and ordi- 
 nary channels. 
 
 Most of these had paid high prices for them — prices none too high, 
 however, when the engrossing interest of the panorama is considered, 
 and, while there were some complimentaries, there had been no dis- 
 crimination between the various delegates in the handing out of these. 
 
 The galleries were not packed to "Stop Roosevelt," nor was it so 
 much that they loved the latter the less, but that they loved Alfred E. 
 Smith the more and, undoubtedly, they felt that the arrangements made 
 outside of the convention hall and announced bv Mr. McAdoo were 
 
:>7 1 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 "not strictly according to Hoyle," as the famous gentleman from 
 California had been among those sitting at the conference board with 
 Smith and Ritchie and Byrd, and managers of other candidacies other 
 than that of Roosevelt. 
 
 SENATOR LEWIS' TELEGRAM 
 
 But, returning to the pre-convention conditions as they affected 
 the position of Illinois Democracy: 
 
 James Hamilton Lewis had been the only entrant for president 
 in the Illinois Democratic primary election of the previous April. 
 
 In the face of the candidacy of so pronounced a favorite son, man- 
 agers of Roosevelt, of Smith, and of all other candidates had thought 
 it best to keep out of the primary race in our state. 
 
 The result was that of 591,552 votes cast for the Democratic presi- 
 dential nomination in that primary, Senator Lewis had received 590,130, 
 with Roosevelt, not formally entering, getting 1,084; Smith, also not 
 an entrant, receiving 266, and the balance scattering. 
 
 Following this, nearly every Democratic county convention had 
 given the Lewis candidacy enthusiastic endorsement. 
 
 Through an oversight, the state convention, in Springfield, had 
 failed to insert a plank of similar character; but this unintentional 
 omission had been rectified by unanimous action by the state central 
 committee. 
 
 A CANDIDATE TO BE RECKONED WITH 
 
 With James Hamilton Lewis having been elected United States 
 senator only two years previous by an all-time record-breaking plural- 
 ity, and with the national convention meeting in his home state and 
 in his home city, his candidacy quite generally was regarded as one 
 to be reckoned with — especially in case of a long-drawn-out deadlock 
 such as many were anticipating. 
 
 Thousands of small, colored, and well-designed cards had been 
 printed the week before, briefly setting forth some of the advantages 
 that should come to the party in case Lewis were made the nominee. 
 
 These were ready for distribution throughout the convention the 
 moment that the logical hour should strike. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 375 
 
 But that hour never came! 
 
 Instead, on the Saturday immediately preceding- the gathering, 
 Senator Lewis, who had remained at Washington attending to his 
 congressional duties, sent three telegrams identical in phraseology, 
 announcing his withdrawal from the race, and releasing the Illinois 
 delegation which had been instructed for him by the Democrats 
 of Illinois in the primary election. 
 
 One of these telegrams was sent to Mayor Anton J. Cermak, chair- 
 man of the Illinois delegation. 
 
 Another had been sent to Honorable William L. O'Connell, of 
 Chicago, the Lewis presidential campaign manager and his closest polit- 
 ical advisor. 
 
 The wires came to these two out of a clear sky and, to express the 
 exact words of one of the recipients, "they decided to sit on them." 
 
 In all likelihood, if only these two telegrams had been sent, release 
 to the press would have been delayed, pending consultation with the 
 senator over long-distance lines. 
 
 BUT THERE WAS A THIRD WIRE 
 
 But, as previously stated, there was a third identical wire, and 
 this had been sent to Vincent Y. Dallman, the talented editor of the 
 Illinois State Register of Springfield, and had been addressed to him 
 in that city. 
 
 Dallman was, and is, one of Senator Lewis' most dependable sup- 
 porters, and one who had been intimately associated with him for 
 decades. 
 
 There could be no question of Dallman 's loyalty to the senator's 
 candidacy, but he also had been one of the earliest and most enthusiastic 
 of Roosevelt men. 
 
 From the first he had felt that, despite the undoubted qualifica- 
 tions of the favorite son of Illinois for the highest office within the gift 
 of the people, it was almost certain that the convention would choose 
 a younger man. 
 
 In all likelihood, too, Mr. Dallman had possessed the feeling that, 
 in some quarters, the Lewis candidacy was being used as part of the 
 "Stop Roosevelt" movement. 
 
376 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 While there is no actual evidence on which to base the assumption, 
 it is not unlikely that, in his enthusiasm for Roosevelt, Mr. Dallman 
 had urged his distinguished friend to withdraw from the presidential 
 race. 
 
 Be this as it may, the following interesting facts are shown by 
 the record: 
 
 When the Lewis telegram of withdrawal, addressed to Dallman, 
 arrived in Springfield, the editor was not in that city, but in Chicago, 
 where he had gone, not only to "cover the convention" for his news- 
 paper, but also as a delegate to that body from the twenty-first con- 
 gressional district. 
 
 The telegram promptly was relayed to him at Chicago, and as 
 promptly released by him, not only for publication by his own news 
 paper, but through the great press associations, to every daily news- 
 paper in the United States. 
 
 That was the end of the Lewis presidential candidacy — a candi- 
 dacy which, if it had been carried into the convention, might have caused 
 the final annals of that great gathering to have read much differently 
 than they do. 
 
 These are the reasons why it is so reasonable to believe that the 
 principal role of the Illinois Democracy in the Chicago Democratic 
 national convention of 1932 was played by a party leader who was 
 many hundred miles away. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY :J77 
 
 FRANKLIN ROOSEVELT, ALFRED 
 SMITH, WILL ROGERS AND HUEY 
 LONG AMONG MANY HEADLINERS 
 
 Franklin D. Roosevelt today could draw a crowd that would pack 
 the largest auditorium in the United States at a few hours notice! 
 So could Alfred Emmanuel Smith! 
 
 So could the great American humorist of the universal appeal, 
 AVill Rogers, of Claremore, Oklahoma, and elsewhere! 
 
 Huey Long is no small kingfish in getting a big audience ! 
 
 Nor John W. Davis, former ambassador, former presidential nom- 
 inee, and recognized not only as one of the world's great orators, but 
 as one of the world's great statesmen! 
 
 But, when these world notables were just a few of the outstanding 
 attractions, and Albert Ritchie, Admiral Bird, Homer W. Commings, 
 "Alfalfa" Bill Murray, "Amos and Andy," "Jimmie" Walker, then in 
 the height of his fame, Anton J. Cermak, "Jim" Farley, Cordell Hull, 
 Carter H. Glass, Joseph B. Ely, Henry Horner, James A. Reed, William 
 G. McAdoo, and at least a score of others of the best known men in 
 American public life, were on the bill presented, who is there with suffi- 
 cient ability to attempt to adequately describe the ever increasing in- 
 terest of that tremendous gathering? 
 
 The greatest names known to current newspaper fame were there, 
 too, though not as platform performers. 
 
 Arthur W. Brisbane, Ruth Bryan Owen, Floyd Gibbons, Jack Lait, 
 David Lawrence, Herbert L. Mencken, Father Coughlin, "Gene 
 Tunney — but why attempt to cover the list in those press galleries .' 
 
 Just write down every name famous in the world of journalism of 
 1932, and you will not miss it very much ! 
 
 That's the story of that greatest of all national conventions — the 
 one presided over in turn— and so ably and so fairly — by Senator All-en 
 W. Barkley, of Kentucky, and Senator Thomas Walsh, of Montana — 
 
 > > 
 
378 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 the latter so soon and so tragically to pass out of the ranks of that 
 Democracy which he loved so well, and had served so well. 
 
