34 » . OUR NATIONAL FINANCES.- No. 11 . A REVIEW OF TIIR /i Fancies, Fallacies, Mistakes, Inconsisti'iicies, and Fundamental Errors ^ ^ CONTAINED IN TDK mm OF TOE SECSETHIi! OF THE TRESSyO!, ■ (iOVEllNMFJ'f I’Al’lill llOXliY, ITS EFFECTS, &c,, etc. . THE CONSTITUTIONAL QUESTION."" FREIi TRADE AND RROTECTION. ENGLAND AND FRANCE-SOME ADVICE FOR JOHN BULL. PRESIDENT JOHNSON’S VIEWS ON THE FINANCES. ETT AND THE HERALD. THE UNION TATvTy. “THE PARTY OF. THE FUTURE,” &c., &c. BY A PATRIOT. NEWYOUK; . ' PRIN'TF.n FOR THE AUTHOR BY R.MeER * GOinVIN-. Dec. 21), ISii.'i, t ' 353..H x:/^. :Ou7 OUR NATIONAL FINANCES. A REVIEW OF THE 0f i\t ^etrrfarg 0f i\t Creaswrg. -- One of the first impressions made upon the mind in reading the Re¬ port of the Secretary of the Treasury, and that of the Comptroller of the Currency, is of alarm—the fearful array of figures, which add up to some three thousand millions of dollars; and this is increased when we read their recommendation to fund this entire and enormous sum into gold- bearing bonds, the annual interest of which will amount to $180,000,000 per annum. This, in connection with what we learn in the Comptroller’s Report, that our imports, including payments of interest have, in the past three years, exceeded by 1300,000,000 those of our exports, which is just so much increase to our foreign debt, which amounts to other hundreds of millions of dollars. In attempting to reconcile our understanding with the views of the Secretary of the Treasury, and discover a way out of this laby¬ rinth of indebtedness, and, if possible, agree with him in the policy recommended of curtailing the currency, and to increase the annual interest fifty millions of dollars, and instead of paying a portion of the interest in currency, to pay the whole sum in gold— and -when we recollect that there is over twelve hundred millions of national securities falling due, and to be provided for almost im¬ mediately; that he proposes to raise for the expenses of the Govern¬ ment and on the interest account, and $200,000,000 for the reduction of the public debt, in all some $600,000,000, a sum four-fold greater than all the specie in the country ; that there are 1,600 National Banks, which will soon have out a circulation of three hundred millions^ and that they owe their depositors some $1,000,000,000 additional— “ Patriot ” was obliged to confess, to his limited understanding, the ideas and arguments of Mr. McCulloch of the practicability of soon returning 2 to specie payments, and the advisability and desirability of funding the Government money and reducing the circulating medium, was prepos¬ terous, and, under the circumstances, absolutely impossible, unless at the expense of the complete bankruptcy, both of National, State and private interests; and especially absurd did the whole scheme appear, when we took into consideration the enormous sums of money that are absolutely required to move and raise our vast crops and to transact our truly tre¬ mendous internal trade and commerce, to say nothing of our very great and rapidly increasing manufacturing, railroad, and private interests. As well undertake to draw a mountain with a mouse. We are aware that the Press have generally spoken of the Re¬ port as a very able State paper: when they have leisure to examine it more fully, we believe they will modify their opinion. We propose to examine it in detail, but necessarily very briefly ; and we regret we are unable to agree with the views and arguments of the Secretary, and are obliged to oppose a member of the Administration, which we, to the best of our ability, assisted to office. FUNDAMENTAL ERRORS. The great error that Mr. McCulloch and thousands of others make, is in supposing that what is called a redundancy of the currency inflates prices, and that “ excessive issues disturb values.” Another and more pernicious error, and one closely connected with this unsound theory, is, that shinplasters, in the form of circulating notes, have the same stand¬ ing and effect as real money as the paper money coined by the United States Government and secured by the entire property of the people within the jurisdiction of Government. It is upon these false premises and unsound reasoning they base arguments and make a comparison of the effects of a paper-promise of individuals—private or associate—with the money of a great and mighty Nation. The one is a fraud, or of such suspicious character as to be suspected; the other has the confidence of the people of the entire Nation, who believe it is as good as gold. There is no comparison—that is, a fair one—that can be drawn from the effects of these two descriptions of cur¬ rency, unless the truth is stated and acknowledged, that the one is un¬ stable and is forced off as soon as received, or exchanged for property, regardless of price, and is liable to be rendered worthless by a para¬ graph—perhaps a false one—in a newspaper; the other cannot be affected, for it is known to be good beyond any contingency, and is kept and hoarded until required to purchase articles needed, and will not be parted with except it can be exchanged at fair rates. 3 Mr. McCulloch supposes what he calls excessive issues of the United States Currency have caused an excessive increase in values. This we believe to be a mistaken idea. He is confirmed in these views by the knowledge that if the Government can be induced to destroy the Treasury notes many articles would be reduced to one-half of their present price. This would be no criterion of their real value—it would only be taking advantage of the people’s necessities, and compel them to dispose of property for less than its actual worth. Hay, an article of prime necessity, was sold last season at forty dollars per ton, and it was charged by the Bullionists it was in conse¬ quence of the “ excessive issues of a debauched and inflated currency.” At present it can be purchased at twelve dollars, and if Mr. McCulloch should issue five hundred millions of additional Treasury Notes, it would not increase a penny a ton. It is impossible to inflate the price of hay this season. Why ? Because there was a large crop, and the quantity is in excess of the demand. There is at present a scarcity of pork in Europe, and bacon, &:c., rule high in foreign markets. There is also a scarcity in the South, and in consequence, pork is dear in New York. Paper money has no effect upon the price, excepting the premium on gold has the effect of increas¬ ing the exports and reducing the quantity ^in the home market. Previous to the issue of the Treasury Notes one-half at least of the people were without constant employment, and too poor, except occa¬ sionally, to eat pork, and were obliged to subsist upon potatoes and veg¬ etables, and not unfrequently had a short supply of them. At present they have both work and money, and consume large quantities of bacon, ham, &c. In 1863, there was a short crop of corn, in consequence of an early frost. In 1864, there was a light crop in consequence of a severe drouth, and corn in those two years was very dear. This season the country has been blessed with a bountiful crop, and corn commands only a fair price, and is constantly falling, and unless there is an increased demand in Europe and better prices, and unless the premium on gold increases, corn will be ruinously low. Mr. McCulloch can only affect the price by breaking the country, when the people would use it again, as formerly, for fuel—he cannot increase the price by issuing United States Treasury Notes. Oats are as cheap at the present as they ever should be, if it is desirable to pay the farmer a fair compensation for his labor. ' If the gentlemen financiers do not believe this, let them make the experiment of raising oats, corn, or potatoes at present prices. There is a short 4 crop of wheat, and flour brings a' good price, but we should not forget it sells in Chicago at five and six dollars per barrel, and retails in New York at twelve and fifteen dollars per barrel. There is great com¬ plaint because beef is dear. We cut the following from a Chicago paper: The Chicago Live Stock Reporter^ of November 24, gives quotations showing a steady decline in that month of beef cattle. Steers averaging 11 cwt. sold at $6 to 16.12J per cwt. “All our most important buyers are doing nothing, patiently waiting for the downfall of prices, vdiich they predict must soon take place.” Good smooth stock and butcher’s stores sell at $5 to 15.50, and low grades at $3.80 to $4.37^, and busi¬ ness very dull. But we are told beef is enormously high. Yes, it is; but the farmer who raises it does not get an enormous price. It goes into the coffers of rich railroad corporations. Our rulers and editors would display more wisdom if they should exert themselves to decrease the profits of railroads rather than to decrease those of the agriculturists, which do not even in these “ extravagant'’’^ times, pay on an average two and a-half per cent, on the capital invested, and fifty cents per day for the labor of the farmer. For the truth of this we appeal to every intelligent Congressman, or to Horace Greeley, William Cullen Bryant, or I^bnry Ward Beecher, who are farmers, economists, and doubtless keep correct accounts of receipts and expendi¬ tures. We, of course, should object to estimating the rise in the value of their, farms, for that, of course, in consequence of inflation, is fictitious, “a delusion and sham.” Will not these gentlemen favor the public with the statistics, proving that they are making fortunes from farming, and that their newspaper and publishing, preaching and lecturing business, does not pay, in consequence of the “ plethoric and inflated state of the currency.” Rents are high. Mr. McCulloch charges it is in consequence of an ex¬ cessive and depreciated currency. W e deny it. If there was one thousand houses and five hundred stores in excess in New York, rents would im¬ mediately fall from twenty-five to fifty per cent. If one thousand men in this city wish to purchase houses, and there are only five hundred for sale, the price would be ‘■^exorbitant but if there are only five hundred men who wish to buy, and there were fifteen hundred houses to sell, the prices would be “ruinously” low. The emigration from Europe the last season, drawn here by our high prices for labor, has been immense, and houses are scarce and rents dear. “Patriot'’’’ and others have long since exploded the ridiculous fallacies 5 of the desiructionists, that the Legal Tender Treasury Notes have given a ficticious value to property, and if the officials of the Government would dismount from their high steeds and come down among the peo¬ ple, they would learn many things which they now seem to be igno¬ rant of. The Treasury Notes have been called a “ cheat,” “ a fraud,” a “ delusion,” &c. This is false. The people gladly received them in exchange for property in a time of suspension of specie payments, and did not expect to receive gold for them until it was