/ mm FIRST REPORT, JANUARY, 1869. FEINTED FOE 35allatr Soctetg, BY TAYLOE AND CO., LITTLE QUEEN STEEET, LINCOLN’S INN FIELDS, LONDON. PUBLICATIONS OF THE BALLAD SOCIETY. No. 1 . Ballads from Manuscripts. Vol. I, Part 1, contains: Now a Dayes, ab. 1520 a.d.; Yox Popnli Yox Dei, a.d. 1547-8 ; The Ruyn* of a Ream* ; The Image of Ypo- cresye, a.d. 1553; Against the Blaspheming English Lu- therans and the Poisonous Dragon Luther ; The Spoiling of the Abbeys ; The Overthrowe of the Abbyes, a Tale of Robin Hoode ; De Monasteriis Dirutis. No. 2. Ballads from Manuscripts. Vol. I, Part 2 : is in the Press, and will contain Ballads on Wolsey, and Anne Boleyn, with an Index, Glossary, and Preface to the whole Yolume. Edited by F. J. Furnivall, M.A. No. 3. Ballads from Manuscripts. Volume II, Part 1 : The Poore Mans Pittance, by Richard Williams, con- tayninge three seyerall subiects : — (1.) The firste, the fall and complaynte of Anthonie Babington, whoe, with others, weare executed for highe treason in the feildes nere lyn- colns Inne, in the yeare of our lorde — 1586. (2.) The seconde contaynes the life and Deathe of Roberte, lorde Deverox: Earle of Essex: whoe was beheaded in the towre of london on ashwensdaye mornynge, Knno — 1601. (3.) Thelaste, Intituled “acclamatio patrie,” contayninge the horrib [1] e treason that weare pretended agaynste yowr Maiestie, to be donne on the parliament howse The seconde yeare of youv Maiestis Raygne [1604]. Edited by F. J. Furnivall, M.A. ( The Introduction and Index will be issued shortly.) No. 4. Ballads from Manuscripts, Vol. II, Part 2, is in the Press, and will contain Ballads on Queen Elizabeth, Essex, Campion, Drake, etc. Edited by F. J. Furnivall, M.A. No. 5. Captain Cox, his Ballads and Books, or, Robert Laneham's Letter : Whearin part of the entertainment untoo the Queenz Majesty at Killingworth Castl, in War- wik Sheer in this Soomerz Progress .1575. is signified; from a freend officer attendant in the Court, unto hiz freend, a Citizen and Merchaunt of London. Re-edited by F. J. Furnivall, M.A. In Preparation. The Roxburghe Ballads. Edited by W. Chappell, Esq. The Civil War and Protectorate Ballads. Edited by E. F. Rimbault, Esq., Mus.Doc. Cljr Balia* #onctj>. dftist iicport (BY MR. FURNIVALL.) JANUARY, 1869. The Society’s first year’s issue will be a far different one from that which I had hoped. When starting the Society, on the conclusion of the Percy Folio in May 1868, I an- nounced that the subscriptions would date from the 1st of January, 1869 ; that the Roxburghe and Civil-War Collec- tions would be the first issued ; and that the Manuscript Ballads would be begun whenever I, or whoever their Editor might be, had had time to collect them. I made sure that after more than eighteen months’ work at the Percy Folio, at least three years’ rest from Ballads would be vouchsafed to me. But it was not so to be. Professor Child of Harvard, for whom the print of the Percy Folio had been undertaken, for whom the Chaucer Society had been established, at once said that printed Ballads first, and Manuscript ones after- wards, would not do for him ; he wanted his horse before his cart, not after it. So, very reluctantly, I resolved to get together a small volume of Manuscript Ballads as soon as I could. Meantime, copiers and artist had been set to work on the Roxburghe and Civil-War Ballads, and they made such rapid progress that, after consulting Dr. Rimbault, I settled with him that his first volume of the Civil- War Ballads, and mine of the MS ones, should be the first pub- lications of the Society, and that both should be produced in or for 1868. The change in the date of subscription was accordingly announced. But as the year wore on, it became clear that Dr. Rimbault’s professional and other engage- 4 Reason of the Delay in the Issue of Texts. ments would not allow of his sending any of the Civil-War Ballads to press; and it was also clear that the necessary preliminaries for Mr. Chappell's work — the indexing and copying of the 4 Roxburghe volumes, the indexing of the Bodleian and Bagford Ballads (some 9 volumes folio,) and the copying of the Indexes to the five Pepys volumes — could not be finished till well on in 1869. Under these cir- cumstances the wisest plan would have been to recur to the original date of subscription, and see what 1869 would pro- duce. But I was unwilling to make this second change, and fancied that a second volume of MS Ballads might without much trouble be added to the proposed first one. The at- tempt, however, has proved a failure. Though I have for more than four months set aside the whole of my paid work for that of the Ballad and Chaucer Societies, I have only suc- ceeded in producing 300 pages, or Part I, of one volume of Ballads and Poems, and 50 pages of another, for the Ballad Society : (but the text of Part II, and of another small volume, is in type. 1 ) The cause of this was the newness and difficulty of the subject to me. That subject was fixed by a Ballad of Henry VIII's time, which the Rev. F. W. Russell, the historian of Kett's Rebellion in Norfolk in 1548, had sent me some years ago, Now a Dayes. Its complaints seemed to contradict flatly the pleasant view of Henry VIIPs time taken in the brilliant sketch in Mr. Froude's first Chapter. So I had to pass from the 14th century to the 16th, and try to find out whether Now a Dayes and its mates were right, or Mr. Froude. To a beginner the task was a difficult and laborious one, especially as it had to be done against time. I cannot say that its outcome has been to invalidate any of Mr. Froude' s conclusions, but the evi- dence that I got at and have produced, does certainly give a different view of Henry's time to that shown by Mr. Froude, or at least does complete that view, does justify the words of our original Prospectus with regard to Ballads : These light hand-glasses reflect for us many a feature of the times that is lost in the crowded scenes which larger mirrors, 1 I am aware that the substitution of these volumes for the Roxburghe, etc., will he a disappointment to many. To get a historical ballad, when you ex- pected a woodcut of a devil with a, nice curly tail, or a man with two odd eyes, two left legs, and a dog with his mouth split up to his ears, must he a shock to any well-regulated mind. But by starting the Society in 1868, the appearance of the woodcuts and devils is not delayed for a day, while some solid gain has been, and will he, obtained for the historian of Henry VIII's and the following reigns* Tudor-Enyland Ballads, etc., for 18G8. o hung at other angles, present to our view ; and without the sight of the Ballad pictures, as well as the larger and more formal ones of professed Histories, State-Papers, Memoirs, and Treatises, we cannot know faithfully, — or, at least, we cannot know as faith- fully as we have the means of knowing, — the lineaments of the ages that have preceded us. In our Tudor Ballads accordingly, we see the wailing faces of Henry VIIFs and Edward VPs days, we see the poor men's hands stretched out to threaten nobles, King, and clergy, for ceasing to seek the commons' weal, for turning from the path of Duty and of Right. The results of the work of Papistry on the English home and the English state are also reflected in detail ; and the view leaves no doubt on the beholder's mind as to the necessity of a Reformation of some kind, however unworthy he may think the chief motive and instrument in the changes after actually made. Both sides of the time the Ballads show. In them the Papist denounces Luther and his blaspheming English followers as fiercely as the Reformer inveighs against the Pope and his train. The fallen Abbeys are lamented over as pathetically as the burnt books and bodies of the Protes- tants. The Second Part of this volume will contain only three or four Ballads (one good) on Wolsey, and one on Anne Boleyn. It is kept back for the Index to the whole volume, which I shall be glad if some Member will volunteer to make. The Elizabethan Ballads originally intended for this volume will now form another small volume by themselves : and these too I desire to hand over to some Editor well- read in the time. The Essex Ballads among these, first led to the joining with them of The Life and Death of Essex in a short MS. by Richard Williams, — a poor subject of James the First, who petitioned him for relief, — and then to the printing of the whole of the MS separately. It is issued with this Report, though without any Introduction, which must follow when I have time to write it. Laneham’s Letter is ready for press, and will (I hope) be printed next month. Its Captain Cox is the chief of early Ballad-owners, and yet no separate account of him is to be had, except in the modernised reprint of Laneham in 1821, which is now ex- tremely scarce. With his list of Ballads will be printed that in the Complaynt of Scotland , about 1548 a.d., and the two will be compared and commented on. 6 First -Year’s Income absorbed by Copiers, etc. I hope that the Texts above-named will be all included in the 1 868 issue, but am unable as yet to say that they will, as the establishment-charges of the Society have more than exceeded its first year's income. That income, when all paid, will be £171. 3 s ., — of which £144. 5s. have been re- ceived, — while the money already paid to copiers, artist, and engraver, has been £184. 5s., and the necessary prelimi- nary work is still far from being finished. I say necessary , because, in the editing of large collections of Ballads like those of the Civil War and Protectorate, and Roxburghe, as the editors were not able to work at them for any length of time in the British Museum, it was necessary both to have the whole of the Collections copied before any part could be printed, and also to have Indexes made of all other accessi- ble Collections, so that a late copy of any Ballad might not be printed when an earlier (and probably correcter) copy was known to exist, and that a Ballad occurring in five Col- lections might not be copied five times over. The Civil- War and Protectorate Ballads were accordingly copied (at a cost of £23), the Roxburghe Ballads were indexed, the first volume copied, the 2nd, 3rd and 4th more than half copied (at a cost of £87), the Bodleian Collections were indexed (at a cost of £11); the Bagford Ballads are nearly indexed, and the copy of the Pepys indexes is in hand. Moreover the artist has drawn on wood above 120 of the Roxburghe and Civil- War Ballads' woodcuts, and these have been all engraved, though not all paid for (£55 paid, £15 due). Now as this work, when finished, will provide the Society with 10 or more years' material for printing, it would be manifestly unfair to the Members of the first year to charge them with the whole outlay, and give them no Texts for their guinea. 1 The preliminary expenses ought to be distributed over 3 or 5 years at least ; but this can only be done by Members advancing their subscriptions for that time, as I am quite unable to give any continued help in this way my- self ; and it is the business of non-editing Members to find the money for the work to which Editors give time, trouble, and thought. When Mr. Richard Johnson of Langton Oaks, Fallowfield, near Manchester, joined the Ballad Society and the Chaucer and Early English Text Societies, I put the case to him as above-stated, and he answered my note in the 1 For this reason I put off printing- the Society’s Cash account till next year. Need for Subscriptions in Advance. 7 practical Manchester way by sending back a cheque of £51. 95. — £15. 15s. for the Ballad Society, £12. 12s. for the Chaucer, £23. 2s. for the Early English Text Society’s two Series. In the same spirit the majority of our Members sent in advance their first year’s subscription — all that was asked of them by the second Circular ; — and I trust that all Members will see the reasonableness of the request that, in their interest, is made for further payments in advance now. In a Society like ours, the view sometimes taken of a Mem- ber’s duty — that he should pay his subscription only when he gets his books — is manifestly the wrong one. The So- ciety is not a publisher’s or an Editor’s speculation for his own profit : and when money is required in advance for the doing of work necessary for the proper production of the Society’s volumes, every Member will feel that he is bound to bear his share in providing it. I hope, then, that subscriptions will be forthcoming, and that speedily, to enable the debts of 1868 to be paid, and to provide for the issue of at least one or two volumes of the Rox- burghe Ballads and the Civil-War Ballads, with their wood- cuts, 1 in 1869 and every subsequent year. The first volume of the Roxburghes will go to press as soon as the copy of the Pepys Indexes is completed and Mr. William Chappell has collated with the Roxburghe copies such Ballads of that Collection as are in the Pepys Library. With regard to future Ballads from Manuscripts, I can only say that some are in hand, others in contemplation — including a faithful print, from the MSS, of the Ballads in old faithless editions, — and that one of our late members, Mr. Adam Sim of Coulter, of whose lamented death 2 I hear as this is passing through the press, had, during his life, most kindly promised to allow the Society to print such parts of his three volumes of MS Scotch Ballads as might be thought adviseable. These volumes have been used, but not exhausted, by former Editors. Finally, I ask every Member to try and get new ones to join the Society; for if we are to make any sensible impres- 1 Those owners of a print of the Percy Folio who would like to paste into a volume of it a photograph of the old house in which Percy was bom, can get one by sending 18e/. to Mr. Metcalf, Photographer, East Castle Street, Bridgnorth. 2 Mr. Sim was a zealous antiquary and hook-hunter. Many men of letters, besides those of our own Society, will miss his always-ready sympathy and aid. 8 Rate of Subscription to the Society. sion yearly on the big Collections like the Roxburghe, our Society ought to be doubled in number this year. To its Local Secretaries in Glasgow and Manchester, Mr. Barclay Murdoch and Mr. John Leigh, the whole Society is indebted, for their efforts to increase its number of Mem- bers. The List of Subscribers bears witness to the result of those efforts. Mr. James Richardson of Glasgow has also secured 8 Subscribers. P.S. On account of the delay in the First issue of Texts, these are posted to such Members as have not stated how their Texts are to be sent to them. But no future Texts will be sent by post unless a special extra payment of 2s. a year is made for the purpose. Those Members who have not yet told the Hon. Sec. or the printers, to what London agent of their country booksellers their Texts are to be de- livered, should do so at once. The Ballad Society’s books are printed in demy 8vo, like those of the Early English Text Society, and the Percy Folio (but on toned paper for the sake of the woodcuts), and also in super- royal 8vo, on Whatman’s eighty- shilling ribbed paper, tinted ex- pressly for the Society. The subscription for the demy 8vos is One Guinea a year ; that for the super-royal ribbed papers Three Guineas. The subscriptions date from January 1, 1868, and im- mediate payment of them is asked, as considerable expense has already been incurred for the copiers and artist. The Society’s books can be had only by subscribers. The Society’s printers are Messrs. Tatlor and Co., Little Queen Street, Lincoln’s Inn Fields, London, W.C., and to them all notices of change of address should be given, and all complaints as to non-delivery of Texts made. Local Secretaries are wanted. Subscriptions should be paid either to the account of The Ballad Society at the Chancery Lane Branch of the Union Bank, or to — F. J. FURNIYALL (Hon. Sec.) 3, Old Square, Chancery Lane , TF.C. 9 ®{je Uallati Socictu. LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS For 1868. LARGE PAPER (Three Guineas a Year). Adam, John, Esq., Town- Chamberlain, Greenock. Alexander, J., Esq., 43, Campbell Street, Glasgow. Beauchamp, Earl, 13, Belgrave Square, S.W. Benham, Edward, Esq., Syon Lodge, Isleworth, W. Bremner, John A., Esq., Albert Street, Manchester. Falconer, J. J., Esq., 1, Clarges Street, Piccadilly. Ford, J. W., Esq., 8, Walbrook, E.C. Hewitt, William, Esq., 13, Dickenson Street, Manchester. Johnson, Richard, Esq., Langton Oaks, Fallowfield, Manchester. Leigh, John, Esq., Town Hall, Manchester, Local Sec. Medlicott, W. G., Esq., Massachusetts, U.S. Murdoch, J. B., Esq., 33, Lynedoch Street, Glasgow. Nichols, G. W., Esq., Augusta House, Rotherhithe. Paine, Cornelius, junr., Esq., Oak Hill, Surbiton. Panton, Rev. G. A., Crown Circus, Dowanhill, Glasgow. Young, Alexander, Esq., Hope Street, Glasgow. SMALL PAPER (One Guinea a Year). Adam, A. Mercer, Esq., M.D., Bargate Lodge, Boston, Lincolnshire. Adamson, Edward, Esq., Church Street, Rye, Sussex. Addis, John, junr., Esq., Rusting-ton, Littlehampton, Sussex. Adrian, Alfred D., Esq., 8, Clifton Road, Camden Square, N.W. Atmaram, Moreshwar, Esq., 3, St. George’s Square, Primrose Hill, N.W. Backhouse, J. H., Esq., Darlington. Bain, Mr. James, 1 , Haymarket, S.W. Bain, James, Esq., 87, Union Street, Glasgow. Baird, A. S., Esq., 19, Sardinia Terrace, Glasgow. 10 List of Subscribers, 1 868 . Baker, Thomas, Esq., Coatbridge, Glasgow. Barwell, Thomas, Esq., 17, Cank Street, Leicester. Beard, James, Esq., The Grange, Bumage Lane, Manchester. Bell, Edward, Esq., York Street, Covent Garden, W.C. Blackley, Rev. W. L., North Waltham Rectory, Micheldever, Hants. Blackman, F., Esq., 4, York Road, S.E. Bladon, James, Esq., Albion House, Pontypool. Bright, Henry A., Esq., Fairfield, Liverpool. Caldwell, James, Esq., Writer, Paisley. Chappell, W., Esq., Heather Down, Bracknell, Berks. Child, Professor F. J., Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Hon. Sec. for America. Cook, J. W., Esq., 3, Albert Villas, Whitehall Road, Woodford Wells, Essex. Crosby, John, Esq., 15, Exchange Place, Glasgow. Culley, Matthew, T., Esq., Coupland Castle, Wooler, Northumberland. Davies, Robert, Esq., The Mount, York. Dayman, Rev. John, Skelton Rectory, Penrith. Dodds, Rev. James, The Abbey, Paisley. Donaldson, Robert, Esq., 71, St. Vincent Street, Glasgow. Dowman, R., Esq., ‘Manchester Guardian’ Office, Manchester. Emmanuel, E. J., Esq., 20, Westboume Square Bayswater, W. Ferguson, Robert, Esq., Morton, Carlisle. Findlay, William, Esq., 12, Arlington Street, Glasgow. Fogo, D. F. Laurie, Esq., 109, West George Street, Glasgow. Fotherglll, J. W., Esq., W. B. Lead Office, Newcastle -on- Tyne. Freeman, D. A., Esq., 1, Plowden Buildings, Temple. Fry, Danby P., Esq., Poor Law Board, Whitehall. Furnivall, F. J., Esq., 3, Old Square, Lincoln’s Inn, W.C. Gilchrist, David, Esq., Glasgow. Glennie, J. Y. Stuart, Esq., 6, Stone Buildings, Lincoln’s Inn, W.C. Grey, George, Esq., County Buildings, Glasgow. Gribble, Henry E., Esq., Harrow-on-the-Hill. Guild, James Wylie, Esq., Park Terrace, Glasgow. Hales, J. W., Esq., Turret Lodge, Park Village East, Regent’s Park, N.W. Hamlen, Charles, Esq., 27, Virginia Street, Glasgow. Harrison, John, Esq., Laurel Cottage, Cottage Green, Camberwell. Hewitt, Thos., Esq., Bella Vista, Queenstown, Cork Harbour. Hill, G. W., Esq., 68, Ingram Street, Glasgow. Holme, J. Wilson, Esq., 34, Old Jewry, E.C. Hooper, Mr. W., 8, Thanet Place, Strand, W.C. Huth, Henry, Esq., 30, Princes Gate, Kensington Road, W. Jackson, Rev. S., Meadow House, Winchester. James, Colonel Edward C., City of Ogdenburgh, New York State. James, F. L., Esq., Beaconfield, Woolton, Liverpool. Jeffray, G. W., Esq., Hartlepool. Johns, Rev. C. A., Winton House, Winchester. Jones, Rev. James, Rich Hill, Armagh, Ireland. Jones, Joseph, Esq., Abberley Hall, Stourport. Jorden, P. A., Esq., 606, Sainton St., Philadelphia. Kaye, Mr. William, Blackett Street, Newcastle-on-Tyne. Kelly, William, Esq., 130, London Road, Leicester. Kerr and Richardson, Messrs., 89, Queen Street, Glasgow. List of Subscribers , 1868 . 11 Little, Herbert J., Esq., Thorpelands, Northampton. Lyell, D. W., Esq., Alder Lodge, Lauder Road, Edinburgh. MacDonald, A. G., Esq., St. Vincent Place, Glasgow. Mac Gregor, P. Comyn, Esq., Paisley. Manchester Free Library, Manchester. Martineau, J. M., Esq., Littleworth, Esher. M‘Whannell, Rey. Alexander, Blairingone Manse, Dollar. Melbourne Public Library. Miller, W. M., Esq., 3, Balmano Street, Glasgow. Moody, Mr. John, 255, Sauchiehall Street, Glasgow. Muntz, George H. M., Esq., Birchfield, Birmingham. Murdoch, J. Barclay, Esq., 33, Lynedoch Street, Glasgow, Local Sec. Newcastle Literary and Philosophical Society, Newcastle. Paterson, Mr. William, 74, Princes Street, Edinburgh. Peacock, Edward, Esq., Bottesford Manor, Brigg, Lincolnshire. Peacock, Reginald, Esq., Roker, Sunderland. Penfold, Hugh, Esq., Library Chambers, Middle Temple. Pocock, Charles Innes, Esq., Rouge Bouillon, Jersey. Rae, John, Esq.,. 9, Mincing Lane, E.C. Rawlins, Mr. H. E., 99, Southampton Row, W.C. Richardson, Mr. James, 89, Queen Street, Glasgow. Rimbault, Dr. E. F., 29, St. Mark’s Crescent, Gloucester Road, N.W. Rogers, Rev. R. Roe, Kensington, Liverpool. Rowe, J. Brooking, Esq., 16, Lockyer Street, Plymouth. Russell, J. R., Esq., 1, Stanley Place, Glasgow. Sim, Adam, Esq., Coulter, Coulter Mains, Biggar. Sinclair, James B., Esq., 340, Dumbarton Road, Glasgow. Smith Alexander, Esq., 214, New City Road, Glasgow. Smith, Hubert, Esq., St. Leonard’s, Bridgnorth. Snelgrove, Arthur G., Esq., London Hospital, E. Spence, Robert, Esq., Bank, St. Nicholas Square, Newcastle-on-Tyne. Stewart, A. B., Esq., 5, Buchanan Street, Glasgow. Symonds, J. A., junr., Esq., 47, Norfolk Square, W. Tanner, Dr. T. H., 9, Henrietta Street, Cavendish Square, W. Tawse, G., Esq., 146, West George Street, Glasgow. Thompson, Joseph, Esq., Pin Mills, Ardwick, Manchester. Thorpe, Rev. J. F., Hern Hill Vicarage, Faversham, Kent. Timmins, Samuel, Esq., Elvetham Lodge, Birmingham. Trubner and Co., Messrs., 60, Paternoster Row {four copies). Veles, E. Esq., Moatbrook House, Codsall, Wolverhampton. Wales, George W., Esq., 142, Beacon Street, Boston, U.S. Ward, Captain Henry, 45, Gloucester Street, W. Waters, Mr. G. E., 97, Westboume Grove, W. Waters and Son, Messrs. J. S., Baltimore, U.S. Watkins, J. Hutton, Esq., 23, Berkeley Terrace, Glasgow. Watson, Robert Spence, Esq., Moss Croft, Gateshead-on-Tyne. Watson, W. Davy, Esq., 4, Garden Court, Temple, E.C. Webb, W. L., Esq., St. Paul's Square, Birmingham. Wheatley, Henry B., Esq., 53, Berners Street, W. White, Dr. Henry, Royal Society, Burlington House. White, Robert, Esq., 11, Claremont Place, Newcastle-on-Tyne. Wilson, W., Esq., Wooller, Liverpool. DOCTOR DO-GOOD S INSTRUCTIONS, BALLADS FROM MANUSCRIPTS. ♦ & aXw. INTEODUCTION. § 1. The Character of the Ballad (p. 1). § 2. The Credit due to those of its class. Were they the ‘ Saturday Review * articles of the period ? (p. 2.) § 3. Is this Ballad , (with those that match it ,) or is Mr. Fronde, right as to the condition of England in Henry VIII.' s time ? (p. 3 .) § 4. Sir Thomas More's evidence (p. V- § 5. Evidence of the Petition of the Commons to Henry in 1514 a.d., and of his Proclamation in pur- suance of it (p. 6, and p. 101 ). § 6. Evidence of the Statute 7 Henry VIII , chap. 1, 1515 a.d. (p. 6J. § 7. Evidence of the Statute 25 Henry \ VIII. chap. 13, a.d. 1533 (p. - V- § 8. Evidence of the Statute 27 Henry VIII. chap. 22, a.d. 153 o(p. 8;. j § 9. Evidence of other Ballads , Tracts , etc. (p. 10 ). § 10. Value of Mr. Froude's chief quo- tation as to the prosperity of the English Commons (p. 38 ). § 11. Henry VIII.' s time one of trans- ition, and therefore of immediate hardships (p. 50J. § 12. Notes on the Enclosure of Commons by Mr. C. II. Pearson (p. 54 ). § 13. On the Employment of Aliens , and their Disabilities (p. 56J. § 14. On the Morality of the Clergy , Monies, and Friars (p. 59 ). § 15. On other points of the Ballad (p. 88;. § 16. On the Manuscript , etc. (p. 92;. § 1. This is another of those laments over the evils of the writer’s time, — of those appeals to his countrymen to rise to a purer and higher life, and to Grod to grant them grace to do so, — on the succession of -which in Early English Literature I commented in the introduction to ‘Conscience’ in the Percy Eolio (‘Ballads,’ ii. 174), and on account of which I followed Prof. Morley in claiming honour for that Literature, — a Literature worthy of the noble band of Keformers in Church and State who have brought England to what she is, who are striving to lift her to what she should be. Credmon, Bede, ^Elfric, the Anglo-Saxon Homilists, the early writers of political poems, Bobcrt of Brunne, VOL. I. B 2 NowaDayes. § 2 . — Credit due to the Ballad and its Class. Dan Michel, Longlande, William of Nassyngton, Wyclif, Gower, Chaucer, Lydgate, Occleve, Skelton, More, Dunbar, — these are the leaders of the movement which the philanthropists and liberals of our day, wherever English is spoken, carry on. We reap the benefit of their work ; let us duly honour them for it. § 2. But the credit to be attached by us, at the distance of ten, or three, hundred years, to the earlier complaints as to the social and political grievances under which the several writers and their countrymen were suffering when they wrote, is a matter for con- sideration. It has been brought very closely home to me by the notorious ‘ Saturday lieview ’ article on “ The Girl of the Period.” I read that article with an intensity of disgust which I find has been felt by every man but one 1 to whom I have had an oppor- tunity of speaking on the subject ; and I said to myself, Suppose a quiet student of the Victorian time some three hundred years hence, desiring only to find out the truth about us, were to come across this article, and take it, — which I believe and know, as far as the experience of myself and my friends goes, to be an utterly false and lying libel, — as a true description of the English girl of 1868, the girl of the Victorian time, what a catastrophe it would be ! how completely the student would be misled ! When one called up in one’s mind the pictures of the girls one knew, fair (more or less), sweet (more or less), the lights of so many eyes, the suns of so many homes, their class the first of the glories of our land, one’s indignation at the falseness of the article to the real repre- sentative girl of our period, almost gave way to a smile at the ludicrous absurdity of it. 2 Still, one could not avoid the ques- tion, Did our old writers pen flagrant falsities of this kind, — write the sensation articles of their respective periods for the then re- viewers’ pay ? But as one thought of the words they have left us, and the spirit in which these tell us they were spoken, one was almost ashamed to have harboured for a moment the suspicion that the words and the spirit were not true, the evils which they denounced real. Granted that our old men spoke only of the dark side of the life around them, granted that they used some- what of the “ legitimate exaggeration,” that prophet, Christ, and Apostle, had used before them, one could not doubt that, as a rule, they spoke from their hearts, of wrongs and evils deeply felt, in the way that a Clarkson, a Wilberforce, a Garrison, a Brown, spoke of the curse of slavery ; a Cobden, a Bright of the 1 He, a somewhat ill-mannered stranger, thought the article was true for this reason (if so it may he called), that he had seen at the Crystal Palace a girl dressed like a lady, call a dog, in order, as he assumed, that the dog’s supposed owner might look at her. 2 It was almost as if a writer had attributed to all men the extraordinary swearing power of the late Editor of the ‘Review,’ and, exaggerating it ad libitum , had written an article against the habit of “ The Gentleman of the Period” never opening his mouth without an oath. Now a Dates. § 4 . — Is the Ballad or Mr. Froude Right ? 3 Corn Laws and need of Reform ; a Gladstone of the prisons at Naples ; and as many a lesser man speaks of the crying evils about and within us now. § 3. If this he so, — and I appeal to every student of our early literature to bear witness that it is, — then we must insist that the bright picture drawn by Mr. Froude in the Intro- duction to his History of Henry VIII.’s reign must be darkened with many a shadow. Only to-day did I put to the man who in England has (as I believe) most studied Henry’s reign, the question, “ Do you believe Froude’s account of the well-offness of the people — the working people specially — in Henry YIII.’s time to be true, to represent the real state of the case ?” and he answered, “No, certainly not.” This is also my own strong impression; and, though thankful to Mr. Froude for his ani- mated sketch, and grateful to him for his sympathy with working- men ; though anxious to insist strongly on the rise in the condi- tion of the middle and labouring classes since Edward III.’s time, I submit that there is evidence to show that Mr. Froude’s state- ments must be taken with large qualifications. Only a small portion of that evidence, hastily got together, can be produced here. Let it be enough that the subject is opened. § 4. The MS. of the following Ballad belongs to the middle of Henry VIII.’s reign, and its themes are judged by Prof. Brewer to suit that time. Its lines 33-40, 114-20 1 , and 100-4 2 , 157-60 3 , 166-8 4 , are so well illustrated by that passage in Sir Thomas More’s ‘ Utopia,’ in which he speaks of some of the evils in England in his time, evils which, though complained of before 1500, existed up to and beyond 1518, when More’s work was first published, that I extract it here, common though the trans- lation be : — I was then much obliged to that reverend prelate, John Morton, Arch- bishop of Canterbury, Cardinal, and Chancellor of England [died September 1 Alas ! Alas ! yt ys gret pitee That Rych men be so blind, Which, for their gret pride & fulsome fare They pluck & pull ther neybors bare. 2 Which causeth many a goodly manne ffor to begg his bredd. Yff he stele ffor necessite, ther ys none other remedye But the law will shortlye Hange him all save the hedd. 3 The townes go down, the land decay Off cornefeyldes, playne layes ; Gret men makith now a dayes A shepecott in the churche. 4 Poor folk for bred cry & wepe, Townes pulled downe to pasture shep this is the new gyse ! 4 § 4 . — Sir T. More on Thieves, Landlords, and Sheep. 15, 1500] ; a man .... that was not less venerable for his wisdom and virtues than for the high character he bore He was eminently skilled in the law, and had a vast understanding and a prodigious memory, and those excel- lent talents with which nature had furnished him were improved by study and experience. When I was in England, the King [Henry VII.] depended much on his councils, and the government seemed to he chiefly supported by him ; for, from his youth up, he had been all along practised in affairs ; and, having passed through many traverses of fortune, he had acquired, to his great cost, a vast stock of wisdom, which is not soon lost when it is purchased so dear. One day, when I was dining with him, there happened to he at table one of the English lawyers, who took occasion to run out in a high commendation of the severe execution of justice upon thieves, who, as he said, were then hanged so fast, that there were sometimes twenty on one gibbet ; and upon that, he said, he could not wonder enough how it came to pass that, since so few escaped, there were yet so many thieves left who were still robbing in all places. Upon this, I, who took the boldness to speak freely before the Car- dinal, said there was no reason to wonder at the matter, since this way of punishing thieves was neither just in itself nor good for the public ; for, as the severity was too great, so the remedy was not effectual ; simple theft not being so great a crime that it ought to cost a man his life ; and no punishment, how severe soever, being able to restrain those from robbing who can find out no other way of livelihood ; and in this, said I, not only you in England, but a great part of the world imitate some ill masters, that are readier to chastise their scholars than to teach them. There are dreadful punishments enacted against thieves ; but it were much better to make such good provisions by which every man might be put in a method how to live, and so be preserved from the fatal necessity of stealing, and of dying for it. “There has been care enough taken for that,” said he; “there are many handicrafts, and there is husbandry, by which they may make a shift to live, unless they have a greater mind to follow ill courses.” “That will not serve our turn,” said I; “for many lose their limbs in civil or foreign wars, as lately in the Cornish rebel- lion, and some time ago in your wars with France, who being thus mutilated in the service of their king and country, can no more follow their old trades, and are too old to learn new ones : but since wars are only accidental tilings, and have intervals, let us consider those things that fall out every day. There is a great uumber of noblemen among you that live not only idle themselves as drones , subsisting by other men's labours , who are their tenants , and whom they pare to the quick, and thereby raise their revenues ; this being the only instance of their frugality, for in all other things they are prodigal, even to the beg- garing of themselves : but besides this, they carry about with them a huge number of idle fellows, who never learned any art by which they may gain their living ; and these, as soon as either their lord dies, or they themselves fall sick, are turned out of doors ; for your lords are readier to feed idle people than to take care of the sick ; and oftener the heir is not able to keep together so great a family as the predecessor did. Now when the stomachs of those that are thus turned out of doors grow keen, they rob no less keenly ; and what else can they do ? for, after that, by wandering about, they have worn out both their health and their clothes, and are tattered and look ghastly, men of quality will not entertain them, and poor men dare not do it ; knowing that one who had been bred up to idleness and pleasure, and who was used to walk about with his sword and buckler, despising all the neighbourhood with an insolent scorn, as far below him, is not fit for the spade and mattock : nor will he serve a poor man for so small a hire and in so low a diet as he can afford. .... But I do not think that this necessity of stealing arises only from hence, there is another cause of it that is more peculiar to England.” “ What is that?” said the Cardinal. “ The increase of pasture,” said I, “ by which your sheep , that are naturally mild, and easily kept in order, may be said now to de- vour men, and unpeople not only villages, but towns ; for wherever it is found Now a Dayes. § 4. — Sir T. More on Sheep and Enclosures. 5 that the sheep of tiny soil yield a softer and richer wool than ordinary, there the nobility and gentiy, and even those holy men the abbots, not contented with the old rents which their farms yielded, nor thinking it enough that they, living at their ease, do no good to the public, resolve to do it hurt instead of good. They stop the course of agriculture, inclose grounds, and destroy houses and towns, reserving only the churches, that they may lodge their sheep in them ; and as if forests and parks had swallowed up too little soil, those worthy country- men turn the best inhabited places into solitudes ; for when any unsatiahle wretch, who is a plague to his country, resolves to inclose many thousand acres of ground, the owners , as well as tenants, are turned out of their possessions by tricks, or by main force, or being wearied out with ill usage, they are forced to sell them. So those miserable people, both men and women, married, un- married, old and young, with their poor but numerous families (since country business requires many hands), are all forced to change their seats , not knowing whither to go ; and they must sell, for almost nothing, their household-stuff, which could not bring them much money, even though they might stay for a buyer. When that little money is at an end, for it will be soon spent, what is left for them to do, but either to steal and so be hanged (God knows how justly), or to go about and beg ? And if they do this, they are put in prison as idle vagabonds ; whereas they would willingly work, but can find none that will hire them ; for there is no more occasion for country labour, to which they have been bred, when there is no arable ground left. One shepherd can look after a flock, which will stock an extent of ground that would require many hands, if it were to be ploughed and reaped. This likewise raises the price of com in many places. The price of wool is also risen, that the poor people, who were wont to make cloth, are no more able to buy it ; and this likewise makes many of them idle ; for, since the increase of pasture, God has punished the avarice of the owners by a rot among the sheep, which has destroyed vast numbers of them, but had been more justly laid upon the owners themselves. But sup- pose the sheep should increase ever so much, their price is not like to fall ; since, though they cannot be called a monopoly, because they are not engrossed by one person, yet they are in so few hands, and these are so rich, that, as they are not pressed to sell them sooner than they have a mind to it, so they never do till they have raised the price as high as is possible. And on the same account it is that the other kinds of cattle are so dear, and so much the more, because that many villages being pulled down, and all country labour being much neglected, there are none that look after the breeding of them. The rich do not breed cattle as they do sheep, but buy them lean and at low prices, and after they have fattened them on their grounds, they sell them again at high rates. And I do not think that all the inconveniences that this will pro- duce are yet observed ; for as they sell the cattle dear, so, if they are consumed faster than the breeding countries from which they are brought can afford them, then the stock must decrease, and this must needs end in a great scarcity ; and by these means this your island, that seemed, as to this parti- cular, the happiest in the world, will suffer much by the cursed avarice of a few persons ; besides that, the raising of corn makes all people lessen their families as much as they can ; and what can those who are dismissed by them do but either beg or rob ? And to this last, a man of a great mind is much sooner drawn than to the former. Luxury likewise breaks in apace upon you, to set forward your poverty and misery ; there is an excessive vanity in apparel, and great cost in diet ; and that not only in noblemen’s families, but even among tradesmen, and among the farmers themselves, and among all ranks of persons. You have also many infamous houses, and besides those that are known, the taverns and ale-houses are no better ; add to these dice, cards, tables, foot-ball, tennis, and quoits, in which money runs fast away, and those that are initiated into them must in conclusion betake themselves to robbing for a supply. Banish those plagues, and give order that these who have dis- peopled so much soil may either rebuild the villages that they have pulled 6 Now a Dayes. § 5. — On the Decay of Towns and Tillaye. down, or let out their grounds to such as will do it ; restrain those engrossings of the rich that are as had almost as monopolies ; leave fewer occasions to idleness ; lot agriculture he set up again, and the manufacture of the wool he regulated, that so there may he work found for these companies of idle peo- ple, whom want forces to he thieves, or who now being idle vagabonds, or useless servants, will certainly grow thieves at last. If you do not find a remedy to these evils, it is a vain thing to boast of your severity of punishing theft, which, though it may have the appearance of justice, yet in itself it is neither just nor convenient ; for if you suffer your people to be ill educated, and their manners to be corrupted from their infancy, and then punish them for those crimes to which their first education disposed them, what else is to be concluded from this but that you first make thieves and then punish them ?” § 5. I hope the reader has had patience to go through the whole of this extract from More, and that he will now turn to the Petition of 1514 a.d., at the end of the “Now a dayes” bal- lad, p. 101, and read that, and the King’s proclamation in pur- suance of it, which confirm the complaints of More and the Bal- lad as to the conversion of tillage into pasture, the turning out of men by sheep, the hanging of men forced by w r ant to steal, and the decay of towns. § 6. Having done this, let him read the following extract from the Act of 7 Henry VIII. 1 cap. 1, the year following that of the Petition and Proclamation last-named PREAMBLE AND SECTION I. OF 7 HeN. YIII. CAP. 1. Evils resulting The Kyng our Sovm-aigne Lord, callyng to his most blessid Tovvns >< ete y °* reniem Haunce that where greate ynconvenyentf?s be, and dayly v ’ ’ encrease, by desolac/on, pollyng downe, & destrucc/on of houses and townes wythin this reahne, and leyng to pasture, londos which customably have bene manured, & occupyed wyth tyllage and husbandry, wherby Idelnes doth encrease ; for where in som me oon towne CC persons, men and women and childern, and their auncestours oute of tyme of mynde, were daylye occupied, and lyved by sowyng of come and greynes, bredyng of catall, and other encreace necessarye for manys sustenance, and now the seid persons and their progenyes be mynysshed and decreasyd, wherby the husbandry — which is the greatyst commodite of this realme for sustenance of man — ys greatly decayed, Churches destrued, the servyce of God wythdrawen, Chrysten people their buryed, nott prayed for, the Patrons and Curate.? wronged, Cities Markett Townes brought to greate ruyne and decaie, Necessaries for mannys sustenance made scarce and dere, the people sore mynysshed in the realme, wherby the poure & defence therof ys febled and enpayrid, to the high dyspleasure of God, and agenst his lawes, and to the subvorcyon of the common Weale of this realme, and desolac/on of the same, yf substancyall and spedy remedy be nott therof pro- vided; Wherfore the Kyng our Sovoraigne Lord, by thadvyse and Towns, etc., assent of the Lordos Spm/uall & Temporall, and the Commons in this present parliament assembled, and by thauctoritie of the etc^within one 8ame > ordeynyth, stablyssheth, and enacteth, that all suche year. townes, villages, borowes & hamleths, tythyng houses, and other enhabitac/ons, in any paryshe or parysshes wythin this realme, wherof the more part, the first daye of tills present parliament, was or were used and occupied to tillage & husbandrye by the owner or owners therof, for their synguler profit, availe, & lucre, wylfully syth the seid first daye be, 1 The seventh year of Henry VIII. was from April 22, 1515, to April 21, 1516. Now a Dayes. § 7. — Pasture to be Restored to Tillage. 7 or hereafter shalbe, suffred or caused to fall downc and decaye, — wherby the husbondry of the seid townes, vyllages, boroughes, hamlettc?, ty thy ng-ho uses, and other enhabitac/ons & parysshes wythin this realme bene, or hereafter shalbe, decaied, & toumed frome the seid use and occupacyon of husbandry and tyllage into pasture, — shalbe by the seid owner or owners, their heires, successours or assignes, or other for theym, within oon yere next after suche wylfull decaie, re-edified, & made ageyn mete & convenyent for people to dwelle, and enhabite in the same and to have, use, and therin to exercyse, husbondry and tyllage, as att the seid fyrst day of this present parliament, or sythyn, was there used, occupied, and hadde, after the maner and usage of the countrey where the seid lond lyeth, at the costes and charges of the same owner or owners, their heires, successours or assignes. And All Tillage yf sythyn the seid first day of this present parliament, any tcTpasturTshall kiukw which att the same first day, or sythyn, were commonly be restored used in tyllage, bene enclosed, or frome hensforth shalbe en- again to Tillage, closed, and tourned only to pasture, — wherby any house of husbondry wythin this Realme ys or shalbe hereafter decayed, — that then all suche landss shalbe by the same owner or owners, their heires, successours or assignes, or other for them, wythin oon yere nexte ensueng the same decaye, putt in tyllage, and exercysed, used, and occupied in husbandry and tyllage, as they were the said first day of this present parliament, or any any tyme sythen, after the maner and usage of the countrey where suche land lyeth ; And yf any person or persons do contrarye to the pre- Half the value mysses or any of them, that then ytt be leafull to the Kyng— Ilouse^ne^ yf any suche landes or houses be holden of hym immediatlye. lected shall be — after office or inquisici'on founden therof, comprehendyng forfeited to the the same mater of recorde, or to the Lorde.s of the fees — yf any of the°Fee° until SUC ^ e l an( k' s ' or houses byn holden of theym rmmediatlie, — re-edified 6 ’ when withoute office or inquisicion therof hadde, to receye yerely the Owner may half the valewe of the yssues and profits of any such landrs, re-enter. wherof the house or houses of husbandry be nott so mayn- tenyd and sustayned, and the same half dele of the yssues and profits to have, hold, and kepe, to his or their own use, wythoute any thyng therof to be payed or yevyn, to suche tyme as the same house or houses be sufficiently re-edefied, bylded, or repayred ageyn, for the exersyseng and occupyeng of husbandry ; and immediately after that, aswell the entresse & tvtle yevyn by this aete to our Sovrraigne Lorde the Kyng, as to the Lordfs of the Fee, to sease, and no lenger to endure ; And that ytt shalbe lefull to the owner & owners of suche landes, house or houses, holdyn immediatly of our seid Sowraigne Lord the Kyng, to have and injoye the same, & to take thissues and profits thereof, as yf no suche ofiyce or Inquisycion had never bene had ne made. § 7. It is clear from this Act that the King’s Proclamation of 1514 did not stop the evils it was aimed to cure. Let us go on eighteen years, and see how the Act of 1515 had worked in the interval : — Preamble and Section I. of 25 Hen. YIII. Cap. 13. Evils of the Ex- For asmoche as dyvers and sundry of the Kynges Subjectes c< ^ s °o edfif this Realme, to whome God of hys goodnes hath disposed , Pasture instead greate plentie & abundaunce of movable substance, nowe of late of Tillage. within fewe yeres have dayly studyed, practised, and invented, ways and meanes how they myght accumulate and gather together into few handes, aswell great multitude of fermes, as great plentie of catall, and in especiall shepe, puttyng suche londe.v as they can gett to pasture and not to tyllage, wherby they have not only pulled downc churches and 8 § 7 . — Misery of the People from Excess of Sheep. townes, and inhansed the o’de ratis of the rentis of the possessions of this Realme, or els brought it to suche excessyve fynes that no poure man is able to medell with it, but also have raysed and enhaunsed the prises of all maner of corne, catall, woll, pygges, geese, hennes, chekyns, egges, and suche other, almoste doble above the prices which hath bvn accustomed ; by reason wherof a mervaylous multitude and nombre of the people of this Realme be not able to p/wyde meate, drynlce, and clothes, necessary for theym-selfes, theire wyfes, and childem, but be so discoraged with myserye and povertie that they fall dayly to thefte, robber ye , and other inconvenience , or pitifully dye for hunger and colde ; And as it is thought by the Kynges most humble and lovyng subjects that one of the gretest occasions that moveth and provoketh those gredy and covetous people so to accumulate and kepe in theire handes suche greate por- cions and parties of the groundes and landis of this Realme frome the occu- pying of the poure husbondmen, and so to use it in pasture and not in tyllage, is only the greate profette that cowmyth of shepe, which now be cowmyn to a few persons handes of this Realme, in respecte of the holle nomber of the Kynges Subjectes, that sor?me have xxiiij thousand, so;»me xx thousande, some x thousand, some yj thousande, somme v thousand, and sorame more, and somme lesse, by the which a good shepe for vytall, that was accustomed to be solde for ijv. iiij A, or iii-v. at the moste, is now solde for vjs., or vs., or iiij s. at the leaste, And a stone of clothyng wolle that in sowme shire of this Realme was accustomed to be sold for xviijrf. or xxr/. is nowe solde for iiij.v. or iij«. iiijV/. at the lest, & in so?»me countreis where it hath byn solde for iis. iiijrf. or ijv. v iiij A or iijs. at the most, it is now sold for vs., or iiijs. viijo?. [at] the leste, And so arreysed in every parte of this Realme ; whiche thynges thus used, be pryncypally to the high displeasure of Almyghtie God, to the decay of the Ilospitalitie of this Realme, to the dymynysshyng of the Kynge 3 people, and to the lett of the clothmakyng, wherby many poure people hath byn accus- tomed to be sett on worke ; and in conclusion, yf remedy be not founde, it may turne to the utter distruccion and desolacion of this Realme, which God defende ; It may therfore please the Kynges Highnes, of hys most gracious and godly disposicion, and the Lordes spirituall and temporall of theire good- ne 3 and charitie, with the assent of the commons in this present parliament assembled, to ordeyne and enacte by auctoritie of the same, that no person nor prrsones from the feast of Seynt Michell the archaungell which No man shall shalbe in the yere of our Lorde God M'D.xxxv., shall kepe, 2000 sh >OVe occupie, or have in hys possession in hys owne propre londys, Penalty,' & 3s. 4 d nor the possession, londes, or groundes, of any other which per sheep. ’ he shall have or occupie in ferine, nor other- wyse have of his owne propre catall in use, possession, or propertie, by any maner of meanes fraude, craft, or covyn, above the nomber of two thousande shepe at one tyme, within any parte of this Realme, of all sortes and kyndes, uppon payne to losse and forfeyte for every shepe that any person or persons shall have or kepe above the nomber lymytted by this acte, iijs. iiij d. The one half to the Kynge our Soveraigne Lorde, and the other half to suche person as wyll sue for the same by orygynall wrytt of dett, byll, playnt, or informacion, in any Court of Recorde in which the defendaunt shall not wage hys lawe, nor have any essoyne or protection allowed. § 8. I tax the reader’s patience with yet another extract from another Act of Parliament, two years later in date than the one last given, because it refers to earlier legislation, under Henry VII., in 1488-i), against some of the evils we are considering; because it states that, of the lands held immediately of the King, the old tilled lands had been brought back again to tillage, and the decayed houses had been rebuilt ; and because it enacts that, NowaDayes. § 8. — Farther Powers to Limit Pasture Lands. 9 as these cures had not been wrought on the lands and houses held of nobles and others, the King himself shall have the power, given by Henry VII to the nobles and other landlords — see also p. 7 — to take half the rents and profits of the lands, till their condition is set right. But I do not believe that this power was ever gene- rally acted on, if it was at all, as the evils went on growing. Preamble and Section I. of 27 Hen. VIII. Cap. 22. Recital of Statute Where as in the fourth yere of the reigne of the noble King for he 19 » of famous memorie, Henry the seventh, father to the Kinges Repair of 1 Houses Highnes our Souvmiigne Lorde that no we is, it was ordeyned, on Farms. established, and enacted (amonges other thinges,) that every owner of any Mese 1 , which, within thre yeres nexte before the same fourth yere, was, or after that tyme shuld be, letten to ferme with xx. acres of Land at the lest, lieng in tillage and husbondrye, shuld be bounde to kepe and susteyne the housing and building of the same Mese conveniently for the mayntena?oice of husbandry and tillage, And if any Owner of the same shuld fortune to occupie any suche mese or land in his owne handes, he shulde be bounde to uphold and susteyne the same as it is before rehersed. and if any personne happened to do the contrary, then it shuld be lefull unto the King, or unto the Lordes of whome any suche Mese or Landes is holden immediatlie, to take yerely the oon halff of thissues and prcffittez of all and every suche tene- ment, without payeng any thing for the same, untill suche tyme as the housing shuld be buylded or reedified agayn, and the Landes therof converted into tillage ; and that no personne shuld have, claymo, or chalenge, any freehold in the same Londes or Tcnementes by takvng of any such profittes, but onely that it shuld be lefull unto the King and other Lordes to distrayne for the payment of the moytie of the yerely issues, revenues, and profittes of the same, like as in the said acte more at lengh[t] is conteyned : By rea- The said Act son of which said Statute and Ordynaunce, divers and many enforced only on meases, whiche be holden immediatlye of the Kinges Highnes, the Kiii", but° within late yeres have ben buylded and reedified, and the neglected by Londes therunto belonging converted ayen into thir firste other Lords. nature of tillage and husbondrye, according to the tenour and purporte of the said good and gracious acte, And all other suche Measez and Landes as be holden immediatt of any other Lordes, be and remayne unto this present daye prostrate, unbuylded, and the landes therof comwted and imploycd oonlv into pasture, and to none other purpose, to the greate decaye of all manrr of Victualles within this Realme, and to the dcro- gacion and hinderaunce of the Common Weall of the same, many waies : And forasmoche as in the said acte was noo other remedie provided for and agaynst all those porsonnes that do, or shuld, hold any Manours, Meses, Landes, or Tenementes of other Lordes, for not repayring and reedifisng of the Houses, and converting the said Landes into Tillage and Husbondrye, according to the trewe and vertuous meanyng of the same good Acte, but oonly eve/y Lorde immediate mought have, and distreyne for, the moytie of the prcffittez of all and every such mese and landes decayed in fourme aforesaid, as in the same Acte amonge other thinges more at lenght it is declared ; And also for that the Lordes immediate, and thoder meane Lordes, have nott putt the said 1 French, main-on , a house ; Old French, mas de terre , an ox-gang, plow- land, or hide of land, containing about twenty acres (and having a house belonging to it). Max, m. a plow-land and tenement thereto belonging. (Cotgrave.) “ Messuage (in common law), a dwelling-house, with some ad- joining land, a garden, curtilage, orchard, and all other conveniences belonging to it/’ (Kersey’s Phillips.) 1 0 Now a Dayes. § 8. — Inejjicacy of the Statutes. good acte in due and playne execution, according to the tenour therof, as they ought and mought have don, a greate nomhre of the Houses, Meses, Tene- mentes, and acres of Lande, whiche at the makyng of the said good acte were in ruyne and decaye, and the Londes therof converted from tillage into pas- ture, dos yet remayne unbuylded, unreedified, and all the Londes to theym belonging hitherto he kepte and used into pasture, and not converted ayene into tillage, according to the purporte, true meanyng, and intent of the said acte, And so by this meanes dyvers and sondry personnes which hold not thir Landes and Tenementes immediate of the Kinges Highnes have, and dayly do, frome tyine to tyme decaye and lett fall downe noo small nombre of Meses and houses of husbandrye, And also do converte the Landes of the same frome tillage and husbandrye into pasture, to the moost perillous example of all other beyng in like case, and to the greatist abuse and disordre of the naturall soile of the grounde, that by any maner of invencion could he The King shall practised or imagined : Be it therfore enacted, ordeyned, and have the inoiety established, by the King our So vereygne Lorde, and by the Lands converted P° r( ies spmYuall and temporall, and the Commons in this from Tillage to present parliament assembled, and by thauctoritie of the same, Pasture since that the Kyng our Sovereygne Lorde, his Heires and Succes- 4 Hen. VII. until S0urS) f r0 me and after the feast of Seinte Michell tharchaungell fs builTand^e w hich shalbe in the yere of oure Lorde God MbD.xxxviij, shall Land returned to take and have the one moitie of all issues, revenues, rentes, Tillage. an d profittes, cowmyng and growing of all and singuler Meses, Landes, and Tenementes, nowe and then remaynyng inclosed, decaied, or converted frome tillage into pasture, contrary to the tenour and trewe meanyng of the said acte made in the said fourthe yere of King Henry the seventh, and beyng at this present day so founde alredie by office and verdicte of xij men, or whiche hereafter at any tyme by like office and verdite shalbe founde, of whom so eve/’ they be holden, which have ben decayed and convened frome tillage into pasture sithe thre yeres nexte before the forsaid fourth yere of the reigne of the said noble King Henry the vij, untill suche tyme as the said owners of the said Meses, Landes, and Tenementes, shalhave builded and reedified ageyne, in and uppon convenyent places of the said Meses, Landes, and Tenementes, for every fiftie acres, xl acres, or thirtie acres of Land, one sufficient Tenement mete for an honest Man to dwell in, and also untill suche tyme as the same owners have converted, or cause all the said Landes so mysused to be converted, from pasture into tillage agayn, according to the nature of the soy r l and cou r se of Husbandrye used in the Countrey where any such Landes do lie, and according to the true entent and meanyng of the said acte. That this Statute was no more effectual than its precursors in stopping the grievances it was intended to stop, is shown by the attempts of the people to take the law on this matter into their own hands in 1549 a.d., below ( Vox Pop. Introd.), and by the extract in the next section here. With Latimer, in his first sermon before Edward YI. in 1549, the people had to say, “We have good sta- tutes made for the Commonwealth, as touching commoners and inclosers ; many meetings and sessions ; but in the end of the matter there cometli nothing forth.” (p. 101, ed. 1844.) § 9. Leaving now the Statute Book, which has so fully con- firmed our Ballad on the points on which we appealed to it, let the reader turn to the second Ballad in this volume, “ Vox Populi Vox Dei,” about 1547 a.d., which sums up the evils of Henry YIII’s Now a Da yes. § 9 . — Why the Poor Men Weep. 11 reign, and hear — discounting the words to the extent he thinks proper — “ . . . why the poore men wepe For storyng of such shepe why “ . . . the voyce doth multyplye Amonge your graces commonalty e : Thei are in suche greate penury That thei can nother sell nor bye, Such is their extreame poverty e.” (Dyce’s ‘Skelton,’ ii. 401, col. 2.) Let him also recur to the passage quoted from Eitzherbert in my essay on “ Bondman ” in the Percy Eolio (‘ Ballads,’ vol. ii. p. lv.), of the date of 1523, or thereabouts : — “ In some places the bonde men contynue as yet / the whiche me semeth is the grettest inconuenye/U that nowe is suffred by the lawe. That is, to haue any christen man bonden to another / and to haue the rule of his body / landes and goodes / that his wife, chyldren, and seruauntes have laboured for all their lyfe tyme / to be so taken / lyke as and it were extorcion or bribery. And many tymes by colour therof / there be many fre men taken as bonde men / and their landes and goodes taken fro them / so that they shall not be able to sue for remedy / to prove them selfe fre of blode.” Now, as a very able and learned reviewer in the 1 * * * * & Spectator’ of October 3, 1868, has characterized this statement of Eitzherbert’s as an allusion “ to an exceptional evil, which was already con- demned by public opinion,” it will be well to print here a most curious and interesting document which Prof. Brewer has been kind enough to point out to me, and the like of which I have never seen in print 1 , namely, the Answer and Interrogatories of the Duchess of Buckingham, in 1527 a.d., in pursuit of her claim to two of her bondmen’s services, the Depositions of the wit- nesses, stating the Awards of the former Inquests or Juries on claims against the same men by the Duke during his lifetime ; 1 Mr. Riley, in his ‘ Memorials of London,’ (from 1276 to 1419, a.d.), notices a claim of the kind by the Earl of Cornwall on two of his nativi , a.d. 1288, but without a decision on it ; and also that in 1305 a.d. four freemen of the City were adjudged to lose their freedom because they held lands at Stepney in villenage of the Bishop of London. In the Year Books of Richard II. to Henry VIII. I find nothing bearing exactly on the point ; but it is clear that a man had a right to a trial whether he was bond or not : — Action sur le cas fuit tiel. Le def endant] veut bargainer ove le pl[aintif] a vendre a luy tem-s, & q ue il avoit enfeffe auters. Et il traverse le feoffeme/,t fait a’s auters. H Wood. Semble que il covient traverser la vendition & bar- gaine, car ceo est 1’ effect; & nemy le feffemert. Car si on porte action que le def [endant] avoit dit que le pl[aintif] fuit son villein, & que il voi loit prendre & inpresoner, & que il jacuit in insidiis a luy prendre, &c., ou il fuit franc & free de condition ; & il voilo# traverser q ue ne dit onques issint ; ceo n’est suf- fisant, eins il covient respondre al gesir a luy prendre, f Townsend dit, que il fuit bon travers : car il dit que il fuit 1’ effect de s’ action, car autermert son acte ne poit estre maintem* ; & issint le travers bon'd Et Brian agree a ceo. Quod nota bene. De Termino Hillarii Anno secundo Hcnrici VII . — Year Books, vol. x. p. 12. See also The Rolls of Parliament. 