JNCOLN ROOM 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 LIBRARY 
 
 MEMORIAL 
 
 the Class of 1901 
 
 founded by 
 
 HARLAN HOYT HORNER 
 
 and 
 
 HENRIETTA CALHOUN HORNER 
 
^Xt~*/ 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2012 with funding from 
 
 University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/witwisdomofabrahOOIinc 
 
THE WIT AND 
 
 WISDOM OF 
 
 ABRAHAM 
 
 LINCOLN 
 
The Wit and Wisdom of 
 
 as Reflected in His Briefer Letters 
 and Speeches 
 
 EDITED DY H. JACK LANG 
 
 CLEVELAND •- b=z « NEW YORK 
 
 THE WORLD PUBLISHING COMPANY 
 
Published by THE WORLD PUBLISHING COMPANY 
 2231 WEST 110TH STREET ' CLEVELAND * OHIO 
 
 TOWER BOOKS EDITION 
 
 FIRST PRINTING SEPTEMBER 1942 
 
 SECOND PRINTING MARCH 1943 
 
 THIRD PRINTING AUGUST I943 
 
 FOURTH PRINTING MARCH 1944 
 
 FIFTH PRINTING NOVEMBER 1946 
 
 HC 
 
 COPYRIGHT I94I BY THE WORLD PUBLISHING COMPANY 
 
 MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 
 
• ILfeB 
 
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 Contents 
 
 VVVVV\V\\VVVV\\VVVVVV\AM,\Vt\\VV\A.VXV\VVV\V\VVUVV\\\\VVVVVtVV^VVVVVV\VVVV\VVVV\\VU\\VUVVUVVWV\VVVVV'vVUU\\\\V 
 
 Postmaster, Lawyer, Representative of the 
 
 
 People (1832-1861) 
 
 
 PAGE 
 
 First Political Speech 
 
 
 1 
 
 To George Spears 
 
 
 2 
 
 To the Editor of the Sangamon 
 
 Journal 
 
 3 
 
 To Robert Allen 
 
 
 5 
 
 To Mary Owens 
 
 
 7 
 
 To Mary Speed 
 
 
 10 
 
 To Joshua F. Speed 
 
 
 15 
 
 To William H. Herndon 
 
 
 16 
 
 To William H. Herndon 
 
 
 19 
 
 To Thomas Lincoln and John D 
 
 . Johnston 
 
 21 
 
 To Judge Stephen T. Logan 
 
 
 25 
 
 To C. U. Schlater 
 
 
 26 
 
 To Abraham Bale 
 
 
 27 
 
 Notes For a Law Lecture 
 
 
 29 
 
 To John D. Johnston 
 
 
 33 
 
 To L. M. Hays 
 
 
 35 
 
 Fragment 
 
 
 36 
 
 To Joseph Gillespie 
 
 
 38 
 
 To W. H. Henderson 
 
 
 40 
 
 To Joshua F. Speed 
 
 
 42 
 
 To R. P. Morgan 
 
 
 5° 
 
 To George P. Floyd 
 
 
 5 1 
 
 To Henry Walker Bishop 
 
 
 52 
 
 To Julian M. Sturtevant 
 
 
 53 
 
 To Stephen A. Douglas 
 
 
 55 
 
 To Stephen A. Douglas 
 
 
 56 
 
 [v] 
 
To N. B. Judd 
 
 57 
 
 To Henry Asbury 
 
 59 
 
 Lincoln Autograph 
 
 60 
 
 To H. L. Pierce and Others 
 
 61 
 
 To a New York Firm 
 
 65 
 
 To T. J. Pickett 
 
 66 
 
 To Dr. Theodore Canisius 
 
 68 
 
 To J. W. Fell 
 
 70 
 
 To O. P. Hall, J. R. Fullenwider and U. F. 
 
 
 Correll 
 
 74 
 
 Reply to Chicago Convention Committee 
 
 77 
 
 To Charles C. Nott 
 
 79 
 
 To George Ashmun 
 
 82 
 
 To George Latham 
 
 83 
 
 To Professor Gardner 
 
 85 
 
 To William D.Kelly 
 
 86 
 
 To Grace Bedell 
 
 87 
 
 To William S. Speer 
 
 89 
 
 To Alexander H. Stephens 
 
 9 1 
 
 Address at Springfield 
 
 93 
 
 Address at Indianapolis 
 
 95 
 
 Address at Philadelphia 
 
 98 
 
 The President (1861-1865) 
 
 
 To William H. Seward 
 
 101 
 
 To William H. Seward 
 
 102 
 
 To Leonard Swett 
 
 105 
 
 To Major Robert Anderson 
 
 106 
 
 To Gustavus V. Fox 
 
 108 
 
 To Colonel Ellsworth's Parents 
 
 110 
 
 To Major Ramsey 
 
 112 
 
 To Edwin M. Stanton 
 
 113 
 
 To Major-General Hunter 
 
 114 
 
 To Edwin M. Stanton 
 
 118 
 
 To George B. McClellan 
 
 120 
 
 [vi] 
 
To J ohn W. Crisfield 1 2 1 
 
 To William H. Seward 123 
 
 To Reverdy Johnson 1 2 5 
 
 To August Belmont 128 
 
 Note to Colonel Fielding 130 
 
 To Horace Greeley 1 3 1 
 Reply to Interdenominational Religious 
 
 Committee . 134 
 
 To Hannibal Hamlin 141 
 
 Speech at Frederick, Maryland 143 
 
 Telegram to General George B. McClellan 144 
 
 Telegram to General George B. McClellan 145 
 
 To General Nathaniel P. Banks 147 
 
 Telegram to Governor John A. Andrew 149 
 
 To the Army of the Potomac 1 50 
 
 To Fanny McCullough 152 
 
 Final Emancipation Proclamation 154 
 
 To General Samuel R. Curtis 159 
 
 To "Fighting Joe" Hooker 162 
 
 To Governor Horatio Seymour 165 
 
 Telegram to "Fighting Joe" Hooker 167 
 
 Telegram to General Daniel Tyler 169 
 
 Speech Before the Treasury Building 1 70 
 
 To General John M. Schofield 1 7 1 
 
 Response to a Serenade 173 
 
 To Ulysses S. Grant 176 
 
 To General George G. Meade 1 78 
 
 To General Oliver O. Howard 181 
 
 To Postmaster-General Montgomery Blair 183 
 
 To James C. Conkling 1 85 
 
 To General William S. Rosecrans 193 
 Telegram to J. K. Dubois and O. M. Hatch 195 
 
 To O. M. Hatch and J. K. Dubois 196 
 
 To Thurlow Weed 197 
 
 [vii] 
 
To Montgomery Blair 198 
 
 Letter Quoted by the Washington Star 200 
 
 To James H. Hackett 201 
 
 To Secretary-of-War Edwin M. Stanton 203 
 Address at the Gettysburg National Cemetery 204 
 
 To Edward Everett 206 
 
 To General George G. Meade 208 
 Indorsement on Document to Edwin M. 
 
 Stanton 210 
 
 To Salmon P. Chase 2 1 1 
 
 To A. G. Hodges 214 
 
 Address at Baltimore 220 
 
 To Ulysses S. Grant 225 
 
 To Edwin M. Stanton 227 
 
 To William Cullen Bryant 228 
 
 To Salmon P. Chase 231 
 
 To Edwin M. Stanton 232 
 
 Telegram to Ulysses S. Grant 234 
 
 Secret Memorandum 235 
 
 Address to the 148th Ohio Regiment 236 
 
 To Eliza P. Gurney 239 
 
 To Postmaster-General Montgomery Blair 241 
 
 Response to Serenade 243 
 
 To Mrs. Bixby 246 
 
 To John Phillips 248 
 
 Response to Serenade 250 
 
 To William Tecumseh Sherman 251 
 
 To Edwin M. Stanton 253 
 
 To Ulysses S. Grant 254 
 
 Reply to Congressional Committee 256 
 
 Second Inaugural Address 257 
 
 To Thurlo w Weed 2 6 1 
 
 Telegram to Ulysses S. Grant 263 
 The President's Last, Shortest, and Best Speech 264 
 
 [ viii ] 
 
*VVVVVVVVVVV\VIVVVVV\AVVVVVVVV\VVVVVVVVV\VVVVVVVVVVVM 
 
 Introduction 
 
 AVVV\VVV\\VVVVVVVVVV\\VVVVVVV\VVVVVVVVVVV\V\V\VVVV\V^^ 
 
 I 
 
 All art does but consist in 
 the removal of surplusage. 
 
 —Walter Pater 
 
 "The artist," said Schiller, "may be known rather 
 by what he omits; and in literature, too, the true artist 
 may be best recognized by his tact of omission." Abra- 
 ham Lincoln exercised this "tact of omission" to an 
 amazing degree. 
 
 In the following pages an attempt has been made to 
 collect, for the first time, Lincoln's masterpieces of 
 brevity; the brevity which was not only the soul of his 
 wit, but the sinew of his strength and the heart of his 
 compassion. 
 
 Lincoln, said the London Spectator, could never 
 tolerate the tyranny of mere words, but always pressed 
 through them to the reality beyond. When Lincoln 
 spoke he was an orator, never an elocutionist. Said 
 Robert G. Ingersoll, in drawing this distinction: 
 
"The elocutionists believe in the virtue of voice, 
 the sublimity of syntax, the majesty of long 
 sentences, and the genius of gesture. 
 
 "The orator loves the real, the simple, the na- 
 tural. He places the thought above all. He knows 
 that the greatest ideas should be expressed in the 
 shortest words— that the greatest statues need the 
 least drapery." 
 
 Lincoln's lessons in brevity began early. Everyone is 
 familiar with the picture of gangling, young Abe, book 
 in hand, stretched full-length before the fire, in his 
 rough-hewn log-cabin. His first efforts at composition 
 were written in charcoal, on the small area he was able 
 to scrape clean on the back of a wood shovel. Paper was 
 a precious commodity in the Lincoln household, and 
 when young Abe was able to find a small scrap, he was 
 forced "to cut his words close." 
 
 What formal education he had was picked up in 
 "blab schools," where all writing and reading were 
 done out loud. Lincoln never gave up this habit of 
 reading out loud as he wrote, and as William E. Barton 
 observed, "His verbal precision came in part from his 
 weighing the word, both the sense and the sound, as he 
 wrote it." 
 
 The subjects of Lincoln's study, as well as the manner, 
 pointed toward a lucidity and conciseness of style. He 
 formed a pattern of logic and clarity from his studies 
 
 [x] 
 
of Euclid and he drank deeply from the "Grand Sim- 
 plicities of the Bible." 
 
 His early legal training contributed, too. 'In law," 
 wrote Lincoln to Usher F. Linder, "it is a good policy 
 never to plead what you need not, lest you oblige your- 
 self to prove what you cannot/' Linder was the lawyer 
 young Abe had once "let down" in a criminal case, by 
 making a brief appeal when he was expected to make a 
 very long one. "I shall never be old enough," said Lin- 
 coln on this and many later occasions, "to speak without 
 embarrassment when I have nothing to say." 
 
 Throughout his whole life we find that brevity had 
 an important influence on Lincoln. We learn, too, that 
 it frequently served him as an evaluation of the merit 
 of others. After reading one of the speeches General 
 Grant had made to his army, Lincoln declared, "The 
 modesty and brevity of that address shows that the 
 officer issuing it ... is the man to command." 
 
 When Henry Clay died in 1852 Lincoln said in his 
 Eulogy: 
 
 "Mr. Clay's eloquence did not consist, as many 
 fine specimens of eloquence do, of types and figures, 
 of antithesis and elegant arrangement of words and 
 sentences, but rather of that deeply earnest and im- 
 passioned tone and manner which can proceed only 
 from great sincerity, and a thorough conviction in 
 the speaker of the justice and importance of his 
 
 [xi] 
 
cause. This it is that truly touches the chords of 
 sympathy; and those who heard Mr. Clay never 
 failed to be moved by it, or ever afterward forgot 
 the impression. All his efforts were made for prac- 
 tical effect. He never spoke merely to be heard." 
 Having little of the magniloquent in his own nature 
 Lincoln had little patience when he found it in others. 
 When he read an unnecessarily long and verbose brief 
 a lawyer had prepared, Lincoln remarked,— "It's like 
 the lazy preacher that used to write long sermons, and 
 the explanation was, he got to writin' and was too lazy 
 to stop." 
 
 There are many incidents reminiscent of the great 
 philosopher Pascal who once apologized to a friend for 
 having written a twenty-page letter, saying that he had 
 "no leisure to make it shorter." General Cameron, Lin- 
 coln's first Secretary of War, wrote the President-Elect 
 in 1860, "You may as well be getting your inaugural 
 address ready, so as to have plenty of time to make it 
 short." 
 
 Even in formal state papers, Lincoln believed in 
 saying what he had to say in the fewest possible words, 
 without frills or ornamentation of any kind. "What a 
 sharpshooter's bead he could draw in one sentence," 
 said Carl Sandburg who related the story of one occa- 
 sion when Secretary of State Seward suggested that Lin- 
 coln's message to the British Prime Minister could be 
 
 [xu] 
 
couched in more diplomatic terms, to befit that digni- 
 tary's lofty station. Said Mr. Lincoln: 
 
 ''Mr. Secretary, do you suppose Palmerston will 
 understand our position from my letter, just as 
 it is?" 
 
 "Certainly, Mr. President." 
 "Do you suppose the London Times will?" 
 "Certainly." 
 
 "Do you suppose the average Englishman of 
 affairs will?" 
 
 "Certainly. It cannot be mistaken in England." 
 "Do you suppose that a hackman on his box will 
 understand it?" 
 
 "Very readily, Mr. President." 
 "Very well, Mr. Secretary, I guess we'll let her 
 slide just as she is." 
 
 There is evidence after evidence that brevity of style 
 was not only inborn in Abraham Lincoln but that it 
 was an objective which he assiduously pursued. He con- 
 cluded a terse note to John Bennett by saying, "This is 
 not a long letter but it contains the whole story." 
 
 Lincoln's Wit and Wisdom makes fascinating read- 
 ing because he was a master of the art of economizing 
 your— the reader's— time. There is no extraneous verbi- 
 age to cloud the light of his shining truths. The Cam- 
 bridge History of American Literature's seventeen-page 
 tribute to Lincoln's writings testifies that they will for- 
 
 [ x "i ] 
 
ever rank among the worlds models of brevity. Their 
 greatness is best summed up by Harriet Beecher Stowe: 
 "We say of Lincoln's writing, that for all true, 
 manly purposes of writing, there are passages in 
 his state papers that could not be better put— they 
 are absolutely perfect. They are brief, condensed, 
 intense, and with a power of insight and expression 
 which make them worthy to be inscribed in letters 
 of gold." 
 
 II 
 
 And when he fell in whirlwind, he went down 
 As when a kingly cedar green with boughs, 
 Goes down with a great shout upon the hills, 
 And leaves a lonesome space against the sky. 
 
 —Edwin Markham 
 
 Abraham Lincoln left "a lonesome place against the 
 sky," but his words live on because their ringing truths 
 were not for the ears of his age alone. 
 
 "I am little inclined to say anything unless I hope 
 to produce some good by it," wrote Lincoln. It is be- 
 cause of this determination that we find so much mean- 
 ingful counsel compressed into every sentence he 
 uttered or wrote. 
 
 Em] 
 
Lincoln's words were words of wisdom whether he 
 was advising a faltering general, a shiftless stepbrother, 
 an influential newspaper editor, or a young man 
 struggling to make his way in the world. 
 
 Lincoln, the lawyer, the father, the leader of his 
 country, asked himself the same questions we are asking 
 ourselves today. "What is Democracy?" queried Lin- 
 coln and then proceeded to give an admirable definition 
 in two short sentences. 
 
 "Shall the liberties of this country be preserved?" 
 wondered Lincoln and then told the assembled citizens 
 of Indianapolis, "When the people rise in mass in be- 
 half of the liberties of this country, truly it may be 
 said, 'The gates of hell cannot prevail against them.' ' 
 
 "It has long been a grave question," observed Lin- 
 coln on another occasion, "whether any government, 
 not too strong for the liberties of its people, can be 
 strong enough to maintain its existence in great emerg- 
 encies." The answer Lincoln found not in material 
 resources but in the resolute spirit of the American 
 people. "Gold is good in its place, but living, brave, 
 patriotic men are better than gold." 
 
 So amazingly applicable to present conditions are the 
 observations of Lincoln that we find it difficult to be- 
 lieve they were uttered for any time but our own. Is it 
 really Lincoln, and not a contemporary, who said that 
 when the "Know-Nothings," who preached the doctrine 
 
 [xv] 
 
of racial hatred, should come into control, "I shall pre- 
 fer emigrating to some country where they make no 
 pretense of loving liberty,— to Russia, for instance, 
 where despotism can be taken pure, and without the 
 base alloy of hypocrisy." 
 
 Is Lincoln not speaking of our own fifth-columnists 
 when he writes John W. Crisfield decrying the attitude 
 of the courts in finding "a safe place for certain men to 
 stand on the Constitution, whilst they should stab it 
 in another place." Again, when a minister used his 
 pulpit to preach un-American doctrines, Lincoln in- 
 structed General Curtis: ''When an individual in a 
 church or out of it becomes dangerous to the public 
 interest, he must be checked; but let the churches, as 
 such, take care of themselves. 
 
 There is hardly a modern problem which Lincoln has 
 not thought through for us with his great and good 
 judgment. He recognized the "hard dilemma" which 
 every conscientious objector and true pacifist faces, 
 opposed as he is, "on principle and faith," to both war 
 and oppression. In his inspired letter of September 4, 
 1864 he answers this perplexing question not only for 
 Eliza P. Gurney of the Quaker Society of Friends but 
 for all conscientious objectors to come. 
 
 Lincoln's wisdom is not only revealed in his judg- 
 ments on the great issues of the day but in his counsel on 
 everyday affairs. Lincoln was always a keen student of 
 
 [xvi] 
 
human psychology. His letters to his generals comprise 
 a comprehensive study in the strategy of handling 
 people. He knew just when to be firm and unyielding, 
 when to praise or to censure, and when to be humbly 
 apologetic to gain his end. 
 
 In his famous letter to "Fighting Joe" Hooker, Lin- 
 coln knew he could safely say, "I have heard, in such a 
 way as to believe it, of your recently saying that both 
 the army and the government needed a dictator. What 
 I now ask of you is military success, and I will risk the 
 dictatorship." To the complaining General Hunter he 
 admonished, "He who does something at the head of 
 one Regiment, will eclipse him who does nothing at 
 the head of a hundred." 
 
 In a gentler vein he could chide General McClellan 
 for his over-cautiousness and inaction, or write letters of 
 encouragement and grateful appreciation. Most remark- 
 able of his expressions of gratitude were those written 
 not in appreciation of successes gained, but in dark 
 hours of defeat, when he knew that his generals had 
 exerted their best efforts. His letters to Gustavus Fox, 
 who failed in his attempt to provision Fort Sumter; to 
 General Meade, who failed to pursue his advantage after 
 Gettysburg; and to the Army of the Potomac after their 
 crushing defeat at Fredericksburg, best show Lincoln's 
 sympathetic understanding. 
 
 Among Lincoln's earlier writings we find many ex- 
 
amples of his unfailing sense of humor— his "rat-hole" 
 letter to a New York firm, his soap testimonial to Pro- 
 fessor Gardner, his much-quoted letter to little Grace 
 Bedell— to name just a few. It is a commentary on his 
 greatness of spirit that in later years, even in times of 
 most serious crises, his sense of humor never deserted 
 him. 
 
 Lincoln's instinctive faculty for finding the right 
 word for every occasion makes his letters and speeches 
 a source of inspiration and guidance for everyone. His 
 letters of consolation are classic examples for all to fol- 
 low—not only the famous note to Mrs. Bixby, but those 
 to the parents of Colonel Ellsworth and to the daughter 
 of Colonel McCullough. The same may be said of his 
 letters of apology, acceptance, acknowledgment, and 
 recommendation, for each is a perfect pattern of its 
 type. 
 
 [ xviii ^ 
 
*vv*vvvvvvtvvvvvvvvv\A*v^vvvv^\vlvv\\vvvvv^A\vvw^vvvvvv^ 
 
 Acknowledgments 
 
 MM/WMMAM/WWWWWWAMH^^ 
 
 No collection of Lincoln's writings would be possible 
 were it not for the "spade work" of those who ferreted 
 out his precious documents from collectors' albums, 
 dealers' shelves, newspaper morgues, and library and 
 government archives. The first seven important works 
 listed below— upon which this editor has drawn heavily 
 —include virtually all of Lincoln's known writings. A 
 debt of gratitude is due to: Dr. Louis A. Warren, Di- 
 rector, and M. A. Cook, Librarian, of The Lincoln Na- 
 tional Life Foundation, for supplying a number of 
 items hitherto unpublished in any of these standard 
 works; Paul M. Angle, Librarian of The Illinois State 
 Library in Springfield, for rendering needed assistance 
 in checking the authenticity of certain letters and 
 speeches included in this selection; Carl W. Schaefer, 
 Cleveland lawyer and trustee of The Lincoln Memorial 
 University, for offering helpful suggestions. 
 
 Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln (12 volumes). 
 Edited by John G. Nicolay and John Hay. Tandy- 
 Gettysburg Edition. * 
 
 [xix] 
 
Uncollected Letters of Abraham Lincoln. By Gilbert A. 
 
 Tracy. Houghton Mifflin Company. 
 Abraham Lincoln, A New Portrait, (2 volumes). By 
 
 Emanuel Hertz. Horace Liveright, Inc. 
 New Letters and Papers of Lincoln. Compiled by Paul 
 
 M. Angle. Houghton Mifflin Company. 
 Lincoln Letters, Hitherto Unpublished, In The Library 
 
 of Brown University. The University Library. 
 Abraham Lincoln, The Prairie Years (2 volumes). By 
 
 Carl Sandburg. Harcourt, Brace & Company. 
 Abraham Lincoln, The War Years (4 volumes). By 
 
 Carl Sandburg. Harcourt, Brace & Company. 
 The Real Lincoln. By Jesse W. Weik. Houghton Mifflin 
 
 Company. 
 Abraham Lincoln and The Hooker Letter. By William 
 
 E. Barton. The Bowling Green Press. 
 The Life and Writings of Abraham Lincoln. By Philip 
 
 Van Doren Stern. Random House. 
 
 [xx] 
 
". . . short and sweet \i\e the old woman s dance.' 
 
 JL/INCOLN'S first political speech, as later remembered by 
 his friend A. Y. Ellis, was the very essence of brevity. It won 
 respect for Young Abe but not the election— the only time he 
 ever was defeated by popular vote. 
 
 FIRST POLITICAL SPEECH 
 AT PAPPSVILLE, ILL.-MARCH, 1832 
 
 FELLOW-CITIZENS: 
 I presume you all know who I am. I am 
 humble Abraham Lincoln. I have been solicited 
 by many friends to become a candidate for the 
 Legislature. My politics are short and sweet, like 
 the old woman's dance. I am in favor of a national 
 bank. I am in favor of the internal improvement 
 system, and a high protective tariff. These are my 
 sentiments and political principles. If elected, I 
 shall be thankful; if not it will be all the same. 
 
 ti] 
 
Lincoln — The Postmaster 
 
 wwwvvwvvwwvwvwww 
 
 I 
 
 N 1833 Lincoln served as postmaster of the small town of 
 New Salem. He accepted this federal post, which none of his 
 fellow townsmen wanted, so that he could read the newspa- 
 pers. These pointed words were addressed to a publisher who 
 demanded a postage receipt. 
 
 LETTER TO GEORGE SPEARS 
 
 Circa 1833 
 
 MR. SPEARS: 
 At your request I send you a receipt for 
 the postage on your paper. I am somewhat sur- 
 prised at your request. I will, however, comply 
 with it. The law requires Newspaper postage to 
 be paid in advance, and now that I have waited a 
 full year you choose to wound my feelings by in- 
 sinuating that unless you get a receipt I will prob- 
 ably make you pay it again. 
 
 Respectfully, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 [2] 
 
Young Abe "Shows His Hand' 1 
 
 i 
 
 N 1836 Lincoln again ran for the State Legislature and once 
 more stated his platform in the fewest possible words. This 
 time he was elected by a comfortable majority. 
 
 LETTER TO THE EDITOR OF THE 
 SANGAMON JOURNAL 
 
 New Salem, June 13, 1836 
 
 TO THE EDITOR OF THE " JOURNAL": 
 In your paper of last Saturday I see a 
 communication, over the signature of "Many Vo- 
 ters," in which the candidates who are announced 
 in the "Journal" are called upon to "show their 
 hands." Agreed. Here's mine. 
 
 I go for all sharing the privileges of the govern- 
 ment who assist in bearing its burdens. Conse- 
 quently, I go for admitting all whites to the right 
 of suffrage who pay taxes or bear arms (by no 
 means excluding females). 
 
 [3] 
 
If elected, I shall consider the whole people of 
 Sangamon my constituents, as well those that op- 
 pose as those that support me. 
 
 While acting as their representative, I shall be 
 governed by their will on all subjects upon which 
 I have the means of knowing what their will is; 
 and upon all others, I shall do what my own judg- 
 ment teaches me will best advance their interests. 
 Whether elected or not, I go for distributing the 
 proceeds of the sales of the public lands to the 
 several States, to enable our State, in common with 
 others, to dig canals and construct railroads with- 
 out borrowing money and paying the interest 
 on it. 
 
 If alive on the first Monday in November, I 
 shall vote for Hugh L. White for President. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [4] 
 
VVVWVVVVVWVWVVlVVVVVVVVM'tVWVl^^ 
 
 ". . . let the worst come.' 
 
 vvvvwvivwwvvivvvvvtvivvvvwvvv^ 
 
 HEN Colonel Robert Allen, opposing candidate for 
 the Illinois Legislature, hinted that he "knew unspeakable 
 things" about Lincoln and his running-mate, Lincoln chal- 
 lenged him to tell all. 
 
 LETTER TO ROBERT ALLEN 
 
 New Salem, June 21, 1836 
 
 D 
 
 EAR COLONEL: 
 
 I am told that during my absence last 
 week you passed through this place, and stated 
 publicly that you were in possession of a fact or 
 facts which, if known to the public, would entirely 
 destroy the prospects of N. W. Edwards and my- 
 self at the ensuing election; but that, through 
 favor to us, you should forbear to divulge them. 
 No one has needed favors more than I, and, gen- 
 erally, few have been less unwilling to accept 
 them; but in this case favor to me would be in- 
 
 [5] 
 
justice to the public, and therefore I must beg 
 your pardon for declining it. That I once had the 
 confidence of the people of Sangamon, is suffi- 
 ciently evident; and if I have since done anything, 
 either by design or misadventure, which if known 
 would subject me to a forfeiture of that confi- 
 dence, he that knows of that thing, and conceals 
 it, is a traitor to his country's interest. 
 
 I find myself wholly unable to form any con- 
 jecture of what fact or facts, real or supposed, you 
 spoke; but my opinion of your veracity will not 
 permit me for a moment to doubt that you at least 
 believed what you said. I am flattered with the 
 personal regard you manifested for me; but I do 
 hope that, on more mature reflection, you will 
 view the public interest as a paramount considera- 
 tion, and therefore determine to let the worst 
 come. I here assure you that the candid statement 
 of facts on your part, however low it may sink me, 
 shall never break the tie of personal friendship 
 between us. I wish an answer to this, and you are 
 at liberty to publish both, if you choose. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [6] 
 
vwvvvvvvvvvvvwvvw^uwiwtvvvvivvwvwvvvv^^ 
 
 'Whatever woman may cast her lot with mine. . . ." 
 
 VWMAWVVVVVVVVVVlVlVVVVVVVtVVVVVVlVVVVVVVWM^ 
 
 F, 
 
 EW men have survived more bitter disappointments than 
 did Abraham Lincoln. The one that nearly spelled his un- 
 doing was the death of Ann Rutledge in 1835. This great loss 
 resulted in Lincoln's hypochondria and many impulsive re- 
 actions including his courting of Miss Mary Owens. We 
 probably never shall know whether the realization that he 
 was not truly in love or whether caution and a sense of fair- 
 ness prompted this letter. 
 
 LETTER TO MARY OWENS 
 
 Springfield, May 7, 1837 
 
 FRIEND MARY: 
 I have commenced two letters to send 
 you before this, both of which displeased me be- 
 fore I got half done, and so I tore them up. The 
 first I thought was not serious enough, and the 
 second was on the other extreme. I shall send this, 
 turn out as it may. 
 
 [7] 
 
This thing of living in Springfield is rather a 
 dull business, after all; at least it is to me. I am 
 quite as lonesome here as I ever was anywhere in 
 my life. I have been spoken to by but one woman 
 since I have been here, and should not have been 
 by her if she could have avoided it. I've never 
 been to church yet, and probably shall not be 
 soon. I stay away because I am conscious I should 
 not know how to behave myself. 
 
 I am often thinking of what we said about your 
 coming to live at Springfield. I am afraid you 
 would not be satisfied. There is a great deal of 
 flourishing about in carriages here, which it would 
 be your doom to see without sharing it. You 
 would have to be poor, without the means of hid- 
 ing your poverty. Do you believe you could bear 
 that patiently? Whatever woman may cast her lot 
 with mine, should any ever do so, it is my inten- 
 tion to do all in my power to make her happy and 
 contented; and there is nothing I can imagine 
 that would make me more unhappy than to fail 
 in the effort. I know I should be much happier 
 with you than the way I am, provided I saw no 
 signs of discontent in you. What you have said 
 to me may have been in the way of jest, or I may 
 have misunderstood it. If so, then let it be for- 
 gotten; if otherwise, I much wish you would think 
 
 [8] 
 
seriously before you decide. What I have said 1 
 will most positively abide by, provided you wish 
 it. My opinion is that you had better not do it. 
 You have not been accustomed to hardship, and 
 it may be more severe than you now imagine. I 
 know you are capable of thinking correctly on 
 any subject, and if you deliberate maturely upon 
 this before you decide, then I am willing to abide 
 your decision. 
 
 You must write me a good long letter after you 
 get this. You have nothing else to do, and though 
 it might not seem interesting to you after you had 
 written it, it would be a good deal of company to 
 me in this "busy wilderness." Tell your sister I 
 don't want to hear any more about selling out and 
 moving. That gives me the "hypo" whenever I 
 think of it. 
 
 Yours, etc., 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 [9] 
 
**VVVVVVV\Vl\\VlVl\VVVl\VV\*VlVVWVVVVV\V\AVVVVV\\\VW^ 
 
 ". . . \i\e so many fish upon a trotlme." 
 
