1 I B R.AR.Y OF THE U N I VE.RSITY Of ILLINOIS 9TA.T ILL. HIST. SURVEY Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2012 with funding from University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign http://archive.org/details/pennsylvanianewyOObrew The Pennsylvania and New York Frontier History of from 1720 to the Close of the Revolution by WILLIAM BREWSTER Brant, with the household training of an Indian squaw, can be conjectured. 51 LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF HLINOtS They were, of course, well furnished with solid mahogany, an abundance of silver plate and a library of books ; and plentifully stocked with brandy and wine and all the good things money could buy. But, the coming and going, of dirty Indian chiefs, slovenly squaws and a bawling brood of halfbreed children, must have been distracting to a good housekeeper. During the old French war, the governor of New York was George Clinton sent over from England to mend his fortune. He had little tact or honesty and waged a perpetual feud with the assembly led by James De Lancey, and consequently New York never got out of a wrangle. Indian affairs were in the hands of the Board of Indian Commissioners, dishonest and avaricious Albany traders and their friends, and as a result these relations were in a constant tangle. The sore spot of the New York frontier was Oswego, always coveted and continually threatened by the French. A considerable and very profit- able part, of Johnson's trading operations, was supplying the Oswego traders, and he was vitally interested in keeping open the road to that post. As Johnson was sending his merchandise to Oswego, Clinton, in April 1746, commissioned him to supply the Oswego garrison. This was the first important government recognition of him. Probably, to increase his trade, Johnson had made himself very familiar with his Mohawk Indian neighbors, had been adopted by them and given the name of Warraghiyagey. In 1746, Clinton held a conference with the Six Nations at Albany ; and Johnson, who had persuaded many of the Mohawks to attend, appeared there, at their head, bedecked and bedaubed like an Indian chief. His influence was not great as three of the principal Mohawk chiefs were won over by Mr. Barclay, missionary at Fort Hunter and Dr. Cadwallader Colden, who was the soul of the conference. Al- though, the Iroquois pledged themselves to take up the hatchet against the French, their active participation in the war was of little consequence. Johnson supported Clinton in his war against De Lancey and the assembly, and the governor commissioned him a colonel of the Indian forces. Thenceforth, Clinton largely entrusted Johnson with the manage- ment of Indian affairs. The assembly hectored Clinton with replies to his messages, which contained intimations, that although large sums had been supplied the Indians, they had not joined in the war to any extent ; also that in these disbursements, individuals (evidently alluding to Johnson) had profited largely. Governor Clinton, in 1750, appointed Johnson a member of the Provincial Council and the same year he resigned his position in con- nection with Indian affairs. For supplying the garrison at Oswego, John- son made claims which the assembly would not pay. With rare discern- ment, in 1751, Johnson procured, from the Iroquois, a deed of Onondaga lake and the land around for two miles in width. He informed Clinton, he obtained it for no other purpose than to secure it for the crown, and offered to transfer it upon reimbursement for his expense, but the assembly would not comply. However, later the Provincial Council, of which John- son was a member, granted him this large and valuable tract in payment 52 of his Oswego claim. If he had this in view, when he secured the deed, it shows his uncanny business foresight. In 1753, Johnson was empowered by the governor to meet the Iroquois Council at Onondaga, which he did in a friendly manner, but the conference was of no great importance. William Johnson owed his business opportunity to his first benefactor, Peter Warren; and he owed his political opportunity to his second bene- factor Governor George Clinton. He had been absorbed in the self-satis- faction of growing rich, and found contentment in his farm and squaws. Clinton hated the Indian Commissioners, who opposed him in the assembly ; and to be rid of them, he turned to Johnson, the only one of his adherents, who was in touch and had knowledge of Indian affairs. Johnson responded with alacrity, because it increased his business opportunities and enhanced his influence and importance. Hitherto, he had been absorbed in the conduct of his farm and the management of a dirty Indian store. Thence- forth, he had a wider vision of life, as a member of the Governor's Council and the most influential man on the New York frontier. So far, he had accomplished little of real value, in his political career, but that did not matter for Clinton's administration did not amount to much. But, to Johnson, Clinton's preferment meant his advancement to a high position in the affairs of New York, which opened avenues of emolument and honor in the future, unexpected and undreamed of in the past. (For main facts of Johnson's early life, see : Parkman's Montcalm and Wolfe ; Bancroft's History of the United States ; 2, 435 to 438 ; Stone's Life; Pound's, Johnson of the Mohawk.) 53 CHAPTER EIGHT THE FRENCH INVASION The Allegheny river was flush within its banks and every rift now afforded safe passage for canoes and rafts. Departed winter's snow had barely drained away from the bleak mountains, leaving the air cool and crisp ; and the dense and dismal wilderness, lining the river's winding way. was yet unclothed with the full verdure of spring. But vegetation was again budding into life and the arbutus had burst into bloom. The sleeping bear had bestirred himself and young fawn, born at the winter's close, gazed timidly, from, clumps of spruce and pine, on the rough and rumbling water. Above the thread of the stream, wild fowl and feathered birds sought their summer homes and southern songsters enlivened every glade and glen. Dormant nature was springing into life and the buoyant air of spring incited the ambitions and hopes of men. Breaking the gloomy forest's deep solitude, a flotilla of hostile craft was borne down the lonely river. There were three hundred and sixty canoes, bateaux and rafts carrying cannon, powder and shells and a thousand French and Indian fighting men. They landed on the river's eastern shore. It was the 16th of April, 1754, a momentous day in the annals of men. They planted their cannon ; and their commander, Con- trecoeur dispatched Captain le Mercier to Trent's insignificant company of forty one Virginians engaged in hewing timber for an English fort, where the rivers meet. He demanded surrender and, if they immediately withdrew, promised security of persons and property, but if they refused, threatened destruction and confiscation. Captain Trent was away and Ensign Ward, in command, complied. It was the first overt act and the beginning of the French and Indian War. The Virginians with their effects marched away, and the royal ensign of France fluttered over the rising ramparts of Fort Duquesne. In May 1754, there was peace in Europe, but the tangled skein of French and English diplomacy was rent by the martial occurrences in the wilderness. Europe was in a state of sad dismay. Its people were deluded by the pomp and splendor of imperial power. Its affairs were mismanaged and misgoverned by corrupt and cynical politicians. A blundering old German king was on the throne of England, and his ministers were incom- petent and corrupt. The continent was in the throes of petticoat govern- 54 ment. A dissolute woman was czarina of Russia, the Austrian archduchess was an ambitious and scheming woman and a prostitute ruled France. The only star shinning in this clouded European sky was Frederick the Second of the little kingdom of Prussia. This malignant boil of ineptitude and corruption was festered deep with dejection and helpless hatred, and only a pin prick was needed to lance/ the inflamation. However, the pin was not pricked by Europe's effete courtiers and dotard generals but by a course of events in the American forests. The first overt act by the French and its accentuation by a trifling skirmish, naturally following, precipitated the Seven Years War, which drenched the world with blood. Two subaltern officers were the uncon- scious players in this grim game of fate. They were George Washington, a lieutenant colonel of Virginia militia and Coulon de Jumonville, a petty ensign in the French army. Virginia had voted £10,000 to sustain the occupation of the Ohio region and called on Pennsylvania for equal assistance. The assembly of that province was engaged in an acrimonious dispute with the governor over the issuance of bills of credit, and consequently Pennsylvania afforded no help. Virginia, which had received thirty cannon and eighty barrels of gunpowder, from the British government, proceeded to raise a regiment of three hundred men. Joshua Fry 1 was appointed colonel of this regiment and Washington was commissioned lieutenant colonel. The pay of the colonel was only fifteen shillings, $3.75 in depreciated Virginia currency. Washington with one hundred and fifty men of this regiment, marched from Alexandria to Wills creek and thence made his way through the mountains, designing to proceed to Red Stone on the Monongahela river. Contrecoeur dispatched Jumonville with thirty-four men from Fort Duquesne, and provided him with a letter demanding Washington's with- drawal. His instructions were to ascertain and report the whereabouts and numbers of the English. The plan, evidently, was to reinforce Jumon- ville with such numbers, as would overawe Washington and compel him to retire upon delivery of the letter. Perhaps, the officers, at Fort Duquesne, were negligent in sending reinforcemnts. Jumonville, however, by lurk- ing in the forest for five days without attempting to deliver his message, assumed the hostile attitude of a spy. Washington was at the Youghiogheny, inspecting its passage, when informed by an Indian runner, that a French force was out. He immediately returned to the Great Meadows, where his force was and entrenched his camp. Christopher Gist informed him, May 27th, the French had been at his plantation, the day before. At 9 o'clock that night, two Indian run- ners came from the Half King with intelligence, they had discovered the hiding place of the French. Washington acted at once and taking with him forty men started for the Half King's encampment. They blundered and tumbled through the woods, in dense darkness and a downpour of rain, and did not arrive at the Half King's until near sunrise. Washington and the Half King agreed to immediately attack the French. Led by the Half King and Scarooyady with their naked and painted warriors, the 55 English followed in Indian fashion, silently and in single file. The Indian scouts scanned every tree and branch for broken twigs, and crouching on the ground, examined the forest sward for faint footstep traces leading to the French hiding place. It was in a little glen surrounded by high rocks and shaded by a grove of pines. 2 None but an Indian could have found it. Washington posted his men on one side, and the Half King ambushed his warriors opposite, so as to completely surround the hideaway. The French discovered them and rushed for their guns. Washington ordered his men to fire, and the Indians burst through the underbrush with toma- hawks and scalping knives. Jumonville and nine of his men were killed, one was wounded, one escaped and twenty one were taken prisoners. The Indians scalped the dead. Davison, the interpreter stated, 3 that Washing- ton and the Half King disagreed considerably, the English fired wildly and the Indians did the most execution. One Virginian was killed, three wounded and the Indians escaped unharmed. The French claimed they were acting, only, as messengers and asserted it was an unprovoked murder of a peaceable mission and Washington's conduct inexcusable. Some writers have attempted to explain Washington's attack in such a way, as to leave the inference, that had it been any one else, it would be censurable. It seems, they have ignored the actual facts. The Ohio region was disputed territory, as no treaty had ever denned the boundaries between France and England. The English claimed it and from their standpoint it was just as much theirs as the settled parts of Virginia. Contrecoeur's expedition was an invasion of English territory and his capture of the fort and expulsion of Trent's force was an overt act of hostility and justified a war of retaliation. It was no mere ejection of private individuals. Trent was there under orders of the royal governor of Virginia, who represented the crown of England. The right, to repel an invasion by force and recapture what the invader has seized, without any formal declaration of war, has always been admitted. The French army had begun a war in America, and they were subject to the rules and conditions of war. This was exactly Washington's position and of his superior, Dinwiddie, who acting under instructions of the English authori- ties, had always proclaimed he would repel force by force. Washington did not march to begin a war. He marched into a war already begun. There was no assertion a white flag was raised, when the French dis- covered they were surrounded, nor credible evidence they announced they had a message to deliver. Only, a loose claim, made later, that Jumon- ville waived a paper. This Washington positively denied. Instead they rushed for their guns and killed one and wounded three of the English. 4 Washington returned to the Great Meadows, sent his French prisoners to Wills Creek and called for reinforcements. He was followed by the Half King and his loyal Mingoes and Queen Aliquippa. His fortification, called Fort Necessity, was strengthened. It was located four miles east of the Laurel Hills, in the present Fayette county, Pennsylvania and was sur- rounded by elevated, densely wooded ground. The fort was undesirably located, as the high ground enabled the enemy to enfilade it, and the 56 woods, which approached to within one hundred yards, afforded conceal- ment. The only advantage was a small creek, flowing through the camp, which provided a plentiful supply of water. The works, designed by Cap- tain Robert Stobo, consisted of a log fort one hundred feet square and partly surrounded by a ditch. 5 Christopher Gist brought word, that Colonel Fry had died at Wills Creek, May 31st, and consequently, the entire command, now, devolved on Washington. He was reinforced by the three other companies of the regiment and by Captain McKay and his South Carolina company, which augmented his force to about four hundred men. There was contention between Washington and McKay as to seniority, and the Carolina men refused to perform any work without extra pay. These disagreements dispirited and demoralized the Virginia troops. Exasperated by these con- tentions, Washington, leaving McKay at Fort Necessity, marched his Virginians to Gist's plantation, where he entrenched. Nearly a month was frittered away by this dissension. But, rumors of impending attack forced Washington to fall back to Fort Necessity. Coulon de Villiers arrived at Fort Duquesne, June 26th, with a large force of Canadian Indians, and being the ranking officer and brother of the slain Jumonville, he was designated commander of the attacking force. Contrecoeur, by liberally feasting the Delawares, persuaded them to join the party, which amounted to over eight hundred men. They paddled their canoes up the Monongahela to the Ohio Company's trading house at the mouth of Red Stone creek, which they seized ; and thence marched through the woods, by the site of the Jumonville affair and Gist's plantation, toward Fort Necessity. July 3rd, about 1 1 o'clock in the forenoon, a wounded sentinel limped into Fort Necessity with the news that the French were near. The place was short of supplies. The men were raw and inexperienced and the officers apprehensive. Soon savage warwhoops rilled the forest with the din of their presence. Washington posted his men without the trenches, to entice the enemy to the open field, but they declined to leave the shelter of the woods. The Half King, who disapproved of Washington's conduct of the campaign, withdrew and none of his Indians took part in the engage- ment. The day was dark and gloomy. The heavy intermittent showers, which wet the priming of the guns, were interspersed by a foggy mist, which obscured the vision of the men. The French enfiladed a portion of the fort and drove the English from that part of the fortification. The gunners were unable, to work their poorly protected cannon, by the heavy musketry fire directed upon them; and the men stood knee deep in the water, which flowed into the ditches with each downpour of rain. For nine long, dreary hours, when the weather permitted, the firing continued on both sides, and until the darkness of night descended upon them. At 8 o'clock, de Villiers offered to negotiate but Washington declined. The offer being repeated, he sent the Dutchman, Van Braam, who under- stood a little French, to de Villiers. The parleys were continued until near midnight, when Van Braam returned with the written terms of surrender. 57 In a downpour of rain, the officers gathered about him, and by the feeble light of a sputtering candle, he fumbled through a translation, which seemed to them acceptable. Washington signed the articles of capitulation. 6 These set forth it was not the intention of the French, "to trouble the peace, which reigns between the two princes in amity, but only to revenge the assassination, which has been done to one of our officers bearer of a citation, as appears by his writings, as also to hinder any establishment on the lands of the dominions of the king my master." These were very humiliating admissions and concessions of English right to the disputed ter- ritory. If correctly translated, they should have been refused, unless the situation of the beseiged was extremely desperate. The English were allowed to retire with all their belongings, except artillery, and with the honors of war. The seventh article reiterated, "the assassination of Sr. de Jumonville" and provided that Captains Jacob Van Braam and Robert Stobo should be hostages for the return of the prisoners taken in the Jumonville skirmish. It is claimed, Van Braam translated the words, "1 assassinate du Sr. de Jumonville," as death of Sr. de Jumonville, instead of assassination. Most writers appear to ignore the more damaging admissions and acknowledgements of French right to the Ohio region, and dwell at great length on the mistranslation of the word "V assassinat," and even Wash- ington does not specifically refer to any other grievance. Dinwiddie, how- ever, perceived the greater error of the admissions, as in his letter, to Governor Hamilton (Col. Recs. 6, 136), he stated, "the enemy has noth- ing to vaunt of except what they got by the capitulation." In fact, running throughout the entire articles, the French claim is maintained, and the English acceptance and Washington's signature, would appear to concede it. The only excuse is a mistranslation of the whole document. The French officers had throughout their invasion acted with great circumspection and attained complete success. They proclaimed no inten- tion to disturb the peace, and that their attack, on Fort Necessity, was solely to revenge the murder of Jumonville and expel the intruders from the dominions of the king of France. By the terms of the capitulation, it would seem they had achieved complete English acknowledgement of all they claimed, and by a full written record vindicated their invasion. The English casualties were about one hundred killed and wounded, one third of this number, supposed to have been killed. The French reported a loss of seventy two killed and wounded. 7 There was considerable criticism of Washington. Conrad Weiser reported (Col. Recs., 6, 151) "By the way Tanacharison, otherwise called the Half King, Complained very much of the Behaviour of Col. Washing- ton to him (tho in a very moderate way, saying the Col. Washington was a good natured man but had no experience), saying he took upon him to command the Indians as his slaves and would have them every day upon the Out Scout and attack the enemy by themselves, and that he would by no means take advice from the Indians; that he lay at one place from one full Moon to the other and made no Fortification but that little thing 58 upon the meadow, where he thought the French would come up to him in open Field; that had he taken the Half King's advice and made such fortification as the Half King advised him to make he would certainly beat the French off ; that the French had acted as great Cowards and the English as Fools in that engagement; that he (the Half King) had car- ried off his wife and children, so did the other Indians before the Battle begun, because Col. Washington would never listen to them, but was always driving them on to fight by his Directions." Colonel William Johnson in a letter (Johnson Papers 1,410) stated: "I wish Washington had acted with prudence and circumspection requisite in an officer of his rank. I can't help saying he was very wrong in many respects, and I doubt his being too ambitious of acquiring all the honor. He should have rather avoided an engagement until our troops were all assembled." Thomas Penn wrote from England: 'T am concerned to find Colonel Washington's conduct so imprudent." (Pa. Archs., 2, 255.) Washington may have owed his appointment to the influence of his brothers, who were prominent members of the Ohio Company ; and to the good graces of Dinwiddie, a close friend of Hanbury, London partner in the concern. Too much should not have been expected of a mere boy of twenty two, an enthusiastic youth, inexperienced in either public affairs or as a military commander. He was handicapped by officers equally inex- perienced, by an inadequate force, and by the illness and death of Colonel Fry, who was conversant with public affairs, was a highly educated and trusted man and had been an able Indian negotiator. Washington retired to Winchester and his regiment was broken up into independent companies. Colonel James Innes had been appointed commander in chief of the expedition. He was joined by two New York independent companies and the North Carolina regiment, and proceeded to Wills Creek. There, he erected a fortification, which he called Fort Mt. Pleasant. The name was subsequently changed to Fort Cumberland, in honor of the Duke of Cumberland. After Washington's defeat, the loyal western Indians fled to Aughwick. They severely taxed the patience of George Croghan, who, in August, wrote the governor, inquiring what he should do, and sending a bill for their support. The government, distrustful of Croghan in money matters, sent Conrad Weiser to Aughwick to afford the necessary relief. Aughwick had become a vast encampment of savage refugees. Half starved and panic mad, they had trekked over the mountains, and by the various trails, like wild pigeons in the spring, had poured pellmell out of the woods and descended on Croghan's place. There, they were : Mingoes, Delawares and Shawnees ; the Half King, Scarooyady, the Beaver, Dela- ware George, Dishickany and the lesser lights of Indian government ; feathered warriors and filthy squaws ; lusty youths and fair young maidens ; feeble old men and women ; and naked but pretty little red boys and girls. They camped in twenty cabins around Croghan's house, crowded his stables and pig sties full and filled the woods on every side. They devoured 59 his fields of corn, ate his squashes and beans, filched his chicken coops, killed his pigs, milked his cows and drank themselves crazy in the woods, where they sold the rum traders what little they had, stole what they could and begged for more. They hurrahed and whooped their welcome to Conrad Weiser, for to them, he was the government of Virginia and Pennsylvania, and spoke for their father, the king, across the great water. They expected he would tell them what the English would do, and hoped he would send a great army and drive the French away. But, if not, they intimated, all the Indians would succumb to the French, and even they be compelled home- ward, and there be friends and subjects of the French father. Weiser appeased them, as best he could, paid Croghan's bill, gathered grain and provision for their support and left them, as the only proper thing to do, in Croghan's charge. 8 About October 1st, the Half King arrived at John Harris', very ill and died a few days later, and his remains were interred, there, with the full honors of Indian burial. 9 Scarooyady, who succeeded him, as Half King, was sent by the governor on a mission to Onondaga. 10 Governor Morris called the attention of the assembly to the critical situation on the frontier ; and the assembly submitted an act for the emis- sion of bills of credit and an appropriation for the king's use, which they knew he could not approve. 11 There were no depredations on the frontier, in 1754, except an attack on Fort Massachusetts and the burning of buildings at Hoosic, in New York, by Canadian Indians. 12 NOTES— CHAPTER EIGHT 1. Joshua Fry was a native of Somersetshire England, educated at Oxford and had been professor of mathematics at William and Mary College. With Peter Jefferson, father of Thomas Jefferson, he made a map of Virginia. He was a member of the House of Burgesses and was one of the commissioners who ran the line between Virginia and North Carolina. In 1752, he was one of the Virginia com- missioners who made a treaty with the Indians at Logstown. He was very familiar with the Ohio region. Colonel Fry died May 31, 1754, at Wills Creek, while on the expedition of which he had command. 2. Situated about five miles east of Uniontown, Pa. 3. Col. Recs. 6, 195. 4. Report of Washington to Dinwiddie; Col. Recs., 6, 195; Historical Collec- tions of Pa., 331; Marshall's Life of Washington, 1, page 4; Bancroft's History of the U. S. 2, 384, Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, 1, 269; Montcalm and Wolfe, 1, 151. 5. For description of the fort, see Pa. Archs. 12, 420; Historical Collections of Pa., 331. 6. Col. Recs., 6, 52; Pa., Archs. 2, 146. 7. Col. Recs., 6, 51, 52, 136, 151; Pa. Archs., 7, 420; Marshalls Life of Wash- 60 ington, 1, pages 4, 5, 6 and Appendix note page 11; Historical Collections of Pa. 33; Bancroft's History of the U. S., 2, 385; Montcalm and Wolfe 1, 165 to 167; Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution 2, 270. 8. Weiser's Journal, Col. Recs., 6, 140 to 163. 9. Ibid, 184. 10. Ibid, 180, 184, 193 to 200. 11. Col. Recs., 6, 165 to 247. 12. Pa. Archs. 2, 167, 168. 61 CHAPTER NINE BRADDOCK'S DEFEAT Alarmed by the French encroachments, the British government sent over two regiments of regular infantry, each consisting of five hundred soldiers, and commanded by Sir Peter Halkett and Colonel Dunbar. Each regiment was to be augmented by colonial enlistments of two hundred men. Major General Edward Braddock, who was appointed commander in chief of the British forces in North America, arrived at Williamsburg in February 1755. Braddock admonished Governor Morris, that he expected liberal grants of support and supplies, reminding him, that as Pennsylvania was the most opulent and prosperous colony and most affected by the French intrusion, no evasion would be permitted. He com- plained that the Philadelphia merchants had been supplying Canada with grain, which stocked the French magazines, and insisted this trade must be stopped. Morris, in his reply, admitted, with shame, his helplessness because his assembly would grant no money, and stated that Pennsylvania, alone, could supply the whole army, as the products of its farms required, for transportation, the services of five hundred ships, mostly owned by the rich merchants of Philadelphia. Governor Morris, in compliance with the request of Sir John St. Clair, quartermaster general of the British forces, appointed John Armstrong, George Croghan, James Burd, William Buchanan and Adam Hoops com- missioners to lay and construct a road, from the settled parts of the province, to intersect the proposed route of Braddock's army. They sur- veyed it from Shippensburg to the Turkey Forks of the Youghiogheny, and began its construction. The governor issued a proclamation prohibiting all vessels, clearing Philadelphia, visiting French ports and placing their masters under a penal bond of £500 for violation of the prohibition. The assembly submitted a bill, for the issuance of £25,000 in bills of credit redeemable in ten years, which they knew the governor could not approve without violating the king's instructions. He pocketed the bill and sent it to the crown officials, as evidence of the perversity of the assembly, which adjourned without making any provision for raising a militia, the construction of the road or the support of the governor. The separate assembly, of the three lower counties on the Delaware, loyally 62 supported the governor, with a liberal grant of supplies and cattle for Braddock's army and appropriated £1000 which the governor used in constructing the road. 1 The Quakers who dominated the assembly would not grant money for war; but would appropriate it to the "king's use," knowing full well, when they voted it, that he would use the money to shoot other men. Such is the inconsistency of religious fanaticism and extreme pacifism Franklin, who had recanted his former opposition to the governor, gives amusing examples of their foolish conduct and religious eccentricity. Once, New England in need of powder, applied to Pennsylvania for a contribu- tion for that purpose. The Quaker assembly refused, because powder was an ingredient of war ; but voted £3000 aid to be put in the hands of the governor and expended for the purchase of bread, flour, wheat or other grain. The council advised the governor not to take it. He replied: "I shall, take the money, for I understand very well their meaning, other grain is gunpowder." At another time, Franklin and the other non-Quaker mem- bers of the fire company desired to use some of its money for the defense of the city, which was threatened by the French, but fearing the opposi- tion of the Quakers, he proposed to a friend, who was not a Quaker, "if we fail, let us move the purchase of a fire engine with the money ; the Quakers can have no objection to that, and then you nominate me and I you as a committee to purchase it. Then, we will buy a great gun, which is certainly a fire engine." A council of war was held, April 14th, at Alexandria, attended by General Braddock, Commodore Keppell, and Governors Shirley of Mass- achusetts, De Lancey of New York, Morris of Pennsylvania, Sharpe of Maryland and Dinwiddie of Virginia. It was agreed that Colonel William Johnson was the proper man to negotiate with the Six Nations and lead an expedition against Crown Point; and that Governor Shirley should command the reinforcement of Oswego and the force sent against Fort Niagara. It w T as also decided that two ships, for service on Lake Ontario and one for use on Lake Erie, should be built. 2 American writers have severely and perhaps unjustly criticised Brad- dock. They, generally, extol the colonial officers as skillful and valorous and disparage the British as stupid and tactless. They have praised the Amer- ican soldier for his alertness and blamed the British for his blunders. Probably, the truth lies between these extreme views. That both were brave may be granted, for both were of the same blood and the English have always had the reputation of being brave. It was to be expected, as the British officers were of a higher social class and better educated, they would disdain the colonial officers, who were of all classes from shoemakers to lawyers and chosen for popularity and not ability. And it was inevitable that the Americans would resent this arrogance with hatred. All agree Braddock was honest and brave. He, evidently, was no great man, but he, probably, was as good a soldier as the average English officer of his day. Stories are told both of his brutality and manliness. He was sixty years of age and far too old to learn the American manner of 63 fighting by ambuscades ; but he did not advance, until his army was organized and adequately supplied with munitions, provisions and trans- portation. He did not push his troops pell-mell through the woods by an Indian trail, but constructed a substantial road for its ingress and egress. His march was protected by an advance guard of scouts, rangers, and axe men ; and his main army and convoy were amply protected by outflankers. Contrary to most statements, his troops were not ambushed, but met the enemy in front and in the usual way battles begin. There was delay in securing the needed supplies, which it was expected Virginia and Maryland would furnish, but as little was raised there except tobacco and negroes, it was necessary to fall back on the rich farms of Pennsylvania for beef and flour. The planters, in Virginia and Maryland, rolled their tobacco hogsheads down to the river wharfs and had no heavy wagons. Consequently, but twenty five wagons could be secured there, and Braddock declared, in despair, that the expedition must be abandoned for lack of carriage. Franklin, who was in his camp, inti- mated to him, that in Pennsylvania every farmer had at least one. Brad- dock employed him to procure the wagons, and Franklin advertised in Lancaster, York and Cumberland counties and in two weeks, hired one hundred and fifty wagons and horses and two hundred and fifty nine pack horses. 3 The Braddock expedition was badly planned. The troops should have been landed at Philadelphia, whence a shorter route could have been taken to Fort Duquesne, through the rich farming districts of Pennsylvania, which would have afforded plentiful supplies of bread and beef. Due to the influence of Hanbury, London partner of the Ohio Company, the route was switched to Virginia, which could supply neither supplies nor trans- portation. Most of the provisions came from the storehouse at Shippens- burg, by the way of the Conococheague route to the Potomac and up that river to Fort Cumberland. The forces rendezvoused, at Fort Cumber- land, consisted of the 44th and 48th regiments of infantry of seven hundred men each, the artillery, engineers, a detachment of sailors, the independent companies of New York and nine companies of Virginia troops of about fifty men each. George Croghan came from Aughwick with thirty seven Indian scouts. 3 In all there were about twenty two hundred men. June 3rd, the march through the mountains began, but owing to delays in building the road, the progress each day was slight. Rangers and Indian scouts were thrown out in advance, and a guard protected those constructing the road. The main army and convoy were covered by flank- ing parties and the whole line of march was protected against a surprise attack and ambuscade. To retard the advance, the Indians attacked a settle- ment near Fort Cumberland and a considerable number were killed, wounded and taken prisoners. Another foray was made on those building the road, from Shippensburg, and a man was killed, and James Smith a boy was taken as prisoner to Fort Duquesne. At the Little Meadows, the army was divided, it is said, at the sug- gestion of Washington, who was one of Braddock's aides. Braddock with 64 twelve hundred picked men, the artillery and a pack train pushed forward ; and Colonel Dunbar, with the heavy artillery and baggage wagons, was left behind to follow as best he could. The engineers examined the fords of the Monongahela and found, by crossing two of them, a narrow defile and rugged ground could be avoided. The army marched, with an ample advance guard and strong out- flankers, and about mid-forenoon of July 9th, crossed the first ford with- out mishap. They proceeded over quite level ground to the second ford, which was at the trader Eraser's place, and about seven miles above Fort Duquesne. The water was low and the protruding rocks made an almost dry passage way. Washington looked back at the crossing horsemen, wagons, pack horses and soldiers clad in scarlet, with their shining guns and glistening bayonets, and thought it the finest sight he had ever seen. When the last pack horse was over, they formed on the comparatively level, but thickly wooded plain, which was crossed by two slight ravines and encompassed by a hill on the right and the river on the left. At Fort Duquesne, the approaching army caused consternation. Scouts were sent out the 6th, 7th and 8th of July and they reported the advance and strength of the English force. A council of war was held and at the suggestion of Beaujeu, one of the captains, it was determined to go out and fight the English. Beaujeu appealed to the Indians and twice they refused to take up the hatchet. The third time, he made an impassioned speech and closing exclaimed, "I am determined to meet the English. What ! What, will you let your father go alone." This caught them. They took up the hatchet, painted themselves and danced the war dance. Early in the morning of July 9th, open kegs of powder and casks of bullets were placed on the ramparts and the Indians bidden to help themselves. They filled their powder horns and bullet pouches and marched away in war bands. There were between six hundred and seven hundred warriors of the various Canadian and Western tribes, one hundred and forty-six Can- adians, and seventy two regular French soldiers. They were commanded by Beaujeu and thirty six French officers. By 8 o'clock, Fort Duquesne was clear of them and they were straggling up the Monongahela. Some have tried to account for Beaujeu's failure to ambush or attack the English at the fords, which he had plenty of time to do. But, he may have reasoned. To prevent the fall of Fort Duquesne, it is necessary to defeat and destroy the English army. Because of their precautionary advance, it is impossible to ambush them. An attack at the fords, if suc- cessful, would only destroy a part of them. The better plan is to attack them in front, when they are all over and trust to Indian tactics for suc- cess. Be it as it may, this is what he did. Braddock's army marched across the plain, with rangers and scouts in advance and followed by the Virginia light horse, the vanguard, the advance guard of three hundred men under Lieutenant Colonel Gage, the axe men, and engineers commanded by Sir John St. Clair, two field pieces, the wagons with powder and tools, the rear guard of the advance party, then the light horse and main convoy of wagons and pack horses 65 shielded by strong files of soldiers on either side and amply protected by outflanks at a distance of one hundred yards in the woods. 5 When the advanced party had successfully crossed the last ravine, the scouts saw a French officer, probably, Beaujeu naked as an Indian but wearing a gorget with the insignia of his rank, dart through the woods. He spied them, shouted and the woods in front swarmed with Frenchmen and Indians, who poured a murderous volley on the advance, which fell back on Gage's force. Gage wheeled his cannon into line and discharged them at the enemy. The noise of the artillery fire terrified the Canadians who mostly ran away and the Indians who scampered back into the forest. Beaujeu was killed and Dumas who succeeded him thought all was lost. But the French regulars manfully stood their ground and with precise aim brought down many of Gage's men. The Indians recovered their senses and like hornets swarmed back to the front and secreted themselves behind logs and trees. Braddock now ordered up his main force and formed them in a solid line. Gage's men were driven back upon them and they all became huddled together in a confused mob of bewildered men. The Indians flocked on either side and pelted them from every tree and log. From the hill they poured down their most destructive fire. The British were unused to this. They were stupid and brave and had only been trained to fight an open enemy in a solid line, and could not withstand the fire of a hidden foe. The officers were likewise blind to Indian tactics and deemed it cowardice to seek shelter from a concealed enemy. They rushed here and there exhorting their men to charge the unseen foe, who if dislodged, returned like wasps to sting them again. Gage and St. Clair were wounded, Shirley, the secretary was killed, Halkett and his son were shot dead, Colonel Burten who commanded the 48th regiment was wounded and so were Orme and Morris, two of the aide-de-camps. Washington the other aid escaped unhurt but had two horses shot under him. Braddock, bravely and furiously raced hither and thither, commanding, exhorting and savagely beating those who sought shelter. Four horses were shot under him, and at last a bullet, probably, from the gun of an Indian hidden behind a log struck him in the thigh, went up through his body and pierced his lung. He was carried from the field a dying man. The confused and bewildered mass of men, huddled together with- out rank or order and mowed down like sickled grain, fired wildly into the woods and blindly at the unseen foe. After three hours of this din and carnage, they broke and fled. Now that all was lost, their dying general ordered them to retreat. Without guns, wagons, pack horses and sup- plies, they crowded along in disordered flight up the river and by the way they came. The French and Indians did not pursue, but sated themselves with plunder of the field and fallen foe. Their losses were slight, mostly among the Indians to whom must be accorded the credit of fighting and winning the battle. 66 According to the list furnished by Captain Robert Orme, the English casualties were out of eighty five officers present, sixty three killed or wounded and of the men engaged six hundred killed or wounded. Frank- lin stated that seven hundred and fourteen were killed out of eleven hundred engaged. The fugitives fled to Dunbar's camp, which was about seven miles from the Great Meadows. The mortally wounded Braddock was conveyed there, and died about 8 o'clock in the evening of July 13th. He was buried in the road and the horses and wagons were run over his grave to obliterate all traces. 6 Dunbar destroyed the ammunition and superfluous provisions, which occasioned much complaint, but Orme stated it was done to prevent its falling into the hands of the enemy, and that it could not be moved, because all the horses left were needed to carry off the wounded. Dunbar with what was left of the army retreated to Fort Cumberland. 7 Franklin reported Orme told him Braddock was silent the first day and at night said only, "Who would have thought it," and the following day muttered "We shall better know how to deal with them another time." 8 NOTES— CHAPTER NINE 1. Col. Recs. 6, 300 to 476. 2. Doc. Hist, of N. Y. 2, 648; Col. Recs. 6, 365. 3. Autobiography, Franklin's Works, Vol. 1, 267; Pa. Archs. 2, 294-295. 4. George Croghan was born in Ireland of Protestant parents and emigrated to Pennsylvania, locating in 1741, west of the Susquehnana in the vicinity of Carlisle, where his only white child, Susannaha was born in 1750. He learned to converse in the Iroquoian and Delaware languages but not proficiently and was never engaged as an efficient interpreter. He engaged in the Indian trade and his chief trading posts were at Aughwick and Logstown. He hired many traders who made their way to the far west and he was called the prince of traders.. When Sir William Johnson became superintendent of Indian affairs, perhaps, because of an inclination to help a fellow Irishman, he appointed Croghan deputy superintendent. He obtained large land grants from the Indians both in Pennslyvania and New York. In 1758, he went to Pittsburgh and built a large place, which he called "Croghan Hall" ; but he finally failed as an Indian trader and lost all his land ventures. During the Revolution, he was suspected of treason. Croghan died at Philadelphia in 1782. 5. See P. MacKeller, the engineer's plan. 6. Historical Collections of Pa. for site of the grave, page 334. 7. Col. Recs. 6, 487 to 491, 480, 481, 482, 484 ; Montcalm and Wolfe, 1, 420 to 434. 8. Franklin's Works Vol. 1, 274. 67 CHAPTER TEN THE BATTLE OF LAKE GEORGE Braddock, at Shirley's suggestion, appointed William Johnson, super- intendent of the affairs of the Six Nations and their allies. 1 Johnson was greatly pleased and proud of this appointment. It was the business, he knew best and he was on firm ground. He knew how, when and where to begin, which he did by selecting Peter Wraxall as his secretary. Wraxall was a native of Bristol, England and became secretary of Indian affairs at Albany in 1752. He was secretary of the Albany Congress and was an efficient and experienced clerk. Johnson derived his military authority from the colonial governors. 2 He was, of course, pleased with this appoint- ment, but realized he lacked the qualifications and experience, necessary to command such an important expedition. Although, he did not like it, as with most politicians, he desired military glory. In letters, (Johnson Papers 1,456), he expressed his sincere sentiments, wherein he wrote: "That were my abilities much greater, I should think them greatly inferior to the qualifications requisite in the person to conduct an affair of so great importance. You must be convinced, that the little experience I have had in military affairs cannot entitle me to the distinction, preferable to so many of superior merit in your own government." He did, however, have some important requirements. His business instinct taught him, that to wage successful warfare, he must have muni- tions and supplies, and he constantly importuned Braddock, Shirley and De Lancey for them. His political sagacity convinced him the easiest way, to win and hold the attachment of his officers, was to provide them liberal social festivities, and he solicited the colonial governments to provide for his military establishment so he could entertain them. Johnson had a firm friend in Goldsbrow Banyar, secretary of the New York council, who was bound to him by the close ties of mutual land speculation, and who, by countless letters, fully informed him of the attitude of the governor and assembly, and of any clouds darkening the horizon of his hopes. The Crown Point movement may be dubbed the lucky campaign. Johnson solicited the assignment of a competent artillery officer, and Brad- dock sent him William Eyre, a captain of artillery, a competent engineer and experienced in European warfare. This was luck number one. John- son made him commissary general, and he inspected and assembled the 68 munitions and supplies, had the gun carriages repaired, supervised the building of bateaux necessary for transportation and arranged the encamp- ment at Albany. Massachusetts sent Stephen Webster, a master workman and fifty carpenters to build two hundred contemplated bateaux. 3 Connecticut demanded the choice of the second in command of the expedition and appointed Phineas Lyman, a young lawyer of that colony, to the position. This was luck number two. Bancroft calls him a man of uncommon martial endowments. He was brave, alert, resolute, loyal and a good soldier. Born at Durham, Connecticut in 1716, he graduated from Yale, and became a lawyer. He was in the disastrous attack on Ticonderoga and was with Amherst when he captured it and Crown Point. He served in the Havana expedition, and died in 1774 at Natchez, where he was engaged in a colonizing enterprise. Johnson remained sometime at his home Mt. Johnson, dictating let- ters to Wraxall and dickering with the Indians. He held a conference with eleven hundred of them, June 21st and secured their pledge to join his expedition and render assistance to Shirley at Oswego. On July 8th, at his house in Albany, whither he had removed, Johnson conferred with General Lyman and the colonels of his army. Plans for the campaign were reviewed. The colonies were to provide the following number of men: New York 800, Connecticut 1000, Massachusetts 1500, New Hampshire 500, and Rhode Island 400. It is improbable, the complete quotas given rendezvoused at Albany, as the muster, roll of effective men, July 16th, amounted to only 3192. They were, mostly, New England farmers' sons, outfitted with their own guns and powder horns. The regimental com- manders were experienced soldiers and veterans of the Old French War, and included: Colonels Timothy Ruggles, Moses Titcomb, Ephraim Wil- liams, Elizur Goodrich, Christopher Harris and William Cockroft ; and Lieutenant Colonels Jonathan Bagley, Seth Pomeroy, John Pitkin, Nathan Whiting and Edward Cole. Judging by the tenor of his letters, Johnson had little expectation of victory. In a letter to De Lancey, he speaks disparagingly of the officers and troops under him ; and in one written to Thomas Pownall, he said : : "1 am under a good deal of anxiety lest my future schemes with regard to the expedition should be too much retarded and even defeated by the want of wagons and provisions falling short" ; and further "there is no due subordination among the troops ; and the officers with very few exceptions a set of low lifed ignorant people, the men lazy, easily discouraged by the difficulties, and from the popularity of their governments, neither accus- tomed or disposed to obedience." 4 This criticism comes with ill grace, since the same "low lifed officers and lazy soldiers," a few days later, won for him the laurels and honors he so greatly enjoyed. General Lyman with Ruggles' regiment and some men of Pomeroy'.s and Williams' regiments marched to the Great Carrying Place, clearing a road as they proceeded. It was so called, because it was the beginning of the portage from the Hudson to Lake Champlain and Lake George, long 69 used by the Indians and traders on their way to Canada. It had been occupied, years before by Colonel John H. Lydius as a plantation and trad- ing post. There, at the junction of Fort Edward creek and the Hudson he began the erection of a fortification called Fort Lyman, the name being changed a little later to Fort Edward. It was of earth and log construc- tion and enclosed magazines and barracks. 5 August 9th, Johnson marched with the last division of troops from Albany to Fort Edward. 6 It was decided to proceed by the way of Lake St. Sacrement, which Johnson reached August 28th with 1500 troops and 40 Indians. 7 The name he changed to Lake George in honor of the king. He immediately began to clear the forest for his encampment. General Lyman followed with the remainder of the army. At a council of war held September 7th, King Hendrik, the Mohawk chief stated, his scouts reported a large French force was marching towards Fort Edward. The French force, the Indians discovered, was commanded by Baron Dieskau and consisted of 200 French regulars or grenadiers, 800 Canadians and 700 Indians. 8 They left Crown Point, paddled their way up Lake Champlain to the South Bay and marched through the woods toward Fort Edward, which he intended to attack, but the Indians refused because they feared the artillery fire. Learning from papers found on Adams, the messenger Johnson had dispatched to Colonel Blanchard commander at Fort Edward, whom the Indians waylaid and killed, that the main English force was at Lake George, Dieskau decided to make his attack there. By the first light of the chilly morning, September 8, 1755, all were astir in the English camp. Johnson intended to send out two detachments of 500 men each, one to South Bay and the other towards Fort Edward. Hendrik remonstrated, maintaining a division of the force would be fatal. To clinch his argument, he picked up a stick which he easily broke, and then he put two together and was unable to break them. "There," he said, as he threw them on the ground. His illustration was irresistible. Johnson united the forces and placed them under command of Colonel Ephraim Williams and ordered him to proceed towards Fort Edward. 9 But, the wise old chief again objected, exclaiming they were too few to win and too many to be killed. This time, he did not prevail, but did not sulk and mounting a gun carriage harangued his warriors in an impassioned speech, beseeching them to follow him. They whooped their approval, daubed their faces with the war paint, filled their powder horns, took up their guns and filed off. Hendrik was too fat and feeble to walk, and the old man was boosted astride an artillery horse. The nag trotted off to the head of the column, which moved away shortly after 8 o'clock. Dieskau, learning from his scouts, the English were approaching, laid his trap. He placed the grenadiers across the trail and ambushed his Indians on either side. Williams' force had not entirely entered the trap, when Hendrik's keen ears and eyes detected something wrong. He gave the alarm. A signal gun went off among the secreted Indians and the whole woods blazed with the French fire. The English and their Indians went down in squads. Iheir column recoiled and the men huddled together in fright. 70 The French regulars charged the disordered ranks. Hendrik's horse, being shot, he was thrown under it and one of the charging Frenchmen bayoneted the old man to death. Colonel Williams attempted to form his men on the hillside near a large rock, but he was struck dead by a bullet through his head. Colonel Whiting finally got the panic stricken men, those who had not run away, into a semblance of order and retreated. Thus ended the "Bloody Morning Scout." The distant but approaching sound of guns apprised the army at Lake George, that Williams had been defeated, and frantic efforts were made to defend themselves. The camp lay on an incline sloping to the lake, with a swamp on the right and a dense woods on the left. Overturned bateaux and logs were thrown into line, forming a rough barricade on the south- ern outskirts of the camp. A line of battle was formed with the Mass- achusetts men on the right and the Connecticut troops on the left. Flank- ing parties faced the swamp and the woods. Eyre placed his artillery so as to command the approach by the road. These preparations were uncompleted, when the fugitives of Wil- liams' force came in. Soon the white uniforms and shining bayonets of the French grenadiers glistened in the noonday sunlight and the woods on either side of the road swarmed with Indians dodging from tree to tree. The French regulars coming by the open road began to fire by platoons, but the English artillery fire soon drove them to the cover of the woods. Johnson, slightly wounded in the thigh, took to his tent, and Lyman assumed command. This was luck number three. He understood the New England men, and they had confidence he could win. He was everywhere, during the long afternoon, across the field, up and down the barricade, directing, exhorting and commanding. The canister of the artillery drove the Indians in terror from the sheltering trees and logs, and the terrific pelting, from behind the barricade, mowed the French regulars down. About 4 o'clock, they began to waver and the English infantry swept over the breastworks and, with hatchets in hand, charged. The French broke and fled. Dieskau was wounded and his aide tried to remove him, but he would not leave the line of battle. When the English charged, a soldier shot him through the leg. "What," he said, "would you slay a wounded man. Take me to your general." This was done. Johnson had him treated by his surgeon, protected him from the Indians, who attempted his life and had him safely removed to Albany. During the afternoon, a scouting party, from Fort Edward, under Captains Folsom and McGinnis, came upon a party of Canadians and Indians, near the scene of the morning engagement, attacked them and drove them away. McGinnis was mortally wounded. It is said, the victims of this affair were thrown into a pool, which has ever since been called "The Bloody Pond." Lyman and the brave officers and men under him, with Eyre's artil- lery, won the Battle of Lake George. Johnson was inactive during the 71 engagement and had little to do in achieving victory. The English losses are said to have been 262 killed and wounded ; and the French losses were 228 killed and wounded. Johnson did not follow up the victory, but with his army remained inactive at Lake George, until winter forced its retirement to Albany. It has been charged against him that he called a council of war and feigning illness, did not attend, in order to throw the blame of retirement on the officers attending. 10 Johnson resigned his commission, December 2nd. He received all the honors from the British government. He was created a baronet and given £5000. Johnson was so jealous and ungenerous, that in all his reports, he did not mention General Lyman's name. However, it is said, he privately admitted Lyman won the fight. Governor Shirley, who succeeded Braddock as commander in chief, was a patriotic, energetic man, but a pompous old lawyer, always plan- ning and never executing. At first, he planned reorganizing the remnants of Braddock's army, with reinforcements from Pennsylvania, Virginia and Maryland ; but as the colonies would not cooperate, he ordered Colonel Dunbar and the troops to Albany to assist him in his proposed Niagara campaign. Shirley did not have the sense to realize his incapacity and his vanity led him to conceive himself a great military leader and the Niagara expedition as the crux of all plans against the French. Shirley was responsible for Johnson's preferment and at first they implicitly trusted each other. However, the Crown Point and Niagara movements were more or less rival affairs, and Shirley's diversion of some of the Massachusetts troops from the Crown Point army to the Niagara force, naturally aggravated Johnson. The real cause of dissension arose over Shirley's request for Indians to serve as guides and scouts of his army. Johnson agreed to furnish them and then hedged, stating they were not necessary until the army arrived at Oswego. Shirley became suspicious and unwilling to rely upon Johnson's uncertain cooperation, engaged Joseph Kellogg as interpreter and guide, and secured the assistance of Colonel John H. Lydius, who had great influence among the Indians. Johnson detested Lydius and this hatred, if not the cause, intensified the quarrel. William Alexander, later known as the Earl of Stirling and a leading American general of the Revolution, was Shirley's secretary and representative at Albany and Johnson took umbrage of him. The controversy became intense and Johnson's lack of earnest sup- port seriously hampered Shirley's plans. Johnson apprehended Shirley had blackened him with the British authorities, and may have contemplated, in trepidation, a tumbling house of glory. But, ever ready luck was with him, and moreover, he won the support of two men, of inestimable service to him with the English government, Robert Orme late aide to Braddock and Thomas Pownall. The latter, was a young politician, who had come to New York as secretary to Sir Danvers Osborne, and brother of John Pownall, secretary of the British Board of Trade. Thomas Pownall later became royal governor of Massachusetts. These two intrigued for him 72 and may have been largely responsible for the displacement of Shirley and the great honors bestowed on Johnson by the British government. The army assembled at Oswego, under Shirley, was insufficient and the supplies inadequate for the reduction of Niagara ; and a French force of fourteen hundred, at Frontenac, across the lake and threatening Oswego, made its capture impossible. Leaving, seven hundred men as a garrison of Oswego, late in October, Shirley with the main army returned to Albany. The English efforts, in 1755, had been futile. The reduction of Fort Duquesne, Crown Point and Niagara had failed, and the Battle of Lake George was a barren victory. Shirley's plans had miscarried everywhere, save, indirectly, making a Mohawk Valley Indian trader an English baronet. NOTES— CHAPTER TEN 1. Johnson Papers 1, 465. 2. Ibid, 468-472. 3. Johnson Papers 1, 562. 4. Ibid, 2-6, 9. 5. Ibid 1-730. 6. Ibid, 842. 7. Ibid, 889. 8. Doc. Hist, of N. Y., 2, 694. 9. Ephraim Williams was born at Newton, Massachusetts, son of Ephraim Williams, who removed to Stockbridge. For several years, Ephraim Jr. followed the sea, but finally settled at Stockbridge, which he represented in the General Court in 1744. In 1745, he was commander of three frontier forts with headquarters at Fort Shirley. In 1753, he was in command of Fort Massachusetts and in March 1755, he was appointed colonel of one of the regiments recruited for the Crown Point expedition. At Albany, July 22nd, he made his will, wherein he made a bequest for the establishment of a school at Williamstown, which became Williams College. 