&&Z.Z 
 
 £72 o 
 
 ON THE USE OF THE SUFFIXES 
 
 TEP, TOP, THP, TA IN HOMER. 
 
 PHILOLOGICAL 
 
 DISSERTATION 
 
 WRITTEN TO PROCURE 
 THE DEGREE OF 
 DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 FROM THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF LEIPZIG 
 
 , BY 
 
 MARTIN LUTHER D’OOGE 
 
 OF MICHIGAN 
 
 LEIPZIG, 
 
 LEOPOLD & BAER, PRINTERS. 
 
4 .a 
 3m a 
 
 It is generally known that the Greek language changes 
 the primitive suffix tar, which is employed in the formation 
 of nomina agentis, [Sanskrit pi-tar , da-tar ] into tsq, toq, t tjq. 
 
 As regards this variation of the vowel a (Greek £, o, rj) 
 it is sufficient to refer to the learned treatise of Professor 
 George Curtius : „Ueber die Spaltung des A-lauts“, published 
 by the Leipzig Academy of Science, 1864, an.d more par- 
 ticularly to his acceptance, on Page 24 of this treatise, of 
 duplicate forms (i. e. forms at one time with original a, at 
 another with £, or 0) for the Greco-Latin period. 
 
 Unless vtxrap were originally formed by means of the 
 Suffix tar, a supposition rendered very improbable by the 
 accent, I know of no instance in Greek when this .Suffix has 
 preserved its original form. Mention may here be made of 
 the Locrian form jia-rag-a = na-TtQ-aiyid. Curtius Studien 
 zur Griechischen und Lateinischen Grammatik II, 445), 
 Which, however, does not necessitate the inference, as Prof. F. 
 Allen in the „Studien“ III, 226, justly maintains, that the 
 nominative form in this dialect was jia-rag. 
 
 As in Greek, so in Latin this Suffix does not exist in 
 its primitive form. 
 
 The peculiar form (mxqtvq will be explained further on. 
 
 That the primitive vowel a in the Sufif. tar was short, 
 is to be inferred from the syncope of. this vowel in many 
 forms: Skrt. da-trf for da-tari', vas-tra-m for vastar-am. 
 cf. Ebel in Kuhns Journal for Comparative Philology, I, 299. 
 
 
 61475 
 
/ 
 
 2 
 
 Furthermore, the original shortness of this vowel in 
 the period prior to the dispersion and division of the primi- 
 tive Indo-European language, appears to be indicated by 
 the common use of this vowel as short in the direct cases 
 of the Greek, Latin and Sanskrit, cf. pi-tar-as, jia-rtQ-eq, 
 pa-tr-es. 
 
 We conclude then, that from the primitive form tar 
 have come the Suffixes : 
 
 1) T£Q, 
 
 2) toq ; 
 
 While from the lengthened form tar has come 
 
 3) rrjQ, and in one instance tcdq. 
 
 It is my purpose to bring to view the use of these 
 nomina agentis in the Homeric poems, and more especially 
 to investigate the relation of these substantives to those 
 formed with the Suff. ta = xa (xrj-q), in order that by 
 means of this comparison the question whether tar and ta 
 are originally one and the same suffix, having a common 
 origin, or not, may be illustrated, if not definitely settled. — 
 For this purpose we must first enumerate all these forms, 
 in doing which we may at the same time consider the 
 points in Prosody and the vowel changes that are involved 
 in their actual use. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 ENUMERATION OF WORDS. 
 
 §. I. STEMS ENDING IN PEP. 
 
 The most attenuated and lightest form of the Suffix, 
 sc. teg, was employed in forming the words in most com- 
 mon use, and chiefly such as express consanguinity. 
 
 How easily a transition in meaning may occur, the 
 word (pQa-T?}Q exemplifies; in which, with the exception of 
 a gloss in Hesychius, (pQrj-rrjQ = adelyoq, the notion of 
 family relationship seems wholly to have passed over into 
 that of political brotherhood, vid Legerlotz in Kuhn, VII, 
 456. The following stems in tsq are formed: 
 
 ftvya-TZQ, [17]-T8Q, Jta-TSQ, ya<J-T£Q, A7][i7]-T£Q, dva-TSQ, 
 the singular number of the last word being found only with 
 the grammarians, cf. Herodian. jizqI [iov7 Qovg It&coq, 
 1 6, 22. 
 
 It dorsQ is derived from the root star, cf. Etymologies 
 ot Curtius, 194, Kuhn IV, 4, it has nothing in common 
 with the class of words under consideration, although its 
 dat. plur. darQa-OL is similarly formed. 
 
 Here belong compounds in rsiga from rsQia, tar-ja, 
 (vid. Schleicher’s Grammar of the Indo-European Languages 
 § 225), of which only these forms are found in Homer: 
 fojifioTelQrjQ, 0 29. 
 
 jibvlv$0T£iQav, T 265, A 618, 769, S 272, r 408. 
 
 1 
 
4 - 
 
 jiovlvfioTsiQ?], r 89, 195, and in 10 other places. 
 dQrOTSLQai, r 345. 
 
 Corresponding to these feminines are found the following 
 masculines in t?]q : in Suidas Irfifio-xriQ, in Horn. ^248, 675, 
 dQ?] 6 -T?j()-£q. In later writers than Horn, occur the following 
 feminines, of which corresponding masculines in tt]q alone 
 are found in use. 
 
 ajQOTSLQa, Eur. Electr. 168. 
 dsOJzoveiQa, Soph. ap. Poll. 373. 
 ijiuzb)xT£LQa, Anth. 6, 233, 3. 
 
 Furthermore, tar, T£Q, becomes by syncope tr, tq, in 
 the following derivations: 
 
 a) In feminines ending in rgia and tql 6 r ). 
 
 Of the forms in tqlo. no example occurs in Homer. 
 
 For the question under consideration those forms are 
 of interest, which, derived from stems in T£Q or yet 
 have corresponding masculines only in ziyg. Such are the 
 following: 
 
 tQaOtQta, Perictione ap. Stob. flor. 85, 19. 
 traiQLOTQLa , Plat, conv., 19 E. 
 yMllcDjiiaxQia, Plut. moral. 140 B. 
 ffa&?/TQia, Diod. Sic. 2,52. 
 
 vv[i(p£\TQia , Arist. Ach. 1056 {w i u(p£VT 7 jQ Opp. Cyn. I, 256). 
 jioirjTQia . Heliod. 2, 8. 
 t v[Mzavi 6 TQia, Dem. 320, 15. 
 
 ( paidQvvTQia , Aesch. Choeph. 259. 
 
 Of the feminines in tql 6 (tqIq) there occurs a single 
 instance in Horn.: ab-TQig, Odyss. v 1 1 5 , whose masc. is 
 db'-rr/Q ; to this corresponds in a reversed relation the word 
 
 I ) With these are to be compared forms in Sanskrit like da-tri, and 
 in Latin like ma-tric. The a in ZQia was afterwards added, and the 6 in 
 z (jid was produced under the influence of the preceding 1. cf. Curt. 
 Etym. 584. That id in TQid is not to be regarded as a new Suffix can 
 be easily inferred from such forms as JJclqi-oq, fAi)vi-og, by the side of 
 J/aQi-d-og, [xrjvi-d-og. 
 
— 5 — 
 
 oXe-ng, Anth. 3, 72, (cf. Lobeck ad Phryn. 256), whose 
 masc. is ols-r/jg. 
 
 b) In neuter substantives in tqo, which usually signify an 
 instrument for the accomplishment of an action: as Skrt. 
 vas-tra-m, ago-rgo-v, ara-tru-m. In the words ia-rgo-g in 
 Homer = irjtrjg and dcu-xgo-g in Athen. I, 12, this Suffix 
 forms nomina agentis. 
 
 c) Lastly, in feminines in xga, which express the locality 
 of an action: as dgytjo-xga, or the instrument, as yv-xga. 
 cf. Lat. fenes-tra, mulc-tra. The vowels a and o, which in- 
 here in these Suff., are more fully noticed infra. 
 
 § 2. PROSODICAL USE. 
 
 The syncope of the vowel e in jta-xeg, Jia-rg-oq and 
 in the other stems of this £lass, is to be referred to the 
 habit of pronouncing a short vowel between two consonants 
 in a negligent and slurring manner, a habit by which such 
 vowels seem even before the Greek-Latin period to have 
 disappeared, cf. Skrt. da-tri', Lat. pa-tr-is. 
 
 Since the stems of these words by this syncopation 
 become monosyllabic in effect, jiaxg, grjxg, their accent 
 follows the rule of monosyllabic words ot the 3. declension. 
 
 # vyaxrjg follows in the gen. and dat. sing, the analogy 
 of the other words expressing consanguinity, but in {txyaxga, 
 ftvyaxgsg the accent is recessive as in compounds, cf. Goett- 
 ling on Accentuation, p. 250. Arj[i?jxrjg never has the accent 
 on the ultima, but follows the law of compounds : thus, Arj- 
 [i/jTQog, A/jfirjxga. 
 
 We proceed now to consider in how far the necessity 
 of the verse seems to have influenced the use of the synco- 
 pated and of the fuller forms. 
 
 a) Forms in the Genitive Sing. 
 
 II is well known that the dactyl is usually preferred 
 before the Bucolic Caesura in the 4. foot, and that in this 
 place the unsyncopated forms of these, as klso unusual 
 
6 
 
 forms of other words, are frequently found, vid. Homeric 
 Leaves of I. Bekker, 144. Of 7 instances of [ojztgog 
 6 occur in this foot: sc. T 422, 466, 7212, §140, o 432, 
 6 237. In <p 1 10 this form is found in the 5. foot. 
 
 Against one instance of TtaxtQog, l 501, there are 118 
 of jzaxQog. This older form has here been preserved by 
 the aid of the metre, since the heroic verse has a dislike 
 for the spondee in the 5. foot, d zolo 66° sZfroLfu fdvvvfrd 
 jitQ Ig jzaxtQog dw.) The same remark applies to the form 
 {tvyaxegog, of which 2 instances are found — <I> 504, x 400. 
 yaOxtQog makes the dactyl before the Bucolic Caesura in 
 q 473; ArjfirjxeQog is found in 2 places: N 322, <Py6, where 
 the last three syllables form the dactyl in the 5. foot. 
 
 b) Forms in the Dative Sing. 
 
 jcaztQL is found in 3 places: E 156, SI 37, 7 39; on 
 the contrary, jiaxQi in 62. It is understood that the 1 of 
 the dative ending is often used by Homer as a long syllable. 
 So in si 206 — — 8xei ig 7iaxQi6a yalav. 
 
 For further information on this point the reader is 
 referred to Hartel’s «Homerische Studien», pp. 40, 41. 
 
 One point, however, in the use of the dat. sing, of 
 these nouns is to be noticed, viz: that the vowel 1 is never 
 long in the syncopated forms (as jzaxQi, firjxQi); but only 
 in the long and older: for instance, E 15 6, dfjffoxtyco, 
 TiaxtQL 6h yoov , ii 37 ^ xai TiaxtQi IlQidfzqj. 
 
 Yet in the last instance the form jcaxtQi may be pre- 
 ferred to jiaxQL not only because in the 1. foot a dactyl is 
 more frequently found than a spondee, but also because 
 xal JiaxQL instead ot xal jiaxtQi UQid[ioy) would necessitate 
 that a short vowel should become long by position before 
 a mute and liquid in two successive syllables, of which I find 
 no example anywhere. In 7 39, jiaxtQt is required in order 
 to avoid the occurrence of a spondee in the 5. foot: 
 &Qa6i\u/j6u xml jtaxtQL q , where the vowel 1 may be 
 
7 
 
 regarded as long by nature, as above, or, what is perhaps 
 preferable, may be considered long by position before the 
 digamma, which originally belonged to the possessive 
 pronoun og — cf. Curt Etym. 366, Hoffmann’s Homeric 
 Questions II, 170, Hartel Horn. Stud. 9. 
 
 [irycigi is found 1 1 times , firjrgi 1 5 times. Each form 
 being suitable to the metre, nothing remains to be noticed 
 except that ( t irjxlgi forms a dactyl in the 5. foot, in 4 in- 
 stances. Of the 6 cases in which yaOxigi is found, 4 (A372, 
 398, Z 58, 6 2) are to be explained in the same way. Some 
 of the best editions read frvyazig, in x 106, o 364 with 
 final l elided. On this rare elision consult Lehrs Epic 
 Questions, 47, and La Roche in the Journal of the Austrian 
 Gymnasia, 1861, 843. La Roche proposes to invert the 
 order and to read igdifnj fruyazgi. This reading, however, 
 is unknown to the mss., some of the inferior ones (Eust. 
 Yen. 456, Stuttg. Vratisl.) having FvyaxgY with form 
 
 not elided but syncopated. 
 
 c) Forms in the Accusative sing . 
 