12 Now a Dayes. § 9 . — Bondmen in England in 1527 a.d. and lastly, recording that the bondmen gave way, and consented to perform their old services. [Record Office, a.d. 1527, No. 1195.] Thawnswer of the Duches of Bokyngham to the Complaynt of Richard Mors and Others. [Th]e sayd Duches saythe that, the playntiffs beyng her villayns Regardant, and Com[o]ners, she ought nott by the la we to aunswer to ther bilk 1 / And For asmoche as towchith the kyngs interest, and in the kyngs right, aft er the Decesse of this Defendant] she prayith in Ayde of this honorable Court, on 0 the kyngs behalf, For the Defence off the same, Consideryng that she at this tyme is' 2 Destytute of lemed Counsayle, And that suche presidents and Records as shalk make for profe of the mater be in the kyngs possession 2 ; howe he yt, Alle Avauntage resonable to her Reseruyd, For Declarac/on 2 of the truth by Protestac/on 2 , she sayth that the Playntiffs, And ther Aunces- towrs by the name of Moors, tyme oute of mans Remembrans, haue ben 2 boundemen 2 to the late Duk of Bokynham And liis Auncestowrs, hertofore lords of the mane/ - of Rompney 3 ; In so moche [whe]n 2 ] the seide plentiffs And others, in the late Dukes Days, were Chalengid And Callyd to Do suche se/uice [as] to them 2 belongyd, thay affyrmed then 2 as thay nowe doo / And wolde denye the sayde seruice / And Desyryde for there Declarac/ons to haue a trialle off the Contrey ; wherevppon 2 the most Substancialste men 2 of the Contrey were Impanelled to try the same /which found them Bondmen 2 / Ande the sayde Playntiffs, fyndyng them therwith grevyd, Requyred An other trialle of the same Contrey, whiche eftsones founde them 2 Bondmen 2 , And nott only that / But also were the thirde tyme founde Bondmen 2 by theire next neighburs, as shalbe provide by substancialle men 2 nowe present, that were sworn 2 vppon 2 the saide Enquests, And sum that were officers, And seaside the saide Playnt[iff ]s goods, And toke Inventories therof ; wherof she praith to be Dismyssid, And to haue the orderyng of her seide Bondmen 2 Accordyng As the la we in suche cases, with owt that / That she otherwise vsid the seide plentiffs / but As she laufully myy/dh Do by the la we: Alio which mate/ is &c / Interrogatories to examyn 2 wittnesses brought by the Duches of Bokynghom, Defendant]. ffyrste, to Examyn 2 them 2 whether thay knowe that Edwarde, late Duke of Bokynghom, claymyd the complayn«nts his Bondmen belongyn 2 to his Manno^r of Rompney : ye, or nay. Item, whether thay, or Any of them, vppon 2 the Refuselk of the plentiffs to be so bounde, were sworn 2 And Chargid to enquere betwixt the seide Duke And plentiffs in that behalff : ye, or naye. I tom, whether thay, or any of them, beyng so Chargide, and other theire fellowes, founde the pleyntiffs bondmen 2 accordyngly. Item, to examyn 2 them, and eu and marrie her, without any feare of God at all, or re- specte hadde, eyther to her reHgion, wisedome, integritie of lyfe, or any other vertue : or, whiche is more, without any respect how they may liue together, with sufficient mayntenance for their callinges and estate. No, no ! it maketh no matter for these thinges, so he haue his prettie pussie to huggle withall, for that is the onely thing he de- lane end 8 meUer ^ s ^ ret ^ 1 - Then build they vpp a cottage, though but of elder poales, in euery lane ende almost, where they liue as beggers all their lyfe after. This filleth the lande with suche store of mendicants, 1 or, 1 This passage should be compared with Mr. Froude’s statements, in his History , i. 4-5, on the increase of population between 1500 and 1588, and his contrast of the freedom of marriage now, with the restraint on it, the want of opportunity for it, then. He saves himself in the latter passage by the words ‘before the Reformation,’ but his argument seems to apply up to 1588. 33 § 9. — Food of the Poor. Decay of Hovses. to speak plainlyer, of beggers, as we call them, that in short time (excepte some caution be prouided to preuent the same) it is like to grow to great pouertie and scarcenesse, which God forbid.” ( Stubs’s Anatomic, p. 100.) “ Doe we not see the poore man that eateth browne bread poorl °* tbe (whereof some is made of rye, barlie, peason, beanes, oates, and suche other grosse graines), and drinketh small drinke, yea, sometimes water, feedeth vpon milke, butter, and cheese, (I say), doe wee not see suche a one healthfuller, stronger, fayrer complectioned, and longer liuing then the other [rich men], that fare daintelie euery day ? And how shoulde it be otherwise ? for wil not the eating of diuers and sundry kindes of meates of contrary operations and qualities (at one meale), engender distem- peraunce in the bodie? And, the body distempered, will it not fall into sundry diseases?” (Stubs s Anatomic, p. 112.) “Beleue me, it greeueth me to heare (walking in the The pitifull streetes) the pittifull cryes and miserable complayntes of poore soners in prison P r i soncrs in duraunce for debte, and like so to continue all for debt. their life, destitute of libertie, meate, drink (though of the meanest sorte), and clothing to their backes, lying in filthie straw and lothsome dung, worse than anie dogge, voyde of all charitable con- solation and brotherly comforte in this worlde, wishing and thirsting after deathe to set them at libertie, and loose them from their shackles, giues, and A t erlike t ^ rorL bandes. Notwithstanding, these mercilesse tygers [the rannicall saying. usurers] are growne to such barbarous crueltie, that they blush not to say, ‘ tush, he shall eyther pay me the whole, or els lye there till his heeles rotte from his buttocks ; and, before I wil release him, I will make dice of his bones.’ But, take heed, thou deuill (for I dare not call thee a Christian), least the Lord say to thee, as hee sayd to that wicked seruaunt (who, hauing great sommes forgeuen him, would not forgeue his brother his small debt, but, catching him by the throate, sayd, Paie that thou owest), Binde him handes and feete, and cast him into vtter darkenesse, where shall bee weeping and gnashing of teeth.” (Stubs's Anatomie, p. 141-2, of re- print 1836.) The old grievances appear again in the following extract, quoted by Mr. Haweis ( Sketches , p. 279) from ‘A godly and fruitful sermon preached at Grantham, a.d. 1592, by Francis Trigge “All towns are almost decayed and undone, their common things and lands whereby the common stocks of their town hath been wont to be main- tained, be by some means or other taken from them . . . now-a-days men will buy houses to pull them down that they may have a prospect, that they may have a garden, or suchlike pleasure. And so now where Christ his family hath been maintained, grow trees or nettles. It would pity one to hear how that many towns are now almost turned to granges, 1 all the livings of a great many being annexed to one new great house, whose chimneys perchance smoke not once in a twelvemonth. What aid can the prince have of so many fami- lies decayed : or what relief can the poor have, when so many hands that should be and were able to give are quite cut off ? Surely now this one thing weakens the realm, and makes so many beggars in most towns, either by this pulling down of houses and farms, or else by covetous joining of two farms into one. What should I speak of the decay of our tillage, which cannot choose but breed a weakness in the whole body. Verily will the Lord one day call to account those . . that have decayed townships, have made a wilder- ness where were houses like flocks of sheep.” 1 Grange, a Building that has Granaries, Barns, Stables, Stalls, and other Places necessary ; a Farm-house. (Kersey's Fhillips , 1706.) VOL. I. D 34 § 9 . — Evils of Sheep in 1598 , of Inclosures in 1604 . Take also this epigram, from Bastard’s ‘ Chrestoleros ’ a.d. 1598, lib. iv. Epigr. 20, to which Mr. W. C. Hazlitt referred me : — Sheepe have eate vp our medows and our downes, Our corne, our wood, whole villages and townes, Yea, they haue eate vp many wealthy men, Besides widowes and orphane childeren, Besides our statutes and our iron lawes, Which they haue swallowed down into their maws. Till now I thought the prouerbe did hut iest, Which said * a blacke sheepe was a biting beast.’ That the practice of enclosing went on into James II.’s time, and that the complaints of the evils arising from it were still kept up, we may judge from the following extracts from Trigge’s Petition in 1604, entitled - “To the Kings most excellent Maiestie. The Hvmble Petition of two Sisters ; the Chvrch and Common- wealth : For the restoring of their ancient Commons and liberties, which late Inclosure with depopulation, vncharitably hath taken away : Containing seuen reasons as euidences for the same. [By Francis Trigge 1 ]. Londini, Impensis Georgii Bishop. 1604 .” “That saying of Queene Hester to the most famous King Ahashuerosh , (most dread Soueraigne,) doth, as it were, enforce me, to make this my humble Hest. vii. 4. Petition to your Highnesse : If we were sold to bee bondslaues, or handmaides (saith shee) I would haue held my tongue , although the ■verse 3. aduersary could neuer recommence the King this losse : But let my life be giuen me at my request , and my peoples. There is a mightie Thorne sprang vp of late, in diuers places of this Eealme, like to that cruell Hainan ; which doeth not onely goe about to impouerish your Maiesties Sub- iects, but quite to roote them out : I meane Inclosure of Fields and Com- mons ; whereas the Lords of Manours and Freeholders will haue all their landes, which haue heeretofore lien open and in Common, (so that the poore might enter Common with them) now laid together in seuerall. And hereby the poore cannot enioy their ancient Commons and liberties. And this cankred Psal. ii. 8. Thorne also deuoureth Gods people, which is his inheritance, as the Psalme teacheth vs, Ashe of me, (saith God) $ 1 will giue thee the people for thine inheritance , §c. and the vttermost parts of the earth for thy possession. Inclosers to maintaine their owne inheritances, doe make no conscience to impaire this inheritance. Where God hath beene or ‘ 1# ' praised with many mouthes, there now shreeking Owles, and other vncleane birds make their nestes.” (From the Dedicatory Epistle, sign. A 3 .) “ Out of that little village or poore cottage which he hath decaied (whoso- euer hee is) might haue come one as good as himselfe. what may I say then of great husband townes, where many rich farmers and cottages are decaied P Would any of vs willingly haue the little finger of his hand cut off? no more no doubt, will Jesus Christ suffer one poore cottage, (which is as it were his little finger) to bee cut off, vnpunished without repentance. There was a statute made of late, for the maintenance of tillage, and reedifying farmes decaied : It is to bee feared that God hath obserued how diligent some were to see the poore whipped, by a statute made at the same time : and how slacke in the execution of that other act of reedifying & plowing. An- other stumbling blocke is, that some will say they must needes maintaine their states. And this cloake couers all their pride, and couetousnes. But let all such know that reason thus ; Must they impare the Lords inheritance 1 The author’s name appears at the end of the dedicatory Epistle. 9 . — Horne and Thorne shall make England forlorne. 35 to maintaine their estates, euen they whom the Lord himselfe hath ad- Luk. xvi. 20. uanced P they had hotter to he as poore as Lazarus in state and condition ; nay, they had better neuer haue beene borne, then to exanlt themselues to impare his inheritance. Oh let these men of all others take heede of this ingratitude. Let the example of King Saul terrifie them, who being made of a poore acome, a mightie oake, and of a 1 Sam xix 26 seeker of his fathers asses , the frst King of Israel, yet afterwards for his vnthankefulnes and disobedience, he and all his posteritie teas 2 Sam. xvi. 18 . quite reiected of God for euer from the king dome'' (Sign. C 2. bk.) “ In England we haue euer had three States, Lords Spirituall , Temporally and the Commons. And these Commons are diuided againe into Gentlemen , Yeomen , and Husbandmen. But in other Countrey es there is no Yeomanrie , but only in England. In France all are Gentlemen, or Fesayits : In Denmarke all are Noble- men, or Eustici, as they tearme them : And in High Lowe Germanie there are the Nobilitie , and the Boores. So that, Gentlemen which are Inclosers, ouer- throwing the Yeomanrie, and decaying the Communalty, doe blotte out the ancient glory of England : for, no doubt, by the strength and hands of these two, haue been heretofore euer obtained, our admirable conquests, and our most famous victories throughout all Christendome. So that now these In- closers doe goe about to make England as barbarous, and as weake in this re- spect, as other nations. Nay let them take heed that they prooue not them- selues Egyptians : ' for not the countrey, but the conditions & maners, are wont Esa. i. 10. f° giue names. As we may leame out of the Prophet Esay, whereas he calles the Noblemen of Iewrie Princes of Sodome ; & the people, the people of Gomorah : though neither they nor their ancestors were borne there. So I feare we haue some Landlords of AEgypt in England : for (. Mitsraijm ) the name of JEgypt, in our language is as much as to say, as an Afflicter, or one that makes another sorrowful! : and are not these Inclosers Egyptians then, which pinch, and vexe their brethren ? Let them take heede ; the name agrees vnto them : let them feare the punishment ; God is the same .. God still. He that heard the grones, and sighes of his people Exodiii 7 8 > an( l came downe to deliuer them, will no doubt doe the ’ ' same in England. I haue heard of an olde prophesie, that Horne and thorne shall make England forlorne. Inclosers verifie this by their sheepe and hedges at this day. They kill poore mens hearts, by taking from them their auncient commons, to make sheepe pasture of ; and by imposing vpon them great rents, and by decaying tillage ; so that now they are forlorne, hauing no ioy to liue in the world.” (Sign. D 4.) Lib i vtopiae “ Sir Thomas Moore a great common-wealths man, and very expert in the lawes of England, writes thus of Inclosure. 1 ‘ Your sheepe I say which were wont to be milde and gentle, and to be fed with so small cost, now as it is reported haue begun to be so wild & rauenous of late, that they eate vp euen men, and that they make waste and depopulate townes. For, in what parts of your Realme growes finer wooll, and therefore of better price, there Noblemen and Gentlemen, yea and some Abbots (holy men I as- sure you) not being content with the yearely rents and commodities, which were wont to be payed out of farmes vnto their ancestors; and not content, themselves to liue idlely and pleasantly, and to doe no good to the common wealth, vnlesse also that they should hinder and hurt it ; that they may l^aue nothing but reape all commodities into their owne hands : They inclose all their pastures, they pull downe houses, they ouerthrow townes, leauing the Church onely for to croowe vp their sheepe in. And as though your forrests and parkes had not spoyled ground enough amongst you, these holy men tume into a wildemes all dwelling houses, and whatsoeuer heretofore had beene tilled. And therefore one insatiable glutton and most pestilent plague to his Countrey, ioyneth fields together, that he may inclose within one hedge some 1 See the full passage above, p. 3-6. I) 36 § 9 . — Evils of Inclosures and Sheep in 1604 a.d. thousand acres. The husbandmen are either thrust out of their inheritances, or else being by craft beguiled, or by force oppressed, or depriued of them, or else wearied with iniuries, and compelled to sell them. Therefore howsoeuer these wretches doe flit, men, women, husbands, wiues, blinde men, and widowes, fathers with their young children, with a greater, than a rich family (for husbandrie stands in neede of many) they flit I say from their knowne and accustomed dwellings, and they can finde no place where to put in their heades ; They sell all their stuffe when as they must needes be thrust out, (which is not worth much if that they could tarry and get a good chapman for it) they sell it, I say, almost for nothing. And when as by wandring a while they haue spent that, what must they needs doe then, but either steale, and iustly be hanged for their labours, or else wander vp and downe and begge, and then also are cast into prison as vagrant persons, seeing no man will set them a worke, when as they doe most willingly offer their seruices ? For now there is nothing to be done about husbandrie, wherein they haue beene brought vp all their liues, when as there is nothing sowen. For now one Sheepeheard, and one Neat-heard is sufficient to looke to that ground with cattell, to the tillage whereof, that it might beare corne, many mens hands and labours were required. And by this meanes it commeth to passe, that in many places Come waxeth very deare.’ We may note here first, how that Sir Thomas More , being a Papist, yet touched this sinne, euen in Abbots, and that in the darkenes of Poperie : and shall not we condemne it in the light of the Gospell P Secondly, he affirmes that it makes beggers, and that it makes theeues, and causeth a dearth of corne in our land ; nay, it pulleth downe Townes. If in his daies it wrought these mischiefes, when as it began but to set in foote into this Common- wealth : what hath it done since, which hath growne to the very heart thereof ? nay, what will it doe in the ende, if it pro- ceede as it hath begun, if some stay and remedie be not had ? It will no doubt begger and quite decay the Common- wealth of England. How many farmes now stand emptie since Inclosers began ; or onely with some seruants in them ; which dare giue nothing, not knowing their maisters pleasure ? so hospitalitie is quite thereby decayed. How many poore men lacke worke, as threshers ; and poore women, as spinners ; and doe complaine for lacke of their accus- tomed workes ? and how many poore mens children are inforced to begge, or else liue idely, which heretofore, where tillage was maintained, were taken into sendee, to driue the plough, or to keepe cattell, & thereby in time grew to be good members in the Common- wealth, which Inclosers need not.” (Sign. F 7, bk.) “ Wherefore if Inclosers and depopulators of townes, meane to be saued at the day of iudgement : let them willingly cast open their closes againe, and reedifie the farmes they haue decayed. It makes no matter for the charge of hedging (which they shall loose) that they haue beene at. And let them banish their sheepe out of their pastures, and let them fill the Lords townes and sheepefolds, with his sheepe againe , and that speedily, least the Lord com- Joh x 27 ming to Iudgement doe condemne them, as cruell and couetous tyrants. And 1 let them now preferre euen one man, before a wedge of gold, least hereafter God doe teach them this lesson in hell, when it shall be too late for them to leame.” (Sign. H 2, bk.) In his edition of Wit and Wisdom for the Shakspere Society, 1846, Mr. Halliwell printed the following document on the de- struction of towns for sheep, pasture, the enclosure of commons, and the conversion of arable into pasture. He says, p. 140, “ The following curious paper appears to have been written [that is, copied, not necessarily composed] early in the reign of 1 “ Fnd” in the book. Now a Dates. § 9 . — Evils of Inclosures and Sheep . 37 James I., and seems worthy of preservation in connection with a subject in which our great dramatist is supposed, with great pro- bability, to have interested himself. 1 ” 1 Pet. “Mine is, an’t please your Grace, against I ohn Goodman , my Lord Car- dinals Man, for keeping my House, and Lands, and Wife and all from me.” Suff. “ Thy Wife too F that’s some Wrong indeede. What’s yours F What’s heere F against the Duke of Suffolke, for enclosing the Commons of Melforde. How now, Sir Knave F” [Harl. MS. 487, leaf 9, back.] “The Diggers of Warwickshire to all other Diggers. “ Louing Freinds & Subjects, all under one renowned Prince, for whom we pray longe to continue in his most Royall estate, to the subuerting of all those Subjects, of what degree soeuer, that haue or would depriue his most true harted Communalty both from life and lyuinge. Wee, as members of the whole, doe feele the smart of these incroaching Tirants, wA?ch would grinde our flesh upon the whetstone of pouerty, & make our loyall hearts to faint w/th breathing, so that they may dwell by themselues in the midst of theyr Hearde of fatt weathers. It is not unknowne unto your selues the why these mercy- less men doe resist wrth force aga*«st our good intents. It is not for the good of our most gracious Soueraigne, whom we pray God that longe he may reygne amongst us ; neyther for the benefitt of the Communaltv, but onely for theyr owne priuate game ; for there is none of them but doe tast the sweetness of our wantes. They haue depopulated & ouerthrown whole Townes, and made thereof Sheep pastures nothing profitable for our Commonwealth. For the common Fields being layd open would yeeld us much commodity, besides the increase of Come, on w/«'ch standes our life. But if it should please God to wdhdrawe his blessing in not prospering the fruites of the Earth but one yeare (wAtch God forbidd) there would a worse & more fearfull dearth happen then did in K i»g Eihoard the seconds tyme, when people were forced to eat Catts and Doggs flesh, & women to eate theyr owne children. Much more wee could giue you to understand, but wee are perswaded that you your selues feele a part of our greiuances, & therfore need not open the matter any plainer. But if you happen to shew your force & might agawmst us, wee for our partes neither respect life nor lyuinge ; for better it were in such case wee manfully dye, then hereafter to be pined to death for want of that which, these deuouring Encroachers doe serue theyr fatt Hogges & Sheep withall. For God hath bestowed upon us most bountifull & innumerable blessings, & the cheifest is our most gracious & Religious Range, who doth and will glory in the flourishing estate of his Communalty. And soe wee leaue you, commending you to the sure hold & safeguard of the mighty Iehoua, both now & euermore. From Hampton field in hast : “ "Wee rest as poore Deluers & Day labourers for the good of the Commonwelth till death. “A. B. C. D. &c” The Ballad of the Northern Beggar Boy, Pt. 2. Roxburghe Collection , vol. i. p. 543, printed for F. Grove (? ab. 1G35), says : — My fields lye open as the high way, I wrong not the Country by greedy inclosing. 1 Mr. Halliwell tells me that Shakspere owned property in the common fields, and was interested in the enclosures proposed to be made in 1615 by Combe, at Welcombe near Stratford-on-Avon. See Mr. H.’s Folio ed. i. 219- 24. We may compare “The second Part of Henry the Sixt, with the death of the Good Duke HVMFREY.” Actus Primus. Serna Prima. Enter three or foure Petitioners . . . Enter Suffolke , and Queene. 38 Now a Da yes. § 10. — The Commons of Henry VIII. § 10. I now come to Mr. Eroude’s most telling quotation of 1515 a.d. (Hist. i. 19) in favour of the prosperity of the com- mons of England in Henry VIII.’s time. “ What comyn folke in all this world,” says a state paper in 1515, 1 “ may compare with the comyns of England, in riches, in fredom, in lyberty, wel- fare, and in all prosperytie ?” A triumphant psean it sounded, making one’s heart beat with it; the State-Papers’ reference, too, calling up in one’s mind notions of thorough investiga- tion, deliberate judgment, etc. I said to myself, What a pity there’s only this passage quoted from the Paper ! I must see it ! and accordingly went off from the Museum to the Record Office. The Paper was handed to me, and as it gave me an en- tirely different view of the value of the passage as evidence on the condition* of- England question, I produce the context of it here. The anonymous writer seems to be an Anglo-Irishman, suffering, in common with his loyal fellows, a number of bitter grievances and evils, which he sets forth with some power ; and then, after stating the causes of them, and the remedies sug- gested by others, proposes his own remedies, the chief of which is the plantation of Ireland with Englishmen. Also, among the things to be done, is (State Papers, p. 20 ; MS. p. 210), that the Wardens and Constables of each district shall muster the valiant loyal people, “ And in asmuche as all the wylde Iryshe and Englyche Rebelles of all this lande, dothe dreade more, and fereyth the sodden shote of gonnes Muche more then 0 the Shotte of Arowes, or any other shotte of kynde of waypyn in this worlde ; In consyderacmn wherof, hyt he ordayned by the said Wardens and counstables, that of every c persons ther he xx gonners assygnyd and chargeyd to powrvaye them gonnes, powdre, and pellettes according, wit Ain the sayde tyme of xv dayes.” The passage quoted by Mr. Eroude occurs among the griev- ances, and springs — it seems to me — rather from the intense consciousness of those grievances, and a desire to heighten them, than from an intimate knowledge of the state of England. When we are in bad case ourselves, we are always ready to attribute untold prosperity to our somewhat more fortunate neighbours, though there is a skeleton in their house, and they know it. But let each reader judge for himself : — 1515. State of Ireland, and Plan for its Reformation. ‘State Papers,’ vol ii. p. 9-10. [MS. p. 195.] Also ther is no folke dayly subgett to the Kynges lawes, hut half 1 the Countye of Uryell, half 1 the Countye of Meath, half' the Countye of Dublyn, half 2 the Countye of Kyldare ; and ther he as many Jus- tyces of the Kinges benche, and of the Comyn place, and as many Barons of thexheker, and as many Offycers, Ministers, and Clerks in eu enacted, ordeyned, and established, that from the twelveth the Act 25 H. 8, daye of Aprill in the yere of our Lorde God 1536, until the cap. 1, in confir- xxiiij th daye of Aprill whiche sholde be, and was, in the Yere mation thereof ; 0 f our Lorde God 1540, all Bouchers and other, sellinge fleshe by retayle, may laufullye kill and sell all manner beiff, porke, mutton, and veale, being good and holsome for mans bodye, at their pleasures and libsrtyes, as freely and libsrallye as they or any of them did, or myght have done, at any tyme before the saide estatute made the xxiiij th yere of your moste noble raigne, and also before an other Statute concerninge the same, made the twentye fyve yere of your moste noble raigne, without any losses, payne, ymprisonement, forfeyture, or penaltie, to be by them, or any of them, or the successours of them or any of them, had, loste, borne, or sus- teyned in that behalfe, duringe the tyme before rehersed, the same estatute or any of them to the contrarie in anywise notwithstandinge ; And that the same estatute and either of them, and everie clause, sentence, and article, in them or either of them conteyned, sholde be in suspense and not put in execuczon during the same terme, — as by the saide acte made the xxvij th yere of your most noble raigne (amonge other things) more playnlie Mischief of the appereth ; whiche Actes before reharsed concerninge the sel- reeited Acts, linge of fleshe by weight as ys aforesaide, yf they sholde here- 24 & 25 Hen. 8. after be put in execucton, and your saide Orators compelled to selle fleshe by Weighte, accordinge to the purporte, tenor, and effecte of the saide estatute made the xxiiij th yere of your most noble reigne, sholde be to the utter undoinge of your saide Orators for ever : It maye ther- fore please your Majestie, that it maye be by your Highnes, and by thassent of the Lordes spmYual and temporall, and the Commons, in this present Parlia- ment assembled, and by thauctoritie of the same, ordeyned, established and enacted, that the saide statutes made in the xxiiij th and xxv th yere The said recited of your most noble raigne, may be repealed, adnihilated, made Acts repealed. frustrate and voyde, agaynste your Orators and all other your subjectes ; and that it may from henceforth be laufull unto all your saide subjectes to sell their victuallss from tyme to tyme, by them selfes, their wy ves, and ssrvaemtes, to all manner of persons that will buy the same, in like manner and fourme as they myght have done before the makinge of the saide estatutes or any of them, without any daunger, payne, penaltye or for- feyture, to be had for the same ; Any thinge in saide estatutes, or any of theme, conteyned to the contrarie notwithstandinge.” The reader will thus see that the Act of the 24th Henry VIII., which came into operation on the 1st of August, 1532, and which Mr. Froude treats as not repealed till 1541, was in fact sus- pended from the 12th of April, 1536, to the 24th of April, 1540, and was then evidently treated as a dead letter, though not ac- tually repealed till the 33rd of Henry VIII. in 1511. Moreover, 46 § 10 . — Power to fix Prices by Proclamation. it was not duly observed during nearly half of its short life, as is shown by the 25 Hen. VIII. cap. 1. Indeed, it must have been almost impossible to get this, or any Act as to prices of meat observed all over England in the sixteenth century. The diffi- culty is recognized in the suspending Act before quoted, and a partial remedy found for it : — [25 Hen. VIII. c. 1. s. 4.] The King em- “And for asmoche as beoffys, muttons, veales, and porkes, suspend the ky many occasions fortune in somme one yere, or in some one Acts by his tyme of the yere, to be more scarce or more dere than at any Proclamation. other, by meane wherof the grasiers and bochers in suche a dere tyme shall not be able to aforde the same at such prices and ratis as when they be in more plentie and better shepe, Be it therfor further enactid by the auctorite aforeseid, that the Kynges Highnes, his heires and successours, kynges of this Realme, frome tyme to tyme, uppon any com- playntis made of any Scarsitie or lacke of beoffes, muttons, veales or porkes, shall and may, from tyme to tyme, cause proclamation to be made under the greate seale, in suche parties of this Realme as shall seme to hys Hyghnes, his heires or successours, most convenyent, that the bouchers and other whiche be compelable to sell flesshe by weight, at prices lymytted in the seide acte made for sellyng of flesshe by weight, shall and may sell, for the tyme to be lymytted in suche proclamation, beoffes, muttons, veales & porkes, by retayle, without weight, as heretofore hath byn accustomed, or els by weight at suche reasonable pryces as shalbe lymyted by the seid proclamation, and as shall please the Kyngos Highnes, hys heyres or successours to lymyt and appoynt by the said proclamacion, upon suche paynes as shalbe conteyned in suche proclamations, to be lost and levyed to the Kynges use accordyng to the tenour of evory suche proclamation : And that as well every boucher and other, for selling of beoffe, mutton, vele or porke by retayle, by vertue of suche proclamacion within the tymes to be lymytted in the same, as evo;y other person & persones being bounden by auctorytie of this acte to se the seid bouchers so to doo upon the paynes above especified, shalbe discharged and acquited, by auctoritie of every suche proclamacion, of all penalties, paynes, forfaytures and losses whiche they shuld have suffered and lost by vertue of the seid acte, made for sellyng of flesshe by weight, or by vertue of this pre- sent acte, in case noo suche proclamacion had byn made ; any thyng in the seid [act] made for sellyng of flesshe by weight, or in this present acte, con- teyned to the contrary hereof notwithstondyng.” But even if we may suppose from tlie Preamble of the 33 Hen. YIII. cap. 1, that Acts fixing prices were duly observed, and not evaded, the question next comes, Were Proclamations issued under Acts of Parliament treated in the same way ? If tbey were, then the following Proclamations of Edward VI. in 1549 and 1550 make more for Mr. Eroude’s low prices than “ Vox Populi’s” high ones. It will be seen that the first Proclamation not only fixes the price of oxen, steers, runts, heifers, and cows, fat and lean, small and large, — all alive, the butcher being allowed a rea- sonable profit on them dead, — but also empowers the Sheriffs, etc., to seize part of any grazier’s or farmer’s stock, if he has more than enough for his own use, and sell it at the Proclama- Now a Dates. § 10 . — Prices of Oxen and Sheep in 1549. 47 tion prices, wherever and whenever the market is not properly supplied at such prices. The prices of butter and cheese are not fixed. The first Proclamation was issued on the 2nd of July, 1549, and refers to the Acts 25 Hen. VIII. chapters 1 and 2. 1 [Proclamations of Edward VI., leaves 52-5.] “ From the daie of this Proclamacion made without delaye, all and singuler persone & persones, hauyng or kepyng any of the kyndes of victualles, men- cioned in thesaied Acte, within this Realme, to the intent to sell, shall sell thesame to suche of the kynges suhiectes, as will huye theim at the prices hereafter mencioned, that is to saie, from Midsommer to Hallowmas, euery Oxe, beyng primed and well striken, of the largest hone .xxxviij. s., of a meaner sorte .xxviij. s. ; an Oxe fat, and of the largest bone. xlv. s., of the meaner sorte, beeyng fat .xxxviij. s., Steres and Runtes, beyng primed or wel stricken, and large of bone .xx. s., of a meaner sort xvi. s. ; beyng fat, and of the largest bone xxv. s., beyng fat of a meaner sort .xxi. s. Heifurth.es and Kine, beeyng primed or wel striken, and large of bone .xvi. s., of a meaner sort .xiij. s. iiij. d. ; beyng fat and large of bone. xxij. s., beyng fat and of a meaner sorte .xviij. s. And from Hallowmas to Christmas, euery Oxe, beyng fat and large of hone .xlvi. s. viij. d., beyng fat of a meaner sort .xxxix. s. viij. d. Steres and Runtes within thesame tyme, beeyng fat and large of bone .xxvi. s. viij. d., beying fat of a meaner sorte xxij. s. viij. d. ; heifurth.es and kine within thesame tyme, beeyng fat and large of bone .xxiij. s., of a meaner sorte .xix. s. And from Christmas to Shroftide, euery Oxe beyng fat and large of bone .xlviij. s. iiij. d., of a meaner sorte .xli. s. iiij. d. Steres and Runtes, within the same tyme, beyng fat and large of bone xxviij. s. iiij. d., of a meaner sort .xxiiij. s. iiij. d. And from euery Sheryng time to Michael- mas, euery wether, beyngashere Shepe, beyng leane and large of bone iij. s., of a meaner sorte .ii. s. iiij. d. ; beyng fat and large of bone .iiij. s., beyng fat of a meaner sort .iii. s. Ewes within thesame tyme, beeyng leane and large of hone .ij. s., beyng leane of a meane sorte .xx. d. ; beyng fat and large of bone .ij. s. viij. d., beyng fat of a meaner sorte .ij. s. And from Michaelmas to Shroftide, euery Wether beeyng a shere Shepe, beyng leane and large of bone .iij. s., beyng leane of a meaner sorte .ij. s. iiij. d. ; beyng fat and large of bone .iiij. s. iiij. d., beyng fatt and of a meaner sorte .iij. s. iiij. d. And from Midsomer to Michaelmas the pounde of swete Butter at, 2 From Michael- mas to Is ewe yeres croppe the pounde. SufFolke Butter, and the parties of Norflfolke borderyng vpon SufFolke, from Midsomer to Michaelmas the pounde. From Michaelmas to the newe yeres croppe the pounde. Essex Chese and other partes, from Midsomer to Michaelmas the pounde. From Michaelmas to the new yeres croppe the pounde. SufFolke Chese, and the partes of Norffolke borderyng vpon SufFolke, from Midsomer to Michaelmas the pound. From Michaelmas to the newe yeres croppe 1 It is thought by his Maiestie, for the present disorders, a greate relief to put in due execucion, diuerse good lawes and statutes, prouided heretofore, by aucthoritie of Parliament, in the reignes of the kynges maiesties moste noble progenitors, and especially twoo pollitique good estatutes, made at Westminster in the .xxv. yere of the reigne of his maiesties moste dere father late deceassed, kyng Henry the eight, ordeincd, as by the same appereth, very pollitiquely, for the redresse of these like disorders of prices, whiche at any tyme thence after might happen : the effect of whiche later estatute is, that the lorde Threasorer,” &c &c &c ( Proclamations , back of Fol. 50.) See the Statute quoted in the next note. 2 The prices are left blank in the original, with the intention, no doubt, of the Sheriffs putting different prices for their different districts. 48 § 10 . — Oxen and Sheep may be seized and sold. a.d. 1549 . the pounde, vpon pain of forfaicture for euery Oxe, Stere Cowe, Heckfor 1 and Bullocke, that should he sold, by vertue of thesaied acte and this Procla- macion, and shall not so bee solde, fiue poundes ; & for euery shepe that should be sold by vertue of the same acte and this Proclamacion, and shall not so be sold .x. s. And for euery pounde of butter and chese .xij. d. ; and that for all & euery some that shalbe forfaicted, by vertue of thesame acte and this Pro- clamacion, the kyng our soueraigne lorde shall and maie haue his recouery and remedy, by informacion, bill, plaint, or accion of debt, in any of his highnes courtes of record: wherefore, we, consideryng the premisses to be for the welth and commoditie of this our Realme, will and commaunde you, our Shirief of our Countie of within two daies next after the receipt of this said Proclamacion, that ye with all spede shall Proclaime the premisses in all Market tounes within thesaid countie of , and that all maner our sub- iectes shall obey thesame, not onely vpon the paines abouesaied, but also to incurre our indignacion and displeasure. And furthermore, the kynges Maiestie, of his aucthoritie and power royall, straightly chargeth and com- maundeth, all maner his Iustices of Peace, Sherifes, Maiors, and Bailifes of any tounes corporate, or any other ministers, to be assigned & appoyncted by any twoo Iustices of Peace of thesaid Countie, if any the Market or Markettes, within thesaied Countie shall lacke wherewithal! to fumishe the markettes for the relief of his louyng subiectes, that then thei shall forsee & prouide, that the Owners, Grasiers, Drouers, Fermors, Broggers, or any other of any kynde of estate or degree whatsoeuer, nere adioynyng, hauyng suche store of any kynd of the aforesaied victuall, that he maie spare part of his saied store, bee it leane or fat, (ouer and besides the store necessary for the maintenaunce of his houshold, the alowa^ce whereof must be made, in respect of his accustomed expences, and the tyme of another vsuall prouision,) towarde the furniture of the Market, shall by the appoynctment, and order of thesaied Iustices, and other officers aboue named, bryng to the Market and Markettes, suche nomber and quantitie of thesaied victualles, and at suche tyme and times, as thei shal thinke the cause and necessitie requireth, and thesame shall sell there, according to the prices by thesaied Iustices to be rated, as for an example, where the Markettes cannot be serued, with sufficient quantitie of Motton, so that in default thereof the people happe to haue ouer muche lacke, then in that and like cases, the Kynges maiesties will and commaundement is, that thesaied Iustices of euery countie, and officers aboue named, vpon the certain knowlege of that lacke, shall compell all and euery suche persone and persones, as shall haue, nigh to thesaied Market tounes, the nomber of .v. C. shere shepe, for euery hundreth of thesame fiue hundred & aboue, to send to the market so lacking at the moste ten of the best and fattest Shepe of that sorte, to bee solde from tyme to tyme, and at the prices to bee rated by the- saied Iustices and other officers ; and if lesse lacke, then lesse in nomber, vpon like pain aforesaid for euery shepe not so brought to the Market. Furthermore, because the prices of the beiffes and muttons hereto adioyned, bee but the prices of Beues and Muttons a liue, and sold in grosse, and not by retaile, as the Butcher vseth to do, his Maiestie, notwithstandyng the tenor of this Proclamacion, licenseth the Butcher in suche cases, wher he shall buy of those prices, so to sel aboue thesaid price, as it shalbe thought and ordered by thesaied Iustices and officers aboue named, accordyng to the Lawes and Estatutes of the Realme, mete for a conuenient gain toward his liuyng, and so in all cases thesame to bee obserued, vpon paines expressed in sondery estatutes for thesame.” The next Proclamation was issued on the 20th of October, 1550 — to take effect from the 1st of November following, — by the Lord Chancellor and some of the officers appointed by the Act 25 1 So in original. Now a Dates. § 10. — Prices of Grain in 1550 a.d. 49 Hen. VIII. chapter 2, 1 * to fix scales of prices from time to time for provisions, to order at what prices each quality of Wheat (white, red, and grey), Malt, Rye, Barley, Beans, Pease, Oats, and Butter (sweet, and salt or barrelled), shall be sold : — [Proclamation of Edward VI., back of leaf 92.] “ And for as mucbe, as diuerse and sundery greate complaintes, of inhan- syng of the prices of victualles necessary for mannes sustenaunce, and in espe- ciall of Come, Grain, Butter and Chese, bee had and made, not onely to the kynges moste excellent Maiestie, but also to his moste honorable counsailors, by reason that diuerse his subiectes, and others, vpon their vnsaciable coue- teousnes, myndyng and purposyng, of their peruerse myndes, to make greate dearth and scarcitie, more then necessitie requireth, of Come, Grain, Befes, Muttons, Veales, porkes, Butter, Chese, and other victualles, necessary for mannes sustenaunce, not onely by vnlawful ingrossyng, forstallyng and re- grating of thesame, but also by vnlawfull transportyng, and conueighyng the- same victualles, and other the premisses, into sundery parties beyonde the seas, contrary to thesaied statute, and contrary to the kynges Maiestes Lawes and Proclamacions, in that behalf had and made, and to the greate hurte and perill of the common wealthe of this his Realme : Where vpon, the kynges moste excellent Maiestie, hauyng a vigilant and merciful iye, and respect to- wardes his louyng Subiectes, and wiilyng and straightly charyng his said subiectes and others, from hencefurth, to enterprise no suche offences contrary 1 25 Hen. VIII. c. 2. s. 1. An Acte of yro clam acion to be made conc.eknyng victualles. For regulating “ For asmoche as derthe, scarsitie, good chepe and plentie, Che ese* 3 Butter c ^ ese J butter, capons, hennes, chekyns, and other victualles Poultry, &c. ’ necessarie for mennes sustenance, happeneth, ryseth, and chaunceth, of so many and dyverse occasions, that it is very harde and difficile to put any certayne prices to any suche thingis, And yet never-the-lesse the prices of such victualles be many tymes inhaunsed and raysed by the gredy covetousnes and appitites of the owners of suche victuals, by occasion of ingrosyng and regratyng the same, more then upon any reson- able or juste grounde or cause, to the greate damage and impoverishing of the Kyngis subjectis ; For remedy wherof, be it enactid by the auctoritie of this present parliament, that upon every compleynt made of any enhaunsyng of prices of suche victuals, without grounde or cause resonable, in any parte of -his Realme, or in any other the Kyngis Domynyons, the Lorde Chauncellour of Englonde, the Lorde Treasourer, the Lord Presydent of the Kynges most honorable Counsell, the Lorde pryvay seale, the Lorde Stuarde, the Lorde Chamberleyne, and all other Lordis of the Kyngis counsaille, the Treasourer and Comptroller of the Kyngis most honorable house, the Chauncellour of the Duche of Lancaster, the Kyngis Justices of either Benche, the Chauncellour, Chamberleyns, under Treasourer, and the Barons of the Kynges Eschequer, or vii. of theym at the lest, — wherof the Lorde Chauncellour, the Lorde Tresourer, the Lorde President of the Kyngis Counsell, or the Lorde pryvay seale, to be one, — shall have power and auctoritie from tyme to tyme, as the case shall requyre, to sett and tax resonable prices of all suche kyndes of victuals above specified, how they shalbe sold, in grosse or by retayle, for re- liefe to the Kynges subjectis, And that after suche pryces set and taxed in forme aforseid, pr&clamacion shalbe made in the Kynges name, under the greate seale, of the seid prices, in suche parties of this Realme as shalbe con- venyent for the same.” VOL. I. E they shall on Complaint be assessed by the Lords of the Council, &c. 50 Now a Dayes. § 10. — Prices of Grain in 1550 a.d. to his Lawes, Statutes, or Proclamations, vpon the paines and forfaictures conteined in thesame, and vpon his high indignacion and displeasure, hath accordyng to the tenour of thesaied acte, willed & required his honorable counsailours, named in thesaied acte to set furthe reasonable prices, of all kynd of Come, Grain, Butter and Chese, accordyng to the tenor of thesaied act. In co[n]sideracion wherof, the lorde Chauncellor of Englande, the lorde Threasorer of Englande, the lorde Prisident of the kynges most honorable counsaill, the lorde Priuie Seale, the lorde Chamberlain, and all other limited and appoyncted by thesaied act, for the taxyng and settyng the priuces of all kynde of victualles, mencioned in thesaied acte, haue by aucthorite of the- saied acte, set and taxed reasonable prices of al kynde of Grain, mencioned in thesaied act, to be sold in forme folowyng. That is to saie, that from the feast of al Sainctes next ensuyng without delaye, all and singuler person and persones, hauyng or kepyng any of the kyndes of Grain, Butter or Chese within this realme, to the intent to sell, shall sell thesame to suche of the Kynges Subiectes, as will buye them, at the prices hereafter mencioned, or vnder, and not aboue, that is to saie, white wheat of the best sorte, cleane and swete, and not tailed, for .xiij. s. iiij. d. the Quarter, and not aboue ; and white wheate of the seconde sort, add redde wheate of the best sort, cleane, swete, and not tailed, for .xj. s. the quarter, and not aboue ; and graye wheate of the best sorte, clene, swete, and not tailed, for .x. s. the quarter, and not aboue. And all other wheat, aswell white, redde, and graye, of the meanest sort, not cleane, or tailed, for .viij. s. the quarter, and not aboue. And that malt, cleane, swete, and of the best sort, shalbe sold for .x. s. the quarter, and not aboue ; and malte of the second sorte, for .viij. s. the quarter, and not aboue. And Hie of the best, cleanest, and swetest sorte, for .vij. s. the quarter, and not aboue. And Rie of the seconde sorte, for .vj. s. the Quarter, and not aboue. And barly of the best sort, cleane and swete, for .ix. s. the Quarter, and not aboue ; and Barly of the second sort, for .vij. s. the quarter, and not aboue. Beanes or Pease of the best sort, cleane & swete, for .v. s. the Quarter, and not aboue. And Beanes or Pease, of the seconde sorte, for .iij. s. viij. d. the Quarter, and not aboue. Otes of the best sort, clene and swete, for .iiij. s. the Quarter, and not aboue, accomptyng .viij. bushelles to the Quarter. Prouided alwaies, that in what place or Countie soeuer, within this the Kynges realme of Englande, or other his graces Dominions, the Measure or Reisure, shall fortune to bee more or lesse, then is aboue ex- pressed, that then the prices shalbee likewise taxed, limited, and appoyncted, accordyng to .viij. galones to euery bushell of lande measure, and not other- wise. And that from thesaied feast of all Sainctes, the pound of swete Butter, not to bee solde aboue .j. d. ob. -, 1 and barrelled butter, of Essex, the pound, not to be sold to any the kynges subiectes, aboue ob. di. qr. ; and barrelled Butter of any other partes, not to bee solde to the kynges subiectes aboue .ob. qr. And Chese of Essex, to be solde to the Kynges subiectes from Hallowmas next, till the new yeres croppe, for. ob. di. qr. and not aboue. And chese of other parties, not aboue .ob. qr.” I feel that it does not become me to make any positive asser- tions about prices in answer to Mr. Froude’s, without further evidence than I now have. In the general estimate of comfort, however, the old chimneyless cottages, their clay walls and floors, the general want of drainage, and consequent liability to breed sickness, — these, as well as the want of conveniences, now thought necessaries, must be included. § 11. The sixteenth century is not one that I have long studied, 1 ob. means obolus , a halfpenny; qn. or qr., quadranta, a farthing. 51 § 11 . — Condition of England in 1500-60 a.d. and I therefore speak with much hesitation on the condition of the working classes during it ; but I think the evidence collected above shows, that in at least Henry YIII.’s and Edward YI.’s reigns, there was a great deal of misery about. The time was one of transition from tillage to sheep-farming, from small cul- ture to large ; and though the ultimate result of that transition was to benefit the whole land, yet the immediate effect of it was a cruel gripe to the small tenants and the poor. The yeoman- class was broken up and degraded to that of labourers, its mem- bers were driven into the towns, the men to seek strange work, the women often to infamy. The poor were deprived of their common-rights, the alms (if many) of the monasteries were stopped, the coin was debased, and its purchasing-power lowered, prices were rising, dearth and sickness often prevailed, the poor- laws were savage, 1 discontent abounded, and in 1549 broke out into open insurrection, — to say nothing of minor revolts. In the face of this, I am unable to accept Mr. Froude’s com- fortable view of things as the whole truth. He seems to me to have set in the heaven the sun of this masterful, brilliant, and accomplished young King, Henry YIII., and then to look on the whole land as gilded by his beams. No commons are like his commons ; no workmen so well off*, materially, now. But just as Mr. Froude’s statement {Hist. i. II 2 ) that, in Henry’s century, “ duty to the State was at all times and in all things supposed to override private interest or inclination . . the Commonweal, in a high and remarkable degree being presumed to be the first object 1 The way in which people who had no fixed abode or occupation, were treated, may he seen in one of the Returns in the Search for Suspected Per- sons, 17 July, 1519. (. Brewer’s Calendar , iii. 127.) “4. Certificate made by Sir Henry Wyatt and Sir John Daunce ‘ of such vacabundes and mysde- meanerd persones as thy have made search for.’ Sunday, 17 July 11 Hen. YIII, and attached according to the Cardinal’s order. In Holbome, in the house of Wm. Salcoke, at the sign of the George ; One Christopher a Tyllesley lay there two nights passed. Has no master, and is committed to Newgate. In Seynt Gylys in the Felde, in the house of Ric. Foteman : Geo. Chil- lyngworth lay there for a week. Has no service. Is committed to the con- stables ward, not Newgate , as Foteman is surety for him, and says he is a true man, and is trying to get into service in London. In the house of Christopher Arundell, one Robert Bayly. Has no master, and is committed to Newgate. Says he is waiting to have attachment sealed out of Chancery at the suit of a kinswoman of his. In Padyngton, in the house of Thos. Colts, John Clare, tailor, John Thomas, servant to Harrison, farmer of the abbot of Westminster, William (Harrison’s son) and Wm. Rede, wheeler, played all night till 4 o’clock at tables, and are committed to the constables’ ward, as Robt. Lewes, an honest man, under- takes to bring them to-morrow before the Cardinal.” Thus, a man who comes up to London for a few days to see about a Chan- cery suit, is treated as a vagabond and misdemeanored person, and put into Newgate for not staying at home. 2 I have used this quotation elsewhere. E 2 52 § 11. — Condition of England in Henry VIII’ s days. with every honest man,” needs correcting by the direct contrary of the contemporary Polydore Yergil (ab. 1550), that “notwith- standinge the Englishe nation of all thinges dothe least make ac~ compte of the common wealthe , but ar to muche assoted on the bellie . . . yeat (thanckes bee to G-odd) the Englishe imperie con- sistethe on sewer pillers (i. 280),” so Mr. Eroude’s statement on the well-being of the common people in Henry’s time and the rest of his century, needs checking by the statements of the tracts, etc., collected above, and the extracts taken by Mr. Haweis from the contemporary sermons in his Sketches of the Reformation. Speaking of the years 1515-18, Professor Brewer says (Ca- lendar, vol. ii. p. cclxxviii.), “ If any one wishes to see the real condition of Europe at this period — the arbitrary rule of its mo- narchs, bent on their own aggrandizement, and careless of the improvement of their people — the disputes among their coun- cillors, agreed in one point only, to flatter and mislead their sovereigns — the wide separation between the luxury of the rich and the hopeless misery of the poor — the prevalence of crime — the severe execution of justice, earnest for punishment, but regard- less of prevention — the frequency of capital punishment — the de- population of villages — the engrossing by a few hands of com and wool — the scarcity of meat — the numbers of idle gentlemen without employment — of idle serving-men and retainers turned adrift on a life of vagabondism : — in short, whoever wishes to see society full of the elements of confusion, requiring only a small spark to fan them into a flame — may read with advantage the Utopia of Sir Thomas More.” Eor myself, I cannot doubt that, for Henry VIII. ’s time too, the touching words of the earlier Praier and Complaynte of the Ploweman , about the fourteenth- century poor, were still true : — “ For soth me thinketh that pore laborers ^eueth to these rych men more then they |euen hem a^eyn-warde. For the pore man mote gone to hys laboure in colde and in hete, and in wete and drye, and spende hys flesh and hys bloude in the rych mennes workes apon Gods ground, to fynde the rych man in ese, and in lykynge, and in good fare of mete and of drinke, and of clothinge. Here ys a gret pfte of the pore man, for he ^eueth his awn body. But what jeueth the rych man hym a^eynwarde ? certes, fehele mete, and fehele drinke, and fehele clothinge. What-ever they seggen, soch he her workes ; and here ys litell love. And who-soever loketh well a-houte, all the worlde fareth thus as we seggen.” (JE lari. Misc. i. 176, ed. 1804.) 1 1 Compare the following from The Complaint of Scotland , on the Scotch labourer of 1548 : “ i may he comparit to the dul asse in sa far as i am compellit to bayr ane importabil byrdyng, for i am dung and broddit [= beaten and prodded] to gar me do & to thole the thing that is abuif my pouer. allace ! i am the merk of the hut, cowtrar the quhilk euere man schutis arrous of tribulatione. allace ! quhou is iustice sa euil trettit, quhilk is occasione that euere man vsis al extreme extorsions contrar me as far as ther pouer can exsecut. allace ! i laubyr nycht and day vitht my handis to neureis lasche and in util idil men ; § 1 1 . — Backward or Forward for working-men ? 53 So was it with the poor of 1400. How was it with those of 1547 ? Let Ascham answer: Nam vita quce nunc vivitur a plu- rimis, non vita sed miseria est. How is it with the poor of 1868 ? Worse than in 1530, says Mr. Eroude, worse than in 1500-1600. England has herein gone hack. I doubt it. So far as I can see, the direction we are to look in for the workman and the poor being better off than they are now, is for- ward, not backward. When, by a wider extension of the suffrage than now prevails, the holders of wealth have put within the reach of the weak and poor the powers of the national Court of Equity for enforcing the performance of the trusts on which landed and other property is held ; when, by a national system of emigration, worked by men w ho care for the poor, the pinches of changes of trade are relieved ; when, by a system of national education, there shall be no child untaught, and all possible facilities shall be given for the carrying on of adult education, — no museums shut in the evening and on Sundays then ; — when, in every parish, the clergyman, as a paid officer, shall be displaced, or at least supplemented, by an official good-doer, evil- stopper, and public prosecutor of bad landlords as well as other offenders ; when, by co-operation, or the system of partnerships between masters and men, the whole wage-receiving class shall be lifted into a proprietary one ; when the weak are thought of before the and thai recompens me vitht hungyr, and vitht the sourd. i susteen ther lyif vitht trauel & vitht the suet of my body, and thai parsecut my body vitht oultrage and hayrschip, quhil i am be-cum ane begger. thai lyf trocht me, and i dee trocht them, allace, o my natural mother ! thou repreifis & accusis me of the faltis that my tup, brethir committis daly : my tua brethir, nobilis and clergie, quhilk suld defend me, tha ar mair cruel contrar me nor is my aid enemes of ingland, tha ar my natural brethyr, bot thai ar my mortal enemes of verray deid. Allace ! quhou can i tak paciens cowsiderawd that ther can na thing be eikkyt to my parsecutione bot cruel dede. i dee daly in ane trawse trocht the necessite that i hef of the gudis that i van vitht my lau- byrs. my comis and my cattel are reft fra me. i am exilit fra my takkis and fra my steddyngis. the malis and fermis of the grond that i laubyr is hychtit to sic ane price, that it is fors to me & vyf and bayras to drynk vattir. the teyndis of my comis ar nocht alanerly hychtit abufe the fertilite that the grond maye bayr, bot as veil thai ar tane furtht of my handis be my tua tirran brethir. and quhen i laubyr be marchandres or be mecanik craftis, i am compellit to len and to fyrst it to my tua cruel brethir ; and quhen i craif my dettis quhilk suld sustene my lyif, i am bostit, hurt, and oft tymis i am slane. ther for laubereris to burtht [ = in towns] & land, and be see-burd, thai in- dure daly sic violence that it is nocht possibil that esperance of relief can be ymagynit. for ther is nay thing on the lauberaris of the grond, to burtht and land, bot arrage, carage, taxationis, violent spulze, and al vthyr sortis of ad- uersite, quhilk is onmercifully exsecut daly. the veyr [ = war] is cryit con- trar ingland ; bot the actis of the veir is exsccutit contrar the lauberaris, and consumis ther miserabil lyif. O my natural mother, my complaynt is hauy to be tald, bot it is mair displeasand to susteen my piteous desolatione. i am banest fra my house, i am boistit and mawniest be my frewdis, and i am assail ^it be them that suld defend me.” (p. 190-2.) ( 54 Now a Dates. § 12. — The Enclosure of Commons. strong, — then may we hope for the right time for the poor, the time never yet seen, when justice shall he done them. When that time comes, I think the lookers-back over the dark past will see the shade on the Victorian age lighter than on any beyond it. Each of us can do something to make sure that this shall be so. § 12. In lines 165-8 our Ballad notices the enclosure of com- mons : — Commons to close and kepe, Poor folk for bred [to] cry and wepe, Towns pulled down to pasture shepe, this ys the new gyse ! It was the extent to which the enclosure was then carried, not the mere fact of enclosure, which constituted the newness of the fashion. With the evidence of Sir Thomas More (above, p. 5) and the Statutes, etc. (above, p. 6-10) before him, as well as the words of § 6 of “Vox Populi” (below, and Dyce’s ‘Skelton,’ ii. 406, col. 1,) on “ comons and comon ingenders, inclosyers, and extenders,” and the fact of the undeniably great growth of sheep-farming, the reader will probably want no further testi- mony on this point ; but he will join me in thanking the historian of the Early and Middle Ages of England, Mr. Charles H. Pear- son, for the able sketch of the history of the matter, modestly called by him “ a few notes to guide you in one or two cases to fuller sources of information,” which he has been so good as to draw up for us : “ The first legislation I know of on the subject was in the Parliament of Merton (see my History, vol. ii. 177 1 ), which was followed up in the second statute of Westminster (lb. p. 338 2 ). These enactments show, I think, that population was increasing, and that there was a genuine want of land to live upon. “ The assize of Merton was no dead letter. At the Hampshire assizes held before Hugh Bigod in the 43 Henry III. a number of great people, including the Bishop Elect of Winchester, were indicted for enclosing land, in which William Achard and Isabel his wife had commonage. The jurors found that sufficient waste had not been left for the Achards, and it was ordered that the 1 Another enactment shows that the rights of the weak might sometimes be enforced to the public detriment. It was complained that the under-tenants of great lords objected to the constitution of new fees on the ground that their rights of commonage were thereby impaired. This, if maintained, would practically have kept all England in the status quo , the waste to remain waste to all time. It was enacted that new fees might be constituted wherever it could be done without depriving the tenant of his right of way or of sufficient commonage. 2 The power of enclosing commons, which the Parliament of Merton had affirmed in favour of lords against their tenants, was now extended in favour of lords against their neighbours. . Obviously the lord was entitled to a higher right of enclosing commonage against strangers than against his own tenants. Now a Dayes. § 12. — Mr. Pearson on Commons. 55 enclosure should be thrown down. (Placitorum Abbreviatio, p. 146.) “ On the other hand, in the 6 Edward I. it was decided that William Fitz Adam de Derington was justified in enclosing twenty-six acres, because he had left sufficient commonage. (Ib. p. 268.) “ Of course, neither laws nor prosecutions stopped rich men from enclosing land then as now, if they thought they could do it safely. In 1414 the tenants of Darleton and Raghenell petition the King in Parliament against Sir Richard Stanhope, who has enclosed all the fields, meadows, and pastures, in which they have commonage, by right of their free tenements. ‘ Le Eoi yorra de ceo estre avisee.’ (Rot. Pari. iv. 29.) “ The general principle of English holding, was tenant-right, subject to fixed or variable dues. If fixed, the tenure was honourable ; if variable, servile. In no case could the tenant be dispossessed of land altogether during life-time if he rendered the services due, though a man of the less favoured classes might be moved from one holding to another, and no impost was to touch his necessary furniture or tools of trade. But by the cus- toms called the Bectitudines singularum jpersonarum, the ‘ gebur,’ who ranks after the ‘ villan ’ and the ‘ cotsetle,’ had only a life tenure of his land, which was to contain five acres at least. Practically these three classes contained the great bulk of the population. The villan’s land went to his children. “ At first the tendency w r as to give the tillers of the soil better tenures. Robert d’Oyley, Abbot of Abingdon, finding that tithes on his property had been commuted for insufficient equivalents, offered to enfranchise the tenants if they would pay an extra tenth of their crops. The advantages held out were that they could not be shifted from one piece of land to another, and that their property would go to their children. They agreed to the proposal, a.d. 1087-1100. (Hist. Mon. de Abingdon, ii. 25, 26.) “ This, moreover, was promoted by the general commutation of labour-services for money. (See Hale’s Domesday of St. Paul’s, p. lvi., and Eleta, lib. ii. c. 82, § 3.) A man whose family for fifty years had paid a fixed sum in exchange for all servile duties easily became a copyholder ; even though he had at first been a mere ‘tenens penilond ad vitam et ad voluntatem domini.’ (Cart. Mon. Glouces. p. 134.) “ Shortly before the fourteenth century, landowners began to find that they were often short for money or for labour. Ex- penses were increasing, the value of money slightly diminishing, and half the population were free yeomen. One way in which the upper classes tried to remedy this was by bringing actions to prove that townships or persons were of servile condition. (Gesta Mon. S. Alb. i. 460, ii. 202.) About the same time, laws were made 56 § 12 . — Mr. Pearson on Commons. § 13 . — Aliens. restraining tenants from selling their lands. (See my History, ii. 337.) Even bondsmen had been able to do this, the principle being that they were only bound to keep enough to discharge the services from. (G-esta Mon. S. Alb. i. 455.) 1 Last of all come the Statutes of Labourers under Eicbard II., the want of labour being by that time very grievous to employers, war and pestilence having diminished the population. Under Henry V. population had partly retrieved its losses, and an outlet for the surplus was found in the French wars. Under Henry VI. civil war answered the same purpose. But as soon as order was restored, the re- lations of classes became difficult again. By the new military system the Grovernment preferred money to men, and the land- lord had no occasion for armed retainers. His chief profit was derived from the wool-trade; he replaced ploughmen by shep- herds. everywhere, and only wanted one man where he before needed ten, except at special times, such as lambing and shearing. He accordingly evicted all whom he could, enclosed where he dared, and tried to drive the population into the towns, meantime securing a hold on their labour by the laws which Froude admires so much. I write from memory, not having the statutes at hand, but I think the first Act against enclosures was under Bichard III. Such Acts were passed at intervals for a century afterwards. As Church estates were generally managed with more regard to public opinion than the lands of nobles and gentlemen, the Abbots in the fifteenth century not daring to use their legal powers, the abolition of the monasteries awakened many regrets among the poor, who saw that it gave a great stimulus to enclosures. On the other hand, Church lands were badly farmed, and generally in debt. In England, as now in Australia, the great sheep-farmers cared nothing for the national interests, and only wanted to pro- duce wool in the largest possible quantities. No wonder men looked back with regret to the times when the bondman had his small farm, could alien part of it, could bequeath it to his children, was in request for labour, and could live without it on his own property. They forgot that, like the dog in the fable, he carried a collar ; I don’t mean literally, as I have never met with an illustration of Grurth’s ornament. “These are very hasty notes, but I have very few books at hand on the fifteenth century. They will not do to print, but they may give you a hint or two.” § 13. Aliens .— Judging only from the Statute Book, one would think that the feeling towards aliens, in the English mind, would have been one of pity rather than of jealousy. Some of the sta- tutory provisions against them are recited in the Preamble to the 1 In the same way, the right of exchanging parcels of land with one another, was gradually taken away from the tenants on large estates. (Cart. Mon. Glouces. iii. p. 216.) Now A Dayes. § 13. — Statutes against Aliens. 57 32 Henry VIII. chapter 16, 1 which was not repealed till the 26 & 27 Viet. cap. 125. First, by the Act 1 Bic. III. cap. 9, no Alien not made a Denizen, taking upon him to be an Artificer or Handi- craftsman, was allowed to take any House or Chamber within the Bealm, or abide in the same, nor sojourn with any Alien, nor exercise any Craft within the Bealm, but should depart from it unless retained to work by any Englishman. Also, no such Alien should make cloth, or sell by retail, but only in gross ; and that no Denizen should have any servant to work for him, except his own child or a British-born subject. Secondly, by the 14 & 15 Henry VIII. chapter 2, no Alien, whether made Denizen or not, could take an Apprentice, or have any servant but a British-born subject; and all Aliens were subjected to the Wardens of the Fellowship of Handicrafts in London. Thirdly, the power and number of Aliens having increased, — by the 21 Henry VIII. cap. 16, no Alien is allowed any more Servant Strangers but two at a time ; all householding Denizens are made to contribute to the English Crafts their due share of all charges borne by such Crafts ; no Alien, not being a Denizen, shall keep any shop to carry on handicraft in ; and none shall assemble elsewhere than in the Common Hall of their Crafts. One would have thought this enough ; but the Preamble of 32 Henry VIII. chapter 16, says, that these Strangers and Aliens daily do increase and multiply within his Grace’s Bealm, in ex- cessive numbers, to the great Detriment, Hindrance, Loss and Impoverishment of his Grace’s natural true Lieges and Subjects of this his Bealm, and to the great Decay of the same ; and that all the foresaid good, wholesome, and beneficial Statutes been frustrated and defrauded, chiefly by means of Letters Patent ob- tained by the crafty Inventions and Practises of such Strangers, lately made Denizens in great numbers, which Letters Patent do contain that every such Denizen shall be as free as any English- man naturally bom, by reason whereof the said Denizens refuse to obey the former Estatutes ; wherefore the Act enacts that all Denizens shall obey the old Statutes, any Letters Patent to the contrary, notwithstanding ; that no Alien or Denizen using any Handicraft in Oxford, Cambridge, or the precinct of St. Martin’s le Grand in London, shall keep more than two Alien Appren- tices, Journeymen or Servants ; and that none of the King’s Subjects, and no Denizen not using any Handicraft, shall keep more than 4 Aliens in his Household; and that no Strangers except Denizens may take a Lease of any Dwellinghouse or Shop. This obtaining of Letters Patent, through the favour of men about the Court, was, doubtless, as irritating to the master-trades- 1 See also 14 & 15 Hen. VIII. cap. 1 ; 21 Hen. VIII. cap. 16, etc. 58 § 13 . — Outbreak of the Londoners against Aliens. men of the county, as the employment by small masters of alien artisans of greater skill (perhaps) and at less wages (undoubtedly), was to the men. Very early in Henry’s reign we have an in- stance of it, in the outbreak of the London apprentices and other “ misruled persons,” in the 8th year of Henry VIII., on “ Evil May-day,” as told by Hall, fol. lx. : — A Lombard having enticed away an Englishman’s wife, with his plate, not only succeded in keeping both the man’s wife and plate, but had him arrested for the board of his wife. This brought matters to a crisis. A broker in London, John Lyncoln, told Beale, “a doctor in Deuinity called doctor Bele — howe miserably the common artificers liued, and skase coulde get any woorke to fynde them, their wyfes, and chyldren, for there were such a number of artificers straungers, that tooke alwaye all the lyuynge in maner. And also howe the Englishe merchauntes coulde haue no vtteraunce, for the mer- chaunt strangers brynge in all Sylkes, Clothe of Grolde . .” &c. “ Wlien Ester came, and doctor Bele should preache the Twesdaye in Ester weke, he came into the pulpit, and there declared that to him was brought a pitiful bill, and red it in thys wyse : To al you, the worshipful lordes and masters of this citie, that wil take compassion ouer the poore people your neyghbours, and also of the great importable hurtes, losses, and hynderaunces, whereof procedeth the extreme pouertie too all the kynges suhiects that in- habite within this citie and suburbes of thesame ; for so it is, that the alyens and strau??giers eate the bread from the poore fatherles chyldren, and take the liuynge from all the artificers, and the entercourse from all merchauntes, wherby pouertie is so muche encreased that euery man bewaileth the misery of other, for craftes mew be brought to beggery and merchauntes to nedynes: wherefore the premisses considred, the redresse must be of the commons, knyt and vnyte to one parte; and as the hurt and dammage greueth all men, so muste all men set to their willyng power for remedy, and not to suffre thesayd alyens so highly in their wealth, and the naturall borne men of his region too come to confusion. Of this letter was more, but the doctor red no farther, and then he began Cotlum cceli domino , terram autem dedit Jilijs liominum , and vpon thys text he intreated, that this lande was geuen too En- glishemen, and as byrdes woulde defende their nest, so oughte Englishemen to cheryshe and defend them selfes, and to hurte and greue aliens for the com- mon weale. And vpon this text pugna pro p atria, he brought in, howe by Goddes lawe it was lawfull to fight for their couwtrey ; and euer he subtellye moued the people to rebell agaynst the strauwgiers, and breake the kynges peace, nothynge regardynge the league betwene princess and the kynges honoure. Of this Sermon many a light person tooke courage, and openly spake against straungiers. And as the deuell woulde, the Sundaye after at Grenewiche in the Kynges gallery was Francis de bard, whiche as you harde kept an Englishe mans wyfe and his goodes, and yet he coulde haue no re- medy ; & with him were Domyngo, Anthony Caueler, and many mo straungiers, and ther they, talkynge with syr Thomas Palmer knyght, J ested and laughed howe that Fraunces kepte the Englishemans wyfe, saiynge that if they had the Mayres wife of London, they woulde kepe her : syr Thomas sayd, ‘ Sirs, you haue to muche fauour in Englande.’ There were diuerse Englishe mer- chauntes by, and harde them laugh, and were not content ; in somuche as one William bolt, a Mercer, sayd, ‘ wel you whoreson Lombardes, you reioyse and laugh ; by the masse, we will one daye haue a daye at you, come when it will and that saiynge the other merchauntes affirmed. This tale was reported aboute London, and the young and euell disposed people sayde, they woulde § 13 . — Aliens. § 14 . — Morals of the Clergy. 59 be reuenged on the merchaunt straungiers aswell as on the artificers straun- giers. On Monday the morow after, the Kyng remoued to hys maner of Eychemonde.” On the night of April 30, some 2000 of the craftsmen, pren- tices, and others rose, and sacked the ‘ houses of the French and Flemish artificers, and then proceeded to the residence of Peter Meautis, the King’s Secretary, who escaped death by hiding him- self in the belfry of the adjoining church. Their next object of attack was the Italian quarter, but the merchants there had pro- vided themselves with men, arms, and artillery, and defied the mob, who drew off to attack the less resolute and the defenceless.’ (Brewer's Calendar , vol. ii. p. ccxix.) Ultimately the city gates were forced by the troops whom Wolsey had ordered up, and the preacher, as well as twelve of the ringleaders and seventy of their adherents, were taken. Of these, thirteen were found guilty and condemned to be hanged, drawn, and quartered ; but Lincoln alone suffered ; Henry pardoned the rest. The feeling of the citizens was, however, strong, says Professor Brewer, that undue partiality had been shown to the strangers ; and the part that Surrey and other noblemen took in suppressing the outbreak, caused great hatred of the nobility to be combined with that of the aliens. Five months after, another rebellion broke out, but the mayor and aldermen suppressed it, and apprehended three of the ringleaders. (Brewer, ii. ccxii.) As my object is only to show the strong feeling against Aliens among our craftsmen in Henry’s VIII. ’s time, I do not pursue the subject further ; but the Petition and Ordinance printed at the end of the Ballad, will show with what minuteness aliens’ trading was regulated. § 14. The Morality of the Clergy, Monks, and Friars. — Profes- sor Brewer in his Monumenta Franeiscana, etc., warns people against the popular error of treating the Monks and Friars as Clergy. The characteristic of the Clergyman, the priest, was, that he was ordained , could celebrate Mass — or make his God, as it was called. — All other ministerial functions could be exer- cised by laymen, if licensed, whether under religious vows or not. The Monk was the cloisterer, under vows, but not necessarily ordained, and not, as a rule, going into the world, unless he had a cell, and served a church for his monastery. The Friar was under vows, and not ordained, but went abroad : often the self- denying Missionary, often the boon companion of all merry men and women, the man whose larks are generally put to the credit of the clergy, to whose body he did not belong. But we shall see that the Priests had sins of their own to account for. Our ballad complains of the Priests in lines 77-80 : — “ The lay men say that prestes Iett ; alle ys fysshe that comyth to the nett ; 60 § 14. — The Priest’s Whore in 1150-1200 a.d. thei spare none that they can gett, whether she he mayd or wyfe.” This is no new complaint to the student of Early English Liter- ature, to say nothing of the Latin and French literature of Early England. 1 II Few books indeed that treat of the life of any part of his time, can that student take up, without finding the morals of the clergy complained of. Even if we go no farther back than the Homilies of about 1150-1200 a.d., lately edited for the Early English Text Society by Mr. Richard Morris, we find the preacher asserting that the priest leads this life even worse than the laity, “for the layman honoureth his spouse with clothes more than himself, and the priest not so his church, which is his spouse, but his day (maid servant), who is his whore, whom he adorneth with clothes more than himself. The church clothes are ragged and old, and his woman’s shall be whole and new. His altar- cloth coarse and dirty, and her chemise small and white ; and the alb soiled, and her smock white . . . and so the priest is much worse than the laity, for he honoureth his whore more than his spouse.” 1 Cp. Giraldus Cambrensis, etc. Some French poems — there are plenty more — are printed. In the Anecdota Literaria of Mr. Thomas Wright, he says, on p. 63, “ I have already stated that the class of ribalds included women of ill-fame. The following short hut curious poem [Des Putains et des Lecheors ,] insinuates that these latter owed their support chiefly to the Romish clergy, while the other sex lived upon the superfluities of the knights.” Take an extract : — “ Mes putains . . . Avec les clers cochent et lievent, Et sor lor depanses enbrievent, Li clerc lo font por ax salver ; Mes li chevaliers sont aver As lecheors ; si se traissent, Quant del comandement Dieu issent Mes ce ne font li clerc noiant ; II sont large, et obediant As putains ; l’oevre le tesmoingne: Et despendent lor patremoinne, Et les hiens au crucefie En tel gent sont il emploie, Des rentes, des dismes, lo bien.” Again, at p. 66, Mr. Wright says, “ No class of society was more frequently a subject of satire in the poetry of the middle ages than the clergy. Their general character for morality was exceedingly low, and, as we have already seen in the foregoing poem, their most general vice appears to have been in- continency, which was a natural result of the Romish system of celibacy. The following poem [Des Clers) recommends an effective precaution against the corruption of the clergy in this respect.” The precaution is, as in the Song against the Friars , p. 66 below, to geld them : — “ Ensi fust bien, ce m’est avis, Que l’an les senast toz a lait, Tot autresin comme l’on fait Un porcel o une autre beste.” § 14 . — Monks and Nuns in 1300 . Priests 1 Mares in 1303 . 61 The curious “ lutel sermoun ” in Cotton Caligula, A. ix., fol- lowing the Owl and Nightingale (T. Wright’s ed. p. 80-4,) says, — “ Alle prestes wifes, ich wot heo beoth for-lore ; Thes persones, ich wene, ne beoth heo nojt for-bore.” Wright , p. 82. Before or about 1300 comes that wonderfully light and airy satire, considering its time, The Land of Cokaygne , hit off by a more-than- Chaucer hand. ‘ H Whan )>e abbot him iseeb \>at is monkes from him fleeb, he takeb maidin of be route, a nd tumib vp har white toute, a nd hetib be taburs wib is hond, to make is monkes Mght to lond. IT Whan is monkes \>at iseeb, to be maid[e] dun he fleeb, a nd geb be wench [e] al abute, a nd bakkeb al hir white toute ; a nd sib, aftir her swinke, wendib meklich horn to drinks, a nd geb to har collacione, a wel fair processione. II Anob er abbei is b^'bi, for sob a gret fair nunnerie 1 , vp a riuer of swet milke, whar is gret plente of silk, whan be somer-is dai is hote, be yunge nunnes takib a bote, a nd dob ham forb i n ]>at riuer, bobe wib oris &nd wib stere. whan hi beb fur iram be abbei, hi makeb ham nakid forto plei, a nd lepib dune in-to be brimme a nd dob ham sleilich forto swimme. Harl. MS. 913, leaf 5 back; Early English Poems , 1862, p. 159-61. Bobert of Brunne, in 1303 a.d., continues the complaint ; but, living in a monastery, he does not scold the clergy, he is afraid of them — or says he is : — “ Of bys clerkys wyl y nouyAt seye ; To greue hem y haue grete eye,” and therefore denounces the women. If they will have a man, let them take one, but not a priest ; for if a maid or wife dis- turb the holy life of the priest through lechery, against her shall call and cry, all that are in paradise, in purgatory, and on earth, and shall condemn her to be lost, and shall curse the time that she was bom. Besides, her own conscience shall condemn her in that day when all shall rise before Jesus, that high Judge ; for — 1 La grange est prhs des hateurs (said of a Nunnerie thats neere vnto a Fryerie ;) the Bame stands neere the Threshers. Cotgrave, under Bateur. 2 MS. “monkeb” be yung[e] monkes 2 \>at hi seeb, hi dob ham vp, a nd forb hi fleeb, a nd commib to be nunnes anon, a nd eu[eri]ch monke him takeb on, a nd snellichi? berib forb har prei to be mochil grei abbei, a nd techib be nunnes an oreisun, wib iambleue vp a nd dun. H be monke b«t wol be stalun gode, a nd kan set a-ri^/it is hode, he schal hab, wib-oute danger, twelve wiues euche ye re, al bro gh right , a nd noght bro gh grace, for to do him silf solace ; a nd bilk monke b«t clepib best, a nd dob his likam al to rest, of him is hoppe, god hit wote, to be sone uadir abbot. U Whose wl com b«t lond to, ful grete penance he mot do ; Seue ye re in swine-is dritte, he mote wade, wol ye iwitte, al anon vp to be chynne ; so he schal be lond [i-]winne.” 62 Now a Da yes. § 14 . — The Parson’s wench in 1307-27. “ shame hyt ys aywhare To be kalled a prestes mare.” He tells a Tale accordingly of the concubine of an amorous and lecherous priest, whose corpse was carried off by fiends with loathly brows, although her sons, who were priests, had tied her body to the bier. But still, Robert of Brunne declares that — “ Of prestes wyues men here euere telle,” and he further says of men and clerics, that no scribe — though he were wiser than Solomon, or better-languaged than Mercyon, and lived a thousand years, — u Ne rccyght telle J>e sorow and were [glossed dysese], Ne he peyne, hat he preste shal drye [glossed suffre] hat haunteh hat synne of lecchery.” Handlyng Synne , p. 247-252. The life-like Poem on the Evil Times of Edward II. — of which Mr. Thomas Wright printed a fragment from the Auchinleck MS. in his Political Songs for the Camden Society in 1839, and of which Mr. Hardwick printed (not very carefully) a complete copy for the Percy Society, from a MS. in Peterhouse Library, Cambridge, in 1849, — says of the Archdeacon, — “ He wole take mede of that on and that other, And late the parsoun have a wyf, and the prest another, at wille ; Coveytise shal stoppen here mouth, and maken hem al stille And of the parson on getting a fresh living, And whan this newe parsoun is institut in his churche .... And whan he hath i-gardered markes and poundes, He priketh out of toune wid haukes and wid houndes Into a straunge contre, and halt a wenche in cracche ; And wel is hire that first may swich a jparsoun kacche in londe :” which last line should be compared with the like sentiment in Simon Fish’s Supplicacyon for the Beggers , p. 74 below. Still, the poem says fairly : — “ There beth so manye prestes, hii ne muwe noht alle he gode. And natheles thise gode men fallen oft in fame For thise wantoune prestes that pleien here nice game hi nihte .... At even he set upon a koife, and kemheth the croket, Adihteth him a gay wenche of the newe jet, sanz doute ; And there hii clateren cumpelin whan the candel is oute.” Political Songs , p. 326-9. The rest of the bits on the monks, etc., who, when they come to meat, make their bellies tight off the best, is very good. About 1350 : — If we may take this to be the date of the four- teenth century MS. of Hampole’s Pricke of Conscience, Ashmole 63 Now a Dayes. § 14. — Bad Clergy in 1350 a.d. 60, to which Mr. Black draws attention in his Catalogue of the Ashmole MSS. col. 105, we have an insertion of “ a remarkable invective against bad clergymen,” which we may as well put into type here, though it does not directly bear on our subject except in lines 8-12 and 38 : — Ashmole MS. 60, leaf 97. [Stimulus consciencie a Ricardo, Heremita de Hampole, (ob. 1349. v. Jo. Baleum, fol. 431).] 6rif lorel lordis his vnderstode And J>ise bischopis hat ku;men litil goode, And hise vnkmmynge abbotis and pn'ouris, And many otbere rekles doctours, 4 And al-so hise falce Ercbedekene \>at aboute he cuwtre wake And maynteynen falce preestis in euery halke, And also officialis and denes in her cbapitre and constory, That meyntenen falce preestis in her lecchery : 8 Wherfore hise chief berdis of holichirche Sbulden take hede how synfully hei wircbe, And bow hat her sugetis vnder hem taken mede Of falce p«rdones and preestis for her mysdede ; 12 And for a litil moneye hei yeuen hem leeue In lordis courtis hanne to bileue, And bicomen here lordis stywardis, [leaf 97 back.] And so leeuen he office of goode herdis ; 16 And so he charge hat hei taken of her biscbop, Thanne hei delyueren it vnto a lewid lop 1 That ne can neiher reule bis flok ne bymsilf wel, And so be bryngeh bis folde in gret perel, 20 And so be leeueh bis sheep boh skabbid and roynous, And defoulid wih synne ful venymous, And lateh he wolf come to the folde bohe nyyAt and day, To distroiyAe he sheep, and here hem away ; 24 And so he leseh bohe hym and bis maister, And he folde wih he sheep in tyme commynge aftir, And so is he biscbop and his curatowr bohe disceyued ; Tberfore hei sbal aide hree wih he fend in belle be resceyued ; 28 And hus hei ben lorne al-so sket, Biscbop, personne, preest, and sheep ; And so hei wenden alle foure to helle, Eueremore her-Inne for to dwelle 32 For her falce kepyng and gouemaile, That hei laten so he fend her flockis assaile. And al his comeh thurgh hise falce persounnes, That semen lordis in dyuerce tounnes, 36 And laten her chirche and her charge stonde In a ful leccberous foolis bonde, And hymsilf serue lordis in kechene and in halle, And bicomen clerkis of a-coxmte, and Marescballe. 40 And yif hei bythouyAten hem wel in alle hyng, They nolden for a tbowsand wynter to be kyng 1 F MS. may be rop. The equivalent in 1. 38, is a “leccherous fool.” Ioppe or folte, Joppm , joppa. Prompt. Parv. In N. Britain, a big-headed, dull, lazy-looking fellow is called a Jupsie. (See Jamieson.) Coles gives “ Jobelin, a sot or fool.” (Way in Pr. Parv.) 64 § 14. — Priests’ lemmans and concubineSj 1362-72 a.d. And to be lord ouer see, woode, and land, And alle thyng in bis werld bowe to his hand, 44 And haue here peyne, \>at is for J>at hym ordeyned, Whanne he comeb here alle thynge shal be deined 1 . Therfore, ne dispisep nought be heuenes kyng, Neiber his lawis, ne his biddyng, 48 But fondib in alle thynge to wirke his wille, And leteb youre owen be, and his fulfille ! Qui sine timore est, non potest iustificari iudicium, sapiencie / timor do^'ni qui insipiens est, in culpa 52 sapiens, erit in pena. / a.d. 1362. William of Malvern, or Longland, or whoever the author of the Visions of Piers Ploughman was, says of Mede (or Money), — “ She blessith thise bisshopes, Theigh they be lewed ; Provendreth persones, And preestes maynteneth, To have lemmans and lotebies Alle hire lif daies, And bryngeth forth barnes Ayein forbode lawes.” Again, Sloth gives this account of himself: — “ I have be preest and parson Passynge thritty wynter, And yet kan I neyther solne ne synge, Ne saintes lyves rede ; But I kan fynden in a feld Or in a furlang, an hare, Bettre than in Beatus vir Or in Beati omnes Construe oon clause wel, And kenne it to my parisshens . . . I visited nevere feble men, Ne fettred folk in puttes ; I have levere here an harlotrye, Or a somer game of sowters, Or lesynge to laughen at, And bi-lye my neghebores, Than al that evere Marc made, Mathew, Johan, and Lucas. And vigilies and fastyng-dayes, Alle thise late I passe ; And ligge a-bedde in Lenten, And my lemman in myne armes .” (Ed. Wright, i. 101-2.) But still, p. 26, 1. 340, 350 “ Manye chapeleyns are chaste, ac charite is away Manye curatours kepen hem clene of hire bodies ; Thei ben acombred with coveitise.” a.d. 1372. The Commons pray the Parliament of XLVI Edw. III., that the Prelates and Ordinaries of Holy Church may no longer be allowed to take money payments from the Clergy and others for leave to keep concubines, and other offences for which money ought not to be taken. 41. Item prie la Commune, que comme autre foithz au Parlement tenuz a W yncestre, supplie y fuist par la Commune, de remedie de ce que les Prelatz & Ordinares de Seint Esglise pristrent sommes pecuniers de Gentz de Seint Esglise, & autres, pur redemption de lour Pecche de jour en jour, & an en an, de ce que ils tiendrent overtement lours Concubines ; & pur autres Pecches & Offenses a eux surmys, dount peyne pecunier ne serroit pris de droit : Quele chose est cause, meintenance, & norisement, de lour Pecche, en overte des- clandre, & mal ensaumple de tut la Commune ; quele chose issint continue nient duement puny, est desesploit au Roi & a tout le Roialme. Qe pleise a no.s^re Seigneur le Roi ent ordeiner, que touz tiels redemptions soient de tut 1 ? = demed,” judged. Now a Dates. § 14 . — Wy cliff e on Prelates ’ Morals. 65 oustiez ; Et q ue si nul viegne encontre ceste Ordeinance, q ue le prmour en- courge la somme del double issint pris devers la Roi, & cely que le paie eit mesme la peyne. Et que Justices d’ Assises & de la Pees, a totez les foithz q’il bosoigne, eient poiar d’oier & terminer a Suite de Roi & de partie touchantz les cboses suisditiz. Et soit quelconque persone resceu a suire pur le Roi, & eit la moite de ce q ue serra recovery pur son travail. — Rolls of Parliament , II, 313-4. Ab. 1370-80. The Treatise Why Poor Priests have no Bene- fices, attributed to Wycliffe, says : — “ And when some lords would present [to a benefice] a good man, and able for the love of God and Christian souls, then some ladies be means to have a dancer, a tripper on tapis, or hunter, or hawker, or a wild player of summer’s games, for flattering and gifts going betwixt ; and if it be for dancing in bed, so much the worse.” Tracts and Treatises of John de Wycliffe , D.D., ed. Yaughan, 1845, p. 288. “ Prelates . . . their cursed extortion is called ‘ the great alms of Antichrist.’ But hereby they make large kitchens, hold fat horse and hounds, and hawks, and strumpets gaily arrayed, and suffer poor men to starve for mischief, and yet suffer and constrain them to go the broad way to hell.” Ib. p. 240 ; see also p. 14, etc. “ but of sin against chastity, men say that many prelates are full thereof, and of the most cursed species thereof, such as it would be a shame to write ; and so curates take example from them, and subjects take example from cu- rates, both wedded men and single.” Wycliffe, Be Conversatione Ecclesiasticorum or Of P relates. in Vaughan’s Tracts and Treatises , p. 17. The Praier and Comjplaynte of the Ploweman vnto Christe : writ- ten not long after the yere of our Lord, a thousande and thre hundred [say, near 1400], first printed in 1531, and reprinted in the Harleian Miscellany , vol. i. p. 153, ed. 1808, says, at p. 165 : — “ Leue Lorde, yif good men forsaken the companye of woman, and nedes the moten haue the govemayle of man, then moten they ben ycoupled with schrewes; and therfore thy spoushode, that thou madest in clenesse from synne, it ys now ychaunged in to lykynge of the flesch ; and, Lorde, this ys a gret myschefe vnto thy people. And younge prestes and men of religion, for defaute of wives, maken many wymen horen, and drawen, thorow her yuel ensample, many other men to synne ; and the ese that they lyuen in, and their welfare, ys a gret cause of this myschefe : And, Lorde, me thinketh that these ben quaynte orders of religion, and none of thy secte, that wolen taken horen, whilke God forfendes, and forsaken wyues, that God commaundes, and gyuen her selfe to ydelnes, that ys the moder of al no uy /dines.” And again at the end of the tract : — “ Lorde . . . they seggen that her order ys to holy for thy mariage. And, Lorde, he that calleth hymselfe thy viker vp on erth, wall not suffren prestes to taken hem wyues, for that it ys ayeins his law ; but, Lorde, he will dis- pensen with hem to kepen horen for a certen sum of mon[ey]. And, Lorde, all horedome ys forfended in thy law. And, Lorde, thou never forfendest prestes her wiues, ner thy apostles nether. And well I wote, in our londe prestes hadden wiues vntil Anselmus dayes, in the yere of oure Lorde God aleuen hundert and twenty and nyne, as Huntindon writes. And, Lorde, this makes puple, for the moste parte, leuen that letcherye ys no synne.” llarl. Mi sc. ed. 1808, vol. i. p. 182. F VOL. I. 66 § 14. — Friars’ fornication and adultery, 1382-94. a.d. 1382. The Song against the Friars , probably of this date, in Mr. Thomas Wright’s Political Poems and Songs , Rolls Series, i. 264-6, says of the friars : — Thai dele with purses, pynnes, and knyves, With gyrdles, gloves, for wenches and wyves ; Bot ever bacward the husband thryves, Ther thai are haunted tille. For when the gode man is fro hame, And the frere comes to our dame, He spares nauther for synne ne shame. That he ne dos his wille . . . Iche man that here shal lede his life, That has a faire doghter or a wyfe, Be war that no frer ham shryfe, Nauther loude ne stille. Thof women seme of hert ful stable, With faire byhest and with fable Thai can make thair hertes chaungeable, And thair likynyes fulfille. Be war ay with the lymitour, and with his felawe bathe ! And thai make maystries in thi hour, it shal turn the to scathe. Were I a man that house helde, If any woman with me dwelde, Ther is no frer, bot he were gelde, Shuld com within my wones. For, may he til a woman wynne In priveyte, he will not blynne Er he a childe put hir withinne, And perchaunce two at ones. Thof he loure under his hode with semblaunt quaynte and mylde, If thou him trust, or dos him gode, by God, thou ert bygyld. a.d. 1394. The author of Pierce the Ploughmans Crede makes the Minorite friar say of the Carmelites (p. 2-4, ed. Skeat) : — “ bei ben but jugulers . and iapers, of kynde, Lorels and Lechures . & lemmaws holden .... And bat wicked folke . wymmen bi-traieb, And bigileb hem of her good . wib glauerynge wordes, And b^with holden her hous . in harlotes werkes . . . bei lyuen more in lecherie . and lieth in her tales ban suen any god liife ; but lurken in her selles, And wynnen werldliche god . & wasten it in synne Wib sterne staues and stronge . bey ouer lond strakeb bider as her lemmanes liggeb • and lurkeb in townes, (Grey grete-hedede quenes . wib gold by be eiy^en), And seyn,,b«t here sustren bei ben, \>at soioumeb aboute.” Then the Minorite says of the Austin Priar, “ He holdep his or- dynaunce wife hores and }>eues.” And Piers says of them all : — “ Whereto beggen bise men . and ben nought so feble ? . . . But for a lustfull lijf . in lustes to dwellen ? . . . . (ib. p. 23) God wold her wonynge . were in wildernesse, And fals freres forboden . be fayre ladis chaumbres !” (ib. p. 29) Now a Dates. § 14. — Priests' Lechery in 1393-4. 67 Ab. 1393-4. — The Complaint of the Ploughman in Wright's Polit. Poems , Rolls Series, i. 304, says of the Priests, at p. 312- 313 : — Some liveth not in lecherie [concubinage], But haunt wenches, widowes, and wives, And punisheth the poore for putree : 1 Them selfe it useth all their lives . . . By yere eche priest shal pay his fee To encrease his lemmans call ; Such herdes shul wel ivel thee, And al such false shul foule fall. Some of them [Canons Secular] been hard nigges ; [misers] And some of hem been proude and gaie ; Some spende her goodes upon gigges [prostitutes], And finden hem of great araie. Alas ! what thinke these men to saie, That thus dispenden Groddes good ? At the dreadfull domesdaie, Soche wreckes shull be worse than wood. Some her churches never ne sie, Ne never o pennie thider ne send . . . And usen horedome and harlottrie, Covetise, pompe, and pride, Slothe, wrath, and eke envie, And sewen sinne by every side. (ib. p. 326-7.) Mennes wives they wollen hold ; And though that they [men] been right sorye, To speake they shull not be so bold, For sompning to the consistorye ; And make hem saie, mouth I lie, Though they it sawe with her iye, His lemmen holden openly, No man so hardy to aske why. (ib. p. 330.) Though a priest lye with his lemman all night, And tellen his felowe, and he him ; He goth to masse anon right, And saieth he singeth out of sinne, His birde abideth him at his inne, And dighteth his diner the meane while He singeth his masse ; for he would winne ; And so he weneth God begile. (ib. p. 333.) Mr. "Wright notices, at p. lxxxiy of the volume I have been quoting from, that in Grower’s Latin Poem “ On the Vices in the different Orders of Society,” the poet says, “ Among the monks and the secular clergy there was nothing but darkness. Their only lamps were games, idleness, prostitutes and taverns.” 2 Chaucer, I have been assured, never hints at the immo- rality of the Clergy, though he does speak strongly of that of 1 Fr. Puterie : f. Whoring, whoredome, whore-hunting, wenching. Cotgrave . 2 De luce ordinis professi. Aut si vis gressus claros, non ordo professus Hos tibi prsestabit, quos cautius umbra fugabit. Ordine claustrali manifestus in speciali, F 2 68 Now a Dayes. § 14 . — Chaucer on lewd Priests , or free-hulls , the Pardoner ; those Tales in which he speaks of immoral monks, friars, and priests, are borrowed from foreign literatures, and can- not be taken to apply to the English clergy. This view was new to me. It is ingenious ; but if I can read Chaucer, it isn’t true. Take only two extracts, and judge whether Chaucer had come across any clerical fowl-treaders and free-bulls in his life : — “ Sire Nonnes Preest, our hoste sayd anon, Yblessed be thy breche, and every ston ! This was a mery tale of Chaunteclere. ' But by my trouthe, if thou were seculere , Thou woldest ben a tredefoule a-right : For if thou have corage as thou hast might, Thee were nede of hennes, as I wene, Ye, mo than seven times seventene. Se, whiche braunes hath this gentil preest, So gret a necke, and swiche a large breest ! He loketh as a sparhawk with his eyen ; Him nedeth not his colour for to dien With Brasil, ne with grain of Portingale.” Tyrwhitt , iii. 64, lines 15453-65. “ . . . sothely, the vengeance of avouterye is awardid to the peyne of helle, but if he be destourbed by penitence. Yit ben ther mo spices of this cursed synne, as whan that oon of hem is religious, or ellis bothe, or for folk that ben entred into ordre, as sub-dekin, or dekin, or prest, or hospitalers ; and ever the higher that he be in ordre. the gretter is the synne. The thinges that gretly aggreggith her synne, is the brekyng of here avow of chastite, whan thay resceyved the ordre ; and fortherover is soth, that holy ordre is chefe of alle the tresor of God, and is a special signe and mark of chastite, to schewe that thay ben joyned to chastite, which that is the moste precious lif that is. And eek these ordred folk ben specially tytled to God, and of the special meyne of God ; of whiche whan thay don dedly synne, thay ben the special traytours of God and of his poeple, for thay ly ven of the poeple to praye for the poeple ; and whil thay ben suche traytours, here prayer avayleth not to the poeple. Prestis ben aungels, as by the dignite of here misterie ; but for soth seint Poul saith, that Sathanas transformeth him in an aungel of light. Sothely, the prest that hauntith dedly synne, he may be likened to the aungel of derknes, transformed into the aungel of light ; and he semeth aungel of light, but for sothe he is aungil of derknes. Suche prestes ben the sones of Helie, as schewith in the book of Kinges, that thay were the sones of Belial, that is, the devel. Belial is to say, withoute juge, and sofaren thay ; thay thynhe hem fre , and han no juge, no more than hath a f re hole , that takith which cow that him liketh in the toun. So faren thay by wommen ; for right as a fre bole is y-nough for al a toun, right so is a wikked prest corrupcion y-nough for al a parisch , or for al a contray. These prestes, as saith the book, ne conne not ministere the mistery of presthode to the poeple, ne God ne knowe thay not ; thay holde hem nought apayed, as saith the book, of soden fleissh that was to hem offred, but thay tooke by force the fleissch that is raw. Certes, so these schrewes holde hem not appayed with rosted fleissh and sode fleissh, with whiche the poeple feeden hem in gret reverence, but thay wil have raw Jleisch of folkes wyves and Lux ibi pallescit, quam mens magis invida nescit ; Lux et mortalis tenebrescit presbyteralis. Clara dies transit, nec eis lucema remansit ; Sunt ibi lucemae jocus, otia , scorta, taberncc , Quorum velamen vitiis fert sfepe juvamen. Now a Dayes. § 14 . — Chaucer on Parsons 5 Children. 69 here doughtres . And certes, these wommen that consenten to here harlotrie, don gret -wrong to Crist and to holy chirche, and to alle halwes, and to alle soules, for thay bireven alle these hem that schulde worschipe Crist and holy chirche and praye for cristen soules. And therfor han suche prestis, and here lemmans eeke that consenten to here leccherie , the malisoun of al the court cristian , til thay come to amendement.” The Persones Tale , T. Wright’s 2-col. ed., p. 206. Now of course it is possible to bold that by the first passage Chaucer meant that the priest was virgin-pure ; and that in the second he was only translating an older French or Latin treatise, without the most distant notion that any one would suspect him of aiming at the evils of his own time, — any more than one would suppose the noble words on behalf of churls and the poor in The Persones Tale to be meant for his England, if these words are not his own only. — But to any such interpreter, I humbly submit that he doesn’t know much of Chaucer. On the question of the parson’s children, — how begotten I cannot say, — I must add Chaucer’s bit in The Beves Tale , — not translated from the French original, be it observed : — A wyf he hadde, come of noble kyn ; The persoun of the town hir fader was, With hire he gat ful many a panne of bras. 1. 3940-2. And of the parson’s granddaughter : The persoun of the toun, for sche was feir, In purpos was to maken hir his heir, Bothe of his castel and his messuage, And straunge made it of hir mariage, His purpos was [for] to bystow hir hye Into som worthy blood of ancestrye ; For holy chirche good moot be despendid On holy chirche blood that is descendid. Therfore he wolde his joly blood honoure, Though that he schulde holy chirche devoure. 1. 3975-84, ed. Wright. a.d. 1401. Jack Upland’s Rejoinder to the Reply of Friar Daw Topias to Jacke Upland, printed in Mr. T. Wright’s Po- litical Poems for the Master of the Rolls, vol. ii. p. 39, etc., says : — ffor oft ye leden awaye mennes wifes (p. 44) . . . your freres ben taken alle day with wymmen and wifes ; hot of your privey sodomye spake I not yette. (p. 49) And as to chastite of body, ye breken it ful oft. (p. 62) H Daw, thou herdist me not grucche that ye went two togedir ; ffor otherwhile ye gon three, a womman is that oon.” (p. 101.) Compare the woodcut in Plate VI at the end of The Bahees Book, etc., where at least one woman is present at a meal of ton- sured men, one of whom is pulling her about. Ab. 1450. In the same volume of Mr. Wright’s, at p. 249-50, is a short poem of Henry Vi’s time, Against the Friars , which 70 Now a Dayes. §14. — Corruption of the Monasteries in 1489. Lat a freer of som ordur tecum pernoctare, Odur thi wyff or tlii doughtour hie melt violate ; Or thi sun he weyl prefur, sicut furtam fortis. God gyffe syche a freer peyne in inferni portis ! 1485-6 a.d. 1 Henry VII. Mr. Froude states in a note to his History, i. 85, that ‘ Among the miscellaneous publications of the [Old] Record Commission is a complaint presented by the gentlemen and the farmers of Carnarvonshire accusing the clergy of systematic seduction of their wives and daughters.’ Mr. Froude has unfortunately no more definite reference to this document, and Mr. Wood’s searches, and my enquiries for it at the Rolls, have not been successful in discovering it. 1489. In this year, says Mr. Froude, in his able and interest- ing Essay on “ The Dissolution of the Monasteries,” in Fraser's Magazine , 1857, and Short Studies on Great Subjects , p. 272, “ Pope Innocent the Eighth — moved with the enormous stories which reached his ear of the corruption of the houses of religion in England — granted a commission to the Archbishop of Canter- bury to make enquiries whether these stories were true, and to proceed to correct and reform as might seem good to him . . . On the receipt of the Papal Commission, Cardinal Morton, among other letters, wrote the following,” from which I take a few extracts, to William, Abbot of the monastery of St. Alban’s : — “The pious vows of the founders are defrauded of their just intent, the an- cient rule of your order is deserted ; and not a few of your fellow-monks and ■brethren, as we most deeply grieve to learn, giving themselves over to a re- probate mind, laying aside the fear of God, do lead only a life of lascivious- ness,— nay, as is horrible to relate, be not afraid to defile the holy places, even the very churches of God, by infamous intercourse with nuns,” etc. etc. “ You yourself, moreover, among other grave enormities and abominable crimes whereof you are guilty, and for which you are noted and diflamed, have, in the first place, admitted a certain married woman named Elena Ger- myn, who has separated herself without just cause from her husband, and for some time past has lived in adultery with another man, to be a nun or sister in the house or Priory of Pray, lying, as you pretend, within your juris- diction. You have next appointed the same woman to be prioress of the said house, notwithstanding that her said husband was living at the time, and is still alive. And finally, Father Thomas Sudbury, one of your brother- monks, publicly, notoriously, and without interference or punishment from you, has associated, and still associates, with this woman, as an adulterer with his harlot. “Moreover, divers other of your brethren and fellow-monks have resorted and do resort, continually to her and other women at the same place, as to a public brothel or receiving-house, and have received no correction therefor. At the nunnery of Sapwell ... as well as at Bray, you depose those who are good and religious ; you promote to the highest dignities the worthless and the vicious . . . under the name of guardians ... in fact they are no guardians, but thieves and notorious villains . . . Now a Dates. § 14. — The Monasteries in 1535. 71 “ . . . even within the monastery of the glorious proto-martyr Alban him- self . . . you have made away with the jewels ; the copses, woods . . . and other forest trees, to the value of 8000 marks and more, you have made to be cut down . . . sold and alienated. The brethren of the abbey, some of whom, as is reported, are given over to all the evil things of the world, neglect the service of God altogether. They live with harlots and mistresses publicly and continuously, withm the precincts of the monastery, and without ...” Mr. Broude adds, “We need not transcribe further this over- whelming document. It pursues its way through mire and filth to its most lame and impotent conclusion. After all this, the abbot was not deposed ; he was invited merely to reconsider his doings, and, if possible, amend them. Such was Church dis- cipline, even under an extraordinary commission from Home. But the most incorrigible Anglican will scarcely question the truth of a picture drawn by such a hand ; and it must be added that this one unexceptionable indictment lends at once assured credibility to the reports which were presented later on the general visitation. There is no longer room for the presumptive objec- tion that charges so revolting could not be true.” Again, when speaking of the Letters from some of which ex- tracts are made below, Mr. Broude says, “ The official letters which reveal the condition into which the monastic establish- ments had degenerated, are chiefly in the Cotton Library, and a large number of them have been published by the Camden So- ciety. Besides these, however, there are in the Bolls House many other documents which confirm and complete the state- ments of the writers of these letters. There is a part of what seems to have been a digest of the ‘ Black Book ’ — an epitome of iniquities, under the title of the Compendium Compertorum. There are also reports from private persons, private entreaties for en- quiry, depositions of monks in official examinations, and other similar papers, which, in many instances, are too offensive to be produced, and may rest in obscurity, unless contentious persons compel us to bring them forward.” Mr. Broude then quotes two instances : one of disorder ; one of the steady adherence of Bobert Hobbes, Abbot of Woburn, to his old faith, through all trials and troubles whatever. From the former instance, that of Wigmore Abbey in Herefordshire, I take a charge or two (p. 278- 280) from the Articles to be objected against John Smart, the Abbot of the Monastery of Wigmore, before Thomas Cromwell : — “8. Item, that he the said abbot hath lived viciously, and kept to concu- bines divers and many women, that is openly known. “ 9. Item, that the said abbot doth yet continue his vicious living, as it is known, openly. “ 10. Item, that the said abbot hath spent and wasted much of the goods of the said monastery 7 upon the aforesaid women. “ 26. Item, the said abbot, in times past, hath had a great devotion to ride to Llangarvan in Wales, upon Lammas-day, to receive pardon there ; and on the even he would visit one Mary Hawle, an old acquaintance of his, at Jbe 72 Now a Dates, § 14. — Priests living in Adultery. Welsh Poole, and on the morrow ride to the foresaid Llangarvan, to he con- fessed and absolved, and the same night return to company with the said Mary Hawle . . . and Kateryn, the said Mary Hawle her first daughter, whom the said abbot long hath kept to concubine, and had children by her, that he lately married at Ludlow. And [there he] others that have been taken out of his chamber, & put in the stocks within the said abbey, and others that have complained upon him to the king’s Council of the Marches of Wales : and the woman that dashed out his teeth, whom he would have had by violence, I will not name now, nor other men’s wives, lest it would offend your good lordship to read or hear the same.” Mr. Froude refers to a list of priests, etc., in the Diocese of Hereford, allowed to live in Adultery and Fornication for money ; and I print it here : — [MS. The Names of such Persons cation for Money : — The Vicar of Lidbury The Vicar of Brasmyll The Vicar of Stow The Vicar of Clonne The Parson of Wentnor The Parson of Rusbury The Person of Ploden The Dean of Pountsbury The Parson of Stratton S r Mathew of Mongomery S r D D of Lauvauge S r John Braghe S r Morris of Clone Tanner, leaf 96, back.] as be permitted to live in Adultery and Form- s' Adam of Clone S r Rich d Apprice S r Pearce of Norbury S r Griffon Apegmond 1 S r John Orbeley S r John of Mynton S r John Raynoldes S r Morris of Knighton Preest Hugh Davis Cadwallater ap Gem u Edwd ap Merick with many others within the Dio- cess of Hereford This list is followed by a petition for letters of dismission for some persons unknown, commencing thus : “ Wherefore, humbly beseeching your most honourable good Lordsyta'p that your poor Orators may have jour honourable Letters of Dismission, or else they dare not go into the Country.” (Gr. Waring.) Beneath is a petition from the Abbot of Halles for the removal of a shrine “ where that famed Belief called the Blood was.” (Gr. Waring.) The last extract from Mr. Fronde brings even to a later date than our Ballad, what I had intended only as a sketch of popular opinion on the morals of the clergy, monks , 2 and friars, up to the date of the Ballad, and as preparatory to a few extracts show- ing what was the state of those morals — or what was said to be their state — about and soon after the time of Now a Pages. Was the Ballad right on this point or not ? 1 The p in this name is doubtful, it may be an imperfect/. — G. W. 2 There is an interesting Inventory of the property, in 1520, of Dan Thomas Gol wynne, monk, professed of the house of London, in Mr. Brewer’s Calendar, iii. 204. He has 3 habits, 2 new shirts and 1 old, ‘ a wide slop furred to put over all my gear, of the gift of my lady Conway, &c ; a little Legend Aurey, the Shepherd’s Calendar, & JEsop’s Fables, all in print, with MS. and printed books of Devotion : lastly, ‘ a double still, to make with aqua vita’ 73 Now A Dayes. § 14 . — Roy on Priests ’ Morals. Take these lines in Hoy’s Satire against Wolsey, in the La- mentation over the Mass, — allow for exaggeration : — Drawe neare, ye presto in youre lo^ge gownes, With all the fryres of the beggerly ordres, Com hither, mo;/krid sin so is onde . hat mochil nuhe is in lond . and euir hi quemih he fend of helle. Early English Poems, 1862. 1. 81-4. Prior s and Abbots buying and selling. Compare the following, on the Church of Ireland in 1515 : — State of Ireland. (State Papers, vol. ii. p. 16; MS. p. 203.) “ Also the Churche of thys lande vse not to leme any other scyence but the lawe of Canon, For covetyce of Lucre traunsytory ; all other scyence, wherof growe none suche Lucre, the parsons of the churche dothe despyce. they cowde more by the ploughe Rustycall then by lucre of the ploughe Celestyall, to whiche they hathe streccheyd ther handes, and loke alwayes backwarde : they tende muche more to lucre of that ploughe, wherof groweth sclaunder and Rebuke, then to Lucre of the (p. 204) Soules, that is, the ploughe of Cryste. And to the traunsytorye lucre of that Rusticall ploughe they tendre so muche, that lytill or nought ther Chargeith to lucre to Cryste, the soules of ther subgetes, of whom 5 they have the cure by preacheing and teacheing of the worde of godde, and by ther goode Insample gy veing, whiche is the ploughe of worshyp and of honour, and the ploughe of grace of [him] that eu er shalle Indure.” 1. 97-8. One special cause of tbe ruin of “temporal lordes” and their households, in Henry’s reign, and the consequent pass- ing of their estates into trader’s hands, is thus stated by Macfar- lane (vi. 117), referring to Hall, Du Bellay, Polydore Vergil, and G-odwin as authorities : — 90 § 15. — Nobles’ estates ruined. Plague of 1518. “ The most lasting effect produced by the ‘ Field of the Cloth of Gold/ as the interview and the place where it was held were afterwards called, was the ruin of many of the nobility both English and French, who,, in their insane rivalry, contracted enormous debts.” The ‘ Field ’ was held in 1520 a.d. Shakspere has noted this : — Abur. I do know Kinsmen of mine, three at the least, that haue By this, so sicken’d their Estates, that neuer . They shall abound as formerly. Buc. O many Haue broke their backes with laying Mannors on ’em For this great Ioumey. Henry VIII, Act i., Sc. 1 ; p. 206, col. 1, Booth’s reprint. Hume notices that the power of disentailing estates was indi- rectly confirmed by Statute in Henry VII’s reign, and no doubt more freely exercised afterwards. Lines 129-136 look like a post-Reformation complaint, but, before the Reformation, the Monasteries may have given or sold livings to lay impropriators ; and they would often put unfit men to serve the parishes whose tithes they took. See Sir Francis Ey god’s Treatise on Impropriations : copies at Lambeth, and in Selden. 1. 193, 201. Straunge sihenes. Greate Deth. This, I believe, alludes to the Sweating Sickness in 1518 ; Halle , leaf lxiii., bk. : — “ After this greate triumphe, the kyng appointed his gestes for his pastyme this Sommer, but sodeinly there came a plague of sickenes, called the Swetyng sickenes, that turned all his purpose. This malady was so cruell that it killed some within three houres, some within twoo houres, some mery at diner and dedde at supper. Many died in the kynges Courte ; the Lorde Clinton, the Lorde Grey of Wilton, and many knightes, Gentlemen and officiers. For this plague Mighelmas terme was adiourned, and because that this malady con- tinued from July to the middes of December, the kyng kept hymself euer with a small compaignie, and kept no solempne Christmas, willyng to haue no re- sort for feare of infeccion ; but muche lamented the nomber of his people, for in some one toune halfe the people died, and in some other toune the thirde parte, the Sweate was so feruent and infeccious.” But there were subsequent returns of the sickness in 1526 and 1528. Of that in 1528, Macfarlane says, “ In the month of May the city of London and the court were thrown into great conster- nation by the sudden appearance of the sweating sickness. The disease soon showed itself among the servants of Anne Boleyn. By the orders of the anxious lover, Anne was instantly conducted into Kent, to the seat of her father, Lord Rochford ; but she carried the infection with her, and communicated it to her parent. Both father and daughter, however, were soon out of danger.” I think, though, that the date of 1518 suits the poem better than that of 1528. Professor Brewer observes on the same sickness : — 91 Now a Dates. § 15 . — Dicing and games. In the reign of Henry VIII., the sickness first made its appearance in April 1516. Its violence abated as usual at the approach of cold weather. It re- appeared again in the spring of 1517 with alarming fury, and, continuing all through the su mm er into November without interruption, scarcely ceased in the winter, and raged more violently than ever in 1518. In that year it was accompanied with the measles and the smallpox. Not only amusements, hut business, ceased in a great measure ; crowds and places of public resort were carefully avoided ; noblemen broke up their establishments, and every one in dread of the infection hastened, as best he could, to isolate himself from his neighbours. Brewer’s Calendar , vol. ii. p. ccxi. 1. 211. Low born , Sf highe 'promotion . This, Mr. G-airdner looks on as aimed unquestionably at Wolsey’s being the son of a butcher, and yet raised to tbe second post in the realm. 1. 233-4. On the “ gamers and gay courtiers, but few archers and ill warriors,” we may quote a passage referred to by Mr. Froude, in which the Earl of Surrey, in 1523, makes the same complaint. Earl of Surrey to Cardinal Wolsey, 1523. (Original Letters, ed. Ellis, 1st series, vol. i. p. 226.) “ And if yong noble men and gentilmen be not desierous and willing to be at suche jomeys, and to take the payne and yeve the adventure, and the Kingis highnes well contented with thoos that woll so doo, and not regarding others that wolbe but dauncers , disers , and carders , his Grace shall not bee well served when he wold bee.” With this, it may be interesting to compare a Now a dales of a hundred and fifty (or more) years earlier, a volume of Homi- lies of the fourteenth century, which Mr. Richard Morris pointed out to me, and which I hope he will some day include in the series which he has so well started in the Early English Text So- ciety. The ‘ new gise ’ of the young folk of its day was vain laughter, interludes, and strumpets’ daunce. [Harl. MS. 2276, leaf 37.] “ J >er is an o \>er lepre of yon ge folk : J?«t J?ei ben moche smyttid with now a daies / and bis is veyn lauyAtre, and idul wordis, and many o\>er vayn iapis : \>at seelden or neu er J>ei ku?men stynte from hem / bei taken noon heede of goddis word, bei re/men to enterludes with gret delijt : yhe, b«t is more reube, to strumpetis daunce / be preest for hem mai stonde alone in be chirche, but be harlot in be clepyng 1 shal be hirid for good money : to tellen hem fablis of losengerie / but to such man er folk : crist seib ful sharpeli bese wordis. / wo to you b«t now la wen : for ye shuln wepe ful sore her-aftir /” Our Now a dayes does not mention, among its complaints, the drunkenness that we know from Shakespere and other writers, was so prevalent in England in later days. That there was some of it here in Henry VIH.’s time, we cannot doubt; that it was in England earlier, the famous drinking-scene in the London tavern of the Vision of Piers Plowman (p. vi.-vii., 60-64, 1 ? chepyng , market ; or ‘ in the calling,’ when asked to come. 92 Now a Da yes. § 16 . — The Manuscript, fyc. Text A., ed. Skeat), shows us; and the Homilies noticed above have a long passage on it, from which we may quote a few lines : — [Harl. MS. 2276, leaf 36, back.] “ for druwkenesse is modir of vices : and makij> a man ful dul to virtues / for whan man is ouercomen with drynk : where ben his wittis banne : he farij> as it were a queynt candle, and as he were deed in donge : his wit and resouw is drenchid in draftis / and so as J>e profete seib : beestis roten in her donge / and wel mai druwkelew folk be clepid beestis \>at lacken resoun. for bi J>e meuyng of be feend bei han difformid goddis ymage, )>at graciousli is 2 /ouen to man : bi walewyng in be foule bicke plud of druwkenesse, as vnwitti and drunken swyn, and so roten fii bis foule synne /” 1. 233. Few Archers. The efforts of Henry VIII. to revive the use of bows and practice of Archery are well known. See these Statutes, referred to in the Index : — On Cross Bows and Hand Guns. On Archery. 3 Hen. VIII. c. 3. 6 Hen. VIII. c. 13. 33 Hen. VIII. c. 9. 3 Hen. VIII. c. 14. 3 Hen. VIII. c. 14. 6 Hen. VIII. c. 13. 14, 15 Hen. VIII. c. 7. 25 Hen. VIII. c. 17. 33 Hen. VIII. c. 6. § 16. The Ballad of Nowaday es is written in the Lambeth paper MS. 159, of the sixteenth century, after some Latin Lives of St. Dunstan, Odo, Anselm, etc. The poem is in an informal hand, and is followed by another in the same hand, Art. “ 30, An English poetical address to the Trinity and to the Virgin Mary. At the end the name of Thomas Lang don is written in fol. 264.” {Cata- logue.) The last verse is : — “ Blessed be the ffather off lyghtes in hevyn, & off virgyns the \irg yn, our lady the queyn. Lett my hart bless the lord of all goodnes And thirst allwaye the fountayn of swetnes a And cease never, thorns . . Amen, langdon. But I suspect he was only the copier, as, for 4 swetnes ’ in the last line but one, he first repeated 4 all goodnes ’ of the line above, and then corrected it. The Lutheran poem, printed in this volume, follows the Virgin poem, and I think it is in Langdon’s hand, but am not sure. Then come in a different hand, and on vellum, the “Words that John Hartgyll spoke before his death ” (leaf 276, back), and “ Ane Epitaphe vpon the death of John Hartgyll,” followed by “ ffinis, Q uod Thomas H.” The curls to the g and n, represented in the text by the B-e- cord type § , S = ger, n er, are very small, and are to be taken as representing only a possible final e, and possibly nothing. Now a Dates. — The Ballad. 93 The Rev. F. W. Russell, Chaplain of Charing Cross Hospital, — and author of a most valuable work on * Kett's Rebellion in Nor- folk in 1549, of which I unluckily did not know till this sheet was in course of revisal — first brought the ballad of Now a Bayes under my notice by sending me his transcript of it, (from which I find he quoted in his Kett's Rebellion) through our mutual friend, Mr. Fitzedward Hall, with a message that I might print it when I liked, after I had read it with the MS. and made out two or three words which had puzzled him. It was a long time before a chance offered of reading Mr. Russell’s transcript with the MS., for during my visits to the Lambeth Library in Professor Stubbs’s Librarianship, my time was taken up with other mat- ters ; then the library was closed altogether, but lately Mr. Ker- shaw’s appointment has re-opened it ; and here the Ballad is : — [Lambeth MS. 159, leaf 261, ? ab. 1520 A.D.] We Englisshemen beholde Our auncient customs bolde 1 , more precious er then golde, be clene cast away, 4 And other new be fownd, the which (ye may vnderstand) that causethe all your land So gretly to decay. 8 Merveft it is to here Of noble men, that were Among vs many a yere Here in tyms past, 12 The which toke in hand provision to be fond 2 . How to inhabit this land, & this was ah theyr cast. 16 To bylde chirches strong*, With solempne bell[e]s rong*, Devine service son^, Mans life to amend. 20 ther was dubbyd many a knyght ; With all ther powre and myght. Holy churche Ryght Swome to defende. 