10. For accounts of the battle, see : Doc. Hist, of N. Y., 2, 689, 691, 698 ; Johnson Papers, 2, 18 to 28; Montcalm and Wolfe 1, 295; Lossing, Field Book of the Revolution 1, 95, 96. 73 CHAPTER ELEVEN DESOLATION OF THE FRONTIER Soon after Braddock's defeat, Governor Morris convened the Pennsyl- vania assembly and laid before it the exigencies of the situation and the imminent danger to the frontier. The British Board of Trade had rejected the complaint, of the assembly, to the governor's former action in rejecting an act for the emission of bills of credit, and given notice it considered the assembly recalcitrant. Confronted with the displeasure of the British government, the Quaker assembly bowed to the storm, and submitted an act for the appropriation of £50,000 for the king's use, but because it taxed the proprietary estates, the governor disapproved it, on the ground that it was contrary to his instructions. These instructions were morally inde- fensible and disclosed the greed of the proprietors. Franklin had at last maneuvered the Quakers into a strong position, but both knew the act of assembly was only a gesture to avoid the wrath of the British govern- ment and the rigors of taxation. Proprietors, Quakers, Franklin and Mor- ris were all playing a game of appeasement with the English government and only the cataclysm of murder and plunder on the frontier, at last, cudgeled them into a semblance of defense. 1 Many of the western Delawares and Shawnees fought with the French at Braddock's Field. The Delawares, long restive under the overlordship of the Iroquois, were revengeful towards the Pennsylvanians because of eviction from their homeland. Emboldened by Braddock's defeat and incited by the French at Fort Duquesne, these Indians had ravished the settle- ments on the Potomac in Maryland and Virginia, but there were no aggressions, on the Pennsylvania frontier, until October 16, 1755, when their fury burst forth. Early in the morning of that day, a band of fourteen warriors stealthly approached the settlements along Penn's creek, which with its tributary, Middle creek are sizeable streams meandering through the rich and roll- ing farm lands of Snyder county and emptying their waters into the Sus- quehanna near Selinsgrove. Dividing themselves into groups, they, here and there, struck the unsuspecting inhabitants, burning their cabins, murdering, scalping and capturing the occupants. The last depredation was at the house of Jacob Leroy or King, whom they barbarously burned and finally killed by driving two tomahawks into his forehead. Twenty four were killed or 74 taken prisoners. One person escaped and carried the news to the lower settlements. Seventeen of the remaining settlers organized a military com- pany, which went to the scene of the massacre and buried the dead, thir- teen men and women and one child. They, then, returned to the house of George Gabriel, which they made their headquarters. 2 The Indians, fear- ing pursuit, immediately decamped with their prisoners, going over the mountains to Kittanning. 3 This tragedy was the first Indian massacre, since the settlement of the province and set the whole Pennsylvania frontier aflame. Many, of the settlers in Cumberland county, abandoned their isolated cabins and sought places of possible safety; and the terrible news terrorized the in- habitants in the outlying sections of York, Berks and Lancaster counties. John Harris, upon receipt of the news, dispatched a letter, to Gov- ernor Morris, beseeching support of the back settlements; 4 and gathered a force, of forty men, which went up the river to Gabriels, and from thence to Shamokin, where they spent the night of October 24th in con- ference with the Indians, some of whom were friendly, but the Delawares, there, appeared hostile. Among those in the party were Thomas Foster, a magistrate and Thomas McKee, an Indian trader, whose place was on the east side of the river, near the present Dalmatia. 5 The latter understood Indians, and distrusted the attitude of a band of painted and strange Delawares. The next morning, Harris and his men left Shamokin. Andrew Mon- tour advised them to go down the east side of the river, but Harris suspected him of laying a trap and, as the road was easier, they wenfl down the west side. Montour was loyal and had they followed his timely warn- ing, they would have escaped disaster. As the party descended the bank of Penn's creek, at a place near its mouth, they were fired upon by a band, of some twenty Indians, secreted in the bushes on the other side. Two were killed and most of them fled, but fifteen sought the shelter of the trees and resisted. Finding their posi- tion untenable, they retreated but in crossing the river, one was shot and four or five others drowned. Harris' horse was wounded and he was compelled to swim to the eastern shore. The next night, the Indians burned the buildings at Gabriels. 6 Conrad Weiser gathered the men of Heidelberg township and marched to Benjamin Spycker's (the present Stouchsburg), where the men of Tulpehocken township had assembled. Weiser divided this united force, of between three and four hundred men, into companies, each with a captain, and marched to Adam Reed's house in Hanover township. A force was sent to guard Swatara Gap, where it was expected the Indiana would come through. Finding most of the rumors to be false and that there were no Indians east of the Susquehanna, Weiser and his men returned home. 7 He reported to the governor, what he had done, and upon receiving it, Morris wrote him, enclosing a colonel's commission, and said: "I have no time to give you any instructions with the commission, but leave it to 75 your judgment and discretion, which I know are great, to do what is most for the safety of the people and service of the crown." 8 Thus, the burden, of defending the frontier east of the Susquehanna, was cast upon Conrad Weiser, without instructions, arms, munitions or the semblance of an army, as there was then no militia in the province, and no law for raising and regulating one. Most of the inhabitants, north of the Kittatinny mountains, abandoned their settlements and fled southward. All was terror and confusion. About 4 o'clock in the morning of October 31st, William Parsons, late surveyor general, who was at his plantation, "Stonykiln," in Bethel township, Berks county, was aroused by Adam Rees, who informed him of the murder of his neighbor, Henry Hartman. Parsons summoned some men and they went to the scene, which was beyond the first mountain and about four miles away. There, they found the body of Hartman, who had been brutally murdered, and nearby came upon the corpses of two other men, badly mangled and scalped. 10 The attack at Hartman's was the first Indian depredation, east of the Susquehanna ; and occasioned the fascinating story of Regina, the captive German girl, which in popularity through the generations, has rivaled the romantic tale of Frances Slocum. In later years, Mrs. Hart- man told her story to Rev. Henry M. Muhlenburg, which he has related in the Hallische Nachrichten at page 1029. Henry Hartman with his wife, two sons and two daughters came from Wurtemburg to Pennsylvania and squatted in a fertile vale north of the mountains. They were pious Luth- erans and told their children Bible stories, taught them to pray and sing sweet German hymns. The morning of October 30th, Mrs. Hartman and one of her sons went to a mill, some miles away ; and upon their return, found their home burned, the father and son murdered and the two daughters, Barbara aged ten and Regina aged nine missing. She and her son fled southward to Tulpehocken, where they continued to reside. The Hartman sisters, with other captives, were taken westward and parted. Barbara was never seen afterwards. Regina and another girl two years old were given to an old squaw, who, treated them cruelly, and they were reared in slavery, amid scenes of savage brutality, until Regina was about nineteen and the other girl about eleven. During their captivity, Regina taught her companion to pray and sing the German songs she had learned. This they did alone and away from the fury of the old squaw. In 1764, Colonel Henry Boquet crushed the western Indians and required them to surrender all their white prisoners. He collected the captives at Fort Pitt and took them over the mountains to Carlisle. Adver- tisements were inserted in the colonial newspapers, fixing a day, when those who had lost relatives, should come to Carlisle and reclaim their loved ones. On the day appointed, hundreds of fathers, mothers, relatives and friends, from the colonies north and south, assembled at Carlisle. Colonel Boquet was a skilfull soldier, who conducted the proceedings with mili- tary precision, but in a spirit of kindness and humanity. More than four 76 hundred, wretched captives were gathered in a hollow square, guarded by the grim and bayoneted soldiers, and formed into a long line facing the multitude gathered on the common at Carlisle. Many would have run away, for they had been forced to leave their savage foster parents, and were homesick for the Indian homes they had learned to love so well. Some were tots, so small, they had to be led by the soldiers, but most of them were half grown boys and girls, who during their long captivities had forgotten their mother tongues and their own names. Clad in scant and wretched Indian attire, with their long and unkempt hair and darkly tanned faces, their aspect was that of the savages. Wild eyed, shy and bewlidered, these poor little creatures faced the uncertainties of the future, hardly knowing what it was all about. Ai few recalled their names and were thus reclaimed, some were identified by peculiarities of feature or scars or marks on the body ; others were recognized by incidents, songs and stories, and many of them were unclaimed and forced to seek the protec- tion of strangers. Mrs. Hartman, time and again, passed along the sorrowful line, but was unable to find her lost children. At last despairing, she withdrew and began to sob. The disconsolate woman attracted the attention of Colonel Boquet, as he passed back and forth. He went to her and she told him her sad story. He kindly suggested, was there no mark, no scar by which she could identify them. She shook her head. Was there an incident, a story of childhood, they might recall, he asked. Again, she shook her head. Had they learned some song, he inquired. Immediately, the woman's face brightened with a smile, and she began to sing in a sweet German voice, the beautiful hymn, Regina had loved: "Alone, yet not alone am I Though in solitude so drear ; I feel my Saviour always nigh He comes the very hour to cheer I am with him and he with me, E'en here alone, I can not be." Then, from the line of captives, the answer came, in the same strain from a young woman, and Regina Hartman broke away and embraced her mother. The other friendless and unclaimed child clung to Regina, and Colonel Boquet allowed Mrs. Hartman to take her home. 11 The Great Cove and the Conolloways are fertile valleys lying in what is now Fulton county. They attracted squatters, who as previously related were evicted in 1750, but returned and occupied their farms. Those settled in the northern part were Scotch Irish and those, in the southern part, which was disputed territory, from Maryland. A trader and two others were killed in the Tuscarora valley, October 31st; 12 and Shingas a Delaware chief, with about a hundred Delaware and Shawnee warriors, came from Kittanning and attacked the Great Cove settlement. Although, different dates have been given, there is no doubt, 77 it was Saturday, November 1st, as Sheriff Potter, in his report, stated it was "Saturday last about 3 o'clock in the afternoon," and Benjamin Chambers, in his warning to the inhabitants, dated it, "Sabbath morning November 2, 1755" (Col. Recs. 6,673,675). The Indian force divided, the part, under Shingas, attacking the Cove and the other the Conolloways. Sheriff Potter and Adam Hoops led a force, to the scene, Sunday morning and found houses still burning and sad evidence of the ravages. A, Mrs. Jordan and young woman named Clark had escaped, but unfortunately, the morning after, went back to the Jor- dan home to get milk for the children and were captured. The sheriff and Mr. Hoops favored pursuing the Indians, but the majority overruled them and the expedition returned. 13 The latter, in a letter to the governor stated, "the Great Cove and Conolloway settlements are all burned to ashes and about fifty persons killed or taken." 14 Dietrich Six, sometimes called Derrick Sixth lived in Bethel town- ship, Berks county, near where Fort Henry was later built and three miles north of the present Millersburg. A watch tower had been erected, there, on a little eminence overlooking the valley to the west, and the neighbors took turns in guarding it. It was attacked November 15th and the massacre is described in a letter of Peter Spycker to Conrad Weiser as follows : 15 "John Anspack and Frederick Reed came to me and told me, the miserable circumstances of the people murdered this side of the mountain yesterday. The Indians attacked the watch, killed and scalped him at Der- rick Sixth, and in that neighborhood great many in that night. This morn- ing, our people went to see ; came about 10 o'clock in the morning to Thomas Bowers house, finding a man killed with a gun shot. Soon we heard a noise of firing guns ; running to that place and found four Indians sitting on children scalping, 3 of the children are dead and 2 are alive ; the scalps taken off ; hereafter we went to the watch house of Derrick Sixth, where the Indians first attacked, finding 6 dead bodies ; 4 of them scalpt ; about a mile this side of the watch house, as we went back, the Indians set fire to a stable and barn, where they burnt the corn, cows and other creatures, where we found 7 Indians, 5 in the house eating their dinner and drinking rum, which was in the house, and 2 outside ; we fire to them but in vain ; the Indians have burnt 4 plantations more the above account told me." In closing he added, referring to the Quakers, "The Assembly can see by the work, how good and fine friends the Indians are to us." Edward Biddle Esq. wrote from Reading, expressing the horror and confusion there, upon receipt of the news, saying: "The people exclaim against the Quakers, and some scarce be restrained from buring the houses of those few who are in this town." 16 Conrad Weiser, Emanuel Carpenter and Simon Ruhm sent a protest to the governor, in which this was set forth : "The people are so incensed not only against our cruel enemies the Indians, but also (We beg leave to inform your Honor) against the Gov- ernor and Assembly, that we are afraid they will go in a body to Phila- 78 delphia and commit the vilest Outrages. They say, they would rather be hanged than be butchered by the Indians." 17 While this bloody mischief was brewing, Teedyuscung, like a wild beast in his lair, plotted deviltry and destruction. A boastful, lying drunk- ard, arrogant and ambitious, he saw, in the misery of the time, a chance to raise himself to power. The dissolute and dissembling Delawares of the west, long agonizing over their reduction to women, and hating the Eng- lish settlers for their intrusions, lent willing ears to the charms of the French and fought against Braddock. The eastern Delawares were a de- jected and dismembered people, with some at Shamokin, some at Nesco- peck, more at Wyoming and a few lingering here and there in their ancient homeland. These Teedyuscung gathered within his fold. Still smarting under Canassatego's castigation, old Nutimus, in his nest at Nescopeck, plotted with him. 18 The provincial government was gravely concerned about the Indians at Wyoming and along the Susquehanna ; but information was brought, by Charles Brodhead, and Christian Seidel, David Zeisberger, John Shmick and Henry Fry, the Moravians, that they were loyal and apprehensive they would be blamed for the late disturbances. They reported Paxinosa "kept good order among his Indians" and allowed none out hunting with- out his permission. 19 None of these messengers divined what was going on among the Delawares ; and at the opportune time, Teedyuscung struck with the venom of a viper ; leading and sending out small bands of savage murderers, who secreting themselves in the dismal swamps of the Pocono plateau, descended, with the stealth of panthers, upon the unsuspecting lowlands. Here and there, by day and night, they pounced upon isolated farmhouses or little settlements, burned the buildings, butchered the occupants and darted back to the fastness of the forest. None were spared, neither old nor young. Many of the victims had been friends and acquaintances of Teedyuscung, for he had lived most of his life, among the settlers in the Pocopoko valley and along the Lehigh. Terror and confusion prevailed and the survivors fled southward to Bethlehem, Nazareth and Easton. Encompassed by forest clad hills, the old Moravian mission of Gnadenhutten, with its well tilled fields, tidy buildings and barns filled with wheat and corn, nestled in a secluded vale of the Mahoning. On November 24th, the fifteen members, of the mission house, while eating their evening meal, were startled by the fierce barking of dogs and the stealthy approach of footsteps. Martin Nitschman went to see and, as he opened the door, a bullet struck him dead. The Indians fired into the open room and killed John Gattermeyer, Martin Presser and John Lesley. George Partich, as a bullet whistled by his head, jumped through a win- dow and dashed up the hillside, where he met John Sensemann, who had gone, a little time before, to close the church. They fled down the Mahoning and across the Lehigh and alarmed the occupants of New Gnadenhutten, who fled to Bethlehem. Those, in the mission house, ran to an adjoining room and up the 79 stairs to the attic, closely pursued by the savages, who fired, wounding Susannah Nitschmann. She fell down the steps into the arms of the Indians, who gagged, bound and removed her from the building. Barri- cading the trap door with furniture and a heavy chest, the beleaguered awaited their doom. Anna Sensemann sat on a bed and moaned, "My Saviour, I thought this would be my end." Johanna Anders, with her infant clasped in her hands, prayed in silence. The fiends fired a volley into the floor, but being unable to dislodge their victims, they applied the torch and soon the building was in flames. Three desperate ones deter- mined to escape. Young Joseph Sturgis leaped from a window, when the warrior guarding it stepped aside, and saved his life. Susan Partich fol- lowed him, ran up the hillside and secreting herself, behind the meeting house, was a sad witness of the savage orgies. George Fabricius, following her, jumped from the window, but, upon rising, was shot dead and scalped The five remaining ones, Anna Sensemann, Gottlieb Anders, Johanna Anders his wife and an infant daughter and George Schweigert were burned to death. The Indians set fire to the barns, shops, store, bakehouse and church ; and having feasted at the spring house, departed, with their plunder on stolen horses, by the old warrior path to Wyoming. They were said to have been twelve Shawnees, acting in concert with the Delawares; but Joseph Sturgis stated, he believed them to be Delawares. 20 In the expansive and fertile valley of the Pocopoko creek, near the present Kresgeville, Frederick Hoeth had settled and erected a substantial log house, mill and barns. Early in the evening of December 10th, while the family was at supper, a band of Delawares surrounded the house and fired through a window, killing Hoeth and wounding a woman. The remaining occupants fled to the other buildings, which the Indians set on fire. Mrs. Hoeth ran through the flames of the burning bake house, and to extinguish the fire in her dress, jumped into the creek and was drowned. The savages disemboweled and horribly mangled her body. A daughter was killed and scalped and three other children were believed to have been burned. The next day, probably, the same band attacked the house of John McMichael, a few miles farther east, but the neighbors had gathered there and succeeded in beating them off. A larger band, during the fore- noon, surrounded the stockaded house of Daniel Brodhead, located on the site of the present East Stroudsburg, but the place was defended through- out the day and at night the Indians withdrew. The other buildings on the place were burned. 21 A wide strip, of territory south of the Kittatinny mountains, in both Northampton and Berks counties, was now deserted by its inhabitants, who threw themselves for support on the generosity of their neighbors to the southward. Even, the residents of Easton and Reading believed them- selves in peril and were in a paralyzed state of consternation and con- fusion. 22 The governor uged the assembly to protect the frontier, but it cruelly 80 replied, intimating the settlers were unduly alarmed and terrified, suggest- ing the Delawares and Shawnees had land purchase grievances unre- dressed and insinuating the Six Nations had a hand in the depredations. But goaded by the increasing atrocities, the Quaker assembly, as a gesture, sent the governor an act appropriating £60,000 and containing provisions, it knew he had no power to approve. Meanwhile, Andrew Montour, Jegrea, a Mohawk and Scarooyady appeared before the governor, council and assembly ; and the latter addressed them, stating, there were still three hundred loyal Indians on the Susquehanna, but to retain their allegiance, they must be immediately supported. He demanded an explicit answer, whether Pennsylvania would fight or do nothing. The assembly insultingly denied his supplication. Scarooyady was amazed and said he could no longer prevent the defection of the Delawares, but, nevertheless, pledged his personal loyalty. The wise old chief counselled the governor to be calm and still strive for an agreement with the foolish assembly, assuring him he would carry a message to the Indians on the Susquehanna and the Six Nations. However, the march of events was driving the foolish Quakers into a tight spot. Thomas Penn sent a gift of £5,000 to be added to whatever the assembly appropriated, which was probably in excess of what could be justly realized by taxing his estates. The Indian murders continued. The frontier asserted itself. Fifteen hundred inhabitants, of Berks county, threatened to march to Philadelphia. A large number, of the citizens of Chester county, protested. The mayor of Philadelphia sharply reproached the assembly for its obstinacy. There were rumblings everywhere, Rumors came from the north and west, that the frontiersmen were bound to have protection, if they had to punish the Quakers, and perhaps hang the recalcitrant assembly members. The Quakers had to give way. The fear, of loss of life and property, overcame the fear of God. The assembly passed a weak militia bill, which exempted the Quakers from service and support of the frontier and contained provisions that rendered the forces raised under it inefficient. It also made an appropria- tion without taxing the Penn estates. The irreconcilable Quakers, led by Israel Pemberton, protested these measures, for the defense of innocent men, women and children from the unspeakable cruelties of fiendish savages, as destructive of their (the Quakers) religious liberties. Such is the fatuity of all extreme religious opinion. 23 Franklin to retain his pop- ularity with the Quakers had been their leader in the opposition. His policy was, "Beat the governor, and then beat the enemy." Much as we venerate Benjamin Franklin, his conduct, at this critical time, was that of the politician and unworthy of admiration. During December 1755, commissioners were appointed to provide for the defense of the frontier and militia companies were raised in the various counties, and their officers commissioned by the governor. 81 NOTES— CHAPTER ELEVEN 1. Col. Recs. 6-504, 510, 521, 525, 526, 534, 536, 537, 546, 550, 565, 569, 587, 597, 598. 2. Ibid, 647. 3. Pa. Archs. 3, 633. The captives were: Barbara Leninger, Mary Roy, Rachel Leninger, Marion Wheeler, Hannah wife of Jacob Breylinger and two of their children, Peter Lick and two of his sons, named John and William. 4. Col. Recs. 6, 645. 5. Frontier Forts 1, 627; Pa. Archs. 12, 405. 6. Col. Recs. 6, 648, 654, 655. 7. Ibid, 656, 659. 8. Ibid, 660. 9. and 10. Ibid, 669. 11. kupp, History of Berks and Lebanon counties, 318; Frontier Forts 1, 65; C. J. Weiser, Life of Conrad Weiser, 134. 12. Col. Recs. 6, 767. 13. Pa. Archs. 2, 451, 463, 474. 14. Ibid, 474; The Pennsylvania Gazette, under date of November 13th, listed those murdered at the Cove as: Elizabeth Gallway, Henry Gilson, Robert Peer, William Berryhill, David McClelland, a son of William Fleming and one Hicks ; and those missing, John Martin's wife and five children, William Gallway's wife and two children, a young woman, Charles Stewart's wife and two children, David McClelland's wife and two children. 15. Col. Recs. 6, 703. 16. Ibid, 705. 17. Pa. Archs. 2, 511. 18. Col. Recs. 6, 762. 19. Ibid, 751 ; Pa. Archs. 2, 459; 491. 20. Memorials of Moravian Church 1, 197 to 201; Col. Recs. 6, 736; Pa. Archs. 2, 521. 21. Col. Recs. 6, 755, 756. 22. Ibid, 760, 761, 762, 763. 23. Ibid, 671 to 743; Pa. Archs. 2, 484, 487, 516. 82 CHAPTER TWELVE DESTRUCTION OF OSWEGO During the winter of 1756, Colonel Jonathan Bagley of Massachusetts was in command of Fort William Henry, the construction of which had been commenced at the head of Lake George ;and his force was engaged in strengthening the works, and the building of boats for the proposed Crown Point movement. He quaintly wrote, ''Shall leave no stone unturned, every wheel shall go, that rum and human flesh can move." He sent out numerous scouting parties, under the celebrated ranger, Robert Rogers, Israel Putnam and others, whose exciting alventures, while prowling through the woods near Ticonderoga and Crown Point are fascinating stories, which fill a volume. Shirley had appointed General John Winslow of Massachusetts, com- mander of the proposed movement on Ticonderoga ; and by midsummer, a considerable number of New England regiments were scattered along the Hudson from Stillwater to Fort Edward, but their farthest advance- ment was to Fort William Henry, when winter compelled them to disband. To guard the road to Oswego, Fort Williams (on the present site of Rome) had been erected at the great carrying place on the Mohawk. Fort Bull had been built on Wood creek at the other end of this portage. The latter was only a stockade without cannon and garrisoned by a lieutenant and thirty or forty men. It contained a considerable quantity of supplies. About 4 o'clock in the morning of March 27, 1756, Lieutenant de Lery, with a French force, of three hundred sixty two men, consisting of Indians, Canadians, and ninety three regulars, appeared before Fort Bull ; and having learned, from two prisoners, the state of the fort and that sup- plies were expected, he made his arrangements. The convoy was inter- cepted, ten prisoners were taken and the provisions, a godsend to the famished French, were eaten. Most of the Indians refused to participate in the attack on the fort, but agreed to guard the prisoners and watch the road. Anticipating, a sortie from Fort Williams, de Lery made an immediate attack on Fort Bull. About twenty Indians accompanied him and, when within a short distance of the fort, gave the warwhoop, which alarmed the garrison and gave time to close the gates. Baffled in his surprise attack, by this ill- timed outcry, de Lery summoned the surrender of the place, but the answer was a sharp fire from the fort. After, an hour's onslaught, the gates 83 were battered down and the French poured within, and killed all the defenders. The stock of powder was dumped in the creek, but some of it exploded, wounding two of the French. As anticipated, a relief force was sent from Fort Williams, but the Indians, lying along the road, attacked it, and seventeen of the English were killed. Fearing pursuit, de Lery collected his men and, with the plunder they could carry, left for Canada. 1 Shirley's cherished dream was the capture of Fort Niagara, but he, never, got farther, than a little boy on a hobby horse. He sent recruits to Oswego, and, to forward supplies, he employed two thousand boatmen, under the command of Colonel John Bradstreet. Coulon de Villiers had been sent, with more than a thousand Canadians and Indians, to interrupt the communications between Albany and Oswego. Nevertheless, Brad- street succeeded in landing supplies ; but on July 3rd, while returning with some three hundred boatmen, at a point on the north side of the river about a mile above Oswego, he was attacked by the French. In order to prevent the enemy from crossing and give the boatmen time to land on the south side, Bradstreet, with six men, went to an island, where he was attacked by a force of about twenty, whom they succeeded in beating off. Six more joined Bradstreet and they were again assaulted by an increased French force and, although eight of the twelve were wounded, they held their assailants until reinforced. Perceiving they were about to be sur- rounded, they left the island. The English, by a feigned retreat, decoyed a large number of the French to cross to the south side of the river, and then turned upon them, driving the French into the river with consider- able losses. Meanwhile, an enemy force, of about four hundred, had crossed at a ford, above and taken position in a swamp. With two hundred men, Brad- street assailed them, but being unable to make any progress by tree cov- ered firing, he ordered his men to charge. The foe broke and fled, many of them being killed or wounded. Having been reinforced by one hundred grenadiers on their way from Onondaga and two hundred men sent by Colonel Mercer from Oswego, it was intended to pursue the French, the following morning, but the day being rainy, it was given up. The English losses were twenty killed and twenty four wounded. The French were believed to have had more than one hundred killed. This was the only English success on the northern frontier, during the summer of 1756 and Colonel Bradstreet received much praise. 2 Shirley, still making plans, had been displaced and Lord Loudon appointed in his place, with General Abercrombie to command the armies. The English efforts in 1755 had been futile. Poor Shirley had lost every- thing, two sons, William who was killed at Braddock's defeat and John who died of disease contracted at Oswego. He returned to England, if not disgraced, at least, humiliated by the failure of great expectations. Oswego was a continued menace to the long line of French communi- cations and the most hated English outpost. Vaudreuil, governor general of Canada had long designed its capture and early in the summer sent his 84 brother, Rigaud to supersede de Villiers in command of the French forces encamped at Niaoure Bay, now Sackett's Harbor. Montcalm, the newly arrived French general, early in July, went to Ticonderoga with reinforce- ments, but this was a mere diversion and not a threat against Fort William Henry. Having thrown the English off the scent and leaving Levis in command of about three thousand men on Lake Champlain, Montcalm, by a speedy journey, arrived at Frontenac about the first of August. Bourlamaque, commander there had made extensive preparations for the attack on Oswego. Beam's battalion had been ordered from Niagara; and on August 7th, Montcalm made his rendezvous at Niaoure Bay. He had about three thousand men, consisting of thirteen hundred regulars and the remainder were Canadians and Indians. They were well equipped with heavy cannon for a siege. There were three fortifications at Oswego. Fort Ontario on the east side of the river was a square of about one hundred and eighty feet. The faces broken in the center were flanked by redans placed at the point of break. It was constructed of picketts, eighteen inches in diameter and ris- ing nine feet from the ground. A ditch eighteen feet wide and eight feet deep surrounded the fort. It had eight guns and four mortars with double grenades. It was a safe place to hide from the Indians, but as useless as a baby's crib to withstand a heavy cannonade. The old fort, Chouagen, as the French called it, situated on the west side of the river, consisted of the old stone trading house with loopholed walls three feet thick, and was surrounded at a distance of eighteen feet by another wall. There was a ditch on the land side and it was defended by eighteen cannon and fifteen mortars and howitzers. Fort George was a stockade about eighteen hun- dred feet from the old fort and badly constructed. Rigaud de Vaudreuil commanded the vanguard and, by a road, through the woods, built at night, the French advanced and on the llth invested Fort Ontario. At midnight, they began to open their trenches and completed them at 5 o'clock in the morning. There was a brisk fire from the fort, until 1 1 o'clock, when the English evacuated it. During the night, the trenches were continued to the river and twenty pieces of cannon placed. Vaudreuil forded the river at daybreak and interrupted the com- munications between the old fort and Fort George. The cannonading began at 6 o'clock and was replied to by a heavy fire from the old fort until 8 o'clock, when Colonel Mercer, the English commander and soul of the defense, was killed by a cannon shot. His death and the shrieks of the large number of women in the fort dispirited the defenders and, at 11 o'clock, Lieutenant Colonel Littlehales, who succeeded Mercer, raised the white flag. The French losses were thirty men killed or wounded ; and the English lost about fifty men killed and wounded and nearly seven- teen hundred prisoners, over one hundred cannon, one thousand muskets, thousands of pounds of powder and bullets, a large amount of provisions, £18,000 of silver in the military chest, five armed ships and two hundred barges and bateaux. The French carried off all the munitions and sup- plies they could transport and blew up and burned all the fortifications. 85 Nothing remained of the great trading post of Oswego but a scene of desertion and desolation. The French had now complete control of the Great Lakes, the Ohio and the Mississippi; and the triumphant flag of France waved over a long line of unthreatened fortifications from Montreal to New Orleans. 3 NOTES— CHAPTER TWELVE 1. Doc. History of N. Y. 1, 509 to 514. 2. Ibid, 482 to 488. 3. Ibid, 487 to 498, 591. 86 CHAPTER THIRTEEN THE FRONTIER FORTS After the destruction of Gnadenhutten, Captain Hayes' company of militia was stationed at New Gnadenhutten to protect the abandoned build- ings. On New Years day, 1756, some of these soldiers, while skating on the Lehigh, were decoyed by several Indians, whom they pursued into an ambush, and they were killed. Their terrified comrades fled and the Indians burned the mills and other buildings of the mission. 1 With the beginning of January, the work of defending the back settle- ments began. A detachment of ninety-five regulars came from New York and were divided between Easton and Reading. The loyal Indians fled from Pennsylvania and placed themselves under the protection of the Six Nations. Silver Heels a loyal Indian reported to a council, the governor held at Carlisle, January 14th, that there were no Indians left at Shamokin, but at Nescopeck, he found a hundred forty hostile warriors dancing the war dance and preparing for an expedition eastward. 2 The Conestoga Indians placed themselves under the protection of the province. Andrew Montour and Scarooyady, who had gone on a peace mission among the Susquehanna Indians, sent a letter, written by Rev. Gideon Hawley from Oquaga, warning the governor to guard the frontier and keep scouts out continually. 3 Benjamin Franklin and James Hamilton, two of the provincial com- missioners, were selected to arrange the defenses in Northampton county. Franklin proceeded to Bethlehem, where he raised troops, issued com- missions to officers, made arrangements for the transportation of supplies and organized his forces with great promptness and efficiency. 4 At New Gnadenhutten, he erected Fort Allen, named after Chief Justice William Allen. It was a stockaded structure one hundred twenty-five feet long and fifty feet wide and defended by two swivel guns. It was located in the present Weissport, Carbon county, on the southeast corner of Bridge and Franklin streets. 5 During the winter and spring, Pennsylvania erected a line of forts across the frontier from the Delaware river to the Maryland line. They were all stockades, similar in construction and built at strategic places. Running from the Delaware westward to the Susquehanna, these forti- fications and locations, with reference to present places, were : Fort Hynd- 87 shaw near the mouth of Bushkill creek ; 6 Depue house at Shawnee ; 7 Fort Hamilton, fronting Main Street, Stoudsburg; 8 Fort Norris on Pocopoko creek, near Kresgeville ; 9 Fort Allen at Weissport ; Fort Franklin, near West Penn station, Schuylkill county f ° Fort Lebanon, near Auburn, Schuylkill county ; 21 Fort Northkill, near Strausstown, Berks county ; 12 Fort Henry at Deitrich Sixth's ; 13 Fort Swatara near Inwood station ; ; 14 Ma- nada Fort, south of Manada Gap; 15 Fort Hunter at place of same name on the Susquehanna. West of the Susquehanna, there were four forts : Pomfret Castle, about twelve miles west of the river, presumed to have been located near Rich- field, Snyder county, but it may never have been built; 16 Fort Granville near Lewistown; Fort Shirley at Aughwick; and Fort Lytleton at the Sugar Cabins. Fort Augusta, the most important fortification erected, occupied the key position at Shamokin, being situated on the east bank of the Susque- hanna, nearly opposite its confluence. It was built in the summer of 1756. The friendly Indians had repeatedly urged the construction of a strong house at Shamokin, as a refuge for themselves and protection against the French. The governor promised Andrew Montour and Scarooyady, upon their return from their peace mission, that the fort would be built; but politicians, who revolve the wheels of government, always, act dilatorily and inefficiently, except when caring for themselves, and it was sometime before its erection was ordered. Colonel William Clapham, a New Eng- land officer, then serving in Pennsylvania, was commissioned to raise four hundred men, known as the "Augusta Regiment," and erect the fort. Proceeding up the river from Fort Hunter, he built as a supply base, Fort Halifax, near the present Halifax ; 17 and thence marched to Shamokin, which had been deserted and burned by the Indians. 18 The royal ensign of England, which floated over the completed ram- parts, surmounted no silly stockade. It was the best built and strongest fortification, yet erected. While it did not prevent Indian murderers from sneaking through the mountain passes, it effectually barred a French invasion east of the Allegheny mountains. The French were nearer Sham- okin and its access easier than to Fort Duquesne. From Fort Niagara, there was an open avenue, through the territory of the friendly western Senecas, to the tributaries of the West Branch, which commanded the approach to Shamokin. Today, nothing indicates the strength of Fort August, except the magazine, still in good preservation, although built nearly two hundred years; and one may descend the stone stairway and stand beneath its vaulted roof of brick and stone. 19 On New Years day, Teedyuscung, with twenty-five warriors, attacked the plantation of Henry Hess in Lower Smithfield township. They killed Nicholas Coleman and one Gottleib and captured Peter Hess and his son Henry. On their way northward, they tortured, killed and scalped Peter Hess in the presence of his horrified son, who, with two other captives, they took to Wyoming, which was deserted. They stayed at Tunkhannock, 88 where there were a hundred Indians, until the severe weather abated, and then proceeded to Tioga. 20 At Schupp's mill, near Fort Hamilton, four farmers and four soldiers, who were guarding them, were killed; and not far away, Philip Bossert was wounded, and his son and a man, named Mulhausen were killed. Near Patterson's fort, located in the present town of Mexico, Juniata county, a settlement was attacked and there were seventeen casualties. 21 Scarooyady returned from an Indian conference with Sir William Johnson and reported to the governor, that at Tioga, he met messengers with orders, from the Onondaga Council, commanding the Delawares to cease hostilities and charging, "they were drunk and did not know what they were doing and should have their heads shook until they were sober, and that the hole in their ears was very small, so that nothing their uncles (the Six Nations) said could enter but they were determined to bore a larger hole in their ears and make them hear." 22 Following Scarooyady 's report and incensed at the depredations, the governor and council declared war against the Delawares, saying to Scarooyady and Andrew Montour: "I offer you the hatchet and expect your hearty concurrence in this just and necessary war." 23 Scarooyady very ably replied, saying : "You have had a great deal of patience ; other people on losing a single man would have armed and drove off the foe ; but you have sat still while numbers of your people have been and now are murdered. We heartily approve of your resolution. Awake shake off your lethargy, stand up with your hatchet in your hand and use it manfully. Your enemies have got great advantage by your inactivity, show you are men. Do not make a trifling peace. Do yourselves justice, and bring your enemies to a due sense of themselves, and to offer just terms and not till then think of a peace." 24 Had the advice, of this loyal, high principled Indian and very wise old man, been followed in the beginning, months before, when his counsel was first sought, much of the bloodshed on the frontier might have been averted. The governor, in his proclamation of war against the Delawares, fixed the rewards as follows : every male Indian above twelve years old taken prisoner $150; for the scalp of the same $130; for every female Indian and every male under twelve years taken prisoner $130; for the scalp of every woman $50; for white prisoners recovered $50, but nothing for their scalps. 25 Thus was war waged in the good old days. This proclamation was followed by indecision. Sir William Johnson, who thought he had made an accommodation with the Delawares through the Six Nations, was angry with Pennsylvania and advised a rupture should be avoided. 26 His letter to Shirley being read to the governor and council, Morris published a cessation of hostilities. 27 He, then, sent a message by Captain Newcastle and two other friendly Indians to the 89 Delawares and Shawnees at Tioga. 28 At a conference with them, Teedy- uscung agreed to lay aside the hatchet against the English. 29 Later, at a meeting with the governor, at Easton, Teedyuscung boasted he was king of ten Indian nations and represented the Six Nations. Captain Newcastle and Teedyuscung were appointed agents to spread the peace among the Indians. 30 It was expected, they would immediately depart, but Teedy- uscung remained at Fort Allen, continually drunk and expressing himself contrary to what he had professed at Easton. 31 While the New York and Pennsylvania politicians were dickering with the Indians, the depredations continued on the frontier, a list of which is contained in note. 32 On April 4th, the Indians captured Fort McCord, located in the present Hamilton township, Franklin county, burned it and captured or killed the twenty seven occupants. 33 They cut off the head of James Blair and threw it into Mrs. McCord's lap, saying it was her husband's, but she knew it was Blair's. Captain Alexander Culbertson, with a force of about fifty men, pursued the Indians and came upon them at Sideling Hill, where an engagement ensued. Culbertson's men began to fight, but were soon surrounded. They continued to defend themselves, for over two hours, losing men, now and then ; but perceiving the Indians had been reinforced by Shingas, they broke the circle surrounding them and retreated. Only three of the Indians were killed. 34 Fort Granville was invested, August 1st, by a force of fifty French, under a regular officer and about one hundred fifty Delaware warriors led by the notorious chief, Captain Jacobs. The garrison was commanded by Lieutenant Edward Armstrong, younger brother of Colonel John Arm- strong ; and had been depleted the day before by a detachment, which went to the Tuscarora Valley to protect harvesters. A band of Indians sneaked through a ravine and succeeded in approaching near the fort and setting it on fire. A hole was burned in the stockades, and, through this opening, Lieutenant Armstrong and a soldier were shot and killed. Three other soldiers were wounded. The powder was running low and the defenders were precariously situated. The French demanded surrender and promised protection of all the inmates. Thereupon, John Turner opened the gates and the enemy entered the fort. There were in the place, twenty-two men, five women and some children. These were removed some distance and the structure burned. 35 The captives, loaded down with plunder, were driven to Kittanning, where Turner was barbarously murdered. Heated gun barrels were run through his body and after he had suffered the most excruciating torture, a warrior raised a little Indian boy, from the ground, who drove a toma- hawk into his skull, ending his sufferings. 36 At a place called Salisbury Plains, a funeral party was attacked, while on their way to the grave and five were killed. The survivors fled to a nearby house, but seventeen were reported missing. The miscreants, with unaparalleled brutality, took the corpse, that of a young woman, from the coffin and scalped it. 37 90 Then, as now, were simple souls, who believed in subduing barbarous human nature by negotiation. The Quakers had their own peculiar tenets. Sir William Johnson hoped to bring about some sort of peace through the Six Nations and enhance his own glory. Teedyuscung and the eastern Delawares, perceiving the growing strength of the English and the ani- mosity of the Council at Onondaga would overwhelm and crush them, gave way ; but the western Delawares could only be brought to terms by sterner measures. Governor Morris, distrusting all these pacificatory measures, resolved upon action, which afforded more relief to the suffer- ing frontier, than all the maneuvers of the peace makers ; and rather secretly commissioned Colonel John Armstrong to organize a force and destroy, if possible, the vile murderous nest at Kittanning. Armstrong quietly assembled the companies of Captains Hamilton, Mercer, Potter, Ward, Armstrong, Steele and his own company. On August 30th, they left Fort Shirley. In his force, there were no flashing uniforms, no glistening guns, no beating drums and none of the fanfare of war. There were only three hundred, roughly clad, desperate and determined men, whose minds were seared with painful memories of murdered mothers, wives and children. Success depended on secrecy and speed. Swiftly and silently, they marched up the Juniata, to the Beaver Dams, near Frankstown, where scouts reported traces of Indians, three miles east of the Alleghenies, and, judging from the remains of a cub near they had killed, they were only twenty-four hours in advance. Provi- dentially, they had not discovered Armstrong's force. Fifty miles from Kittanning, the road was clear and there was no trace of Indians. The eve- ning of September 7th, the little army was within six miles of Kittanning. There, a scout reported an encampment of Indians, less than half a mile away. It was deemed inadvisable to attack the camp, as some might escape and alarm the town. Leaving Lieutenant Hogg and thirteen soldiers to guard the horses and blankets and attack the camp, in the morning, the rest of the force proceeded by a roundabout way. By moonlight, they groped through the woods, fearful to stir a stone or snap a twig, lest the noise betray them. Before the moon set, they arrived at the lower extremity of a corn field adjoining the village. Armstrong thought the whistle of a warrior the signal of their presence, but Baker, a scout assured him, it was only the call of a love sick youth for his squaw. When the moon had fully set, little fires amid the corn alarmed them, but Baker said, that as the night was hot, some of the warriors had sought the place for sleep and kindled the fires to keep the gnats away. At daybreak, Armstrong roused his weary men. A detachment was sent to a little hill overlooking the place and ordered to march along its crest, until opposite the main body of the town. The main force was divided, a part detailed to attack the houses, and the remainder directed to march through the corn field and kill the Indians sleeping there. As they ad- vanced on the village, Captain Jacobs discovered them and shouted "Now the white men are come, there will be plenty of scalps," but he took the 91 precaution to order the flight of the squaws and children. Gathering his warriors into his house, which was loopholed, they poured a murderous fire on the troops. Armstrong was wounded by a bullet through his shoulder, but continued in the fight. The Jacobs house caught on fire, and overcome by the heat Jacobs tumbled from a window and was shot dead. Each house was a powder magazine, so liberal had been the French dis- tribution, and, as the fire spread, terrifnc explosions rent the air. The thigh of a man and the body of a child were hurled into the adjacent corn field. Thirty houses were burned and some forty Indians were killed or mortally wounded. Twelve scalps were taken and eleven white captives recovered. Armstrong's losses were seventeen killed, and thirteen wounded. Hogg attacked the encampment, but the Indians outnumbered him and he was repelled with considerable loss. Hogg was mortally wounded and died. Most of the horses and blankets were lost. Captain Hugh Mercer was seriously wounded. The wounded were carried on Indian horses, taken at Kittanning, and with them the force safely made its way back to Fort Littleton. 38 The destruction, of Kittanning, was the greatest achivement of the English on the frontier, during 1756, and sobered the western Delawares. The survivors of Kittanning* took no further part in the war and departed west of the Ohio, placing Fort Duquesne between them and their English avengers. Governor Denny's contentions, with the obdurate assembly, were similar to those of his predecessor, Morris. The English Privy Council, in answer to a petition of the back settlers, had condemned the assembly in no uncertain terms, stating the militia bill passed by it was wholly inade- quate and calculated to exempt persons from military service, rather than encourage them; and concluded, "that no effectual measures would be taken, as long as the assembly consisted of persons, whose principles are against military service and therefore, we see no remedy to the evils com- plained of by the petitioners, unless by the interposition of an act of the British Parliament." 39 Confronted by this threat, four Quaker members, of the assembly, resigned and this enabled the governor's party to pass the necessary military bills. Had this been done, long before, much of the misery on the frontier would have been averted. 40 The assembly, however, continued to make no provision for quartering the king's troops, until Lord Loudon threatened to march an army to Philadelphia and quarter the soldiers in Quaker homes, when quarters were provided. Franklin seems to have been the leader of this obstruction. His maxim was, "Beat the governor and then beat the enemy" ; and the Quaker maxim was, "Beat the governor and let the enemy alone." The Quakers were a minority, but their wealth and influence, together with the support of the tax avoiding Germans, made them dominant in the assembly, and they adopted Franklin, as their political leader, because he was smart. The Quaker combination gave him power, which he dearly loved, and also the secretaryship of the assembly, the postmaster generalship, and the public printing, which were all lucra- 92 tive employments. It may not be amiss, to say, that among other con- trivances, Benjamin Franklin invented the Pennsylvania political machine, thereafter so ably engineered by Simon Cameron, Matthew Stanley Quay and Boies Penrose. NOTES— CHAPTER THIRTEEN 1. Frontier Forts 1, 188. 2. Col. Recs. 6, 783. 3. Col. Recs. 7, 12. 4. Pa. Archs. 2, 548. 5. Frontier Forts, 1, 198. 6. Pa. Archs. 2, 546. 7. Ibid, 542, 680. 8. Col. Recs. 6, 764. 9. Pa. Archs. 2, 678. 10. Ibid, 677; Frontier Forts 1, 136. 11. Ibid, 665; Ibid, 121. 12. Frontier Forts 1, 103. 13. Ibid, 70 to 99. 14. Pa. Archs. 2, 553. 15. Frontier Forts, 1, 34. Pa. Archs 2, 552. 16. Pa. Archs. 2, 561, 603, 613, 617; Col. Recs. 7, 161. The Historical Map of Pennsylvania has located Patterson's Fort and Pomfret Castle on the Mahantango. [n Frontier Forts, Patterson's Fort is located in the town of Mexico, Juniata county. There is so much confusion in the records, that Pomfret Castle would seem to be one of the mysteries of history. 17. Frontier Forts 1, 522, 527. 18. According to the plan in the British Museum, Fort Augusta stood about 40 yards from the river and on a bank about 24 feet from the surface of the water. It was a square with walls 83 feet long between the four corner bastions. The side fronting the river was a strong palisado, the bases of the logs being sunk 4 feet into the earth, the tops holed and spiked into strong ribands which ran transversely and were mortised into several logs at 12 feet distance from each other, they being larger and higher than the rest. The joints between each palisade were broken with firm logs well filled on the inside and supported by the platform. The other three sides of the fort were composed of logs laid horizontally, dovetailed and trammeled down of various dimensions and were mostly white oak. There were six cannons mounted in the bastions. In the enclosure were the colonel's quarters, the officers barracks, a well and the magazine. 19. The magazine is underground. There are twelve four inch steps leading to the magazine, which is 10 by 12 feet in size. It is 8 feet from the floor to the apex of the arched ceiling. The arch is of brick and commences on an offset made in the wall five feet above the ground floor. 20. Pa. Archs. 3, 56. 21. Pa. Archs. 2, 538. The casualties were: Adam Nicholson and his wife killed and scalped, and their two sons and a daughter captured; Wililam Wilcox and wife killed and scalped ; Hugh Micheltree and a Nicholson boy captured. At Sterrit's Gap about ten miles from Carlisle, one Sheridan, a Quaker, his wife and three chidlren ; William Hamilton, wife and daughter, and a man named French were killed and scalped. 22. Col. Recs. 7, 64 to 73. 93 23. Ibid, 74 to 77. 24. Ibid, 79 to 82. 25. Ibid, 84. 26. Ibid, 113. 27. Ibid, 117, 134, 142. 28. Ibid, 107, 108, 109; History of Friendly Association 11 to 15. 29. Ibid, 137, 141. 30. Ibid 207 to 220. 31. Ibid, 222. 32. In February, 1756: two Indians killed and two soldiers injured at Augh- wick; house of Mrs. Cox, near Parnell's Nob, burned and boy captured (Pa. Archs. 2, 671 ; settlement of Philip Swartout, in Ulster county, N. Y., destroyed and woman taken prisoner (Pa. Archs. 2, 586) ; John and Richard Craig captured, near McDowell's mills in Cumberland county, (Frontier Forts 1, 546). In June; Felix Wins killed, his wife and three children captured, near Swatara Gap and two children captured at Fort Henry, (Col. Recs.. 7, 164) ; four people reported killed at Fort Hyndshaw, (Col. Recs. 7, 214; Pa. Archs 7, 721). In July: Nine men killed in Cumberland county, (Pa. Archs. 2, 721); two soldiers shot and woman killed, near McDowell's mills, and two children captured and woman killed at McClure's Gap, (Pa. Archs. 2, 716). In August: James Brown killed and soldier wounded near Manada Gap, (Fron- tier Forts 1, 37). In October : Two women killed and scalped, two children wounded and two children captured, near Fort Henry; Noah Frederick killed and two of his children captured, near Smith's fort in Bethel township, Berks county, and Jacob Fornwal wounded and "five lying dead in one place" (Col. Recs. 7, 302, 303). 33. Frontier Forts 1, 542, 543; Rupp's History of Cumberland county, 104; Col. Recs. 7, 77 ; Pa. Archs. 2, 625. 34. Pa. Archs. 2, 642. 35. Ibid, 744, 750, 757; Frontier Forts 1, 607; Col. Recs. 7, 231, 232. 36. Col. Recs. 7, 561. 37. Pa. Archs. 2, 756. 38. Col. Recs. 7, 257; Pa. Archs. 2, 767 to 775. 39. Col. Recs. 7, 272 to 275. 40. Ibid, 292. 