 The only point to be noticed here is, that frvyaxga 
 occurs 8 times against tivyaxiga 5 times, and that both 
 forms suit equally well the metre, since in Homeric use the 
 vowel v of this word is long in the trisyllabic forms, but 
 short in the forms of 4 syllables and in the form {^vyarig£ 00 i. 
 cf. Bekk. Horn. Leaves, 281. It is also worthy of remark 
 that the final a of the form &vyax£ga is long by position 
 before the following poss. pron. rjv, through the force of the 
 lost digamma, in E 371, Z 192, A 226, N 3 76. 
 
 d) Forms in the Vocative sing. 
 
 The metrical lengthening of the final syllable, which is 
 also often • neglected (cf. A 3 5 2), is the only fact that claims 
 our attention. In the formu’a: xcugs, Jidrsg, at §£iv£, 
 which occurs 3 times, Odyss. # 408, 0 122, v 199, the 
 final syllable, X£g, is used long. This peculiarity is to be 
 
8 
 
 explained by the natural break that comes after direct 
 address, and may hence be called a rhetorical rather than 
 a metrical lengthening, cf. Hartel Horn. Stud. 44. A similar 
 example is 
 
 <PDs zaoiyvrjze, Zavarov vv A 155, E 359. 
 
 e) Forms in the Nominative plur. 
 
 Of frvydzr/Q is found the unusual form ftvyazQsg 5 times, 
 besides the usual form {tvyaztQsg an equal number of times 
 but in this case no prosodical peculiarity is to be noticed. 
 
 f) Forms in the Genitive plur. 
 
 jiazgcov is found twice, jtaziqcov 5 times, but frvyazsQOJV 
 is unknown to Epic poetry. In 7 instances the last two 
 syllables of frvyazQoov make a spondee in the 4. foot. 
 
 g) Forms in the Dative plur. 
 
 In Homer we find frvyaztQeOOi, 0 197, and av<$Q£66i r 
 E 546 and in 10 other places, which forms have the older 
 and fuller ending soar, on the contrary, andgadt occurs 64 
 times and dozyaOi 1 ) 2 times (X 28, 317), which forms use 
 the shorter and younger termination 61 (or a6i). 
 
 Concerning the formation of the dative plur. of these 
 substantives there exist two theories. According to one, 
 jra-TQa -61 comes from jra-zaQ-Ot by metathesis and a is 
 held to be the original vowel of the stem jia-zciQ, as in 
 the Locrian form jia-zaQ-a mentioned on p. 1. cf. Schleicher 
 § 256. — More probable to me would seem the other 
 theory, according to which syncope also took place in this 
 case as in the gen. and dat. sing., and the vowel a is regarded 
 as belonging to the original and strong dat. plur. termi- 
 nation aOOL, which in frvyazbQsOOi has weakened its a to £, 
 
 x ) iiOTQuai is incorrectly written (c<jtq(uji by Eustathius, Herodian, Etym. 
 Magnum, cf. Lehrs de Aristarchi Stud. Horn. 31 1, Spitzner’s note on II. 
 X 28, Quint. Smyrn. Posthom. I, 27. 
 
9 
 
 in frvyaxQ-doi has lost one 0, and in common use, as in 
 &riQ 7 ]Tj)Q- 6 L, sZjzL-Oi-xrh, was reduced to Ot. The progressive 
 steps in the weakening of the termination would then be 
 these: a66i, £661, a 6 t, (eCi), 61. This view receives confir- 
 mation from the common forms vi-adi, aQV-doi, and from 
 the Heraclean forms jio'idvza 66 i, evza 66 t, JtQaOGovxaOOi, 
 vjt. aQyovzaOOt, for the explanation of which Meister de Dial, 
 Heracl. Stud. IV, 366, has adopted this theory. 
 
 In this connection I add the remaining forms in the 
 dative plur. of this class of words. 
 
 doQT?]Q£ 6 <Jl , A 31. 
 
 # 7 ]qi]T 7 ]Q(jl , A 325, M 41, according to Bekkers reading. 
 The Mss. vary, Eustathius has in both verses & 7 ]Q£vzjj<>i; 
 In Hesiod Scut. Here. 303, & 7 ]Q£vzcd, 338, {h]Q£vzjjg is found. 
 In Oppian Cyn. I. 449 # 7 ]Q£vz 7 jq 6 l occurs. 
 
 The reading of Bekker seems preferable, for nowhere 
 else in the Homeric poems do we find d-rjQ£vz 7 )q } but every- 
 where 'O’TjQTjZTjQ , except & 7 ]Q 7 ]ZOQaq, I. 544. 
 
 XQTjZTjQOl, a IIO, v 253. 
 
 Xct[lJlX 7 lQ 6 L, 0 343. 
 
 hr[L 6 X 7 jQ 6 i, Q 425, jt 426. 
 
 / iV 7 ] 6 X 7 jQ 6 i you will find in the Odyss. 58 times, against 
 / iv 7 j(jZ 7 jq£ 60 l 21 times. 
 
 qvztjqOl 1 ), Jt 475. 
 
 Instead of v^QtOzfjOt, N 633, some recent Editions 
 write vPqi 6 x 7 jq 6 i, but incorrectly, as it seems to me, since 
 no form v^ql 6 z?jq is found in Horn., and especially because 
 the best M. S. authority favors the first form. cf. Eustath. 
 95 h 30 . 
 
 In summing up the dative plural forms of this class 
 of words, we find that, leaving such as suffer syncope out 
 
 J ) The use of t in de as a long syllable before this word points to 
 the existence of the Digamma as its initial letter, what also the Aeolic 
 form (Hqi jrjQ corroborates ; cf. Ahrens de Dial. Graec. I. 34. 
 
10 
 
 of count, Homer has at most but 8 different examples 
 which recur in all 66 times, and that 6ut of these 8 but 
 2 examples of the fuller termination s66l ( t uv7]Ox7]Q£OOi 21 
 times, aoQT7jQ£66t once) are found. If now we add to this 
 number the forms of syncopated words, we shall, have 4 
 different examples of the dat. plur. in £661 recurring 40 times, 
 and 8 examples in 61 (sometimes a6t:) recurring 132 times. 
 From this summary view it is fair to conclude that, when 
 the Homeric songs were first reduced to writing, the termi- 
 nation £661 had already become antiquated and unusual, 
 and in harmony with the mixed character of the Homeric 
 dialect, which made use of old and new forms, was occasionally 
 employed side by side with the newer and more frequent 
 form in Ol. 
 
 We pass now to the enumeration of the remaining words 
 of this class. 
 
 § 3. STEMS ENDING IN TOP. 
 
 For the sake of comparison we place by the side' of 
 these stems in xoq those which being formed from the same 
 root end in x 7 /q and in xa (x rj-g). 
 
 a[ivvxoQa, jc 256, 261. xrjQctftvvxrjg, Lycophr. 663. 
 
 — xoQag ft 326. 
 
 €JC(XflVVXOQ£, TI 263. 
 afpljxoQog, I 404. 
 
 £Jli^ 7 jX 0 Qa, X 130, 'Ip 278. 
 
 — xoQag, 6 262, JiaQafiax 7 ]g, infra. 
 
 $(DX0Q£g, § 102 , (> 200, fioxrjQ infra. 
 
 — xogag, M‘ 302. 
 
 tJU^COXOQL, V 222 . 
 
 jtavda[iaxcoQ, il 5 > 1 373 - — d k urjx£iQa S 259 , 
 
 ( dfiTjxrjg , Hmn. in Nept. 5.) 
 
 dcoxoQ, 6 ) 335, dox/jQ infra. 
 
 £ 6 X 0 QL, il 27^. 
 
 rfliixoqa, a 512, 0 330, Y 383. 
 
V 
 
 — 1 1 — 
 
 — xoql, E 462, P 73, a 105. 
 
 X OQS, A 285. 
 
 — x OQsq , B 79, A 276, *P 45 7, 573, K 301 3 144 , 
 J 393, H 687, 816, ilf 367, If 164, T 153, 
 ^ 98, 186, ^ 186, 210. 
 
 — x OQaq, K 1 81, 77495 , 532, ?j 136, — 7]y7]Z7jQ, Pind. 
 Pyth. 1 , 1 34, Soph. O. C. 1 5 2 1 , Aesch. Suppl. 239. 
 
 tj/Jxxcoq , Z 513, T 398. 
 
 &rjQ7}TOQaq, 1 544, &r}Qr}xr:Q infra. 
 lOzoQa, *P 4 86. 
 
 — ropt, 2J 501, hjtuOroQa, q> 26. 
 
 — xafojTOQa, 577, xh)X 7 ]Q infra. 
 
 xtvxoQeq, A 391, E 102 , x£VZ7]Z7jq Tzetz. hist. (9, 467, 
 xsvrrjrrjQLOv Luc. cat. 20). 
 xo(j[ir}XOQi, 0 152, xoOfiTjzrjg infra. 
 
 — x OQS, A 16, 375, 6 236. 
 
 IrjiGxoQzg, o 426, hr[i6X7]Q infra. 
 
 fxrjxQOjraxcoQ, H 224, zvjiaxzQuav Z 292 A 234, zvJtaxzQzbj, 
 
 1 227. 
 
 07 ][idvxoQog, 0 325, 0 127. 
 
 XOQL, Q 21. 
 
 — zoQzq, x 314. 6r h uavx7jQ Apoll. Rhod. I, 575. 
 
 — ropag, J 43 !• 
 
 Ijuzi[ 17 ]zcqq, i 270, lmxLii 7 ]X 7 )g passim, 
 
 £JUZI[ 17 ]X 7 )Q, Opp. Hal. 1, 682, 
 X ifirjX7jg, Plat. legg. 8, 843, D. 
 One stem, (/7]0xcoq, ended originally in xcoq, concerning 
 which vid. infra. 
 
 Homer has the following cases: 
 
 [ 17 ] 6 xcoq, IJ 33 6, P 477, 7 IIO > 409. 
 
 — zcoqci, & 22, P 339, 3 318, Z 97, M 39, 1 6. 
 
 TCO()£ *), 7 / 272, 0 108. 
 
 9 The reading varies, some M. SS. and Grammarians having (xt]ozMQi y 
 E 272, fj.rjazu)Qcc, (-) 108, cf. Spitzner’s note on E 272. 
 
12 
 
 From tog are derived stems in rogid, rogio, rogo T 
 the number of which, however, is very small. Of those in 
 rogid and r ogco no instance is found in -Homer, and, so 
 far as I know, in later writers but a single example, dXex- 
 rogi-g, Arist. Plut. (cf. Lobeck on Phrynichus, 229), besides 
 proper names, such as ’Avax-zogio-v. Togo has two instances : 
 
 diax-rogo-g, <P 497 and in 18 other places (didxrcog 
 is nowhere found except with the grammarians). 
 
 dhaO-zogo-g, Soph. Ant. 974, instead of aXaOzcog w T hich 
 is common. 
 
 § 4. STEMS IN THP. 
 
 with which stems in z a formed from the same root are to 
 be compared. 
 
 d^hr\zr\gi, # 164, d$hr\ z?jg. 
 cdovpvrjZTjgi, Q 347, ai<jvyv?]T?]g infra. 
 dftcdZodezijgeg, ^553,554, dnallodizr\g, Theocr. 10, 44. 
 dtegrjzfjga, Y 396. 
 
 dlxzijga, 2 485- § 532, y 340 , 2 100. 
 
 — zrjgeg, 2 213. 
 dfirjzljgsg, A 67. 
 
 doQT?)Q, 1 608, v 438, g 198, 0 108, — dogz?]g Suid. 
 
 — A 31. 
 
 aoCOrjZfjg, X 333. 
 
 T 71 QCI, 0 254. 
 
 — zijgsg, d 165, \p 1 19 — Tfjgag, 0 735. 
 djreityzijgsg, II 97. 
 
 dgrjzr/g , E 78 — z ijgog, A 94 — ztjga, A 11. 
 agvevzrjgi, M 385, Jt 742, [i 413 — agvevztjg Athen. 
 
 7,304 D. 
 
 agoz/jg , ¥ 835, — agotrjg, App. Rhod. I, 1217. 
 
 — rijgeg, X 54 2 - 
 agjiaxTTjgsg, i 2 262. 
 
 pOTrjgag, 0 5 ° 4 > — &dzYjg — fiozt)g, Etym. Magn. 
 
 firjloftozfjgag, X 529, — cf. jHcozcog. 
 
13 
 
 boxfg£g, 6 325 (vid. p. 38) dox£iga, Hes. op. 354. cf. 
 6 cox cog. 
 
 dgr]<jxfjg£g, Jt 428, , 0 76, dgadxrjg, Maneth. 5,85 
 
 IJrodQTjdTTjQSQ, O 3 29 , dg?j6X£tga, X 345- 
 
 £&£?.ovT7}Q, @ 292, s&sXovxr/g. 
 
 lXaxr\gi, A 145, llax7f]g, Eur. fr. Phaeth. 24. 
 