 THE MOST INTERESTING MOMENTS 
 
 "The most interesting moments of the convention?" you ask. 
 
 In the order of their happening, most witnesses prohahly will agree 
 that they w T ere: 
 
 The impromptu platform appearance of Will Rogers. 
 
 The struggle over the permanent chairmanship, not because the 
 outcome ever had been in doubt, but because it gave first accurate indi- 
 cation of the Roosevelt strength. 
 
 The tremendous ovation to Alfred E. Smith — for whose appear- 
 ance the crowd had been waiting- for days — when he took the platform 
 at the Wednesday night session to sound the death note of prohibition. 
 
 The grim tensity of that all evening and all night session, with 
 its three ballots running long past dawn of Friday, and during which 
 the anti-Roosevelt forces, after first being beaten in their efforts to 
 adjourn, had forced the Roosevelt followers to continue on when they 
 wanted to take a recess till the following evening. 
 
 The dramatic announcement by Former Secretary of the Treasury 
 McAdoo of the deal that had been made between California and Texas, 
 and which meant that the end of the drama had been written outside 
 the walls of the Stadium. 
 
 The unprecedented flight of Franklin Roosevelt from his Hyde 
 Park home to receive the nomination right in the convention hall. 
 
 The splendid tribute paid the nominee as he entered, and which 
 went so far to smooth out all the many sore spots that had gone before. 
 
 The soulful eloquence with which, in his opening words, Franklin 
 Roosevelt pledged himself "to the spiritual guidance of our dead com- 
 mander-in-chief, Woodrow Wilson." 
 
 The happenings of that great gathering are too contemporaneous, 
 perhaps, to be classed as history at this early date. 
 
 But they will live in American history for all time, as they marked 
 the beginning of not only a new and victorious era for the Democracy — 
 but a new note in humanitarian administration for every man, woman 
 and child in the United States. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 379 
 
 MOST EXPERTS GAVE PALM 
 
 FOR CONVENTION ORATORY 
 
 TO MASSACHUSETTS GOVERNOR 
 
 Nearly every Democratic national convention in history has had 
 its outstanding orator, but in Chicago, at that June 1932 gathering, 
 there was so much oratory of really great rank, that it was difficult to 
 determine first honors. 
 
 Most of the recognized experts on public speaking, regardless of 
 party proclivities or of favorites as between candidates, have been 
 disposed to accord the palm to the address of Governor Joseph B. Ely 
 of Massachusetts, placing Alfred E. Smith in nomination. 
 
 From the standpoint of delivery, at least, Governor Ely's appear- 
 ance was magnificent, and his address, among other things, was notable 
 for its seriously and splendidly uttered sequence of: "Look into your 
 minds and vote!" "Look into your hearts and vote!" "Look into your 
 conscience and vote!" 
 
 Paragraphs in which Governor Ely outlined Alfred E. Smith's 
 proposed program may be read with much interest now, on account 
 of the marked resemblance of most of the program then outlined to the 
 program which President Roosevelt has followed during his adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 A STRIKING RESEMBLANCE 
 
 This resemblance may be especially noted in these sentences : 
 
 "No other man has this quality of leadership in any degree com- 
 parable with the modern Andrew Jackson. No man, whose name will 
 be presented to this convention, possesses this quality of leadership 
 comparable with Alfred E. Smith. So I say to you, "Look into your 
 minds and vote." 
 
 "A short time ago, speaking to the Democracy at Washington, he 
 (Smith) laid down a program to be followed by the nation. Boldly and 
 
380 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 without equivocating lie declared for a protracted moratorium in refer- 
 ence to the foreign debts which amounted to a reduction according to 
 their purchases of our goods. It was a daring step for a man seeking 
 
 national honors. 
 
 "Admitting its temporary possibilities and facing the criticism of 
 conservative men, he spoke for an enhanced program of public works 
 built upon the credit of the Federal Government. 
 
 "lie gave emphatic approval of a plan to repeal the 18th amend- 
 ment, and to establish immediately in the United States what would 
 amount to a now industry by modifying the Volstead Act. 
 
 "A few days later, speaking over the radio from New York, he 
 re-emphasized these things and declared against the payment of a 
 bonus at this time. Where do you find in the names before this conven- 
 tion another man so utterly bold in his statements upon public questions 
 that he disregards completely his political future ? He thought that he 
 threw that future into the political wastebasket, and he found it again 
 in the hearts and minds of his countrymen. 
 
 "Fifteen million people were drawn to him in 1928, unswerving in 
 their devotion in spite of all the political propaganda and personal at- 
 tack directed against him. That storm has spent its fury. He has 
 come through it still the "Happy Warrior." From humble origin like 
 Lincoln and Jackson, his whole public career attests his concept as 
 expressed by him, — that the state is the men and the women and the 
 children who make it up. There is no reason for him to speak of the 
 forgotten man because with him no class of men or women or children 
 is forgotten. 
 
 "The love and affection, the respect and response which pours out 
 to him have their roots in no political machine, are fostered by no group 
 of political leaders, are nurtured by no artificial propaganda, but lie 
 imbedded deep in the universal affection and esteem of the millions 
 of Americans of all classes and all conditions and all creeds. These 
 men and women look up to him gladly, lovingly, and trustfully. He 
 quiets their fears, represses rebellious thoughts and clarifies the funda- 
 mental principles of a great Democracy. And so I say to you, "Look 
 in your hearts and vote." 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 381 
 
 "In this battle with depression, in which by the lust for power 
 and the greed for gold the force of economic laws has broken through 
 the ramparts of our commercial security, there are two phases. The 
 first finds us upon the defensive, struggling to stem the forces that 
 push us back and drag us down. 
 
 "To make a stand is the first plan of this battle. The second is 
 the rearrangement of economic and industrial conditions so that it 
 may not be said again that we built an industrial machine which looked 
 only to the present and never to the future; which was so greedy for 
 profits that it forgot its own responsibility for those whose toil and 
 labor created that wealth. 
 
 "In the second phase of this great battle, it will be necessary for 
 us to set up an industrial machine which recognizes the necessity for a 
 more equitable distribution of the profits. 
 
 "This defensive battle is a hand to hand conflict. Cultural attain- 
 ments and polite amenities, or social distinction, or a play upon the 
 meaning of words, are as useless in this emergency as nursery rhymes 
 and fairy tales. To win this battle requires a man who can take the 
 blows both physically and mentally without retreating a single inch 
 and who, when he delivers them, must hit the mark. This is a pitched 
 battle and no Fabian tactics will suffice." 
 
 PART THAT WAS OMITTED 
 
 Governor Ely's nominating address, as originally prepared, made 
 marked allusion to the matter of religious intolerance in political cam- 
 paigns but, as finally delivered to the convention, the following interest- 
 ing section was omitted from the address : 
 
 "Timothy Dwight, President of Yale University, looked upon 
 the election of Thomas Jefferson to the Presidency of the United States 
 as impossible because of his alleged religious beliefs — the orthodoxy 
 of which has never been established. 
 
 "He said, 'We may see our wives and daughters the victims of 
 legal prostitution; soberly dishonored; speciously polluted; the out- 
 casts of delicacy and virtue, the loathing of God and man.' 
 
 "Jefferson also ran once and lost. Has any man ever questioned 
 the devotion of Thomas Jefferson to American principles? Did any 
 
382 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 man ever do more for the upbuilding of the great Republic? Is the 
 loyalty of a Catholic American to the United States and her principles 
 to be challenged? 
 
 "I summarize my creed as an American Catholic. 
 