94 CHAPTER FOURTEEN FORT WILLIAM HENRY MASSACRE Fort William Henry, at the head of Lake George, barred French way to the southward. It was a square enbankment of gravel, with a ram- part of heavy logs on top and had four bastions. The lake faced it on the north, a marsh was on the east and it was protected by ditches on the south and west. Seventeen cannons and several mortars and swivels defended it. In March, 1757 Regaud de Vaudreuil and sixteen hundred men made their way over the glistening ice of the lake and invested Fort William Henry. Their approach was discovered and a surprise attack averted. Major Eyre, the commander refused to surrender; and at night, the French fired the hospital, saw mill and store houses adjacent to the fortifications. The blazing buildings lighted the natural splendor of the surrounding forest and the flying embers threatened the fort with destruc- tion. A great snow storm began the next morning, and, in face of it, the French, unable to maintain the siege, made their way, on snow shoes, back to Ticonderoga. Later, two hundred of an English scouting party, under Colonel Parker, were killed or captured. About the same time, Marin made a raid in the vicinity of Fort Edward. During July, a French army gathered at Ticonderoga. They marched to the outlet of Lake George, and Levis, with twenty-five hundred men, was dispatched through the mountains to an appointed rendezvous, near Northwest Bay. The others, August 1st, embarked, the Indians in birch canoes and the French and Canadians in two hundred and fifty bateaux, and made their way up Lake George. They joined Levis near the present village of Bolton. This united force, under Montcalm was seven thousand six hundred, sixteen hundred of whom were Indians. The armament con- sisted of thirty one heavy cannons and fifteen howitzers and mortars. Montcalm had, under him, such celebrated regular officers, as Levis, Bou- gainville and Bourlamaque; and the intrepid partisan rangers, Langlade, Neverville, Marin, Hertel, Longueil, Lorimer, Fleuremont, Herbin and La Corne, who had terrorized the English frontier for years. The garrison, of Fort William Henry, of twelve hundred men, was commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Monro, a Scotch veteran officer. Gen- eral Webb, in command on the northern frontier, was at Fort Edward 95 with twenty-six hundred men, mostly provincial soldiers. There were about eight hundred more at the forts between Fort Edward and Albany. Before the investment, he sent Lieutenant Colonel Young, with two hundred regulars, and Colonel Frye, with eight hundred Massachusetts soldiers to Fort William Henry, increasing the garrison to twenty-two hundred men. Webb was a timid man and wholly unfitted for so important a command. His conduct has been severely criticised, but, in view of the fact, he had only sixteen hundred men, to hold Fort Edward and eight hundred troops to protect Albany and the intervening country, it would seem rash, for him to have further depleted his force and leave the country open to prob- able French incursions, by the way of Lake Champlain and the South Bay. The real fault was in Lord Loudon, the government pet, who had withdrawn forces, necessary to protect the northern frontier, to augment the futile expedition against Louisburg. The whole French force advanced to the site now occupied by the village of Caldwell and during the night of the 4th, opened their trenches, in face of a heavy fire from the fort. A battery 1 was placed on the left and another on the right with eleven guns. La Corne seized the road leading to Fort Edward, thus intercepting communications between the two forts. Montcalm demanded surrender of the fort, but Colonel Monro answered, he would fight to the last. Monro divided his forces, retaining about five hundred men within the fort and posting seventeen hundred in an entrenched camp, located on a rocky eminence east of the fort, near where Fort George was later built and along the road to Fort Edward. This camp was between the lake and La Corne's force. The cannonading, commencing on the 5th, continued for several days and the nights were made hideous by savage howls of vengeance. The war- riors wormed their way, among the logs and stumps and through the long grass, to near the fort, and with great glee, now and then, picked off an exposed soldier. Webb dispatched a letter to Monro, telling him it was impossible to send relief and advising him to make the best terms he could, but La Corne's Indians killed the courier, stripped him and found the letter, which was sent to Montcalm. In a day or so, Bougainville, under English escort, was taken to Monro, delivered the intercepted letter, and again demanded surrender. The French thought the contents of the letter would depress Monro and induce him to comply, but the brave Scotch soldier's only answer was, many thanks for the delivery of the letter and the pleasure of having so generous an enemy. Sappers worked their way across the marsh, between the trenches and the fort; and, on the high ground, opened a trench and began a bat- tery within two hundred and fifty yards of the ramparts. None dared ven- ture out. The keen eyes of a thousand Indians detected every English move, and the warriors unerring aim brought many a venturesome soldier down. Within the breached walls were misery and death. All the heavy cannons and mortars had been disabled. Smallpox was raging among the 96 besieged, and more than three hundred of the garrison had been killed. Continued resistance was foolhardy, and on the morning of the 9th, it was determined to capitulate, and Lieutenant Colonel Young, under the pro- tection of a white flag, made his way to Montcalm. The terms were that the garrison should surrender, with the honors of war, and should be marched to Fort Edward under a guard of French soldiers. They should not serve, again, for eighteen months, and all French prisoners should be given up. The munitions and stores were to be turned over to the victors. The conditions were liberal and honorable, but the massacre which followed has forever sullied the fair name of France. The surrendered soldiers and the many women and children were marched to the entrenched camp. They had hardly gone from the fort, when the savages poured over the ruined ramparts, entered the hospital and butchered the sick in their beds. One fiend ran out, where French officers were standing, and danced among them in great glee, holding, in his hand, a severed head, dripping streams of blood. The Indians came to the entrenched camp, insulted and maltreated those gathered there. They toyed with the women's hair and measured the prices their scalps would bring at Montreal. They stripped the soldiers of their clothes. Those who resisted were dragged out murdered and scalped. The Canadian officers and interpreters offered no protests; and Bougainville, in his journal, sug- gests that some of those, associated with the Indians, contemplated some- thing worse, implying rape of the women. Montcalm, Levis, Bourlamaque, Bougainville and other regular officers rushed to the scene and, by personal entreaties, endeavored to quell the tumult. They demanded, bribed, implored and beseeched the savages to desist, and, about 9 o'clock in the evening, succeeded in restoring order. By the terms of surrender, the English had placed themselves under Montcalm's protection ; and he had assured their safety, by promising a strong guard for their escort to Fort Edward. It was clearly, his duty and by the promptings of humanity, he should have, at the first outreak, placed, a strong guard of French regulars, around the prisoners. He well knew, the savages would be infuriated, at the sight of blood, and that nothing but force would restrain them. He, probably, feared restraint would estrange them and cause their desertion. Thus from cowardice and lack of humanity, he stained the fair name he bore. During the night, the Indians prowled about the camp and terrorized the despairing prisoners. At daybreak, the butchery began. Seventeen Massachusetts soldiers lay sick in tents, under the care of a French surgeon. The guard, around them, perhaps purposely, had been withdrawn and the savages pounced upon them and murdered them to a man. The English formed their line of march and started for Fort Edward. The rum barrels had been staved in, but the Indians seized the canteens of the English soldiers and filled their gullets with liquor. Further enraged by this intoxica- tion, they surrounded and impeded the march. They demanded the soldier's baggage, and those, who resisted, were killed. Soon the warwhoop sounded through the woods and the frightful massacre began. 97 The Canadian officers, to whom, the prisoners appealed for protection, shrugged their shoulders, and told them to save themselves, as best they could. The line dissolved in a confused mass of fugitives, who broke for the woods, only to be shot down or captured. Some managed to elude the fiends and hide in the brush. Colonel Frye was stripped of everything except his breeches, but knocked down or killed the Indian who seized him and escaped. Jonathan Carver, the future famous traveler, had a hair- breadth experience, but saved himself. Day and night, the guns boomed at Fort Edward, serving to guide the fugitives there. How many were killed will never be known. More than six hundred were captured by the Indians; and four hundred of these Montcalm succeeded in reclaiming from the savages. They, with those, who had sought refuge among the French soldiers in the fort, were placed in the entrenched camp and fed. On August 15th, under a strong guard of French regular troops, they were escorted to Fort Edward. Fort William Henry was destroyed and the timbers of the demolished buildings were gathered in a great pile, upon which were cast the bodies of the slain English. This ghastly funeral pyre was fired, and the ascending flames cast demoniacal shadows on the forest, and the stench of the burn- ing bodies stifled the atmosphere. 1 About November 1st, the Oneidas learned of an intended invasion of German Flats, and they warned the incredulous inhabitants but their warning was spurned. 2 Early in the morning of November 12th, three hundred Canadians and Indians fell upon them and captured five little forts, probably, palisaded farm houses. One hundred and forty of the inhabitants were captured and forty were killed. Governor De Lancey estimated the loss of horses and cattle, buildings and grain at £30,000; and the raid caused consternation among the people, down the Mohawk and a panic at Schenectady. 3 The situation in Pennsylvania, in the early part of 1757, was critical, the frontier was inadequately defended and the soldiers were unpaid. The assembly passed a bill for the emission of £100,000 in bills of credit, redeemable in four years, and exempting the proprietary estates from taxa- tion. The governor rejected it, because the time of payment was too long and the large amount would cause inflation, thereby distressing the invest- ments of widows and orphans. The assembly replied charging the rejection was not due to the distress of widows and orphans, but because of the effect on the rate of exchange, which would cause the proprietors loss in transmission of their funds to London ; and because it taxed, the proprietors and others, located lands, which were unimproved. It also charged the veto was, mainly, inspired by office holders and proprietary favorites, who held large tracts of located and unimproved land. The assembly was now on firm ground. Realizing the weakness of his position, the governor sub- mitted the matter to Lord Loudon, who, in view of the seriousness of the frontier situation, advised him to approve it, which he did. 4 The casualties on the frontier still continued, and a list of the mel- ancholy murders is contained in note 5. 98 The negotiations, of Sir William Johnson through the Six Nations, with the eastern Delawares, had brought about an agreement to terminate hostilities ; but it is to be observed, that some of the worst murders were committed as far east as Northampton county, which must have been done, with the cognizance and connivance of the eastern Delawares. The real reason, of the Indian attitude, was the ineptitude of British management and its failure to wage successful aggression against the French. 6 Another pacificatory complication was the interference of the Friendly Association of Quakers. The Quakers may have intended good, but their spleen against the proprietaries is manifest, and as usual, when do-gooders interfere in the policy of government, more harm than good is done. 7 During the conference, with the Indians, on May 18th, the bodies of four persons, who had been killed by the Indians, in the Swatara settle- ments, were brought to Lancaster and laid before the door of the court house. 8 About June 10th, a scouting party of twenty-five men, under Lieuten- ant Hollyday, was attacked by the Indians, at the deserted house of Mr. McLellan in the Great Cove. 9 In Colonial Records, 7, page 620, appears the deposition, of George Ebert, which recites, the attack on eighteen men, May 2nd, near the house of Philip Bozart in Lower Smithfield township, when Conrad Bittenbender, Jacob Roth and John Nelf were killed and Peter SheafTer and Ebert captured ; that they were taken beyond Tioga, made their escape and were concealed and fed by French Margaret (Mon- tour), at Tioga, for four weeks, when she advised them it was unsafe to remain; and with her assistance and that of other friendly Indians they made their way home, and on the way learned that the Indians had killed Edward Marshall's wife. Some of the worst murders were committed after the eastern Dela- wares had agreed to lay down the hatchet. 10 George Croghan, as deputy Indian superintendent, conducted a treaty, at Easton, from July 23rd to August 7, 1757, with Teedyuscung and his party of one hundred fifty nine Indians and one hundred nineteen Senecas and others of the Six Nations. While on their way, "a young Indian, Wil- liam Tatamy strayed away and was shot by a foolish white boy," and this for a time threatened to interrupt the proceedings, but was patched up. Teedyuscung demanded a clerk, which was allowed him, and he named Charles Thompson, master of the Quaker school in Philadelphia, brought along by Pemberton for the purpose. The other secretaries were, William Trent for Croghan and Jacob Duche for the province. The interpreters were : Thomas McKee for Croghan, Conrad Weiser for Pennslyvania and John Pompshire for Teedyuscung. The Iroquois were silent witnesses of the transactions. Teedyuscung, while drunk, made a rambling speech, no one could understand, but later, what he intended to say was written out. He charged, the proprietors had misinterpreted some deeds, made false measurements of land and purchased lands from those (the Iroquois), who had no right to sell ; and demanded the Delawares be paid for lands, 99 he alleged to be falsely held, that 2,000,000 acres and Shamokin and Wyoming be set apart to them, that houses be erected for them, at the latter place, and their children be taught and given religious instruction. Governor Denny, Croghan and Weiser were intent on making a peace treaty, and thereby save the frontier, and wisely shunted aside the land question, as a matter for Sir William Johnson's decision, realizing it would incite the Iroquois and perhaps bring on a more terrible war, than Teedy- uscung's murderous uprising. Pemberton and the Quakers were deter- mined to prevent a treaty, until the land claim was settled, and in Teedy- uscung conceived an instrument to disgrace and humiliate the Penn heirs and ignore and insult the proud and powerful Iroquois. But, he was a fragile reed to prop their desires, and the ground slipped under pious Quaker feet. The Delawares desired peace and Labboughpeton, one of their principal men, interrupting one of Teedyuscung's rambling talks, rebuked him, "What has not your Brothers desired you to bring us down by the hand to make peace. Why don't you do it ? We have been here twenty days and have heard nothing but scolding and disputing about lands. Settle the peace and let all the disputed land stand till after." Whether induced, by a realization of where he was drifting by Pem- berton's instigation, or by the finesse of Croghan and Weiser, Teddy- uscung concluded to waive his pretensions, and only insist on the examina- tion of certain deeds, which when examined, by Thompson, were pro- nounced correct. A promise was made to transmit them and a statement of the case to the king ; and a treaty of peace was entered into. 11 It accom- plished little except the frustration of Pemberton's and the Friendly Asso- ciation's plans, and they pronounced it, "a glaringly disgraceful meeting." 12 The bloody outrages on the frontier still continued ; 13 and the Treaty of Easton had little effect in restraining the Indians, whose minds were inflamed, by the Quakers, with the notion they had been wronged, or as George Croghan wrote : "I find by your letter, that the Quakers still con- tinue to set up Teedyuscung against the governor ; this I always expected. Sure those people must be mad, for in my opinion, they are setting up the Indians to claim the whole province ; and indeed, if we would be unsuccess- ful in the war, they may say all the British colonies belongs to them ; how long the government at home will suffer the Quakers to act the part they have hitherto done, I can't say, but if long permitted, I fear their conduct in the end will not be found for the good of his Majesty's subjects in America." 14 NOTES— CHAPTER FOURTEEN 1. Bougainville's Journal ; Report of Col. Frye to Gov. Pownall ; Bancroft's History; Montcalm and Wolfe. 2. Doc. History of N. Y. ; N. Y. Col. Docs, 7, 341. 3. Ibid, 515; Johnson Papers 2, 760 to 762. 4. Col. Docs. 7, 396, 401, 413, 437, 442, 453, 454. 5. In April, 1757, Peter Soan and Christian Klein murdered, and latter's 100 daughter captured north of Fort Hamilton (Col. Docs. 7, 492) ; thirteen killed near Conococheague creek (Col. Docs. 7, 502) ; Andreas Gundryman killed near Fort Hamilton (Pa. Archs. 3, 139). In May, in Berks county, seven persons killed. In June: Adam Trump killed and wife and daughter captured at Allemangel; Mr. Tidd and Peter Gersinger killed between Fort Henry and Fort Northkill (Col. Docs. 7, 621). In July, in Heidelberg, two children killed and woman scalped, and Christian Schrenk's two children captured; in Bethel township, two men killed and another wounded ; in Linn township, Adam Klaus' child scalped, Martin Yaeger and wife killed, John Krauschaar's two children killed, wife and child scalped, Abraham Seckler's child killed, wife scalped, Philip Eschton's child killed. In August; In Bethel township, John Winkleblech's two sons killed and Leonard Longs son captured; in Hanover township, Mrs. Isaac Williams, George Maurer and James Mackey killed, William and Joseph Barnet wounded, Mrs. Smelley, James Mackey's son, Joseph Barnet's son, Elizabeth Dickey and child, Mrs. Samuel Young and child captured ; in Paxton, Mr. Beatty captured ; near Fort Lebanon, Peter Semelcke's buildings burned and his three children captured. In September, in Lebanon township, Peter Wampler's four children captured; in Bern township a number killed and captured ; in Berks county, four persons killed and four captured near Northkill. In November, in Hanover township, Thomas Robinson and Thomas Bell's son killed (Pa. Gazette, May 26, Aug. 11 and Sept. 1, 1757; Saur's Journal, July, 1757; Rupp's History of Berks county, 70, 75). 6. Col. Recs. 7, 622 to 629. 7. Ibid, 634 to 648; History of the Friendly Association, 69 to 76. 8. Col. Recs. 7, 538; Pa. Archs. 3, 194. 9. Col. Recs. 7, 599. 10. In June, George Croghan reported: three boys captured north of Win Chester, Mr. Miller killed and two of his children taken near Henry Pontius', a woman wounded and Gerard Pendergrass' daughter killed within sight of Fort Lyttleton (Col. Recs. 7, 632). In July: In Lynn township, Northampton county, Martin Yager and wife, Mrs. John Cronshores and two children, a Secler child and Philip Antone's child killed (Pa. Archs. 3, 211). 11. Col. Recs. 7, 649 to 714; Pa. Archs. 3, 208, 209; Wallace's Weiser 472 to 487; Volwiler's Croghan 133 to 136; History of Friendly Ass. 69 to 78; N. Y. Col. Docs. 7, 280 to 324. 12. History of Friendly Assn. 79. 13. In July: Four people killed in Cumberland county and a raid in Sherman's valley (Pa. Archs. 3, 212) ; seven miles from Shippensburg, John Kirkpatrick and Dennis O'Neillon killed and John Csney's two sons and Kirkpatrick's son missing; harvesters attacked in John Stenson's field ten miles from Shippensburg and Joseph Mitchell, John Finley, Robert Stenson, Andrew Enslow, John Wiley, Allen Henderson and William Mitchell killed, and Jane McCannon, Janet Harper and John Harper's son captured. (Pa. Archs. 3, 219, 220). During the Easton conference, in Bern township, 13 miles from Reading, Mr. Good and a boy captured. (Pa. Archs. 3, 245, 246. In October, William Martin killed near Fort Hunter. Oct. 11, Michael La. Chauvignerie, 18 year old son of commander of Fort Machault, who had been leading an Indian raiding party surrendered at Fort Henry, rather than starve. Pa. Archs. 3. 293 to 296 and 305 to 308). 14. Pa. Archs. 3, 319. 101 CHAPTER FIFTEEN 1758 Despair and defeat ended 1757, but the awakened English people forced the appointment of Pitt, as secretary of state in full charge of the war, and he selected real soldiers, Amherst, Wolfe and Forbes to, conduct American operations. Loudon was recalled, but, unfortunately, the incom- petent Abercrombie was retained in command of the northern army, which consisted of six thousand regulars and nine thousand provincials assembled at the head of Lake George. It was the best equipped of any force, yet, formed on the northern frontier. It is said, Pitt intended Lord Howe should be the real commander. The army embarked July 5, 1758, and with waving banners and shining arms glided down the glistening waters of Lake George. At day- break the next morning, they landed where the steamboat wharves have since been erected and attacked Langy's rangers posted there to obstruct them. The French were defeated and fled down Trout Brook. Early in the afternoon, the English army advanced in four columns. Rogers' rangers and two New England regiments led the way. Howe, accompanied by Major Israel Putnam, was in advance of the regulars. Langy's rangers, attempting to make their exit at the mouth of Trout Brook, encountered the English and fired, killing Lord Howe. The regulars retreated in dis- order, but were rallied by the steadiness of Rogers' rangers and the two Massachusetts regiments, which fell back upon hearing the firing. The French were caught between two fires, and most of them were killed or captured. The troops were dispirited by the death of Lord Howe, and Rogers said, "The fall of this noble and brave officer seemed to produce an almost general languor and consternation through the whole army. Another officer wrote, "The soul of General Abercrombie's army seemed to expire. From the unhappy moment, the general was deprived of his advice, neither order nor discipline was observed, and a strange infatuation usurped the place of resolution." Ticonderoga is on an eminence, overlooking Lake Champlain and the outlet of Lake George, and before it is a low ridge of rugged ground. Montcalm was undecided where to make his stand, but accepting the advice of his officers, did so at the ridge. There, his whole army was 102 engaged in felling trees and interlacing the logs into a barricade eight feet high. In front of this breastwork, the limbs of trees were sharpened and pointed outwards, and this impenetrable obstruction was continued for some distance on the plain beyond. Montcalm had an effective force of three thousand six hundred men. Had Abercrombie possessed soldier sense, he would have planted his cannon on Mt. Defiance and by his artillery fire compelled the evacuation of Ticonderoga; or would have occupied the road to Crown Point, and thus intercepted supplies and reinforcements, forcing submission. He did neither, but shortly after noon, July 8th, ordered his men to attack the breastwork. Earlier, Sir William Johnson's Indians began an ineffectual musketry fire from the slope of Mt. Defiance. The main column drove the French pickets in, and after struggling more than an hour to get through the abatis, retired, pronouncing the defenses impregnable. Abercrombie ordered them to renew the assault, but beaten back, the order was repeated again and again. Many were impaled on the pointed prongs and entangled in the maze of interwoven branches, becoming fixed targets for the unerr- ing aim of the French, and the interlaced trees were littered with the dead and dying. At 5 o'clock, the English hewed their way to the foot of the rampart, but Montcalm's reserves repulsed them. An hour later the last senseless assault was made. The French victory was complete, and their losses were, only, three hundred seventy men killed and wounded, but among the latter were Bourlamaque and Bougainville. The next morning, the English retreated down Lake George, but they had sustained the loss of four hundred sixty- four regulars and eighty-seven provincials killed and eleven hundred seven- teen regulars and two hundred thirty-nine provincials wounded. The miss- ing were thirty-seven and the total casualties amounted to nineteen hun- dred forty-four. Abercrombie bereft of his wits, had the contempt of his soldiers, who, in derision, dubbed him, "Mrs. Nabbycrombie." Both French and English remained inactive, during the summer and fall ; but French rangers, continually intercepted communication between Fort Edward and Lake George ; and a detachment, under Marin ambushed Rogers' rangers and captured Israel Putnam, who would have been burned at the stake, by the Indians, had not Marin rescued him. Rogers, how- ever, reorganized his men and succeeded in beating off the French. During 1758, conditions were unchanged on the Pennsylvania fron- tier. Ten houses were erected for Teedyuscung and his Indians at Wy- oming, and land was ploughed for their cultivation. Isolated farm houses were the prey of marauding savages and many people were killed, scalped and captured. 1 The most potent agent, in winning the western Indians, was the Moravian missionary, Christian Frederick Post sent by Governor Denny with a message to the Ohio tribes. Post left Fort Augusta, July 27th, accompanied by Pesquetum and Shamokin Daniel, a traitorous Indian, whom Post says, "Nearly overset me." Nothing is more heroic, than the dauntless courage of this fearless man, who traveled the narrow trail 103 through the wilderness, untrod by any Englishman, for years. At every by-pass, there was danger of lurking savages waiting to kill him. His horses mired in the swamps, he crossed, and had to be goaded up the steep mountains they ascended. He slept on the ground, tormented by mos- quitoes, and had no food, save the game his Indians killed. The heavy rains wet him to the skin and the briars tore his flesh. He took his life in his hands, but supreme faith in God sustained him. When he arrived near Cuesheusking his destination, Post sent Pes- quetum with a message, that he brought words of great consequence from the governor and wanted to see them at the council fire, and they should gather together all the kings and captains from all the towns to hear his words. King Beaver kindly received him, and the Indians desired to know what Teedyuscung had said of them. When Post told them, they denied they had sent any message to the governor by him or said anything in the manner reported by Teedyuscung. They protested, they would have nothing to do with any treaty made by Teedyuscung. Post's message seemed acceptble, but Shingas and Delaware George stated, any peace, they alone made, would be of no significance, unless joined in by all the Indians. Shawnees and Mingoes came and all insisted Post should go to Fort Duquesne and present his message. When he arrived opposite the fort, the French came and demanded Post should be sent to the fort and there placed under restraint, but the Indian chiefs refused the demand and cautioned him not to stir from the council fire, as the French had offered a great reward for his scalp. "Accordingly, I stuck, constantly, close to the fire, as if I had been chained there," he says. Three hundred were present at the council, and Post entreated the Delawares to return to their old homes along the Susquehanna, and promised their offenses would be forgiven and forgotten. He declared the English desired to live in peace with them and did not want to make war against them, but were sending their armies to fight the French. The Indians received the wampum he presented and promised an answer in twelve days. The French said to the Indians at Fort Duquesne, they perceived the Delawares were wavering and no longer faithful to them, and suggested as the Delawares with Post were only a handful, "Lets cut them off, and then, we shall be troubled with them no longer." The chiefs answered: "No, we can't do this thing, tho' there be but a handful here, the Dela- wares are a strong people and are spread at a great distance and what- ever do agree to, must be." The French bribed Shamokin Daniel to betray Post ; and before day- break, the 27th, Post with six Indians left by a roundabout road, and was screened by the main body of Delawares, who remained behind to prevent any pursuit by the French. Shingas, King Beaver, Delaware George, Captain Killbuck and other chiefs told him, they had intended to join the French, but since he came, they were inclined to draw back, say- ing: Tho' we have reason to believe you intend to drive us away and 104 settle the country, or why do you and the French come to fight in the land God has given us." Post assured them, as best he could, and after vexatious delays, received their final answer, that "when the English had made peace with the other tribes, the Allegheny Indians will all join it." The lonely missionary had broken the backbone of Indian resistance in the west. Yet the Indians were vascillating, and said to him: "Now if you had brought the news, before your army began to march, it would have caused a great deal more good. We don't readily believe you/' They realized the French weakness ; and the glistening bayonets and rumbling artillery of Forbes' battalions in the mountains, made the Indians waver to the stronger side, and induced them to yield to the overtures of peace, which Post had pressed upon them with irresistible tact and persistency. His return was without incident and he arrived at Fort Augusta, Septem- ber 22nd. 2 While Montcalm was exulting over his great victory at Ticonderoga, the ominous clouds of disaster were gathering over New France. Despite a series of victories, which would have crushed any other nation, Eng- land's command of the sea, her superior industry and the numerous pop- ulation of the American colonies created an overwhelming military organi- zation, now competently led, which moved with deadly precision. Amherst and Wolfe captured Louisburg, July 27, 1758. Bradstreet, the only officer worth while in Abercrombie's disconcerted army, obtained permission to capture Fort Frontenac, and with three thousand men, marched to ruined Oswego. He crossed the lake and after a short siege, De Noyon, the French commander surrendered, August 27th. The fortification and a large amount of supplies were destroyed. 3 This vic- tory tended to neutralize the northern Indians and hampered the trans- mission of supplies to Niagara and Fort Duquesne. The treaty made at Easton, in October, 1758, definitely turned the tide of Indian aggression on the frontier. It was negotiated with great difficulty, as many conflicting interests and passions had to be reconciled or subdued. The troublesome intermeddling of the Friendly Association had to be nullified. The bumptous presumptions of Teedyuscung deflated, the different irritations of the many tribes anointed with political salve, and above all the supremacy of the Six Nations reestablished, so that united action be maintained. The Friendly Association inspired Teedyuscung to threaten disruption of the conference unless his land claims were satisfied, while Croghan and Weiser wisely strove to avoid the land question and make a lasting peace. The conference began October 8, 1758, in the presence of Governors Bernard of New Jersey and Denny of Pennsylvania, members of the council and assembly of the latter province and many citizens. The prin- cipal chiefs of the Six Nations and various eastern Indian tribes were present. George Croghan deputy of Sir William Johnson, conducted the treaty. Conrad Weiser was interpreter for Pennsylvania and Henry Mon- tour for Croghan. After the usual salutation and interruptions of the reg- ular order of business by Teedyuscung's rambling talks, Nichus, chief of the 105 Mohawks, "spoke for some time with great vehemence, pointing to Teedyuscung." Weiser, sensing a disruption of the conference, if the speech, was then interpreted, got permission to have it done at a private meeting. This gave time for him and Croghan to sound the Indians and prepare for a later and favorable reception of the speech. Conrad Weiser thus saved the Easton treaty. The time had come for the deflation of Teedyuscung. The Six Nations had borne his insolence with patience. His boastfulness and pretensions, to kingship over many nations, shocked their sense of propriety, and frequent interruptions, of the proceedings, violated their strict adherence to Indian decorum. The great chiefs of the Iroquois spoke for their nations and by authority of the mighty confederacy, they represented. But, that none may say they misjudged him, a relation, of contem- porary opinion, is pertinent. The Moravians said, "he was as unstable as water and like a reed shaken before the wind — was dazzled by the prospect of a crown, and trafficked his peace of mind for the unrest of ambition " 4 Conrad Weiser early detected his duplicity. 5 The diary of William Parsons depicts his instability, drunkenness, boastfulness and rambling manner of discourse. 6 George Croghan called him an infamous villian. 7 Governor Denny distrusted him. 8 Sir William Johnson wrote, "I suspect he is not the consequential person, he has pretended to be, and that he is either a tool made use of by some in your Province, or a forward fellow, who finds his advantage by imposing himself on your government, as a person of great importance." 9 How the Indians judged him, may be inferred from the following. At the Easton conference, in 1757, his own people, the eastern Delawares complained of his conduct and rebuked him. 10 In their interview with Frederick Post, the western Delawares repudiated him and said he lied in his report to the governor. 11 Captain Newcastle reported he falsely claimed he had authority from the Six Nations to treat with Pennsylvania. 12 Teedyuscung's wife had little confidence in him and wanted to remain at Bethlehem, because of his debauchery. 13 At the private conference, in the morning, Nichas, the Mohawk said: "We thought it proper to meet you here and have some private discourse about our nephew, Teedyuscung. You all know, that he gives out, he is a great man and chief of ten nations. This is his constant discourse. Now, I on behalf of the Mohawks say, we do not know he is such a great man. If he is such a great man, we desire to know who made him so. Perhaps you have and if this be the case, tell us so. It may be the French have made him so. We want to enquire and know, whence his greatness arose." Nine of the ten nations endorsed what Nichas said, and denied his kingship over them. Only the Delawares did not openly repudiate him, and of these the western Delawares had done so in their interview with Post, while the Minnisinks did at the treaty, appointing Thomas King of the Six Nations to manage their business. Governor Bernard, in his speech, to the conference, said, "I know not, who made Teedyuscung so great a man, nor do I know that he is any greater than chief of the Dela- ware Indians settled at Wyoming." 106 Teedyuscung squirmed for a few days. Israel Pemberton and the Quakers tried hard to bolster him up, but in vain. All his brag and bluster were gone. His surrender was abject and complete, and to his uncles, the Six Nations, he sang, this his song of sorrow : "I sit here as a bird on a bough, I look about and do not know where to go, let me therefore come down upon the ground and make that my own by a good deed, and that I shall have a home forever, for if you my uncles or I die, our brethren the English will say they have bought it from you, and so wrong my posterity out of it." 14 The greatness of Teedyuscung was only a fiction of Quaker imagina- tion, and the folly of those writers who have followed them. As Mr. Harvey has said, in his History of Wilkes-Barre, "he was a politician and not a warrior and not the noble red man described by some writers, but a crafty, cunning and crooked character." The latter part of the conference proceeded amicably under the direc- tion of the Six Nations, and a treaty of peace was concluded, wherein the Indians promised to return all the captives. New Jersey gave the Min- nisinks £1000 and they released all claims to land in New Jersey. Conrad Weiser and Richard Peters, upon behalf of the Penn heirs, released all the unsettled land purchased at Albany in 1754. A message was sent to the Ohio Indians. As Thomas King concluded the conference, he spied Mr. Vernon, the commissary and requested he be ordered to take the lock off the rum barrel and let it run freely. 15 Pitt appointed Brigadier-General John Forbes, commander of the expedition against Fort Duquesne, and he arrived at Philadelphia in April, 1758. The Pennsylvania assembly voted to raise twenty-seven hun- dred men and money for the necessary horses and wagons for transporta- tion of supplies. The army assembled at Carlisle; and thence Colonel Boquet proceeded to Raystown, where he built Fort Bedford. 16 Forbes was suffering from a fatal illness and much of the way was carried on a litter borne by horses. Upon the recommendation of Boquet and St. Clair, a new and shorter route from Fort Bedford was selected, despite the opposition of the Virginians, who favored the old Braddock road from Fort Cumberland. Those interested in the Ohio Company and particularly Washington were exasperated by the selection. Forbes was incensed at him and wrote Boquet, "I would consult Colonel Washington, though perhaps not follow his advice, as his behavior about the road was noways like a soldier." Forbes army, numbering about seven thousand, consisted of twelve hundred Highlanders, three hundred fifty Royal Americans, twenty-seven hundred Pennsylvanians, sixteen hundred Virginians, one hundred fifty North Carolinians, one hundred from Delaware, two hundred fifty from Maryland and a thousand wagoners and laborers. 17 Boquet built a road over the Alleghenies to Loyalhanna creek, where, in September, he erected Fort Ligonier. 18 From there, he dispatched Major Grant, with some eight hundred men, to reconnoiter the vicinity of Fort Duquesne. Grant arrived, within 107 two miles of the fort, about the middle of September, and leaving his baggage there, proceeded to a hill, a quarter of a mile from the place. Major Lewis, with a force of two hundred, was directed to lie in ambush, along the road, and intercept an anticipated French attack on the baggage guard. Four hundred men were placed, on a hill, facing the fort, to cover the retreat of a detachment of Highlanders sent forward to entice the enemy from their works. Grant underestimated the strength of the French, who sallied out in great numbers and attacked the Highlanders. They were forced to retreat. The provincials, secreting themselves behind trees, made a good defense, but, being unsupported, were compelled to join the flight. Grant exposed himself and vainly endeavored to rally his men, who were outflanked on all sides. Many were driven into the river and drowned. The baggage guard withstood the enemy for a time and this gave the fleeing men opportunity to escape. Grant was captured. 19 Encouraged by this victory, twelve hundred French and Indians attacked Fort Ligonier, October 11th. Colonel James Burd, in command of the fort, made a gallant defense and the enemy was forced to retreat. The English losses were sixty-two privates and five officers killed, wounded and missing. Forbes had despaired concluding the campaign, during the fall of 1758, but his slow sure policy had prevailed. Post's mission, which he had urged, had broken the Indian alliance with the French. The savages deserted and fled from Fort Duquesne, like a flock of wild pigeons. November 18th, Armstrong's advance force of Pennsylvanians was within seventeen miles of the fort and Washington with the Virginia provincials was at Bushy Run. Forbes, with the main army followed them. Scouts brought word the French had fled and the place was on fire. The whole army occupied Fort Duquesne, November 25th, 1758, Armstrong raised the English flag on the ruined ramparts and the west was forever free of the French. 20 Forbes named the place Pittsburg and dated his report to Governor Denny, "Fort Duquesne, now Pittsburg, the 26th November 1758." A new stockaded fortification called Fort Pitt was immediately begun. Colonel Hugh Mercer was left in command, and the main army returned to Fort Bedford. 21 General Forbes died at Philadelphia, March 13, 1759. Next to the capture of Quebec, the taking of Fort Duquesne, in future results, to Great Britain and the colonies, was the most important achieve- ment of the war. It confined the French to Louisiana and deprived the western Indians of French support in their depredations of the frontier. NOTES— CHAPTER FIFTEEN 1. In April : In York county, Richard Baird, Daniel McMenomy, Samuel Hunter, Thomas Potter, a Baird child captured; Mr. Lebenguth and wife and a woman killed, near Tulpehocken ; at Swatara, two Shetterly brothers killed and Michael Sauter, William Hurt and a widow captured ; at Ncrthkill, Mrs. Nicholas Geiger and two children, and Mrs. Michael Detzelar killed. 108 In May: Barnabas Tolan killed in Hanover township, Lancaster county. In June: Two men killed in the Minnisinks (Pa. Archs. 3, 424); Mrs. John Frantz and three children captured near Fort Henry; Jacob Snavely's son killed; Samuel Robinson and another man shot, in Swatara township; Leonard Long killed, in Hanover township (Col. Recs. 7, 140; Pa. Archs. 3, 412 to 422). On November : Jacob Mosser and Hans Adam Mosser killed in Hanover town- ship, (Pa. Archs. 3, 425, 426: Rupp's History of Berks county, 75, 76, 77; Col. Recs. 7, 140 for an account of casualties). 2. Journal of Frederick Post, Pa. Archs. 3, 520 to 544. 3. Pa. Archs. 3, 518; Letter of Thomas Butler in Johnson Papers 2, 889. 4. Memorials of Moravian Church, 219 to 221 ; Loskiel's History of Moravian Missions, 150. 5. Wallace, Life of Weiser, 450. 6. Pa. Archs. 2, 724, 725. 7. Pa. Archs. 3, 544. 8. Col. Recs. 7, 225. 9. Johnson Papers, 2, 880. 10. Pa. Archs. 3, 257. 11. Ibid, 525, 526. 12. Memorials of Moravian Church, 257. 13. Ibid, 275; Watson Annals of Philadelphia, 2, 171. 14. Col. Recs. 8, 190 to 193, 203. 15. Minutes of Treaty, Col. Recs. 8, 174 to 223. 16. Fort Bedford was bounded north by the Raystown branch, east by what is now Richard, south by Pitt and west by Juliana streets. There were five bastions, the central one extended to the waters edge and contained a gallery with loopholes. From it water could be obtained for the garrison. The southern rampart was parallel with the Forbes road, now Pitt street, and the main gate was on this side. A postern gate opened northward. The officers and soldiers quarters were in the fort, but the hospital and storehouses were outside. It was built in the usual stockaded form and was protected on the south and west sides by a moat eight feet deep and fifteen feet wide. In the bastions were mounted several guns. See Frontier Forts 2, 487, 488. 17. Frontier Forts, 2, 79. 18. This fort stood in the present town of Ligonier between Loyalhanna street and Loyalhanna creek, on an eminence about forty feet above the stream. It had four bastions and in the fort were storehouses, powder magazine and officers barracks. Around it was an intrenched camp. Frontier Forts, 2, 208 contains a plan of the fort and a description at page 251. 19. Hazard's Register 8, 141. 20. For account of Forbes expedition: Frontier Forts 2; Col. Recs. 8, 52, 59, 65, 79, 111, 167, 224, 232, 234; Pa. Archs. 3, 383, 448, 449, 450, 455, 483, 488, 560. For French account: Paris Documents XV, reprinted in N. Y. Col. Docs. 10, 900, 901, 924, 925. 21. Frontier Forts, 2, 101. 109 CHAPTER SIXTEEN END OF THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR In 1759, Canada was in dire straits; and a French official confessed the inability of France in men, supplies and ships, and admitted the over- whelming superiority of England on land and sea. He likened Canada to a sick man, "who is supported by cordials until he sinks or a crisis saves him," and doubted whether the country was worth saving. 1 The impotence of the French government and dissension and disorder in Canada invited disaster. Supplies were scant and the colony impoverished. The people, overwhelmed by taxation and crushed by a licentious soldiery, longed for peace. The corrupt officials had plundered the country and fattened them- selves at the expense of the king. 2 The clash, between the vain governor general, Vaudreuil and Montcalm, the impetuous commander in chief, engendered a venomous and jealous malignity, which extreme French politeness could not dissemble. England's navy sealed Canada from the sea; and her ponderous military machine moved slowly but irresistibly to the fatal end. General John Stanwix was appointed successor of General Forbes. He arrived in Pittsburg, in August, and began the construction of the permanent fortification, known as Fort Pitt, which was completed in March 1760. It occupied all the ground between the river, Marbury (now Third street), West Street and a part of Liberty Street. The works were five sided. The ground around it was thrown up and it was enclosed by a rampart of earth. On the two sides facing the open country, the embank- ment was supported by brick work, nearly perpendicular. On the other three sides, the rampart had no support and presented only an inclined surface, which defect was remedied by a line of pickets outside the slope. The works were surrounded by a wide ditch. Eighteen guns were mounted on the bastions. Within were casemates, barracks and storehouses, accom- modating a garrison of a thousand men and officers. Traders flocked to Pittsburg and were carrying on a large trade with the Indians. An enumeration made, in July 1760, showed there were, in the place, two hundred houses and one hundred forty-nine inhabitants, exclusive of the garrison. 3 A force, of French and Indians from Venango, invested Fort Ligonier in July. The commander, of the fort, Adam Stephens made a spirited 110 defense and the artillery fire drove the enemy to the woods, from which they kept up the attack, until dark, when they retreated. Shortly before the investment, a detachment of eighteen men left the fort as escort of a party on its way to Bedford. They went as far as the Laurel Hills and then returned. By avoiding the road, they regained the fort without loss. The English casualties were only three men, besides Captain Jones who was killed. 4 Scouts reported, July 17th, that the French, because of the impending attack on Fort Nigara, were about to abandon Venango, and the Indians were making up their bundles and preparing to follow. 5 The border troubles were about over. Not all the dastardly murders were committed by the Indians. Dr. John, a friendly Delaware Indian, living near Carlisle, and his wife and children were barbarously murdered by the frontiersmen, in 1760. The bodies, of the Indian and his son, were found scalped, but the remains of the woman and her children were never discovered. Arrests were made, but there were no trials. The murder was aired, at a later conference with the Indians, but no reparation was made. 6 General John Prideaux was appointed commander of the expedition against Fort Niagara. He left Oswego with a considerable force of regulars, provincials and six hundred Indians under Sir William Johnson. Colonel Frederick Haldimand and about a thousand troops remained to defend Oswego, which after Prideaux's departure, was attacked by the French, under La Corne. Haldimand was able to repel their assaults, on his entrenchments, which continued for two days, with a loss only of three men killed and twelve wounded. La Corne was wounded and he lost a large number of men. 7 Fort Niagara occupied the triangle formed at the intersection of the Niagara river and Lake Ontario. The high bank of the river was on the west and the perpendicular bluff of the lake was on the north. These sides of the fort were protected, by an entrenchment, of earth, seven feet high inside and six feet thick at the top, with a fraise on the berm. The strongest fortification was, at the base of the triangle, it being the approach from the land side, and consisted of an earthen rampart and glacis with a ditch nine feet deep. There were two bastions with batteries and the large stone house within the enclosure was used as a hospital. Captain Pouchot commanded the garrison of five hundred men. The French and Indians at Fort Machault and Presque Isle had been ordered to reinforce Fort Niagara, but when the investment began had not arrived. The fort at the carrying place was burned and the troops there reinforced the garrison. The British siege began July 9th and the cannonading continued until the 23rd, when a breach was made in the main wall of the fort. Three days before, Prideaux was killed, by the explosion of a shot from one of the English mortars, and Sir William Johnson succeeded him. The relief forces, from Machault and Presque Isle, under Aubry and Ligneris fell into an ambuscade. Johnson sent Captain James De Lancey 111 with a detachment of light infantry to intercept them. They secreted themselves behind a hastily constructed breastwork, near the river and close by the road leading from the Falls to the fort. Troops, under Colonel Massey, and a band of Indians were sent to reinforce them. The Indians fell on the French flank. Aubry assaulted Massey's main line, was repulsed and De Lancey's men poured over the breastwork. The French, encom- passed on all sides, broke and fled. Their losses were two hundred killed and one hundred prisoners. Aubry, Ligneris, Montigney, Repentigney and Marin were captured. Johnson informed Pouchot of the French disaster and afforded him opportunity to verify it. An officer was sent to the English camp, where he found Ligneris wounded and the other officers in an arbor near Johnson's tent. Upon receiving the officer's report, Pouchot agreed to a capitulation, which he signed July 25th ; and the French garrison, consisting of six hundred seven men and eleven officers were conveyed to New York. 8 John- son with the main army returned to Oswego, where August 16th, General Gage succeeded him. It was planned, that General Amherst, commander in chief of the English armies, should invade Canada by the way of Lake Champlain. Accordingly, he proceeded to the site of Fort William Henry, near which he began the construction of Fort George. Only one bastion was com- pleted, the remains of which may still be seen. With his army, he sailed down Lake George, and occupied Ticonderoga and Crown Point, both of which, Bourlamaque, the French commander abandoned and destroyed. The French fleet still controlled Lake Champlain and the season, being advanced, no invasion of Canada was accomplished. The most dramatic event of the French and Indian War must be briefly related. In results, it was one of the most important affairs in the history of the world. It was early June, 1759, and the belated summer had barely melted the ice and snow of the frozen north into the chilling waters of the St. Lawrence. Near the entrance of the gulf, the tossing waves of the ocean were flecked with spots of white, like gulls bobbing up and down in the billows of the sea. The biting wind, beating toward the coast, had swollen the sails of a vast fleet, twenty-two great battleships of the line, with cannon mighty enough to batter down the strongest ramparts of earth and stone, sloops of war, flight frigates and innumerable transports, sufficient to carry ten thousand men and an immense stock of munitions and supplies, wallowed in the troughs of the ocean. It was the greatest arma- ment that had left England and was designed for the reduction of one of the strongest fortresses in the world. Clutching the rail of the flagship, and peering in silent reverie toward the coast, was an emaciated young man, with legs far too long for his frail body. A rich scarlet cloak hung loosely about him and ill-fitted his misshapen shoulders. His upturned nose, receding forehead and weak chin indicated no strength of character. Yet, he was master of all these mighty engines of death and destruction. Under him were generals, older, and of higher birth and social rank, Monckton, Townsend and Murray. But no 112 other English general could have done what he dared to do. His skill and daring, at the capture of Louisburg, had won the admiration of king and minister. Pitt, who had canny prescience in choosing men, had picked him to lead the most important expedition of the war. The Duke of New- castle had protested his appointment to George the Second, and termed him Pitt's mad general. "Mad is he," the king testily replied, "I wish he would bite my other generals." James Wolfe was only thirty-three years old, but despite difficulties and discouragements, which would have baffled other men, he did not belie the trust of king and minister. The fleet moved slowly up the channel of the St. Lawrence; and the English captains, with loaded pistols in their hands, stood over the captured French pilots and made them safely pass the dangerous rifts. The army landed on the Island of Orleans, below Quebec, and the siege began. Unable to entice Montcalm from his entrenchments, Wolfe attempted to approach the city by the way of Montmorency, but in vain. He landed a part of his army on the beach at Beauport, but was driven back. His cannon battered the city of wood and stone to rubble and ruin. Frustrated and tormented with a fatal disease, he tossed for weeks on his fevered bed in the attic of a farmhouse. Winning a little respite from his sufferings, Wolfe gripped his courage again. His keen eye detected a narrow path, leading from the river up the perpendicular cliff to the plain above. At night, he floated his army down the river, landed on the scant strip of beach, scaled the cliff, overpowered the guard at the top, and early in the morning of September 13th, formed his line of battle on the Plains of Abraham. Montcalm, now forced to leave his trenches and fight an open battle, attacked the English line. The grenadiers with Wolfe, at their head, charged and the French broke and fled. On the 17th, Quebec surrendered, but then, both Montcalm and Wolfe were dead. In the night, they buried Montcalm in a shell shot hole beneath the walls of the Ursuline Convent ; and the English surgeons embalmed the body of Wolfe and placed it in a leaden casket. Before the winter closed the St. Lawrence, the English fleet sailed for home, carrying the embalmed body of the great general, who had won an incomparable victory for England. The army, under General Mur- ray, held Quebec during the long and dreary winter. During the summer of 1760, three armies converged on Montreal, the only place unconquered. General Haviland entered Canada by the way of Lake Champlain, General Murray came up the St. Lawrence from Quebec and Amherst with the main army marched down the river from Lake Ontario. The city was completely invested and September 8th, Vaudreuil surrendered not only Montreal but all Canada with its dependencies. The definitive treaty of peace was signed at Paris, February 10, 1763 and confirmed the English conquest of Canada and the west. 9 113 NOTES— CHAPTER SIXTEEN 1. Paris Documents XVI, reprinted in N. Y. Col. Docs. X, 925 to 937. 2. Ibid, 937. 3. Frontier Forts, 2, 103 to 109. 4. Pa. Archs. 3, 668, 669. 5. Ibid, 674. 6. Ibid, 707; Rupp's History of Cumberland County, 158 to 161. 7. N. Y. Col. Docs. 7, 395, 396. 8. French account, see Journal of the Siege of Fort Niagara, Paris Docu- ments, N. Y. Col. Docs. 10, 977 to 992 ; English account, N. Y. Col. Docs. 7, 402, 403; Prideaux- Johnson Orderly Book and Johnson's letter, Johnson Papers 3, 48 to 113; Johnson's Diary in Stone's Life of Johnson 2, 394 to 425. 9. Parkman, who is partial to him, exalts Montcalm, but he probably merited some of the criticism of Vaudreuil and others. He was brilliant, well educated and of amiable social qualities, but as a soldier undecided and uncertain. At Ticonderoga, his greatest victory, he was undecided where to fight and only adopted the superior position, he barricaded, upon the advice of his officers. His triumph was largely due to the incapacity of Abercrombie. In the capture of Fort William Henry, he had vastly superior forces and equipment. He has been criticised for attacking Wolfe at Quebec too soon, but it would seem he had to fight. His conduct at Fort William Henry, in permitting the massacre, is inexcusable. Wolfe was a military genius of great daring, but cautious in his actions. He measured Montcalm accurately and anticipated he would fight immediately, when he discovered his plan of defense was disarranged, by the occupation of the Plains of Abraham. Amherst had been criticised, because he did not move more rapidly. He was slow but sure. Until he mastered Lake Champlain, he could not advance, and even then the season was too far advanced to invade Canada. 114 CHAPTER SEVENTEEN THE INDIAN UPRISING OF 1763 (PONTIAC'S WAR) Francis Parkman immortalized Pontiac as the projector and con- spirator of the war, but later writers have doubted he was so consequential. Pontiac was only one of the Ottawa chiefs and Croghan does not mention him as one of the prominent Indians, who welcomed him in 1760, when he visited Detroit. 1 It is doubtful, that Pontiac sent ambassadors to all the western tribes, as stated by Parkman, whose hypothesis of the "Con- spiracy of Pontiac," is largely based on the statement, of Robert Rogers to whom the French forts were surrendered, and written after Pontiac had flared into fame by his spectacular siege of Detroit. After the French and Indian war, the Indian attitude was that of smoldering discontent. To appease the eastern Indians, the Pennsylvania authorities held conferences with them at Easton, in 1761 and at Lan- caster in August, 1762, and they were mollified by liberal donations of presents. 2 Teedyuscung's land claims were settled by Sir William Johnson, at Easton, in June 1762, when the proprietary agents outsmarted Pember- ton and the Quakers by securing a paper signed by Teedyuscung, to the effect, that the charge, the deed of 1686 was forged, was a mistake into which he was led by statements of his ancestors. He, however, insisted Marshall's walk was unreasonably performed. This ended the land con- troversy. Intruding settlers, who followed the English victories, aroused Indian animosity. This intrusion was anticipated by the Delaware chiefs, who said to Post, in 1758 : "We have good reason to believe you intend to drive us away and settle the land." This distrust has existed since the first settle- ments, and the English thirst for land has caused every general Indian uprising. The so-called Indian land purchases were only disguised thefts and a salve for tender consciences. The Indians, a simple, trusting people, when they realized the wrong done them, retaliated and carried their vengeance, in 1763, into every nook and corner of the frontier. The French forts in the west and the amiable habitants, living about them, had made the western tribes devoted allies of France and they had gone down with the crushing fall of the French. No longer able to balance their power 115 between England and France, they bitterly realized their future impotency. They were constantly incited by the French traders and habitants, who inspired them with the belief and hope a great French army was coming to redeem the land from the hated English. 3 In 1762, a prophet arose, among the fickle Delawares, always prone to superstitous excitement, who preached abandonment of European weapons and utensils and return to stone implements and the bow and arrow, whereby they would rejuvenate themselves and recover possession of the land of their fathers. 4 This Delaware hope of redemption spread among the other nations and changed the despair of defeat into a surge of discontent. Premonition of the coming conflict was the visit of two Seneca chiefs to the Indians about Detroit, in 1761, and their endeavor to incite them to seize the place; but Captain Campbell, the commandant detected and exposed their design and frustrated the plot. The Senecas had lost no land, but the malign influence, over them of Chabert Joincaire and his sons, and the close proximity of their villages to Fort Niagara had wooed them to France. Until May, 1763, though secretly nourishing the Seneca plan, the Indians about Detroit remained quiet. Pontiac, who had become their leader, sought admittance to the fort, under pretence of holding a confer- ence with Gladwin the commander, who the night before was, probably, informed by Baby, a friendly French habitant, of Pontiac's plot. In the morning, the Indians were admitted, but the troops were mustered in line and posted at strategic points. Foiled in his scheme, Pontiac dared not order an outbreak and retired in silent fury. Other subterfuges were employed, but Gladwin was too wary ; and May 9th, Pontiac began the war by murdering the English found outside the works and by investing the fort. The news, of the siege, was soon known by all the Indians, and in a few weeks, every western outpost except Detroit was in their hands. Captain Simeon Ecuyer,commander of Fort Pitt, had reported he was surrounded by dangerous rascals and that the French had incited the savages. Colonel William Clapham, who had built Fort Augusta and retired from the army, had made a plantation near Pittsburg. May 28th, the Indians killed Clapham and massacred every one in his house. The next day, two of the garrison of Fort Pitt were killed in a sawmill nearby. Calhoun, a trader reached Pittsburg, June 1st and reported, that all of his party of fourteen had been killed near Big Beaver creek, except him- self and three others who escaped. Ecuyer placed all the cattle and oxen near the fort and organized two militia companies of eighty or ninety men, under the command of Trent, the trader, who was a great help to him. He gathered all the people within the fort, erected two ovens and a forge, destroyed the lower town and burned the upper town. All the powder of the merchants was placed in the king's magazine, the works were strengthened and beaver traps placed to entrap the Indians, if they attempted to scale the ramparts. Barrels of water were placed about the fort and the women instructed how to quench 116 the flames, in case of fire. The garrison of Fort Pitt was two hundred fifty men of equal numbers of regulars and militia. June 1st, the place was com- pletely surrounded and all intercourse eastward shut off. About the same time Fort Ligonier was attacked. Its commander, Lietuenant Archibald Blane had previously removed the inhabitants of Bushy Run and Stony Creek there, and detained a number of packhorse men, which considerably reinforced the garrison. Blane succeeded in burning the houses near the fort, from which the Indians intended to pursue the investment. This destruction discouraged them- and they decamped. Everything was uncertain and startling rumors traveled rapidly through the woods, eastward to Carlisle. Apprehension and terror pre- vailed. A wild panic seized the settlers and ninety-three frontier families fled to Fort Bedford. Croghan wrote, from Shippensburg to Boquet at Philadelphia, a long letter, containing vague rumors and indefinite sug- gestions. Both he and Sir William Johnson, whose duty was to keep tabs on the Indians, had received no intimations of the uprising. General Am- herst, who despised the power of the Indians, could hardly credit the tidings, but he dispatched the available troops, two companies from New- York, to Boquet at Philadelphia. 