 \\VV\VVVWVVVVVV\VVVVV^V\VVVVVVV\V\\AA\V\V\\V\\VV\\\VVVU\V\\\\V\\\\\VVVVVV\\\\\AAVVVVWVVVV\VV\VVNVV\V\VVVV\V\VU 
 
 ETURNING from a visit to Kentucky, Lincoln writes to 
 the sister of his friend "Josh'* Speed, giving news of her 
 brother's health and a vivid word picture of slaves being 
 transported south. 
 
 LETTER TO MARY SPEED 
 
 Bloomington, 111., September 27, 1841 
 
 M 
 
 Y FRIEND 
 
 Having resolved to write to some of 
 your mother's family, and not having the express 
 permission of anyone of them to do so, I have had 
 some little difficulty in determining on which to 
 inflict the task of reading what I now feel must be 
 a most dull and silly letter; but when I remem- 
 bered that you and I were something of cronies 
 while I was at Farmington, and that while there 
 I was under the necessity of shutting you up in a 
 
 [10] 
 
room to prevent your committing an assault and 
 battery upon me, I instantly decided that you 
 should be the devoted one. I assume that you have 
 not heard from Joshua and myself since we left, 
 because I think it doubtful whether he has writ- 
 ten. You remember there was some uneasiness 
 about Joshua's health when we left. That little 
 indisposition of his turned out to be nothing seri- 
 ous, and it was pretty nearly forgotten when we 
 reached Springfield. We got on board the steam- 
 boat Lebanon in the locks of the canal, about 
 twelve o'clock M. of the day we left, and reached 
 St. Louis the next Monday at 8 P. M. Nothing of 
 interest happened during the passage, except the 
 vexatious delays occasioned by the sand-bars be 
 thought interesting. By the way, a fine example 
 was presented on board the boat for contemplat- 
 ing the effect of condition upon human happiness. 
 A gentleman had purchased twelve negroes in dif- 
 ferent parts of Kentucky, and was taking them to 
 a farm in the South. They were chained six and 
 six together. A small iron clevis was around the 
 left wrist of each, and this was fastened to the main 
 chain by a shorter one, at a convenient distance 
 from the others, so that the negroes were strung 
 together precisely like so many fish upon a trot- 
 line. In this condition they were being separated 
 
 [ii] 
 
forever from the scenes of their childhood, their 
 friends, their fathers and mothers, and brothers 
 and sisters, and many of them from their wives 
 and children, and going into perpetual slavery, 
 where the lash of the master is proverbially more 
 ruthless and unrelenting than any other where; 
 and yet amid all these distressing circumstances, 
 as we would think them, they were the most cheer- 
 ful and apparently happy creatures on board. One 
 whose offense for which he had been sold was an 
 over-fondness for his wife, played the fiddle almost 
 continually, and the others danced, sang, cracked 
 jokes, and played various games with cards from 
 day to day. How true it is that "God tempers the 
 wind to the shorn lamb," or in other words, that 
 he renders the worst of human conditions toler- 
 able, while he permits the best to be nothing bet- 
 ter than tolerable. To return to the narrative. 
 When we reached Springfield, I stayed but one 
 day, when I started on this tedious circuit where 
 I now am. Do you remember my going to the city, 
 while I was in Kentucky, to have a tooth extracted, 
 and making a failure of it? Well, that same old 
 tooth got to paining me so much that about a 
 week since I had it torn out, bringing with it a bit 
 of the jaw-bone, the consequence of which is that 
 
 [12] 
 
my mouth is now so sore that I can neither talk 
 nor eat. 
 
 I am literally "subsisting on savory remem- 
 brances"— that is, being unable to eat, I am living 
 upon the remembrance of the delicious dishes of 
 peaches and cream we used to have at your house. 
 When we left, Miss Fanny Henning was owing 
 you a visit, as I understood. Has she paid it yet? 
 If she has, are you not convinced that she is one 
 of the sweetest girls in the world? There is but 
 one thing about her, so far as I could perceive, 
 that I would have otherwise than as it is— that is, 
 something of a tendency to melancholy. This, let 
 it be observed, is a misfortune, not a fault. 
 
 Give her an assurance of my very highest regard 
 when you see her. Is little Siss Eliza Davis at your 
 house yet? If she is, kiss her "o'er and o'er again" 
 for me. 
 
 Tell your mother that I have not got her " pres- 
 ent" (an "Oxford" Bible) with me, but I intend 
 to read it regularly when I return home. I doubt 
 not that it is really, as she says, the best cure for 
 the blues, could one but take it according to the 
 truth. Give my respects to all your sisters (includ- 
 ing Aunt Emma) and brothers. Tell Mrs. Peay, of 
 whose happy face I shall long retain a pleasant 
 
 [131 
 
remembrance, that I have been trying to think of 
 a name for her homestead, but as yet cannot sat- 
 isfy myself with one. I shall be very happy to re- 
 ceive a line from you soon after you receive this, 
 and in case you choose to favor me with one, ad- 
 dress it to Charleston, Coles County, 111., as I shall 
 be there about the time to receive it. Your sincere 
 friend, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [141 
 
,vvvm\v\\vvvvvvv\\vvvv\vvv\vv\v\\\A<vvuvvvvvvv\v\w 
 
 '. . . groomsman to a man that has cut him out. . . 
 
 L: 
 
 INCOLN'S first efforts toward election to Congress ended 
 in disappointment. The Whigs determined upon his friend 
 Edward D. Baker and then, somewhat ironically, elected Lincoln 
 a delegate with instructions to vote for Baker. 
 
 LETTER TO JOSHUA F. SPEED 
 
 Springfield, March 24, 1843 
 
 DEAR SPEED: 
 . . . We had a meeting of the Whigs of 
 the county here on last Monday to appoint delegates 
 to a district convention; and Baker beat me, and 
 got the delegation instructed to go for him. The 
 meeting, in spite of my attempt to decline it, ap- 
 pointed me one of the delegates; so that in get- 
 ting Baker the nomination I shall be fixed a good 
 deal like a fellow who is made a groomsman to a 
 man that has cut him out and is marrying his own 
 dear "gal." About the prospects of your having a 
 namesake at our town, can't say exactly yet. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [15] 
 
\VVVV\%VV\\\\\\VV\\\\VVVV\V\V\\VVVV\\\\\VVV\\\\VV\\V\\\\\VVVVV^V\V\%\\VV.V\'VVVVV\V\VVV\VVV\VV\VVVVV\\\VV\\V\W\\^* 
 
 "As to speech-making. 
 
 *V*VV\VV\\VVVVVVV\\V\VVVVVV\N^VVV\\XVV\VVVVV\VV\^VV\VV\VVV\VVA\VVV\\VVVVV\\V\\V\V\VVVVV\VVVVVVVVVVVVVVV\W\\\\VV\% 
 
 HORTLY after he had taken his seat in Congress, Lincoln 
 wrote home to Billy Herndon, his young law partner, con- 
 fessing mild stage fright in addressing the House and dis- 
 cussing his aspirations to a second term. 
 
 LETTER TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON 
 
 Washington, January 8, 1848 
 
 DEAR WILLIAM: 
 Your letter of December 27 was re- 
 ceived a day or two ago. I am much obliged to 
 you for the trouble you have taken, and promise 
 to take in my little business there. As to speech- 
 making, by way of getting the hang of the House 
 I made a little speech two or three days ago on a 
 post-office question of no general interest. I find 
 speaking here and elsewhere about the same thing. 
 I was about as badly scared, and no worse, as I am 
 
 [16] 
 
when I speak in court. I expect to make one 
 within a week or two, in which I hope to succeed 
 well enough to wish you to see it. 
 
 It is very pleasant to learn from you that there 
 are some who desire that I should be reelected. I 
 most heartily thank them for their kind partiality; 
 and I can say, as Mr. Clay said of the annexation 
 of Texas, that "personally I would not object" to 
 a reelection, although I thought at the time, and 
 still think, it would be quite as well for me to re- 
 turn to the law at the end of a single term. I made 
 the declaration that I would not be a candidate 
 again, more from a wish to deal fairly with others, 
 to keep peace among our friends, and to keep the 
 district from going to the enemy, than for any 
 cause personal to myself; so that, if it should so 
 happen that nobody else wishes to be elected, I 
 could not refuse the people the right of sending 
 me again. But to enter myself as a competitor of 
 others, or to authorize anyone so to enter me, is 
 what my word and honor forbid. 
 
 I got some letters intimating a probability of so 
 much difficulty amongst our friends as to lose us 
 the district; but I remember such letters were 
 written to Baker when my own case was under 
 consideration, and I trust there is no more ground 
 
 [n] 
 
for such apprehension now than there was then. 
 Remember I am always glad to receive a letter 
 from you. 
 
 Most truly your friend, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 U8] 
 
IUW\VVVVVVVV\\V\\VVVVVVV\W\VVWV\VVIVV^ 
 
 "the very best speech ... I ever heard." 
 
 66 1P 
 
 JT OR myself," said Alexander Stephens in a speech before 
 Congress, "I can only say, if the last funeral pile of liberty 
 were lighted, I would mount it and expire in its flames before 
 I would be coerced by any power, however great and strong, 
 to sell or surrender the land of my home." These words, from 
 the man who became vice president of the Confederacy, we 
 find echoed in Lincoln's own speeches of later years. 
 
 LETTER TO WILLIAM H. HERNDON 
 
 Washington, February 2, 1848 
 
 D 
 
 EAR WILLIAM: 
 
 I just take my pen to say that Mr. 
 Stephens, of Georgia, a little, slim, pale-faced, con- 
 sumptive man, with a voice like Logan's, has just 
 concluded the very best speech of an hour's length 
 I ever heard. My old withered dry eyes are full of 
 tears yet. 
 
 [191 
 
If he writes it out anything like he delivered it, 
 our people shall see a good many copies of it. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 1201 
 
wvvvvvvvvvvvvvv\wvvwvvvvvmvvwvvvvvvivv^ 
 
 ". ; . I do not mean to he un\ind to you." 
 
 ^v\\v\v\vv\vvvvvv\\\vvvmvvv\\\v\\*\vvvvvvw.\\v\\\vvv\vvvvvmvvvivvvw 
 
 N one and the same sheet of paper Lincoln grants his 
 father's request for $20 with a bit of good-natured chiding: 
 and then refuses a larger amount to his step-brother, John D. 
 Johnston, who was considering the possibility of supporting a 
 wife, although a poor hand at providing for himself. 
 
 LETTER TO THOMAS LINCOLN 
 & JOHN D. JOHNSTON 
 
 Washington, December 24, 1848 
 
 MY DEAR FATHER: 
 Your letter of the 7th was received 
 night before last. I very cheerfully send you the 
 twenty dollars, which sum you say is necessary to 
 save your land from sale. It is singular that you 
 should have- forgotten a judgment against you; 
 and it is more singular that the plaintiff should 
 have let you forget it so long, particularly as I 
 
 [21] 
 
suppose you always had property enough to sat- 
 isfy a judgment of that amount. Before you pay it, 
 it would be well to be sure you have not paid, or 
 at least that you cannot prove that you have paid 
 it. 
 
 Give my love to mother and all the connections. 
 Affectionately your son, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 DEAR JOHNSTON: 
 Your request for eighty dollars I do not 
 think it best to comply with now. At the various 
 times when I have helped you a little you have 
 said to me, "We can get along very well now;" 
 but in a very short time I find you in the same 
 difficulty again. Now, this can only happen by 
 some defect in your conduct. What that defect is, 
 I think I know. You are not lazy, and still you are 
 an idler. I doubt whether, since I saw you, you 
 have done a good whole day's work in any one 
 day. You do not very much dislike to work, and 
 still you do not work much, merely because it does 
 not seem to you that you could get much for it. 
 This habit of uselessly wasting time is the whole 
 difficulty; it is vastly important to you, and still 
 more so to your children, that you should break 
 
 [22] 
 
the habit. It is more important to them, because 
 they have longer to live, and can keep out of an 
 idle habit before they are in it, easier than they 
 can get out after they are in. 
 
 You are now in need of some money; and what 
 I propose is, that you shall go to work, "tooth 
 and nail," for somebody who will give you money 
 for it. Let father and your boys take charge of 
 your things at home, prepare for a crop, and make 
 a crop, and you go to work for the best money 
 wages, or in discharge of any debt you owe, that 
 you can get; and, to secure you a fair reward for 
 your labor, I now promise you, that for every 
 dollar you will, between this and the first of May, 
 get for your own labor, either in money or as 
 your own indebtedness, I will then give you one 
 other dollar. By this, if you hire yourself at ten 
 dollars a month, from me you will get ten more, 
 making twenty dollars a month for your work. In 
 this I do not mean you shall go off to St. Louis, 
 or the lead mines, or the gold mines in California, 
 but I mean for you to go at it for the best wages 
 you can get close to home in Coles County. Now, 
 if you will do this, you will be soon out of debt, 
 and, what is better, you will have a habit that will 
 keep you from getting in debt again. But, if I 
 should now clear you out of debt, next year you 
 
 126] 
 
would be just as deep in as ever. You say you 
 would almost give your place in heaven for sev- 
 enty or eighty dollars. Then you value your place 
 in heaven very cheap, for I am sure you can, with 
 the offer I make, get the seventy or eighty dollars 
 for four or five months' work. You say if I will 
 furnish you the money you will deed me the land, 
 and, if you don't pay the money back, you will 
 deliver possession. Nonsense! If you can't now 
 live with the land, how will you then live without 
 it? You have always been kind to me, and I do 
 not mean to be unkind to you. On the contrary, 
 if you will but follow my advice, you will find it 
 worth more than eighty times eighty dollars to 
 you. 
 
 Affectionately your brother, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 U4) 
 
*vvvv\\vv\\\\vvvv\vmvv\\vvvv\vvvv\vvvvv\vvvvvv\vvvvmvvvvv\vvvvvvvvvvvvv^ 
 
 ". . . smarter than he loo\s to be" 
 
 tySM\\MA/\AMM/\MMMMMMA\W\AMMX\/y^^ 
 
 YOUNG man by the name of Jonathan Birch, applying 
 for admission to the bar, was given this note which said little 
 but told much to Judge Logan, a co-member of the examining 
 committee. 
 
 LETTER TO JUDGE STEPHEN T. LOGAN 
 
 MY DEAR JUDGE- 
 The bearer of this is a young man who 
 thinks he can be a lawyer. Examine him if you 
 want to. I have done so and am satisfied. He's a 
 good deal smarter than he looks to be. 
 
 Yours, 
 
 Lincoln 
 
 1 25 J 
 
ftWWWMWVVVWVVVVVVVVMMVVVVVVVVVVVVVWVVVVVV^ 
 
 I am not a very sentimental man. 
 
 AVVVVVV\V\\VVVI\VVIVVVVVVVVVV\VVVV\VVV\VVVVVVVVVV\VVV^ 
 
 L: 
 
 ITTLE suspecting that he would someday be besieged by 
 autograph seekers, Lincoln couldn't understand why anyone 
 should want his signature. 
 
 LETTER TO C. U. SCHLATER 
 
 Washington, Jan. 5, 1849 
 MR. C. U. SCHLATER 
 
 DEAR SIR: 
 Your note, requesting my 'signature 
 with a sentiment' was received, and should have 
 been answered long since, but that it was mislaid. 
 I am not a very sentimental man; and the best 
 sentiment I can think of is, that if you collect the 
 signatures of all persons who are no less distin- 
 guished than I, you will have a very undistinguish- 
 ing mass of names. 
 
 Yours respectfully, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [26] 
 
v\vv\\v\\\vv\\v\vv\vvvv\vv\\v\v«vvvw\\vvtvvw 
 
 ". . . and than\ you to boot, 9 
 
 WUWWMMfiMWMMMWWWWHM^^ 
 
 I 
 
 N Lincoln's law dealings, his sense of fairness always pre- 
 vailed over considerations of fee. What a surprised client 
 Abraham Bale must have been upon opening this note from 
 his lawyer. 
 
 LETTER TO ABRAHAM BALE 
 
 Springfield, Feb. 22, 1850 
 
 MR. ABRAHAM BALE, 
 
 DEAR SIR: 
 I understand Mr. Hickox will go, or 
 send to Petersburg tomorrow, for the purpose of 
 meeting you to settle the difficulty about the 
 wheat. I sincerely hope you will settle it. I think 
 you can if you will, for I have always found Mr. 
 Hickox a fair man in his dealings. If you settle, 
 I will charge nothing for what I have done, and 
 
 [27] 
 
thank you to boot. By settling, you will most 
 likely get your money sooner and with much less 
 trouble and expense. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 t28j 
 
"if . . . you cannot be an honest lawyer, 
 resolve to be honest without being a lawyer.' 9 
 
 T* 
 
 HIS "Lawyer's Creed" was prepared by Lincoln for a con- 
 templated lecture. The ideals expressed make it worthy of 
 inscription on the walls of every law office. That Lincoln 
 practiced what he preached is clearly indicated by many of 
 his letters in this collection. 
 
 NOTES FOR A LAW LECTURE 
 
 Circa July, 1850 
 
 I AM not an accomplished lawyer. I find quite 
 as much material for a lecture in those points 
 wherein I have failed, as in those wherein I have 
 been moderately successful. The leading rule for 
 the lawyer, as for the man of every other calling, 
 is diligence. Leave nothing for to-morrow which 
 can be done to-day. Never let your correspondence 
 fall behind. Whatever piece of business you have 
 
 [29] 
 
in hand, before stopping, do all the labor pertain- 
 ing to it which can then be done. When you 
 bring a common-law suit, if you have the facts 
 for doing so, write the declaration at once. If a 
 law point be involved, examine the books, and 
 note the authority you rely on upon the declara- 
 tion itself, where you are sure to find it when 
 wanted. The same of defenses and pleas. In busi- 
 ness not likely to be litigated,— ordinary collection 
 cases, foreclosures, partitions, and the like,— make 
 all examinations of titles, and note them, and 
 even draft orders and decrees in advance. This 
 course has a triple advantage; it avoids omissions 
 and neglect, saves your labor when once done, 
 performs the labor out of court when you have 
 leisure, rather than in court when you have not. 
 Extemporaneous speaking should be practised and 
 cultivated. It is the lawyer's avenue to the public. 
 However able and faithful he may be in other 
 respects, people are slow to bring him business 
 if he cannot make a speech. And yet there is not a 
 more fatal error to young lawyers than relying 
 too much on speech-making. If any one, upon his 
 rare powers of speaking, shall claim an exemption 
 from the drudgery of the law, his case is a failure 
 in advance. 
 
 Discourage litigation. Persuade your neighbors 
 
 [30] 
 
to compromise whenever you can. Point out to 
 them how the nominal winner is often a real loser 
 —in fees, expenses, and waste of time. As a peace- 
 maker the lawyer has a superior opportunity of 
 being a good man. There will still be business 
 enough. 
 
 Never stir up litigation. A worse man can 
 scarcely be found than one who does this. Who 
 can be more nearly a fiend than he who habitually 
 overhauls the register of deeds in search of defects 
 in titles, whereon to stir up strife, and put money 
 in his pocket? A moral tone ought to be infused 
 into the profession which should drive such men 
 out of it. 
 
 The matter of fees is important, far beyond the 
 mere question of bread and butter involved. Prop- 
 erly attended to, fuller justice is done to both 
 lawyer and client. An exorbitant fee should never 
 be claimed. As a general rule never take your 
 whole fee in advance, nor any more than a small 
 retainer. When fully paid beforehand, you are 
 more than a common mortal if you can feel the 
 same interest in the case, as if something was still 
 in prospect for you, as well as for your client. And 
 when you lack interest in the case the job will 
 very likely lack skill and diligence in the perform- 
 ance. Settle the amount of fee and take a note in 
 
 [3H 
 
advance. Then you will feel that you are working 
 for something, and you are sure to do your work 
 faithfully and well. Never sell a fee note— at least 
 not before the consideration service is performed. 
 It leads to negligence and dishonesty— negligence 
 by losing interest in the case, and dishonesty in re- 
 fusing to refund when you have allowed the con- 
 sideration to fail. 
 
 There is a vague popular belief that lawyers are 
 necessarily dishonest. I say vague, because when 
 we consider to what extent confidence and honors 
 are reposed in and conferred upon lawyers by the 
 people, it appears improbable that their impres- 
 sion of dishonesty is very distinct and vivid. Yet 
 the impression is common, almost universal. Let 
 no young man choosing the law for a calling for a 
 moment yield to the popular belief— resolve to be 
 honest at all events; and if in your own judgment 
 you cannot be an honest lawyer, resolve to be 
 honest without being a lawyer. Choose some other 
 occupation, rather than one in the choosing of 
 which you do, in advance, consent to be a knave. 
 
 1 321 
 
vvvw\vivvvw\vi\vvviw\vvvvvvtvvvvtu\uvivvvvvv^ 
 
 "Go to wor\ is the only cure, . . ." 
 
 L, 
 
 'INCOLN'S anxiety for his step-mother, for whom he felt 
 a deep affection, explains the harsh note which runs through 
 this sound advice to his step-brother, John D. Johnston. 
 
 LETTER TO JOHN D. JOHNSTON 
 
 Shelbyville, November 4, 1851 
 
 D 
 
 EAR BROTHER: 
 
 When I came into Charleston day be- 
 fore yesterday, I learned that you are anxious to 
 sell the land where you live and move to Missouri. 
 I have been thinking of this ever since, and can- 
 not but think such a notion is utterly foolish. 
 What can you do in Missouri better than here? 
 Is the land any richer? Can you there, any more 
 than here, raise corn and wheat and oats without 
 work? Will anybody there, any more than here, do 
 your work for you? If you intend to go to work, 
 there is no better place than right where you are; 
 
 [33] 
 
if you do not intend to go to work, you cannot get 
 along anywhere. Squirming and crawling about 
 from place to place can do no good. You have 
 raised no corn this year; and what you really want 
 is to sell the land, get the money, and spend it. 
 Part with the land you have, and, my life upon it, 
 you will never after own a spot big enough to 
 bury you in. Half you will get for the land you 
 will spend in moving to Missouri, and the other 
 half you will eat, drink, and wear out, and no foot 
 of land will be bought. Now, I feel it my duty to 
 have no hand in such a piece of foolery. I feel that 
 it is so even on your own account, and particu- 
 larly on mother's account. The eastern forty acres 
 I intend to keep for mother while she lives; if you 
 will not cultivate it, it will rent for enough to sup- 
 port her— at least, it will rent for something. Her 
 dower in the other two forties she can let you 
 have, and no thanks to me. Now, do not misunder- 
 stand this letter; I do not write it in any unkind- 
 ness. I write it in order, if possible, to get you to 
 face the truth, which truth is, you are destitute 
 because you have idled away all your time. Your 
 thousand pretenses for not getting along better are 
 all nonsense; they deceive nobody but yourself. 
 Go to work is the only cure for your case. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [34] 
 
mv vuv\\\vvvv\v\\vvvvv\v\vvvvv\\vvvvv\ttv\vvvv^ 
 
 ", . . poor and a cripple as he is " 
 
 Li 
 
 rINCOLN explains to a client why he has not taken judg- 
 ment for him against a poor cripple. 
 
 LETTER TO L. M. HAYS 
 
 Springfield, Oct. 27, 1852 
 L. M. HAYS, Esq. 
 
 EAR SIR: 
 
 D 
 
 Yours of Sept. 30th just received. At 
 our court, just passed, I could have got a judg- 
 ment against Turley, if I had pressed to the ut- 
 most; but I am really sorry for him— poor, and a 
 cripple as he is— He begged time to try to find 
 evidence to prove that the deceased on his death 
 bed, ordered the note to be given up to him or 
 destroyed. I do not suppose he will get any such 
 evidence, but I allowed him until next court to try. 
 
 Yours &c 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [35] 
 
\\v\\\\\\\\\vv\vvv\\\vv\v%\vv\\\vv\vvv\\\\\vv\vv\\\vv\\v\\\v\\^vv\vv\vvv\\vvvv\\vvv\\\vv\vv\vvvvv\vvvvv\\v\vvvvv\v 
 
 "Most governments have been based on the denial 
 of equal rights of men. . . ." 
 
 V\\V\VV\A.V\\\VV\VWW\\VVV\\\\V\\VVVV\VV^ 
 
 MONG the many papers assiduously preserved by his 
 secretaries Nicolay and Hay is this fragment in Lincoln's 
 handwriting summing up his early views on slavery. 
 
 FRAGMENT 
 
 Circa July, 1854 
 
 THE ant who has toiled and dragged a 
 crumb to his nest will furiously defend the 
 fruit of his labor against whatever robber assails 
 him. So plain that the most dumb and stupid slave 
 that ever toiled for a master does constantly know 
 that he is wronged. So plain that no one, high or 
 low, ever does mistake it, except in a plainly selfish 
 way; for although volume upon volume is written 
 to prove slavery a very good thing, we never hear 
 of the man who wishes to take the good of it by 
 being a slave himself. 
 
 [36] 
 
Most governments have been based, practically, 
 on the denial of the equal rights of men, as I have, 
 in part, stated them; ours began by affirming those 
 rights. They said, some men are too ignorant and 
 vicious to share in government. Possibly so, said 
 we; and, by your system, you would always keep 
 them ignorant and vicious. We proposed to give 
 all a chance; and we expected the weak to grow 
 stronger, the ignorant wiser, and all better and 
 happier together. 
 
 We made the experiment, and the fruit is be- 
 fore us. Look at it, think of it. Look at it in its 
 aggregate grandeur, of extent of country, and 
 numbers of population— of ship, and steamboat, 
 and railroad. 
 
 1371 
 
fiw\vvvv\\vvvmvmvvvv\\v\\\vvv\vv\\vvvvw\vv^ 
 
 k I have really got it into my head. . . 
 
 \vvvu*vwww\vwwvvvvvmvtt\\*vvvvvwvv^^ 
 
 Li 
 
 'INCOLN "takes it into his head" to run for the Senate 
 but first makes sure to win the support of an influential friend 
 and potential rival. 
 
 I 
 LETTER TO JOSEPH GILLESPIE 
 
 Springfield, December 1, 1854 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 I have really got it into my head to 
 try to be United States Senator, and, if I could 
 have your support, my chances would be reason- 
 ably good. But I know, and acknowledge, that you 
 have as just claims to the place as I have; and 
 therefore I cannot ask you to yield to me, if you 
 are thinking of becoming a candidate, yourself. If, 
 however, you are not, then I should like to be re- 
 membered affectionately by you; and also to have 
 you make a mark for me with the Anti-Nebraska 
 members, down your way. 
 
 138] 
 
If you know, and have no objection to tell, let 
 me know whether Trumbull intends to make a 
 push. If he does, I suppose the two men in St. 
 Clair, and one, or both, in Madison, will be for 
 him. We have the legislature, clearly enough, on 
 joint ballot, but the Senate is very close, and Cul- 
 lom told me to-day that the Nebraska men will 
 stave off the election, if they can. Even if we get 
 into joint vote, we shall have difficulty to unite 
 our forces. Please write me, and let this be con- 
 fidential. 
 
 Your friend as ever, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [39] 
 
. I am not Senator" 
 
 <WWW\VVlVVVVVl\VVVVVVVVl\WVWVVVWiWW^ 
 
 Li 
 
 'INCOLN announces that he has thrown his senatorial 
 votes to Trumbull to further the cause of the Party. 
 
 LETTER TO W. H. HENDERSON 
 
 Springfield, 111., Feb. 21, 1855 
 
 HON. W. H. HENDERSON 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 The election is over, the session is 
 ended and I am not Senator. I have to content my- 
 self with the honor of having been the first choice 
 of a large majority of the fifty-one members who 
 finally made the election. My larger number of 
 friends had to surrender to Trumbull's smaller 
 number, in order to prevent the election of Mat- 
 teson, which would have been a Douglas victory. 
 I started with 44 votes and T. with 5. It is rather 
 hard for the 44 to have to surrender to the 5 and 
 
 [40] 
 
a less good humored man than I, perhaps, would 
 not have consented to it,— and it would not have 
 been done without my consent. I could not, how- 
 ever, let the whole political result go to smash, on 
 a point merely personal to myself. 
 
 Yours, etc. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 HH 
 
\\vwvmvvw\\v\\\vv\\vvv\v\vvvvv\vv\vi\\Y\^^ 
 
 "If for this you and I must differ, differ we must." 
 
 M/VVVVVVVVVVWVVVVVVWVVVVVVVV\M*VVVVWVl^^ 
 
 .NO WING full well that this letter would severely test 
 his long-time friendship with Josh Speed, Lincoln completely 
 unburdens himself on the question of slavery and individual 
 liberty. 
 
 LETTER TO JOSHUA F. SPEED 
 
 Springfield, August 24, 1855 
 
 D 
 
 EAR SPEED 
 
 You know what a poor correspondent I 
 am. Ever since I received your very agreeable let- 
 ter of the 22d of May I have been intending to 
 write you an answer to it. You suggest that in 
 political action, now, you and I would differ. I 
 suppose we would; not quite as much, however, 
 as you may think. You know I dislike slavery, and 
 you fully admit the abstract wrong of it. So far 
 there is no cause of difference. But you say that 
 sooner than yield your legal right to the slave, 
 
 [42] 
 
especially at the bidding of those who are not 
 themselves interested, you would see the Union 
 dissolved. I am not aware that any one is bidding 
 you yield that right; very certainly I am not. I 
 leave that matter entirely to yourself. I also 
 acknowledge your rights and my obligations under 
 the Constitution in regard to your slaves. I confess 
 I hate to see the poor creatures hunted down and 
 caught and carried back to their stripes and un- 
 requited toil; but I bite my lips and keep quiet. 
 In 1841 you and I had together a tedious low- 
 water trip on a steamboat from Louisville to St. 
 Louis. You may remember, as I well do, that from 
 Louisville to the mouth of the Ohio there were 
 on board ten or a dozen slaves shackled together 
 with irons. That sight was a continued torment 
 to me, and I see something like it every time I 
 touch the Ohio or any other slave border. It is 
 not fair for you to assume that I have no interest 
 in a thing which has, and continually exercises, 
 the power of making me miserable. You ought 
 rather to appreciate how much the great body of 
 the Northern people do crucify their feelings, in 
 order to maintain their loyalty to the Constitution 
 and the Union. I do oppose the extension of 
 slavery because my judgment and feeling so 
 
 [43] 
 
prompt me, and I am under no obligations to the 
 contrary. If for this you and I must differ, differ 
 we must. You say, if you were President, you 
 would send an army and hang the leaders of the 
 Missouri outrages upon the Kansas elections; still, 
 if Kansas fairly votes herself a slave State she must 
 be admitted, or the Union must be dissolved. But 
 how if she votes herself a slave State unfairly, that 
 is, by the very means for which you say you would 
 hang men? Must she still be admitted, or the 
 Union dissolved? That will be the phase of the 
 question when it first becomes a practical one. In 
 your assumption that there may be a fair decision 
 of the slavery question in Kansas, I plainly see 
 you and I would differ about the Nebraska law. 
 I look upon that enactment not as a law, but as 
 a violence from the beginning. It was conceived 
 in violence, is maintained in violence, and is being 
 executed in violence. I say it was conceived in 
 violence, because the destruction of the Missouri 
 Compromise, und^r the circumstances, was noth- 
 ing less than violence. It was passed in violence, 
 because it could not have passed at all but for 
 the votes of many members in violence of the 
 known will of their constituents. It is maintained 
 in violence, because the elections since clearly de- 
 
 [44] 
 
mand its repeal; and the demand is openly disre- 
 garded. 
 