convenient for the Govern¬ ment to redeem them in coin. There was no deception or a particle of fraud in the transaction; and, what is important in the premises, is the undeniable fact that seven-eighths of all the real estate in the United States can be purchased to-day for a price that will not exceed the price demanded for it previous'to the suspension. THE GREAT CALAMITIES OF 1837 AND 1857. Mr. McCulloch writes extensively upon these two periods, and uses them as precedents to base arguments upon to prove the dangers of ex¬ cessive circulation—a plethora of currency, as it is termed by the Bul- lionists. To an intelligent mind which has carefully studied the philosophy of affairs during and just previous to these two periods, it is evident it was not an excess of currency, but the fault was in the quality rather than the quantity., for we believe there never yet has been more than one-half of the requisite amount of money in circulation to properly pro¬ pel the energies of the people and develop the resources of the country. Mr. McCulloch states as follows: The great expansion of 1835 and 1836, ending with the terrible finan¬ cial collapse of 1837, from the effects of which the country did not rally for years, was the consequence of excessive bank circulation and dis¬ counts, and an abuse of the credit system, stimulated in the first place by Government deposits with the State banks, and swelled by currency and credits, until, under the wild spirit of speculation which pervaded the country- * ^ ^ ^ % % % It is admitted that on a coin basis there will be periods of expansion. Times of the greatest expansion and speculation in the United States have been, indeed, when the banks were nominally paying specie. This was the case prior to the revulsions of 1837 and 1857, the expansion of credits having, in both instances, preceded suspension; but this does not militate against the theory just stated. The Secretary frankly admits that: Now, in both these instances the expansions occurred while the busi¬ ness of the country was upon a specie basis, but it was only nominally so. A false system of credits had intervened, under which payments 6 were deferred, and specie as a measure of value and a regulator of trade was practically ignored. Everything moved smoothly and apparently prosperously as long as credits could, be established and continued, but as soon as payments were demanded and specie was in requisition, dis¬ trust commenced, and collapse ensued. In these instances the expan¬ sions preceded and contractions followed the suspensions; but it will be recollected that while the waves were-rising specie ceased to be a regu¬ lator, by reason of a credit system which prevented the use of it. Let us for a few moments revert to the periods spoken of. General Jackson, knowing very little of the practical workings of monetary affairs, and being influenced by Van Buren, Marcy & Co., who were the leaders of the Albany Regency, and the heads of the system known as the Safety Fund System, and assisted by Mr. Benton and his bullionist followers, inaugurated a crusade against^ the paper money of the old United States Bank, which was frequently over par for gold, and destroyed that institution, and established a host of banks with the de¬ posits from the United States Treasury—about their only real capital. This was followed by the “ Safety Fund,” “ andTUiM Gaif,” things called banks, and the country was flooded with their shin- plasters. When a man asked for discounts, the question was not how much he was worth, but how much interest would he pay ? As this money cost nothing and was really good for nothing, it was loaned to irresponsible men and upon the security of 'paper cities, and, of course, the first flurry or demand for gold, they toppled over and vanished like the men of straw 'and the paper cities they were founded upon. Mr. McCulloch’s statistical exhibit is all we require to show the cause of the ruin and bankruptcy of 1837 which devastated the country. In the year 1835 the circulating medium of the whole country was— . . . . . . . 1103,692,495 In 1836,. 140,301,338 In 1837,. 140,135,891 This amount, instead of being excessive, was not half sufficient for the requirements of the country, providing it had been sound, well- secured paper money. Of these unsecured bills put afloat, nearly two- thirds proved entirely worthless, for as late as 1843 the amount of paper money in circulation was only $58,564,600.. The banks had swindled the people of nearly $100,000,000, the effect produced by the Demo¬ cratic party under Van Buren & Co., who were continually tinkering the currency. Gold was extremely scarce ; the cause we will soon explain, or let the Secretary do so ; — there was only about two dollars, in currency, per capita in the country. This shows us the reason why there was a “ terrible calamity,” and prices and values were wiped out.” y 7 It was caused by contraction, not expansion—will any sane man deny ? If we had wise men at the time in Washington, at the head of the Gov¬ ernment, and they had come to the relief of the people and country, as was their duty and privilege, and issued promptly $200 or $300,000,000 of Treasury Notes, the calamity would have been averted. Bullionists and Benton prevailed, and destruction and the Destructioniststriumphe The same was very nearly repeated, and caused the revulsion in 1857 and ’58. In the interim the country, in spite of this discourag¬ ing and disastrous state of affairs, increased in wealth, the storm was allayed by the Free Banking System, and currency in the State of New York which the people valued just as highly during the suspension of specie payments as they did before, knowing every dollar was secured by State stocks safely lodged with the State Government. No, these fearful calamities were not caused by excessive issues of paper money, but by the use, repudiation and non-payment of a miser¬ able, worthless imitation or stuff called money, put in circulation by men who believe as Mr. McCulloch does—that it is unconstitutional for the Government to issue paper money. It was the absence of money that caused the suspension of business, travel, manufactures and public improvements, and covered the land with a pall of poverty and distress. The Secretary fails to discover any of the ten thousand evils that have been inflicted upon the country by vicious legislation. The terrible , that haunt him continually, and will not down at his bidding, are Excessive issues ” and “ Inflations. Paper money is made the scape¬ goat on which the sins and enormities of the sham-democracy are packed and taken into the wilderness for interment. And Mr. McCulloch is act¬ ing in the joint capacity of undertaker, chief mourner, and funeral orator; and, like most preachers, endeavors to bury the sins of the deceased with the body. It is a remarkable exhibition to witness the old line Whigs marching in the procession as pall-bearers, and praying the defunct may have a resurrection. Short crops, the effects of war, slavery, free trade, bad legislation, are mere trifles in the estimation of the Secretary—not worth mentioning. Government Paper Money is the great and cruel monster that is treading the people under foot, and must be destroyed. If this is true or wise statesmanship, then Patriot is in his dotage. SOMETHING ABOUT FREE TRADE. There is an ominous silence in the report of the Treasurer upon the subject of Protection and Free Trade. We are not surprised; for pro- 8 an amount that is barely suffilnt^rTh^ nL“S of and there is none left to manufacture with “ (government , , brandies, wines, diamonds, foys' ariTiLr^ElpTs' for T’ ■Z:: orals, and especially upon the Lterest of tf ^ live souls who believe in firsrn purchase very c/^eap—those pious b..»,»,,d „ r"“jL”°S' Secretary ignores the subject of Protection and thl a ! Sif :L";irA r ‘~.'r=::: been examining. He says : ^ penocl of time we have and againstTh^ United'^Statl,^^^ aTso in^fafo''™f tlf' of the seaboard and against the interior hut a ^ commercial cities prevented the promptlettlerent Xlances large credits abroad, by means of whieh th ' importers established able terms to jobbers. The jobbers in turn'w^ *° give favor- accommodations from the banks ‘“’">.'vcre thus, and by liberal country merchants, wl“ tur*^ “‘heir own time” to credit. It then seemed to be more re lutable «" “n indefinite earn it, and pleasanter, and annarentl^mn ‘’’an to to work; and so the people^Li heldh^nl-® profitaby to speculate than production fell off and ruin followed ^ “hor decreased, the unhealthy extmision of fte vaHous forms of** . case the evil had not been long at work ^ ‘’'‘® not been seriously diminished the reaction th Pyj^a®‘’ve industry had waStUot general, nor were the embarrassment! r^^ing fttf 7^!-’ brokttrjll'eforL^L'Crt^^ of the Albany Regency, the country until it could barely^sfand Th"* p*”** ^***'“’ very vitals. Then came Oi n R ' i. Pierce Pierced it in its out of existence The Sec 1™"’ " ‘ho ”ation Th.« m.. „d ,|,.|, ^ 9 custom-houses, and foreign goods, liquors, segars, &c., flowed in upon us in full streams, drowning our young and weak manufacturers, and drained us of our gold and of our best Internal Improvement and State Bonds. ‘ With the aid of a large foreign emigration, giving us fresh, courage- , ous blood, and bringing large sums of gold, and the fortunate and provi¬ dential discovery of the mines in California, and with the aid of the admirable free banking system of the State of N ew York—which proved a balance-wheel of immense power—the nation was saved from complete destruction. It is curious that, after ages of study by scientific men upon the subjects of finance, money, etc., it was left for the year 1838 to produce a system that was perfectly simple, safe and effective, and which ^ill be the model for all coming time. It is remarkable that the discovery was made bya doctor of medicine, and not by a doctor of laws. Dr. John Allen came to this city from Western New York, and devised the scheme or plan for Free Banking —one of the most munificent and beneficent dis¬ coveries ever made. This same gentleman (he now resides in Washing¬ ton), has lately obtained a patent which bids fair to be equally useful. It is to use Petroleum in lamps, stoves, on locomotives, light-houses, dec., without the danger of explosion, which will save hundreds and thousands of lives, and its adoption by the Governmont in light-houses would save hundreds of thousands of dollars annually ; but, as Government officials are given to talk of economy rather than to adopt economical measures^ it is doubtful whether the people will receive any advantage from the discovery. Reader, pardon this digression to pay a tribute to a modest man, who can be found any day or night at the Capital of his country, which he has so much assisted to save, endeavoring to save—is saving the lives of the freedmen and others by care, aid and medical skill. Then came the rebellion, finding the Treasury empty and the country unarmed, and the Southern oligarchy, under the leadership of Jeff*. Davis,, with the understanding and agreement that the European capitalists would combine against our country and refuse to loan the Government a dollar. Then came the necessity for the Legal Tender Treasury Notes, which “ Patriot^ in Pamphlet No. 1, earnestly recommended, and which the “ exigencies of the time ” compelled Mr. Chase, “ against his better judgment,” to issue, and which has been, under God, the salvation of our Great Republican Union. In another place we will attempt to say a word in defense of this much vilified and abused agent. At present we only wish to call attention to the Secretary’s attempt to destroy the Treasury Notes by choking them with the Constitution. 