4 The strongest part of the fortification, at Presque Isle, on the site of the present city of Erie, was a large blockhouse, with projecting upper story ; and to this the garrison retired, when the place was surrounded by the Indians, on June 20th. The shingle roof was set on fire by lighted arrows, but the flames were extinguished and resistance continued until midnight, when the assault ceased. In the morning the firing was renewed and lasted into the night. The water casks were exhausted and the roof on fire again but it was saved by tearing off the burning shingles. One of the assailants hailed Ensign Christie, the commander and assured him their lives would be spared, if they surrendered. The soldiers were exhausted and unable, to longer, continue the fight and Christie complied. The captives were divided among the different tribes and all were killed, except Christie, a soldier and a woman, who were taken by the Wyandots to Detroit, and turned over to Gladwin. 5 Fort Le Boeuf was on the west fork of French creek, about fifteen miles south of Lake Erie, at the head of the portage to Presque Isle, in what is now Waterford, Erie county. 6 Ensign Goerge Price was in com- mand of the garrison of thirteen soldiers. It was attacked, June 18th, and during the day a spirited defense was made, but at night the blockhouse was fired, and to escape suffocation, Price and his men fled to the woods. He and seven men reached Pittsburg, and later six others arrived there. 7 On his way, Price passed Venango, which he found had been burned. This fort was near the old French fort, Machault; and Elk street in the present city of Franklin runs through what was the center of Fort Ven- ango. 8 According to intelligence received by Sir William Johnson, a band of Senecas, under the guise of friendship, gained admittance, then closed the gates and butchered all within, except Lieutenant Gordon, the com- 117 mander. He was compelled to write a statement of the grievances which caused the war and then tortured to death. 9 Fort Pitt was assailed on the three land sides, June 22nd, but the cannon fire from the fort dispersed the Indians. In the fort at the time, were the garrison of three hundred thirty-eight men, one hundred four women and one hundred six children. 10 Fort Ligonier was unsuccessfully attacked June 21st. 11 The woods of Cumberland county were full of lurking devils, not organized bands of warriors, but little groups of four or five murderers, who sneaked out of the forest like tigers, fell on their prey, scattered farm houses, butchered the occupants and vanished in the dense, dark woods. Boquet wrote from Carlisle, July 1st: "The list of people known to be killed, from forty to within six miles of this town, amounted last night to nineteen, besides wounded and increases very fast, every hour. The despair of those who have lost their parents, relatives and friends, with the cries of distressed women and children, who fill the streets from a series of horrors painful to humanity and impossible to describe." 12 According to "Loudon's Narrative," in what is now Perry county, the savages came to the house of William White, where a number of reapers were gathered and murdered all of them, except a boy who leaped through a window and escaped. They then went to Robert Campbell's on Tuscarora creek and killed several harvesters. George Dodd, who was sleeping in an adjoining room, seized his gun and shot one of the Indians and got out of the house by the chimney. Near William Dickson's in Sherman's Valley, the Indians killed William Anderson, an old man, as he sat reading his Bible, also his son and a girl belonging to the family. A squad in pursuit of the Indians was ambushed and William Robison, Thomas Robison, John Graham, Charles Elliott and Edward McConnell were killed. John Logan, Charles Coyle and William Hamilton were slain, while pursuing another band of Indians. Fort Bingham, in the Tuscarora Valley, was occupied by Ralph Ster- rett, an Indian trader, who, one day, gave a straggling and hungry Indian, food, rum and tobacco. After the outbreak of hostilities, those, in the fort, were startled one night by the rattling of the gate of the fort ; and per- ceived it was an Indian making the noise. The occupants wanted to shoot him, but Sterrett restrained them. It was the Indian he had previously fed, who manifested his gratitude by informing him, the Indians were as plenty as pigeons in the woods, that they had entered the Tuscarora Valley and next day by noon, they would be at Fort Bingham determined to kill all the inmates and burn the place. Sterrett gathered all the neighboring settlers and before daybreak, they were on their way to the Cumberland Valley. Over eighty persons escaped by the timely warning of the grateful Indian, as the next night a large band of savages burned the fort. 13 The Indians attacked Colonel Cresap's place, killed a man and 118 wounded another, but were beaten off and retreated toward Bedford, burn- ing all the houses along Wills creek. 14 William Thompson, a missionary residing at Carlisle wrote as follows : "We find the number of the distressed to be seven hundred and fifty families, who have lost their crops, and some their stock and furniture; and besides these we are informed, that about a hundred women and chil- dren are coming down from Fort Pitt. The unhappy sufferers are dispersed through every part of the county ; and many have passed through to York. In this town and neighborhood, there are upwards of two hundred families, and having the affliction of smallpox and flux to a great degree. " 15 When the news of the Indian outbreak reached Philadelphia, Governor Hamilton convened the assembly. As usual, the Quaker legislators nig- gardly complied, providing only seven hundred soldiers, and limiting their operations to the defense of the frontier inhabitants in the purchased parts of the province, during the time of harvest. The man, who relieved Pittsburg, defended the frontier and crushed the Indian uprising, was a Swiss professional soldier, Henry Boquet. 16 He was stern and arrogant, but honest, able and brave. On the frontier, since Braddock's days, he thoroughly understood the Indian method of warfare. He was so austere, that neither officers nor men liked or loved him, but he commanded their respect and complete cooperation. His stern attitude cowed the savages into an unprecedented submission. Boquet left Carlisle, July 18th, with four hundred sixty men. 17 Penn- sylvania, to her discredit, rendered no military assistance, although the farmers of the province engaged in the carriage service and their horses and wagons made up the supply train. He reinforced the garrison of Bed- ford with thirty of his men. Hostile spies hovered about his flanks, and the narrow defiles of the Alleghenies teemed with relentless foes, but he arrived at Ligonier without mishap. There he left thirty more of his men and all his wagons ; and on August 4th resumed his march with four hundred men and four hundred packhorses laden with flour. That night he encamped on the road to Pittsburg, and the next morning proceeded toward Bushy Run, by which name the battle is known. At one o'clock in the afternoon, the Indians attacked his column, and in superior numbers swarmed about the English regulars, who repelled them, but the convoy being imperiled, they fell back to a hill and encircled the packhorses huddled together, there. Some of the wounded horses broke loose and ran among the troops threatening to break their ranks, but the officers held them steadfast, and timely darkness ended the day's engagement. Boquet wrote Amherst, a letter, containing dismal forebodings of the next day's battle. The wounded were gathered on the crest of the hill and protected by a rampart built of the bags of flour. The cattle and horses were placed next and all were encircled by the troops. Early, the morning of the 6th, the Indians, who had surrounded the camp, renewed the attack. Perceiving it was useless to beat off the 119 savages and pursue them, as the warriors lost themselves in the woods, and came back to their cover, when the troops fell back, Boquet devised a stratagem. Two of the advanced companies were withdrawn within the encircled camp, the main line parting and covering the flanks. The Indians conceiving this movement, the beginning of a general retreat, uncovered themselves, came into the open and made a spirited assault. Then, Major Campbell with two companies of grenadiers, concealed behind a spur of the hill, fell on the Indian's right flank, and with great intrepidity pursued them. The enemy's left wing awed into inaction by the superior English force massed before them, and seeing the warriors of the right flank over- whelmed, broke and fled. The English victory was complete, and the losses were only fifty killed and sixty wounded. The march to Pittsburg was resumed without obstruction, and the wagon train from Ligonier arrived there, August 22nd, without interference. 18 During the summer, Sir William Johnson obtained assurances of loyalty from most of the Six Nations, and the Canadian Indians, who attended the conferences and were decidedly loyal, demanded that they compel the Senecas to desist from their depredations. A convoy, of ox teams and wagons, in charge of William Stedmari and escorted by twenty-four soldiers, was attacked by the Indians, in September, while traversing the portage between what is now Lewistown and Fort Schlosser which was located above Niagara Falls. It was made at the point where the river makes an acute angle, and the road ran on the brink of the precipice, which descends perpendicularly eighty feet to a dip pit, called the Devil's Hole. Most of the men were killed at the first onslaught. Indescribable confusion prevailed and the scared and wounded oxen plunged over the bank to tangled destruction in the pit beneath. An Indian seized the bridle of Stedman's horse, but he severed the reins close to the bit, eluded the Indian's fire and raced his horse by a roundabout way to the fort, being the only one to escape, save a drummer boy, who fell over the precipice, and was saved by his drummer straps catching in the limbs of a tree. Soldiers, encamped near, started to relieve the convoy, but were ambushed and sixty were killed and eight wounded. Major Wilkins and a large force, from Fort Niagara, found the Indians had decamped and only the scalped dead and ruined convoy. 19 According to Rev. John Heckewelder's account, a party of Delaware Indians, returning from Bethlehem, while stopping at the tavern of John Stenton, in the present Allen township, Lehigh county, were mistreated and despoiled of their goods. They went to Nescopeck and nourished their grievance, until the outbreak of the war, gave them the opportunity of revenge. An Indian named Zachary and his wife, and a woman called Zippora, Moravian converts were barbarously murdered, while sleeping in a barn at Lehigh Gap, by soldiers of Captain Nicholas Wetterhold's company. Lieutenant Dodge of the same company was also guilty of other fiendish atrocities against friendly Indians. These aggravations were enough to incite more patient and cultivated races, than the Indians. The woods were "full of noises," and the western insurrection aroused 120 the Delawares living along the Susquehanna and its tributaries. Captain Bull, son of Teedyuscung and a band of Delaware Indians, moving silently and swiftly, probably along the old trail from Nescopeck to the Lehigh, early in the morning of October 8th, surrounded the Stenton tavern. Cap- tain Jacob Wetterhold and a company of soldiers had tarried there, the night before. His servant sent for his horse was shot and killed, and he, as he opened the door, was fired upon and mortally wounded. A sergeant, as he drew Wetterhold within, was dangerously hurt. The door was closed before the Indians could enter, but Stenton was shot through a window, as he was getting out of bed. He rushed from the house and eluding the Indians ran for a mile and dropped dead. Wetterhold, in spite of his wound, made a successful resistance and the Indians decamped. He was removed to Bethlehem, where he died the next day. 20 Before the attack on the tavern, the Indians killed Mrs. James Horner, while going to a neighbors, for live coals to light a fire. After leaving the tavern, the savages plundered James Allen's house and murdered Andrew Hazlet and his family. They crossed the Lehigh at the Indian Falls, a short distance above Seigfrids Bridge, and marched through Whitehall township to John Jacob Mickley's. Three of his children were gathering chestnuts and Barbara aged seven and Henry, aged nine were struck by thrown tomahawks and killed. Peter, aged eleven escaped to Dehler's Fort and gave the alarm. In the afternoon, the Indians attacked the house of Nicholas Marks, but the occupants got to Deshler's Fort. A party, from the fort, found Hans Schneider, his wife and three children dead in a field, and two other persons wounded ; and in another field, Mrs. Jacob Alleman and child dead and scalped. 21 A small band of Indians perpetrated several murders in Berks county. Philip Murloff's house at the foot of the Blue Mountains was entered and>, his wife, two sons and two daughters killed. 22 John Fincher, a Quaker living back of the Blue Mountains, was visited by a scalping party ; and he expressed the hope, as a Quaker, they came as friends, but, notwith- standing, they murdered him and his family. A pursuing party found four Miller children murdered and two missing, but these were recovered. Frantz Hubler in Bern township, eighteen miles from Reading was wounded and his wife and three children captured. Three other children were scalped alive, two of whom died. 23 In February, 1764, the Indians attacked John Russell's house, near the present Stroudsburg and one of his sons was captured and another killed. 24 A considerable number of Connecticut settlers had, in 1762 and 1763, located on Mill creek, near the present city of Wilkes-Barre and within the Susquehanna Purchase. On Saturday, October 15th, 1763, Captain Bull and his band of warriors, returning from their depredations on the Lehigh, descended from the mountains to the Wyoming Valley, and fell on this settlement. The men were working on the flats in what became Wilkes-Barre, Kingston, Plymouth and Hanover townships, which closely 121 join together. Parshall Terry, one of the settlers made an affidavit, in 1794, and contained in Hoyt's Brief of Title, page 136, in which he stated: "The settlers, being in a scattered condition on their respective farms, were attacked by the savages upon surprise in every part of their settle- ment, and all at or near the same time ; that near twenty were killed of the settlers, the others taken and dispersed. The whole of the property of the settlers, then on the ground fell into the enemies hands. The depo- nent recollects the names of several that were killed, viz: Rev. William Marsh, Thomas Marsh, Timothy Hollister, Timothy Hollister Jr., Nat- haniel Hollister, Samuel Richards, Nathaniel Terry, Wright Smith, Daniel Baldwin and his wife, Jesse Wiggins and a woman by the name of Zeriah Whitney. The deponent also recollects that Isaac Hollister, one Mr. Shep- herd and a son of Daniel Baldwin were taken prisoners as he understood. Several others were killed, whose names he does not recollect." 25 The New London Gazette, of September 14, 1764, published an account and stated the attack was made by the famous Captain Bull. The government of Pennsylvania dispatched Major Asher Clayton with a body of troops, to disperse the Connecticut settlers, but when he arrived at Wyoming, he found the savages had made a more effectual ejectment, as reported in the Pennsylvania Gazette of October 27th: "They found no Indians but found the New Englanders had been killed and scalped, a day or two before they got there. They buried the dead, men and women, who had been most cruelly butchered. The woman was roasted and had two hinges in her hands — supposed to be red hot and several of the men had awls thrust into their eyes and spears, arrows and pitchforks sticking in their bodies." Captain Bull, having finished his deviltry went to the Delaware ren- dezvous on Sing Sing creek, a tributary of the Chemung river. A large force of Six Nation warriors sent by Sir William Johnson, in January 1764, captured Captain Bull and forty-one of his warriors. Bull and thir- teen other Indians were sent to New York and confined in the jail there. 26 After the battle of Bushy Run, there was some tranquillity on the Western Pennsylvania frontier, but in February, 1764, one of the garrison of Fort Pitt was killed while working in a sawmill nearby. In March, a man was killed and five persons captured near Shippensburg ; and in the same county, Cumberland, Agnes Davidson and child and three other chil- dren, Andrew Simms, Margaret Stephens and Joseph Mitchell were cap- tured. Near Fort Loudon, in July, a woman named Cunningham was killed and a Jameson woman captured. 27 One of the most barbarous murders occurred July 26, 1764. Then, about six miles north of the present Greencastle, on the brow of a hill over- looking a deep dismal ravine, stood a log school house. It was occupied by the master, named Brown and ten pupils. During the morning, two old Indians and a boy came to the door. Brown pleaded for the lives of the children, but the two old Indians stood at the door, while the younger one 122 entered and with a maul killed Brown and the children. They were all scalped, but one of the children, Alexander McCullough had not been killed and although scalped, he recovered and gave an account of the tragedy. Shortly after, the daughter of James Dysart was murdered within twelve miles of Carlisle. 28 One of the worst atrocities was committed by David Owen, a white man, a deserter from the British regulars to the Delawares and Shawnees, who while with them formed a connection with an Indian woman and by her had two children. Owen was coming down the Susquehanna with a white boy who had been an Indian captive, and nine Indians, his wife and two children, another woman, four men and a lad ; and one night when they had encamped and all were asleep, Owen awakened the white boy and bade him go some distance away. He, then, removed all the weapons except two guns, the muzzles of which he placed at the heads of two of the Indians and simultaneously pulled the trigger, killing both. The other two unharmed Indians ran away. With a hatchet, Owen killed his wife and two children, the other woman and the Indian lad, and, with brutal coolness, crouched by the fire in the midst of the dead until daylight, when he scalped the dead except the children. When he had finished, he handed the knife to the white boy and told him to scalp the children, but he refused. Owen with the scalps made his way to the nearest outpost, probably, claimed his bounty for the scalps, was pardoned of his desertion and reentered the army. 29 In August, 1763, a militia force, from Lancaster county, had a two days skirmish with the Indians near Muncy creek, in which they lost four men killed and four wounded, and killed twelve Indians and wounded several. In September, Colonel John Armstrong destroyed the Indian vil- lages on the West Branch in the vicinity of the Great Island. 30 Sir William Johnson, in July and August, 1764, held conferences with some of the hostile Indians and the Genesee Senecas, who agreed to deliver up certain Delaware chiefs, deserters and Frenchmen among them ; and to cede land four miles in breadth on each side of the Niagara river from Fort Niagara to Fort Schlosser, thus ensuring free access to the portage between Lake Erie and Lake Ontario. 31 To subdue the western tribes, a northern expedition, under Colonel John Bradstreet and a southern one, under Colonel Boquet, were organized. Bradstreet, with twelve hundred regulars, three hundred Canadians and three hundred friendly Indians, left Fort Schlosser, August 8th. At Presque Isle, despite the opposition of his officers and the friendly Indians, he foolishly made an arrangement with a' deputation of Delawares and Shaw- nees to meet them at Sandusky, twenty-five days later and make a treaty of peace. 32 At Sandusky they made a pretended submission, which accom- plished nothing. From there, he dispatched Captain Thomas Morris to make peace with the Illionis Indians. 33 Bradstreet had badly blundered, and all he did was to relieve Detroit, beleaguered for fifteen months, and recover Mackinac, Green Bay and Sault St. Marie. Owing to vexatious delays, it was autumn before Boquet's army was 123 properly organized and assembled at Pittsburg. The Pennsylvania Quaker assembly, now thoroughly cowed by the Paxton men, voted to supply the one thousand men required, but Maryland and Virginia refused any assist- ance. Colonel Andrew Lewis, however, enlisted two hundred Virginians. 34 The pay of these men seriously embarrassed Boquet, but to relieve him, Pennslyvania generously paid them. Captain Jacobs and other Delaware chiefs, in a conference with Boquet at Pittsburg, sought to delay invasion of their country, but he sternly denounced their conduct and perfidy in violating their engagements with Bradstreet. Without any palaver, he gave them to understand they could expect no mercy, unless there was an abject submission. He said: "As I must consider you now as a people, whose promises I can no more trust, I was determined to attack you as soon as the rest of my army joined me, which I expect immediately ; but I will put once more in your power to prevent your total destruction and save yourselves and your fam- ilies by giving satisfaction for the barbarities committed against us." He required safe conduct for his messengers to Bradstreet, and- a guarantee, that in twenty days the messages he sent and the answer should b delivered to him. Upon any violation of his demand, he declared he would immediately put to death Captain Pipe and other Indians in his custody. An Onondaga and Oneida Indian interceded for the western tribes and urged he do nothing precipitately, but Boquet was not a man to trifle with and reminded them that the Delawares and Shawnees were a false people and deceive you, as they have always done. He declared he should march through their country and tell them what he would do at Tuscarowas. At Tuscarowas, Boquet held a conference with Kyashuta, chief of the Senecas, Beaver, chief of the Delawares and a chief of the Shawnees, who attempted to palliate or excuse their conduct, but, in a terrible bill of indictment, he charged them with their specific acts of perfidy and bar- barity. He reminded them, that their former allies had deserted them and made peace ; that they were surrounded on every side ; that it was in his power to destroy them, but that, if they performed everything he required, he would not treat them with the severity they deserved. To further over- awe them, November 9th, the army marched to the forks of the Muskin- gum, within easy striking distance of all the Delaware villages, where a fortified encampment was made. Boquet had the savages in a vise from which there was no escape. A battle with his overpowering army would have destroyed them. They could flee from their towns, but he would have destroyed their villages and stocks of corn, and immediate winter would starve them. They could not deceive, delude or compromise, with this relentless man. They submitted and agreed to deliver up all prisoners, to commit no further hostilities and give fourteen hostages for performance of his conditions. More than two hundred captives were delivered to him by the Delawares and Shawnees, 124 who even turned over their own children born of white women. The Shawnees who held one hundred fifty prisoners were obstinate, but they soon complied and delivered them. As with Amherst at Montreal, Boquet by his stern and relentless demands had obtained more restitution and a better peace, than in all the treaties made by Indian agents and traders, since savage relations began. The captives were removed to Carlisle and Boquet delivered them to their relatives and friends, as heretofore related. The great uprising was over, and Governor Penn issud his proclamation of peace, December 5, 1764. 35 NOTES— CHAPTER SEVENTEEN 1. Early Western Travels 1, 105. 2. Pa. Archs. 4, 92; 3, 100. 3. Peckham's Pontiac, 59. 4. Loudon, Selection of Narratives, 1, 321, 322; Magazine of History, 37, 170 to 175. 5. Boquet Papers, Series 21, 649, 96 to 156. 6. Spark's, Writings of Washington, 2, 442; Frontier Forts, 2, 575. 7. Boquet Papers, Series 21, 649, page 172. 8. Frontier Forts, 2, 591. 9. N. Y. Col. Docs. 7, 532; Frontier Forts, 2, 593. 10. Boquet Papers, Series 21, 649 page 175. 11. Ibid, 180. 12. Ibid, 227. 13. Frontier Forts, 1, 591, 592. 14. Boquet Papers, Series 21, 649, pages 216 to 219. 15. Rupp, History of Cumberland County, 400, 401. 16. Henry Bouquet was born in Berne, Switzerland and followed war as a profession from boyhood. He served under the king of Sardinia, and then under the Republic of Holland. January 3, 1756, he was appointed Lieutenant Colonel of the 60th or Royal American Regiment, and served under Forbes in the expedition against Fort Duquesne. He became colonel in the army, February 19, 1762, and in recognition of his great services during 1763 and 1764 was appointed brigadiei general. He died at Pensacola, Florida in February, 1766. 17. Boquet Papers, Series 21, 649, Part 1, page 208. 18. Ibid, Part 2, pages 28, 29. 19. N. Y. Col. Docs. 7, 562, and Appendix, Life of Mary Jemison. 20. Pa. Gazette, October 13, 1763; Gordon History of Pa. Appendix 623. 21. Gordon Hist, of Pa., Appendix 624; Frontier Forts 1, 171, 172, 173, 174, 182; also a very good map of the Indian route and scenes of the depredations between pages 176 and 177; Rupp, History of Lehigh County, 129, 130. 22. Rupp, History of Berks County, 78. 23. Gordon History of Pa. Appendix 623; Rupp, History of Lehigh County 77, 78, 79, 140; Col. Recs. 9, 43, 44. 24. Gordon History of Pa., Appendix 624; Rupp History of Monroe County, 155. 25. Chapman, History of Wyoming, 70, 71; Miner, History of Wyoming, 54; Harvey History of Wilkes-Barre, 1, 429, 430, 431 : Pa. Archs. 4, 129. 26. N. Y. Col. Docs. 7, 611 to 624. 125 27. Gordon Hist, of Pa., Appendix 624, 625. 28. Rupp, History of Cumberland County, 149, 150, 151. 29. Gordon, Hist, of Pa. Appendix 625; Col. Recs. 9, 189, 190. 30. Gordon Hist, of Pa. 398, 399. 31. Johnson Papers 4, 466 to 501 ; N. Y. Col. Docs. 7, 652. 32. Johnson Papers 4, 503 to 508. 33. Journal of Morris, Western Travels. 34. Boquet Papers, Series 21, 650, 118. 35. Col. Recs., 9, 193 to 197. 126 CHAPTER EIGHTEEN THE CONESTOGA MURDERS The most deplorable and disgraceful incident, of our frontier history, is the murder of the Conestoga Indians. In Lancaster county, on the Conestoga Manor, lived the feeble remnant of the Andastee or Susque- hannock Indians, who, long before, exercised their proud and powerful dominion over the whole Susquehanna Valley. There were, probably, less than thirty of them left, regarded by their near white neighbors, as harm- less vagrants. They eked out a miserable subsistence, during the summer by the sale of brooms and baskets, and, in the winter, they were supported by the charity of the government. The stalemate, in the Pennsylvania government, caused by the pacifism of the Quakers and their hatred and opposition to the Penn heirs, pre- vented a proper defense of the frontier. The principal sufferers were the Scotch-Irish people, who were mainly settled on the extreme frontier. They were a vigorous and violent race, but honest, religious and brave. Exasperated by their sufferings, they lawlessly wreaked their vengeance upon an inoffensive people. They firmly believed the scattered villages, of the friendly Indians, were shelters of the savage foe. There were some grounds for their belief, for an Indian is an unchangeable, proud, primitive man. The psychology of races is not changed by sudden religious excite- ment, and the so-called conversion of the Indians was only a thin veneer, more easily washed away, than the war paint with which they daubed their faces. It is reasonable to conclude, that many of the friendly Indians enter- tained a kindred sympathy for the wandering warriors who visited them. But whatever the provocation, premeditated murder can never be justified. The Paxton or Paxtang settlement, miles northward, was composed of Scotch-Irish settlers, who had suffered grievously from Indian incur- sions. They had organized a military band for the protection of them- selves and the neighboring settlements. This company is known as the "Paxton Rangers or "Paxtang Boys." In later years, in order to palliate the crimes of the "Paxtang Boys," numerous affidavits were collected, attempting to show, that among the Conestoga Indians dwelt hostile char- acters. But about the most, these affidavits show is that there lived at Conestoga, Bill Sox, a good for nothing Indian, suspected by some of being implicated in certain murders. 127 The histories are replete with graphic and imaginary accounts of the tragedies. We will let the public records and statements of contemporaries tell the story. Matthew Smith, leader of the first expedition, made, in later years, a narrative of the affair, which was published, in 1843, in the "Lancaster Intelligencer." According to this narrative, Smith was informed, in December, 1763, that an Indian, guilty of depredations, had been traced to Conestoga. Thereupon, Smith and five companions went to the village ; and it being night, he alone crawled close to the cabins, and saw or thought he saw a number of armed Indians in the houses. Returning to Paxton, he assembled about fifty of the Rangers, who armed and mounted and led by Smith rode that night to Conestoga, determined to destroy the Indians. They arrived about daybreak, December 14th, 1763, and dividing themselves into several parties surrounded the huts. An Indian, aroused by the noise, came from his cabin. One of the Rangers shouted he is the man who killed my mother and shot him dead. Bursting into the other houses, the Rangers shot or tomahawked four others, the only ones at home. They, then, burned some of the cabins and departed. In the various accounts, there is a discrepancy in giving the number killed and the extent of the depredations committed. The following is quoted from Hazard's Register, volume 9, page 114, and is taken from a manuscript journal belonging to a descendant of Robert Barber. "On a snowy morning, in December, 1763, a German neighbor came to Robert Barber's house and requested him to go in pursuit of someone who had been at his house the night before and whom he called robbers. They had behaved in a very disorderly manner such as melting the pewter spoons etc. Mr. Barber supposing it had been persons in a frolic, advised his friend to take no notice of it. He had scarcely left the house, when five or six men came in, very cold, their great coats covered with snow and wet. They left their guns outside. Mr. Barber was not personally acquainted with them, though he knew from what part of the country they came. He made up a fire to warm and treated them to the customary morning refreshments. While they warmed themselves, they inquired why the Indians were suffered to live peaceably here. Mr. Barber said they were entirely inoffensive, being on their own lands and injuring no one. They asked what would be the consequence if they were all destroyed. Mr. Barber said he thought they would be as liable to punishment, as if they had destroyed so many white men. They said they were of a different opinion and in a few minutes went out. In the meantime, however, two sons of Mr. B. about 10 or 12 years old went out to look at the stranger's horses, which were hitched at a little distance from the house. After the men went, the boys came in and said, they (the men) had tomahawks tied to their saddles, which were all bloody, and they had Christy's gun, (Christy was a little Indian boy about their own age — they were much attached to him, as he was their playmate and made their bows and arrows and other means of amusement). While the family all wondered what it could mean, a messenger came from Herr, giving information of the dread- ful deed. Mr. Barber and some others went down to see the extent of the 128 massacre. Shocking indeed was the sight — the dead bodies fourteen Indians lay among the rubbish of their burnt cabins, like half consumed logs. Mr. B. after some trouble procured their bodies to administer to them the rights of sepulchre. It was said, that at the beginning of the slaughter, an Indian mother placed her little child under a barrel, charging it to make no noise — a shot was fired through the barrel, which broke the child's arm and still it kept silent." Robert Beatty and John Miller, agents of the government to oversee the Indians reported to the governor on December 28th, (Pa. Archs. 4, 151) that six Indians were killed and that the survivors had been removed to the Lancaster jail; also that they had possession of the Indian effects, consisting of papers which these poor people had treasured through genera- tions and going back almost to the beginning of the province, a list of which is given in Colonial Records, 9, page 102. Unsatisfied with their bloody deed and under pretense that one of the Indians in the jail at Lancaster had murdered relatives of one of them, the Paxtang Boys, now under the leadership of Lazarus Stewart, rode into Lancaster, December 27th. Rev. John Elder, pastor of Paxton church strongly urged them to desist and made efforts to prevent their murderous expedition, but he was rudely brushed aside. Edward Shippen the prin- cipal magistrate wrote the governor: "This afternoon upwards of a hun- dred armed men from the westward rode very fast into town, turned their horses into Mr. Slough's (an innkeeper) yard and proceded with the greatest precipitation to the workhouse, stove open the door and killed all the Indians." (Col. Recs. 9, 100.) John Hay, the sheriff reported he and the coroner opposed them to their great danger, that fourteen Indians were killed and that it was rumored the rioters were preparing to march to Philadelphia and destroy the Indians on Province Island. The scene in the jail is graphically portrayed by a contemporary witness, William Henry, a leading citizen of Lancaster, (Rupp's History of Lancaster County, page 358) and is as follows : "There are few, if any murders to be compared with the cruel murder committed on the Conestoga Indians in the jail in Lancaster, in 1763, by the Paxton Boys as they were called. From fifteen to twenty Indians, as report stated were placed there for protection. A regiment of Highlanders were at the time quartered at the barracks in the town, and yet the mur- derers were permitted to break open the doors of the city jail and committed the horrid deed. The first notice I had of this affair was that while at my father's store near the court house, I saw a number of people running down the street towards the jail, which enticed me and other lads to follow them. At about six or eight yards from the jail, we met from twenty-five to thirty men, well mounted on horses and with rifles, toma- hawks and scalping knives, equipped for murder. I ran into the prison yard, and there, oh what a horrid sight presented itself to my view. Near the back door of the prison lay an old Indian and his squaw, particularly 129 known and esteemed by the people of the town on account of his placid and friendly conduct. His name was Will Sox; across him and squaw lay two children of about the age of three years whose heads were split with the tomahawk and their scalps taken off. Towards the middle of the jail yard along the west side of the wall lay a stout Indian whom I particularly noticed to have been shot in his breast ; his legs were chopped with the tomahawk, his hands cut off and finally a rifle ball discharged so that his head was blown to atoms and the brains were splashed against and hang- ing to the wall for three or four feet around. This man's hands and feet had been chopped off with a tomahawk. In this manner, the whole of them, men, women and children spread about the prison yard, scalped, hacked and cut to pieces." The governor issued a strong proclamation denouncing the outrage ; and the Quakers vigorously protested, but undaunted by governor's pro- clamations and Quaker protests, the Paxtang Boys and their adherents prepared for a march on Philadelphia. Their ostensible purpose was to seize the friendly Indians, the government had withdrawn from Wyalusing and the Moravian missions and was attempting to protect in the government building on Province Island. The real purpose was, probably, to bluff the government into indemnity for their crimes and obtain concessions. The whole affair is so ridiculous, it should be treated with the derision, it deserves. Volunteers, variously estimated from two to fifteen hundred, flocked from the border. The leaders were Matthew Smith and James Gib- son. Many were enticed to join by the hope of plunder and the excite- ment of a wild lark. The news of their advance caused turmoil in the city. The foolish and supine government, in order to avert the invasion, which it had no more power to repel, than a parade of school boys on the town green, sent the refugee Indians at Province Island to New York to be placed under the efficient protection of Sir William Johnson. The hope was that once out of Philadelphia the Rangers would stop their march, but they paid no attention to this gesture and marched on. Neither John- son nor the authorities of New York had been consulted and when the refugees arrived at Amboy, a message was received from the governor of New York refusing their admittance and the governor of New Jersey ordered them to get out. They were marched back to Philadelphia, where they were pelted and jeered by the city rabble, which hated both Indians and Quakers ; and the sufferings of these poor creatures is too sober a tale to be recited here and is reservd for the succeeding chapter. Late in January, the rioters were on the march. They were a grotesque crew of border ruffians, attired in coon skin caps, loose hunting shirts and leather breeches, with long hunting rifles swinging from the pommels of their saddles and sharp tomahawks sticking in their belts. At every way- side tavern, they augmented their courage by devouring the gin keeper's stock. They hooted and bawled at every farm house, and threatened dire destruction of every timid Quaker and Mennonite, who dared squint at them. The stout Quaker farmers, of Chester county, hastily barred their 130 windows, buried their treasures and pewter plate in the ground and cautiously peeked from behind their great barns as the tumultous throng went by. In the city, the tumult was worse. The Presbyterian faction in Phila- delphia was believed to be abetting the invaders and added by their jeering pamphlets further dismay to the poor pacific Quakers. Every subterfuge was resorted to and preachers were sent forth to subdue the ruffians with the sacred scriptures. The Quaker assembly, casting aside religious scruples hurriedly passed a military act. The city was ransacked for old muskets and antiquated guns. Barricades were erected in the streets and cannon, which no one knew how to fire, were placed at the approaches. Sober Quaker squires and shopkeepers boarded up their houses, but could do nothing but pound their kitchen floors with their staffs and vow vengeance on the murderous gang. In desperation, some discarded their broadbrim hats and plain drab coats and donned military caps and blouses far too small. They were organized into awkward squads and timidly fingered their strange guns with more danger to themselves than the foe. To add to their despair, the Presbyterians littered the streets with jeering pamphlets and broadcasts and tittered out loud, when the clumsy Quaker warrior went by. Colonel Turbutt Francis, commander of the City Troop, who was not a Quaker, either by design or to escape a drenching rain, marched his soldiers to the Quaker Meeting House, where his soldiers cast themselves on the floor and profaned the sacred edifice of peace with their snores. The terrorized governor to save his scalp fled to Dr. Franklin's home, where if worse came to worse, he might secrete himself under Deborah's best bolstered bed. A party of friendly German butchers coming to save the place, threw the city into a panic of fear. All the ferries over the Schuylkill were secured on the city side, but the raiders somehow sneaked across and , on February 4th, encamped at Germantown. During all this confusion, not one of the valiant volunteers dared venture forth to meet the foe, although a couple of British cannon, supported by a company of Massachusetts or Virginia militia, would have put the whole blurring, blustering crew to flight. How long this ridiculous spectacle and disgraceful episode in the history of Pennsylvania would have continued is uncertain, if the governor had not sent Franklin out to Germantown to subdue the foe. The rioters could bravely fight behind trees and logs, murder helpless Indians in a pen and terrorize pacific Quakers, but their leaders were unable to with- stand the shrewd old Yankee with the bland tongue. He kindly listened to their tale of woe and discontent, induced Smith and Gibson to prepare a declaration of grievances and, probably, slyly hinted at a bounty for scalps, which they dearly desired, and then pleasantly advised them to go home, which they did. The war being thus concluded, the city resumed its wonted Quaker repose. No one was ever punished for the cruel Conestoga murders. A little after, Franklin's conquest, the governor issued a proclamation, offering a 131 liberal bounty for scalps. One thing was attained Quaker pacifism was preserved, but Quaker serenity was disturbed by the bloody Presbyterians, who bombarded them with pamphlets and broadcasts of unseemly abuse, to which the Quakers rejoined them with productions of equal scurrility. 1 NOTES— CHAPTER EIGHTEEN 1. Gordon, History of Pa., 406 to 410; Franklin's Works Vol. 4, 151, 152; Hazard's Register, Vol. 12; Rupp's History of Lancaster County, Chapter VII, beginning at page 350 contains many affidavits relating to the Conestoga murders and march of the rioters. Pamphlets and broadcasts are preserved in the City Library of Philadelphia. The inference from all written on the march of the rioters is that men belonging to neither faction and of sense, viewed the whole proceedings as a ridiculous exhibition of the weakness of the Pennsylvania government and the bitterness and inconsistency of religious contention. 132 CHAPTER NINETEEN FRIEDENSHUETTEN Passengers, on the Lehigh Valley Railroad, may observe a plain, sub- stantial monument standing in the expansive, level meadow land lying between the railroad and the Susquehanna river, and about two miles below the station at Wyalusing. This marble shaft marks the site of a once con- siderable town, of happy and contented people, called by the Indians, Machwihilusing. There the Moravians established the famous mission of Friedenshuetten (Tents of Peace), in the year, 1765. There were other ancient, native villages, near where the beautiful and meandering Wyalusing intermingles its waters with those of the great and winding river. Archaeologists, now explore the bluffs above the stream for vestiges of the first inhabitants, and, when the river floods bare the lowlands, gather the relics of a forgotten people. The scenic splendor, of the vicinity, allured successive generations of red men, who came and went with the vicissitudes of savage life. The rocks, rising to mountain summits on either side of the river, here and there, break away into broad intervales of fertile lowland. Nature enticed, not only, the bygone Indian, but the transient French nobleman and permanent English farmer to the romantic region of Wyalusing. Thither came John Papunhank, the Indian moralist and there dis- coursed his philosophy to the inhabitants of Machwihilusing. The Mora- vian annalists called him a very sinful man, but as they failed to specify his sins, one suspects the principal one was not being a^ Christian of their own particular sect. Be that as it may, his derelictions could not have been so great, as he was the first of the sinners and with little probation con- verted at Machwihilusing, and there is no intimation, that he ever, after- wards, backslid the obligations of his conversion. David Zeisberger bap- tized him, in 1763. * John Woolman, the celebrated Quaker evangelist came there, in June, 1763, and preached to the Indians, but, as they manifested a preference for the Moravians, went away. 2 He described the place as follows : "The town stands on the bank of Susquehanna and consists, I believe of about forty houses, mostly compact together; some about thirty feet long and eighteen feet wide, some bigger, some less ; mostly built of split 133 plank, one end set in the ground, and the other pinned to a plate, on which lay rafters covered with bark. I understand a great flood last winter overflowed the chief part of the ground where the town stands ; and some were moving their houses to higher ground." 3 Caught in the crossfire of the Pontiac War and threatened with destruction, by both the heathen Indians and the English, Papunhank and twenty-one of his followers fled to Bethlehem, and from thence were removed to Philadelphia. Upon their arrival there, they were joined with the Moravian Indians from Wequetance and Nain; and thenceforth, as their fortunes intermingled, they will be treated as one body and their vicissitudes will be briefly traced to their tragic end. The Moravian mission of Wequetanc was established, in 1760, in the present Monroe county, and was on the flats on the north side of Wire creek, about a quarter of a mile north of the intersection of the state road with the road to Effort. It may have been the site of Captain Harris' vil- lage, and once the home of Teedyuscung. 4 It consisted of good houses and extensive fields ; and was a very prosperous and successful mission, but English hatred of all Indians, kindled by the Captain Bull massacre, in 1763, placed it in great jeopardy. Consequently, all the inhabitants were removed to Nazareth, abandoning a plentiful harvest and most of their cattle. 5 The settlement at Wequetanc was an overflow of the mission at Nain, near Bethlehem, established in 1757. A number of Indians went there from Nazareth, and the population increased so rapidly, it was deemed expedient to divide the congregation and many went from there to Wequetanc. 6 The massacres, along the Lehigh, exasperated the settlers and Nain was blockaded on all sides. Fearing the Christian Indians would be killed, they were removed to Philadelphia, under the direction and protection of the sheriff. They were refused admittance to the barracks, and, for five hours, a mob of the city rabble reviled and cursed them, and the helpless creatures huddled together were threatened with destruction. Finally, they were taken to Province Island and lodged in the government buildings. They were constantly attended by the missionary, David Zeisberger, and they formed family groups and spent their time in prayer and devotion. In January, 1764, the march, of the Paxtang Boys, alarmed the government and to be rid of them, they were taken across New Jersey to Amboy, but as New York would not receive them and New Jersey ordered them to get out, they were returned to Philadelphia. Escorted by a company of soldiers, they journeyed back by snow bound roads and over the frozen rivers, across which the aged and infirm crept on their hands and knees. They were quartered in the Philadelphia barracks and guarded day and night, as the mobs threatened their destruction, and the Paxtang Boys came on thirsting for their blood. They adjusted themselves to their surroundings and a school was started by the missionaries and the Indian children made good progress in the pursuit of learning. 134 During the summer, the Indians could hardly endure their close con- finement. Unaccustomed to the strangely cooked but good food provided them, they craved the wild game and fish of their usual diet. They longed for the wild woods and mountain streams, languished and pined away and stricken with the smallpox, fifty-six of them died and were buried in the Potter's Field. In February, 1765, the government granted permission for their departure and ordered, sufficient flour, to sustain them until the har- vest of their own corn, be issued to them at Fort Allen. At Bethlehem, the Moravians clothed them. The Indians all resolved to go to Machwihilusing and resume their wild life again. From Fort Allen, their journey was a toilsome one through the swamps and across the barren mountains. A late storm of wet snow beset them and some of the weaker ones died on the way. At the Lacka- wanna, they secured boats and paddled their way up the Susquehanna. On May 9th, they reached their haven of rest, and in the deserted huts of Papunhank's town, began their interrupted lives again. 8 The mission of Friedenshuetten which was erected there, according to Loskiel, (Part 3, page 182) when completed: "Consisted of thirteen Indian huts, and upwards of forty houses built of wood in the European manner, covered with shingles, and provided with windows and chimneys. A small but convenient house was provided for the missionaries, and in the middle of the street, which was upwards of eighty feet broad, stood the chapel, neatly built and covered with shingles. Next to the houses, the ground was laid out in gardens, and between the settlement and the river, about two hundred fifty acres were divided into regular plan- tations of Indian corn. Each family had its own boat. The burying ground was situated some distance back of the buildings." 9 A meeting of the inhabitants was held and proper regulations and laws were adopted for the government of the community. Permission to build the mission was sought of the Cayugas, but their chief refused and desired them to remove to the Cayuga country, They promised to answer him when the corn was ripe, but delayed it to the following spring, when they received this peremptory message from the chief : "That he did not know, what sort of Indian corn they might plant, for they had promised him an answer when the corn was ripe ; that his Indian corn had been gathered long ago, and was almost consumed, and he soon intended to plant again; they ought, therefore to keep their promises." Alarmed by this warning, Zeisberger went to Cayuga and persuaded the chief to permit them to remain, and he made them a much extended grant of land. Disturbed again, by a false rumor, that the Great Council at Onondaga had repudiated the Cayuga grant, Zeisberger and Senseman journeyed to Onondaga, and the Council confirmed the grant and said to them : 135 "When your Indians, our cousins have anything to treat with us, they shall have full liberty to come straight to us, and settle their affairs with- out the interference of any other chief, who may not be of the same mind with us." 10 From east and west, Indians came to visit the mission, and pro- nounced it the finest Indian town, they had ever seen. The Iroquois Council had warned them not to make it a seat of trade. Nevertheless, the nefarious traders came and sought to debauch and demoralize them for gain ; but the Indian committee, charged with the government of the place, politely and firmly told them, they could maintain no trading post there, and com- pelled them to depart. The members of the mission chiefly supported themselves by hunting deer, elks and bears, and trapping foxes, racoons and beavers. One great article of food was maple sugar, which together with corn, beans and squashes made their principal diet. They made their own shovels, hoes, plows, harrows and sleds ; and were able to do their own carpenter work. Some of them were coopers, making their own barrels, tubs and pails. Two schoolhouses were erected, and the schools held therein were largely attended by the Indian children. The sale of their lands, at Friedenshuetten, to the English govern- ment, in 1768, by the Fort Stanwix Treaty, greatly disturbed them ; but notwithstanding, the Moravians, in 1769, established another mission at Sheshequin about thirty miles up the river, and sent John Rothe to minister to the Indians in that vicinity. A chapel was built and a considerable number of Indians were converted, including the chief, James Davis. By 1771, it was apparent the Indians could no longer maintain them- selves at Friedenshuetten and Sheshequin, because of the Iroquois sale of their land, the settlement at Wyoming, the increasing white settlers in their vicinity and the growing rum trade, which seduced their young people, and it was decided to remove the missions to Friedenstadt, a mission which had been established, by Zeisberger, in the Ohio country. John Rothe and John Ettwein were appointed to attend the congregations on their journey. ia It was decided to go in the spring of 1772. It was a sad detachment from the place they so dearly loved, where : "Fields, garden, fruit trees etc., were in such fine order, as to be a delight to the eye. The very streets were kept clean. The situation of the ground being level and the soil a mixture of sand and clay, they were regularly swept by the women with wooden brooms on Saturdays in sum- mer, when the ground was dry, and the rubbish carefully removed. The cleanliness of the place was also promoted by a post and rail fence, com- pletely surrounding the village, so as to keep out the cattle." May 23rd, Ettwein, afterwards a bishop of the Moravian Church, arrived from Bethlehem, with many presents useful to them on their future journey. The congregation partook of the last holy communion. Whit- 136 suntide was celebrated by administering baptism to a daughter of John Papunhank, father of their settlement. 12 During the preceding days, the place bustled with their preparations. The clothing and utensils were packed, and the canoes, which were to carry their baggage and those who made the trip by water, were overhauled and coated with pitch. Day and night, the pestles of the corn mortars were plied, grinding the meal needed to sustain them on their journey. June 11, 1772, this remarkable exodus began, and as no more telling description can be given, it is best to quote the following from Bishop Ettwein's diary: "Thursday, June 11th : Early we met for the last time in the town for divine worship. — At the close of the service, the canoes were laden, the bell was taken from its turret, the window sashes from out the church and the dismantled windows nailed shut with boards. "At 2 p.m., Brother and Sister Rothe, in their canoes, set out, fol- lowed by the others, thirty in number. We had divided the voyageurs in six divisions, over each of which, we set one or two leaders. Timothy, who carried the bell, in his canoe, rang it for some time, as the squadron moved down the river, never again, to ring out its call to the house of prayer over the waters of the lovely Susquehanna." Those, who went by water, by reason of a heavy rain, made only eight miles, the first day. Saturday, they passed the fort at Wilkes-Barre, where a large crowd gathered to see them. At Nescopeck, they were com- pelled to pass their canoes over the falls by means of ropes or carry them around the rapids. The remainder of their journey was without incident. Their course, up the West Branch, against the current of the stream, was the tedious and toilsome part of their trip. Ettwein continues : "After all had left the town, I locked the doors of the chapel and the missionaries' dwelling — took leave of Job Chilloway and commended to him oversight of the houses and improvements — to which he consented, and at the same time made fair promises. He and his wife were the only two who appeared to regret our departure. All the others manifested satisfaction. With Brother and Sister Rothe went one hundred and forty souls ; with me by the overland route fifty-four. Others also are to proceed by land from Sheshequin, so that the entire migration numbers two hundred and eleven souls. "As we crossed the river, our way led us straightway to the moun- tain, and after proceeding two miles we entered a great swamp, where the undergrowth was so dense that oftentimes it was impossible to see one another at the distance of six feet. The path too was frequently invisible, and yet along it sixty head of cattle and fifty horses and colts had to be driven. It needed careful watch to keep them together. We lost but one young cow from the entire herd. Every morning, however, it was necessary to send drivers back, as far as ten miles, to whip in such, as would during the night, seek to return." June 18th, they arrived at Schoonhaven's plantation, a mile above Samuel Wallis' place, on the West Branch, where two days later, they 137 were joined by those who came by canoe. On Sunday, Rothe preached to the Indians and Ettwein to sixty English hearers, many coming a distance of sixty miles to hear him. It was deemed best to dispose of some of their effects, before beginning the long overland journey, and Mr. Wallis pur- chased fifteen cattle and a few canoes and others bought fowls, firkins, buckets, tubs, chain and iron ware. A trader came to their camp with kegs of rum, which were seized and detained by Mr. Wallis until they left. Ettwein purchased 2000 pounds of flour with money given by Quaker friends in Philadelphia, and this was distributed among the families to sustain them on their journey. At Big Island, they encountered many rattlesnakes and one bit a horse in the nose from the effects of which the poor animal died. The reptiles invaded their camps at night and terrified the inmates. Miraculously, all their cattle escaped, as they brought up the rear and those in advance scared the reptiles away. At the mouth of Bald Eagle creek, they sold their canoes, left with friends the windows of the church and thence proceeded by land. They were divided into six divisions, each commanded by an experienced leader ; and their march continued in an orderly and regular manner, but it was retarded by sickness among them and several died. They left the fertile lowlands and ascended the Alleghenies, and at a spring in a beautiful, widely expanded meadow, they had scarcely made their camp, when a frightful storm swept over them. "The angry clouds like mountains piled themselves up in the heavens, the lightning like snakes leaped in forked flames over the sky, the thunder rolled like siege artillery, and the rain came down with the sound of many waters, or the roaring of a mighty cataract. It was a war of the elements. The tall oaks bowed before the storm, and when the timber failed to do obeisance, it was snapped like glass in the grasp of the roaring wind." On their march, the Indian hunters killed one hundred and fifty deer and three bears, and, as killed, they were divided among the families. They reached the Allegheny river, July 20th and constructed canoes to carry the aged and infirm and heavy baggage down the stream. There, they were joined by John Heckewelder, one of the missionaries at Friedenstadt, who brought a convoy of horses, with the assistance of which, they concluded one of the most remarkable and painful migrations. 13 The Indians did not long remain at Friedenstadt, but removed to the Muskingum country (in Ohio), where Zeisberger had established a new mission, called Schoenbrunn (the beautiful spring). There, they built another mission settlement, Gnadenhuetten, so called in memory of their old home on the Mahoning, destroyed during the French and Indian War. These missions were substantial Indian towns, and they experienced progress and prosperity. Lord Dunmore's War, in 1774, distressed them but they suffered no serious harm. Captain White Eye, a powerful chief became their constant friend and intercessor with the heathen Indians. In 138 1775, John Papunhank, the father of Friedenshuetten died. For many years, he was one of the most noted Indians on the frontier, and freely exerted himself to foster peace between the English and Indians. He, ever, remained a faithful convert, and, at the time of his death, was warden of the congregation at Schoenbrunn and had the chief direction of its affairs. At the close of 1775, these missions numbered four hundred fourteen Christian Indians ; and the next year another mission was established on the east side of the Muskingum. It was called Lichtenau, but was later abandoned and its people removed to Salem, a new settlement five miles below Gnadenhuetten. The Revolution ruined the Moravian missions on the Muskingum. Surrounded, as they were by hostile Indians, who hated them because every convert weaned away a warrior, the situation of the missions was pre- carious. In the beginning, both Americans and English desired the neutral- ity of the Christian Indians and assured them safety, but, as the struggle became intense, each distrusted them and accused them of friendship for the other. Most of the Indians joined the British, but the Delawares, for a time remained neutral, and their neutrality the English ascribed to the influence of the Moravian missionaries. The mission Indians were caught between the crossfire of American, English and heathen Indian hostility. Of the three, the Americans were the most friendly, and Colonel Morgan, the commander at Pittsburg was their special friend and treated them with kindly consideration. The British, finally succeeded in wooing the Delawares and late in 1781, the situation became critical. The hostile Indians reported at Detroit, that the missionaries were spies for the Americans and the com- mander decided to remove the Moravian Indians and their missionaries. Accordingly, three hundred warriors, led by an English captain, the Half King, a Huron chief and Captain Pipe, an unfriendly Delaware chief, appeared in the vicinity of the missions, in August, and by intimidation, the destruction of their property and promises of protection, compelled the Christian Indians to submit to removal. Schoenbrunn, Salem and Gnad- enhuetten were forsaken. Two hundred of their cattle and four hundred of their hogs had been killed, their farming utensils and household posses- sions had been destroyed and they left behind them a great quantity of Indian corn and more than three hundred acres of ripening corn, besides fields of potatoes, cabbages and vegetables. The missionaries had been mistreated and made prisoners. Their wives were taken from their beds in their night clothes and treated to other indignities. The missionaries and their Indians were taken to Sandusky, where their savage enemies and English abettors deserted them. They were left in a wilderness, where there was neither game nor provisions, and their situation, during the winter, became deplorable. In March, the mission- aries were removed to Detroit. 