 "I believe in the worship of God according to the faith and practice 
 of the Roman Catholic Church. 
 
 "I recognize no power in the institutions of my Church to interfere 
 with the operations of the Constitution of the United States or the en- 
 forcement of the law of the land. 
 
 "I believe in absolute freedom of conscience for all men and in 
 equality of all churches, all sects, and all beliefs before the law as a 
 matter of right and not as a matter of favor. 
 
 "I believe in the absolute separation of Church and State and in 
 the strict enforcement of the provisions of the Constitution that Con- 
 gress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or 
 prohibiting the free exercise thereof. 
 
 "I believe that no tribunal of any church has any power to make 
 any decree of any force in the law of the land, other than to establish 
 the status of its own communicants within its own church. 
 
 "I believe in the support of the public school as one of the corner- 
 stones of American liberty. 
 
 "I believe in the right of every parent to choose whether his child 
 shall be educated in the public school or in a religious school supported 
 by those of his own faith. 
 
 "I believe in the principle of non-interference by this country in 
 the internal affairs of other nations and that we should stand stead- 
 fastly against any such interference by whomsoever it may be urged. 
 
 "And I believe in the common brotherhood of men under the com- 
 mon fatherhood of God. 
 
 "In this spirit I join with fellow Americans of all creeds in a 
 fervent prayer that never again in this land will any public servant be 
 challenged because of the faith in which he has tried to walk humbly 
 with his God." 
 
 "That is the creed of Alfred E. Smith. That is the creed to which 
 he was born. That is the faith which his fathers ^avo him even as 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 383 
 
 some of you and I inherited ours. The logic of it I leave to you. We 
 would be traitors to everything for which America stands who invoke 
 the devil of religious intolerance to become our servant and helper, 
 because it inevitably would turn upon us and become our master to 
 undermine and destroy the very fine fabric of American freedom." 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY :;>."> 
 
 GOVERNOR ROOSEVELT'S 
 ADDRESS ACCEPTING 
 CALL TO LEADERSHIP 
 
 When, just before the breaking out of the wild confliel of the nations, 
 in July 19.14, an English magazine had asked Herbert Horatio Asquith, 
 then prime minister of Great Britain, to list the 100 leading British 
 orators of all time, the 100 leading American all-time orators and the 
 100 leading orators of other nations, Asquith, himself a great orator, 
 placed in the second category, the names of three men who had closely 
 been identified with the Illinois Democracy — Stephen A. Douglas, Wil- 
 liam Jennings Bryan and James Hamilton Lewis. 
 
 The latter inclusion, at so early a date, was the more remarkable 
 because Senator Lewis then was only at the beginnings of that larger 
 fame that since has come to him. 
 
 In the American list, at large, the name of Theodore Roosevelt 
 was included, but not (that of Ins, cousin and namesake, now the leading 
 
 figure in all the world. 
 
 . ! • i I bar. i) 
 
 Any such list, .completed in l;it<T >ears, in all likelihood, .Mould 
 .include, the name of Franklin Delano l^.osevelt, for, while our presi 
 dent noyer had laid claim to great oratorical ability, he undoubtedly 
 possesses it, as witness that "Happy Warrior" speech at Houston, 
 and many more recent, addresses, the simple language ofiwhitfh, the 
 charming voice, coupled with the detnoeratic and ever-pleasing style of 
 delivery, have endeared him to tens of millions of listeners. 
 
 His address, in response to the formal notification of his nomina- 
 tion, made by Chairman Thomas Walsh, was characteristic/ of the 'man. 
 
 Governor Roosevelt was smiling broadly as he walked into that 
 seething Stadium where tens of thousands not only occupied every seat. 
 but virtually every inch of available. space. 
 
 With a red carnation in the lapel of his blue suit, and. with the 
 pencil which he had used in last-minute alterations of lbs address, 
 
.386 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 protruding from a coat pocket, leaning on his cane and on the arm of 
 his stalwart son, James, he was escorted to the speaker's stand, by a 
 committee which formed into two lines to enable him to pass to the 
 rostrum which especially had been arranged for the occasion. 
 
 Included in the escort were Mayor Anton J. Cermak, William H. 
 Dieterich, Henry Horner and Vincen! Y. Dallman, of Illinois; John F. 
 Carry, then head of Tammany; Governor Harry F. Byrd, of Virginia; 
 Governor Albert Ritchie of Maryland, Senator Connally of Texas, 
 James A. Farley of New York, and Mayor Curley of Boston — now 
 governor of Massachusetts. 
 
 For more than fifteen minutes the nominee was compelled to re- 
 main standing between Mrs. Roosevelt and their towering son, again 
 and again waving happy response to the enthusiastic greeting of that 
 all-applauding multitude. 
 
 SPEECH OF ACCEPTANCE 
 
 Finally, when the applause had died down, he stepped forward, 
 manuscript in hand, and quiet fell at last. 
 
 Delivering his words slowly, but with a clarity that carried them 
 distinctly to every part of the huge auditorium, he brought a laugh 
 right at the start, by his allusions to "the sleepless nights which both 
 you and I have had during the last six arduous days." 
 
 Referring to the tradition that had been broken by his coming to 
 the convention at once to accept the nomination, he asked that it be 
 considered symbolic of his intention "to be honest and to avoid all 
 hypocrisy and sham." 
 
 The way he firmly gripped the table in front of him, and that his 
 powerful chest heaved as he emphasized points here and there, re- 
 minded one of the four years ago at Houston — but how different was 
 the occasion! There he was nominating Alfred Emmanuel Smith. 
 
 Decrying radicalism, he called the Democratic party by tradition 
 "the bearer of liberalism and of progress and at the same time of 
 safety to our institutions." 
 
 CITES NEED OF LIBERAL THOUGHT 
 
 At the same time that he invited Republicans to break away, he 
 warmed "those nominal Democrats who squint at the future with their 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 387 
 
 faces toward the past, and who feel no responsibility to the demands of 
 the new time, that they are out of step with their party." 
 
 "Ours must be a party of liberal thought," he said, "of planned 
 action, of enlightened international outlook, and of the greatest good to 
 the greatest number of our citizens. 
 
 "Now it is inevitable — and the choice is that of the times — it is 
 inevitable that the main issue of this campaign should resolve about 
 the clear facts of our economic condition ;i depression so deep that it is 
 without precedent in modern history. It will not do merely to state, 
 as do Republican leaders, to explain that broken promises of continued 
 inaction have resulted from the depression that is world wide. That 
 was not their explanation of the apparent prosperity of 1928. The peo- 
 ple will not forget the claim made by them of prosperity manufactured 
 by a Republican president and a Republican congress. If they claim 
 paternity for the one they cannot deny paternity for the other." 
 
 ASSAILS INFLATION OF 1920'S 
 
 He assailed the "inflation" of the decade prior to 1929, declaring 
 it was proven "that during that time there was little or no drop in the 
 prices that the consumer had to pay, although those same figures proved 
 that the cost of production fell very greatly; corporate profit resulting 
 from this period was enormous, at the same time little of that profit 
 was devoted to the reduction of prices. 
 
 "The consumer was forgotten, very little of it went into increased 
 wages; the worker was forgotten, and by no means an adequate pro- 
 portion was even paid out in dividends, the stockholder was forgotten." 
 
 Interrupted frequently by great applause, enabling him to drink 
 from the water glass by his side, Roosevelt dealt in some detail with 
 unemployment and agriculture. He favored a public works program, 
 saying it should be of self-sustaining nature so far as possible and that 
 to make the most of it definite steps should be taken to shorten the 
 working day and the working week. 
 