 You say men ought to be hung for the way they 
 are executing the law; I say the way it is being 
 executed is quite as good as any of its antecedents. 
 It is being executed in the precise way which was 
 intended from the first, else why does no Nebraska 
 man express astonishment or condemnation? Poor 
 Reeder is the only public man who has been silly 
 enough to believe that anything like fairness was 
 ever intended, and he has been bravely unde- 
 ceived. 
 
 That Kansas will form a slave constitution, and 
 with it will ask to be admitted into the Union, I 
 take to be already a settled question, and so set- 
 tled by the very means you so pointedly condemn. 
 By every principle of law ever held by any court 
 North or South, every negro taken to Kansas is 
 free; yet, in utter disregard of this,— in the spirit 
 of violence merely,— that beautiful legislature 
 gravely passes a law to hang any man who shall 
 venture to inform a negro of his legal rights. This 
 is the subject and real object of the law. If, like 
 Haman, they should hang upon the gallows of 
 their own building, I shall not be among the 
 mourners for their fate. In my humble sphere, I 
 
 [45] 
 
shall advocate the restoration of the Missouri 
 Compromise so long as Kansas remains a Terri- 
 tory, and when, by all these foul means, it seeks 
 to come into the Union as a slave State, I shall 
 oppose it. I am very loath in any case to withhold 
 my assent to the enjoyment of property acquired 
 or located in good faith; but I do not admit that 
 good faith in taking a negro to Kansas to be held 
 in slavery is a probability with any man. Any man 
 who has sense enough to be the controller of his 
 own property has too much sense to misunderstand 
 the outrageous character of the whole Nebraska 
 business. But I digress. In my opposition to the 
 admission of Kansas I shall have some company, 
 but we may be beaten. If we are, I shall not on 
 that account attempt to dissolve the Union. I 
 think it probable, however, we shall be beaten. 
 Standing as a unit among yourselves, you can, di- 
 rectly and indirectly, bribe enough of our men to 
 carry the day, as you could on the open proposi- 
 tion to establish a monarchy. Get hold of some 
 man in the North whose position and ability is 
 such that he can make the support of your meas- 
 ure, whatever it may be, a Democratic party ne- 
 cessity, and the thing is done. Apropos of this, let 
 me tell you an anecdote. Douglas introduced the 
 
 [46] 
 
Nebraska bill in January. In February afterward 
 there was a called session of the Illinois legislature. 
 Of the one hundred members composing the two 
 branches of that body, about seventy were Demo- 
 crats. These latter held a caucus, in which the 
 Nebraska bill was talked of, if not formally dis- 
 cussed. It was thereby discovered that just three, 
 and no more, were in favor of the measure. In a 
 day or two Douglas's orders came on to have reso- 
 lutions passed approving the bill; and they were 
 passed by large majorities!!! The truth of this is 
 vouched for by a bolting Democratic member. 
 The masses, too, Democratic as well as Whig, 
 were even nearer unanimous against it; but, as 
 soon as the party necessity of supporting it became 
 apparent, the way the Democrats began to see the 
 wisdom and justice of it was perfectly astonishing. 
 You say that if Kansas fairly votes herself a free 
 State, as a Christian you will rejoice at it. All de- 
 cent slaveholders talk that way, and I do not doubt 
 their candor. But they never vote that way. Al- 
 though in a private letter or conversation you will 
 express your preference that Kansas shall be free, 
 you would vote for no man for Congress who 
 would say the same thing publicly. No such man 
 could be elected from any district in a slave State. 
 
 [47] 
 
You think Stringfellow and company ought to be 
 hung; and yet at the next presidential election 
 you will vote for the exact type and representative 
 of Stringfellow. The slave-breeders and slave- 
 traders are a small, odious, and detested class 
 among you; and yet in politics they dictate the 
 course of all of you, and are as completely your 
 masters as you are the master of your own negroes. 
 You inquire where I now stand. That is a disputed 
 point. I think I am a Whig; but others say there 
 are no Whigs, and that I am an Abolitionist. 
 When I was at Washington, I voted for the Wil- 
 mot proviso as good as forty times; and I never 
 heard of any one attempting to unwhig me for 
 that. I now do no more than oppose the extension 
 of slavery. I am not a Know-nothing; that is cer- 
 tain. How could I be? How can any one who 
 abhors the oppression of negroes be in favor of 
 degrading classes of white people? Our progress 
 in degeneracy appears to me to be pretty rapid. 
 As a nation we began by declaring that "all men 
 are created equal/' We now practically read it 
 "all men are created equal, except negroes." 
 When the Know-nothings get control, it will read 
 "all men are created equal, except negroes and 
 foreigners and Catholics." When it comes to this, 
 
 [48] 
 
I shall prefer emigrating to some country where 
 they make no pretense of loving liberty,— to Rus- 
 sia, for instance, where despotism can be taken 
 pure, and without the base alloy of hypocrisy. 
 
 Mary will probably pass a day or two in Louis- 
 ville in October. My kindest regards to Mrs. 
 Speed. On the leading subject of this letter, I have 
 more of her sympathy than I have of yours; and 
 yet let me say I am 
 
 Your friend forever, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [491 
 
ivvm\vvv\v\vv\\vvwwwv\\\\vvwv\vv\vuvvvwvv\\vmvvvw 
 
 "Heres your old chal\ed hat. 
 
 MHW\MWVVWSMWVWAMMMM^^ 
 
 I 
 
 N the backwoods jargon that characterizes much of his 
 hardy humor, Lincoln asks for a new railroad pass from the 
 superintendent of the Alton, 
 
 LETTER TO R. P. MORGAN 
 
 Springfield, February 13, 1856 
 
 DEAR SIR: 
 Says Tom to John: "Here's your old 
 rotten wheelbarrow. I've broke it, usin' on it. I 
 wish you would mend it, case I shall want to bor- 
 row it this arter-noon." 
 
 Acting on this as a precedent, I say, "Here's 
 your old, chalked hat.' I wish you would take it, 
 and send me a new one; case I shall want to use 
 it the first of March." 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [50] 
 
"You must thin\ I am a high' priced man" 
 
 tMMMMMMMMMMMMM^^ 
 
 Tf 
 
 HIS letter typifies the many acts that earned for its writer 
 the sobriquet "Honest Abe." 
 
 LETTER TO GEORGE P. FLOYD 
 
 Springfield, Illinois, February 21, 1856 
 
 MR. GEORGE P. FLOYD, 
 QUINCY, ILLINOIS 
 
 DEAR SIR: 
 I have just received yours of 16th, with 
 check on Flagg Sc Savage for twenty-five dollars. 
 You must think I am a high-priced man. You are 
 too liberal with your money. 
 
 Fifteen dollars is enough for the job. I send you 
 a receipt for fifteen dollars, and return to you a 
 ten-dollar bill. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [51] 
 
\V\VV\VVVVVm\WV\VV\\VWAAA\VV\\\\\\\VV\AVVVV\VV\\VVV\V^ 
 
 . . I argued your case better than my own. . . ." 
 
 *VVV\VWl\VVVV\VVV\\\VVVV\VVV\\V\\VV\VV\\^ 
 
 Wh 
 
 HEN a young lawyer who opposed him lacked sufficient 
 funds to stay a week in Springfield until the case came up, 
 Lincoln volunteered to argue both sides before the Supreme 
 Court. In this letter Lincoln announces the judges* decision 
 to his absent adversary. 
 
 LETTER TO HENRY WALKER BISHOP 
 
 MY DEAR MR. BISHOP: 
 The Supreme Court came in on the 
 appointed day and I did my best to keep faith 
 with you. Apparently I argued your case better 
 than my own, for the court has just sent down a 
 rescript in your favor. Accept my heartiest con- 
 gratulations. 
 
 Very sincerely yours, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [52] 
 
vvvvmvvvvvuv\\\vu\v\vvvv\vvvvvvv\ttvvv\A\vvvv\w\\vm^ 
 
 my running would hurt and 
 not help the cause" 
 
 \VV\\VVWVW\VV\VWVIWVVVVVVV\\VI\VUVV\\^WVVVVVVVW^ 
 
 I 
 
 N the year The Republican Party was formed Lincoln 
 worked hard for its success, but declined when the President 
 of Illinois College suggested that he himself be the young 
 party's candidate for Congress. 
 
 LETTER TO JULIAN M. STURTEVANT 
 
 Springfield, Sept. 27, 1856 
 
 M 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 Owing to absence yours of the 16 th, 
 was not received until the day before yesterday. 
 I thank you for your good opinion of me person- 
 ally, and still more for the deep interest you take 
 in the cause of our common country. It pains me 
 a little that you have deemed it necessary to point 
 out to me how I may be compensated for throw- 
 ing myself in the breach now. This assumes that 
 
 [53] 
 
I am merely calculating the chances of personal 
 advancement. Let me assure you that I decline to 
 be a candidate for congress, on my clear convic- 
 tion that my running would hurt and not help 
 the cause. I am willing to make any personal sacri- 
 fice, but I am not willing to do, what in my own 
 judgment, is a sacrifice of the cause itself. 
 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [54] 
 
^vv\v\\\\vuvvvv\vvvvv\\vvvvivvm\vv\vvvvvvvv^ 
 
 Lincoln s Challenge to Douglas 
 
 W\MMfiXyMMXV\X\MMMM/\MW^ 
 
 Wh 
 
 HEN Lincoln first determined to pose to Stephen Doug- 
 las the question of the legality of slavery in the Territories, 
 his friends warned him that he would lose the election. "Gen- 
 tlemen" said Lincoln, "I am killing larger game; if Douglas 
 answers, he can never be President, and the battle of 1860 is 
 worth a hundred of this." In these simple terms Lincoln pro- 
 posed the historic debates: 
 
 TO STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 
 
 Chicago, Illinois, July 24, 1858 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 M 
 
 
 Will it be agreeable to you to make 
 an arrangement for you and myself to divide time, 
 and address the same audiences the present can- 
 vass? Mr. Judd, who will hand you this, is author- 
 ized to receive your answer; and, if agreeable to 
 you, to enter into the terms of such arrangement. 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [55] 
 
 
^vv\vv\\^v^^\\\^v^^vvv\^v^\v^^\vvv\vvvvvvvvvvvvv^vvvvvvv^vvvvvvv\vvv\^\v^\\\v\vv^v^vv\vvvv^^^v^\\\vvvv\vl.\\vvvvvvv\ 
 
 . . . I accede. . . ." 
 
 N equally simple words Lincoln accepted Douglas's terms, 
 choosing to waive but not to overlook the advantage "The 
 Little Giant" had taken. 
 
 TO STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS 
 
 Springfield, July 31, 1858 
 
 DEAR SIR: 
 Yours of yesterday, naming places, 
 times, and terms for joint discussions between us, 
 was received this morning. Although by the terms, 
 as you propose, you take four openings and closes 
 to my three, I accede, and thus close the arrange- 
 ment. I direct this to you at Hillsboro, and shall 
 try to have both your letter and this appear in the 
 "Journal" and "Register" of Monday morning. 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [56] 
 
WW vvvvu\\vvvvvvvvvvvvvi\vvvvvm\vvvv\vvv\vvv\\\A\\^^ 
 
 'And this too shall pass away. 
 
 w\mx\\mw\iww\m/\m\\x\\\\m^ 
 
 I 
 
 N one of his speeches Lincoln alludes to the Eastern monarch 
 who once charged his wise men to invent him a sentence 
 to be ever in view, and which would be true and appropriate 
 in all times and situations. They presented him the words, 
 "And this, too, shall pass away." Lincoln found this quota- 
 tion particularly apt in writing to the Republican State Chair- 
 man, after the unsuccessful election of 1858. 
 
 LETTER TO N. B. JUDD 
 
 Springfield, November 16, 1858 
 
 DEAR SIR: 
 Yours of the 15th is just received. I 
 wrote you the same day. As to the pecuniary mat- 
 ter, I am willing to pay according to my ability; 
 but I am the poorest hand living to get others to 
 pay. 
 
 I have been on expenses so long without earn- 
 
 [57] 
 
ing anything that I am absolutely without money 
 now for even household purposes. Still, if you can 
 put in two hundred and fifty dollars for me toward 
 discharging the debt of the committee, I will 
 allow it when you and I settle the private matter 
 between us. 
 
 This, with what I have already paid, and with 
 an outstanding note of mine, will exceed my sub- 
 scription of five hundred dollars. This, too, is ex- 
 clusive of my ordinary expenses during the cam- 
 paign, all of which being added to my loss of time 
 and business, bears pretty heavily upon one no 
 better off in [this] world's goods than I; but as 
 I had the post of honor, it is not for me to be over 
 nice. You are feeling badly,— "And this too shall 
 pass away," never fear. 
 
 Yours as ever, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 158) 
 
IVVVIWV\W\WVVV\\VVVVVVIVVVVVVV\VVWVVVVVVVVVVV\\V^ 
 
 "The cause of civil liberty must not be 
 surrendered. . . ." 
 
 L: 
 
 'INCOLN lost the election to Douglas as his friends had 
 predicted, but never wavered from his conviction that right 
 would prevail. 
 
 LETTER TO HENRY ASBURY 
 
 Springfield, November 19, 1858 
 
 DEAR SIR: 
 Yours of the 13th was received some 
 days ago. The fight must go on. The cause of civil 
 liberty must not be surrendered at the end of one 
 or even one hundred defeats. Douglas had the in- 
 genuity to be supported in the late contest both 
 as the best means to break down and to uphold 
 the slave interest. No ingenuity can keep these 
 antagonistic elements in harmony long. Another 
 explosion will soon come. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [59] 
 
VlVV\\\\V\>*VVVVlVVV\VVVVVVVtVVVVVV\VlVVVVVVVVVl\Vl\^^ 
 
 Definition of Democracy 
 
 ^v\\\\\v\vvvvv\\\\v\vvvvvv\\v\vvvvv>*vv\\\vwv^^ 
 
 T 
 
 A HE essence of democracy, as Lincoln saw it, was succinctly 
 expressed in his own handwriting in the form of an autograph. 
 
 LINCOLN AUTOGRAPH 
 
 AS I would not be a slave, so I would not be a 
 L master. This expresses my idea of democ- 
 racy. Whatever differs from this, to the extent of 
 the difference, is no democracy. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [60] 
 
vvvmvvvvvv\v\vvv\vvvvvvvvvvu\\v\v\vw,vvv\vv\\v^^ 
 
 "The principles of Jefferson. . . ." 
 
 %VVVVVVVVVVV*VVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVIVVVVVI/VWW^^ 
 
 Bi 
 
 'ECAUSE of the simple majesty of its phrase, this is one 
 of Lincoln's most distinguished letters. It was written to a 
 committee who had invited him to attend a celebration of the 
 birthday of Thomas Jefferson. 
 
 LETTER TO H. L. PIERCE & OTHERS 
 
 Springfield, 111., April 6, 1859 
 
 G 
 
 ENTLEMEN: 
 
 Your kind note inviting me to attend a 
 festival in Boston, on the 28 th instant, in honor of 
 the birthday of Thomas Jefferson, was duly re- 
 ceived. My engagements are such that I cannot 
 attend. 
 
 Bearing in mind that about seventy years ago 
 two great political parties were first formed in this 
 country, that Thomas Jefferson was the head of 
 one of them and Boston the headquarters of the 
 
 [61] 
 
other, it is both curious and interesting that those 
 supposed to descend politically from the party 
 opposed to Jefferson should now be celebrating his 
 birthday in their own original seat of empire, 
 while those claiming political descent from him 
 have nearly ceased to breathe his name every- 
 where. 
 
 Remembering, too, that the Jefferson party was 
 formed upon its supposed superior devotion to 
 the personal rights of men, holding the rights of 
 property to be secondary only, and greatly in- 
 ferior, and assuming that the so-called Democracy 
 of to-day are the Jefferson, and their opponents 
 the an ti- Jefferson, party, it will be equally interest- 
 ing to note how completely the two have changed 
 hands as to the principle upon which they were 
 originally supposed to be divided. The Democracy 
 of to-day hold the liberty of one man to be abso- 
 lutely nothing, when in conflict with another 
 man's right of property; Republicans, on the con- 
 trary, are for both the man and the dollar, but in 
 case of conflict the man before the dollar. 
 
 I remember being once much amused at seeing 
 two partially intoxicated men engaged in a fight 
 with their great-coats on, which fight, after a long 
 and rather harmless contest, ended in each having 
 
 [62] 
 
fought himself out of his own coat and into that 
 of the other. If the two leading parties of this day 
 are really identical with the two in the days of 
 Jefferson and Adams, they have performed the 
 same feat as the two drunken men. 
 
 But, soberly, it is now no child's play to save 
 the principles of Jefferson from total overthrow 
 in this nation. One would state with great confi- 
 dence that he could convince any sane child that 
 the simpler propositions of Euclid are true; but 
 nevertheless he would fail, utterly, with one who 
 should deny the definitions and axioms. The prin- 
 ciples of Jefferson are the definitions and axioms 
 of free society. And yet they are denied and 
 evaded, with no small show of success. One dash- 
 ingly calls them "glittering generalities/' Another 
 bluntly calls them "self-evident lies." And others 
 insidiously argue that they apply to "superior 
 races." These expressions, differing in form, are 
 identical in object and effect— the supplanting of 
 the principles of free government, and restoring 
 those of classification, caste, and legitimacy. They 
 would delight a convocation of crowned heads plot- 
 ting against the people. They are the vanguard, the 
 miners and sappers of returning despotism. We 
 must repulse them, or they will subjugate us. This 
 
 [63] 
 
is a world of compensation; and he who would be 
 no slave must consent to have no slave. Those who 
 deny freedom to others deserve it not for them- 
 selves, and, under a just God, cannot long retain 
 it. All honor to Jefferson— to the man, who, in the 
 concrete pressure of a struggle for national inde- 
 pendence by a single people, had the coolness, 
 forecast, and capacity to introduce into a merely 
 revolutionary document an abstract truth, applic- 
 able to all men and all times, and so to embalm it 
 there that to-day and in all coming days it shall be 
 a rebuke and a stumbling-block to the very har- 
 bingers of reappearing tyranny and oppression. 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 !«1 
 
vvv \VVVVVVVVW\\VVVVVt\VWWWVVV\V\\VW\\^ 
 
 '. . . a large rat'hole. 
 
 •ELIEVING material possessions to be a poor measure of 
 a man's true mettle, Lincoln had little patience with a New 
 York firm that wrote inquiring about a man he knew in 
 Springfield. 
 
 LETTER TO NEW YORK FIRM 
 
 YOURS OF THE 10TH RECEIVED. First 
 of all, he has a wife and a baby; together 
 they ought to be worth $500,000 to any man. Sec- 
 ondly, he has an office in which there is a table 
 worth $1.50 and three chairs worth, say, $1. Last 
 of all, there is in one corner a large rat-hole, which 
 will bear looking into. 
 
 Respectfully, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 I«5I 
 
I do not thin\ myself fit for the presidency." 
 
 Tc 
 
 O the editor of a Rock Island newspaper, who wished to 
 start a "Lincoln for President" boom, "Humble Abe" ex- 
 pressed his appreciation and, at the same time, his feeling of 
 inadequacy. This was selected by John G. Nicolay as one of 
 three letters most representative of Lincoln at his best. 
 
 LETTER TO T. J. PICKETT 
 
 Springfield, April 16, 1859 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 Yours of the 13th is just received. My 
 engagements are such that I cannot at any very 
 early day visit Rock Island to deliver a lecture, or 
 for any other object. As to the other matter you 
 kindly mention, I must in candor say I do not 
 think myself fit for the presidency. I certainly am 
 flattered and gratified that some partial friends 
 think of me in that connection; but I really think 
 
 [66] 
 
it best for our cause that no concerted effort, such 
 as you suggest, should be made. Let this be con- 
 sidered confidential. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 I«7] 
 
\vv\vvvv\v\^\\\vv\\\xv\\v\v\vvvvvvv\\vvv\\\\\vv\vvv\\v\vwvwv\vvvvv\\wvvvw\\vv\vv\\w\\vv^w\\wvw\\\w\\\vv\ 
 
 '. . .in regard to naturalized citizens. . 
 
 *MMMMMMMMW>MMMMMMMMM/^^ 
 
 IL 
 
 .EPLYING to the editor of one of the largest German 
 newspapers, Lincoln declares himself upon the "anti-alien" 
 issue in words that cannot be misunderstood. 
 
 LETTER TO DR. THEODORE CANISIUS 
 
 Springfield, May 17, 1859 
 
 DEAR SIR: 
 Your note asking, in behalf of yourself 
 and other German citizens, whether I am for or 
 against the constitutional provision in regard to 
 naturalized citizens, lately adopted by Massachu- 
 setts, and whether I am for or against a fusion of 
 the Republicans, and other opposition elements, 
 for the canvass of 1860, is received. 
 
 Massachusetts is a sovereign and independent 
 State; and it is no privilege of mine to scold her 
 for what she does. Still, if from what she has done 
 an inference is sought to be drawn as to what I 
 
 [68] 
 
would do, I may without impropriety speak out. 
 I say, then, that, as I understand the Massachusetts 
 provision, I am against its adoption in Illinois, or 
 in any other place where I have a right to oppose 
 it. Understanding the spirit of our institutions to 
 aim at the elevation of men, I am opposed to what- 
 ever tends to degrade them. I have some little no- 
 toriety for commiserating the oppressed negro; 
 and I should be strangely inconsistent if I could 
 favor any project for curtailing the existing rights 
 of white men, even though born in different lands, 
 and speaking different languages from myself. As 
 to the matter of fusion, I am for it, if it can be had 
 on Republican grounds; and I am not for it on 
 any other terms. A fusion on any other terms 
 would be as foolish as unprincipled. It would lose 
 the whole North, while the common enemy would 
 still carry the whole South. The question of men is 
 a different one. There are good patriotic men and 
 able statesmen in the South whom I would cheer- 
 fully support, if they would now place themselves 
 on Republican ground, but I am against letting 
 down the Republican standard a hairs-breadth. 
 
 I have written this hastily, but I believe it an- 
 swers your questions substantially. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [69] 
 
\VV\VVV\^V\\\V\VVV\V\VS\V\\VV\VVVVVVV\,VWVVVV\VVV\VVVV\\\\VV%^V\VV\\VWVV\VVVVVVV\AAVVVVVVVVVUV\VVVAUVVUVV\VVV 
 
 Lincoln s S\etch of His Life 
 
 \V.\\\\W\\V\VVVVV*VVV\V%\\V\\VW\Wl\\VVVVVW^ 
 
 H, 
 
 .IDING his modesty behind a screen of humor, Lincoln 
 pens a two-page sketch of his life for his friend and ardent 
 booster, J. W. Fell. 
 
 LETTER TO J. W. FELL 
 
 Springfield, December 20, 1859 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 Herewith is a little sketch, as you re- 
 quested. There is not much of it, for the reason, 
 I suppose, that there is not much of me. If any- 
 thing be made out of it, I wish it to be modest, 
 and not to go beyond the material. If it were 
 thought necessary to incorporate anything from 
 any of my speeches, I suppose there would be no 
 objection. Of course it must not appear to have 
 been written by myself. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [70] 
 
I was born February 12, 1809, in Hardin County, 
 Kentucky. My parents were both born in Vir- 
 ginia, of undistinguished families— second fam- 
 ilies, perhaps I should say. My mother, who died 
 in my tenth year, was of a family of the name of 
 Hanks, some of whom now reside in Adams, and 
 others in Macon County, Illinois. My paternal 
 grandfather, Abraham Lincoln, emigrated from 
 Rockingham County, Virginia, to Kentucky about 
 1781 or 1782, where a year or two later he was 
 killed by the Indians, not in battle, but by stealth, 
 when he was laboring to open a farm in the forest. 
 His ancestors, who were Quakers, went to Virginia 
 from Berks County, Pennsylvania. An effort to 
 identify them with the New England family of 
 the same name ended in nothing more definite 
 than a similarity of Christian names in both fam- 
 ilies, such as Enoch, Levi, Mordecai, Solomon, 
 Abraham, and the like. 
 
 My father, at the death of his father, was but 
 six years of age, and he grew up literally without 
 education. He removed from Kentucky to what is 
 now Spencer County, Indiana, in my eighth year. 
 We reached our new home about the time the 
 State came into the Union. It was a wild region, 
 with many bears and other wild animals still in the 
 
 [71] 
 
woods. There I grew up. There were some schools, 
 so called, but no qualification was ever required 
 of a teacher beyond ' 'readin', writin', and cipher- 
 in* " to the rule of three. If a straggler supposed 
 to understand Latin happened to sojourn in the 
 neighborhood, he was looked upon as a wizard. 
 There was absolutely nothing to excite ambition 
 for education. Of course, when I came of age I did 
 not know much. Still, somehow, I could read, 
 write, and cipher to the rule of three, but that was 
 all. I have not been to school since. The little ad- 
 vance Inow have upon this store of education, I 
 have picked up from time to time under the pres- 
 sure of necessity. 
 
 I was raised to farm work, which I continued till 
 I was twenty-two. At twenty-one I came to Illinois, 
 Macon County. Then I got to New Salem, at that 
 time in Sangamon, now in Menard County, where 
 I remained a year as a sort of clerk in a store. Then 
 came the Black Hawk war; and I was elected a 
 captain of volunteers, a success which gave me 
 more pleasure than any I have had since. I went 
 the campaign, was elated, ran for the legislature 
 the same year (1832), and was beaten— the only 
 time I ever have been beaten by the people. The 
 next and three succeeding biennial elections I was 
 
 [72] 
 
elected to the legislature. I was not a candidate 
 afterward. During this legislative period I had 
 studied law, and removed to Springfield to prac- 
 tise it. In 1846 I was once elected to the lower 
 House of Congress. Was not a candidate for re- 
 election. From 1849 to 1854, both inclusive, prac- 
 tised law more assiduously than ever before. Al- 
 ways a Whig in politics; and generally on the 
 Whig electoral tickets, making active canvasses. I 
 was losing interest in politics when the repeal of 
 the Missouri compromise aroused me again. What 
 I have done since then is pretty well known. 
 
 If any personal description of me is thought de- 
 sirable, it may be said I am, in height, six feet four 
 inches, nearly; lean in flesh, weighing on an aver- 
 age one hundred and eighty pounds; dark com- 
 plexion, with coarse black hair and gray eyes. No 
 other marks or brands recollected. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [73T 
 
'A house divided against itself cannot stand. 
 
 L 
 
 rINCOLN'S famous "House Divided Speech" placed him 
 squarely in the middle of a raging national controversy. Many 
 persons, including Douglas, sought to discredit him by placing 
 upon his words interpretations which he had never intended. 
 Lincoln replied to this heckling by plainly stating, "J meant 
 all I said, and did not mean anything I did not say." 
 
 LETTER TO 
 
 O. P. HALL, J. R. FULLENWIDER & 
 
 U. F. CORRELL 
 
 Springfield, Feb. 14, 1860 
 
 MESSRS. O. P. HALL, 
 J. R. FULLENWIDER & 
 U. F. CORRELL 
 
 GENTLEMEN: 
 Your letter in which, among other 
 things, you ask what I meant when I said this 
 
 [74] 
 
"Union could not stand half slave and half free"; 
 and also what I meant when I said "a house di- 
 vided against itself could not stand" is received 
 and I very cheerfully answer it as plainly as I may 
 be able. You misquote, to some material extent, 
 what I did say, which induces me to think you 
 have not very carefully read the speech in which 
 the expressions occur which puzzle you to under- 
 stand. For this reason and because the language I 
 used is as plain as I can make it, I now quote at 
 length the whole paragraph in which the expres- 
 sions which puzzle you occur. It is as follows: "We 
 are now far into the fifth year since a policy was 
 initiated with the avowed object and confident 
 promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. 
 Under the operation of that policy that agitation 
 has not only not ceased, but constantly augmented. 
 I believe it will not cease until a crisis shall have 
 been reached, and passed. A house divided against 
 itself can not stand. I believe this government can 
 not endure permanently , half slave, and half free. 
 I do not expect the Union to be dissolved: I do 
 not expect the house to fall; but I do expect it will 
 cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or 
 all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will 
 avert the further spread of it and place it where 
 
 [75] 
 
the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in 
 course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will 
 push it forward till it will become alike lawful in 
 all the states, old as well as new, North as well as 
 South." 
 
 That is the whole paragraph; and it puzzles me 
 to make my meaning plainer. Look over it care- 
 fully, and conclude I meant all I said, and did not 
 mean any thing I did not say, and you will have 
 my meaning. Douglas attacked me upon this, say- 
 ing it was a declaration of war between the slave 
 and the free states. You will perceive, I said no 
 such thing, and I assure you I thought of no such 
 thing. If I had said I believe the Government can- 
 not last always half slave and half free, would you 
 understand it any better than you do? Endure 
 permanently and last always have exactly the same 
 meaning. If you, or [sic] if you will state to me 
 some meaning which you suppose I had, I can 
 and will instantly tell you whether that was my 
 meaning. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [76] 
 
,VVWWVVVVV»A*IVVVVVVVVVVW»A\VVV^^ 
 
 ". . . painfully sensible of the great 
 responsibility. . . ." 
 
 \VVVVVVVVMV\\\VV\\VU\\VVVVVUVWVW/VVVV^ 
 
 F 
 
 INDING it difficult to realize that he has been singled 
 out for the highest position in the nation, Lincoln replies to 
 the committee sent by the Chicago Convention notifying him 
 of his nomination. 
 
 REPLY TO CHICAGO CONVENTION 
 COMMITTEE 
 
 Springfield, Illinois, May 21, 1860 
 
 MR. CHAIRMAN AND GENTLEMEN 
 OF THE COMMITTEE: 
 
 I tender to you, and through you to 
 the Republican National Convention, and all the 
 people represented in it, my profoundest thanks 
 for the high honor done me, which you now for- 
 mally announce. 
 