14 To relieve the distress at Sandusky, at the approach of spring, in 1782, many returned to their deserted homes and engaged themselves in harvesting and securing the corn, they had left ripening at their forced evacuation, the preceding autumn. 139 We now approach the fatal catastrophe, in the tragic history of Friedenshuetten, a deed done by white Americans, which exceeded in brutality, the Indian atrocities at Cherry Valley and Wyoming. Western Pennsylvania was settled, principally, by Scotch-Irish, whose cruelty to the Indians has been previously related. Doddridge says that a band of militia, between eighty and ninety in number, was oganized, under the command of Colonel David Williamson, a gawky, irresolute and indiscreet young man, but a cunning politician, subsequently elected to positions of power and trust in Washington county. Dr. Doddridge, who was reared in the locality and knew some of the members of the company, gives, at page 201 of his book, a partial list of those who participated in the expedition ; and pronounces it a premedi- tated murder, at the outset and states they expected no opposition, as they well knew the gentle Moravian Indians, being noncombatants, would offer no resistance. Colonel Gibson, commander at Pitssburg learned of their murderous intentions, but unable to prevent their designs, sent a messenger to warn the Christian Indians on the Muskingum, but he arrived too late. Rumors of the approach of the hostile expedition reached them, but trusting all Americans to be their friends, they did not believe the stories, and con- tinued to pursue their labors undismayed. The murderous gang secretly approached Gnadenhuetten, and in the woods overtook a son of Isaac Schebosch, the Moravian missionary and his Indian wife and shot and scalped him. They then sourrounded the mission. The night before, an Indian runner arrived at Schoenbrunn, with an order that those in the three settlements should immediately return to Sandusky ; and in the morning, the messenger, on his way to Gnadenhuetten, came across the mutilated body of young Schebosch and approaching cautiously, saw the place was surrounded. He ran back to Schoenbrunn with the news and all there fled to the woods, from which they soon witnessed the burning of the town by a part of Williamson's force. In the meantime, the murderers entered Gnadenhuetten, and at first expressed friendly intentions, assuring the simple inhabitants, they, only came to remove them to a place of safety near Pittsburg, and ordering them to immediately gather their belongings and prepare to leave. Trust- ing them, the Indians fully complied, delivering up their guns and hatchets, collecting food, even emptying the beehives of their honey. Having ren- dered them defenseless, the attitude of the band changed and the Indians were all seized and cast into prison. A detachment had been sent to Salem, and all the people there were, likewise betrayed, bound with ropes and driven to Gnadenhuetten, where they were joined with the other prisoners. Then Colonel Williamson assembled his men, and ordered them to vote, whether the Indians should be removed to Pittsburg, as promised, or should die. Sixteen of the band, more manly than the others, voted for their removal, and to their eternal credit took no further part in the horrible proceedings. The sentence of death was pronounced upon them, but they were 140 told, that being Christians, they could have the night to prepare to die. Among them were many of those from Friedenshuetten, who had been faithful converts for years, including Samuel Moore, a well educated man, who in his youth had been a member of David Brainerd's congregation in New Jersey and later joined the Moravians, and the venerable Christiana, a woman of refinement who spoke English and German fluently. The hapless victims spent the telling night in supplication and prayer, and singing the beautiful hymns, they knew so well. At daybreak, they consigned their souls to God, bid farewell to their friends, fathers, mothers, husbands, wives and children and resigned themselves to death. In the early morning of March 8, 1782, they were bound with ropes and led to the places designated for their execution, afterwards gleefully called by the brutal ruffians, the slaughter houses. It is hard to imagine so-called Christian white men so devoid of justice, compassion and mercy, and there is no evidence, they, ever afterwards, regretted their unjusti- fiable and cruel deed, or were condemned and shunned by their Christian neighbors at home. On the other hand they boasted of their act, and some of them were rewarded with public office, attesting the approval of their people at home. The men were confined in one house and the women and children in another building. Then the carnage began. The miscreants clubbed some of them to death, and with their hatchets hacked the bodies of others to pieces. One devil clubbed fourteen helpless victims to death and then handing his club to a companion declared, "I would gladly kill them all but my arm has given out and now it is your turn." Old women were murdered in the most cruel manner and little children were seized by the legs and their brains beaten out against the logs of the building. Ninety-six were slain, sixty-two grown men and women and thirty- four children. Only two young men escaped, one of whom disengaged himself from the rope which bound him, slipped through the crowd unob- served, crept through a window into the cellar and spent the agonizing day beneath the charnel floor with blood streaming upon him and smearing and coating his body and clothes. At night he got away and concealed himself in the woods. The other youth, Thomas was clubbed and scalped and left for dead. He recovered his senses and at night he wriggled from among the corpses heaped about him, and coated with blood, crept over the slain out of the house and ran to the woods. In the morning, he joined the other boy, and after watching the murderers feasting in merri- ment over their work and the burning of the corpse laden slaughter houses, they fled to Sandusky with the terrible news. 15 NOTES— CHAPTER NINETEEN 1. David Zeisberger was born in Moravia, April 11, 1721, and came to America in August, 1737. He took part in the settlement of Bethlehem in 1741. He was member of a class of young missionary candidates instructed by Prylaeus, 141 in the Mohawk language in 1744, and became yery proficient in that tongue. With Christian Frederick Post, he went to the Mohawk Valley, to perfect his knowledge of the language, and was imprisoned, by the New York authorities, for several weeks, as a vagrant Moravian preacher. He was ordained in 1749, and during a stay at Onondaga, was adopted, as a member of that nation. He took an active part in the establishment of the Gnadenhuetten mission, and barely escaped the massacre there. While stationed at Shamokin, he began the preparation of an Iroquois dictionary. He was at Herrnhut, in 1750-51, and upon his return spent some time at Onondaga. In 1763, he first visited Wyalusing. He was with the Indians, during their stay in Philadelphia, and march to and from Amboy. He had charge of the establishment of Friedenshuetten, and remained there until September, 1767. He founded the Friedenstadt mission and the missions on the Muskingum, and remained there until their removal by the British. After the Gnadenhuetten massacre on the Muskingum, he led the remnant of the congregation, during all their trials. He died at the Goshen mission in Ohio, November 17, 1808, in the 88th year of his life. Zeisberger is considered the greatest of the Moravian missionaries. 2. John Woolman was born in Northampton, Burlington county, New Jersey, in August, 1720, of Quaker parents, and became a minister of that faith, when he was twenty two years old. He, mainly, supported himself by his trade as a tailor. He travelled and preached throughout the colonies, and wrote against slavery. His only experience, as an Indian missionary, was during his trip to Wyalusing, in 1763 During a visit to England, he died at York, October 7, 1772, and was buried in that city. 3. Life and Travels of John Woolman, 160 to 185. 4. Memorials of Moravian Church, note page 38. 5. Loskiel, History of Moravian Missions, 2, 212. 6. Ibid, 193, 214, 215. 7. Ibid, 183, 187, 193, 214, 215, 217. 8. Ibid, 216 to 234; Col. Recs. 9, 96, 100, 101, 108, 109, 110, 111, 113, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 132, 133, 135, 136, 137, 170, 171; Pa. Archs. 4, 138, 157, 158. 160, 161, 167, 168, 170. 9. Many years ago, the writer examined the site of Friedenshuetten, in com- pany with the elderly farmer, who then owned the land and pointed out the situation of the town and the location of the main street and principal buildings. This information, he obtained at the time of the dedication of the monument, by the Moravians, who located the same from the original records at Bethlehem, and excavations which they made on the ground. 10. Loskiel, History of Moravian Missions, 3, 5 to 10. 11. Ibid, Chapters 1, 2, 3; Part 5, Transactions of Moravian Historical Society; Heckewelder, Indian Nations, 82, 83. 12. Rothe and Ettwein Diaries. 13. Ibid. 14. Loskiel, History Moravian Missions, 3, Chapters, 8, 9, and 10. 15. The account of the massacre is based on the report of David Zeisberger; Loskiel History of Moravian Missions, 3, Chapter 10; Notes on Settlement and Indian Wars by Joseph Doddridge, Chapter 31 page 188; and David Zeisberger and His Brown Brethren by Rev. William H. Rice one time pastor of the Moravian Church at Gnadenhuetten, Ohio. These are all largely based on the contemporary report of Zeisberger, and the accounts given by the murderers themselves on their return to Pitssburgh. Doddridge obtained his information from some of the band. 142 CHAPTER TWENTY THE FORT STANWIX TREATY The policy of the British government was the prevention of any intrusion on Indian lands, as announced by the proclamation of 1763, establishing the "King's Line"; but this restraint was obnoxious to the land speculators, who constantly pressed for the fixing of a new and enlarged boundary. Finally, yielding to the incessant pressure, the British ministry, through Lord Shelburne, wrote Sir William Johnson, January 5, 1768: "His Majesty commands that the boundary between the several Provinces be completed without loss of time." 1 In pursuance of this com- mand, Johnson summoned the Six Nations and their subject tribes to a conference at Fort Stanwix (now Rome, N. Y.) on September 20, 1768, but it was late in October before the Indians assembled there. The task, confronting Johnson, was the most difficult, he ever expe- rienced in any of his Indian transactions, but he never displayed his ability, as a negotiator, to so great advantage, as in this, the crowning achievement of his career. He had, not only, to reconcile the differences between the Indians of many tribes ; but, also, to appease the selfish interests of Indian traders, missionaries, and land speculators. The general satis- faction the treaty produced attests his success. More than twenty-two hundred Indians were gathered at Fort Stan- wix, October 24th, when the conference began under the supervision of Johnson. It was attended by Governor Franklin and Chief Justice Smith of New Jersey, Thomas Walker commissioner of Virginia, Richard Peters and James Tilghman commissioners of Pennsylvania and George Croghan, Daniel Claus and Guy Johnson deputy Indian agents. Guy Johnson was secretary and John Butler, Andrew Montour and Philip Philips were interpreters. Around the fort, each night, there was a radiant pageant of Indian life. Paint bedaubed warriors, in crimson colored blankets, swaggered about and half clad squaws hovered over the campfires. Hanging from a crude barbecue, a row of fatted oxen slowly roasted over charcoal fires ; great copper kettles boiled with potatoes and rice ; and the ovens of the fort supplied stacks of freshly baked bread. Each family was allotted huge slices of the roasted beef, a pot of potatoes and rice, a loaf of bread, and to each warrior and his squaw a gill or so of rum. After the evening 143 feast and 'till long in the night, men and women huddled about the camp- fires and danced to the sharp clatter of the rattle and drum, loudly chant- ing the wild strains of their native songs. A tentative line had previously been agreed upon, beginning at the mouth of the Kanawha and ending at Owego, and its readjustment was the great difficulty, the Six Nations insisting it should be extended as far south as the Tennessee river, over which territory, they claimed dominion. They also desired the line should be extended beyond Owego. Although the British ministry inclined to adhere to the original termini, Johnson considered it expedient to yield to the Indians. The treaty continued until November 5th, when the deed of cession was executed. For the consideration of fourteen hundred sixty pounds, seven shillings and three pence, it conveyed to King George III, the fol- lowing : "All the tract of land situate in North America, at the Back of the Briitsh Settlements, bounded by a line which we have now agreed upon and do hereby establish as the Boundary between us and the British Colonies in America, beginning at the mouth of the Cherokee or Hogchege River, (Tennessee) where it empty s into the River Ohio and running thence upwards along the South side of said River to Kittanning, which is above Fort Pitt, thence by a direct line to the nearest Fork of the West Branch of Susquehanna, thence through the Alleghany Mountains along the south side of said West Branch until it comes opposite to the mouth of a creek called Tiadaghton, thence across the West Branch and along the south side of that Creek and along the North side of Burnett's Hills to a creek called Awandae (Towanda), thence down the same to the East Branch of Susquehanna and across the same and up the East side of that river to Owegy (Owego) from thence to Delaware River (along about the New York line to a point below the present Hancock N.Y.) and up that river to opposite where Tianaderha (Unadilla River) falls into Susquehanna (near present Deposit N.Y.), thence to Tianaderha and up the West side of its West Branch to the head waters thereof and thence by a direct line to Canada Creek where it empties into Wood Creek at the West side of the Carrying Place beyond Fort Stanwix and extending Eastward from every part of said line as far as the lands formerly pur- chased so as to comprehend the whole of the Lands between the said Line and the purchased lands or settlements, except what is within the Province of Pennsylvania." This deed contained another exception: "That the lands occupied by the Mohawks around their villagers as well as by any other Nation affected by this our cession may effectually remain to them and their Posterity." It was signed by Tyorhansire for the Mohawks, Canaghquieson for the Oneidas, Sequarusera for the Tuscaroras, Otsinoghiyata for the Onon- dagas, Tegaaia for the Cayugas and Gustrax for the Senecas. 2 The same day, the Six Nations conveyed, to Thomas and Richard Penn, for $10,000, all the lands within their Province not previously purchased from the 144 Indians and extending to the Fort Stanwix boundary line. It comprised most of the land in the Susquehanna and Delaware Purchases, and it appears was secured with considerable difficulty, as the Indian chiefs were reluctant to sell again what they had already disposed of to the Susquehanna Company, but were persuaded to do so by the assurance of Johnson that the Connecticut Charter was obsolete and the companies had no right to purchase Indian lands in Pennsylvania. 3 The Fort Stanwix Treaty was the most important one made with the Indians and opened for settlement the northwestern part of Virginia, what became Tennessee and Kentucky and a large portion of Pennsyl- vania. New York obtained no great accession of territory. Sir William Johnson, in 1764, built a new home, Johnson Hall, some miles west of his old place, and fostered the growth of the adjacent village of Johnstown, which he planned and planted. As in his life, Johnson was fortunate in the time of his death, as he escaped the perplexities of the Revolution. He would, probably, have espoused the royal side, and thus embittered most of his American associates and marred the successful reputation he enjoyed. His ephemeral baronetcy, in the wilderness, created by good fortune, political adroitness and Indian diplomacy, dissolved like a morning dew in the rising sun of the Revolution. He died July 11, 1774 and was buried in a vault in St. John's Episcopal Church, which he had erected in Johnstown. In 1772, Albany county was divided and Charlotte and Try on coun- ties were carved out of it. The former embraced the Lake Champlain region and the courts were held near Fort Edward. Tryon county com- prised that part of the colony west of Schoharie and Schenectady, and Johnstown was made the county seat; and Johnson and Major Fonda built the stone jail there in 1773, and probably by a similar arrangement erected the small brick court house still in use. In Pennsylvania, the following counties were created: Northumber- land with Sunbury as the county seat in 1772; Bedford with Fort Bed- ford as the county seat in 1771 ; and Westmoreland with Hannastown as the county seat in 1773. After the Fort Stanwix Treaty, the south western part of Pennsylvania, being opened for settlement, the population increased quite rapidly. Many came in from Virginia which claimed it ; and in the early part of 1774, these Virginians, under the leadership of Dr. John Connolly, forcibly asserted Virginia's claim and took possession of Fort Pitt, changing the name to Fort Dunmore in honor of the governor of Virginia. The arrest of Connolly by Arthur St. Clair, chief magistrate of Westmoreland county and the outbreak of Lord Dunmore's War in 1774, brought the malignants to sense and order. This war which grew out of the murder of Logan's family by Cresap, little affected the Pennsylvania frontier and General Lewis' victory over the Indians at Point Pleasant ended it. In August, 1779, George Bryan, John Ewing and David Rittenhouse, commissioners of Pennsylvania, and James Madison and Robert Andrews, 145 commissioners of Virginia, concluded an agrement fixing the lines, between Pennsylvania and Virginia, as follows: "That the line, commonly called Mason and Dixon's line, be extended due west, five degrees of longitude, to be computed from the river Dela- ware, for the southern boundary of Pennsylvania, and that a meridan, drawn from the western extremity thereof, to the northern limits of the said states, respectively, be the western boundary of Pennsylvania." This boundary agreement was confirmed, by Pennsylvania, September 23, 1780 and by Virginia with conditions, June 23, 1783. The Pennsylvania legislature, April 1, 1784, passed an act, finally ratifying and confirming the said agrement and containing the following conditions imposed by Virginia : ' 'That the private property and rights of all persons, acquired under, founded on, or recognized by, the laws of either country previous to the date hereof, be saved and confirmed to them, although they should be found to fall within the other, and that in the decision of disputes thereon, preference shall be given to the elder or prior right, which ever of the said states the same shall have been acquired under, such persons paying, within whose boundary their lands shall be included, the same purchase or consideration money, which would have been due from them to the state, under which they claimed the right ; and where any such purchase or con- sideration money hath, since the declaration of American independence, been received by either state for lands, which, according to the before recited agreement shall fall within the territory of the other, the same shall be reciprocally refunded and repaid ; and that the inhabitants of the dis- puted territory now ceded to the state of Pennsylvania, shall not before the first day of December, in the present year, be subject to the payment of any tax, nor at any time to the payment of any arrears of taxes or imposi- tions heretofore laid by either state." 4 The passage of this act ended all pretensions of Virginia to any part of Pennsylvania. NOTES— CHAPTER TWENTY 1. N. Y. Col. Docs. 8, 2. 2. Ibid, 111 to 137. 3. Harvey, History of Wilkes-Barre, 1, 451, 452; Johnson Papers 6, 556 contains an incomplete description of the Penn purchase. 4. Smith's Laws 2, page 261. 146 CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE THE FAIR PLAY REPUBLIC By the Fort Stanwix Treaty, the boundary, of the lands ceded, was fixed as the south side of the West Branch until opposite Tiadaghton creek and thence across the river and along the south side of the creek to Burnett's Hills. There was a difference of opinion, whether the Tiadaghton was Lycoming creek or Pine creek. The proprietaries cautiously regarded it, as meaning the Lycoming, and permitted no locations and settlements on the north side of the river above it. The distance, along the river between the two creeks, more than fifteen miles, includes some of the best land in the state. After the treaty, locations were made and lawful settlements planted on the south side of the river, as far as the present Lock Haven, and for some distance above it, but the opposite shore was forbidden territory. Notwithstanding, a sturdy class of Scotch-Irish people, attracted by the fertility of the soil, planted themselves on the northern side of the river, without vestige of title, except what they may have obtained from the few remaining Indians. By 1773, they had become so numerous, that they aroused the government, and by the advice of the council, the gov- ernor, John Penn issued a proclamation, September 20, 1773, forbidding any surveys or settlements upon what was, then, considered unpurchased Indian lands, and threatening the intruders wtih the severe penalties of the law. (Col. Recs. X, 194, 195) Apparently, no one was ever arrested, and the proclamation was probably a gesture, to appease any Indian un- easiness. Thereafter, the government ignored the squatters and exercised no jurisdiction over them. Left in a civic state of nature, the intruders instituted an equitable and efficient squatter government based on a written compact signed by the members of the community. Unfortunately, the records of their unique organization have been lost, and aside from tradition, the only authentic account of it is in the law reports of Pennsylvania. It appears, their gov- ernment was republican and representative in form and based on demo- cratic authority. It may be termed a republic, because the settlers in a democratic assembly elected three men to whom were delegated the exec- utive and some, if not all, the judicial functions of government. These three executives and judges, called fair play men, were elected annually and, 147 evidently, could not succeed themselves. They decided disputes and deter- mined all land controversies. Their decrees were final and conclusive, as there was no appeal. By their compact, it was provided no new settlers could be admitted to their territory, except by approval of the fair play men and by submission to the terms of the compact, which they were required to sign. Upon conviction of violation of this obligation, they were exiled into the province of Pennsylvania. Approved settlers were allotted, by the fair play men, a determined acreage of vacant land. Thre must have been, among them, men of unusual intelligence, inas- much as they avoided the pitfalls of the ancient republics, by electing three executives instead of two, thus avoiding any stalemate of govern- ment ; and also by selecting new members, thereby preventing the admission of undesirable people, which so plagued the ancient Roman republic. In the Fair Play Republic, there were no taxes, no lawyers and politicians and none of the other encumbrances, which afflict more highly organized governments. There is evidence based on quite certain tradition, that in some criminal cases, the democratic assembly may have determined the guilt of the accused and the degree and mode of punishment. Corporal punishment was inflicted, but as there were no serious crimes committed, it was not of a capital nature. By a strange coincidence, on July 4th, 1776, there was a great and enthusiasitc meeting of the settlers, in an open field, perhaps near Chatham Run, which it is said was the usual meeting place of the democratic asembly. They were all ardent Whigs, and they then and there dissolved their allegiance to Great Britain, in what is called the "Pine Creek Declaration of Independence." At a treaty held at Fort Stanwix, in 1783, the Indians explained and declared, the Tiadaghton, mentioned in the Fort Stanwix line, was Pine creek and not the Lycoming. Consequently, the Fair Play people were never trespassers, insofar as the Indians were concerned. In "Smith's Laws," published by authority of the Pennsylvania legis- lature, volume two, there is a history of the land office and a quotation of the acts relating to the sale of lands in the province and state, and all the decisions of the courts pertinent thereto. At page 195 in the laws of 1784, this statement is made: "There existed a great number of locations of the third of April, 1769, for the choicest lands on the West Branch of Susquehanna, between the mouths of Lycoming and Pine creeks ; but the proprietaries, from extreme caution, the result of that experience, which had also produced the very penal laws of 1768 and 1769, and the proclamation already stated, had prohibited any surveys being made beyond the Lycoming. In the meantime, in violation of all laws, a set of hardy adventurers, had from time to time, seated themeslves on this doubtful territory. They made improvements, and formed a very considerable population. It is true, so far as regarded the rights to real property, they were not under the pro- tection of the laws of the country; and were we to adopt the visionary 148 theories of some philosophers, who have drawn their arguments from a supposed state of nature, we might be led to believe that the state of these people would have been a state of continual warfare ; and that in contests for property the weakest must give way to the strongest. To prevent the consequences, real or supposed, of this state of things, they formed a mutual compact among themselves. They annually elected a tribunal, in rotation, of three of their settlers, whom they called fair play men, who were to decide all controversies, and settle disputed boundaries. From their decision there was no appeal. There could be no resistance. The decree was enforced by the whole body, who started up in mass, at the mandate of the court, and execution and eviction were as sudden, and irresistible as the judgment. Every newcomer was obliged to apply to this powerful tribunal, and upon his solemn engagement to submit in all respects, to the law of the land, he was permitted to take possession of some vacant spot. Their decrees were, however, just; and when their settlements were recognized by law, and fair play had ceased, their decisions were received in evidence, and confirmed by judgments of courts." On December 21, 1784, a land office act was passed, therein recog- nizing the rights of the Fair Play settlers and sustaining their preemptions. It contained this provision : ''That all and every person, or persons, and their legal representatives, who has, or who have heretofore settled, on the north side of the West Branch of Susquehanna, between Lycomick or Lycoming Creek on the east, and Tyagaghton or Pine Creek on the west, as well as other lands within the said residuary purchase from the Indians, of the territory within this state (excepting always the lands herein before excepted), shall be allowed a right of preemption to their respective possessions at the price aforesaid." Several cases, about Fair Play lands, came before the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania, after 1784 (cited at pages 196 and 197) ; and in the case of Hughes vs Dougherty, Justice Shippen said : "I will not say the Fair play men could make a law to bind the settlers, but they might, by agreement, bind themselves." The Fair Play people, evidently, lived in friendly relations with their Indian neighbors, and were as just with them, as with their own members, as the following incident attests. A settler, Francis Clark was found in possession of a dog belonging to an Indian neighbor, who com- plained to the Fair Play Men, that Clark had stolen it. They, immediately, had Clark arrested, charged with the theft. He was tried, at once, con- victed and sentenced to be whipped with a certain number of lashes. Their method, of choosing the executioner, was unique. A number, equal to the number of men present, of yellow grains of corn and one of red, was placed in a bag. Each man was compelled to draw therefrom one grain, the fellow drawing the red grain to be the executioner. It was drawn by Philip Antes, who immediately prepared to begin the flogging. The Indian, who was a just and tender hearted man, rather than see Clark 149 submit to the degradation and pain of a public whipping, interposed and suggested, that if Clark would leave and abandon his settlement, he was satisfied the culprit should not be flogged. Clark accepted the proposition, and was placed in a canoe and rowed down to Lycoming creek, where he was put ashore, an exile in a Siberia of government by weak governors, corrupt assemblies, prejudiced courts, petty politicians and "tired lawyers with endless tongues." Once, when Chief Justice McKean was holding court, in the district, which included the territory of the former Fair Play Republic, he inquired, from curiosity, although incident to the case before him, of Peter Rody, a witness and who had been a Fair Play man, what the provisions of the Fair Play court were. The shrewd and witty old Irishman could not quite recall the details. He scratched his head, as he thought for a few moments, and cunningly replied : "All I can say is, that since Your Honor's courts have come among us, fair play has entirely ceased, and the law has taken its place." It is to be presumed, the judge joined in the laughter that followed, and that the old Irishman was right. Miles southward of the Fair Play Republic and within the govern- ment of Pennsylvania, with its courts, judges and lawyers, on January 10, 1768, occurred one of the most atrocious crimes committed on the frontier. Frederick Stump lived in the present Snyder county, not far from the mouth of Middle creek. On that day, according to Stump's story, six Indians came to his house. They were drunk and disorderly, and he endeavored to get them to leave, but they refused. Fearing they would injure him, he killed them all, dragged their bodies to the creek, cut a hole in the ice, and pushed the corpses in the water under the ice. Then, afraid the news of his deed might arouse other Indians, he went, the next day, fourteen miles up the creek to the vicinity of the present Middleburg, where there were two Indian huts. One was occupied by an Indian woman, two young girls and a child. These he murdered, set fire to the cabin, in which were the bodies of his victims, and saw it burned to ashes. This story, Stump related nine days later to William Blythe, who went to investigate, and it seems most improbable, especially the motive. An examination, of the burned cabin, disclosed the bones of four bodies in the ruins. Blythe had Stump and his companion, a man named Iron Cutter arrested and taken to Carlisle jail. On the fourteenth, a mob of frontiersmen released Stump from the jail and concealed him, for a time, in the vicinity of Fort Augusta, from whence he fled the province. It was reported he went to Virginia, where he died many years later. The crime caused a great uproar among the Indians, but Pennsyl- vania made no attempt to reclaim the fugitive, and the authorities were content to ignore the affair, very unlike the Fair Play men, who severely punished those who abused the Indians. 150 CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO CUSHIETUNK From where the eastern and western branches intermingle their waters in the main stream at Hancock, New York, the Delaware river, mostly, pursues its winding way, for many miles in a deep and narrow gorge, to Port Jervis and the open valley below. Encompassed by lofty and densely wooded mountains, which with sharp declivity descend to its very verge, the clear thread of water, untarnished by pollution, ripples along unvexed, save where the rapidly falling water breaks on the rocky rifts into foam and spray. Unscarred cliffs and unbroken wilderness prevail, and natures enchanted view is unsurpassed in scenic splendor. Except, where the rumbling railroad train and whirring automobile race on roads, clinging to the precipitous mountain sides, the solitude is unbroken by the progress of man. Isolated homesteads appear, now and then, where the scant low- lands poke their way into the curving current ; and a few white painted railroad vilages, on the steep bluffs, glisten in the summer sunshine. Still undefiled, the pathless forest and winding river allure a throng of trans- ients and passers-by, and, since long ago, mountain and stream have abundantly yielded game and fish. Unchanged, this romantic region has charmed and enticed the wild red men and white denizens who followed them. i Two hundred years ago, on the scant meadow-lands along the river, were pitched the numerous villages of the Ninneepauues, belonging to the Monsey tribe of Delaware Indians. At one of their towns, May 6, 1755, twelve of their chiefs or sachems gathered in Indian council with John Curtis, Asa Peabody, and Joseph Skinner, agents of an association formed at Norwich, Connecticut, and known as the First Delaware Com- pany. We have a complete record of the day's transactions and may con- ceive the conclave assembled in an open field, with warriors, curious squaws and naked children crowding around. Present were, Thomas Not- tingham, the interpreter, Benjamin Oldrick, Gabriel Cullam, Thomas Quick, Cornelius Westbrook and other descendants of the ancient Dutch settlers, who had associated all their lives in familiar friendship with the river Indians and were, probably, employed by the Connecticut agents in negotiating the purchase. A parchment deed was produced, and Thomas Nottingham read and 151 interpreted its meaning to the chiefs who signed it by their marks. The consideration, five hundred Spanish milled dollars and a quantity of Indian goods, was delivered to them This conveyance, being made on the ground, possession was accomplished, according to the ancient and formal English procedure, by livery of seizen. The Indian chiefs tore from the ground a clod of earth or turf, plucked from the tree under which they were standing a twig and handed to the New England agents, as a token of their delivery of possession. The agents in behalf of themselves and their associates, then broke the ground and sowed a few seeds of grain, as evidence they had taken actual possession. This purchase has been minimized, but it was attended with more solemnity and formality, than most sales of Indian land ; and, moreover was made by those who, actually occupied it, and never, thereafter, repudiated the sale, but defended the people, who settled thereunder, and lived in continued friendship with them. There is no evidence the Iroquois, who claimed the paramount title, ever interferred. 1 The grantors were the twelve Indian chiefs and the grantees were three hundred sixty two individuals, who took as tenants in common, but in different proportions. One hundred thirty-six, each took two five hun- dredth parts, and the remainder each took one five hundredth part. The deed was witnessed by Thomas Nottingham, Benjamin Oldrick and Gabriel Cullman. It conveyed, by the first description, a large tract of land on the west side of the Delaware river, beginning at the mouth of the Lacka- waxen; thence north by the Delaware to the Pankatooma river (the west branch of the Delaware), thence west by the southern boundary of lands owned by the Mohawk Indians to the easterly line of the Mohawks, which was the limit of the Susquehanna purchase, ten miles east of the Susque- hanna river. The southern boundary ran along the Lackawaxen river and its tributaries to the Moosic mountains, supposed to be the eastern line of the Susquehanna purchase. In other words, this deed was intended to con- vey all the land between the Delaware river and the Susquehanna pur- chase and between the southern-most line of the Lackawaxen river and the New York line. This deed also confirmed a former conveyance made, December 20, 1754, by five of the same chiefs and witnessed by Thomas Nottingham, Cornelius Westbrook and Thomas Quick, and the second description com- prehended the land then conveyed, which was on the east side of the river in the colony of New York. It began at the southern boundary of the Great Hardenburg Patent 2 and ran thence south by the Delaware river to the Jersey line (near the present Port Jervis) ; thence easterly by said line to land previously sold ; thence northerly to a point a little west of the old mine road to the Minnisinks, the reputed corner of the Hardenburg patent ; and thence by it westerly to the beginning. It included most, if not all, of Sullivan county, a part of Orange county and a part of Ulster county, and was all in New York. 3 Three of the aforesaid chiefs and probably a fourth, the spelling being different conveyed, October 29, 1755, by deed witnessed by Thomas 152 Nottingham and Eleazer Midate, to two hundred forty-one grantees, resi- dents of Connecticut and New York, including many of those named in the two former deeds, and associated together, as the Second Delaware Company, all the land south of the Lackawaxen river and not before sold. In this deed, it was evidently intended to include all the territory to the 41st degree of latitude, the southern limit of the Connecticut charter. By these deeds, the Indians purported to convey, besides the land in New York, all the territory comprised in Wayne and Pike counties, parts of Monroe, Lackawanna and Susquehanna counties, and all of Warren, and parts of Windham, Orwell and Pike townships in Bradford county. Occupation, under these grants, was made on both the New York and Pennsylvania sides of the Delaware river, the first settlement being made by Joseph Skinner, who came to the present Damascus township, Wayne county, about September 4, 1755. A little later, Simeon Calkin, Moses Thomas Sr., Bezalell Tyler, Robert Land, Nathan Mitchell, John Ross, John Smith, Irvin Evans, James Adams, Jesse Drake, and Nicholas Conklin located nearby. Whether all of these settled in Pennsylvania or some on the opposite side of the river is unknown. These settlements were all made near a place, designated by the Indians at Cushietunk. In 1755, Timothy Skinner and Moses Thomas Sr. built a sawmill and grist mill on Calkins creek, near the present village of Milanville, where the first settlement was made. In 1759, Joseph Skinner Sr. was shot and killed at Taylor's Eddy, about a mile above the present Cochecton, supposedly by some lurking savage, of the northern tribes, who opposed the encroachments of the New England people. The Cushietunk Indians, who were well disposed, were not blamed for this murder. 4 The governments of New York and Pennsylvania took no notice of the settlements at Cushietunk until September, 1760, when the governor of the latter sent Aaron Depui, Louis Klotz and John Moore to investi- gate and warn off the settlers. They reported, that the New England peo- ple had erected three townships, each ten miles in length along the Dela- ware and eight miles broad. In the middle township, a large town had been laid out, consisting of some eighty lots of two hundred acres each, having a frontage on the river of ten acres. The settlement, then, consisted of a sawmill, grist mill, three log houses and thirty other cabins, occupied by about forty men, besides women and children. They also learned from Thomas Nottingham, the interpreter, whom it seems had quarelled with the New England people, the names of some of the settlers. 5 In February, 1761, Governor Hamilton protested, in a letter to Gov- ernor Fitch of Connecticut, that the settlement at Cushietunk was an intrusion on Pennslyvania lands. 6 The proprietaries of Pennslyvania were greatly perturbed and Thomas Penn attempted to have the English authori- ties interfere ; but the only assurance he received was that although Con- necticut had given good service in the late war, an Indian war would not be entered into for the benefit of that colony and the matter should be referred to Sir William Johnson. 7 153 The situation was, that unless an Indian war was threatened, because of the Connecticut settlement, there would be no interference by the crown officials, either in England or America. Teedyuscung was used to make this threat imminent. Penn, in his letter to the governor, says: "I wait with impatience to receive Teedyuscung's complaint, which I hope will be to the King." In the previous September, Teedyuscung had stated, in a conference at Philadelphia: "Yesterday, I was told that some of the New England people are gone on the west side of Susquehanna, (prob- ably intended for Delaware) with intent to settle the lands at Wyoming. It is the Indian land and they will not suffer it to be settled." 8 As he was told but "yesterday," he must have been informed in Philadelphia, and, as will be observed, his apprehension was about the land at Wyoming and not Cushietunk. One is led to the suspicion, the words were put into his mouth, so as to make it appear the Indians were very indignant and about to begin a war and thus impress the British officials. As evidence, of the above suspicion, is the report, of Captain James Hyndshaw, sworn to before Governor Hamilton, (Susquehanna Papers, volume 1, pages 81 to 84) to the effect that he was informed the Indians, living on the Delaware, had sent word to Teedyuscung, that if he intended to give any opposition to the Connecticut settlement at Cushietunk, they would join the Connecticut people, and were resolved to settle them by force, in spite of Teedyuscung and his Indians. Unwilling or unable to do anything themselves, the Pennsylvania authorities appealed to General Amherst, complaining of the Cushietunk settlement, stressing Teedyuscung's complaint, suggesting the grave possi- bility of an Indian war and imploring him to interfere. But the farsighted Amherst was not misled. He wrote a friendly letter to Governor Fitch, intimating that an Indian war, at the time, might be of fatal consequences. To Hamilton, he replied, rather severely, reminding him of the little success the king had in securing the number of troops required by the Province of Pennslyvania, and stating: "His Majesty's Ministers must undoubtedly be astonished to see two Provinces, at this juncture, disputing their rights and at the same time alarmed at the consequences that may happen, if the Indians should be irritated at it. I shall not interfere in any dispute about the right of land between Province and Province." 9 Rebuffed by Amherst, and Thomas Penn being unable to make Teedyuscung's protest go with the crown officials, Governor Hamilton September 16, 1761, issued another proclamation warning the Cushietunk settlers. In the meantime, Chief Justice Allen issued a warrant, in June, for the arrest of Daniel Skinner, Timothy Skinner, Simeon Calkin, John Smith, Jedidah Wallis Jr., James Adams, Ervin Evans and others, for an intrusion on Indian Lands about Cushietunk, but they were not appre- hended. 10 Learning of the destruction of the settlement at Wyoming, in October, 1763, the women and children at Cushietunk were placed in the fort, and preparations were made to sustain a siege. The hostile Indians invaded the place, and in a surprise attack killed Moses Thomas Sr. and wounded 154 Hezikiah Willis. A valiant defense of the fort was made and several of the Indians were killed. The defeated savages, then, withdrew, but killed some cattle and burned the gristmill, sawmill and some dwelling houses. 11 There was no further molestation of Cushietunk, during the Pontiac War, and it remained undisturbed until the Revolution. NOTES— CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO 1. Susquehanna Company Papers 1, 260 to 272. 2. Map prepared by C. J. Gauthier, Doc. Hist, of N. Y. 1, 174. 3. Susquehanna Company Papers, 1, 196. 4. History of Wayne County, Pa. by P. G. Goodrich, who based his account of Cushietunk on a manuscript history of the Skinner family written by Nathaniel Skinner, who had in his possessison documents belonging to his grandfather, from which he obtained the facts and dates of the first settlement. Mr. Goodrich had access to this manuscsript history, from which he secured the information con- tained in his book. 5. Susquehanna Company Papers, 2, 24 to 34. 6. Ibid 54. 7. Ibid 38. 8. Ibid 24. 9. Ibid 88 to 96. 10. Goodrich, History of Wayne County, 122. 11. Ibid 122. 155 CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE THE SEVENTEEN TOWNSHIPS The inception of the Susquehanna Company, its purchase of the Wyoming lands, the settlement at Mill creek, and its destruction by the Indians have been related in previous chapters. After the Indian massacre, in 1763, for a period of several years, no attempt, by either Pennsylvania or the New Englanders, was made to occupy the Wyoming Valley ; but the interval was consumed in a paper warfare by pamphlets and the public journals. In 1761, Thomas Penn submitted a case stated of the respective claims to Charles Pratt, then attorney general and afterwards lord chan- cellor; and his opinion was that the agreement, in 1664, between Con- necticut and New York, settling their boundary line, ' 'precluded Connecti- cut from advancing one foot beyond these limits." He did, however, remark, that in the absence of other circumstances limiting the boundaries, "posterior grants would in point of law be superseded by prior charters." 1 Charles Yorke, the solicitor general also gave Mr. Penn a similar opinion. 2 In 1763, Eliphalet Dyer, agent of the Susquehanna Company presented to the King in Council a petition for a charter incorporating the lands of the Susquehanna and Delaware purchases, as a new colony. This was referred to a committee. 3 As objection might be made to the incorporation of a colony, on the ground it lay within the original bounds of Connecticut, the assembly of that colony, as early as 1756, declared that, if His Majesty should think proper, to grant a new colony, Connecticut acqui- esced. 4 Dyer, upon a case stated, secured the opinions of Edward Thurlow and Alexander Weddeburn, both afterwards lord chancellors and Richard Jackson and John Dunning, eminent English lawyers, to the effect that: "The agreement, between the Colony of Connecticut and the Province of New York, can extend no further, than to settle the boundaries between the respective parties, and has no effect on other claims, either of them has in other parts ; and as the Charter of Connecticut was granted but eighteen years before that to William Penn, there is no ground to contend that the Crown could, at that period, make an effectual grant to, him of that country, which had been so recently granted to others." 5 Eight days before the Fort Stanwix deeds were executed, Governor Penn directed Surveyor General Lukens to lay out the Manor of Sunbury, 156 consisting of 20,000 acres on the west side of the Susquehanna river ; and the Manor of Stoke on the east side of the river, both comprehending the best part of the Wyoming Valley. A lease, of one hundred acres in the Manor of Stoke, was granted to Amos Ogden, John Jennings and Charles Stewart, upon condition they established an Indian trading post and defended themselves from intrusion. These men built a trading post at Mill Creek on the site of the Connecticut settlement of 1 762-63. 6 This was the situation, when the arena of conflict shifted, from the intrigue and deception of Indian, Colonial and English politics, to the decisive and effectual means of force and arms. When it was ascertained the Fort Stanwix line lay westward of the Wyoming lands, the members of the Susquehanna Company felt assured the prohibition of settlement made by the king, in 1763, no longer prevailed, as its purpose, encroachment on Indian lands, did not apply to them. Accordingly, preparations, for occupation of that part of their purchase, lying east of the line, were made ; and at a meeting held at Hartford, December 28, 1768, it was resolved : "That forty persons, proprietors in the purchase and to be selected by a committee, enter and take possession of the lands in behalf of the company, by February 1st next; that two hundred more members join the said forty not later than May 1st ; that two hundred pounds be appropriated for their support ; that five townships, each lying five miles on the river and running back five miles be laid out ; that the said forty should have their choice of the townships, and the remaining four townships should be divided among the two hundred ; and that, in each township, three whole rights or shares should be appropriated and set apart for the public use of a gospel ministry and schools." Committees were appointed to carry, the foregoing resolution into effect. 7 Late in January, 1769, there assembled at Windham Connecticut, some twelve of the "first forty," provided for in the foregoing resolutions. Mounting their horses, this little cavalcade, the beginning of the mighty migration from New England which settled the northwestern part of the United States, waved adieu to the crowd gathered in front of Windham court house and took the western road. They crossed the Shetucket river below the site of the present city of Willimantic and gained the winding road, which led them over the snow capped hills to the town of Lebanon. It was the same old Lebanon road, you take today, flanked by stone fences built more than two centuries ago, and passing the cemetery on the hill- side, where so many of Connecticut's famous sons lie in their last sleep. We may well imagine the postboys loitered at their task of changing the four horse teams on the Boston mail coach, and joined the eager throng in front of the Alden Tavern, which expectantly watched the Windham road, that cold January morning long ago. The men from Windham, who dismounted at the tavern, found there awaiting their arrival, a dozen more from Colchester, Norwich and Lyme ; and while we may assume that Jonathan Trumbull, soon to be become governor of Connecticut, looked upon the scene from the narrow panes of his old counting house with a 157 discreet but approving eye, we may be assured his famous son-in-law. William Williams, a signer of the Declaration of Independence, was there, and, over the drinks of good old Connecticut apple-jack, counselled with Stephen Gardner, John Jenkins and the other leaders of the "forty." Perhaps, the Rev. Solomon Williams, in his mansion across the "green" offered a silent but fervent prayer for the success of the enterprise, in which his distinguished son was so vitally interested. At Hartford, they were joined by several more ; and thence they journeyed through Litchfield county to Dutchess county, New York, where their numbers were augmented. They then continued across New York to the Delaware river, crossing it at Andrew Dingman's and proceeded to Lower Smithfield, now in Monroe county, Pennsylvania, where Benjamin Shoemaker Sr. and his son Elijah joined them, making forty in number. These forty men, known as the "First Forty" were the pioneers of the Wyoming Valley. 8 From Lower Smithfield, they passed through the wild region, now embraced in Pike and Monroe counties, and from the Moosic mountains gazed on the promised land, probably, on the 6th of February, 1769. Before them was the far famed valley, then covered with a growth of oak and pines, save the rich bottom lands, which in part had been cleared for tillage by the Indians. The whole territory of the five gratuity towns was in their view, nearest the broken and hilly land of Pittston and beyond the undulating plains of Wilkes-Barre, while far to the south could be seen the Hannover hills and opposite the rolling land of Plymouth. Within the great bend of the river was the rich bottom land of Kingston, and this they chose as their prize. They entered the valley, near the mouth of the Lackawanna, but did not cross the river and make an immediate settlement on the land they had chosen. Summoned by Sheriff Jennings of Northampton county to the Pennsylvania block house at Mill creek, Isaac Tripp, Benjamin Follett and Vine Elderkin were arrested and sent to Easton jail, where after four days imprisonment, they were released on bail given by William Ledlie, a merchant of that town. They then joined their companions, who had retired to the home of the Shoemakers in Lower Smithfield. About March 1st, the reunited "Forty" returned to the valley and erected a few tem- porary cabins within the present limits of Pittston city. There, thirty-one of them were arrested, but on their way to Easton jail, eleven escaped, and the remainder were released, bail being furnished by Mr. Ledlie. They were indicted, tried and convicted of breaking the close of Thomas and Richard Penn. A few paid their fine of £60 and the rest were lodged in the Easton log jail. The feeding of so many was a heavy burden to the county and with the connivance of the Northampton county officials, Judge Richard Peters of Philadelphia, who had defended them, went to the jail and advised his clients to leave. 9 At a meeting of the Susquehanna Company held April 12th, it was voted : 158 "That the Committee form the whole number, placed on the land, into one body joined together in one common interest and settled as compact together as may be properly fortified, without any regard to any particular township or townships, which may be afterward laid out, and also to divide and part out the men into parties for the various businesses, hus- bandry, tillage, labor, fortifying, scouting, hunting and other parts neces- sary and convenient for the Whole." 10 In this resolution is the key to the conduct of affairs at Wyoming for the next two years. It constituted a military plantation. Pursuant to the resolution, one hundred ten men, under the command of Major John Durkee, and with some of the "First Forty" entered the valley, May 12th. They were joined a few days later by one hundred fifty more. Twenty cabins, surrounded by a palisade, were erected and when completed, it was called Fort Durkee. It stood on the river bank in the present city of Wilkes-Barre. Farming occupations were begun on the Wilkes-Barre, Plymouth and Kingston meadows. Colonel Turbutt Francis, representing the Proprietaries of Pennsyl- vania, with sixty armed men appeared, June 22nd, before Fort Durkee and demanded its surrender, which was refused. This armed invasion may be considered the commencement of the conflict, known as the First Yankee-Pennamite War. In September, David Meade, a surveyor and one of the occupants of Fort Durkee, ran the lines of the five gratuity townships, Kingston, Wilkes- Barre, Nanticoke (later called Hanover), Pittston, and Plymouth. That month, there was a skirmish between the Yankees and Pennamites. November 11th, Captain Ogden made a sudden attack and captured a number of Yankees, including Major Durkee, who was put in irons and sent to the Philadelphia jail. The next day, Sheriff Jennings arrived with a posse of two hundred men, and on the 14th, the fort surrendered, four- teen Yankees, being permitted to remain at Wyoming, in care of the cattle and crops, but they were soon plundered of their possessions and driven from the valley. In January 1770, Zebulon Butler and Ebenezer Backus, agents of the Susquehanna Company, enlisted the services of Lazarus Stewart and the Paxtang Boys, by offering them one of the gratuity townships ; and the following month, forty of these dreaded rangers entered the W r yoming Valley and quickly dispossessed the Pennamites. Ogden soon returned with a considerable force and occupied the blockhouse at Mill Creek. Major Durkee with a Yankee force and stock of provisions and supplies rein- forced Fort Durkee and soon attacked the Pennamites at Mill Creek. Baltzer Stager, the first victim of the war was killed. The Yankees built a blockhouse on the Kingston side of the river, and from this began to cannonade Ogden's blockhouse with the cannon, they had captured from the Pennamites. The store houses were burned, and, April 8th, Ogden surrendered and left the Yankees in undisputed possession. 