 ADVOCATES REFORESTATION 
 
 He advocated an immense reforestation program, saying "employ- 
 ment could be given a million men" that way. 
 
388 ILU.Xnis DEMOCRACY 
 
 liepeal was demanded of laws thai "compel the federal govern- 
 ment to go into the market to purchase, to sell, to speculate, in farm 
 products, in a futile attempt to reduce farm surpluses." 
 
 "The practical way to help the farmer," lie said, "is by an ar- 
 rangement that will, in addition to lightening some of the impoverishing 
 burdens from his back, do something towards the reduction of the 
 surpluses of staple commodities, that hang on the market. It should 
 be our aim to add to the world prices of staple products the amount 
 of a reasonable tariff protection, giving agriculture the same protection 
 that industry has today. 
 
 "And in exchange for this immediately increased return I am sure 
 that the farmers of our nation would agree ultimately to such planning 
 of their production as would reduce the surpluses and make it unneces- 
 sary in later years to depend on dumping those surpluses abroad in 
 order to support domestic prices. 
 
 WOULD BE GUIDED BY FARM GROUPS 
 
 "I believe that the Democratic party stands ready to be guided 
 by whatever the responsible farm groups themselves agree on." 
 
 "Our Republican leaders tell us economic laws — sacred, inviolable, 
 unchangeable — thai these laws cause panics which no one could pre- 
 vent," he said. "But while they prate ol* economic laws, men and 
 women are starving. We must lay hold of the fact that economic laws 
 are not made by nature. They are made by human beings. 
 
 "Yes, when, not if, we get the chance, the federal government will 
 assume bold leadership in distress relief. For years Washington has 
 alternated between putting its head in the sand and saying there is 
 no large number of destitute people in our midst who need food and 
 clothing and then saying the states should take care of them, if there 
 are." 
 
 ( hi tariff, he praised the platform promise of bringing about inter- 
 national conferences for adjustments in the interest of restoration of 
 trade, lie condemned the Snioot-I lawley schedules, saying "we have in- 
 vited and received the retaliation of other nations." 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY :W9 
 
 PLEDGES NEW DEAL 
 
 Swinging into a climatic finale thai brought the thousands of his 
 hearers to their feet, he said : 
 
 "Throughout the nation, men and women, forgotten in the political 
 philosophy of the government of the last years look to ns here for 
 guidance and for more equitable opportunity to share in the distribu- 
 tion of national wealth. 
 
 "I pledge you— I pledge myself — to a new deal for the American 
 people. Let ns all here assembled constitute ourselves prophets of a 
 new order of competence and of courage. This is more than a political 
 campaign; it is a call to arms. Give me your help, not to win votes 
 alone, but to win in this crusade to restore America to its own people." 
 
 HISTORY HAD BEEN WRITTEN 
 
 And, as those closing words were uttered, to the stirring strains 
 of that splendid song of the republic with which the convention had 
 opened, "The Star Spangled Banner," the tens of thousands melted 
 away. 
 
 Real history had been made and written in that, the greatest of all 
 political gatherings. 
 
 History that affected not only the Democracy of Illinois and of 
 our nation, but history that has had and will continue to have its bear- 
 ings on hundreds of millions of men and women and children— on gen- 
 erations, the world over, yet unborn ! 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 391 
 
 MEMBERS OF ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 THAT LOOMED LARGER AS RESULT 
 
 OF 1932 NATIONAL CONVENTION 
 
 The closing chapter of the convention was written, so far as the 
 Democracy of Illinois is concerned, in a farewell dinner given hy Mayor 
 Cermak, Saturday evening, July 2, 1932, to the delegates and alter- 
 nates from his state, and to Illinois newspaper men, at the Chicago 
 Athletic Association. 
 
 It was an enjoyable and enthusiastic affair at which plans for 
 the campaign were discussed. 
 
 But it lacked the glamor of that Cermak dinner of six nights 
 earlier, for then there was uncertainty, while now there was certainty, 
 and it is to uncertainty that most of the charm and excitement of politi- 
 cal gatherings pertains. 
 
 That convention made several figures in the Democracy of Illinois. 
 some of them already large, loom larger. 
 
 There were so many of these that it is difficult to pick out the 
 more outstanding, but any such list well might include: 
 
 Henry T. Rainey, of Carrollton, who, while not present at the con- 
 vention, was to become speaker of the national house as a secpiel there- 
 to, and who was to lay down his great laurels, two years later. 
 
 Anton J. Cermak, whose fame till that time largely had been con- 
 fined to his own state, hut who now became a great national figure, and 
 one so soon thereafter to pass into the shadows of immortality through 
 the dire tragedy of Miami. 
 
 William II. Dieterieh, who, while not on the program, impressed 
 the thousands with whom he came in contact by his statesmanlike per- 
 sonality. 
 
 Henry Horner, whose charm of manner was brought closer home 
 to the great throngs that met him. 
 
392 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Michael L. Egoe, whose brief but impressive addresses, first in 
 support of the majority report of the committee on resolutions, and 
 later in placing Melvin A. Traylor in nomination, added many to his 
 already great volume of admirers. 
 
 Vincent Y. Dallman, of Springfield, whose unyielding and tireless 
 fight for the nominee made him the recognized leader of the Roosevelt 
 forces in the delegation. 
 
 Bruce A. Campbell, of Belleville, long a vital force among Illinois 
 Democrats, who grew apace by his marked popularity with delegates 
 and visitors from all parts. 
 
 Patrick A. Nash, present national committeeman, who, until then, 
 largely had been but a name to many downstate members of his party, 
 but who now learned to know him as a man of real and enduring quality. 
 
 Scott W. Lucas, of Havana, whose logical and clear-cut argument 
 in behalf of seating the anti-Long delegation from Louisiana, drew the 
 ire and fire of the famous Huey. 
 
 W. Emory Lancaster, of Quincy, whose presentation of the minor- 
 ity report of the committee on permanent organization, favoring Jouett 
 Shouse for chairman, was one of the gems of the convention. 
 
 THE VOTE ON SHOUSE 
 
 The vote on that report well may lie regarded as the 'best 'lest of 
 
 Roosevelt sentiment' in the Illinois delegation in the e;irly stages of 
 
 the convention. 
 
 , . .iMlpnOtis delegates .casting an aggregate of sixteen votes, but several 
 
 of which were fractional, due to the.fa<d that delegates ;it huge had 
 
 but a quarter of a vote apiece, in favor of the election, of Senator 
 
 1 nomas Walsh, as permanent chairman, were: 
 
 ' i 
 
 Former Governor Edward, P. Dunne, of Chicago. 
 
 Former Mayor Carter H. Harrison, of Chicago. r 
 
 Vincent Y. Dallman, of Springfield. 
 
 .Tames Hardie, of^arlinville. 
 ■'' 1 MR^te-L?'K^rhl l U ,l Rellevillv:' l tlu'. talented son of one nrilliiWs' 
 greatest Democratic editors. 
 
 Arthur Ridenof Van^lalia. > u I 
 
 Willis J. Spaulding, of Springfieidrl hrrt 1 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 393 
 
 William M. Hairgrove, that fine and fiery old Democrat of Jack- 
 sonville, who has given much valuable information to the author of this 
 history. 
 
 Truman Snell, of Carlinville. 
 
 Frank A. Ortman, of Pontiac. 
 
 Craig Van Meter, of Mattoon. 
 
 Joseph C. Faulstick, of Alton. 
 
 M. B. Welsh, of Blandinsville. 
 
 Peter J. Kolb, of Mount Carmel. 
 