 — x 7]Qa, A 702, — xijg£g, W 369. 
 
 £JC(XXX7]Q£q, P 135, t 438, cf. diaxxogog. 
 t,a>6X7]Q , A 1 86, K 77. 
 
 — X 7]Q0g, A 135, 132, 213, Y 414, E 539* 
 
 — rrQL, A 134, g 72. 
 
 — xfjga, A 215, E 615, Z 219, II 305, A 236, 
 
 M 189, P 578. 
 
 &r]r]X7]Q, cp 39 7, — HeaxT^g, {Xrjrjxoog Nonn. par. 14, 87. 
 UTiQTjxriQ, A 292, 0 581, cf. {It]Q7)xcoq, p. 11. 
 
 — xrjgog, <P 252, &7]Q£v xr\g infra. 
 
 — xfjga, E 51, Q 316, Hr\Qax7\g, Arist. Nub. 358. 
 X 7]QCOV, P 726. 
 
 — x IjQag, M 170. 
 
 IrjxrjQ, A 190, iaxgog. 
 
 — xrjgog, A 194, A 518, 835. 
 
 — xrjga, q 384, — x7jQ£ 732. 
 
 o[LQ-xhr\xr\Qog, M 273, T 452, — cf. xabjxcog, xhjxoog , 
 Arist. Nub. 1301, Schol. 
 xliVX7]Ql , 6 I89. 
 
 xgrjxrjgog , A 598, r 295, K 578, 3*219, 1 9, 210, 7341. 
 
 X71QL, r 269, A 260, ft 330, 6 222, 615, K 356. 
 
 — XTjga, r 24 7, Z 528, / 202, V 7 41, 778, 7 390, 
 393? V r 79? 1 203, o 103, 1 1 5, 121, 0 423; 
 cp 145? CO 275, l 419, V 50. 
 
 — XTjgag, A 4 7°? 1 * 75 ? « 148, / 339? ^ 271, 
 # 152, 232, i9 431. 
 
 — xfjg£g, v 105. 
 
 — xijgoi, a no, v 253. 
 
14 
 
 xvfteQvrjTrjQs, 2 604, 6 18 — zIjQ£q, 77 750, 
 
 xvpSQvrjzrjq infra. 
 
 Ia[iJtT7iQaq, 6 307 — z tqcov, z 63 — zrjQGi, a 343. 
 bfiOT/jQsq, 7 73, £ 254, cf. XrfiOzcoQ, q 20, bpz/jq. 
 
 ZTjQOl, Q 425, JT 426, fajlZldl, K 46O. 
 
 fox[M]TtjQoq, N 590, I 222 , hxfil/TTjq, Ini. Poll. 
 
 by^IjTcoQ, Script. Eccles. 
 djto-lv[iavT7iQa, q 220 , — z rjgsq, q 33 7. 
 lv667]T7]Qa, & 299, — ZvOOrjzrjq, Anth. Opp. 132,2. 
 %G)p7]T7]Qa, B 27 5, — hnfiljTcoQ, Maneth. 6,211. 
 
 — t 7/Q£q, II 239, „ Opp. hal. 4,684. 
 
 — t/jq, A 385, lw$r\T7]q, Arist. Ran. 93. 
 
 i uv7]6T7'iQ. As this word occurs so frequently, I must 
 
 content myself with giving simply the number of times that 
 each particular case is found. 
 
 [iV7]6T7jQ£q, 7 1 times 
 
 — T 7 ]Qaq, 61 „ 
 
 — Z7JQC0V, 34 „ 
 
 — Z7JQ61, 58 „ 
 
 Z 7jQ£66l, 21 „ 
 
 62.£T7jQCt, 2 I 14, 
 
 OJizfjQaq, § 261, (> 430. 
 dl-OJlTrjQa, K 562. 
 
 OQy7jOT7lQ£q, 2 494, — 
 diV0'Ji0T7)Qaq, ft 494, — Jtbzr]q, Arist. Nub. 58. 
 
 [LV7]dT7]q, Melamp. Physiogr. 
 473 - 
 
 / ivt/Otcoq , Aesch. Sept. c. 
 Theb. 1 81. 
 
 cf. oliziq, p. 7. 
 
 OQyrjOxIjq infra. 
 
 JlQ7]XT7lQa, I 443, — 
 Z 7jQ£q, ft 162, 
 
 JZQaXTCQQ. 
 (q£XT 7 ] avdQl. 
 
 TCO 
 
 jzQaxT?] apud 
 Suidas). 
 
 QCuOTTjQCi, 2 477, ftz\uoQai<jZ 7 jq infra. 
 
 QTjZTjQa, 1 443 , Q 7 JZCOQ. 
 
 QvzijQa, Q 1 87, 223, <p 173, qvzcoq, Arist. Thesm. 108. 
 
 — zrjQaq, 6 261 — Z7JQ01 , ji 475. 
 
 OavQcozTjQoq, K 1 5 3 - 
 
 (fiV^ci7cz7jQ£q, 7 66, 80, Q 444 — (pvXaxzcoQ, Nonn. 
 
 Dionys 77 176. 
 
i5 
 
 From stems in rrjQ are derived substantives in xr\Qiov y 
 which signify the place or the instrument of an action. 
 Although no word of this class is found in Homer, it is 
 of interest to notice how many of such derivatives go back 
 to primitives in ra (t rj-g) in actual use, instead of, as would 
 be supected, to those in x tjq. The primitives of some of 
 these words, however, may have originally ended in t?]Q, 
 for which the form in xrjg was later, by force of analogy 
 perhaps, substituted. This supposition is rendered higly 
 probable by the Locrian form 6i%a6X7\Q, found in the In- 
 scription mentioned on p. i. 
 
 dxQOaX7\QLOV 
 
 
 
 XOJ^COVL0T7]QLOV 
 
 — T7\g. 
 
 ^OVbvX7]QLOV 
 
 — T Tjg. 
 
 f/vOrriQiov 
 
 — r r\g. 
 
 d£LJCV7]T7]QLOV 
 
 — 
 
 olcOViOT7]QLOV 
 
 — x 7jg. 
 
 ds(JflCOT7'jQlOV 
 
 — t 7jg. 
 
 Jiaid£VT7]QLOV 
 
 — xr\g. 
 
 dlCUT7]T7]QlOV 
 
 — T7jg. 
 
 Jl£iQaT7]QiOV 
 
 — x 7jg. 
 
 dr/Ca6T7jQLOV 
 
 — T7jg — T 7JQ. 
 
 OXOXiOX7]QlOV 
 
 — T7/g. 
 
 6iXaLCOX7jQLOV 
 
 — T.7]g. 
 
 X£l£0XTiQlOV 
 
 — x 7\g. 
 
 fr£07QT]T7]Ql0V 
 
 — Tr]g. 
 
 (pQOVXiOxrjQLOV 
 
 — xrjg. 
 
 X7j?J]TTiQLOV 
 
 — Trig. 
 
 y^Q7][iaxi0xriQiov 
 
 — T7jg. 
 
 yJ.7]QCOT7jQLOV 
 
 — T7jg. 
 
 XQrjOx/jQiOV 
 
 — t rjg. 
 
 £7Cxb]0ia0rrjQLOV 
 
 — T7\g. 
 
 Tpalx/jQLOV 
 
 — T7jg. 
 
 § 5. STEMS IN TA (Nom. TH1). 
 
 In order to show what ratio exists in the actual use 
 of these suffixes, it is necessary to mention next those stems 
 that have at the same time in use forms ending in xa and 
 in rrjQ, toq, or their derivatives. 
 
 We enumerate first those words which in the Homeric 
 poems have both suffixes in use, and then those words 
 which are formed with x a in Homer, but in the later Greek 
 have the endings rrjQ, toq, or their derivatives. 
 
 I. 
 
 ai0v-[iV7]Tai, & 258, alov[ivrjT?jQ. 
 
 jiaQai-fidxcu, ip 132, sju-^tojq. 
 
1 6 
 
 h(iJtvQL-^rjrrjV, ip 702, £jii-$dx7]q. 
 
 & 7 ]Q£VT 7 j 6 l, A 325, M 325, { h]Q1]T?IQ , T 07 Q, 
 
 {h]Q£VT?)q, Opp. Cyn. I, 449. 
 &r)Q£VT0Q£g, Corp. Inscr. I, 575. 
 & 7 ]Q 8 vrcd, Hes. Scut. Here. 338. 
 xo(jf/ 7 jrai, r\ 127, xoc^tcoq, xo 6 [i 7 r\xr\Q, Plut. Cim. 7. 
 XV^£QV 7 JX 7 ]g, l P 316, X 10 , [l 152, XV^£QV 7 ]T 7 f JQ. 
 
 T£CO, (l 412, XTjV , y 279. 
 
 — x at, T 43, L 78, g 256. 
 
 6qX 7]6T7]V, Jt 617 , OQX7]6T7jQ. 
 
 — x at, SI 261. 
 
 ftvfio-Qaiaxtfq, N 544, Jr 414, 580 — qcu 6 x?jq. 
 
 — X£ 07 V, Jt 59 1 > 2 220. 
 
 XVVO-QaiGT£COV, Q 300. 
 
 II. 
 
 aygorcu, jt 218, dyQOX^Q, Eur. Electr. 168. 
 
 alxfirjT7}q, B 19, E 179, P 588. 
 
 — xrjv, A 290, E 602, 706, A 738, TV 1 7 1, jt 493, 
 
 X 269, Z 97, 278, jt 242. 
 — T?], ^ 87, — rd, E 197, H 281. 
 
 — t«i, P 543, M 419- 
 
 — T«W, A 152, B 846, r 49. 33, 464. 472, 
 
 M 128, P 740, 7 558, 07 81, cdx i U7]T7 , ]Q, Opp. 
 C. 3, 21 1, Suint. Smyrn. 8, 85, 13, 169, Norm. 
 Dion. 37, 191. 
 
 dxovxiOxai, 77328, dxovxi6x7\Q, Eur. Phoen. 140. 
 
 — xag, 0 261. 
 
 dajtiOxdoov, A 90, 201, 221, E 577, 6 155, 214, A 412, 
 N 680, jt 490, 541, 593, a6JtLOT7]Q, Soph.Ai. 
 566, dojtiarcoQ , Aesch. Agam. 41 1. 
 fiovX£VTi}6i, Z 1 14, ftovX£VT7/Qiov, Aesch. Eum. 570. 
 a£t-y£V£Tdo7v, B 400, 7 / 53 , S 244, 333, 77 93, tp 81, 
 
 09 372. 
 
 — r -fjoi, z 527, g 446, r 296, 7 104^/3 432. 
 
al&Q 7 ]-ysvtT 7 ]g, s 29 6, ysvsxtfdiog, Anth. 15,12. 
 
 ysvsTi/Q, Arist. de Mund. 5, Orph. hmn. 6, 5, 
 Opp. Cyn. 3, 339, Musaeus 125. 
 y£vtT£iQCi, Piud. Nem. 7, 3. 
 dbxzjj, d 248 , dbxrrjQ, Hesych. Suid. 
 
 dbxroiQ, Aesch. Eum. 195. 
 
 jitQL-vcatrai, Q 488, va£xr\g , Diog. L. 1, 190, Anth. 
 
 6, 171. 
 
 vabxrjQ, Dion. P. 445, Anth. 2, 1 16. 
 olcovLOTijg, B 858, N 70, olcovLdrriQiOV , Dion. Hal. 1,86. 
 
 — X 7 jV, q 218, „ Xen. Apol. 12. 
 
 jt olbfudxrjg, K 549, ^ 589, E 571, 0 585. 
 
 — xr\v, P 2 6, E 602, ji 493, X 269. 
 
 — xa, 31 492, — xai, co 498. 
 
 jroXbfudx/jQLog, Hdt. 1, 192, Xen. Cyr, 6, 1. 
 jioXbu’idXQia, Aesch. Choeph. 424. 
 divxr\g, X 165, divxcoQ, Anth. 6, 45. 
 
 — xai, ji 353. 
 
 From the enumeration above given, we deduce the 
 following results: 
 
 1) There are 7 words in Homer which interchange the 
 Suffix x rjQ, xoq, xa. 
 
 2) Of the remaining words in X7]Q, xoq that are found in 
 Homer, being 51 in number, there are 26 that have 
 the suffix xa in later writers. 
 
 3) There are 12 words in Homer found with the suff 
 xa which in later Greek have the suffixes xt]q, xoq 
 or their derivatives. 
 
 4) There are 23 stems in all that end in xi]Q, xoq only. 
 