1 * During the summer, the success of the Yankees was viewed by the 159 Pennamites with dismay; but, in September, a sheriff's posse of one hundred forty, and Ogden, left Fort Allen and marched with great celerity and secrecy, by the Old Warrior's Path. They suddenly entered the valley, surprising the Yankees, who were in small parties, at work in the fields. Many of these were captured. Ogden withdrew, as suddenly as he came, to his bivouac on the Warrior's Path. There was gloom and confusion, at Fort Durkee, but it was determined to send four messengers, that night, to Cushietunk for aid. As the Yankees conceived, Ogden would anticipate this move and have forces, on the Cushietunk and Wind Gap roads, to intercept the messengers, they were sent by the little used War- rior's Path, and consequently fell into Ogden's bivouac. They were cap- tured and from them, learning of the confusion at Fort Durkee, Ogden determined to immediately attack it. The assault was so sudden, the Yankees were completely surprised. Several of them were killed, and Zebulon Butler was saved, from a bayonet thrust aimed at his breast, only by the humanity and timely interposition of Captain Craig, one of the Pennamite officers. The next morning Ogden crossed the river and cap- tured Kingston village, now Forty Fort. Seventeen Yankees and their families were permitted to remain, and the Pennamites left a force of eighteen to guard the valley. At 3 o'clock in the morning of December 18, 1770, the fort, now in possession of the Pennamites, was entered by a detachment of the Paxtang Rangers, under Lazarus Stewart, and the little garrison immediately sur- rendered. This seesaw of the contending forces still continued, and January 18, 1771, the sheriff of Northampton county with a posse of one hundred men began the erection of Fort Wyoming on the river bank, near the present Northampton street. Two days later, during either, an attack on Fort Durkee or a parley, as the Pennamites contended, Nathan Ogden, a brother of Amos was killed. That night, Lazarus Stewart and most of the rangers fled. The remaining Yankees were taken, as prisoners to Easton, and Ogden at Fort Wyoming was in complete possession of the valley. Early in July, Butler and Stewart, at the head of one hundred and fifty New Englanders began the siege of Fort Wyoming. The old cannon was resurrected from its hiding place, by the Yankees ; and, to assist the cannonade, Obadiah Gore, a Connecticut blacksmith made a cannon from a sour gum tree, but it exploded with such terrific effect, that its iron bands were hurled a thousand feet across the Susquehanna. The siege con- tinued during July and August, and the besieged became so desperate, that Ogden determined on a daring scheme to secure relief. As the sentinel paced his beat, he saw an object, floating in the dark water, below. His suspicion, being aroused, he fired. A volley from the soldiers followed, and the floating object was riddled with bullets, but it did not sink and drifted on in the gentle current. The soldiers were dis- armed of their suspicions, that it might be a messenger from the fort floating in the water. The ingenuity of Captain Ogden insured his escape. He tied his clothes in a bundle which he fastened to a log. To this he connected 160 a string tied to his arm. Swimming on his back, so deeply, as only to keep his mouth out of the water, he drew the decoy after him, but at a distance of more than a hundred feet. As he anticipated, he escaped observation, and the floating bundle drew the sentinel's fire. Far below the fort, Ogden swam ashore, dressed and proceeded rapidly over the mountains, and on the third day thereafter was in Philadelphia. The Pennamites hastily responded to Ogden's disclosure and Captain Dick with thirty men and provisions was dispatched to the relief of the besieged garrison, but the Yankees ambushed him in the mountains. He lost the provisions and horses, but he and Ogden and some twenty men succeeded in escaping to Fort Wyoming. This disaster discouraged the Pennamites and the hungry garrison surrendered August 15, 1771. This ended the first Yankee- Pennamite War. 12 The failure of the Pennamites to evict the Yankees and maintain pos- session of the disputed land was due to the inherent weakness of the provincial government, the antipathy of many Pennsylvanians to the pro- prietaries, to the parsimony of Thomas Penn, who constantly grumbled about the great expanse, and to the opposition of many residents of Lan- caster and Northampton counties. The success of the Yankees was largely due to themselves, as the Sus- quehanna Company was so poor, it had to beg and borrow the meager support it gave the settlers. The inspiration actuating them was the American colonist's natural craving for better and cheaper land. No longer bewitched and bedeviled by the Pennamites, the Yankees, with one brief interruption, enjoyed peace for seven years, during which the population rapidly increased. Immigrants poured into the Wyoming Valley from New England, New York, New Jersey and even Pennsyl- vania. In the first five townships, the farms were allotted, the lands cleared, fields fenced and substantial log houses and barns built. Five new town- ships were established, Exeter and Providence in the north and Newport, Salem and Huntington in the south. Lying far inland, the settlers had to rely upon themselves for the necessaries and many of the luxuries of life. Sawmills and gristmills were erected and tan yards and distilleries con- structed. Skilled craftsmen came from Connecticut, the land of ingenuity, including : carpenters, cabinet makers, blacksmiths, gunsmiths, shoemakers, saddlers, masons, potters, tailors, weavers, loom makers, spinning wheel makers, reed and comb makers. There were few* physicians, but the old granny women and herb doctors kept the people in tolerable health. Their greatest blessing was, that there were no lawyers to bother them. They had a settled minister and various itinerants also conducted divine worship. Their greatest glory was the establishment of free public schools. The town- ships were divided into districts, in each of which a log school house was erected, and the teachers were paid, from the income of the lands, which had been set aside for that purpose. The fertile lowlands yielded abundant crops of wheat, corn, rye, oats, buckwheat and potatoes, and the orchards they planted bloomed with apples, peaches, pears and plums. In the spring, the sugar maples in the 161 hills poured forth their sweet sap and afforded them an abundance of sugar. Great shoals of shad, coming up the Susquehanna every spring, were caught in great quantities and pickled in barrels for winter use ; while the woods, encompassing the valley abounded in wild fowl and game. During the Pennamite War, the settlers yielded obedience to a mili- tary plantation government, but with peace, the armed camps were broken up and the men dispersed to their farms. Then, there was no organized government and perhaps they needed none for no crimes of consequence are reported; but the New England preference for organization prevailed and articles of agreement were entered into by all who pledged obedience to the governing directors. But these directors had no real power to settle disputes and finally the Connecticut assembly was induced to exercise jurisdiction, and in January, 1774, it erected all the territory between the Delaware river and a line fifteen miles west of the Susquehanna (com- prising all the Delaware Purchases and some of the Susquehanna Pur- chase) into a vast town called Westmoreland and attached it to Litchfield county, Connecticut. This included Cushietunk and Blooming Grove, the settlement on the Wallenpaupack. This town elected two members of the Connecticut assembly, and a militia regiment was organized and its officers were commissioned by the governor of that colony. 13 In September 1775, a considerable number of settlers left Wyoming and established themselves on the West Branch within the limits of the Susquehanna Purchase, but they were dispersed by Dr. William Plunket, judge of Northumberland county and their leaders sent to the Philadelphia jail. This unsuccessful adventure provoked the Pennamites to action, and Dr. Plunket, who was commander of the Northumberland militia, assembled his men to the number of six or seven hundred and prepared for an invasion of Wyoming. Late in December, this formidable force left Fort Augusta and with bands playing and colors flying slowly wended its way up the Susque- hanna. Never before was Wyoming's peril so great. In the previous war, the inhabitants of the valley were principally men and there was little property to protect. Now, were cleared and cultivated farms well stocked with horses, cattle and sheep, and the comfortable cabins housed numerous families of helpless elderly people, women and children. Zebulon Butler, colonel of the 24th regiment of Connecticut militia, assembled his men, some four hundred, to repel the invaders. They were poorly armed, and some had only pitchforks and scythes. They made their camp on the flats at the mouth of Harvey's creek, in the present village of West Nanticoke. In the evening of the 23rd, Major Garrett sent by Butler had a parley with Plunket, but there was no accommodation. The following morning, leaving Ensign Alden and a guard of twenty men at the encampment, the main Yankee force retired and took position behind a ledge of rocks, which extends above the ravine through which Harvey's creek flows and along the mountain side almost to the brink of the river. This natural rampart of rocks was an impregnable position and behind it, Butler deployed his men to the best advantage. Lazarus Stewart with a force was dispatched 162 to the east side of the river to guard its passage, and the right flank was protected by a detachment placed on the mountain above the bluff of the ravine. As the Pennamites advanced, Alden retreated and joined the main body. When Plunket discerned the Yankee line posted behind the ram- part of rocks, he is said to have exclaimed, "My God, what a breastwork." When the Pennamites approached, Butler ordered his men to fire by platoons, which deceived the enemy as to their numbers. In this skirmish, Hugh McWilliams was killed and three other Pennamites wounded. In the evening Plunket attempted to cross the river, but he was repelled by a deadly fire from Lazarus Stewart's men, and Jesse Lukens son of the surveyor general of Pennsylvania was killed and several other Pennamites wounded. This ended the first day's engagement. At daybreak, Christmas morning, the Pennamites advanced and the Battle of Rampart Rocks began. The firing was general along both lines. Plunket's men stormed the barricade, but were driven back with consider- able loss. A force attempted to turn, the Yankee right flank, but the men Butler had posted above the bluff beat back their assailants. Although the engagement continued, until nightfall, no impression was made on the Yankee lines. The futility of further assault being apparent, Plunket ordered a retreat. They fled down the west side of the river and were pursued by Lazarus Stewart and his rangers. The Yankee loss was four men killed and some ten or fifteen wounded, and that of the Pennamites was quite severe. 14 In 1776, the town of Westmoreland was erected into Westmoreland county, which continued to function as a regular Connecticut county with- out interference for a period of six years. Wyoming's history, during the Revolution, is narrated in a subse- quent chapter; but beyond the period and scope of this work are the famous Decree of Trenton, the bitter, bloody last Yankee-Pennamite War following it and the fascinating story of the Fourteenth Commonwealth. However, in conclusion, it is necessary to say, that after thirty years of unparalled strife, Pennsylvania, by the great compromising act of 1799, con- firmed the Connecticut land titles in the following seventeen Connecticut townships laid out before the Decree of Trenton : Salem, Huntington, New- port, Hanover, Plymouth, Kingston, Wilkes-Barre, Pittston, Exeter, Bed- ford, Northmoreland, Providence, Putnam, Braintrim, Springfield, Clave- rack and Ulster. NOTES— CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE 1. Susquehanna Papers 2, 64, 65, 66. 2. Ibid, 67, 68, 69. 3. Ibid, 72, 73. 4. Ibid 99. 5. Harvey's History of Wilkes-Barre 1, 441; Miner's History of Wyoming 82; For a thorough discussion of claims of Connecticut and Pennsylvania, see Hoyt's 163 Brief of Title in Seventeen Townships and address of William Brewster, "The Connecticut Claim," at exercises at Wyoming Monument in 1939. All agree that the legal title was in Connecticut and that the settlement of the New York boundary did not affect lands west of New York. A Pennsylvania historian, Mr. Sidney G. Fisher agrees that the settlement of the New York boundary was no defense of the Pennsylvania claim, but he contends the king could change his mind, which is a new, novel and absurd defense. 6. Harvey's History of Wilkes-Barre 1, 451, 452; Miner's History of Wyoming 106, 107. 7. Susquehanna Papers 3, 43 ; Pa. Archives 2nd series, 18, 58. 8. The First Forty : Asahel Atherton, Ezra Belding, Thomas Bennet, Silas Bingham, Richard Brockway, Elijah Buck, William Buck, John Comstock, Reuben Davis, Jonathan Dean, Nathan Denison, Simeon Draper, Thomas Dyer, Vine Elder- kin, Benjamin Follett, Joseph Frink, Samuel Gaylord, Joshua Hall, Stephen Gardner, Peter Harris, Stephen Harding, John Jenkins, Stephen Jenkins, Zerubabel Jearum, Cyprian Lothrop, Timothy Pierce, Benajah Pendleton, or Pembleton, Elias Roberts, Elijah Shoemaker, Benjamin Shoemaker Sr., Oliver Smtih, Timothy Smith, Isaac Tripp, Henry Dow Tripp, Rudolph Brink Vanorman, Nathan Walsworth, Theophilus Westover, Allen Weightman, Benjamin Yale and Job Yale. 9. Susquehanna Papers 3, 91, 92. 10. Ibid, 96; Pa. Archs. 3rd series 18, 63. 11. Miner History of Wyoming, 107 to 121; Harvey, History of Wilkes-Barre, 1, 475 to 477; Susquehanna Papers 3, 150, 200, 214; Brewster History of Kingston Chapter 2. 12. Chapman History of Wyoming 70 to 87; Miner History of Wyoming 125 to 135; Harvey History of Wilkes-Barre 2, 669 to 706; Susquehanna Papers 4, 154, 160, 162, 164, 166, 241, 245; Col. Recs. 9, 715, 716, 748, 750; Brewster History of Kingston, Chapter 3. 13. See Chapman, Stone, Miner, Harvey and Brewster histories. 14. Ibid. 164 CHAPTER TWENTY-FOUR TICONDEROGA Twenty-one days after the Battle of Lexington, Ticonderoga was cap- tured. It was the first complete American victory ; and while achieved by New England men, the exploit was accomplished on the northern New York frontier. The Provincial Congress of Massachusetts early recognized its strategic importance and commissioned Benedict Arnold to effect its, capture. Even earlier, individual members of the Connecticut Assembly, upon their own responsibility provided money and sent Edward Mott and Noah Phelps, as agents to accomplish it. Passing through Connecticut and western Massachusetts, they enlisted some forty men in their enter- prise, and arrived at the Catamount Tavern, at Bennington, where they found Ethan Allen. The tavern was so called, because its sign was a large catamount stuffed and mounted on a tall pole, with its open jaws and savage, protruding teeth facing the west, as a warning that all New Yorkers should beware. Allen was a man of gigantic stature, bluff and bold, who feared noth- ing, a professed atheist, who abhored all Gods, whether Jehovah or otherwise. He was, however, kindly, charitable and strictly honest. So honest, that this long told tale well illustrates his character. In later years, when financially embarrassed and sued on a note, he employed a lawyer to obtain a continuance of the case brought against him. The lawyer stated the note was a forgery. Stop !", thundered Allen, as he rose and strode before the court, and to the abashed and cringing lawyer said, "I didn't hire you to come here and lie, but to obtain a continuance, so I could have time to pay my honest debts. I signed it." Bennington and the Catamount Tavern were, then, the headquarters of the settlers living in the outlawed territory west of the Connecticut river and north of Massachusetts and called the New Hampshire grants. It was so designated, because Benning Wentworth, royal governor of New Hampshire, with little legal claim to the territory, began, as early as 1749, granting lands within that section. Induced by the remunerative patent fees paid him, Wentworth issued his grants by the basket full, to all, who applied and paid, so that by 1764, when stopped by action of the crown officials, he had chartered one hundred thirty-eight townships and granted the land therein. These grants were greedily obtained by sturdy 165 young New England farmers, who when the French and Indian War ended, swarmed, like bees, from Connecticut and Massachusetts to the Green Mountains. New York protested against the Wentworth grants and proclaimed the New Hampshire settlers intruders and outlaws. The governor of New York patented large tracts, covering the Wentworth grants, and these patentees began ejecting the New Hampshire men from their farms. The Allen boys, Ethan, Heber, Heman, Levi and Ira, restless spirits, living on stony farms in northern Connecticut, secured some choice New Hampshire grants of fertile land and moved to the Green Mountains. When the New York grantees began evicting the settlers, by common consent, Ethan Allen was chosen leader of the New Hampshire men. Allen began their defense by written argument and. contests in the courts, but his lawyers were bowled out by the corrupt New York judges. Realizing, peaceful defense was of no avail, Allen gathered about him a little army, called the Green Mountain Boys, of which he was elected colonel. His resistance was not a campaign of warfare and bloodshed, nor of murder and assassination, but one equally as effectual and irresistible. New York surveyors, agents and settlers were warned off and driven out under penalty of death if they returned. One obnoxious New Yorker was seized, stripped half naked, strapped to a chair and hoisted up the pole directly under the threatening catamount of the Bennington tavern and left suspended there for hours. When released, he was so mortified and terrified, that he fled and never returned. Such insults, shame and degradation, the New York emissaries could not stand and few ventured across the border. The real purpose, of the Connecticut agents, was to win the support of Allen, and they, probably, had a secret commission, in their pockets, appointing him commander of the Ticonderoga expedition. Allen says in his narrative ; "Directions were, privately sent me from the colony of Connecticut, to raise the Green Mountain Boys, and if possible with them to surprise and take the fortress of Ticonderoga." The wisdom of the Connecticut men is manifest, for there was, probably, no other man, in the colonies, of sufficient skill and daring to take the strongest fortification in Colonial North America without the loss of blood. Allen sent his couriers through the countryside and in an incredibly short time, two hundred and thirty of the most valiant Green Mountain Boys gathered at Bennington. They marched immediately to Castleton, arriving May 7th. Benedict Arnold, who had been hurrying across Mass- achusetts, arrived there, only, to find his ambitious plans anticipated. He produced his Massachusetts commission and demanded the command be turned over to him. But, the Green Mountain Boys would have nothing to do with Arnold and flourishing their guns, hurrahed and shouted they would follow no leader but Ethan Allen. Baffled, Arnold submitted and was permitted to serve as a volunteer, but without command. A detachment was sent to capture Skenesborough at the head of Lake Champlain, seize the boats there and stifle all communication with Ticon- 166 deroga. By a rapid march, Allen reached Shoreham opposite Ticonderoga, the night of May 9th. There, he impressed as his guide a young lad, named Nathan Beeman, who played with the boys of the garrison and knew all the ins and outs of the fort. Crossing the lake was slow business, because of the scarcity of boats, and only eighty-three men had crossed to the western shore, when the first beams of morning light, admonished Allen that he could tarry no longer. He ordered his men to file in, briefly harrangued them, and then the silent march began up the heights on the summit of which could be discerned the grim, gray outlines of the great stone ramparts. With the boy in the lead followed by Allen and Arnold at his side, the Green Mountain Boys quickly made their way to the southern sally port. The sentinel, at the wicket gate, snapped his gun but it failed and he fled within the fort closely followed by Allen. The Green Mountain Boys poured through the covered way to the parade ground and formed in two files facing the barracks. Allen with the boy at his side, sprang up the outside stairway, which led to the com- mandant's apartment. He banged the door with the hilt of his sword and demanded admittance. Captain Delaplace the commander, partly awake, tumbled out of bed, badly befuddled by the tumult outside, and clad only in his drawers stumbled to the door. He was closely followed by his likewise scantily dressed wife, who held a flickering candle in her trembling hand. Holding his breeches in one hand, with the other he threw open the door and confronted the burly form of Allen who demanded his sur- render. He had wit enough to stammer out, "By whose authority?" "In the name of the great Jehovah and the Continental Congress," thundered Allen. This was somewhat ironical, for Allen cared naught for Jehovah and Delaplace less for the Continental Congress, but he did care mightily for Allen, who with a terrible oath, swung his huge sword over the captain's head and threatened to cut him asunder, if he did not immediately comply. Delaplace ordered the garrison to form on the parade ground without arms and Ticonderoga was formerly surrendered. The cooks were routed out and a good hot breakfast with plenty of rum was served Allen and his men. The garrison consisted of five officers and forty-four men ; and the spoils were one hundred twenty pieces of iron cannon, fifty swivels, ten tons of musket balls, three cart loads of flints, and a vast amount of other stores. During the morning, the remainder of the Green Mountain Boys, under the command of Seth Warner, had been ferried over the lake, and Allen ordered him to reduce Crown Point. This was accomplished May 12th, by him, with the assistance of Remember Baker, who with another detachment of Green Mountain Boys, had, previously, intercepted mes- sengers on their way to Montreal, with news of the fall of Ticonderoga. The garrison of Crown Point consisted of a sergeant and eleven men, and the spoils were one hundred fourteen cannon and other munitions of great value. The ambitious Arnold was badly disappointed and to appease him, 167 Allen sent him, up the lake in a captured and armed sloop, and he destroyed the British shipping at St. Johns. Thus within a few days, the whole of the Lake Champlain region came under the control of Ethan Allen. (For an account of the exploit, see Allen's Narrative in DePuy's Ethan Allen, beginning at page 213 ; and Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, Vol. 1, page 123.) 168 CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE BATTLE OF ORISKANY During the Revolution, Tryon county, embracing the upper Mohawk valley and the headwaters of the Susquehanna, was the real New York fron- tier. The inhabitants, largely, Palatine Germans, some Dutch and the Scotch-Irish, mostly, supported the Continental Congress. There were some neutrals among them. Outside the Johnson family and their adher- ents, there were few outspoken loyalists, and these were, probably coerced, as were the other Tories elsewhere, by flogging, tar and feathering, riding on a rail and other personal indiginities. The Revolution was not, as usuallv thought, a spontaneous uprising of patriotic devotion, by the whole body of the people, but the act of an aggressive and militant minority ably and efficiently led. The vexations and provocations were many, includ- ing British attempts at taxation of the colonists, indifference to their rights and desires and the arrogance of English officers and crown officials. But more potent causes aroused the animosity of individuals, such as the disappointments of ambitious men, who desired royal appointments, restric- tions of commerce and manufacturing, prevention of gross Indian land speculation and the influence of the Congregational, Dutch Reformed, Presbyterian and Lutheran ministers, who feared an Episcopal church establishment and the presumptions of its clergymen. This resentment was fanned into the furious flame of war by slogans and the politicians usual appeal to patriotism. Usually, revolutions are the muddy sediments of humanity bestirred, by adroit leaders, roiling the calm water of peace. As early as 1774, the Palatine District of Tryon county organized in support of Congress, as did the other districts in 1775. Thomas Spencer, the Indian interpreter, in an impassioned speech, aroused the patriotic sentiment of Cherry Valley. The Johnson's, by an armed intimidation, prevented a meeting in the Mohawk district, but later the people there organized. The committees of all the districts formed a body of forty-two members of which Christopher P. Yates was chairman and it acted under direction of the Provincial Congress of New York. Guy Johnson, now British Indian superintendent, was suspected of fomenting a Mohawk uprising; and he soon left for Oswego, where he succeeded in pledging the Indians to support the crown. The Mohawks 169 deserted their old homes and followed Johnson into Canada. Soon after, he and Joseph Brant sailed for England. Sir John Johnson, who with his family, remained at Johnson Hall, was the object of suspicion, and in January, 1776, General Philip Schuyler with the militia, went to Johnstown and arrested him, because he had fortified the hall and surrounded himself with some one hundred and fifty of his tenants, Roman Catholic Highlanders. He was taken to Fishkill, but the Provincial Congress released him on parole. The following June, he broke his parole, abandoned his vast possessions and fled to Canada. In February, 1777, it being reported that a large number of unfriendly Indians had collected at Oquaga, the Provincial Congress sent Colonel John Harper there to ascertain their designs. He feasted them with a roast ox, and they assured him they proposed to remain neutral. In June, Joseph Brant, who had returned from England, appeared at Unadilla with a considerable number of warriors. He forced the people to furnish him with provisions, and the inhabitants, perceiving his hostile attitude, aban- doned their farms and sought places of greater safety. A regiment of militia had been organized in each of the districts of Tryon county, and these with a partial regiment from Schoharie were placed under command of General Nicholas Herkimer, a leading Whig. He marched to Unadilla and summoned Brant to a conference. He came with one hundred fifty warriors and declared his intention to support the king. During the pro- ceedings, there was a flare-up, and the Indians retreated to their camp, fired their guns and set up the warwhoops. However, the conference was resumed and Herkimer assured Brant he did not come to fight but to make peace. He, then, marched away and left Brant in possession of Unadilla and the surrounding country. 1 After Johnson's flight, Colonel Van Schaick with provincial troops occupied Johnstown ; and Colonel Dayton built Fort Dayton, not far from the court house in the present village of Herkimer. Colonel Dayton was ordered to reconstruct Fort Stanwix, which had fallen into disrepair, and the work had not been completed in April, 1777, when Colonel Peter Gansevoort, with the Third New York regiment was sent to garrison it. The British scheme to invade New York, during the summer of 1777, was the best planned campaign devised by the king's ministers ; and had it succeeded New York would have been conquered, New England divided from the other colonies and the independence of the United States, prob- ably, frustrated. Burgoyne with the main army was to proceed by Lake Champlain and occupy Albany and the army in New York was to come up the Hudson and cooperate with him. Another division, under Barry St. Leger, was to march from Oswego, capture Fort Stanwix, overrun the Mohawk valley and join Burgoyne at Albany. News of the invasion was first sent by the friendly Oneida Indians. In June, Colonel Marinus Willett, a very capable officer, with his regiment reinforced Fort Stanwix, or as it was now called Fort Schuyler, and two Continental companies also joined the garrison, which at the time of the 170 siege consisted of seven hundred and fifty men. August 3rd, the fort was invested by some seventeen hundred British soldiers, Tories and Indians. General Herkimer, with eight hundred of the Tryon county militia, marched up the Mohawk valley for the relief of Fort Schuyler, but there was much looseness of order during the march. Thomas Spencer insisted flanking parties should be kept out. General Herkimer concurred, but the impetuous men declared it would retard the march and charged Herkimer with cowardice. Stung by this, he ordered the men forward with all dispatch. About 10 o'clock in the morning of August 6th, the little army entered the fatal ambuscade of Oriskany. The place is about the same today, as then, except that the heavy woods have been cleared away, and now meadows, a farm house, barns and stately monuments occupy the scene of the bloody fray. The battlefield is and about a shallow ravine, the bottom, of which is still swampy and wild. On either side are ridges running from the southeast to the northwest toward the Mohawk river, but in most accounts, they are designated as east and west. The present high- way crosses the ravine about one hundred and fifty feet above the old road pursued by Herkimer's men. Beyond the new road the ravine expands basin shaped, the course of the rivulet becoming only a shallow depression, constituting what may be called a level ampitheater, surrounded by the eastern and western ridges, which join on the southeast, making a semi- circular enclosure of the main battlefield. Some distance below the old road, the ravine disappears in the swampy lowland along the Mohawk. The old road followed by Herkimer's men, the course of which can still be plainly discerned, descends the eastern ridge and crossed the swampy ravine by a corduroy bridge, indications of which may yet be perceived. The incline of the western ridge, the scene of the fiercest struggle is now partly occupied by the buildings and barnyard of the farm. At the time of the battle, the lowlands toward the Mohawk were covered with a growth of pine, and the ridges with beech elm and maple trees. It was an ideal place for an ambuscade, and Major John Butler 2 and Joseph Brant 3 who commanded the British and Indians, adepts in border warfare, certainly made no mistake in its selection. Brant secreted the Indians in the underbrush of the eastern ridge, but did not extend his line to the road, which was the inlet of the trap. Butler posted his troops on the western ridge facing the American advance. Stationed as they were and the swampy ground below, by which there was no escape, made it a complete ambush. Seizure of the road on the eastern ridge closed the trap. Earlier in the morning, Herkimer had dispatched Adam Helmar, a noted scout to Fort Schuyler, requesting Gansevoort to make a sortie from the fort and announce it by a discharge of cannon. This was for the pur- pose of diverting the enemy from obstructing Herkimer's advance. The Canajoharie regiment, with General Herkimer, and Colonels Cox and Paris leading, and following the road from the eastern ridge, had partly crossed the corduroy bridge and was ascending the incline to the summit of the western ridge, when the Indians gave the warwhoop and 171 closed in. Cox was killed at the first onslaught and his frightened horse ran back along the road throwing, the troops following with the baggage train and now in the bed of the ravine, into wild confusion. Colonel Vischer, with the Conewango regiment, brought up the rear and was still on the eastern ridge, when Brant's warriors fell upon him and his men broke and fled. The Indians had now covered the eastern approach of the road and closed the trap. It now became a life and death struggle and the Americans fought with superhuman bravery. Herkimer succeeded in rallying his men who were marching up the incline of the western ridge, formed them in circles and they held the foe in front at bay. He ordered the troops, under Colonel Bellinger who were not yet across the corduroy bridge, to retake the east- ern ridge, which they did. This cleared the fatal ravine of all but the dead and wounded. It was a hand to hand conflict, a struggle of bayonet thrusts and tomahawk blows. To outwit the savages, two men would place themselves behind a tree, and when the Indian ran from his cover to tomahawk the soldier who had fired and had not time to reload, his secreted companion shot the Indian. Herkimer was wounded in the leg and carried to the butt of a beech tree, south of the road and about half way up the incline, and resting against his saddle, he continued to direct the battle. To stimulate the bravery of his men, it is said, he calmly smoked his pipe and gave orders in broken German speech. When the conflict was bitterest, a thunder shower suspended the strife, and gave the Americans time to better order their lines. Colonel Bellinger, having cleared the eastern ridge joined Herkimer and when the storm abated, the fighting was resumed with more bloody vigor. After six hours of terrible struggle, the Americans succeeded in beating off their enemies and were able to remove their wounded from the field. They had by their bravery saved themselves from annihilation. Carrying their wounded they fell back to the German Flats. About two hundred were killed. Herkimer was removed to his home, where his leg was amputated, from which, due to poor surgery, he died. Among the slain was Thomas Spencer, the gallant spirit, who had secured the adherence of the Oneidas to the Americans. The Americans had not succeeded in their purpose and the foe possessed the field. But, the Indians in their villages along the Genesee wailed for over a hundred of their warriors killed and whetted their vengeance for Wyoming and Cherry Valley. 4 Helmar was delayed and it was not until 2 o'clock that the cannon boomed, and Willett sallied forth with two hundred men. He swept all before him, overran the camp of Sir John Johnson, captured his private papers, and the standards of his regiment, and with his booty regained the fort without the loss of a man. To tantalize the enemy, the captured standards were displayed under the improvised flag of the fort, homemade from women's petticoats. As supplies were running low, Colonel Willett and Lieutenant Stock- well eluded the Indians investing the fort, made their way out of the fort at night and went to General Schuyler for relief. He sent Benedict Arnold 172 and a force, which reached Fort Dayton, where Arnold resolved a strata- gem to end the siege. Hans Yost Schuyler a half-witted Tory had been captured with Walter Butler and was condemned to die as a spy. Arnold promised to pardon him on condition, he go to St. Leger and spread the report Arnold was near with a large army. His brother was retained as a hostage under threat if Hans Yost failed he would be shot, and the coat of Hans was riddled with bullets. Accompanied by a friendly Oneida he made his way to the British camp. There the Oneida alarmed the Indians by the report and Hans Yost being taken to St. Leger declared he escaped while being taken to execution and in confirmation of his story exhibited his riddled coat. When asked the size of Arnold's force, he mysteriously pointed to the leaves of the trees. Be this as it may, the fact that Arnold was on the way, alarmed the Indians who had little stomach for more fighting and they deserted the British. St. Leger raised the siege August 22nd and his troops fled in confusion to Oswego, abandoning most of their supplies. 5 About this time, McDonald a Tory leader fell on the Schoharie settle- ment and Captain Mann of the Schoharie militia having turned traitor, Colonel John Harper went to Albany for assistance. Returning with a troop of cavalry. Harper attacked McDonald's camp. A severe skirmish ensued, in which several were killed and wounded. McDonald was defeated and his force fled to the Susquehanna, by that way going to Fort Niagara. 6 NOTES— CHAPTER TWENTY-FIVE 1. N. Y. Col. Docs. 8, 663, 682, 687; also Annals of Tryon County, chapters 2 and 3; Simms History of Schoharie County chapter 7; Old N. Y. Frontier. 2. John Butler was born in 1728, in New London, Connecticut. He was the son of Walter Butler, whom it has been presumed was born in Ireland, a descendant of the illustrious Ormonde family. This conjecture is based on the fact that he was appointed a lieutenant in a company stationed at Albany, by Governor Burnett who had some connection with the Ormonde family. In 1735, he obtained a patent for 4000 acres in the Mohawk valley and located near the present town of Fonda. There on an elevated situation, known as Switzer Hill, he built a substantial frame dwelling which it is said was afterwards rebuilt. It still stands and was occupied as a farm house when visited by the writer, some years ago. The place was called Butlersbury and when Walter Butler died in 1760, he devised it to his son John, who occupied it until his flight to Canada. The Butlers were intimates of Sir William Johnson and shared in his advancement. John and his brother Walter Jr. were appointed captains in the Indian Department and both participated in the Battle of Lake George, where Walter was killed. John served under Abercrombie at Ticonderoga, was with Bradstreet at the taking of Frontenac, and in the capture of Fort Niagara had command of the Indians. He was one of the first judges of Tryon county, but in 1775 with his son Walter, a lawyer by profession, withdrew to Canada. Both served in the siege of Fort Schuyler and the Battle of Oriskany. After the battle Walter was taken prisoner and condemned to death as a spy, but his sentence was remitted and while a prisoner he escaped. John Butler organized a corps of Rangers, composed of Tories and regularly enlisted in the British 173 service. He, as a major commanded the forces, which perpetrated the Wyoming Massacre; and his son Walter was in command at Cherry Valley. Both thereby earned the condemnation and hatred of posterity. After the war, John Butler who held the rank of lieutenant colonel retired to Niagara on the Canadian side, where he died in May, 1796. 3. Thayendanega, popularly known as Joseph Brant, was born in 1742, in Ohio, where his parents were then temporarily engaged in a hunting expedition. It has been presumed, he was the son of Nickus Brant, a considerable chief of the Mohawks, residing at Canajoharie Castle. His sister, Molly or Mary Brant was the mistress of Sir William Johnson. It is said, that as a mere boy of thirteen, he was present at the Battle of Lake George. He distinguished himself at the capture of Fort Niagara in 1759. He attended Dr. Wheelock's Indian school at Lebanon, Connecticut, where he acquired the rudiments of an English education. Later, he had intimate relations with some of the Indian missionaries, and it is claimed assisted in the translation of the New Testament into the Iroquoian language. He was thrice married, and before the Revolution lived at Canajoharie in a good house and enjoyed the comforts of life. He became a regular communicant of the Episcopal church. Brant accompanied Guy Johnson to England and remained there during the early part of 1776. His career during the Revolution is related in the text. In 1785, he visited England in the interests of the expatriated Mohawks. In an altercation with his son, Isaac, who was a dissipated and violent young man, Brant stabbed him, from the effects of which he died. The British government granted him a considerable tract of land on the Canadian side of Lake Ontario and he lived there in some splendor until his deeth, November 24, 1807. He has been lauded as the principal chief of the Iroquois, but it is reasonable to assume his power was largely confined to the Mohawks, and that he was surpassed in ability and influence by Sayenqueraghta, great chief of the Senecas. Much of his renown is due to Stone, who in his life of him, has made him a hero. 4. The above account of the battle was written at the time of the writer's visit to the battlefield. 5. Annals of Tryon County, Chapter 4; Field Book of the Revolution 1, 240. 6. Ibid ; Simms History of Schoharie. 174 CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX BURGOYNE'S INVASION The British invasion of New York was begun in 1776 by Carleton, who constructed a small fleet on Lake Champlain. The Americans also built a flotilla, and Arnold was put in command of it. The two fleets met at Valcour Islands, October 14th and a severe battle ensued. At night Arnold escaped with part of his fleet, but the British pursued and drove him into a small creek, where he burned his boats to prevent their capture, and the crews fled. Carleton occupied Crown Point, but November 3rd abandoned it and returned to Canada. In 1775, Congress, at the solicitation of New York, reluctantly appointed Philip Schuyler, a major general ; and directed him to take command of Ticonderoga and Crown Point with authority to occupy St. Johns, Montreal and other parts of Canada. Montgomery, at the time, made this significant statement: ''His (Schuyler's) consequence in the province make him a fit subject for an important trust, but has he strong nerves? I could wish this point well ascertained with respect to any man so employed." Bancroft says: "Schuyler owed his place to his social position, not to military talents. Anxious and suspected of a want of personal courage, he found everything go ill under his command." (Vol. 5, 164). In 1776, Congress directed Washington to send Major General Horatio Gates to command the American forces in Canada. A question arose, whether or not Gates was independent of Schuyler and there was no harmony between them. Early in 1777, Schuyler wrote Congress a letter, considered insulting and he was replaced by Gates. Schuyler re- entered Congress, of which he was a member, and by adroit manipulation got himself restored. On reassuming the position, he visited Ticonderoga, the principal defense of the northern frontier ; but in spite of the fact, that Trumbull had pointed out Mount Defiance dominated Ticonderoga, he neglected to order its fortification. He reinforced the fort until its garrison numbered over three thousand men, and contained vast stores. Burgoyne, who succeeded Carleton, as commander of the British invasion, occupied Crown Point and on July 1st camped before Ticon- deroga. Four days later, he seized Mount Defiance, which enabled him to sweep the fort with his cannon fire. St. Clair another over-rated and unfor- tunate general, who commanded Ticonderoga, decided his position was 175 untenable and ordered its evacuation, which was accomplished by his gar- rison of three thousand three hundred men, without firing a shot. He left behind eighty large cannon and an immense quantity of supplies. It was a stampede and has been, generally, considered an unnecessary and hasty flight. The garrison fled through Vermont and was hotly pursued by the British, who came upon the rear guard at Hubbardtown. Warner, in command, being a fighting man made a gallant resistance until the British were reinforced, when he withdrew. This engagement was about the only resistance offered by the northern army, during Schuyler's command and infused the dispirited soldiers with a little more grit. Colonel Long, who had occupied old Fort Anne, was attacked and defeated. He burned the place and fell back to Fort Edward, which was successfully reached by St. Clair's men. Burgoyne, in order to proceed from Fort Anne to Fort Edward, had to construct a road sixteen miles long, through an unbroken wilderness. This delayed his advance, and during the delay, occurred the tragic death of Jane McCrea. The account given by Bancroft (Vol. 5, 164), copied by most writers and now an accepted tradition is: ''Jane Macarea, a young woman of twenty, betrothed to a loyalist in the British service, and esteeming herself under the protection of the British arms, was riding from Fort Edward to the British camp at Sandy Hill, escorted by two Indians. The Indians quarelled about the reward promised on her safe arrival, and at half a mile from Fort Edward, one of them sunk his tomahawk in her skull. ,, The following account is entitled to more credence. After the death of her father, a Presbyterian clergyman of Jersey City, Jane McCrea removed to the home of her brother at Fort Edward, and there became engaged to David Jones, a young man of the neighborhood, who was a loyalist and a British officer. Upon Burgoyne's advance, her brother entreated her to go with him to Albany, but she remained at Fort Edward with a friend Mrs. McNeil, a Tory, probably, with the expectation of meeting her betrothed. Early in the morning of July 27th, Indians were seen approaching and the two women secreted themselves, but were dis- covered and seized. Jane was placed on a horse and Mrs. McNeil, a stout woman was unable to ride and was assisted by two stout Indians. Amer- ican soldiers from the fort pursued the Indians and fired several shots at them. Mrs. McNeil was taken to General Fraser, her cousin, and soon after, the other Indians returned with scalps among which she recognized, that of Jane. The Indians were accused of murdering her, but denied the charge and insisted she was killed by shots from the pursuing soldiers, and then they scalped her to obtain the reward. Their story is corroborated by the fact that the British reward for a prisoner was much greater than the bounty for a scalp ; and also by the statement of General Morgan Lewis, the American officer at Fort Edward who had charge of Jane's burial and found her body contained three gun shot wounds. Both Lossing (Vol. 1, 38) and Stone's Campaign of Burgoyne (Appendix 302) give this version, which is supported by the statements of contemporaries. How- 176 ever, an American army surgeon, Dr. John Bartlett declared she was shot by the Indians. Burgoyne occupied Fort Edward, August 4th, and thence dispatched Colonel Baum with a force of Brunswick dragoons, British, Canadians, Tories and Indians to Vermont to collect horses, and cattle, which he greatly needed and to seize and destroy the American stores at Benning- ton. General John Stark with a brigade of New Hampshire militia came to the assistance of Vermont. Schuyler ordered Stark to join his fleeing army, but he refused and was denounced by Schuyler and censured by Congress. Stark and Seth Warner, commander of the Green Mountain Boys, acting in concert, at 3 o'clock in the afternoon at a place near Bennington but over the New York border, attacked Baum on every side. The Indians broke and fled, and Stark's riflemen played havoc with the German troops. After two hours hard fighting, British resistance faltered and the Americans poured over the enemy's breastworks and fought the foe hand to hand. Baum was mortally wounded, and his troops surrendered. Colonel Breyman, who had been sent with reinforcements, came in sight, about the time of the surrender, but Stark and Warner confronted him and a new battle ensued. It lasted until sunset when Breyman retreated, leaving his cannon and wounded behind. The battles of Oriskany and Bennington had been fought by the frontiersmen, acting independently and without assistance from the nerve- less Schuyler and his despondent army. Schuyler kept many miles between him and the British, and fell back to Saratoga, then to Stillwater and finally retreated to the mouth of the Mohawk, where he established his camp, August 14th, although Burgoyne was at Fort Edward, many miles away. His letters and complaints indicate his complete lack of resolution. 1 August 1st, Congress, without negative vote, resolved that Schuyler should repair to headquarters and directed Washington to appoint his suc- cessor, but Washington refused to make any appointment, although the country expected him to appoint Gates. Then, Congress by a vote of eleven states appointed Gates. Washington, in a brief note ordered him to assume command of the northern department. Schuyler relinquished his com- mand, probably, with chagrin, but perhaps with the inward satisfaction a man feels when relieved of a task too great for his accomplishment. Schuyler was a patriotic, generous and amiable man, who meant well but was misplaced. Like many ambitious civilians, he craved military distinc- tion, but he was no soldier, never commanded in any action and probably never served in any engagement. Gates restored confidence. The New York and New England militia joined him and having reorganized the disorderly army, Gates moved northward and September 12th, occupied Bemis Heights, about three miles above Stillwater. He chose a strong location, and Kosciusko, a Pole, wisely selected by Gates, as his engineer, laid out an intrenched camp, extending westward from the Hudson river, along the heights, to the high hills. It effectually barred Burgoyne's march southward. September 18th, the British were within five miles of the American line ; and the two 177 engagements which followed have been called the battles of Stillwater, Bemis Heights and Freeman's Farm, but are generally known as the Battles of Saratoga. The first battle began at 1 o'clock in the afternoon, of September 19th, when the British advance on Bemis Heights was halted by Morgan's riflemen. They came through the woods in three columns, at a considerable distance apart. The left column comprising the Brunswick regiments, the 47th British regiment, the heavy artillery and baggage under Riedesel moved close to and parallel with the river, and guarded the boats. The right column composed of the English grenadiers, 24th Brunswick gren- adiers, the light battalion and cannon under Fraser followed the Quaker Springs road. Burgoyne commanded the center and under him were the 9th, 20th, 21st and 62nd regiments 1 and light artillery. It was this column, that Morgan intercepted and checked. Fraser wheeled his column from and at right angles to the road and hurried to Burgoyne's assistance. From this united force, Morgan's men recoiled. Gates sent Arnold with nine Continental regiments to support him; and at 4 o'clock, the engagement along the whole line became furious. The British cannon were captured by the Americans and retaken in fierce hand to hand struggles. It is said, they passed back and forth seven times. The American line was covered by a wood, and in front of them was the open meadow of Freeman's Farm for the possession of which there was a desperate endeavor. The Americans gained the advantage, but the timely arrival of Riedesel with a part of his force checked their advance. The best British account is contained in the diary of Lieutenant Digby (page 273) an officer in that army, who says: "From the situation of the ground, and their being perfectly acquainted with it, the whole of our troops could not be brought to engage together, which was a very considerable disadvantage, though everything possible was tried to remedy the inconvenience, but to no effect ; such an explosion of fire, I never had any idea of before, and the heavy artillery joining in concert, like peals of thunder, assisted by the echoes of the wood, almost deafened us with the noise. To an unconcerned spectator, it must have had the most awful and glorious appearance, the different Battalions moving to relieve each other, some being pressed and almost broke by the superior numbers. General Burgoyne was everywhere and did everything that could be expected from a brave officer and Brig. Gen. Fraser gained great honor by exposing himself to every danger." Night put an end to the contest. The British retained the open fields of Freeman's farm, and the Americans retired to their entrenchments on Bemis Heights. From the British standpoint, Digby says: "It was a dear bought victory, if I can give it that name." The verdict of history is that Burgoyne lost, as he was checked in his purpose of penetrating the Amer- ican lines. The Americans lost between three and four hundred, and the British losses exceeded six hundred. Burgoyne made his camp on the battle 178 field, which he entrenched and fortified on the right, near the woods by a defence called the Great Redoubt. For sixteen days, the armies faced each other across a narrow interval of neutral ground. During this time, General Lincoln attempted the seizure of Ticon- deroga; and although unsuccessful, captured four companies of the 53rd British regiment. Gates transferred some of the troops, which had been under Arnold during the first engagement, to the command of Adjutant General Wilkinson, and this so enraged Arnold, that he relinquished his command and demanded his passports to Washington's headquarters. This Gates granted, but evidently recanting of his rashness, Arnold lingered at Bemis Heights. The impetuous Arnold and the deliberate Gates were incompatable characters and no harmony could exist between them. The second battle of Saartoga has been variously described, and is hard to understand. This is due to the extent of territory, it, probably, being the most extensive battlefield of the Revolution, and the confusion, necessarily incident to a great battle. It began about 10 o'clock in the morning of October 7th. The British entrenchments, guarding their camp and facing the west extended northward from the Great Redoubt to Brey- man's hill; and the southern entrenchments running at right angles from the Great Redoubt to the river, faced the American line. The British left, resting on the river was commanded by Phillips, the center by Riedesel, and the right including the Great Redoubt and the entrenchments facing the west by Earl Balcarras. The American forces were commanded by Nixon and Glover on the right, Lincoln in the center and Morgan and Learned on the left. The British entered a wheat field about a mile southwest of the Great Redoubt and began cutting the grain for forage. The story is told, that Wilkinson, Lincoln and Arnold reconnoitered the enemy lines and reported to Gates. Lincoln said : "The firing on the river is merely a feint. Their object is your left. A strong force of 1500 men is marching to plant them- selves on yonder height. It is in danger." Gates replied: "I will send Morgan and his riflemen and Dearborn's infantry." Arnold said : "That is nothing. You must send a strong force." This stung Gates and he retorted: "General Arnold, I have nothing for you to do, you have no business here." But, on the more temperate representations of Lincoln, he sent sufficient forces. By 2 o'clock, the lines of battle had been formed. The British right composed of infantry, under Earl Balcarras, was posted some distance west of the Quaker Springs road which ran north and south and nearly at right angles to the American line. In front were five hundred men under Fraser. The center also west of the road was occupied by the German troops under Riedesel; and the left, east of the road, was held by the grenadiers under Ackland and Williams. At right angles to the British line and flanking its rights wing were Morgan's riflemen. The American left was held by Dearborn's infantry, and the center by Poor's brigade. These were all west of the road. The American right, mostly east of the 179 road, was held by Learned's brigade. Both battle lines were nearly parallel and extended in an easterly and westerly direction. Morgan began the engagement, and he and Dearborn pushed back the British right wing and it gave way, but Balcarras succeeded in rallying his men behind a stone fence, some distance in the rear of his first position. Meanwhile Poor and Learned attacked the Germans and grenadiers. Poor's men charged with intrepidity, and Ackland was wounded. The grenadiers broke and fled. The Americans furiously assaulted the enemy's center 3 and Balcarras, being driven back, Morgan's riflemen swung in on the flank of the Germans. Fraser, detecting they were about to be surrounded, went to their assistance. Morgan observed this movement, took aside Tim Murphy, a noted sharp shooter and ordered him to shoot Fraser, who was the inspiration of the British resistance. A little later, Fraser fell mortally wounded, at a point some distance north of the original British lines, which had been pushed back by the severity of the American attack. Soon after, Fraser fell, 2 the British became demoralized, and American reinforcements pouring in, Burgoyne, about an hour after the battle began, ordered a retreat of his army to the Great Redoubt and within his entrench- ments. The Americans had won the Battle of Saratoga. The second phase of the battle, in which Arnold distinguished himself, did little to enhance the victory. After the enemy's retreat, the American army realigned itself, more than a mile from the site of the first engage- ment, and in front of the Great Redoubt and the entrenchments running north from it to Breyman's hill. Patterson's and Glover's brigades were pursuing Balcarras and Arnold placed himself at their head and led a furious charge, which drove Balcarras within the protection of the redoubt. Arnold galloped here and there, senseless of danger, and as stated, by Samuel Woodruff, a participant, "more like a madman, than a cool and discreet officer." The Americans drove a detachment of Canadians from a poorly fortified interval between the entrenchments and Breyman's hill, and this enabled them to surround the hill, which was occupied by Colonel Breyman and a force of Brunswickers. General Matoon has stated in a letter published in the Saratoga Sentinel, November 10, 1835 : "Arnold says to Col. Brooks, "Let us attack Balcarras's works." Brooks replied, "No Lord Ackland's detachment has retired there, we can't carry them." Well, then let us attack the Hessian lines." Brooks replies, "With all my heart." We all wheeled to the right and advanced. No fire was received, except from the cannon, until we got within about eight rods, when we received a tremendous fire from the whole line. But a few of our men, however, fell. Still advancing, we received a second fire, in which a few men fell, and Gen. Arnold's horse fell under him, and he himself was wounded. He cried out, "Rush on, my brave boys." After receiving the third fire, Brooks mounted their works, swung his sword and the men rushed into their works." Colonel Breyman was killed, and night ended the conflict. In this second phase of the battle, the Americans only captured the detached out- 180 post on Breyman's hill, but did not penetrate the enemy's main entrench- ments. These facts would seem to dispose of the myth, that Arnold won the second battle of Saratoga. Benedict Arnold was not a great general. He was always spectacular and his maddened daring captured the imagination, and imparted a glamour, which accepted by the multitude, sober sense, ever since, has had a hard time to overcome. Burgoyne, leaving behind his wounded, retreated during the night of the 8th but due to heavy rains, did not reach Saratoga until the evening of the next day. Due to the rain, Gates did not begin his pursuit until noon of the 10th, but he reached the south side of the Fishkill, opposite Saratoga, by 4 o'clock in the afternoon. Before the battle, Gates, antici- pating a British retreat, sent Colonel Fellows wtih fourteen hundred men to occupy the east bank of the Hudson opposite Saratoga (the present Schuylerville) and prevent escape by the ford at that place. After the battle he dispatched a force to hold a position near Fort Miller ; and two thousand men to bar the roadway from Saratoga to Fort George. Misap- prehending a movement by the British as a general retreat, the Americans advanced early in the morning of the 11th, in a dense fog, but being informed by a deserter, that the enemy was still in camp, the troops were withdrawn before any engagement occurred. Hemmed in on all sides, Burgoyne, on the 13th, opened negotiations for surrender, but they were protracted until the 16th, when terms were agreed to. During that night a messenger arrived from Clinton with news that his army was ascending the Hudson and had occupied Kingston, which news tempted Burgoyne to repudiate the surrender. But the next morning, Gates formed his whole army in battle line and sternly informed Bur- goyne, that unless he immediately signed the articles, he would open fire. Burgoyne in the jaws of inexorable fate complied. During the afternoon of October 17th, the British grounded their arms, Burgoyne handed his sword to Gates and the surrender was accomplished. The official number surrendered was 5,581, but according to Digby, it did not include the Canadians sent to Canada and the sick and wounded. The terms of surrender were liberal, and the prisoners were to be paroled. They were marched to Boston to be sent to England, but Congress repudiated this provision of the treaty and they were imprisoned at Charlottesville, Virginia. Saratoga was the decisive battle of the Revolution and so considered in Europe. France, upon receipt of the news, began negotiations with Franklin for a treaty of alliance with the United States. Gates was the hero of the hour, but since, due to a variety of reasons, his reputation has suffered. The extreme partisans of Washington were jealous of Gates' vic- tory and its comparison with Washington's defeats at Brandywine and Germantown, fought about the same time. Schuyler"s friends belittled him. His conduct of the northern campaign has been little criticised, as it seems to be free of mistakes. He was a trained English soldier, who came here as a captain and fought with Braddock, when he was severely 181 wounded. After the French and Indian War, he purchased a farm in Virginia, where he made his home. He was a Whig from the beginning and none of his critics has impeached his patriotism. He was a kindly, temperate man, devoted to his family and chivalrous to his adversaries, as evidenced in his admirable letter in the Lady Ackland affair. In his official report, he named Arnold his bitter enemy, together with Morgan and Dearborn as officers who specially distinguished themselves. By his successful conduct of the Saratoga campaign, Horatio Gates merits the esteem of the American people. 