24 1 The b has a tail to make it h , added by a later hand. 2 Pronounce “ fand.” 94 Now a Dayes. — The good old times. Than made they such ordynaunce, [if. 261, col. that every man with Reverence, Vnder law and obedience ther prince should obay ; And while this people pure, ther goodnes Dede endure, So long, I yow ensure, this lond myght not Decay. Then the kyng* sett good price By noble men and wyse, and after there Devise He did govern him- self ; He wold not forsake ther cownsayb to take ; they wold no statute make But for the commen welth. then was he held in honor, the kyng* loved in gret plesur, & among his commons gret tresur ; ffor nothing wold thei care, then were men both freshe & bolde, and kept noble housholde, the people had what thei wolde, ffew of them were bare. Mery hartes was than to Ryde [if. 261 bk. col. thorough towne & cytees wyde, Replenysshed on every side ^Nith castels & towers hye. But now are the capitayns goone, ther ys not left the tenth 1 at home ; the goodly towers of lyme & stone, A-long* on the grownd thei lye. Castels now be not set by : the cawse is well knowen whi. Sithe thei be Down, let them lye ; thei stopp nott my way. thei stode my fathers tyme before ; yf they do myne, I aske no more, and so of them men geve no store 2 , for which, caus thei Do decay. 2 .] 28 32 36 40 44 48 • 1 .] 52 56 60 64 1 MS. " left he the X.” 2 MS. « strore.” Now a Dates. — Sins of the Clergy. 95 the people lyve in variaunce for lack of perseveraunce ; semple ys there governaunce, and wors ys there intent. Every man is fayne On other to complayne : Yf thys long 1 Rayne, We shatt yt all repent ! The spiritual! church, their myslevyng*, Pjj to the temporall, eveft ensample gevyng* ; co ’ '■* & thus, ether others works reprovyng, the i lyve in bate & stryfe. The lay men say that preestes Iett, alle ys ffysshe that commyth to the nett ; thei spare none that they can gett. Whether she be mayd or wyfe. men say that priors & abbottes be Grete grosyers in this conntre ; they vse bying* & sellyng openlye ; the church hath the name. Thei are nott content with ther possession, But gapyn|^ ever for promotion, & thus withdrawyng* mens Devotion, vnto the landes grete shame. And in lykewyse the commynalte Apply themselff ryght mervelouslye To lerne craftes and subtilite, ther neybours to begyle : The sister will begile the brother, the childe wyll begyl the mother ; And thus on will not trust another Yff this world last awhyle. Temporal lordes be almost gone, [if. 262, col. Howsholdes kepe ^Aei few or none. Which causeth many a goodly mane ffor to begg his bredd : Yff he stele ffor necessite, ther ys none other remedye But the law wilt shortlye Hang 1 him all save the hedd. 68 72 bk. 76 80 84 88 92 96 Id 100 104 96 Now a Dayes. — Avarice of the rich. And thus the people with gret cruelte vse the law with extremyte ; The world ys without aft pite. On god the i have no dredd. In such pride this world ys brought. That vytafte mew the i sett Ryght nought, the which thing* ons wyl be forthought Yff euer to them thei shaft have nede. The grete mysorder of everi cytee Cawsythe gret derth & povertee. Alas ! Alas ! yt ys gret pitee That Rych men be so blynd. Which, for the r gret pride & fulsom fare, They pluck & putt ther neybors bare, And thus the people punyshed are. And shortly browght be-hynd. A Rich maw withowt wysdom, P f - 262 > co1 A wyse maw without discresion, A foole natural! for his promotion, A Ruler shal become ; Than shaft he mervelous statutes cry, made by his grete pollicy, The Rich to be avaunced therby, and the poore cleane vndone. Now ys [Gods church] merchandyse, Bying* and sellyng* benefice ; A layman wift therin enterprice That knowth nothing the charge. Craftes-men now to kepe a cure, that with such thinges was neuer in vre ; so he have the title 1 , ye may be sure the paryssh gothe at large. The gret men now take no hede How ill so euer the commons spede ; the poore Dare not speke for drede, for nowght the i can Recover. Some gracious man sett his hand that good provision may be fownd ! Or els farweft the welth of this land, Cleane vndone for ever ! 108 112 116 120 . 2 .] 124 128 132 136 140 144 1 tithe. Now a Dayes. — Against Sheep and Ahem. 97 Leve the law, and vse well; [if. 262 bk. col. 1.] to be periured it shall not sky 11, So that I may my bagges ffyll, my heyers to promote : 148 A nother Day, then shall he Be a Euler after me ; And so the poor cominalte be troden vnder fote. 152 Envy waxith wonders strong 1 , the Eich[e] doth the poore wrong* : God of his mercy sufferith long the devill his worker to worke. 156 The townes go down, the land decayes ; Off cornefeyldes, playne layes ; Gret mew makithe now a dayes A shepecott in the churche. i6o The places that we Eight holy call, Ordeyned ffor christy an buriall, Off them to make an ox stall thes mew be wonders wyse. 164 Commons to close and kepe; Poor folk for bred [to] cry & wepe ; Towns pulled downe to pastur shepe : this ys the new gyse ! 163 Alyauntes here have the r way, [if. 262 bk. col. 2.] And Englysshmew cleane decay, the one half must nedes play ; this ys a como?i welth ! 172 Other landes avaunced bee, & by & sell amo??g vs free ; & thus our own commodite Doth clene vndo our selff. - 17 G Marchauwtes vse subtility, the church livith viciously, the commows are in poverty, this lond goth to wast : iso Marchawnt mew travel! the cowtre, plowmen Dwell in the cyte, W/*ich wyll Destroy the land shortly : That will be sene 1 in hast ! 184 VOL. 1. 1 “Sene” is interpolated by a later hand. H 98 Now a Dayes. — Plague and Want. To gather goodes gret men be wyse, but yet the i can nothing Devise That of ther own wittes shaft aryse Ffor a common wele. 188 ther wyttes on that the i wift not breke ; But yf a man agayn them speke, Other remedy shale he none gett but be caried strayt to the gayle. 192 straunge sikenes we have new, the people of promyse be vntrew, ffrom sinne the i may nott eschew, But Dayly warse & warse : 196 Where ys no Repentawnce, 263 > co1 - *•] God must nedes take vengeaunce : New synne, new penaunce; Off Ryght he can no lesse. 200 Greate Deth & much idelnes, lytle mony and much sicknes, gret pryd & smale Riches, How can these agree ? 204 Gret auctorite & smale wisdom, Symple officers & gret extorsion : Lyght offence & sore correction, An 1 end of this must bee. 208 A litle man, gret possession much sinne & smal devotion, low born & highe promotion, this hath ben seen of late : 212 Muche cunnyng and smale Regard, Good service & smale Rewarde, lyght brayns & over charghd : this ys the new estate ! 216 Much wrong & smale Remedy, litle besynes and smale subtilyty, gret nede & smale charyty ; Grace can not be hadd : 220 flew people and much synne, [if. 263, col. 2 .] gret hayres and smale Rynne 2 , many Ieopardyes & few wynne ; This 3 ys the world ladd ! 224 1 MS. “and.” 2 ? Rine, rind = “ long hair and little wool.” 3 this = thus. Now a Dayes. — God, remedy our Ills. 99 moch trouble, and euer bare ; smale avauntage & moch care, sore labour & evyll fare ; this Dayly we may se : litle sellyng and much pletyng, many chyldren with smale weddyng, moch theft & more beggyng ; Such ys ther poverty ! many gammers 1 and few archers, gay cortyars & yft warryers, many craft esmen & halff beggers, both in townes & cyty : ffrenche ware hither ys browght, & englishe hand craft gothe to nowght. Halff this Realme, it ys vnwrowght ! Alas, for pure pytty ! Gret frawnches & smale liberte, new fangle & gret sca[r]cyte, Smale favour & gret brybre, fayned love with pryvy hate : Gret derth and smale nede ; [if. 263 bk. col, the more daunger, the less drede ; Yet m en theroff take none hede tyft that it be to late ! The former off h even above all thing, In the celestial! court sittyng, thre in one withowt begynnyng, the father & sonne & holy goost ! Off thy infinyte mercy send to vs some Remedy ! Or els I fear shortly this Realm wyl be lost. The second person in trinite, that spred his armes apon tre apon the mount of calvery, & aft for our gylt ! With thy mother mary, save thys our Dowry ! that in this gret necessyty thys Realm be not spylt. 228 232 236 240 244 •!•] 248 252 256 260 264 1 Gamblers, and not players at athletic games. 100 Now a Dayes. — The Author’s meaning. He that made this treatise Which ys called t( now a dayes,” sheweth how the Realm decayes By them that he vnkynd : thowgh yt he Rudely exprest, Desiryng to take the hest, vppon no man to rayle ne gest, for that was not his mynd. But for them 1 who doth hit Rede, to the r own fawtes shold take hede, & them reform, for hit ys nede ; thus he did entend : 276 That people shold amend the r lyvyng and love God above all thyng beyng true and faythfuh to the kyng then shuld thys world amend. 280 Amen ffor charite. 1 1 “ tyme ” in MS. 268 [If. 263, bk. col. 2.] 272 Note. — The watermark is a hand and star, between 1512 and 1530? : pro- bable date 1540 ? In another series of verses, occurring after the above (If. 270), one begins “O noble prince Henry, thou prince of high progeny,” 2 and was doubtless written in the time of Henry YI1I. — F. W. Russell. 1 A-fter the poem above is written in the MS. : — “ thys ys the sygn off the moon O 2 This ‘series of verses’ is the poem Against the Blaspheming English Lutherans , and the Poisonous Dragon Luther , printed below. 101 appenUti to “ flotoatmurs.” § 5 of Introduction , page 6. The Ballad, 1. 1G2, The turning of Cornfields into Pasture. „ „ 1. 157, 167, The Decay of Towns and Men. „ „ 1. 100-4, The Hanging of People for stealing from want. Papers oe Henry VIII. Vol. IX., leaf 262, Document 431, a.d. 1514, Petition to Henry VIII. against the Engrossing of many small Farms into one man's hands , and the consequent Neglect of Til- lage for Pasture , Loss of Corn , Poultry , etc., Decay of Houses and Churches , Ploughs and Men. To the king our soueraigne lorde. Pleasith it jour noble grace, by the aduice of jour lordi* sptW- tfuall and temporall, and Commons, in jour Parliament A ssembled, to consider the great indigence and scarsitie of almaner of vitail- 1 es necessary and behouffoll for jour pore Subiectes wet/dn this jour Bealme of Englond, whiche hath growen’, and daily doth growe, more and more, by reason’ of the great and couitous mis- vsages of the ffermes within this jour Bealme, whiche misvsages, and the inconveniences therof, hath not only be begon’ and rysen’ by diuers gentilmen’ of the same jour Bealme, but also by diuerse and man ye Merchauntes adventurers, Clothmakers, Gloldsmythes, Bochers, Tannars, and other Artificers, and vn- reasonable Couitous persones, whiche doth encroche daily many ffermes more than’ they can’ be able to occupye or maynteigne with Tilth for Corne, as hath been’ vsed in tymes past, foras- moche as diuers of them, hath obteyned and encroched into their handes x, xij, xiiij, or xvj fermes, in oon’ mannes hand attons, where in tymes past there hath been’ in euery fferme of them’ A good house kept, and in somme of them’, iij, iiij, v, or vj ploughes kept, and daily occupied, to the great comforte and Belief of jour subiectes of jour Bealme, pore and Biche . for when’ euerj man’ was contented with oon’ fferme, and occupied that well, than’ was plentie and reasonable price of euerj thing that be- longid to mannes sustinaunce and Belief, by reason’ of Tillage, forasmoche as euerj acre of lond tilled and ploughed, bere the strawe and chaffe, besides the Come, Able and sufficient — with the helpe of the shakke in the Stobill — to socoure and fede as- 102 Petition against Engrossers of Farms. many great beastes, as horses, Oxen’, and kyen’, as the land wold kepe layed in leyes. And 1 further, by Reason’ of the hinderflight Crappes and sedes tryed out in clensing, wynowing, and Sifting of the said Corne to make it clene, there was fedde and brought vp at euery barne dore, Hennes, Capons, Grees, Duckes, Swyne, and other pultrie, to the great comforte of your people in euery Shyre Within this Realme of Englond . and now, by reason’ of so many ffermes engrosed in oon’ mannes handes whiche can’ not till them’, as is aforsaid, the ploughes be decayed, and the fferme houses, and also other dwelling houses in many townes witMn this Realme, So that where was in a towne xx or xxx dwelling houses, they be now decayed, ploughes and all, and all the people clene goon’ and decayed, and the churches downe, and no more parisshons in many parisshes, but a nettard and a Sheppard, or a warner & a Sheppard, in the stede of iij xx [60] or iiij xx [80] persones. Pleasith it therfore your noble grace, by the assent of your lordi's spiri/uall and temporall, and commons in your pre- sent parliament assemblid, and by auctoritie of the same, to esta- blisshe and enacte that no man er of persone from hensforth 2 shall haue or kepe in his owne handes or possession’ any moo ffermes than’ oon’, and that the holder of the same, or other to his vse, enhabite and dwell therupon’ with their familie and houshold, the same iferme occupying yerely with tilth, in payne to forfaite xl li, tociens quociens ; the oon’ half therof to be to your noble grace, and the other half to hym’ that will sue therfore. Papers of Henry VIII. Vol. IX., Document 432, leaf 264. Draft of a Proclamation in accordance with the Prayer of the above Petition against the Neglect of Tillage for Pasturage , and the engrossing of Farms , — which produce idleness , theft , and the hanging of the thieves , — and ordering all Farm-houses to be re- inhabited. The kyng, oure Soueraigne lorde, like a vertuouse & gracious prince, Dayly trauaylyng aboute thencrease of the Commune weale of this his Realme, & his true & faithfull Subiectes of the same, as well by the lamentable complaynte of his said Subiectes, as by ( the credible reporte of his Justices of the peace & Commissioners of euery Shire within his said Realme, perceyuythe & graciously con- syderithe that the longe contynuyd Scarstie, as well of grayne as of other vitailes, within this Realme, to the grete Detriment of his said louyng subiectes hath bene, & yet is, not only by conuertyng arable grounde viito pasture, but allso by engrossyng of many fermes & tenementes of husbondry ynto the handes & possession of a fewe couaytouse persones, whiche for their owne particuler 1 Leaf 263. 2 An /is made through the n. 103 Now a Dayes. — Against Engrossers. lucre neglectithe tillage, & only applyinge the lande bilongyng to the said fermes vnto pasturage & fedyng of catell, suffrithe the houses of the said fermes & tenements to decaye & fall ynto ruyne, vneth kepyng as many persones vppon all the saide fermes or tenements as yn eu ery of them seuerally were wonte to be kept bifore the saide engrossyng & decaye of husbondry by occa- sion wherof, not only all man er of corne & grayne bathe bene in a grete quantitie mynysshyd, but pultrye & oder vitaile neces- sary for mannys sustinaunce Decayed, which were wonte to be bradde in the saide Ifermes & tenements whan thei were in- habited, but allso an infinite numbre of the kynges Subiectes for lacke of occupation hathe fallen, & Dayly do fall, vnto Idelnes, & consequently vnto thefte & robries, And finally by the rigo ur of the lawes of this Realme many of them haue ben putt to the exe- cution of Dethe, to the grete Depopulation & waikenyng of this noble Realme, & the lamentable remembraunce & grete heuy- nesse vnto the kynges highnes ; His grace, therfore, for the zele that he hathc to the commune weale, desyryng to encountre with the vncharitable & couaytouse appetites, as well of them whiche conuertithe arable grounde in to Pasture, as of the saide Engros- sers of fermes and tenements of husbondry, reputyng them as Enemyes of the Commune weale of this his Eealme of Englande, Straytly chargith & commaundithe all & euery his subiectes, spiri- tuall and temporall, of what estate, Degre or condicion, he or they be, which now hath, or here-after shall haue, any moo fermes or tenements of husbondry than one, & intendith to kepe them in his or their own handes, or that any other persone or persones hath to his vse, that thei & euery of them do till or cause 1 to be tillyd, by the feste of saint Michel tharcbaungel next co?wmyng, all suche landes lying or appertaynyng to all & eu erj of their saide fermes & tenements of husbondry, as was occupied & vsyd for tillage 2 at any tyme bifore the first yere of the reigne of the moste noble prynce of famous memory, kyng henry the vij th . 2 And the landes being tillyd, as is bifore saide, contynuelly to exercise & vse it in tillage accordyngly. Semblably that the said Engrossers imme- diatly do cause all & euery of the saide houses of husbondry yet standyng, wherunto the saide landes to be put in tillage (as is biforesaide) doo appertayne or bilonge, to be inhabitid & Dwelt yn by husbondmen or laborars, accordyng as it was bifore the engrossyng of the said houses : And that they faile not thus to doo vppon suche greuous payne as will ensue, & as they will avoyde the kvnges highe Indignation & Displeasure. 1 Leaf 265. 2 These words are between the lines of the MS. The original words, “ by the space of next bifore the publisshing of this proclamation,'’ are struck out. 104 A Petition against Aliens. Aliens . See Introduction , § 13, p. 5G-9 ; Now a Dctyes , 1. 169-176. In illustration of the Ballad’s complaint about the harm done to English trade by aliens, the following Petition to Henry YIII from a large body of traders, is subjoined, with a draft of a Statute passed or intended to be in pursuance of the Petition’s prayer. [Harl. MS. 2252, leaf 15.] To the kyng’ ow ur Souerayne Lorde, And to the Ho- noi^rabylle Lord«s Spzr^ualle And Temporally, And to the Burgessys And commons of thys hye Cowwrte of p«rleament Assembled : In’ Moste petuws And Lamentabylle wyse Shewen’ and com- playnen’ vnto your moste exelent hyegnes, your humbylle, trewe & faythefulle Subgett/s, and Contynualle oratwrs, that ys to sey, mercers, grocers, drapers, goldsmythes, skynners, habardassers, Taylers, ledyrsellers, pursers, poyntmakers, glovers, powchema- kers, Sadlers, Cutlers, pewterers, Cowpers, gyrdlers, founders, Cordeners, vyntners, sporyars, yoyners, And all hother Chapmen, Betaylers, ocupiers of euery Crafte, mystery, & ocupacmn, in alle and euery your Cetes, portae, Townws, & Borowws w^tHn Jus Nobylle Bealme of Inglond // That where your seyd Bealme and land ys so Inhabyted with A grete Multitude, nedy pepylle, estran- gers of dyuers nacmns, As Erensshemen’, galymen’, pycardes, flem- yng/s, keteryck/s, Spaynyars, Scotto’s, Lumbard/s, & dyvers hother naemns, That your lyge pepylle, englysshemen’, Cannot IMagen’ nor Telle wherto, nor to whate ocupac/on, that they shalle vse or put there chyldrew to lerne, or ocupve, with-ynne your seyd Cetees, Borowws, portzs, and Townws of thys your seyd Bealme, wit^ Many hother Chappmen’ & powwr comows vsynge the seyd Craft/s, Mysterys, and ocupac«on in all and euery shere of thys your seyd Bealme / Eor The good Buie wherof / hyt ys Essta- blysshyd, Made, ordeyned, enactyd and prouyded, By thassemble And Assente of hyghe Cowwrte of parleamewt in the Bayne of the Moste drade and vyctoryows kyng’ herry the vij th of fam us Memory, your late dere fader, whom’ god pardon’, And Also By the act/s, ordynazmczs, Establysshyngzs, and preuysyons, of dyuers hother Nobylle And victoryows kyngg/s of thys your Bealme / your predycessors, there Actes and Statutes in your Becord/s, In’ lyke wyse dothe Apere // Besytyng’ that Alle merchauntes Estrangers, and hother Strangers, whate nac/on so evyr they be, Shulde kepe & be Besyaunt^s in Cetes, portes, Townws, & Borowws, with-yid* the Mansyons and habytacions of Englyshmen’ / And of per wa rw, good is, & merchaundyshes, mak there porte sailers yn’ grose, And yn’ no manere of wyse by 1 1 Leaf 15 b. Now a Dayes. — Petition against Aliens. 105 Betayle, For the tyme of A moneth after there Fyrst ABevaile and cowzmyng to the said porte or towune // And no longer to con- tennewe parin’ without Specyalle Lycense ; And yf they do pre- sume ]> e contrary, ther said warys, goodzs, & merchaundyse, what- so-euer they be / To be Seissyd & Forffayted, Acordyng to the tennozzrs, purports, & effectzs of the forsaid Actzs, & estatutz's or estatute, yn suche case provydede, ordeyned, & eozzffermyd yn tymws passed : nowe hyt ys so, moste Bedowtyd Souerayne lord, that yn’-numorable nedy peple of galy men’, 1 Frenshemen’, & 1 Were these Galymen those named in Kersey’s ed. of Phillips : “ Galley- Men, certain Genoese Merchants formerly so call’d, because they usually arriv’d in Galleys, landed their Goods at a Place in Thames-street , nam’d Galley -hey, and traded with their own small Silver Coin call’d Galley-half-pence.” in 1. 12 of the Petition they are put between Frenchmen and Picards. Compare Harl. MS. 2252, fol. 14, giving the substance of the corruptly written Latin statute (?) below, which I cannot identify with any in the Statute Book. (Note, that every final 11 has a line across it, which may mean a final e.) “ The Condission’ of thys Acte ys thus : That noo marchaunte Stranger, as galymen’, And hother Strangers, merchauntzs, shall not Sell no ware, But Suche as ys lefull for them : As the galyme /2 shall sell no maner of Flaunders ware, But onlye Suche ware as Comythe owte of there awne natvve Contre ; And that they shall not goe A-Bowte to Townzzs, Borowws, & vyllagw, offer- yng’ there ware to Sell, to the hurte and praudyce of hother Merchauntzs, the kyngz's Suhyettzs . And yff ony suche So he Takyn’ : b e Fyrste tyme, he to he convycte & Amercyd . The second tyme, he to Abyde the Iugemente of the pyllory, And to forfete all such ware so fownde./ The thryde tyme, he to he Inp/isoned & redemyd ./ The iiij th tyme to forswere the Towne or Contre./ And thys to he don’ of all forstallers./ And Also to them that, owthyr with Counceil, helpe, or throwe favowr, them’ dothe Ayde or Strenthe. They to he in lyke wyse, as Afore ys seyd, to he ponysshed, et cetera.) Ajsrivo Eegni Eegis E. iij e & quarto. Mi?; ' cat ores ex£r«neos, cu m rebus venalyhws ve;dente[s], Circumueftiint, offered, se vewdicz'onem rer um suarzzm, suggerens eis quod hona sua carius ve«dere poto'unt q uam vendere ponehant, & sic Arte et ingenio villam’ se- duczt , et patriam’ : primo conuictzz.?, 1 Amercietwr; Sfcwrdo comiinctws, pa- cia^zr iudicium pyllerie ; iij°, i;zca[r]cerentwr, & redima/dur : quarto, Ahi[ur- ent] villam’ ; et indicti hoc fiat de vniuerczs forstall[atoribus], 2 et sic de eis qui consilium, a[u]xilium & fauorem 3 przstamz int, et cetera.” Are the ‘ patronws of the galye3 ’ named in the next extract from the same MS., galymen ? “ ORDYN^NCE IN THE CETE OF LONDON’. Hyt ys ordayned that the patron us of the galyes shall kepe there howsys & there dorys shytte at the Eyngyng’ of Curfue of Berkyng’ Chyrche . And that they ne Any of \>er felawshyppe be wandcryng’ Abrode ./ And \>at they shall in nowyse Make Eetaylyng’ w/tA-in the Cete of London.” Minot, in 1352, mentions the Galaies men, or men having galleys, as if they formed a body, if they were not all of one nation. By command of Philip of Valois, Schipmen sone war efter sent, To here the kinges cumandment ; And the galaies men also, That wist both of wele and wo . . . they were to invade England.] 2 MS. coniutfctw*. 3 MS. forstallius. The gal ay man held up thaire handes, And thanked God of tliir tithandes [that MS. fauorom. 106 A Petition against Aliens. odvr gret multtytudes of Alyandis estraungers, don’ Circuyte, wandere, go to & Fro, yn euery jour Citeis, portis, townys, & bor- rowgbes yn alle places, aswelle within Frauncbyses,. prevylegi’s, & lybartes, as wMout, to euery mawnys dorm, takyng vp stand- yngas, And per make per showys,markettw, & sales of dyvem warys & marchaundyse to there Awne sy[n]guler proffetto’s, advantage, & advaylys, to the grete dysturbance, emporyshyng, hurtw, lossys, & vtture vndoyng of jour naturalle Subgettas & leege pepylle yn alle & euerj Cetie, porte, borrowe, towune, & plases of y* jour said Beame : And also of more Inconveniens for there Avaunce- merat, The seyd Alyandi# estranges vse to hyre them’ semantic of there awne nacz'on’, or bother estraungers, to go A-bowte, wandyr, And Betayle in alle Cetes, port/s, Townws, & borowws, and alle other places, to bye, selle, Betayle, and ocupye featis And Merchaundym at there pleasurs, w/tA-owte lawfulle Awtoryte or lycens, contrary to the seyd act is & Statute Afore prouided, And Contrary to the Charters, lybertees, cowstytucyons, and corafyr- mac/ows, made, gevyn’, & grauntyd by jour seyd nobylle predy- cessowrs Afore Behersyd ; . By Mean’ of whyche vnlawfulle Be- taylyng’ so Custummabely hauntyd, vsyd, and ocupyed, jour lyege pepylle and naturalle Subgietw, theire wylKs, Chyldren’, and ser- uauntis, byn’ vtterlye decayed, enpowryshed, & vndon’ in thys 1 worlde, onlesse jour excelent & benyng grace, of jour tendyr pety, be vnto jour said subgettis gracyously at fis tyme show- ed 2 yn thus behalff. And without A Shorte Eemydy be had heryn’, jour said Subgett/s be not Able, nor Shalle not be of power, to paye there Eent?s, nor also to mayntayne there powwr howsoldes, And to here lotte and Scotte, and all hother prest/s Benevolens, and Charge in tyme of nede and warre for the de- fence of jour grace, And of thys jour seyd Eealme, for the Ee- pressyng’, subdewyng’, And venquysshyng’ of jour Auncyente enemyes, Frensshemen’, & alle hother there Adherers, & Ba- nysshed men’ owtwardw ; wherfor, wylle hyt pleas jour exelente hyghnes, By the Advyce of the honowrabylle lordas, and hother in thys jour hyghe Cowrte of parleamewt Assembled To-geder, To see and provyde that no Alyand Strangers Be suffred From’ hense- forthe To ocupye, or retayie, contrary to theffecte of the seyd act is and statute Aforseyd ; And over thys, that none Alyand galyman’, Frensheman’, ne hother estrangers, presume or Take vppon’ hym’ to make hys nwkett, sale, or shewe hys goodis, in ony place w^tAin Frauwchys or lybarties, or wz’tAoute Fraurachys Then wen[t] thai theder all bidene, The galayes men , with hertes kene, viij. and xl. galays and mo .... Political Poems and Songs , Edw. 1 Leaf 16. Bot galay men war so man} r , That Inglis men wex all wery . . . Ill to Ric. Ill, ed. T. Wright, i. 64-5. 2 MS. “be showed.” Now a Dayes. — Statute (or Act) against Aliens. 107 or lybarte, Yppon’ payne yowteyned yn’ the forsaid Act?#; by mene wherof jour said leege pepyll# may the bettyr lyve, to Sus- tayn’ & maynteyne \er w yff?s & howssold, Aswell For thessuste- [n]a??nce of euery persone/ As for the Subduyng of the said estraun- ger?#, To the wele & encrece of thus jour said Bealme ; And thys yn’ the wey of Cheryte : And they shall# praye Fore the Longe prysyrvacion, of your noble Estayte &c. Theffecte of Another Statute. Wherfor the kyng’ ow ur Souerayne Lord, By thavyce And Assente of the Lordys sp?V?£ually and Temporally, at the prayer of hys seyd Comons in the seyd parleament Assemblyd, And by the Awto- ry te of the same, hathe ordeyned and prouyded that no merchaunte Straungyrs, aftyr the feste of Estyr now nexte commyng’, Bryng’ m to thys Bealme of ynglond to be solde, Any Maiw gyrdyll?#, nor Any harnys wrowghte for gyrdyll?#, poynt?#, lac?# of ledyr, pursys, powchys, pynn??#, glovys, knyvys, hangyrs, taylowr sherys, sesars, Andyrens,Cobord?s, tong?#,Fyre fork?#, gyrdyrens 1 ; Stocke, lock?#, keyes, hyng?#, and garnets, Sporys; paynted papyrs, paynted focers, payntid IMag?#, paynted Clothys, Any betyn’ golde, or betvn’ Syluyr, wroughte in papyrs for payntyrs ; sadyll?#, Sadyl- trees, horse harnys, Booc?#, Bytt?#, Steropp??#, Bokell?#, Chayn??#, laten’ naylys with yren’ shanks, Turret?#, Standyng’ Candyl- styck?#, hangyng Candylstyck?#, holy wat er Stoppus, Chafyng’ dysshys, hangyng’ lavyrs, Curten’ ryngg?#, Cardys for wulle (ex- sept & Bone Cardys), Clasps# for glovys, Bokell?# for shoys, Brochys, Bell?# (exsepte Bell?# for hauk?#) sponw# of tyn And Lede, Cheyn??# of wyre, as welly of Laten’ as of Ire??, grat?#, hures, & Lanterne horn??#, or ony of these forseyd warys, Bedy made & wrowghte, pyrteyny??g’ to the seyd Craft?# Above Specyfyed, or Any of them’, vppon’ payne of forfeture of all the warys, and of every of them, so Browght in-to thys Bealme, To be contrary to thys Acte, or the valew of them/ In whose hand?# they or ony of them’ shally be Founde/ the on’ halff of suchy Fynys, Forfayturys, & penaltes, And eche of them’, be vnto the kynge owere souyrayn’ lorde/ And that othyre hallf to be vnto hym or thaym’ of the kyng?s subgett?#, the which# shall# seas the same, or sue For the same, by Accion’ of dett/ by wrytte or/ byll# At Come?? lawe, by byll# or playnte, Aft#?* the Custu??? of the Cetie [or] towne, wher yt shally happyn’ her, After ony such# Fynes. 1 MS. “ gyrdyrens, gyrdyrens.” 108 ^opuli (a.d. 1547-8.) [Harleian MS., 367, leaf 130.] INTROEUCTION. The first print known to us of this most interesting poem, which sums up, in the first years of Edward YI.’s reign, the social evils of Henry YIII.’s, is that of 1821 1 ; but its title-page declares it to be a reprint, “ Re-printed by Gr. Woodfall, Angel Court, Skinner Street.” The text, however, refers to the Harleian MS. 3(57, as if it were printed from that ; but this is quite consistent with the fact of there being an earlier printed edition, though none has yet turned up. The second edition of the poem was by Mr. Eyce, in the Ap- pendix to his £ Skelton,’ ii. 400. He edited it from the MS. 2567 (Bishop More’s) in the Cambridge University Library, collated with the Harleian MS. “ The latter,” he says, “ though it con- tains a very considerable number of lines which are not found in the former, is on the whole the inferior MS., its text being greatly disfigured by provincialisms.” Mr. Eyce’s reason for printing the poem in his Appendix to ‘ Skelton ’ was that the Cambridge MS. attributes the poem to Skelton, “ ffinis quothe Mr. Skelton, Poete Lauriate but, says Mr. Eyce, it “ was evi- dently composed by some very clumsy imitator of his style.” Passing over the American reprint, or edition, as it is called, of Mr. Eyce’s book, we come to the third English print of the poem, that in vol. iii. of £ Remains of the Early Popular Poetry of England,’ 2 p. 267. So far as I can see, this is a mere reprint of 1 Privately printed, intended by Sir Joseph Littledale for the Roxburgh e Club ; but for some reason Skelton’s Interlude of Magnyfycence was substi- tuted, and the whole impression, consisting of 104 copies, was sold in his library in 1843. Bohn's Lowndes. 2 A most useful and interesting collection, which I recommend all our Members who have not got it, to buy, — the 4 vols. only cost £1 — though I comment adversely on one Introduction in it. Vox Populi Vox Dei. — Not Skelton’s. 109 Mr. Dyce’s text, omitting his collations — except one, which' is mis-stated, the right being made wrong, — his notices of lines missed, and sense wanting, in parts of the poem, and also omitting one line, 1. 81, “ What wolde ye any more ?” which Mr. Dyce had inserted in his text from the Harleian MS. The omission of this one line is thus heralded in the Editor’s Introduction to the poem : — “ Occasionally, however, he has been obliged to exclude the additional matter, which was sometimes interwoven, of course by a later hand, without much regard to the sense or the context.” The Editor then proceeds to comment on Mr. Dyce’s reasoning powers and poetic judgment : — “ The reason which Mr. Dyce gives for thinking that it [the poem] was not Skelton’s, does not seem a very good one ; for, although an event is mentioned in the poem which did not occur till after Skelton’s death (1529), it ought to be borne in mind that ‘ additions ’ were made to MS. poems, as well as to dramas, by later pens ; and of this the Har- leian copy is proof, if one were required. The Cambridge MS. itself may have been the work of a copyist.” Now, the reader has seen that Mr. Dyce’s “reason,” not for “thinking,” but for stating positively, that the poem was not by Skelton, but by some very clumsy imitator of his style, is contained in the word evi- dently. Having the critical faculty himself, — how largely we all know, — he just said to all others having it, “ the thing is self-evi- dent and so it is. How, then, has this Editor mixed the matter up with this question of dates ? By confusing it in his own mind, I imagine, with what Mr. Dyce has said at p. 413 on “ The Image of Ipo- crysy,” a poem which Mr. Dyce rejects as Skelton’s upon the evi- dence of dates : — “ to say nothing of other passages, the mention of certain writings of Sir Thomas More and of ‘ the mayde of Kent ’ (Elizabeth Barton [executed April 21, 1534]), which oc- curs in the third part, would alone be sufficient to prove that it was the composition of some writer posterior to his time.” Having thus cleared off this little fog, we may proceed to dis- cuss a date which has been suggested for Vox Populi. “ The original appearance of ‘Vox Populi Vox Dei’ may perhaps be assigned to some period between 1515 and 1520, when the exac- tions of Wolsey were rendering him exceedingly unpopular.” A more desperately unlucky shot, one more completely out of the line of fire, and wide of the mark, could hardly have been made. It is just as if some future editor of Tennyson were to say that the poet’s touching lines on Prince Albert, for his virtues, were probably written on G-eorge IY for his vices. There is not a line in “Vox Populi” that can be applied to Wolsey; there are two appeals to the King’s Protector to redress and correct excesses (11. 631 and 769). Just fancy Henry VIII, when from twenty-four to thirty, with a Protector ! And the characteristic 110 Vox Populi Yox Dei. — Not against Wolsey. of the poem, as contrasted with others of the kind, is its short dwelling on the oppressions of the King’s officers, its long stay on those of landlords and traders and usurers. Of the only two passages that speak of the Government evils, one is an insertion of the Harleian MS. : — “ For pawre men dayly see3 How officers takes their fees.” [1. 384-5.] While the other is only an enumeration of those “ that do holde the substance and the golde and the treasure of this realme and, after naming the lawyer and the landlord, names the great men and the “ record,” and then specifies who are included in the term “ record,” namely, — Lorde Chancellour & Chancellours, Masters of Myntes, & monyers, Secondaryes and surveyours, Auditors and receivours, Customers and comptrollers, Purveyours and prollers.” [11. 708-13.] These (among others) the Protector is appealed to, to help of their pleurisy in section 12. But the joke of attributing the poem to Wolsey’s time, when his exactions were making him unpopular, will be further apparent to the reader when he sees that the following passage is in it : — “ Godes worde is well sett forthe ; It never was more preached, Nor never so playnly teached. . . We have banyshed superstycion. . . We have sent awaye all cloysterers, We have taken theire landes for theire abuse, But we convert theym to a wourse use. [Section 1. 11. 531-544.] Still it may be answered, “ All these passages, which fix the date so plainly to the two first years of Edward VI’ s reign, and to Somerset’s protectorate, that no one who reads the poem with the slightest care or the smallest head, can avoid seeing it, — all these may be interpolated lines, which never formed part of the Remonstrance at the outset. The Harleian version show r s that the poem has been tampered with.” No doubt the part of Ham- let may have been interpolated in the play of ‘ Hamlet,’ but until we have some evidence of it, we may as well conclude that Shakspere put it there ; and until we have evidence that the Protector and Reformation passages of “ Yox Populi,” which all exist in the Cambridge MS. as well as the Harleian, were interpolated in both, we had better, I think, assume that the writer of the poem put them there, where they are quite in har- mony with the rest of the poem, and not indulge in gratuitous assumptions "without a shadow of foundation. Let any one who wants to see how people wrote against Wolsey, read Roy’s “ Satire,” Skelton’s “ Why come ye nat to Courte?” (Dyce,ii. 2G), “ The Impeachment of Wolsey,” in the present volume, etc. In short, there is no reason whatever to suppose that the poem ap- plies to Wolsey or his taxes, or was w r ritten in his day. Vox Populi Vox Dei. — Its subjects. Ill Fog number two being thus cleared off, we now come to the subject of the poem. Whether the old printed title in the edition of 1821, and on the back of the Harleian MS., “A Com- playnt of the Comons against Taxes,” meaning against the op- pressions of the King’s taxes, rightly describes that subject, may be safely left to the intelligence of any careful reader. The only sense in which this title can be true is this, if we grant that part of the burden of the poem — “ Your powr men thus doe saye, If they hade yt, they wold paye,” — applied to a then present or threatened tax. The poem does not either dwell on, or even name, such tax ; but shows mainly the other wrongs, not governmental, under which the poor suffer ; and the causes, not directly governmental either, by which they are rendered unable to pay. Section 1 complains that the land of the country is in so few men’s hands that neither farmer nor poor have malt or meal, bacon, beef, or veal, but are ready to steal for pure need (cp. Now a Dayes , p. 5, and p. 95, 1. 101), and the Commons can hardly keep a cow or sow. § 2 says the Commonalty are in such great penury on ac- count, chiefly, of the too many sheepmasters who turn arable land into pasture (cp. p. 4-37, and p. 101-3, above), and make poor men weep for the storing of the sheep. The landlord and the lawyer are special sinners this way, and raise the price of meat, so that the butcher must charge 12s. or a mark (13s. 4 d.) for the bare carcass of a sheep (without its offal and fleece), and £4 (or £5, according to a later hand) for an ox. § 3. This misuse of their sheep and oxen by the Lords is what makes the Commons cry. They alone feel the extremity of it. And if G-od were to send rain to spoil the harvest, all would know that it was His punishment for the great men’s trans- gressions. § 4. Hot long ago, one or two preachers told throughout the land how the poor man was tost from pillar to post ; the la- bourer, husbandman, handicraftsman, and yeoman (cp. 1. 191, and the extract from Ascham p. 113), who used to have plenty of kine and cream — butter, eggs, cheese, honey, wax, and bees (adds the later text) — are all gone to wrack ; they, the stay of the realm, its only defender against foreign foes. So the Commons declare ; and I, a poor shepherd, but write their words anew. Here the later text introduces one hundred and two lines saying that the devourers of the poor are upstart gentlemen who lately supped out of an ashen cup, but have now plate worth £200, or £2000, as the later hand writes in the margin. And also that merchants stay at home and lend money to gentlemen, and jockey 112 Vox Populi Vox Dei.— Sketch of the Poem. them out of their lands, instead of going to sea and trading abroad boldly, as they ought to do. No merchant should be allowed to buy over £40 or £50 of land — by the year, seemingly. § 5. The covetous Lords think only of getting large fines for leases 1 , enclosing commons, and hoarding up tbeir gains. And, says the later text, poor men daily see how officers take their fees, which deserves Grod’s curse. By each seeking his own gain, our weal is undone. § 6. Moreover, coin is very scarce, and so much debased, that merchants, when exchanging a pound on the other side of the sea, find it no better than the foreign pound, though formerly it “ was better than theires by nyne.” § 7, The poor say that when they have any suit, they get put off, and the rich men who can pay, get heard ; and the poor man gets turned out of his farm — unless he’ll pay double rent, and a fine too, — and the arable is turned into pasture, because that pays the landlord better. Also the farmer must sell his goose to pay his rent, or be turned out, with wife and child, at Lady Day, for which they curse the covetous landlord. § 8. True, that Grod’s word was never so plainly taught as now ; but then it was never so little followed. We’ve got rid of the monks, and have taken their lands, but we’ve turned them to a worse use. O King, consider well this thing ! § 9. All is not well. Ambition reigns so among the great. How can those who buy office for £2000 (?) rescue poor men out of their trouble? Instead, they get back their money by craft and extortion. § 9 b. Our isle is suddenly decayed, and poor men so overlaid, that I fear the stroke of Grod. Take care, then, my Lords, that we are not checkmated. Lor it is not one, but an infinite num- ber of poor men who make piteous moan. O Protector of the King, first of the realm under him, redress this excess ! lake no ex- cuses ; punish these abuses of fines and new uses, and suppress this shameful usury, now called husbandry. 2 § 10 . If you want to know the holders of the treasures of the realm, I’ll tell you who they are : the Lawyer, the Landlord, the great Reeve, and the Record, — that is, all who hold office under the King, — graziers, sheepmasters, and clothiers ; but espe- cially the lawyers ; these have money enough not only to pay for a year’s war, (though you have to fight both Prance and Scot- 1 Cp. Harrison, in 1577, cited in Percy Folio, ii. 182: — “Forget not also such landlords as vse to value their leases at a secret estimation giuen of the wealth and credit of the taker, whereby they seeme (as it were) to eat them vp, and deal with bondmen, so that if the leassee be thought to be worth an hundred pounds, he shall paie no lesse for his new terme, or else another to enter with hard and doubtfull couenants.” 2 This is no petition to remit, or not to put on, taxes, be it observed. Vox Populi. — Misery of the Poor in 1547. 113 land), but will then retain more than their patrimony. These men will yield you enough, even if you take no penny from your poor Commonalty. Their wealth is yours by right ; take it then. If the poor had it, they would give it with a better will than these rich underlings. §11. O worthiest Protector, and you Lords of the Council, if you do not redress this covetousness, there will be such an out- break as never was seen in any old man’s time. Relieve these rich men of the pleurisy and gout of their wealth. And then God speed your Swepestake and Mynyon, and the rest of your fleet (to Scotland!). O King, Miserere mei! have pity on the poor in their distress ! I repeat, then, that the point of the poem, as I see it, is not com- plaint against taxation, but against social evils, — sheepfarming, raised rents, raised prices, etc., and among them this, that as to the possessions of the monasteries, — “ We have taken their landes for theire abuse, But we convert them to a worse use,” “ so that we may say of our miseries what Ascham said, when writing to the Duke of Somerset on November 21, 1547, — the very year our poem was written in, — “ Qui auctores sunt tantse miserise ? . . . Sunt illi qui hodie passim, in Anglia, praedia monasteriorum gravissimis annuis redditibus auxerunt. Hinc omnium rerum exauctum pretium : hi homines expilant totam republicans Villici et coloni universi laborant, parcunt, corradunt, ut istis satisfaciant . . . Hinc tot familiae dissipatae, tot domus collapsae. Hinc, quod omnium miserri- mum est, nobile illud decus et robur Angliae, nomen, inquam, Yomanorum Anglorum fractum et collisum est. Nam vita, qua; nunc vivitur a plu- RIMIS, NON VITA SED MISERIA EST.” (Ascham’s Works, ed. Giles, i. 140-1.) “ And we declare to your Grace of Somerset, ‘ the good Duke,’ our Protector, that the chief holders of these monastery lands are, — besides the Lawyer, Reeve, & Landlord, — those who serve the King.” Of the poem generally, Latimer’s Sermons are a good illustra- tion. Three extracts are on p. 27 here ; and I add a few more on the raising of rents, the lawyers, the scarcity and dearness of food. I doubt most rich men have too much ; for without too much we can get nothing. As for example, the physician : if the poor man be diseased, he can have no help without too much. And of the lawyer, the poor man can get no counsel, expedition, nor help in his matter, except he give him too much. At merchants’ hands no kind of ware can be had, except we give for it too much. You landlords, you rent-raisers, I may say, you step-lords, you un- natural lords, you have for your possessions yearly too much. For that here before went for twenty or forty pound by year, (which is an honest portion to be had gratis in one lordship of another man’s sweat and labour,) now is let for fifty or an hundred pound by year. Of this “ too much ” cometh this monstrous and portentous dearth made by man, notwithstanding God doth VOL. I. I 114 Vox Populi. — Debasement of the Coin. Bribery. send us plentifully the fruits of the earth, mercifully, contrary unto our de- serts : notwithstanding, too much, which these rich men have, causeth such dearth, that poor men, which live of their labour, cannot with the sweat of their face have a living, all kind of victuals is so dear, — pigs, geese, capons, chickens eggs, &c. These things, with other, are so unreasonably enhanced ; and I think verily that if it thus continue, we shall at length be constrained to pay for a pig a pound. Sermons , ed. 1844, p. 99 ( ; and see Carte’s Hist, of England, iii. 233, quoted in the notes). On the debasement of the coin complained of in lines 414, etc., of “Vox Populi,” William Strafford enlarges with great force in his ‘ Certeyne Complaints,’ quoted above, p. 30. He thinks it the one chief cause of all the troubles his countrymen complain of, and gives Elizabeth due praise for removing it, and restoring the coin to its proper standard. But I quote only from him a passage [leaf 44, back] in which he shows how the debasement of the coin operated to raise rents and prices : — “ whereas immediately after the basenesse of our Coyne in the time of kyng Henry the eight, the prices of all things generally among al sorts of people rose : it must needes happen here withal (as yee know), that our gentlemen which liued onely vpon the reuenues of their lands, were as neare or nearer touched (as is before proued) with the smarte hereof, then any other, of what order or estate so euer. Thys therefore being taken as most true, the Gentlemen, desirous to maytaine theyr former credite in bearing out the Porte of theyr Predecessors, were driuen of necessity, as often as whensoeuer any Leases deuised for terme of yeares by themselues of their Auncestors were throughly expyred, & fel into theyr handes, not to let them out agayne for the most part, but as the rents of them were farre racked beyond the old : Yea, this rackynge and hoysting vp of Rentes hath continued euer since that tyme, vntill this present day : Hereupon the husbandman was necessarily inforced, whereas his rent was now greater than before, (and so continueth vnto this day,) to sel his Victayles dearer, & to continue the dearth of them: and likewise other artificers withall to maintaine the like proportion in theyr wares, wherefore as this dearth at the fyrst time (as I said before) sprange of the alteration of the coyne, as of his firste and chiefest efficient cause : so doe I attribute the continuance of it hitherunto, and so forwarde, partely to the racked and stretched rentes which haue lasted, yea, and increased euer since that time hetherunto, & so are like to continue, I know not how long.” Lines 463-4, how the rich men win their law-suits, are also illustrated by Latimer’s Second Sermon before Edward VI. (ed. 1844, p. 127):— I must desire my lord Protector’s grace to hear me in this matter, that your Grace would hear poor men’s suits yourself. Put them to none other to hear, let them not be delayed. The saying is now, that money is heard everywhere ; if he be rich , he shall soon have an end of his matter. Others are fain to go home with weeping tears, for any help they obtain at any judge’s hand. Hear men’s suits yourself, I require you in God’s behalf, and put it not to the hear- ing of these velvet coats, these upskips. Now a man can scarce know them from an ancient knight of the country. I cannot go to my book, for poor folks come unto me, desiring me that I will speak that their matters may be heard. I trouble my lord of Canterbury ; and being at his house, now and then I walk in the garden, looking in my book, as I can do but little good at it. But something I must needs do to satisfy this place. I am no Yox Populi. — Prevalence of Bribery. 115 sooner in the garden, and have read awhile, hut by & hy cometh there some one or other knocking at the gate . Anon cometh my man, and saith : “ Sir, there is one at the gate that would speak with you.” When I come there, then it is some one or other that desireth mo that I will speak that his matter might he heard ; and that he hath lain this long at great costs and charges, and cannot once have his matter come to the hearing : hut among all other, one specially moved me at this time to speak. This it is, Sir. A gentlewoman came to me and told me, that a great man kcepeth certain lands of hers from her, and will he her tenant in the spite of her teeth ; and that in a whole twelvemonth she could not get hut one day for the hearing of her matter ; and the same day when the matter should he heard, the great man brought on his side a great sight of lawyers for his counsel ; the gentlewoman had hut one man of law ; and the great man shakes him so, that he cannot tell what to do; so that when the matter came to the point, the judge was a mean to the gentlewoman, that she would let the Great Man have a quietness in her land. I beseech your grace that ye will look to these matters. Hear them your- self. View your judges, and hear poor men’s causes. And you, proud judges, hearken what God saith in his holy book : Audite illos , it a parvum ut magnum. “Hear them,” saith he, “the small as well as the great, the poor as well as the rich.” Kegard no person, fear no man : why? Quia Domini judicium est. “The judgment is God’s.” Mark the saying, thou proud judge. The devil will bring this sentence at the day of doom. Latimer recurs again and again to the magistrates and judges taking bribes, and letting off rich offenders for them. At p. 139 of the 1844 edition, we find, Bribery is a princely kind of thieving. They will he waged hy the rich, either to give sentence against the poor, or to put off the poor man’s causes. This is the noble theft of princes and of magistrates. They are bribe-takers. Now- a-days they call them gentle rewards : let them leave their colouring, and call them hy their Christian name, bribes. ... Wo worth these gifts ! they subvert justice everywhere. Giffe-gaffe was a good fellow ; this Giffe-gaffe led them clene from justice. “ They follow gifts.” A good fellow on a time hade one of his friends to a breakfast, and said, If you will come, you shall he welcome ; hut I tell you aforehand you shall have hut slender fare : one dish, and that is all.” “What is that ?” said he. “A pudding, and nothing else.” “ Marry,” said he, “you cannot please me better ; of all meats, that is for mine own tooth ; you may draw me round about the town with a pudding.” These bribing magistrates and judges follow gifts faster than the fellow would follow the pudding. At p. 157, Latimer again dwells on tbe judges’ duty, and at p. 190 states a fact that be could testify-to bimself : — I know where a woman was got with child, and was ashamed at the matter, and went into a secret place, where she had no woman at her travail, and was delivered of three children at a birth. She wrung their necks, and cast them into a water, and so killed her children : suddenly she was gaunt again ; and her neighbours suspecting the matter, caused her to he examined, and she granted all. Afterward she was arraigned at the bar for it, and despatched, and found not guilty, through hearing of friends, and bribery of the judge ; when, at the same sessions, another poor woman was hanged for stealing a few rags off a hedge, that were not worth a crown. On 1. 468-74, “ my lord is not at leisure ; tbe poor man at tbe door stands like an Iceland cur,” compare Latimer : — Ye noblemen, ye great men, I wot not what rule ye keep. For God’s sake, i 2 116 Yox Populi. — Neglect of Poor by the Rich. Surveyors. hear the complaints and suits of the poor. Many complain against you, that ye lie a-hed till eight, or nine, or ten of the clock. I cannot tell what revel ye have over-night ; whether in banqueting, or dicing, or carding, or how it is ; hut in the morning, when poor suitors come to your houses, ye cannot be spoken withal : they are kept sometimes without your gates ; or if they he let into the hall, or some outer chamber, out cometh one or other, “ Sir, ye cannot speak with my lord yet ; my lord is asleep ; or he hath had business of the king’s all night.” And thus poor suitors are driven off from day to day, that they cannot speak with you in three or four days, yea, a whole month : what shall I say more P yea, a whole year sometimes, ere they can come to your speech, to he heard of you. For God’s love look better to it. Speak with poor men when they come to your houses ; and despatch poor suitors, as indeed some noblemen do ; and would Christ that all noblemen would so do ! But some do. I went one day myself betime in the morning to a great man’s house to speak with him in buisness that I had of mine own ; and methought I was up betimes ; but when I came thither, the great Man was gone forth about such affairs as behoved him, or I came. Well ; yet, thought I, this is well, I like this well : this Man doth somewhat regard and consider his office and duty. I came too late for mine own matter, and lost my journey and my early rising too : and yet I was glad that I had been so beguiled. For God’s love follow this example, ye great men, and arise in the mornings, and be ready for men, to speak with them, and to despatch suitors that resort unto you. On Surveyors, 1. 710, Latimer says ( ib . p. 102) : — Surveyors there be that greedily gorge up their covetous goods; hand- makers, I mean : honest men I touch not ; but all such as survey, they make up their mouths, but the commons be utterly undone by them ; whose bitter cry ascendeth up to the ears of the God of Sabaoth, the greedy pit of hell- burning fire, without great repentance, doth tarry and look for them. A redress, God grant ! For surely, surely, but that two things do comfort me, I would despair of redress in these matters. One is, that the king’s majesty, when he cometh to age, will see a redress of these things so out of frame ; giving example by letting down his own lands first, and then enjoin his sub- jects to follow him. The second hope I have, is, I believe that the general ac- counting day is at hand, the dreadful day of judgment, I mean, which shall make an end of all these calamities and miseries. The outrage threatened in the last section of the poem 1. 766- 71, occurred two years after its date ; “a summer of popular tu- mult and confusion such as had not been known in England since the rebellion of Jack Cade, almost exactly a hundred years be- fore.” (Macfarlane, Cabinet Hist. vii. 160.) Somerset himself reports the causes of this in the following extract from a letter of his, now in the Cotton MS. Gralba E. xii. leaf 115, printed by Burnet in Col. of Bee., and cited from him by Macfarlane, but here from the MS. : — “the Causes and pretences of thes vpprores and Risyngs are diueres and vn- certeine, and so full of varietye almoste in Euery Campe, as they Call them, that it is hard to write what it is ; as ye knowe is lyke to be of people with- out heade and Rulle, And that wold have that they wotte not what . some Criethe ‘ plucke doune inclosures and parkes’ ; some for their Comones ; otheres pretende the Relygeone ; A number wold Rulle an other whille, and directe things as [the] gentlmene have done ; And, in deed, all hathe Convayed a wnderfull hate againste gentlmen, and takethe them all as their Ennemyes. the Ruffens among them, and souldyeres Cases, wAfch be the Chefe doeres, Vox Populi. — Rebellion in 1549. 117 looke for Spovlle, so that it seemethe noe other thinge hut a plage and a fury amonge the vileste and worste soarte of mene.” But Holinshed attributes the immediate cause of the out- breaks to Somerset’s Proclamation against Enclosures : — Holinshed’s Chronicles. (Yol. iii. p. 1002.) A proclamation “ So it was, that the kings maiestie, by the aduise of his vncle o° enof ineSf l° r( l protector, and other of the councell, thought good to sures.° mC °* set foorth a proclamation against inclosures, and taking in of fields and commons that were accustomed to lie open, for the behoofe of the inhabitants dwelling neere to the same, who had greeuouslie complained of gentlemen and others for taking from them the vse of those fields and commons, and had inclosed them into parks and seuerall pastures for their priuat commodities and pleasures, to the great hinderance and vn- dooing of manie a poore man. This proclamation tending to The meaning of ^he 'b ene fit and releefe of the poore, appointed that such as had elamation. inclosed those commons, should vpon a paine by a daie assigned laie them open againe. But how well soeuer the setters foorth of this proclamation meant, thinking thereby peraduenture to appease the grudge of the people that found themselues grieued with such inclosures ; yet verelie it turned not to the wished effect, but rather ministred occasion of a foule and dangerous disorder. For wheras there were few that obeied the commandement, the vnaduised people presuming vpon their proclamation, thinking they should be borne out by them that had set it foorth rashlie without order, tooke vpon them to redresse the matter : and assembling them- selues in vnlawfull wise, chose to them capteins and leaders, brake open the inclosures, cast downe ditches, killed vp the deare which they found in parkes, spoiled and made hauocke, after the maner of an open Summersetshire re ^ e ^ on * First they began to plaie these parts in Summer- and other places’, setshire, Buckinghamshire, Northhamptonshire, Kent, Essex, and Lincolneshire. In Summersetshire they brake vp certcine parks of sir William Herbert, and the lord Sturton : but sir William Herbert assembling a power togither by the kings commission, slue and executed manie of those rebellious people. In other places also, by the good diligence and policie vsed by the councell, the rebels were appeased and quieted. But shortlie after, the commons of Deuon shire and Come wall rose by waie of rebellion, demanding not onelie to haue inclosures laied open, Deuonshir n an( l parkes disparked : but also thorough the instigation and IohnFox in" Acts pricking forward of certeine popish priests, ceased not by all & Monuments, sinister and subtill meanes, first vnder Gods name & the kings, and vnder the colour of religion, to persuade the people to assemble in routs, to choose capteins to guide them, and finallie to burst out into open rebellion.” The Norfolk rebels under Kett fortunately stated their griev- ances in their own words in their Petition to Edward VI ; and this is printed in the Appendix at the end of Vox Populi , to which the reader should turn. The rebels ask, among other things, that all who are bond shall be made free. Compare pp. 14, 15, above. Lastly, we may notice that of the nine ships mentioned in lines 791-8, six, the ‘ Swepestake,’ ‘Mynyon,’ ‘Herte,’ ‘Swallow,’ ‘Gal- lye,’ and ‘ Henry Grace,’ are known as ships of Henry VIII’s navy. 1 1 Patten does not give, in his interesting account of Somerset’s Expc- 118 Vox Populi. — Armament of the Hart and Swallow. We will take first tlie Harte, Swallowe, and Grallye, and give the number of their men, guns, and war-stores, from a fine roll among the Additional MSS in the British Museum, pointed out to me by Mr. Brock, which has a fine picture of each ship, with flags and reefed sails : — Addit. MS. 22,047. THE HARTE ( Tilvnes J iij c - Men. SOULDIOURS > Ckx | MARRYNNARS j > 1J U Gonnars . . . XXX ) For The Harte. Ordenaunce, Artillary . Mvni- ciojvs, Habilliment/s for The Warre, For The Arinyng, And in the deffence, of the sayd galias to the See. Gonnes of Brasse. Demy Cannon . • j Culueryns • J1 j Summa m j Gonnes of yron. Demi Culueryns • “j Sakers .... • Porte pecys . inj Slyngi's v . . . • y Baessys .... . xij Hayle shotte pecys . . xij Handgonnes complete . xij Toppe pece • J Sttim;2« Gonne powder dviij Serpentyn powder in Barrelh'.s . xij Grosse come powder in Barrell?« ij Fynne come powder xxiiij lb Shotte of yron. For Demi Cannon . lx For Culueryns , . Cl For Dmi Culueryns . CXX« For Sakers lx For Slyng/s lx Dyce of yron for hayle shotte . iiij c Crossebarre shotte Sonnwa . . viij c lxij Shotte of Stoen And Leade. For porte pecys . . . lxxx For Toppe pece . . . xx li For Baessys, shotte of leade CCC For handgonnes, shotte of leade CC Summa . . . vjc Bowes, Bowestryng/s, Arrowes, Morrys pykes, Byllys, & Daert is FOR TOPPIS. Bowes of yough . . . C Bowe stryngfs . ij groce Lyuere * 1 Arrowes in shevis . Cl Morrys pykes . C Byllys • . C Daertu for toppis vj douses Mvnicions. pycke hamers . * yj Sledgys of yron • mj Crowes of yron . • vj Comaunders . mj Tampions • A ...: Canvas for Cartowches xiiij ellys Fourmes for Cartowches . . iiij Habillimentjs For the warre. Ropis of hempe for wolin and brechyng Naylis of sundre sortw Ba ggis of ledder Fyrkyns with pnrsys Lyme potto’s Spaer whelys . Spaer truckell/s Spaer extrys Shepe skynnys . Tymher for forlocki’s and koynnys vj Coyl[es] . vj C . iiij . ij Dousm . ij payer . ij payer . iiij . nij . xxx Foet THE SWALLOWE | Tuwnes | CCxl Men. J marrynars . . Cxxx > Clx Gonnars . . xxx ) dition, a list of Lord Clinton’s ships by name. He mentions that the English recovered the ‘Mary Willoughby’ and ‘Antony of Newcastle,’ and took the ‘ Bosse ’ and seven more. 1 ? Delivery : but MS. may be ‘ Lyncre.’ 119 Vox Populi. — Armament of the Gaily e. For The Swallowe, Ordenaunce, Artillary, Mvnicions, Habilli- mentls For The Warre. For The Armyng And in the deffence of the sayd galias to the See. Gonnes of Brasse. Demy Cannon . . . . j Demy Culueryn . . . j Sakers . . . . iiij Sitmma . . . vj Gonnes of yron. Demy Culueryn . . . j porte pecys . . . . vj Demy Slyngw . . . . iij Baessys xx Tope pece .... Hayle shotte pecys . . . xij Handgonnes complete . . xij Summa . . . lv Gonne powder. Serpentyn 5 powder in barrelh's xxiij Fynne come powder . . xxxlb. Shotte of yron. For Dmi Cannon ... 