 Chauncey S. Conger, of Carmi. 
 
 Riley Rankin, of Sparta. 
 
 BUT ALL VOTED FOR HIM LATER 
 
 This was the Illinois vote for the Roosevelt candidate for perma- 
 nent chairman, but in considering it, the reader should remember that 
 the entire vote of the fifty-eight delegates of the Illinois Democracy, 
 were cast for Roosevelt on the fourth and deciding ballot, and they 
 have been with him ever since ! 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 395 
 
 DISTINGUISHED DEMOCRATS 
 
 WHO HAVE FILLED A VERY 
 
 DISTINGUISHED POSITION 
 
 That very keen-minded and well loved Democrat of central Illinois, 
 the lamented Harry H. Devereaux, who was twice mayor of Springfield, 
 once remarked: 
 
 "It seems to me that most reformers go on the theory that whatever 
 political system is not in effect must be the better system." 
 
 There is considerable truth to Harry's remark, as shown by the 
 number of alleged reform measures that are advocated by enthusiasts 
 who, apparently, overlook the fact that the systems that they are ad- 
 vocating had been in effect many years, perhaps, and had been dis- 
 carded because they had been found wanting. 
 
 The oft-repeated arguments in favor of a short ballot may serve 
 as an example: 
 
 How many of its present advocates realize that the shortest kind of 
 a ballot prevailed in Illinois throughout its earlier years, and that all 
 state officers except the governor and the lieutenant governor were filled 
 by appointment by the state executive? 
 
 This "short ballot" system proved so unsatisfactory and became 
 so decidedly unpopular, as putting too much power in the hands of one 
 official, that, in response to clamor that came from all parts of the state, 
 it was repealed. 
 
 All of which remarks are merely aside to calling attention to the 
 fact that the office of presidential elector, once quite generally regarded 
 as among the most important of positions, now T has reached such lowly 
 estate that, in the interest of a short ballot, they no longer even print 
 the names of the candidates for that office; while, just now an attempt is 
 being made to greatly change, or even abolish, the entire electoral 
 college svstem. 
 
396 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Under such circumstances, it would seem that a history of Illinois 
 Democracy well may include the names of the many distinguished Demo- 
 crats who had served in the ancient and honorable position of presi- 
 dential elector. 
 
 In perusing the list kindly remember that, in earlier years, all 
 electors were chosen at large whereas, more recently they have been 
 eletced by districts except the four names at large, by virtue of Illinois 
 having, in addition to its twenty-five members of the lower house, two 
 United States senators, and two congressmen at large. 
 
 Here is the list since our admission to statehood until the present 
 time: 
 
 1820 — James B. Moore, Adolphus F. Hubbard and Michael Jones. 
 1824 — William Harrison, Henry Eddy and Alexander P. Field. 
 1828 — Richard M. Young, A. M. Houston and John Taylor. 
 1832 — John C. Alexander, Adams Dunlap, Abner Flack, Daniel 
 
 Stookey, James Evans and Thomas Ray. 
 1836 — Samuel Hackelton, John Wyatt, John Pearson, Samuel Leach 
 
 and John D. Whiteside. 
 1840— Adam W. Snyder, J. P. Walker, John A. McClernand, John 
 
 W. Eldridge and James H. Ralston. 
 1844— A. W. Cavarly, John D. Wood, Willis Allen, Augustus C. 
 French, William A. Richardson, John Dement, John Cahoun, 
 Isaac N. Arnold and Norman H. Purple. 
 1848 — Ferris Foreman, Cornelius Lansing, William Martin, Samuel 
 S. Hays, H. M. Vandeveer, Madison E. Hollister, Lewis W. 
 Ross, Julius Manning and William I. Ferguson. 
 Montgomery Sweeney acted in place of Vice Ross, who could not 
 serve. 
 
 1852 — David L. Gregg, Calvin A. Warren, John A. McClernand, 
 Edward Omelveny, James Mahon, Kirby Benedict, E. P. 
 Ferry, Ezra G. Sanger, Joseph Knox and John Calhoun. 
 1856 — Augustus M. Herrington, Charles H. Constable, Merritt L. 
 Joslyn, Hugh Maher, Milton T. Peters, Robert Holloway, 
 John P. Richmond, Samuel W. Moulton, Orlando B. Ficklin, 
 William A. J. Sparks and John A. Logan. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 397 
 
 POTTER PALMER AT HEAD 
 
 The very famous "Potter Palmer" of Chicago, headed the Illinois 
 electors who cast their ballots for Cleveland and Hendricks in 1892, 
 the full list being: 
 
 At Large 
 
 Potter Palmer, Chicago ; George P. Bunker, Chicago ; Prince Albert 
 Pearce, Carmi; Andrew J. O'Connor, LaSalle. 
 
 Congressional Districts 
 
 1 — Rensselaer Stone, Chicago. 
 
 2 — Frank Lawler, Chicago. 
 
 3 — William G. Legner, Chicago. 
 
 4 — Frederick H. Atwood, Chicago. 
 
 5 — Frederick B. Townsend, Sycamore. 
 
 6— Elijah W. Blaisdell, Rockford. 
 
 7 — Owen Love joy, Princeton. 
 
 8 — Darius W. Crescy, Downers Grove. 
 
 9— Michael Cleary, Odell. 
 10 — Meredith Walker, Canton. 
 11 — John H. Hanley, Monmouth. 
 12 — Mark Myerstein, White Hall. 
 13 — Thompson W. McNeeley, Petersburg. 
 14 — Thomas H. Stokes, Lincoln. 
 15 — John Irvin, Tuscola. 
 16 — Charles H. Martin, Lawrenceville. 
 17 — David C. Enslow, McVey. 
 18— William R. Prickett, Edwardsville. 
 19 — William V. Choisser, Harrisburg. 
 20 — David W. Karraker, Jonesboro. 
 
 BENNETT OF QUINCY 
 
 Walter H. Bennett led the Illinois electors who voted for Cleveland 
 and Stevenson in 1912, and who were: 
 
 At Large 
 Walter H. Bennett, Quincy ; James C. Denvir, Chicago ; L. 0. Whit- 
 nel, East St. Louis; and A. D. Gash, Chicago. 
 
398 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Congressional Districts 
 
 1 — George Miller, Chicago. 
 
 2 — Louis Levy, Chicago. 
 
 3 — W. D. Bobbins, Chicago Heights. 
 
 4 — William Bauman, Chicago. 
 
 5 — Leo L. Mrazek, Chicago. 
 
 (5 — John D. McGregor, Chicago. 
 
 7 — Hans Blase, Chicago. 
 
 8 — Frank W. Koraleski, Chicago. 
 
 9 — John Minwegen, Chicago. 
 10 — John Haderlein, Chicago. 
 11— William H. Clare, Joliet, 
 12— C. W. Faltz, Somonauk. 
 13— August W. Thode, Galena. 
 14 — Charles J. Scofield, Carthage. 
 15 — T. Ross Moore, Littleton. 
 16— Thomas Cahill, Ladd. 
 17 — Clifford Quisenberry, Lincoln. 
 18 — James W. Graham, Marshall. 
 19 — John E. Andrew, Monticello. 
 20 — John Schultz, Beardstown. 
 21— John H. Caldwell, Springfield. 
 22— Milton M. Sharp, Greenville. 
 23 — Beverly W. Henry, Vandalia. 
 24 — John W. Thomason, Louisville. 
 25 — Miles Frederick Gilbert, Cairo. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC ELECTORS OF 1932 
 
 The list of Democratic presidential electors from Illinois, the 
 Roosevelt-Garner ticket, in 1932, was headed by that well-known and 
 popular Cook county leader, Martin Durkin. 
 