10 He labors hard throughout his whole message to prove the people's money^ that costs nothing hut the paper and printing, is a false token, and to sus¬ tain the secessionists, obstructionists and destructionists in their doctrines and theories, who declare the country is destroyed and the Constitu¬ tion desecrated. Mr. McCulloch agrees with their Constitutional arguments; and he believes that all things are terribly inflated and in imminent danger of “ collapsed We believe this language is more applicable to men than to things and the finances. His prescription—a singular one—is, the only way to restore the country is to bankrupt the people, and bring us back as the President says, “ to five years ago.” God forbid ! For that is to public soup-houses for starving mechanics and laborers—to hard money, and the hard times under Buchanan’s rule. ARE THE PEOPLE IDLE? Mr. McCulloch sneers at the ‘‘ idleness and extravagance of the people,” and states that the United States is the best place to sell in and the poorest market to purchase in in the world. If this is so, it is no proof that the country is being impoverished, except by the vicious and ruinous policy inaugurated by Mr. Chase and continued by the present admin¬ istration, of issuing and almost forcing Gold Bonds on the European markets. We boldly assert that the people of the United States are this day the most thriving, industrious and happy (excepting, perhaps, the Government officials in Washington, and we do not believe they are suffering much) of any people on the face of the globe, and if Congress does not believe this assertion, let them read the following tables, and please remember this was accomplished when over one million of our laboring population were in the army defending their homes and the Government. The following table has been procured from the Department of Agriculture: Bushels. 1863. 1864. 1865. Wheat. 179,404,036 160,695,823 148,552,829 Rye. 20,782,782 19,872,975 19,543,905 Barley... 11,368,155 10,632,178 11,391,286 Oats. 173,800,575 176,690,064 225,252,295 Corn. 451,967,959 530,581,403 704,427,853 Buckwheat. 15,806,455 18,700,540 18,331,019 Potatoes. 100,158,670 96,256,888 101,032,095 _ _ _ • Total.....953,288,632 1,013,429,871 1,228,531,282 Hay, tons. 19,736,847 18,116,751 23,538,740 11 The wheat crop is reported as very deficient in quality. The August report estimated the deficiency in quality and quantity at 26,241,698 bushels, and this explains why flour is dear, but we are told it is in consequence of a miserable currency. Yet to-day, December 20th, the report from Chicago is, that flour is dull. Buffalo, ditto. Oswego, ditto. Corn dull at 42 cents, &c. We pray it may never be less, for that is as cheap as it can be afforded if the farmer is to be fairly rewarded. The Tribune^ in an editorial published December 20, admits “ that no nation in the world ever Strode and bounded in the development of diversified industry as ours has done since the rebellion broke out.” This is true beyond peradventure, and yet, in another column, on the same day, in writing on the vote in Congress sustaining the recommend¬ ations of Mr. McCulloch, it says : The solvent business men of the country, all living upon fixed in¬ comes, and the laborers of the country, look to see this resolution promptly carried into effect, and 1200,000,000 of the plain legal tenders by which all credits are redeemed put into funded debt. Through substantial taxation, and a steady conversion of short currency debts into long bonds, the Treasury can reach a point where it can resume upon its obligation, and force the people to follow. Resumption will dispel the paper fortunes made by the inflation of prices through the manufacture of currency, under the pressure of the rebellion, but this loss cannot be escaped and cannot be lessened by delay. And this, too, is true beyond peradventure, as far as regards the men living on fixed incomes; but the laborers of the country do not desire anything of the sort, they want work and liberal wages. It is a strange philanthropy that would force the People''^ into bank¬ ruptcy, for the “ Paper fortunes ” cannot be dispelled otherwise. It is truly remarkable what a deep solicitude and sympathy there is for the solvent and solid men who are living on fixed incomes. Woe to the political fortunes of the man or the party that follow this advice. Change bounding Prosperity into distressing Calamity, and the political destiny of the men and the party can never be reconstructed or be allowed to take the oath of fealty. Treason, covered with brave deeds, may be excused, but men, frightened by bounding prosperity, never. THE LUMBER BUSINESS. It appears the lumbermen have not been idle. The following table shows the aggregate amount of lumber, shingles, and lath, forwarded from Chicago since I860: 12 Years. 1861. 1862. 1863. 1864. 1865. Lumber. 189,379,445 189,277,079 221,789,330 269,406,579 345,390,089 Shingles. 94,431,186 55,761,630 102,634,447 138,497,256 239,738,057 Laths. 31,282,725 16,966,600 30,293,247 36,242,010 60,744,520 The following table is a full and complete refutation of Mr. McCul¬ loch’s slander that charges the people with idleness, &c. The receipts folS tide-water by the Erie and Champlain Canals compare as Years. 1849. Grain, Bush. Years. 1850. loOO 1851. looy 1852. loOU 1853. lool 1854. 10D.« 1855. loOo 1 QA/1 1856. 1 004: 1857. loOO Grain, Bush. 23,686,374 15,049,798 41.122.100 62,275,951 74,811,877 66,713,000 47,683,270 50.900.100 This conclusively proves what we have frequently asserted, that the use of Government paper money has enormously increased the amount of productions and wealth of the country. THE CONSTITUTIONAL QUESTION. The Secretary says: dirflrM=! insuperable .objection, as already stated, to the ect issue of notes by the Government, as a policy, is the fact, that the and ftatTe a ih limited and defined’ powers to Pnn 1 ^ "«‘ther expressly given This IS the old bullion theory of Benton, and has been repeated.a hundred times by every Copperhead in the land. The provision in the Constitution is this : “ To coin money and regu¬ late the value thereof and of foreign coins:’ This is plain and explicit as possible. Every lexicographer we ever examined interprets ‘‘to cmn ” IS to stamp. Words are coined. When the United States attixes Its stamp upon a Treasury Note, it is as truly coined as when it stamps gold, silver, copper or nickel. It only requires an act of Congress and the stamp of the United States to create a dollar. It makes not the least difference whether it is a sheet of copper or paper. Dollars are not made of lead, but Congress can, under the supreme power granted 13 it by the Constitution, create real dollars out of lead as well as of silver. The whole thing was left by the framers of the Constitution to the dictates of common-sense and policy. We know this is contrary to the ideas of abstractionists and men who believe in first lyrinciples and are strict constructionists; but as the great majority of these men could find only one principle clearly taught in the Constitution, and that was in the preamble, which they interpreted to mean all white men were at liberty to purchase, abuse, rob and kill black men and women with im¬ punity, and any one that interfered violated the sacred principles of fhe Constitution and was an enemy to God and man—this opinion was somewhat inflated^ and since the war has collapsed and ruined their char¬ acters to such a degree that their views of the Constitution are not of suf¬ ficient importance for sensible men to respect. The following paragraph appears to be a little muddled or mixed : “ It has not, in past times, been regarded as the province of Congress to furnish the people with money in any form. Their authority is ‘ to coin money and fix the value thereof; ’ and, inasmuch as a mixed cur¬ rency, consisting of paper and specie, has been found to be a commer¬ cial necessity, it would seem also to be their duty to provide, as has been done by the National Currency Act, that this paper currency should be secured beyond any reasonable contingency.” It should be remembered that the Government prints what is called the National Bank Bills, and stamps them. If the Treasury Notes are unconstitutional, then these bank notes are ; and certainly the Treasury Notes are as well secured. Then it should be remembered that Con¬ gress “ regulates the value thereof But the Secretary proposes that the “ Conservative ” Bankers in the city of New York regulate that matter—those immaculate just men of Wall Street will judge in this little arrangement instead of Congress. They will determine how much shave and black-mail the country banks bill stand, the naming “ one of three cities ” was only a little by-play ; the Secretary would prefer Boston to New York, no doubt. In this light, it is unconstitutional for the Government to issue bills and purchase what it requires with them, but if persons having Treasury Notes will give them to the Govern n ent and take a gold-bearing bond that will net, free of taxes, about ten per cent., then the Government will return them as much money as they gave (less ten per cent., which it retains for fear the Government will break); and the banks are allowed to loan this amount to the people on the best terms they can make, or to the Government again^ and receive from the Government six per cent, per annum in gold, which the Government pays for the privilege of taking 14 care of and insuring the safe return of the bonds. The learned Secretary thinks it an excellent arrangement, and one that will keep the Consitu- tion intact. This is the economical science of finance. He adds : “ No considerations of a mere pecuniary character should induce an exercise by Congress of powers not clearly contemplated by the instru¬ ment upon which our political fabric was established.” Of course not. It is not important how much interest is put in the tax bills—increase the amount and rates of interest with impunity. It will reduce the “ plethora ” and “ inflation, ” the “ extravagance ” and “ immoralities ” of the people—only do not now, or when you renew three thousand millions of Government Bonds, subject them to taxation ; if you do, you will subject the