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Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2012 with funding from 
 
 University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/georgewashingtonOOilclel 
 
George Washington 
 
George 
 Washington 
 
 in the 
 Ohio Valley 
 
 HUGH CLELAND 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH PRESS 
 Pittsburgh: 195-5- 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 55-6874 
 
 ©1955 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH PRESS 
 
 PRINTED IN U.S.A. BY DAVIS & WARDE, INC., PITTSBURGH, PA 
 

 
 
 ■^ 
 
 
 3- */ 
 
 
 (-^yp * &L 
 
 To Fred and Doris and Philomen 
 
ONE OF A LIST OF BOOKS IN THE CULTURAL 
 HISTORY OF WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA MADE 
 POSSIBLE THROUGH A GRANT-IN-AID FROM 
 THE BUHL FOUNDATION OF PITTSBURGH 
 
Preface 
 
 This book relates some of the important early history of the 
 upper Ohio Valley, with Pittsburgh as its center, in the words 
 of one of its most distinguished visitors, George Washington; 
 and occasionally, to round out the narrative, in the words of 
 his contemporaries — soldiers and Indian traders, friends and 
 enemies, Colonials, French, British, and Indians. 
 
 It is, essentially, the story of the Western Country as it 
 helped to make the man, and of the man as he helped to make 
 the Western Country. 
 
 The book is directed primarily to people who like to read 
 history rather than to professional historians. The author, how- 
 ever, has attempted to maintain scrupulous historical accuracy 
 and objectivity, and for those who have a specialized interest 
 in the early places, people, and events of the region and the 
 period named in the story, there are footnotes. 
 
 The volume was prepared under the direction of a committee 
 of three at the University of Pittsburgh: Dr. John W. Oliver, 
 professor emeritus of history, who helped the author with the 
 same kindness he has shown generations of students; Professor 
 Agnes Lynch Starrett, director of the University of Pittsburgh 
 Press, who would make a first-rate historian if she ever decides 
 to interrupt her career as editor and publisher; and Dean Stanton 
 C. Crawford of the College of Liberal Arts and Sciences. 
 
 Thanks are due also to Dr. Donald H. Kent, associate his- 
 torian of the Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, 
 for prompt and gracious assistance in making material avail- 
 able; to University Librarian Lorena Garloch Byers, who 
 smoothed the path for the author as only an alert and sym- 
 
 vit 
 
PREFACE 
 
 pathetic librarian can; to Lois Mulkearn, Darlington Librarian, 
 who contributed freely of her extensive historial knowledge 
 of the period as well as of her technical knowledge as a librar- 
 ian; to Miss Rose Demorest and Miss Dorothy English of the 
 Pennsylvania Room of the Carnegie Library of Pittsburgh for 
 similar kindness and assistance; and to the late Mr. Franklin 
 F. Holbrook of the Library of the Historical Society of West- 
 ern Pennsylvania. 
 
 The Abbe Arthur Maheux, Archivist of the University of 
 Laval in Quebec, generously gave permission to quote in trans- 
 lation from Papiers Contrecoeur et autres documents . . . published 
 by the University of Laval. Dr. Alfred P. James of the history 
 department of the University of Pittsburgh gave unstintingly 
 of his seemingly inexhaustible fund of information about Vir- 
 ginia and Virginians. Sympathetic assistance came also from 
 the late Dr. Russell J. Ferguson, head of the history department 
 of the University of Pittsburgh, and from Miss Alice Linton 
 of the department. Miss Leah Goodman rendered valuable 
 secretarial assistance and Miss Betty Elkin kindly checked 
 translations from the French. 
 
 The author's wife, Celia, gave not alone the invaluable edi- 
 torial and technical aid and advice which falls to the lot of 
 the historian's wife, but lent as well her good spirits and en- 
 couragement, a vital ingredient of the book. 
 
 HUGH GREGG CLELAND 
 
 Pittsburgh, August, 1955 
 
 Vlll 
 
Contents 
 
 Preface vii 
 
 Foreword by John W. Oliver xi 
 
 AMBASSADOR TO THE FRENCH 
 
 FORT LE BOEUF October 31, 1753-January 16, 1754 
 
 TheOhioCountry-1753 1 
 
 Facsimile of Washington's Journal of 1753 5 
 
 Editor's Commentary 43 
 
 COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 FORT NECESSITY April 2, 1754-July 9, 1754 
 
 In Defense of His Majesty's Lands, 1754 59 
 
 Story of the Washington Journal of 1 754 64 
 
 Extracts from the Journal of Colonel Washington 67 
 
 Fort Necessity: Eyewitness and Contemporary Accounts 91 
 
 AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL EDWARD BRADDOCK 
 BATTLE OF THE MONONGAHELA June-July, 1755 
 
 A Road to the Ohio 1 19 
 
 Braddock's Campaign: Eyewitness and Contemporary Accounts 123 
 
 VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL JOHN FORBES 
 FORT PITT April-December, 1758 
 
 The Road to Victory 153 
 
 Forbes and Pittsburgh: Eyewitness and Contemporary Accounts 1 59 
 
 LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 October-December, 1770 
 
 Economic Difficulties 233 
 
 The Journal of 1 7 70 240 
 
 • IX • 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST: 1784 
 
 "My Landed property West of the Apalachean Mountains" 273 
 
 The Journal of 1784 276 
 
 PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES: 1794 
 
 The Whiskey Rebellion 3 3 3 
 
 Contemporary Accounts, Newspapers, Letters, Journals, Records 340 
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Facsimile: The Journal of Major George Washington 
 
 Williamsburgh Printed, London, Reprinted mdccliv 8-43 
 
 Typical Iroquois (Schoolcraft) facing page 80 
 
 Braddock's Defeat (Parson Weem's Life of Washington) facing page 112 
 
 Portrait of General John Forbes by John Watson facing page 1 60 
 
 Forbes Letter of 1758, naming Pittsburgh facing page 220 
 
 Map of Washington's Journeys of 1770, 1784, 1794 facing page 258 
 
 Map of Washington's Journey of 1784 facing page 300 
 
 President's Thanksgiving Proclamation facing page 348 
 
 End papers: Map of Washington's Journeys 
 of 1753, 1754, 1755, 1758 
 
Foreword 
 
 In the midst of Pittsburgh's bicentennial celebrations (1953, 
 Location Day; Battle of Fort Necessity; 1955, Braddock's 
 Defeat; and 1958, the conquest by the English of the Forks 
 of the Ohio), at a most appropriate time, appears this interest- 
 ing book, George Washington in the Ohio Valley. In its pages, 
 through his own accounts and those of his contemporaries, we 
 live with George Washington for nearly half a century on his 
 seven journeys into the Ohio Valley to deal with the problems 
 of the frontier. We meet him first in 1753, a youth of twenty- 
 one, in the role of ambassador to the French at Fort Le Boeuf; 
 we leave him in 1794, five years before his death, successfully 
 quelling the Whiskey Rebellion, the first insurrection threaten- 
 ing the newly established government of which he was the head. 
 Many separate studies of incidents and phases of Washing- 
 ton's career and a continual stream of Washington biographies 
 have been published. This book concentrates on the times 
 Washington came into the Western Country — five times on 
 military maneuvers and two on his own and others' land inter- 
 ests. In letters and journals and newspaper accounts we see 
 with the eyes and hear with the ears of men who walked and 
 talked and served with Washington in crises and events which 
 called forth and developed qualities and skills that made George 
 Washington a leader among men, respected then and now, 
 universally and without reservation, as a man of the strictest 
 honor and integrity. Again and again, as he faced every test — 
 the hard life on the frontier and the difficulties of tying together 
 diverse interests and loyalties in a raw new land — his good 
 judgment, his unshakable dignity, his cool logic, and his respect 
 
 XI 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 for others made him stand out above older and more experi- 
 enced veterans of war and politics. 
 
 The editor of this book, Hugh Cleland, history department, 
 University of Pittsburgh, wisely has left opinions and judg- 
 ments to those whose records are printed here. No comments 
 of his are needed to let the reader know that Washington 
 understood the Indians and that they understood him; that he 
 was respected by French officers who were his enemies and 
 by British generals seasoned on foreign battlefields; that his 
 journal entries in time of peace are even now a traveler's guide 
 through the Ohio Valley, whose mountain trails, flowing 
 streams, cleared farms, oak and hickory and pine forests, black 
 rich soil and stony soil Washington describes in minutest de- 
 tail. Of few men in world history can it be said as has been 
 said of Washington, "He never sought honor, title, or position 
 of importance, but he never tried to escape the call of duty by 
 his fellow men." This, too, we realize as we follow him and 
 his companions on these journeys. When in times of peace he 
 talked with civil officers, inventors, surveyors, prominent citi- 
 zens, and the tenants who occupied his far-reaching lands and 
 farms we realize that he knew this country, its terrain and its 
 people, as probably no President since has known it. 
 
 On a library shelf with other books about the Father of 
 His Country and with other histories of our nation, learned 
 and popular, this book will hold its own sound place. It is a 
 book for the casual reader, the professional historian, and the 
 collector. It is Washington's own regional history of an area, 
 the great Ohio Valley of Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and 
 Ohio, which has played so great a part in the military, the eco- 
 nomic, and the cultural history of the United States. It seems 
 to say afresh that the policies and the life of the frontier set 
 the policies and the life of America. 
 
 Xll 
 
FOREWORD 
 
 As Herbert Baxter Adams once said, "It would seem as 
 though all lines of our public policy lead back to Washington 
 as all roads lead to Rome." 
 
 JOHN W. OLIVER 
 
 Professor Emeritus of History 
 University of Pittsburgh 
 
 • xm 
 
Ambassador to the French 
 Fort LeBoeuf 
 
 October 31, 175-3 — January 16, 1754 
 
The Ohio Country — 1753 
 
 When George Washington first set foot on the western slopes 
 of the Alleghenies, late in the autumn of 1753, he entered a 
 wilderness soon to be a battleground for two European civiliza- 
 tions. Britain and France both claimed the Ohio Valley and 
 rapidly were approaching armed conflict to defend their claims. 
 And that was not all. The powerful Iroquois confederation of 
 Indians claimed it as their private hunting grounds; and traders 
 from Virginia and Pennsylvania, scheming for priority in trade 
 with the Indians, represented rival colonial claims. 
 
 The upper Ohio Valley, including what is now Western 
 Pennsylvania, had been only Indian Country and a bountiful 
 hunting ground for them until a short while before Washington 
 came. At some date uncertain historically, the aboriginal Indian 
 tribes had disappeared, and their successors, the Erie, had been 
 driven out by the powerful Iroquois. In the first half of the 
 eighteenth century some Delawares and Shawnees and a few 
 Senecas had drifted into the region, largely from the east, and 
 had been allowed to stay because they acknowledged the su- 
 zerainty of the Iroquois. The Iroquois, from the date of the 
 Lancaster Treaty, 1 744, had been firm allies of the British, and 
 since 1603, had been enemies of the Huron, who were allies 
 of the French. 
 