 The complete list was : 
 
 At Large 
 
 Martin Durkin, Chicago; W. H. Hollarick, Spring Valley; Mrs. W. 
 S. Hefferan, Chicago ; Alexander Wilson, Cairo. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 399 
 
 Congressional Districts 
 
 1 — George O'Connell, Chicago. 
 
 2 — William Powers, Chicago. 
 
 3 — Judge John J. Sullivan, Chicago. 
 
 4 — Patrick McGuire, Chicago. 
 
 5 — Moses Rosenburg, Chicago. 
 
 6 — John A. Cervenka, Chicago. 
 
 7 — Harry Kohl, Chicago. 
 
 8 — James Ryan, Chicago. 
 
 9 — Col. A. A. Sprague, Chicago. 
 10 — Clarence N. Goodwin, Lake' Forest. 
 11 — John A. Logan, Elgin. 
 12 — Walter K. Scherer, Ottawa. 
 13— William Steel, Dixon. 
 14 — Marx M. Harder, Rock Island. 
 15 — Robert F. Rennie, Canton. 
 16 — Michael Fahy, Toluca. 
 17— C. S. Schneider, Paxton. 
 18— J. H. Elliot, Danville. 
 19— A. L. Yantis, Shelbyville. 
 20 — A. D. Cullinane, Havana. 
 21— S. P. Preston, Gillespie. 
 22 — Judge W. A. Trares, Edwardsville. 
 23— David L. Wright, Effingham. 
 24— Ben F. Wineland, Flora. 
 25 — W. B. Johnson, Benton. 
 
HENRY HORNER 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 403 
 
 HENRY HORNER LEADS 
 DEMOCRACY OF ILLINOIS 
 TO IMPRESSIVE VICTORY 
 
 The campaign of 1932 is so recent that it may be classed as con- 
 temporaneous news, rather than history. 
 
 Some two months after the adjournment of the Chicago convention, 
 candidates of both national and state tickets commenced extensive 
 speaking tours. 
 
 Roosevelt spoke to huge throngs in Chicago and Springfield, while, 
 everywhere his train halted, many hundreds awaited the opportunity 
 to see and to hear him — if only for a few words. 
 
 Henry Horner, William H. Dieterich and the other nominees spoke 
 in many cities, and made favorable impression on such voters as 
 previously had not met them. 
 
 The closing downstate rally, at the Springfield state arsenal, was 
 addressed by Senator Walsh, of Massachusetts, Bruce A. Campbell, 
 Michael L. Igoe and all the nominees. 
 
 Quite early in the campaign, indeed from the very start, it had been 
 apparent that a smashing Democratic victory was in sight. 
 
 An eleventh-hour speaking trip of President Herbert Hoover was 
 tried in a desperate effort to check the Democratic swing. 
 
 He followed Franklin Roosevelt at Springfield and other cities, but 
 his effort to stop the inevitable was of little effect, although he succeeded 
 in getting a larger vote than some of the state candidates, on the ticket 
 with him, received. 
 
 JUDGE HORNER LED ALL 
 
 Official tabulation of the vote of November 8, 1932, showed that 
 Judge Henry Horner, for governor, had received the largest vote of any 
 candidate, 1,930,330. He carried 73 of the 102 counties, for a plurality 
 of 566,287. 
 
404 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 The Roosevelt-Garner electional ticket carried 84 counties, but by 
 an aggregate plurality less than that of the governor, 449,548 votes. 
 
 William H. Dieterich achieved a plurality of 198,625 votes by carry- 
 ing 74 counties. 
 
 Other pluralities and number of counties carried were : 
 
 For lieutenant governor — Thomas F. Donovan, 242,132. Counties 
 carried, 71. 
 
 For secretary of state — Edward J. Hughes, 59,148. Counties car- 
 ried, 61. 
 
 For auditor of public accounts — Edward J. Barrett, 298,356. Coun- 
 ties carried, 70. 
 
 For state treasurer — John C. Martin, 128,728. Counties carried, 69. 
 
 For attorney general — Otto Kerner, 184,245. Counties carried, 67. 
 
 For clerk of supreme court — Adam F. Bloch, 182,609. Counties 
 carried, 70. 
 
 For congressmen-at-large — Martin A. Brennan, of Bloomington, 
 had a plurality of 254,043, and Walter Ne'sbit, of Belleville, one of 
 233,969. 
 
 Pluralities of the nominees of the Democratic party for trustees of 
 the University of Illinois were : 
 
 Dr. Karl A. Meyer, Chicago, 399,918. 
 
 Mrs. Nellie D. Freeman, Mattoon, 264,139. 
 
 O. M. Karraker, Harrisburg, 237,499. 
 
 The Democracy of Illinois and of the nation had triumphed ! 
 
 DEMOCRATIC CONGRESSMEN 
 
 Congressional nominees, either elected or re-elected were : 
 
 Edward A. Kelly, Chicago. 
 
 Harry P. Beam, Chicago. 
 
 Adolph J. Sabath, Chicago. 
 
 Thomas J. Bryan, Chicago. 
 
 Leonard W. Schuetz, Chicago. 
 
 Leo Kocialkowski, Chicago. 
 
 Chester Thompson, Rock Island. 
 
 J. LeRoy Adair, Quincy. 
 
 Frank Gillespie, Bloomington. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 405 
 
 James A. Meeks, Danville. 
 
 Donald C. Dobbins, Champaign. 
 
 Henry T. Rainey, Carrollton. 
 
 J. Earl Major, Hillsboro. 
 
 Edwin M. Schaefer, Belleville. 
 
 William W. Arnold, Robinson. 
 
 Claude V. Parsons, Goleonda. 
 
 Kent E. Keller, Ava. 
 
 Perhaps, the most unusual incident in connection with the congres- 
 sional election, was in the case of Edwin M. Schaefer, in the twenty- 
 second district, who was named on the very eve of election, through the 
 untimely death of Congressman Charles A. Karch, of East St. Louis, 
 who again was the party nominee. 
 
 It was necessary to have hurriedly prepared stickers to get his 
 name on the ballot. 
 
 Yet he won by 38,186 plurality, carrying all five counties. 
 
 Of those elected that November Tuesday, Henry T. Rainey was 
 made speaker of the house, but died, in St. Louis, before the end of his 
 term. 
 
 J. Earl Major resigned early in his term to become U. S. District 
 Judge at Springfield, and his seat was left vacant until the general 
 election of 1934, at which Harry H. Mason, popular editor of Pawnee, 
 and who was serving as treasurer of Sangamon county, was elected. 
 
 At that same November, 1934 election, the talented Scott W. Lucas 
 of Havana, was chosen successor to Henry T. Rainey, as member from 
 the twentieth district. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 407 
 
 JUDICIAL ELECTIONS 
 
 OF JUNE, 1933 WERE FIRST 
 
 OPPORTUNITY FOR VERDICT 
 
 The June elections of 1933, for judges of the supreme and circuit 
 courts, assumed added importance by virtue of the fact that it was the 
 first opportunity given the voters of Illinois to pass judgment on the 
 Roosevelt and Horner administrations. 
 
 Endorsement of those administrations was emphatically given. 
 
 Every Democratic nominee for the supreme bench was elected, in- 
 cluding Elwyn R. Shaw, who had to overcome a normal Republican 
 majority of great proportions. 
 