 The following tabular view may present these results 
 
 and ratios in a more striking light. 
 
Table 
 
 In Homer. In Later Greek. 
 
 m 
 
 00 * 
 
 ^5 
 
 , T£Q 
 
 T7]Q 
 
 tcc (r rjg) 
 
 T7]Q -f- T a 
 
 2 
 
 5 
 
 2 
 
 I 
 
 T7JQ 
 
 ra (rrjq) 
 
 T7]Q -(- TCt 
 
 r* 
 
 D 
 
 I 
 
 6 
 
 Suffix T7]Q 
 
 45 
 
 g * 
 
 _l_ 
 
 ' '§ 
 
 2 S> 
 
 'O 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 i 
 
 TOQ 
 
 ra (r rjq) 
 ra -J- toq 
 
 8 
 
 1 1 
 
 8 
 
 Suffi 
 
 
 
 
 
 X 
 
 TOQ 
 
 2 
 
 TOQ 
 
 i 
 
 VO R 
 
 T7/Q 
 
 4 
 
 T7]Q 
 
 9 
 
 ■s 
 
 to 
 
 T>]Q + TOQ 
 
 
 T 7]Q -|“ TOQ 
 
 2 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 ETYMOLOGIES. 
 
 Before proceeding to the discussion of the origin and 
 relation of these suffixes, let us consider the Etymology of 
 the words that have been enumerated. They are to be 
 divided with respect to their derivation into two categories, 
 as follows: 
 
 I. Nomina Agentis derived from Verb-stems. 
 
 II. Nomina Agentis derived from Noun-stems. 
 
 In order that this division may appear plain at t a glance 
 consider an example of each. Of the first class take a&lrjrijQ, 
 which is derived trom the verb a&Mco, stem a&ls. Of the 
 second class take alx(ir]T?]Q , for which no corresponding 
 verb is found, but which is formed from the Subst. 
 
 cdXfn'l and the Sufif. ttjq. 
 
 But again when a^lrjrriQ and doxrjQ are compared 
 another distinction will become apparent, since afrlrjTrjQ is 
 derived from the verb-stem a&Ae, which is itself, however, 
 a derivative from the noun a&loq, while on the other hand 
 do-T't'iQ is formed directly from the root do. This difference 
 necessitates a subdivision of our first Category into: 
 
 A. Nomina Agentis derived from primitive verb-stems 
 or roots. 
 
 B. Nomina Agentis derived from • secondary or deno- 
 minative verb-stems. 
 
20 
 
 On the basis of this division we proceed to classify and 
 discuss these words. 
 
 I. VERB-STEMS. 
 
 A. 
 
 $ 6. ROOTS. 
 
 tJi-ax-r/jQ = hunter, i. e. one who leads on anything, 
 hence the hunter who leads the dog on in the chase. 
 alx-T?jQ — protector. 
 
 R. alx, agx, from which also the fuller form aZe§ in 
 alt§co, which by addition of 8 becomes cdsgs, whence 
 aAes?]-T 7 ]Q. Here belongs also the proper name ; 'AXtx-rcoQ , 
 % and the appellative aXtx-ratg, which by the Grammarians 
 was derived from Ityco and a privative. 
 afii'v-rcoQ = defender. 
 
 cf. xrjQ-aiivv-rrj-q. 
 
 Verb a^vv-co, R. [iv , to which prothetic a and v are 
 added tg form the Stem. 
 
 cf. Lat. moe-ni-a. 
 
 a oq-ttjq = that which suspends anything, hence sword-belt. 
 
 The root is a 8 Q, which comes from a-F- 8 Q, a being 
 euphonic or prothetic, cf. a-eiQ-co, vid Curt. Etym. 331. 
 aooorj-r ?]Q = adjutor. 
 
 To omit an obsolete Etymology, according to which 
 this word should be derived from a 0 00 a, we notice that 
 given in Curt. Etym. 420, R. Iji — Oejt (tJtOftcu), Skrt. sak', 
 a intensive prefixed ; accordingly a-oGGrj-TrjQ would come from 
 a-6ox-)?]-T7]Q. Schleicher, zur vergl. Sprachengesch. 59, 
 Benfey in his Root-lexicon I, 443, Pott in his Etymol. In- 
 vestigations V. 320 coincide with this view, but differ from 
 Curtius in bringing this word into connection with ao^oq 
 from «-od-jo-c, Curtius denying that 00 can in any way be 
 born from dj. 
 
2 1 
 
 ago -xrjg = ploughman, cf. Lat. ara-tor, R. ago which may 
 be shortened from dgoF. 
 
 eni-ptj-TCQQ, = he who ascends anything, especially 
 a horse or chariot. 
 
 jiagai-fid-xrjg = companion in the chariot. 
 hji-jzvgt-^j-xrjg = he who walks in the fire. 
 
 po-xr/g, fico-T cog = nourishes 
 
 from fio-Ox-co, according to Pott. Etym. Ill, 199, 
 which comes from R. /?o, with which he thinks ft log con- 
 nected; hence fiooxco = I nourish or keep alive. The form 
 [ 1 cj 6 £<j&£ = fiiw 6 £ 0 &£ in Apoli: Rhod. I, 685, seems to 
 favor this opinion, cf. Lat. pa-sc-o, pavi, where sc is the 
 same as Ox in (lo-Ox-ao. As regards the vowel o in {to-XTjg 
 compared with co in ftco-xoog, observe do-xrjg , doo-xcog, and 
 notice the remark of Lobeck upon Soph. Ai. 232, sc. that 
 the stem-vowel o is lengthened only in words ending in 
 toq, not in those in t?]Q. 
 
 This opinion appears to be confirmed by the following 
 remark of Eustathius upon Odyss. v 222: „£xx£iv£xai dh 
 6 ficoTcoQ xa&a xal 6 dcorcog. ov {livxoi xal 6 fioxrjQ wOjt£g 
 ovdh 6 doxrjQ jtagd ye xolg vOX£Qov. °0(ir]Qog yag Ixxuvu 
 xal avxo. u 
 
 Still, we find jto-xrjg and pgco-x/jg (Aesch.fr. 189, Dind.). 
 The Homeric use of these words does not decide this point, 
 for while po-xfjg occurs once as a simple and 4 times in a 
 compound, and 6 ox 7 jg£g is found in T 44, the metre verifies 
 the form 6 coxrig£g in # 325. Add to this that Hesiod, op. 
 353 uses dw-x r/g and ddco-xrjg besides dox£iga , and the 
 examples given in Lobeck’s Paralipomena 428, 429, and we 
 may conclude that the lengthening of a and £ into 7] is 
 common in stems ending in xrjg, xog, but the lengthening 
 of o into co generally occurs before the Suffix xog and very 
 rarely before xrjg-, hence we find £jzi-p7]-xcog, £jii-pc6-xcog, 
 but do-x7)g, oivo-jto-X7jg , xxh. 
 
22 
 
 From these considerations we suspect that the forms 
 d(o-x?jQ, @co~T7jq are exceptional, and that the reading pozi/Qaq 
 Soph. Ai. 232 is to be preferred to pcozf/Qaq. 
 jao-rijQ = belly. 
 
 It is very probable that the 0 belongs to the as yet 
 undiscovered root of this word. 
 
 dex-ztjq = he who receives, hence mendicant, R. 6ax. cf. 
 d'c%-o-[iaL, ddx-zv-Xoq. 
 
 d^aXXo-6 s-z?j q = he who binds sheaves, dfiaXla, 6t-co. 
 dfzrj-rSjQ, da^a-zcoQ = tamer. 
 
 dd[i-V7]-[zi, R. dafi, dfia, lengthened into dafxa. 
 6 o-z?jq, dco-TCDQ = giver. 
 
 R. do. 
 
 6q7]6-z?/ @ — doer. 
 
 The consonant a which seems to be arbitrarily inserted 
 will be discussed farther on. 
 
 elvd-TijQ 1 ) === sister-in-law, found only in the plural 
 in Homer, and, according to Curtius, Etym. 288, derived 
 from a form j an- tar (cf. Lat. janitrix), which goes back to 
 Skrt. jatr, eiva being a lengthened form from j sva, for 
 jana. cf. Pott, Etym. Ill, 1317. 
 iXa-zriQ = driver. 
 
 R. aXa, eXa-6-v-co. 
 
 t0-TCOQ, l /2 272, «8Jtl 61 XQIXOV tOZOQL (ZdXXoV*. 
 
 Aristarchus explained Iozcoq as the bolt or nail which fastened 
 the pole of the wagon and the yoke together, to which the 
 reins were bound and in which a ring {xQixoq) was inserted. 
 Again Eustathius on p. 1350 of his commentary says: 
 
 *) As regards the accent of this word it is to be noticed that Spitzner 
 and Bekker write the plural paroxytone in accordance with the following 
 Scholium ofVenet. A upon II. AT 473. ,,dvaitQtq (oq Jr^rjigiq, ovroiq 
 navztq, v.a\ zd ztjq avaAoyiuq imxpazsZ ovrcoq t/ovzu 1 6q idd/tid' . 
 Choeroboscus, however, in Bekk. Anced. 1216, says: ,,divdztgoq c oq 
 <Jt][u?]T£goq li . Goettling therefore, ,.Accentlehre“, 250, thinks that the 
 accent in the Scholium should be changed to eivuzsgsq coq drj/utjzegtq. 
 
23 
 
 «to yfoj[i(icc i)xoi xvxlcopLa £vyov dq o 6 rear £ cocov 
 xgayriloq exaxtgood sv hvUxai (fjyovv IvTi&zxai). 
 
 Hesych. has almost the same s. v. toxoga. — Schol. 
 II. i2 272, «e(jTogi— rop kvL£(j,tvcp naoodlop Kara xov gvpov 
 xov t,vyoi, — TLveg 6 h ygcupovOiv exxogt olov eysxogiv. — 
 In the Etymologicum Magnum, but no where else so 
 far as I know, is found the same change of reading, sc. 
 txxogi instead of loxogt, which perhaps owes its origin to 
 the fancy of some grammarian who on account of the close 
 similarity of meaning substituted the common for the rare 
 word. This supposition seems to gain credence from the 
 gloss of Hesych.: — «txxogsq naOOaXoL xov gvfiovn, and 
 from the use of Lycophron, 100 — « exxogaq jilrjupivgidoq*, 
 together with that of the scholiast: — «xoolvxdq xmv 
 xvfidxcav »; in all of which passages txxcog appears 'to signify 
 something fastening, holdjng, — a meaning which is given 
 also to toxcog in the Scholia. 
 
 While there is so little uncertainty as to the meaning 
 of this word, there is all the more doubt with regard to 
 its origin. The old grammarians derived it from against 
 which the letter 6 is an objection, since we know of no 
 derivative from irjfu in which 0 appears ; for we have 
 dfprjrcog, dyzxijg, never dcpeOxyg. 
 
 We venture the following conjecture: tOxojg is derived 
 from the root sad = Skrt. sattar = Lat. sessor (as in 
 adsessor, obsessor) with which compare the glosses of Hesych.: 
 oedaq = xa&tdgag, hlla — xa&tdga, and Lat. sella = 
 sed-la, old- Slavonic ses-ti. Accordingly eO-xojg would 
 signify originally something sitting, adhering, holding. — 
 cf. Fick’s Indo-Germanic Lexicon 194, Curt. Etym. 226. 
 C,coO-x?jg — Girdle. 
 
 Verb, l^ow-vv-fu, R. jag (cf. Curt. Etym. 573, Pott 
 Etym. Ill, 1243). The consonant 0 therefore belongs to 
 the root. cf. dia-^coo-xga = did-fana. 
 
24 
 
 rjXtx-rcoQ = that which radiates, hence the sun. This 
 word is found in the nom. case alone. It probably 
 comes from R. dXx — Skrt. ark', to radiate. For 
 its formation cf. aXs^-r/jQ, aXx-T?jQ. 
 d'vyd-r?jQ = daughter. 
 
 The origin of this word is still in doubt, whether from 
 R. dha = to suck, or from R. duh = dhugh, to milk. 
 To-tcqq 1 ) — one who knows. 
 eid-tvai, R. id, Fid. 
 
 xali'j-TCQQ — one who summons — Lat. calator. On first 
 view this word seems to be derived from a secondary 
 root, like &?]Qr]-TCQQ, fjytj-TcoQ from ^rjQrj, 7 jyrj, but 
 the forms xXij-Oig, xXrj-xrjQ point to the syncope of 
 xXs from xaXs, and 3 caX?jx(DQ would then come 
 naturally from xaXs, xaXejs. cf. Fick, Indo-Germ. 
 Lex. 437, Curt. Etym. 133. 
 xbv-xwq = one who goads. 
 