 Deeply and even painfully sensible of the great 
 
 [77] 
 
responsibility which is inseparable from this high 
 honor— a responsibility which I could almost wish 
 had fallen upon some one of the far more eminent 
 men and experienced statesmen whose distin- 
 guished names were before the convention—I shall, 
 by your leave, consider more fully the resolutions 
 of the convention, denominated [in] the plat- 
 form, and without any unnecessary or unreason- 
 able delay respond to you, Mr. Chairman, in writ- 
 ing, not doubting that the platform will be found 
 satisfactory, and the nomination gratefully ac- 
 cepted. 
 
 And now I will not longer defer the pleasure of 
 taking you, and each of you, by the hand. 
 
 [781 
 
Cooper Institute Speech 
 
 c 
 
 -HARLES NOTT, writing on behalf of The Young Men's 
 Republican Union and wishing to publish Lincoln's already 
 famous speech delivered at The Cooper Institute, suggested 
 certain changes to make it "as nearly perfect as may be." Lin- 
 coln's reply reveals many secrets of his style and lends proof 
 to Nott's own observation that "like a good arch— moving one 
 word tumbles a whole sentence down." 
 
 LETTER TO CHARLES C. NOTT 
 
 Springfield, Ills., May 31, 1860 
 
 CHARLES C. NOTT, ESQ. 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 M 
 
 Yours of the 23rd, accompanied by a 
 copy of the speech delivered by me at the Cooper 
 Institute, and upon which you have made some 
 notes for emendations, was received some days 
 ago. Of course I would not object to, but would be 
 
 [79] 
 
pleased rather, with a more perfect edition of that 
 speech. 
 
 I did not preserve memoranda of my investiga- 
 tions; and I could not now re-examine, and make 
 notes, without an expenditure of time which I can 
 not bestow upon it. Some of your notes I do not 
 understand. 
 
 So far as it is intended merely to improve in 
 grammar and elegance of composition, I am quite 
 agreed; but I do not wish the sense changed, or 
 modified, to a hair's breadth. And you, not having 
 studied the particular points so closely as I have, 
 can not be quite sure that you do not change the 
 sense when you do not intend it. For instance, in 
 a note at bottom of first page, you propose to sub- 
 stitute "Democrats" for "Douglas." But what I am 
 saying there is true of Douglas, and is not true of 
 "Democrats" generally; so that the proposed sub- 
 stitution would be a very considerable blunder. 
 Your proposed insertion of "residences" though it 
 would do little or no harm, is not at all necessary 
 to the sense I was trying to convey. On page 5 your 
 proposed grammatical change would certainly do 
 no harm. The "impudently absurd" I stick to. The 
 striking out "he" and inserting "we" turns the 
 sense exactly wrong. The striking out "upon it" 
 leaves the sense too general and incomplete. The 
 
 [80] 
 
sense is "act as they acted upon that question"— 
 not as they acted generally. 
 
 After considering your proposed changes on 
 page 7, I do not think them material, but I am 
 willing to defer to you in relation to them. 
 
 On page 9, striking out "to us" is probably 
 right. The word 'lawyer's" I wish retained. The 
 word "Courts" struck out twice, I wish reduced to 
 "Court" and retained. "Court" as a collective 
 noun properly governs the plural "have" as I 
 understand. "The" preceding "Court," in the lat- 
 ter case, must also be retained. The words "quite," 
 "as," and "or" on the same page, I wish retained. 
 The italicising, and quotation marking, I have no 
 objection to. 
 
 As to the note at bottom, I do not think any too 
 much is admitted. What you propose on page 11, 
 is right. I return your copy of the speech, together 
 with one printed here, under my own hasty super- 
 vising. That at New York was printed without any 
 supervision by me. If you conclude to publish a 
 new edition, allow me to see the proof-sheets. 
 
 And now thanking you for your very compli- 
 mentary letter, and your interest for me generally, 
 
 I subscribe myself. 
 
 Your friend and servant, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [81] 
 
. "A ^\\vwvvvvuvvvvvvv\vv\vwr.7i,\UUU\vuvvvvu\vuuv* 
 
 'Abraham'' or "Abram 
 
 *\UVVW\\VV\\\\\\\\\VVVVVVVVV\\V\VVVV\VV\\\VVV\VV\VVV\\VVVVV\\\\\\V\\VV\\\V\VVV\\\\\VV\\VVV\\VV\\VV\VVAVVVVVVVl'V\ 
 
 I 
 
 N this letter to the Republican Chairman, Lincoln concludes 
 that the spelling of his first name really doesn't make much 
 difference. 
 
 LETTER TO GEORGE ASHMUN 
 
 Springfield, Illinois, June 4, 1860 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 It seems as if the question whether my 
 first name is "Abraham" or "Abram" will never 
 be settled. It is "Abraham," and if the letter of 
 acceptance is not yet in print, you may, if you 
 think fit, have my signature thereto printed 
 "Abraham Lincoln." Exercise your judgment 
 about this. 
 
 Yours as ever, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 182] 
 
'Must" is the word.' 
 
 ■VVV\VWMV1*V\\VWV\\\\\VVVVV\\VWW\A^ 
 
 L> 
 
 LINCOLN, who knew only too well the need for persever- 
 ance, sends a few words of advice and encouragement to a 
 friend of his son who failed to enter Harvard. 
 
 LETTER TO GEORGE LATHAM 
 
 Springfield, Ills., July 22, 1860 
 
 MY DEAR GEORGE: 
 I have scarcely felt greater pain in my 
 life than on learning yesterday from Bob's letter, 
 that you had failed to enter Harvard University. 
 And yet there is very little in it, if you will allow 
 no feeling of discouragement to seize, and prey 
 upon you. It is a certain truth, that you can enter, 
 and graduate in, Harvard University; and having 
 made the attempt, you must succeed in it. 'Must' 
 is the word. 
 
 I know not how to aid you, save in the assur- 
 
 [83] 
 
ance of one of mature age, and much severe ex- 
 perience, that you can not fail, if you resolutely 
 determine that you will not. 
 
 The President of the institution, can scarcely 
 be other than a kind man; and doubtless he would 
 grant you an interview, and point out the readiest 
 way to remove, or overcome, the obstacles which 
 have thwarted you. 
 
 In your temporary failure there is no evidence 
 that you may not yet be a better scholar, and a 
 more successful man in the great struggle of life, 
 than many others, who have entered College more 
 easily. 
 
 Again I say let no feeling of discouragement 
 prey upon you, and in the end you are sure to 
 succeed. 
 
 With more than a common interest I subscribe 
 myself 
 
 Very truly your friend, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [84] 
 
I \W\VMVUVW\*UVVWVVVVVVVVU\VVVVVVIVWVI\W^ 
 
 ". . . the ''soab question '. . . ." 
 
 *VVW\\W\\VVVVVIVVV\M\VI\\VVWVVIVVWVI\VIVVV^^ 
 
 HEN a Professor Gardner applied to the President-Elect 
 for a soap testimonial, he good-humoredly complied, quoting 
 his "superior officer" in domestic affairs. 
 
 LETTER TO PROFESSOR GARDNER 
 
 Springfield, 111., September 28, 1860 
 
 DEAR SIR: 
 Some specimens of your Soap have been 
 used at our house and Mrs. L. declares it is a 
 superior article. She at the same time protests that 
 / have never given sufficient attention to the "soap 
 question* ' to be a competent judge. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [85T 
 
I give the leave. . . 
 
 m\v\vvvvvv\\vvvvvv\\\\\\v\\\vvvvv\\v\\\\\\\vvv^ 
 
 Ti 
 
 HOMAS MADIGAN, the famous dealer in Lincoln manu* 
 scripts, considered this one of the sixteenth President's most 
 characteristic letters, both in sentiment and phraseology. 
 
 LETTER TO WILLIAM D. KELLY 
 
 Private. 
 
 Springfield, Ills., Oct, 13, 1860 
 
 HON. WILLIAM D. KELLY. 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 Yours of the 6 th asking permission to 
 inscribe your new legal work to me, is received. 
 Gratefully accepting the proffered honor, I give 
 the leave, begging only that the inscription may 
 be in modest terms, not representing me as a man 
 of great learning, or a very extraordinary one in 
 any respect. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [86] 
 
^/UXs^/iuUv, Ui^, C$tU- /$. /foe 
 
 //To* c/^v '4hL*i 
 
 
 A characteristically modest letter, only recently 
 
 brought to light, and not included in any of the 
 
 standard Lincoln collections. 
 
dfu^ffi^, tie*. <$xz /f./pco 
 
 d}}^ <?Uo^ gtf&L. QhU> . 
 
 T\Oy-^> O^O &L&**U>s£Z^ «/ 'Mam) ^Ha^sA 
 
 <2~*/, <^ fl^ AcrC £&t*U, f<Mcf^ iJT^^J 
 
 Facsimile reproduction of Lincoln's famed "whisk- 
 ers" letter to little Grace Bedell. 
 
vvuvvvivvwAA\vi\\\vv\\vvvv\vv\vv\vm\vvvvv^^ 
 
 'As to the whis\ers. 
 
 • • • 
 
 LITTLE girl of Westfield, New York, wrote Mr. Lin- 
 coln: "1 am a little girl, eleven years old. . . . have you any 
 little girls about as large as I am. . . . If you will let your 
 whiskers grow. . . . you would look a great deal better for 
 your face is so thin. ... 7 must not write any more answer 
 this right off. Good Bye'* Grace Bedell. 
 
 LETTER TO GRACE BEDELL 
 
 Springfield, Illinois, October 19, 1860 
 
 M 
 
 Y DEAR LITTLE MISS: 
 
 Your very agreeable letter of the 15 th 
 is received. I regret the necessity of saying I have 
 no daughter. I have three sons— one seventeen, one 
 nine, and one seven years of age. They, with their 
 mother, constitute my whole family. As to the 
 whiskers, having never worn any, do you not think 
 
 [87] 
 
people would call it a piece of silly affectation if 
 I were to begin it now? 
 
 Your very sincere well-wisher, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 Not long afterwards, Lincoln let his beard grow. 
 Happening to pass through Westfield, he asked for 
 his little friend and said, "You see I let these 
 whiskers grow for you, Grace." 
 
 [887 
 
ItVVVWVVWVVVVVVVVmvmVVlVWVWVWWVWV^^ 
 
 'If they hear not Moses. 
 
 \wu\\vvvv\\\\vvvwv\wvuvvmvvvvvwvvww/v^ 
 
 
 L 
 
 INCOLN, having many times declared his intentions to 
 prevent the spread of slavery to the Territories and not to in- 
 terfere with slavery in the States, sees no possible good in re- 
 stating his position to those who will not "read or heed." 
 
 LETTER TO WILLIAM S. SPEER 
 
 (Confidential) 
 
 Springfield, Illinois, October 23, 1860 
 
 M 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 Yours of the 13th was duly received. 
 I appreciate your motive when you suggest the 
 propriety of my writing for the public something 
 disclaiming all intention to interfere with slaves 
 or slavery in the States; but in my judgment it 
 would do no good. I have already done this many, 
 many times; and it is in print, and open to all 
 who will read. Those who will not read or heed 
 
 [891 
 
what I have already publicly said would not read 
 or heed a repetition of it. "If they hear not Moses 
 and the prophets, neither will they be persuaded 
 though one rose from the dead." 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [90] 
 
'That, I suppose is the rub, 
 
 vw\\vvvuvwuvvuvvi\vvvvwmvvvvvvvvvvvwvwwtvvw 
 
 T^ 
 
 .WO. days after the Southern States had seceded, Lincoln 
 sent this concise summation of the difference in Northern and 
 Southern viewpoints to the man who was destined to assume 
 the second highest office in the Confederacy. 
 
 LETTER TO ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS 
 
 (For your own eye only.) 
 
 Springfield, Illinois, December 22, 1860 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 Your obliging answer to my short note 
 is just received, and for which please accept my 
 thanks. I fully appreciate the present peril the 
 country is in, and the weight of responsibility on 
 me. Do the people of the South really entertain 
 fears that a Republican administration would, di- 
 rectly or indirectly, interfere with the slaves, or 
 with them about the slaves? If they do, I wish to 
 
assure you, as once a friend, and still, I hope, not 
 an enemy, that there is no cause for such fears. 
 The South would be in no more danger in this 
 respect than it was in the days of Washington. I 
 suppose, however, this does not meet the case. You 
 think slavery is right and ought to be extended, 
 while we think it is wrong and ought to be re- 
 stricted. That, I suppose, is the rub. It certainly 
 is the only substantial difference between us. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [S>2] 
 
Lincoln s Farewell Address 
 
 wvuvtuvwvvvvvvvvvvvvvivwvvvvvvvv^ 
 
 JLhERE was an unusual quiver on his lip, and a still more 
 unusual tear on his furrowed cheek/' said Ward Lamon, who 
 witnessed the sad parting when Lincoln, pausing on the rear 
 platform of his train, addressed these few, unprepared words 
 to his friends in Springfield. 
 
 ADDRESS AT SPRINGFIELD 
 FEB. 11, 1861 
 
 M 
 
 Y FRIENDS: 
 
 No one, not in my situation, can ap- 
 preciate my feeling of sadness at this parting. To 
 this place, and the kindness of these people, I owe 
 everything. Here I have lived a quarter of a cen- 
 tury, and have passed from a young to an old man. 
 Here my children have been born, and one is 
 buried. I now leave, not knowing when or whether 
 ever I may return, with a task before me greater 
 than that which rested upon Washington. With- 
 
 [93] 
 
out the assistance of that Divine Being who ever 
 attended him, I cannot succeed. With that as- 
 sistance, I cannot fail. Trusting in Him who can 
 go with me, and remain with you, and be every- 
 where for good, let us confidently hope that all 
 will yet be well. To His care commending you, 
 as I hope in your prayers you will commend me, 
 I bid you an affectionate farewell. 
 
 [94J 
 
WlUUWVVVWWUUVVVlVVlUVmWWV^^ 
 
 ", . . shall the liberties of this Country be 
 preserved?" 
 
 HEN the Presidential train stopped at Indianapolis on 
 its way to Washington, Lincoln delivered this abbreviated ad- 
 dress, reminding the people that the preservation of liberty 
 was their business and not his. 
 
 ADDRESS AT INDIANAPOLIS 
 FEB. 11, 1861 
 
 GOVERNOR MORTON and Fellow-citi- 
 zens of the State of Indiana: Most heartily 
 do I thank you for this magnificent reception; 
 and while I cannot take to myself any share 
 of the compliment thus paid, more than that 
 which pertains to a mere instrument— an ac- 
 cidental instrument perhaps I should say— of a 
 great cause, I yet must look upon it as a magnifi- 
 cent reception, and as such most heartily do I 
 thank you for it. You have been pleased to address 
 
 [95] 
 
yourself to me chiefly in behalf of this glorious 
 Union in which we live, in all of which you have 
 my hearty sympathy, and, as far as may be within 
 my power, will have, one and inseparably, my 
 hearty cooperation. While I do not expect, upon 
 this occasion, or until I get to Washington, to at- 
 tempt any lengthy speech, I will only say that to 
 the salvation of the Union there needs but one 
 single thing, the hearts of a people like yours. 
 When the people rise in mass in behalf of the 
 Union and the liberties of this country, truly may 
 it be said, "The gates of hell cannot prevail against 
 them." In all trying positions in which I shall be 
 placed, and doubtless I shall be placed in many 
 such, my reliance will be upon you and the people 
 of the United States; and I wish you to remember, 
 now and forever, that it is your business, and not 
 mine; that if the union of these States and the 
 liberties of this people shall be lost, it is but little 
 to any one man of fifty-two years of age, but a 
 great deal to the thirty millions of people who in- 
 habit these United States, and to their posterity 
 in all coming time. It is your business to rise up 
 and preserve the Union and liberty for yourselves, 
 and not for me. I appeal to you again to constantly 
 bear in mind that not with politicians, not with 
 
 [96] 
 
Presidents, not with office-seekers, but with you, 
 is the question: Shall the Union and shall the lib- 
 erties of this country be preserved to the latest 
 generations? 
 
 
 [97] 
 
\vvvvv\v\\v\vvv\v\v\v\\vvvvvvvvvv\\v\v\vvvvvvwm\vivw\A^^ 
 
 Speech at Independence Hall 
 
 \Mw^M^^^MM^MMM^^^\MM^M\\^H\^^^ 
 
 D: 
 
 ETECTIVE Allan Pinkerton intercepted the Presidential 
 party at Philadelphia to warn Lincoln of a plot for his assassi- 
 nation. Speaking that evening at Independence Hall, Lincoln 
 had proclaimed he would rather be assassinated on the spot 
 than sacrifice the principles of the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence. 
 
 ADDRESS AT PHILADELPHIA 
 FEB. 22, 1861 
 
 MR. CUYLER: 
 I am filled with deep emotion at find- 
 ing myself standing in this place, where were 
 collected together the wisdom, the patriotism, the 
 devotion to principle, from which sprang the in- 
 stitutions under which we live. You have kindly 
 suggested to me that in my hands is the task of 
 restoring peace to our distracted country. I can 
 say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments 
 
 [98] 
 
I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been 
 able to draw them, from the sentiments which 
 originated in and were given to the world from 
 this hall. I have never had a feeling, politically, 
 that did not spring from the sentiments embodied 
 in the Declaration of Independence. I have often 
 pondered over the dangers which were incurred 
 by the men who assembled here and framed and 
 adopted that Declaration. I have pondered over 
 the toils that were endured by the officers and sol- 
 diers of the army who achieved that independence. 
 I have often inquired of myself what great prin- 
 ciple or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so 
 long together. It was not the mere matter of sepa- 
 ration of the colonies from the motherland, but 
 that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence 
 which gave liberty not alone to the people of this 
 country, but hope to all the world, for all future 
 time. It was that which gave promise that in due 
 time the weights would be lifted from the shoul- 
 ders of all men, and that all should have an equal 
 chance. This is the sentiment embodied in the 
 Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, 
 can this country be saved on that basis? If it can, 
 I will consider myself one of the happiest men in 
 the world if I can help to save it. If it cannot be 
 
 [99] 
 
saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. 
 But if this country cannot be saved without giving 
 up that principle, I was about to say I would 
 rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender 
 it. Now, in my view of the present aspect of af- 
 fairs, there is no need of bloodshed and war. There 
 is no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a 
 course; and I may say in advance that there will 
 be no bloodshed unless it is forced upon the gov- 
 ernment. The government will not use force, un- 
 less force is used against it. 
 
 My friends, this is wholly an unprepared speech. 
 I did not expect to be called on to say a word when 
 I came here. I supposed I was merely to do some- 
 thing toward raising a flag. I may, therefore, have 
 said something indiscreet. But I have said nothing 
 but what I am willing to live by, and, if it be the 
 pleasure of Almighty God, to die by. 
 
 
 tioo] 
 
vw\\vvvvvvvvv\vwvvvvvvvvvv\vvv\wvvvv\\\w*^ 
 
 "I feel constrained to beg. 
 
 W\W\M\\MMM/\MMHM 
 
 HEN Lincoln refused to let Seward dictate the mem- 
 bers of his Cabinet, the Secretary of State handed in his resig- 
 nation. Saying, "I can't afford to let Seward take the first 
 trick" the President immediately dispatched this note. 
 
 LETTER TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD 
 
 Executive Mansion, March 4, 1861 
 
 T 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 M 
 
 Your note of the 2d instant, asking 
 to withdraw your acceptance of my invitation to 
 take charge of the State Department, was duly 
 received. It is the subject of the most painful 
 solicitude with me, and I feel constrained to beg 
 that you will countermand the withdrawal. The 
 public interest, I think, demands that you should; 
 and my personal feelings are deeply enlisted in 
 the same direction. Please consider and answer 
 by 9 A.M. to-morrow. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 [ioi] 
 
ivvvvvvvv\vvvtvv\\vvvvvi\\\vmv\vw 
 
 "Some Thoughts for the President's 
 Consideration'' 
 
 'ELIEVING the President incompetent to run the affairs 
 of State in times of crisis, Secretary Seward attempted to take 
 over the reins by submitting a detailed plan of action. Said the 
 noted Civil War journalist, Henry Watterson, in commenting 
 on Lincoln's reply, "Not a word was omitted that was neces- 
 sary, and not a hint or allusion is contained that could be dis- 
 pensed with. It was conclusive." 
 
 LETTER TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD 
 
 Executive Mansion, April 1, 1861 
 
 M 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 Since parting with you I have been 
 considering your paper dated this day, and en- 
 titled "Some Thoughts for the President's Con- 
 sideration.' ' The first proposition in it is, "First, 
 We are at the end of a month's administration, 
 
 [102] 
 
and yet without a policy either domestic or for- 
 eign." 
 
 At the beginning of that month, in the inau- 
 gural, I said: "The power confided in me will be 
 used to hold, occupy, and possess the property 
 and places belonging to the government, and to 
 collect the duties and imposts." This had your 
 distinct approval at the time; and, taken in con- 
 nection with the order I immediately gave Gen- 
 eral Scott, directing him to employ every means 
 in his power to strengthen and hold the forts, com- 
 prises the exact domestic policy you now urge, 
 with the single exception that it does not propose 
 to abandon Fort Sumter. 
 
 Again, I do not perceive how the reinforcement 
 of Fort Sumter would be done on a slavery or a 
 party issue, while that of Fort Pickens would be 
 on a more national and patriotic one. 
 
 The news received yesterday in regard to St. 
 Domingo certainly brings a new item within the 
 range of our foreign policy; but up to that time 
 we have been preparing circulars and instructions 
 to ministers and the like, all in perfect harmony, 
 without even a suggestion that we had no foreign 
 policy. 
 
 Upon your closing propositions— that "what- 
 
 [103] 
 
ever policy we adopt, there must be an energetic 
 prosecution of it. 
 
 "For this purpose it must be somebody's busi- 
 ness to pursue and direct it incessantly. 
 
 "Either the President must do it himself, and 
 be all the while active in it, or 
 
 "Devolve it on some member of his cabinet. 
 Once adopted, debates on it must end, and all 
 agree and abide"— I remark that if this must be 
 done, I must do it. When a general line of policy 
 is adopted, I apprehend there is no danger of its 
 being changed without good reason, or continuing 
 to be a subject of unnecessary debate; still, upon 
 points arising in its progress I wish, and suppose 
 I am entitled to have, the advice of all the cabinet. 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [104] 
 
 
pecuniarily responsible. 
 
 ISHING neither to hurt the feelings of a man who re- 
 quested a letter of recommendation nor to mislead his friend 
 Swett, Lincoln carefully and shrewdly worded this note to serve 
 both purposes. 
 
 LETTER TO LEONARD SWETT 
 
 HON. L. SWETT 
 
 DEAR SIR: 
 This introduces Mr. William Yates, 
 who visits Bloomington on some business matter. 
 He is pecuniarily responsible for anything he will 
 say; and, in fact, for anything he will say on any 
 subject. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 1105 1 
 
\w\\vvww\vvvv\vvv\\vwmvvvv\vwv\\v\\v\\\vv\\\vvv^ 
 
 "You will hold out if possible. 
 
 T* 
 
 HIS letter was addressed to the besieged Union forces at Fort 
 Sumter. Drafted by the President and signed by the Secretary 
 of War, it bore an indorsement in Lincoln's handwriting read- 
 ing, "This was sent by Captain Talbot on April 6, 1861, to be 
 delivered to Major Anderson, if permitted. On reaching Charles- 
 ton, he was refused permission to deliver it to Major Anderson." 
 
 LETTER TO MAJOR ROBERT ANDERSON 
 War Department, Washington, April 4, 1861 
 
 IR: 
 
 S 
 
 Your letter of the 1st instant occasions 
 some anxiety to the President. 
 
 On the information of Captain Fox, he had sup- 
 posed you could hold out till the 15 th instant 
 without any great inconvenience, and had pre- 
 pared an expedition to relieve you before that 
 period. 
 
 [106] 
 
Hoping still that you will be able to sustain 
 yourself till the 11th or 12 th instant, the expedi- 
 tion will go forward, and, finding your flag flying, 
 will attempt to provision you, and in case the ef- 
 fort is resisted, will endeavor also to reinforce 
 you. 
 
 You will therefore hold out, if possible, till the 
 arrival of the expedition. 
 
 It is not, however, the intention of the Presi- 
 dent to subject your command to any danger or 
 hardship beyond what, in your judgment, would 
 be usual in military life; and he has entire confi- 
 dence that you will act as becomes a patriot and 
 a soldier under all circumstances. 
 
 Whenever, if at all, in your judgment, to save 
 yourself and command, a capitulation becomes a 
 necessity, you are authorized to make it. 
 
 Respectfully, 
 
 Simon Cameron 
 
 [107 j 
 
V\wvwm\\v\v\\\vv\\\*\vvv\vvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvv\\*^ 
 
 ''''For a daring and dangerous enterprise. . . ' 
 
 vvvvvvvvvvwv\vtv\\\\v\v\v\\\\vvvvv\\\\\\vvv\\\vvv\vvvvvwi\v\^vvvv\\\v\rAvvvvvvvv\\v\vvvvvv\vvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvv^\ 
 
 I 
 
 T was such letters as this, written to Gustavus Fox after his 
 failure to provision Fort Sumter, that won for Lincoln the 
 loyal devotion and supreme efforts of his commanders. 
 
 LETTER TO GUSTAVUS V. FOX 
 
 Washington, May 1, 1861 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 I sincerely regret that the failure of 
 the late attempt to provision Fort Sumter should 
 be the source of any annoyance to you. 
 
 The practicability of your plan was not, in fact, 
 brought to a test. By reason of a gale, well known 
 in advance to be possible and not improbable, the 
 tugs, an essential part of the plan, never reached 
 the ground; while, by an accident for which you 
 were in no wise responsible, and possibly I to some 
 extent was, you were deprived of a war vessel, with 
 
 [108] 
 
her men, which you deemed of great importance 
 to the enterprise. 
 
 I most cheerfully and truly declare that the 
 failure of the undertaking has not lowered you a 
 particle, while the qualities you developed in the 
 effort have greatly heightened you in my esti- 
 mation. 
 
 For a daring and dangerous enterprise of a 
 similar character you would to-day be the man of 
 all my acquaintances whom I would select. You 
 and I both anticipated that the cause of the coun- 
 try would be advanced by making the attempt to 
 provision Fort Sumter, even if it should fail; and 
 it is no small consolation now to feel that our 
 anticipation is justified by the result. 
 
 Very truly your friend, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [109] 
 
%wm*\vwwvvwvvvvvv\v\\vv\\v\\vvw\\v\\v\\vv^^ 
 
 '. . . beyond all earthly power. 
 
 «v\\v\^\vv\v\v\v\v\vnvv\vvvv\vv\\\vvvvvvvv\v\v\\\vv\vvvwvvv\\\\\\v\v\vvvvv\\vvvv%avvv^vvv\^vw^\v\\\v\v\\\\v\ 
 
 L: 
 
 'INCOLN had a fatherly affection for Colonel Ellsworth, 
 who, in the early days of the war, was fatally shot while lower- 
 ing a Confederate flag from the roof of a house in Alexandria, 
 Virginia. Lincoln's letter to the young officer's parents ranks 
 with the famous Bixby letter as a masterpiece of compassion. 
 
 LETTER TO COLONEL ELLSWORTH'S 
 PARENTS 
 
 Washington, D. C, May 25, 1861 
 
 MY DEAR SIR AND MADAM: 
 In the untimely loss of your noble 
 son, our affliction here is scarcely less than your 
 own. So much of promised usefulness to one's 
 country, and of bright hopes for one's self and 
 friends, have rarely been so suddenly dashed as 
 in his fall. In size, in years, and in youthful ap- 
 pearance a boy only, his power to command men 
 
 [no] 
 
was surpassingly great. This power, combined 
 with a fine intellect, an indomitable energy, and 
 a taste altogether military, constituted in him, as 
 seemed to me, the best natural talent in that de- 
 partment I ever knew. 
 
 And yet he was singularly modest and defer- 
 ential in social intercourse. My acquaintance with 
 him began less than two years ago; yet through 
 the latter half of the intervening period it was as 
 intimate as the disparity of our ages and my en- 
 grossing engagements would permit. To me he 
 appeared to have no indulgences or pastimes; and 
 I never heard him utter a profane or an intem- 
 perate word. What was conclusive of his good 
 heart, he never forgot his parents. The honors he 
 labored for so laudably, and for which in the sad 
 end he so gallantly gave his life, he meant for them 
 no less than for himself. 
 
 In the hope that it may be no intrusion upon 
 the sacredness of your sorrow, I have ventured to 
 address you this tribute to the memory of my 
 young friend and your brave and early fallen 
 child. 
 
 May God give you that consolation which is 
 beyond all earthly power. 
 
 Sincerely your friend in a common affliction, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [in] 
 
MVVVVVlVl\VWVWVVVVVtVW\\\VVW\VV\VlVtWVVWrt^ 
 
 'Wanting to wor\ is so rare. . 
 
 pVVWV*\VIVWVVWVIVVVM\VWVVVVVWVVV^^ 
 
 Li 
 
 'INCOLN grants the request of a mother seeking employ- 
 ment for her two sons. 
 
 LETTER TO MAJOR RAMSEY 
 
 Executive Mansion, October 17, 1861 
 
 M 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 The lady bearer of this says she has 
 two sons who want to work. Set them at it if pos- 
 sible. Wanting to work is so rare a want that it 
 should be encouraged. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [112] 
 
»WV\Vl\\VV\VVVV\\VV\A\WAWVVVVVVVVVVW\VVVVV\^ 
 
 "Hadnt we better sjpan\ this drummer boy . . . ? n 
 
 L, 
 
 MNCOLN recommends a more appropriate punishment to 
 fit the crime of 14-year old Daniel Winger who had been 
 sentenced to be shot. 
 
 LETTER TO EDWIN M. STANTON 
 
 M 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 Hadn't we better spank this drummer 
 boy and send him back home to Leavenworth? 
 
 • A. Lincoln 
 
 [113] 
 
"He who does something at the head of one 
 regiment. . . ." 
 
 HEN Major-General Hunter was assigned the command 
 of the Department of Kansas he considered the appointment 
 far beneath his capacity and wrote the President saying so. 
 On Lincoln's answering letter the General made this notation: 
 "The President's reply to my 'ugly letter.' This lay on his table 
 a month after it was written, and when finally sent was by a 
 special conveyance, with the direction that it was only to be 
 given to me when I was in good humor." 
 