 The late distinguished Frederick R. De Young of Chicago, elected 
 that year, had been a lifelong Republican, but chose to make the race on 
 the Democratic ticket. 
 
 For the first time in many generations, the supreme judicial trib- 
 unal of Illinois now has a membership most of which is Democratic. 
 
 Personnel of the court now is : 
 
 First district — Paul Farthing, Belleville. 
 
 Second district — Norman L. Jones, Carrollton. 
 
 Third district — Lott R. Herrick, Farmer City. 
 
 Fourth district — Warren H. Orr, Rock Island. 
 
 Fifth district — Clyde E. Stone, Peoria. 
 
 Sixth district — Elwyn R. Shaw, Freeport. 
 
 The seventh district vacancy, caused by the untimely passing of 
 Justice De Young, has not yet been filled. 
 
 Norman L. Jones is chief justice. 
 
 Justice Stone is the only Republican member of the court, and was 
 a holdover in the last election, as was Justice Warren H. Orr. 
 
 In addition to the seven supreme justices, elected in 1933, nearly 
 every Democratic nominee for circuit court judge was successful. 
 
I— I 
 
 n 
 i— i 
 
 PQ 
 
 O 
 
 i— i 
 Ph 
 
 «l 
 
 o 
 
 I— I 
 
 o 
 
 I— I 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 411 
 
 COURAGE AND HUMANITARIANISM 
 
 DISTINGUISHING FEATURES OF 
 PRESENT STATE ADMINISTRATION 
 
 No man ever assumed the office of president of the United States — 
 not even excepting Washington or Lincoln — confronted with more 
 serious or more immediate difficulties than those that confronted Frank- 
 lin Delano Roosevelt in March, 1933. 
 
 Millions on millions of unemployed were clamoring for the bare 
 necessities of life for themselves and their families. 
 
 Private credit and, in some measure, public credit, were at ex- 
 tremely low ebb. 
 
 Bank after bank had failed, or was being kept alive by the pulmotor 
 of federal funds. 
 
 In nearly every state, virtually every banking institution had closed 
 its doors, or was getting ready so to do. 
 
 The moratorium declared by President Roosevelt and the many 
 other measures taken by him at the beginning of his term, are too 
 well-known to the reader of today to need elaboration. 
 
 TRUE ALSO IN ILLINOIS 
 
 Hardly less difficult than the conditions which confronted Franklin 
 Roosevelt, were those which Henry Horner had to face, as he and his 
 fellow members of the Illinois Democracy, had been sworn into office, 
 several weeks before the Roosevelt inauguration, on January 9, 1933. 
 
 Indeed, in several respects, the problems of Henry Horner, while, 
 of course, less in volume, were more difficult even than those of the 
 national executive. 
 
 Here in our own Illinois, a long succession of bank suspensions and 
 bank failures had followed each other in rapid succession, for many 
 months before the Horner administration took the reins of government. 
 
412 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Here, too, private and public credit were at low ebb. 
 
 Within the weeks immediately preceding inauguration day, the 
 financial stringency had been emphasized by the failure of supposedly 
 impregnable banks at Springfield, Quincy, Jacksonville and other cen- 
 ters of population. 
 
 In Illinois, the serious economic condition had been intensified by 
 the failure of many large insurance companies, and by long-continued 
 and, at times, bloody internal strife between rival coal miner organi- 
 zations. 
 
 WITH CHARACTERISTIC FEARLESSNESS 
 
 With characteristic fearlessness, Governor Horner promptly took 
 steps in an effort to bring order out of chaos. 
 
 That he was not able to bring peace to the coal fields of Illinois, 
 certainly was due to no fault of his. 
 
 But, by immediate and drastic steps, he was able to save the great 
 insurance structure of Illinois, which meant so much to so many thou- 
 sands of policy holders. 
 
 He was able, too, to save the credit of the state. 
 
 And, in his brave steps in these and other directions, he had the 
 cordial support of the men who, on that same January day, had been 
 sworn in with him. 
 
 The fine work of Edward J. Barrett, immediately after his induc- 
 tion and continued since, has saved millions of dollars to the bank 
 depositors of Illinois. 
 
 DEATH OF GREAT MAYOR 
 
 Very early in its term, the new Democratic administration sustained 
 unusual and deep personal loss in the tragic passing of that really great 
 mayor of our greatest city. 
 
 The victim of that terrible drama of Miami, Florida, in February, 
 1933, when Anton J. Cermak received the bullet that had been intended 
 for Franklin Roosevelt, will live long in the hearts of the people of the 
 state he had served so well. 
 
 The courage of the man, so often shown in life, never more clearly 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 413 
 
 was exemplified than in his brave and patient fearlessness in the face 
 of death. 
 
 Other unusual incidents of the first half of the Horner term, have 
 included the partial destruction of the state house by fire, on the very 
 eve of the assembling of the state constitutional convention to vote 
 repeal of the 18th amendment, and the total loss of its neighboring state 
 arsenal, through the act of a delinquent boy. 
 
 COURAGE AND HUMAN BROTHERHOOD 
 
 History correctly may lie written only in retrospect. 
 
 Then- is merit in the contention of the British writer of history — 
 the Irish writer, to be more correct! — Justin McCarthy the Elder, when 
 he said that the true story of no administration well can be told until 
 the end thereof. 
 
 The present Democratic administration of Illinois still has many 
 months to run — probably many years! 
 
 But, when the final curtain is rung down, judging by what already 
 lias been accomplished, that administration will pass into history as 
 one of the best and bravest and most humanitarian of any that Illinois 
 ever had known. 
 
 Henry Horner never yet has sacrificed wise government to popular 
 favor. 
 
 He knew that, judged by the standard of mere applause, the occu- 
 pation, or sales tax, would prove unpopular with many — especially 
 downstate. 
 
 But he also knew that the hungry had to be fed, and the naked 
 clothed, and the homeless sheltered, so he put his every force back of that 
 measure, regardless of what the political effect might be. 
 
 ANTIDOTE FOR INTOLERANCE 
 
 But, perhaps, when the present or some future historian writes the 
 full story of the administration of Henry Horner and of his associates, 
 he will give first place to the fact that the wisdom and courage of that 
 administration, coupled with the fine personal attributes of its members, 
 went far to eradicate that inexcusable spirit of religious and racial 
 intolerance, which should have had no place either in Illinois or in any 
 other section of this great republic of ours. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 415 
 
 VICTORY OF ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 MADE COMPLETE BY RETURNS OF 
 
 NOVEMBER, 1934 ELECTION 
 
 For its nominees in the 1934 campaign, the Illinois Democracy chose 
 the following ticket: 
 
 For congressmen-at-large — Michael L. Igoe, Chicago, and Martin 
 A. Brennan, Bloomington. 
 
 For state treasurer — John H. Stelle, McLeansboro. 
 
 For superintendent of public instruction — John A. Wieland, Calu- 
 met City. 
 
 Against these candidates, the Republicans enlisted some of their 
 strongest available timber. 
 
 The hitherto unbeaten Francis G. Blair, was again named for the 
 office in which he had come to be looked on as a "fixed institution," 
 having served as superintendent of public instruction continuously since 
 January 10, 1907. 
 
 C. Wayland Brooks, of Chicago, and Milton Jones, of Williamsville, 
 were the Republican nominees for congressmen-at-large. 
 
 For that same office, Walter Nesbit, of Belleville, former Democratic 
 congressman, but who had been defeated in the April, 1934 primary 
 election by Mr. Igoe, ran on the Progressive ticket. 
 
 While the vote downstate was quite close, the Democratic nominees 
 swept Cook county and were victorious by pluralities above the 300,000 
 mark. 
 