 This substantive is derived from the first form of the 
 verb, xtvx-co, from which xsvx-tco, xsvT-iy-Tijg are sprung. 
 WithBenfey I, 199, we accept a root xev = Sanskrit khan, „ 
 which by the addition of r becomes xevx, as xvji, xqvji 
 become xvjix, xqvjix , from which the form xsv-rog by the 
 way of X8VT-TOQ, XSV6-TOC, SO XeVT-TCOQ, XSVO-TCDQ, X8V-T COQ > 
 is to be explained, cf. ifteXov-rriQ infra. 
 xXi]-T7]Q — one who calls — cf. xaXij-T<x>Q above. 
 
 x ) This word is written by some with a smooth breathing. While 
 the rough breathing may have its origin in the Digamma which belongs 
 to the root, still, since in such instances the spiritus lenis is often found 
 instead of the asper (cf. Kuhn’s Journal II, 132), as on the one hand 
 8 toy a >, on the contrary eiQy/Liog from R. FtQy, and again toftoq but 
 SVWfxi sl/ucc from R. Ftc , it is difficult to determine which breathing is 
 here to be preferred. Curtius in his Etymologies, p. 642, conjectures that 
 this word (in contrast to idtlv) follows the analogy of "arij/ui, lazoq, just 
 as may follow the breathing of i'/utlq, rjpcu that of ££«, the Hera- 
 
 clean ox rio that of «£ sex; cf. ^ytofiai and ayw. 
 
25 
 
 xltV~Z TjQ — COUch. 
 
 xlLv-co. 
 
 xQa-z?]Q = mixer. 
 
 X£Q(X-VVV-(U, R. XQCZ. 
 
 = « locus ubi ardent et lucent faces; quisustinet 
 ardentes faces et lucem sic praebet in domo». 
 Damm, Horn. Lex. laiiJt-co . 
 f i?j-TrjQ — mater. 
 
 R. ma — cf. Curt. Etym. 31 1. 
 
 HrjO-rojQ = counsellor, director, 
 
 from f/rjd-o-ficu — cf. Curt. Etym. 228. 
 
 f irjo-rcoQ-og — z cog-1, TG)Q-a, XT8, is the sole instance 
 of the augmented form tar of the original Suffix, in which 
 a has become obscured in et?, with which the Latin form 
 tor-is, tor-i etc. wholly corresponds. For the original length 
 of the o in the nom. sing, in Lat. cf. exercitor, imperator 
 and many others in Plautus, vid. Corssen II, 506. Choero- 
 boscus in Bekk. Anecd. Ill, 1200 mentions the fact that eo 
 has been shortened to o in the proper name MzjozoQa 
 Q 257, and adds: — « rotavra 6 e 8vqloxo[Z£V xal aXXa Jtaga 
 roiq aQ'icdoiq (pv^arrovza zb co sv zf] ysviXTrj , olov r\l£x- 
 zcoq, — zwQoq, zalaatQ, — a>Qog, jiqojkxzcdq, — coQog , zavza 
 de utoirjztxa uOlv^. These examples here mentioned are 
 found nowhere else. 
 
 It is plain enough that the 0 comes by a well-known 
 law of euphony from the 6 of the root, (/ irjd-zojQ ) and is 
 not an arbitrary addition. 
 
 aiovfivrj-zrjQ, — zrjg. The reading cdovrjz/jQ in 347 
 is incorrect, vid. Spitzner’s note on this passage. In this 
 place the word means chief, but inOdyss. # 258 itsignifies 
 the judge or president of a contest. It is undoubtedly the 
 Aeolic form for aioo-[ivrj-z?jQ — cf. Curt. Etym. 668 — and 
 is derived from aloa — due portion and R. (zva of the verb 
 [ZL-fivrj-Ox-co. 
 
 4 
 
26 
 
 / iV7]6-r?jQ is properly one who makes to remember 
 or reminds, but in Horn, usage it signifies a suitor, and it 
 is derived from the same root { uva as the last word above, 
 in which, however, the a is wanting. This 6 not only in 
 this word but also in 6QrjO-T?iQ, QaiO-rijQ, OQyrjO-T?]Q, seems 
 to be an arbitrary addition to the stem or root, which is 
 of these words respectively iva , 6qci, opye, qcu, but the 
 explanation of Curtius in his Etymologies, 573 , seems worthy 
 of acceptance, viz. that the sibilant owes its origin to the 
 frequent interchange of form that occurs between verbs 
 ending in £ and pure verbs. Thus a form dQa-^co may be 
 compared with dga-co as follows: 
 
 dga-^oD from SQa-t^w-fu, from dga-djo-fu, just as ad]co-(iL 
 — Skrt. aja-mi. dga-co from dga-co-ju, just as aco-fu = 
 Skrt. aa-mi. But aa-mi differs from aja-mi only by the j, 
 and from this consonant is produced the 6 in dga-djo-fu, 
 which in its turn gives the 6, as for example in 6qt]0-T7jq. 
 Hence it follows that these words nvr\0-Tr\Q etc. may be 
 referred back as it were, to verbs in £, as fiva-^co, ogye-^co 
 xt t. Furthermore, the presence • of the sibilant in many 
 perfect middles and aorist passives of pure verbs, as hdwaOd'TjV, 
 rjxovOficu, xsxeZevOficu, xre, can be accounted for in the 
 same way. In v^qlO-t?/q and Xcu6 - ti)q the letter 6 does 
 not appear to be of the same origin (cf. Etym. 574)> but 
 rather to proceed from a d that was originally incorporated 
 with the root: hence v^qlO-t?]Q would come from v(3ql 
 I^ql- 6 vftQL-d]-co = vfiQL-tcG). Similar are nofoo-r/jq, jtoXL- 
 £- co , from jiohq, XL&aQiO-Trjq, XL&aQi-^-co, from xifraQiq. 
 
 ol8-T7]Q = destroyer. 
 
 oZ-Xv-(u — o 2 e lengthened from 6%. 
 
 oji-tjjq = one who looks. 
 
 R. ojt — cf. oji-coji-a. OJt-cojir}-T7]Q Hmn. in Herm. 1 5 
 
 6 QX^O-rrjQ, — Ti]q = dancer. 
 
 OQyJ-o-fiai — vid. fivr]0-T7jQ. 
 
 if 
 
27 
 
 jia-X 7 jQ = pater. 
 
 R. pa. 
 
 From jtarriQ and [vr\xr\Q the compound { u7]xqojtccxcoq, 
 A 224, is formed, where the exchange of Suff. x£Q for xoq 
 is to be noticed. 
 
 oivo-Jt o~t 7] q = drinker of wine. 
 
 olvo-q — R. Jto, verb ni-vco. 
 
 This word may teach us how the original use of the 
 Suffix tar as designating the personal agent of an action 
 came to be transferred to signify the means or instrument 
 of the action, since nox 7 ]Q by itself is used in Homer only 
 in the sense of bowl or cup. 
 
 By the same transfer of use 
 
 XaiiJtxriQ = that which gives light, 
 qcuOxSjq — that which shivers or breaks, 
 aoQX 7 f ]Q = that which suspends, 
 sOxcoq = that which holds or binds, 
 
 xliVX 7 ]Q = that which bends, whence that which 
 
 causes to bend, from which comes in neuter or passive 
 sense that on which one can bend or recline, a couch. 
 
 caprjxcoQ = s that which draws, seizes, whence in passive 
 sense that which is seized, a handle or hilt. cf. infra. 
 
 QVxrjQ has both the personal and impersonal use of the 
 suffix, since it signifies not only one who draws, as e. g. the 
 bow, hence a bowman, but also that which draws, as e. 
 g. a chariot, hence a tug or thong, cf. p. 28. 
 
 Here belongs also 6ccvqcqx7]q, for which vid. infra. 
 
 Out of 68 words in xrjQ , xoq, exclusive of nouns 
 designating relationship, there are 11 of which this transfer 
 of meaning can be predicated. 
 jr Qrjx-xrjQ = one who acts. 
 jtQaOO-co, R. jtQccy. 
 
 QaLO-xrjQ = that which crushes or breaks, gcd-co — cf. 
 {ivt]6-X7)q and oIvojzo-X7jq. 
 
.Qrj-rriQ — speaker. 
 
 sq-z-co, R. sq, Fsq. 
 
 The common form q/j-tcoq, from which all derivatives 
 are formed, is not found in Horn. 
 
 qv-t//q = one who draws or pulls, hence bowman, and 
 one who guards , hence custodian. Since this word 
 has two entirely distinct meanings (in II. jt 475 it signifies 
 the reins or thongs of a chariot, in Odyss. a 262, (p 173, 
 the drawer of the bow, but in Odyss. q 187, 223, araftfioov 
 Q vrriQa, it is the guardian of the stables), Buttmann, Lexilogus 
 I, § 18, has, as it seems to me incorrectly, deduced both 
 meanings from the same root, endeavoring to maintain that 
 the notion of Guarding comes from the middle use of the 
 verb sc. eQveOfrcu, in the sense of to draw to oneself, then 
 to watch the thing from which one is to be freed or to 
 free by drawing to himself, as the dead body of a friend 
 in battle from the hands of the enemy, hence in general to 
 guard, to protect. Against this view is to be opposed the 
 fact that in many passages this sense of the middle voice,, 
 upon which this whole interpretation rests, cannot be made 
 to fit the connection, as A 239, &t[M6rag sIqvcitcu , 
 52 449, slqvto 6e clorv. I prefer the view of Curt, 
 lately given in his admirable course of lectures on Homer, 
 viz: that qvt/jq = guardian is to be regarded as a separate 
 word, derived from the root Fsq, Skrt. var (cf. Germ, 
 wahren), which has been preserved in tQ- t ua, and which by 
 the addition of v became Fsqv (cf. tka-v-vco) then by syncope 
 was changed to Fqv, while qv-t/jq = thong, on the other 
 hand, is derived from R. Iqv, Fsqv , F-qv, (cf. Aeol. ^QvrtjQ, 
 Ahr. de Dial. Gr. I, 34, 35). 
 
 6iv-rrjg = one who tears. 
 
 6iv-o-[icu, Aeol. oivvo/iai, i. e. 6iv-]o-[icu, from R. 
 cFlv (?), Skrt svin = to waste away. cf. Fick 
 Indog. Lex. 417, Benf. I, 177, II, 369. ✓ 
 
 ( pvkax-rriQ = Watchman, (pv^dooco , stem cpvXax. 
 
29 
 
 Besides this form Homer has (pvlax-og, and later writers 
 <pv2.a§, (pvXaxev g, (pvXdxxcog, <pvldxx?]g. 
 cc£L- y £V s-rrjg — one who is forever born, hence immortal, 
 ad, y£V£-r?jg. verb-stem y£V£ (d/sv-o-firjv). 
 cf. vai-£-xr\g — vai-co. 
 
 V£(p£lrjY£Q-£~xrjg — aydg-co. 
 
 { h]Q-o2.-£-XT]g — 6l-lv-fu. 
 
 £Ql-pQ£[l-£-X7]g — pQtfl-CQ. 
 
 In these words the vowel £ is, It think, to be regarded 
 as simply an augmentation of the stem, as opposed, for 
 example, to the £ in oixdxijg from the stem obco , where 
 the vowel is a part of the primitive stem. 
 ji£Qi-vat£-xr\g — one who dwells around, hence neighbor. 
 JZ£QL-Vai-G). 
 
 To this category belongs also the word (kxq-xvq = 
 witness, from R. (i£Q. 
 
 In Homer this word is written in nom. sing. (iccg-xvQ-og , 
 with which compare cdaOxogog from aldaxcog, didxxogog 
 from diaxxcoQ. — Zenodotus wrote in the plural ^aQXVQ£g, 
 but Odyss. ji 423, idgxvQog , II. H 76, IjufiagxvQog. 
 
 As regards the peculiar form of the Suffix., xvq for 
 xoq, we suspect that this is an Aeolism, cf. Ahr. de Dial. 
 Aeol. §§ 12, 15. 
 
 With (mxq-xvq = [mxq-xcqq compare the Umbrian form 
 kvestur = quaestor. Besides the forms fidgxvg , gen. 
 {laQxvQog, ■ (Corp. Inscript. I, 827, 829, 830) and (jdgxvQog, 
 gen. / laQxxgov } there exists also the more common form 
 HfXQ-xvg, acc. (/ccq-xvv. This important fact is to be 
 commented upon in connection with the discussion of the 
 origin of these suffixes. 
 
30 
 
 B. 
 
 § 7. DENOMINATIVES. 
 
 The process of derivation of the nouns of this class, 
 as has been set forth on page 19, is such that the nomen 
 agentis is derived from a verb-stem that has a substantive 
 for its base. 
 
 did Xrj- t ?/ q = one who contends in a contest, adli-m, 
 adXoq = a-£d-Xo-q. 
 