 Some white traders had followed the Delaware and Shawnee 
 from their eastern settlements into the wilderness. They were 
 mostly from colonial Pennsylvania, which thought of the re- 
 gion as part of Penn's Woods. They provided the Indians with 
 manufactured goods in exchange for furs, which brought enor- 
 mous profits in the European market. These lone traders were 
 the first whites other than the earliest French explorers to 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 enter the western wilderness. Since the early years of the eigh- 
 teenth century the entrepreneurs of the forest had been leading 
 their pack trains deep into what is today western Ohio. It seems 
 strange to realize that the well-worn forest trails — worn by 
 Indian civilizations conquered long ago by other Indian civiliza- 
 tions buried deep under mounds and tall forest trees and by 
 later Indians and traders— were as easy to follow then as a 
 modern highway is today. 
 
 These far-ranging colonial frontiersmen, the forerunners of 
 English civilization in the region, inevitably were to clash with 
 the French, whose outposts by 1730 lay like a crescent around 
 the English colonies. From the settlements of the French in the 
 St. Lawrence Valley, these outposts ran along the Great Lakes, 
 through the Illinois country to the Mississippi, and thence 
 south to New Orleans. Because British trade goods were better 
 and cheaper than French goods, at such posts as Niagara and 
 Detroit the French fur trade suffered and the French were in 
 danger of losing their line of communication and supply between 
 Canada and Louisiana — indeed their claim to the entire region. 
 Since the Indians sided with whoever supplied them best with 
 manufactured goods, and since Indian allegiance was naturally 
 an important factor in the control of the wilderness, a bitter 
 struggle for domination of the Indian trade had begun. 
 
 Events in Virginia, too, intensified the white man's struggle 
 for control of the upper Ohio. Virginia was soon to claim that 
 the disputed land was within her borders, for besides a charter 
 to back her claims, Virginia had an agreement of sorts with the 
 Iroquois, the 1744 Treaty of Lancaster. Hoping to realize 
 Virginia's claims, a number of Virginia gentlemen, in 1747, 
 launched the Ohio Company of Virginia. This venture was 
 designed not only to win the Indian trade but also to gain title 
 to vast lands, "five hundred thousand acres ... on the Waters 
 
AMBASSADOR TO THE FRENCH 
 
 of the Ohio," and locate settlers on them. Among the partners 
 were influential members of the Virginia legislature, and others 
 among whom were Lawrence and Augustine Washington, older 
 half-brothers of George. In 1750, Governor Robert Dinwiddie 
 of Virginia himself became a partner. 
 
 Alarmed at the English trade success, whether Pennsyl- 
 vania's or Virginia's, the French, in 1749, had sent a military 
 force under Celeron de Blainville into the upper Ohio Valley 
 to win back Indian allegiance and to bury at strategic points 
 lead tablets asserting French sovereignty over the region. 
 Celeron ordered English traders out of the area, and subse- 
 quently the French on more than one occasion made prisoners 
 of English traders caught in the region. 
 
 But the French recognized that orders and threats were not 
 enough. The Indians they met with in the woods had become 
 too dependent on the skills of British gunsmiths and the goods 
 of British traders to be influenced easily by strangers doing 
 little more than to set up new claims to land the Indians con- 
 sidered their own to begin with. And so, in 1753, the new 
 Governor of Canada, the Marquis Duquesne, began to build a 
 string of forts on the upper tributaries of the Ohio. Early in 
 1753, Fort Presque Isle (present Erie, Pennsylvania) was 
 raised, followed by Fort Le Boeuf (now Waterford, Pennsyl- 
 vania) near the head of French Creek, an upper tributary of the 
 Allegheny. A fort was planned for Venango (present Franklin, 
 Pennsylvania) at the junction of French Creek and the Alle- 
 gheny; another, for Logstown (now Ambridge, Pennsylvania) 
 on the Ohio itself. However, illness and other difficulties forced 
 postponement of these last two projects. 
 
 The resolute French actions alarmed the Pennsylvania trad- 
 ers, but the Pennsylvania legislature, dominated by Quaker 
 merchants, had already refused their governor money to erect 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 a fort on the Ohio. Therefore, the burden of contesting the 
 French fell to Virginia and its Ohio Company. 
 
 Already, in 1752, just a year before Washington's coming, 
 commissioners representing Virginia had met with the Indians 
 at Logstown and got permission, according to Dinwiddie, "from 
 the original Proprietors of the Soil," for the Ohio Company 
 to erect a fort on the Ohio and to establish settlements south of 
 the river. 
 
 The Company had had a rough road cut from Wills Creek 
 in Maryland (now Cumberland) to the Monongahela, and in 
 1753, laid plans for a fort at the mouth of Chartier's Creek on 
 the south bank of the Ohio (where McKees Rocks, Pennsyl- 
 vania, is today) . In the same year the Company established its 
 first settlement, known as Gist's Plantation, near what is now 
 Mount Braddock, Fayette County, Pennsylvania. 
 
 Thus, in the year George Washington first set foot in the 
 Ohio Valley, 1753, the French were moving south on the 
 Allegheny; the British were working their way north in the 
 valley of the Monongahela to the point where the Allegheny 
 and Monongahela converge — the point, now Pittsburgh, where 
 England and France were destined to collide; and the Indians, 
 divided and uncertain in their allegiance, were watching and 
 waiting. 
 
 And so, on his first journey into the Western Country and 
 on his first grave and important responsibility in a lifetime of 
 grave and important responsibilities, came George Washington, 
 twenty-one years old, newly commissioned major in the Vir- 
 ginia Militia. He carried a "letter of protection for safe passing 
 and repassing to the French camp" on the "Ohio" and a mes- 
 sage from Governor Dinwiddie to the French Commandant- 
 all in the name of the Crown of Great Britain. He was received 
 by the French officer "with a Distinction suitable to . . . his 
 
AMBASSADOR TO THE FRENCH 
 
 own Quality and great Merit." With him were a French inter- 
 preter, Jacob Vanbraam; the experienced frontiersman, Chris- 
 topher Gist; and four "servitors:" Barnaby Currin and John 
 MacQuire (seasoned Indian traders), Henry Steward, and 
 William Jenkins. 
 
 To Fort Le Boeuf on French Creek they travelled — on 
 horseback, on foot, and by canoe— through miles of great white 
 pine and hardwood forests, clear and shining streams, lush 
 meadows, rolling hills topped with endless mountain ridges, 
 sharp stars, and cold blue skies — the unbelievable autumnal 
 beauty of Western Pennsylvania — none of which he mentions 
 in his Journal, for the delivery of the message, the observation 
 of French strength and weakness, and the alertness to dangers 
 loomed as more important. And with greatest difficulty Wash- 
 ington travelled back to Williamsburg, most of the way on 
 foot, through the worst of weather, through the snows and ice 
 of December and through deep wilderness tense with the emo- 
 tions of three nations — emotions just ready to explode into a 
 great European war which doomed forever the forest civiliza- 
 tion of a proud people, ended the threat of a French Empire 
 in the New World, and opened a continent, broader than any 
 yet explored, to the unity of a fresh life and hope for humanity. 
 
 The Facsimile of Washington's Journal of 1753 
 
 George Washington's own account of his first journey into 
 the upper Ohio Valley follows here as a letterpress facsimile of 
 a pamphlet printed in London in 1754 for T. Jefferys, royal 
 geographer. Earlier in 1754, the Journal had been printed in 
 Williamsburg, Virginia, by William Hunter; of this printing 
 two copies only are known: one in the Newberry Library, 
 Chicago; the other in a private collection. Washington's orig- 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 inal has not survived. There is "a true copy verbatim" made 
 by Wm. Withers which Governor Dinwiddie sent with other 
 pertinent papers to the Lords of Trade, to which the printing 
 can be compared and slight variations noted. 
 
 The Journal must have held great interest in England, for 
 it was printed also in the London Magazine, 1754, vol. 24, 
 p. 335, and in The Gentleman s Magazine, 1754, vol. 24, p. 294. 
 Notices of Mr. JefFerys' printing appeared in the Monthly 
 Review, vol. X, June, 1754, pp. 509-10, as did notices of the 
 magazine printings. On this side of the water the Journal ap- 
 peared in the Maryland Gazette, March 21 and 28, 1754, and 
 was copied in the Boston Gazette, April 16 to May 21, 1754. 
 
 The Jefferys' pamphlet, too, is rare. The one reproduced 
 here is in the Darlington Collection of Americana. It is from 
 the library of the late William McCullough Darlington, given 
 to the University of Pittsburgh by his daughters, Mary O'Hara 
 Darlington and Edith Darlington Ammon, in memory of their 
 father and of their mother (Mary Carson Darlington) . 
 
 A title page, thirty-two pages of text, and a map are printed 
 on laid rag paper, with the watermark, Strasburg Bend and Lily, 
 of Lubertus van Gerrevink. 
 
 The book is bound in crimson leather, tooled in gold. 
 Whether it was in this binding when Mr. Darlington acquired 
 it is not certain. Bound with it are a listing of "Maps, Plans, 
 and charts just imported by Thomas Jeffereys, Geographer to 
 his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales"; a gatefold "Map of 
 the Western parts of the colony of Virginia, as far as the 
 Mississippi"; an "Advertisement" signed G. Washington; a 
 printing of the letter to the French commander from Dinwiddie 
 and the letter from the French officer to the Governor; an en- 
 graving of the young Major Washington; and pressed under 
 the engraving a holograph signature, G. Washington. 
 
AMBASSADOR TO THE FRENCH 
 
 The engraver is unknown, but his work suggests the por- 
 traits of Washington by the American portrait painter, Charles 
 William Peale. The "Advertisement" appeared in the Wil- 
 liamsburg edition, too. The engraving and the signature are 
 unique to this binding of the Journal. 
 
THE FACSIMILE 
 
THE 
 
 JOURNAL 
 
 O F 
 
 Major George Wafhington^ 
 
 SENT BY THE 
 
 Hon. Robert Dinwiddie, Efq; 
 His Majefty's Lieutenant-Governor, and 
 Commander in Chief of Virginia^ 
 
 TO THE 
 
 Commandant of the French Forces 
 
 O N 
 
 OHIO, 
 
 To which are added, the 
 
 Governor's LETTER: 
 
 AND A 
 
 Translation of the French Officer's Anfwer, 
 
 WITH 
 
 A New M a p of the Country as far as the 
 MISSISSIPPI. 
 