3 NOTES— CHAPTER TWENTY-SIX 1. As early as June 30th, when the enemy had not yet appeared, Schuyler wrote Washington : "Should an accident happen to Ticonderoga, and General Bur- goyne make a push to gain the south part of the lake, I know of no obstacle to prevent him." The same day, he wrote Van Cortland: "I am very apprehensive that should disaster befall the garrison of Ticonderoga, the enemy might possess himself of Fort George, before we can be in force to make opposition." After the evacuation of Ticonderoga, Schuyler wrote Washington : "With the country in the deepest consternation, no carriages to remove the stores from Fort George, which I expect every moment is to be attacked." Washington replied : "I hope a spirited opposition will check the progress of General Burgoyne's army." Washington wrote General Lincoln on his assignment to Schuyler's army ; "Yester- day, I was in some doubt, whether I should send you northward, but I have this day received two letters from General Schuyler in such style, as convinces me that it is absolutely necessary to send a determined officer to his assistance." The same day he wrote Schuyler : "Nor do I see anything in it to induce a belief, that their progress will be so rapid, as not to give you time to make proper preparations and receive sufficient accessions of force to enable you to give them a vigorous and successful opposition." As late as August 13th, Schuyler wrote Washington: "We are obliged to give way and retreat before a vastly superior force, daily increasing in numbers, and which will be doubled if General Burgoyne reaches Albany, which I apprehend will be very soon." July 24th, Schuyler wrote the New York Council of Safety, a letter appre- hending St. Leger would meet little resistance in the Mohawk valley, join Burgoyne at Albany and that Howe would come up the Hudson and join him, that there would be an Indian uprising and that New York would be conquered, and concluding; "These sir, are my conjectures; I sincerely wish they may never be realized, although I can not think they are ill founded. I have thus ventured freely to give my sentiments. I hope they will not be thought to arise from a principle which would disgrace a soldier, I assure you they do not ; and I hope my countrymen will never have occasion to blush for me, whatever may be the event of the campaign." Schuyler seems to have suffered from three consuming fears, fear of the enemy, fear of public condemnation and fear of Congress, for he wrote Van Cortland: "However, painful it is to labour under a load of calumny, I have thank God, fortitude enough not to sink under it; nor shall it depress my spirits or make me for a moment relax these exertions which are become so necessary to prevent the enemy from penetrating much further into the country, which by God's blessing I still hope to do." After adverting to St. Clair's assumption of all responsibility 182 for the evacuation of Ticonderoga, he concluded: "I wish a line may be wrote to our Delegates in Congress, advising that I did not order the evacuation." Schuyler, August 4th, with Burgoyne still at Fort Edward, confessed his influence gone by thus appealing to Governor Clinton : "The people are desponding. They want to have their spirits roused. Nothing short of your coming up to Albany with the Senate and House of Representatives will do it." Christopher Tappan wrote Clinton, August 8th : "The express says our army have been twice alarmed. General Schuyler did, at each time in order to spirit up his troops, undertake to address them with a speech, but the last time he was inter- rupted by the discharge of a piece and the Wissiling of the ball over his head. When I reflect on the conduct of our wise politicians, how they have exerted them- selves to reestablish that Gent'ms command in that department, it gives me pain. They have not only rendered that Gentlemans situation very disagreeable and his life precarious,, but have cast by means thereof a cloud of difficulties, that God only knows whether they may not be the cause if our State falls a sacrifice to the enemy." For letters see: Clinton Papers II, 62, 63, 101, 144, 145, 195, 199, 215: Wash- ington Writings, IV, 491, 492, 493, 505, 506, V, 1, 2, 16. 2. Mrs. Riedesel, wife of General Riedesel, who accompanied the expedition, in her Letters and Journals, pages 119 to 121, described the death of General Fraser, who was brought to the house she occupied and died in her room ; and also tells of Lady Ackland's journey to Gates army to attend her wounded husband who was a prisoner there, and contains Gates' gracious reply to Burgoyne's request as follows : "Sir : I have the honor to receive your excellency's letter by Lady Ackland. The respect due to her ladyship's rank, and the tenderness due to her person and sex, were alone sufficient securities to entitle her to my protection, if you consider my preceding conduct with respect to those of your army, whom the fortune of war has placed in my hands. I am surprised that your excellency should think, that I could consider the greatest attention to Lady Ackland in the light of an obligation." 3. For authorities on Burgoyne expedition see; Clinton Papers Vol. 2; Lieu- tenant Digby's Diary; Bancroft's History of the United States; Stone, The Burgoyne Expedition ; Lossing Field Book of the Revolution Vol. 1. 183 CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN THE WYOMING MASSACRE The Indians bemoaned their losses at Oriskany and whetted their vengeance against the border settlements. Wyoming's isolation, the depletion of its fighting force by the withdrawal to Washington's army of two Continental companies recruited and stationed there, and the flight of a considerable number of Wyoming Tories to Fort Niagara made it vulnerable to attack. There were numerous warnings of an Indian invasion. In February, 1778, Amos York and Lemuel Fitch were captured at Wyalusing ; and early in June, while Asa Budd and William Crooks were fishing in the river, near Tunkhannock, Crooks was killed by the Indians. Late in June, Major John Butler and his rangers and Sayenqueraghta and some six hundred Seneca warriors arrived at Queen Esther's village, located a little below Tioga Point j 1 whence June 27th, they descended the Susquehanna, in canoes, to the mouth of Bowman's creek, arriving there the evening of the 29th. The next morning, leaving their canoes at the Three Islands, they marched through the hills and that night made their encampment on Mt. Lookout, overlooking the Wyoming Valley. During the afternoon of June 30th, Frederick Ankers and Michael Showers, Tory spies, from Fort Wintermute, went up the river and at Buttermilk Falls met an Indian scouting party, and informed them, that members of the Harding family were hoeing corn in a field, some distance down the river. Ankers and Showers, followed by the Indians, made their w r ay to the Hardings and suggested to the man guarding the hoers, that they would watch and he could help the workers, so that they could finish before dark. When the work was done, Stephen Harding Jr. went for the horses. As the others were passing through a small ravine, they were attacked by the ambushed Indians and Benjamin and Stulkely Harding were wounded. They fought, desperately, for their lives, but were over- come. John Gardner was captured and Stephen Harding Jr. and a boy named Rogers escaped and the others were killed. Another Indian band, at the mouth of Sutton's creek, captured James Hadsall Sr., Daniel Carr and Quocko a negro, who were working in a tannery. A party who had been hoeing corn on the opposite island were attacked and James Hadsall Jr. was killed and Ebenezer Reynolds was wounded, but the latter with David Wallen and a boy, John Hadsall 184 managed to escape. The Indians with their captives went up Sutton's creek and that night tortured to death old man Hadsall and the negro. Unaware of the presence of the enemy on Mt. Lookout and leaving the valley unprotected, the next morning, Colonels Butler and Denison with the militia regiment marched up the river and secured the bodies of the Hardings, which they interred in the old cemetery in the present West Pittston. The advance guard surprised two Indians, near the bodies of the Hardings, and one of them Zebulon Marcy shot dead and the other Roasel Franklin killed with a club. That evening, two of the Wintermute boys, long suspected of being Tories, went to the encampment on Mt. Lookout and guided the British and Indians to Fort Wintermute, located at the present corner of Battle Avenue and Valley Street, Exeter Borough, which surrendered without resistance. The next morning, Captain Caldwell of the rangers obtained the surrender of Fort Jenkins, located in the present West Pittston. An American scouting party under Captain Hewitt, during the day, was attacked in Shoemaker's Notch and one of the soldiers was killed and another captured. The night was one of consternation, prized possessions were secreted, horses and cattle were turned loose in the woods and the women and children fled to Forty Fort. Ezekiel Pierce, keeper of the Wyoming records and clerk of Westmoreland county gathered his maps, books and documents in a strong chest and these the most precious pos- sessions of the doomed settlement, guarded by the faithful old man, who slowly trudged behind the creaking ox cart, were taken to Forty Fort for security. Early July 3rd, Major Butler demanded the surrender of Forty Fort which was refused. Most of the companies of the regiment were then assembled at Forty Fort and Colonel Denison turned its command over to Zebulon Butler, a colonel in the Continental service, at Wyoming on leave of absence. About noon, Lazarus Stewart arrived with the Hanover company. He, the most noted frontiersman of the time, was a more expe- rienced Indian fighter, than any of them, and because of his leading participa- tion in the murder of the Conestogas in the Lancaster jail, was hated and feared by the Indians from the Mohawk to the Ohio. But in this last great play of his wild career, and he was mainly responsible for the tragic day, the Indians "squared the count" and Lazarus Stewart fell in the battle or massacre which followed, and his bones, probably, rest with the others under the monument at Wyoming. At a meeting, held at noon, Butler, Denison, Dorrance, Garrett and other prudent leaders urged that a battle be delayed until expected rein- forcements arrived ; but Stewart and the impetuous ones who followed him insisted there be no delay. It is said Stewart openly charged Butler with cowardice. Be that as it may, the great majority sustained Stewart ; and about 1 o'clock, a little over three hundred men left Forty Fort and took the Great Road, as Wyoming Avenue was then called and marched forth to their doom. After a delay at Abraham's creek, a natural position for defense, where the cautious leaders contended the battle line should be 185 formed Stewart again had his way. The march was resumed and the battle line formed parallel with the present Fourth Street, Wyoming Borough, and extending from the bluff overlooking the lowlands on the right to the swamp on the left. Colonel Butler, Major Garrett and Captain Robert Durkee commanded the right wing and Colonel Denison, Lieutenant Colonel Dorrance and Captain Samuel Ransom commanded the left wing. These field officers were mounted. As the Americans formed, Major Butler fired Fort Wintermute and ordered Fort Jenkins burned. The rising smoke, as Butler designed, deceived the Americans with the belief the British were retreating and quickened their advance. The thin and feeble line, extending nearly two thousand feet across the plain, moved quickly through the woods. The flanks on either side were unprotected and the center unsupported by a reserve. The bluff curves away from the river, and consequently the dis- tance to the swamp being less, the American line closed up considerably at the point of conflict. Major Butler posted his men, in a fine open wood west of Fort Win- termute and a little north and parallel with the present Valley Avenue, and for their safety ordered them to lie flat on the ground. He had between six and eight hundred men ; and posted the rangers, under his immediate command, on the left and in the center, and on the right and concealed in the swamp, flanking the American line were stationed the Indians under Sayenqueraghta. Under him were the most adroit war chiefs of the Seneca nation, including, Roland Montour, Governor Blacksnake, Captain Pollard, Little Beard and Stuttering John Montour, who each commanded a band of skillful and unrelenting warriors. Butler, having removed his uniform and the insignia of his rank, and with only a black handkerchief tied round his head to distinguish him, lay down in the ranks and coolly awaited the conflict. Within six hundred feet of his line, the Americans began firing by platoons and three volleys were discharged. An Indian flanking party on the right, concealed in the brush under the bank of the bluff, wounded Lieutenant Daniel Gore and mortally wounded Captain Durkee, but they were dislodged and driven back. The rangers rose from the ground, fell back some distance and fired. They were pursued by Captain Hewitt's company, who mistook their movement for a retreat ; and thus the Amer- ican right wing got some thirty rods in advance of the left wing, when suddenly the hideous warwhoops of the Indians sounded and the savage war- riors poured from the swamp and began the destruction of the left wing. Outflanked by the Indians, who were now a considerable distance in his rear, Colonel Denison ordered Captain Whittlesey to fall back and form an angle to the main line and protect its flank. This was mistaken for an order to retreat and the whole left wing, terrified by the yells of the savages, was thrown into indescribable confusion and panic. They not only carried the center with them but also the right wing. Colonel Dor- rance was shot and thus disabled fell into the Indian's hands. Butler and Denison were unable to check the flight and Major Garrett was killed. 186 The only part of the line intact was held by the Continental com- pany under Captain Hewitt. Confronted by the terrible disaster, an officer said to Hewitt : "The day is lost, see the Indians are sixty rods in our rear, shall we retreat" "I'll be damned if I do," was his answer and to the lad at his side he shouted, "Drummer strike up." Just then, a bullet struck him dead and the last of the crumbling line gave way in a pandemonium of flight. The battle, which began at 5 o'clock, lasted about thirty minutes. Colonels Butler and Denison, being mounted managed to escape and reached Forty Fort. Encompassed on all sides, the fugitives ran hither and thither. The only avenue of escape was the river. Roger Searle and William Buck fleeing thence were pursued by an Indian, who shouted "Me give quarter." Buck paused was seized and slain. Anning Owen and Ben- jamin Carpenter, in hiding, saw Elijah Shoemaker plunge in the river, and heard Henry Windecker, a Tory, in pursuit, say, "Shoemaker come back, I'll protect you." Windecker grasped his hand to help him up the bank and then struck him dead with his tomahawk. William Hammond, swimming to Monacanuk Island, was promised protection by Secord, a Tory, who slew him. Cyprian Hibbard and Samuel Carey were pursued. Hibbard was killed and Carey captured. The next morning, Roland Mon- tour who took him under his protection, went to a dying warrior and persuaded him to consent to Carey's adoption by his parents, and thus his life was saved. Henry Pencil, hiding behind a log, was discovered by his brother, John, a Tory, who said, "So it's you." Henry implored, "You wont kill your brother?" John stood on the log with pointed gun, and replied, "Yes, I'd as soon kill you, as look at you, you damned rebel." He pulled the trigger and to make sure his brother was dead, sunk his hatchet in his skull and scalped him. This is the terrible and celebrated story of "The Fratricide of Wyoming," which is pretty well authenticated. Butler, the Christian head of all this deviltry passed the night on this field of woe, seemingly undisturbed, save, it is said, by a nausea caused by the effluvium of burning flesh. The Indians made their campfires in the woods south of the battlefield and around them, grouped in bands, each of which had its own peculiar method of torment and torture. Some thrust splinters of wood into living bodies and tore the hair and nails from their victims ; others disembowled their prisoners and burned them at the stake, tore arms and legs from the sufferers and decapitated the dead. Around the "Bloody Rock," still to be seen, fourteen bodies were found. The scene there enacted was ascertained from Lebbeus Hammond who escaped. The prisoners, each held by an Indian encircled the rock, and each victim had his head pressed against the rock by the savages, while Queen Esther with a heavy maul dashed out his brains. Hammond, seeing his turn approaching, slipped from the clutches of the Indian who held him, sprang into the brush and escaped. Nine other bodies were found in another circle, from which, it is said, Joseph Elliott escaped. In the morning, while the squaws were seen, "fixing the scalps on bows and scraping off the flesh and blood and carefully drying them," the 187 Tory, Philip Wintermute escorted Mrs. John Jenkins over the field and said to her, "Look but don't seem to see." She saw charred corpses smouldering on piles of burning logs, legs, arms and heads lying about and mutilated bodies everywhere. Colonel Dorrance, wounded and cap- tured while being taken to Forty Fort for ransom, became exhausted and his captors killed him and divided his scalp, sword, cocked hat and coat between them. This was the last life taken. Major Butler's official report stated that two hundred and twenty- seven scalps and only five prisoners were taken in the action. The number of slain, listed on the monument at Wyoming is one hundred seventy-three, and the number of survivors fifty. The number engaged, according to Colonel Denison, was over three hundred, consequently, there must have been more slain than listed, indicating Butler's report is more nearly correct. Forty Fort was surrendered, July 4th at 4 p.m. ; and the capitulation provided for destruction of the forts, the inhabitants not to rearm but remain on their farms, their lives to be preserved and their property spared, so far as Butler's influence could prevail. The property taken from the Tories was to be made good and they to remain peaceably on their farms. As a matter of fact, no women and children were killed during the invasion, but plundering immediately began and a wild panic seized the survivors, who began to flee the night of the battle. Those living in Pittston and Providence fled by Cobb's Gap to the Delaware and nevei' stopped until they reached Goshen and Newburg. They carried with them those living on the Delaware and Wallenpaupack. In Providence, the Hickman family were killed, and Daniel St. John and James Leach were slain above Pittston. Jonathan Fitch, sheriff of Westmoreland county, alone, led more than a hundred women and children by the Warrior Path to Fort Allen. The greatest number went over the wild Pocono mountains to Fort Penn (Stoudsburg). Helpless women and children, unguided and unguarded, wandered through the great swamp, since known as the "Shades of Death." Screeching panthers and howling wolves added to their alarm. Many were lost and others died by the wayside from starvation and exhaustion. An authority has stated that over two hundred perished in this wild flight. Those living in the lower twonships made their way by the road and river to Fort Augusta. They communicated their panic to the settlers living on the West Branch, who also fled. Sunbury was abandoned and Northumberland county broken up, in this "Great Run- away," as it was called. But few remained north of Harrisburg. Zebulon Butler with a hundred troops reoccupied Wyoming, August 4th ; and buried the remains of those slain in the massacre in a common grave, but the intense summer heat had so shriveled the bodies, that none could be recognized. The Indians captured Luke Swetland and Joseph Blanchard, near Wilkes-Barre, and Isaac Tripp his grandson Isaac, James Hocksey and Timothy Keyes in Providence. Tripp was released, his grand- son taken to Canada, and Keyes and Hocksey killed. 2 Colonel Thomas Hartley with his regiment marched by the Sheshequin Path to Tioga 188 Point where he destroyed Queen Esther's village. On his return, he fought a slight engagement at the mouth of Tuscarora creek and reached Wilkes-Barre October 4th. 3 The Indians continued to ravage Wyoming and the West Branch and a list of their depredations is contained in a note. 4 NOTES— CHAPTER TWENTY-SEVEN 1. The story, that the Montours, the celebrated Indian halfbreed family were descended from Frontenac, governor of Canada, is fabulous. Lord Cornbury, governor of New York wrote in 1708 (N. Y. Col. Docs. V, 650), that there had come to Albany, from the far Indians (Senecas), one Montour, son of a French gentleman and Indian woman, and that there were also two daughters. Catherine Montour, the first one of whom we have authentic knowledge, considered herself a Seneca, and may have been one of the daughters. In Paris Documents, N. Y. Col. Docs. IX, 601 and 830, there is reference to the wounding by the Mohawks of one Montour, who may have been the father ; and also the killing of a Montour, evidently the one mentioned by Cornbury, because he had gone over to the English, by Joncaire, acting under orders of Vaudreuil, governor of Canada. In the Mem- orials of the Moravian church, it is stated, Catherine, Madame Montour first married Roland Montour, a Seneca, by whom she had four sons, Andrew, Henry, Robert and Louis; and that French Margaret was her niece. After his death, she married Carandowna, alias Robert Hunter an Oneida chief. If so Roland Montour may have been the one killed by Joncaire in 1709. Harvey, History of Wilkes-Barre I, page 205, lists Madame Montours children: 1, French Margaret, married Peter Quebec, children ; Catherine married Thomas Hutson, children, Roland, John and Belle : Esther (Queen Esther) married Eghobund, Monsey chief, lived at Tioga Point where he died ; and Molly : 2, John or Jean ; 3, Andrew, Indian name Sattelihu ; 4, Henry ; 5, Louis or Lewis. All were prominent and frequently mentioned in the colonial records. 2. For account of battle and massacre, see : Miner, History of Wyoming ; Stone, History of Wyoming; Harvey History of Wilkes-Barre; Brewster, History of Kingston. 3. Pa. Archs. VII, 5. 4. In October, 1778, three soldiers killed on Kingston flats : William Jameson killed, William Jackson, Mr. and Mrs. Hagerman and daughter Leonora, Mr. and Mrs. Edward Lester and five children captured in Hanover. Hagerman escaped. In November : John Perkins was killed in Plymouth and the Utley family were murdered in Nescopeek. In December, Isaac Inman was killed in Hanover. In February, 1779, Stephen Pettebone, Asahel Buck and Elihu Williams Sr. were killed and Frederick Follett wounded on Kingston flats opposite Wilkes-Barre. In March : Captain James Bidlack and Josiah Rogers attacked while crossing Kingston flats. Bidlack was captured and Rogers escaped to Kingston Blockhouse. Soldiers from Fort Wyoming drove the Indians to bank of Toby's creek where over two hundred were secreted. An engagement, lasting two hours, ensued but the losses were slight as both sides fought under cover. The settlers on the West Branch were widely scattered and exposed to attack from the Indians who lived in the upper part of the valley. In June, 1777, Zephaniah Miller, Abel Cady and James Armstrong were killed on the opposite side of the river from Fort Antes. The preceding winter, a man was killed on Sugar Run. The Brown and Benjamin families on the Loyalsock were attacked and the house set on fire, from which the Benjamins fled. Benjamin was killed and his family captured. Brown, his wife and daughter were burned to death. A man, named 189 Satzman was killed on the Sinnemahoning. David Jones was murdered near Far- randsville, and a man killed on Penn's creek and one near the Great Island. In May, 1778; Jacob Stanford, his wife and daughter were killed and son captured in Penn's valley. Six men, while mowing hay a mile above Williamsport, were killed. A man, woman and child were captured near Pine Creek and two men, seven women and children were captured on Lycoming creek. Sixteen persons were killed or captured on the Loyalsock; and Andrew Armrstrong, his son and Nancy Bundy captured near Linden. Captain Berry and party of twelve were destroyed on the Loyalsock, who had they taken the advice of Robert Covenhoven, the only one saved, might have escaped. Of the same party, Peter Schoefelt and Mr. Thomas killed and William Wychoff captured in present Williamsport, and same day, nearby, Mrs. Peter Smith, Mrs. William King, a boy and girl and a Mr. Hammond and Mr. Snodgrass, were killed. In August, James Brady son of the noted Captain John Brady was wounded and subsequently died. A man, named Cottner was killed and Captain Martel wounded near Fort Muncy, erected by Colonel Hartley, shortly before October 2nd; two sergeants of Hartley's regiment killed near Fort Muncy. 190 CHAPTER TWENTY-EIGHT FRANCES SLOCUM The most fascinating episode of the frontier is the story of Frances Slocum. About midday November 2, 1778, three Delaware Indians stealthily approached the house of Jonathan Slocum, a Quaker, who with his wife, six sons and three daughters, lived within half a mile of the fort at Wilkes-Barre. A gunshot startled Mrs. Slocum, who looked out of the window and saw the savages scalping Nathan Kingsley, aged fifteen years, who with his brother Wareham had been sharpening a knife on a, grindstone in the front yard. Wareham ran to the house. Mrs. Slocum slammed the door behind him and screamed to her children to run. Then, clasping her seven weeks old son in her arms, she ran and hid in the swamp back of the house. Mary Slocum, aged ten, took in her arms, her year and a half old brother, Joseph and fled towards the fort, the Indians laughing at her efforts to escape, which they did not attempt to prevent. Meanwhile, Frances Slocum, aged five years and seven months and Ware- ham Kingsley hid under the staircase and would have escaped, but Frances' feet protruding, they were detected and seized. The fourteen year old Ebenezer Slocum, being crippled, was unable to flee and easily captured. Mrs. Slocum ran from her concealment and implored the Indians to release her children. Pointing to her crippled son, she said, "He can do thee no good." They delivered him to her. One Indian shouldered the plunder, another the Kingsley boy and the third little Frances, who struggled, screamed and kicked. This was the last time the mother saw her golden haired child. Alarmed by the shot, soldiers from the fort ran toward the Slocum house and met the fleeing Mary with her little brother. A futile pursuit of the savages was made. The following December, the father and his son-in-law, Isaac Tripp were killed by the Indians, and his son William Slocum wounded, but he managed to escape. The taking of the Slocum girl differed little from many other captures on the frontier, but her discovery after sixty years and the reunion of the family tinged it with romance. Mrs. Slocum never despaired of recover- ing her lost child, and her sons made several journeys to the Indian coun- try in quest of their sister, but after the death of the mother, they lost all hope of her recovery. Colonel George W. Ewing, an Indian trader, living at Logansport, 191 Indiana, while on a trip through the Miami Indian reservation, in 1835, stayed one night with an Indian family at Deaf Man's village on the Mississeneva river. It was the home of the widow of an Indian chief, who was known by Colonel Ewing to be a white woman. After supper, the old woman kept him up with conversation about her farm, until the other members of the family had retired, when she told him she had something to impart. She spoke in the Miami language, and only told him, because she was old, then ill and expected to die. She said she had been captured, when a mere child from a place on the Susquehanna river, near a fort, that her father named S locum was a Quaker and wore a broadbrim hat, and she had many brothers and sisters, she presumed all dead, as she believed herself to be about eighty years old. Colonel Ewing, on his return home, wrote a letter detailing the in- formation he had received, with a request his letter be published in a newspaper and addressed it to the postmaster at Lancaster, Pennsylvania. The postmistress, there was Mrs. Mary Dickson, who was also published of the Intelligencer, a newspaper of that place. Strangely enough, she did not realize its importance and laid it away among other letters, where it remained until 1837, when it passed to her successor. He discovered it and handed it to John W. Forney, who had purchased the Intelligencer, from Mrs. Dickson. Recognizing its importance, he gave it prominent publication in an 1837 issue of his paper, which featured the temperance and religious activities of the community. This was another strange and advantageous circumstance, for the religious features of the issue, attracted the attention of Rev. Samuel Bowman, rector of the Episcopal church in Lancaster, who procured a copy, and thereby chanced to read the Ewing letter. It happened, that Mr. Bowman had been born and reared in Wilkes- Barre, knew the S locum family and had often heard the story of Frances Slocum's abduction. Otherwise the Ewing letter would, probably, have been overlooked, as Wilkes-Barre was then a long ways from Lancaster. This play, of real facts, fit together as well as a fine plot in a superb work of fiction and give the story of Frances Slocum another tinge of romance. Mr. Bowman forwarded the publication to Joseph Slocum at Wilkes-Barre, who corresponded with Colonel Ewing; and made arrange- ments with his brother Isaac, who lived near Sandusky Ohio, and his sister Mrs. Towne, who carried him to the fort, for a trip to Indiana. Isaac arrived first and visited the woman and was convinced she was his sister. When the others arrived at Peru, Joseph and Isaac Slocum together with Mr. J. T. Miller, an Indian interpreter journeyed to her home. Mrs. Towne, being unable to make the trip on horseback, remained at Peru. Before her capture, one of Frances' fingers had been crushed by a ham- mer and was badly scarred. This disfigurement, together with her recol- lections, completely proved her identity. Having a suspicion, they designed to take her back to their homes, she was reluctant to go to Peru, but after consulting Godfroy chief of the Miami band living there, she decided to go and meet her sister Mary. The reconciliation was complete. Frances Slocum was rich for the times. She lived in a good log 192 house, and had many conveniences of civilized life. She owned six hundred and forty acres of very fertile land, possesed some sixty horses, twenty cattle, a hundred hogs and large flocks of chickens and geese. Her family consisted of a daughter married to Captain Peter Broullette and another daughter with numerous children. They were all respectable and highly regarded by their white neighbors. She recalled many incidents of her childhood and her mother; and told them that she was first adopted by Turk Horse, a Delaware chief and his wife, who were very good to her. She had lived at Niagara, Sandusky, on the Detroit river and for thirty years at Fort Wayne. Her adopted father could talk a little English and as long as he lived she was able to speak it, but since his death she forgot it. Her first husband was Little Turtle, a Delaware who went to the wars and did not return and she was married a second time to She-pan-can-ah, a Miami chief by whom she had four children, two sons who died young and two daughters. Her Indian name was Ma-con-a-quah. In 1839, Joseph Slocum and his two daughters Hannah, Mrs. Ben- nett and Harriet visited her. Mrs. Bennett wrote in her diary : "They had six beds, principally composed of blankets and other goods, they folded together. They spread a cloth on their table and gave us a very com- fortable meal of fried venison, potatoes, short cake and coffee. " Mr. Slo- cum entreated his sister to accompany him to Wilkes-Barre on a visit, but she wisely refused, as she was unaccustomed to the white way of living and could not stand the confinement. When the Miamis were removed to Kansas, due to the desire of Frances, the Slocums, who were wealthy and influential people, induced Congress to pass an act, whereby Frances Slocum and her descendants were to be paid their annuities at Peru, thus permitting them to remain in Indiana. As the white settlers encroached on her land and pilfered her horses and cattle, she appealed to her brothers for protection; and the Rev. George Slocum, son of Isaac went to Indiana, and resided, for a number of years near her as her protector and as a missionary among the Miamis. Frances Slocum died at her farm, March 9, 1847, and was buried in the little Indian cemetery, nearby where a fine monument was erected, by the Slocum family, to her memory and unveiled by two of her grandduaghters, residing there, May 17, 1900. Much has been written and published about Frances Slocum, of which the most interesting and authentic are: "Frances Slocum, the Lost Sister of Wyoming" by John F. Meginess ; and "Frances Slocum, the Lost Sister of Wyoming" by her grandniece, Martha Bennett Phelps. 193 CHAPTER TWENTY-NINE THE CHERRY VALLEY MASSACRE Evidently, concerting with the Senecas, who were preparing for their descent on Wyoming, the Indians, under Brant at Oquaga and Unadilla, became active. They attacked the little settlement at Cobleskill, ten miles from Schoharie, May 30, 1778. Christian Brown, captain of the militia, there, apprehensive of an attack, summoned aid from Middleburg and Captain Patrick with a small force was sent. About twenty Indians were discovered and pursued a mile, when a larger force was encountered. An engagement ensued, Patrick was wounded and Brown ordered a retreat, during which five soldiers, defending themselves in a house, were killed. Their resistance gave the others time to escape, and enabled the fleeing women and childen to reach Schoharie in safety. Besides the five soldiers killed, fourteen other bodies were found. Ten houses were burned and horses, cattle and sheep lay dead all over the fields. 1 June 5th, the enemy appeared north of Johnstown and captured four persons. Two men and a boy, travelling in a wagon, between Fort Schuyler and Fort Bull were attacked. The men were killed but the boy escaped. July 18th, Springfield, Andrustown and the settlements on Otsego Lake were destroyed. Eight men were slain, fourteen persons captured, the houses burned and the horses and cattle driven toward the Susquehanna. Early in August, a company of regulars and some Pennsylvania and New Jersey militia had a slight engagement with the Indians near Cochecton. The Brooks house near Pienpack, New York was raided by Indians, under the notorious Tory, McDonald and eleven people taken. Two soldiers of a scouting party were killed near Major Edmunston's place on the head- waters of the Unadilla. 2 September 17th, Fort Dayton successfully resisted an attack, but the houses at German Flats were burned. On the south side of the Mohawk, the depredations began six miles above Fort Herkimer. In this raid, the Indians burned sixty-three houses, fifty-seven barns, three gristmills, one sawmill and all the grain and fodder. They took away two hundred thirty-five horses, two hundred twenty-nine cattle, two hundred sixty-nine sheep and a large number of swine. 3 Colonel William Butler, with a Pennsylvania regiment, had been stationed at Schoharie; and early in October he marched to Unadilla, 194 which he found deserted. Thence he went to Oquaga, which was also abandoned. In his report, he said: "It was the finest Indian town, I ever saw ; on both sides of the river, there were forty good houses, square logs, shingles and stone chimneys, good floors and glass windows." The place was burned and Butler returned with the loss of only a man or two. In early November, the Indians raided the house of Peter Hansen at Tribes Hill. They took him and his servant prisoners, but released his wife and children. It was reported five men were captured on Lake George, and that four or five hundred of the enemy were seen near Crown Point. 4 Late in March, Cherry Valley appealed for protection to Lafayette, who commanded in that region, and by his order a fort was built there. Many of the settlers as far south as Unadilla fled to Cherry Valley for safety. The young boys, there, organized themselves into a military com- pany and were drilling with wooden guns, one morning, when Brant, con- templating an attack, approached. He being far away was unable to dis- tinguish that it was only a company of boys, and it is said, he observed : "Colonel Campbell has got his house well guarded, I perceive." He de- camped, but while secreted in the woods, the Indians shot and wounded Lieutenant Wormwood, who was going from Cherry Valley to the Mohawk. Brant ran out of the brush and tomahawked and scalped Worm- wood, although before the war, they had been friends. 5 A friendly Oneida Indian reported at Fort Schuyler, that a force, of Tories and Indians at Tioga Point, were preparing for the destruction of Cherry Valley and this warning was sent to Colonel Ichabod Alden, who commanded the New England regiment, which had been stationed at Cherry Valley. He immediately sent out, in all directions, scouting parties, but those sent southward, at night foolishly lit a campfire, went to sleep and got captured. From them, the enemy learned, that the principal officers of the garrison stayed at various private houses. Their capture deprived Alden of any information of the whereabouts of the invaders, whose force consisted of some two hundred rangers and five hundred Indians com- manded by Walter Butler and Joseph Brant, between whom, it was said, there was not the best of feeling. The fort at Cherry Valley occupied a part of the present cemetery, the road and some of the land adjacent thereto. About a quarter of a mile southwest on a little hill was the dwelling house of Robert Welles, where Colonel Alden and Lieutenant Colonel Stacey were staying. Southwest at a considerable distance on a high hill, the summit of which was covered with evergreens, the Tories and Indians camped the night of November 10th, 1778, and early the next morning moved down the valley. A man, named Hamble, riding from the lower settlements to the fort, was waylaid and wounded by ambushed Indians, but he kept to his saddle and galloped to the Welles house and warned Alden. Thence he made his way to the 195 fort and gave the alarm, but it was too late for the inhabitants to reach it from their widely scattered houses. Colonel Alden ran down the hill towards the fort, and near the foot oi it, he was tomahawked and scalped by an Indian who had concealed him- self in the brush. Colonel Stacey was captured. Mr. Welles, his wife, mother, four children, brother John and sister Jane were killed and scalped. The latter ran and hid in the woodpile, but was discovered and seized by an Indian. A Tory, Peter Smith, who had formerly worked for the Welles family, interceded for her, claiming she was his sister, but the savage threatened him and drove him back with brandished hatchet. Then the Indian struck Jane in the skull with his tomahawk. Hamble's warning gave the garrison time to close the gates of the fort and prepare for defense. It was attacked on all sides for three and a half hours, when the assailants desisted ; but they renewed the attack, the next day and were again repulsed. Dividing themselves into small bands, the Tories and Indians burned the farm buildings and murdered the inhabitants. The house of Rev. Samuel Dunlop, the venerable pastor was sur- rounded and his wife killed. The aged man was taken from the house by an Indian, but Little Aaron, an Oquaga chief interceded and took Mr. Dunlop under his protection and he escaped all injury except exposure. But due to his terrible experience, his health was shattered and he died within a year. A Mr. Mitchell, at work in his field, saw the Indians approach his house. He fled and secreted himself in the woods. They set fire to the house, but after they had gone, he succeeded in extinguishing the flames. His wife and three of his children had been killed, but a little ten year old girl was still alive. He placed the wounded child in the doorway, and observing another band approaching, hid behind a log, from where he saw a Tory named Newberry tomahawk the dying child. Newberry was subse- quently captured and executed for the crime. The next day, Mitchell took the bodies of his family on a sled to the fort, where the soldiers assisted him in interring them in a common grave. The wife of Colonel Clyde and her children fled to the woods and concealed themselves behind a log. "It was a cold rainy day, and the storm continued through the night. She could hear the yells of the savages, as they triumphed in their work of death ; several of them passed near where she lay, and one so near, that the butt of his gun trailed upon the log, which covered her." In the morning, her husband who had been in the fort, with a party of soldiers, rescued his family. Thirty-two of the inhabitants, principally women and children and sixteen soldiers were killed. The place, when the enemy left, presented a terrible scene with corpses mangled and scalped, some with heads, legs or arms cut off and others with the flesh torn from the bones. An effort has been made to mitigate the offense of Joseph Brant and cast the odium on Walter Butler ; and to* that end stories have been told indicating the humanity of Brant. It is probable both were responsible for that days mis- 196 deeds. Brant with his veneer of civilization was still an Indian and Walter Butler was a civilized demon. Seventy-one had been made prisoners, and these were taken down the valley and spent the night in wretchedness and terror; but, in the morning of the second day, most of the women and children were released and returned to the fort. However, the wife of Colonel Samuel Campbell and four children, together with Mrs. Moore and her children were retained, because their husbands were leading Whigs. The Indians with their prisoners went down the Susquehanna to Tioga Point and thence by Seneca Lake to the Indian town of Kanadasego, where the prisoners were distributed among Indian families. The troops were kept at Cherry Valley until the following summer, when the fort was abandoned. 5 NOTES— CHAPTER TWENTY-NINE 1. Simm's History of Schoharie 273 to 277; Clinton Papers, III, 377, 402, 413. 2. Clinton Papers III, 404, 407, 415, 450, 475, 555, 559, 632, 633, 678, 679, 696, 697; IV 48. 3. Ibid, IV, 48, 49. 4. Ibid, 223, 225, 227, 228, 254, 266. 5. Campbell's Annals of Tryon County; Halsey, Old New York Frontier; Clinton Papers, IV, 284, 286, 290. 197 CHAPTER THIRTY THE SULLIVAN EXPEDITION The Wyoming and Cherry Valley massacres aroused the American people and February 27, 1779, Congress authorized Washington to take effectual measures for the protection of the inhabitants and the chastise- ment of the Indians. The first retaliation was the invasion, in April, of Onondaga, by Colonels Van Schaick and Willet with five hundred men. Twelve Indians were killed, thirty-four prisoners taken, about fifty houses burned and a large amount of corn and beans destroyed. 1 Rumors of an intended expedition against them actuated the Tories and Indians to renewed activities. In April, the Indians burned Lackaway and houses within thirteen miles of the Delaware river. An attack was made near Fort Dayton, in May, and five persons killed and one cap- tured. A little later, two persons were taken near Sharon Center. Joseph Brant with a hundred Tories and Indians ravaged the settlements in the Neversink valley, July 19th and 20th. A number were killed, prisoners taken, eleven houses, the old Dutch church and many barns were burned. 2 The militia assembled at Goshen, under Colonel Tusten and they were joined by the Warwick regiment commanded by Colonel Hathorn. Although these prudent leaders opposed it, Major Meeker urged immediate pursuit of the enemy and like most rash and impetuous leaders prevailed. They advanced a few miles, when they came upon the Indian encamp- ment of the night before, which indicated the superiority of the enemy. Hathorn and Tusten again opposed pursuit but were overruled. Meanwhile, Brant rejoined his larger force left on the Delaware, and was marching for the fords of the river, just above the mouth of the Lackawaxen. The Americans discovered his purpose and hastened forward to intercept him. Captain Bezaleel Tyler, one of the first settlers at Cushietunk, and familiar with the locality was sent ahead, as a scout, and was killed by a concealed Indian. The road, near Lackawaxen, on the New York side over which the Americans were marching, ran close to the bank of the river and was encompassed on the east by a steep, and then, as now, wooded hill. Brant concealed his warriors in the woods of this hill, above and in the rear of the American line of march, which when its advance reached a point below the ford, was attacked. The situation, of the surprised Americans hemmed in by the Indians and the river and with a greatly extended line, was 198 precarious. Assailants and assailed sought the protection of the trees and the Battle of Lackawaxen became a hand to hand struggle. It began about 11 o'clock and continued during the afternoon, when the Americans were completely overpowered. Forty-four were killed and those who escaped did so by crossing the river. After the battle, Brant continued his march unmolested. 3 Inspired by the hope of averting the invasion of their country, the Indians invaded the West Branch valley. While returning to his fort at Muncy with supplies, Captain John Brady, as they crossed a small ravine, remarked to his companion, Smith: "This would be a good place for the Indians to secrete themselves." Instantly, three rifles cracked and Brady fell from his horse. Smith escaped and reached the fort. The relief party found the famous frontiersman dead and scalped. 4. The depredations continued; 5 and it was rumored a large force was descending the valley. Robert Covenhoven, the scout was sent up the river to ascertain the situation. The intrepid man succeeded in exploring the camp, at the mouth of Lycoming creek, of the enemy, who were in large numbers. After a perilous journey, he reached the lower settlements and gave the alarm. Most of the women and children fled to Fort Augusta, but the inhabitants at Fort Freeland and Boon's fort remained. June 29th, Fort Freeland was invested by three hundred Tories and Indians, under Captain McDonald and Hiokoto, the Seneca chief. Jacob Freeland, as he stepped from the gate of the fort was shot but he fell within. "There were but nine men in the fort and but little ammunition. Mary Kirke and Phebe Vincent commenced immediately to run all their (pewter) spoons into bullets." About 9 o'clock, a flag of truce was raised and it was agreed : "That all those who were able to bear arms should go as prisoners, and the old men and women and children set free, and the fort given up to plunder." Mrs. Kirke clothed her sixteen year old son, William in womens' clothes and he escaped. His wife, being crippled, John Vincent went to Captain McDonald and said, she was unable to walk, but if he had the horse stolen, the week before by the Indians, he could take her away. Vincent and his wife lay in the meadow all night, unpro- tected from the rain. In the morning, the horse was brought them and placing his wife on it, they made their way to Northumberland. 6 When the firing at Fort Freeland was heard at Boon's fort, Captain Hawkins Boon with thirty men marched to its relief. They were ambushed and fought for two hours, when further resistance being futile, the sur- vivors escaped as best they could. Captain Boon was killed and eleven were slain. 7 Washington selected Major General John Sullivan of New Hampshire, as commander of the expedition against the Indians, and assigned to it the New Jersey brigade commanded by Brigadier General William Max- well, the New Hampshire brigade under Brigadier General Enoch Poor, a brigade of light troops led by Brigadier General Edward Hand and Colonel Thomas Proctor's battalion of artillery. Washington consulted Zebulon Butler, John Franklin, and Simon Spaulding, three leading 199 Wyoming men ; and John Jenkins, a Wyoming surveyor, who had been through the Indian country as a captive, was engaged as chief guide. Sullivan assumed command at Easton, May 7th. An advance detach- ment was sent to construct a road over the wild Pocono mountains, and this delayed the start of the army until June 18th. Considerable distances were marched each day and suitable camp sites selected at night. 8 The army reached Wilkes-Barre, June 23rd. The necessary supplies had not yet arrived and this neglect was so great that Craft has explained it as follows : "The testimony on all sides is that the State Commissary Department was in hands of men, who were either entirely incapable or grossly negli- gent. Of course great allowance should be made for the depressed condi- tion of the country, the worthlessness of the currency and the poverty of the people; but the real cause was mainly to be found in the coldness and real disfavor with which the state authorities regarded the expedition, and the entirely inadequate idea they had of its extent and necessities." Pennsylvania opposition was due to Quaker pacifism and the attitude of the land speculators, who while publicly deploring the Wyoming Mas- sacre, expressed satisfaction, that the land was cleared of the hated in- truders, and willingness that the Indians should possess it until the war was over. For five weeks, the army remained at Wyoming, while the needed sup- plies were being accumulated, largely due to the exertions of Sullivan and his officers. A garrison of one hundred men, under Zebulon Butler was left at Wilkes-Barre, and July 31st, the advance up the river began. Eight field pieces constituted the artillery, which with the ammunition, salted meats, flour and heavy baggage were loaded on two hundred and fourteen boats, manned by four hundred and fifty enlisted boatmen. General Hand's brigade led in three columns, preceded by an advance party and protected by flankers on either side. Then followed Maxwell's brigade on the left and Poor's brigade on the right. Following the troops were twelve hundred packhorses and seven hundred beef cattle. A regiment formed the rear, and a detail of sixty men went up the west side of the river to prevent a surprise attack from that quarter. The whole line extended a distance of at least two miles. Guarded encampments were made each night; 9 and the army reached Tioga Point, August 1 1th. That night, a scouting party guided by John Jenkins reconnoitered the Indian town of Chemung, which the troops occupied the next day. In pursuing the inhabitants of it, six soldiers were killed and three wounded. At Tioga Point, a fortification, called Fort Sullivan was erected, as a base of supplies. The northern division of Sullivan's army was a brigade under Brig- adier General James Clinton, which marched from the Mohawk by the way of Canajoharie and Springfield to the outlet of Otsego Lake, arriving there, July 3rd. Due to the summer drouth, the Susquehanna which rises in the lake was low ; and to make the river navigable, a dam was erected at the outlet, which raised the water of the lake about three feet. Two hundred fifty boats had been assembled and these were placed along the 200 banks of the river. They were loaded with the stores and two small cannon and were manned, three men to each boat. August 9th, the dam was broken and the flooded water carried the fleet of boats, successfully over the rifts and through the shallows. The army marched along the shores, and nine encampments were made. 10 It reached Tioga Point, August 22nd. The army began its invasion of the Indian country on the 26th, and the following Sunday discovered the enemy near the present Wellsburg. At this point, the Chemung river makes a semi-circular bend of which the road is the diameter. Between the road and river is a low ridge, some- what parallel with the road, and where the Wellsburg road crosses it, turns north making an angle. The enemy had fortified this ridge by a breastwork about waist high, and concealed by brush planted in front. At the angle was the principal force. A creek flows from the north, between two high hills, the western one being that on which the monument now stands. These hills were occupied by British observation detachments. Skillful dispositions had been made for an ambuscade. Hand's brigade advanced to within twelve hundred feet of the breast- work; and the foe, several times, sallied forth to entice the Americans within the ambush, but without avail. Poor's and Clinton's brigades marched toward the creek, with the object of seizing the monument hill and out- flanking the enemy's works. Poor dislodged the detachment on the eastern hill, and after some delay reached the foot of the monument hill. Mean- while, Proctor's artillery bombarded the works at the angle, which was withstood for some time. Detecting Poor's advance, Brant with a large force occupied the monument hill to prevent the flanking movement. He furiously attacked Poor's left wing, held by Colonel Reid's regiment, but Colonel Dearborn wheeled his regiment to Reid's support. Clinton sent reinforcements, and Brant's offensive being blocked, he ordered a retreat. The Americans occupied the hill and followed it to Newtown, by which name the battle is known, but were unable to intercept the fleeing foe. The American losses were three killed and thirty-nine wounded ; and that of the enemy has never been accurately determined. Sullivan's force was about three thousand and that of the British, two hundred and fifty Tories commanded by Major John Butler and a thousand Indians under Joseph Brant. The Indians were completely disheartened and thereafter offered no real resistance to the invasion of their country. The army began its pursuit August 21st, and having burned a small village above Newton and Kanawaholla near the present Elmira, the next day reached Sheaquaga or Catherine's Town on the inlet of Seneca Lake, and the home of Catherine Montour. It consisted of thirty or forty good houses and fine cornfields and orchards, which were destroyed. An old squaw, left behind in the flight, gave Sullivan needed information, and he reciprocated by having a hut built for her and by providing her with provisions. Passing a village at what is now North Hector and Kendaia or Appletown, where Luke S wetland, an escaped Wyoming captive joined them, the army reached Kanadesaga, near the outlet of the lake and on the site of the present Geneva. There resided Sayenqueraghta, the great chief 201 of the Senecas and principal man of the Six Nations. The town con- sisted of fifty good houses and extensive fields and orchards, which were destroyed. In the rest of the invaded country were regularly laid out towns of good houses, barns, stacks of hay, horses and cattle, fine gardens in which were growing onions, peas, beans, squashes, potatoes, turnips, cabbages, cucumbers and watermelons, large fields of corn and extensive orchards of apples, pears and peaches. The buildings were burned, the horses and cattle taken, the gardens and corn uprooted and the fruit trees cut down. The destruction was so complete, that the Indian families who fled to Fort Niagara were left destitute and became charges of the British government. Detachments destroyed the villages down the Seneca river and on the west side of the lake. Butler and Brant retreated to Canawaugas, near the present Avon and planned to ambush Sullivan's army in a defile west of Conesus Lake. Lieutenant Thomas Boyd and a party of scouts were surrounded by the Indians, near this ambuscade, and fifteen were killed. Eight escaped, but Boyd and sergeant Michael Parker were captured and tortured to death. At an Indian village on Canaseraga creek, the enemy formed in line to dispute its possession, but as the Americans formed their battle line, they broke and fled. During colonial days, the chief Seneca town was Chenussio, at the intersection of Canaseraga creek and the Genesee river; but it was now superseded by a village on the west side of the river, near what is now Cuylerville and opposite Geneseo, and known as Little Beard's Town. In it were one hundred twenty-eight large houses, surrounded by two hun- dred acres of gardens and cornfields. This was the western door of the Long House of the Iroquois, and there the destruction ceased. Near were found the headless and mutilated bodies of Boyd and Parker. Mrs. Lester and child, escaped Wyoming captives came into the American camp. Colonel Gansevort with a hundred troops was dispatched to Albany, and he passed through the friendly Tuscarora and Oneida villages with- out molesting them. Due to the intercession of white neighbors, what remained of the lower Mohawk castle was spared. Colonel William Butler and Colonel Dearborn laid waste all the villages on both sides of Cayuga lake, and all the towns on the Tioga river were burned. On its return, the army reached Tioga Point September 26th, Wyoming October 7th and on the 15th arrived at Easton. Sullivan destroyed some forty towns and broke the power and unity of the Iroquois Confederacy, and henceforth, the Six Nations became a despairing people sated with vengeance. 11 They revenged themselves early the following spring. In April, Colonel Hunter reported from Fort Augusta, the capture of several per- sons near Fort Jenkins, and others taken from Wyoming. 12 Those cap- tured near Fort Jenkins and on Fishing creek were Peter Pence and Moses Van Campen, whose father and brother were killed ; and Jonah Rogers, a boy taken at Hunlock's creek, where he was making maple 202 sugar with Asa Upson. Upson was killed and scalped by the Indians, who with their captives went to Pikes creek, where Abraham Pike and his wife were making sugar. They released the woman and her child, but took Pike and proceeded up the river, where they encamped one night. Pike, who was a deserter from the British army and knew he would be executed if taken to Fort Niagara, seems to have urged and planned the escape. When the Indians had gone to sleep he cut himself loose, took away their guns and severed the cords which bound the others. Between them they killed three of the Indians and the others fled. April 6th, they successfully reached the fort at Wilkes-Barre. 13 The day before the Pence capture, March 27, 1780, the Indians cap- tured Thomas Bennet, his son Andrew, aged fourteen and Lebbeus Ham- mond at Wyoming, and the third night encamped at Meshoppen. The prisoners were papoosed, that is placed under poles on either end of which an Indian slept. Mr. Bennet, who surmised the savages intended soon to kill him, pretended sickness and insisted he must get up; whereupon all were allowed to get up. Leaving the prisoners in charge of a watchman, the other Indians went back to sleep. Mr. Bennet replenished the fire, several times with wood and waited. When the watchman fell asleep, Bennet killed him with a spear, Hammond dashed out the brains of another Indian with an axe and Bennet slew the third savage with a clubbed musket. The two other Indians fled. Six days after their capture, Ham- mond and the Bennei's reached the fort at Wilkes-Barre. 14 The same month, Avery, Lyons and Jones were taken at Capouse (the present Scranton) and in April, the house of Emanuel Gonsalus, on the Delaware river in Smithfield township, was raided and he and a serv- ing man taken prisoners. Captains Westbrook and Van Etten pursued the Indians and a fight ensued, in which Benjamin Ennis and Richard Rose- krans were killed, two men wounded and Captain Westbrook reported missing. 15 Near Sunbury, in April, Mr. Lewis, and Mr. Curry and a man named Dunn were killed. 16 The last considerable raid, along the lower Susquehanna, was made in September, when Fort Rice on the Chillisquaqa creek in Northumber- land county was attacked. Before sunset, the assailants were repulsed ; and the next day the garrison was relieved by Colonel Kelly and the militia. General James Potter with more militiamen pursued the Indians up Fish- ing creek and into Huntington, where they divided into small bands and eluded their pursuers. 17 One of these bands, under Roland Montour, crossed the Susquehanna and went up Nescopeck creek, and in the shadow of Sugar Loaf Mountain, within the present outskirts of Conyngham Borough, came upon their prey, September 10th. It so happened, on that day, a company of soldiers, forty-one in number, under Captain Daniel Klader and Lieutenant John Moyer or Myer, sent from Fort Allen to investigate a sttlement of Tories in Scotch Valley, southwest of what is now Hazleton, were resting themselves in an open meadow. The tired soldiers were lying about a cool spring, unsus- pecting any Indians were near. Montour's warriors surrounded them 203 and fired. The soldiers grabbed their guns and resisted, but being scat- tered, they were soon overcome. Those who escaped made their way to Fort Allen, from whence Colonel Balliet, with one hundred fifty men, marched to the scene. He reported: "On the 17th, we arrived at the place of the action, where we found ten of our soldiers dead, scalped, stripped naked and in a most cruel and barbarous manner tomahawked, their throats cut, whom we buried." 