 The noun-stem in this instance is ddXo, the verb-stem 
 is adXs — cf. (piXo-q , (piXi-co, <pih]-xi)q. 
 crxovr iO-rrjq = one who hurls a spear, 
 dxovx-ltrfo — azcov. 
 
 Noun-stem axovr, verb-stem dxovrt- 6 . cf. aycov — 
 dycov-i^-co, dycoviO-rrjq. 
 dfirj-T 7 jQ = reaper; 
 
 dfia-co, d[irj = sickle. 
 aJt£LXr]-rrjQ = one who threatens, 
 dneiXt-cp — djtsiXr). 
 diQrj-Ti'iQ = one who prays, 
 agd-o-fiai — dgd. 
 
 dQVsv-rrjQ = literally one who bounds like a lamb, hence 
 one who tumbles or leaps on the ground. It is 
 derived from the Subst. agr'jv, st. dgv (cf. dgv-oq ), 
 from which comes dgv-£-v 7 co (first found in Lycophr. 
 465), just as jtaid-£-v~co from jtatd. 
 a Qjtax-TijQ robber, 
 
 aQJid^-co, aQJia£, stem dgnay, R. dgjt. 
 aOJt L 0 -T 7 jq — one who bears a shield, 
 d(jjd§-co, dojtiq. 
 
 Since the root of this word has not been discovered, 
 cf. Benf. 1, 612, it is difficult to determine whether the letter 
 <5, from which the 0 proceeds, is part of the root or is 
 parasitic. x 
 
fiovlsv-Trj g = counsellor. 
 
 Povlev-co, fiovb), R. $ol. 
 tj y ?j; x co q = leader. 
 
 ?]ys-o-[icu — verb-stem jjye — R. ay (ay-co>). 
 
 This word is classified here because although it has no 
 noun as its base it is formed exactly as if from a denomi- 
 native verb-stem. Similar is r\-xr\g from ^rjzs-co, R. 
 but different is xaXrj-xcoQ from R. xafa. 
 
 {h]7]-T?]Q = Spectator. 
 
 This is the Ionic form for &£ax7)g, derived from {h]d- 
 o-fiai = d'£a-o-[ia.L, of which the noun is d-da, verb-stem 
 
 &r)8 — R. &aF. 
 
 & rjQrj-r?]Q = hunter of wild beasts. 
 
 &7]QU-(X), d'JJQCi, &TjQ. 
 
 &r)Q£v-T7jq = same as above. 
 
 frrjQ-sva) — cf. aQV-evco. 
 
 irj-r?jQ f= healer. 
 
 Ionic form of la-rrjQ , ia-XQo-q, derived from i-d-o-fiai , 
 which may be related to i-og = poison. 
 
 l-a-o-[iai: i-og : bx-fia-co: Xix-fio-g. 
 
 * 
 
 xo6[/7j-TC0Q, — x tjg — one who arranges, hence commander. 
 
 noun-stem xoO[io — verb-stem xoO[is. 
 xv^8Qvr}-T7jQ, — %7\g = Governor. 
 
 Probably to be derived from xv($tj = x£<pab'/ — 
 vid. Curt. Studien III, 194. 
 
 xv^i6xr\-x7!Q — one who throws himself headlong. 
 
 The origin of this word you will find discussed in the 
 place cited above, as also from xvfir], whence comes xvfil- 
 £-£iv, xvfiiO-xrjq, xvfiiO-xav. 
 
 Xrjlo-xriQ = f° ra ger. 
 
 hfjiq. 
 
 noun-stem hqi (d), verb-stem 1t]l6 j. 
 
32 
 
 For the 0 vid. remarks upon / ivrjO-rtjQ and v^qlO-x?/q. 
 2 ix[ 17 )-T 7 ]Q = Winnower. 
 
 fox-(id-co, Xix-po-g. Curtius, Etym. 422, refers this 
 word to the root Xlx, which may be related to Xlji, Skrt. 
 rik' = to leave, to make a vacuum, hence to purge. 
 
 XvfUxv-rrjQ, is found only as a compound, djioXv[iavx7]Q, 
 in Horn. Two interpretations are given of this word: 
 1) destroyer , pest , 2) one who removes the dregs or rem- 
 
 nants of a feast, hence cleanser; Odyss. q 377, daixcbv 
 djroXvfiarxijgsg is explained by Damm in his Homeric Lex. 
 «ubi sic vocantur homines famelici aut egeni qui reliqua in 
 lancibus aut mensis vorant». The first interpretation finds 
 its support in the undoubted use of XvpaLvco in the sense 
 of to injure, to spoil; the second , in the use of this verb in 
 compounds as equivalent to Xova>. That both interpretations 
 may be correct and may be drawn from the same root Xv 
 is proved by the use of Xvfia = offscourings, impurities 
 washed off in ablution, and of Xvp,r] — ruin, injury. 
 
 I prefer the meaning clearer , purifier as best suited to 
 the context, and also because Homer uses djioXvficdvofiai 
 only in the sense of to cleanse: cf. ^313, also Apoll. Rhod. 
 IV, 702. With this interpretation harmonizes also the com- 
 ment of Eustathius: 
 
 «o xd Xvpaxa xcdv dcaxcbv did Ojroyyov cdgcov, ?j dlxi]v 
 Ojroyyov — 6 xd rear daixcbv Xvpaxa, o eOxi xad-ag^axa, 
 oiov Tpiyia xcd slxi xoiovxov ajrofpeQopsvog — .» Opposed 
 to this is the following comment by the same author: «o 
 xdg dalxag did Xaifiagyiav Xvfiaivdfisvog.* Hesychius defines 
 it — v-xov xd dsljiva Xvficuvofisvov » — cf. Horat. Ep. I, 
 15, 3 1 - «perniciem macelli». 
 
 Xv 007 ]-x 7 jQ = one who rages, 
 
 XvOOa-co, XvOOa. 
 
 Xa)@r)-x?}Q = one who injures, 
 
 Xcofta-o-fjcu, Xoj^T]. 
 
33 
 
 olcovia-Ti'jq = one who is occupied with birds, hence augur, 
 noun-stem oicovo , verb-stem oicon-d j. 
 cf. d£LJCVL~C,(X) — st. dsiJivo. 
 
 — st. xaxo. 
 
 7 tol£[uG- T 7 ]g = warrior, 
 
 noun-stem jtols^o — verb-stem jtolefu-d j. 
 oavQco-xrjQ — the iron point at the end of the spear. 
 
 Derived by Clemm, Curt. Stud. Ill, 289, from Gavgog 
 (1 Gavgoco ) = ovQiayog. 
 
 07][uxv-T cog = one who indicates his orders by signs 
 (o/jf/aza), hence commander. 
 
 G 7 ][iaLV-CO, GTjf.lCCV-L-CO. 
 
 oijfia, stem gt][iccvt. 
 cf. ovo^iaivco from ovofza (vx). 
 t i[i?)-tcoq, is found in Horn, only as a compound, sjci- 
 Ti[i7\-TcoQ = one who holds anything in value or honor 
 t i[ia-<n — x i[M]. 
 
 i Pq iG xiqg = one who acts insolently, v^ql-^-cd, 
 SffQtrg. 
 
 cf. hrjiG-X 7 ]Q, aGJUG-Tljg. 
 
 II. 
 
 § 8. NOUN -STEMS. 
 
 Nomina agentis from noun-stems formed with the 
 Suffix ia are nuch more numerous than those formed with 
 tar\ indeed so few are the instances of the latter that it 
 has been disputed whether tar could ever be directly added 
 to a noun-stem. This point is considered farther below. 
 ay QO-Tr\g = one who is engaged with or in the field — 
 noun-stem ayQO. 
 
 cuyfiij-r r g — one who is armed with a spear, noun-stem 
 aiyfia. 
 
 3 
 
34 
 
 a<pr)-TG)Q. Concerning the origin of this word there 
 are three diverse opinions, which Apollonius in his Lexicon 
 states as follows :» = dcpyrogog, AjtoXXcovog ejiLfrerov, xal 
 sOrtv oiov dfiotpogyrov [immo oftotpyrogog] ofiolatg Jtaot 
 ngospyrevovrog xal [ou] dtaxglvovrog rov jzXovOlov xal rov 
 jttvyra. y ro§orov , djto ryg rav fteXojv acptOscog' oi dh 
 yXcoOOoygcupot dspyroga sdo^av Xsyso&at rov Orgospta ryg 
 i Ivgag — ». This diversity of interpretation appears still more 
 fully in Scholium A on I. 404: jtgog rovg yXo 766 oyga(povg r 
 atpyrogog rov orgosptmg djcodtddvrag , xal Zyvodorog dh 
 ovrcog sxdtdsxrat. rov ydg t^yg [isrty gasps vyov AjioX- 
 Icovog, dspyroga dh rov AjiolXcova sjufrsrtxcdg' ov xoivd- 
 r egov, alia rov Ilv&tov oiov dyospyrogsx, did ro slg Xoyovg 
 sgysodat rolg ygyOfisDdovftsvoig. dllcog' dspyrogog, oi f/hv 
 aOccspyrogog, oi dh rov Orgosptsvg, Jtaga ro rovg siotovrac 
 jigoOxvvslv sspajtrofisvovg, . rj onospyrogog , ofiotcog Jidot 
 jcgospsjrsvovrog xal [lavrsvofitvov, rsg rs jzsvyzt xal 
 jiXovoicp , 7) rogtxov ouzo rijg rcov fieXwv aspsoscog, 
 
 7] rov jzoXvspyrogog, rovr sort rov jzoXXdg spyyag dspttvrog, 
 o xal a { usivov». — Of these explanations that one is mani- 
 festly absurd which makes dspyrsog sc compound of (pdoj 
 and the copulative a, and regards it as a cognomen of 
 Apollo equivalent to o^ospyrogog = one who prophesies 
 to all. Scarcely less absurd is the explanation mentioned 
 by the Scholiast, viz: aOasprrogog = jzolvsp yr ogog , which 
 gives the derivation from the same root as that above. 
 A second derivation, which is the one generally received at 
 present, makes aspyrsDg come from aspirin and equivalent 
 to rogoryg, the common epithet , of Apollo. 
 
 To this derivation I know of no objection; still, it is 
 singular that among the frequently recurring epithets of this 
 god (as dgyvgoro^og, sxasgyog, exarypoXog) no other in- 
 stance of aspyrstig can anywhere be found. For this reason 
 among others, I am inclined to defend the third explanation 
 given in the Scholium: — rov Orgosptcog Jtaga ro rovg 
 
35 
 
 elOiovrag jzqoOxvvhv scpanrofitvovg, according to which 
 cffrjrcoQ signifies the hinge of a door or gate. Zenodotus, 
 as appears from the Scholiast, in order that he might make 
 this rendering clearer changed the text so as to read in 
 the. next line vrjov in place of <Poi@ov; sure he and the 
 yXcoOOoyQayoi must have had ground for this unlooked- 
 for explanation. The Etymologicum Magnum has a(p 7 ]xcoQ 
 = 6 fta&fiog, (pha, which signifies the door-post — a 
 meaning that seems to be confirmed by the Etymology 
 now about to be given. As the first part of the word, 
 then, I take a<pi] = fastening, handle, from which comes 
 eKpctco = to touch, to handle, to draw forth ; from this again 
 proceed the strengthened forms acpdooco, acpaCOaco. 
 
 All these verbs go back to a common root which shows 
 itself in aji-xccr, .to show this we may institute this comparison. 
 ocp in dcp-ftcd-fio-g: R. on. 
 cap in dcp-rp. R. an. 
 
 Moreover, the glosses in Hesychius, a<pa66eiv, tyr\la<pav 
 = to feel for, and d(p7j0a0^ai, atyaodac, prove-that the notion 
 of touching, handling is common to all these verbs. Compare 
 also dcpaCOcov, Apoll. Rhod. IV, 427, with capocovra, II. I, 
 322. Related to this signification is colligare, hence the 
 gloss in Hesych. aqaipai OvvdfjOaL, with which compare 
 aipog = limb, i. e. the part of the body which binds or 
 fastens, or is bound or fastened. 
 
 Finally, in favor of this interpretation, it seems to me, 
 is the use of the word e^anrof/svog in the Scholium. If 
 this Etymology be correct, then acp^rcoQ signifies that which 
 can be taken hold of, handled or touched with the hands ; 
 hence a . doorpost. For the passive sense compare x 2 .LvrrjQ. 
 
 Accordingly the Scholium and the passage cited are 
 harmonized and interpreted thus: — » Hinge [by Synec- 
 doche for that on which the hinge is fastened, sc. door- 
 post], from the fact that those entering [the sanctuary] 
 make obeisance by taking hold [of it, sc. the door-post.] » 
 
 3 * 
 
36 
 
 II. I. 404 would then read: «Not even so much as the 
 stony threshold of the door-post [for door] of Phoebus 
 Apollo encloses. » 
 
 Id £lov-T?jQ = voluntarius* 
 
 This form occurs in Homer but once, Odyss. p 229, 
 elsewhere it is ed&ovzrjq. 
 