 WILLI AMSBURGH Printed, 
 
 LONDON, Reprinted for T. Jefferys, the Corner 
 of St. Martin's Lane, 
 
 MDCCLIV. 
 
 [Price One Shilling ) 
 
Maps, Plans and Charts juji imported hy 
 Thomas Jefferys, Geographer to his Royal 
 Highnefs the Prince of Wales. 
 
 LE Indies Orientale, avec le cote de Coromandel, ct 
 1* Analife par M. D. Anville. 
 Novelles Cartes de les Indies Orientale par M. D'apres dc 
 
 de Mannivellette. 
 Theatre dc la Guerre in Italic par M. D'Anville, prem. 
 
 Partie. 
 Mappemende de M. Boulanfger avec fon Memoire, in 
 
 Quarto. 
 Memoire fur les nov. decouveiter de l'Amiral de Fonte^ 
 
 avec Cartes 
 Confiderations Geographiques : in Quarto, avec 4 Cartes 
 
 par M. Buache. 
 Canada de Robert, 1753. 
 Porter de France- par Jalliot, 1754. 
 Dekiles Atlas complete, large taper and fmall. 
 The German Atlas compleat by Homan. 
 Atlas de France, 175 1. 
 The Chinefe Atlas by D'Anville. 
 
 The Ruffian Atlas compiled and engraved at Peterfburgh. 
 D'Anvilles's new Maps of Italy, North America, South 
 
 America, Africa and the Eaftward Part of Aiia 
 Bellin's Sea Charts. 
 Plan of Rome 
 
 Venice 
 
 Berlin 
 
 Environs of Paris, 9 Sheets 
 
 Paris, one Sheet 
 
 — the Military School 
 
 Verfailles, one Sheet 
 
 Marly 
 
 Nancy 
 
 1'Orient 
 
 Speedily will be pullijbed. 
 
 A Map of the Seat of War in the Eaft Indies, with 
 a Memoir. 
 

 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 AS // was thought advifeable by his 
 Honour the Governor to have the 
 following Account of my Proceedings to 
 and from the French on Ohio, com- 
 mitted to Print ; / think I can do no 
 lefs than apologize, in fome Meafure, 
 for the number lefs Imperfe&ions of it. 
 
 There intervened but one Day between 
 my Arrival in Williamfburg, and the 
 Time for the Council s Meeting, for me 
 to prepare and tranfcribe, from the 
 rough Minutes I had taken in my Tra- 
 vels, this Journal ', the writing of which 
 only was fuffcient to employ me clofely 
 the whole Time, co?ifeque7itly admitted of 
 no Leifure to co)fult of a new and pro- 
 per Form to offer it in, or to correEl or 
 amend the Di&ion of the old: Neither was 
 I apprifed, nor did in the leaf conceive, 
 
 when 
 
Advertisement. 
 
 when I wrote this for his Honour s Per- 
 ufaly that it ever would be publifhed y 
 or even have more than a curfory Read- 
 ing \ till I was informed^ at the Meet- 
 ing of theprefent General Affembly, that 
 it was already in the Prefs. 
 
 There is nothing can recommend it to 
 
 the Public, but this. Thofe Things which 
 
 came under the Notice of my own Ob- 
 
 fervation, I have bee?i explicit and jufi 
 
 in a Recital of: Thofe which I have 
 
 gathered from Report y I have been par- 
 ticularly cautious not to aug7nent> but 
 collected the Opinions of the J ever al In* 
 telligencers, a?id feleSled from the 
 whole, the mojl probable and conftfle?it 
 Account. 
 
 G. Washington. 
 
* 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 THE 
 
 JOURNAL,^. 
 
 &^&%^^&%^%&%&%:g%&%& 
 
 Wednefday, Otlober 31ft, 1753. 
 
 S^JoT^ WAS commiflioned and appointed by 
 j 5 ^ 1 ^ the Honourable Robert Dinwiddie, Efq; 
 ^ v ^ Governor, £sfr. of Virginia^ to vifit and 
 *Lit%Ji deliver a Letter to the Commandant of 
 the French Forces on the Ohio, and fet out on the 
 intended Journey the fame Day : The next, I arrived 
 at Frederickjburg> and engaged Mr. Jacob Van- 
 braam^ to be my French Interpreter ; and proceed- 
 ed with him to Alexandria^ where we provided 
 NecefTaries. From thence we went to Winchefter* 
 and got Baggage, Horfes, &V. and from thence 
 we purfued the new Road to IVills-Creek % where 
 we arrived the 14th at November. 
 
 Here I engaged Mr. Gift to pilot us out, and 
 
 alfo hired four others as Servitors, Barnaby Curritt, 
 
 3 and 
 
( 6 ) 
 
 and John Mac-Quirt % Indian Traders, Henry Stew- 
 ardy and William Jenkins •, and in Company with 
 thofe Perfons, left the Inhabitants the Day fol- 
 lowing. 
 
 The exceflive Rains and vaft Quantity of Snow 
 which had fallen, prevented our reaching Mr. Fra- 
 z/Vr's, an Indian Trader, at the Mouth of Turtle- 
 Creek, on Monongahela [River] till Thurfday the 22d. 
 We were informed here, that ExpreiTes had been 
 fent a few Days before to the Traders down the 
 River, to acquaint them with the French General's 
 Death, and the Return of the major Part of the 
 French Army into Winter Quarters. 
 
 The Waters were quite impafTable, without 
 fwimming our Horfes ; which obliged us to get 
 the Loan of a Canoe from Frazier, and to fend 
 Barnaky Currin, and Henry Steward, down the 
 Monongahela, with our Baggage, to meet us at 
 the Forks of Ohio, about 10 Miles, there to crofs 
 the Aligany* 
 
 As 1 got down before the Canoe, I fpent fome 
 Time in viewing the Rivers, and the Land in the 
 Fork •, which I think extremely well fituated for a 
 Fort, as it has the abfolute Command of both Ri- 
 vers. The Land at the Point is 20 or 25 Feet 
 above the common Surface of the Water ; and a 
 confiderable Bottom of flat, well- timbered Land all 
 around it, very convenient for Building : The 
 Rivers are each a Quarter of a Mile, or more, 
 acrofs, and run here very near at right Angles : 
 Aligany bearing N. E. and Monongahela S. E. The 
 former of thele two is a very rapid and fwift run- 
 ning Water ; the Other deep and ftill, without any 
 perceptible Fall. 
 
 About two Miles from this, on the South Eaft 
 Side of the River, at the Place where the Ohio 
 
 * The Ohio and Aligany are the fame River. 
 
 Company 
 
( 7 ) 
 
 Company intended to ered a Fort, lives Shingift* 
 King of the Delaware* : We called upon him, to 
 invite him to Council . at the Loggs-Town. 
 
 As I had taken a good deal of Notice Yeilerday 
 of the Situation at the Forks, my Curiofuy led me 
 to examine this more particularly, and I think 
 it greatly inferior, either for Defence or Advanta- 
 ges ; efpecially the latter : For a Fort at the Forks 
 would be equally well fituated on the Ohio, and have 
 the entire Command of the Mononga beta ; which runs 
 up to our Settlements and is extremely well de- 
 figned for Water Carriage, as it is of a deep {till 
 Nature. Befides a Fort at the Fork might be built 
 at a much lefs Expence, than at the other Place. — 
 
 Nature has well contrived this lower Place, for 
 Water Defence •, but the Hill whereon it mud (land 
 being about a Quarter of a Mile in Length, and 
 then defcending gradually on the Land Side, will 
 render it difficult and very expenfive, to make a 
 fufficient Fortification there. — The whole Flat upon 
 the Hill muft be taken-in, the Side next the De- 
 scent made extremely high, or elfe the Hill itfelf 
 cut away : Otherwife, the Enemy may raife Bat- 
 teries within that Diftance without being expofed 
 to a fmgle Shot from the Fort. 
 
 Shingifs attended us to the Loggs-Town, where 
 we arrived between Sun-fetting and Dark, the 25th 
 Day after I left Williamfburg. We travelled over 
 fbme extreme good and bad Land, to get to this 
 Place.— 
 
 As foon as I came into Town, I went to Mona- 
 katoocha (as the Half-king was out at his hunting- 
 Cabbin on little Beaver-Creek, about 15 Miles oft) 
 and informed him by John Davifon my Indian In- 
 terpreter, that I was fent a Meflenger to the French 
 General ; and was ordered to* call upon the Sa- 
 chems of the Six Nations y to acquaint them with 
 
 it.— 
 
( 8 } 
 
 it. — I gave him a String of Wampum f, and a 
 Twift of Tobacco, and defired him to fend for the 
 Half-King ; which he promifed to do by a Runner 
 3n the Morning, and for other Sachems. — I invited 
 him and the other great Men prefent to my Tent, 
 where they ftay'd about an Hour and return'd. 
 
 According to the beft Obfervations I could make; 
 Mr. Giff *s new Settlement (which we pafs'd by) 
 bears about W.N. W. 70 Miles from /F/7/j-Creek 5 
 Shanapins, or the Forks N. by W. or N. N. W. 
 about 50 Miles from that •, and from thence to th6 
 Loggs-Town, the Courfe is nearly Weil about 18 
 or 20 Miles: So that the whole Diflance, as we 
 went and computed it, is atleafl 135 or 140 Miles 
 from our back Inhabitants. 
 
 25/^, Came to Town four of ten Frenchmen who 
 had deferted from a Company at thtKufkuJkas, which 
 lies at the Mouth of this River. I got the follow- 
 ing Account from them. They were fent from 
 New-Orleans with 100 Men, and 8 Canoe-Loads 
 of Provifions to this Place ; where they expected to 
 have met the fame Number of Men, from the Forts 
 on this Side Lake Erie, to convoy them and the 
 Stores up, who were not arrived when they ran- off. 
 
 I enquired into the Situation of the French, ori 
 the MiJJiJfippi, their Number, and what Forts they 
 had built. They inform'd me, That there were 
 four fmall Forts between New-Orleans and the 
 Black- JJlands, garrifon'd with about 30 or 40 Men, 
 and a few fmall Pieces in each : That at New-Orle- 
 ans, which is near the Mouth of the MiJJiffippi, 
 there are 35 Companies, of 40 Men each, with si 
 pretty flrong Fort mounting 8 Carriage Guns ; and 
 at the Black-Iflands there are feveral Companies* 
 and a Fort with 6 Guns. The Black-ljlands are 
 
 -f- A kind of Indian Money ; alfo given as a Prefent or Mark 
 Of Friendfhip. 
 
 about 
 
( 9 ) 
 
 about 130 Leagues above the Mouth of the Ohio^ 
 which is about 350 above New -Or leans. They alfo 
 acquainted me, that there was a fmall pallifado'd 
 Fort on the Ohio, at the Mouth of the Obai/h about 
 60 Leagues from the Mijjiftpi. The Obaifh * head9 
 near the Weft End of Lake Erie, and affords the 
 Communication between the French on Mijjiffippi 
 and chofe on the Lakes. Thefe Deferters came up 
 from the lower Shanoah Town with one Brown, an 
 Indian 1 rader, and were going to Philadelphia. 
 