1 For Demi Culueryn . . .lx For Dmi Slynge's . . . lxx For Sakers .... Cxx Dice of yron for hayle shotte iiij C Crosse barre shott . . . xx Summa . . vijCxx Shotte of Stoen And Leade. For porte pecys . . . Cxx For the tope pece . . . xx For Baessys, shott of leade. . iij C For Handgonnes, shott of leade ij C Summa . . vj Cxi Bowes, Bowestryngls, Arrowes, MORRYS PYCKLS, ByLLYS, DaERTLS FOR TOPPYS. Bowes of yough . C Bowestryng/.v ij grace Lyuere Arrowes in shevis . . Cl Morrys pykes . 1 Byllys .... 1 Daertw for toppis . vj Douses Mvnicions. pyckhamers • V J Sledgys .... . mj Crowes of yron . mj Comaunders . mj Tampions .... . vC Canvas for cartowchcs . xij ellys Fourmes for cartowche . . iij Habillimentis For Warre. Ropis of hempe for woling & brechyng ... vi Coyles Naylis of sundere sortw . iiij C Baggu of Ledder . . . iiij Fyrkyn with pursys . . ij Lyme pott/s . . iiij Douses Spaer whelis . . . j payer Spaer truckelhs . . . iiij Spaer extrys . . . .iiij Shepe skynnys . . . .iiij Tymber for forlockt-s . . xxx Foet THE GALIE SUBTILLE I Tuatnes I CC Men. j MARYNARS . . CCxlij ) CCL Gonnars . . viij ) For The Galie Subtille . Orde- naunce, Artillary, Monicions, Habillimentjs For The Warre, For The Armyng, And in the deffence, of the sayd galie to the See. Gonnes of Brasse. Cannon j Sakers ij Summa . . -iij Gonnes of yron. Fowlers ij Baessys xiiij Hayle shott pecys . . . xij Handgonnes complete . . 1 Summa . iiij xx xij Gonnpowder. Serpentyn 0 powder in half 1 barrellw . . . xviij Fynne come powder half 1 barell j Shotte of yron. For Cannon .... 1 For Sakers . . . iiij xx Dice of yron for hayle shotte . vC Summa . . vjCxxx Shotte of Stoen And Leade. For Fowlers . . . . xl For Baessys, shott of leade . vC For handgonnes, shotte of leade iij C Summa . . viij Cxi 1 MS. Di. 120 Some of Henry Villas and Edward VI.’ s Ships. Bowes, Bowestryng/s, Arrowes, MORRYS PYCK/S, BYLLYS, DaERTLS FOR TOPPIS. Bowes of yough C Bowestryng«s . . . ij groce Lyuere Arrowes in shevis . . Cl Morrys pykes . . . .lx Byllys ..... lx Daertu for toppis . . ij Douse?? Mvnicions. pyckhamers . . . iij Sledgys iij Crowes of yron . . . . ij Comaunders . . . ij | Tampions . . . . iiij C Canvas for cartowches . vj ellys Fourmos for cartowche . . iij paper Ryall . . . j qwayer Habilliment/s For Warre. Ropis of hempe for woling & brechyng . . . . j Coyle Naylis of sundre sort?s . . ij C Bagg?s of ledder . . . ij Fyrkyn with pursys . . . j Lyme pott?'s . . iiij Douse?? Spaer truckelKs . . ij Spaer extrys . . . ij Shepe skynnys . . . -iiij This £ Gralie Subtille ’ may not however be the £ (Tally e ’ of Vox Bopuli. The whole list of the ships in the Rolls is as follows : — The Graunde Mastery* The Anne Gallante *The Harte The Antelop The Tegar The Bulle The Salamander The Vnicorne. *Thc Swallowe *The Galie Suhtille The Newe Barcke. The Graye Hounde The Iennet The Lyon The Dragon The ‘ Henry G-race ’ was Henry VIII’ s famous big ship of fifty- two guns, of which there is a large, spirited engraving, dated May 14, 1756, representing her in full sail, her guns projecting from the port-holes, four men in the scuttle of her mainmast, and plenty on deck. Full particulars of her building in 1514 are given in Mr. Brewer’s c Calendar,’ vol. i. ; and the engraving refers to Camden’s ‘ Britannia,’ fol. 223, for a full account of her. She was burnt on the 27th of August, 1553. The ‘Mynyon’ may have been so called from its carrying cannon of that name. “Minion poiseth eleauen hundred poundes, and is three inches and a halfe wide in the mouth.” (Harrison’s Descr. of Britain p. 198, col. 2.) The ‘ Swallow,’ or its successor of the same name 1 , is among a list of Elizabeth’s ships in 1575, printed in c House- hold Ordinances,’ p. 267 ; and in Harrison, a.d. 1577, p. 201, col. 1. Was the ‘ Antelope ’ in these lists our ‘ Roe ?’ The £ Hart ’ and £ Sweepstake ’ are also mentioned in the following MS. list of some of Edward YI.’s ships, and the wages of some of his seamen, etc., in a.d. 1548 : — 1 It was, and still is, I believe, the custom in the navy to continue old names by giving them to new ships when the old ones are broken up. We find the ‘ Swallow ’ at least as early as 1345 a.d., for in that year Edward III., “ in the afternoon of Sunday the 3rd of July, sailed from [Sandwich] in his flute called the Swallow.” (Nicolas, Hist. Royal Navy, to a.d. 1422, ii. 85.) A Jlute or fluve was a large vessel of the only kind “ stated in naval accounts to have had two masts and two sails. It would seem that they had also two rudders, probably one at each end, rather than the old rudders or paddles at the side.” {lb. 162.) Vox Populi. — Vagrant Law. 121 [Harl. MS. 353, leaf 55.] The Charge of wages to he Dewe to Certaine Capitayns, Maisters, Mar- riners, and Gonners seruinge in diuers of the Kinges Shipps ar- riued in Irlande, and in other his highnes Shippes Purposede thither, the xiij th Daye of Aprill aimo .5. Regis Edwardi Sexti . / . Sea wages. Inprimis for the Dyettes of .iiij. Capitaines servinge in the same Shippes, by the space of .vij. weekes .begun the first Daye of March Last, and to ende the xviij th Daye of this present Aprill, at xlij 8 eyerie of them, is xiiij u . xiiij 3 . And More For wages of CCCC and iiij* 1 Souldiers, Marriners, and Gonners, servinge vnder them, for like tyme, at xiiij 8 every Man . Deadshares, and rewardes in the same accompted, is CCCxxxvj 1 * Soma is § CCC1 U . xiiij 8 . Wages in harhoro. Item for wages of one mCCCxxx . Maisters Marynners and gonners, servinge the kinge his Ma^stie in the same Shipps by Shippes. The Hart. The Newe barke. The Gerfawcon. The Barke of Bolloigne. The great Barke. The Pawncey.' The Antelopf & the space of .v. weekes hegune the xvj th Daye of March last, and to ende the xix th Daye of this present, at .x 8 . everie Man. Deadshares, and rewardes in the same accompte. Some is § vij c . xv 11 . / . Antelop. The Mvrryon. The Mary Ham- boro. The Phawcon. The Moone. The Seven Starrs. The last Made pynrcas. Conduct Money. /. Item for the Conducte of viij c . lxxx . Marryners and Gonneres to be Dis- charged ouer and besides . CCC . men appointed to serve in the Anteloppe, and the Fawcon for Wafters . And CC1 men appointed to serve in the Shipps, for the transeport of Grayne at vij 8 vj d euerie Man : Some is § CCCxxx 11 . / . Some Totall of all the Charge aforesaid | mCCCiiij** . xv n . xiiij 8 Here I meant, at first, to have ended this Introduction ; but on further consideration I could not bring myself to put forth a poem which deals so much with the condition of the poor in the middle of the sixteenth century as this Vox Populi does, and yet not notice the fierce Poor Law in force when the poem was writ- ten. The savagery of the provisions of that Poor Law must astonish any one reading them for the first time. It enables any one who finds a man idling for three days together, or running away from service, to take such man before two Justices, and have him branded on the breast with a hot iron V> and after- wards keep him as a slave for two years, put a chain round his neck, arm, or leg, and beat him to make him work ; and if the slave run away twice, then he is to be put to death. The Act also enables any one to take away from a beggar his or her child, and on undertaking to bring it up to some honest labour, to use the child as a servant or apprentice, till twenty years old if it is a girl, and till twenty-four if it is a boy ; and if the child runs 1 A.D. 1547 “hostilities between the two countries [England and Scotland] recommenced with an encounter between an English vessel called the Pansy , commanded by Sir Andrew Dudley, brother to the Earl of Warwick, and the ‘Lion,’ a principal ship of Scotland.” (Macfarlane, vii. 115, referring to Hayward.) 122 Vox Populi. — Power to Brand , Beat, and Chain Vagrants. away before such age, then his master may chain him, and use him (or her) as a slave. The master is also empowered to let out, sell, give or bequeath the labour of any such slave, servant or apprentice, adult or not. The material comfort of the vaga- bond poor under these arrangements, Mr. Eroude will doubtless admit, was not greater than that of our paupers now. 1 Edw. 6, cap. 3. An ACTE FOR THE PUNISHMENT OF VAGABONDES AND FOR THE RELIEF OF THE POORE AND IMPOTENT PARSONS. be it therfore enacted, First, that all Statutes and Actes of parlament heretofore made for the punishment of vagaboundcs and sturdie beggers, and all articles comprised in the same, shalbe from hensfurth re- pealed, voyde, and of none effecte : Secundlie that who so ever, after the first daie of Apryll next following, man or woman, being not Lame, Impotent, or so aged, or diseased w/th sicknes, that he or she can not wowrke, not having Landes or Ten emenies. Fees, Ammityes, or anny other yerelie Revenues or Pro- fits wheron theie may fynde sufficientlie their Living, shall either, like a servinge man wanting a maister, or lyke a Begger, or after anny other suche sorte, he lurking in anny howse or howses, or loytringe, or Idelye wander by the highe waies syde, or in Stretes in Cities, Townes or Yyllages, not applying them self to some homiest and allowed arte, Scyence, service or Labour, and so do contynewe by the space of three dayes or more to-gither, and not offer them self to Labour wz'th anny that will take them according to their facultie, And yf no man otherwise will take them, doo not offer them self to wowrke for meate and drynck, or after theie be so taken to wowrke for the space agreed betwixt them and their maisters, doo leave their worck out of convenyent tyme, or runne awaye, That then everie such parsone shalbe taken for a Vaga- bounde ; and that it shalbe lawful to everie suche Maister, and to anny other parsone espying the same, to bring, or cause to be brought, the saide parsone so living Idelye and loyteringlie, to twoo of the next Justices of peaxe there Resyaunt or abyding, who, hearing the proefe of the Idle living of the saide parsone, by the saide space living idelye as is aforesaid, approved to them by twoo honnest witnesses, or confession of the partie, shall imwediatelie cawse the saide loyterer to be marked with an whott Iron in the brest, the marke of V-, and adjudge the said parsone living so Idelye, to such presen- ter, to be his Slave, To have and to holde the said Slave to him, his exe- cutors or assignes, for the space of twoo Yeres next following, and to order the saide Slave as folio wethe, That is to saie : to take such parsone adjudged a Slave, with him, and onelye giving the saide Slave breade and water, or small dryncke, and suche refuse of meate as he shall thincke mete, cawse the saide Slave to woeerke, by beating, cheyninge, or otherwise in suche worke and Labour, how vyle so ever it be, as he shall putt him unto ; And yf anny manner of Slave, either for loytring or for the cawse before rehearsed, so adjudged, shall within the Space of the saide twoo yeres here appointed, runne awaye, depute, or absent him from his saide Maister by the space of xiiij dais to-gither withowt Lycence, it shall not onlie be lefull to his saide Maister to pursue and fetche him againe, by vertewe of this Acte, but allso to punishe suche faulte by chaynes or beating, as is aforesaide, And further, everie such Maister shewing and proving by twoo sufficyent wit- nesses the saide offence or faulte of his runnynge awaie, before twoo Justices of peaxe of the same County e, wherof one to be of the Quorwm, the same Justices shall cawse suche Slave or loyterer to be marked on the forhed, or the ball of the cheke, with an hote Iron, with the Signe of an S- that he may be knowen for a loyterer and runneawaye, and shall adjudge the loyterer and runawaye to be the saide Maisters, Slave for ever ; And yf suche Slave shall the Seconde tyme runne awaye, or absent him self, yf the saide Maister shall approv the same Second runnynge awaic, with twoo sufficient witnesses, be- Vox Populi. — Power to take Beggars' Children. 123 fore the Justices of Peaxe in their generall and Quarter Sessions, then cverie suche faulte and runninge awaie to he adjudged fellonie, and suche loyterer and runneaway to he taken as a fellon, and therof being lawfullie indicted and attaynted, or otherwise condempned, to suffer paynes of death, as other fellons ought to doo. Section 3. And Forasmuche as divers wemen and men goeth on begging wayefaring, of the which sowme he impotent and lame, and some hahle enoughe to Labour, which doo carrye children ahought with them, some foure or five Yeres of age, or yonger or elder, which, brought upp in Idelnes, might be so rooted in it that hardelie theie maye be brought after to good thrifte and labour, Or yf anny childe above thage of five Yeres, and under thage of xiiij yeres, go Idelie wandering abowt as a vagabounde, Be it enacted .... that yf anny manner of parson will take anny such childe, be it male or female, of and from anny suche begger, being the mother therof, nourcer, or Kepar, wheither theie be willing or not, or without anny suche nourryce, mother or keper, by him self wandering, and bring the saide childe, so taken awaie, before one of the Constables of the parish, and twoo other honnest and discrete neighbo«ns, witnesses, and before anny Justice of Peaxe there Resiaunt and abiding, and promesse to bring the same childe upp in some honnest Labour or occupac/on till he or she come to thage, of twentie Yeres the woman childe, or xviiij li the man childe, That then and imwediatlie the said Justice of peaxe and Conestable shall adjudge, by vertewe of this Acte, the saide childe, unto the ages before specified, to be serv&imtes or apprentices to the saide parsons so taking and promising, to be used and ordered in all points according as the La we and Custome of this Realme is of eerveumtes and apprentices, to what Labour occupac/on or service so ever the said M aister shall appoint him or her during the said tyme : And yf it shall fortune such childe so adjudged to runne awaye at anny tyme, ons or two tymes, from his or her Maister or Maistres, That then it shalbe lawfull for everie such Maister to take the said childe againe, and to kepe and punishe the said child in chaynes or otherwise, And use him or her as his Slave in all poyntes for the tyme before rehersed of thage of such childe Section 4. Provided allwaies that anny 'Maister either of the men or of the women so adjudged Slaves, or of the children adjudged apprentices or servawntes, maye lett, sett furthe, sell, bequethe, or give, the service and labour of suche Slaves or servawntes so adjudged as is aforesaide, to anny parsone or parsones to whome so ever he will, uppon suche condicmn, and for such tyme of yeres, as the saide parsons be adjudged to him for Slaves, servawntes, or apprentices, after suche like sorte and manner as he maye doo of anny other his movable goodes or Catelks, And theie for the saide space of tyme to be bownde to all poyntss and constructions to suche Lessee, donnee, Vendee, or assigne, as theie were to their first apprehenders and Maisters, by vertewe of this Statute. Section 16. And be it ordeyned and enacted by thauctoritie abovesaide, that it shalbe lawfull to everye parson to whome anny parsone .... shalbe adjudged as Slave, to putt a rynge of Iron abowt his Necke, Arme, or his Legge, for a more knowledge and suretie of the kepinge of him ; and that yf any parsone or parsones doo take or helpp to take, anny suche bonde of Iron from anny suche Slave, that then everie parsone so doing withowt the Lycence or assent of his Maister shall forfaite for everie suche defaulte Ten Poundes sterling. My reason for printing the later Harleian MS of Vox Populi instead of the earlier Cambridge one, was, that Mr. Dyce had already printed the latter, though with insertions from the former. I also wanted the former complete, on account of its provincial- isms, which may be of use to some critic some day. Besides, it is always well to get two MSS of a poem in type. 124 Vox Populi Vox Dei. § 1. I Thus. I e - 8 * / To ilie Icings most Exellent Maiestie / I praye yo u , be not wrothe [Harl. 367, leaf 130.] for tellinge of the trothe ! for this, the worlde, it gothe bothe to lyfe and to lothe. 4 as god him- Self he knothe, and as all men vnder standee, bothe lordeshipes and landes are now in few mens handes ; 8 bothe Substance and bandes of all the whole realme are now consumed Cleane — as moste men exteme — 12 frome the fermer and the powre to the towne and the towere, w/iich makethe them to Lowere, to See that in their e flowere 16 is neyther malte nor meale, bacon, byfe, nor veale, Crocke, mylke, nor keale, 1 but redy for to steale 20 for very pure neede. Youre comments saye in dede, [leaf 130, back.] they be not abell to fede In there stable skant a stede, 24 to bryng vp nor to brede. Nor skant abel to brenge to the markett any thynge Towards there howsse-kepinge ; 28 and skant haue a cowe, nor to kepe a powre sowe / thus the warlde ys nowe ! and to here the relasion 32 of the powre men es comminycasion, vnder whatt sortte and faschyon thaye make there exclamasyon, yow wolde haue compassion. 36 thus gothe ther protestation, 1 Crock is a pot or earthen vessel ; crockery , a collection of the same ; crock butter is potted or salt butter ; but as crock milk could only mean sour butter- milk, I suppose that crocke above is a pot, and keale, a keel or cooler. (Nares.) Vox Populi Vox Dei. § 2. — Shipmasters. Sayenge, that suche and suche that of latte are mayde Ryche, Hane to, to / to myche, by grasyng and Regratynge, by powlyng and debattynge, by rollyng and by Dattyng, by cheke and cheke-matynge, with 1 Delays and Debatynge, with cowstomes and tallynges, forfayttes and fore-stallynges, So that youre pourmen 2 saye they styll paye, paye, most wyllyngly alwaye, but yett thay se noe staye of this owtt-rage a-raye. vox populi / vox Dei : 0 most nobell kynge, Consider well this thynge / . 2 . And thus the woyse dothe mvltyplye amownges your grasis commynalte : they are in suche grette penvry that thay cane nether sell ner bye, Such ys there extreme powertey. experyenes dothe it veryfye, as trwthe yt selfe dothe testyfye, this is a mervellvis mesirie 3 / for grasiares, and Regrateres, with soe many shepe-maisteres that of erabell grounde make pasteres, are they that be thes wasteres that wyll vndoe this Lande, yf thay contyniv 4 and stande ; as ye shall vnderstonnde by this lytell bowke. yf youre grace it over-lowke, And over-lowke it agayne, Hit wyll tyll yow soo playne 1 Lines 45-47 are not in the Cambridge MS. 2 This word was originally comene s : the c was altered into p over the o ; and the es contraction scratched out. See line 125. 3 Camden adds, “ And trewe thei saye, it is no lye and in a in the Harleian MS., is written at the side, “ and trw they say it (Dyce.) 4 ? for continw. 125 40 44 48 52 [leaf 131.] 56 60 64 68 72 ; r written later hand, is no lye. ? ’ 126 Vox Populi. — The Poor Men weep, from the Store of Sheep. the tenvre and the trowthe, Howe this warld now gowthe with my neghtbore and my nost, in every cowntre/ towne, and cost, witMn the cercumvisiones of your grasis Domynyones ; and whye the powre men wepe for stawryng 1 of suche shepe, for that soo many kype Snche nvmber and snche stawre, 2 and never was sene before, what wolde ye any more ? 3 the ingresse 4 was never more : thus gothe the woyse and rawre, 5 and trewth it ys in dede ; for all men now Doo brede, that cane chache 6 any lande owtt of the powre menes hande. for whoe is soe grett a grosier as the lorde and the laweer ? for every Drawyng Daye the bocher more most paye for his fattyng ware, and to be the more Redyer a nother tyme to crane, when he more shepe wolde haue ; and to elywatte the pryce, Swme-whatt he most rysse, with a synke or a syssce ; Soo that the bocher cane not spare — Towardis his charges and is fare — to sell the vere carchasse bare vnder xij ses or a marke, wiche is a pytyfnll werke ! 7 be-syde the offall and the flice ; The flice and the fell, thus he dothe it selle. 76 80 [leaf 131, b.] 85 88 92 96 100 104- 108 1 Written stawryng and altered to storyng by the later hand. 2 The a is turned into o by the later hand. 3 This line is not in the Cambridge MS. 4 encrease (C.). 3 rawre altered to rowre. 6 ketche (C.). 7 This line is not in the Cambridge MS. Vox Populi. § 3 . — Sheep cause Distress. 127 A-las ! A-las ! A-las ! this is a pitywows chasse 1 ! Whatt powre man nowe is abell to haue mette one is tab ell ? ane oxe at fyve 2 pownde — yf he be any thing rownde, — or elles come not in the grownde, Suche labore for to waste : this is the new caste, the new cast frome the olde ; this commen price thay holde ! wiche is a were 3 rewthe, yf men myght saye the trwth. youre powrmen 4 thus Doo saye : 5 yf thaye haue it, thows thay paye. 5 vox populi vox dei : 0 most nobell kynge, Consyder well this thynge ! .3. Howe saye ye to this my lordes ? 6 are not thes playne recorder ? 6 ye knowe as well as I, this makes the commoner crye, this makes 6 them crye and wepe : mysevsyng 7 soe there shepe, there shepe, and eke ther beffes as yll and worse ; they theffes ! 8 vnto a comon welth, this is a vere stelth ! But yow that wyll 9 this bett, yowe lordes 10 that be greett, 11 yow wold not paye so for jour mette 112 [leaf 132.] 116 120 124 128 132 136 140 1 case (C.). 2 first ‘ four’ fourre (C.). 3 very (C.). 4 The original “ comenss” of the MS. — es being erased — has been altered by the writer to “pormen/’ as in line 48. 5 They are not able to pay But miserere mei. (C.) 6 These s’ s are represented by the usual contraction for es. 7 Misusing (C.). 8 “As yll or wourse then theaves.” (C.) Theaf is a special name for some kind of sheep, — see Philol. Soc. Dictionary Slips — so it may be a pun. (E. Brock.) 9 welthe (C.). 10 landlordes (C.). 11 Originally written graett. 128 § 4. The Commonalty’s Woes. Two good Preachers. except your grasyng ware soo swett ; Or elles, 1 fere me I, . [back of leaf 132.] 2 yowe fynde some remedy 145 In tyme, 2 and that right shortlye. but yeti, this extremyte, non felys it but the comynaltye. A-las ! ys there noe remede to helpe them of there mesire ? yf there showld come a rayne to make a derthe of grayne, — as god maye sende it playne, for our covitis 8 and disdayne, — I wolde knowe amownges 4 all what he where that showlde not And sorowe as he wente, for godes ponyshementte ? A-las ! this were a plage for powertes passession, 160 towardis 5 ther suppression, for the grett menes transsgressyon. A-las, my lordes ! 5 for-see there maye be remede ! 164 for youre powre comenes saye thay haue noe more to paye. vox populi vox Dei : O most nobell kynge, 168 Consyder well this thyng ! .4. And yett not lowng agoo was prechares one or tooe 6 that spake it plene enowgh To yow, to yow, and to yowe, “ that it was reght tyme to repente 7 this develysche in-tente, of covitis the convent e.” 8 172 [leaf 133.] 176 148 152 fall, 156 1 elles I (C.). 2-2 “ In tyme ” is in a later hand. “ Ye wold fynde remedye.” (C.) 3 “ Both MSS. have covetous Hazlitt, iii. 273. The Harl. MS. has certainly covitis. 4 Among vs (C.). 5 This s is represented by the contraction for es. 6 Compare line 102 in the next Ballad, “The Ruyne of a Reame,” p. 161. 7 This line is crossed out; and in its stead ‘highe tyme for to repent’ is written in a later hand in the margin. 8 This line is not in C. Vox Populi. § 4. — The Poor , the Yeomen, go to Wrack. 129 frome skottland into Kente this precheng was be-sprent ; and frome the est frnnt vnto saynt mychelles montte 1 , 180 this sayeng Did surmownte a-brode to all menes heres, and to youre grasys peres : that frome pyllyr to post, 184 the powr man he 2 was toste ; I mene the laboreng man, I mene the husbande man, I mene the plowghe man, 3 188 I mene the handy- craft man, I mene the vy[tay]lyng 4 man, and also the gud yoman that some tyme in this realme 192 hade plente of key and creme, 5 butter, egges, and chesse, hony, vax, and besse 5 ; but now, a-lacke ! a-lacke ! 196 all thes men gowe to wrake, that are the bodye and staye of youre grasis realme alwaye. al-waye and at lenght 200 they most be youre strenght, youre strenght and your teme 6 for to defende youre realme. Then yf thes men appall, [leaf 133, back.] and lack when ye doe call, 205 Wiche waye maye youe, 7 or shall, Resyst youre enymes all, thet oyer ragynge stremes 208 wvll wadde frome foren realmes ? for me to make Iudiciall, This matter ys to mysticall. luge yowe, my lordes / for me, ye shall ; 212 youres ys the charge that governed all. 1 Mount (C.). 2 he is put in between the lines by the later hand. 3 C. adds another line, “ I meane the playne true man.” 4 victualing £C.). 5 Not in C. 6 A.S. tedm, issue, offspring, race. 7 y u e in MS. VOL. I. K 130 Vox Populi. § 4 . — A poor Shepherd writes it. for ‘ vox populi , / me thay call, that maketh but reersall 1 de parvum, but not De totall, de locis, but not locall ; Therfore ye most not blame the wyght that wrott the same ; 216 for the comenes 2 of this Lande hath sone 3 this in there sande, plowghyng it with ther hande. I fonde it where I stonnde, 220 And I ame but the hayne 4 that wrythe new 5 agayne The copy, for to see, that also lerneth me 224 to take there-by good hede my shepe howe for to fede ; for I a sheparde ame, A sory powre man ; 228 Yett wolde I wysche, my lordes, [leaf 134.] this myght be youre recordies, and make of it nowe 6 Dreme ; for it ys a worthey realme ; 233 a reme that in tymes paste hath made the prowdes 7 a-gaste. and now 8 , my lordes all, note this in especiall, 236 and haue it in memoryall 9 with youre wysse vnyversall, that nether [for] faver nor effection, yowe grawnt youre protection 240 to suche as hath 10 by election, [who] shall rewle by erection, and Doth gett the perfection of the powre menes refection. 244 wiche ys a grett innormyte vnto youre grasys commynalte. 248 1 Reherssall (C.). 2 Altered by a later hand to “poremen.” 3 sowen (C.). 4 hande (C.). 5 wryttes yt newe (C.). 6 no (C.). 7 prowdest (C.). 8 Therfore (C.). 9 The Cambridge MS. omits the next 102 lines, down to “ comonwelthe,” 1 . 342 . 10 “ There appears to be some corruption here.” (Dyce.) Vox Populi. § 4 . — Confound the Upstarts ! 131 for thay that of latt did supe(“) owtt of an aschyn cuppe, are wonderfully sprowng vpe : 252 That nowght was worth of latt. Hath now a cubborde of platt, his tabell furnyscheyd tooe with platt be- sett I-nowe, 256 parsell gylte and sownde. Well worth two hundred pound. ( b ) * 1 with castinge cownteres & ther pen, 2 Thes are the vpstart gentylmen ; [leaf 134, back.] thes are thay that Dewowre 261 all the go odes of the pawre, And makes them dotysche Bavys 3 , vnder the cowler of the kenges lawys. 264 and yett an 4 nother decaye to youre grasys Seetes alwaye : for the statte of all yowre marchant men vndo most parte of yowre gentyll men, 268 and wrape them in suche bandes that thay haue halle ther landes, and payeth but halfe in hande tyll thay more vnderstownde 272 of the profett of there lande; and for the other halfe He shalbe mayd a calfe, excepte he haue gud frendes, 276 wiche well cane waye bothe endes ; and yet with frendes tooe he shall haue mvche to Doe : wiche ys a grett innormyte 280 to youre grasys regallyte. a-b Compare these lines with the well-known passage in Harrison’s ‘ De- scription of Britain, a.d. 1577,’ vol. i. p. 188, about the farmer of his time, who, though his old rent of £4 were raised to £40, £50, or £100, would yet have, towards the end of his lease, six or seven “ yearcs rent lieng by him, therwith to purchase a new lease, beside a fine garnish of pewter on his cup- bord, with so much more in od vessell going about the house, three or foure featherbeds, so manie couerlids and carpets of tapistrie, a silver salt, a bowle for wine (if not an whole neast), and a dozzen of spoones to furnish vp the sute !” 1 ‘ CC li ’ crossed out and ‘ towo thousand pounde ’ written in the margin by the later hand. 2 Calculations were formerly made with counters as well as with the pen ; and we find works published to instruct beginners in the art of reckoning “ with the pen or with counters” (Hazlitt). 3 Daws. 4 MS. and. K 2 132 § 4 . — Merchants trade only in Land at Home. lett marchant men goe sayle, for that ys ther trwe waylle ; for of one .C. ye haue not ten 284 that now be marchantes ventring men, that occnpi grett in-awnderes l forther then into flanderes, — flawnderes or in-to france — 288 for fere of some myschance, but lyeth at home, and standee by morgage and pnrchasse of landed Owtt of all gentyll menes Handes, [leaf 135.] wiche showld serve alwaye your grace 21)3 with horse and men in chasse : wiche ys a grett dewowre vnto youre regall pawre. 296 what presydente cane thay shewe. that fowre skore yeres agooe, that any marchant here, A-bove all charges clere, 300 In landes myght lett to hyre too thowsant markes by yere ? other 3 , where shall ye fynde a gentyll man by kynde, 304 but that thay wyll ly in the wynde to breng hyme fer be-hynde ? Or elles thay wyll haue all, yf nedes thay hyme 3 for-stall. 308 wiche ys the hole Decay e of your marchant men, I saye, and hynderes youre grasys costoine by the yere a thowsant pawnde. 312 And so marry th — the more petye — the comon welth of yche Sytte, and vndoth the cowntre, as prosse 4 doth make propertie : 316 this matter most spesyally wolde be loked one quiclye. yett for ther recreation in pastime and procreation. 320 1 inawnderes, (Dyce) : ? meaning “adventures,” “ventures.” 2 or. 3 ? MS. hyne. 4 “Prosses,” process, legal proceedings. “Pross” is talk, conversation. (HalliwelTs Glossary.) Vox Populi. § 4. — Merchants’ Lands to be limited. 133 in tempore nesessitatis, I wysche thay myglit liaue grattis [leaf 135, back.] lysenes to compownde, To purchasse fortie pownde, 324 or fyfte, at the moste, by fyne or wrytte of post. and yf any marchant man — to ly ve his occupieng then — 328 wolde purchasse any more ; lett hyme forfett it therfore. then showld ye se the trade that marchant men frist mayde, 332 whyche wysse men marshall for a welth vnyversall, yche man this lawe to lerne, and trewly his goodes to ywr[n]e : l 336 the landlord with his terme, the plowght man with his ferme, the kneght wyth his fare, the marchant with his ware ; 340 then showld increse the helth of yche comon welthe. therfore be not yow wrothe 2 for tellyng of 3 the trothe ; 344 for I dooe here it eviry daye, howe the comones thus doe saye : yf thaye hade it, thay wolde paye. vox populi, vox dei : 348 0 most nobell kynge, Consyder well this thing ! 5 [leaf 136.] But howe, Robyn ! howe ! wiche wave dothe the wynde blowe ? 352 Herke ! herke ! herke ! ys not this a pityvis warke, the grounde and the pithe 4 off all this myscheffe ? 356 for oure covitis lordes dothe mynde noe other Recordes 1 Dyce corrects to “ yeme.” 2 C. begins again, with And be not withe me wrothe. 3 you (C.). 4 chciffc (C.). 134 Vox Populi. § 5 . — Grasping Enclosers and Officers. but framyng fynes for fermes, 1 with to myche, as some termes, . 360 with rentes and remaynderes, with Surwaye and Surrenderee with commoner and common Ingenderes, with inclosieres 2 and extenders, 364 with hurd-vpe, but noe spenderes : for a comon welth, this is a vere stelth. prove it whowe shall, to make there of triall, thus gowthe there Diall : I knowe not what [s] 3 a cloke but by the cowntre coke, 4 the mone 5 ner yett the prime, wntyll the sowne 6 dooe shy me or elles I colde tyll Howe all thinges showld be well, the compas maye stande a-wrye, but the card wyll nott lye. Haale in your mayne sliete ! 7 this tempeste is to grebt ; 8 for pawre men Dayly sees how officers takes their fees, 9 Sume yll, and some yet worse ; [leaf 136, back.] as good right as to pike there purse ! 384 Deservethe this not godes curse ? there consyenes ys sooe grett, theye fere not to dischare 10 yf it were as mvche more, 388 Soe thay maye haue the stowre. thus is oure we [1] the vndone by synguler commodome 11 for we are in dyvision 3^2 bothe for reght and religion ; I Compare Harrison, p. 189, in ‘Percy Folio Ballads,’ ii. 181-2. See “Now a Dayes,” p. 97, 1. 165, and also p. 3-37, 54-6. 2 hoard. 3 whates (C.). 4 cocke (C.). 5 mone in both MSS., but P none (Dyce). 6 sonne (C.). 7 Altered by a later hand from “ graett shepe.” 8 The next 21 lines, to knewe , 1. 401, are not in the Cambridge MS. 9 This line is written by the later hand. 10 There is some error here ; and perhaps a line or more has dropt out (Dyce). Quaere : not if dischare applies to the officers taking fees. II Latin commodum, advantage. 368 372 378 380 Vox Populi. § 6 . — The Coin is scant and debased. 135 and, as some saythe, 1 we stagger in o^r faythe. 1 but excepte in shortt tyme we drawe by one lyne, and 2 agre with one accorde, — bothe the plowgh-man & the lorde,- we shall sore Rewe that ever this statte we knewe. the commoner thus doth saye, yf thaye hade it thay wolde paye. vox populi vox dei / l O most nobell kenge. Consider well this thing ! 396 400 404 Thus Runnys the rwmer abowtt A-mownges the holle rowtt : 408 thay cane nott bryng a-bowtt [how this thyng shuld be,] 3 hit hathe suche hight Degree : the cowne 4 it ys soo skantt 5 412 That every man dothe wantt, [leaf 137.] and some thynke not soo skarese, but even as mvch to basse. your marchant men doe saye, thaye fynde it daye by daye to be a matter strange, when thay showld make exc [h] ange one thother syde the see, thay are dryven to there plee. for were 6 oure pounde some tyme was better then theres by nene, 7 now oures, when it commythe forthe, no better then theres is worthe, noe, nor skant sooe gude : they Saye so, by the roode. how may the merchant man be able to occupye then, exept, when he comes here, he sell his ware to Dyre 8 ? 416 420 424 428 1 These lines are added in a later hand. 3 From the Cambridge MS. 5 The a looks like u in the MS. 0 where (C.). 7 nyne (C.). 2 MS. amd. 4 coyne (C.). 8 too dear. 136 § 6-7 . — Base Coin. No Law for the Poor. he needes must haue a ly vinge or elles, fye one the wyning ! this Coyne by alteracyon hathe brought this Desolaeion, which is not yet all knowen, what myschiff it hathe sowen. they saye, “ wo worthe 1 * that man that fyrst that Coyne began, to putt in anye heade the mynde to Suche a reed, to come to suche a hiere for covites Desyre I knowe not what it menythe ; but thus thay saye and dremethe, 3 ve ille p er quern skandalum venit ! but this wyll axe graett pene be-for it be well agayne, graett pene and sore to make this as [it] 3 was before, youre commoner thus Doe saye, yf thay hade it, thay wolde paye. vox populi, vox^Dei : o most nobell 4 kenge, Consyder well this thinge ! 432 43G 440 [leaf 137, back.] 444 448 452 This matter is to trewe, 456 that many a man Dothe rewe thesse sowrowes doe in-sewe ; for, pawre men, thay doe crye, and saye it ys a-wrye ; thay saye thay cannott be herde, but sty 11 frome Daye [to daye] Differed ; when thay haue any swtte, they may gowe blowe ther flwtt ; 5 thus gothe the comon brewtt. the riche man wyll come in, for he ys sure to wyne, for he cane make is waye, 468 With hand in hande to paye, [ leaf 138 d 460 464 1 be to; A.S. weot 'ftan, to become. s it as it (C.). 4 MS. neboll. 2 deamythe (C.). 5 flute (C.). 137 Vox Populi. § 7 . — Raised Rents and Fines. bothe to thy eke and thyne : l or elles, to knowe the[ir] 2 plesure, my lorde is not at lesure : s the pawre man at the dur stands lyke an yslande 4 cur, and Darre not ones sture, excepet he gowe is waye and come another Daye ; and then the matter ys mayde, that the powre man withe his spade mvst no more his ferme in-wayde, but most gowe vse some other trade ; for it ys soe agreyd, that my ladey, maisteres mede, 5 shall hyme expulse with all spede, and our maister the landlord shall haue it all att his accorde, his howsse and ferme agayne, to make there-of his vttmost gayne ; for is wantage wylbe more, with shepe and cattell it to 6 store, and not to plowgh his ground no more, except the fermer wyll arere the rente hyer by a holle yere. yett mvst he haue a fyne, toe, the bargayne he may the [better] 7 knowe ; wiche maketh the markett now soe Dere 496 That there bye 8 fewe that makes good chere* ; for the fermer most sell his gosse, [*leaf 138, back.] as he maye be abell to paye for his howse ; or elles, for non payeng the rente, 500 472 476 480 484 488 492 1 “ A line, or perhaps more, has dropt out here ” (Dyce). 3 their (C.). 3 A line borrowed from [or occurring in] Skelton’s Why come ye nat to (Jourte, 1. 622, vol. ii. 46. (Dyce.) 4 Island (C.). “ Iceland Dogs : shaggy, sharp-cared, white dogs, much imported formerly as favourites for ladies, etc. ‘ Pish for thee, Iceland dog, thou prick-ear’d cur of Iceland, Henry V. ii. 1.’ ” (Naves.) 5 The writer, perhaps, recollected that Skelton had mentioned “ mayden Meed” in Ware the Hauke 1. 149, vol. i. 160. (Dyce.) Shall we add, that Skelton perhaps recollected the fine scenes between “Meede \>e Mayden,” or “Mayden Meede,” and Conscience, the King, and Reason, in Passus II.- IV. of The Vision of Tiers Vlowman (pp. 17-51, ed. Skeat, 1867, Text A.) ? That Skelton owed much to the Vision and the Creed , I cannot doubt. IMS. itto. 7 may better (C.). 8 be (C.). 138 Vox Populi. § 7-8 . — Poor Families are ejected. a-voyde at oure laydye daye in lent : thus the pawre man shalbe shente ; and then he and his wyffe with there chilldren, all there lyfe, Dothe crye owtt and ban 1 vppon this corsede covitys man. I swere, by god omnipotent, I fere that this presydent wyll make ws all for to [be] 2 shent ! trowe yow, my lordes that be, that god doth nott see this ryche manys charyte per speculum Inigmate ? 3 yes, es, yowe ryche lordes ! hitt is wrytten in christes recorder that divis 4 lay in the fyre with belsabube his Syrre ; and pawper, he a-bowe 5 satt In the Sett 6 of abrames lape, and was taken frome this troye to lyve allway e with god in yoiye. 7 yowr comones thus do saye ; yf thay hade it, thay wold paye : vox populi, vox Dei : o most nobell kenge, Consyder well this thing ! 504 508 512 516 520 524 8 The prayse no lesse ys worthe, [leaf 139.] goddes worde is well sett forth ; 628 hitt never was more preched, ner never so playnely techede ; hitt never was soe halloed, nor never soe lyttell fowloed 532 both of hyght and lawe, 8 as many a man dothe knowe. for this ys playne perskrypsyon, 1 band (MS.) ; ban (C.). 2 be (C.). This line in MS. C. is added by a different hand ; and in MS. Harl. by the later hand. (Dycc.) 4 Dives (C.). 5 above (C.). 6 seate (C.). 7 joy. lowe (C.). Vox Populi. § 8-9. — Extortioners worse than Monks. 139 we haue banyschyd superstysyon, 536 but styll we kepe ambysyon ; we haue showtt awaye all cloystrees, 1 but styll we kepe extorsynares ; we haue taken there landes for ther abbwese, 2 540 but we haue convertyd theme to a worse vse. yf this talle be noe lye, my lordes, this gothe a-wrye : a-wrye, a-wrye, ye gooe, 544 with many thenges mooe, quytt frome the kenges hy-waye ! the commones thus Doe saye, yf thay hade it, thay wold paye. 548 vox populi, vox Dei : 0 most nobell keng, Consyder well this thyng ! 9. And of all this sequell, the fawtt I cane not tell : put yowe together, and spell, my lorde-s of the cownsell. I fere albe 3 not well, amebyssyon So Dothe swell — as it gothe by reportte — amow?iges the grettes [t] 4 sortte ; a wonderfull sortt of cells 5 that wox populi telles 6 of thes bottomelesse welles 7 that are est, west, and so forth, bothe by south and also north, with ryche, rycche, and ryche, with riche, and to myche. 8 the pawre men to be-gylle, with saccke and paccke to fyle, with suche as we compownd for an offys ij thowsant pownde. howe maye suche men do reght, youre pawre men to requytt 552 [leaf 139, back.] 556 560 564 / 568 572 1 “We have sent awaye all cloysterers” (C.). 2 abuse (C.). 3 all be (C.). 4 greatest (C.). 5 sylke.v (MS.) ; selles (C.). 6 tylties (MS.) ; telles (C.). 7 weltis (MS.) ; welles (C.). 8 Cp. Latimer’s ‘ too much,’ p. 113, above. 140 Vox Populi. § 9 b. — God’s Judgment comes . owtt of there trowbell and payne ? but thay most gett it agayne by craft, or such coarsyon, by bryberey and playne exstorsyon, with many farlys mooe that I colde trewly schewe : ther never was Snche mesyre, nor never soe moche ewzery. 1 yowr powr men thus doe saye, yf thay hade yt, thay wold paye. vox populi, vox Dei : 0 most nobell keng, Consider well this thing ! [9 b.y 2 And thus this yll of brwttes, most plentyfull of frewttes, ys sudenly Decayed; powre men all-most Dysmayd, thay are soe over-layde. 1 fere and ame afrayde of the stroke of gode, wiche ys a perelos rodde. praye / praye / praye / we never see that Daye ! for yf that Daye doo cume, we shall desseuer and rune, the father agaynste the sonno, and one agaynst an 3 nother. by godes blessed mother, or they begyne to hugger, for godessake looke a-bought, and staye be tymes this rought, for feare they do come owte. I put yo u ought of dought, there is no grett trust, yf trothe shoulde be discust. therefore, my lordes, take heede that this gere do not breede, at chesse to playe a maett, for then it ys to latt ; 576 580 584 [leaf 140. J 588 592 596 600 604 608 1 vserye (C.), 2 10 (C.). 3 MS. and a (C.). § 9 b . — The infinite number of groaning Poor. 141 we maye well prowe a cheke, but we shall haue the werke. 1 ytt ys not to be wondrede, for thay are not to be nvmbred ; hitt ys not one alone that thus dothe grownt and growne, and makethe this pitious 2 mone ; for it ys more then wonder to here the infynytte nwmber of powre men, that doo showe by resoune. hitt most be Sooe, thay wysche, and doo connector, 3 that my lordes grasse and protector, that cheffe ys nowe erector, and formost of the renge vnder oure nobell kenge, that he wold see redresse of this most graett excesse ; for he ys callyd Dowttlesse a man of graett proves, 4 and soo dothe bere the fame, and dothe desyre the same. 5 his mynde (thay saye) is good, yf all wolde folowe his mode, nowe for to sett the frame, to kepe styll this good name, he most delay all excusis, and ponysche thesse graett abbusis of thesse tynys and new ewsis, that haue soo many mvsis. and frest 6 and prinsipally Suppresse this shamfull ewzere 7 commenlye callyd husbandrye. 612 GIG 620 [leaf 140, back.] 624 628 632 636 640 644 SO c yf there be noe remedye, in tyme — and that reght shortly — 1 neke (C.), which inserts five lines after 1. 615, and then begins a fresh Section 11. “ This the poore men saye, yf thei hadde yt, thei wold paye, Vox populi, vox Dei : O most noble kyng, Consydre well this thynge!” (C.) from Dyce. 2 pitivys, altered to pitious. 3 or connector . . coniector (C.), desire. 4 prowesse (C.). 5 MS. fame, as before. 6 first (C.). • vsurye (C.). 8 For (C.). 142 § 1 0. — Who are the Poor Men’s Oppressors ? yt wyl brede to a plewryse, wiche ys a graett innormyte G48 to all youre grasis commynaltye ; for ther is noe smalle nwmber but tbat tbis fawlt Dothe incumber. 1 youre powre men thus doo saye. 652 yf they hade it, they wolde paye. vox populi, vox Dei, 0 most nobell kenge, [leaf 141.] Consyder well this thyng ! 656 10. Nowe, at youre grasis lay sure, yf ye well See the sezare of all the cheffe treasure — heped withe-owght mesure — 660 of the substanes of youre reme, as it were in a Dreme, I well make an esteme, in the handes of a fewe. 664 the trewthe you to shewe, ho we this matter dothe gooe ; for I wyll not spare the troythe to Declare ; 668 for troythe, trewly ment, was never yett shente, nor never shent shalbe, note this texte of me : 672 yf 2 a tyme be framed for fere somme showld be blamed ; but it wyll not be shamed ; hitt ys of Suche a strenghe, 676 hit wyll ower-come at lenghe. yf now I shall not fayne, the troythe to tell youe playne, of thoosse that doo holde 680 the substanes, and the goolde, and the tresure of this reme ; and shortly to calle, all-most they haue all ; 684 att lest, they haue the tradde of all that maye be mayde. C. adds “yt is a wordly wondre.” 3 Yt may (C.). § 10. — Lawyers, Graziers, Sheep-Masters, fyc. 143 And frist to declare a 1 breffe what they are, to make short rehersall, as well spyrytuall as temprall : the laweres and the lawlorde, 2 the graett ryve and the recorde, — the Recorde I mene, ys he that hathe offys, or elles fee, to serve onre nobull kenge 3 in his accomttes and reconnyng of his treasure Surmowntyng — lorde chawncler and chawnclares, maisteres of mynttes and monyares, Se cun dares and Surwayeres, awdateres and Receveeres, customeres and cowntrolleres, purvayeres and prowlleres, marchantes of graett sallys, withe the maisteres of woddsayles, withe grassyeres and regratteres, withe mr. wyllyames of schepe -maisteres, and Suche lyke cowmen 4 wasteres that of errabell grownd makes pas teres, and p aye-masters, suche as by the 5 with Trappes youv golden Smythe, 5 with iij or iiij grett cloytheeres, and the holle lybell of laweres : withe thesse and there trayne, — to be breffe and playne, — of there to 6 myche gayne that they take for ther payne, hit ys knowin by certayne stowrys 7 that they maynetene your grasis warys by the space of a holle yere — ■ be it good chepe or dere, — ye, thowght 8 we showlde witftstande bothe france and skottlande, And yett to leve enowght of money, ware, and stuffe, [leaf 141, back.] 688 692 696 700 704 708 712 716 720 [leaf 142.] 725 l 3 5 7 By a (C.) ; but a may mean on , in. 2 landelorde (C.). ?MS. renge, kyng (C.). 4 commonwelthe (C.). These lines are in the margin in a later hand. 6 to to (C.). sterres (C.). 8 Yea, though ; C. reads Thoughe. 144 § 10 . — Take the Engrossers 1 Gold for the War. bothe in cattell and corne, to more then they were borne by patoromony 1 or blude, 728 to merett soo mvche gude. be-cause thay be soo basse, thay welbe nedey and skarsse ; for quod natura dedit, 732 frome Ientyll blude they 2 ledeth ; and to forsse a chonrlyche best, nemo attollere potest. yett Rather then they wold goo before, 736 they wolde helpe your grace w^t/i some-what more, for they be thosse that hane the stawre ; thosse be they wyll 3 warrant ye, thowght ye take never a peney 740 of yonre powre commynalltey : this is trwe vndowttydlye, I dare afferme it Sertenly. for yf this warlde doo holde, 744 of forse ye most be bolde to bowrowe ther fyne golde ; for they haue the stowre, your commoner hane no more. 748 ye maye it call to lyght, for it ys your awne reght, yf that your grase haue nede : beleve this as youre crede, 752 the powre men [so] 4 doo saye, yf they hade it, they wold paye with a better wyll then thay. vox populi, vox Dei : 756 O most nobell keng. Consider well this thing ! 11 . 0 [w] ortheyest protector, be [he]reyn 5 corrector ! 760 And yow, my lordes all, [ leaf 142 > back.] lett not your oner 6 apall, but knowke be tymes, and call 1 The first o appears to be crossed out ; patrimony (C.). 2 them (C.). 3 I wyll (MS.) ; wyll (C.). 4 so (C.). 5 herin (C.). c honor (C.). Vox Populi Vox Dei. § 11. — Bleed the Usurers. for thes graett ewsyres 1 all ! ye know© the prinsipall : what nedes more rehersall ? yf yow doo not redresse be tymes this covitisnes, my hede I wold to gage, ther welbe 2 grett owt-rage, Suche rage as never was sene in any olde manes tyme. also, for this perplexsite, of thes that are most welthe, hit were a dede of charite to helpe them of ther plnryse : hit commes by Suche grett fyttes that it takes [a]waye ther wittes, bothe in ther tresure and tellyng, 3 or elles in byeng and selleng. yf they of this were eesed, your grasse showlde be well plesed, and thay but lyttell dysesed of this covitous dropsye that brenges them to this pluryse, bothe the plwryse and the gowt, vncurabell to be holpe [out] , 4 except your grasse, for petie, proved 5 this forsayd remedie, as docteres holde opinion, bothe ambrosse and tertullyon, with the swipstake and the mynyon, [The Herte and the Swallowe, and all the rest that followe,] 6 the 7 gaily and the roo that soo swyft dothe gooe ; Goo, 8 and that a pasce, by the herry grace, the herry and the Edward : god send 1 them all well forward, with all the hole fleet ! whosse cowncell complett Sayth it is full mett 145 764 768 772 776 780 784 788 792 796 800 1 vsurers (C.). 4 out (Dyce). 7 Withe the (C.). 2 wylbe (C.). 5 Provyde (C.). 3 Treasure tellynge (C.). 6 From the Cambridge MS. 8 too (MS.) ; Goo (0.). 146 Vox Populi Vox Dei. § 11. — Miserere mei ! that graett hedes and dyscrett showld looke well to ther fett. 1 amen ! I saye, so be it ! as all your commoner praye for yonre lonke 2 helfch awaye. yf tliay hade it, thay wolde paye with a better wyll then thay. vox populi, vox Dei : thus doth wrytt, and thus dothe saye, with this salme, c myserere mei/ o most nobell keng, Consyder well this thinge ! god saue the kenge ! FINIS QUOD VOX POPULI VOX DEI . 3 1 feate (C.). 2 long (C.). a ffinis, quothe Mr. Skelton, Pocte Lawriate (C.). L. 703, Purveyors. — “The purveyor alloweth for a lamb worth two shylynges, butxijitf; for a capon worth xij<7, six pens; and so after that rate: so that after that rate there is not the poorest man that hathe any thyng to sell, hut he loseth half in the price, besides tariyng for his money, which somtyme he hathe, after long suyte to the officeres, and great coste suyng for it ; and many tymes he never hathe it : so that he is dryven to recover his losses by sell- yng deeror to the kynges subjects.” State Paper Office — Domestic — Edw. VI, vol. v. p. 20. See Archceologia, vol. viii, for an interesting article on pur- veyors. Russell's 1 Kelt’s Rebellion in Norfolk,’ p. 2, note( 4 ). Vox Populi was most probably known to Robert Greene. In his Quip for an Upstart Courtier , 1592, he alludes to some of the subjects of our poem when describing his knight, — whom, like Chaucer, he makes a fine character, and says : — “this knight is mortall enimy to pride, and so to me [Velvet-Breeches] : he regardeth hospitality, and aimeth at honor with releeving the poore : you may see, although his landes and revenwes be great, and he able to maintain him- self in great bravery, yet he is content with home-spun cloth, and scometh the pride that is now adaies used among young upstarts : he holdeth not the worth of his gentry to be and consist in velvet breeches, but valeweth true fame by the report of the common sort, who praise him for his vertue, justice, liberality, housekeeping, and almes-deeds. Vox Populi vox Dei : his tenants and farmers would, if it might bee possible, make him immortal with their praiers and praises. He raiseth no rent, racketh no lands, taketh no incombs [premiums from incoming tenants ?], imposeth no mercilesse fines, envies not an other, buyeth no house over his neighbours head , but respecteth his country, and the commodity [welfare] thereof, as deere as his life. Hee regardeth more to have the needy fed, to have his boord garnished with full platters, then to famous himselfe with excessive furniture in apparel.” (P. 48-9, Collier’s reprint .) Vox Populi Vox Dei. — The Norfolk Rebels in 1549. 147 Slppeirtftx to Fox populi. The Grievances of the Norfolk Rebels in 1549. Many of the grievances complained of in Vox Populi are so well illustrated by the Petition or List of Grievances drawn up by Kett and the Norfolk Rebels in 1549, that I print the Petition here from the incomplete and charred MS. (Harl. 304, leaf 75) from which Mr. Russell also printed it in his “ Kett’s Rebellion in Norfolk ; being a History of the great civil commotion that occurred at the time of the Reformation, in the reign of Ed- ward YI. Founded on the * Commoyson in Norfolk , 1549,’ by Nicholas Sotherton ; and the 1 De Furoribus N orfolciensium ’ of Nevylle : and corroborated by extracts from the Privy Council register ; documents preserved in the State-Paper, and other Re- cord Offices ; the Harleian and other MSS. ; and Corporation, town, and Church Records. By the Rev. Frederic William Russell, M.A. &c. &c. With Illustrations. London, Longmans, &c. 1859.” The list of the hundreds and their representatives is imperfect at the beginning. 1 Among the latter is a namesake of the present President of the Reform League, Edmond Belts (Beales)*. Our modem reformer seeks his ends by gentler means than his rebel predecessor. [Harl. MS. 304, leaf 75.] [the hundred] 1 of [n]orwich J the hundred of 1 ffourehoo 2 / The hundred of "I north grenehowe 3 j The hundred of 1 South erpyngham / the hundred of 4 est fflegge and > west flegge ) The hundred of 1 landryche 4 j the hundred of 1 Eynsforth 5 J Robert Kett 5 Thomas Rolff > Willem Kett ) Edmond fframywgham William Tydde Reynold Thurston 1 Iohn 9 wolsy / Symond englysshe 1 william pecke J George blomefild 1 william herryson? J Edmond belys* 1 Robert Sendall J 1 Nevylle says twenty-six hundreds were represented; whereas only twenty-[four] are mentioned in the MS., twenty- [three] in Norfolk, and ono from Suffolk. Russell, p. 48 ; and see p. 203-4. Forehoe. — R. 3 Greenhoe. — JR. 4 Launditch. — R. 5 Eynesford - -R. L 2 148 Grievances of the Norfolk Rebels in 1549. [leaf 75, back.] the hundred of 1 Thomas pry eke humbleyard j henry hogekynges the hundred of ] 1 Evchard Bevis 1 [nor]th erpyngham J William Dowty J [th]e hundred 1 Thomas Garrod 1 [of TJauerham 1 / William petyr j [the h]undred of 1 Eobert mans[. . . .] 1 brothercrosse J Eobert Ede J The hundred off 1 Iohn 9 Spregey 1 Blowfeld f Elys hyll J The hundred off 1 Iohn p kytball 1 walsham J Thomas Clerke j The hundred of 1 Iohn p herper 1 Tunsted j Eichard lyon 0 / The hundred of 1 Edward Ioye 1 happyng J Thomas Clocke j the hundred of 1 william mowe "[ hensted / Thomas hollyng j the hundred of 1 John 9 Bossell holt J valentyn 9 moore The hundred of') Bob Eichard ward j knaveryng 2 ) the hundred of 1 Edward Byrd 1 north grenehowe / Thomas tudenhn vs J the hundred of 1 Symond Nevell 1 metforth 4 j william howlyng j The hundred off 1 william heydon 0 1 ffrebrygge 5 J thomas lacker j The hundred of 1 Eobcrt Cottes ") Callowe J Iolm? Oxwyk J The hundred 1 william Browne 1 of depewade J \ Symond Sendall J . 1 Suff— Co— [?] / Eichard wright / pray jour grace, that where it is enacted for Inclosyng, that it be not hurtfull to suche as haue enclosed saffren 0 ground^, 6 for they be gretly chargeablye to them, and that ffrome hensforth noman 5 shall enclose eny more. 1 The name of Taverham hundred occurs in Blomefield' s Hist, of Norfolk , (ed. 1809) yoI. x. p. 467. 2 Loddon and Clavering. — R. 3 Pham. 4 Mitford. — R. 5 Freebridge Lynn. — R. 6 See Harrison’s chap. 8, bk. 3, on Saffron, Lescr. of England, p. 232: “In Norffolke and Suffolke they raise but once in seuen yeares : but as their saf- fron is not so fine as that of Cambridgeshire and about Walden, so it will not cake, ting, nor hold colour withall ; wherein lieth a great part of the value of this stuff.” (P. 233.) Vox Populi. — Grievances of Norfolk Rebels in 1549. 149 “We certifie your grace, that where as the lordes of ther ma- nours hath byn 9 Charged with certew ffre rent, the same lordes hath sought meanes to charge ther ffre-holders to pay the same rent, contrarye to right. “ We pray jour grace, that no lord of no manner shall comon 9 vppon 9 the Comons. “We pray that prestes frome hensforth shall purchase no londes, neyther lire nor Bond ; and the londes that they haue in possession 9 may be letten‘ J to temporall men 9 , as they wer in the ffyrst yere of the reign 9 of kyng henry the vij th . “We pray that Bede-ground and medowe grounde may be at suche price as they wer in the first yere of kyng henry the vij th . “ We pray that all marshysshe that ar holden 9 of the kynges maiestie by fire rent or of eny other, may be ageyn 9 at the price that they wer In the ffirst yere of kyng henry the vijth. “We pray that all Busshelles wBAin your realme be of on 9 scice, that is to sey, to be in mesure viij gallons. [If. 76.] “ [We] pray that [the parsons] or vicars that be nat able to preche and sett forth the woorde of god to hys parissheners may be clerely putt from 9 hys benyfice, and the parissheners there to chose an 9 other, or elles the pateron 9 or lord of the towne. “ We pray that the payments of castillward rent, and blanche fferme, and office landes, whiche hath byn 9 accostomed to be gathered of the tenamentes, where as we suppose the lordes ought to pay the same to ther balyffes for ther rentes gatheryng, and not the tenantes. “We p[r]ay that noman 9 vnder the degre of a knyght or esquyer kepe a dowe house, except it hath byn 9 of an 9 ould aurcchyent costome. “We pray that all ffreholders and copieholders may take the profightes of all comons, and ther to comon 9 , and the lordes not to comon nor take profightes of the same. “ We pray that no ffeodorye within your sheres shalbe a coun- eeller to eny man 9 in his office makyng, wherby the kyng may be trulye serued, so that a man 0 beeng of good consyence may be yerely chosyn 9 to the same office by the comons of the same sheyre. “ We pray your grace to take all libertie of lete into yo ur owne handes, wherby all men may quyetly enioye ther comons witA all profightes. “We pray that copiehould londes that is onresonable rented, may go as it dyd in the ffirst yere of kyng henry the vij ; and that at the deth of a tenante, or of a sale, the same landes to be charged with an 9 esey ffyne, as a capon 9 , or a resonable some of money, ffor a remembrance. [If. 76 b.] “[We] pray that no prest [shall be- a chaplain residen- tial, steward,] nor no other officer to eny man 9 of honor or whor- shyppe, but only to be resydent vppon 9 ther benefices, wherby ther parissheners may be enstructed with the lawes of god. 150 Grievances of the Norfolk Rebels in 1549. “ We pray thatt all bonde men 0 may be made ffre, 1 for god made all ffre with bis precious blode sheddyng. “We pray that Kyvers may be ffre and comon 0 to all men for ffyssbyng and passage. “We pray that no man 0 sbalbe put by your Eschetour and ffeo- darie to ffynde eny office, vnles be boldetb of your grace in cbeyff or capite aboue x 11 by yere. “ W e pray that the pore mariners or ffyssberemew may haue the bole prefigbtes of ther ffysshynges, as purpres, grampes, wballes, or any grett ffysshe so it be not preiudiciall to your grace. 2 “ We pray that euery propriatorie parson 0 or vicar bavyng a benifice of x“ or more by yere shall eytber by them selues or by some other person 0 tecbe pore mens chyldren 0 of ther parisshe the boke called the cathakysme 3 and the prymer. 4 “ We pray that it be not lawfull to the lordes of eny manner to purchase londes frely, and to lett them out ageyn 0 by copie of court roll, to ther gret advaunchement, and to the vndoyng of your pore subiectes. “We pray that no propriatorie parson 0 or vicar (in considera- 1 The time had not yet come for “bonde men” to obtain their freedom; years, many years, of fierce contention and of deadly strife would have to pass away, and many a hard-fought field be won, before this precious boon would be secured to all. The blow thus aimed at the feudal system at present was of no avail ; but after the great Puritan straggle, one of the earliest acts [of] Charles II. was to abolish the iniquities and oppressions which had, in the course of time, been grafted upon it ... 12 Car. II. c. 24. Russell’s Kett’s Re- bellion in Norfolk, p. 51-2. 2 One of the King’s prerogatives was, and still is : “The King shall have Wreck of the Sea throughout the Realm, Whales and great Sturgeons taken in the Sea or elsewhere within the Realm, except in certain Places privileged by the King.” — 17 Edw. II. stat. 1. c. 11 ; or, The King's Prerogative. I am indebted to Chas. John Palmer, Esq., F.S.A., for the following in- teresting information on this Grievance : “ Great Yarmouth, 1st May, 1859. *** “Whales, sturgeons, porpoises, dolphins, and other fish, having in them a great or large thickness of fatness,’ are called ‘ Fishes Royal/ and from ancient time have, by right or custom, belonged to the Crown. In 1559, Queen Elizabeth, by charter, made a grant to the town of Yarmouth, of all fishes royal taken between Winterton Ness in Norfolk, and Easton Ness in Suffolk, which grant was confirmed by James I. in 1608, and the town en- joyed the privilege, such as it was, till 1835, when the Municipal Corporation Act abolished all local admiralty jurisdictions. “ A few years since (1857), a whale came on shore at Winterton, and I, as receiver of droits for the Crown, reported the circumstance, and was in- structed to assert the Queen’s right to the same, which I did, although the parties who had got possession of it were allowed to retain it.”' — Russell. (I take only a few of Mr. Russell’s notes.) 3 “ A Breife Catechisme and Dialogue betwene the Husbande and hys Wyfe:” also, “The instruccyon of the truthe: wherein he teacheth the un- learned man.” — N. d.. but published 1545. — R. 4 “ A goodly prymer in Englysshe, newely corrected and prynted, with Vox Populi. — Grievances of Norfolk Rebels in 1540. 151 cion of advoydin[g] trobyll and sute bet[w]yn 9 tb em and ther pore parisshners, whiche they daly do precede and attempt,) shall from 9 hensforth take for the full contentacion of all the tenthes whiche nowe they do receyue, but viij d of the noble, in the full discharge of all other tythes. [If. 77.] “ [We pray that no man u]nder the degre of a [knyght P] shall kepe any conyes vpon 9 any of his owne ffrehold or copiehold, onles he pale them 9 in, so that it shall not be to the comons noysoyus. * 1 “ We pray that no person 9 , of what estate degre or condicion 9 he be, shall from hensforth sell the adwardshype of eny chyld ; but that the same chyld, if he ly ve to his full age, shalbe at his owne chosyng concernyng his mariage, the kynges warden only except. “We pray that no manner of person 9 havyng a manner of his owne, shall be no other lordes balyf, but only his owne. “ We pray that no lord, knyght, nor gentleman 9 , shall haue or take in ferme any spirituall promocion 9 . “ We pray jour grace to gyve lycens and aucthorite by jour gracious corny ssion 9 vnder jour grett seall, to suche comyssioners as jour pore comons hath chosyn 9 , or to as many of th em as jour maiestie and jour counsell shall apoynt and thynke mete, for to redresse and refourme all suche good lawes, statutes, pro- clamacions, and all other jour procedynges, whiche hath byn 9 hydden 9 by jour Iustices of jour peace, Shreues, Escheatoures 2 , and other jour officers from jour pore comons, synes the ffirst yere of the reign 9 of jour noble grandfather kyng henry the seventh. “We pray that those jour officers that hath offended jour grace and jour comons, and so provid by the compleynt of jour pore comons, do gyue onto those pore men 9 so assembled iiij d eurry day so long as they haue remayned ther. We pray that no lorde, knyght, esquyer, nor gentleman 9 , do g[rase] nor fede eny bullocks or shcpe, if he may spend fforty poundes a yere by his landed, but only for the provicion 9 of his howse. “ By me Robert Kett By me Thomas Aldryche Thomas Cod.” certeyne godly meditations and prayers added to the same, very necessarye and profytable for all them that ryghte assuredlye understande not the latino and greke tongues.” N. d., but published in 1535. — R. 1 I.e. “to the commons’” (evidently here meaning tenants and small farmers) “ annoyance or injury.” — R. F ‘noxious.’ 