poor men and widows who own them to loss. THE NEW YORK WORLD. The World agrees with the views of the Secretary in regard to the financial questions, in an editorial published December 9th, from which we make an extract, and regret we have not space to copy entire, states the objections more fairly—as it easily can do—for it does not, like McCulloch, attempt to ride two horses at once, the one white and the other black, and badly broken at that. ' The World speaks thus : “ The enlargement of legislative power has had wider if less ex¬ asperating results, and has given birth to evils which we still groan under, and whose term no man can now foresee. The Conscription Act, Stanton himself being the witness, was as futile for its purpose as it was unconstitutional; but what wrongs and outrages it was the parent of! The Legal-Tender Act, also an unconstitutional enlargement of legislative power (in which the executive conspired), still penetrates with its seductive fatal poison every channel of trade, still inspires the com¬ mercial public to a delirium of speculation which will end in ruin, still lifts above the heads of the poor all the luxuries and some of the very necessaries of life, increases the hours of their necessary labor and di¬ minishes the rewards of those. “ These sufferings, and those which all of us must yet inevitably un¬ dergo, ought to breed in the public mind, not merely a higher respect for the Constitution—the violation of which has cost us so dear and added so incalculably to the cost of defending it against secession—it ought to plant therein an utter intolerance of every stretch of power by any branch of the Government.” We know a large number of good men who would call this Copper- headism ; but if it is, then there is a very large quantity of the same sort in the Secretary’s Report. He commences his message with this original, brilliant and novel idea : “ The right of Congress, at all times, to borrow money and to issue f obligations for loans in such form as may be convenient, is unques¬ tionable ; but their authority to issue obligations for a circulating medium as money, and to make these obligations a legal tender, can only be found in the unwritten law.” But the great and insuperable objection, as already stated, to the direct issue of notes by the Government, as a policy, is the fact that the Government of the United States is one of limited and defined powers, and that the authority to issue notes as money is neither expressly given to Congress by the Constitution nor fairly to be inferred.” * * * Free governments are associations formed for mutual protec¬ tion, and one of the first duties that devolve upon the representatives of a government, is to supply a circulating medium— money —without which the government buildings cannot be erected, a ship built, or a sol¬ dier armed, or the people be able to plant or reap, buy or sell; there¬ fore, it is a duty as essential and as natural as self-protection. It is one of those laws that, in the very nature of things, civilization imposes upon communities. It is not supposed that a government can create gold or silver, only adulterate or refine it, and stamp it. It is only required to make, by statutes, a thing that is the representative of capital, to make an agree¬ ment and an arrangement by which a Bill—“a paper Dollar,” if you please—shall be received for government lands and dues. A Token—a ’standard by which the valuation of articles within the bounds of the government are to be measured. This'is only what common-sense which is good law, and the Constitution of our Free Government gives —imposes upon our Rulers; for, without this power, they could neither regulate the commerce between the States, or values ; equip armies, or prosecute war; and it follows, since they have the power to coin money “ and determine the value thereof,” they are bound to provide it in sufficient quantities to answer the exigencies of the times—the require¬ ments of the government and people. The Secretary adds : “To go beyond this, however, and issue Government obligations, making them by statute a legal tender for all debts, public and private, is not believed to be, under ordinary circumstances, within the scope of their duties or constitutional powers.” * * * This is as nicely drawn as the most astute abstractionist could wish. He continues : “ It has not, in past times, been regarded as the province of Con¬ gress to furnish the people directly with money in any form.” No ; for the past thirty years, and until the great, liberal, and glo¬ rious Union Party came into power, the country has been groaning and crushed under the Hard-Pan, Loco-Foco, Free-Trade, Hard-Money and 16 Bullion curse of the sham Democracy, who ruled the country with a rod of gold, in favor of the Northern capitalists, and Southern slaveholders. But to crown all these ridiculous propositions, and which proves the Democracy have a champion in McCulloch, who coolly insults the intel¬ ligence of Congress and the country with such nonsense as this : “ Besides, a permanent Government currency would be greatly in the way of public economy.” “ Patriot ” proved in No. 10—if Congress should authorize the issue of one thousand millions of legal tender, non-bearing interest Treasury Notes, including, of course, in the sum, all of the outstanding notes, it would save the Government and people sixty millions of dollars annu¬ ally; and that the circulation of these notes would decrease the rate of interest to three per cent., all that money is worth, and that the Govern¬ ment loans could be renewed by exchanging them for thirty or fifty years’ bonds, bearing interest at 3 or 3^ per cent.—this would save one hundred and twenty millions of dollars annually, a sum sufficient to pay the whole debt in less than twenty year^. The Secretary’s talk about ■economy in the face of his course is a farce, for-he is anxious tg change loans, which bear interest in currency, to bonds bearing interest in gold, and the same with Treasury Notes, bearing no interest, to gold bonds which would increase the interest more than fifty millions of dollars an¬ nually. He says, we must check speculation. The greatest speculators are the men who own Government Bonds, the men who induced Mr. McCul¬ loch to exchange Treasury Notes, bearing no interest, into gold-producing bonds. One of the leading and most influential New York daily papers, who, though without being copperish, advocates the principles of the Copperheads and Mr. McCulloch’s, on the great and important question of the National Finances, publishes an editorial, from which we make a quotation: SPECULATORS AND SPECULATION. “We are now, and have long been, importing far too many goods, especially of costly and sumptuous fabrics. The duties on imports are high ; the rates of exchange heavily adverse; so that $1,000 sent abroad for goods will not return £100 worth to the American consumer ; yet what cares the man who has made $50,000 in two or three speculative operations 1 What cares his fashion-following, dress-adoring wife ? They jointly go ahead and pooh, pooh the expense; so that wines at $5 to $10 per bottle are drunk as freely as when they cost $2 and $3.” We are, doubtless, importing too many goods; but this is the nation’s only source to obtain gold to pay the interest falling due every six months. V 17 If Mr. McCulloch’s advice is taken, and the amount of interest pay¬ able in gold is increased to $180,000,000, we will be required to import more goods instead of less, or the Government will be unable to pay the interest as it falls due. Speculators 2iVQ\)2idi fellows, no doubt; but the worst of all speculators are those who loan money and speculate in money, and they flourish best when money is scarce, then they use their arts of extortion, and obtain from fifteen to fifty per cent, for their money; and these are the men that are howling loudest to have the Government money funded, which sadly interferes with their vocation. The great Conservative banking institutions of Wall street, who for¬ merly dictated to the country and the Government, are the most dan¬ gerous speculators, for they not only ruin individuals and institutions of moderate means, but shave the Government. These banks hold the stakes and furnish the funds for the gold and stock gamblers. But the men who are commonly called speculators fortunately do about as much good as harm. There are as many producers as con¬ sumers, and if they increase the price of any article by speculation, they benefit the sellers, and, as they very frequently fail, it gives the con¬ sumers an opportunity of purchasing very cheap. The speculators are a very convenient target, and are continually used to sway public opinion and screen the capitalists, who are the men that are continually consuming—nights, Sundays, and rainy days—the very vitals of our national prosperity, with their immense capitals loaned to the Govern¬ ment and individuals at an excessive rate of interest. It is not the wives of a few speculators, who are short-lived people; but the wives, daughters, and sons of the solid, conservative men, who drink expensive wines, smoke Havana cigars, and flout continually at magnificent parties and banquets, got up regardless of cost,” dressed in brocades, satins, gimpure lace, pearls, and diamonds, and who, by the thousand, are lounging in the gay saloons, theatres, operas, and picture galleries of Paris, Vienna, and Rome; these are the people who send gold abroad by the hundreds of millions. Speculators, farmers, mechanics, and the common people use only a trifle of costly liquors and wines, &;c. It is the solid men who own the gold-bearing bonds in blocks, and who induced Mr. Chase, and have manipulated McCulloch who has become their humble servant; they induced Mr. Chase to issue $1,200,- 000,000 of gold-producing bonds; these are the men who induced the present Secretary only last month to give them $50,000,000 additional for the good of the nation —$50,000,000 of gold-bearing bonds in exchange for $50,000,000 of five per cents, payable in currency. Will our coun¬ trymen ever get their eyes open? These men are preparing for the 2 18 great “ Calamity ”—to fix things, so that, whatever happens, they will secure a stream of gold from the Government with which to pay their traveling expenses, board, liquor, and gambling expenses in Europe. And their gold—real gold, “ you know,”—will buy chickens, turkeys, mutton, beef, &c., so very cheap—as in the good time, “ five years ago.” ♦ OF THE IMMORALITIES SAID TO BE THE EFFECTS OF THE GOVERNMENT MONEY. The Secretary charges the people with extravagance, idleness, and immorality, &c., &c., or rather the Treasury Notes are accused of occa¬ sioning this very bad state, of affairs; and he proposes to make the people poor, in order to force them to go to work and become serious. This is the same old logic, dressed in a little different style, which the pious slaveholders (God bless them) used in times past to comfort