 About 3 o'clock this Evening the Half-King 
 came to Town. I went up and invited him with 
 Davifon, privately, to my Tent -, and defir'd him 
 to relate fome of the Particulars of his Journey to 
 the French Commandant, and Reception there: 
 Alfo to give me an Account of the Ways and Dif- 
 tance. He told me, that the nearefr. and levelled 
 Way was now impaffable, by ReaTon of many large 
 mirey Savannas ; that we muft be obliged to go by 
 Venango, and fhould not get to the near Fort under 
 5 or 6 Nights Sleep, good Travelling. When he 
 went to the Fort, he laid he was received in a very 
 ftern Manner by the late Commander ; Who afk'd 
 him very abruptly, what he had come about, and 
 to declare his Bufinefs : Which he laid he did in the 
 following Speech. 
 
 Fathers ', I am ccme to tell you y cur cwn Speeches ; 
 what y cur cwn Mcuths have declared. Bathers, Ton, 
 in former Days, fet a Silver Bafon be j ere us, wherein 
 there was the Leg of a Beaver, and dejir 9 d all the 
 'Nations to come and eat of it ; to eat in Peace and 
 Plenty, and not to be churhjh to one another : And 
 that if any fuch Per Jen Jhould be found to be a Dif- 
 turber, I here lay down by the Edge of the D-Jh a 
 
 * Or Wabajh, written by the French Quabach. 
 
 B Rod, 
 
( io ) 
 
 Rod, which you muft fee urge them with •, and if I your 
 Father, fhould get fooli/h, in my old Days, I defire 
 yen may ufe it upon me as well as others, 
 
 Novo Fathers, it is you who are the Difturbers in 
 this Land, by coming and building your Towns ; and 
 taking it away unknown to us, and by Force. 
 
 Fathers, We kindled a Fire a long c f'ime ago, at a 
 Place called Montreal, where we defiredyou to flay, 
 and not to come and intrude upon our Land. 1 now 
 defire you may di [patch to that Place \ for be it known 
 to you, Fathers, that this is our Land, and not 
 
 yours. 
 
 Fathers, I defire you may hear me in Civilnefs ; // 
 not, we muft handle that Rod which was laid down 
 for the Ufe of the abjlreperous. If yen had come in 
 a peaceable Manner, like our Brothers the Englifh, 
 we fhould not have been againft your trading with us, 
 as they do-, but to come, Fathers, and build 
 Houses upon our Land, and to take it by 
 Force, is what we cannot submit to. 
 
 Fathers, Both you and the Englifh are white, we 
 live in a Country between -, therefore the Land belongs 
 to neither one nor t'other : But the Great Being above 
 allowed it to be a Place of Refidence J or us ; fo Fa- 
 thers, I defire you to withdraw, as I have done our 
 Brothers the Englifh : For I will keep you at Arms 
 length. 1 lay this down as a c l rial for both, to fee 
 which will have the greatefl Regard to it, and that 
 Side we will /land by, and make equal Sharers with us. 
 Our Brothers the Engliih have heard this, and I 
 come now to tell it to you \ for I am not afraid to dif 
 charge you off this Land. 
 
 This he faid was the Subflance of what he fpoke 
 tothe General, who made this Reply. 
 
 Now 
 
( » ) 
 
 Now my Child, I have heard your Speech : Ton 
 /poke fir ft, but it is my Time to /peak now. Where 
 is my Wampum that you took away, with the Marks 
 of Towns in it ? This Wampum I do not know, which 
 you have dif charged me off the Land with : But you 
 need not put your/elf to the Trouble of /peaking, for I 
 wiil not hear you. I am not afraid of Flies, or Muf- 
 quit os, for Indians are fuch as thofe. I tell you, down 
 that River I will go, and will build upon it, accord- 
 ing to my Command. If the River was blocked up, 1 
 have Fo/ ces fufficient to burft it open, and tread under 
 my Feet all that ft and in Oppcfition, together with 
 their Alliances ; for my Force is as the Sand upon the 
 SeaShore: Therefore, here is your Wampum, I fling 
 it at you. Child, you talk foolifh-, you fay this hand 
 belongs to you, but there is not the Black of my Nail 
 yours. 1 jaw that Land fooner than yen did, before 
 the Shannoahs and you were at War : Lead was the 
 Man who went down, and took Pojfeffion of that Ri- 
 ver : It is my Land, and I will have it, let who will 
 ftand-up for, or fay-againft, it, I'll buy and fell with 
 the Englifh, .(mockingly). If People will be rul'd 
 by me> they may expect Kindnefs, but not elfe. 
 
 The Half-King told me he enquired of the Gene- 
 ral after two Englifhmen who were made Prifoners, 
 and received this Anfwen 
 
 Child, Tou think it is a very great Hardjhip that 
 I made Prifoners of thofe two People at Venango. 
 Don't you concern y our f elf with it : We took and car- 
 ried them to Canada, to get Intelligence of what the 
 Engliih were doing in Virginia. 
 
 He informed me that they had built two Forts, 
 
 ©ne on Lake Erie, and another on French-Creek, 
 
 B 2 n ^ a ^ 
 
( M ) 
 
 near a fmall Lake about 15 Miles afunder, and a 
 large Waggon Road between : They are both built 
 after the lame Model, but different in the Size; 
 that on the Lake the largeft. He gave me a Plan of 
 them, of his Own drawing. 
 
 The Indians enquired very particularly after their 
 Brothers in Carolina Goal. 
 
 Tney alio afked what Sort of a Boy it was who 
 was taken from the «5>#//j-Branch ; for they were 
 told by fome Indians, that a Party of Trench Indians 
 had carried a white Boy by the Kujkujka Town, to* 
 wards the Lakes. 
 
 26th. We met in Council at the Long-Houfe r 
 about 9 o'clock, where I fpoke to them as 
 follows. 
 
 Brothers, I have called you together in Council, by 
 Order of your Brother the Governor of Virginia, to 
 acquaint yen, that Iamfent, with all poffible Difpatcb, 
 to vifit, and deliver a Letter to the French Comman- 
 dant ', of very great Importance to your Brothers the 
 Englifli ; and 1 dare jay, to you their Friends and 
 Allies. 
 
 I was defired, Brothers, by your Brother the Go- 
 vernor, to call upon you, the Sachems of the Nations* 
 to inform you of it 9 and to a(k your Advice and Affift- 
 ance to proceed the nearejl and beft Road to the French. 
 Tou fee, Brothers, T have gotten thus far on my 
 Journey. 
 
 His Honour likewife defired me to apply to you for 
 Jome of your young Men, to conduit and provide Pro^ 
 vifions for us on our Way, and be a Safeguard againft 
 thofe French Indians who have taken up the Hatchet 
 againft us. I have fpoke this particularly to you* 
 Brothers, becaufe his Honour our Governor treats you 
 as good Friends and Allies \ and holds you in great 
 
 Efteem. 
 
( 13 ) 
 
 Efteem. $0 confirm what 1 have faid> I give you 
 this String of Wampum. 
 
 After they had confkiered for fome Time on the 
 above Difcourfe, the Half- King got up and fpo'ke. 
 
 Now, my Brothers, in Regard to what my Bro- 
 ther the Governor has defired me, I return you this 
 Anfwer. 
 
 I rely upon you as a Brother ought to do, 'as you 
 fay we are Brothers and one People : We fJoall put 
 Heart in Hand, and f peak to our Fathers the French 
 concerning the Speech they made to me ; and you may 
 depend that we will endeavour to be your Guard. 
 
 Brother, as you have ajked my Jldvice, I hope 
 you will be ruled by it, and ft ay till I can provide a 
 Company to go with you. 1 he French Speech- Belt is 
 not here, I have it to go for to my hunting-Cabbin: 
 Lthewife the People whom I have ordered in, are not 
 yet come, nor cannot till the third Night from this \ 
 till which Time, Br o: her, I mufi beg you to flay. 
 
 I intend to fend a Guard of Mingo's, Shannoahs, 
 and Delaware*, that cur Brothers may fee the Love 
 and Loyalty we bear them. 
 
 As I had Orders to make all pofTible Difparch, 
 and waiting here was vciy contrary to my Incli- 
 nation, I thanked him in the moft luirable Manner I 
 could; and told him, that my Uufincfs required the 
 greateft Expedition, and would not admit of that 
 Delay. He was not well pleafed that I mould offer 
 to go before the Time he had appointed, and told 
 me, that he could not confent to our going without 
 a Guard, for Fear fome Accident fhouki befal us, 
 and draw a Reflection upon him. Befides, fays he, 
 this is a Matter of no imall Moment, and muft 
 
 not 
 
( 14) 
 
 not be entered into without due Confideration i For 
 now I intend to deliver up the Fn*/?^- Speech-Belt, 
 and make the Shanoahs and Delawares do the 
 fame. And accordingly he gave Orders to King 
 Shingifs, who was prefent, to attend on Wednsjday 
 Night with the Wampum ; and two Men of their 
 Nation to be in Readinefs to iet-out with us next 
 Morning. As I found it was impoflible to get-off 
 without affronting them in the mod egregious 
 Manner, I confented to flay. 
 
 I gave them back a String of Wampum which I 
 met with at Mr. Frezicr's, and which they had fent 
 with a Speech to his Honour the Governor, to 
 inform him, that three Nations of French Indians y 
 viz. Chippoways, O noways, and Orundaks, had 
 taken-up the Hatchet againft the Engltjh -, and de- 
 fired them to repeat it over again : But this they 
 poftponed doing till they met in full Council with 
 the Shannoahs and Delaware Chiefs. 
 
 2-jth. Runners were difpatched very early for 
 the Sbannoah Chirfs. The Half-King fet out himfelf 
 to fetch the French- Speech-Belt from his hunting 
 Cabbin. 
 
 28 th. He returned this Evening, and came with 
 Mcnokatoocha, and two other Sachems to my Tent , 
 and begged (as they had complied with his Ho- 
 nour the Governor's Requeft, in providing Men, 
 &c.) to know on what Bufinefs we were going to 
 the French ? this was a Queftion I all along ex- 
 pected, and had provided as fatisfactory Anfwers 
 to, as I could ; which allayed their Curiofity a 
 little. 
 