2 ? MS. It looks like ‘ Escheatoza,’ the final a ending with a flourish. Bondmen, p. 149. — On this subject we may note that Harrison in 1577 uses the word of ‘men in bonds,’ and says, “And as for slaues and bondmen , we haue none, naie, such is the priuilege of our countrie by the especiall grace of God, and bountie of our princes, that if anie come hither from other realms, so soone as they set foot on land, they become so free of condition as Iheir mas- ters, whereby all note of scruile bondage is vtterlie remooued from them.” — Bescr. of England, bk. ii. chap. 5, p. 163, col. 2. 152 Clje &ujm’ o i a £eam\ [Harl. MS. 2252, leaf 25.] But for the language, part of this poem might have been written in Wycliffe’s time, by a disciple of his who had read his tract against Prelates, 1 * * * * * * * and who, while reiterating his master’s denun- ciations against the wolfish herds of Grod’s flock, still desired to proclaim that one faithful shepherd was to he found among the faithless, one true preacher who fed his flock on the sweet herbage of the knowledge of Grod, plainly declared to every man his faults, and alleged Scripture for every sentence (or opinion). Before the Deformation the poem was written, when prelates sent money for bulls and honour to Borne, when clerics ruled the land, and were bringing it to decay. The chief outward symptom of the pre- lates’ sins that the writer denounces, is their gorgeous apparel, like that of Dukes and Earls of the temporalty (1. 123), or dis- guised like men in a play (1. 73), rather than the plain cloth that their predecessors used. This sprang from their pride ; to feed which they were ruining the realm. Stanza XXYI likens them to the gurgoyles on a wall, which grin and stare, and think all the weight that they do bear : There hertz's in pride ys sette so hye, \>at noman 9 with them 9 they thynke may compare. """Rydyng 9 Alone, they loke so solemly as gargellz's in A wall, whyche gryn 9 & stare, 179 And thynke All the peyse that they do here : So thynkythe the prslattzs, Above all men 9 J>«t the wysedom 9 of thys Realme Restythe all on 9 them 9 . 182 1 In the third chapter, [of his Treatise Be Conversatione Ecclesiasticorum or of Prelates ,] WyclifFe censures, with great freedom, the gay equipage, the pro- fanity, the gluttony and drunkenness, of many among the prelates, and speaks of their establishments, and their general manners, as proclaiming them mem- bers of the “devil’s church,” rather than of “ holy church.” Prelates, he writes, “ rob the poor liege men of the king by false excommunications, put forth under colour of holy correction, but giving men leave to dwell in sin from year to year, and from one seven years to another seven years, and com- monly all their life long, if they pay by year twenty shillings, or something more or less.” .... In the 8th & 9th “ chapters the same subject is continued. Prelates arc rebuked as men deriving their chief revenue from the sins of the people. Is it because there are so many sins to be confessed, that “the rotten penny” is demanded continually : and by such means “ a proud name in the The Ruyn j of a Ream\ — Introduction. 153 Roy’s Satire may well be compared with the Rwyn' throughout. Though the ballad — if so it can be fairly called — includes a general lamentation over other people’s vices, the prelates’ sins are its special theme. In faltering verse it bewails them, and promises punishment for them ; and ends with an appeal to all men to pray for our noble king, our gracious queen, and all their progeny. Though this word progeny seems a large term to describe one daughter, yet I believe that the writer of the Ballad referred to the Princess Mary (born 18th February, 1516), and the other ex- pected issue of Henry VIII. and his first Queen, Catherine of Arragon, who seems to have had three miscarriages, and to have borne four children. (. Fronde , i. 104, note.) So also I assume that lines 34-42, “ hyt ys apar(e)nte to every manrurs- lee \>at spmhiall men 0 vndowtydly dothe Rule pi's Bealme, now broughte to mysery, refer to Wolsey’s influence, dating especially from Dec. 1515 when he was made Chancellor ; and that the many lines against Prelates’ richness of apparel (1. 73, 122, etc.) include his well- known magnificence in dress, and all other appointments of house and person. Roy in his Satire , though writing principally against Wolsey, takes care to include the rest of the religious, the ‘many’ of stanza 17 here : — Moreover there is the Cardinall / Of whose pompe to make reherceall / It passeth my capacite. With stately bissoppes a greate sorte / Which kepe a mervelous porte / Concemynge worldely royalte. Prestes also that are seculer / With monkes and chanons reguler / Abownde so in possession, That both in welfare and wede / With-oute doute they farre excede / The nobles of the region. (P. 35 of Pickering’s reprint.) (See, as to AVolsey, 1 An Impeachment of Wolsey ’ in this volume.) The kneeling of the nobles, too, in line 64, was, most likely, to Wolsey. Skelton and others witness it. Line 152 may refer to Wolsey’s appointment as Cardinal in 1515, and as papal legate in 1526. The complaints in the early part of the Ballad about the de- cay of great households (1. 16), and of archery, while gaming in- creases (1. 23-5), with other points, agree so well with those of Now-a-Dayes , 1. 46, 98, 233-4, etc., that one can hardly doubt that both ballads belong to nearly the same time, though Now-a-Dayes goes more to the root of the matter than the Ruyn , and may be a little later. The “ Sufferance,” which the latter, in 1. 56, declares “ hathe Caw r syd this Realme to decay,” is, I suppose, not the suffering and distress of the commons, but the putting up world, and great householding ” arc sustained.” {Vaughan's Tracts and Trea- tises of Wyclijfe , pp. 14-16.) 154 The Ruyn op a Ream\ — Introduction. with the grievances of Henry’s rule — looked on as Wolsey’s, — the want of a parliament from 1515 (to 1523 : there was none again from 1523 to 1530,) and the political and social evils con- nected with it. The one famous divine of line 102, who will not incline to the vices of the rest of the Prelates and Clergy, may have been Cuth- bert Tunstall or Tonstal, Bishop of Durham, whose first work 1 bears the date of 1518, though his celebrated Sermon before Henry VIII. was not preached till Palm Sunday 1538. Or this divine may, says Professor Brewer, have been Standish, a friar popular both with the commonalty and Henry VIII., and of whom Pace writes to Wolsey on 12th April, 1518. “Pace to Wolsey . . Has been told to-day that the King will give “ Sancte asse to Preier Standyche ; wheroff* I wolde be ryght sorye, for the goode service he was lyke to do to the churche. Erit tamen difficile huic rei ob stare (ut mihi videtur) quia majestas regia ilium mihi jampridem laudavit ex doctrina, et omnes isti domini aulici eidem favent de singulari quam navavit opera ad ecclesiam Anglicam subvertandam.” Abingdon, 12 April.” {Brewer's Calendar , vol. 2, Part 2, p. 1263, No. 4074.) 2 If Standish was the man meant, it must have been before he took part against the Reformers. Roy shows him up (in 1527 ?) for his treachery about Tyndale’s translation of the New Testament, and sketches his character thus : — Wat. H Who played the parte of Judas ? Jef. II The whoiy bisshop of Saynct Asse/ A poste of Satan’s iurisdiccion, Whom they call Doctour standisshe/ 1 Cuthberti Tonstalli in Laudem Matrimonii Oratio, habita in Sponsalibus Mariae, potentissimi Regis Angliae Henrici Filige, et Francisci christianissimi Franeorum Regis primogeniti. Lond. R. Pynson, 1518, 4to. {Bohn's Lowndes.) 2 Compare Pace’s letter of 14 April 1518 to Wolsey in Bills , 3rd Series, i. 185. Wolsey wanted William Bolton, the Prior of St. Bartholomew’s, a great builder, and repairer of buildings, to have the Bishopric, but, says Pace of the King, ‘ affore the receptt off your Graces lettres he was myndydde to geve the sayde bushoprycke to a freer, and doith still persevere in the same mynde, sayynge that your Grace doith knowe the sayde freer to be a grete lemydde man and an honest man . . Hys Grace wolde not name the sayde freer unto me, but itt is surely Standyche : to my greate discomforte, in so muche that I dydde neuyr wryte Lettres in my lyffe more to my displeasor than thiese : parte for your Graces causes, and parte for the sayde Priors, whoo is more wurthy to have greter promotion than thys, than is the other to be in lyffe.’ However, Standish got his Bishopric on 18 April 1518, in opposition to Wolsey’s wishes. In the Original Letters , 3rd Series, i. 189, Pace says to Wolsey : ‘ Thys daye His Grace haith yevyn the bushopryche off St. Asaph to Doctor Standyche, and comwmundydde me to advertise your Grace theroff, and to desyre the same in hys name to be goodde lorde unto the sayde doctor . . Ex Wudstokke xviij. Aprilis.’ If Sir Ily. Ellis’s account of Standish’s attack on Erasmus, and his zeal on behalf of Popery (i. 188), be correct, I doubt whether he can be the divine alluded to by our Ballad. The Ruy*^ op a Ream\ — Introduction. 155 Wone that is nether flesshe nor fisshe / At all tymes a com>«en Iyer. He is a bahlynge Questionist / And a mervelous grett sophist / Som tyme a lowsy graye fryer. Of stow/make he is fearce and holdo / In braulynge wordes a very scolde / Menglynge vennem with sugre. He despyseth the trueth of god / Takynge parte rather with falcehod / Forto obtayne worldly lucre. In carde playinge he is a goode greke / And can sky 11 of post and glyeke 1 / Also a payre of dyce to trolle. For whordom and fomicacions / He maketh many visitacions / His Dioces to pill and polle. Though he be a stowte divyne / Yett a prest to kepe a concubyne / He there admitteth wittyngly, So they paye their yearly tributes / Unto his dyvlisshe substitutes / Officiall / or commissary. To rehearce all his lyvynge / God geve it yvell clievynge 2 / Or els some amendment shortly. (P. 134-5, Pickering's reprint.) If we may bring the date of the Ballad to 152-1, the divine meant may have been Tyndal. But it is possible to assign an earlier date to the Ballad than Henry VIII. ’s reign, and Mr. Grairdner is inclined to put it in Henry VII.’s. For, first : in the MS which contains it, it comes before a list of “ The Namys of the Knyghts, Cetezens, Barons of the V Ports, and Burgesses, comynge to the Parleamente sum- monde at Westmynstre one Monday the 17th day of Octobre the 7th yere of the Eeygne of Kynge Henry the VII th ” ( II art. Catal.), that is, in the year 1491. This list follows the Ruyn, and begins in the middle of a page (the front of leaf 28), and looks at first as if it had been taken down at the time. But as an Or- donnance for the Cowpers of London in 22 Hen. VII, a.d. 1506, is given 10 pages before, and is followed by another “ Ordynaunce copyed from the Boke of our Lady of Wol-chyrche-hawe, by the Stocks in Londone for the good rule ofe the same Paryshe : made a.d. 1457,” and, as the dates are much mixed by him in other parts of the MS., I think it quite certain that Mr. John Colyn, Citizen and Mercer of the Parish of St. Mary Wolnoth, London, who wrote the later entries, etc., in the MS., copied them from 1 Post , the stakes at cards or dice. Gleek, a game of cards, played by three persons with forty-four cards, each hand having twelve, and eight being left for the stock. To gleek was a term used in the game for gaining a decided advantage. To be gleekcd was the contrary. A gleek was three of the same cards in one hand together. Hailin' ell. 3 thriving. 156 The Ruyn^ op a Ream*. — Introduction. such documents as he got hold of, quite irrespective of their suc- cession in time. And thus the List of a.d. 1491 following our Ballad, in no way implies that the Ballad was of or before that date. I may say here that the MS consists 1. of certain old pieces, in a Henry VI hand, like the Lyfe of Ipomydon, printed by Weber in his Metrical Romances , and Le mort Arthur e, printed by Mr. Ponton for the Roxburghe Club, and by me for Messrs. Macmillan ; and 2. a lot of copies of City ordinances— some of which must have been copied from earlier documents — Skelton’s Poems, a list of Mayors of London reaching over 130 years, etc. etc., all seemingly in the hand of John Colyn, down to a.d. 1533, at least. Secondly : the internal evidence, though vague, suits better, in some points, Henry VII.’s time than Henry VIII. ’s. The pro- geny of the King and Queen is more likely to refer to Plenry VII.’s many children, Arthur, Henry, Margaret, etc., than to Henry VIII. ’s one daughter. The description of the Queen — “ Owur gracious quene endowed with pete, By whose good levyng — ye se hyt dayly — Thys realme ys kepte from all Captyvite, — ” suits better Henry VII.’s queen, Elizabeth of York, the Lady Bessy , sung by ballad writers (see Percy Folio Ballads , vol. iii. p. 319), than Henry’s Catherine of Arragon, whom the people hardly cared for till his injustice to her made them pity her. Again, the allusions to the persons before whom the nobles kneel and crook, are not in the singular, as if Wolsey were meant, but in the plural, as if Cardinal Morton and Bp. Pox (?) of Henry VII.’s time were rather aimed at. Lines 41-2 also say: — “lat spirituall men vndowtydly dothe Rule bis Realme now browghte to mysery.” But to this it may be answered, that if Sir Thomas More’s opinion of Morton — above, p. 4 — is anything like the truth, the Ballad’s reproaches do not suit him well ; that Sir Reginald Bray, who, as minister with Morton, kept Henry VII.’s rapacity within bounds 1 before Dudley and Empson let it loose, was not a spiritual man ; and that if the writer of the Ballad was writing against Wolsey, and dreaded the weight of his hand, the plural form of writing would be a convenient shield. Further, if it be urged that the breaking up of noblemen’s households, and the sale of their estates, mentioned in lines 15-24, suits better than the reign of Henry VIII that of Henry VI J, in which the power of disentailing settled estates was sanctioned by statute, and of which Hume says : — 1 Remember that Sir R. Bray shared with Morton, though unjustly, the imputation of being the cause of the King's exactions. Gairdner . The Ruyn ; of a Ream’. — Introduction. 157 “the most important law in its consequences, which was enacted during the reign of Henry, was that by which the nobility and gentry acquired a power of breaking the antient entails, and of alienating their estates.” 1 By means of this law, joined to the beginning luxury and refinements of the age, the great fortunes of the barons were gradually dissipated, and the property of the commons encreased in England. It is probable that Henry [VII] foresaw and intended this consequence ; because the constant scheme of his policy consisted in depressing the great, and exalting churchmen, law- yers, and men of new families, who were more dependent on him. {Hist. iii. 421-2, ed. 1767.) If, I say, this argument be pressed in favour of the Henry VII date, I answer that the like process was going on in Henry VIII’s reign, and with greater speed at the Eield-of-the-Cloth- of-Grold time, as noticed above, p. 89-90, and that in Edward Vi’s days we have Latimer complaining of the upskips (p. 114, 1. 6 from foot, above) who had skipped up into the places of the old gentry. Though then there is force, more or less, in these arguments for Henry VII’s reign, and specially in that of the Queen and her progeny, on the whole I hold to the time of Henry VIII and Wolsey — say, before 1520— as the probable date of the Ballad. Instead of side-notes, I add an abstract of the poem : — (1) Rulers now oppress the commons ; (2) the old conquering rulers, noble, big, well-mannered, have gone ; (3) nobles leave the country, and crowd the court to dally with ladies, leaving poor men to famish. (4) Jousting and archery are given up for cards and dice ; and lands are sold for gaming. (5) Lords who used to fight for their king, now walk about with a boy and a page, in gowns of gold. (6) The ministers of justice who spoke for the common weal are gone, and spiritual men now rule this realm brought to misery. (7) See how the mischievous living of the Romans brought them from wealth to poverty ! (8) And I tell you, “Sufferance hath caused this realm to decay!” (9) In old times, men of honour who cared for the poor, died for the common wealth ; but now they kneel and crook. (10) Eor what ? To gain the favour of men with untellable vices, (11) whose pride ruins the realm. The spiritualty are dressed in new-fashioned array ; (12) they live viciously, and oppress poor men to keep up their state. (13) Instead of cloth, as in former days, they are now clad in ricli array, (14) they covet advancement, their vainglory is indescribable, (15) they give learned doctors bene- fices to make them hold their tongues. But there is one preacher whom they cannot silence, (16) who tells every man his faults plainly, and denounces to prelates their abuses ; (17) for they are proud, and ride pompously ; (18) they live viciously, and dress 1 4 Hen. VII., cap. 24. The practice of breaking entails by means of a fine and recovery was introduced in the reign of Edward the 4th ; But it was not, properly speaking, law, till the statute of Henry the 7th. ; which, by correcting some abuses that attended that practice, gave indirectly a sanction to it. 158 The Ruyn' of a Ream*. more like dukes and earls than divines. (19) They get riches by extortion, and all their affection is set on lucre ; (20) they live abominably, and do not preach, (21) but ride on mules in gowns of silk, and love to bear rule in great men’s houses ; (22) and they send money to Rome for bulls and honours. (23) Justice is gone, Truth banished, the Commons are oppressed ; (24) Per- jury is committed, the Lantern of Light is clean put out ; the vicious living of these prelates, no tongue can declare. (25) But God will punish them sooner than they think, because they have so sore disobeyed his commandments. (26) So proud are they, that, riding alone, they think all the wisdom of the realm is in them, just like the staring gargoyles on a wall, which grin, and think they bear all the weight of the building. (27) The realm is full of pomp and vainglory. (28) O God, remember this realm brought to decay by the vices of prelates, (29) vain fools who protect not their flock, but spill their blood, like wolves. (30) Prelates, your sins and avarice shall make you sore repent ! (31) Go, little book ! Tell to all my mind ; defy the vicious ; (32) salute all, and ask them not to be discontented with my boldness ; (33) I owe it to my country to rebuke the vices of those who are bringing it to nought. (34) Farewell then, best and noblest of realms, whose fame is beginning to pale ! May God immortal save thee from utter decay ! (35) It were endless for me to re- count all the vices of my time. (36) This only I say, Gracious God, remember this realm now turning from w r ealth to misery ! Give us grace to mend our lives ; and preserve our noble King (37) and our Queen, — whose good life saves this realm, — and all their progeny. The former caution — that the curls and lines of the Record types cannot mean more than a final e , and probably mean no- thing, — holds good for the present poem, and all the others in this volume. here begynnyth the SorowfuH complaynte for the RuyS of A Realme. i. Sythe 1 profounde Sorow My harte ys sore grevyct, Remembryng* pis Realme, my natyfe Contre, with Manyfolde vyc is to be destreyed & fallyng* in decay — I here & see hyt playnly — 4 By ReasoS of Rulers pat 2 haj> e no petye to oprese the Commons there maters to compas : ow%r Comow welthe dekey eth ; ]?is ys an hevy Cace ! 7 1 ? for “ With” : or “ sythe” = after. 2 P MS. The Ruyn’ op a Ream*. 159 ii. Thys Realme in All parties was Countyd pryncipall for manly conqnestis had in grete hono?ir, There worthy act is shyne the world over Aft, There personas were pyghte, none better of stature, 1 1 nor none more goodly of there behavowr, As these me8 were whych lately Reyned ; But now they be gorJ; thys Realme ys decayed ! 14 hi. Somtyme nobyft men levyd in \er Contre, And kepte grete howsold^s, pore meS to socowar ; But now in the Cowrte they desyre for to be ; With ladys to daly, thys ys \ev pleasure ; 18 So pore meS dayly may famyshe for hunger or they com home home oS monyth to remayn 1 ; Thys ys the trowthe, as I here Certeyne. 21 IY. Before thys tyme They lovyd for to Iuste, and in shotyn£ chefely they sett \er mynde ; But J?er landys & possessyons now sell they moste. And at Cardis & dyce ye may them ffynde, 25 These vnhappy vyc is do them so blynde : ]?at playnly (I thynke) perseyve ye may, Thys Realme Begynnythe sore to dekey. 28 v. Where ben the lordis of valeaunte Corage )?at Somtyme were wonte to serve there kynge ? now go they dayly with A boy & A page in gownws of golde & Ryche Clothyng 5 ; 32 There landys they consume, goodis & All thyng 1 ; [leaf 25 i.] So ]?at I thynke no?i Can denye Thys Realme decayeth : ye se hyt playnly. 35 VI. Where be the Rulers & mynesters of Iustyce That Samtyme Spake for the Common wele ? Now they be goS ! Thys mater wyll suffyce for my purpose, I speke hyt Brevely ; 39 Probably an e has been cut off by the binder. 160 The Ruyn 5 of a Ream’. hyt ys Apar[e]nte to every manrms lee pat sp^r^uafi menl vndowtydly dothe Rule Jus Realme now browghte to mysery. 42 VII. I Rede of late the Romans Storye, how welthye they were ; & per dystrucciorJ, and how they fyll in extreme poverte : whoo Redytlie pe boke, hyt makythe mewcioQ 46 whate vyc is Reyned, & whate was the occasyoS : marke well my saying*, Reporte me not Amys, There myschevows levyng* Browght thenl to pis. 49 VIII. The Cyrcumstaunce of pis Story I wyll not expres ; Whoo fyndythe hyiS grevyd, he may hyt see ; Therfor in me Take none vnkyndnes Thow pat your vyc is be Towchyd playnly, 53 Whych fyrste begaS Throw your foly ; ye, pis thynge opynly I dar well say, “ Sufferaunce hathe Cawsyd pis Realme to decay.” 56 IX. Worthy meS of honour, levyng* 1 pore menws helthe. Before pis tyme hane takyri grete payne, ye, & suffryd dethe, for A ComyS welthe : hyt ys of Trowthe, I Rede hyt for certay8, 60 And in Story playnly hyt doj? e Remayne ; but now in owur dayes none dar speke ne loke ; they ar all Abasshyd, & glade to knele & Croke. 68 x. Before whor3 knele they, & in whate place ? WhaS ? whye ? wherfor ? & to whate purpose ? Trulye for nowhte else But to stonde in grace of Suche persons, whose vyc is to dysclose, 67 A Ryghte good Clerke hyt wolde well Apose yff he shulde wrete hyt seryowsly, With whate myschefe commytted, & with whate Tyr- anny. 70 1 So in MS. ? “ lovyng’ The Ruyn* of a Ream\ 161 XI. Thys Realme now decresyth — perseyve liyt ye may — [leaf 26.] By Reason of per pride And grete AbusyoS. The spy^tualte ys dysguised lyke men! in A play, And say that hyt ys the new fassyon! ; 74 And Alas ! thys ys A grete Abhomynacwn To see prelates And doctors of diuenite Thus to be blyndyd with pride & Iniquite ! 77 XII. 0 vnvyse meS, wanderyng 1 in ignorans, for whose AbusyoS ponisshyd be we daylye ! o synfuti prelates, destytute of prudens, jour vicious levyng* Apery the playnly ! 81 yowr Reason ys Blyndyd, — nomaS Can deny, — pore men to oppres, your honour to purches ; your vie is do Apere in eveiy place ! 84 XIII. Not long 1 tyme passyd hyt hathe byS sene — who redythe old storys, perseyve he may — That prelate dyd were clothe Ryghte fyne ; But nowe they be Clothyd in Ryche Araye, 88 By whose ensampyll the devyh hathe hys pray. The Trowthe dothe Apere ; yet for my purpose more of per vycis I wyll dysclose. 91 XIV. To haue Suffyciente, They sette nowght bye, But Covete in honoitr hygher to be ; There pride encresyth Aboundantly ; I Can not dyscryve there vayne glory, 95 nor per Covetoits mynd?s enfecte with Symony ; no prechyng* wyii seme then], ye se hyt playnly ; Thys Reallme ys scorgyd for there grete mysery. 98 xv. Nobyft doctors of lernjmg*, in seruyee they Retaync — whoo lyste to be-holde, dayly hyt ys sene — gevyng* therS Benefits per Tong?'«9 to Refrayne : yet ofi per ys, A famws devyne, • 102 whyche to j?er Yycis wyll not enclyne, as by hys prechyn^ perceyve ye may, saying* thys Realme begynnythe to decay ! VOL. i. M 105 162 The Ruyn* oe a Ream*. xyi. Whyche laboreth, studyethe, & preschythe 1 daylye, fedyng* menws Sowlys with swete devyne syence, and every mannas fawtis declaryn£ playnly, Alcggyn^ scryptnre for every sentence : 109 |?{s profounde man! of lernyng* & sapyens Shewith to \e prelates J?er grete AbnsyoS ; Therfor Among* them he ys had in derisioS. 112 XVII. Cryste wolde we had many of thys sorte, [leaf 26, back.] in levyng* & prechyng* frorS vyce vs to gyde ; \at were to thys Realme grete treasure & comforte ; But many be Rooty d so sore in pryde, 116 Settyng* there delyte, pomposely to Ryde, not for there travel! the ComyS welthe to procure, But all only for there vngraciows pleasure. 119 XVIII. There vycio us lyvyng* I cannot declare, ne yett comprehende with my Capassyte, for with theiS in AppareR nomaS may compare, More lyke duk^s & Erlys of the temporalte 123 ThaS to be doctors of lawe or of devenite ; And Temporal! maters They moste Redres, oppressyng* the Comons, whyche ys grete hevynes. 126 XIX. dayly, of Ryches to them Commythe Abonndance, Som, I thynke clerlye. By playne extorcioS, Son! them selfe by Symony Advaunce, Evyr more gapyng* after promocioS, 130 And oS lucre ys sette All \er Affeccion, for they may not speke with owte money ; AmbycioS do the Reyne, grete pride & mysery ! 133 xx. Whate nedythe me for to dysclose There lyfe Abhomynabyli, & co?isyens so wyde, no-thyng* Regardyrg Ierom 9 & Ambrose, 1 MS. “pmchyche.” The RcTra* of a Ream*. 163 wliycli evermore prechyd when! hyt was nede ? But prechyng 1 from these men ys clerely sett Asyde, So j mt I Thynke but fewe of then! Can Scarsely knowe neythyr god nitre maS, 137 140 XXI. For in gown its of Sylke, & Rydyng* oS there Mulys — whoo takethe hede, may evydently See — ys there Chefe delyte, And to here A Rule IrJ grete memms howsys of hye Autoryte, 144 And of there Counceli nere for to be ; By ReasoS of whose vyc is Thys Realme ys Browghte iS-to grete RuyS, And. Almoste to nowghte. 147 XXII. Fyrste, for there Bullis, To Rome they moste sende CerteyS Sum of money, whyche long* hathe byri vsyd But now they Cannot with Ipcit make an! ende, for thowsand4S thedyr goethe, ye may be Asuryd ; 151 Theyre honours to opteyne, owur lawys be Subvertyci evyre worse & worse, — ye see hyt playnely — Thro we the defaute of the Rulers only. 154 XXIII. Where ys Astrea, that fayre lady Iustyce ? [leaf 27.] Where ys the Equyte That Swmtyme Reyned ? Trowthe ys banysshyd; eche maS dothe hyr dyspyce ; mercy e ys put backe & vtterlye Refusyd ; 158 Frawde now dothe Rayne, & dysseyte ys enhaunsyd ; and vnder colour of faythe And RelygioS, The Coinyns ar put to grete oppressyoS. 161 XXIV. Nowe in thys Realme Commyttyd ys penury, And men wrongyd by grete extorcioS; of Bothe Sortie the Rulers ar blyndyd with folye, Sirni Currupte by gyfte And Adulaciofl, if ,5 Sirai in Synguler welthe Sette AH there AffeccioS ; But the lanterne of lyghte 1 , eche mari dothe sey ys Clene extyncte, ]>at makythe vs decay. 1 Cp. “ A Lanterne of Li^At,” Harl. MS. 2324. M 2 168 164 The Ruyn^ of a Ream’. xxv. No herte Can thy nice, nor tonge declare, per vycio us levyng 1 , I yow Assure; therfor to shewe hytt I wyll not spare, Thowe pat hyt torne me vnto dyspleasure. 172 god wyll the$ ponysshe, & yett peraventure Sonner theS they thynke, by cawse they be necligente, & haue dyssobeyed so sore hys commaundmewt. 175 XXVI. There hertts in pride ys sette so hye, pat nomaS with then! they thynke may compare. Rydyng Alone they loke so solemly as gargellis in A wall, whyche gryS & stare, 179 And thynke All the peyse 1 that they do bere : So thynkythe the prelattm. Above all meri pat the wysedorS of thys Realme Restythe all 08 therii. 182 XXVII. Whye shuld I not playnlye now expresse many ho per vyc is dayly vsyd ? I fere no dyspleasure for fus my Besynes, becawse pis Realme with wycis ys Replenisshed, 186 with pompe & vayne glorye o 3 every syde ; wherfor I Syghe and am Ryghte sory, Seynge jns Realme so gevyS to mysery. 189 XXVIII. o glory^s god ! moste hygheste governowwr ! Remembyr ]ns Realme, hertely I desyre, and owe hyt now thy graciowws favour ! Browght in decay, playnlye hyt do]? e Apere, 193 by ReasoS of per hert is with vyc e sette 08 Fyre, So pat p e prelatk's haue loste All diuinite, And now they Remayne l8 vjcis only. 196 XXIX. o glory ous folys, so vayne & varyabyll, [leaf 27, back.] Regardyng* all only, your synguler pleasure, your fonde desyre ys nothyng* semlabyh 1 Fr. poids , peise, weight. Cotgrave. The Ruyn* op a Ream*. 165 To A good herdmaS whoo hathe charge & cure 200 of the Flocke ! ye devoure owte of All measure the Sympyll lambys, and Cause then! to be slayne ; there Blode to spylle, As wolves ye not Refrayne. 203 xxx. Whate dothe jour Synfuh lyfe And tyrannye portente, yowr Covetows myndis Edyfyed in golde ? ye Ryde & goe As to hevyS ye wold Assende. Take hede of Crassus, the story trewe & olde ; 207 Rede of dyonisyows, whate of hyr 3 ys tolde. I fere me gretly jour Averowws Intente shall Cawse yow at the laste Ryghte sore to Reperde. 210 XXXI. Harwell lytell Boke ! goe, oporJ pis my mynde To all & every ; loke pat thow fere none, good vertuws meS Shall with the no fawte fynde ; And as for the viciws, deffye therS echone, 211 & specially all suche as wolde overgoS and trede vndyr fote The commyS welthe, I say, For these wrechys be they pat make vs to decay. 217 XXXII. And forther to the I geve in commaundment, Euery maS to salute, after hys degre, desyryng* then! not to be dyscontent Thow thowe enterprice To Com so boldly, 221 w^t/bowte there lycens, Amon^ therS sodewly. perauenture they wyll sey Thow arte but A geste ; yet pray then] of the maker To speke pe beste, 224 XXXIII. Acceptyng 1 hys good wyll & hole Intente, whyche pat he owghte vnto hys natyfe Contre. for ony mari to horte, he dothe not Assente, Thowe Some mennits vjcis be Towchyd playnly, 223 By whose yvyll mean us Thys nobyii Realme daylye in! desolacion & RuyS ys browghte, To pouerte, penury, And Almoste to nowghte. 231 166 The Ruyn j oe a Ream'. xxxiv. ffarwell, of Realms tlie nobyllyste & tlie beste ; for I see thy fame begyraiythe to Appall, ffarwell myrthe, Ioye, quietnes, & Reste ! now they of wit^-owte no lenger drede p e shall, 235 whaS they vnderstond how thy welthe dothe fall, wherfor, inmortah god, vnto the I pray, saue ]>is nobyh Realme from vttermyste decay ! 238 The Awtur. XXXV. Endles truly for me 1 hyt were to wrete [leaf 28.] duryng* my lyfe of my vie is all whyche dayly ar vsyd : of then! I endyte, as playnly Apere, bothe to grete & small; 242 Reherse them I Cannot, as they in ordyr fall ; devyde thenl as ye thynke beste in jour mynde, evyr as ye do then! in my boke fynde. 245 xxxvi. Nomore as nowe : But pis o3 worde I sey, “ o gracious god, moste full of Clemewsy ! Remembyr thou 2 pis Realme now ffallyng 5 in decay, Tornyng* frorn welthe to extreme mysery ! here now my prayer, Chefe well of mercy ! good lorde, gyve vs grace to Amend owr levyng*, & ever more preserue owwr moste nobyll kyng* V’ XXXVII. Wherfor I Conclude, And speke hyt Brevely : “ Ihesu preserue oww famous kyng 1 so myghtye, owwr graciows quene endewed with pete. By whose good levyng* — ye se hyt dayly — 256 Thys Realme ys kepte frorS all Captyvite. To pray for therS bothe, & all per progeny, god gyve vs All grace Incessantlye ! 259 fynis. 249 252 x MS. “ for me. for me.” 2 MS. “thys.” 107 Cfjc JJmafic of [Written a.d. 1533.] ♦ This is an invective, or satire after the manner of Skelton, by a layman (1. 196-7, 283, 354) — whose mind is not to lie, but to write plainly against hypocrisy (1. 1273-5) — against the whole crew of the Clergy and Religious Orders, and all under them, or connected with them, from the Pope (1. 18 and 762-1157) to the summoner (1. 2019) and bell-ringer (1. 2012). The names of those who come under the writer’s lash are too many to be numbered here $ the reader must go to the poem itself to count them. The First Part (p. 181) deals with the clergy generally ; the Second (p. 200) with Bishops, Popes, and Cardinals, (including a Protest against the excommunication of England in King John’s time) ; the Third (p. 226) with Preachers and Prelates ; and the Fourth (p. 240) with Ecclesiastical Officers and their underlings ; but mainly with Monks and Friars. The work with which one is tempted both to compare and con- trast this Image of Ypocresye , is The Vision of Piers Ploughman by William — whether * of Malvern ’ or ‘ Longland.’ 1 To compare it in subject, to contrast it in spirit ; for in the one the words differ less widely than the other. Though in William’s noble poem, he summons all England for judgment before him, and passes sen- tence on the vices of layman as well as cleric and ‘ religious,’ yet it is on the clergy, monks, and friars, — especially the latter, — that his stern doom falls, his fierce and righteous wrath is spent. Let us hear on this point one well entitled to attention, the gentle and accomplished scholar whom we have lately lost, whose classical training and refined taste did not prevent his doing justice to the homely speech and rugged strength of the author who has never yet received his due meed of honour in England, though Dean Milman’s tribute (see below, p. 172) is a pledge that the time for the full rendering of that meed is near. [Milman’s “Hist, of Latin Christianity,” vol. ix., 4th edit. 1864. pp. 236, 237.] “Langland is Antipapal, yet he can admire an ideal Pope, a general 1 See also the character of Fa Is Semblant in Chaucer’s Romaunt of the Rose Works, ed. Morris, vol. vi, from p. 187. Compare too Skelton’s Colyn Cloute. 168 The Image op Ypoceesye. — Introduction. pacificator, reconciling the Sovereigns of the world to universal amity. It is the actual Pope, the Pope of Avignon or of Home, levying the wealth of the world to slay mankind, who is the object of his bitterest invective . 1 2 The Cardinals he denounces with the same indignant scorn ; but chiefly the Cardinal Legate, whom he has seen in England riding in his pride and pomp, with lewdness, rapacity, merciless extor- tion, insolence in his train . 3 Above all, his hatred (it might seem that on this all honest English indignation was agreed) is against the Men- dicant orders. Of the older monks there is almost total silence. For St. Benedict, for St. Dominic, for St. Francis he has the profoundest reverence . 4 But it is against their degenerate sons that he arrays his allegorical Host ; the Friars furnish every impersonated vice, are foes to every virtue ; his bitterest satire, his keenest irony (and these weapons he wields with wonderful poetic force) are against their disso- luteness, their idleness, their pride, their rapacity, their arts, their lies, their hypocrisy, their intrusion into the functions of the Clergy, their delicate attire, their dainty feasts, their magnificent buildings , 5 even their proud learning ; above all their hardness, their pitilessness to the poor, their utter want of charity, which with Langland is the virtue of virtues. Against the Clergy he is hardly less severe ; 6 he sternly con- demns their dastardly desertion of their flocks, when during the great plague they crowded to London to live an idle life : that idle life he 1 “ Sithen Prayed to the Pope — have Pity of Holy Church, And no Grace to Grant — till Good love were Among* all Kind of Kings — over Christian people, Command all Confessors — that any King shrive, Enjoin them Peace for their Penance— and Perpetual forgiveness.” (Whitaker’s text, modernised. — Skeat.) — p. 85.— M. 2 “ Simony and Civil go to Borne to put themselves under the Pope’s pro- tection. — Passus iii. p. 36. (Whitaker’s text : not in Wright’s. — Skeat.) ‘ And God amend the Pope — that Pilleth Holy Church, And Claimeth by force to be King — to be Keeper over Christendom, And Counteth not though Christian Men — be Killed and robbed, And Findeth Folk to Fight, — and Christian blood to spill.’ Compare p. 297.” — M. — Do Best , Passus 1, p. 389. — M. 3 “ The Country is the Curseder, — that Cardinals Come in, And where they Lie and Linger, — Lechery there reigneth.’ 4 Pass. v. p. 70. (Whitaker.) —Wright, p. 421.— M. 5 “ He scoffs at those who wish their names to appear in the rich painted windows of the Franciscan churches. The Friar absolves Mede (Bribery) : — ‘ And sithen he seide, We have a window in werchynge. Woldestow glaze that gable, And grave therinne thy name, Syker sholde thi soul be Hevene to have.’ — Wright , p. 46. 'there is a full account in ‘ the Creed ’ of a spacious and splendid Dominican Convent, very curious. ‘ The Creed ’ is of a later date, by another author, an avowed Lollard.” — M. 6 “He declares that the Clergy shall fall as the Templars had fallen. — Do Bet., (Whitaker) i. p. 297. [Milman’s other reference here, to ‘ Wright , i. p. 233 ’ is beside the question, as Clergie there means learning, literature, the art of writing, etc. — Skeat.] The Image of Ypocresye. — Introduction. 169 describes with singular spirit and zest. Yet he seems to recognise the Priesthood as of Divine institution. Against the whole host of offi- cials, pardoners, summoners, Archdeacons, and their functionaries ; against lawyers, civil as well as ecclesiastical, he is everywhere fiercely and contemptuously criminatory.” Now, — except that our layman-author of The Image does not believe in a Pope or monk of any kind (in his own time), and does denounce the Monks almost as strongly as he does the Friars, — the sketch given above may stand for that of the main fines of the present poem. After the general denunciation of the clergy in the First Part, — for the ill means by which they win advance- ment (1. 71-162), their pride (1. 163-174), their forbiddal of prayers in the vulgar tongue, and the sacramental bread (?) to the laity (1. 177-185), their juggling tricks to get pelf (1. 188- 242), their presumption (1. 243-95), their avarice in heaping-up possessions (1. 296-374), their fine dresses and pomp (1. 375-438), their lechery and lust (1. 439-82), their skant hospitality to the poor (1. 514-28), their tyranny (1. 545), and their adultery (1. 567- 78), though their tricks are now found out (1. 601-7), — we come to the picture of each Order in the Second, Third, and Fourth Parts. Part II: The Bishops are first sketched (1. 615-716), their violence and prosecution contrasted with St. Paul’s descrip- tion (pages 201, 203 ; lines 628-714) of a bishop as he should be ; Christ’s poverty on earth contrasted with the Bomish bishops’ getting money anyhow in order that they may sit in Peter’s Chair : everything is sold for silver and gold (1. 717-59). The Pope, the Antichrist of Borne (1. 762), the Sire of Sin (1. 766) the Crocodile (1. 782), theWhore of Babylon (1. 855), the enemy of Christ, the foe of his Cross, and the Devil’s holy priest (1. 858) : what ills do not spring from him ? He eats sin as meat (1. 772) ; he and his de- vour towns to fulfill their lust (1. 775-82) ; they claim authority above the Deity (1. 794), take the Bible for a riddle, and alter its words (1. 806). This Pope sets himself up to grant places in heaven or hell (1. 819-23), and, as his liars say, can command a thousand Angels to convey a man’s soul from decay (1. 825-40), provided only that you pay down your money for it (1. 841). Fill his coffers, and you may ask what you will (1. 850). His decrees swarm with lies (1. 866) ; his yoke is so heavy, that no man may bear it (1. 877). His bulls and his interrogatories feed his foul carcase and papal dignity (1. 895-927) ; his judges and advocates with all their commissions and proceedings, are just to steal our money (1. 928-1025), O keeper of whores and helper of harlots! you the vicar of Christ ! Liar, you’re the Devil’s vicar. Fare- well ! (1. 1130-57.) Cardinals, you are carnal, you are greedy as cormorants (1. 1159-65) ; you wallow in wealth like hogs in a sty (1. 1174), stuffing your bellies (your god,) with venison and tarts (1. 1175- 170 The Image of Ypocresye. — Introduction . 9). You sell dispensations (1. 1185), you fornicate with Kate, Maud, and Bess (1. 1192) ; you rob and extort to gratify your lusts (1. 1194-1201). Wherever you come, the country is the worse for five and ten years afterwards, and men curse you (1. 1205-11). To get money, you sell heaven and hell, and think it a good joke (1. 1237-66). Some Bishops do so too ; and their pomp and pride are such that they’ll take no rebuke from Prince or Duke, and hardly care for a King (1. 1288-1300). The great bloodsucker, the Pope, is their refuge (1. 1304-6), and they op- press countries with their bell, book, and candle (1. 1316), as they did our English king, John (1. 1320), just to make him their underling (1. 1404). These prelates and legates with their shaven pates, conquer all estates of men (1. 1439-43). What a pity that laymen cannot see it (1. 1448) ! Partlll. (p. 226) starts with the Preachers. Many are Phari- sees (1. 1450) ; some bark like hounds (1. 1457-62), some are blind buzzards (1. 1463-7), some are soft and still (1. 1468), some cry and yell (1. 1470), some hold up yea and nay (1. 1474), some don’t know what to say, their wits are so weak (1. 1481). Others pry on books, but don’t understand them (1. 1490) ; they say one thing openly, and another secretly (1. 1494-5). They call true men, heretics (1. 1525), and say — Away with these Bibles, For they be but riddles ! And give them Robin Hood, To read how he stood In merry green wood, When he gathered good Before Noah’s flood. (1. 1528-34.) The Testament was sent to enable them to gather in their rents (1. 1535-7) ; laymen are but louts, and know nothing about the matter (1. 1540-3), for they are ignorant of Aristotle, and Aver- roes (1. 1544-54) . So we laymen are told by Doctors Bullatus (1. 1555), Dorbellous (1. 1570) Sym Sotus (1. 1573), Bonbardus (1. 1583), Checkmate (1. 1599), and Tom-too-bold 1 (1. 16 i 3) a mockaniste (1. 1625), and an old Papist (1. 1628). Now too we have a knight (Sir Thomas More), with his Apology for the Pre- lacy (1. 1629-39), his Dialogue (1. 1643) and Debellation (1. 1664), helping these naughty hypocrites with legends of lies (1. 1673-5), brought out of Utopia to the Maid of Kent (1. 1684-5). As this witch helps them by her jugglery (1. 1699), so does More by his tyranny, cruelly causing simple men to die (1. 1703-5). Yes, a man must either recant or stand with his faggot on his neck at Paul’s Cross, and suffer execution from the fiery fume (1. 1711- 57). I acknowledge that men may and should be punished, when 1 Mr. G. Waring suggests- that Dr. Tom-too-bold is Father Pcto. Sec his note below. The Image of Ypocresye. — Introduction. 171 it’s done justly (1. 1758-74) ; but you Papists try to trap and blind men (1. 1789), you are accusers and judges too (1. 1800) : it is against all Justice (1. 1803) ! The King must change your law, put civil for ecclesiastical, and try clerks as well as laymen (1. 1807-35). Prelates, you stop those who would preach God’s truth (1. 1838-52). I pray God to open to us his word ; and then, unless you work you’ll get no pay, but lose your places (1. 1853-92). If, however, you will preach the Gospel, then you may keep your benefices ; and layman and priest, poor man and lord, shall live together in love (1. 1895-1923). But mind, God’s word we must have (1. 1924-34). PartlY. (p. 240) deals with the Ecclesiastical Officers, and the Beligious Orders, and the underlings of each. As in the days of Christ were many sects — Pharisees, Essenes, Sadducees, etc., — with many hypocrites (1. 1937-52), so now are twenty times more, — Pope, Cardinals, Legates, Archbishops, Bishops, Precen- tors, Chaplains, Yicars-general, Subdeacons, Provosts, Prebenda- ries, Summoners, Apparitors, etc. etc. (1. 1957-2021) ; Inquisi- tors, worse than Mamelukes, who catch us with their crooks, and burn us and our books (1. 2027-30) ; Serving Priests, and priests with a cure and a secured living (1. 2036-8) ; Singers and Bell- ringers, who collect their living with their bags, eat and drink freely, and get drunk with vagabonds (1. 2042-54) ; Abbots fat and greedy, rank as any bull (1. 2055-9) ; Priors black and white, with sisters and pretty girls (1. 2060-7) ; Ministers and Hectors, and a hundred more (1. 2069-77), Monks, of whom I give you the names of 70 Orders and more (1. 2082-2174), including the Knights of Bhodes, who fight for the faith with dice (1. 2175-8). Now I come to a mangy matter (1. 2181), the Eriars, who dwell in hell (1. 2184-5). The first of them is their High Pro- vincial, wdth Custos and Warden (1. 2191-6), then come father- Prior and Subprior, with all the convent (1. 2197-9), whom I name in lines 2201-84, and then denounce right to the end of the poem, 1. 2544. Drone-bees you Eriars are (1. 2313), demons de- vouring us (1. 2328-9), blinding us with bobs (1. 2335), causing woe wherever you resort (1. 2350-3), frightening folk with Purga- tory, three miles off Hell, out of which souls cannot come unless a virgin friar say a Trental of Masses, and a Seal a Oceli ; and so you make us keep your lasses (1. 2356-2412). God knows, you Eriars have always set your whole delight In Lust and Lechery, In Theft and Treachery, In lousy Lewdness, In Sin and Shrewdness, (1. 2419-22.) You cumber the world (1. 2438). You tell us we must call you Eathers Seraphical and Angelical (1. 2458-9) : you, who are 172 The Image of Ypocresye. — Introduction. brute and bestial, babes of Belial, tbe dregs of all dirt, bound to the devil’s skirt (1. 2461-7) ; promiscuous in bedding (1. 2488) ; bowsing and bowling (1. 2519), keeping and catching (1. 2526) ! Unless God sends you grace to amend, the Devil ’ll take you to his den for ever. And so I make an end (1. 2534-44). Postscript. The hypocrites say, ‘ If we could but catch the writer of this Treatise, we wouldn’t spare him (1. 2545-56) ! The author answers “I am who I am. God is able to make the weak overcome the mighty. You get no more from me (1. 2557-76).” Thus then the reader will see that the Layman of 1533, like the William of 1362, lashes Pope, Cardinal, Prelate, Monk and Friar ; but as he lays on his strokes, he upbraids the culprits in more mocking words, he speaks in a different spirit. What I said of another in 1862 1 , I may repeat here of our Layman, “ The iron of the evil of sin has not entered his soul so deeply as that of the writer of Piers Ploughman , — the noblest of our early poets, even our Dante, as 1 judge.” Of that poet also, Dean Milman wrote in his “ History of Latin Christianity ,” (4th edit. 1864, vol. 9. pp. 234-235). “It is in his intense absorbing moral feeling that he is beyond his age : with him, outward observances are but hollow shows, mockeries, hypocrisies, without the inward power of religion. It is not so much in his keen cutting satire on all matters of the Church, as in his solemn installation of Reason and Conscience as the guides of the self-directed soul, that he is breaking the yoke of sacerdotal domination : in his con- stant appeal to the plainest, simplest Scriptural truths, as in themselves the whole of religion, he is a stern reformer.” This ‘intense absorbing moral feeling’ one cannot claim for the writer of The Image in the same degree as for William ; but on the other hand we cannot treat our author as a mere mocker or satirist. The man is in earnest; he does desire the Word of God, the bible in the vulgar tongue, for himself and his country- men ; he does loathe the lies that the Religious of his day put forward as God’s truth ; he does long for full Reformation of abuses, and see that a sweeping revenge for past ill-doings must quickly come, unless amendment be begun at once. We, far off from all these things, may think the words of this man much exaggerated, sound and fury more or less, pooh-pooh them as ‘ professed satire ’ etc. ; but let us put them beside those of Luther and other men whose earnestness we know ; let us put ourselves back into their time, turning our eclecticism and dilet- tantism into their holy zeal ; and then let us ask ourselves in how much less measured phrase we should have spoken of those who had long corrupted, were then corrupting, the life-blood of 1 Robert of Brunne, in Handlyng Synne , p. viii. The Image op Ypocresye. — Introduction. 173 the world at its source, who were selling heaven and hell, as our writer says, for gold, and making darkness light 1 2 ? If, too, we saw our foe all unconscious of the hand that was about to strike him, still glorying in his dominion over us, still in 1532 refacing and beautifying his Bolton Abbey 3 , as if his hold were firm, his reign sure to last, could we have forborne, in wrath though we may have been, to mock at his pretensions, and ridicule his assu- rance, to mix our metaphors, and say ‘ Beast and fool, you have trampled on us long enough : we know your brutality, we scorn your wiles ; lion as you look, ass you are ; the stick to whack you into your shed is now in our hands.’ Sad as it is to think of the noble purpose, the self-denying lives of the early friars — as sketched by Professor Brewer in his Monu- menta Franciscana — decaying into the corruptions of Henry Y Ill’s reign, yet one cannot but believe that so it was. The piety and zeal of the first professors brought to their order a po- pularity and wealth that were the ruin of their successors ; and from the helper of the poorest in the most miserable dens, the Friar turned into the jolly mate of the well-to-do, the corrupter of purity, the schemer, intriguer, for money and place. But enough of this. I am obliged however to recur to one point treated in the Introduction to Nowadayes , the Morality of the Clergy, Monks, and Friars, p. 59-88. Notwithstanding the chain of evidence there contained, notwithstanding the necessities arising from the nature of the case, a friend to whose judgment I am bound to attribute weight, considers the charge of inconti- 1 “ This, as I understand it, was the position of the early protestants. They found the service of God buried in a system where obedience was dissipated into superstition ; where sin was expiated by the vicarious virtues of other men ; where, instead of leading a life, men were taught that their souls might he saved through masses said for them, at a money rate, by priests whose licentiousness disgraced the nation which endured it ; a system in which, amidst all the trickery of the pardons, pilgrimages, indulgences — double-faced as these inventions are, wearing one meaning in the apologies of theologians, and quite another to the multitude who live and suffer under their influence — one plain fact at least is visible. The people substantially learnt that all evils which could touch either their spirits or their bodies, might he escaped by means which resolved themselves, scarcely disguised, into the payment of moneys. The superstition had lingered long ; the time had come when it was to pass away. Those in whom some craving lingered for a Christian life turned to the heart of the matter, to the hook which told them who Christ was, and what he was, and finding there that holy example for wliich they longed, they flung aside, in one noble hurst of enthusiastic passion, the disguise which had concealed it from them. They believed in Christ, not in the bowing rood, or the pretended wood of the cross on which he suffered ; and when that saintly figure had once been seen — the object of all love, the pattern of all imitation — thenceforward neither form nor ceremony should stand between them and their God.” (. Froude , ii. 36-7.) 2 Mr. Hales tells me this. 174 The Image of Ypocresye. — Introduction. nence not proven. I do not know what evidence he would re- quire to convince him, and give up the hope of finding or pro- ducing it ; but just in confirmation of the evidence I have got together, I add two passages from Dean Milman’s great work, to the first of which Mr. Hales kindly called my attention. [From Milman’s “ History of Latin Christianity 3rd edition, 1864, vol. 8. pp. 356-358.] “ Before the Emperor [Sigismund] left the Council [Basle], he sub- mitted for the consideration of the Fathers the all-important question, the marriage of the clergy. John of Lubeck was to demand in the Em- peror’s name, in the name of the public morals, the abrogation of their fatal celibacy. John of Lubeck is described as a man of wit, indulging in jests on every occasion. But nothing could be more fearfully serious than the representation on this subject, which John was to iay sepa- rately before each deputation, and urge in the strongest manner. After centuries of strife, after all the laws of Hildebrand and his suc- cessors, the whole clergy are declared to be living with concubines, in adultery, or worse. They were hated by the whole laity as violating their marriage-beds; confession was become odious. There was strong fear lest the wealth of the clergy should be alienated to their legitimate children ; even were it so, better the loss of wealth than of chastity. The Greek Church admitted marriage. The priests of the Old and Hew Testaments were married. The greater part of the Council were favourable to the change , 1 except only some of the old, whose days of marriage had gone by, and the monks, jealous lest the secular clergy should have privileges denied to themselves. Yet one, a Cardinal, de- clared in the spirit, almost in the words, of old Paphnutius at Nicsea, that though himself aged, he earnestly desired that wives should be restored to the Priesthood . 2 The question, as unsuited to the time, was eluded, postponed, dropped.” 1 “ Res erat complurimis accepta, sed tempori non convenire.” 2 “ The Cardinal of St. Peter said : ‘ Quamvis senio gravor, neque mentem habeo ad conjugium, sanctum tamen arbitror, uxores restitui sacerdotibus : quia non est omnibus gratia Dei concessa, ut legi lumborum resistant, ut de Paulo legimus.’ There is a very curious passage on this subject in the Ne- mus Unionis of Theodoric a Niem (Tr. vi. c. 35) about the clergy of Norway and Ireland. The Norwegians, both lay and clergy, were great drinkers of ale, and would drink against each other till neither could stand. But in both countries bishops and priests publicly kept their concubines : and when the bishops went on their visitations, the clergy insisted that they should take their own ‘ amasise ’ with them, lest they should be tempted by the superior beauty of those of the clergy. If the clergyman had not a ‘ focaria,’ he paid double procurations (‘ ut prevaricator paternarum traditionum Episcopo visi- tante proinde procurationes duplices ministrabat’). The wives (?) of the clergy in Ireland took rank : ‘ Ac etiam presbyterorum amasiae seu uxores in eisdem partibus, statu et gradu in ecclesia, in mensis, eundo, sedendo, et stando, ceteris dominabus etiam militaribus preponuntur.’ The same mar- riage or concubinage, with the advancement of the children (‘ ex foedo com- plexu nati’) to benefices, prevailed in Germany, Spain, and Portugal. It must be remembered that this is from Theodoric a Niem. I shall hereafter refer to unanswerable evidence on this repulsive subject from records of Visi- tations. ‘Vicit tamen sententia illorum qui hoc tempore tantum opus aggre- diendum negavere.’ See the whole very curious passage in JEneas Sylvius, Fea, p. 55.” The Image of Ypocresye. — Introduction. 175 [Milman’s “ Hist, of Latin Christianity .” vol. 9. pp. 35-38. 4th edit. 1864.] “ One subject we would willingly decline, but the historian must not shrink from truth, however repulsive. Celibacy, which was the vital energy of the Clergy, was at the same time their fatal, irremediable weakness. One-half, at least a large portion, of human kind could not cease to be a human kind. The universal voice, which arraigns the state of morals, as regards sexual intercourse, among the Clergy, is not that of their enemies only, it is their own. Century after century, we have heard throughout our history the eternal protest of the se- verer Churchmen, of Popes, of Legates, of Councils. The marriage, or, as it was termed, the concubinage, of the Clergy was the least evil. The example set in high places (to deny the dissoluteness of the Papal Court at Avignon, would be to discard all historical evidence) could not be without frightful influence. The Avignonese Legates bore with them the morals of Avignon. The last strong effort to break the bonds of celibacy at the council of Basle warned but warned in vain. It is the solemn attestation to the state of Germany and the northern kingdoms. 1 Even in his own age, no doubt, Henry Bishop of Liege was a monster of depravity. The frightful revelation of his life is from an admonitory letter of the wise and good Pope Gregory X. His lust was promiscuous. He kept as his concubine a Benedictine Abbess. He had boasted in a public banquet that in twenty-two months he had had fourteen children born. This was not the worst — there was a foul incest, and with nuns. But the most extraordinary part of the whole is that in the letter the Pope seems to contemplate only the re- pentance of the Prelate, which he urges with the most fervent solem- nity. Henry’s own prayers, and the intercessory prayers of the vir- tuous — some such, no doubt, there must be in Liege — are to work the change ; and then he is to administer his Pontifical office, so as to be a model of holiness, as he had been of vice, to his subjects. As to suspension, degradation, deposition, there is not a word. The Pope’s lenity may have been meant to lure him to the Council of Lyons, where he was persuaded to abdicate his See. 2 Hardly less repulsive, in some respects more so, as it embraces the Clergy and some of the convents of a whole province, is the disclosure, as undeniable and authentic, of sacerdotal morals, in the Register of the Visitations of Eudes Rigaud, Archbishop of Rtfuen, from 1248 to 1269. 3 We must suppose that only the Clergy of notorious and detected incontinence were presented at the Visitation. The number is sufficiently appalling : probably it 1 “ Look back to vol. viii. p. 457 [t. i. 357]. Before the Council of Trent, the Elector of Bavaria declared in a public document, that of 50 clergy very few were not concubinarii. — Sarpi, viii. 7, p. 414. See for Italy references to Justiniani, Patriarch of Venice ; S. Antoninus, Archbishop of Florence ; Weissenberg, Kirchen Versammlungen, ii. p. 229; again for Germany ii. p. 228.” 2 “ ‘ Circa divinum quoque et pontificale officium sic te sedulum et devotum exhibere ’ ‘ Subditi.’ Henry of Liege was of princely race, of the house of Gueldres, Cousin-German to the Priest-Emperor, William of Holland ; he became Bishop when a mere boy. Concilia sub ann. 1274. Hocsemius, Vit. Episcop. Leodens., p. 299.” 3 “ Registrum Archiep. Rotomagensium, published by M. Bonnin, Rouen, 1846. It is full of other curious and less unedifying matter.” 176 The Image of Ypocresye. — Introduction. comprehends, without much distinction, the married and concubina- rian, as well as looser Clergy. There is one convent of females which might almost have put Boccaccio to the blush. I am bound to con- fess that the Becords of the Visitations from St. Paul’s, some of which have been published not without reserve, too fully vindicate the truth of Langland, Chaucer, and the Satirists against the English Clergy and Friars in the fourteenth century. 1 And these Visitations, which take note only of those publicly accused, hardly reached, if they did reach, the lowest and the loosest. Only some of the Monks, none of the Wandering Friars, were amenable to Episcopal or Archidiaconal juris- diction. Whether we call it by the holier name of marriage, or the more odious one of concubinage, this, the weakness or the sin of the Clergy, could not be committed by the Monks and Friars. They, mostly with less education and less discipline, spread abroad through the world, had far greater temptations, more fatal opportunities. Though they had, no doubt, their Saints, not only Saints, but number- less nameless recluses of admirable piety, unimpeachable holiness, fer- vent love of God and of man, yet of the profound corruption of this class tin re can be no doubt. But Latin, Boman Christianity, would not, could not, surrender this palladium of her power.” 2 Harrison in 1577, when praising the monks for their buildings ( Descr . of England, bk. ii. chap. 13, p. 193, col. 2,) says : — Yet herein I will commend sundrie of the monasticall votaries, es- pecially monkes, for that they were authors of manie goodlie borowes and endwares, 3 neere vnto their dwellings, although otherwise they pretended to be men separated from the world. But alas their coue- tous mindes one waie in inlarging their reuenues, and carnall intent another, appeered herin too much. For being bold from time to time to visit their tenants, they wrought oft great wickednesse, and made those endwares little better than brodel-houses, especiallie where nun- ries were farre off, or else no safe accesse vnto them. Bnt what doo I 1 “Precedents in Criminal Causes edited by Archdeacon Hale, London, 1847. There is enough in these, the Visitations themselves make matters worse. It is curious that much earlier under the reign of K. Stephen, the Dean Balph de Diceto speaks of the ‘ focariae ’ of the canons. Mr. Froude has published from the Becords (in Fraser’s Magazine, Feb. 1857) the visita- tion of a later time, of Archbishop Morton. The great Abbey of St. Alban’s was in a state which hardly bears description.” [Archd. Hale’s book is one of great value for illustrations of the habits of its time. — F. J. F.] 2 “ The Boman view is thus given in an argument before the Pope by the Cardinal de Carpi : — ‘ Dal matrimonio de’ Preti ne seguira che avendo casa, moglie, e figli, non dipenderanno dal Papa, ma dal suo Principe, e la carita della prole gli fara condescendere ad ogni pregiudizio della Chiesa ; cerca- ranno anco di far i benefici ereditari, ed in brevissimo spazio la Sede Aposto- lica si ristringera a Boma. Innanzi che fosse instituito il celibato non ca- va va frutto alcuno la Sede Bomana dell’ altre citta e regioni ; per quello e fatta padrona di tanti benefizi, de’ quali il matrimonio la priverebbe in breve tempo.’ — Sarpi, L. v. Opere, v. ii. p. 77.” 