 LETTER TO MAJOR-GENERAL HUNTER 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, December 31, 1861 
 
 DEAR SIR: 
 Yours of the 23d is received, and I am 
 constrained to say it is difficult to answer so ugly 
 a letter in good temper. I am, as you intimate, 
 losing much of the great confidence I placed in 
 
 [114] 
 
you, not from any act or omission of yours touch- 
 ing the public service, up to the time you were 
 sent to Leavenworth, but from the flood of grum- 
 bling despatches and letters I have seen from you 
 since. I knew you were being ordered to Leaven- 
 worth at the time it was done; and I aver that 
 with as tender a regard for your honor and your 
 sensibilities as I had for my own, it never oc- 
 curred to me that you were being "humiliated, 
 insulted and disgraced!" nor have I, up to this 
 day, heard an intimation that you have been 
 wronged, coming from any one but yourself. No 
 one has blamed you for the retrograde movement 
 from Springfield, nor for the information you gave 
 General Cameron; and this you could readily 
 understand, if it were not for your unwarranted 
 assumption that the ordering you to Leavenworth 
 must necessarily have been done as a punishment 
 for some fault. I thought then, and think yet, the 
 position assigned to you is as responsible, and as 
 honorable, as that assigned to Buell— I know that 
 General McClellan expected more important re- 
 sults from it. My impression is that at the time 
 you were assigned to the new Western Depart- 
 ment, it had not been determined to replace Gen- 
 eral Sherman in Kentucky; but of this I am not 
 
 [H5 1 
 
certain, because the idea that a command in Ken- 
 tucky was very desirable, and one in the farther 
 West undesirable, had never occurred to me. You 
 constantly speak of being placed in command of 
 only 3,000. Now tell me, is this not mere impa- 
 tience? Have you not known all the while that 
 you are to command four or five times that many? 
 I have been, and am sincerely your friend; and 
 if, as such, I dare to make a suggestion, I would 
 say you are adopting the best possible way to ruin 
 yourself. "Act well your part, there all the honor 
 lies." He who does something at the head of one 
 Regiment, will eclipse him who does nothing at 
 the head of a hundred. 
 
 Your friend, as ever, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [116] 
 
Qrfuu &la?*>2/^ £u*~*^ erf* 
 fa— A^$ 
 
 ^f^^T 
 
 An excellent example of Lincoln's faculty for in- 
 jecting wit and wisdom into routine correspond- 
 ence. From the Oliver R. Barrett collection. 
 
vv\v\*\\*ivm>\*\\vvvvvv\v\\>\vv\vvvvvvvvvw*vvvvvvv\*vvvvmvvvv^ 
 
 I wish to be free to go at once. 
 
 • • • 
 
 v\vv*\vvmvv\\*\v\vv\vvvvvvvwvvvvvvvvwvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvv^^ 
 
 L, 
 
 'INCOLN advises the Secretary of War that the precau- 
 tions taken for the safety of the President are neither necessary 
 nor convenient. 
 
 LETTER TO EDWIN M. STANTON 
 
 Executive Mansion, January 22, 1862 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 M 
 
 On reflection I think it will not do, as 
 a rule, for the adjutant-general to attend me wher- 
 ever I go: not that I have any objection to his 
 presence, but that it would be an uncompensating 
 encumbrance both to him and me. When it shall 
 occur to me to go anywhere, I wish to be free to 
 go at once, and not to have to notify the adjutant- 
 general and wait till he can get ready. 
 
 It is better, too, for the public service that he 
 shall give his time to the business of his office, and 
 not to personal attendance on me. 
 
 [118] 
 
While I thank you for the kindness of the sug- 
 gestion, my view of the matter is as I have stated. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [1191 
 
WW*WU*VVV*VVVVVVVVVVVVVVVWM/V\M*WVVVVW^ 
 
 ". . . the Commander'in'Chief may order what he 
 
 pleases" 
 
 VVMM*VWMVWWiW*WVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVWV^ 
 
 HEN he found it necessary to over-rule General Mc- 
 Glellan, Lincoln was direct and firm, but careful not to offend 
 his sensitive commander. 
 
 LETTER TO GEORGE B. McCLELLAN 
 
 Executive Mansion, March 21, 1862 
 
 M 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 This morning I felt constrained to or- 
 der Blenker's division to Fremont, and I write 
 this to assure you that I did so with great pain, 
 understanding that you would wish it otherwise. 
 If you could know the full pressure of the case, I 
 am confident you would justify it, even beyond a 
 mere acknowledgment that the Commander-in- 
 Chief may order what he pleases. 
 
 Yours, very truly, 
 
 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 [120] 
 
tMMMVVVVWVVWVVVWVVVVVVlW/VWVVVWVVVV^ 
 
 ". . . a safe place for certain men to stand on the 
 Constitution. . . ." 
 
 Li 
 
 rINCOLN decries the acts of a judge who uses the protec- 
 tion of the Constitution to shield certain men who would seek 
 to destroy it. 
 
 LETTER TO JOHN W. CRISFIELD 
 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, June 26, 1862 
 
 M 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 I have been considering the appeal 
 made by yourself and Senator Pearce in behalf of 
 Judge Carmichael. His charge to the Grand Jury 
 was left with me by the senator, and on reading 
 it I must confess I was not very favorably im- 
 pressed toward the judge. The object of the charge, 
 I understand, was to procure prosecution and 
 punishment of some men for arresting or doing 
 violence to some secessionists— that is, the judge 
 
was trying to help a little by giving the protection 
 of law to those who were endeavoring to over- 
 throw the supreme law— trying if he could find a 
 safe place for certain men to stand on the Constitu- 
 tion, whilst they should stab it in another place. 
 
 But possibly I am mistaken. 
 
 The Secretary of War and I have agreed that 
 if the judge will take the oath of allegiance usually 
 taken in such cases, he may be discharged. Please 
 ascertain and inform me whether he will do it. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [1221 
 
*W\VVl*VVVW\*\Vl\VW\V\\Vl\\VVW%VVVVV\M\\VVW^ 
 
 'My view of the present condition of the war. 
 
 . » . 
 
 ^\v\vmvvN\\vv\\\v\\\%\vw\vv\vvvv\\\v\\\\\\\A.\vi\v\\v\vv\\vvvvw^ 
 
 T* 
 
 HIS letter is one of three selected by John G. Nicolay, 
 the President's secretary and biographer, as being representa- 
 tive of "Lincoln at his best" 
 
 LETTER TO WILLIAM H. SEWARD 
 
 Executive Mansion, June 28, 1862 
 
 M 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 My view of the present condition of 
 the war is about as follows: 
 
 The evacuation of Corinth and our delay by 
 the flood in the Chickahominy have enabled the 
 enemy to concentrate too much force in Richmond 
 for McClellan to successfully attack. In fact there 
 soon will be no substantial rebel force anywhere 
 else. But if we send all the force from here to Mc- 
 Clellan, the enemy will, before we can know of 
 it, send a force from Richmond and take Wash- 
 
 [123] 
 
ington. Or if a large part of the western army be 
 brought here to McClellan, they will let us have 
 Richmond, and retake Tennessee, Kentucky, Mis- 
 souri, etc. What should be done is to hold what 
 we have in the West, open the Mississippi, and 
 take Chattanooga and East Tennessee without 
 more. A reasonable force should in every event 
 be kept about Washington for its protection. Then 
 let the country give us a hundred thousand new 
 troops in the shortest possible time, which, added 
 to McClellan directly or indirectly, will take Rich- 
 mond without endangering any other place which 
 we now hold, and will substantially end the war. 
 I expect to maintain this contest until successful, 
 or till I die, or am conquered, or my term expires, 
 or Congress or the country forsake me; and I 
 would publicly appeal to the country for this new 
 force were it not that I fear a general panic and 
 stampede would follow, so hard it is to have a 
 thing understood as it really is. I think the new 
 force should be all, or nearly all, infantry, prin- 
 cipally because such can be raised most cheaply 
 and quickly. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [1241 
 

 WWVVWVVVVV*MM\*VVVVVVVVVVVW\\M*\VVVVVVIVIVVV^ 
 
 U I am a patient man ' 
 
 «AWVVMf\M/VVVVVVVWVVVVWVVVVVVVVVlVVWVV^ 
 
 L, 
 
 fINCOLN'S patience is sorely tried in answering Reverdy 
 Johnson, Baltimore Unionist, who had joined the chorus of 
 criticism of the Louisiana Military Authority. 
 
 LETTER TO REVERDY JOHNSON 
 
 (Private) 
 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, July 26, 1862 
 
 M 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 Yours of the 16th, by the hand of 
 Governor Shepley, is received. It seems the Union 
 feeling in Louisiana is being crushed out by the 
 course of General Phelps. Please pardon me for 
 believing that is a false pretense. The people of 
 Louisiana— all intelligent people everywhere— 
 know full well that I never had a wish to touch 
 the foundations of their society, or any right of 
 theirs. With perfect knowledge of this they forced 
 
 [125] 
 
a necessity upon me to send armies among them, 
 and it is their own fault, not mine, that they are 
 annoyed by the presence of General Phelps. They 
 also know the remedy— know how to be cured of 
 General Phelps. Remove the necessity of his pres- 
 ence. And might it not be well for them to con- 
 sider whether they have not already had time 
 enough to do this? If they can conceive of anything 
 worse than General Phelps within my power, 
 would they not better be looking out for it? They 
 very well know the way to avert all this is simply 
 to take their place in the Union upon the old 
 terms. If they will not do this, should they not 
 receive harder blows rather than lighter ones? You 
 are ready to say I apply to friends what is due only 
 to enemies. I distrust the wisdom if not the sin- 
 cerity of friends who would hold my hands while 
 my enemies stab me. This appeal of professed 
 friends has paralyzed me more in this struggle 
 than any other one thing. You remember telling 
 me, the day after the Baltimore mob in April, 
 1861, that it would crush all Union feeling in 
 Maryland for me to attempt bringing troops over 
 Maryland soil to Washington. I brought the troops 
 notwithstanding, and yet there was Union feeling 
 enough left to elect a legislature the next autumn, 
 
 [126] 
 
which in turn elected a very excellent Union 
 United States senator! I am a patient man— always 
 willing to forgive on the Christian terms of re- 
 pentance, and also to give ample time for repent- 
 ance. Still, I must save this government, if possible. 
 What I cannot do, of course I will not do; but it 
 may as well be understood, once for all, that I shall 
 not surrender this game leaving any available card 
 unplayed. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [1271 
 
\\vvvvvvvvvvvvvvvv\vv\vvvvvwvvtvvv\v\vvw 
 
 Bro\en eggs cannot be mended. . . 
 
 AV\*VVWtVVWVVVVVVVW\Vt\\VV*VVVVVVV\\VtV\VWVVV^ 
 
 H. 
 
 IS dander up, Lincoln replies vigorously to another critic 
 of the government's Louisiana policy, through August Bel- 
 mont, the New York financier. 
 
 LETTER TO AUGUST BELMONT 
 
 July 31, 1862 
 
 DEAR SIR: 
 You send to Mr. W- — an extract from 
 a letter written at New Orleans the 9th instant, 
 which is shown to me. You do not give the writer's 
 name; but plainly he is a man of ability, and 
 probably of some note. He says: "The time has 
 arrived when Mr. Lincoln must take a decisive 
 course. Trying to please everybody, he will satisfy 
 nobody. A vacillating policy in matters of im- 
 portance is the very worst. Now is the time, if ever 
 for honest men who love their country to rally to 
 its support. Why will not the North say officially 
 that it wishes for the restoration of the Union as 
 it was?" 
 
 (128 J 
 
And so, it seems, this is the point on which the 
 writer thinks I have no policy. Why will he not 
 read and understand what I have said? 
 
 The substance of the very declaration he desires 
 is in the inaugural, in each of the two regular mes- 
 sages to Congress, and in many, if not all, the 
 minor documents issued by the Executive since 
 the inauguration. 
 
 Broken eggs cannot be mended; but Louisiana 
 has nothing to do now but to take her place in the 
 Union as it was, barring the already broken eggs. 
 The sooner she does so, the smaller will be the 
 amount of that which will be past mending. This 
 government cannot much longer play a game in 
 which it stakes all, and its enemies stake nothing. 
 Those enemies must understand that they cannot 
 experiment for ten years trying to destroy the gov- 
 ernment, and if they fail still come back into the 
 Union unhurt. If they expect in any contingency 
 to ever have the Union as it was, I join with the 
 writer in saying, "Now is the time." 
 
 How much better it would have been for the 
 writer to have gone at this, under the protection 
 of the army at New Orleans, than to have sat down 
 in a closet writing complaining letters northward! 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [129] 
 
A%*vm\\vvw\\\vv\vvvvvvv\\\*vv\\vvv\vvv*vw\\wmw^\\vvvwvwvw^^ 
 
 'Cant you give him a chance?" 
 
 *MMMMW\*M*MMMWkM/\W\AWW\MMM/VV\MWWS^^ 
 
 c. 
 
 ARL SANDBURG, in his "War Years? tells of the time 
 Lincoln met a man in the street and said, "You look like an 
 able-bodied man— why don't you join the army?" When the 
 man answered that he'd be glad to die for his country if only 
 given a chance, Lincoln wrote out and sealed this note, ad- 
 dressed to 714 Fifteenth Street, and instructed the man to take 
 it there. 
 
 NOTE TO COLONEL FIELDING 
 
 C 
 
 OL. FIELDING- 
 
 The bearer is anxious to go to the front 
 and die for his country. Can't you give him a 
 
 chance? 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [130] 
 
AW\\vw\\vvv\vmv\\\\vvv\vvvv\\vvvvvvvv\\vvwA*\vv\wvvm\vi*\\vvv^^ 
 
 "I would save the Union. 
 
 AWAVVVVVAAVV\VVV\VV\VVVVNV\\VVVV\W*VVV\VV*^^ 
 
 Wh 
 
 HEN the New York Tribune assailed the President edi- 
 torially for not taking a more radical stand on the question 
 of slavery, Lincoln sent to Horace Greeley this famous reply, 
 which ranks near the top of his greatest State Papers. 
 
 LETTER TO HORACE GREELEY 
 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, August, 22, 1862 
 
 D 
 
 EAR SIR: 
 
 I have just read yours of the 19th, ad- 
 dressed to myself through the New York "Trib- 
 une." If there be in it any statements or assump- 
 tions of fact which I may know to be erroneous, 
 I do not now and here, controvert them. If there 
 be in it any inferences which I may believe to 
 be falsely drawn, I do not, now and here, argue 
 against them. If there be perceptible in it an im- 
 patient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference 
 
 [131] 
 
to an old friend whose heart I have always sup- 
 posed to be right. 
 
 As to the policy I "seem to be pursuing," as you 
 say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt. 
 
 I would save the Union. I would save it the 
 shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner 
 the national authority can be restored, the nearer 
 the Union will be "the Union as it was." If there 
 be those who would not save the Union unless 
 they could at the same time save slavery, I do not 
 agree with them. If there be those who would not 
 save the Union unless they could at the same time 
 destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. My para- 
 mount object in this struggle is to save the Union, 
 and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I 
 could save the Union without freeing any slave, 
 I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing all 
 the slaves, I would do it; and if I could save it by 
 freeing some and leaving others alone, I would 
 also do that. What I do about slavery and the 
 colored race, I do because I believe it helps to 
 save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear be- 
 cause I do not believe it would help to save the 
 Union. I shall do less whenever I shall believe 
 what I am doing hurts the cause, and I shall do 
 more whenever I shall believe doing more will 
 
 [132] 
 
help the cause. I shall try to correct errors when 
 shown to be errors, and I shall adopt new views so 
 fast as they shall appear to be true views. 
 
 I have here stated my purpose according to my 
 view of official duty; and I intend no modification 
 of my oft-expressed personal wish that all men 
 everywhere could be free. 
 
 Yours, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [133] 
 
A\\\VW*V*VVVVVV\\VV\\\V\VV\VV\\VV\VV*VVWA\**\\\V\\tt\\VV\\\^^ 
 
 'These are not the daysvof miracles. . . .' 
 
 AV\VVmVV\\\VVVVVVV\V\VVVVVVVV\VVW\\\\VVVVVVVWAMAV\AAVVVVVVVVV\VVV^ 
 
 XTHOUGH in this reply to a religious delegation Lin- 
 coln explained why he should not issue an Emancipation 
 Proclamation, he had at that very moment a draft of the 
 Proclamation in his desk and was only holding it for the right 
 occasion. Three days later the Battle of Antietam provided 
 the long-awaited opportunity, and on September 24 Lincoln 
 released the Proclamation to the press. 
 
 REPLY TO INTERDENOMINATIONAL 
 RELIGIOUS COMMITTEE 
 
 September 13, 1862 
 
 THE subject presented in the memorial is 
 one upon which I have thought much for 
 weeks past, and I may even say for months. I am 
 approached with the most opposite opinions and 
 advice, and that by religious men who are equally 
 certain that they represent the divine will. I am 
 
 [134] 
 
sure that either the one or the other class is mis- 
 taken in that belief, and perhaps in some respects 
 both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say 
 that if it is probable that God would reveal his 
 will to others on a point so connected with my 
 duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it 
 directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in 
 myself than I often am, it is my earnest desire to 
 know the will of Providence in this matter. And 
 if I can learn what it is, I will do it. 
 
 These are not, however, the days of miracles, 
 and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to 
 expect a direct revelation. I must study the plain 
 physical facts of the case, ascertain what is possible, 
 and learn what appears to be wise and right. 
 
 The subject is difficult, and good men do not 
 agree. For instance, the other day four gentlemen 
 of standing and intelligence from New York called 
 as a delegation on business connected with the 
 war; but, before leaving, two of them earnestly 
 beset me to proclaim general emancipation, upon 
 which the other two at once attacked them. You 
 know also that the last session of Congress had 
 a decided majority of anti-slavery men, yet they 
 could not unite on this policy. And the same is 
 true of the religious people. Why, the rebel sol- 
 
 [135] 
 
diers are praying with a great deal more earnest- 
 ness, I fear, than our own troops, and expecting 
 God to favor their side; for one of our soldiers 
 who had been taken prisoner told Senator Wilson 
 a few days since that he met with nothing so dis- 
 couraging as the evident sincerity of those he was 
 among in their prayers. But we will talk over the 
 merits of the case. 
 
 What good would a proclamation of emancipa- 
 tion from me do, especially as we are now situated? 
 I do not want to issue a document that the whole 
 world will see must necessarily be inoperative, 
 like the Pope's bull against the comet. Would my 
 word free the slaves, when I cannot even enforce 
 the Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a 
 single court, or magistrate, or individual that 
 would be influenced by it there? And what reason 
 is there to think it would have any greater effect 
 upon the slaves than the late law of Congress, 
 which I approved, and which offers protection 
 and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who 
 come within our lines? Yet I cannot learn that 
 that law has caused a single slave to come over to 
 us. And suppose they could be induced by a proc- 
 lamation of freedom from me to throw themselves 
 upon us, what should we do with them? How can 
 
 [136] 
 
we feed and care for such a multitude? General 
 Butler wrote me a few days since that he was issu- 
 ing more rations to the slaves who have rushed to 
 him than to all the white troops under his com- 
 mand. They eat, and that is all; though it is true 
 General Butler is feeding the whites also by the 
 thousand, for it nearly amounts to a famine there. 
 If, now, the pressure of the war should call off our 
 forces from New Orleans to defend some other 
 point, what is to prevent the masters from reduc- 
 ing the blacks to slavery again? For I am told that 
 whenever the rebels take any black prisoners, free 
 or slave, they immediately auction them off. They 
 did so with those they took from a boat that was 
 aground in the Tennessee River a few days ago. 
 And then I am very ungenerously attacked for it! 
 For instance, when, after the late battles at and 
 near Bull Run, an expedition went out from 
 Washington under a flag of truce to bury the dead 
 and bring in the wounded, and the rebels seized 
 the blacks who went along to help, and sent them 
 into slavery, Horace Greeley said in his paper that 
 the government would probably do nothing about 
 it. What could I do? 
 
 Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible 
 result of good would follow the issuing of such a 
 
 [137] 
 
proclamation as you desire? Understand, I raise no 
 objections against it on legal or constitutional 
 grounds; for, as commander-in-chief of the army 
 and navy, in time of war I suppose I have a right 
 to take any measure which may best subdue the 
 enemy; nor do I urge objections of a moral na- 
 ture, in view of possible consequences of insurrec- 
 tion and massacre at the South. 
 
 I view this matter as a practical war measure, to 
 be decided on according to the advantages or dis- 
 advantages it may offer to the suppression of the 
 rebellion. 
 
 I admit that slavery is the root of the rebellion, 
 or at least its sine qua non. The ambition of poli- 
 ticians may have instigated them to act, but they 
 would have been impotent without slavery as their 
 instrument. I will also concede that emancipation 
 would help us in Europe, and convince them that 
 we are incited by something more than ambition. 
 I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at 
 the North, though not so much, I fear, as you and 
 those you represent imagine. Still some additional 
 strength would be added in that way to the war, 
 and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the 
 rebels by drawing off their laborers, which is of 
 great importance; but I am not so sure we could 
 
 [138] 
 
do much with the blacks. If we were to arm them, 
 I fear that in a few weeks the arms would be in 
 the hands of the rebels; and, indeed, thus far we 
 have not had arms enough to equip our white 
 troops. I will mention another thing, though it 
 meet only your scorn and contempt. There are 
 fifty thousand bayonets in the Union armies from 
 the border slave States. It would be a serious mat- 
 ter if, in consequence of a proclamation such as 
 you desire, they should go over to the rebels. I do 
 not think they all would— not so many, indeed, as 
 a year ago, or six months ago— not so many to-day 
 as yesterday. Every day increases their Union feel- 
 ing. They are also getting their pride enlisted, and 
 want to beat the rebels. 
 
 Let me say one thing more: I think you should 
 admit that we already have an important principle 
 to rally and unite the people, in the fact that con- 
 stitutional government is at stake. This is a funda- 
 mental idea going down about as deep as any- 
 thing. 
 
 Do not misunderstand me because I have men- 
 tioned these objections. They indicate the diffi- 
 culties that have thus far prevented my action in 
 some such way as you desire. I have not decided 
 against a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but 
 
 [139] 
 
hold the matter under advisement; and I can as- 
 sure you that the subject is on my mind, by day 
 and night, more than any other. Whatever shall 
 appear to be God's will, I will do. I trust that in 
 the freedom with which I have canvassed your 
 views I have not in any respect injured your 
 feelings. 
 
 [140] 
 
^VVVWVVVVVVVVVWVVVVVUflVVVVVV^^ 
 
 ". . . breath done \ills no rebels" 
 
 JL/INCOLN writes Vice-President Hamlin that he is flattered 
 by the comments on his Proclamation, but sadly disappointed 
 in its results. 
 
 LETTER TO HANNIBAL HAMLIN 
 
 (Strictly Private) 
 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, September 28, 1862 
 
 M 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 Your kind letter of the 25th is just re- 
 ceived. It is known to some that while I hope 
 something from the proclamation, my expectations 
 are not as sanguine as are those of some friends. 
 The time for its effect southward has not come; 
 but northward the effect should be instantaneous. 
 It is six days old, and while commendation in 
 newspapers and by distinguished individuals is all 
 that a vain man could wish, the stocks have de- 
 
 [141] 
 
clined, and troops come forward more slowly than 
 ever. This, looked soberly in the face, is not very 
 satisfactory. We have fewer troops in the field at 
 the end of six days than we had at the beginning— 
 the attrition among the old outnumbering the ad- 
 dition by the new. The North responds to the 
 proclamation sufficiently in breath; but breath 
 alone kills no rebels. 
 
 I wish I could write more cheerfully; nor do I 
 thank you the less for the kindness of your letter. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [142] 
 
Wl\MUU\WW%UUW\M*WMMVW*M*UVVWW\*UUU^ 
 
 ". . . hardly proper for me to ma\e speeches. 
 
 vvvvv\\\vvvv\\vvvvvvvvv\v\\vvvvvmvvvvv\vvv\vvvmAAVVv\sA^ 
 
 c. 
 
 -ALLED upon for a speech at Frederick, Maryland, Lin- 
 coln reiterates his great aversion to speaking when he has 
 nothing to say. 
 
 SPEECH AT FREDERICK, MARYLAND 
 
 October 4, 1862 
 
 IN my present position it is hardly proper for 
 me to make speeches. Every word is so closely 
 noted that it will not do to make foolish ones, and 
 I cannot be expected to be prepared to make sen- 
 sible ones. If I were as I have been for most of my 
 life, I might, perhaps, talk nonsense to you for half 
 an hour, and it wouldn't hurt anybody. As it is, 
 I can only return thanks for the compliment paid 
 our cause. Please accept my sincere thanks for the 
 compliment to our country. 
 
 [143] 
 
4\VlVMVVAVVVVWVVVVl\VV\VVVVVVVVVVVtVVV^^ 
 
 ". . . sore'tongued and fatigued horses." 
 
 V\VWW\\VVVVV\\VV\VVV\VV\\\\VVVVl\V\\\\VVVVW 
 
 JL/INCOLN, despairing of ever getting McClellan to move 
 against the enemy, chides his able but cautious commander 
 in a terse telegraphic despatch. 
 
 TELEGRAM TO 
 GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN 
 
 War Department, Washington City 
 October 24 [25?], 1862 
 
 MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: 
 I have just read your despatch about 
 sore-tongued and fatigued horses. Will you pardon 
 me for asking what the horses of your army have 
 done since the battle of Antietam that fatigues 
 anything? 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [144] 
 
^*WVWWVVVWWlVvWVVWVVV\VW\U^ 
 
 I intend no injustice.' 
 
 y/W\MM/M\WW\MMMMMMWW^ 
 
 L 
 
 'INCOLN attempts to smooth over the ruffled temper of 
 McClellan but still pleads for action. 
 
 TELEGRAM TO 
 GENERAL GEORGE B. McCLELLAN 
 
 Executive Mansion 
 Washington, October 27, 1862. 12:10 P.M. 
 
 MAJOR-GENERAL McCLELLAN: 
 Yours of yesterday received. Most cer- 
 tainly I intend no injustice to any, and if I have 
 done any I deeply regret it. To be told, after more 
 than five weeks' total inaction of the army, and 
 during which period we sent to the army every 
 fresh horse we possibly could, amounting in the 
 whole to 7,918, that the cavalry horses were too 
 much fatigued to move, presents a very cheerless, 
 almost hopeless, prospect for the future, and it 
 
 U45] 
 
may have forced something of impatience in my 
 dispatch. If not recruited and rested then, when 
 could they ever be? I suppose the river is rising, 
 and I am glad to believe you are crossing. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 fl46l 
 
4vwvv\wvu\vvw.\vv\\\\\\\\v\\\vvvv\v\vvv\v\v^^ 
 
 do not thin\ this is an ill-natured letter. 
 
 D: 
 
 ESPERATELY needing action, Lincoln pleads again and 
 again with his Generals who seize every excuse for delay. 
 
 LETTER TO GENERAL NATHANIEL P. BANKS 
 
 Executive Mansion 
 Washington, November 22, 1862 
 
 M 
 
 Y DEAR GENERAL BANKS: 
 
 Early last week you left me in high 
 hope with your assurance that you would be off 
 with your expedition at the end of that week, or 
 early in this. It is now the end of this, and I have 
 just been overwhelmed and confounded with the 
 sight of a requisition made by you which, I am as- 
 sured, cannot be filled and got off within an hour 
 short of two months. I inclose you a copy of the 
 requisition, in some hope that it is not genuine— 
 that you have never seen it. My dear general, this 
 expanding and piling up of impedimenta has 
 
 [147] 
 
been, so far, almost our ruin, and will be our 
 final ruin if it is not abandoned. If you had the 
 articles of this requisition upon the wharf, with 
 the necessary animals to make them of any use, 
 and forage for the animals, you could not get ves- 
 sels together in two weeks to carry the whole, to 
 say nothing of your twenty thousand men; and 
 having the vessels, you could not put the cargoes 
 aboard in two weeks more. And, after all, where 
 you are going you have no use for them. When 
 you parted with me you had no such ideas in your 
 mind. I know you had not, or you could not have 
 expected to be off so soon as you said. You must get 
 back to something like the plan you had then, or 
 your expedition is a failure before you start. You 
 must be off before Congress meets. You would be 
 better off anywhere, and especially where you are 
 going, for not having a thousand wagons doing 
 nothing but hauling forage to feed the animals 
 that draw them, and taking at least two thousand 
 men to care for the wagons and animals, who 
 otherwise might be two thousand good soldiers. 
 Now, dear general, do not think this is an ill- 
 natured letter; it is the very reverse. The simple 
 publication of this requisition would ruin you. 
 
 Very truly your friend, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [148] 
 
VVVV\AWAVVVVW<VWVVVWV\VV\VVVVVVVW^ 
 
 I will make quic\ wor\ with them" 
 
 HEN pay for troops in Massachusetts had been held up 
 and Governor Andrew telegraphed that he could not get "quick 
 work" from the paymasters responsible, Lincoln sent him this 
 sizzling wire. 
 
 TELEGRAM TO 
 GOVERNOR JOHN A. ANDREW 
 
 PLEASE say to these gentlemen that if they 
 do not work quickly I will make quick work 
 with them. In the name of all that is reasonable, 
 how long does it take to pay a couple of regiments? 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [149] 
 
"Although you were not successful. 
 
 A\VAA.VV\\W»VVVVVV\\\VV\V\VIVVV\VVVVVVVVVV\,VV^^ 
 
 L 
 
 'INCOLN encourages the Army of the Potomac, after the 
 Battle of Fredericksburg, where the Union forces suffered one 
 of the most crushing defeats of the war. 
 
 MESSAGE TO THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC 
 
 Executive Mansion 
 Washington, December 22, 1862 
 
 TO THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC: 
 I have just read your commanding gen- 
 eral's report of the battle of Fredericksburg. Al- 
 though you were not successful, the attempt was 
 not an error, nor the failure other than accident. 
 The courage with which you, in an open field, 
 , maintained the contest against an intrenched foe, 
 and the consummate skill and success with which 
 you crossed and recrossed the river in the face of 
 the enemy, show that you possess all the qualities 
 
 H50] 
 
of a great army, which will yet give victory to the 
 cause of the country and of popular government. 
 
 Condoling with the mourners for the dead, and 
 sympathizing with the severely wounded, I con- 
 gratulate you that the number of both is compara- 
 tively so small. 
 
 I tender to you, officers and soldiers, the thanks 
 of the nation. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 1 151 J 
 
%wm\t\\\vv\\v\\\\\\\v\v\\vvvv\A\vvv\\vv^^ 
 
 "In this sad world of ours. . . ." 
 
 \VW\\WV\VUV\\\VWtV\VM/VVVVl\V\VW^ 
 
 JL/INCOLN consoles the daughter of his friend, Colonel 
 McCullough, who died heroically fighting with Grant's army 
 in Mississippi. 
 