their tender consciences when they whipped and overworked their slaves, and withheld the price of their labor. It was only for the good of the precious souls of the poor benighted African, who, if he had his liberty and wages, would dress just like a gentleman, ride in carriages, go a hunting, and, perhaps, to the theatre; and commit all these gross im¬ moralities with perfect impunity, just as the Northern workmen and mechanics are doing at present, and which so deeply wounds the tender sensibilities of our pious capitalists and the Secretary of the Treasury. Bleed them, says the Destructionist, and McCulloch says amen ; the finances must be regulated, for capital and capitalists are suffering horri¬ bly. Deplete them is the theory of the financial politico-economical economists (and unless you do the heavens will fall), and destroy the first principles of finance of our great and immaculate abstractionists, founded on gold bases, and the eternal elements of scientific discovery, of free trade, and hard cash, or metallic currency. Reduce the amount of United States money several hundred millions of dollars, says the Secretary, and it will not decrease the amount of money in circulation, but reduce the fever of excitement that fills the hotels and railroad trains, and keep the people at home. What right have the people to travel, if they are not rich and patriotic, and subscribed libe¬ rally to the Government loans ? If they have, they may visit the hotels and theatres as much as they like, and shall be exempt from taxation, and the Treasury shall feed them on mint drops. No matter about the expense, the honor of the nation is sacredly pledged that these pure patriots shall not suffer by the ‘‘ greasy ” shinplasters of the Govern- 19 ment, but shall be fed with pure gold, bating the spice of alloy some rascally Congress authorized to be put in the American coins. Phlebotomy must be the rule in treating the body politic and the poor country banks. This is only the old allopathic practice of bleeding the patient to death to save his life. McCulloch forgets we are living after the great war for freedom in the year 1865, and are much nearer “ the good time a coming ” than the old fogies and conservatives imagine. SOMETHING ABOUT FEVERS AND PRICES. We are informed by Mr. McCulloch: “ Every consideration, therefore, that has been brought to the mind of the Secretary confirms the correctness of the views he has presented. If the business of the country rested upon a stable basis, or if credits could be kept from being still further increased, there would be less occasion for solicitude on this subject. But such is not the fact. Busi¬ ness is not in a healthy condition ; it is speculative, feverish, uncertain. Every day that contraction is deferred increases the difficulty of prevent¬ ing a final collapse. Prices and credits will not remain as they are. The tide will either recede or advance; and it will not recede without the exercise of the controlling power of Congress.” Yes, sir, in a great country like this, prices will not remain stationary. With an active, intelligent, ambitious people like the citizens of the United States, prices and values will continually fluctuate more or less, certainly in accordance with supply and demand ; but they are not con¬ tinually increasing, as you allege. The prices of many articles, as we have already shown, are decreasing; instance the important article of wool, which is only sixty-five cents a pound, last season it was quoted at one dollar a pound; and it does not pay to raise it at a less price. At one dollar, it is only one-half of a cent per day for board and care of the sheep. Whilst you are recommending Congress to increase the pay of your assistants, who now receive $3,000 and $4,000 per annum (and we do not object to an increase, if they are smart, earn, and deserve it), please do not attempt to mislead Congress and the country with the idea that prices are “ rapidly increasing,” for it is not true. The fact is they are decreasing; and as soon as the eight millions of people in the South can be supplied, and that great vacuum filled, prices will be sufficiently reduced to satisfy all but the great capitalists, who are never satisfied unless they can purchase food and clothing at about one-third of its real value. The Secretary informs us that the country is “/evmsA;” we acknowl¬ edge it—it flushes and has spasms at intervals ; but it is only when the 20 officers of the Government unadvisably give it a sweat or cold bath by tin¬ kering the financial system. If we believe the Secretary, the United States* is as sick as that “ very sick man,” Turkey; he says it is unhealthy, feverish, excessive, plethoric, and inflated, sickly, dec., &:c. But the country was never in a more healthy condition than it is at this moment. It stands perfectly erect, with full pulse and vigorous constitution. The only bad symptom is a pain in the heart, caused by the ill-advised and injudicious issue of $1,200,000,000 of gold-bearing interest bonds, which are being crowded off* to Europe with every steamer, and which causes a depression of spirits ; for it is sad to contemplate six per cent, bonds exchanged for about seventy per cent, in payment for the best French brandy, manufactured from Yankee rum, and returned to us at $10 and $15 per gallon ; and Havana segars, made from Connecticut and New Jersey tobacco, at $150 per thousand, that cost $30. The fact is, the strenuous efforts made by capitalists to cripple the prosperity of the country by the reduction of prices, and the knowledge that the Secretary has promised to assist them, has caused all the fever in the country, and may with propriety be named the Bul¬ lion Fever, which originated in Washington. England, with all her wealth—and she has laid the whole world under contribution, and her public debt is almost entirely owned by her own people—has had all she could do, and has been staggering under it, to pay her interest at three per cent. Our Minister of the Treasury coolly announces it is desirable to pay double interest, and that, too, without offering a single recommendation or word of advice to have it reduced ; but recom¬ mended measures that will assuredly increase the rate. This we call a miserable, inconsistent policy, and causes sweats a*id fever chills. Quartermaster-General Meigs reports that his Department purchased last year $430,000,000 worth of horses, cattle, grain, hay, clothing, boots, shoes, &c. This was one of the causes of inflation and fever. But no, says the Destructionist, it was the depreciated currency that makes the United States the best place to sell, and the worst place to buy in, in the world. We expect soon to learn that depreciated currency caused the Rebellion. INFLATED .CURRENCY AND ITS EFFECTS. The Secretary says : “ Labor is the great source of national wealth, and industry invariably declines on an inflated currency.” If this is literally true, it is proof positive there is no inflation of the currency, for never before, since the formation of the country, has 21 the wheels of industry, of trade, of commerce, been so busy as at this time. Every man, woman, and child who is able to work can get employment, and, as the wages are satisfactory, they are earning them with greater alacrity than ever before. The working population are, at this time, more generally employed, are better paid, fed, and clothed than ever before. We have shown that the agriculturists and workmen are increas¬ ing food, lumber, &c., and we could fill a volume of a thousand pages, if we had time, inclination, and room, in proof; but we have space for only a single additional item, which we take from a Chicago paper : “ Last year 9,000 new buildings were put up in Chicago. Six of them cost $100,000 each; 40 others cost $30,000 each; and 800 were worth $1,000 each. The total amount of capital employed in building during the year was $6,000,000. The number of new churches was seven ; of schools, two ; of public halls, four.” This is only a sample of what is doing throughout the whole of the North, East, and West. It is almost impossible to employ a carpenter or • painter in New York and vicinity; and the men of the different trades are equally difficult to obtain. This money has been called a ‘‘ delusion ” by a high authority, but if so, it is a pleasant one; it erects fine houses and purchases real, bona-fide farms; and the people of the country are contented and happy, and their only trouble is caused by the threatenings that are flashed over the wires from Washington; but, as a general thing, they have great con¬ fidence in Congress. They have faith in Wm. Pitt Fessenden, Thaddeus Stevens, and in those two rising young statesmen, Colfax and McPher¬ son, and a host of others who are better posted upon financial questions, and especially upon the requirements of the country, than either McCul¬ loch or the President, whose time and minds are constantly occupied in a multiplicity of affairs, and with thousands of persons who are always on hand to bore men in high official stations. But even the Secretary is compelled to admit that: “ It is undoubtedly true that trade is carried on much more largely for cash than was ever the case previous to 1861, and that there is a much greater proper demand for money than there would be if sales were made, as heretofore, on credit. It is also true that there is a larger demand than formerly for money on the part of manufacturers for the the payment of operatives.” This is certainly evidence of a soundness in commercial affairs. He , continues : “ The country, as a whole, notwithstanding the ravages of the war and the draft which has been made upon labor, is, by its greatly developed resources, far in advance in real wealth of what it was in 1857, % 22 when the last severe financial crisis occurred. The people are now com¬ paratively free from debt.” This seems -to us additional proof, and does not agree with other arguments advanced in support of the Destructionists’ theories. In another place he says: “ On the 30th of September last, the deposits of the National Banks alone amounted to $544,150,194; their loans—estimating their national securities as a loan to the Government—to $913,045,629 ; both of which items must have been increased during the month of October; while on the 31st of that month, the circulation, bank and national, had. reached the startling amount of upward of $700,000,000. Nothing beyond this statement is required to exhibit the present inflation, or to. explain the causes of the current and advancing prices. If disaster followed the ex¬ pansions of 1837 and 1857, what must be the consequences of the present expansion, unless speedily checked and reduced Seven hundred millions of dollars is only thirty dollars each for the inhabitants, and is not excessive, when we consider the immense Banking interests that require large sums to properly conduct them; and then we should take into consideration that this is only