3 Endware a small hamlet. Lincolnshire. (Halliwell.) A. S. — ware , a termi- nation denoting ‘ Inhabitants, dwellers :’ — warn , the city or country, that is, the inhabitants of a town, city, or country, as a body. Bosworth. Cp. Edge- ware, etc. The Image of Yfocresye. — Introduction. 177 spend my time in the rehearsall of these filthinesses? Would to God the memorie of them might perish with the malefactors ! A sentiment we shall all coincide in when there are no more monks, and when no one doubts the necessity for the Reformation on the ground noted above, as well on other grounds social and political. The making a fit body of notes to this Poem, coaching up all the details of ecclesiastical dress, customs, law, Religious Orders, etc., so as to bring out properly all the points of the writer, would be a year’s work, and require a separate volume. I have already given so much more time to this book than I have any right to do, that I must beg the reader to rest content with what he will find in the notes from Helyot, Adams, etc., and to work out the rest for himself, if he be of a churchy or ritualistic turn of mind. 1 In the Appendix I have put, — by way of contrast to Part 3 of the Image , on the Romish Preachers — a lighter skit on the Non-Preaching Ministers of James I’s time from a Harleian MS., not before printed, I believe. If any further illustrations of the words or subjects of the Image come in after the sheets of it are ‘ made up,’ they will be added in the Appendix too. The MS of the Poem is evidently the author’s own writing, and is curious from the wide spaces between the lines, of which latter there are sometimes only 7 or 8 in a folio page. The writer intentionally left himself plenty of room for corrections and in- terlineations, and has made several, as the reader will see in the printed notes. A later hand has also corrected, and altered the text here and there, as likewise mentioned in the notes. Over the first page a confounded Peter le Neve who formerly owned the MS 2 has scribbled a lot of memoranda, 3 and prevented our 1 For the English religious Orders, Stevens’s History of English Monasteries , 2 vols. folio, supplementary to Dugdale, is (I suppose) the best hook. It gives at p. 23-38 of vol. 1, the names of all Monasteries, etc., in England, Wales, and Scotland, with their valuations. 2 It belonged to Peter le Neve, Esq. Norroy, at whose sale it was pur- chased by Mr. West. Thomas Martin of Palgrave was permitted to make a copy of it, which fell into the hands of the late Dr. Farmer of Cambridge [Emmanuel Coll., the friend of Percy &c.] and is now [1819] in the possession of Kichard Heber Esq. of Hodnett in Shropshire. It seems to want the be- ginning, though this cannot he easily ascertained ; for the first page has not only suffered much from time, but Sir. le Neve has written several memo- randums upon it, and covered some part of the original handwriting. Sir. Heame made great use of this MS. in his Glossary to Peter Langtoft’s Chro- nicle, where there are some extracts from it. See particularly under the word “wroken,” p. 684. See likewise No. 778 of this collection, art. 5 (a letter from Thomas Heame the Antiquary ‘ On Skelton and his Image of Ypo- crisy , a manuscript in Sir. Le Neve’s possession ’.) Catalogue of the Lansdowne Manuscripts , p. 183, p. 174. 3 The whole Transcrihd by Tho : Slartin [not in Le Neve's hand ] Quere if this Poem was not writt by John Skelton poet Laureat in the time of King Henry 8th VOL. I. N 178 The Image of Ypocresye. — Introduction. reading parts of the text ; though the fading of the reddish ink in which the early part of the MS is written is also one cause of the unreadableness of these lines. The date of the poem is fixed to the end of 1533 or the begin- ning of 1534, as the Apology and the Debellacyon of Sir Thomas More, which were both published in 1533, are mentioned in it (besides earlier works) ; and The Maid of Kent, Elizabeth Bar- ton, who was beheaded 21 April 1534, is spoken of as still alive : Nowe from the devill sent, (1. 1686.) A virgyne fiayre and gent, That hath our yees blent. Indeed, as the author’s words (1. 1684-5) probably allude to the interview of Sir Thos. More with the Maid of Kent in 1533, at the chapel of the Eriars at Sion ; and lines 1693-5 “ I pray God do so mutche, To fret her on the itche, and open her in tyme !” also imply that her imposition had not been exposed when the Image was written, I think we are safe in putting the date of the poem before November 1533, when “the nun, with five priests and three lay gentlemen, her accomplices, were brought before the Star Chamber, and sentenced to do public penance as impostors at St. Paul’s Cross. {Penny Gyclopcedia.) The connecting of Sir Thomas More with The Maid was quite fair on the part of the writer of The Image ; for though “ More at a subsequent time, shortly before his execution, changed his tone, and declared her, in his letter to Cromwell, to be ‘ a lewd nun ’ and a hypocrite,” yet after his interview with her in 1533, “ he thought heaven was Liber Petir Le Neve Norroy. plect’ (? perlectum) P : Le Neve Norroy 1 : Febr. 1724-5 The Image of Ypocresy, see the last page, against Bishops Canons preists monks & Friers. a yorkshire [word] childer fol 40 the first part ends fol. 36 2d part begins fol 37 against the pope. Rome mentioned 46. B. Pope 47 called the sire of synne ICing John 83 3d part begins fol 91 against Preachers the Grudge of Ypocrites 153. kings grace 116 B. q who is the Knight describd fol 100 B. S/r Thomas More the maid of Kent mentioned fol. 104. his Ytopia mentioned fol. 104 Quere of Mr. M F for the poem, who saith he hath all or most of Skeltons works Hereticks to be tryed by the Kings law & the Law of God, not by the bishops law fol. Ill : 112 the 4th part of the Image of Ypocrasy begins fol. 118 B. Pope ibidem [in another hand.] Johannes Skelton Toeta Laureatus autor Poematis se- quentis vt creditur p er Petruin Le Neve Norroy AD 1724 posscssorem libri. The Image of Ypocresye. — Introduction. 179 working 4 some good and great things by her.’ ” (ib.) The two people who worked the Maid were 1. Diehard Master, parson of the parish of Adlington in Kent, where she was a servant at an inn, when in 1525 “ she began to acquire a local reputation for sanc- tity and miraculous endowments and 2. Dr. Booking, a monk of Canterbury ; these “ took her under their direction, and in- structed her in the tricks she should play.” (ib.) Our author is very bitter against Sir Thomas More, and one cannot wonder at it, for More carried out to its fiery end the law against heretics. As The Image says (1. 1708-12), liis alternative was ‘ Decant or Burn,’ even when the offence was only saying that Clerks were not without spot or wrinkle (1. 1756-7). The writer may per- haps refer to Bilney’s case. At any rate, there is a passage in Mr. Froude’s History , ii. 83-5, which comes so pat to lines 1703- 1757 of our poem, that I cannot refrain from quoting it : — “ Under Wolsey’s chancellorship the stake had been comparatively idle ; he possessed a remarkable power of making recantation easy ; and there is, I believe, no instance in which an accused heretic was brought under his immediate cognisance, where he failed to arrange some terms by which submission was made possible. With Wolsey heresy was an error; with More it was a crime. No sooner had the seals changed hands than the Smitkfield fires recommenced ; and, en- couraged by the chancellor, the bishops resolved to obliterate in these edifying spectacles, the recollection of their general infirmities. The crime of the offenders varied ; sometimes it was a denial of the corporal presence ; more often it was a reflection, too loud to be endured, on the character and habits of the clergy ; but whatever it was, the alterna- tive lay only between abjuration, humiliating as ingenuity could make it, or a dreadful death. 1 The hearts of many failed them in the trial ; and of all the confessors, those perhaps do not deserve the least com- passion, whose weakness betrayed them, who sank and died broken- hearted. Of these silent sufferers history knows nothing. A few, unable to endure the misery of having, as they supposed, denied their Saviour, returned to the danger from which they had fled, and w ashed out their fall in martyrdom. Latimer has told us the story of his friend Bilney — little Bilney, or Saint Bilney, as he calls him, — his companion at Cambridge, to whom he owed his own conversion. Bilney, after escaping through Wolsey’s hands in 1527, was again cited in 1529 before the Bishop of London. Three times he refused to recant. He was offered a fourth and last chance. The temptation was too strong, and lie fell. For two years he was hopelessly miser- able; at length his braver nature prevailed. There was no pardon 1 DCCLXIX, page 312. “Some one asked whether Sir Thomas More w 7 as executed for the gospel’s sake or no ? I answered : No, in no wise ; he was a cruel tyrant ; he was the king’s chief counsellor ; a very learned and wise man, doubtless, hut he shed the blood of many innocent Christians that con- fessed the gospel ; he tormented them with strange instruments, like a hang- man ; first, he personally examined them under a green tree, and then cruelly tortured them in prison. At last, he opposed the edict of the King and Kingdom. He was disobedient, and was punished.” (Luther's Table- Talk.) N 2 180 The Image of Ypocresye. — Introduction. for a relapsed heretic, and if he was again in the bishop’s hands he knew well the fate which awaited him. He told his friends, in lan- guage touchingly significant, that ‘ he would go up to Jerusalem and began to preach in the fields. The journey which he had undertaken was not to be a long one. He was heard to say in a sermon, that of his personal knowledge certain things which had been offered in pil- grimage had been given to abandoned women. The priests he affirmed, take away the offerings, and hang them about their women’s necks 1 ; and after that they take them off the women, if they please them not, and hang them again upon the images. 2 This was Bilney’s heresy, or formed the ground of his arrest : he w as orthodox on the Mass, and also on the power of the keys ; but the secrets of the sacred order were not to be betrayed with impunity. He was seized, and hurried before the Bishop of Norwich; and being found heterodox on the papacy and the mediation of the saints, by the Bishop of Norwich he was sent to the stake.” Wc have seen that the date of our poem was 1583. As Skelton died on June 21, 1529, the Image is of course not his, a fact which the inferiority of its verse to his also testifies. Mr. Dyce printed the poem in his Skelton ii. 413, among the “ Poems at- tributed to Skelton,” and on the question of authorship says : “ Hearne and others have attributed this remarkable production to Skelton. The poem, however, contains decisive evidence that he was not its author : to say nothing of other passages — the mention of cer- tain writings of Sir Thomas More and of “ the mayde of Kent ” (Eli- zabeth Barton) which occurs in the Third Part, would alone be suffi- cient to prove that it was the composition of some writer posterior to his time.” Mr. Dyce’s notes on the text are printed here, and signed D. I only wish he had annotated his ‘ Poems attributed to Skelton ’ in the admirably thorough way in which he has done Skelton’s own Poems, — the reproach of which to my less careful work I feel whenever I open his second volume. — But as his business was only with the text of these attributed Poems, the reader must be content with such notes as are here : and as it has just struck 3 a.m. and this is the second morning I’ve heard it, I must really stop notes and talk too. 1 Compare this with lines 416-25 of Ye blisse vs with your hones, And \v/th your riche ringes, That quenes and kinges, At your offringes, Shall kisse with knelinges ; 2 Fox, vol. iv., p. 649. — Fronde. The Image : — Which your mynykyns And mynyon babbes, Your closse chambred drabbes, When masse and all is done, Shall were at after-noone. The Image op Ypocresye, a.d. 1533. Part I. 181 [Lansdowne MS. 794.] [PART I. — AGAINST THE CLERGY GENERALLY, THEIR HYPOCRISY AND VICES.] YpoS [the hipocrysye ?] of the Cruell C [ler] gy, And the pro [u] de prelacy [?] , that now do looke so hie, as though that by and by they wold clymbe & fflye vp to the Clowdy Skye : 1 wher all men may espye, 2 by fals hipocrysye Thei Long hauc Blered the Eye 3 of all the world well nye ; Comytting Apostacie against that verytye That thei can not Denye : in which how shamlessly They do [cavil ? 4 5 ] and lye, ther concyens testyfye, The poppe[?] Res Curtezens 6 & [?] The Rest of Balam Markus, [?] That be heresyarkes, Which do Corny [t ?] 6 ther warkes, As one that in the Darke ys. And wotes not wher the marke ys, Do take the kites for larkes. suche be owr primates, Our bisshopps and prelates, [Our par] sons and [curates,] 7 [leaf 2.] 4 8 12 16 20 [leaf 2, back.] 24 28 1 Vp to the clowdy skye] Originally “ Vp into the skye.” — D. 2 A line has been struck out between lines 8 and 9. 3 Compare the Pardoner in William’s Vision of Piers Ploughman : He bouched them with his brevet, and blered hire eighen , And raughte with his rageman Rynges and broches. Compare 1. 41, below. (Ed. Wright , vol. i. p. 5, 1. 147-150. — Skeat.) 4 The original word is marked out, and another written over, and rubbed nearly out. I cannot read either. 5 Compare ‘ curtisanes,’ 1. 1971. 6 P commend : cp. 1. 25. — Skeat. 7 Our parsons and curates] This line (now pasted over in the MS. [by some mender of it]) has been obtained from a transcript of the poem made by Thomas Martin of Palgrave. — D. 182 The Image op Ypocresye, a.d. 1533. Part I. With other like estates that were shaven pates ; As monkes white and blacke, And Channons that cane chatte, Glottons 1 ffayre and fatte. With ffriers of the sacke , 2 And brothers of the bagg, As nymble as a nagg, That cane bothe prate and bragg, To make the pulpett wagge with Twenty thousand lyes, Do make the blind Eate Ayes, and 3 blere our symple Eyes, To make vs to beleve God morowe is god eve; for pleynly to be breve, so nye they do vs dreve. That we, to our great greve. Must sey that white is blacke, Or elles they sey we smacke, And smell we wote not what : But then beware the Catt ; for yf they smell a Batt, they grisely chide and chatt, and, haue him 4 by the lack, A fagott for his backe , 5 1 Glottons] Originally “Prelates.”' — D. 2 Fratres de Sacco. — Skeat. The name of the Sac was given them, because they wore Garments made like Sacs, and therefore some call’d them Fratres de Sacco, Friers of the Sac . . hut their true name was Friers of the Penance of Jesus Christ. Stevens ii. 271. The Friers of the Sac were extraordinary aus- tere at first ; they neither did eat Flesh nor drink Wine. As to their Habit, we have spoken of it before, hut it was made like that of the Capucins ; they went hare-Leg’d, and had only wooden Sandals on their Feet. ib. 272. They established themselves in a Jewish synagogue on the South side of Lothbury, (suppressed a.d. 1291) which Henry III gave them in the 56th year of his reign. ‘ This Order of Friers gather’d many good Scholars, and multiply’d in Number exceedingly, till after the Council of Lyons, when all Mendicant Orders were suppress’d, excepting only the Dominicans, Franciscans, Augus- tinians, and Carmelites 2 , ib. 272. These Friers of Penance or of Sackcloth, who first came into England in the year 1257 arriv’d at Oxford in 1262, got a grant of a site there from Henry III, and built a house. Afterwards they enlarged their possessions, were suppressed in 1307 ; and two years afterwards the King granted their ground and buildings to the Franciscans, ib. 273 ; Wood's Hist, of Oxford, p. 111. In our text the term ‘ ffriers of the sacke ’ seems intended to include all the Mendicant Orders. a and] Substituted for “ To,” when the preceding line was added. — D 1 him] Originally “vs.”' — D. Jack, is ‘jacket’ : seize him. Compare 1. 1731-41. [leaf 3.] 32 36 [leaf 3, hack.] 40 44 [leaf 4.] 48 52 The Image of Ypocresye. Part I. — Persecution. 183 or, Take 1 him to the Racke, And drowne liyme in a sacke. Or burne 2 liyme on [a] stake ! lo, thus they vndertake The trothe false to make ! Alas, for christ his sake ! is the sonne-light darke, Or ignoraunc[e] a clarke, bycawse that thei 3 hath powre To send men to the towre, the Simple to devowre ? 4 if they Lyst to Lowre, ys Suger tlierfor Sowre ? dothe 5 five and three make ffour ? As well, I durst be bolde. To sey the ffier were colde. But yet they worke muche worse, when they for blissinge cowrse ; for father friska Jolly , 6 And pater pecke a lolly , 7 1 Take ] Originally “ haue.” — 1). 2 ?MS. tume. 3 Originally “he.” 4 The bishops might seize them [suspected heretics] on mere suspicion ; and the evidence of the most abandoned villains sufficed for their conviction ( Answer of the Bishops , vol. i. cap. 3). By the Act of Henry V, every officer from the Lord Chancellor to the parish constable, was sworn to seek them out and destroy them ; and both bishops and officials had shown no reluctance to execute their duty. Hunted like wild beasts from hiding-place to hiding- place, decimated by the stake, with the certainty that however many years they might be reprieved, their own lives would close at last in the same fiery trial ; beset by informers, imprisoned, racked, and scourged ; worst of all haunted by their own infirmities, the flesh shrinking before the dread of a death of agony — thus it was that they struggled on, — earning for themselves martyrdom, for us the free England in which we live and breathe. Fronde, ii. 37-8. The reader must recollect that Wolsey used the faggots only to be carried on heretics’ backs, and bum their books : see Froude, ii. 39, 43-4, 70. It was Sir Thomas More who burnt the heretics themselves. Froude , ii. 83, quoted above, p. 179. 5 dothe ] Originally “ Or.” — H. 6 Cp. Skelton’s ‘ demy diuines, and Stoicall studiantes, and friscaioly yonkcr- kyns, moche better bayned than brayned.’ A Replycacion, ider gon ; Aghen him ne kipte he no ringinge, bobance, ne prute, [Ne] bost of hors ne of squiers, for ho tolde borof lute. Early English Poems (l’hilol. Soc. 1862) p. 44, 1. 43-6. The Image oe Ypocresye. Part I. — The Clergy. 187 To be called Rabyes : l Nowe god saue these dadyes, 172 And all ther yonge babyes ! The holy worde of god [leaf 12, back.] Is by these men forbod ; Pater noster and Creede 176 They vtterly forbeede To be said or songe In our vulgar tonge. 180 Ohe lorde ! thou hast great wronge Of these that shonlde be trustye, Whichc sey the breade is musty, [leaf 13.] And with ther lawe vnlusty Make it Rusty and dusty ! But I do thinke it Rustye for lacke of exercyse : Wkerfore they be vnwise That will the lawe despise, And daylye newe devyse, So Dyvers and so straunge, [leaf 13, back.] Which 2 chaunge and rechaunge Of fastinges and of feestes, Of bowes 3 and behestes, With many of ther 4 iestes, 192 As thoughe lay men wer bestes ; 196 As many of vs bee, That may and will not see, Nor ones cast vpp ari Bye, [leaf 14.] These Iugglinges to espye ; for this that nowe is vsed Is efte ageyne refused, Chaunged or mysvsed. That we be still abused : 200 204 The lawe that servethe nowe, Ageyne they disalowe. Thus forthe and backe, 5 [leaf 14, hack.] With bryve and with bull 208 184 188 Who wilnet hen wisere of lawe - tan lewde freres, And in multitude of men - hen maysters y-called. Pierce the Ploughman' s Crede, 1. 498. — Skeat. Which ] Qy. “With” ? — D. boives] Qy. “vowes” ? — D. The Alliteration requires ‘bowes.’ — Skeat. of ther] Qy. “other” ? — D. backe] Something wanting here. — D. 188 The Image of Ypocresye. Part I. — The Clergy . They dayly plucke and pull, And yett be never ffull ; for wher one bull makes, An other bull forsakes ; The thyrde yett vndertakes To alter all of newe : Thus none will other sue. Wherfore, by swete Iesu, I think e they be vntrewe That iuggle tyme and tyme To gett thyne and myne ; Yea, thoughe the worlde pynne. No man wyll they spare , 1 So they ther pelfe prefarre, The lawes to make and marre, To bynde vs nere and farre ; Wherto may be no barre In peace tyme nor in warre ; for none ther is that darre Reply e ageyne or speak e, This Daunce of tliers to breake ; The trouthe it is so weeke : They make all men cry creake , 2 Or fry them to a steake, — Adieu, Sir huddy-peake ! 3 lo, peters barge is leake, And redy for to synke ; Beware yett least youe drinke ; 4 God dothe not slepe nor wynke. But sethe lande and brynke ; [leaf 15.] 213 216 [leaf 15, back.] 221 224 [leaf 16.] 228 232 [leaf 16, back.] 237 1 No man wyll they spare'] Originally, — “ They passe not of a sparre.” — D. 2 I give in, I recant. “ To cry creak,” to be afraid, to desist from any pro- j ect. — Holliwell. 3 Hoddy-doddy , a term of contempt. See Kemp’s Nine Bales Wonder , p. 21. Hoddy-peke is used in a similar sense. See Hawkins, i. 205. — Halliwell. Can he play well at the hoddypeke ? Skelton’s Magnyfycence , Works i. 263, 1. 7. He sayth, ‘ thou huddypeke , Thy lernynge is to lewde, Thy tonge is not well thewde Why come ye nat to Courte ? — Skelton, ii. 37, 1. 326. Hoddypeke is a common term of contempt or reproach . . and is generally equi- valent to ‘ fool.’ — Dyce. 4 Drenclie, be drowned. — Skeat. The Image op Ypocresye. Part I . — The Clergy. 189 And yf ye take the chynke, 1 I feare me ye will stynke. And Corrupt your vnctyoS With An iniunctyoS ; Your 2 pride and presump tioS, In 3 abvsing your functyon. Will breade a consumtioS, And make a resumption, To bringe youe to compunctioS ; Youre 4 lawes falsely grounded, that hath the world Surounded, By trouthe shalbe Confounded. Thoughe ye be lordes digne, Ye shoulde no man maligne. But ever be benyngne ; And namely in suche Case Wher god his gyfte or grace 5 lyst to plante or place : The poore man, or the Riche, Is To his pleasure lyche ; for christ, our derest lorde. That made the full accorde, As Scripture dothe Recorde, Betwyxt god and man, Suppressynge Sattan and all his kingdom, whan 6 VpoS the holy Roode he shadd his blissed bloode, As muche for one as other, Exceptinge not his mother, made every man his brother, As many as ther bee In fay the and chari tee. But nowe by fals abvsyon, The Clergy by CollutiorJ, Without good Conclutio8, haue broughte vs to ConfutioS, 240 [leaf 17.] 244. 248 [leaf 17, back.] 253 256 [leaf 18.] 260 264 [leaf 1 8, back.] 268 272 [leaf 19.] 1 P spring a leak. — Skcat. 2 Your] Originally “For.” — D. 3 In] Originally “And.” — D. 4 Youre] Originally “ And.” — D. 5 Wher God his gyfte or grace] Originally, “ Wher god of his grace." — D. 6 And all his kingdom , whan] Originally, “At the good tyme ivhan.” — D. 190 The Image op Ypocresye. Part I. — The Clergy. And made An illntioS : 276 By great inyquytie, Avaunt them selfes to be No lesse then godes, yee, of equall authorytye ; 280 Whiche, by Ipocrysye, to exalt ther dignytye, Call vs the leude lay ffee, men of temporalitee ; 284 But they pretend to bee A people Eternall, [leaf 19, back.] of powr Supernall : I fere me, infernall ; 288 for they that be carnall, Idolaters to Baall, And nothinge gosfcely at all, Be named spirituall ; 292 for so we must them Calle, As we Aye do and shall. What happe so ever falle. Ther Successyon may not dye, [leaf 20.] But lyve eternallye ; 297 for, without questioS, perpetuall Succession! They haue from one to other, 300 As childer of ther mother ; Yea, they kepe all in store That other hadd afore. [leaf 20, back.] And day lye gather more. 304 lo, thus the people rore, As oS a fistred 1 Sore of matter most vnpure, that the i ar dryven to indure 308 Tyll god him Self send Cure ! That as joue be possessors, So be yee Successors Vnto your predecessors : 312 And yet ye be questors, and hoorders vppe of testers ; 2 ye 3 daylye cache and gather [leaf 21.] Of mother and of father, 316 1 Fyyst, stynk, Lirida. Fyistyn, (fyen,) Cacco , lirido. Promptorium. 2 Sixpences. 3 Ye] Originally “ That.” — D. The Image op Ypocresye, Part I. — The Clergy. 191 And of no man Rather Then of jour poore brother. And of euery other; Yea, all that Comes is gayne; yo^^e passe of no mans payne, Whiche ye all wey reteyne ; who ever grudge or playne, 320 It may not out agayne ; Noughte may be Remitted That to youe is Commytted ; Ye be not so lighte witted. 324 The people thinke it true That ye possessioS sue 328 To haue aS Easy life, Without debate or strife, [leaf 22.] To lyve without a wife, lordely 1 and at Ease, Without payne or disease, your belly god 2 to please, 332 And worldly welth to haue : 3 Ye do jour heeades shave, 336 To make youe sure and save in every wind and wave, [leaf 22, back.] That wolde as sone Rave As ones to chippe 4 an. heare So farre aboue jour Eare, Or suche aS habite weare, 340 With a polled heade, To fayne jour selves deade ; 344 But for possessions sake That je suche Rules take, [leaf 23.] And bynde youe to the brake. That ye maye not forsake 348 1 Lordely, $c.] On the outer margin of the MS., opposite this verse, are the following lines, partly cut off by the hinder ; “ Thes be the knavysh knackes that ever w . . . o . . . ffor Javelin and for J[ackes].” — D. See The grudge of ypocrites at the end of Part IV of the Image , 1. 2544-8, of which the present lines are only a variation. 2 belly god , generally £ he who makes a god of his belly ’ : here ‘ belly which is a man’s god.’ 3 And worldly welth to haue\ Originally “ And possession to have .” — D. 4 chippe'] Qy. “clippe ?” — D. 192 The Image of Ypocresye. Part I. — The Clergy. Durynge all your lyves : So well is lie that thrives. Thus be youe spirituall ; 352 And yett ye do vs call [leaf 23, hack.] But lewde and temporall ; And that is for that we So weake and simple be. 356 To put oure possessioS from oure Successiofl And heires lyniall, Or kynne Collateral!, [leaf 24.] That be menn temporall, 1 361 And so from lyne to lyne ; for ech man for his tyme Sayes, “ while it is myne, 364 I will give while I maye, That, when I am away. They shall both singe and saye, [leaf 24, hack.] And for my Soules helthe pray, 368 Tyll it be domes day So, after this array, — Alake and well a way ! — We oure landes straye, 372 And other goodes decay ; Wherat ye laugh e and play : [leaf 25.] And natheles allwey We dayly pay and pay, 376 To haue youe to go gaye With wonderful 1 araye, As Dysardes 2 in a play. God wolde it were imprented, 380 Writtefi and indentyd. What youe haue invented ! So great Diversyte nowe in your garments be, 384 1 See Roy’s Satire and the Proper Dyalogue on this point, p. 17, 20-3, above. 2 Bisar , an actor. See Collier, i. 50. Generally speaking, the clown . . . ‘A dizzard or common vice and jester counterfeiting the gestures of any man, and moving his body as him list.’ Nomenclator , p. 529. Cf. Welde’s Jama Linguarum , 1615, p. 77. — Halliwell. Fol : m. A foole; asse, goose, calfe, dotterell, woodcocke ; noddie, cokes, goosecap, coxcombe, dizard , peagoose, ninnie, naturall, ideot, wisakers.— Cotgrave. Cp. Skelton’s ‘ In a cote thou can play well the dysar .’ Magnyfycence , i. 253, and Dyce’s note in Skelton’s Works , ii. 255. The Image of Ypocresye. Part I . — The Clergy . 193 \ that wonder is to se ; Your triple cappe and crowne, Curtle, cope, and gowne, more worthe then halfe a towne. With golde and perle sett. And stones well I-ffrett ; Ther can be no bett ; And for no price ye lett, how far of they be fett. Oh ye kynde of vipers ! Ye beestly belly ter s, With Raynes and cipres, 1 That haue so many miters ! And yett ye be but mychers. 2 Youe weere littell hattes, Myters, and square Capps, Decked with flye flappes. With many prety knackes, like turkes of Tartary, Moores, or Men of Moscovye, Or lyke bugges 3 of arraby, With ouches and bosses, With staves and crosses, With pillers and posses, 4 With s banders and banners. Without good life or manners : Then haue youe gay gloves. That with your hand moves, wroughte with true-loves, 5 And made well, for the nones, with golde and precious stones : Ye blisse vs with your bones, And with your Riche ringes. [leaf 26.] 389 392 [leaf 26, back.] 396 400 404 [leaf 27.] 408 [leaf 27, back.] 413 416 1 Clothes of Rennes and Cyprus. — Skeat. 2 Cagueraffe ; m. A base micher , scuruie hagler, lowsie dodger ; or a cruell extortioner, greedie catch-good, rauenous oppresser. — Cotgrave. Sen and : a rich micher, a rich man that pretends himselfe to be verie poore. — Cotgrave. 3 Bugbears, goblins. — Halim ell. 4 Fosse, a number of people, no doubt derived from the sheriff’s posse com- itatus. — Halliwell. On the pillars, gloves, precious stones, etc., compare Roy’s description of Wolsey, in the Impeachment poem below, and Dyce’s note in Skelton’s Works, ii. 350. 5 Some [women] haue sleeues much shorter, cut vp the arme, and poincted with silke ribbons very gallantly, tied with true loues knottes (for so the}' call them). Stubs’s Anatomie, p. 69. VOL. I. O 194 The Image of Ypocresye. Part I. — Lechery. That Quenes and kinges, At your offringes. [leaf 28.] Shall kisse with knelinges ; 420 Which y our mynykyns And mynyoS babbes, Y(mr closse chambred drabbes, 1 2 3 When masse and all is done/ 424 Shall were at after-none. [leaf 28, back.] Your Curtells be of sylke, with Rochetes white as mylke / Your bootes of righte Sattyne, 428 Or velvett Crymosyne ; Your shoes wroughte with gold. To tredd vpoS the molde. Wandring, as vandals, [leaf 29.] In sylke and in sandals, 433 Ye kepe your holy rules. As asses and mules ; for on your cloven cules 4 436 Will ye never sytt, But on a Rich carpett ; And nowe and then a fitt. [leaf 29, back.] after the Rule of Bennett, 440 with dythmunia vennett, a gaye a vott gennett, with gill or with Iennyt, wyth Cycely or Sare ; 444 yf i/iei Come wher they are, the i Lay one, and not Spare, And never look behind them, wher soever they ffynd them ; 448 ffor whan that the i be hett, and asmodeus 5 Grett, they take, as 6 the i can gett, all 7 fyshe that comes to Nett, 452 1 See ‘ Of the whoring Priests,’ in Luther’s Colloquia Mensalia , translated ' 1652, p. 332. 2 When masse and all is done ] Followed by a deleted line ; “ The paynes to release.” — I). 3 Rochet, a surplys, rochet. — Palsgrave. The bishop’s rochet is a linen vest worn under a satin robe. — Halliwell. 4 Cul : m. An arse, bumme, tayle, nockandroe, fundament. — Cotgrave. 5 The name of the evil spirit in the Book of Tobit. — Dyce. 6 as] Originally “that.” — D. 1 All ] Originally “Aliys .” — D. !he Image of Ypocresye. Part I. — Lechery. 125 ffor Lust fyndes no lett 1 tyll hys poyson be spett ; — be sbe fyne or feat, be sbe white or 2 lett, 456 Long or short sett, do she Smyle or Skowle, be she ffayr or fowle, or owgly 3 as an owle ; 460 ffor vndernetli a Cowle, a Smplyse or an amys, 4 Can no man do amys. Ye halse them from harmes 464 With blessinges and charmes, While the water warmes, [leaf 30.] In your holy armes, broging 5 in ther barmes. 468 Devoutly to clipe it, To Caste her with a tryppytt, With, lusty S ir Iohn, 6 whip it Ynderneth your tippitt, 472 Pretextu pietatis, Quam contaminatis Sub iugo castitatis, [leaf 30, back.] Your Burning heate to Cease, 476 1 For lust fyndes no lett ] Occupies the place of the following three deleted lines; “ he she ffayre or fowle for vndemeth an amys alyke ther hart is.” — D. 2 or] MS. “as.”— D. 3 Or otvgly] Over this is the deleted word “blobcheked.” — D. 4 A piece of fine linen, of an oblong form, which was formerly worn on the head until the priest arrived before the altar, and then thrown back upon the shoulders. — Way. See Promptorium , p. 11, and Halliw ell’s Glossary. Amice — properly the first of the six vestments common to the bishop and pres- byters. ‘ Fyrst do on the amys, than the albe, than the gyrdell, than the manyple, than the stoole, than the chesyble.’ — Hormanni Vulgaria, sig. E. iiii. ed. 1530. Byce's Skelton , ii. 134. 5 Diving, paddling. To Prog , a method of catching eels with brogs or small sticks, which is called brogging. North. — Halliwell. 6 “Sir John” was used regularly for a priest. Compare “A ballad on an incontinent priest” in the Cambridge Univ. Lib. MS. Ff. 5-48, Art. 23, printed in Reliquice Antiques, i. 1 : — I haue for-swome hit, whil I life, to wake the well, ey ! The last tyme I the wel woke, S<> John coght me with a croke. He made me to swere be bel & boke I shuld not tell. O 9 196 The Image op Ypocresye. Part I. — Clergy. and expell jour disease, Vnder pretens * 1 of pease, The paynes to release Of poore sely Sowles, 480 That hide be in holes As hote as any Coles. Ye cappes haue, and capes. [leaf 31.] With many other iapes, 484 To cover with, jour pates ; . As hoodes and cowles, like horned owles. With skapplers 2 and Cootes, 488 Courtbies 3 and Copes, White knottyd ropes. [leaf 31, back.] With other instrumented, jet he did me a wel wors turne : he leyde my hed a-gayn the burne ; He gafe my mayden hed a spume, And rofe 1 my kell. Sir John came to oure hows to play : ffro euensong tyme til light of the day We made as mery as flowres in may ; I was be-gyled, ey ! Sir John, he came to our hows ; He made hit wond« back.] Slepe, awake 4 , or winke. Doth styll 5 oS measure thinke. And therof vse a messe 644 To put a-way excesse , 6 kepe 7 hyme lowe and ohast, That he make no wast By Prodigalite [leaf 41.] or Sensualytye, 649 A waster for to be ; But, after his degree, with liberallite 652 kepe hospitallite. he must be sadd and sage, vsinge non outrage. But soberly with reasoS [ leaf 41, back.] To spende in tyme and seasoS, 657 And so to kepe his measoS . 8 1 And be thus] Originally “That we be." — D. 2 We know not] Originally “ Not knowing.” — After this line is one cut off by the binder. — D. 3 That when he eat] Originally “ When he shall eat ." — D. 4 Slepe, awake] Originally “ Slepe or wake.” — D. 5 Doth styll] Originally “ He must.” — D. Measure means moderation. f> A line scratched out between this and the next line. ' Kepe] Before this word stood originally “And,” afterwards altered to “To,” which is also deleted. — D. 8 Fr. maison, house. See p. 9, note. 202 The Image op Ypocresye. Part II. — Bishops. he may in no wise streke. But suffer and be meke, Shamefast and discrete, Tempered, dulce, and swete. Not speakinge angerly, But soft and manerly ; And, in any wise, Be ware of covetyse, The rote of all ill vice, he must be liberall, And thanke oure lorde of all ; And, as a heerde his sheepe, his childer must he kepe. And all his family In vertu edyfy, Vnder disciplyne Of holsome doctryne. With dew subiectioS, That non obiectioS be made vnto his heste, 1 Of most or of leste ; for thus he doth conclude. As by simylitude, howe he that cane not skill his housholde at his will To governe 2 , Rule, and teche. Within his power and reach, Oughte to haue no speache Of Cure and diligence, Of suche premynence Within the churche of god. And eke it is forbode That he no novice be, lest with superbite he do presume to hye, And consequently ffall vnhappely into the frenesy 1 Be made vnto his heste ] Originally, “ Be made to his best.'’ for which was first substituted, “ Made be to his heste — D. 2 To governe] Originally “Wisely to.” — D. 660 [leaf 42.] 664 668 [leaf 42, back.] 672 676 [leaf 43.] 680 [leaf 43, back.] 685 688 [leaf 44.] 692 696 The Image op Ypocresye. Part II. — Bishops. 203 Of pride and of Evyll, 1 * Lyke Lucyfer, the Devyll ; 3 [leaf 44, back.] for he playnly writes, That of these neophites 700 And pevishe proselites, Springe vpp ipocrites. A bisshoppe eke must haue, his honesty to save. 704 Of all men such a name. That his outwarde fame Be clene from any blame, Impeched with no shame, [leaf 45.] 708 To draw all people in, They may repent of synne. And so 3 he may them Wynne, That the i fall not vnware 4 [leaf 45, back.] into 5 the devils snare. 713 Thus paule, as ye may se, Taughte Tyte and tymothe, Who should a bisshoppe be. 716 And christ, oure maister dere, While he lyved here, full poorly did appere, [leaf 46.] Mekely borne and bredd ; 720 The bare Earth was his bedd, for where to hele his headd, Or where to lye and rest, he had no hole nor nest ; 724 But in great poverty he lyved soberly, [leaf 46, back.] his worde to multyply; And thus did Edifye 728 his churche that is so holy, Suppressinge Synne and foly : But not with friska ioly, 6 As somme do nowe a dayes. 732 That haue so many wayes [leaf 47.] 1 evytt] Originally “ill.” — D. 2 Lyke Lucyfer, the devylt] Originally, “ In Judgement of the devill ’.” — D. 3 And so] Originally “For.” — D. 4 That tliei fall not vnwarc] Originally, “ Or ellcs may vnware .” — D. 5 Into ] Originally “Fall in.” — D. * See note on 1. 73, p. 183, above. 204 The Image op Ypocresye. Part II. — Bishops. all maner gaynes to Reape, Ther tresures one a heap 1 to gather and to kepe, By pillinge of his shepe, 2 Not forsyng 3 who do wepe, And to his flocke repayre As it were to a ffayre ; To sit in peters chayer With pride and ambitiofil, sowyng great seditioSS ; And by superstition Blinde vs with remissioS, By bulles vnder led. To serve both quicke and ded ; And by that way pretend To clyme vpp and ascend That lucifer did discend. I thinke that suche frykars 4 Be not christen vickars, But crafty intrycars 5 and pryvy purse pykars ; for they that be sekars of stores newe and olde. May perceyve and beholde howe euery thinge is solde for Sylver 6 and for golde : The craft 7 can not be told, 736 740 [leaf 47, back.] 744 748 [leaf 48.] 752 756 [leaf 48, back.] 760 1 Lines 635-6 are substituted for two deleted lines ; “ To gather Treasure 2 Laye men say indede How they take no hede. Theyr sely shepe to fede, But plucke away and pull The fleces of theyr wull ; Vnethes they leue a locke Of wull amonges theyr flocke ; And as for theyr connynge, A glommynge and a mummynge, Skelton’s and to kepe in a hepe .” — D. And make therof a iape ; They gaspe and they gape All to haue promocyon, There is theyr hole deuocyon, With money, if it wyll hap, To catche the forked cap : Forsothe, they are to lewd, To say so, all beshrewd! Colyn Cloute , 1. 75-91, Works , i. 314. 3 Caring : ‘ no force,’ no matter, I don’t care. 4 ? From ‘ Fryke, or craske, or yn grete helthe, crassus.’ Promptorium. Fryke, 1. fresh, active, lusty ; 2. to go or move hastily. — Halliwell. 5 Intriguers. 6 sylver ] Originally “mony.” — D. 7 The craft , #c.] Originally, “ Yf all the chraft were tolde ." — D. The Image op Ypocresye. Part II. — The Pope. 205 what is and hath bene done by antychryst 1 of Rome ; for thens 2 the sourdes springe of euery naughty thinge, hide vnder-neth the whynge Of the Sire of Synne ; At whom I will begynn Somwhat for to speake. And playnly to intreate Of this farly freake, That sitteth in his seat, Devouringe synne as meatte, Wliiche he and his do Eate as they may catch and geate : 3 They spare not to devower Cyty, towne, and Tower, Wherat no man may lower; for be it swete or sower, Or be it good or yll, We must be muett still, the lustes to fulfill of that cocodryll, 4 wMch at his 6 only will May ech man 6 save or spyll. This wicked man of warr So hault is, that he darr (as he lyste) 7 make and marr, his owne lawe to prefarr Aboue the worde of god ! it passeth godes forbod That ever it should be ; A man to clyme so hy, By ReasoS of his see. To clayme Auctoritye Aboue the deyte ! [leaf 49.] 765 768 [leaf 49, back.] 772 776 [leaf 50.] 780 784 [leaf 50, back.] 788 [leaf 51.] 793 1 Antychryst] Originally “the courte.” — D. 2 For thens , $c.] Originally, “ For ther sourdes the springe .” — D. Sourdes, sources, risings. 3 geate] Followed by a deleted line ; “Be it by colde or heate.” — D. 4 Which at his] Originally “ That his .” — D. 5 Compare the Spanish cocodrillo, a serpent, a Crocodill. — Minsheu's Per- civale. 6 May ech man, $• back.] Sustentations, 2 Adminy strati ons, Approbations, 980 Assignations, 3 Alterations, Narrations, Declarations, [leaf 64.] Locations, 4 985 Collocations, Revocations, Dispensations, Intimations, 5 legitimations, Insinuations, 6 988 [leaf 64, back.] Pronunciations, 7 992 Demonstrations, 8 Vacations, Convocations, Deputations, 996 Donations, Condonations, [leaf 65.] C ommy nation s. 1 Advocatio , jus prsesentandi ordinario aliquem ad beneficium vacans : droit de presenter le successeur d'un beneficiaire decede . — D’Arais. Advocatione Deci- marum, (Lat.) a Writ that lies for the Claim of the fourth Part or upwards of the Tithes that belong to any Church. — Kersey's Phillips. 2 t Sustentations ] MS. “Sustentions,” and originally “ Substentions.” — D. Sustentatio , Alimentarium ; entretien (Greg. Ill PP.) — Subsidium, auxilium ; secours , soutien. — D’Amis. Keliefe, helpe, aid. — Cotgrave. 3 Assignationes apud Fratres praedicatores vocantur fratrum mutationes de conventu in conventum, et superiorum licentiae propter easdem scripto con- cessae. — D’Arnis. 4 Location , a setting, or letting out to hire. — Kersey's Phillips. 5 Intimatio , denuntiatio judiciaria. Intimation. — D’Amis. “ Intimation . . an Adiournement, Citation, or Summons of a partie in an Appeale, and in cases wherein the Judge proceeds of course to right the plaintife, though the defendant appeare not.” — Cotgrave. 6 Insinuation in acta publica relatio ; enregistrement ; ol. insinuation. — D’Arnis. “ Insinuation, a registring, or entring into a Register booke.” — Cotgrave. 7 Pronuntiatio , sententia, judicium ; jugement , sentence. — D’Arais. 8 Demonstratio, species exactionis. f. eadem q. Pesenagium, (praestationis spe- cies, ea, ut videtur, quae ex apum alveariis, bcsance dictis, percipitur ; ol. bese- nage.) — D’Amis. The Image of Ypocresye. Part II. — The Pope. 213 excusations, 1 Declamations, 2 visitations. 1000 Acceptations, Arrendations, 3 1004 Publications, Renunttiations, [leaf 65, back.] fatigations, 4 false fundations, 1008 And dissimulations, With like Abbominations Of A thowsand fasshions. His holy vnions [leaf 66.] Be no Communyons ; His trialitees 1013 and pluralytyes Be full of Qualitees ; His tottes and quottes 5 Be full of blottes. 1016 With quibes and quaryes 6 Of inventataries, [leaf 66, back.] Of Testamentaries, And of mortuaries, 7 1021 By sutes of appeales, And by his 8 ofte repeales. 1024 He oure mony steales. I speake not of his sessions, nor of his confessions [leaf 67.] 1 Excusations ] Substituted for a word now illegible. — D. (For 1 execusa- tions.’ — E. Brock.) 2 Declmnatio , vocatio in jus, calumnia ; demande en justice , action judiciaire. (Bald.) Declamatio monetae, ejus prohibitio ; demonetisation d'une monnaie . — D’Amis. 3 Arrendations] “ Arrentation, from the Spanish arrendar, ad certum redditum dimittere. The licensing the owner of lands in the forest, to inclose them with a low hedge and small ditch, according to the assise of the forest, under a yearly rent : saving the arrentations , is saving a power to give such licenses. Ordin. Forestae , 34 Ed. I. st. 5.” — Jacob’s “Law-Dictionary,” edit. 1797. Arrendatio, datio ad arrendam seu censum annuum ; action de donner un bien a rente. — D’Amis. 4 Fatigatio, vexatio, molestia, prsesertim quae ex litium anfractibus oritur ; tracasserie , embarras . . Exactio (Form, vet.) — D’Amis. 5 See note to 1. 531, p. 198, above. 6 Quips and queries F — Skeat. ^ Mortuary (Lat.) a Gift left by a Man at his Death, to the Parson of the Parish, to make amends for Tithes not duely paid in his Lifetime. — Kersey’s Phillips. 8 his] Originally “oure.” — D. 214 The Image of Ypocresye. Part II . — The Pope. Olde and avricular. 1028 Colde and caniculer ; l Howe the Cubiculer, 2 In the Capitular, With his pylde 3 spitler, 1032 playde the knavyculer Vnderneth a 4 wall : [leaf 67, back.] I may not tell youe all. In termes speciall, 1036 Of purdoS nor of pall. Nor of confessionall ; for I feare, 5 yf he call the sentence generall, 1040 I mighte so take a fall, And haue his bitter curse, 6 [leaf 68.] And yett be not the wurse, Save only in my purse, 7 104 Because I shoulde be fayne To By my state agayne ex leno veil ex lena, aut pellice obscena,. 1048 Bes certe inamena : 8 Papisticorum scena, [leaf 68, back.] Malorum semper plena ; for all the worlde rounde 1052 he falsely doth confounde. By lawes made and founde by thyr devyse vnsownde, With no 9 steadfast grounde, 1056 1 Doggish, Doglike. Les jours caniculaires , the dog-dayes. — Cotgrave. 2 Cubicular , fitted for the posture of lying down. — Ash. 3 pylde ] Originally “ pylde and.” — D. 4 a] Originally “the.” — D. 0 yf~\ Originally “leste.” — D. 6 curse ] “ course ” first written, and then cut out by the original writer.— D. 7 Compare Chaucer on the Sompnour, in the Prologue of the Canterbury Tales : — And if he foond owher / a good felawe He wolde techen hym / to haue noon awe In swich caas / of the Ercedeknes curs But if a mannes soule / were in his purs ffor in his purs / he sholde ynpunysshed be Purs is the Ercedeknes helle / seyde he 1. 655-660, Hengwrt MS. 8 inamcena ] MS. “ in amen a,” the latter word being substituted for one now illegible. — D. 9 no ] Originally “ out.” — D. The Image of Ypocresye. Part II. — The Pope. 215 But with fayned visions And develyshe devisions, With basterde religions : [leaf 69.] Thus this cursed elfe, To avaunce his pelfe, falsely fayne [s] hymeself To be semideus . 1060 No, youe asmeodeus ! 1064 Ye are amoreus. The Sonne of chanaan ! 0 thou monstrous man. [leaf 69, back.] And childe of cursed chan P Arte thou halfe god, halfe man ? Gup, 2 leviathan, And Sonne of Sattan, 1068 The worme letaphagus. [leaf 70.] And Sire to Symonde magus ! 0 porter Cerberus, Thou arte so monstrous, 1073 Soo made and myschevous, Proude and surquedrous, 3 And as lecherous 1076 As heliogabalus [leaf 70, back.] Or Sardanapalus ! Hatefull vnto god, And father of all falsehoode. The poyson of prestoode, 1080 And deth of good Knighthoode, The Robber of riche men. 1084 And murderer of meke men, The turment of true men [leaf 71.] That named be newe men, The prince of periury, And christes Enemy ! vnhappy as achab. 1088 and naughty as nadab, 1092 As crafty as Caball, And dronken as naball. [leaf 71, back.] 1 Cain. — Skeat. 2 Go along with you ! Gee up, ‘ go up ! an exclamation addressed to a horse. Various Dialects. — Halliwell. 3 Presumptuous, arrogant. From sur [supra,) and cuidier [cogitare) to think, presume. — Burguy. 216 The Image of Ypocresye. Part II. — The Pope. The hope of Ismaell, And false Achitofell, 1096 The blissinge of bell, And advocate of hell ; Thou hunter nembroth, 1 [leaf 72.] And Iudas Iscarioth, 2 1100 Thou bloody belyall. And Sacrifise of B[a]all, Thou elvishe ipocrite. And naughty ne ophite, 1104 Thou pevishe proselite, And Synefull Sodymite, 3 Thou gredy Gomorrite, And galefull 4 Gabaonite, 1108 Tho [ u] hermofrodite. Thou arte a wicked sprite, A naughty seisin atike, 5 And aiS heritike, 1112 A Beestely Bogorian, 6 [leaf 73.] And devill meridian, The patrone of proctors, And dethe of trewe doctours. 1116 The founder of fay tors, And trust of all traytours, The shender of sawes. And breaker of lawes, The Syre of serdoners, [leaf 73, back.] 1121 And prince of pardoners. The kinge of questors, And rule of regestors, 1124 The Eater of frogges, And maker of goddes, The brother of brothells, [leaf 74.] And lorde of all losells, 1128 The sturrur of stoores, And keper of hoores With gloriouse gawdes, * Amonge trusty bawdes, 1132 1 Nimrod. — Skeat. 2 Iscariot Ji] Originally “ Scarioth.” — D. 3 See the extracts, p. 82-6, above. 4 galefulf\ Originally “gale.” — D. A.S. gal, Ger. gcil, wanton, lascivious. — E. Brock. 5 Schismatic. fi bogorian ] “ hogorane ” first written, and cut out by the original writer. — D. The Image of Ypocresye. Part II. — The Pope. 217 The father of foies, And ignoraunce of scoles, The helper of harlettes. And Captayne of verlettes, The Cloke of all vnthriftes, And Captayne of all Caytifes, The leader of truwantes, And chefe of all Tyrauntes, As hinde 1 as a S hogge, And kinde as any dogge, The shipwrake of noye : christ sane the and Saincte loy ! 2 Arte thou the hiest pryst, And vicar vnto christ ? No, no, I say, thou lyest ! Thou arte a cursed crekar, A crafty vpp-crepar ! Thou arte the devils vicar ! [leaf 74, back.] 1136 1140 [leaf 75.] 1144 [leaf 75, back.] 1149 A privye 3 purse pikar, By lawes and by rites, 1152 for sowles and for sprites : 0 lorde of Ipocrites, Nowe shut vpp your wicket tes, [leaf 76.] And clape to your clickettes ! 4 1156 A! farewell, kinge of crekettes ! 5 for nowe the tyme falles To speake of Cardinalles, 6 that 7 kepe ther holy halles iibo With Towres and walles. Be they not Carnalles, [leaf 77.] 1 hende , gentle. — Skeat. 2 Compare Chaucer’s Prioress : ‘ Hire gretteste ooth / was but by seint Loy,’ 1. 120. — Ellesmere MS. 3 A privy e\ Originally “And a ." — D. 4 . . and the dore closed. Keyed and cliketted, To kepe thee withouten. Vision of Tiers Plowman , ed. Wright, i. p. 14, 1. 3735-8. — Skeat. 5 Grillon de cheminee , a Cricket. II a beaucoup de gri lions en la teste — his head is much troubled ; full of crochets, or of Proclamations. Les grillons gastent la feste, Loud bablers are euer offensiue at feasts. — Cotgrave. 6 See Luther’s character of them : ‘peevish milk -sops, effeminate and un- learned blockheads, who lie lolling in king’s courts, among the ladies and women.’ — Table Talk , p. 219. ‘ Pope, cardinals, bishops, not a soul of them has read the Bible ; ’tis a book unknown to them. They are a pack of guzzling stuffing wretches, rich, wallowing in wealth and laziness, resting secure in their power, and never for a moment thinking of accomplishing God’s will.’ — lb. p. 196-7. 7 That] Originally “ And.” — D. 218 The Image op Ypocresye. Part II. — Cardinals. and lordes infernalles ? Yea, gredy Carmalles, 1164 as any Carmarante; With ther Coppentante They loke adutante. for soth, men say they be 1168 full of iniquite, lyvinge in habundance of all worldly substance. [leaf 77, back.] wherin they lodge and ly, 1172 And wallowe beasteally, As hogges 1 do in a Stye, Servinge ther god, ther belly, 2 with chuettes 3 and with gelly. 1176 with venysofi and with tartes, with confyctes and with fartes, 4 To ease ther holy hartes. They take ther stations, And make dy ambulations 5 1180 [leaf 78.] Into all nations, for ther visitations, Callinge convocations, Sellinge dispensations, Givinge condonasions, Makinge permutations, And of excomunycations 1184 1188 Sell they relaxacions ; for they, in ther progresse, with katern, mawde, and besse, 6 will vse full great excesse. [leaf 78, back.] 1192 1 As hogges , $ back.] To inriche ther sees, The blind men Eat vpp flees ; 13 ? 2 for by ther constitutions They toke restitutions Of cyties and of castells, Of Townes and bastells, 1 13 ? 6 And make ther prince pike wastells, 2 Till they rang out the belles, And did as they wold Elies, Oaf 88 -l like traytours and rebelles, 1380 As the story telles. But Iesu christ hyme self, nor his appostells twelffe, vnto that cvrsyd elfe 1384 did never teach hym 3 so In any wise to do ; for lucre or advayle, 4 ageynst thyr kyng to rayle, 1388 and 5 lieg lorde to assayle, Within his owne lande [leaf 88, back.] To put hym vnder bande, And take brede of his hande : 1392 The lorde saue sutch a flock, That so could mowe and mock To make ther kinge a block, And eke ther laughinge stocke ! I 398 They blered hym wtth a lurche, And said that he must wurche By counsell of the churche ; Wherby they ment nothin ge C leaf 89 d But to wrest and wringe, 1401 1 Has tilde : f. The fortresse or fortification tearmed a bastilion or bastile. — Cotgrave. 2 Wastel, fine bread, cake. 3 hym) Originally “ them.” — D. 4 or advayle ] Originally “or for avyle.” — D. 5 And J Originally “ Their.” — D. The Image of Ypocresye. Part II. — Excom . ofK. John. 225 Only for to bringe Ther liege lorde and kinge To be tber vnderlinge. 1404 Alas ! who euer sawe A kinge vnder awe, Ageynst all gods lawe, All righte and consience. 1408 for doinge non offence [leaf 89, back.] To make sutch recompence ? They gave ther lorde a laske, 1 To purge withall his caske, 1412 And putt hym to no taske, But as they wold hyme aske : This was a midday maske, A kinge so to enforce 141G With pacyence perforce. Take hede therfore, and watche, [leaf 90.] All ye that knowe this tatche, Ye make not sutch a match e. 1420 loke forth ! beware the katche ! Ye fall not in the snatche of that vngratiovs pacthe, 2 before the rope hym racthe. 1424 or tyburne dothe hym strache. 3 but who so 4 preache or prate, I warne youe, rathe and late To loke vpp and awake, 1428 That ye do never make Your maister nor jour mate [leaf 90, back.] to sytt withowt jour gate. Take hede, for christes sake, 1432 And knowe jour owne estate, Or ye be tardy take ; yea, lest it be to late To trust oS hadd-I-wist 1436 I-masked in a myst, — As good to ly bypist : for these hie primates, Bysshops and prelates, [leaf 91.] 1 A laxative. — E. Brock. 2 Pacche, patch. The double c is often written like ct. — Skeat. 3 Cf. the Scotch rax in a raipe , stretch in a rope. — Skeat. 4 But who so] Originally “ But who euer.” — D. VOL. I. Q 226 The Image of Ypocresye. Part III. — Preachers. And pope-holy legates/ with ther pilde pates/ Dare conquer 1 2 3 all estates : They do but as they will ; for, be it good or ill, We must be muett still : Why lay men can not se. It is the more pite ! Thus endeth the Seconde Purte of this present Oaf 91, back.] treatyse called the Image of Ipocresy. [PART III —AGAINST THE PREACHERS AND THEIR DE- FENDERS (SIR THOMAS MORE, THE MAID OF KENT, ETC.)] Of prechers nowe adayes [leaf 92.] be many fariseyes, That leue the lordes layes, And preche ther owne wayes ; 1452 Wherof nowe of late Hathe risen great debate ; for some champe and chaffe 1441 1444 1448 1 Mr. Dyce’s note in his SJcelton , ii. 230-1, says that this word occurs seve- ral times in Skelton, and also in Pierce Plowman . “ In Chaucer’s Romaunt of the Rose is the following- description [now cited from Mr. R. Morris’s edition vi. 13, 1. 413-23] : — Another thing was don there write, That semede lyk an ipocrite, And it was clepid Poope-holy. That ilk is she, that pryvely Ne spareth never a wikked dede Whan men of hir taken noon hede. And maketh hir outward precious, With pale visage and pitous, And semeth a semely creature ; But ther nys no mysaventure That she ne thenkith in hir corage.” “The original French of the preceding [Poope-holy] is . . Papelardie . . Le Pom. de la Pose, vol. i. 15, ed. 1735. Roquefort (Gloss, de la Langue Pomaine) . . ‘ Papelardie, papelardise : Hypocrisie, tromperie, subtilite, mauvaise foi.’ See too Du Cange’s Gloss, in vv. Papelardia, Papelardus. Compare also Lydgate ; And for popholy and uyce loke wel aboute. The prohemy of a marriage , $c. MS. Harl. 372, fol. 51. and Barclay, The Ship of Fooles, fol. 57, ed. 1570 — Ouer sad or proude, disceitfull and pope holy. and the Interlude of the iiii Elementes , n. d. ; For rather than I wolde vse suche foly, To pray to study or be pope holy, I had as lyf be ded. Sig. B. ii.” (Dyce.) 2 ‘ Pild, bald, (P. PI. Crede ) 839. See Pyllyd in Prompt. Parv. ; and cf. “ Peel'd priest” in Shakesp. I Henry YI, Act I, sc. 3, 1. 30.’ — Skeat. 3 conquer ] Originally “ subdue.” — D. The Image of Ypocresye. Part III. — Preachers. 227 As hogges do in draffe, 1 And some cry out a-pase As houndes at a chase, Whiche for lacke of grace The playne truthe wold defase So busely they barke. AS other in the darke, That is a busarde starke, And cane not se the marke, Wondereth at this warke, And therfore taketh carke By-cause he is no clarke. Some be soft and still As clappes in a mill ; And some cry and yell As sprites do in hell ; Some be here and ther. And some I wote not wher ; Some holde vpp yea and nay, And some forsake ther lay : Some be still and stey. And hope to haue a daye ; Some wote not what to say, But dout whether they may Abide or rune away ; Ther wittes be so weake, They say they dare not speake, They be afrayd of heate. Some be sycke and sadd, for sorrowe almost madd ; I tell youe veryly, Ther wittes be awry, They peyne them selves greatly To haue the trouth go by ; Some oS bokes dayly prye. And yett perceyve not reason whie ; Tho some affirme, some do deny, With nowe a trouth and then a ly, 1456 [leaf 92, back.] 1460 1464 [leaf 93.] 1468 1472 [leaf 93, back.] 1477 1480 1484 [leaf 94.] 1488 1492 . . Noli mitt ere, man, Margery perles Among hogges that han Hawes at wille ; Thei doon but dryvele thereon. Braf were hem levere Than al the precious perree [stones] That in Paradis wexeth. Vision of Piers Plowman , i. 173, 1. 5612-19, ed. Wright. — Skeat. 4 2 228 The Image op Ypocresye. Part III. — Preachers. To say one thinge openly, And aS other prively : “ Here be but youe and I ; Say to me your mynd playnlye, Is it not opeS heresy V 9 Thus say they secretly, Whisperinge w^th sorrowe That they deny to morowe. Ther tales be so dobble, That many be in trobble, And doubt which way to take. Them selves sure to make. A, lorde ! it makes me shake, for pyty that I quake ! They be so colde and horse. That they haue no forse, * 1 So they be prefarred, Tho all the rest were marred. Thus the people smatter, That dayly talke and clatter, oure preachers do but flatter. To make them selves the fatter, And care not thoughe the matter Were clerely layde a watter. Douse men chatt and chide it, for they may not abid it ; The thomistes wold hide it, for littera occidit. 3 Thus these sysmatickes. And lowsy lunatickes. With spurres and prickes Call true men heretickes. They finger ther fidles. [leaf 94, back.] 1496 1500 [leaf 95.] 1504 1508 [leaf 95, back.] 1513 1516 1520 [leaf 96.] 1524 1 Care. 2 But now be harlottes • han hid thilke rewle, And, for be loue of oure lorde • have leyde hire in water. Crede, p. 29, 1. 781-2. — Skeat. Compare Chaucer’s letter sleth in the Friar’s mouth : — I have to-day ben at your chirche at masse, And sayd a sermoun after my simple wit, Nought al after the text of holy wryt, For it is hard for yow, as I suppose, And therfor wil I teche yow ay the glose. Glosyng is a ful glorious thing certayn, For letter sleth, so as we clerkes sayn. Sompnoures Tale , 1. 7370-6, ed. Wright, p. 82, col. 2. The Image of Ypoceesye. Part III. — Preachers. 229 And cry in quinibles, “ Away these bibles, for they be but ridles ! And give hem robyn wliode, To red howe he stode In mery grene wode, 1 when he gathered good Before noyes ffloode \” for the Testaments To them, they sey, sente is. To gather vpp ther rentes. After ther intents : Wherby it by them ment is, That lay men be but lowts ; They may not knowe the Clowts, Nor dispute of the doubtes That is in Christs lawe. for why, they never sawe The bagg nor the bottell Of oure Arrestotle, nor knowe not the toyes Of Doctore averroyes ; It is no play for boyes, Neyther for lay men ; But only for schole men, for they be witty men. As wise as any wrenne. And holy as aS henne. for doctoure bullatus, 2 though 3 parum literatus, 1528 [leaf 96, back.] 1532 1536 [leaf 97.] 1540 1544 [leaf 97, back.] 1549 1552 1556 1 grene wode\ Is obviously the right reading. MS. has merely “grenes.” 2 Doctour bullatus &c. Under these ridiculous names the writer evidently alludes to certain persons, some of whom at least would be the clerics who gathered round Queen Catherine ; and Malepardus (1. 1585) may designate her house at Ampthill. Perhaps Dr. Tom-to-bold stands for Father Peto, who preached the audacious sermon before the King, May 1st, 1532. — G. Waring. For doctor Bullatus , compare Skelton’s Coign Cloute, 1. 797, etc. But doctour Bullatus, Parum litteratus, Dominus doctoratus At the brode gatus, Doctour Daupatus And bacheler bachelaratus , Dronken as a mouse, At the ale house Taketh his pyllyon and his cap At the good ale tap, For lacke of good wyne ; As wyse as Robyn swyne, Ynder a notary es sygne, Was made a-dyuyne ; &c. 3 Though , $ n - 3 1 for otherwise certayne Your laboure is in vayne ; for all jour crueltye, I knowe that yo u and we Shall never well agree : Ye may in no wise se Sutch as disposed be of ther charitye To preach the verytye ; Ye stope them w^th decrees, And with jour veritees vn-writteS, as ye saye ; Thus ye make them stay : But god, that all do may, I do desire and pray, To open vs the day, which is the very kaye of knowledge of his way. That ye haue stolen awaye ! And then, my lordes, perfay, for all jour popishe play, not all jour gold so gay, nor all jour riche araye, shall serve youe to delaye 1824 [leaf 113.] 1829 1832 1836 [leaf 113, back.] 1840 1844 [leaf 114.] 1848 1852 [leaf 114, back.] 1856 1860 238 The Image of Ypocresye. Part III. — Reformation. But some shall go astraye, [leaf 115.] And lerne to swyme or sinke ; 1865 for truly I do thinke, ye may well wake or wynke, for any meat or drinke 1868 ye geitt, without ye swynke. But that wold make youe wrothe ; for, I trowe, ye be lothe To do eyther of both, 18 ? 1 2 That is, yowr-self to cloth [leaf 115, back.] with laboure and with sweate And faste till youe Eate But that youe Erne and geate ; 18 ?6 like verlettes and pages, To leve your parsonages, your denns and your cages, And [live] by dayly wages : l 1880 God blesse vs, and Sainct blase ! This were a hevy case, [leaf 116.] A chaunce of ambesase, 2 To se youe broughte so base, l 88 * To playe without a place. now god send better grace ! And loke ye lerne a-pase To tripe in trouthes trace, 1888 And seke some better chaunce your selves to avaunce, With sise synke 3 or synnes ; for he laughe[s] that Wynnes, 1892 As ye haue hetherto, And may hereafter do. yf ye the gospell preche, 1 “With Wycliffe, with the spiritual Franciscans, Lang] and ascribes all the evils, social and religious, of the dreary world to the wealth of the Clergy, of the Monks, and the still more incongruous wealth of the Mendicants. With them he asserts the right, the duty, the obligation of the temporal Sove- reign to despoil the hierarchy of their corrupting and fatal riches. “ ‘ For if Possession be Poison — and imPerfect these make The Heads of the Holy Church, It were Charity to discharge them for Holy Church sake, And Purge them of the old Poison.’ “ Vision of Piers Ploughman , p. 298.” Hitman's Hist . of Latin Christianity , ix. 235 (4th ed. 1864). See the whole passage. 2 Two aces on the dice. 8 Five and six on the dice. The Image of Ypocresye. Part III. — Reformation. 239 As christ hym-seif did teche, And in non other wise But after his devise, ye may with good advyse 1896 kepe jour benefise [leaf 117.] And all jour dignite, without malignite, In christes name, for me ; 1901 I gladely shall agre It ever may so be. But this I say and shall, what happ so euer fall, 1904 I pray and call The kinge celestiall. Ones to give youe grace To se his worde haue place ; 1908 And then within shorte space we shall perceyve and se howe euery degre hath his Auctorite 1912 By the lawe of christ, The lay man and the prest, 1916 The poore man and the lorde ; for of that monocorde [leaf 118.] The scripture doth recorde ; And then with good accorde, In love and in Concorde We shall together holde; 1920 or elles ye may be bolde, for heate or colde. Say ye what ye will, 1924 Yt were as good be still ; [leaf 118, back.] for thoughe ye glose and frase 1 Till jour Byes dase, Men holde it but a mase Till godes worde haue place, 1928 That doth include more grace Then all Erthly men Could ever knowe or ken. 1932 Thuse endith the thirde parte of this present [leaf 119.] treatise called the Image of Ypocresye. 