 Leo Meyer, Compar. Gramm. II, 89, thinks this word 
 is formed with a participial Sufif. anta = ovxa, somewhat 
 as xaX-avxo. Opposed to this derivation is the fact that 
 thus no reason is given for the existence of the final q, 
 the regular parte, suff. ovx being lengthened to ovxa. Much 
 preferable seems the derivation that accepts a double suffix, 
 or what Pott, Etymol. IV, 341, calls a confusion of the 
 participial and the nomen Agentis Suffix. Hence edeZov- 
 would proceed from ld£l-ovx-xr\Q, and in such a way, 
 that first the x of ovx would pass into 6 before the x of 
 the Suff. and then the 0 would drop out, as in Lat. volun- 
 tar-iu-s from volunt-tar-iu-s, and in jt£Vx?]xov-x/jq in Xenophon 
 and jt£vx?]zoa : xrjQ in Thucydides from ji£vxt]xovx-x?]q , 
 Jt £Vx?]7cov(o)-xr]Q. Similar is xIv-xcoq from xevx-xcoQ, p. 24. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 ORIGIN OF THE SUFFIXES. 
 
 § 9. THE INTERCHANGE OF TAR AND TA. 
 
 From the foregoing enumeration of the words in which - 
 the Suffixes tar and ta are found, we deduce the inference 
 that from the time of Homer down to the latest writers 
 these Suffixes are treated as if exactly equivalent and ot 
 precisely the same origin, being appended to the same roots 
 and forming the same species of substantives. For the 
 identity of origin, then, of these Suffixes the first argument 
 
 1) is their identical use. To confirm this argument 
 notice these facts: Out of 63 words in tt\q, toq in Homer, 
 34, i. e. more than one half, also have ta (rrj-g). Out of 
 about 80 words in ra {rrj-q) in Homer, 19 (cf. the table on 
 p. 18) have also ttjq , toq. 
 
 Another significant, though not conclusive fact is that so 
 many derivatives from stems in tzq, t?]q have as corre- 
 sponding nomina agentis only stems in ra: of this class 
 there at;e 3 in — tslqcc, 8 in — TQia, 1 in — t Q ig, 23 in 
 — zriQiov. That this apparent change of stem is not attribu- 
 table to accident or false analogy, is proved by forms in t rjGiog, 
 as aQorrjGLoq, i7C£T?]C>iog, and oXezig, masc. o^8t?jq. — 
 
 2) To this comes the additional argument that the Suff. 
 ta, ra, is employed in no other language besides the Greek 
 
to form nomina agentis. For the varied uses of this Suff. 
 in the cognate languages vid.- Bopp’s^ Compar. Gramm., 
 §§ 817, 819, 824, 829, Schleicher’s §§ 224, 234. — Assuredly, 
 if the Suff. ta had been originally employed to form nomina^ 
 agentis in the Indo-European languages, it were to be 
 expected that somewhere else besides in the Greek would 
 traces of this use appear. We remark, in parsing, that the 
 Lat. words poeta, nauta, clepta, are taken directly from the 
 corresponding Greek forms. Hence we conclude that the 
 origin of the Suff. ta, ra in nouns of this class must be 
 sought .within the domain of the Greek language. 
 
 3) If ra and t?]q are of identical origin, we are to take 
 ra as the later and, so to speak, attenuated form of r ?]Q, 
 and we are to expect; in accordance with a wellknown law 
 of language, that the later and weaker would gradually 
 become the more common form. Now what do we observer 
 From our enumeration you will learn that many forms in 
 T7/Q, toq fall into disuse or are employed as poetic forms 
 by later poets, such as Nonnus, Quintus Smyrnaeus, Oppianus, 
 in imitation of the old Epic dialect. 
 
 Furthermore, that while Homer has some 80 stems in 
 ra, he has nearly as many, 69, in rr\Q, toq, but that, on 
 the other hand, there are some 510 stems in ra in the 
 entire Greek literature and only 220 in t?]Q , toq; or, in 
 other words, that the ratio of stems in r tjq, toq to those 
 in ra is in Homer as 7 to 8, but in the Greek language 
 only as 7 to 17. How the Suffix t?jq gradually fell into 
 disuse may be inferred from those 7 words in Homer which 
 have both Suffixes in use, as in all of these, xo6[ji]T?'q and 
 qcuOt?jq excepted, the Suffix ra supplants ri]Q in later prose 
 usage. From these considerations we must conclude, that, 
 if ra and rrjQ , toq are not of the same origin, their original 
 dissimilarity had disappeared at least before the date of 
 the Homeric poems. 
 
39 
 
 § 10. THE USE OF TA (TH-S). 
 
 In the conclusion just arrived at it is implied that there 
 is no distinction in the actual use of za and zt]q. But the 
 objection is raised that za is added both to verb-stems and 
 noun-stems, alike to primitives and derivatives, while z?jq 
 is found only in connection with verb-stems. It is the more 
 important to examine this supposed diversity of use, since 
 upon it Dr. George Biihler, in a thesis entitled «Das Grie- 
 chische Secundar-Suffix z?]g», Gott. 1858, founds his argu- 
 ment for The diversity of origin of these Suffixes. Biihler 
 draws a sharp line between nouns formed with zrjg added 
 to verb-stems — where he regards the zr\g as springing 
 from tar, — and those formed with zrjQ added to noun- 
 stems — where be assigns a different origin to zr\g. — 
 On page 2 of his thesis he says: «In so far as these words 
 can be derived from verbs they are simply shortened from 
 the regular nomen agentis, which, losing its consonant stem- 
 ending (q), passed over into the vowel declension, and then 
 received the nom. case-ending g. Before the words in zi]g 
 that have no corresponding verbs from which they can be 
 derived, there appears almost always an U, a, rj, co, rarely 
 an t, o, and more rarely still an v. Again the accent stands 
 uniformly on the penult, and their feminines end in zed, 
 whereas the verb-stems in za (z7]-g) have as corresponding 
 feminines generally stems in zql6, which comes from the 
 period when the masculine stem still ended in zsq, Z7]q. — 
 Furthermore, the words of this class signify belonging to, 
 provided with, springing from that which is expressed 
 by the substantive connected with them. Since, therefore, 
 all these circumstances argue wholly against the supposition 
 that to stems of this class the same nomina agentis forming 
 Suffix has been appended as to the verb-stems, Pott, in his 
 Etymol. II, 559 — -561, believes that the Suffix zr\g of these 
 stems is- secondary or derived. » 
 
40 
 
 Against this view we find these objections: i) The 
 words in Homer of this class do not answer to the descrip- 
 tion given, sc.: C, a, rj, on ; rarely, s, o; more rarely v, accent 
 uniformly on the penult». Notice ccygo-xrjq, x otqo-xrjq, 
 ijzjto-xrjq, [sr/x tt-xrjq, ayxvlofn'j-xrjq, 6oXojirj-xrjq, ciQytO-xrjq, 
 B-xrjq, odc-xrjq, huiioyai-xr\q , JioXi-xrjq, dlu-xr\q, alyjzrj-xr/q, 
 aOX8QOJC7]-x?jq, fiayrj-xrjq, xoQW7j-x?]q, vjirjvrj-xrjq , Jiolvfiov-xrjq, 
 dxamj-xrjq. — Notice further that the long vowels f, rj, before 
 xr\q in these words (likewise a, co, in dyvia-xrjq , dsOfico-xrjq 
 and others, cf. Leo Meyer Comp. Gram. II, 257) are in- 
 herent in the stem itself and are not the short connecting- 
 vowel lengthened. — 2) Again, there is nothing in the 
 
 relation of xid to xql6 in feminines that should lead us to 
 make the distinction of xr\q primitive and x r\q derivative, 
 since besides cdtxQtq, altxrjq Homer has also hrjixiq, Xrj'iOxtjq , 
 IryiCxriQ, and daOJilfjxLq from verb-stems ; and in later writers 
 we find: jiQodo-xtq, xrjq , xi)Q, avlrj-XQtq, xrjq, laXrjXQiq, x?jq, 
 tgya-xiq, svQe-xiq, bce-xiq, JtaQaOxd-xiq , whose masculines 
 end in xrjq. — These examples prove that xid and xql6 
 can equally well be added to verb-stems and noun-stems, to 
 primitives and derivatives, and therefore that xrjq can spring 
 from tar as well in feminines in xl 6 as in those in xgid. 
 cf. Bopp. § 81 1. 
 
 3) There is no uniform or general difference of meaning 
 or use by which we distinguish between a xijq primitive 
 and a xrjq derivative. To show this we need only compare 
 a few words derived from verb-stems with those formed 
 from noun-stems. The nomen-agentis function or use will 
 be seen to be common to both. 
 
 < 
 
 a 
 
 cr 
 
 CO 
 
 dyoQijxrjq 
 
 8Ql^Q8j.l8X7jq 
 
 IjtjtrjXdxrjq 
 
 Iqlxrjq 
 
 0 
 
 3 
 
 CO 
 
 ccQyeoxijq 
 s jlTjX ttxrjq 
 [layjjxrjq 
 ijtjtoxrjq 
 
4i 
 
 Furthermore, the intransitive use, where the notion is 
 more that of a condition than that of an action, shows 
 itself not only in those formed from noun-stems, but also 
 in those from verb-stems. 
 
 | cteiysvtTrjg 
 
 3 jtoUrrjg 
 
 We are also to observe that the adjective or attributive 
 use is not foreign to even those nouns derived from verb- 
 
 stems, as is shown by the addition of the appellative avr\Q 
 
 in several instances in Homer. — TjyjjroQsg, A 67 g, ejtax- 
 r rjQeg, P 135, {hyQrjTijQag, M 170, PcoxoQag, A 802, 77 44 — 
 cf. Curtius de Nom. Graec. Format, p. 36. 
 
 We may conclude then that on the score of difference 
 of use, there is no ground for attributing a difference of 
 origin to the Sufif. r r\g in noun-stems from that same Sufif. 
 in verb-stems. — 4) Pertinent to this point is also the fact 
 that tar is found in composition with noun-stems, as in 
 
 C (p7j-TCOQ (?), dyQO-TJjQ, 8 &£X()V-T?)q, JZ8VTaXOV-T?jQ, cdyflTj-Tf'/Q, 
 
 and that other Suffixes are likewise appended to both verb- 
 stems and noun-stems: as xog in ayavaxx-i-xog aOzv-xog, 
 aQya-l-xog, Cfl xrj-xi-xog . 
 
 § II. ORIGIN OF TA, THP, TOP. 
 
 If then the Suffixes t a (t tj-q) and rrjQ, toq, may not 
 be separated in their use, our next enquiry is whether they 
 are one also in origin. Here we have to deal with con- 
 jectures. 
 
 Let us notice first the different opinions on the origin 
 of these Suffixes, in order that we may see what theory 
 best accords with the conclusions already adopted. 
 
 In regard to the origin of ra there are three theories, 
 of which the first is that of Schleicher, who (vid. Com- 
 
42 
 
 pendium § 224) thinks that this Suffix is the same as that 
 which is used to form the past passive participle, Skrt. 
 dig-ta-s(dishtas), Lat. dictu-s, dux-xo-g, and is likewise employed 
 to form abstract nouns and nouns expressing an action. But 
 we have already seen, p. 66, how improbable it is that the 
 Sufif. ta should be used to form nomina agentis in the Greek 
 language and no traces of this use be found in cognate 
 tongues. A second objection Biihler, in the thesis already 
 cited, advances. Instead of x rjg he takes I-xrjg, a-xijg, rj-xijg, 
 (o-Trjg as the SuffV, which be resolves into It, ax, ijx, cox, 
 and rjg; ix, rjx, cox being the Suff. used to form abstract 
 and collective nouns; and rjg (= rjg in id-r/g) sprung from 
 i)g, tog, and signifying that which belongs to indivi- 
 duals of a class. Accordingly, I-xrjg, a-xrjg xxt would 
 signify that which an individual or number of a class 
 or kind possesses. To refute this artificial theory it is 
 sufficient to adduce those few instances in Horn., ayQoiojxi/g, 
 aOJudicoxi/g, Jtoforjxr/g, 06 lx rjg, which seem at first glance to 
 add coxrjg, rjxrjg, txrjg, but whose stems on examination are 
 found to be aygoio, aOmdio, Jtofot, odio, and which do not 
 have an abstract or collective signification, cf. L. Meyer, 
 
 11, 525. 
 
 As to the origin of xtjg in verb-stems, Biihler follows 
 the opinion of Bopp, §§ 145, 914, who derives xa (r rj-g) 
 from x i]Q. But to understand this theory it is necessary 
 first to discuss the origin of xrjQ, xoq. 
 