one-fourth of the amount of the United States’ securities held by the people, to say nothing of thousands of millions of other stocks and bonds of banks, insurance and railroad companies, &c., &c. ^And then there is a discrepancy of the important item of about $240,000,000, for the Comptroller of the Currency, in his report, gives the figures to show that the actual circulation was, on the 1st day of October, only $ 460 , 000 , 000 , which is not so large a sum as is recom¬ mended by Mr. McCulloch to be collected annually from the people by $ 160 , 000 , 000 . Under all of the circumstances, who can say this sum is excessive? We declare it should be doubled during the coming two years, and will be, if the true interests of the country are consulted. Holding these views, we are forced to believe that the following from the report is vaporish: “ The present law limits the circulation of the national banks to $ 300 , 000 , 000 ; and it is not probable, when the business of the country returns to a healthy basis, that a larger paper circulation than this will be required. Indeed, it is doubtful whether a larger circulation can be maintained on a specie basis.” If the recommendations of the Secretary should be put into effect by Congress, and the entire debt funded into gold-bearing interest bonds, the interest annually to be disbursed by the Government will be $ 180 , 000,000 in coin—a much larger sum than there is in the country. And if the Government collects $100,000,000 of gold at the custom-houses, 23 and $500,000,000 from taxes, revenues, &c., where is the balance to come from to run over*two thousand National Banks and maintain the business of the country, with only $300,000,000 of circulation, and fully one-half of that hoarded ? It would be simply impossible for them to make loans and discounts under such circumstances, for they would remember what the Secretary of tlje Treasury said in his report, which is this, and is A PUZZLER. “ It is quite likely, however, that the anticipated withdrawal of a portion of the United States notes (not to speak of the effect of the res¬ toration of specie payments) will so reduce the circulation of the North¬ ern banks as to afford to the South, under the present limitation of the law, all the paper currency which will be required in that quarter.” Under these circumstances, and with the Legal Tender Treasury Notes funded, we are puzzled to guess where the circulation for the South will come from, for if the Northern banks cannot safely use their circulation, they will keep it locked up in their vaults, and well they can afford to, for their capital is drawing interest from the Government all the time. So they are safe, if the people are ruined. But perhaps, and more than likely, the Secretary calculates he will be able to break a suffi¬ cient number of the Northern banks to afford opportunity for Southern institutions to be established, and not be compelled to exceed the three hundred millions authorized by the National Bank Act. But w» fail to discover how it will be better for the Southern people or banks for some years, or until they get their labor reorganized. The South, previous to the Rebellion, had at least $2,000,000,000 invested in slaves. This vast sum has, in one sense, been extinguished; and the Secretary proposes to allow the South the tag end of the \ $300,000,000 in the National Bank Note Act to replace it. It is not surprising that the planters are endeavoring to make contracts to pay the Freedmen at the end of the year. Since they have no money, and the Government is determined they shall have non^, what more could be expected under the circumstances ? Query —How much cheaper would England purchase cotton, with gold at par, than at 47^ premium ? Here we are informed what will be the conservative effect of fund¬ ing the Legal Tender Treasury Notes : Again, it is said that the excessive bank deposits have as much in¬ fluence in creating and sustaining high prices, as a superabundant cur¬ rency. This is unquestionably true ; but it is also true that excessive deposits are the effect of excessive currency, and that whenever the cur- 24 rency is reduced there will be at least a corresponding if not a greater reduction of deposits.” A few rich men who live and flourish on shaving notes, and who will, in any event, keep their means in available funds, will like this portrait, drawn in perspective. We hate and loathe it. It is a picture of poverty, desolation, distress, and death : let Congress in mercy drop the curtain upon it, and hide it forever. The Secretary informs Congress : “ The Secretary, however, believes that a decided movement toward a contraction of the currency, is the only public necessity, but that it will speedily dissipate the apprehension which very generally exists, that the effect of such a policy must necessarily be to make money scarce and to diminish the prosperity of the country.” We saw the effects of this policy last month, when the Secretary, at the dictation of capitalists and foreign merchants, gave fifty millions of Government securities, bearing interest in currency, in exchange for gold-bearing bonds, increasing the amount of interest to be paid, and raised the rate throughout the country. This transaction, the first serious attempt to put the Destructionists' policy, into effect, reduced the value of Government securities held in the country more than the entire amount of the bonds exchanged. But as it was only the weak men and banks who were obliged to sell, and as it afforded the sound, solid men an op¬ portunity to purchase cheap, it was in the estimation of some a judicious and shrewd transaction. BAD LOGIC. We are informed it is very desirable to keep the bonds at home, and then we are told it is very desirable the Secretary should have the power conferred upon him to exchange the five-twenties into gold bonds, which would improve their credit in Europe^ The fact is, this report is full of inconsistencies—can this grave charge be substantiated % Let us ex¬ amine. He says : “ The debt is large, but if kept at home, as it is desirable it should be, with a judicious system of taxation, it need not be oppressive.” Tljis is true doctrine, and we agree with it most heartily, and this is the reason why we have constantly and urgently insisted that the bonds issued by the Treasury should not be made payable, either interest or principal, in gold, except at the pleasure of the Government—this course would have effectually prevented them from being purchased abroad. But the Secretary asks Congress to give him power to change several hundred millions of bonds, payable in currency, for absolute gold bonds,, payable, principal and interest, in coin. He says : 25 “ Before concluding his rennarks upon the national debt, the Secretary would suggest that the credit of the five-twenty bonds, issued under the acts of February 25th, 1862, and June 30th, 1864, would be improved in Europe, and consequently their market value advanced at home, if Congress should declare that the principal, as well as the interest, of these bonds is to be paid in coin.” Congress should refuse to allow the Treasurer to issue another gold- bearing bond, if the interest exceed three per cent., or another National Bank to be established, unless they will purchase three per cent, bonds for the security of the bills for circulation. Again, the Secretary says : “ And notwithstanding the immense waste of life, consequent upon operations so extensive and battles so sanguinary as characterized this memorable struggle, the larger part of the country has still, since 1860, progressed both in wealth and population. The loyal States have ad¬ vanced in material prosperity in spite of the great drain that has been made upon them ; and now that the war is closed, the Union no longer in peril, and the men that made the armies on both sides so effective and formidable are to be again employed in profitable pursuits, the on¬ ward march of the country—even if a temporary reaction, as the result of the war, and the redundancy of the currency, should be experienced— will be decided and resistless.” This is only a faint description of the wonderful and rapid strides the free States have taken on the road to wealth and greatness. But why are we asked to have a temporary reaction 1 To please his friends the Destructionists, who mean that it shall be permanent and not temporary. Again he says : “ There are no evidences of increasing wealth in the facts that railroads and steamboats are crowded with passengers and hotels with guests, that cities are full to overflowing, and rents and the prices of the necessaries of life, as well as luxuries, are daily advancing. All these things prove rather that a foreign debt is being created, that the number of non-pro¬ ducers is increasing, and that productive industry is being diminished.. There is no fact more manifest than that the plethora of paper money is not only undermining the morals of the people by encouraging waste and extravagance, but is striking at the root of our material prosperity by diminishing labor.” This seems to us contradictory—and again we ask, whose fault is it that there is a golden chain that reaches from America to Europe, and which the Secretary is daily lengthening and strengthening, and which is binding, and will for years virtually bind the American people and make them the serfs and slaves of European capitalists. The last clause Mr. McCulloch has himself disproved, and as we have fully demonstrated it in another place, we let it pass without further comment. 