 Monokatoocha informed me, that an Indian from 
 Venango brought News, a few Days ago, that the 
 French had called all the Mingo's, Belawares, &c. 
 together at that Place-, and told them, that they 
 
 intended 
 
( 15 ) 
 intended to have been down the River this Fall, 
 but the Waters were growing cold, and the Winter 
 advancing, which obliged them to go into Quarters : 
 But that they might affuredly expect them in the 
 Spring, with a far greater Number ; and defired 
 that they might be quite paflive, and not to in- 
 termeddle, uniefs they had a Mind to draw all 
 their Force upon them : For that they expected to 
 fight the Englijh three Years (as they iuppofed there 
 would be iome Attempts made to ftop them) in 
 which Time they fhould conquer : But that if 
 they fnould prove equally ftrong, they and thex 
 Englifhy would join to cut them all off, and divide 
 the Land between them : That though they had 
 loft their Genera), and fome few of their Soldiers, 
 yet there were Men enough to reinforce them, 
 and make them Mailers of the Ohio. 
 
 This Speech, he faid, was delivered to them by 
 one Captain Joncaire their Interpreter in Chief, 
 living at Venango », and a Man of Note in the Army. 
 2gtb. The Half-King and Monokatoocha y came 
 very early, and begged me to (lay one Day more: 
 For notwithftanding they had ufed all the Diligence 
 in their Power, the Shanoah Chiefs had not brought 
 the Wampum they ordered, but would certainly 
 be in To-night •, if not, they would delay me no 
 longer, but would fend it after us as ibon as they 
 arrived. When I found them fo preffing in 
 their Requeft, and knew that returning of Wam- 
 pum was the aboiifhing of Agreements ; and 
 giving this up, was fhaking-ofT all Dependance 
 upon the French, I confented to flay, as 1 believed 
 an OiFence offered at this Crifis, might be attended 
 with greater ill Confequence, than another Day's 
 Delay. They alio informed me, that Shingifs could 
 not get-in his Men -> and was prevented from com- 
 ing 
 
C is) 
 
 ing himfelf by his Wife's Sicknefs, (I bdieve, by 
 Fear of the French)-, but that the Wampum of that 
 Nation was lodged with Knftaloga one of their 
 Chiefs at Venango. 
 
 In the Evening late they came again and ac- 
 quainted me that the Sbannoabs were not yet arriv- 
 ed, but that it fhould not retard the Profecutiort 
 of our Journey. He delivered in my Hearing, the 
 Speeches that were to be made to the French by 
 Jejkakake, one of their old Chiefs, which was 
 giving-up the Belt the late Commandant had afked 
 for, and repeating near the lame Speech he him- 
 felf had done before. 
 
 He alfo delivered a String of Wampum to this 
 Chief, which was fent by King Shingijs, to be given 
 to Kuftaloga, with Orders to repair to the French, 
 and deliver- up the Wampum. 
 
 He likewiie gave a very large String of black 
 and white Wampum, which was to be fent up 
 immediately to the Six Nations, if the French re- 
 fufed to quit the Land at this Warning •, which 
 was the third and laft Time, and was the Right 
 of tills Jejkdkake to deliver. 
 
 %ath. Laft Night the great Men aflembled to 
 their Council-Houfe, to confult further about this 
 Journey, and who were to go : The Rcfult of 
 which was, that only three ot their Chiefs, with 
 one of their beft Hunters, fhould be our Convoy. 
 The Reaibn they gave for not lending more, after 
 what had been propofed at Council the 26th, was, 
 that a greater Number might give the French Suf- 
 picions of fome bad Defign, and caufe them to 
 be treated rudely : But I rather think they could 
 not get their Hunters in. 
 
 We fet out about 9 o'Glock with the Half-King, 
 Jejkakake, White Thunder, and the Hunter-, and 
 
 travelled 
 
( 17 ) 
 travel led on the Road to Venango \ where we ar- 
 rived the 4th of December, without any Thing re- 
 markable happening but a continued Series of bad 
 Weather. 
 
 This is an old Indian Town, fituated at the 
 Mouth of French Creek on Ohio ; and lies near N, 
 about 60 Miles from the Zfljgj-Town, but more 
 than 70 the Way we were obliged to go. 
 
 We found the French Colours hoiftcd at a Houfe 
 from which they had driven Mr. John Frazier, an 
 Englijh Subject. I immediately repaired to it, to 
 know where the Commander refided. There were 
 three Officers, one of whom, Capt. Joncaire, in- 
 formed me, that he had the "Command of the 
 Ohio : But that there was a General Officer at the 
 near Fort, where he advifed me to apply for an 
 Anfwtr. He invited us to fup with them j and 
 treated us with the greateft Complaifance. 
 
 The Wine, as they dofed themfelves pretty plen- 
 tifully with it, foon banifhed the Rcftraint which 
 at firft appeared in their Converfation ; and gave a 
 Licence to their Tongues to reveal their Sentiments 
 more freely. 
 
 They told me, That it was their abfolute De- 
 fign to take PofTeffion of the Ohio, and by G — they 
 would do it : For that altho' they were fenfible the 
 Englijh could raife two Men for their one; yet they 
 knew, their Motions were too (low and dilatory to 
 •prevent any Undertaking of theirs. They pretend 
 ro have an undoubted Right to the River, from a 
 Difcovery made by one La Solle 60 Years ago ; and 
 the Rife of this Expedition is, to prevent our fet- 
 tling on the River or Waters of it, as they had 
 heard of fome Families moving-out in Order 
 thereto. From the beft Intelligence I could get, 
 there have been J 500 Men on this Side Ontario 
 
 C Lake 
 
( is ; 
 
 Lake : But upon the Death of the General all were 
 recalled to about 6 or 700, who were left to gar- 
 rifon four Forts, 1 50 or there abouts in each. The 
 firft of thtm is on French-Creek, near a fmall 
 Lake, about 60 Miles from Venango > near N.N. W. 
 the next lies on LakeisnV, where the greater Fart 
 of their Stores' are kept, about 15 Miles from the 
 other. From this it is 120 Miles to the carrying 
 Place, at the Falls of Lake Erie, where there is a 
 fmall Fort; .which they lodge their Goods at, in 
 bringing them from Montreal, the Place whence all 
 their Stores come from. The next Fort lies about 
 20 Miles irom this, on 0#/#w-Lake. Between 
 this Fort and Montreal there are three others, the 
 iirll of which is near oppofite to the Englifh Fort 
 Ofwego. From the Fort on Lake Erie to Montreal 
 is about 600 Miles, which they fay requires no 
 more, if good Weather, than four Weeks Voyage, 
 if they go in Barks or large Veffels, fo that they may 
 crofs the Lake : But if they come in Canoes it will 
 require 5 or 6 Weeks, for they are obliged to keep 
 under the Snore. 
 
 5th. Rain'd exceffively all Day, which prevented 
 our Travelling. Capt. Joncaire lent for the Half- 
 King,as he had but juft heard that he came with me: 
 He affected to be much concerned that I did not 
 make free to bring them in before. I excufed it in 
 the bed Manner I was capable, and told him, I 
 did not think their Company agreeable, as 1 had 
 heard him fay a good deal in Diipraife of Indians in 
 general. But another Motive prevented me from 
 bringing them into his Company : I knew he was 
 Interpreter, and a Perfon of very great Influence 
 among the Indians, and had lately ufed all pofllble 
 Means to draw them over to their Intereft •, there- 
 fore I was defirous of giving no Opportunity that 
 could be avoided. When 
 
( 19 ) 
 
 When they came in, there was great Pleafure ex- 
 preffed at feeing them. He wondred how they could 
 be fo near without coming to vifit him ♦, made fe- 
 veral trifling Prefents ; and applied Loquor fo fait, 
 that they were foon rendred incapable of the Bufinefs 
 they came about, notwithftanding the Caution which 
 was given. 
 
 6th. The Half-King came to my Tent, quite 
 fober, and infilled very much that I fhould Hay and 
 hear what he had to fay to the French. I fain would 
 have prevented his fpeaking anything, till he 
 came to the Commandant •, but could not prevail. 
 He told me, that at this Place a Council Fire was 
 kindled, where all their Bufinefs with thefe People 
 was to be tranfacted ; and that the Management of 
 the Indian Affairs was left folely to Monlieur Jon- 
 caire. As I was defirous of .knowing the I flue 
 of this, 1 agreed to (lay: But fent our Horfes a little 
 "Way up French Creek, to raft over and encamp , 
 which 1 knew would make it near Night. 
 
 About io o'Clock they met in Council. The 
 King (poke much the fame as he had before done 
 to the General ; and offered the French Speech -Be It 
 which had before been demanded, with the Marks 
 of four Towns on it, which Monfieur Joncaire re- 
 fufed to receive •, but defired him to carry it to the 
 Fort to the Commander. 
 
 yth. Monfieur La Force, CommifTary of the 
 French Stores, and three other Soldiers came over 
 to accompany us up. We found it extremely 
 difficult to get the Indians off To-day, as every 
 Stratagem had been ufed to prevent their going-up 
 with me. . I had laft Night left John Davifon (the 
 Indian interpreter whom I brought with me from 
 Town, and ftrictly charged him not to be out of 
 their Company, as I could not get them over to 
 
 C 2 my 
 
( *o ) 
 
 my Tent ; For they had feme Bufinefs with Kujlaloga, 
 chiefly to know the Reafon why he did not deliver 
 up the French Belt which he had in Keeping: But 
 I was obliged to fend Mr. Gift over To-day to fetch 
 them-, which he did with great Perfuafion. 
 
 At 1 1 o'Clock we fet out for the Fort, and were 
 prevented from arriving there till the nth by 
 exceflive Rains, Snows, and bad Travelling, through 
 many Mires and Swamps. Thefe we were obliged 
 to pafs, to avoid crofling the Creek, which was 
 impofilble, either by fording or rafting, the Water 
 -was fo high and rapid. 
 
 We palled over much good Land fince we left 
 Venango, and through feveral extenfive and very 
 rich Meadows -> one of which I believe was near 
 four Miles in Length, and confiderably wide in 
 fome Places. 
 
 12th. I prepared early to wait upon the Com- 
 mander, and was received and conducted to him 
 by the fecond Officer in Command. I acquainted 
 him with my Bufinefs, and offered my Commiflion 
 and Letter: Both of which he defired me to keep 
 till the Arrival of Monfieur Riparti, Captain, at 
 the next Fort, who was fent for and expected every 
 Hour. 
 
 This Commander is a Knight of the military 
 Order of St. Lewis, and named Legardeur de St. 
 Piere. He is an elderly Gentleman, and has much 
 the Air of a Soldier. He v/as fent over to take the 
 Command, immediately upon the Death of the 
 late General, and arrived here about feven Days 
 before me. 
 