 1) It is generally accepted that Suffixes employed to 
 form nouns have their origin in pronominal elements which 
 are used to designate or point out persons, and that they 
 never spring from integral roots cf. Curtius de Nom. 
 Graec. Form. p. 24, and Zur Chronologie der Indo-Germ. 
 Sprachforschung, p. 35. From this standpoint then we 
 already reject the opinion of Bopp (vid. § 875a), who would 
 derive tar (tt/q, xoq) from the verbal root tar = to go 
 over or through, hence to perform (similarly, Benfey, 
 
43 
 
 II, 257) according to which da-tar, da-tor would be «he 
 who goes through the act of giving». Another ob- 
 jection is, that the root tar originally has an intransitive 
 sense: cf. r&g-fia, ter-mi-nu-s, tra-ns, in-tra-re, from which 
 later a transitive use was derived: cf. tslq-cq, tqI-^co. But 
 Corssen, I, 567, calls Bopp’s theory pertinent and well-founded. 
 
 2) Nor does Pott’s theory (vid. Etymol. II, 539, IV, 39) 
 seem more probable: sc. that da-tar', do-n'jg, da-tor, is com- 
 posed of R. da = Lat. dare, to which t from Suff. ta of 
 abstract nouns is added so as to make dat, and of R. ar 
 (r) = Lat. ire, so that da-ta'r would mean « going to 
 give» i. e., one who is accustomed to give, hence, 
 giver. Although a rare future use in Sanskrit of this Suff. 
 (cf. bhavitri = futura), and in the Lat. fut. parte, da-tur-us, 
 seems to corroborate this opinion, yet it seems articificial 
 and improbable: first, because the origin of a nomen agentis 
 through the medium of an abstract noun is against the 
 natural law of the growth of words, by which nouns ex- 
 pressing abstract qualities or relations are of late origin; 
 second, because the root itself (da) without any addition 
 can be treated as a stem to which a Suffix may be appended; 
 third, because the root ar has in Greek and Latin formations 
 or compounds a causative or transitive force, viz: «to cause 
 to go», hence «to move» cf. Benfey I, 53, and ag magag- 
 itix-co, ag- 6 -co, og-vv-fu ; hence da-ta'r would be «he who 
 causes to give». 
 
 3) Benfey in Kuhn’s Journal, IX, no, attributes to ra 
 and ttjq a common origin by making both come from a 
 primitive form tan, which this scholar thinks dropped its 
 nasal and added in its place an r. This opinion is supported 
 by the Skrt. forms yakr't, yakrtra', besides yakna', with 
 which compare jecur, jecinoris, ?)jtag from fjjiavt , vdcog 
 from vdavr, Skrt, udan etc. — But as this theory is now 
 generally rejected, (by what process could the liquid r issue 
 from the nasal?) and such a change of sound is wholly 
 
44 
 
 unknown in the Greek, I dismiss any farther consideration 
 of its merits. 
 
 4) Much more probable seems the conjecture of 
 Schleicher (Compendium §§ 224, 225) who derives tar from 
 ta and ra. ta being the same as theSuff. of the past passive 
 parte. = Gr. to (fte-TO-g), Lat. to (sta-to-s), and ra the 
 same Sufif. that is found in nouns like Skrt. ag-ra, ay-QO, 
 Lat. ag-ro = ager. Curtius (zur Chronol. der Indo-Germ. 
 Sprachforschung, p. 39) thinks the loss of the final a from 
 tar a occurred before the period of the formation of cases, 
 since the case ending provented the shortening or weakening 
 of the^tem. — This derivation of the Suffix is especially 
 favored by an analogous use and formation of the Suffi 
 mana from ma and na. 
 
 tara 
 
 1 diax-TOQO 
 
 — 
 
 u-tero, dex-tero (?) 
 
 mana 
 
 | jihr\6-[iOvi] 
 
 — 
 
 — — — — — — . 
 
 tara 
 
 1 av6-Tl]QO 
 
 — 
 
 da-turus, sepul-tura 
 
 mana 
 
 ( xvxla-[iivo 
 
 — 
 
 — — — — — — 
 
 / 
 
 Jia-TSQ 
 
 
 pater 
 
 tar 
 
 QTj-TOQ 
 
 
 1 
 
 / JlOL-[L£V 
 
 
 ag-men 
 
 man 
 
 yvco-[iov 
 
 1 opo-fiav-r 
 
 
 co-gno-men-to 
 
 tar 
 
 do-TYjQ 
 
 [ir\6-^zcoQ 
 
 — 
 
 da-tor 
 
 man 
 
 VO-flL V (?) 
 
 — 
 
 ser-mon 
 
 
 / St-flCOV 
 
 — 
 
 acri-mon-ia 
 
 ta 
 
 0 
 
 =0 
 
 — 
 
 — 
 
 ta 
 
 Ijtjto-xa 
 
 — 
 
 
 ma 
 
 m-m 
 
 — 
 
 fa-ma 
 
 ma 
 
 av£-[io 
 
 — 
 
 ani-mo 
 
45 
 
 tra *) 
 
 I 
 
 ICt-TQO 
 
 tyage-TQa 
 
 CCQCt-TQO 
 
 ros-tro 
 
 mna 
 
 fulge-tra 
 
 alu-mno 
 
 §12. TA (TH-S) FROM THP. 
 
 It remains finally that we enquire in what way, agreeably 
 to the theory that both Suffixes have the same origin, xr\-g 
 can be derived from xr]Q. Three methods present them- 
 selves^ none of which is wholly free from objection and 
 doubt. I. x 7j-g and xtjq are derived from the same original 
 Suff. tar a in the same way as (irj, po and [isv , [iov, from, 
 mana: that is, the Suff. tara, being composed of ta and ra, 
 in the case of xrjg simply drops its final a, and in the case 
 of xrj-g drops its second part (ra) entirely, leaving ta, to 
 which then the nom. case-sign g is added. — This view 
 seems to find support in those nomina agentis which are 
 formed by the Suff. ti, xi , which is doubtless related to 
 ta: such* as, Skrt. pa-ti, fiav-xi-g, Lat. vec-ti-s. Still the 
 number of these nouns in Greek is so small (I have been 
 able to find only jto-OL-g, [lagji-XL-g, [tav-xi-g, perhaps also 
 the adj. ayxvZo-[ir]-zi-g, 6ol6-[ir\-xi-g and the compounds 
 from pgo , as avdgo-pQco-x , where x alone is remaining; 
 cf. Schleich., § 226, Bopp, § 845) and, on the contrary, in 
 Latin so large, (where, you remember, nomina agentis in 
 ta are not found) — such as vec-ti-s, tes-ti-s, eque-t-s, 
 com-po-t-s etc. — that we deem it very questionable to 
 base the affinity of x?]-g with xt]q upon the relationship 
 supposed to exist between nouns in x 1 and those in the 
 
 q As regards the vowels a , 0 in tqcc, tqo, it is difficult to determine 
 whether, whith Bopp, § 815k we shall accept tara as an amplified form 
 of tar which by elision became tra (so Corssen in kritische Beitrage, 366, 
 derives Lat. bro, bri, bra, from the ancient form bhara) or whether we 
 understand tra as coming from tar by metathesis, cf. Skrt. vas-tra, gro-tra. 
 
46 
 
 Latin in ti derived from ta as the first element of tar a. 
 We are farther forced to the conclusion that this relationship 
 of xrj-g and xtjq is to be sought and explained alone within 
 the domain of the Greek. 
 
 From this standpoint there are two theories for the 
 identity of xr\-g and xr/g. II. x?]-g is the lengthened form 
 of xd (originally tar), and has its origin thus: for example, 
 jza-zsg-g , do-xrjQ-G may at one time become by progressive 
 
 assimilation na-xrf 
 
 do-zrf^ — Jca-x/jQ, do-z/jg, but at 
 
 another time by regressive assimilation, jia-xrj do-x/j 
 
 = Jzcc-zrjg, 6o-x?]g. cf. Brugmann, Curt. Studien IV, 112. 
 Against this theory there an these objections: 1) That 
 regressive assimilation does not take place in nominal 
 formations, dialectic forms, such as Laconian dgOrjg, instead 
 of agtirjv, from agOsvg, and participial forms, as xiftug, didovg, 
 being excepted. — 2) If this theory were correct, why 
 
 should we not occasionally find jiazr/g , &vydzrjg xxs, as well 
 as dozzjg? — 
 
 III. The third conjecture concerning the relation of 
 xrj-g to xrjg is given byBopp, §§ 145, 914 of his Grammar, 
 and appears to agree best of all with the actual use of this 
 Suff. as already considered. 
 
 According to Bopp’s theory nomina agentis in x r\-g as 
 compared with those in xrjg , have simply preferred to retain 
 the nom. case-sign g after the Suff. and to let the q of the 
 stem fall, thus x?jq-6 instead of becoming x?]Q is changed to 
 xt]g, and then misled by the analogy of the nominative the 
 oblique cases have also given up the q, and so these stems 
 have wandered over into the first or vowel declension. — 
 Here we must first consider the falling away of the con- 
 sonant q. While several of the older languages, the Sans- 
 krit, Zend, Lithuanian, old Slavonic, omit the letter r of 
 the stem in the nominative (cf. Bopp, § 144), as Skrt. pi-ta 
 
47 
 
 from pi-tar, zend pi-ta, the Greek and Latin, on the other 
 hand, retain the same, and in the Greek g is known to be 
 one of the most stable and fixed of all sounds. We are 
 not therefore justified in basing this change of form upon 
 analogous instances in these cognate languages. Possibly, 
 a justification for the loss of the g, is found in the inflection 
 of the neuters ending in ag (stems in agz), as r)jz-ag, tjjc- 
 ar-og from fjjtagr, xre. 
 
 Kuhn enumerates in his Journal, vol. II, 141, 40 nouns 
 of this class, of which j 7 have no inflection, 18 Ipse in the 
 oblique cases the g, and 5 retain the g but lose the t of 
 the stem; from which it may be inferred that the com- 
 bination x ) g t was disagreeable to Greek euphony (ddfiagra, 
 Odyss. v 290, ddftagxL , II. r 122, is the . only example of 
 the retention of gr known to me), hence that this combi- 
 nation suffered an early disolution, and stems in agr now 
 dropped their g and now their r, leaving in some instances 
 at, in others, especially in the nominative, ag. This change, 
 how T ever, differs from that under discussion in that both g 
 and t form part of the stem, and no transition from one 
 declension into another takes place. A closer analogy is 
 afforded by vdcog , oxcog , from vdogg, v6ar-{og), vdagr; 
 Oxogg, Gxar-(og), Gxagz. 
 
 In regard to the change of declension, many examples 
 of primitive stems can be adduced which by the addition 
 of different forms of the same original Suffix change the 
 manner of their inflection. 
 
 I ) The combination of g and g, as is known to all, hardly exists in 
 the Greek language. The only nominatives preserving go, so far as I 
 know, are : 
 
 [xaxagg — Aleman, Fr. 13 B. 
 
 Sd?MQC, dig (/.axeegg, Steph. Byzant. 
 ddfzagg, Theodos. Gramm, p. 41. 
 
 %tgg, Timocr. Fr. 9 B. 
 
For example: 
 
 yvco-[iax, yvco-f/rj, yvco-fiov. 
 xsvfr-iio, xsvfr-ftaT, xevfr-ficov. 
 d£ 6 -[xo, dso-fiax. avr-firj, avx-(iev. 
 
 These examples, however, hardly furnish a sufficiently 
 close analogy to explain the transition of do-xrjg, — x f/goq, to 
 do-xrjq, — rov. To point out how one declension may 
 become mingled with another (exegoxfooia, or fis xajcXaO[x 6 g), 
 it suffices to mention ^oixgdxrjv, 2 coxgaxrj, dtvdgov, devdgetiL. 
 But the # most striking word to illustrate the change 
 we are considering is [tag- xv-g, (iag-xvg, acc. / tag-xv-v and 
 f/ag-xvg-a (vid. p. 29). This word Curtius, in the treatise 
 on the formation of Greek nouns, calls up to support the 
 theory of the identity of origin of xtj-q and xr]g. 
 
 If the explanation now given is to any degree satis- 
 factory, then the Homeric forms, aiyjirjxa, vefpeXrjyegtxa, 
 ijtjioxa, rjtvxa, fjrjxiixa, ( ?)ytxa Hes. p. 5 84) , which are 
 regarded by the Grammarians as Aeolic (cf. Ahrens de 
 Dial. Aeol. p. 189), likewise also the vocative sing, of masc. 
 nouns in xrjg of the first declension (jroXlxa), are to be 
 considered as shortened forms from the older ending x a, 
 originally xrjg, from tar, tara. 
 
 Leopold & Biir, Printers, Leipzig.