1 Phrase, paraphrase. — Skeat. On glose see the hit from Chaucer’s Somp- nour’s Tale above, note 3 , p. 228. 240 The Image of Ypocresye. Part IV.— Sects. [PART IV— AGAINST ALL THE MANY ORDERS OF THE POPISH CLERGY, MONKS, AND FRIARS.] Nowe with sondry sectes [leaf 119, back.] The world sore infectes, As in christes dayes Amonge the pharisees, In clothinge and in names ; 1936 for some were Ehodyans, And Samaritans, . 1940 Some were publicanes. Some were nazarenes, J Bisshops and essenes, [leaf 120.] preestes and pharisees, And so of Sadncees, prophetes and preachers, 1945 Doctours and teachers, Tribunes and tribes, lawers and scribes. Deacons and levytes, 1948 with many ipocrites. 1952 And so be nowe also, with twenty tymes 1 mo Then were in christes dayes [leaf 120, back.] Amonge the pharisees : The pope, whom first they call Ther lorde and principall, The patriarke withall ; 1956 And then the Cardinall with tytles all of pride, 1960 As legates of the side, And some be cutt and shorne [leaf 121.] That they be legates borne. Then Archebisshops bold, And bisshops for the folde, They metropolitannes, 1964 And these diocysanyes. That haue ther suffraganyes To blesse the prophanyes. Then be ther curtisanes 2 1968 1 tymes] MS. “ tynes.” — D. 2 Cortesani? — Skeat. Cortesanus , qui cortem curat, vel colit aut incolit (a 0 774). Regis vel principis aulicus ; courtisan. (Bened. XIII. PP.) — D’Arnis. 241 The Image of Ypocresye. — Church Officials. As ill as arrianes Or domicianes, Riall residentes. And prudent presidentes ; 1972 So be their sensors, 1 Doughty dispensors, Crafty inventors, And prevy precentors, 1976 With chaplaynes of honour [leaf 122.] That kepe the popes bower. Then allmoners and deanes, That geit by ther meanes 1981 The rule of all reames ; Yett be ther subdeanes, With treasorers of trust, And chauncelours iniust, 1984 To scoure of scab and rust, 1988 With vicars generalls. And ther officialles, Chanons and chaunters, | leaf 122, back.] Thait be great avaunters ; So be ther subchaunters, Sextons and Archedeakons, Deakons and subdeakons. 1992 That be ypodeakons, pursonnes and vicars, 1996 Surveyors and sikers, Prevy purse-pikers. [leaf 123.] Provostes and preachers. Readers and teachers. With bachilers and maysters, spenders and wasters. 2000 So be ther proctors, with many dull doctors, Proude prebendaryes. 2004 Colde Commissaries, [leaf 123, back.] Synfull secundaries, 2 Sturdy stipendaries, With olde ordinary es. 2008 ‘ Courtisan : m. A Courtier.’ (So Courtisane : f. A Ladie, Gentlewoman, or waiting-woman of the Court ; also (but lesse properly) a curtizan, professed strumpet, famous (or infamous) whore.) — Cotgrave. 1 Censor, judex, jnge. — D’Arnis. 2 Secondary , a delegate, a substitute. — Ash. VOL. I. R 242 The Image of Ypocresye. — Church Officials. And penytencyaryes , 1 That kepe the Sanctuaries. So be ther notaries. And prothonotaries, lawers and scribes, with many quibibes , 2 Redy regesters, pardoners and questers, Maskers and mummers, Deanes and sumners , 3 Apparatoryes 4 preste To Ride Est and weste. Then be ther advocates, And p arum litterates. That Eate vpp all Estates, with wyly visitors, And crafty inquisitors. Worse then mamalokes , 5 That catche vs with ther crokes, And Brenne vs and oure bokes . 6 2012 [leaf 124.] 2017 2020 2024 [leaf 124, back.] 2028 1 Penitentiary , one who prescribes the rules and measures of penance. — Ash. 2 Quibbles. 3 For the Sumner , it bootes me to say little more against hi m then Chaucer did in his Canterbury Tales, who said he was a knave, a briber and a bawd : but leaving that authority, although it be authentic, yet thus much I can say of my selfe, that these drunken drosy sonnes go a tooting abroad (as they themselves term it,) which is, to heare if any man hath got his maid with child, or plaies the good felow with his neighbours wife : if he finde a hole in any mans coate that is of wealth, then he hath his peremtory scitation ready to scite him to the archdeacons or officials court, there to apeere and abide the shame and penalty of the law: the man, perhaps in good credit with his neighbours, loath to bring his name in question, greseth the Sumner in the fist, and then he wipes him out of the booke, and suffers him to get twenty with child, so he keepe him warm in the hand. He hath a saying to wanton wives ; and they are his good dames ; and as long as they feede him with cheese, bacon, capons, and such od reversions, they are honest, and they be never so bad : he swears to the official, ‘ complaints are made upon envy, and the women are of good behaviour.’ Tush ! what bawdry is it he wil not suffer, so he ma) r have mony and good cheere, and, if he like the wench well, a snatch himselfe ; for they know all the whores in a country, and are as lecherous companions as may be. To be breefe, the Sumner lives upon the sins of the people ; and out of harlatry gets he all his commodity. — 1592. R. Greene' s Quip for an Upstart Courtier , p. 39-40. Collier’s Reprint. The reader should now turn to Chaucer’s Freres Tale , and read its first 80 lines. 4 Apparitour , a Messenger that summons Offenders, in an Ecclesiastical or Spiritual Court, and serves the Process of it. — Kersey's Phillips. 5 Mr. Waring refers to Skelton’s Why come ye nat to Courte , 1. 476, (Dyce, ii. 41.) But this madde Amalecke [Wolsey], I He regardeth lordes Lyke to a Mamelek , | No more than potshordes. 6 See the Impeachment of Wolsey , in Part II. The Image op Ypocresye. — Church Officials . 243 Then be ther annivolors, 1 And smalle benivolers, with chauntry chapleynes, Oure ladyes chamberleynes ; And Some be Iesu christes, As be oure Servinge pristes. And prestes that haue cure, which. haue ther lyvinge sure ; with clerkes and Queresters, And other smale mynisters, As Reders and singers, Bedemen and bell-ringers, That laboure with ther lippes Ther pittaunce out of pittes, with bennet and collet, That bere bagg and wallett : These wretches be full wely. They Eate and drinke frely, withe salue, stella cely, 2 And ther de profundis ; 3 They lye with immundis, 3 And walke with vacabundis, 3 At good ale and at wynne As dronke as any s wynne. Then be ther grosse abbottes, That observe ther sabbottes, fayer, ffatt, and ffull, As gredy as a gull, And ranke as any bull, with priors of like place, 4 ' Some black and Some white, As channons be and monkes. Great lobyes 5 and lompes, 2032 [leaf 125.] 2036 2040 [leaf 125, back.] 2044 2048 [leaf 126.] 2053 2056 2060 [leaf 126, back.] 1 Receivers of 1 Annualia, a yearly Salary, or Allowance made to a Priest for keeping an Anniversary ; or otherwise, for saying continued Masses one Year for the Soul of a deceased Person.’ — Kersey's Phillips. Annpvale, Anni- versarium, ut Annuale. — D’Amis. 2 cmli . — D. 3 The contractions are the same as for the es elsewhere. 4 place] Should perhaps be “ plite ” — or there may be some omission in the MS. after this line. — D. 5 Heremytes on an heep, With hoked staves, Wenten to Walsyngham, And hire wenches after, Grete lobies and longe, That lothe were to swynke. Vision of Piers Ploughman , vol. 1, p. 4, 1. 105-110, ed. Wright. — Skeat. ‘ Set these sturdy lobies [monks] a-brode in the world, to get theim wiues of R 2 244 The Image op Ypocresye. Part IV. — Monks . with bonhomes 1 and brothers,, fathers and mothers, 2064 Systers and nonnes, And littell prety bonnes, With lictors and lectors. 2068 Mynisters and rectors, Cnstos and correctors, with papall collectors, [leaf 127.] And popishe predagoges, 2 Mockinge mystagoges, 3 In straunge array and robes. Within ther sinagoges; 2072 With sectes many mo, An! hundreth in a throo 2076 I thinke to name by roo, As they Come to my mynde, [leaf 127, back.] whom, thoughe they be vnkind, The lay mens labor finde. for some be benedictes, 4 2080 with many maledictes ; their owne, to get theire liuing with their laboure in the swete of their faces, according to the commaundement of God, Gene. iij. — A Supplicacyon for the Beggers, near the end. 1524-5 a.d. 1 Following the Augustine rule, with some variations : they had only 2 houses in England. — King. Bom Homines . . . Sic dicti fratres ordinis Gran- dimontensis et Minimi [See 1. 2169 here] — D’Amis. Skelton mentions ‘the ancient College of the Bonhommes at Ashridge,’ says Mr. Dyce, and ‘ we may presume that he used sometimes to reside there ( Works i. xl) : Of the Bonehoms of Ashridge besyde Barkamstede, That goodly place to Skelton moost kynde, Where the sank royall is, Crystes blode so rede, WTierevpon he metrefyde after his mynde : A pleasaunter place than Ashridge is, harde were to fynde, As Skelton rehersith, with wordes few and playne, In his distichon made on verses twaine, Fraxinus in clivo frondetque viret sine rivo , Non est sub divo similis sine flmnine vivo. [. Side-note :Nota penuriam aquae, nam canes ibi hauriunt exputeo altissimo.] Garlande of Laurell, 1. 1461-9. Skelton’s Works i. 419. 2 predagoges ] Q,y. “ paedagoges ?” — D. 3 Mystagogue , One who interprets divine mysteries; a keeper of church relics. — Ash. 4 St. Benedict, the founder of the order, was born at Nursi, a town in the duchy of Spoleto, about the year 480, and died in 543. — Helyot , i. 416. The Order was founded in 516, and introduced into England in 596 by St. Augus- tine of Canterbury. — King. This is the learned Order of the Romish Church, which is even now publishing the grand series of Fathers, &c., of which Helyot’ s Dictionary forms part. The Image of Ypocresye. Part IV. — Monks. 245 Some be cluny, 1 2084 And Some be plumy, 2 with cistercyences, Grandimontences, 3 Camaldulences, 4 [leaf 128.] premonstratences, 5 2089 Theutonycences, 6 Clarrivallences, 7 And basiliences f 2092 Some be paulines, 9 Some be antonynes, 10 1 Cluny. In the 12th century there were nearly 2000 monasteries of this order, in France, Germany, Italy, England, Spain, and the East. It was founded by Bemon, the first abbot of Cluny, in the territory of Matron, on the river Grosne, about 910 a.d. — Helyot , Diet. i. 1003. 2 Feather-cushioned. Plumemn opus, idem quod Plumarium opus. Pluma- rium , pulvinus plumis sartus ; coussin rempli de plumes. — D’ Amis. 3 The Order of Grandmont was founded by St. Etienne de Muret (a moun- tain near Limoges), born 1046, died 8 Feb. 1124. The Augustines claimed the order as one of theirs, but St. Stephen refused to class himself as either canon, monk, or hermit (which he was). The Rule of his Order, written after his death, differs widely from that of the Benedictines. — Helyot , Piet. vol. ii. col. 412. 4 Founded by St. Romuald at Camaldoli or Campo-Maldoli, in Italy, in 1012. — Helyot , Piet. i. col. 576, 584. 5 An order of Canons Regular, founded by St. Norbert, in Premontre, above the desert of Yosge, in the forest of Coucy, and province of Champagne, in 1119. — Helyot , Piet. iii. col. 266. 6 Teutonic knights of St. Mary of Jerusalem. — King. I suppose this is Helyot’ s Ordre Teutonique, a religious order of Knights, the origin of which, Pierre de Dusbourg — priest of the order, and the first writer of its history in the shape of a chronicle — refers to the year 1190. — Helyot , Piet. iii. col. 624-5. 7 Cistercians, named from the Abbey of Clairvaux. — King. The Abbey of Clairvaux was the third daughter of that of Citeaux. It was the head of more than 800 monasteries, which were put under it, and had for its first abbot St. Bernard, the propagator of the order of Citeaux, and who gave his name, in France, to the religious of that order, though he was not the founder of it. The abbey of Clairvaux was founded in 1115, by Thibaut, Count of Champagne, in the diocese of Langres. — Helyot , Piet. i. col. 943. 8 Founded in 358 or 361 a.d. by St. Basil-the- Great, Archbishop of Caesarea, patriarch of the Monks of the East, bom about 329 a.d., died 1 Jan. 379. — Hel. 9 Helyot gives 4 Orders of Paulines : 1. Under Notre-Pame de Saint-Paul, an order of Benedictine Nuns, whose Abbey of St. Paul, a league from Beau- vais, was founded by Chilpcric, about 580 a.d. — Helyot, i. 1152. 2. Chevaliers de Saint-Paul, Knights of the order of St. Peter and St. Paul, founded by Pope Leo X. in 1520. — Helyot , i. 473. Another order of Bcthlehemites had, says Matthew Paris, a house in Cambridge, in the street leading to Trump- ington, in 1257. 3. Clercs Reguliers de Saint-Paul, commonly called Barna- bites, but whom Hospinianus . . . nomme les Paulina. Founded about 1530 a.d. by a nobleman of Cremona, and two of Milan. They had houses in Italy, France, and Germany. — Helyot, i. 360. 4. Ordre des Eremites de Saint-Paul. — Hdlyot, iii. 126. 10 Antonynes. Founded by The Great Saint Anthony, who was bom at Koma, near Heraklea, in Upper Egypt, in 251. He founded the monastery 246 The Image of Ypocresye. Part IV. — Monks. Some be bernardines , 1 Some be Celestines , 2 2096 [leaf 128, back.] Some be flamynes , 3 Some be fuligines , 4 3 Some be columbines , 5 Some be Grilbertines , 6 Some be Disciplines , 7 Some be clarines , 8 2100 of Faioum, which at first consisted of a group of separate cells near Memphis, and which is doubtless the origin of cenobite life. He died at the age of 105 years. — Chambers. Cruched friars named after St. Anthony. — King. 1 Bernardines. Saint Bernard of Clairvaux was bom in a.d. 1091 ; died in 1153. He became a monk of Citeaux in 1113 ; and shortly afterwards insti- tuted a new branch of that order, the monks of which are usually called, after him, Bernardines. Saint Bernard was the founder of 160 monasteries. We possess nearly 800 theological books written by him. — Chambers. 2 Celestines. Peter de Morrone (afterwards Pope Celestine Y.) founded this order of hermits, about 1264. They are regarded as a branch of St. Bene- dict’s order ; and flourished chiefly in the 13th and 14th centuries : but now they are almost extinct. — Chambers. b Fianuneum , Episcopi mitra ; mitre episcopate ( Vet. Gl.) ‘ Flaminius ,’ Ad episcopum pertinens; episcopal. Flaminius honor, episcopalis dignitas ; epi- scopal , dignite d'eveque. 1 Flaminium,’ Sacerdotium, flaminis dignitas ; sacer - docs , dignite de pretre. (Tert.) — D’Arnis. 4 D’Arnis gives only ‘ Fuligo, pro uligo [moisture, marshy quality of the earth] Acta Sanctorum.' 5 Named after St. Columba. — King. “ L’Ordre de saint-Colomb, que Bede appelle aussi Colomban, etait un des plus etendus, car il avait plus de cent ab- bayes ou monasteres qui en dependaient dans toutes Ies lies Britanniques. Ce saint . . . sa mort arriva vers l’an 598. 11 se trouve une regie en vers hibemois qu’il avait dictee, et qui fut en usage, non seulement dans l’ile de Hi, mais dans les autres monasteres d'Ecosse qu’il fonda ou qui furent batis par ses disciples. — Helyot , ii. 494. Colomban (Ordre de Saint -J, u/ni d celui de Saint- Benoit. — Helyot , i. 1055. St. Columba was born in Leinster about 560 a.d., went to France, and founded the monasteries of Luxeuil, Annegray, and Fon- taine, about and after 590 a.d. ; then others in Switzerland. — lb. 6 Gilbertines. The founder of this order (St. Gilbert) was an Englishman, born at Sempringham, Lincolnshire. He also founded an order of nuns after the Benedictine institute ; and at the time of the dissolution of the monas- teries, his followers and their houses were very numerous. — Chambers. The order was founded a.d. 1148. The rules were a connecting link between the Benedictine and Augustine ones. — King. 7 Bisciplina, — apud monachos est flagellatio, interdum virgse ipsae quibus flagellantur ; la discipline , et V instrument qui sert a la donner. Bisciplina cre- bro etiam pro flagellatione, vel alia poena, quae ex decreto judicis infligitur, usurpatur in leg. Wisig. ; fouet. ‘ Bisciplinatus ,’ Moribus bonis discipline beneficio praeditus . . . “Rector hospitalis disciplinatorum" (Acta Sanct.) ; ex eo sic dictum quod pauperes in eo instruerentur. — D’Arnis. 8 ? Clarenins ( Freres Mineurs). Apres les persecutions que l’on suscita aux ermites Celestins pour detruire leur congregation, le frere Ange de Cordon, etant de retour en Italie, se retira dans la Marche d’Ancone, entre Ascoli et les montagnes de Norsia, pres de la riviere de Clarene , ou, l’an 1302, ayant assemble quelques disciples, il commen^a la congregation des Clarenins , qui furent ainsi appeles a cause de cette riviere. — Helyot , i. 963. (They had several monasteries in Italy.) The Image oe Ypocresye. Part IY. — Monks. 247 And many 1 2 Augustines f Some clarissites, 3 Some be accolites, 4 Some be sklaveinytes, 5 Some be nycolites, Some be heremytes, Some be lazarites, 6 [leafl29.] 2108 2104 1 And many ] Originally “Some be.”— D. 2 Augustines. Also Augustinians. The religious bodies that bear this name are great in number, though it is doubtful whether St. Augustine ever framed any rule of monastic life ; but one was made from his writings, and was adopted by no less than thirty different orders, of which one of the chief was that of the “ Canons Regular of St. Augustine.” The first house of this order was at Nostell, near Pontefract ; the order afterwards possessed about 170 houses in England, and 25 in Scotland. — Chambers. 3 Clarisses (. Religieuses ). Le second ordre de Saint- Francois est celui des re- ligieuses Clarisses, ainsi appelees du nom de sainte Claire qu’elles reconnais- sent pour leur Mere, ayant ete la premiere religieuse de cet ordre, qui com- prend non-seulement celles qui font profession de suivre a la lettre, et sans aucune mitigation, la regie que saint Francois donna a cette sainte, mais aussi celles qui suivent la meme regie avec les mitigations et les adoucissements que les souverains pontifes y ont faits. Ce fut l’an 1212 que common 9 a ce second ordre, par le renoncement general que fit cette sainte fille an monde et a toutes ses vanites pour suivre Jesus- Christ pauvre et humilie, a l’exemple de saint Fran9ois. Elle etait de la ville d’ Assise, et naquitl’an 1193. Helyot , i. 967-8. en Angleterre . . laprincipale maison des Clarisses etait pres d’Aldgate; elle fut batie par Blanche, reine de Navarre, et par Edmond, son mari, qui etait fils de Henri III, frere d’ Edouard l er , et comte de Lancaster, de Leicester, et de Darby. Ces Clarisses etaient du nombre de celles qu’on appelle Urbanistes. Outre le nom de Clarisses, on leur donnait encore le nom de Minoresses. On appelait leurs couvents Minorics. Lors de la destruction des monasteres, celui des Clarisses dont il s’agit, fut change en un magasin d’armes. Son nom est reste a la partie de la ville ou il etait, et on l’a donne aux nouveaux edifices qui s’etendent jusqu’a la campagne (!) — Helyot, ii. 1161. See ‘Minoresses or poor Clares’ in Stevens’s History of Monasteries, i. 159. 4 Acolythus , proximus hypodiaconatui gradus, ut patet ex synod. Roman. Sylvestri, can. 7, ubi episcopo parere jubetur presbyter, diaconus presbytero, diacono hypodiaconus, huic acolytlms, acolytho exorcista, cui lector. Dicti autem acolythi , quasi clkoXovBol ; sunt enim veluti famuli ecclesiastici, utpote qui vilioribus Ecclesise ministeriis deputantur, ut cereis deferendis. — “ Acolu- thi Sedis apostolicce octo ordinarii, qui cum Pontifex apud lectum paramenti, et similiter ut in ecclesia celebraturus, et induitur sacris vestibus, circumstant genuflexi, et omamenta subministrant diaconis, cardinalibus,” etc. ( Cceremon ., lib. III). — D’Amis. ‘ Acolytes , ( i.e . Followers) certain inferioux Church-Offi- cers in the Primitive Times, who assisted the Priests, Deacons and Sub- Deacons ; performing the meaner Offices of lighting the Candles, carrying the Bread and Wine, &c. The Word is still us’d among Roman Catholicks, for a kind of Under-Deacon or Priest’s Attendant, that waits upon him while he says Mass.’ — Kersey's Phillips , a.d. 1706. 5 MS. may be Sklavemytes , as the i is not dotted ; but the wearers of a sclavine are meant, ’■^clavina, sclavinia, Yestis longior, sagi militaris instar, Sclavis, ut videtur, familiaris, unde nomen mansit.’ — Dufresne. ‘ Esclavine : f. as Esclamme : f. A long and thicke riding cloake to beare off the raine ; a Pilgrim’s cloake, or mantle ; a cloake for a trauellcr.’ — Cotgrave. 6 Lazarus , leprosus, lepreux; ol. lazare, ladre. (Mon. Angl.) Lazar am, locus ubi lazari curantur; hopital de lepreux , leproserie. — D’Amis. 248 The Image of Ypocresye. Part IY. — Monks . Some be ninivites, Some be Iohannytes, 1 Some be Iosephites, 2112 Some be Iesuytes, 2 * Servi and servytes/ And Sondry Iacobites ; 4 [leaf 129, back.] Then be ther helenytes, 5 2116 hierosolymites, 6 7 Magdalynites/ hieronimytes, Anacorites, 2120 And Scenobites. 8 So be ther sophrans, Constantinopolitanes, holy hungarians. [leaf 130.] Pnrgatorians, 2125 1 Called after St. John of Jerusalem. — King. Also an Arian name for the orthodox. 2 Jesuit aim : m. An Order of White Friers which weare hoods on their heads like women, and shave their beards continually. — Cotgrave. Not the cele- brated Society of Jesus, which was not authorized by Pope Paul III. till 1540. H Servytes. “ This order was founded by seven Florentine merchants, who, with the approbation of the Bishop of Florence, renounced the world, and lived together in a religious community on Mount Senar, two leagues from that city. When they first appeared in the blade habit, given them by the bishop, the very children at the breast cried out,— “ See the Servants of the Virgin!” and this miracle determined them to take no other name than that of Servites , or 4 Servants of the Virgin.’ ” — Adams’s Dictionary of all Religions, 3rd edit. p. 287. 4 Jacobites. Members of the Dominican Order were known in France by the name of Jacobins, on account of their chief establishment being situated in the Rue St.- Jacques, Paris. — Chambers. Also a sect of Christians in the East in the sixth and seventh centuries. 1 A Sect of Hereticks set up by one Jacob, a Syrian; they us’d Circumcision, and acknowledg’d but one Nature in Chri st. ’ — Kersey. 5 Nuns of the Benedictine Order.— King. 6 Hierosolymitcs. The Knights of St. John of Jerusalem ; called also “ Knights of Rhodes,” and, later, “ Knights of Malta.” ’The order originated in 1048, and was sanctioned by the Pope (Pascal II) in 1113. The Priory at Clerken- well was their chief abode in England ; and the head of this Priory took his seat in the House of Lords, under the style of the First Baron in England. — Chambers. See line 2150, “And of St. Johns frarys.” 7 Magdalynites. An Order of penitent prostitutes founded in the 14th cen- tury. Pope Clement VIII ordered that the effects of deceased prostitutes in Rome should be handed over to a house in that city which had been founded by Pope Leo X. — Adams. The Hieronimytes were called after Jerome. 8 From koivo- common, and f3io- life. Of that great Number of solitary Persons which peopled the Deserts, there came two sorts of Monks, of which those who liv’d in Community were call’d Cenobites ; and those who withdrew into greater Solitude, after having liv’d long in Community, and having there learnt to subdue their Passions, retain’d the Name of Anchorites. Stevens, i. 10, § V. The Image of Ypocresye. Part IY. — Monks . 249 Clialomerians, And ambrosians ; 1 2 Then be ther indianes, 2128 And escocyanes, lucifrans/ chartnsyanes, 3 4 collectanes/ 2132 Capusianes, 5 C leaf 130 » back.] 1 Ambrosians. A religious order founded in Italy, about the time of Pope Gregory II (715-731, a.d.). They took their name from that of their con- vent, St. Ambrose. They were afterwards united to the Apostolins. There is also a congregation of nuns of the same name, founded in 1408 by three Vene- tian ladies. — Adams. “The canon of the mass is pieced and patched up out of many lies. The Greeks have it not. When I was in Italy, I saw that they at Milan had no such canon, and when I offered to celebrate mass there, they said to me : Nos sumus Ambrosiani. They told me that in former time they had been at debate among themselves, whether they should receive into their Church the book of Ambrose, or that of Gregory, and to that end prayed God by some miracle to decide for them. At night, they laid both the books in the church ; in the morning, they found the book of Ambrose altogether whole and unmoved, upon the high altar, but the book of Gregory was torn all in pieces, scattered up and down the church. The same they construed thus : Ambrose should remain at Milan upon the altar, Gregory be scattered about the whole world.” — Luther's Table-Talk , xii. p. 223. 2 Lucifrans. The followers of Lucifer, bishop of Cagliari, in Sardinia, in the fourth century. No mention is made of them after the time of Theodosius the Great. — Adams. 3 Chartusyanes, Carthusians. This monastic order was founded by St. Bruno and six of his companions at La Chartreuse, in 1086, from which place the order takes its name. The Carthusians appeared in England in 1 ISO- 11 81. This order was very strict; and the punishment of flagellation was visited on those of its members who broke silence, except on particular days. The Carthusian nuns (first heard of at Salette, on the Rhone, about 1229), however, — although they were guided by the same rules as those of the Car- thusian monks, — were allowed (because silence is harder for a woman than a man to bear) more freedom in this respect. — Chambers. See Stevens, i. 241. 4 ? Coletans (Freres Mineurs, Helyot , i. 1044) Franciscans, reformed by the blessed Colette de Corbie who was bom at Corbie in Picardy, 3 3 January, 1380. 5 Capusianes. Matthew de Bassi, a Franciscan monk, having seen St. Francis represented as wearing the sharp-pointed Capuche , or cowl, obtained the consent of Pope Clement VII. to make it a feature in his dress. In this De Bassi was quickly followed by other monks ; but, owing to the persecution which they received from their brother-Franciscans, they were compelled to retreat from place to place. They afterwards formed themselves into a dis- tinct order by the name of Capuchins. In France they were also called Jaco- bins, owing to their principal establishment in Paris being situated in the Rue St. -Jacques. There is also an order of Capuchin nuns, founded by a noble- woman of the name Maria Laurentia Longa at Naples, in 1538, a.d. “ If the emperor would merit immortal praise, he would utterly root out the order of the Capuchins , and, for an everlasting remembrance of their abominations, cause their books to remain in safe custody. ’Tis the worst and most poison- ous sect. The Augustin and Bernardino friars are no way comparable with these "confounded lice.” — Luther's Table-Talk. 250 The Image of Ypocresye. Part IY. — Monks. hispanians, honofrianes, 1 Gregorianes, vnprosianes, winceslanes, with ruffianes, 2 And with rhodianes. 3 Some be tempters, And exemplers. Some be spitlers, And Some be vitlers, Some be scapelers. And Some cubiculers, Some be tercyaris. And Some be of St. marys, Some be hostiaris, And of St. Iohns frarys, 4 Some be stellifers, And Some be ensefers, Some lucifers, 5 And Some be crucyfers, Some hane signe of sheres, And Some were shurtes of heres. Some be of the spone, And Some be crossed to rorae ; Some dannce and daly In sophathes valley, And in the blak alley Wheras it ever darke is, And Some be of St. markis 6 2136 2140 [leaf 131.] 2144 2148 2152 2156 [leaf 132.] 2161 1 Took their name from St. Onuphrius, a Hermit. — King. 2 j Ruf (Chanoines Reguliers de la Congregation de Saint-). — Helyot , iii. 403. The legend runs that the saint was a friend of Lazarus, and was put out with him to sea. They landed in Provence, where Lazarus was made Bp. of Marseilles and St. Ruf of Avignon. The order was in great esteem in the 12th century, and settled in or near Avignon, till the Albigenses destroyed the church of St. Ruf and his monastery. The order afterwards built abbeys at Valence in Dauphine. 3 Knights of St. John, possessing the Isle of Rhodes. — King. 4 Cf. ‘ Than cometh the clerke^ of saint John Frary ’ (friary, fraternity : there was one such in Clerkenwell) in God Spedethe Plough , in my Crede, p. 70, 1. 45. — Skeat. 5 See Lucifrans , 1. 2130, and note. 6 Under the head Marc, Helyot gives, ii. 888, “ Marc (Chevaliers de Saint-). Voyez Ghausse i.) 879. I)es Chevaliers de la Chausse, de l’Etoile d’Or, de Saint-Marc, et du Doge a Venise). Marc de Florence (Dominicains de la Con- The Image of Ypocresye, Part IV. — Friars. 251 Mo then be good clarkes. Some be mysiricordes, Mighty men and lordes. And Some of go des house 2164 That kepe the poore souse, 2168 Minimi 1 and mymes. And other blak devines, with virgins and vestalles, [leaf 132, back.] monkes and monyalles, that be conventualles like frogges and todes. And Some be of the rhodes, 2 2172 Sworde-men and knightes. That for the [faith] fightes 2176 With sise, sinke, and quatter. 3 But nowe never the latter [leaf 133.] I intend to clatter Of a mangye matter, That smelles of the smatter, Openly to tell 2180 what they do in hell, Wheras onre ffryers 4 dwell, 5 everich in his sell, 2184 gregation de Saint-). Yoy. Lombardie III. Marc de Gavoti (Dominicains de la Congregation de). Voy. Lombardie III. Marc de Mantoue et du Saint - Esprit (Chanoines Reguliers de Saint-) a Venise.” 1 Minimes (Ordre des), Helyot , ii. 981, founded by St. Francois do Paule, about 1435 a.d., when he was only 19 years of age. See note 1 , p. 244, above. 2 See Hierosolymites , 1. 2117, and the note on it. 3 6, 5, 4, on the dice. — Skeat. 4 See Skelton’s sketch of the Friars, in Colyn Cloute, Works, i. 343-5, and 339- 40 ; also the references under Friars and Monks , in the Parker Society’s Index. 5 This is where Chaucer also chaffily places the Friars. See the Somp- nour’s Prologue, 1. 25, ii. 258, ed. Morris : — ‘ Hold up thy tayl, thou Sathanas,’ quod he ‘ Schew forth thyn ars, and let the frere se ‘ Wher is the nest of freres in this place ’ [hell]. And er than half a forlong way of space, Right so as bees swarmen out of an hy ve, Out of the develcs ers thay gonne dryve, Twenty thousand freres on a route, And thorughout helle swarmed al aboute, And comen ageine, as fast as they may« goon, And in his ers they crepen everichoon. He clappid his tayl agayn, and lay ful stille. This frere . . . for fere yit he quook, So was the develes ers yit in his mynde, That is his heritage of verray kynde. 252 The Image of Ypocresye. Part IY. — Friars. The phane and the prophane. The croked and the lame. The mad, the wild, and tame, every one by name. The formest of them all Is ther generall ; And the next they call Ther hie provincyall, With Costos and wardynl That lye next the GardeyS ; Then oure father prior, with his subprior That with the Covent Comes To gather vpp the Cromes ; Then oure fryer douche Goeth by a crouche. And slouthfull ffryer slouche That bereth Iudas pouche ; Then ffryer domynike And ffryer demonyke, ffryer Cordiler 1 1 Cordelier : m. A Grey Frier (of the Order of S. Francis), a Cordelier. Monnoye de Cordelier , Thankes, or a Benedicitee, (for Grey Friers are to carry no money about them). Cordeliere : f. A Grey Friers girdle (made of a peece of a rope full of equally-distant knots). — Cotgrave. What, wold Fraunces, our friar, I So madde a cordylar , Be such a false lyar, | So madde a murmurar.’ Skelton’s Duke of Albany, 1. 373-6, Works , ii. 79. Compare The Romaunt of the Rose, 1. 7445-7470, Chaucer's Works , ed. Morris, vi. 227 : — And False-semblant had he sene alse, But he knewe nat that he was false . . . For Semblant was so slye wrought, That falsenesse he ne espyede nought. But haddest thou knowen hym beforne, Thow woldest on a boke have sworne (Whan thou hym saugh in thylke array) That he, that whylome was so gaye, And of the daunce Joly Rolyn ; Was tho become a Jacoby n. (1. 2209.) But sothly, what-so men hym calk, Frere preachours (1. 2219) bene good? men alk ; Her order wyckedly they beren Such Minstreks, yf they weren. So bene Augustyns (1. 2210), and Cordylers (1. 2207) And Cannes (1. 2213), and eke Sacked Freers (1. 2227) And alk freres shodde and bare (Though some of hem bene great and square,) [leaf 133, back.] 2188 2192 [leaf 134.] 2197 2200 2204 [leaf 134, back.] The Image of Ypocresye. Part IV. — Friars. 253 And ffryer bordiler, * 1 2208 ffryer Iacobine, ffryer Augustyne, 2 And ffryer incubyne, 3 and ffryer Succubine, 4 2212 ffryer carmelyte 5 And ffryer hermelite, ffryer mynorite 6 [leaf 135.] and ffryer ipocrite. 2216 ffrier ffranciscane 7 And ffrier damiane. ffrier precber And ffrier lecher, 2220 ffrier crusifer And ffrier lusifer, ffrier purcifer And ffrier furcifer, [leaf 135, back.] ffrier ferdifer 2225 And ffrier merdifer, ffryer sacheler And ffryer bacheler. 2228 ffryer cloysterer And ffrier floysterer, 8 ffrier pallax 9 Ful holy men, as I hem deme ; Every che of hem wolde good man seme. But shalt thou never of apparence Sene conclude good consequence In none argument, ywys, If existence al fay led is. 1 Bordelier : m. A wencher, whoore-munger, whoore-hunter, haunter of baudie houses. — Cotgrave. 2 On ‘ Augustin Fryers, or Eremites of St. Augustin, their Original, their first coming into England, and the Monasteries of them in England,’ see Stevens , ii. 214-29. 3 Incubus, the Night-Mare, a disease that oppresses People in their sleep. Also a Devil that has Carnal Knowledge of a Woman, under the shape of a Man. — Kersey's Phillips. 4 Succubus (Lat.) a Devil that takes a Woman’s shape to lie with a Man. — Kersey. 6 See Stevens , ii. 153-185. 6 The [Minorite,] Franciscan and [= or] grey friars came up under the emperor Frederick II, at the time St. Elizabeth was canonized, in the year 1207. — Luther's Table-Talk , p. 213. 7 See Stevens , i. 89-125, ii. 1. 8 Floystering , skittish, boyish. — Halliwell. 9 Palax, dolosus, fallax, in Gloss. Isid. ad quas recte Graevius : lege, ut ha- bent Excerpta, Pallax Constantiensis : Pellax, dolosus , fallax . Hinc apud Festum, pellicator, qui pellicit in fraudem. — Henschel's Dufresne. 254 The Image of Ypocresye. Part IY. — Friars. And finer fallax, 1 2232 ffrier fugax 2 And ffrier nugax, 3 ffrier rapax 4 [leaf 136.] And ffrier capax, 5 ffrier lendax 6 And ffrier rnendax, 7 ffrier vorax 8 2236 And ffrier nycticorax, 9 ffryer Iapax, 10 ffrier furderer 11 2240 And ffrier murderer. [leaf 136, back.] flrier tottiface 12 And ffrier sottiface, 12 ffrier pottiface 13 And frier pockyface, 14 2244 ffrier trottapace And ffrier topiace, 15 ffrier futtoS 16 And ffrier glottonl, 2248 ffrier Galiard 17 [leaf 137.] And ffrier paliard, 18 2253 1 fallax , deceitful. — White and Riddell. 2 Apt to flee, fleeing, shunning, avoiding. — ib. 3 Nugax , having or prone to nugce (Jokes, jests, idle speeches, trifles, trum- pery, nonsense), hence, Jesting, trifling, frivolous. — ib. 4 rapax , grasping, greedy of plunder, rapacious. — ib. 5 Capax , great, capacious. — ib. 6 I can only find ‘ Lendex , Tamius, (tarmes) vermis in lardo , Johanni de Janua, Vert de lart , in Glossis Sangerm. — HenscheVs Dufresne. 7 rnendax, given or prone to lying, a liar. — White and Riddell. 8 vorax, swallowing greedily, devouring, ravenous, voracious. — ib. 9 Nycticorax ] MS. “Necticorax.” — D. Night raven. — Skeat. 10 ? iapex, velox, in Gloss. Sangerman. MS. num. 501 An Iapyx , ventus spirans ex Iapygia seu Apulia. Gr. Idirvi; aveyos . . . HenscheVs Dufresne. But I suppose it’s the English jape, mock, trick, latinized. 11 F furor I steal : furtum theft. 12 Cf. Spenser’s Fairy Queene, bk. vi, Mutabilitie, st. 39. — Skeat. 13 Goffe , Dull, sottish, doltish, lumpish, blockish, heauie-headed, grosse- witted, sodden-brained. — Cotgrave. 14 Fossetteux, full of little pits, pockars, or pock-holes. — Cotgrave. 15 F skulker. Tappice , to hide. ‘ The spider is a tapist ,’ quoted in Nares. See tapissement in Cotgrave. 16 Foutre, to leacher. Foutu . . a scoundrell, a fellow of small accompt. — Cotgrave. 17 Fr. gaillard , Lustie, liuelie ; frolicke, buxome, cheerefull, blithe, iocond, pleasant, gamesome . . . also, rash, or somewhat vndiscreet, by too much iollitie. — Cotgrave. 18 Paillard : m. A lecher, wencher, whoremonger, whorehunter : also a knave, rascall, varlet, scoundrell, filthie fellow. — Cotgrave. The Image of Ypocresye. Part IY. — Friars. 255 finer goliard * 1 2 And ffrier foliard/ ffrier goddard 3 4 And ffrier foddard/ ffrier ballard 5 And ffrier skallard, ffrier crowsy 6 * And ffrier lowsy, ffrier slob oil And ffrier blob oil/ ffrier toddy poll 8 9 And ffrier noddypoll/ ffrier fflaphole 2256 2260 [leaf 137, back.] 2264 He tryhumfythe, be trumpythe, he tumythe all vp and downe, With ‘ skyregalyard, prowde palyard , vaunteperler, ye prate !’ Skelton (on Wolsey, in) Speke, Parrot. 1. 427 ; Works , ii. 21. and again of the Duke of Albany, Works, ii. 73, 1. 167 — We set nat a myght By suche a cowarde knyght, Suche a proude palyarde , Suche a skyrgaliarde, Suche a starke cowarde, Suche a proude pultrowne, Suche a foule coystrowne, Suche a doutty dagswayne. 1 goliardeys. Chaucer. — Skeat. 2 Folier. To playe the foole, doe like an asse, behaue himself like an ideot. — Cotgrave. 3 Godde , me lasche godde. A sloathfull hylding (A low person, Halliwell : An idle jade, Kennett.) Goddon : m. a filthie glutton or swiller ; one that hath a vile wide swallow. — Cotgrave. 4 F Lump of Lead. Fodder , or Father of Lead, a Weight of Lead containing Eight Pigs, every Pig 23^ stone . . 2000 Pound- Weight. — Kersey's Phillips. 5 ‘The wei-betere, the ballart .’ Names of the Hare, in Reliq. Antiq. i. 133. 6 ? Crowse or cruse, potte (crowce or crwce) Amula, Promptorium. ' ‘ Blowhole, yuroigne. — Palsgrave’s Lesclarcissement de la Lang. Fr., 1530, fol. xx. (Table of Subst.). ‘ To hlowe in a howle, and for to pill a platter,’ etc. Barclay’s First Fgloge, sig. A iiii. ed. 1570. Farewell Peter blowbowle I may wel call thee. Fnterlude of Kyng JDaryus , 1565, sig. B. — Dyce’s Skelton, ii. 98. Colyne Blowbols Testament, mentioned by Mr. Dyce as in MS., has been since printed by Mr. Halliwell in his Nugee Antiques. 8 Skelton says of Wolsey and his Council ( Why come ye nat to Courte ; Works, ii. 46-7, 1. 647-51)— He is so fyers and fell, I He grynnes and he gapis He rayles and he ratis, | As it were iack napis. He calleth them doddypatis. 9 A noddie or noddie-peake . . guilmin , (Sherwood) Guilmin : m. A noddic, ninnie, coxe, ideot. — Cotgrave. For that no man shulde se, Nor rede in any scrolles, Of theyr dronken nolles, Nor of theyr noddy pollcs, Nor of theyr sely soules, Nor of some wytles pates, Of dyuers great estates As well as other men. Skelton (of Prelates) in Colyn Cloute, 1. 1242-9. Works, i. 359. 256 The Image of Ypocresye. Part IY. — Friars . And ffrier claphole, ffrier kispott And ffrier pispott. 2268 ffrier chipchop 1 And ffrier likpott, 2 [leaf 138.] ffrier clatterer And ffrier fflatterer, ffrier bib, ffrier bob, ffrier lib, 3 ffrier lob, 4 2272 ffrier fear, ffrier fonde, ffrier beare, ffrier bonde, ffrier rooke, ffrier py, 5 2276 ffrier flooke, 6 ffrier flye, [leaf 138, back.] ffrier spitt, ffrier spy, ffrier lik, ffrier ly, with drier we -be 7 found by the trinytye, 2280 And frier fandigo. With aS hundred mo Could I name by ro, Ne were for losse of tyme, 2284 1 The sweet Italian, and the chip-chop Dutch . . . With our outlandish chip-chop gibrish gabbling. Taylor(the Water - Poet)’ s Workes, 1630, p. 27. — Wheatley' s Piet. 2 Lykpot fyngyr, Index . Promptorium. A Lykpotte, index, demonstrati- ve. Catholicon Ang. — ib. 3 lib, to geld. 4 Lourdant . . a lowt, lob, luske, boore, clowne, churle, clusterfist. — Cot- grave. 5 Freres of the Pye, Pied Friars. Compare what the Minorite, Franciscan, or Gray Friar, says of the Carmelites or White Friars in Pierce the Plough- man! s Crede, p. 3, 1. 64-6, ed. Skeat : — Sikerli y can noujt fynden • who hem first founded, But J?e foies foundeden hem-self * freres of the Pye, And maken hem mendynauns . & marre be puple. On which Mr. Skeat says, p. 35, ‘ These [freres of the Pye] would appear to be not very different from the Carmelites : they were called Pied Friars from their dress being a mixture of black and white, like a magpie. ‘ With an 0 and an I, fuerunt Pyed Freres , Quomodo mutati sunt, rogo dicat Pers.’ Polit. Poems, i. 262, ed. T. Wright. 6 Flook, fluke , a flat insect which breeds in the livers of sheep and other quadrupeds, when in bad condition. Loth. S. B. (Also, a diarrhoea, and a flounder, or other flat-fish.) — Jamieson. 7 Compare (says Mr. Skeat) William on the beggers in the Vision, ed. Wright, p. 144, 1. 4664-9 : — Manye of yow ne wedde noght The womman that ye with deale, But as wilde beestes with ‘ wehee !’ Worthen uppe, and werchen, And bryngen forth bames, That bastardes men calleth. The Image of Ypocresye. Part IV . — The Friars. 257 To make to longe a Ryme. [leaf 139.] 0 squalidi laudati, fedi 1 effeminati, falsi falsati, 2289 fuci fucati, 2 Culi caccati, 3 Balbi braccati, 4 Mimi mardati, 5 2292 Lerui leruati, 6 2296 Crassi cathaphi, 7 Calvi cucullati, 8 Curvi curvati. [leaf 139, back.] Skurvi knavati, Spurci spoliati, 9 hirci 10 armati, vagi 11 devastati, 2300 Devij debellati, Surdi sustentati, 2304 Squalidi laudati, Tardi terminati, [leaf 140.] Mali subligati, Inpij coniurati, Profusi profugi, Lapsi lubrici, 12 2308 Et parum pudici ! Oth 13 ye drane bees. Ye bloody fleshe flees, 2312 Ye spitefull spittle spyes, [leaf 140, back.] And grounde of herisees, That dayly without sweat Do but drinke and Eate, 2316 1 fcedus, adj. foul, filthy, abominable. 2 Painted pretences, deceits, or drones. 3 Shitten arses. 4 Balbus, stammering, stuttering ; bracatus , having breeches. 5 t. i. “merdati.” — D. Turded farces, bedunged humbugs. c Larvi larvati ] The line ought properly to be “ Larva? larvatae.” — D. 7 cathaphi ] Qy. “ cataphagi ” (voraces) F — D. 8 Cowled baldheads : (F) meant for ‘ bald cuckolders.’ 9 Spurcus , filthy, dirty. 10 hircus , he-goat. 11 vagus , strolling about, roving, vagrant. 12 lubricus, slipper}'. 13 Och ! — Skeat. Compare again the Crede : — And ryght as dranes dob nouy/e huny, Whan been wibe her bysynesse . han brought it to hepe, Bight so farcb freres . wib folke opon crbe ; bey freten vp be furste-froyt . & falsliche lybbeb. Pierce the Ploughman's Crede , p. 27, 1. 726-8, ed. Skeat. S YOL. I. 258 The Image op Ypocresye. Part IV. — The Friars . And murther meat and meat, vt fares et latrones ! Ye be incubiones , 1 2 But no spadones , 3 Ye haue jour culiones f Ye be bistriones, Beastely ballatrones , 4 Grandes thrassones , 5 Magni nebnlones , 6 And cacademones. That [eat] vs fleshe and bones W^’th teeth more harde then stones. Youe make hevy mones, As it were for the nones, 2332 With great and grevous grones, L lea ^ back.] By sights and by sobbes To blinde vs with bobbes. Oh ye false faytoitrs, 2336 Youe theves be, and tratowrs, The devils dayly wayters ! Oh mesell mendicantes , 7 2320 [leaf 141.] 2325 2328 1 incubiones ] Properly “incubones.” — D. 2 Spado, a castrated person, a eunuch. — White and Riddell. 3 Cullions , the Testicles or Stones. — Kersey. 4 Balatro, -onis, lit. a babbler; hence, a jester, one who makes sport, a buf- foon (it seems to have designated a class of tragic actors, perhaps a harlequin, jester, jack-pudding, or something similar). Ballator , a dancer. — Andrews. 5 Thraso, - onis , ©pdauu nomen gloriosi militis apud Terent. in Bun, a Opaaos, insolentia, jactantia, audacia. — Bailey's Forcellini. ©pdao-cn, to trouble, disquiet. 6 Nebulo, a paltry worthless fellow, an idle rascal, a sorry wretch. — Andrews. Nebulo , a paltry, worthless, fellow ; an idle rascal, a sorry wretch. — White and Riddell. Whom did Andrews copy from ? He has been often copied. 7 Compare the happy irony of Chaucer’s account of ‘we mendeaunts, we freres,’ by the Friar in The Sompnoures Tale, ed. Morris, ii. 265-6. See also Luther's Table-Talk, p. 213, N° cccclxxxvi. — “ If the pope should seek to suppress the mendicant friars, he would find fine sport ; he has made them fat, and cherished them in his bosom, and assigned them the greatest and most powerful princes for protectors. If he should attempt to abolish them, they would all combine and instigate the princes against him ; for many kings and princes, and the emperor himself, have friars for confessors. The friars were the pope’s columns, they carried him as the rats carry their king ; I was our Lord God’s quicksilver, which he threw into the fishpond ; that is, which he cast among the friars. “ A friar is evil every way, whether in the monastery or out of it. For as Aristotle gives an example touching fire, that burns whether it be in Ethiopia or in Germany, even so is it likewise with the friars. Nature is not changed by any circumstances of time or place.” The Image of Ypocresye. Part IY . — The Friars . 259 And mangy obseruauntes I 1 Ye be vagarantes ! 2340 As persers pennytrantes, 2 Of misebef mynistrantes. [leaf 142.] In pillinge postulantes, In preachinge petulantes. Of many sicophantes, 3 That gather, as do Antes, 2344 In places wher ye go ; With in principio 4 Runnynge to and ffro, 2348 Ye cause mikle woo [leaf 142, back.] With hie and with loo ; Wher youe do resorte, Ye fayne and make reporte 2352 1 And yet, amongest other, we may not forgete The poore obseruauntes that been so holy : They muste amongis vs have come or mete. God spede the Plough, 1. 57-9, in Skeat’s Crede, p. 71. ‘Observants, a branch of the Franciscan order, otherwise called Recollects Imperial Diet. — ib. p. 75. Skelton says in Coign Cloute , 1. 745-9 ; Works, i. 340, Or els yf we may Ypon Grenewyche border, Get a frere graye, Called Obseruamce. ' Or els of the order The Minorites or Observant Friars of the order of St. Francis had a piece of ground which adjoined the palace at Greenwich. They were much favoured by Katherine, queen of Henry VIII ; and the King suppressed their whole order throughout England for taking her part. The convent at Greenwich was dissolved in 1534. Mary reinstated it, and Elizabeth suppressed it. — Byce, ii. 288, quoting Ly son's Environs of London, iv. 464, ed. 1796. 2 Compare William in the Vision, 1. 14601-4, ed. Wright, vol. ii, p. 445, on the Friar who got into a Lord’s house as doctor to him and his Lady too, and ‘ salvede so oure wominen til some were with childe ’ : — ‘ What hattestow F I praye thee ; Hele noght thi name.’ ‘ Certes/ seide his felawe, ‘ Sire Penetrans domos.' — Skeat. 3 Of many sycophantes ] Perhaps “many” should be “mony.” The proper form is “ sycophantae.” — D. 4 So Chaucer, of the Friar, General Prologue , 1. 253-5, Ellesmere MS. ffor thogh a wydwe hadde noght a sho, So plesaunt was his In principle. Yet wolde he hauc a ferthyng er he wente. Tyrwhitt’s doubt (iv. 200) whether it refers to the beginning of St. John, or of Genesis, or to some passage in the conclusion of the Mass, is set at rest by ‘ Friars. . they said In principio erat Verbum, from house to house,’ 3 Tyndale, 62 ( Parker Hoc. Index). Tyrwhitt also refers to 1. 15169 in The Nonnes Prestes Tale : — . . al so siker as In principio, ‘ Mulier est hominis confusio.’ Madame, the sentence of this Latin is, ‘ Womman is marines joye and mannes blis.’ s 2 260 The Image op Ypocresye. Part IV. — The Friars. Of that youe never harde, To make foies a-ferde W^th visions and dremes/ howe they do in hevens, And in other remes Be-yonde the great stremes Of Tyger and of gange, Where tame devils range. And in the black grange, Thre myle out of hell, Where sely Sowles dwell, In paynes wher they lye, howe they lament and cry Vnto yone, holy lyars, And false fflatteringe ffriers, for dirige and masses ; Wherw^th, like very asses, We maynteyS youe and yo nr lasses ; 2372 But in especial! ye say, the sowles call for the great trentall / for some sely Sowles 2376 So depe ly in holes Of flier and brennyng Coles, 1 2 3 [leaf 144.] 1 dremes'] I suspect the author wrote 44 swevens ,” and that “ dremes ,” a gloss on the word, crept by mistake into the text.— D. 2 See the poem Trentalle Sancti Gregorii in my Political, Religious , and Love Poems (E. E. T. Soc. 1866) p. 87. The 30 Masses were to he sung, 3 on each of the 10 chief Feasts, Christmas, the Circumcision, Mary’s Purification, the Annunciation, Christ’s Resurrection, his Ascension, Pentecost, Trinity Sun- day, Mary’s Assumption, her Nativity. 3 Compare Chaucer’s living picture of the Friar in The Sompnour's Tale. Note the touch (ed. Morris, ii. 262), And fro the bench he drove away the cat, And layd adoun his potent and his hat, And eek his scrip, and sat him soft adoun ; also his kissing and flattering Thomas’s wife, and her gratified vanity and mock humility, 4 Ye, God amend defautes, Sir,’ quod sche. Is this a translation of a foreign original (p. 68, above) P Why, bless my soul, Chaucer saw it all in England with his own eyes, and makes us see it too. But I’m getting away from souls frying in Purgatory, and Trentals. This friar in Holdemesse Had preched at a chirch in his manere, And specially aboven every thing Excited he the poepul in his preching To trentals, and to yive for Goddis sake [to Friars, not Monks] . . . 4 Trentals, sayd he, 4 delyuereth fro penaunce, Her frendes soules, as wel eld as yonge ; Ye, whanne that thay hastily ben songe [by a Friar, not a Priest] . . . 2356 [leaf 143.] 2361 2364 2368 [leaf 143, back.] The Image of Ypocresye. Part IV. — T/ic Friars. 261 That top and tayle is hid ; for whom to pray and bid, Thens to haue them rid, ye thinke it but a foly ; Although e the masse be holy, The fendes be wyly : Till masse of scala cely, 1 At Bathe or at Ely Be by a ffrier saide, That is a virgine mayde, These sowles may not away. As all yo w ffriers say. So trowe I without doubte These sowles shall never out ; for it is rara avis ; Ye be so many knaves ! I swere, by crosses ten. That fewe be honest men ! So many of youe be Full of skurrilite. That throughly to be sought The multitude is noughte : Ye be nothinge Denty; Ye Come among vs plenty By copies in a peire, As sprites in the heire. Or dogges in the ffayre ; Where yo w do repayre, Ye ever ride and rune, As swifte as any gune, With no we to go and Come, As motes in the Sonne, To shrive my lady nonne. With humlery hum, Dominus vobiscum ! 2 2380 2384 [leaf 144, back.] 2388 2392 [leaf 145.] 2397 2400 2404 [leaf 145, back.] 2408 2412 Delyverith out anon,’ quod he, * the soules. Ful hard it is, with fleischhok or with oules To ben y-clawed, or brend, o[the]r i-bake ; Now speed yow hastily, for Cristes sake.’ (ed. Morris, ii. 260.) 1 On the chapel Scala Cccli at Rome, see Pol. Pel. and Love Poems , p. 118, 158, p. xxvi, and Stacions of Rome, p. xi, p. 5, 1. 118. 2 1 Beus hie /’ quod he, ‘ O Thomas, trend, good day !’ Sayde this frere al curtoysly and softe. Sompnoures Tale , 1. 62-3. 262 The Image op Ypocresye. Part IY. — The Friars. God knowetli all and Some, wliat is and hath bene done. [leaf 146 . Syns the world begone. Of russett, gray, and white, 1 That sett ther hole delighte In lust and lechery. 2416 In thefte and trecherey, In lowsy lewdenes, In Synne and shrodenes. 2420 In crokednes acurst, [leaf 146, back.] Of all people the worste, Marmosettes and apes. That with jour pild pates Mock vs with jour iapes. 2424 Ye holy caterpillers ! Ye helpe jour well-willers With prayers and psalmes. To devoure the Aimes 2428 That Christians should give [Ieafl47.] To meynteyne and releve The people poore and nedy ; 2 But youe be gredy, 2433 And so great a number. That, like the ffier of thunder, The worlde ye incomber : But hereof do I wonder. 2436 howe ye preache in prose. 2440 And shape therto a glose, Like a shipmans hose, 3 To fayne yowr-se[l]ves ded, [leaf 147, back.] Whiche nathelesse be fed. And Dayly Eate oure bred That ye amonge vs beg. And gett it spite of oure hede. 2444 It wonder is to me, 2448 1 russett: Fthe Black Friars (Dominicans or Jacobins). The Augustine Friars also wore black. Gray: the Minorites or Franciscans. White: the Carmelites or White Friars. 2 Compare A Supplicacyon for the Beggers, 1524-5 a.d. near the end, “ Tye these holy idell theues [monks] to the cartes, to be whipped naked about euery market towne til they will fall to laboure, that they by their importu- nate begging, take not awey the almesse that the good christen people wold giue vnto vs sore, impotent, miserable people, your bedemen.” 3 Cp. the Welshman’s hose, p. 206, 1. 814, note 3 , above (Skeat) ; and on glose, p. 228, note 2 on 1. 1521, above ; also p. 239, 1. 1928. The Image of Ypocresye. Part IV. — The Friars. 2G3 ho we ye maye fathers be, Yo uv sede to multiply, But yf yo w be incuby, 1 That gender gobolynes. Be we not bobolynes, sutch lesinges to beleve, whiche ye amonge vs dry [ve] ? Because ye do vs shrive, Ye 2 say we must youe call fathers Seraphicall And angelicall. That be fantasticall, Brute and bestiall, 3 Yea, Diabolicall, The babes of beliall. The Sacrifise of ba[a]ll, The dregges of all durte, fast bounde and girte vnder the devils skyrte ; for pater priapus, And frater polpatus, with doctor dulpatus, 4 Suffultus fullatus, 5 pappus paraliticus, And pastcmr improvidus, Be false and frivolus, proude and pestiferous, pold and pediculous, 6 [leaf 148.] 2452 2456 [leaf 148, back.] 2460 2464 [leaf 149.] 2469 2472 2476 1 t. 3 2 Ye] MS. “We.”— D. Some valde negligentes , i. incubi . — D. See note to 1. 2211. Some are insujficientes, Some parum sapientes , Some nihil intelligent es, Skelton’s Coign Cloute , 1. 225-30, 4 Compare Skelton’s Dawpatus in the note to 1 Boctour Boubble Ale , 1. 46-50 in Early Popular Poetry, iii. 305 : They folowe perlowes [perilous] lechis, And doctours dulpatis , That falsely to them pratis, And bring them to the gates Of hell and vtter derkenes. Some nullum sensum habentes, Ld vntaught. Works , ii. 319-20. 1555 above, and this from 5 fullatus] Qy. “fulcratus?” — D. 6 full of lice. See my Babees Book , p. 209. ‘ Pediculus other whyle do byte me by the backe’ : A. Borde, of the Irishc man. ‘ A Lowse highte Pedic- ulus I and is a worme of the skynne, and hath that name of Pedibus , the fete / as Isi[dore] saith, li. xii. And greueth more in the skynne with the fete and with crepyng / tha« he doth with bytyng. — Treviso's Bartholomeus , ed. 1535, If. CCCLXI1I. 264 The Image of Ypocresye. Part IY. — The Friars. Ranke and ridiculous, Madd and meticulous. Ever invidious, [leaf 149, back.] never religious. In preachinge prestigious. In walkinge prodigious, In talkinge sedicious, 2480 In doctrine parnicious, haute and ambicious, 2484 ffonde and supersticious. In lodginge prostibulus, [leaf 150.] In beddinge promiscuous, In Councells myschevous. In musters monstrous, In skulkinge insidicious. 2488 vnchast and lecherous. In excesse outragious. As sicknesse contagious, 1 2492 The wurst kind of Edders, [leaf 150, back.] And stronge sturdy beggers : Wher one stande and teaches, An! other prate and preches. Like holy horseleches. 2496 So this rusty rable At bourd and at table Shall fayne and fable, With bible and with bable, 2500 To make all thinge stable, [leaf 151.] By lowringe and by lokinge. By powrynge and by potinge, By standinge and by stopinge, 2505 By handinge and by ffotinge, By Corsy and by Crokinge, 2508 With their owne pelf promotinge. With ther Eyes alweyes totinge Wher they may haue shotinge 2512 Ther and here ageyne : Thus the people seyne, 2 with wordes true and playne, [leaf 151, back.] howe they lest and ioll 2516 1 contagious.'] MS. “ contragious.” — D. 2 seyne ] Originally “sey,” but altered by the original writer. — D. The Image of Ypocresye. Part IY . — The Friars. 265 with ther nody poll, with rownynge and rollinge, with bowsinge and bollinge, with lillinge and lollinge, 1 with knyllinge and knollinge, 2520 with tillinge 2 and tollinge, with shavinge and pollinge, [leaf 152.] with snyppinge and snatchinge, with itchinge and cratchinge, with kepinge and katchinge, with wepinge and watchinge, 2524 with takinge and tatchinge, with peltinge and patchinge, with findinge and fatchinge, with scriblinge and scratchinge, 2528 with ynkinge and blatchinge ; That no man ca8 matche them, Till the Devill fatche them, And so to go together [leaf 152, back.] 2533 vnto their denne for ever, wher hens as they never hereafter shall dissever, But dy Eternally, 2536 That ly ve so carnally ; 2540 for that wilbe ther Ende, But yf god them sende his Grace here to amend : [leaf 153.] And thus I make aS Ende. 2544 Thus endeth the ffourthe and last parte of this treatise called the Image of ypocresy. [leaf 154.] The grudge of ypocrites conceyved ageynst the Auctor of this treatise. These be as knappishe knackes As ever man made for Iavells 3 and for iackes, A Iym-iam 4 for a iade. 2548 1 To till out the tongue as a dog that is weary. — Florio. Loll , to dandle, fondle. — See Wedgwood’s Diet. 2 Enticing. 3 Javell , a worthless fellow. — Halliwell. 4 Jymiam, a knicknack. Jim , slender, neat, elegant. — Halliwell. 2G6 The Image op Ypocresye. — The Author’s Answer. well were we, yf we wist what a wight he were That sturred vpp this myst. To do vs all this dere ! 2552 Oh, yf we could attayne hym, he mighte be fast and sure we should not spare to payne hym, while we mighte indure ! 2556 The AwrJswer of the Auctour. Ego sum qui sum, my name may not be told ; but where ye go or come, ye may not be to bold : 2560 for I am, is, and was. And ever truste to be, neyther more nor las Then asketh charite. [leaf 154, back.] 2564 This longe tale to tell hathe made me almost horse : I trowe and knowe right well that god is full of force, 2568 And able make the dome And defe men heare and speak e, And stronge men overcome By feble men and weke : 2572 So thus I say my name is ; ye geit no more of me. Because I wilbe Blameles, And live in charite. 2576 Thuse endith this boke called the Image of ypocresye. [leaf 155.] FFINIS. 207 Sppentitx to Image of gpocresoc. (See p. 177, 1. 15.) & Satire on tjje non^preadjtng jflfftnfeters of James F* time. This is a satirical Petition to James I by tbe lovers of ‘good fellowship ’ among the Clergy, — those who were called by squires * Madd priestes, odd priestes, Doctor Merriman, Vicar of Hell,’ etc. — to put down the new rage for preaching, the new earnest preachers all over the land, and the Universities that sent them forth ; and, instead of adding to the old monthly or quarterly sermon, to turn that into one sermon a year : this, instead of the preaching and catechising that goes on ‘ in such a fearful manner ’ as it now does. Also these non-preaching parsons pray that the Justices of the Peace will see Alehouses set up near to churches, and their number increased in dry towns. Here unluckily the Petition breaks off. It is printed in this volume as a contrast to Part III of The Image of Ypocresye (p. 226), on the Preachers, that Pre-Reformation and Post- may be compared. [Harl. MS. 791.] [leaf 66.] The humble petition of the vnpreachable Minnisters of England. Most mighty Prince, now the heate of all other Suppliauntes is well quenched, Wee (that haue long beene dumbe and silent, and yet can say litle,) haue resolued to sett downe our homely Petition to your Maiestie, trusting that allthoug[h] wee tremble to come neere your Royall person, because they say your grace is admirable learned, yet that somebody or other, will bestow the tendering of it to your graces handes, in the behalfe of vs, A Company of most wretchles subiectes, that serue in your graces dominions vnder the Coulor and Countenaunce of Ministers. Alas ! our good leige king, what shall become of vs, who in your gratious Sisters 1 dayes liued allwayes in feare, though not greately hurte, and now much more haue occasion to be dis- quieted, seeing we are dayly more hunted, rated and threatned, by our fellow Ministers, and Sermon-sicke people of all sorter, then ever heretofore. Shall there never be any Iniunction made to stopp theire mouthes, that call vs, being men and Christians, Dumb Dogges, Idolls, vnsauory salt, Asses yoaked with Oxen, Cloudes without Rayne, pittes without water, spottes and blurrs (insteade of starred,) blinde guides, and a thousand such wicked 1 F Queen Elizabeth. 268 Appendix to Image. — The Unpreachable Ministers. names ? Why ? what a mischeife ! (god forgiue vs for being in Choller!) would they haue all the Min[i]sters preachers? That were, as though the Christ-cr[o]sse rowe 1 should be all vowelles, and neuer a Mute amongst them. Let them take this for theire learneing, that in a Common-wealth of Cardes, there must be some other besides kinges and queenes of the same Colour, though not of the same quallity, or else we should haue poore pastime : An evident proofe, that there ought to be some good fellowes, as good schollars, in the Ministery, as wee suppose ; and yet (alas !) of all handes, wee are sought to be shoffled out, and dis- carded, -which, cannot chuse but greiue vs, that fame would liue att ease, howsoever we face it out in Companie ; and soe much greater is our greife, because neither frf the old nor New-Testa- ment, nor in the old nor new booke of Common prayer, nor from the Parliament or Conuocation-house, can we heare of any Iott, tittle, or sound of Comfort to serue our turnes ; which, never- the-lesse, would not trouble vs soe much, but that we are be- trayed of our greatest favorites, who make vs Levites to helpe the preistes for a shifte, intending (as farr as we can gather out of the meaneing of the worde,) That if any one of vs haue a good Liueing, we shalbe ready to leaue, and to betake vs to other oc- cupations, when a fitt Pulpitt-mate is offered to take the chardge : for meere neede they make vs but tollerable Inconveniences, and necessarye mischeifes, to supply theire small liueing^s, or lea- ueinges, rather vnsufficient to finde preachinge 2 Ministers, or till the Church be furnished with learned labourers from the Vniuer- sities, whose fruitefull ofspring now seemes to threaten our vtter Ruyne and fynall ouerthrow. what shall we say, where shall we complaine? our Comforts or Countenaunce haue this flue and forty yeares decayed and beene in a flux ; and now (without some speedy Remedy,) are alltogeither att the last cast. Shall we complaine to the Bisshopps and Pathers of the Church, who then will not acknowledg vs for theire legitimate sonnes ? or if for feare of some quare impedit, or by some letters of Commen- dac[i]ons from other our hyred freindes, they haue some tymes beene induced to bestow a Creation or a blessing vppon vs, which make accompt, we are fame with Iacob or Esau (wee doe not very well remember whither,) to steale, soe shall we finde none [of] them all deale like a father indeede, and cast a good liueing vppon any of vs that haue beene still-borne, and bred vpp in silence, we may vnderstand theire good-will