 At 2 o'Clock the Gentleman who was fent for 
 arrived, when I offered the Letter, &c. again ; 
 which they received, and adjourned into a private 
 Apartment for the Captain to tranOate, who urv 
 
 derltood 
 
( 21 ) 
 
 derftood a little Englijh. After he had done it, the 
 Commander defired I would walk-in, and bring 
 my Interpreter to perufe and correct it; which 
 ldid. 
 
 ipb. The chief Officers retired, to hold a Council 
 of War; which gave me an Opportunity of taking 
 the Dimenfions of the Fort, and making what Ob- 
 fervations I could. 
 
 It is fituated on the South, or Weft Fork. of 
 French Creek, near the Water; and is almoft fur- 
 rounded by the Creek, and a fmall Branch of it 
 which forms a Kind of liland. Four Hou fes 
 compofe the Sides. The Baftions are made of Piles 
 driven into the Ground, {landing more than 12 Feet 
 above it, and fharp at Top: With Port- Holes cut 
 for Cannon, and Loop- Holes for the fmall Arms ro 
 fire through. There are eight 6 lb. Pieces mounted, 
 in each Baftion; and one Piece of four Pound before 
 the Gate. In the Baftions are a Guard Houfe, 
 Chapel, Doctor's Lodging, and the Commander's 
 private Store: Round which are laid Plat-Forms for 
 the Cannon and Men to.ftand on. There are feveral 
 Barracks without the Fort, for the Soldiers Dwell- 
 ing ; covered, feme with Bark, and fome with 
 Boards, made chiefly of Loggs. There are alfo 
 feveral other Houfes, fuch as Stables, Smiths 
 Shop, &c. 
 
 I could get no certain Account of the Number 
 of Men here : But according to the beft Judgment 
 I could form, there are an Hundred exclufive of 
 Officers, of which there are many. I alfo gave 
 Orders, to the People who were with me, to take 
 an exact Account of the Canoes which were hauled- 
 up to convey their Forces down in the Spring. 
 This they did, and told 50 of Birch Bark, and 
 1 70 of Pine; befides many others which were block- 
 £d-out a in Readinefs to make. i$ib. As 
 
( 22 ) 
 
 14-th. As the Snow encreafed very faft, ,and our 
 Hones daily became weaker, I lent them off un- 
 loaded-, under the Care of Barnaby Currin and two 
 others, to make all convenient DiJpatch to Venango , 
 and there wait our Arrival, if there was a Pofpect 
 of the Rivers freezing: Tf not, then to continue 
 down to Shdrtdpin's Town, at the Forks of Ohio> 
 and there to wait till we came to crofs Aliganey ; in- 
 tending niyfelf to go down by Water, as i had 
 the Offer of a Canoe or two. 
 
 As I .found many Plots concerted to retard the 
 Indians BufineiS, and prevent their returning with 
 me; I endeavour'd all that lay in my Power to 
 fruttrate their Schemes, and hurry them on* to exe- 
 cute tiieir intended Defign. They accordingly pref- 
 fed lor Admittance this Evening, which at Length 
 was granted tnem, privacely, with the Commander 
 and one or two other Officers. The Half-King told 
 nie, tnat he offer'd the Wampum to the Comman- 
 der, who evaded taking it, and made many fair 
 Promifes of Love and Friend fhip •, faid he wanted 
 to live in Peace, and trade amicably with them, as 
 a Proof of which he would fend fome Goods imme- 
 diately down to the Lc^gVTown for them. But I 
 rather think the Defign of that is, to bring away all 
 our ftraggling Traders they meet with, as I pri- 
 vately underftood they intended to carry an Officer, 
 &c. with them. And what rather confirms this 
 Opinion, I was enquiring of the Commander, by 
 what Authority he had made Prifoners of feveral of 
 our Englijh Subjects. He told me that the Country 
 belong'd to them; that no EngHJhman had a Right 
 to trade upon thofe Waters •, and that he had Or- 
 ders to make every Perfon Prifoner who attempted 
 it on the Ohio, or the Waters of it. 
 
( *3 ) 
 I enquir'd of Capt. Riparti about the Boy who was 
 tarried by this Place, as it was done while the Com- 
 mand devolved on him, between theDeath of the late 
 General, and the Arrival of the prefent. Fie ac- 
 knowledged, that a Boy had been carried pad; and 
 that the Indians- had two or three white Men's 
 Scalps, (I was told by fome of the Indians at Venangc 
 Eight) but pretended to have forgotten the Name of 
 the Place which the Boy came from, and all the Par- 
 ticular Fads, though he had queftion'd him for 
 fome Hours, as they were carrying him pall. I 
 likewife enquired what they had done with John 
 trotter and James Mac Clccklan, two Penfyhania 
 Traders, whom they had taken, with all their 
 Goods. They told me, that they had been fent 
 to Canada, but were now returned Home. 
 
 This Evening I received an Anfwer to his Honour 
 the Governor's Letter from the Commandant. 
 
 i $th> The Commandant ordered a plentiful Store 
 of Liquor, Provifion, &V. to be put on Board our 
 Canoe ; and appeared to be extremely complaifant, 
 though he was exerting every Anirice which he could 
 invent to fet our own Indians at Variance with us, 
 to prevent their going 'till alter our Departure. Pre- 
 fents, Rewards, and every Thing which could be 
 
 fuggefted by him or his Officers. 1 can't fay 
 
 that ever in my Life I fuffer'dfo much Anxiety as I 
 did in this Affair : I faw that every Stratagem which 
 the moft fruitful Brain could invent, was practiied, 
 to win the Half- King to their Interefl; and that 
 leaving him here was giving them the Opportunity 
 
 they aimed at, 1 went to the Half- King and 
 
 prefs'd him in the ftrongeft Terms to go : He told 
 me the Commandant would not difcharge him 'till 
 the Morning. 1 then went to the Commandant, 
 and defired him to do their Bufinefsj ajid conipi a j n »d 
 
 of 
 
( 24 ) 
 
 of ill Treatment: For keeping them, as they were 
 Part of my Company, was detaining me. This 
 he promifed not to do, but to forward my Journey 
 as much as he could. He protefted he did not keep 
 them, but was ignorant of the Caufe of their Stay ; 
 
 though I foon found it out: He had promifed 
 
 them a prefent of Guns, &c. if they would wait 
 'till the Morning. 
 
 As I was very much prefs'd, by the Indians, to 
 wait this Day for them, I confented, on a Promife, 
 That nothing fhould hinder them in the Morning. 
 
 1 6th. The French were not flack in their Inven- 
 tions to keep the Indians this Day alfo : But as they 
 were obligated, according to Promife, to give the 
 Prefent, they then endeavoured to try the Power 
 of Liquor; which I doubt not would have prevailed 
 at any otherTime than this: But I urged and infilled 
 with the King fo clofely upon his Word, that he 
 refrained, and fet-ofT with us as he had engaged. 
 
 We had a tedious and very fatiguing PafTage 
 down the Creek. Several Times we had like to have 
 been ftaved againft Rocks; and many Times were 
 obliged all Hands to get-out and remain, in the 
 Water Half an Hour or more, getting over the 
 Shoals. At one Place the Ice had lodged and made 
 it impafTable by Water ; therefore we were obliged 
 to carry our Canoe acrofs a Neck. of Land, a Quar- 
 ter of a Mile over. We did not reach Venango, till 
 the 2 2d, where we met with our Horfes. 
 
 This Creek is extremely crooked, I dare fay the 
 Diftance between the Fort and Venango can't be lefs 
 than 130 Miles, to follow the Meanders-. 
 
 23^, When I got Things ready .to fet-off, Ifent 
 for the Half- King, to know whether he intended to 
 go with us, or by Water. He told me that White- 
 Thunder had hurt himfelf much, and was fick and 
 
 unable 
 
( 2 5 ) 
 
 unable to walk •, therefore he was obliged to carry 
 him down in a Canoe. As I found he intended to 
 flay here a Day or two, and knew that Monfieur 
 Joncaire would employ every Scheme to fet him 
 againft the Englijb as he had before done •, I told 
 him I hoped he would guard againft his Flattery, 
 and let no fine Speeches influence him in their Fa- 
 vour. Hedefired I might not be concerned, for he 
 knew the French too well, for any Thing to engage 
 him in their Behalf; and that though he could not 
 go down with us, he yet would endeavour to meet 
 at the Forks with Jofepb Campbell, to deliver a Speech 
 for me to carry to his Honour the Governor. He 
 told me he would order the young Hunter to at- 
 tend us, and get Provifion, &c. if wanted. 
 
 Our Hories were now fo weak and feeble, and the 
 Baggage fo heavy (as we were obliged to provide 
 all the Neceffaries which the Journey would require,) 
 that we doubted much their performing it : there- 
 fore myfelf and others (except the Drivers who 
 were obliged to ride) gave-up our Horfes for Packs, 
 to afiift along with the Baggage. I put myfelf in 
 an Indian walking Drefs, and continued with them 
 three Days, till 1 found there was noProbabihtyof 
 their getting home in any reafonableTime. The Hor- 
 fes grew leis able to travel every Day •, the Cold in- 
 creafed very faft ; and the Roads were becoming 
 much worfe by a deep Snow, continually freezing : 
 Therefore as I was uneafy to get back, to make Re- 
 port of my Proceedings to his Honour the Gover- 
 nor, I determined to profecute my Journey the near- 
 eft Way through the Woods, on Foot. 
 
 Accordingly I left Mr. Vanbraam in Charge of 
 our Baggage ; with Money and Directions, to pro- 
 vide Neceffaries from Place to Pl#ce for themfelves 
 
 D ami 
 
( 26 ) 
 
 and Horfes, and to make the moft convenient Di- 
 patch in Travelling. 
 
 I took my neceffary Papers ; pulled-off my 
 Cloaths ; and tied myfelf up in a Match Coat. Then 
 with Gun in Hand and Pack at my Back, in which 
 were my Papers and Provifions, I fet-out with Mr. 
 Gift, fitted in the fame Manner, on IFednefday the 
 26th. The Day following, juft after we had pafTed 
 a Place called the Murdering-Tovrn (where we in- 
 tended to quit the Path, and fteer acrofs the Country 
 for Sbannapim Town) we fell-in with a Party of French 
 Indians, who had lain in Wait for us. One of them 
 fired at Mr. Gift or me, not 15 Steps off, but fortu- 
 nately miffed. We took this Fellow into Cuftody, 
 and kept him till about 9 o'Clcck at Night : 
 Then let him go, and walked all the remaining Part 
 of the Night without making any Stop •, that we 
 might get the Start, fo far, as to be out of the 
 Reach of their Purfnit the next Day, fince we were 
 well affured they would follow our Trad as foon as 
 it was light. The next Day we continued travelling 
 till quite dark, and got to the River about two Miles 
 above Sbannapins. We expected to have found the 
 River frozen, but it was not, only about 50 Yards 
 from each Shore : The Ice I fuppoie had broken up 
 above, for it was driving in vait Quantities. 
 