26 Again we are told : “ The expansion has now reached such a point as to be absolutely op¬ pressive to a large portion of the people, while at the same time it is diminishing labor, and is becoming subversive of good morals.” This is an unfounded assei-tion, for it is notorious the mass of the people are prospering as never before since the formation of the Govern¬ ment. The few are the employes of mean, selfish, avaricious capital¬ ists who will not raise the salaries of their clerks and assistants—Govern¬ ment officers, &c. They should strike, and if they cannot get an increase of wages let them go to farming—a very healthy avocation—and, per¬ haps, they will make a rapid fortune, and,'perhaps, more than likely, they will find agricultural produce is not too high after all, if labor is justified (as many seem to suppose it is not) in receiving a fair compen¬ sation. And if the pay of the President, his Ministers, Secretaries, Con¬ gressmen, &c., is not sufficient to pay their board-bills, let them strike for an increase of wages, and if they will keep the country in its 'present highly prosperous condition, fbey need not fear the long lash of certain editors who are enjoying incomes ranging from twenty to five hundred thousand dollars per annum. He is a poor Congressman whose time and services are not worth twenty-five dollars per day, and no man should be asked to live in the White House for less than fifty thousand dollars per year, for if he escapes death by the bores and capitalists, he is very likely to be poisoned or shot. Then, it is worth more to preside over thirty-five States and thirty-five millions of people, than it was over fifteen States and fifteen millions of inhabitants. The idea that the servants of the Government must serve for half-pay or less, and are required— demanded by the Secretary to vote immense sums, amounting to tens of millions of dollars, into the “ plethoric ” coffers of the million¬ aires under the false plea of “ Public Economy,” is “ penny-wise and pound-foolish,” and perfectly ridiculous. EMPHATIC. The Secretary gives the following advice to Congress : “ The first step to be taken is to institute measures for funding the obligations that are soon to mature. The next is to provide for raising, in a manner the least odious and oppressive to tax-payers, the revenues necessary to pay the interest on the debt, and a certain definite amount annually for the reduction of the principal. The Secretary respectfully suggests that on this subject the expression of Congress should be decided and emphatic. It is of the greatest importance to the management of a matter of so surpassing interest that the right start should be made.” It was very important that a right start should be made, but, unfor¬ tunately, it was not made. There never should have been a single gold- 27 producing bond issued, and it is very important that no more are sold, and especially exchanged for those which pay currency. If Congress wishes to know how to use gold, the Secretary gives them the following instruc¬ tion : “ The receipts of coin have been for some months past so large that there have been constant accumulations beyond what has been required for the payment of interest on the public debt. The Secretary has, therefore, deemed it to be his duty to sell, from time to time, a portion of the surplus for the purpose of supplying the wants of importers and furnishing the means for meeting the demands upon the Treasury for cur¬ rency. The sales have been conducted by the Assistant Treasurer in New York in a manner entirely satisfactory to the Department, and, it is believed, to the public. The sales up to the 1st of November amounted to 127,993,216.11, and the premium to $12,310,459.76; thus placing in the Treasury, for current use, the sum of 140,303,675.87, with¬ out which there would have been a necessity for the further issue of interest-bearing notes.” If the Government had kept all the gold it has received since the commencement of the war, excepting what was required to pay interest on the old debt and make the necessary purchases, dec., in Europe, it would have been in a very different situation from what it is at present. The men who have received this vast sum (between two and three hun¬ dred millions of dollars) never loaned the Government a single dollar of gold; and yet they have been allowed to take it, and frequently to use it for stakes'for the gold gamblers to bet upon, and have received from nine to fifteen per cent, for the money they loaned to the Government, and now we hear them boasting of their superior patriotism, and in conse¬ quence Congress is asked, through the Secretary, not to have these loans taxed now or in the future. Shame upon such legislation and statesman¬ ship. Here we have another modest request, dressed in the simplest language imaginable : “ The Secretary has all already recommended that he be authorized to sell bonds of the United States, bearing interest at a rate not exceed¬ ing six per cent, for the purpose of retiring Treasury Notes and the United States Notes.” “ Patriot ” protests against Congress investing any one man, how ever pure or immaculate, with such vast power and prerogatives as these few lines contemplate. The Secretary, if this power is granted, has the fate of the nation in his pocket. The fact is, the high officials at Washington seem to imagine that they, not Congress, have supreme wis¬ dom and power, and that the Senate and House of Representatives have only to register their edicts. SOMETHING VERY LIKE REPUDIATION. The report contains this singular paragraph : In speaking of the Legal-Tender acts, reference has only been made to those which authorized the issue of United States Notes. The interest- bearing Notes which are a Legal Tender for their face value were in¬ tended to be a security rather than a circulating medium, and it would be neither injurious to the public, nor an act of bad faith to the holders, for Congress to declare that, after their maturity, they shall cease to be a Legal Tender, while such a declaration would aid the Government in its efforts to retire them, and is therefore recommended.” Congress has no right and it would be dishonorable to follow these instructions. If the Government has the means of paying these bonds when they fall due, let it advertise that it is ready to pay them, and if they are not presented for payment the interest will cease. This would be fair and honorable, and can be done without any act of Con¬ gress. But if the Government forces the holders to exchange them for other bonds—and if they do not, will stop the interest—it will be, in effect, repudiating the contract of the Government. It would be far more honorable, for it would be only justice, to refuse to pay the interest in gold on bonds for which the Government received only notes. THE NEXT BEST THING TO DO. If there is too great a prejudice against the Legal Tender Notes to allow them to accomplish their mission and pay the national debt with¬ out oppressing the people—of multiplying grain, meat, fruits, &c., by the thousands of millions of bushels and pounds, as they have been doing the past four years—of supplying this nation and its immense armies with hundreds of millions in value of extra food, and one-half feeding England and France, besides spinning and weaving tens of thousands of millions of yards of cloth, &c.—let the people have a Free National Banking Law, open to all without limit, of the pattern—but improved—of the Free Banking Law of the State of New York. Allow any man or association of men who will deposit fifty thousand dollars of United States bonds having fifty years to run, and bearing interest at only three per cent., t6 have an equal amount of Free National Bank Bills, payable ten jmars after date in specie, these notes to be received by the Government for lands, taxes, &c., which would “ make them as good as wheat.” And if the old fogies, conservatives, and bullionists must have a gold currency, order the Secretary of the Treasury to issue for every dollar in coin in his vaults three dollars in gold bills, these notes to be received for customs, (fee., and sold in small amounts, as gold is now sold. 29 The idea that this generation are bound to pay the war debt is fool¬ ishness. Our people have expended their blood, therefore let the hun¬ dred million people who will inhabit this great republic thirty, forty, and fifty years hence, assist in paying for the glorious Union which the gallant men of ’63, ’64, and ’65 fought, bled and died for, and preserved to be transmitted to them unimpaired. It is only right, just and politic. If the United States, England, France, and other nations were free from debt, they would be far more likely to plunge into war than they are at present. Perhaps, after all, “a national debt is a national blessing.” VERY IMPORTANT, IF TRUE. In the following very brief paragraph the Secretary, with a sang froid peculiar to himself, dispatches several important subjects, where the ben¬ eficial effects of Government money is so plain as to be obvious to the most superficial observer. This is acknowledged; but immediately a plea is put in which contains a string of “glittering generalities” to prove that this “ apparent benefit^'’ is not of importance, or only a “ de¬ lusion.” But hear the Secretary : “ The last objection which will be noticed to the measure recommended is, that it would, by reducing the rate of foreign exchanges, reduce ex¬ ports and increase imports. “ It is doubtless true that a high rate of exchange did for a time in¬ crease the exportations of our productions, and diminish the importation of foreign articles, but this advantage was much more than counterbal¬ anced by the largely increased expenses of the Government and of the people, resulting from the very cause that produced the high rate of ex¬ change. Besides, this apparent advantage no longer exists. The advance of prices in the United States, notwithstanding the high rate of European exchange, is now checking exports and inviting imports, and is creating a balance in favor of Europe that is likely to be the greatest obstacle in the way of an early resumption of specie payments. Nor must it be forgotten, that while the expoit of our productions was stimulated by the high rate of exchange, this very high rate of exchange enabled Europe to purchase them at exceedingly low prices.” We are told “ it did for a time increase exportations,” &c. What iime was this? W hy, it was during the whole time that the premium of gold was high, and they increased the most when the premium was the highest. It acted with the precision of a thermometer, as every intel¬ ligent merchant and farmer perfectly understand. In former numbers of “ Our National Finances,” we have proved this beyond dispute, and have space for only a few observations illustrative of this question at present. This season there is a very large crop of Indian corn, and corn in consequence is cheap at Chicago, the great grain market of the West, 30 being at the present writing less than forty-eight cents per bushel From one hundred to two hundred miles from that city, on the rail¬ roads, it is worth only fifteen cents. Now when we calculate that corn requires plowing, planting, cultivating, harvesting, housing, shelling, and hauling to the railroad or market, we see it does not properly remune¬ rate the farmer. Suppose the average distance to wagon the corn is twenty miles, and as a large load is only thirty bushels, when sold it amounts to four dollars and fifty cents. Deduct three dollars for team, driver and expenses, and there is one dollar and fifty cents, or three cents per bushel. The Secretary considers this “ excessive.” We can assure him the farmer is not ^Hnflated'''’ by it. A friend writes from Moline, Illinois : “ On my way to Moline,” he says, “ I had occasion to stop at Pond Creek Station an hour and survey. Produce plenty. I inquired the prices. Corn was bringing fifteen cents per bushel, or seventy-five pounds of ears for fifteen cents, which was allowed to make a bushel of shelled corn, the cobs paying for shelling, which were used for fuel. Wheat sold by the load for forty cents. Potatoes ten cents. Oats eight cents per bushel. I saw one man that paid eight dollars for one hundred bushels, delivered at the grain depot. His one hundred bushels of oats lacked two dollars of paying for one load of wood. What