 The victory of the Illinois Democracy thus was made complete. 
 
 For the first time since 1856, Democrats were in every elective state 
 office. 
 
 This "unanimous condition" was far more pronounced than in the 
 Altgeld and Dunne eras, for then the Republicans had succeeded in 
 
416 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 holding on to a majority of the supreme court justices and a few other 
 official places. 
 
 The Roosevelt and Horner administrations, endorsed in 1933, thus 
 again had been endorsed in 1934. 
 
 REVERSING A GOOD STORY 
 
 Following one of the many and quite frequent Republican land- 
 slides of earlier years, "Uncle" Joseph G. Cannon, of Danville, standing 
 in front of the Leland hotel in Springfield, had said to the writer of 
 this history: 
 
 "Young man, the Democratic party is all right ! It is one of the best 
 organizations I know of, so long as it keeps out of politics." 
 
 The condition depicted by that "Joe" Cannon story was "in re- 
 verse" with the final touches of that November, 1934 election. 
 
 The Republican party now may be all right "so long as it keeps 
 out of politics." 
 
 And that party seems out of politics for the time being, at least — 
 so far as Illinois is concerned. 
 
 But the author of this history has seen his own Illinois Democracy 
 buried so often and so deep, that he knows by experience that it never 
 is safe to conclude that even a corpse will remain in that condition. 
 
 BRUCE CAMPBELL STATE CHAIRMAN 
 
 That great leader of the downstate Democracy, Bruce A. Campbell, 
 of Belleville, succeeded that other leader who so long had served his 
 party, Thomas F. Donovan, of Joliet, as chairman of the state central 
 committee, at the beginning of the 1934 campaign. 
 
 Daniel Sullivan, executive auditor to the governor, became secre- 
 tary to the central body in succession to Edward P. Allen, of Quincy, 
 who was made vice chairman. 
 
 Personnel of the committee, by congressional districts, is : 
 1 — John J. Coughlin, Chicago. 
 2 — Daniel Sullivan, Chicago. 
 3 — David M. Hickey, Chicago. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 417 
 
 4 — Patrick G. McGuire, Chicago. 
 
 5 — Leo J. Slaski, Chicago. 
 
 6 — Richard M. Sullivan, Chicago. 
 
 7 — Joseph F. Higgins, Chicago. 
 
 8 — Stephen R. Carynski, Chicago. 
 
 9 — Edmond L. Mulcahy, Chicago. 
 10 — John P. Dougherty, Chicago. 
 11 — Thomas F. Donovan, Joliet. 
 12— Dr. A. B. Culhane, Rockford. 
 13 — Sherwood Dixon, Dixon. 
 14 — J. W. Clendenin, Monmouth. 
 15— Edward P. Allen, Quincy. 
 16 — J. Earl Houston, Peoria. (Since Deceased). 
 17 — C. Everett Smith, Lincoln. 
 18 — Norman Bennett, Marshall. 
 19— J. W. Yantis, Shelby ville. 
 20— Joseph E. Knight, Dow. 
 21 — Harry B. Hershey, Taylorville. 
 22 — Bruce A. Campbell, Belleville. 
 23 — John Kasserman, Newton. 
 24— Ivan A. Elliot, Carmi. 
 25 — A. M. Carter, Murphysboro. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 419 
 
 THE FINAL CHAPTER 
 
 And so, for the present at least, this humble historian lays aside 
 his pen. 
 
 His has been an arduous task, and one that no man, nor set of 
 men, could do without some errors — perhaps many of them ! — creeping 
 into the pages. 
 
 He knows — as he has known from the beginning — that there will 
 be many and, perhaps, well-justified criticisms of his work, not only 
 from the standpoint of commission, but of ommission. 
 
 From this last mentioned standpoint, he pleads guilty in advance: 
 for fully a hundred additional chapters of the brave story of the Illinois 
 Democracy well might be written if space permitted. 
 
 Some, too, will be disposed to question the wisdom of giving so 
 much attention, and at so many hours of research, to the conventions 
 and personnel of that which we call "the Democratic state central com- 
 mittee." 
 
 The author's answer to these will be that all history has shown 
 that no political party ever can be stronger, nor more enduring, than 
 the organization back of it. 
 
 This especially is true of a political party that has had to know 
 the long years of defeat that Illinois Democracy has had to know and 
 endure. 
 
 Without the stamina and the patient courage of its successive state 
 organizations, in years of emptiness, the Democracy of Illinois never 
 could have continued on to reap the harvest of well-earned victory. 
 
 AN EXPRESSION OF THANKS 
 
 Nor would this closing chapter be complete without expression of 
 thanks to the' many that have helped : 
 
 To that advisory board of distinguished members of the Illinois 
 Democracy, the head of which board, Speaker Henry T. Rainey, of 
 
420 ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 Carrollton, and that oilier very helpful member, Judge Frank W. Bur- 
 ton, of Carlinville, were removed by death, long before the work was 
 finished ! 
 
 To the memory of "Mel" Traylor, whose cheering encouragement 
 aided so much at its very inception ! 
 
 To the United States senators from Illinois and to the many Illinois 
 Democratic members of the lower house! 
 
 To members of the state administration! 
 
 To Mrs. George E. Brennan! 
 
 To Mayor Edward J. Kelly, of Chicago! 
 
 To Dallman and Slane and Kern and to so many other members of 
 the press ! 
 
 To Miss Ellen M. Rourke ! 
 
 To members of the state central committee ! 
 
 To so many chairmen of the county committees of the Illinois 
 Democracy ! 
 
 To Judge Lawrence B. Stringer, of Lincoln ! 
 
 To Judge Lawrence E. Stone, of Springfield! 
 
 To William M. Hairgrove, of Jacksonville ! 
 
 To these and to the numerous others who have aided by friendly 
 counsel and cooperation — and in other ways — the author extends his 
 lasting thanks ! 
 
 And, whatever, or how numerous the faults of this history may be, 
 it has, at least, been a labor of love! 
 
 THE FUTURE OF ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 
 
 We know what the decades that have passed have held for our 
 party, but we may not know what the decades yet to come may hold. 
 
 It would be trite to write that "the future of the Illinois Democracy 
 is in its own hands!" 
 
 But it would not be altogether true! 
 
 There need be little doubt that present Democratic holders of office 
 in Illinois, whether it be of state, or county, or ciy, will administer 
 public affairs in a manner to merit the approval of the people whose 
 servants they are. 
 
ILLINOIS DEMOCRACY 421 
 
 But history has shown, as pointed out in earlier chapter, that the 
 success of Democratic tickets in Illinois always has depended on the 
 success of the national tickets in carrying our state. 
 
 The immediate future of the Illinois Democracy therefore, more 
 truthfully may be said to rest with that fine figure at Washington, that 
 best-loved man in all the w 7 orld, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. 
 
 That he may succeed in the tremendous task to which he has con- 
 secrated himself is, the author believes, not only the hope and prayer 
 of the Illinois Democracy, but of every thoughtful citizen, regardless of 
 party, in all this vast nation, the destinies of which rest so largely on 
 his shoulders! 
 
 ITS ETERNAL WATCHWORD 
 
 But, whatever the future may hold in store for the Democracy of 
 Illinois, this at least is certain: 
 
 It will meet whatever may befall in characteristic patience and 
 wisdom. 
 
 For, in victory and in defeat, the face of the Democracy of Illinois 
 ever has been toward the future — its watchwords ' 'FAITH AND 
 COURAGE." 
 
^xCH^S* 
 

 PS$!