 LETTER TO FANNY McCULLOUGH 
 
 Executive Mansion 
 Washington, December 23, 1862 
 
 DEAR FANNY: 
 It is with deep regret that I learn of 
 the death of your kind and brave father, and espe- 
 cially that it is affecting your young heart beyond 
 what is common in such cases. In this sad world 
 of ours sorrow comes to all, and to the young it 
 comes with bittered agony because it takes them 
 unawares. The older have learned ever to expect 
 it. I am anxious to afford some alleviation of your 
 present distress. Perfect relief is not possible, ex- 
 
 ri52] 
 
cept with time. You cannot now realize that you 
 will ever feel better. Is not this so? And yet it is 
 a mistake. You are sure to be happy again. To 
 know this, which is certainly true, will make you 
 some less miserable now. I have had experience 
 enough to know what I say, and you need only to 
 believe it to feel better at once. The memory of 
 your dear father, instead of an agony, will yet be 
 a sad, sweet feeling in your heart, of a purer and 
 holier sort than you have known before. 
 
 Please present my kind regards to your afflicted 
 mother. 
 
 Your sincere friend, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [1531 
 
The Emancipation Proclamation 
 
 A\VVV\\\VVVV\\\\V\\\VVVWV\\\\VV^^ 
 
 JLHE Emancipation Proclamation, premature though it was, 
 Lincoln considered the crowning achievement of his labors. 
 Secretary Seward records that on the first day of January, 
 1863, when the President was about to affix his signature to 
 this great document, Lincoln said, "I have been shaking hands 
 since nine o*clock this morning, and my right hand is nearly 
 paralyzed. If my name ever goes into history, it will be for 
 this act, and my whole soul is in it. If my hand trembles when 
 I sign the Proclamation all who examine the document here- 
 after, will say, 'he hesitated/ " The President firmly inscribed 
 his "Abraham Lincoln;" then looked up and said, "That will 
 dor 
 
 T154] 
 
FINAL EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION 
 JANUARY 1, 1863 
 
 BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 
 
 A PROCLAMATION 
 
 WHEREAS, on the twenty-second day of 
 September, in the year of our Lord one 
 thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a procla- 
 mation was issued by the President of the United 
 States, containing, among other things, the fol- 
 lowing, to wit: 
 
 "That on the first day of January, ifi the year 
 of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
 sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any 
 State, or designated part of a State, the people 
 whereof shall then be in rebellion against the 
 United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and 
 forever free; and the Executive Government of 
 the United States, including the military and naval 
 authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the 
 freedom of such persons, and will do no act or 
 acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any 
 efforts they may make for their actual freedom. 
 
 "That the Executive will, on the first day of 
 
 [155] 
 
January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the 
 States and parts of States, if any, in which the 
 people thereof respectively shall then be in re- 
 bellion against the United States; and the fact that 
 any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day 
 be in good faith represented in the Congress of 
 the United States by members chosen thereto at 
 elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters 
 of such State shall have participated, shall in the 
 absence of strong countervailing testimony be' 
 deemed conclusive evidence that such State and 
 the people thereof are not then in rebellion against 
 the United States." 
 
 Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President 
 of the United States, by virtue of the power in me 
 vested as commander-in-chief of the army and navy 
 of the United States, in time of actual armed re- 
 bellion against the authority and government of 
 the United States, and as a fit and necessary war 
 measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this 
 first day of January, in the year of our Lord one 
 thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in ac- 
 cordance with my purpose so to do, publicly pro- 
 claimed for the full period of 100 days from the 
 day first above mentioned, order and designate as 
 the States and parts of States wherein the people 
 
 [156] 
 
thereof, respectively, are this day in rebellion 
 against the United States, the following, to wit: 
 Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana (except the parishes 
 of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, 
 St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, 
 Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and 
 Orleans, including the city of New Orleans) , Mis- 
 sissippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Caro- 
 lina, North Carolina, and Virginia (except the 
 forty-eight counties designated as West Virginia, 
 and also the counties of Berkeley, Accomac, North- 
 ampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Anne, and 
 Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and 
 Portsmouth) , and which excepted parts are for the 
 present left precisely as if this proclamation were 
 not issued. 
 
 And by virtue of the power and for the purpose 
 aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons 
 held as slaves within said designated States and 
 parts of States are, and henceforward shall be, free; 
 and that the Executive Government of the United 
 States, including the military and naval authori- 
 ties thereof, will recognize and maintain the free- 
 dom of said persons. 
 
 And I hereby enjoin upon the people so de- 
 clared to be free to abstain from all violence, un- 
 less in necessary self-defense; and I recommend to 
 
 [157] 
 
them that, in all cases where allowed, they labor 
 faithfully for reasonable wages. 
 
 And I further declare and make known that 
 such persons of suitable condition will be received 
 into the armed service of the United States to garri- 
 son forts, positions, stations, and other places, and 
 to man vessels of all sorts in said service. 
 
 And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an 
 act of justice, warranted by the Constitution upon 
 military necessity, I invoke the considerate judg- 
 ment of mankind and the gracious favor of Al- 
 mighty God. 
 
 In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my 
 hand and caused the seal of the United States to 
 be affixed. 
 
 Done at the city of Washington, this first 
 day of January, in the year of our Lord 
 one thousand eight hundred and sixty- 
 three, and of the independence of the 
 United States of America the eighty- 
 seventh. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 By the President: 
 
 William H. Seward, Secretary of State 
 
 [158] 
 
AVV\\\VVWAVVV\\\\VVVm\VVWA\\\\\\VVVWVVVVVV\VVVVV\\\VVn^^ 
 
 "Let the churches ta\e care of themselves" 
 
 AVVVWVVVIUVVVVVM\VVVVVVUVVV\A\WV^ 
 
 VvHEN an individual in a church or out of it becomes 
 dangerous to the public interest, he must be checked; but let 
 the churches, as such, take care of themselves/' counsels the 
 President in a letter to his Commander of the Department of 
 Missouri, 
 
 LETTER TO GENERAL SAMUEL R. CURTIS 
 
 Executive Mansion 
 Washington, January 2, 1863 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 Yours of December 29 by the hand of 
 Mr. Strong is just received. The day I telegraphed 
 you suspending the order in relation to Dr. 
 McPheeters, he, with Mr. Bates, the Attorney-Gen- 
 eral, appeared before me and left with me a copy 
 of the order mentioned. The doctor also showed 
 me the copy of an oath which he said he had taken, 
 
 [159] 
 
which is, indeed, very strong and specific. He also 
 verbally assured me that he had constantly prayed 
 in church for the President and government, as he 
 had always done before the present war. In look- 
 ing over the recitals in your order, I do not see that 
 this matter of prayer, as he states it, is negatived, 
 nor that any violation of his oath is charged, nor, in 
 fact, that anything specific is alleged against him. 
 The charges are all general: that he has a rebel 
 wife and rebel relations, that he sympathizes with 
 rebels, and that he exercises rebel influence. Now, 
 after talking with him, I tell you frankly I believe 
 he does sympathize with the rebels, but the ques- 
 tion remains whether such a man, of unquestioned 
 good moral character, who has taken such an oath 
 as he has, and cannot even be charged with violat- 
 ing it, and who can be charged with no other 
 specific act or omission, can, with safety to the 
 government, be exiled upon the suspicion of his 
 secret sympathies. But I agree that this must be 
 left to you, who are on the spot; and if, after all, 
 you think the public good requires his removal, 
 my suspension of the order is withdrawn, only 
 with this qualification, that the time during the 
 suspension is not to be counted against him. I have 
 promised him this. But I must add that the United 
 
 [160] 
 
States Government must not, as by this order, 
 undertake to run the churches. When an indi- 
 vidual in a church or out of it becomes dangerous 
 to the public interest, he must be checked; but 
 let the churches, as such, take care of themselves. 
 It will not do for the United States to appoint 
 trustees, supervisors, or other agents for the 
 churches. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [161] 
 
AVVWtVWWAMWWVVVVVWlWWVVVlVlWlWlV^ 
 
 "I will ris\ the dictatorship, >. . 
 
 AVVVV\\\\V\VV\\VVV\\VVVVmvV\VVVVVWVA\VVVV\VWVWV\W 
 
 L, 
 
 LINCOLN was having nothing but trouble with the Army 
 of the Potomac. McClellan had been too wary; Burnside had 
 been too rash. And now the President was to have thrust upon 
 him, by the pressure of a disapproving Senate, a general of 
 questionable merit. In one of his most remarkable letters, 
 Lincoln warns his new general, without resentment but with 
 amazing directness, of the faults he must surmount if he is to 
 succeed. 
 
 LETTER TO 'FIGHTING JOE" HOOKER 
 
 Executive Mansion 
 Washington, D. C., January 26, 1863 
 
 GENERAL: 
 I have placed you at the head of the 
 Army of the Potomac. Of course I have done this 
 upon what appear to me to be sufficient reasons. 
 And yet I think it best for you to know that there 
 
 [162] 
 
are some things in regard to which, I am not quite 
 satisfied with you. I believe you to be a brave and 
 skilful soldier, which, of course, I like. I also be- 
 lieve you do not mix politics with your profession, 
 in which you are right. You have confidence in 
 yourself, which is a valuable, if not an indispens- 
 able quality. You are ambitious, which, within 
 reasonable bounds, does good rather than harm. 
 But I think that during Gen. Burnside's com- 
 mand of the Army, you have taken counsel of your 
 ambition, and thwarted him as much as you could, 
 in which you did a great wrong to the country, and 
 to a most meritorious and honorable brother 
 officer. I have heard, in such a way as to believe it, 
 of your recently saying that both the army and 
 the government needed a dictator. Of course it was 
 not for this, but in spite of it, that I have given 
 you the command. Only those generals who gain 
 successes can set up dictators. What I now ask of 
 you is military success, and I will risk the dictator- 
 ship. The government will support you to the ut- 
 most of its ability, which is neither more nor less 
 than it has done and will do for all commanders. 
 I much fear that the spirit which you have aided 
 to infuse into the army, of criticising their com- 
 mander and withholding confidence from him, 
 
 [163] 
 
will now turn upon you. I shall assist you as far 
 as I can to put it down. Neither you nor Napoleon, 
 if he were alive again, could get any good out of 
 an army while such a spirit prevails in it; and 
 now beware of rashness. Beware of rashness, but 
 with energy and sleepless vigilance go forward and 
 give us victories. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [164] 
 
"You and I are substantially strangers. 
 
 AVIVVWWVVUWI\\\VVVW\VVUVVVWVW*VVVV\^^ 
 
 Li 
 
 'INCOLN makes a friendly overture to one of the bitterest 
 enemies of his administration, Governor Seymour of New York. 
 
 LETTER TO GOVERNOR HORATIO SEYMOUR 
 
 March, 1863 
 
 M 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 You and I are substantially strangers, 
 and I write this chiefly that we may become better 
 acquainted. I, for the time being, am at the head 
 of a nation which is in great peril, and you are at 
 the head of the greatest State of that nation. As to 
 maintaining the nation's life and integrity, I as- 
 sume and believe there cannot be a difference of 
 purpose between you and me. If we should differ 
 as to the means, it is important that such differ- 
 ence should be as small as possible; that it should 
 not be enhanced by unjust suspicions on one side 
 or the other. In the performance of my duty the 
 
 [165 1 
 
cooperation of your State, as that of others, is 
 needed— in fact, is indispensable. This alone is a 
 sufficient reason why I should wish to be at a good 
 understanding with you. Please write me at least 
 as long a letter as this, of course saying in it just 
 what you think fit. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 ri66i 
 
A\vvvv\vvvv\vvv\\^vvvv^\\\vvvvvv^vvvvvvvvvvvv^Avvv\v\\vvvvv\^vv^^^vvvvvvvv^^vvvvvvv\\\\vvvvvvvvvvvvv^vvvv^vvvv\vv« 
 
 ". . . li\e an ox jumped half over the fence. 
 
 A\v\v\AAV»,vvvvvvvvv\vmviv\vwvvvvvvvivvvvv^^ 
 
 Ke> 
 
 1EPING an ever closer eye on the operations of his army, 
 Lincoln warns General Hooker to be alert and not to jail 
 into Lee's trap. 
 
 TELEGRAM TO "FIGHTING JOE" HOOKER 
 Washington, June 5, 1863. 4 P.M. 
 
 MAJOR-GENERAL HOOKER: 
 Yours of to-day was received an hour 
 ago. So much of professional military skill is requi- 
 site to answer it, that I have turned the task over 
 to General Halleck. He promises to perform it 
 with his utmost care. I have but one idea which 
 I think worth suggesting to you, and that is, in 
 case you find Lee coming to the north of the Rap- 
 pahannock, I would by no means cross to the south 
 of it. If he should leave a rear force at Fredericks- 
 burg, tempting you to fall upon it, it would fight 
 
 I 167 ] 
 
in intrenchments and have you at disadvantage, 
 and so, man for man, worst you at that point, 
 while his main force would in some way be getting 
 an advantage of you northward. In one word, I 
 would not take any risk of being entangled upon 
 the river, like an ox jumped half over a fence and 
 liable to be torn by dogs front and rear without a 
 fair chance to gore one way or kick the other. If 
 Lee would come to my side of the river, I would 
 keep on the same side, and fight him or act on the 
 defense, according as might be my estimate of 
 his strength relatively to my own. But these are 
 mere suggestions which I desire to be controlled 
 by the judgment of yourself and General Halleck. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 (168] 
 
AWWVVVlVVVVM/VVVVVWVVVVVVVtWVVVVVVVV^^ 
 
 'If you are besieged. 
 
 ANWWSIWVVHMMMMMAMAM/W^^ 
 
 .N urgent S.O.S. from General Tyler draws a pertinent, 
 if not impertinent, response from his much harried Com- 
 mander-in-Ch ief. 
 
 TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DANIEL TYLER 
 
 War Department, June 14, 1863 
 
 G 
 
 ENERAL TYLER, MARTINSBURG: 
 
 If you are besieged how do you 
 despatch me? Why did you not leave before being 
 besieged? 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [1691 
 
AWi\Vi\«Vwvivvvwv\vv\\vvmvvvv\\\vv\\\\\vv\\vm\i\v\vw^ 
 
 Lincoln s Shortest Speech 
 
 JLHIS one-sentence speech, delivered at the flag-raising be- 
 fore the Treasury Building, is very likely the briefest address 
 ever given upon a public occasion. 
 
 SPEECH BEFORE THE TREASURY BUILDING 
 
 THE part assigned to me is to raise the flag, 
 which, if there be no fault in the ma- 
 chinery, I will do, and when up, it will be for the 
 people to keep it up. 
 
 [170] 
 
AW^W*»w\%vvwvvvvvvvivvivv\ivmvi\vvvvwvwvvv\vv^ 
 
 "Beware of being assailed by on? 
 
 and praised by the other." 
 
 L 
 
 'INCOLN tells his new Commander in Missouri how best 
 to preserve peace among the quarrelsome factions in his terri- 
 tory. 
 
 LETTER TO GENERAL JOHN M. SCHOFIELD 
 Executive Mansion, May 27, 1863 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 Having relieved General Curtis and 
 assigned you to the command of the Department 
 of the Missouri, I think it may be of some ad- 
 vantage for me to state to you why I did it. I did 
 not relieve General Curtis because of any full con- 
 viction that he had done wrong by commission 
 or omission. I did it because of a conviction in 
 my mind that the Union men of Missouri, con- 
 stituting, when united, a vast majority of the whole 
 
 [m] 
 
people, have entered into a pestilent factional 
 quarrel among themselves— General Curtis, per- 
 haps not of choice, being the head of one faction 
 and Governor Gamble that of the other. After 
 months of labor to reconcile the difficulty, it 
 seemed to grow worse and worse, until I felt it my 
 duty to break it up somehow; and as I could not 
 remove Governor Gamble, I had to remove Gen- 
 eral Curtis. Now that you are in the position, I 
 wish you to undo nothing merely because General 
 Curtis or Governor Gamble did it, but to exercise 
 your own judgment, and do right for the public 
 interest. Let your military measures be strong 
 enough to repel the invader and keep the peace, 
 and not so strong as to unnecessarily harass and 
 persecute the people. It is a difficult role, and so 
 much greater will be the honor if you perform it 
 well. If both factions, or neither, shall abuse you, 
 you will probably be about right. Beware of being 
 assailed by one and praised by the other. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 tm] 
 
AVWW\VV\\VVVVV\VVVVVW*VVVVVVVAAAA/VVVWV^ 
 
 . . this is a glorious theme. 
 
 i 
 
 N an impromptu speech Lincoln points to the many unique 
 coincidences which occurred on the 4th of July, including the 
 deaths of Presidents Jefferson, Adams, Monroe, and the vic- 
 tories just gained at Gettysburg and Vicksburg. 
 
 RESPONSE TO A SERENADE 
 
 July 7, 1863 
 
 F 
 
 ELLOW-CITIZENS: 
 
 I am very glad indeed to see you to- 
 night, and yet I will not say I thank you for this 
 call; but I do most sincerely thank Almighty God 
 for the occasion on which you have called. How 
 long ago is it?— eighty-odd years since, on the 
 Fourth of July, for the first time in the history of 
 the world, a nation, by its representatives, assem- 
 bled and declared, as a self-evident truth, "that 
 all men are created equal/' That was the birthday 
 
 [173] 
 
of the United States of America. Since then the 
 Fourth of July has had several very peculiar rec- 
 ognitions. The two men most distinguished in the 
 framing and support of the Declaration were 
 Thomas Jefferson and John Adams— the one hav- 
 ing penned it, and the other sustained it the most 
 forcibly in debate— the only two of the fifty-five 
 who signed it that were elected Presidents of the 
 United States. Precisely fifty years after they put 
 their hands to the paper, it pleased Almighty God 
 to take both from this stage of action. This was 
 indeed an extraordinary and remarkable event in 
 our history. Another President, five years after, 
 was called from this stage of existence on the same 
 day and month of the year; and now on this last 
 Fourth of July just passed, when we have a gi- 
 gantic rebellion, at the bottom of which is an 
 effort to overthrow the principle that all men are 
 created equal, we have the surrender of a most 
 powerful position and army on that very day. And 
 not only so, but in a succession of battles in Penn- 
 sylvania, near to us, through three days, so rapidly 
 fought that they might be called one great battle, 
 on the first, second, and third of the month of 
 July; and on the fourth the cohorts of those who 
 opposed the Declaration that all men are created 
 
 [174] 
 
equal "turned tail" and run. Gentlemen, this is 
 a glorious theme, and the occasion for a speech, 
 but I am not prepared to make one worthy of the 
 occasion. I would like to speak in terms of praise 
 due to the many brave officers and soldiers who 
 have fought in the cause of the Union and liber- 
 ties of their country from the beginning of the 
 war. These are trying occasions, not only in suc- 
 cess, but for the want of success. I dislike to men- 
 tion the name of one single officer, lest I might 
 do wrong to those I might forget. Recent events 
 bring up glorious names, and particularly promi- 
 nent ones; but these I will not mention. Having 
 said this much, I will now take the music. 
 
 H75T 
 
v\vuvv\vvvvmv\\vvvvvv\vv\vvvvv\vvmv\v\\vvwvvvvvvv^ 
 
 you were right and I was wrong." 
 
 <VV*VVVV*VVVVVVV\MWVV\M«VVVVVVVVVWVVV*V^ 
 
 Li 
 
 fINCOLN expresses his appreciation for the all-important 
 victory at Vicksburg and, with characteristic frankness, admits 
 that his own theories had been proved wrong. 
 
 LETTER TO ULYSSES S. GRANT 
 
 Executive Mansion, July 13, 1863 
 
 MY DEAR GENERAL: 
 I do not remember that you and I ever 
 met personally. I write this now as a grateful ac- 
 knowledgment for the almost inestimable service 
 you have done the country. I wish to say a word 
 further. When you first reached the vicinity of 
 Vicksburg, I thought you should do what you 
 finally did— march the troops across the neck, run 
 the batteries with the transports, and thus go be- 
 low; and I never had any faith, except a general 
 hope that you knew better than I, that the Yazoo 
 
 [176] 
 
Pass expedition and the like could succeed. When 
 you got below and took Port Gibson, Grand Gulf, 
 and vicinity, I thought you should go down the 
 river and join General Banks, and when you turned 
 northward, east of the Big Black, I feared it was a 
 mistake. I now wish to make the personal acknowl- 
 edgment that you were right and I was wrong. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 Wf 
 
I WVV\VI\VV\\\*VVW\*VVV\VVVIVVVVVVVVVVV\VI\V\MA^^ 
 
 The Letter Lincoln Wrote But Did 'Hot Send 
 
 *wv\vv\vvv\vvYvvvvv\/vvvvvwvvvmv\v\vvviv^ 
 
 M, 
 
 -OST military authorities agreed that had General Meade 
 pursued his advantage after his victory at Gettysburg, the war 
 might have been ended then and there. Overcome with grief, 
 Lincoln wrote this reproachful letter — mild enough, in view 
 of the magnitude of the error— but never sent it, knowing the 
 loss to be irreparable. 
 
 LETTER TO GENERAL GEORGE G. MEADE 
 
 Executive Mansion 
 Washington, D. C., July 14, 1863 
 
 MAJOR-GENERAL MEADE: 
 I have just seen your despatch to Gen- 
 eral Halleck, asking to be relieved of your com- 
 mand because of a supposed censure of mine. I 
 am very, very grateful to you for the magnificent 
 success you gave the cause of the country at Gettys- 
 burg; and I am sorry now to be the author of 
 
 [178] 
 
the slightest pain to you. But I was in such deep 
 distress myself that I could not restrain some ex- 
 pression of it. I have been oppressed nearly ever 
 since the battles of Gettysburg by what appeared 
 to be evidences that yourself and General Couch 
 and General Smith were not seeking a collision 
 with the enemy, but were trying to get him across 
 the river without another battle. What these evi- 
 dences were, if you please, I hope to tell you at 
 some time when we shall both feel better. The 
 case, summarily stated, is this: You fought and beat 
 the enemy at Gettysburg and, of course, to say 
 the least, his loss was as great as yours. He re- 
 treated, and you did not, as it seemed to me, pres- 
 singly pursue him; but a flood in the river de- 
 tained him till, by slow degrees, you were again 
 upon him. You had at least twenty thousand vet- 
 eran troops directly with you, and as many more 
 raw ones within supporting distance, all in addi- 
 tion to those who fought with you at Gettysburg, 
 while it was not possible that he had received a 
 single recruit, and yet you stood and let the flood 
 run down, bridges be built, and the enemy move 
 away at his leisure without attacking him. And 
 Couch and Smith! The latter left Carlisle in time, 
 upon all ordinary calculation, to have aided you 
 
 [179] 
 
in the last battle at Gettysburg, but he did not 
 arrive. At the end of more than ten days, I believe 
 twelve, under constant urging, he reached Hagers- 
 town from Carlisle, which is not an inch over fifty- 
 five miles, if so much, and Couch's movement was 
 very little different. 
 
 Again, my dear general, I do not believe you 
 appreciate the magnitude of the misfortune in- 
 volved in Lee's escape. He was within your easy 
 grasp, and to have closed upon him would, in 
 connection with our other late successes, have 
 ended the war. As it is, the war will be prolonged 
 indefinitely. If you could not safely attack Lee last 
 Monday, how can you possibly do so south of the 
 river, when you can take with you very few more 
 than two thirds of the force you then had in hand? 
 
 It would be unreasonable to expect, and I do 
 not expect [that], you can now effect much. Your 
 golden opportunity is gone, and I am distressed 
 immeasurably because of it. 
 
 I beg you will not consider this a prosecution 
 or persecution of yourself. As you had learned that 
 I was dissatisfied, I have thought it best to kindly 
 tell you why. 
 
 [180] 
 
IVVVVVVWIAMM/VVWVVVVVVWVVVVVVVVVV^^ 
 
 '. . . without criticism for what was not done. 
 
 NE week after he has magnanimously withheld his letter 
 of censure to General Meade, Lincoln informs General Howard 
 that he is "profoundly grateful for what was done, without 
 criticism for what was not done." 
 
 LETTER TO GENERAL OLIVER O. HOWARD 
 
 Executive Mansion, July 21, 1863 
 
 MY DEAR GENERAL HOWARD: 
 Your letter of the 18th is received. I 
 was deeply mortified by the escape of Lee across 
 the Potomac, because the substantial destruction 
 of his army would have ended the war, and be- 
 cause I believed such destruction was perfectly 
 easy— believed that General Meade and his noble 
 army had expended all the skill, and toil, and 
 blood, up to the ripe harvest, and then let the crop 
 go to waste. 
 
 [181] 
 
Perhaps my mortification was heightened be- 
 cause I had always believed— making my belief a 
 hobby, possibly— that the main rebel army going 
 north of the Potomac could never return, if well 
 attended to; and because I was so greatly flattered 
 in this belief by the operations at Gettysburg. A 
 few days having passed, I am now profoundly 
 grateful for what was done, without criticism for 
 what was not done. 
 
 General Meade has my confidence as a brave 
 and skilful officer and a true man. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [1821 
 
AVVVV\M/M\*VVVVVVMVVWWWVlMMWVWVVVVm\WV^ 
 
 they have the better right. 
 
 JL/INCOLN seized every possible opportunity to express his 
 gratitude to those "who bear the chief burthen of saving our 
 country" This is the third of three letters selected by John G. 
 Nicolay as representative of Lincoln at his best. 
 
 LETTER TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL 
 MONTGOMERY BLAIR 
 
 Executive Mansion, July 24, 1863 
 IR: 
 
 S 
 
 Yesterday little endorsements of mine 
 went to you in two cases of postmasterships sought 
 for widows whose husbands have fallen in the bat- 
 tles of this war. These cases occurring on the same 
 day brought me to reflect more attentively than 
 I had before done, as to what is fairly due from 
 us here in the dispensing of patronage toward the 
 men who, by fighting our battles, bear the chief 
 
 [183] 
 
burthen of saving our country. My conclusion is 
 that, other claims and qualifications being equal, 
 they have the better right; and this is especially 
 applicable to the disabled soldier and the deceased 
 soldier's family. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 ri84j 
 
,VVVVV\VV\WVVVVVV\\VMV\VVV\A\WWVVVVVVl^^ 
 
 ". . . no successful appeal from the ballot 
 to the bullet. ..." 
 
 .S a rule, a message of more than six pages would not be 
 considered a model of brevity, but into this letter, written to 
 be read at a Republican meeting in Springfield, Lincoln com- 
 presses a lifetime of philosophy. 
 
 LETTER TO JAMES C. CONKLING 
 
 Executive Mansion, August 26, 1863 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 Your letter inviting me to attend a 
 mass-meeting of unconditional Union men, to be 
 held at the capital of Illinois on the 3d day of 
 September has been received. It would be very 
 agreeable to me to thus meet my old friends at 
 my own home, but I cannot just now be absent 
 from here so long as a visit there would require. 
 The meeting is to be of all those who maintain 
 
 [185] 
 
unconditional devotion to the Union; and I am 
 sure my old political friends will thank me foi 
 tendering, as I do, the nation's gratitude to those 
 and other noble men whom no partisan malice 
 or partisan hope can make false to the nation's life. 
 There are those who are dissatisfied with me. 
 To such I would say: you desire peace, and you 
 blame me that we do not have it. But how can we 
 attain it? There are but three conceivable ways: 
 First, to suppress the rebellion by force of arms. 
 This I am trying to do. Are you for it? If you are, 
 so far we are agreed. If you are not for it, a second 
 way is to give up the Union. I am against this. 
 Are you for it? If you are, you should say so plainly. 
 If you are not for force, nor yet for dissolution, 
 there only remains some imaginable compromise. 
 I do not believe any compromise embracing the 
 maintenance of the Union is now possible. All I 
 learn leads to a directly opposite belief. The 
 strength of the rebellion is its military, its army. 
 That army dominates all the country and all the 
 people within its range. Any offer of terms made 
 by any man or men within that range, in opposi- 
 tion to that army, is simply nothing for the pres- 
 ent, because such man or men have no power 
 whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if 
 one were made with them. 
 
 [186] 
 
To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the South 
 and peace men of the North get together in con- 
 vention, and frame and proclaim a compromise 
 embracing a restoration of the Union. In what way 
 can that compromise be used to keep Lee's army 
 out of Pennsylvania? Meade's army can keep Lee's 
 army out of Pennsylvania, and, I think, can ul- 
 timately drive it out of existence. But no paper 
 compromise to which the controllers of Lee's army 
 are not agreed can at all affect that army. In an 
 effort at such compromise we should waste time 
 which the enemy would improve to our disad- 
 vantage; and that would be all. A compromise, to 
 be effective, must be made either with those who 
 control the rebel army, or with the people first 
 liberated from the domination of that army by 
 the success of our own army. Now, allow me to 
 assure you that no word or intimation from that 
 rebel army, or from any of the men controlling it, 
 in relation to any peace compromise, has ever 
 come to my knowledge or belief. All charges and 
 insinuations to the contrary are deceptive and 
 groundless. And I promise you that if any such 
 proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not be 
 rejected and kept a secret from you. I freely 
 acknowledge myself the servant of the people, ac- 
 
 [187] 
 
cording to the bond of service— the United States 
 Constitution— and that, as such, I am responsible 
 to them. 
 
 But to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me 
 about the negro. Quite likely there is a difference 
 of opinion between you and myself upon that sub- 
 ject. I certainly wish that all men could be free, 
 while I suppose you do not. Yet, I have neither 
 adopted nor proposed any measure which is not 
 consistent with even your view, provided you are 
 for the Union. I suggested compensated emanci- 
 pation, to which you replied you wished not to 
 be taxed to buy negroes. But I had not asked you 
 to be taxed to buy negroes, except in such way 
 as to save you from greater taxation to save the 
 Union exclusively by other means. 
 
 You dislike the emancipation proclamation, and 
 perhaps would have it retracted. You say it is un- 
 constitutional. I think differently. I think the Con- 
 stitution invests its commander-in-chief with the 
 law of war in time of war. The most that can be 
 said— if so much— is that slaves are property. Is 
 there— has there ever been— any question that by 
 the law of war, property, both of enemies and 
 friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not 
 needed whenever taking it helps us, or hurts the 
 
 [188] 
 
enemy? Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' 
 property when they cannot use it; and even destroy 
 their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized 
 belligerents do all in their power to help them- 
 selves or hurt the enemy, except a few things 
 regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the excep- 
 tions are the massacre of vanquished foes and non- 
 combatants, male and female. 
 
 But the proclamation, as law, either is valid or 
 is not valid. If it is not valid, it needs no retraction. 
 If it is valid, it cannot be retracted any more than 
 the dead can be brought to life. Some of you pro- 
 fess to think its retraction would operate favorably 
 for the Union. Why better after the retraction 
 than before the issue? There was more than a 
 year and a half of trial to suppress the rebellion 
 before the proclamation issued; the last one hun- 
 dred days of which passed under an explicit notice 
 that it was coming, unless averted by those in revolt 
 returning to their allegiance. The war has cer- 
 tainly progressed as favorably for us since the issue 
 of the proclamation as before. 
 