 There was no Way for getting over but on a Raft : 
 Which we-fet about, with but one poor Hatchet, 
 and finifhed juft after Sun-fetting. This w 7 as a whole 
 Day's Work : we next got it launched, and went on 
 Board of it: Then fet- off. But before wewere Half 
 Way' over, we were jammed in the Ice, in fuch a 
 Manner that we expected every Moment our Raft to 
 fink, and ourfelves to perifh. I put-out my fetting 
 Pole to try to flop the Raft, that the Ice might pafs 
 by ; when the Rapidity of the Stream threw it with 
 
 fo 
 
( 2 7 ) 
 
 fo much Violence againft the Pole, that it jirked me 
 out into ten Feet Water : But I fortunately faved 
 myfelf by catching hold of one of the Raft Logs. 
 Notwithfranding all our Efforts we could not get 
 the Raft to either Shore ; but were obliged, as we 
 were near an Ifland, to quit our Raft and make to i£. 
 
 The Cold was fo extremely fevere, that Mr. Gift 
 had all his Fingers, and fome of his Toes frozen \ 
 and the Water was fhut up fo hard, that we found 
 no Difficulty in getting-offthe Ifland, on the Ice, in 
 the Morning, and went to Mr. Frazier's. We met 
 here with 20 Warriors who were going to the South- 
 ward to War : But coming to a Place upon the Head 
 of the great Kunnaway, where they found feven Peo- 
 ple killed and fcalped (all but one Woman with 
 very light Hair) they turned about and ran back 
 for Fear the Inhabitants mould rife and take them 
 as the Authors of the Murder. They report that 
 the Bodies were lying about the Houfe, and fome 
 of them much torn and eaten by Hogs : By the 
 Marks which were left, they fay they were French 
 Indians of the Ottoway Nation, &c. who did it. 
 
 As we intended to take Horfes here, and it re- 
 quired fome Time to find them, I went-up about 
 three Miles to the Mouth of Taughyaughgant to vifit 
 Queen Alliquippa, who had expreffed great Concern 
 that we paffed her in going to the Fort. I made 
 her a Prelent of a Matchcoat and a Bottle of Rum -, 
 which latter was thought much the bed Pretent of 
 the two. 
 
 Tuefday the id Day of January, we left Mr. 
 Frazier's Houfe, and arrived at Mr. Gift's at Mo- 
 nongahela the 2d, where I bought a Horfe, Saddle, 
 &c. the 6th we met 17 Horfes loaded with Materi- 
 als and Stores for a Fort at the Forks of Ohio, and 
 the Day after fome Families going^out to fettle : 
 D 2 This 
 
( 23 ) 
 
 This Day we arrived at Wills Creek, after as fa- 
 tiguing a Journey as it is poffible to conceive, ren- 
 dered fo by exceffive bad Weather. From the firil 
 Day of December to the 15th, there was but one Day 
 on which it did not rain or fnow inceffantly ; and 
 throughout the whole Journey we met- with no- 
 thing but one continued Series of cold wet Weather, 
 which occafioned very uncomfortable Lodgings ; 
 efpecially after we had quitted our Tent, which was 
 fome Screen from the Inclemency of it. 
 
 On the 1 ith I got to Belvoir ; where I flopped one 
 Day to take neceiTary Reft ; and then fct out, and 
 arrived in Williamjbiirgh the 16th ; when I waited 
 upon his Honour the Governor with the Letter I 
 had brought from the French Commandant \ and to 
 give an Account of the Succefs of my Proceedings. 
 This I beg Leave to do by offering the foregoing 
 Narrative as it contains the mod remarkable Oc- 
 currences which happened in my Journey. 
 
 I hope what has been faid will be fufficient to 
 rnake your Honour fatisfied with my Conduct ; for 
 that was my Aim in undertaking the Journey, and 
 chief Study throughout the Prolecution of it. 
 
 With the Hope of doing it, I, with infinite Plea- 
 sure fubicribe wy{ch\ 
 
 Your Honour's mofl Obedient, 
 
 And very humble Servant, 
 
 G. TVapi?igton. 
 
 COPT 
 
( *9 ) 
 
 COPT of his Honour the Governor's Letter, 
 to the Commandant of the French Forces on 
 the Ohio, jent by Major Wafhington. 
 
 S I R, 
 
 TH E Lands upon the River Ohio, in the 
 Weftern Parts of the Colony of Virginia, are 
 fo notoriouOy known to be the Property of the 
 Crown of Great-Britain ; that it is a Matter of equal 
 Concern and Surprize to me 3 to hear that a Body 
 of French Forces are erecting FortrefTes, and mak- 
 ing Settlements upon that River, within his Majef- 
 ty's Dominions. 
 
 The many and repeated Complaints I have re- 
 ceived of thefe Acts of Hoftility, lay me under the 
 Neceffity, of fending, in the Name of the King 
 my Maiter, the Bearer hereof, George IVaJhington, 
 Efq; one of the Adjutants General of the Forces of 
 this Dominion; to complain to you of the Encroach- 
 ments thus made, and of the Injuries done to the 
 Subjects of Great-Britain, in open Violation of the 
 Law of Nations, and the Treaties now fubfifting 
 between the two Crowns. 
 
 If thefe Facts are true, and you fhall think fit to 
 juftify your Proceedings, I muft delire you to ac- 
 quaint me, by whofe Authority and Inftructions 
 you have lately marched from Canada, with an 
 armed, Force -, and invaded the King of Great- 
 Britain's 
 
( 30 ) 
 Britain's Territories, in the Manner complained of? 
 that according to the Purport and Refolution of 
 your Anfwer, I may act agreeably to the Commif- 
 fion I am honoured with, from the King my 
 Mafter. 
 
 However Sir, in Obedience to my Instructions, 
 it becomes my Duty to require your peaceable De- 
 parture ; and that you would forbear profecuting a 
 Purpofe fo interruptive of the Harmony and good 
 Underftanding, which his Majefty is defirous to 
 continue and cultivate with the mod Chriftian 
 King. 
 
 I perfuade myfelfyou will receive and entertain 
 Major Wajlrington with the Candour and Politenefs 
 natural to your Nation ; and it will give me the 
 greateft Satisfaction, if you return him with an An- 
 fwer fuitable to my Wifhes for a very long and laft- 
 ing Peace between us. I have the Honour to fub- 
 fcribe myfelf, 
 
 S I R, 
 
 Your moft obedient, - 
 
 Humble Servant, 
 
 Robert Dinwiddie, 
 
 Williamjburgh, in Virginia,! 
 Oftober $ift, 1753. J 
 
 TRANS- 
 
( 3* ) 
 
 TRANSLATION of a Letter from Mr. 
 Legardeur de St. Piere, a principal Trench 
 Officer, in Anfwer to the Governor's Letter. 
 
 S I R, 
 
 AS 1 have the Honour of commanding here in 
 Chief, Mr. IVaJhington delivered me the 
 Letter which you wrote to the Commandant of the 
 French Troops. 
 
 I mould have been glad that you had given him 
 Orders, or that he had been inclined to proceed to 
 Canada, to fee our General ; to whom it better be- 
 longs than to mc to fet' forth the Evidence and Rea- 
 lity of the Rights of the King, my Matter, upon 
 the Lands fituated along the River Obio 9 and to 
 conteft the Preteniions ot the King of Great- Britain, 
 thereto. 
 
 I ihall tranfmit your Letter to the Marquis Du- 
 guifne. His Anfwer will be a Law to me ; and if he 
 fhall order me to communicate it to you, Sir, you 
 may be allured I fhall not fail to difpatch it to you 
 forthwith. 
 
 As to the Summons you fend me to retire, I do 
 not think myfeif obliged to obey it. Whatever may 
 be your Inftruclions, I am here by Virtue of the 
 Orders of my General ; and I intreat you, Sir, not 
 to doubt one Moment, but that I am determin'd 
 to conform myfeif to them with ail the Exactnefs 
 
 and 
 
( 32 ) 
 
 and Refolution which can be expected from the bed 
 Officer. 
 
 I don't know that in the Progrefs of this Cam- 
 paign any Thing has paffed which can be reputed an 
 Act of Hoftility, or that is contrary to the Treaties 
 which fubfift between the two Crowns-, the Continu- 
 ation whereof as much interefts, and is as pleafing 
 to us, as the Eng lijh. Had you been pleafed, Sir, 
 to have defcended to particularize the Facts which 
 occafioned your Complaint, I mould have had the 
 Honour of anfwering you in the fulleft, and, I am 
 perfuaded, molt fatisfactory Manner. 
 
 I made it my particular Care to receive Mr. Wajh- 
 ington, with a Diftinction fuitable to your Dignity, 
 as well as his own Quality and great Merit. I flat- 
 ter myfelf that he will do me this Jnftice before you, 
 Sir; and that he will fignify to you in the Man- 
 ner I do myfelf, the profound Refpect with which 
 I am, 
 
 S I R, 
 
 Your moft humble, and 
 moil obedient Servant, 
 
 LSGARDEUR DE ST. PlERE. 
 
 From the Fort fur La Riviere au Beuf, 
 the 15th of December 1753* 
 
AMBASSADOR TO THE FRENCH 
 
 Editors Commentary 
 
 The commentary serves instead of footnotes for the Journal 
 reproduced in facsimile, where of course no footnotes are pos- 
 sible. No attempt is made to present the commentary in con- 
 nected narrative, for the Journal is the real narrative. 
 
 The commentary follows the page numbers of the Jefferys' 
 edition which is reproduced in facsimile in this volume; there- 
 fore, the comments do not agree with the paging of other edi- 
 tions and they refer to the Jefferys' text, which differs slightly 
 from other texts. 
 
 Citations of sources are not included; in many cases such 
 citations would necessarily be longer than the comment itself, 
 and the bibliography lists sources which are usually cited. The 
 same plan is carried out in subsequent chapters, except that 
 there the customary footnotes are used instead of a commentary. 
 
 MAP OF THE WESTERN PARTS OF VIRGINIA 
 AS FAR AS THE MISSISSIPPI 
 
 This English notion of the Transappalachian region is not very 
 accurate, as, for example, a glance at Lake Huron or Lake 
 Michigan will show. Shanopin, a person, is confused with 
 Chaouanon, a French spelling of Shawnee. Shawanon, another 
 rendering of Shawnee, is confused with Seneca. The French 
 fort indicated at the mouth of the Wabash was non-existent. 
 With such imperfect geographical information, it is small won- 
 der that both the English and the French miscalculated in their 
 military planning. 
 