18 He also stated twenty-two out of forty-one es- caped. Klader was killed, and Moyer captured but subsequently escaped. It was later stated that the killed, wounded and missing in the battle or massacre of Sugar Loaf were twenty-three, of whom fourteen were killed and three captured. 19 In this action, Roland Montour was wounded in the arm, from the effects of which he died several days later. December 6, 1780, there was a social gathering at the home of Ben- jamin Harvey in Plymouth, at which were: Mr. Harvey, his son Elisha, daughter Lucy, Manasseh Cady, Jonathan Frisbie, James Frisbie, Nathan Bullock, Lucy Bullock and George Palmer Ransom. There was a knock at the door, and when opened, Lieutenant John Turney of Butler's Rangers and five Indians entered. They plundered the house and with the inmates started for Niagara. On the summit of Plymouth mountain, they released the young women, painted them, and the chief said: "Go tell Colonel Butler I put this paint on." The girls made their way to the Kingston ferry and crossed to Fort Wyoming, arriving before daybreak. At Mehoopany, on their way north, Mr. Harvey became exhausted, and was bound to a tree. The chief selected three young braves, gave them toma- hawks, measured the distance and pointed to Mr. Harvey's head. The first hurled his hatchet, it struck the tree a little above his head. The other two hurled their hatchets with the same effect. The superstitious old chief, evidently regarding the failure as a spiritual intervention, released the old man, but he was taken with the others to Canada, where he remained a prisoner until the war was over. 20 In September, 1781, Arnold and Roasel Franklin Jr. were captured in Hanover, and the following April, the wife of Lieutenant Roasel Franklin and four children were taken from the same place. A pursuing party overtook the Indians at Wyalusing and in the fight which followed, a savage shot Mrs. Franklin. Three of her children were rescued but the infant son Ichabod was never recovered. A roving band of Indians, July 7, 1782, attacked Asa Chapman, John and Benjamin Jameson, who were going on horseback from Hanover to Wilkes-Barre. John Jameson was killed, Chapman was wounded but clung to his horse and reached Wilkes-Barre. Benjamin Jameson's horse wheeled about and carried him safely home. This was the last Indian depredation in the Wyoming Valley. 204 NOTES— CHAPTER THIRTY 1. Clinton Papers 4, 702; and account contained in New Jersey Gazette, May 12, 1779. 2. Clinton Papers 5, 162. 3. Stone, Life of Brant; Goodrich, History of Wayne County; Halsey, Old New York Frontier. 4. Hazard's Register IX, 307; also pages 184, 206, 237, 268, 303, 396, and Volume X, for exploits of this famous frontier family. 5. April 27, Colonel Hunter reported from Fort Augusta, that three or four families had been taken near Fort Jenkins but were rescued by a force from the fort. He also stated the Indians drove the troops back to the fort with loss of three men killed and four badly wounded; and that seven militiamen had been killed or taken and three inhabitants captured near Fort Freeland. Twelve persons were killed or taken near Fort Muncy. In May, Mr. and Mrs. John Sample were killed in Buffalo Valley; and two men were killed and three persons captured on Lycoming creek. In June, the widow Smith's mills at White Deer Mills were burned ; two men killed and three prisoners taken at Fort Brady; Starret's mill and the principal homes in Muncy township burned ; Joseph Webster's son killed and three of his children captured at Muncy Farm ; Elias and Jacob Freeland Jr. and Isaac Vincent killed, and Michael Freeland and Benjamin Vincent captured near Fort Freeland (Pa. Archs., VII, 346, 369, 365, 674). 6. See letter of Mrs. Mary Derickson, one of the inmates of the fort in Pa. Archs. XII, 364. 7. Pa. Archs. VII, 589, 590, 592, 609, 611; Meginess, History of the West Branch. 8. Camp sites: June 18, Heller's Tavern near Wind Gap; June 19, Learned's Tavern, near Tannersville; 20th, Rum Ridge or White Oak Run, called ''Chowder Camp;" 21st, "Fatigue Camp" at Hungry Hill; 22nd, Bullock's farm. 9. Camp sites : July 31, Above the mouth of the Lackawanna ; August 1 and 2, above Ransom : August 3, north bank of the Tunkhannock ; August 4, Black Walnut on Vanderlip and Williamson farms; August 5, 6, 7, Wyalusing; Aungust 8, Stand- ing Stone and Wysock; August 9 and 10, opposite Ulster. 10. Camp sites: August 9, Burrows farm; August 10, Yorkhams ; August 11, two miles below Otsego creek; August 12, near Unadilla ; August 14, 15, 16, Oquaga ; August 17, Ingaren, Great Bend; August 18, mouth of the Chenango river; August 19, 20, Chocanut ; August 21, Manekalawaugan, present Barton. 11. Diaries of soldiers and officers of the expedition, and concise account contained in address of Rev. David Craft, at the Centennial Observance in 1879, published by State of New York and entitled "Sullivan's Expedition" ; also Life of Mary Jemison and Clinton Papers. 12. Pa. Archs. VIII, 157, 13. There are several versions of this affair. See: Hazard's Register XII, 38: Stone's Wyoming, 276 ; Mirer, Wyoming, 279 ; Wright Historical Sketches of Plymouth, 30, 208; Harvey, History of Wilkes-Barre, III, 1243, 1244. 14. Peck's History of Wyoming. 15. Pa. Archs. VIII, 202, 203. 16. Ibid, IX, 70. 17. Ibid 563, 567. 18. Ibid 564. 19. Johnson's Historical Record, II, 125, 167; VI, 131, to 134. 20. Harvey, History of Wilkes-Barre, III, 1259 to 1267. 205 CHAPTER THIRTY-ONE SOUTHWESTERN PENNSYLVANIA It is almost impossible to give a complete account of all the Indian depredations and murders on the frontier of Southwestern Pennsylvania, during the Revolution. The settlements there were preyed upon by the Seneca Indians, living along the Allegheny river, and by the various tribes inhabiting, what is now the state of Ohio. The savages struck here and there, burning the scattered houses, murdering the occupants and impart- ing terror everywhere. The settlements were far apart and the people poor. Some idea of the panic prevailing on this unorganized and ill-protected frontier may be obtained from the accounts contained in "Frontier Forts" and the reports scattered through the many volumes of the Archives of Pennsylvania. 1 General Edward Hand was appointed commander at Fort Pitt, June 1, 1777; and about that time, Alexander McKee, Matthew Elliott and Simon Girty, three notorious Tories, who had been active in and about Pittsburg, fled and joined the British. In the May following, General Laclan Mcintosh succeeded Hand, and in September, a treaty of peace was made at Pittsburg with White Eyes, Captain Pipe and John Kilbuck, three principal Delaware chiefs. General Mcintosh made preparations to attack Detroit, and a consider- able force and supplies were assembled at Fort Mcintosh, which he erected on the right bank of the Ohio at Beaver. From there his army marched westward and built Fort Laurens on the Tuscarawas in the present state of Ohio ; but before winter set in, leaving Colonel John Gibson in com- mand there, Mcintosh returned to Fort Mcintosh. In April 1779, Fort Hand in the present Washington county was besieged by an enemy force, and although the attack continued from 1 o'clock until noon the next day, it was successfully defended by Cap- tain Samuel Moorehead and seventeen volunteers. Three of the defenders were wounded. In April, 1779, General Mcintosh, because of ill-health, retired and Colonel Daniel Brodhead succeeded him. Brodhead obtained authority, from Washington, to invade the Indian country on the headwaters of the Allegheny and began his preparations by erecting Fort Armstrong at Kit- tanning. In order to avail himself of the troops there, he ordered Fort 206 Laurens to be evacuated. Having received this accession of strength, Brod- head left Pittsburg with six hundred and five men rank and file, August 11th; and made his way up the Allegheny river for upwards of two hun- dred miles, burning all the Indian towns and destroying the cornfields. At their upper village, about forty miles from the Genesee, he destroyed one hundred thirty houses, some of which accommodated three or four families. It was surrounded by five hundred acres of corn, which were cut down. Brodhead estimated the plunder obtained at $30,000 and stated he burned in all one hundred and sixty-five cabins. 2 In May, 1781, Colonel Brodhead led an expedition against the revolted Delaware towns on the Muskingum, and inflicted severe losses on the rebellious Indians and secured a large amount of plunder. He had con- siderable assistance from two chiefs, Captains Kilbuck and Luzerne; and mentions "Captains Montour and Wilson and three other faithful Indians, who contributed greatly to our success." The Moravian Indians furnished supplies to subsist his men until they reached the Ohio. 3 In June, 1782, Colonel Crawford, with a force of volunteers from western Pennsylvania, led an expedition toward Sandusky ; but he was captured by the Indians and with twelve of his men burned at the stake, the unfortunate colonel being three hours in burning. The Indians justified their cruelty, as retaliation for the massacre of the Moravian Indians at Gnadenhutten. 4 July 7, 1782, Hanna's Town, the county seat of Westmoreland county, was attacked by one hundred Tories and Indians, and the town burned. At Fort Miller, nearby, twenty of the inhabitants were killed or captured. The residents of Hanna's Town had warning and made their escape to the fort, which resisted the first attack. It was expected the fort would be assaulted, again, in the morning, but some reinforcements arrived during the night, and it is said, by a subterfuge, the enemy was deceived as to their numbers, and decamped in the morning. 5 Rice's Fort on Buffalo creek, in what is now Washington county, was attacked in December, 1782, but was successfully defended by five men, the other occupant, George Felebaum, having been killed early in the action. 6 Priscilla Peck lived near Wolf's Fort in the present Washington county, and was confined to her bed when the Indians broke in the house. One of the family threw a quilt around her and told her to run. Her strength giving out, she leaned over a fence for support. An Indian dis- covered her and sclaped but did not kill her. Scalped and enervated by illness, she crawled on her hands and knees to the fort and subsequently recovered. 7 The Indians, having previously killed John Hupp and Jacob Miller, surrounded Miller's blockhouse on the Dutch fork of Buffalo creek, in the present Washington county. The inmates of the blockhouse were only an old man, and women and children, but there were rifles and ammunition, and these were used, by the women under the leadership of the heroic Ann Hupp, widow of John, so successfully that the Indians were baffled 207 until the women were reinforced by three men, who eluded the savages and dashed into the blockhouse. The Indians were compelled to withdraw. 8 Near Garard's Fort in the present town of Garard, Greene county, occurred the horrible butchery of the Crobly family. The Rev. Mr. Crobly and his family were on their way to church when attacked. Mrs. Crobly with a child in her arms, a six year old son and a daughter were killed. Mr. Crobly who was some distance in the rear of the family succeeded in outrunning the savages and escaped. The eldest daughter and a sister were scalped but survived. 9 The fact that so many were scalped while alive and survived, leads to the suspicion, that the Indians, in many cases, purposely refrained from killing their victims. They were only interested in obtaining the scalps for which the British government paid a liberal bounty. General Irvine succeeded Brodhead as commander at Fort Pitt, in July, 1782, and continued until October 1783, when the Pennsylvania troops, there, were ordered to Carlisle and those from Virginia to Win- chester. The close of the Revolution did not entirely end the savage depre- dations in western Pennsylvania, as disaffected Indians in the Ohio terri- tory continued their incursions until they were completely defeated by General Wayne. In 1783, Arthur Lee visited Pittsburg, and wrote of it as follows: "Pittsburg is inhabited almost entirely by Scots and Irish, who live in paltry houses and are as dirty as in the north of Ireland or even in Scotland. There is a great deal of small trade carried on; the goods being brought at the vast expense of 45 shillings per cwt., from Phila. and Baltimore. They take in the shops, money, wheat, flour and skins. There are in the town four attorneys, two doctors and not a priest of any persua- sion, nor church nor chapel, so they are likely to be damned without bene- fit of clergy. The river encroaches fast on the town. The place, I believe will never be very considerable. ,, NOTES— CHAPTER THIRTY-ONE 1. In August, 1777, Carnahans blockhouse, in Bell township, Westmoreland county was attacked and James Carnahan killed. In November, four men killed and Colonel Campbell and four others captured near Blackleg's creek; a man killed near Wallace's fort Westmoreland county, where in April, 1778, nine men were killed and wounded; Ensign Wood and eight persons killed at Palmer's fort near Ligonier. (Frontier Forts' II, 333, 334, 344). In 1779, members of the Holliday family killed near Holliday's fort in Bedford county; house of Matthew Dean, near Fort Lowery set on fire and three children burned therein. (Frontier Forts I, 495 to 498) In June: Indians killed a soldier near Fort Crawford, and attacked the Sewickley settlement where they killed a woman and four children and captured two children. In March, 1780, five men killed and three boys and three girls captured on Racoon creek; Colonel Brodhead reported that from March 1st to April 29th, forty three persons were killed or captured in Western Pennsylvania, and ten killed, 208 wounded or captured in Westmoreland county, by May 1st. In June: five people killed or captured near Fort Ligonier; two men killed and one wounded near Bushy Run. In September : Two men killed on Robinson's Run ; seven persons killed or taken on Ten Mile Run. In April, 1781 : Colonel Pomeroy's home raided, one man killed and another missing ; thirteen persons captured and killed in Westmoreland county. (Pa. Archs. VIII, 282, 536; IX, 51, 79; XII, 210, 224). 2. Brodhead Letters, Pa. Archs. XII. 105 to 106. 3. Pa. Archs. IX, 161. 4. Ibid, 575. 5. Ibid, 596 to 606; Frontier Forts II, 300. 6. Frontier Forts II, 408. 7. Ibid, 411. 8. Ibid, 413. 9. Ibid, 440. 209 CHAPTER THIRTY-TWO THE LAST RAIDS Sir John Johnson, in May, 1789, with a force reported to have been four hundred Tories and two hundred Indians, invaded the Mohawk Valley. They struck first the Caughnawaga district, and nearly all the houses and barns, from below Tribes Hill to Anthony's Nose, a distance of about thirteen miles, were burned. Nine persons were reported killed and thirty-three prisoners taken. Among the casualties were some of the most prominent inhabitants, including the father and three brothers of Major Fonda. Colonel Visscher and Mr. Hansen were wounded and scalped, but left living. After visiting his old home, Johnson Hall, and, it is said, repossessing himself of a large amount of buried silver, Johnson decamped towards Crown Point. The militia, under Governor Clinton's orders followed in that direction, but it does not appear, they were able to intercept the enemy. 1 Brant and a party of British and Indians, July 26, 1780, appeared before Fort Schuyler ; but they were driven off by artillery fire. All com- munication with the fort was interrupted. A large force raided the Cana- johaire district, murdering the inhabitants and capturing many women and children. They drove off the horses and cattle, and Colonel Wemple, who pursued them, reported that not less than a hundred dwelling houses were burned. Colonel Samuel Clyde, in a communication written from Fort Plank, August 8th, wrote that the bodies of fourteen had been found and that between fifty and sixty persons, mostly women and children had been taken, but of these twelve had returned. He also stated, fifty-three dwellings and as many barns, one gristmill and two small forts burned, three hundred horses and cattle driven off and all the farmer's wagons and implements destroyed. 2 This raid was followed by the invasion of Schoharie, August 9th, when a number of houses were burned at Vrooman's land. The enemy proceeded to within two miles of the Middle Fort, where three persons were killed and fourteen made prisoners. 3 In September, a small band assaulted the house of one Shell, three miles north of Fort Herkimer, but he with his wife and two sons bravely defended themselves and the foe was driven away. 4 A British force, under 210 Major Carleton invaded the Lake Champlain region, and in October, Fort George was surrendered by Captain Chipman, its commander. 5 Sir John Johnson, the Butlers and Brant made another raid in October and Schoharie was burned. The first fire was discovered near the Middle Fort about 8 o'clock in the morning of the 17th and at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, the raiders passed on both sides of the fort with an immense amount of booty. A number of buildings were destroyed at Ballston and Stone Arabia was burned. General Robert Van Rensselaer with the militia pursued them, but the British successfully eluded him and escaped. Gov- ernor Clinton estimated the losses as of, at least 150,000 bushels of wheat, besides other grain and forage and two hundred dwellings in this raid. Colonel Brown with a detachment of militia encountered the whole body of the enemy and in the severe engagement which followed suffered the loss of thirty-nine men. 6 Other devastating raids were made in the closing years of the war. At Cherry Valley, nearly all the people remaining there, were captured. The same band descended on Canajohaire and killed Peter Young, his wife, Isaac Young his wife and children and burned several houses and barns. 7 In August, 1781, a roving band of Indians penetrated the frontier of Ulster county and attacked the settlement at Wawarsing. About a dozen houses were burned, but only one of the inhabitants was killed the rest, having had timely warning, escaped. 8 The same month, the enemy made an incursion to Cobleskill and did considerable mischief. 9 Lieutenant Woodworth and a scouting party were ambushed not far from Fort Herkimer and eleven including Woodworth were slain. In the latter part of October, 1781, with a force of four hundred fifty Tories and Indians, Major Ross proceeded from Buck's Island to Lake Oneida, and thence by the way of Cherry Valley marched to the Mohawk Valley. In the vicinity of Warren Bush, they killed two persons and burned twenty houses. Crossing the river, they went to Johnson Hall, arriving October 25th, just in advance of the Americans, under Colonel Marinus Willett. who immediately began the action. He gained the advan- tage, but some of the men of his right wing gave way and he lost his ammunition cart. Night ended the contest and Ross retreated and camped that night about six miles from Johnson Hall. Willett pursued the enemy, who offered little resistance, except at a difficult ford of Canada creek where there was a slight engagement in which Walter Butler was killed. The story, often told, is that Butler was shot and wounded by Skenandoah, an Oneida Indian, and that Butler implored the Indian to spare him, but he shouted "Remember Sherry Valley" and sunk his tomahawk in Butler's skull. Willett in his report says : "Amongst the killed at that place was Walter Butler, who commanded the massacre at Cherry Valley. Their flight was performed in an Indian file upon a constant trott, and one man's being knocked in the head or falling off into the woods never stopped the progress of his neighbor, not even the fall of their favorite Walter Butler could attract their attention, so much as to induce them to take even the 211 money or anything else out of his pocket, although he was not dead, when found by one of our Indians, who finished his business for him and got a considerable booty." 10 This completes the tragic account of the frontier. Cornwallis had surrendered and the war was practically over. The Iroquois Confederacy was crushed, and by subsequent treaties and adjustments New York acquired most of the Indian territory. Writers have blamed this official and that officer, this policy and lack of policy for the widespread destruction, but the best explanation would seem, the natural condition of the frontier and inevitable circumstances prevailing. Some say more forts and garrisons would have been adequate protection, but Pennsylvania, during the French and Indian War, had a chain of forts across its frontier, which did not prevent the murdering of the frontier people. The methods of the foe were those of the thief and murderer, and no one, yet, has been able to protect society from the thief and murderer. The settlements were widely scattered and there was little efficient government on the frontier. The frontiersmen, themselves had much to do with their disasters. They were poor and many of them incapable. They had reckless daring and were seemingly unaware of their own danger. They neglected to organize themselves into disciplined bands of militia, sent out, practically, no scouts, had few sentinels and guards and thus allowed the foe to ambush them. They often refused or neglected to seek the protection of the forts when warned, and ventured to work their crops when the foe was near. It would seem, the destruction of the frontier just had to be. The end of the war brought to a close, the New York and Pennsyl- vania frontier. Many of those, who had borne the struggles of its existence, were unfitted for the thrift and industry of peace, and sold their slight improvements to a more steady class from the east and moved to a new frontier in Ohio and the prairie states. The Sctoch-Irish in the Susque- hanna region were largely displaced by Pennsylvania German farmers who absorbed the choice lands, when these Sctoch-Irish moved to a new frontier and stirring scenes in Kentucky and Ohio. A tide of New Eng- land immigration flooded the fertile lands of central and western New York. Yet, enough of the spirit remained to tinge the culture, of the vast region west of the Susquehanna, with the individuality, independence and self-reliance of the old frontier. NOTES— CHAPTER THIRTY-TWO 1. Clinton Papers V, 736, 747, 761, 816. In September, 1779, three inhabitants of German Flats killed and three made prisoners; two soldiers captured in sight of Fort George. (Clinton Papers V, 267) In March, 1780: Captain Keyser, two sons and three others captured in the Palatine District; garrison of Skenesborough surprised, ten captured and three escaped. An inhabitant killed. (Clinton Papers V, 545, 551, 558) 212 In April, Brant made a raid on Harpersfield, three persons killed and twelve captured, including Captain Alexander Harper (Clinton Papers. V. 578 to 580) ; Nineteen persons captured at Rensnyder's Bush in the Palatine District, (Clinton Papers, V, 631). 2. Clinton Papers VI, 59, 63, 77 to 82, 88 to 90. 3. Ibid, 93, 94, 136. 4. Ibid, 169. 5. Ibid 290. 6. Ibid, 346 to 355. 7. Ibid, 811, 812. 8. Clinton Papers VII, 196 to 199. 9. Ibid, 291. 10. Ibid, 443, 447, 472 ; For Life of Walter Butler, see Swiggett, "War Out of Niagara." 213 AUTHORITIES Andrews, Colonial Period of American History. Bancroft, History of United States, Last Revision, Appleton. Buckle, History of Civilization. Brainerd, Memoirs of New Haven, 1822. Beauchamp, Life of Conrad Weiser. Bigelow, Works of Benjamin Franklin. Boyd's, Treaties. Brodhead Papers, New York Colonial Documents. Bougianville, Journal of, Boquet Papers. Brewster, The Connecticut Claim, Pub- lication Wyoming Monument Exer- cises, 1939. Brewster, History of Kingston. Bennett, Frances Slocum, Campbell, Annals of Try on County. Chapman, History of Wyoming. Colden, History of Five Nations, Amer- ican Book Co., 1902. Colden, Cadwallader, Letters and Works of, Clinton Papers, Published by State of New York. Craft, The Sullivan Expedition, Pub- lished by State of New York. Day, Historical Collections of Pennsyl- vania. DeSchweinitz, Life of David Zeisberger. Doddridge, Notes on Indian Wars and Settlements. Edition, Pittsburg, 1912. De Puy, Life of Ethan Allen. Digby Lieutenant, Journal of, Munsell, Albany, 1887. Egle, History of Pennsylvania. Franklin Benjamin, Bigelow Works of, Frontier Forts of Pennsylvania, Pub- lished by State. Friendly Association, History of, Gist Christopher, Diary of, Gordon, History of Pennsylvania. Goodrich, History of Wayne County. Halsey, Old New York Frontier. Harvey, History of Wilkes-Barre. Heckewelder, Indian Nations. Published by Historical Society of Penna., 1876. Hoyt, Brief of Title in Seventeen Town- ships. Hazards Register. Jesuit Relations. Johnson Sir William, Papers of, Pub- lished by University State of New York. Jemison Mary, Life of, Johnson, Wyoming Historical Record. Jefferson Thomas, Writings of, Edition of 1859. Linn, Annals of the Buffalo Valley. Lossing, Field Book of the Revolution. Loskiel, History of Moravian Missions, Edition London, 1794. Loudon, Selection of Narratives. MacMinn, On the Frontier with Colonel Antes. Marshe, Journal of the Treaty of Lan- caster. Memorials of Moravian Church. Moravian Archives at Bethlehem. Morgan, League of the Iroquois. Miner, History of Wyoming. Marshall, Life of Washington. Meginess, History of West Branch Val- ley. Meginess, Frances Slocum. Northumberland County Historical So- ciety, Proceedings of, New York, Documentary History of, (Cited as Doc. Hist, of N. Y.) New York, Colonial Documents of Cited as N. Y. Col. Docs.) Paris Documents Peck, History of Wyoming. Pennsylvania Historical Society, Manu- scripts. Pennsylvania Archives. (Cited as Pa. Archs.) Pennsylvania Colonial Records. (Cited as Col. Recs. Peters MMS. Parkman, Montcalm and Wolfe. Edition of 1901. Parkman, The Jesuits, Edition of 1878. Pound, Johnson of the Mohawks. Pennsylvania Gazette. Peckham, Pontiac. 215 AUTHORITIES Riedesel Mrs., Letters and Journals of. Albany 1867. Rupp, History of Berks and Lebanon Counties. Rupp, History of Cumberland County. Rupp, History of Lehigh County. Rupp, History of Monroe County. Rice, David Zeisberger and His Brown Brethren. Reid, The Mohawk Valley. Saurs Journal. Simms, History of Schoharie. Sparks, Writings of Washington, Edition of 1837. Smith's Laws. Stone, Life of Sir William Johnson. Stone, History of Wyoming. Susquehanna Company Papers, Edited by J. P. Boyd. Swiggett, War Out of Niagara. Thompson, Causes of Alienation of Dela- ware and Shawnee Indians. Edition, 1867. Thwaite, Early Western Travels. Tylor E. B., Primitive Culture. Edition 1877. Walton, Conrad Weiser and the Indian Policy of Pennsylvania. Wallace, Life of Conrad Weiser. Washington George, Diaries of. Edition of 1925. Weiser Conrad, Autobiography of in Life, of by C. J. Weiser. Watson, Annals of Philadelphia. Woolman, John, Life and Travels of, Wright, Historical Sketches of Plymouth. Wyoming Historical and Geological So- ciety. Reports of, Manuscripts there. Volwiler, Life of George Croghan. ■ 216 INDEX A. Aaron, Little, 196 Abercrombie, General, 84, 102, 103, 105 Abraham, 44 Abraham's creek, 44, 185 Ackland, Major, 179, 180 Lady, 182, 183 Lady, letter, 183 Adams, James, 153, 154 Scout, 70 Affstat, 11 Aix la Chapelle, 27, 32 Albany, 11, 14, 27, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 52, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 84, 96, 170, 176, 202 Congress, 34, 35, 38, 68 County, 145 Alden, Ensign, 162, 163 Col. Ichabod, 195, 196 Tavern, 157 Algonquin or Algonquian, II, 6 Alexander, James, 36 William, 72 Alexandria, 33, 55 Allaquippa, or Alliquippa, Queen, 28, 56 Allegheny, Mountains, 5, 39, 41, 88, 91, 107, 138, 144 River, 32, 34, 54, 206, 207 Alleman, Mrs. Jacob, 121 Allen, Ethan, 165, 166, 167, 168 Fort, 87, 88, 90, 160, 203, 204 Heber, 166 Heman, 166 Ira, 166 James, 121 Levi, 166 Township, 120 William, 87 Allumapees, 6, 7, 12, 22 Amboy, N.J. 130, 134 America, 144, 154 American and Americans, 55, 63, 105, 139, 140, 145, 165, 171, 172, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 182, 185, 186, 198, 206 America, Army, 177 Colonist, 161 Amherst, General, 102, 105, 112, 113, 114, 117, 125, 154 Amsterdam, N.Y., 46, 51 Andastees, 1, 4, 127 Anders, Gottleib, 80 Johanna, 80 Anderson, William, 118 Andrews, Robert, 145 Andrustown, 194 Anne, Fort, 176 Anker, Frederick, 184 Anspack, John, 78 Anthony's Nose, 210 Anthracite region, 39 Antoni, Philip, 101 Antes, Fort, 189 Appletown, 201 Arahpot, Unhappy Jake, 10 Armstrong, Andrew, 190 Captain, 91 Edward, 90 Fort, 206 Jack, murder of, 21, 22 James, 189 Colonel John, 41, 62, 91, 92, 108, 123 Arnold, 22 Benedict, 165, 166, 167, 172, 173, 175, 178, 179, 180, 182 Ashley, Rebecca Kellogg, 45 Assaryquoa, 20, 21, 24 Asserughney, 44 Atherton, Asahel, 164 Aubry, 111, 112 Auburn, 88 Augusta, Fort, 88, 93, 105, 162, 188, 199, 202 Regiment, 88 Aughwick, 32, 41, 47, 59, 64, 88 Austrian Archduchess, 55 Avery, 203 Avon, 207 Awandae creek, 144 B. Baby, 116 Backus, Ebenezer, 159 Bagley, Col. Jonathan, 69, 83 Baird, Richard, 108 217 index (continued) Baker, Remember, 167 Scout, 90 Balcarras, Earl, 179, 180 Baldwin, Daniel, 122 Bald Eagle, 138 Balliet, Col., 204 Ballston, 211 Baltimore, Lord, 24 Bancroft, George, 175 Banyar, Goldsbrow, 68 Barber, Robert, 128 Barclay, Rev. 52 Barnet, \ Joseph, 101 William, 101 Barton, 205 Rev. Thomas, 50 Bartram, John, 6, 9 Battle Avenue, 185 Baum, Col. 177 Bear Clan, 2 Beard, Little, 186 Beams Batallion, 85 Beatty, Mr., 101 Robrt, 129 Beauport, 113 Beaver, 206 Clan, 2 Beaver, chief, 50, 124 Dams, 91 King, 104 Bedford, 41, 111, 119, 145, 163 Fort, 107, 108, 109, 117, 145 County, 146 Beajau, 65, 66 Beeman, Nathan, 167 Belding, Ezra, 164 Bell, Thomas, 101 Bellinger, Col., 172 Beisel, Conrad, 12 Bemis Heights, 177, 178, 179 Benjamin, family, 189 Bennett, Andrew, 203 Mrs. Hannah, 193 Thomas, 164, 203 Bennington, 165, 166, 177 Berks, County, 39, 41, 75, 76, 78, 80 Bernard, Governor, 105, 106 Bern Township, 101, 121 Berry, Captain, 190 Berryhill, William, 82 Bethlehem, 79, 87, 106, 120, 134, 135, 136 Bethel Township, 76, 78, 94, 101 Beverly, William, 23 Bidlack, Captain James, 189 Biddle, Edward, 78 Big Beaver creek, 116 Big Cove, 32 Big Island, 20, 138 Bills of Credit, 62, 98 Bingham, Fort, 118 Silas, 164 Binghamton, 4, 45 Bittenbender, Conrad, 99 Black, Prince, 21 William, 22, 23 Blacklegs, creek, 208 Blacksnake, Governor, 186 Black Walnut, 205 Blair, James, 90 Blanchard, Colonel, 70 Joseph, 188 Blane, Lieutenant Archibald, 117 Bloody Morning Scout, 76 Pond, 71 Rock, See Queen Esther's, 187 Blooming Grove, 162 Blue Mountains, 121 Blythe, William, 150 Board of Trade, English, 72, 74 Boeuf, le, Fort, 33, 117 Boon, Fort, 199 Captain Hawkins Boon, 199 Boquet, Col. Henry, 76, 107, 117, 118, 119, 120, 123, 124, 125, 126 Boston, 157, 182 Commisisoners for Propagating the Gospel, 45 Bossert or Bozert, Philip, 89, 99 Bougainville, 95, 96, 97, 103 Boundary Agreement of Virginia and Pennsylvania, 145, 146 Bourlamaque, 85, 95, 99, 103, 112 Bowers, Thomas, 78 Bowman's creek, 184 Bowman, Rev. Samuel, 192 Boyd, Lieutenant Thomas, 202 Braddock, General Edward, 7, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 72, 74, 181 Braddock's, Field, 74 Road, 107 Bradford County, 39, 153 Bradstreet, Col. John, 84, 105, 123, 124 Brady, Fort, 205 Family, 41 James, 190 Captain John, 199 Brainerd, Rev. David, 6, 8, 45, 141 Braintrim, 163 Brandywine, 181 218 index (continued) Brant, Joseph, 170, 171, 174, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 201, 202, 211, 213! Mary or Molly, 50, 51 Breylinger, Hannah, 82 Jacob, 82 Breyman, Colonel, 177, 178 Hill, 179, 180, 181 British, 36, 55, 62, 63, 66, 72, 73 111 131, 134, 143, 144, 154, 168, 170, 171, 173, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 186, 201, 202, 203, 206, 210, 211 Museum, 93 Government, 74 Parliament, 92 Indian Superintendent, 169 Brockway, Richard, 164 Brodhead, Charles, 42, 79 Daniel, 41, 80 Creek 42 General Daniel, 42, 206, 207, 208 Expedition, 206, 207 Garrett, 42 John, 42 Luke, 42 Manor, 42 Brooks House, 194 Colonel, 180 Broullette, Captain Peter, 193 Brown, 122, 123, 184 Christian, 194 Colonel, 211 James, 94 Brunswicker or Brunswickers, 177, 178, 180 Bryan, George, 145 Buchanan, William, 62 Budd, Asa, 184 Buffalo creek, 207 Buck, Asahel, 189 Elijah, 164 William, 164, 187 Buck's County, 39 Island, 211 Bull, Captain, 121, 122, 134 Fort, 194 Bullock, Lucy, 204 Nathan, 204 Tavern, 205 Bundy, Nancy, 190 Burgoyne, General, 170, 175, 176, 177, 178, 180, 181 Burd, James, 62, 108 Burrows, farm, 205 Burnet, Governor, 46 Burnett's Hills, 144, 147 Burten, Colonel, 66 Bushy Run, 117, 209 Battle of, 119, 120, 122 Bushkill creek, 43, 88 Butler, House, 48 John, 143, 172, 173, 174, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 201, 202 Rangers 204 Walter, 173, 174, 195, 196, 197, 211 William, 194, 195, 202 Zebulon, 159, 160, 162, 163, 185, 186, 187, 188, 199, 200, 204 Buttermilk Falls, 184 Byrne, Michael, 50 Cady, Abel, 189 Manasseh, 204 Calkins, Creek, 153 Simeon, 153, 154 Caldwell, Captain, 185 Caldwell, N. Y., 96 Calhoun, a trader, 116 Cameron, County, 39 Simon, 93 Campbell, Captain, 116 Colonel, 208, 195 James, 46 Major, 120 Col. Samuel, 197 Robert, 118 Canaghquisson, 144 Canada, II, 9, 32, 34, 35, 84, 110, 112, 113, 170 175, 181, 204 Creek 144 211 Canadians, 35, 57, 65, 66, 70, 83, 84, 85, 97, 98, 123, 177, 180, 181 Canadian Indians, 120 Canasegra, creek, 202 Canajoharie, 200, 210, 211 Regiment, 171 Canassatego, 13, 17, 21, 22, 23, 24, 28, 29, 30 Canaugas, 202 Cannatchocari, 46 Capouse, 203 Carbon County, 87 Carey, Samuel, 187 Carleton, Gen., 175 Major, 211 219 index (continued) Carlisle, 41, 76, 77, 87, 107, 111, 117, 118, 119, 123, 125, 150, 208 Carnahan, James, 208 Carolina, 1, 5 Carpenter, Benjamin, 187 Emanuel, 78 Carr, Daniel, 184 Carter, 43 Carver, Jonathan, 98 Castleton, 166 Catawba Indians, 12, 19, 20, 29 Catamount Tavern, 165 Catawissa, 5, 44 Catherine's Town, 201 Caughnawaga, 46, 210 Cayuga, 135 Country, 135 Lake, 202 Cayugas, 3, 4, 13, 26, 27, 30, 39, 135, 144 Celeron, 32 Center County, 39 Chambers, Benjamin, 41, 42, 72, 78 Joseph, 42 Robert, 72 Champlain, Lake, 69, 70, 96, 102, 112, 118, 145, 166, 167, 170, 175, 211 Samuel, 101 Chapman, Asa, 204 Charlotte County, 145 Charlottesville, 181 Chauvignerie, Michael La, 101 Chiefs who signed Susquehanna Pur- chase Deed, 40 Chemung, 200 River, 4, 45, 122, 201 Chenango river, 4, 205 Chenasky, 6 Chenussio, 202 Cherry Valley, 45, 46, 140, 169, 172, 195, 196, 197, 211 Massacre, 195, 196, 197, 198 Cherokee river, 144 Chester County, 39, 130 Chilloway, Job, 137 Chillisquaqa creek, 203 Chouagen, 85 Chocanut, 205 Chowder Camp, 205 Christiana, 141 Christians, 141 Christian Indians, 134, 139, 140 Christie, Ensign, 117 Christy, Indian boy, 128 Clans of the Iroquois, 2, 3 Clapham, Col. William, 88, 116 Clark, 150 Clark, Miss, 78 Claus, Daniel, 50, 153 Claverack, 163 Clayton, Major Asher, 122 Clearfield, 37 County, 39 Clinton, Brigade, 201 General, 187 Governor, British, 35, 52, 53 Governor George, American, 183, 210, 211 Gen. James, 200, 201 Clyde, Colonel, 196, 210 Cobb's Gap, 188 Cobbleskill, 194, 211 Cochecton, 153, 194 Cockroft, Col. William, 69 Cohocton river, 4 Colchester, 37, 157 Association, 37 Colden, Cadwalader, 36, 52 Cole, Col. Edward, 69 Coleman, Nicholas, 88 Colonial, II, 157 North America, 166 Colony, New, 156 Columbia County, 39 Comstock, John, 164 Conesus, Lake, 202 Conewango, Regiment, 172 Conestoga, 128 Indians, 87, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131 Manor, 127 Murders, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131 Confederation, Articles of, 36 Congress, 169, 175, 177, 181, 198 Continental, 167, 169 Congregational Church, 169 Conklin, Nicholas, 153 Conoy Indians, 29, 44 Connolloway Settlements, 41, 76, 77, 78 Connecticut, 14, 36, 37, 38, 69, 71, 121, 122, 151, 153, 154, 156, 157, 161, 163, 165, 166 Assembly, 162, 165 Charter, of 162, 37, 145, 153, 156 Land Titles, 163 Militia, 162 Conococheague, 64, 101 Connolly, Dr. John, 145 Cookson, Prothonotary, 22 Continental, Company, 170, 184 Congress, 167, 169 Regiment, 178 Contrecoeur, 54, 55, 56 Cornwallis, 212 Cottner, 190 Council at Onondaga, 1, 3, 4, 5, 9, 13, 21, 26, 28, 30, 31, 53, 88, 91, 135, 136 220 index (continued) Covenhoven, Robert, 190, 199 Cox, Colonel, 171, 172 Mrs. 94 Conyngham Borough, 203 Coyle, Charles, 118 Craft, Rev. David, 200 Craig Captain, 160 John, 94 Richard, 94 Crawford, Colonel, 207 Fort, 208 Cresap, Captain Michael, 10, 45 Colonel, 118 Croghan, George, 26, 27, 28, 30, 32, 41, 59, 60, 62, 64, 67, 99, 100, 105, 106, 117, 143 Crobbly family, 208 Rev. Mr 208 Crooks, William, 184 Cronshares, Mrs. John, 101 Crown Point, 35, 46, 63, 68, 70, 72, 73, 83, 103, 112, 167, 175, 195, 210 Csney, John, 101 Cuesheusking, 104 Culbertson, Captain Alexander, 90 Cullam, Gabriel, 151, 152 Cumberland, County, 41, 64, 75, 94, 101, 118 Duke of, 59 Fort, 59, 64, 67, 107 Valley, 118 Currin, Barnaby, 33 Curry, Mr. 203 Curtis, John, 151 Cushietunk, 153, 154, 155, 160, 162, 198 Cuylerville, 202 Dalmatia, 75 Davidson, Agnes, 122 Davis, James, 136 Reuben, 164 Davison, John, 33, 56, 58, 59 Dayton, Colonel, 170, 193 Fort, 170, 173, 194, 198 Deaf Man's Village, 192 Dean Matthew, 208 Jonathan, 164 Dearborn, 179, 180, 182 Colonel, 201, 202 Declaration of Independence, 157 Decree of Trenton, 163 Deed, 14, 16 Confirmation, 16 Fort Stanwix, 144 Governor Dongan's, 13, 23 Preemption, 14, 37 Release, 14 Deer Clan, 2 De Lancey, Captain James, 111, 112 Governor, James, 34, 35, 52, 63, 68, 98 Susan, 49 Delaplace, Captain, 167 Delaware, 107 George, 59, 104 First Company, 151 Purchases, 145, 151, 152, 153, 156, 162 Second Company, 153 River, I, 1, 14, 15, 16, 29, 37, 42, 43, 45, 87, 144, 151, 152, 153, 158, 162, 188, 198, 203 Water Gap, 37, 42, 43 Delawares, 4, 6, 7, 14, 15, 17, 28, 30, 44, 59, 74, 75, 77, 80, 81, 90, 100, 104, 106, 112, 115, 116, 120, 121, 123, 124, 139, 151, 191, 192, 193, 206, 207 Delegates to Albany Congress, 40 Denny, Governor, 92, 100, 103, 105, 106 Denison, Col. Nathan, 164, 185, 186, 187, 188 Deposit, 144 Depui, Aaron, 153 Manison, 47, 88 Samuel, 43 Derry Church, 42 Derickson, Mrs. Mary, 205 Deshaeking, 59 Deshler's Fort, 121 Detroit, 115, 116, 117, 123, 139, 206 Detzelar, Mrs. Michael, 108 Devil's Hole, 120 Diahoga, 45 Dick, Captain, 161 Dickey, Elizabeth, 101 Dickson, Mrs. Mary, 192 William, 46, 118 Dieskau, Baron, 70, 71 Digby, Lieutenant, 178, 181 Dingman, Andrew, 158 Dinwiddie, Gov. 33, 34, 56, 58, 63 Dodd, George, 118 Doddridge, Dr. 140 Dodge, Lieutenant, 120 Dongan, Governor, 13, 23 Dorrance, Col. George, 185, 186, 188 Drake, Jesse, 153 Draper, Simeon, 164 Duche, Jacob, 99 Dumas, 66 221 index (continued) Dunbar, Colonel, 62, 65, 67 Dunlop, Rev. Samuel, 40, 196 Dunmore, Fort, 145 Lord, 10, 145 War, 138, 145 Duquesne, Fort, 28, 54, 55, 57, 64, 65, 73, 74, 104, 105, 107, 108 Governor, 34 Dunn, 203 Dunning, John, 156 Durham, 15 Dutch, I, 42, 43, 169, 198 Mine opening, 47 Reformed Church, 169 Dutchess County, 158 Dysart, James, 123 Eastburne, Surveyor General, 16 Easton, 79, 80, 87, 90, 100, 105, 106, 115, 158, 160, 199, 202 East Branch of Susquehanna, 144 East Stroudsburg, 80 Ebert, George, 99 Ecuyer, Captain Simeon, 116 Edmunston, Major, 194 Effort, 134 Elder, Rev. John, 129 Elderkin, Vine, 158, 164 Elk County, 39 Elliott, Charles, 118 Joseph, 187 Matthew, 206 Elmira, 201 Endless Mountains, 14 England, 22, 52, 54, 56, 88, 105, 110, 116, 154, 170, 181 English, II, 1, 11, 24, 26, 28, 32, 33, 39, 43, 46, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 63, 71, 73, 84, 90, 92, 96, 97, 98, 102, 105, 107, 111, 113, 115, 116, 119, 120, 133, 134, 136, 138, 139, 141, 153, 157, 178 Government, 34, 75 Man, 104 Privy Council, 72 Ennis, Benjamin, 203 Enslow, Andrew, 101 Ephrata, 12 Episcopal and Episcopalians, 14, 169 Erie, County, 117 Indian tribe, 1 Lake, 26, 63, 117, 123 Eschton, Philip, 101 Esopus, 43 War, I Ettwein, John, 136, 137, 138 Europe, 55, 181 European, 68, 135 Evans, Irvin, 153, 154 Lewis, 21 Ewing, Col. George W., 191, 192 Exeter, 161, 163 Borough, 185 Eyre, Captain William, 68, 71 F. Fabricius, George, 80 Fair Play, Men, 148, 159, 150 Republic, 147, 148, 149 Fatigue Camp, 205 Fayette County, 41, 56 Feck, John Peter, 12 Fellows, Col. 181 Felebaum, George, 207 Fincher, John, 101 Finley, John, 121 First Forty settlers, 157, 158, 159 Fishing Creek, 42, 202 Fishkill, 170, 181 Fitch, Governor, 153 Lemuel, 184 Sheriff Jonathan, 188 Five Nations, 3, 4 Flemming, William, 82 Fleurmont, 95 Follett, Benjamin, 158, 164 Frederick, 189 Folsom, Captain, 71 Fonda, Dow, 46 Major, 145, 210 Forbes, General, 102, 105, 107, 108 Fort Augusta, See Augusta Bull, 83 Duquesne, See Duquesne George, 85 Niagara, 84, 88 Ontario, 85 Wyoming, See Wyoming Williams, 84 Fort Wayne, 193 Fort Edward, 70, 71, 83, 90, 96, 97, 98, 103, 145, 176, 177 Fort William Henry, 46, 63, 84, 85, 95, 96, 97, 98, 112 Forty Fort, 160, 185, 186, 188 Borough of, 44 First, See First Forty Forney, John W., 192 Foster, Thomas, 75 222 index (continued) Fourth Street, 186 Fourteenth Commonwealth, 163 France, 22, 32, 33, 56, 110, 115, 116, Mrs. John, 107 Francis, Col. Turbutt, 131, 159 Franklin, Arnold, 204 Benjamin, 27, 36, 63, 64, 67, 74, 81, 92, 93, 131, 181 Deborah, 131 County, 90 Fort, 88 John, 199 Roasel, 186 Mrs. Roasel, 204 Roasel, Jr. 204 Ichabod, 204 Union of Colonies, 36 William, 27, 28, 143 Frankstown, 27, 91 General, 176, 178, 180 Trader, 65 Fratricide of Wyoming, 187 Freeman's Farm, 178 Frederick, Noah, 94 • Second, 55 French, I, 11, 7, 22, 24, 26, 27, 32, 35, 39, 46, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 62, 66, 70, 71, 74, 83, 85, 86, 88, 92, 102, 103, 104, 105, 108, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 117, 133 Creek, 33, 117 Mr., 93 Men, 123 French and Indian War, 7, 28, 49, 112, 115, 138, 166, 182, 212 Freeland, Fort, 194 Jacob, 199, 205 Michael, 205 Friedenshuetten, 133, 135, 136, 137, 141, 142 Friedenstadt, 136, 138 Friendly Association, 99, 105 Frink, Joseph, 164 Frisbie, James, 204 Jonathan, 204 Frontenac, Fort, 73, 85, 105 Frye, Colonel, 95, 98 Fry, Henry, II, 79 Col. Joshua, 55, 57, 60 Fulton County, 41 G. Gabriel, George, 75 Gachadowa, 24 Gachradoda, 36 Gage, Col. and General, 65, 66, 112 181 Gallway, Elizabeth, 82 Mrs. William, 82 Gait, William, 46 Ganawese, Indians, 44 87, Gansevoort, Col. Peter, 170, 171, 202 Gardner, John, 184 Stephen, 37, 38, 157, 164 Garrett, Major, 162, 185, 186 Garrard, 208 Fort, 208 Gates, Gen. Horatio, 175, 177, 178, 179 180, 181, 182 Gattermeyer, John, 79 Gaylord, Samuel, 164 George, Fort, 85, 96, 112, 181, 211, 212 Lake, 69, 70, 71, 72 Second, 113 Third, 144 Geiger, Mrs. William, 108 Genesee, river, I, 202, 207 Geneseo, 202 Geneva, 201 German, 141, 177 33, Butchers, 131 58, Flats, 11, 46, 98, 172, 194, 212 84, King, 54 106, Songs, 76 116, Troops, 179 Germans, 42, 92, 180 Germantown, 131, 181 Gersinger, Peter, 101 Gibson, 54, Colonel, 140 James, 130, 131 Gilson, Henry, 82 Girty, Si mom, 42, 106 Gist, Christopher, 32, 33, 40, 41, 55, 57 Gladwin, Major, 116, 117 140, Glover, 179, 180 Gnadenhutten, 42, 44, 79, 87, 138, 139, 140, 207 Godfroy, 192 Gooch, Governor, 19, 20 Good, Mrs. 101 Goodrich, Col. Elizur, 69 P.G., 155 Gonsalus, Emanuel, 203 Gordon, Lieutenant, 117 Gore, Lieutenant, 186 Obadiah, 160 Goshen, 88, 198 Gottleib, 88 Governor's Scalp Proclamation, 89 Graham, John, 118 223 index (continued) Grant, Major, 107, 108 Granville, Fort, 88, 90 Great, Bend, 205 Carrying Place, 69 Cove, 41, 77, 78, 99 Lakes, 86 Meadows, 55, 56, 67 Redoubt, 179, 180 Road, 185 Runaway, 188 Island, 45, 123, 190 Greathouse, Daniel, 10 Greencastle, 122 Greene County, 208 Green, Bay, 123 Mountains, 166 Mountain Boys, 166, 167, 177 Gross Aspach, 11 Grover, 5 Gundryman, Andrew, 101 Gustax, 144 H. Hadsall, James Sr., 184, 185 James, Jr., 184 John, 184 Hagerman, Leonora, 189 Mr. and Mrs., 189 Haldimand, Gen. Frederick, 111, 113 Half King, 33, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60 Halkett, Sir Peter, 62 Halifax, 42, 88 Fort, 88 Hall, Joshua, 164 Hamilton, Captain, 91 Fort, 88, 89 Governor, 119, 153, 154 James, 87 Township, 90 Mr. and Mrs. William, 93 William, 118 Hamble, 195, 196 Hammond, Lebbeus, 187, 203 Mr., 190 William, 187 Hancock, 144, 156 Hand, Fort, 206 General, Edward, 199, 200, 201 Hanbury, 33, 59, 64 Hannas Town, 145 Hanover, 42, 75, 121, 158, 159, 163, 185 Hansen, Mr., 210 Peter, 195 Harper, Captain Alexander, 213 James, 101 John, 101 Col. John, 170 Harpersfield, 213 Hardenburg Patent, 152 Harding, Benjamin, 184 Family, 184, 185 Stephen, 164, 173 Stephen Jr., 184 Stulkely, 18 4 Harris, Captain, 134 Col. Christopher, 69 Ferry, 42 John, 42, 60, 75 Peter, 164 Harrisburg, 188 Hartford, 157, 158 Hartley, Col. Thomas, 188 Hartman, Barbara, 76 Henry, 76 Mrs. Henry, 76, 77 Regina, 76, 77 Harvey, Creek, 162 Benjamin, 204 Elisha, 204 History, 107 Lucy, 204 Hathorn, Col. 198 Hawk Clan, 2 Hawley, Rev. Gideon, 45, 87 Hazard's Register, 128 Hazlet, Andrew, 121 Hazleton, 203 Hay, John, 129 Hayes, Captain, 87 Heckewelder, Rev. John, 120 Heidelberg, Township, 75, 101 Helkr's Tavern, 205 Helmar, Adam, 171, 172 Henderson, Allen, 101 Hendrick, King, 35, 38, 50, 70, 71 Henry, Fort, 78, 88, 94 Fort William Henry, See Forts Herbin, 95 Herkimer, 170 Family, 46 Fort, 46, 194, 210, 211 Gen. Nicholas, 170, 171, 172 Heron Clan, 2 224 index (continued) Hess Henry, 88 Peter, 88 Hessian, 180 Hertel, 75 Hewitt, Captain Dethick, 185, 186, 187 Hibbard, Cyprian, 187 Highlanders, 107, 108 Hicks, 82 Hickman, family, 188 Hiokoto, 199 Hodenosaunee, 4 Hoeth, Creek, 42 Frederick, 42, 80 Mrs. Frederick, 80 Hocksey, James, 188 Hochege river, 144 Hogg, Lieutenant, 91, 92 Holliday, Fort, 208 Lieutenant, 99 Hollister, Isaac, 122 Nathaniel, 122 Timothy, 122 Timothy Jr., 122 Hoops, Adam, 62, 78 Hoosic, 60 Horner, Mrs. James, 121 Howe, 102 Hubbardtown, 176 Hubler, Frantz, 121 Hudson river, 39, 42, 46, 49, 69, 83, 170, 177, 181 Hungry Hill, 205 Hunlock's Creek, 202 Hunter, Fort, 46, 52, 88 Governor, 11 Col Samuel, 108, 202 Huntington, 5, 161, 163, 203 Huron, Lake 1 Hurons, 1, Chief, 139 Hupp, Ann, 207 John, 207 Hurst, William, 108 Hyndshaws, 43 Hyndshaw, Fort, 87, 94 Captain James, 154 Illinois, Indians, 123 River, 1 Indiana., 192 Indian, Indians, 7, 15, 16, 20, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 30, 32, 33, 35, 43, 44, 49, 54, 59, 65, 66, 69, 70, 71, 72, 74, 75, 76, 79, 81, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 97 98, 99, 103, 104, 105, 108, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 122, 123, 127, 128, 133, 134, 135, 136, 138, 139, 140, 145, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 156, 157, 158, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 176, 177, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188, 189, 192, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 200, 201, 202, 203, 206, 207, 208, 210, 211, 212 Commissioners, 35, 52, 53 Falls, 121 Village, 202 Ingaren, 205 Inman, Isaac, 189 Innes, Col. James, 59 Intelligencer, Lancaster, 192 Inwood, 88 Ireland, 49 Iron Cutter, 150 Iroquoian, 30, 12 Iroquois, 4, 5, 6, 7, 20, 21, 22, 23, 30, 33, 34, 45, 52, 74, 99, 100, 106, 153 Chiefs, 36 Clans, 2, 3 Government, 3 Religion, 4 Sachems, 3, 19, 30 Confederacy, II, 1, 3, 9, 13, 14, 15, 39. 202, 212 Long House, 2, 45 Social Organization, 2 Warpaths, Trails, 5 Irvine, General, 208 Island of Orleans 113 J. Jackson, Richard, 156 William, 184 Jameson, 122 Benjamin, 204 JoTin, 204 William, 189 Jacobs, Captain, 90, 91, 92, 124 Jearum, Zerubabel, 164 Jegrea, 81 Jehovah, 165, 167 Jenkins, Fort, 185, 186, 202 John, 157, 164, 199 Mrs. John, 188 Stephen, 164 William, 33 225 index (continued) Jennings, Edmund, 23, 24 John, 157 Sheriff, 158, 159 Jennings, Solomon, 16 Jersey City, 176 Jesuits, 7 Joincaire, Chaubert de, 33, 116 Joincaire Seur de, 33 John, Dr. 11 Johnson, Ann Warren, 49 Ann, 50 Caroline, 50 Charlotte, 50 Family, 169 Guy, 143, 169, 170 Christopher, 49 Hall, 145, 170, 210, 211 Nancy, 50 Sir John, 50, 170, 172, 210, 211 William of Canajoharie, 50 Sir William, 35, 38, 45, 46, 49, 50, 51, 52, 59, 63, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 89, 99, 100, 103, 105, 106, 111, 112, 115, 117, 120, 122, 123, 130, 143, 145, 153 Johnsons, 169 Johnstown, 51, 145, 170, 194 Jones, 203 Captain, 111 David, 176, 190 Jordan, Mrs. 78 Jumonville, Coulon de, 55, 56, 57 Juniata, 5, 32, 41, 45, 91 County, 88, 90 K. Kackawatcheky, 44 Kanadasego, 197, 201 Kanawha, 28, 144 Kanawaholla, 201 Kelly, Colonel, 203 Kellogg, Joseph, 34, 38, 39, 72 Kendaia, 201 Kentucky, 145, 212 Keppell, Commodore, 63 Keyes, Timothy, 188 Keyser, Captain, 212 Killibuck, Captain, 104, 202 John, 206 King, 22, 74 Thomas, 106, 107 Mrs. William, 190 King's Line, 143 Kingsley, Nathan, 191 Wareham, 191 Kingston, N.Y., 181 Kingston, Pa. 121, 158, 159, 160, 163, 204 Flats, 189 Kirke, Mary, 199 Mrs., 199 William, 199 Kirkpatrick, John, 101 Kittanning, 75, 77, 90, 91, 92, 144, 206 Kittatiny Mountains, I, 13, 29, 36, 41, 80 Klader, Captain Daniel, 203, 204 Klaus, Adam, 101 Klein, Christopher, 100 Klotz, Louis, 153 Koscuisko, Gen. 177 Kouari, 45 Kresgeville, 42, 80, 88 Kyashuta, 124 Labboughpeton, 100 Lackawanna, County, 39 River, 44, 135, 153, 198, 199 Lackawaxen, 17, 29, 152, 153, 198, 199 Battle of, 198, 199 Lackaway, 198 La Corne, 95, 96, 111 Lafayette, 195 Lake George, 83, 95, 102, 112 Battle of, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 195 Lancaster, 21, 22, 27, 64, 115, 123, 129, 192 County, 39, 41, 75, 127, 161 Intelligencer, 128 Jail, 129, 185 Land, Robert, 153 Land Distribution, Methods of, 18 Langlade, 195 Langy's Rangers, 102 Laurel Hills, 56, 111 Laurens, Fort, 206, 207 Leach, James, 188 Learned, General, 177, 180 Tavern, 205 League of the Iroquois, 36 Lebanon, Connecticut, 157 Fort, 88 Lebenguth, Mr. and Mrs., 108 Ledlie, William, 158 Lee Arthur, 208 Thomas, 22, 28 Legalissoniere, Marquis de, 32 226 index (continued) Lehigh, County, 120 Gap, 120 River, 14, 15, 16, 42, 79, 87, 121, 134 Valley Railroad, 133 Leninger, Barbara, 82 Rachel, 82 Lenni Lenape, 4 Leroy, Jacob, 74 Lery, Lieutenant, de, 83, 84 Lesley, Jonh, 79 Lester, Mr? and Mrs. 189 Mrs. 202 Le Tort, James, 6 Levis, 85, 95, 96, 97 Lewis, Col. Andrew, 124 General Andrew, 145 Major, 108 Gen. Morgan, 176 Lewistown, 88, 120 Lexington, Battle of, 165 Lichtenau, 139 Lick, Jonn, Reter and William, 82 Lignens, 111, 112, 119, 120, 208 Ligonier, Fort, 107, 108, 109, 110, 117, 118 Lincoln, General, 179 Lindesay, John, 45, 46 Litchfield County, 158 Littlecharles, Lt. Col. 85 Little, Falls, 46 Beard's Town, 202 Turtle, 193 Meadows, 64 Livingston, Manor, 11 Robert, 11 Lock Haven, 20, 45 Logan, Indian, 10, 145 James, 12, 13, 14, 15, 19, 30 John, 118 Logansport, 147 Logstown, 28, 30, 33, 44 Long, Colonel, 176 Long, Leonard, 101, 109 Longqueil, 95 Long House of the Iroquois, 45, 202 London, 11 L 33, 59, 64 Lothrop, Cyprian, 164 Londonderry, 46 Lower Smithfield, 99, 158 Lowery, Fort, 208 Lutheran, 76 Loudon, Fort, 122 Lord, 84, 92, 96, 98, 102 Louisiana, 108 Louisburg, 96, 106, 113 Loyalsock creek, 5, 20, 190 Loyalhanna creek, 107 Lukens, Jesse, 163 Surveyor General, 156, 163 Lutheran Church, 169 Lycan Andrew, 42 Lycoming, County, 39 Creek, 5, 20, 147, 190, 194 Lydius, Dominie Johannes, 38 Col. John H., 38, 70, 72 Lykens Valley, 42 Lyman, Fort, 70 Gen. Phineas, 69, 70, 71, 72 Lyme, Conn., 157 Lyons, 203 Lytleton, Fort, 88, 92 Luzerne, Captain, 207 County, 39 M. Mack, Jeannette, 7 Martin, 7, 42 Maconaquah, 193 Machault, Fort, 111, 117 Mackey, James, 101 Mackinac, 123 Machwilhilusing, 135 Madison, James, 145 Mahanoy creek, 29 Mahoning, creek, 42, 79, 138 Mahantango, 93 Manada, Fort, 88 Gap, 88, 94 Manekalawaugan, 205 Mann, Captain, 173 Manor of Stoke, 157 Marcy, Zebulon, 186 Marin, 95, 103, 112 Markham, William, 15 Marks, Martin, 121 Marshall, Edward, 16, 17 Mrs. Edward, 99 Walk, 115 Marsh, Rev. William, 122 Marsh, Thomas, 122 Marshe, Witham, 22, 23 Martel, Captain, 190 227 index (continued) Martin, Mrs. John, 82 William, 101 Maryland, 4, 5, 21, 22, 23, 24, 28, 31, 63, 64, 72, 74, 87, 107, 123 Massachusetts, 34, 36, 37, 63, 69, 71, 72, 96, 97, 102, 131, 165, 166 Fort, 60 Provincial Congress of, 165 Massey, Col. 112 Matoon, Gen. 180 Maxwell, Gen. Wm., 199, 2U0 McCannon, Jane, 101 McClleland, David, 82 McClures Gap, 94 McCord, Fort, 90 McCord, Mrs. 94 McDonald, Captain, 199 McDonald, Tory leader, 193, hA McDowell's Mills, 94 McGuire, John, 33 McGuiness, Captain, 71 McConnell, 118 McCrea, Jane, 176 McKay, Captain, 57 McKean, Chief Justice, 150 McKean, County, 39 McKee, Alexander, 206 McKee, Thomas, 20, 26, 75, 99 McCullough, Alexander, 123 McLellan, Mr. 99 McMenomy, Daniel, 108 McMichaels Creek, 42 McMichael, John, 42 Mcintosh, Gen. Laclan, 20j Mcintosh Fort, 206 McWilliams, Hugh, 163 McNeil, Mrs., 176 Mead, David, 159 Meath, County, Ireland, 44 Mechanicville, 46 Meeker, Major, 198 Mehoopany, 44 Mennonite, 130 Mercer, Captain, Colonel, Hugh, 91, 92, 108 Mercer, Col. 84, 85 Meshoppen, 44, 203 Mexico, 88, 93 Miami, 28, 193 Reservation, 192 Mickley, John Jacob, 121 Micheltree, Hugh, 93 Midate, Eleazer, 153 Middle Creek, 74, 150 Fort, 210, 211 Middjeburg, 150, 194 Mifflintown, 5 Militia Bill, 81 Mill Creek, 121, 156, 157, 158, 159 Milanville, 153 Miller, Children, 121 Fort, 181, 207 John, 129 J. T., 192 Mr., 101 Peter, 12 Zepheniah, 189 Millersburg, 78 Milton, 10, 39 Mingoes, 56, 59, 104, 108 Mine openings, 47 Minnisink, Minnisinks, 106, 107 Flats, 43 Minsi, 44 Mississippi, 1, 86 Mississeneva river, 192 Mitchell, Joseph, 101, 122 Nathan, 153 Mr., 196 William, 101 Mohawk, Mohawks, I, 3, 12, 28, 32, 34, 35, 39, 52, 81, 106, 144, 152, 169, 194, 195, 202 District, 169 River and Valley, 1, 11, 46, 49, 73, 83, 169, 170, 171, 177, 185, 210, 211 Mohegan, 44, 45 Monacanuk Island, 187 Monckton, Gen.^ 112 Monongahela, 28, 34, 55, 57, 65 Monroe County, 42, 134, 153, 158 Monsey Tribe, 151 Monro, Lt. Col., 95, 96 Montigny, 112 Montcalm, 85, 95, 96, 97, 102, 103, 105, 110, 113, 114 Montgomery, Gen. 175 Montmorency, 113 Montour, Andrew, 27, 28, 32, 75, 81, 87, 88, 89, 143 Madame Catherine, 9, 19, 23 Catherine, 201 Esther, Queen Esther, 184, 187 French Margaret, 99 Family, Account of, 189 Henry, 105 Roland, 186, 187, 203, 204 Stuttering John, 186 Captain, 207 Montour County, 39 Montoursville, 25 Montreal, 9, 35, 113, 167, 175 228 index (continued) Moore, John, 153 Mrs., 197 Samuel, 141 Moorehead, Captain Samuel, 206 Moosic Mountains, 152, 158 Moravian, Moravians, 31, 42, 79, 106, 133, 135, 136, 141 Church, 136 Converts, 120 Indians, 134, 139, 140, 207 Missionary, Missionaries, 1, 7, 10, 103, 139, 140 Missions, 79, 130, 134, 139 Morgan, Colonel 1 , 139 Gen. David, 178, 179, 180, 182 Morris, Aide, 66 Captain Thomas, 123 Governor, 60, 62, 63, 74, 75, 89, 91, 92 Mott, Edward, 165 Mt. Braddock, 33, 41 Mt. Defiance, 103, 175 Mt. Johnson, 51 Mt. Lookout, 184, 185, 186 Mt. Pleasant, Fort, 59, 69 Muhlenburg, Rev. H. M., 12, 76 Mulhausen, 89 Muncy, 5, 123, 199, 205 Fort, 190 Murloff, Philip, 121 Murray, Gen. 112, 113 Murphy, Tim, 180 Muskingum, 124, 138, 139, 140, 207 Mussemeelin, 21, 22 Myer, or Moyer, Lieutenant John, 203, 204 N. Nain, 134 Nanticoke, 44, 159 Indians, 44 Narrangansett, 37 Nazareth," 79, 134 Necessity, Fort, 56, 57 Nelf, Jonh, 99 Nescopeck, 44, 87, 120, 121, 137 Neshaminy, 15 Neutral Indians, 1 Neversink Valley, 198 Neverville, 95 Newburg, 188 Newberry, 196 New Castle or Newcastle, 37 Captain, 89, 90, 106 Duke of, 113 New Colony, 156 New England, I, 38, 39, 69, 83, 88, 102, 152, 153, 154, 157, 160, 161, 162, 165, 166, 177, 195, 212 New Englanders, 122, 156 New France, 105 New Gnadenhutten, 42 New Hampshire, 69, 177, 199 Brigade, 199 Grants, 165, 166 New Jersey, 14, 43, 107, 130, 134, 141, 143, 152, 153, 161, 194 Brigade, 199 New Netherlands War, I, 42 New Orleans, 46, 87 Newport, 161, 163 Newtown, 201 Battle of, 201 New York, I, 1, 14, 24, 28, 32, 34, 38, 49, 52, 59, 63, 69, 90, 112, 117, 127, 130, 134, 144, 145, 152, 153, 156, 158, 160, 166, 169, 170, 175, 177, 198, 212 Frontier, 35, 46, 47, 52, 165, 212 Provincial Congress, 169, 170 Provincial Council, 52, 68, 182 New Yorker Yonkers, 165, 166 Niagara, 72, 73, 85, 105, 192, 204 Falls, 120 Fort, 46, 63, 84, 111, 116, 123, 173, 202 River, 111, 123, 184 Niaoure Bay, 85 Nicholson, Mr. and Mrs., 93 Nichus, 105, 106 Ninneepauues, 151 Nitschman, Martin, 79 Susannah, 80 Nixon, 179 North America, 144 Northampton, County, 41, 80, 97, 99, 158, 160, 161 Street, 168 North Branch, of Susquehanna, 4, 37, 43, 45 North Carolina, 59 North Hector, 201 Northkill, Fort, 88 Northmoreland, 163 Northumberland, 4, 6, 199 County, 39, 145, 162, 188, 203 Norris, Fort, 88 Norwich, 151, 157 Nottingham, 151, 152, 153 Noyon, De, 105 Nutimus, or Nootamis, 14, 15, 44 O. Ogden, Captain Amos, 157, 159, 160 Nathan, 160, 161 229 index (continued) Ohio, 103, 202 Company, 28, 33, 41, 57, 59, 64, 107 River, 1, 5, 13, 26, 28, 32, 33, 35, 41, 44, 56, 86, 92, 107, 144, 185, 206, 207, 208 Old, French War, 52, 69 Mine Road, 43 Patent of Connecticut, 37 Warrior Path, 160 Oldrick, Benjamin, 151, 152 Onas, 21, 22, 23 Onedia, 4 Indians, 170, 195 Lake 46 Oneida's, 3, 4, 13, 28, 39, 98, 124, 144, 172, 202 O'Neillon, Dennis, 101 Onondaga, 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 9, 13, 19, 20, 21, 29. 30, 32, 60, 84, 124, 135, 198 Onondagas, 3, 13, 28, 29, 39, 144 Ontario, Fort, 85 Lake, 46, 52, 63, 111, 123 Oquaga, 45, 51, 87, 170, 194, 195, 196, 205 Orange County, 152 Oriskany, Battle of, 171, 177, 184 Orme, Captain Robert, 66, 67, 72 Orwell Township, 153 Orwig, George Godfried, 42 Owigsburg, 42 Osborne, Sir Danvers, 72 Oswego, 46, 52, 53, 63, 69, 72, 73, 83, 84, 85, 86, 105, 111, 112, 169, 170, 173 Otseninky, 45 Otsego, Lake, 43, 194, 200 Otsinoghiyata, 144 Ottowas, 115 Owego, 45, 144 Owen, Arming, 187 Owen, David, 123 Pacific Ocean, 37 Palatine and Palatines, I, 11, 42 District, 169, 212 Germans, 169 Palmer, Anthony, 31 Fort, 208 Pankatooma river, 152 Papunhank, 44, 133, 134, 135, 137, 139 Parker, Colonel, 95 Michael, 202 Paris, 113 Colonel, 171 Parkman, Francis, 115 Parsons, William, 76, 106 Partich, George, 79 Susan, 80 Patrick, Captain, 194 Patterson or Patterson's, 180 Fort, 89, 93 Paxinosa, 44, 74 Paxton or Paxtang, 5, 41, 127, 128, 129 Rangers or Boys, 127, 128, 129, 130, 134, 159, 160 Peabody, Asa, 151 Peck, Priscilla, 207 Pemberton, Israel, 81, 99, 100, 107, 115 Pence, Peter, 202 Pencil, Henry, 187 John, 187 Pendleton, Benajah, 164 Pendergrass, Gerrard, 101 Pennamite, Pennamites, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163 War, 162 Penn, Estate, 81 Fort, 188 Governor, 125, 156, 174 Heirs, 107, 127 John, 36, 38, 147 Purchase at Albany, 36, 38 Purchase at Fort Stanwix, 144 Richard, 144, 158 Thomas, 16, 29, 32, 59, 81, 144, 153, 154, 156, 161 William, 13, 14, 15, 156 Pennsbury, 15 Penn's Creek, 36, 41, 74, 75, 190 Pennslyvania, I, 4, 13, 14, 19, 24, 28, 31, 32, 33, 35, 37, 38, 39, 41, 43, 50, 56, 60, 62, 63, 64, 72, 76, 81, 84, 87, 88, 90, 98, 99, 103, 105, 106, 107, 115, 119, 127, 131, 140, 143, 144, 145, 147, 150, 153, 154, 156, 158, 161, 194, 200, 207, 208, 212 Assembly, 74, 107 Compromising Act, 163 Frontier, 35, 74, 75, 103, 122, 145, 212 Gazette, 36 German, 212 Government, 10, 21 Law Reports, 147 Legislative Appropriations, 74, 81 Provincial Council, 9, 10, 12, 15, 26, 31 Pennslyvanians, 38, 74, 107, 108, 161 Penrose, Boies, 93 Perkins, John, 189 Perry County, 118 Peru, Indiana, 192, 193 Fesquetum, 103, 104 230 index (continued) Peters, Abraham, 37, 50 Caroline, 50 Hendrick, 35, 37 Richard, 13, 24, 27, 29, 32, 36, 38, 107, 143 Judge, Richard, 158 William, 22, 23 Pettebone, Stephen, 189 Phelps, Noah, 165 Philadelphia, 9, 13, 14, 20, 22, 26, 27, 28, 31, 43, 64, 78, 81, 92, 107, 117, 119, 130, 131, 132, 134, 138, 154, 159, 160, 162 Phillips, General, 179 Philip, 143 Pierce, Ezekiel, 185 Timothy, 164 Pienpack, 194 Pier, Robert, 82 Pike, Abraham, 203 Creek, 203 County, 153, 158 Township, 153 Pine Creek, 147, 190 Grove, 5 Pipe, Captain, 124, 139, 206 Pitkin, Col. John, 69 Pitt, Fort, 108, 110, 116, 117, 118, 119, 122, 144, 145, 206, 208 William, 102, 107, 113 Pittsburg, 108, 110, 116, 117, 119, 120, 124, 139, 140, 206, 207, 208 Pittston, 158, 159, 163, 188 Plains, 44 Of Abraham, 113 Plank, Fort, 210 Plawicky, 15 Plymouth, 44, 121, 158, 159, 163, 204 Company, 37 Plunket, Dr. William, 162, 163 Pocopoko, 79, 80, 88 Pocono, Mountains, 16, 188, 200 Point Pleasant, 145 Pollard, Captain, 186 Pomeroy, Colonel, 209 Col. Seth, 69 Pomfret Castle, 88, 93 Pompshire, John, 99 Pontiac, Pontiac's War, 115, 116 Poor, Poor's, Brigade, 179, 200, 201 Gen. Enoch, 180, 199, 201 Port Jervis, 151, 152 Post, Christian Frederick, 7, 103, 104, 105, 106, 115 Post's Mission, 108 Potomac river, 23, 64, 74 Potter, Potter's, Captain, 91 County, 39 Field, 135 Gen. James, 203 Sheriff, 78 Pouchot, Captain, 111, 112 Pownal, John, 72 Thomas, 69, 72 Pratt, Charles, 156 Presbyterians, 41, 45, 131, 132, 169, 17