 You say you will not fight to free negroes. Some 
 of them seem willing to fight for you; but no 
 matter. Fight you, then, exclusively, to save the 
 Union. I issued the proclamation on purpose to 
 
 [189] 
 
aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall 
 have conquered all resistance to the Union, if I 
 shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an 
 apt time then for you to declare you will not fight 
 to free negroes. 
 
 I thought that in your struggle for the Union, 
 to whatever extent the negroes should cease help- 
 ing the enemy, to that extent it weakened the 
 enemy in his resistance to you. Do you think dif- 
 ferently? I thought that whatever negroes can be 
 got to do as soldiers, leaves just so much less for 
 white soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it 
 appear otherwise to you? But negroes, like other 
 people, act upon motives. Why should they do 
 anything for us if we will do nothing for them? If 
 they stake their lives for us they must be prompted 
 by the strongest motive, even the promise of free- 
 dom. And the promise, being made, must be kept. 
 
 The signs look better. The Father of Waters 
 again goes un vexed to the sea. Thanks to the great 
 Northwest for it. Nor yet wholly to them. Three 
 hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, 
 Keystone, and Jersey, hewing their way right and 
 left. The sunny South, too, in more colors than 
 one, also lent a hand. On the spot, their part of 
 the history was jotted down in black and white. 
 
 [190] 
 
The job was a great national one, and let none be 
 banned who bore an honorable part in it. And 
 while those who have cleared the great river may 
 well be proud, even that is not all. It is hard to 
 say that anything has been more bravely and well 
 done than at Antietam, Murfreesboro', Gettys- 
 burg, and on many fields of lesser note. Nor must 
 Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. At all the 
 watery margins they have been present. Not only 
 on the deep sea, the broad bay, and the rapid 
 river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou, and 
 wherever the ground was a little damp, they have 
 been and made their tracks. Thanks to all: for 
 the great republic— for the principle it lives by 
 and keeps alive—for man's vast future— thanks to 
 all. 
 
 Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope 
 it will come soon, and come to stay: and so come 
 as to be worth the keeping in all future time. It 
 will then have been proved that among free men 
 there can be no successful appeal from the ballot 
 to the bullet, and that they who take such appeal 
 are sure to lose their case and pay the cost. And 
 then there will be some black men who can re- 
 member that with silent tongue, and clenched 
 teeth, and steady eye, and well-poised bayonet, 
 
 [191] 
 
they have helped mankind on to this great con- 
 summation, while I fear there will be some white 
 ones unable to forget that with malignant heart 
 and deceitful speech they strove to hinder it. 
 
 Still, let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy 
 final triumph. Let us be quite sober. Let us dili- 
 gently apply the means, never doubting that a 
 just God, in his own good time, will give us the 
 rightful result. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [192] 
 
the plain truth. . 
 
 G: 
 
 ENERAL ROSECRANS, Commander of the Army of 
 Cumberland, was another "problem child" of Lincoln's. When 
 the President's repeated prodding finally penetrated "Old 
 Rosy's" skin, Lincoln was quick to apply the palliative. 
 
 LETTER TO GENERAL 
 WILLIAM S. ROSECRANS 
 
 Executive Mansion, August 31, 1863 
 
 MY DEAR GENERAL ROSECRANS: 
 Yours of the 22d was received yesterday. 
 When I wrote you before, I did [not] intend, nor 
 do I now, to engage in an argument with you on 
 military questions. You had informed me you 
 were impressed through General Halleck that I 
 was dissatisfied with you; and I could not bluntly 
 deny that I was without unjustly implicating him. 
 I therefore concluded to tell you the plain truth, 
 
 [ 193 ] 
 
being satisfied the matter would thus appear much 
 smaller than it would if seen by mere glimpses. 
 I repeat that my appreciation of you has not 
 abated. I can never forget whilst I remember any- 
 thing that about the end of last year and begin- 
 ning of this, you gave us a hard-earned victory, 
 which, had there been a defeat instead, the nation 
 could scarcely have lived over. Neither can I for- 
 get the check you so opportunely gave to a dan- 
 gerous sentiment which was spreading in the 
 North. 
 
 Yours as ever, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [194] 
 
wvwwwwvw 
 
 'This nation already has a quarter-master- general.' 
 
 A\\V\V\VVV\VWAVM\VVWVVVVVVVVVVW\VV\VV\AAAAVVVV^ 
 
 L 
 
 INCOLN's unfailing sense of humor would sometimes get 
 him into trouble, as in this amusing incident told by the two 
 following dispatches. 
 
 TELEGRAMS TO J. K. DUBOIS AND 
 O. M. HATCH 
 
 Washington, September 13, 1863 
 
 HON. J.K. DUBOIS, HON. O. M. HATCH: 
 What nation do you desire General 
 Allen to be made quarter-master-general of? This 
 nation already has a quarter-master-general. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [195] 
 
Executive Mansion, September 22, 1863 
 
 HON. O. M. HATCH, HON. J. K. DUBOIS, 
 SPRINGFIELD, ILL.: 
 
 Your letter is just received. The par- 
 ticular form of my despatch was jocular, which I 
 supposed you gentlemen knew me well enough to 
 understand. General Allen is considered here as a 
 very faithful and capable officer, and one who 
 would be at least thought of for quartermaster- 
 general if that office were vacant. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [1961 
 
Avv\vvvvvvvvvv\vvwvv\vvwvvwm*vv\vvvvvvvvvvvvvmvv\v\v^^ 
 
 by commission or omission. 
 
 AV\Vl*\\VVVVVVVW/VlVVVVVVVWW\/V\VVVVVVM^\ttVVVtV^ 
 
 Th 
 
 HURLOW WEED'S sudden coolness toward the President 
 leads Lincoln to believe that he has in some way offended the 
 prominent politico. 
 
 LETTER TO THURLOW WEED 
 
 Executive Mansion, October 14, 1863 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 I have been brought to fear recently 
 that somehow, by commission or omission, I have 
 caused you some degree of pain. I have never en- 
 tertained an unkind feeling or a disparaging 
 thought toward vyou; and if I have said or done 
 anything which has been construed into such un- 
 kindness or disparagement, it has been miscon- 
 strued. I am sure if we could meet we would not 
 part with any unpleasant impression on either 
 
 Slde * Yours as ever, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [197] 
 
AV\V\\\V\VV^\VV\\VVVWVVVVVVVVV\V\A.\\VVV\V\\V\VVVVVV\VVV\\VVVVVV\VVV\VVVVVtV\V\\VVVlAA.VV\\VV\\VVV\VV\\VVVVVVW,VVV 
 
 . . if Fran\ Blair were my brother. 
 
 .\\\\\\\\WA\\AM*MWA*MWXMW^\M 
 
 To 
 
 .O Postmaster-General Montgomery Blair Lincoln writes a 
 Chester fieldian letter full of friendly advice for the welfare of 
 Blair's brother. 
 
 LETTER TO MONTGOMERY BLAIR 
 
 Executive Mansion 
 Washington, D. C, November 2, 1863 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 Some days ago I understood you to say 
 that your brother, General Frank Blair, desires 
 to be guided by my wishes as to whether he will 
 occupy his seat in Congress or remain in the field. 
 My wish, then, is compounded of what I believe 
 will be best for the country and best for him, and 
 it is that he will come here, put his military com- 
 mission in my hands, take his seat, go into caucus 
 with our friends, abide the nominations, help elect 
 
 [198] 
 
the nominees, and thus aid to organize a House of 
 Representatives which will really support the gov- 
 ernment in the war. If the result shall be the elec- 
 tion of himself as Speaker, let him serve in that 
 position; if not, let him retake his commission and 
 return to the army. For the country this will heal 
 a dangerous schism; for him it will relieve from a 
 dangerous position. By a misunderstanding, as I 
 think, he is in danger of being permanently sepa- 
 rated from those with whom only he can ever have 
 a real sympathy— the sincere opponents of slavery. 
 It will be a mistake if he shall allow the provoca- 
 tions offered him by insincere time-servers to drive 
 him out of the house of his own building. He is 
 young yet. He has abundant talent— quite enough 
 to occupy all his time without devoting any to 
 temper. He is rising in military skill and useful- 
 ness. His recent appointment to the command of 
 a corps by one so competent to judge as General 
 Sherman proves this. In that line he can serve both 
 the country and himself more profitably than he 
 could as a member of Congress on the floor. The 
 foregoing is what I would say if Frank Blair were 
 my brother instead of yours. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [199] 
 
'. . . here's your autograph! 
 
 ,vv\vv\v\v\\\vmwvwvvvvtvvv\*vvvivv^ 
 
 .LTHOUGH very likely apocryphal, and not consistent 
 with Lincoln's usual courteous treatment of all requests for 
 favors— no matter how small— this terse note is included be- 
 cause it has been so often quoted. 
 
 LETTER QUOTED BY THE WASHINGTON 
 
 STAR 
 
 D 
 
 EAR MADAM 
 
 When you ask from a stranger that 
 which is of interest only to yourself, always en- 
 close a stamp. There's your sentiment, and here's 
 your autograph. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [200] 
 
not quite free from ridicule.' 
 
 JL/i 
 
 fINCOLN assures the Shakespearean actor, James H. 
 Hackett, that he need not be uneasy fo v having allowed one of 
 the President's letters to get into the hands of the press. 
 
 LETTER TO JAMES H. HACKETT 
 
 (Private) 
 
 Washington, D. C, November 2, 1863 
 
 M 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 Yours of October 22 is received, as also 
 was in due course that of October 3. I look for- 
 ward with pleasure to the fulfilment of the promise 
 made in the former. 
 
 Give yourself no uneasiness on the subject men- 
 tioned in that of the 22d. 
 
 My note to you I certainly did not expect to 
 see in print; yet I have not been much shocked by 
 the newspaper comments upon it. Those com- 
 
 [201] 
 
ments constitute a fair specimen of what has oc- 
 curred to me through life. I have endured a great 
 deal of ridicule without much malice; and have 
 received a great deal of kindness, not quite free 
 from ridicule. I am used to it. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [202] 
 
AA^\^VV\'AVUVVVVVV\VV\V\V\VV\V\\VVVVV\\VVVVV\VVVV\VV\VVVV\VVVVVVVVVVAVVVVVVVVWV\VV\VVV\VV\V\\VVV\V\\V'.VV\\V\VV 
 
 
 the exact shade of Julius Caesar s hair" 
 
 *WA\\VV\V\\\V\VWV\V\VVVVWmvWU\VV\VViVVVV»A\V^^ 
 
 M. 
 
 .ANY different interpretations have been placed by 
 biographers upon these laconic lines of Lincoln. One of the 
 most plausible is that of Jesse W. Weik, who said, "He be- 
 lieved there were other if not better ways of determining a 
 man's fitness for a given task or position than the regulation 
 test questions'* 
 
 LETTER TO SECRETARY OF WAR 
 EDWIN M. STANTON 
 
 Executive Mansion, November 11, 1863 
 
 DEAR SIR: 
 I personally wish Jacob Freese, of New 
 Jersey, to be appointed colonel for a colored regi- 
 ment, and this regardless of whether he can tell the 
 exact shade of Julius Caesar's hair. 
 
 Yours, etc., 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [203] 
 
The Gettysburg Address 
 
 JLHE Gettysburg Address, which gained immortality for its 
 author, and ranks as one of the greatest speeches in the Eng- 
 lish language, consists of only 10 sentences and 266 words, of 
 which 193 are one-syllable words; and took but two short min- 
 utes to deliver. 
 
 ADDRESS AT THE GETTYSBURG 
 NATIONAL CEMETERY 
 
 November 19, 1863 
 
 FOURSCORE and seven years ago our fathers 
 brought forth on this continent a new nation, 
 conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the propo- 
 sition that all men are created equal. 
 
 Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing 
 whether that nation, or any nation so conceived 
 and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on 
 a great battle-field of that war. We have come to 
 
 [204] 
 
dedicate a portion of that field as a final resting- 
 place for those who here gave their lives that that 
 nation might live. It is altogether fitting and 
 proper that we should do this. 
 
 But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate— we 
 cannot consecrate— we cannot hallow— this ground. 
 The brave men, living and dead, who struggled 
 here, have consecrated it far above our poor power 
 to add or detract. The world will little note nor 
 long remember what we say here, but it can never 
 forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, 
 rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work 
 which they who fought here have thus far so nobly 
 advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated 
 to the great task remaining before us— that from 
 these honored dead we take increased devotion to 
 that cause for which they gave the last full measure 
 of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these 
 dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation, 
 under God, shall have a new birth of freedom; 
 and that government of the people, by the people, 
 for the people, shall not perish from the earth. 
 
 [205] 
 
", . . you could not have been excused to ma\e 
 a short address, nor I a long one? 
 
 Hv\w\\\vvvvvvvvv\vvvivi\\\\vvvvm\%^vvvvw 
 
 F, 
 
 OLLOWING the ceremonies at Gettysburg, Edward Ev- 
 erett, who was the principal speaker of the day, wrote to 
 Lincoln, "1 should be glad if I could flatter myself that I came 
 as near the central idea of the occasion in two hours as you 
 did in two minutes." 
 
 LETTER TO EDWARD EVERETT 
 
 Executive Mansion 
 Washington, D. C, November 20, 1863 
 
 M 
 
 Y DEAR SIR: 
 
 Your kind note of to-day is received. 
 In our respective parts yesterday, you could not 
 have been excused to make a short address, nor I a 
 long one. I am pleased to know that, in your judg- 
 ment, the little I did say was not entirely a failure. 
 Of course I knew Mr. Everett would not fail, 
 
 [206] 
 
and yet, while the whole discourse was eminently 
 satisfactory, and will be of great value, there were 
 passages in it which transcended my expectations. 
 
 The point made against the theory of the Gen- 
 eral Government being only an agency whose 
 principals are the States, was new to me, and, as I 
 think, is one of the best arguments for the na- 
 tional supremacy. The tribute to our noble women 
 for their angel ministering to the suffering soldiers 
 surpasses in its way, as do the subjects of it, what- 
 ever has gone before. 
 
 Our sick boy, for whom you kindly inquire, we 
 hope is past the worst. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [207] 
 
"An intelligent woman in deep distress. 
 
 N November 20, 1863 Lincoln wired Meade, "If there is 
 a man by the name of King under sentence to be shot, please 
 suspend execution till further order and send record/* This 
 explanatory letter followed. 
 
 LETTER TO GENERAL GEORGE G. MEADE 
 
 Executive Mansion, November 20, 1863 
 
 M 
 
 AJOR-GENERAL MEADE, ARMY OF 
 POTOMAC: 
 
 An intelligent woman in deep distress, 
 called this morning, saying her husband, a lieu- 
 tenant in the Army of Potomac, was to be shot next 
 Monday for desertion, and putting a letter in 
 my hand, upon which I relied for particulars, 
 she left without mentioning a name or other par- 
 ticular by which to identify the case. On open- 
 ing the letter I found it equally vague, having 
 
 [208] 
 
nothing to identify by, except her own signature, 
 which seems to be "Mrs. Anna S. King." I could 
 not again find her. If you have a case which you 
 shall think is probably the one intended, please 
 apply my despatch of this morning to it. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [209] 
 
V\\\VV\VVV\VVV\VVV\VVVVVVUV\V\\VVVV\V\VVVV\VV\\V\V\\VV«A^^V\V\\\\\VUVV\VV\VVVVVVVVtVVVVVV\VWV\\\\\VVV\U\\V\^ 
 
 ". . . if the man does no wrong hereafter" 
 
 JLHE principle expressed in this brief endorsement on a 
 document submitted to the Secretary of War, premised Lin- 
 coln's whole theory of Reconstruction. 
 
 INDORSEMENT ON DOCUMENT TO EDWIN 
 M. STANTON 
 
 February 5, 1864 
 
 SUBMITTED TO THE SECRETARY OF 
 WAR. 
 
 On principle I dislike an oath which re- 
 quires a man to swear he has not done wrong. It 
 rejects the Christian principle of forgiveness on 
 terms of repentance. I think it is enough if the 
 man does no wrong hereafter. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [210] 
 
wvwvvtvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvvivvuwvvvvvvv^^ 
 
 I do not perceive occasion for a change" 
 
 W\VV\VV\VVVVVVVVV\AVV\VVVWWWVVVVVV^VVV\VWUWVV\VW 
 
 I 
 
 N early 1864 a committee, headed by Senator Pomeroy of 
 Kansas, created considerable clamor by publishing a letter 
 vigorously attacking Lincoln and advocating Secretary of the 
 Treasury Salmon P. Chase for the presidency. Somewhat taken 
 aback, Chase wrote to Lincoln disclaiming any knowledge of 
 the letter and saying, "If there is any thing in my action or 
 position, which in your judgment will prejudice the public 
 interest under my charge, I beg you to say so. I do not wish 
 to administer the Treasury Department one day without your 
 entire confidence/' Lincoln deferred answering for a few days 
 and then replied with his customary greatness of spirit. 
 
 LETTER TO SALMON P. CHASE 
 
 Executive Mansion, February 29, 1864 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 I would have taken time to answer 
 yours of the 22d sooner, only that I did not sup- 
 
 [211] 
 
pose any evil could result from the delay, espe- 
 cially as, by a note, I promptly acknowledged the 
 receipt of yours, and promised a fuller answer. 
 Now, on consideration, I find there is really very 
 little to say. My knowledge of Mr. Pomeroy's let- 
 ter having been made public came to me only the 
 day you wrote but I had, in spite of myself, known 
 of its existence several days before. I have not yet 
 read it, and I think I shall not. I was not shocked 
 or surprised by the appearance of the letter, be- 
 cause I had had knowledge of Mr. Pomeroy's com- 
 mittee, and of secret issues which I supposed came 
 from it, and of secret agents who I supposed were 
 sent out by it, for several weeks. I have known just 
 as little of these things as my friends have allowed 
 me to know. They bring the documents to me, but 
 I do not read them; they tell me what they think fit 
 to tell me, but I do not inquire for more. I fully 
 concur with you that neither of us can be justly 
 held responsible for what our respective friends 
 may do without our instigation or countenance; 
 and I assure you, as you have assured me, that no 
 assault has been made upon you by my investiga- 
 tion or with my countenance. Whether you shall 
 remain at the head of the Treasury Department is 
 a question which I will not allow myself to con- 
 
 [212] 
 
sider from any standpoint other than my judg- 
 ment of the public service, and, in that view, I do 
 not perceive occasion for a change. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 12131 
 
"God alone can claim it." 
 
 JlWO of Lincoln's best letters on slavery were written to 
 Kentuckians—the first to Joshua Speed in 1855 and this one 
 to A. G. Hodges nine years later. 
 
 LETTER TO A. G. HODGES 
 
 Executive Mansion, April 4, 1864 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 You ask me to put in writing the sub- 
 stance of what I verbally said the other day in your 
 presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator 
 Dixon. It was about as follows: 
 
 "I am naturally antislavery. If slavery is not 
 wrong, nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when 
 I did not so think and feel, and yet I have never 
 understood that the presidency conferred upon me 
 an unrestricted right to act officially upon this 
 judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took 
 
 [214] 
 
that I would, to the best of my ability, preserve, 
 protect, and defend the Constitution of the United 
 States. I could not take the office without taking 
 the oath. Nor was it my view that I might take an 
 oath to get power, and break the oath in using the 
 power. I understood, too, that in ordinary civil 
 administration this oath even forbade me to prac- 
 tically indulge my primary abstract judgment on 
 the moral question of slavery. I had publicly de- 
 clared this many times, and in many ways. And I 
 aver that, to this day, I have done no official act 
 in mere deference to my abstract judgment and 
 feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that 
 my oath to preserve the Constitution to the best 
 of my ability imposed upon me the duty of pre- 
 serving, by every indispensable means, that gov- 
 ernment—that nation, of which that Constitution 
 was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the 
 nation and yet preserve the Constitution? By gen- 
 eral law, life and limb must be protected, yet often 
 a limb must be amputated to save a life; but a life 
 is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that 
 measures otherwise unconstitutional might be- 
 come lawful by becoming indispensable to the 
 preservation of the Constitution through the 
 preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I as- 
 
 [215] 
 
sume this ground, and now avow it. I could not 
 feel that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried 
 to preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery or 
 any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of 
 government, country, and Constitution all to- 
 gether. When, early in the war, General Fremont 
 attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, be- 
 cause I did not then think it an indispensable 
 necessity. When, a little later, General Cameron, 
 then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the 
 blacks, I objected because I did not yet think it an 
 indispensable necessity. When, still later, General 
 Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again 
 forbade it, because I did not yet think the indis- 
 pensable necessity had come. When in March and 
 May and July, 1 862, I made earnest and successive 
 appeals to the border States to favor compensated 
 emancipation, I believed the indispensable neces- 
 sity for military emancipation and arming the 
 blacks would come unless averted by that meas- 
 ure. They declined the proposition, and I was, in 
 my best judgment, driven to the alternative of 
 either surrendering the Union, and with it the 
 Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the 
 colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, 
 I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this, I 
 
 [216] 
 
was not entirely confident. More than a year of 
 trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign rela- 
 tions, none in our home popular sentiment, none 
 in our white military force—no loss by it anyhow 
 or anywhere. On the contrary it shows a gain of 
 quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, sea- 
 men, and laborers. These are palpable facts, about 
 which, as facts, there can be no caviling. We have 
 the men; and we could not have had them without 
 the measure. 
 
 "And now let any Union man who complains 
 of the measure test himself by writing down in one 
 line that he is for subduing the rebellion by force 
 of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking 
 these hundred and thirty thousand men from the 
 Union side, and placing them where they would 
 be but for the measure he condemns. If he cannot 
 face his case so stated, it is only because he cannot 
 face the truth." 
 
 I add a word which was not in the verbal con- 
 versation. In telling this tale I attempt no compli- 
 ment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have con- 
 trolled events, but confess plainly that events have 
 controlled me. Now, at the end of three years' 
 struggle, the nation's condition is not what either 
 party, or any man, devised or expected. God alone 
 
 1217] 
 
can claim it. Whither it is tending seems plain. If 
 God now wills the removal of a great wrong, and 
 wills also that we of the North, as well as you of 
 the South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in 
 that wrong, impartial history will find therein new 
 cause to attest and revere the justice and goodness 
 of God. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [2181 
 
«L*2 /Z&Z /rSiZ^&J f£e^/« */&*>^. 
 ^ * ■< + — 
 
 fTXK^yCtr ^-^*-W ^^O /J^n^ /£*&C 
 
 /?/>v-o -ty^Lrr ft^v^— ^c*^u- /ia*_^^ 
 
 7 
 
 A newly discovered letter, not included in any of 
 
 the standard collections, in which Lincoln urges 
 
 that Sherman keep the enemy ''going," while he is 
 
 on the "down-hill." 
 
the wolfs dictionary has been repudiated." 
 
 L 
 
 LINCOLN frequently was entreated to speak at Sanitary 
 Fairs, which resembled modern Red Cross Benefits. The speech 
 he delivered at Baltimore was not, when considered as a whole, 
 one of his best, but reflects in many passages the flash of his 
 genius. 
 
 ADDRESS AT BALTIMORE 
 APRIL 18, 1864 
 
 IADIES AND GENTLEMEN: 
 -A Calling to mind that we are in Balti- 
 more, we cannot fail to note that the world moves. 
 Looking upon these many people assembled here 
 to serve, as they best may, the soldiers of the 
 Union, it occurs at once that three years ago the 
 same soldiers could not so much as pass through 
 Baltimore. The change from then till now is both 
 great and gratifying. Blessings on the brave men 
 who have wrought the change, and the fair women 
 who strive to reward them for it! 
 
 1 [ 220 ] 
 
.But Baltimore suggests more than could happen 
 within Baltimore. The change within Baltimore is 
 part only of a far wider change. When the war be- 
 gan, three years ago, neither party, nor any man, 
 expected it would last till now. Each looked for 
 the end, in some way, long ere to-day. Neither did 
 any anticipate that domestic slavery would be 
 much affected by the war. But here we are; the 
 war has not ended, and slavery has been much af- 
 fected—how much needs not now to be recounted. 
 So true is it that man proposes and God disposes. 
 
 But we can see the past, though we may not 
 claim to have directed it; and seeing it, in this case, 
 we feel more hopeful and confident for the future. 
 
 The world has never had a good definition of 
 the word liberty, and the American people, just 
 now, are much in want of one. We all declare for 
 liberty; but in using the same word we do not all 
 mean the same thing. With some the word liberty 
 may mean for each man to do as he pleases with 
 himself, and the product of his labor; while with 
 others the same word may mean for some men 
 to do as they please with other men, and the prod- 
 uct of other men's labor. Here are two, not only 
 different, but incompatible things, called by the 
 same name, liberty. And it follows that each of the 
 
 [221] 
 
things is, by the respective parties, called by two 
 different and incompatible names— liberty and 
 tyranny. 
 
 The shepherd drives the wolf from the sheep's 
 throat, for which the sheep thanks the shepherd 
 as his liberator, while the wolf denounces him for 
 the same act, as the destroyer of liberty, especially 
 as the sheep was a black one. Plainly, the sheep 
 and the wolf are not agreed upon a definition of 
 the word liberty; and precisely the same difference 
 prevails to-day among us human creatures, even in 
 the North, and all professing to love liberty. 
 Hence we behold the process by which thousands 
 are daily passing from under the yoke of bondage 
 hailed by some as the advance of liberty, and be- 
 wailed by others as the destruction of all liberty. 
 Recently, as it seems, the people of Maryland have 
 been doing something to define liberty, and thanks 
 to them that, in what they have done, the wolf's 
 dictionary has been repudiated. 
 
 It is not very becoming for one in my position 
 to make speeches at great length; but there is an- 
 other subject upon which I feel that I ought to 
 say a word. 
 
 A painful rumor— true, I fear— has reached us 
 of the massacre by the rebel forces at Fort Pillow, 
 
 [222] 
 
in the west end of Tennessee, on the Mississippi 
 River, of some three hundred colored soldiers and 
 white officers, who had just been overpowered by 
 their assailants. There seems to be some anxiety 
 in the public mind whether the government is do- 
 ing its duty to the colored soldier, and to the serv- 
 ice, at this point. At the beginning of the war, and 
 for some time, the use of colored troops was not 
 contemplated; and how the change of purpose was 
 wrought I will not now take time to explain. Upon 
 a clear conviction of duty I resolved to turn that 
 element of strength to account; and I am responsi- 
 ble for it to the American people, to the Christian 
 world, to history, and in my final account to God. 
 Having determined to use the negro as a soldier, 
 there is no way but to give him all the protection 
 given to any other soldier. The difficulty is not in 
 stating the principle, but in practically applying it. 
 It is a mistake to suppose the government is indif- 
 ferent to this matter, or is not doing the best it can 
 in regard to it. We do not to-day know that a col- 
 ored soldier, or white officer commanding colored 
 soldiers, has been massacred by the rebels when 
 made a prisoner. We fear it,— believe it, I may 
 say,— but we do not know it. To take the life of 
 one of their prisoners on the assumption that they 
 
 [223] 
 
murder ours, when it is short of certainty that they 
 do murder ours, might be too serious, too cruel, a 
 mistake. We are having the Fort Pillow affair thor- 
 oughly investigated; and such investigation will 
 probably show conclusively how the truth is. If 
 after all that has been said it shall turn out that 
 there has been no massacre at Fort Pillow, it will 
 be almost safe to say there has been none, and will 
 be none, elsewhere. If there has been the massacre 
 of three hundred there, or even the tenth part of 
 three hundred, it will be conclusively proved; and 
 being so proved, the retribution shall as surely 
 come. It will be matter of grave consideration in 
 what exact course to apply the retribution; but in 
 the supposed case it must come. 
 
 [224] 
 
'. . . with a brave army and a just cause. 
 
 mvv\v\v\vvvvvv\\vvv\vvvvvv\vviv\\vvi\Awi\vivvvvv^^ 
 
 L> 
 
 1NCOLN, keenly understanding the psychology of his 
 generals, knew just when to maintain a close surveillance and 
 when, as in this case of General Grant, to invest them with 
 complete authority. 
 
 LETTER TO ULYSSES S. GRANT 
 
 Executive Mansion 
 Washington, April 30, 1864 
 
 IEUTENANT GENERAL GRANT: 
 
 E 
 
 Not expecting to see you again before 
 the Spring campaign opens, I wish to express, in 
 this way, my entire satisfaction with what you have 
 done up to this time, so far as I understand it. The 
 particulars of your plans I neither know, or seek to 
 know. You are vigilant and self-reliant, and, 
 pleased with this, I wish not to obtrude any con- 
 straints or restraints upon you. While I am very 
 
 1225] 
 
anxious that any great disaster, or the capture of 
 our men in great numbers, shall be avoided, I 
 know these points are less likely to escape your at- 
 tention than they would be mine— If there is any- 
 thing wanting which is within my power to give, 
 do not fail to let me know it. 
 
 And now with a brave army, and a just cause, 
 may God sustain you. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [2261 
 
V\V\VVVVI\VVVV\\\VWVVIW\VVVV*V\*W\VIVV*VVVVVVVM*^^ 
 
 \nowing of your weakness for oddities. . . .' 
 
 %W\MMMM/\MMMMMW\MMMW1AMMA^^ 
 
 L, 
 
 KITTLE suspecting that his own signature might some day 
 prove to be of greater value, Lincoln sends along a "John 
 Quincy Adams*' autograph to the Secretary of War. 
 
 LETTER TO EDWIN M. STANTON 
 
 June 14, 1864 
 Y DEAR STANTON: 
 
 M 
 
 Finding the above signature of Adams 
 in an obscure place in the Mansion this morning 
 and knowing of your weakness for oddities, I am 
 sending it to you, hold on to it- 
 It will no doubt be much more valuable some 
 day. 
 
 Yours, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 12271 
 
WVVWVV\*Vl\*W*W\WWV\M/WM\VVV\VVVWVV\M/WM 
 
 notwithstanding any newspaper assaults.^ 
 
 i 
 
 N the matter of granting pardons Lincoln was lenient to a 
 degree that, it was feared, would affect the discipline of the 
 army; but his firmness could not be shaken in cases where he 
 felt no mercy was due. , 
 
 LETTER TO WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT 
 
 Executive Mansion, June 27, 1864 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 Yours of the twenty-fifth has just been 
 handed me by the Secretary of the Navy. The tone 
 of the letter, rather than any direct statement in it, 
 impresses me as a complaint that Mr. Henderson 
 should have been removed from office, and ar- 
 rested; coupled with the single suggestion that he 
 be restored if he shall establish his innocence. 
 