a difference between the prices of these two articles here and in Maine and other Eastern States. Wood one dollar-, and oats one dollar. One man said Illinois could raise enough to feed the world, if they could get anything for it after was raised. . ‘ Sure enough,’ said I, ‘ you sell two bushels of ears of corn, heaping measure, for less than two pounds of wood ; and the corn would make more fire than the wood to which he agreed. This is the good reason they have for burning their corn for fuel at some places : it is cheaper, and saves teaming.” This, we think, would be a good place to “ buy in.” Prices do not seem to be “ excessive ” in that section, except the price of wood. What is the cure for this 1 Cheap money. If the General Govern¬ ment should loan the State of New York and the State of Illinois $50,000,000 of Greenbacks at three per cent., and make ship canals out of the Erie and Illinois, there would be an end to so great a disparity in prices. If the statisticians—the unfortunate chaps in the Treasury Office who are compelled to sit from six to eight hours per day on unhealthy cushioned chairs, for the miserable compensation of $3,000 or $4,000 per year, and who the Secretary so much commiserates that he advises Congress to in¬ crease their salaries, for it must not be forgotten they are obliged to receive pay in the highly depreciated Government money—would make a calcu- 31 lation and exhibits, showing how much [the gentlemen who raise corn for fifteen or thirty cents per bushel, and live in log cabins, get for the interest of their capital invested and their daily labor, it would be inter¬ esting information. We do not wish to know about the great and rich farmers who live a hundred miles apart, but of the hundreds of thousands of those who own forty, eighty, or one hundred and sixty acres each. The price of corn should never be less than seventy five cents per bushel in the markets of the West, or one dollar in New York. This price.would enable the small farmers of the West and South to live in comfortable houses and dress in suitable clothing, instead of cabins and in rags, and save hundreds of thousands of lives that are now annually sacrificed by avarice and vicious legislation, from fevers and death caused by want and exposure. f Mr. Secretary, suppose the Fenians should succeed in their attempt to involve the United States in war with England, and there should be another revolution in the South, assisted by Napoleon, and the premium of gold go up from 147 to 247, and providing our ports were not blockaded—which is a very improbable supposition—would not the price of corn, in consequence of the increased premium—100 per cent, or more—be increased very nearly the same amount ? And would not the railroads leading from the West to the Atlantic ports be crushed beneath millions and tens of millions of bushels of grain, that will now remain at home and be wasted? And would not the farmers of the West, East, North, and South, exert themselves, and use more capital and labor in raising the crop of 1866, if corn was one dollar, or one dol¬ lar and a half per bushel, than they will if it is only fifteen or forty cents, even if they were to receive no better pay than the “ miserable, greasy Greenbacks ?” They certainly would, unless human|nature has been greatly changed, and that very recently. And does this not prove if increase of supply has the effect to decrease prices, that a full supply of money—paper money—which stimulates industry and increases productiveness and w*ealth, at the same time prevents prices from be¬ coming unduly “ inflated.” When the premium of gold ranged above 200, the commercial marine on our Lakes, the boats on the Erie Canal, even every old schooner and scow, were brought into requisition and/ully employed, the railroads put every locomotive and car they had, or could purchase, to work, and the coffers of the State (see Reports of Tolls received on the New York State Canals) were filled, and the railroad companies, which were bankrupt before, became solvent and paid large dividends. Ah ! says the Destructionist, this was only a “ shamthey did not 32 receive any more real money— gold —than formerly, and therefore it is a “ delusion.” But that which the farmer received would purchase land for his sons and build houses and barns. The commission merchant was well paid ; the railroad companies and the State were satisfied ; the ship¬ pers and insurance men grumbled and grew rioh^and the country received just as much gold as if there had been no 'premium^ Mr. McCulloch’s statement to the contrary notwithstanding. No; we acknowledge we are mistaken for once. The country received more than double— more than treble —the amount of gold, or its equivalent in goods, which it would have received if gold had been only par, for the grain would have remained in stacks and rotted, or have been used for fuel as formerly. In fact, the premium was a present to the classes spoken of, especially to the producer, for it operated, paradoxical as it may seem, by placing, in effect, the prairie farmer in the immediate vicinity of the English markets, and delivered his grain and pork, &c., on the dock at Liverpool without charge. The Secretary says, “ The high rate of exchange enables Eu¬ rope to purchase at exceedingly low prices.” We believe this to be a grave mistake. The Europeans, all through the time of the war, and at present^ are paying more in gold for cotton, pork, &;c., than they ever paid before the suspension of specie payments. Every shipping mer¬ chant will substantiate this; and if the Treasury Department had been wise (and taken advantage of the tnarkets as the farmers did), and shipped two-thirds of all the Government cotton to England and France, it could have sold it for treble the amount in gold it has since received for it, and could have received treble the amount of the premium on the sale of the gold or exchange. But “ Theory'''^ prevailed over common sense, and the cotton was left on storage, eating itself up ; but no matter if several hundred mil¬ lions of dollars were sunk, it went into the pockets of the friends of the Administration, who can prove, in a twinkling, the Government can¬ not make “ something from nothing;” and as this is pre-eminently the age of “puffs” for blindness and stupidity, it is probably all correct, and if we do collapse, paper money will be eternally cursed as the cause of the disaster, when its only real effect has been to elevate men to high official stations who have not the discrimination to perceive that they owe to it all the character as financiei’s they possess, and who have not sufficient discernment to perceive if they allow its character to be blasted theirs will be involved. Does the high premium on gold increase imports? This is charged as one of the evils inflicted upon the country by the use of the Treasury Notes. Mr. McCulloch says: “ It reduces exports and increases im- 33 ports.” And the great leader of protection in New York says he is amazed” that “any should believe” a “wretched currency” was an impediment to excessive importations. We can conceive of only one theory by which these assertions can be maintained. If you make a man or country so poor as to be without funds, they would not be likely to purchase largely. In the same paragraph Mr. McCulloch is constrained to say—for to entirely deny it would be a too flagrant outrage on the intelligence of the country—that for a time it did “ diminish the importations of foreign articles.” What time was this? Why, when the premium on gold was high —at the time gold ranged from 240 to 285—orders for goods from abroad almost entirely ceased ; but there was a great rush of ex¬ portations, and the exchanges was of course regulated; for the weights on a scale are not more certain to vary than are the balances of commerce—they vary just in proportion as profit can be made. A very able article was recently published in the New York Tribune^ from a correspondent in Troy, on the Iron Interest. The following is an extract, and is a clear and concise statement of the effects of a “ National Currency”: “ Every week’s statement of imports contains a large amount of railroad and merchant iron, and, as the result of this, we have the satis¬ faction of recording that for three months of this year all the rolling mills of this city were idle, and for at least six months two-thirds of the furnaces of the entire country were out of blast. “When gold was at a premium of from 150 to 190 the cost of man¬ ufacture in the items of coal, ore, wnges, &c., was no more than it is at present, with gold at 45 to 48 per cent, premium. The former rate was a barrier to excessive importation, and amounted to a productive tariff on our own manufactures. “ It is not difficult to perceive that if gold should continue its down¬ ward course, without affecting the value of commodities, and conse¬ quently, the cost of production, the advantage is all in favor of the for¬ eign manufacturer, and we may prepare for such a commercial crisis and revulsion as this country has never experienced.” He continues: We are told “The extraordinarv demands of our Government for 4 / iron and its manufactures, sent up prices rapidly. Then our manufac¬ turers were making money fast, and might be considered fit subjects to be plundered. But now, with the rate of exchange permitting the im¬ portation of foreign iron, at a price at which the home manufacture can¬ not be made, the case is reversed.” This is only plain common sense. It is pleasant to meet with such a fair statement in these times when theories are substituted for facts. 3 34 If the effects of a tariff are not for the time being, or for the first few years, to increase the price of articles or goods to^the amount of the puty imposed, then truth cannot be established by observation. And if the premium on gold does not have precisely the same effect, then the merchants of New York should be indicted for obtaining money under false pretenses. A person who will deny this, it seems to us, ought to be a free-trader from principle, and can easily be made to believe that two sets of facto¬ ries, or two towns of factories, on each side of the Atlantic, will increase the price of manufactured articles, whilst running only one-half of the number in one country would decrease prices. A MYSTERY SOLVED. A great number of people, who have read and been taught that war was waste, pestilence and famine, have been greatly perplexed why our country was an exception. The reason was obvious : Other wars have been prosecuted on a gold basis, and as no nation has sufficient specie to pay the enormous sums required, governments have used nearly all the money in the nation and depended on borrowing the balance. Our nation, thanks to the exigencies of the times, was compelled to resort to paper money —to coin several hundred millions. It coined sufficient for the uses of the army, and partly sufficient for the requirements of trade, exchange,