 I know absolutely nothing of the case except as 
 follows: Monday last, Mr. Welles came to me with 
 
 [ 228 ] 
 
the letter of dismissal already written, saying he 
 thought proper to show it to me before sending it. 
 I asked him the charges, which he stated in a gen- 
 eral way. With as much emphasis as I could, I said: 
 "Are you entirely certain of his guilt?" He an- 
 swered that he was, to which I replied: "Then 
 send the letter." 
 
 Whether Mr. Henderson was a supporter of my 
 second nomination, I neither knew nor inquired, 
 nor even thought of. I shall be very glad indeed if 
 he shall, as you anticipate, establish his innocence; 
 or, to state it more strongly and properly, "if the 
 government shall fail to establish his guilt." I be- 
 lieve, however, the man who made the affidavit 
 was of as spotless reputation as Mr. Henderson, 
 until he was arrested on what his friends insist was 
 outrageously insufficient evidence. I know the en- 
 tire city government of Washington, with many 
 other respectable citizens, appealed to me in his be- 
 half as a greatly injured gentleman. 
 
 While the subject is up, may I ask whether the 
 "Evening Post" has not assailed me for supposed 
 too lenient dealing with persons charged with 
 fraud and crime? And that in cases of which the 
 "Post" could know but little of the facts? I shall 
 certainly deal as leniently with Mr. Henderson as 
 
 12291 
 
I have felt it my duty to deal with others, notwith- 
 standing any newspaper assaults. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 
 12301 
 
V«vwvivvvvv\vvvvv\v\\v\\vv\u\vvvwuvvvvvwvvv\^ 
 
 . . . a point of mutual embarrassment. 
 
 lvv\\v\v\vvvvv\\v\vvvvvvmvvvm\\vvvvvvvvvvv\vwvvv^^ 
 
 Tf 
 
 HREE times Salmon P. Chase had resigned as Secretary of 
 the Treasury; three times a patient Lincoln had persuaded 
 him to reconsider; but when Chase handed in his resignation 
 for the fourth time, Lincoln decided it was time to "call quits." 
 
 LETTER TO SALMON P. CHASE 
 
 Executive Mansion, June 30, 1864 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 Your resignation of the office of Sec- 
 retary of the Treasury sent me yesterday is ac- 
 cepted. Of all I have said in commendation of your 
 ability and fidelity I have nothing to unsay; and 
 yet you and I have reached a point of mutual em- 
 barrassment in our official relations which it seems 
 cannot be overcome or longer sustained consist- 
 ently with the public service. 
 
 Your obedient servant, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 t23l] 
 
vwtvvmwvwiwivvvvvvvvvxM/vvvvvwwvvwv^ 
 
 "I propose continuing myself to be the judge. 
 
 WV\V\\\VWWVVWVVVV\VVVVV\\\\\VWUV\VV\VV\A^VVU^ 
 
 w f 
 
 HEN General Halleck, Chief of Staff, virtually de- 
 manded the dismissal of Postmaster-General Blair, Lincoln 
 refused, saying, "I propose continuing myself to be the judge 
 as to when a member of the Cabinet shall be dismissed/' Two 
 months later, seeing that the breach between his Cabinet mem- 
 bers could never be healed, Lincoln asked for Blair* s resig- 
 nation. 
 
 LETTER TO EDWIN M. STANTON 
 
 Executive Mansion, July 14, 1864 
 
 R: 
 
 S 
 
 Your note of to-day inclosing General 
 Halleck's letter of yesterday relative to offensive 
 remarks supposed to have been made by the Post- 
 master-General concerning the military officers on 
 duty about Washington is received. The generals 
 letter in substance demands of me that if I approve 
 
 [2321 
 
the remarks I shall strike the names of those of- 
 ficers from the rolls; and that if I do not approve 
 them the Postmaster-General shall be dismissed 
 from the Cabinet. 
 
 Whether the remarks were really made I do not 
 know, nor do I suppose such knowledge is neces- 
 sary to a correct response. If they were made, I do 
 not approve them; and yet, under the circum- 
 stances, I would not dismiss a member of the Cabi- 
 net therefor. I do not consider what may have been 
 hastily said in a moment of vexation at so severe 
 a loss is sufficient ground for so grave a step. Be- 
 sides this, truth is generally the best vindication 
 against slander. I propose continuing to be myself 
 the judge as to when a member of the Cabinet 
 shall be dismissed. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 1233] 
 
V\V\VV\\\VV\VVVVVV\\VV\VVV^VVV\\VV\V\\\VV\\V\\\V%>^\\\\\\>VV^\\\\^V\\VVVVVVVVVVVVVVVVV\'VVVVVVV\VVV\VVVV\U\\VVW 
 
 'Hold on with a huWdog grip. 
 
 WVVVWlVWmVVlWVVVWVVVVVIAVM^^ 
 
 HEN a number of State Governors had appealed to Gen- 
 eral Grant to release troops to suppress draft uprisings, Grant 
 flatly refused to weaken his lines and was strongly backed in 
 his decision by the Commander-in-Chief. 
 
 TELEGRAM TO ULYSSES S. GRANT 
 
 Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C. 
 August 17, 1864, 10:30 A.M. 
 
 IEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, City 
 Point, Va.: 
 
 E 
 
 I have seen your despatch expressing 
 your unwillingness to break your hold where you 
 are. Neither am I willing. Hold on with a bull- 
 dog grip, and chew and choke as much as possible. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [234] 
 
vvv\vvvmvvvvvvvv\vuv\\v\vv\v\\\v«vv\\vvv\\vw,vvwvvvvw^ 
 
 Secret Pledge 
 
 WHMMMHVWVWHNHMMNSMWWAWSAMMMMMM^^ 
 
 FTER his reelection Lincoln drew from his desk drawer 
 this sealed memorandum, which he had asked his Cabinet 
 members to sign, unseen, several months before. 
 
 SECRET MEMORANDUM 
 SIGNED BY CABINET MEMBERS 
 
 Executive Mansion 
 Washington, August 23, 1864 
 
 THIS morning, as for some days past, it 
 seems exceedingly probable that this ad- 
 ministration will not be reelected. Then it will be 
 my duty to so cooperate with the President-elect 
 as to save the Union between the election and the 
 inauguration; as he will have secured his election 
 on such ground that he cannot possibly save it 
 afterward. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [235] 
 
VVVVVVVVVVWVVVVVVWVMVVVVVWWVVWV^^ 
 
 ". . . inflammatory appeals to your passions 
 
 and your prejudices." 
 
 L. 
 
 INCOLN addresses a few words of caution to an Ohio 
 regiment, returning home long after their original 3-months 
 term of enlistment had expired. 
 
 ADDRESS TO THE 148TH OHIO REGIMENT 
 AUGUST 31, 1864 
 
 SOLDIERS OF THE 148TH OHIO: 
 I am most happy to meet you on this oc- 
 casion. I understand that it has been your honor- 
 able privilege to stand, for a brief period, in the 
 defense of your country, and that now you are on 
 your way to your homes. I congratulate you, and 
 those who are waiting to bid you welcome home 
 from the war; and permit me in the name of the 
 people to thank you for the part you have taken in 
 this struggle for the life of the nation. You are 
 soldiers of the republic, everywhere honored and 
 
 [236] 
 
respected. Whenever I appear before a body of sol- 
 diers I feel tempted to talk to them of the nature 
 of the struggle in which we are engaged. I look 
 upon it as an attempt on the one hand to over- 
 whelm and destroy the national existence, while 
 on our part we are striving to maintain the gov- 
 ernment and institutions of our fathers, to enjoy 
 them ourselves, and transmit them to our children 
 and our children's children forever. 
 
 To do this the constitutional administration of 
 our government must be sustained, and I beg of 
 you not to allow your minds or your hearts to be 
 diverted from the support of all necessary meas- 
 ures for that purpose, by any miserable picayune 
 arguments addressed to your pockets, or inflamma- 
 tory appeals made to your passions and your preju- 
 dices. 
 
 It is vain and foolish to arraign this man or that 
 for the part he has taken or has not taken, and to 
 hold the government responsible for his acts. In 
 no administration can there be perfect equality of 
 action and uniform satisfaction rendered by all. 
 
 But this government must be preserved in spite 
 of the acts of any man or set of men. It is worthy 
 of your every effort. Nowhere in the world is pre- 
 sented a government of so much liberty and 
 
 [ 237 1 
 
equality. To the humblest and poorest amongst us 
 are held out the highest privileges and positions. 
 The present moment finds me at the White House, 
 yet there is as good a chance for your children as 
 there was for my father's. 
 
 Again I admonish you not to be turned from 
 your stern purpose of defending our beloved coun- 
 try and its free institutions by any arguments 
 urged by ambitious and designing men, but to 
 stand fast for the Union and the old flag. 
 
 Soldiers, I bid you God-speed to your homes. 
 
 [238] 
 
VVV*VV\VVVVVl\\\WVl\VVVVV\\VW\VVVVV\VlV\V\\VVV\VVVV^ 
 
 ". . . opposed to both war and oppression. 
 
 Vl\\\\\XVLV^V*\\Y*A\MWMMX%M\\MM^^ 
 
 Ri 
 
 .ECOGNIZING the "hard dilemma" which confronts the 
 Quakers by reason of their faith, Lincoln points out that "they 
 can only practically oppose oppression by war." 
 
 LETTER TO ELIZA P. GURNEY 
 
 Executive Mansion, September 4, 1864 
 
 MY ESTEEMED FRIEND: 
 I have not forgotten— probably never 
 shall forget— the very impressive occasion when 
 yourself and friends visited me on a Sabbath fore- 
 noon two years ago. Nor has your kind letter, writ- 
 ten nearly a year later, ever been forgotten. In all it 
 has been your purpose to strengthen my reliance 
 on God. I am much indebted to the good Christian 
 people of the country for their constant prayers 
 and consolations; and to no one of them more than 
 to yourself. The purposes of the Almighty are 
 
 [239] 
 
perfect, and must prevail, though we erring mor- 
 tals may fail to accurately perceive them in ad- 
 vance. We hoped for a happy termination of this 
 terrible war long before this; but God knows best, 
 and has ruled otherwise. We shall yet acknowledge 
 his wisdom, and our own error therein. Mean- 
 while we must work earnestly in the best lights he 
 gives us, trusting that so working still conduces 
 to the great ends he ordains. Surely he intends 
 some great good to follow this mighty convulsion, 
 which no mortal could make, and no mortal could 
 stay. Your people, the Friends, have had, and are 
 having, a very great trial. On principle and faith 
 opposed to both war and oppression, they can only 
 practically oppose oppression by war. In this hard 
 dilemma some have chosen one horn, and some 
 the other. For those appealing to me on conscien- 
 tious grounds, I have done, and shall do, the best I 
 could and can, in my own conscience, under my 
 oath to the law. That you believe this I doubt 
 not; and, believing it, I shall still receive for our 
 country and myself your earnest prayers to our 
 Father in heaven. 
 
 Your sincere friend, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [240] 
 
V\V\UVVVVVVVV\VVV\V\\\VU\V\\V\V^\VVV\VVVV%\V\VVVVVVVVVV\\V\VVVVVVVV\VVVVVVVVV\\VV\V\VV\V\^VVVV\VVVVVVV\VVVW\\V J VV 
 
 'The time has come.' 
 
 H 
 
 .AVING decided that a Cabinet-split can be avoided in 
 no other way, Lincoln assumes the unpleasant task of asking 
 for the resignation of his friend Montgomery Blair. 
 
 LETTER TO POSTMASTER-GENERAL 
 MONTGOMERY BLAIR 
 
 Executive Mansion, September 23, 1864 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 You have generously said to me more 
 than once that whenever your resignation could 
 be a relief to me it was at my disposal. The time 
 has come. You very well know that this proceeds 
 from no dissatisfaction of mine with you person- 
 ally or officially. Your uniform kindness has been 
 unsurpassed by that of any friend; and while it is 
 true that the war does not so greatly add to the 
 difficulties of your department as to those of some 
 
 [241] 
 
others, it is yet much to say, as I most truly can, 
 that in the three years and a half during which 
 you have administered the general post-office, I 
 remember no single complaint against you in con- 
 nection therewith. 
 
 Yours, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 1242] 
 
VVWWWAWVVVVVWVVVVVVVVMMVV^^ 
 
 ". . . whether any government not too strong 
 for the liberties of its people. . . ." 
 
 PEAKING to a cheering crowd after his victorious reelection, 
 Lincoln put his finger on a principle which is both the strength 
 and weakness of a Democracy. 
 
 RESPONSE TO SERENADE 
 NOVEMBER 10, 1864 
 
 IT has long been a grave question whether any 
 government, not too strong for the liberties 
 of its people, can be strong enough to maintain its 
 existence in great emergencies. On this point the 
 present rebellion brought our republic to a severe 
 test, and a presidential election occurring in reg- 
 ular course during the rebellion, added not a little 
 to the strain. 
 
 If the loyal people united were put to the ut- 
 most of their strength by the rebellion, must they 
 not fail when divided and partially paralyzed by a 
 
 [243] 
 
political war among themselves? But the election 
 was a necessity. We cannot have free government 
 without elections; and if the rebellion could force 
 us to forego or postpone a national election, it 
 might fairly claim to have already conquered and 
 ruined us. The strife of the election is but human 
 nature practically applied to the facts of the case. 
 What has occurred in this case must ever recur in 
 similar cases. Human nature will not change. In 
 any future great national trial, compared with the 
 men of this, we shall have as weak and as strong, 
 as silly and as wise, as bad and as good. Let us, 
 therefore, study the incidents of this as philosophy 
 to learn wisdom from, and none of them as wrongs 
 to be revenged. But the election, along with its in- 
 cidental and undesirable strife, has done good too. 
 It has demonstrated that a people's government 
 can sustain a national election in the midst of a 
 great civil war. Until now, it has not been known 
 to the world that this was a possibility. It shows, 
 also, how sound and how strong we still are. It 
 shows that, even among candidates of the same 
 party, he who is most devoted to the Union and 
 most opposed to treason can receive most of the 
 people's votes. It shows, also, to the extent yet 
 known, that we have more men now than we had 
 
 [244] 
 
when the war began. Gold is good in its place, but 
 living, brave, patriotic men are better than gold. 
 
 But the rebellion continues, and now that the 
 election is over, may not all having a common in- 
 terest reunite in a common effort to save our com- 
 mon country? For my own part, I have striven and 
 shall strive to avoid placing any obstacle in the 
 way. So long as I have been here I have not will- 
 ingly planted a thorn in any man's bosom. While 
 I am deeply sensible to the high compliment of a 
 reelection, and duly grateful, as I trust, to Al- 
 mighty God for having directed my countrymen 
 to a right conclusion, as I think, for their own 
 good, it adds nothing to my satisfaction that any 
 other man may be disappointed or pained by the 
 result. 
 
 May I ask those who have not differed from me 
 to join with me in this same spirit toward those 
 who have? And now let me close by asking three 
 hearty cheers for our brave soldiers and seamen 
 and their gallant and skilful commanders. 
 
 1245! 
 
V\\\\\\\\\V\*\VV\V\\%WW\V\\\V\\VVV\\VU\\\\VVV\VV\VVVMA^VVVVVVV\\\V\VVVVV\\\^VVV\\V\VV\VVV^\VVVV\VV\.VVW\\VV'W 
 
 Lincoln s Letter to Mrs. Bixby 
 
 W\\\VV\%*VVV\V\\VVVV\VWVV*VVVVVVVVVmVVV\VWVV\V\V\\*VVV\^^ 
 
 F. 
 
 EW will disagree with George S. Boutwell, delegate to 
 the Convention that nominated Lincoln, and Congressman in 
 the most critical years of the war, who said, "All history and 
 all literature may be searched and in vain, for a funeral tribute 
 so touching, so comprehensive, so fortunate in expression as 
 this." 
 
 LETTER TO MRS. BIXBY 
 
 Executive Mansion 
 November 2 1,1864 
 
 D 
 
 EAR MADAM: 
 
 I have been shown in the files of the 
 War Department a statement of the Adjutant- 
 General of Massachusetts that you are the mother 
 of five sons who have died gloriously on the field 
 of battle. I feel how weak and fruitless must be 
 any word of mine which should attempt to be- 
 
 f 2461 
 
guile you from the grief of a loss so overwhelming. 
 But I cannot refrain from tendering you the conso- 
 lation that may be found in the thanks of the Re- 
 public they died to save. I pray that our heavenly 
 Father may assuage the anguish of your bereave- 
 ment, and leave you only the cherished memory of 
 the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must 
 be yours to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the 
 altar of freedom. 
 
 Yours very sincerely and respectfully, 
 
 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 U47] 
 
vvvvvvvvv*vvv\\vv*vvvvv*vvvvv^^ 
 
 ". . . the incident at the polls " 
 
 VV\\VVWVVVVVVVl\V\\Vl\VtVW\VlVVVVl\VVVVV^ 
 
 JlHE President thanks Deacon Phillips of Stur bridge, Massa- 
 chusetts, not only for casting his vote for him, but for having 
 exercised his right of suffrage at every Presidential election since 
 the country was founded. 
 
 LETTER TO JOHN PHILLIPS 
 
 Executive Mansion, November 21, 1864 
 
 MY DEAR SIR: 
 I have heard of the incident at the 
 polls in your town, in which you acted so hon- 
 orable a part, and I take the liberty of writing to 
 you to express my personal gratitude for the com- 
 pliment paid me by the suffrage of a citizen so 
 venerable. 
 
 The example of such devotion to civic duties 
 in one whose days have already been extended an 
 average lifetime beyond the Psalmist's limit, can- 
 
 [248] 
 
not but be valuable and fruitful. It is not for 
 myself only, but for the country which you have 
 in your sphere served so long and so well, that I 
 thank you. 
 
 Your friend and servant, 
 
 Abraham Lincoln 
 
 (2491 
 
u\mvm\\\\vvvvvvvvvvwv\\vm\\\vvvvvvvvvv\vv\vv\\vw^ 
 
 ". . . when I have nothing to tal\ about, 
 
 UM***VV\\\\V*VV\VV\\VVVV\VVV\VV\VV\*VVWVV\\VVVVVW*V\A\VV^^ 
 
 JLy] 
 
 'INCOLN adheres to his lifelong principle of wasting 
 neither his own words nor his listeners' time. 
 
 RESPONSE TO SERENADE 
 DECEMBER 6, 1864 
 
 FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS: 
 I believe I shall never be old enough to 
 speak without embarrassment when I have noth- 
 ing to talk about. I have no good news to tell you, 
 and yet I have no bad news to tell. We have talked 
 of elections until there is nothing more to say 
 about them. The most interesting news we now 
 have is from Sherman. We all know where he 
 went in, but I can't tell where he will come out. 
 I will now close by proposing three cheers for 
 General Sherman and his army. 
 
 [250] 
 
i\\VVVVV\VVVV\VlV\\\\\\\\V^\\VV^\VV^\\\MVVVV\V\\VVV\V\\VV\VVV^\VVVVVVVVV\VVVVVVVVVVVAVVVVVVV\\^NVVVV\\VVVVVV\^' 
 
 . than\s for your Christmas gift. . . .' 
 
 v\vv\vvv\\vvvvvvv\vvvmvi*vwvv\w*vvMAvwvmvv\*vvvvvvvv^ 
 
 L. 
 
 INCOLN thanks General Sherman for his Christmas gift 
 —the capture of Savannah— making sure to reserve none of the 
 credit for himself. 
 
 LETTER TO WILLIAM TECUMSEH SHERMAN 
 Executive Mansion, December 26, 1864 
 
 MY DEAR GENERAL SHERMAN: 
 Many, many thanks for your Christ- 
 mas gift, the capture of Savannah. 
 
 When you were about leaving Atlanta for the 
 Atlantic coast, I was anxious, if not fearful; but 
 feeling that you were the better judge, and re- 
 membering that "nothing risked, nothing gained," 
 I did not interfere. Now, the undertaking being 
 a success, the honor is all yours; for I believe none 
 of us went further than to acquiesce. 
 
 And taking the work of General Thomas into 
 
 [251] 
 
the count, as it should be taken, it is indeed a 
 great success. Not only does it afford the obvious 
 and immediate military advantages; but in show- 
 ing to the world that your army could be divided, 
 putting the stronger part to an important new 
 service, and yet leaving enough to vanquish the 
 old opposing force of the whole,— Hood's army,— 
 it brings those who sat in darkness to see a great 
 light. But what next? 
 
 I suppose it will be safe if I leave General Grant 
 and yourself to decide. 
 
 Please make my grateful acknowledgments to 
 your whole army— officers and men. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 *252jf 
 
%VVWMWlVWtWlVVV\\V\*t\\VVVVWVl\VVVlVVVlVVM^^ 
 
 '. . . get a good ready. . . 
 
 %WV*VVWl\V\*\\VV\VVl\\WVl\VlVl\\VVVVViV\\\\\Vl^ 
 
 s 
 
 EEING the end drawing near, Lincoln hopes that General 
 Sherman will keep the enemy "going." 
 
 LETTER TO EDWIN M. STANTON 
 
 Executive Mansion 
 Washington, Jan. 5, 1865 
 
 HON. SEC. OF WAR 
 
 D 
 
 EAR SIR: 
 
 Since parting with you, it has occurred 
 to me to say that while Gen. Sherman's ' 'get a 
 good ready' 1 is appreciated, and is not to be over- 
 looked, time, now that the enemy is wavering, is 
 more important than ever before. Being on the 
 down-hill, somewhat confirms keeping him going. 
 Please say so much to Gen. S. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 1253] 
 
U\\V\\V\V\V\VVVV\VV\VVV%\\\V\V\\\VV\VV\V\\VVVVV\\VVVVVVVV\V\VVVVV\UVVV\\\V\V\VVVVVV\VVVVVV\V\VM,\V\VVVWVVVVWW* 
 
 as though I was not President, 
 
 lVVUV\\vtvivvvw\vvv\\\\v\\\v\vv\v\vvvvv>vvv\vw*\v\\vvv\vvvv^ 
 
 T« 
 
 .HIS letter to General Grant was written upon one of the 
 extremely rare occasions when Lincoln sought a personal favor 
 for himself. As was the case with so many of Lincoln's writings, 
 it was flawless in sentiment, if not in syntax. 
 
 LETTER TO ULYSSES S. GRANT 
 
 Executive Mansion, January 19, 1865 
 
 1IEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT: 
 J Please read and answer this letter as 
 
 though I was not President, but only a friend. My 
 son, now in his twenty-second year, having gradu- 
 ated at Harvard, wishes to see something of the 
 war before it ends. I do not wish to put him in 
 the ranks, nor yet to give him a commission, to 
 which those who have already served long are bet- 
 ter entitled and better qualified to hold. Could 
 he, without embarrassment to you or detriment to 
 
 [254] 
 
the service, go into your military family with some 
 nominal rank, I, and not the public, furnishing 
 his necessary means? If no, say so without the least 
 hesitation, because I am as anxious and as deeply 
 interested that you shall not be encumbered as 
 you can be yourself. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [255] 
 
vvvvvww\*\vvvvvivvvvvvvv*vvvvtvMW^ 
 
 with a distrust of my own ability. . 
 
 L, 
 
 INCOLN responds, with his usual diffidence, to the Com- 
 mittee informing him of the result of the Electoral count. 
 
 REPLY TO CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEE 
 FEBRUARY 9, 1865* 
 
 WITH deep gratitude to my countrymen 
 for this mark of their confidence; with 
 a distrust of my own ability to perform the duty 
 required under the most favorable circumstances, 
 and now rendered doubly difficult by existing na- 
 tional perils; yet with a firm reliance on the 
 strength of our free government, and the eventual 
 loyalty of the people to the just principles, upon 
 which it is founded, and above all with an un- 
 shaken faith in the Supreme Ruler of nations, I 
 accept this trust. Be pleased to signify this to the 
 respective Houses of Congress. 
 
 * Although the letter bears this date in many standard collections, Paul M. 
 Angle has uncovered evidence which incontrovertibly establishes the date as 
 February 26, 1861— at the time of Lincoln's first election. 
 
 [256] 
 
ivvvvvvvv\vv\vvvvvvmvvvvmvvv\vv\/vvvvv\vvvvv\vvvvvvv^ 
 
 With malice toward none. . . ." 
 
 WVVVVVVWVVVWVVVVVIVVVVVVVVVVVVMWWVX^^ 
 
 L. 
 
 ORD CURZON, Chancellor of the University of Oxford, 
 named as the "three supreme masterpieces of English Elo- 
 quence" the Toast of William Pitt after the Victory of Trafal- 
 gar, Lincoln's Gettysburg Speech, and Lincoln's Second 
 Inaugural Address. Dr. Louis A. Warren interestingly observes 
 that "One-third of the entire address, or to be exact, 267 of 
 the 702 words were direct quotations from the Bible and words 
 of application made to them." 
 
 SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS 
 MARCH 4, 1865 
 
 FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN : 
 At this second appearing to take the 
 oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion 
 for an extended address than there was at the first. 
 Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course 
 to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at 
 the expiration of four years, during which public 
 
 [257] 
 
declarations have been constantly called forth on 
 every point and phase of the great contest which 
 still absorbs the attention and engrosses the ener- 
 gies of the nation, little that is new could be pre- 
 sented. The progress of our arms, upon which all 
 else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public 
 as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfac- 
 tory and encouraging to all. With high hope for 
 the future, no prediction in regard to it is ven- 
 tured. 
 
 On the occasion corresponding to this four 
 years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to 
 an impending civil war. All dreaded it— all sought 
 to avert it. While the inaugural address was being 
 delivered from this place, devoted altogether to 
 saving the Union without war, insurgent agents 
 were in the city seeking to destroy it without war 
 —seeking to dissolve the Union, and divide effects, 
 by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but 
 one of them would make war rather than let the 
 nation survive; and the other would accept war 
 rather than let it perish. And the war came. 
 
 One-eighth of the whole population were col- 
 ored slaves, not distributed generally over the 
 Union, but localized in the Southern part of it. 
 These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful 
 
 [258] 
 
interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, 
 the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, 
 and extend this interest was the object for which 
 the insurgents would rend the Union, even by 
 war; while the government claimed no right to 
 do more than to restrict the territorial enlarge- 
 ment of it. 
 
 Neither party expected for the war the magni- 
 tude or the duration which it has already attained. 
 Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict 
 might cease with, or even before, the conflict itself 
 should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, 
 and a result less fundamental and astounding. 
 Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same 
 God; and each invokes his aid against the other. 
 It may seem strange that any men should dare to 
 ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread 
 from the sweat of other men's faces; but let us 
 judge not, that we be not judged. The prayers of 
 both could not be answered— that of neither has 
 been answered fully. 
 
 The Almighty has his own purposes. "Woe unto 
 the world because of offenses! for it must needs 
 be that offenses come; but woe to that man by 
 whom the offense cometh." If we shall suppose 
 that American slavery is one of those offenses 
 
 [259] 
 
which, in the providence of God, must needs come, 
 but which, having continued through his ap- 
 pointed time, he now wills to remove, and that 
 he gives to both North and South this terrible war, 
 as the woe due to those by whom the offense came, 
 shall we discern therein any departure from those 
 divine attributes which the believers in a living 
 God always ascribe to him? Fondly do we hope- 
 fervently do we pray— that this mighty scourge of 
 war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that 
 it continue until all the wealth piled by the bond- 
 man's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited 
 toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood 
 drawn with the lash shall be paid by another 
 drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand 
 years ago, so still it must be said, ''The judgments 
 of the Lord are true and righteous altogether." 
 With malice toward none; with charity for all; 
 with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see 
 the right, let us strive on to finish the work we 
 are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care 
 for him who shall have borne the battle, and for 
 his widow, and his orphan— to do all which may 
 achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among 
 ourselves, and with all nations. 
 
 [260] 
 
MM/WVWVVWVVVVVlVM*VVVVVVV\iVVVVVVVVVV^ 
 
 'It is a truth which I thought needed to he told. 
 
 R 
 
 EW letters give a better insight into the mind and soul of 
 Lincoln than this short classic, written to Thurlow Weed, who 
 had complimented the President upon his Second Inaugural 
 Address. 
 
 LETTER TO THURLOW WEED 
 
 Executive Mansion, March 15, 1865 
 
 DEAR MR. WEpD: 
 Every one likes a compliment. Thank 
 you for yours on my little notification speech and 
 on the recent inaugural address. I expect the latter 
 to wear as well as— perhaps better than— anything 
 I have produced; but I believe it is not imme- 
 diately popular. Men are not flattered by being 
 shown that there has been a difference of purpose 
 between the Almighty and them. To deny it, how- 
 
 [261] 
 
ever, in this case, is to deny that there is a God 
 governing the world. It is a truth which I thought 
 needed to be told, and, as whatever of humiliation 
 there is in it falls most directly on myself, I thought 
 others might afford for me to tell it. 
 
 Truly yours, 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [2621 
 
VVVVVVVVU\*Vl\VVV\Vl\\%MAVV\WA\W*V»^^ 
 
 'Let the thing be pressed.' 
 
 v^\^/w\^M\\MN\^^^^\MA^^^MA^^^ 
 
 I 
 
 N a telegram that is almost epigrammatic, Lincoln urges 
 General Grant to make "the final effort." 
 
 TELEGRAM TO ULYSSES S. GRANT 
 
 Headquarters Armies of the U. S., 
 City Point, April 7, 1865, 11 A.M. 
 
 IIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT: 
 -i Gen. Sheridan says "If the thing is 
 
 pressed I think that Lee will surrender." Let the 
 thing be pressed. 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [263] 
 
WMMMMMMMMMNHMMMMM/^^ 
 
 'The President's last, shortest, and best speech" 
 
 WWMMMMMMMMMAMMMMMM/WSMMAMHM 
 
 NE day in December of 1864 Lincoln handed a sheet of 
 paper to newspaper correspondent Noah Brooks. On it was 
 written the following message, with the heading heavily un- 
 descored. 
 
 The President's last, shortest, and best speech 
 
 ON Thursday of last week two ladies from 
 Tennessee came before the President ask- 
 ing the release of their husbands held as prisoners 
 of war at Johnson's Island— They were put off till 
 Friday, when they came again; and were again 
 put off to Saturday— At each of the interviews 
 one of the ladies urged that her husband was a 
 religious man— On Saturday the President or- 
 dered the release of the prisoners, and then said 
 to this lady "You say your husband is a religious 
 man; tell him when you meet him, that I say I am 
 not much of a judge of religion, but that, in my 
 
 [2641 
 
opinion, the religion that sets men to rebel and 
 fight against their government, because, as they 
 think, that government does not sufficiently help 
 some men to eat their bread in the sweat of other 
 men's faces, is not the sort of religion upon which 
 people can get to heaven!" 
 
 A. Lincoln 
 
 [265]