 Three maps differing slightly yet containing approximately 
 the same information were published in England in July, 1753. 
 Washington's own map, published by William Darlington in 
 
 43 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Gist's Journals, has names that can be traced to a French source. 
 This map is probably a Jefferys' map. 
 
 PAGE FIVE 
 
 Robert Dinwiddie was referred to at times as the Governor and 
 at other times as the Lieutenant Governor. The title, Governor 
 of Virginia, was honorary, a sinecure bestowed on one or an- 
 other English lord who, as a rule, never set foot in the colony. 
 The executive was the Lieutenant Governor; this Dinwiddie 
 really was. However, on the other side of the water, the 
 Lieutenant Governor was usually addressed as Governor— 
 thereby the confusion. 
 
 The letter which Washington carried to the French commander 
 is on Facsimile pages 29 and 30. Dinwiddie had been instructed 
 by the King himself, George II, to send it. 
 
 Jacob van Braam was a Hollander who came to Virginia in 
 1752. It is reputed that he was formerly an officer in the Dutch 
 army. He had advertised in Virginia as a French teacher. His 
 command of English was limited. Later, he was in the Fort 
 Necessity campaign. 
 
 Wills Creek, later Fort Cumberland, is today Cumberland, 
 Maryland. 
 
 Christopher Gist was a native of Maryland, a surveyor, farmer, 
 frontiersman, and soldier who was employed by the Ohio Com- 
 pany. Before accompanying Washington, he had made extensive 
 explorations of the Ohio Valley for the Company. He had also 
 represented the Company among the Indians, supervised the 
 construction of the Company's wagon road to the Monongahela, 
 and established the first Company settlement, Gist's Plantation. 
 
 •44. 
 
AMBASSADOR TO THE FRENCH 
 
 His own records of his early explorations are our first descrip- 
 tion of much of the Ohio Valley. 
 
 Barnaby Currin, hired by Washington for the trip, was an expe- 
 rienced Ohio Company Indian trader. 
 
 page six 
 
 Of the remaining three men hired by Washington at Wills 
 Creek, a John MacQuire was with Washington later at Fort 
 Necessity, and a William Jenkins participated in at least part 
 of that campaign. Of Steward, nothing is known. 
 
 John Frazier, or Fraser, was an Indian trader who kept a black- 
 smith shop where he repaired guns and tools for the Indians. 
 His shop had been at the juncture of French Creek and the 
 Allegheny, now Franklin, Pennsylvania, until he was driven 
 out by the advancing French; then he set up shop at Turtle 
 Creek. Later, in 1754, he was to serve as a lieutenant in the 
 company of Virginia Militia at Fort Prince George. 
 
 The French commander who died was Pierre Paul, Sieur de Marin. 
 
 PAGE SEVEN 
 
 Shingas, chief of the Delawares, lived on the site of present 
 McKees Rocks "where the Ohio Company intended to erect 
 a fort." His rule over the Delawares was subject to some con- 
 trol by the Iroquois, who exercised political control over the 
 Delawares, Shawnees, and other Indians in the upper Ohio 
 watershed. Shingas was an ally of the British, but went over to 
 the French after Washington's defeat at Fort Necessity. During 
 the subsequent French and Indian War he led many raids on 
 the English settlements. After the final defeat of France he 
 made peace with the British. 
 
 •45 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Logstown, located approximately where Ambridge is today, 
 was an Indian town probably established in the 1730's. It was 
 inhabited by Shawnee, Delaware, and Iroquois. Logstown was 
 the main center for trading activities and diplomatic councils 
 with the Indians of the upper Ohio. 
 
 When Washington speaks of the Forks of the Ohio and Monon- 
 gahela, he refers to what we know as the Forks of the Allegheny 
 and Monongahela. The Allegheny was frequently called the 
 Ohio at that time. The area that Washington was observing 
 and comparing to the Forks was the land adjacent to the mouth 
 of Chartier's Creek. 
 
 Monakatoocha, also known as Scarouady, was an Oneida chief 
 sent by the Council of the Six Nations (the Iroquois) to exer- 
 cise authority over the Shawnees. Among the Ohio Indians he 
 was second in authority only to the Half King, described below. 
 An unswerving friend of the English, he was later with Wash- 
 ington at the Jumonville skirmish and served also in the Brad- 
 dock campaign. 
 
 The Half King, also known as Tanacharison, was a Seneca 
 chief and the main representative among the Ohio Indians of 
 the Iroquois ruling body, the Onondaga Council. The English 
 called him the Half King because of his dependence on the 
 Council of the Six Nations. An enemy of the French, he was 
 ally, adviser, informant, scout, and comrade in arms to the 
 English. He was at Fort Prince George when the French dis- 
 persed the builders and at the Jumonville skirmish. 
 
 John Davison was an experienced Indian trader and a master 
 of the Indian dialects spoken in the Western Pennsylvania re- 
 gion. Washington apparently hired him at Logstown, which it 
 
 46 
 
AMBASSADOR TO THE FRENCH 
 
 seems was Davison's base of operations. Davison was the inter- 
 preter for the Half King and handled Half King's English 
 correspondence for him. 
 
 PAGE EIGHT 
 
 Mr. Gijfs new settlement is a typographical error for Mr. 
 Gist's new settlement. 
 
 Shannopins town was a Delaware village on the south bank 
 of the Allegheny two miles above the point. 
 
 The French deserters whom Washington met at Logstown were 
 recorded as being from Kuskuskas. 
 
 Kuskuskas was believed by the late Douglas Southall Freeman, 
 Washington's recent biographer, and John C. Fitzpatrick, editor 
 of Washington's diaries, to be the Indian town of Kuskuskies, 
 now New Castle, Pennsylvania. 
 
 This seems incorrect for a number of reasons. The French 
 military records of the period, which are fairly complete, re- 
 cord no such expedition. And surely, news of a hundred French 
 at Kuskuskies, only thirty miles from Logstown, would have 
 excited further comment from Washington. 
 
 The Frenchmen were undoubtedly from Kaskaskia, the 
 French establishment on the Mississippi near the mouth of the 
 Ohio. On English maps of the period — Lewis Evans' map of 
 1755, for example — Kaskaskia is spelled Kuskuskes. Washington 
 speaks of Kuskuskas as being "at the mouth of this river," 
 that is, the Ohio. 
 
 This could hardly be a reference to Kuskuskies on Beaver 
 Creek. It could easily be a reference, however, to Kaskaskia. 
 While Kaskaskia was some eighty miles north of the mouth 
 of the Ohio, Washington might well have spoken of it as being 
 
 47 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 in the area of, or in the direction of, the mouth of the Ohio. 
 
 Also, Kaskaskia would be a logical place for the French 
 troops to rendezvous, whereas Kuskuskies would not. 
 
 Finally, it was reported that the deserters were picked up 
 by an English trader at Lower Shawnee Town (now Ports- 
 mouth, Ohio) and were heading for Philadelphia. If these men 
 had deserted from Kuskuskies for Philadelphia and been picked 
 up at Lower Shawnee Town, they had traveled two hundred 
 miles in the wrong direction and towards the French settlements 
 from which they were fleeing. 
 
 The Black Islands mentioned by the French was no doubt Illinois, 
 the French name for the seventh administrative district of the 
 province of Louisiana. This district embraced what is today 
 southwestern Illinois. Van Braam, Washington's interpreter of 
 French, apparently translated Illinois as "isles noires." 
 
 There was no French fort at the mouth of the Wabash. The 
 deserters must have been talking about Vincennes, which was 
 on the Wabash but considerably upstream from the mouth. 
 If the soldiers deserted from Kaskaskia, they probably never 
 saw Vincennes, and were speaking only from hearsay, there- 
 fore the error. 
 
 The French Commandant with whom the Half King had ex- 
 changed threats would have been Marin, who had died before 
 Washington's arrival, and not Legardeur de St. Pierre, who 
 arrived at Fort Le Boeuf only a few days before Washington did. 
 
 Venango, later the site of the French Fort Machault, is today 
 Franklin, Pa. 
 
 PAGE ELEVEN 
 
 A man named Lead taking possession of the river for France 
 
 48 
 
AMBASSADOR TO THE FRENCH 
 
 apparently meant Celeron, who had buried lead plates at vari- 
 ous points to establish French sovereignty. 
 
 PAGE TWELVE 
 
 Washington's reference to Kuskuska on this page, as a place 
 between the Potomac and the Great Lakes, unlike the refer- 
 ence on page eight, is clearly to the Indian village of Kuskuskies 
 and not to the French settlement at Kaskaskia. 
 
 Long-House was the name the Indians gave to their council 
 houses. 
 
 PAGE THIRTEEN 
 
 Mingo was the name for the Iroquois in the Ohio Valley. Orig- 
 inally Senecas, these Iroquois had assumed a degree of inde- 
 pendence because of their distance from their original home. 
 
 PAGE FIFTEEN 
 
 Philippe Thomas Joncaire, eldest son of Louis Thomas Joncaire, 
 had served France with distinction in the Ohio Country as 
 interpreter, Indian agent, and soldier. His father had been a 
 successful French agent among the Senecas. The son inherited 
 this influence and was adopted into the tribe; the adoption even- 
 tually gave rise to the belief that he was part Indian. His 
 younger brother, Chabert, was also in the French army. The 
 two are sometimes confused, or even spoken of as the same 
 person. 
 
 PAGE SIXTEEN 
 
 Kustaloga, also known as Custaloga or Tuscaloga, was a Dela- 
 ware chief living at Venango, which was often called Custaloga' s 
 town. He was later a leader in Pontiac's conspiracy. 
 
 49 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 As far as the editor knows, Jeskakake and White Thunder do 
 not appear elsewhere in historical literature. 
 
 The young hunter, not mentioned by name here, was Kiashuta 
 or Guyasutha, who was to become a famous Iroquois chief. He 
 has been described variously as a Seneca and a Mingo. The 
 fact that he was at Logstown in 1753 would indicate that he 
 was a Mingo, although the lines were not too clearly drawn. 
 Washington met him again seventeen years later on another 
 trip to the upper Ohio, when, in the meantime, Guyasutha had 
 fought with the French during the French and Indian War and 
 during Pontiac's conspiracy. It is believed that he led the In- 
 dians at the Battle of Bushy Run, the Indians' last stand in this 
 area. He was at peace with the settlers from then on until the 
 American Revolution, during which he sided with the British. 
 Among his forays in 1782 was the burning of Hannastown, 
 county seat of Westmoreland County. 
 
 PAGE SEVENTEEN 
 
 The exact route followed by Washington from Logstown to 
 Venango is not definitely known. 
 
 The reference to La Solle on this page is a misprint for La Salle. 
 
 PAGE EIGHTEEN 
 
 The Fall of Lake Erie referred to Niagara Falls. The fort there 
 was Fort Niagara; the next was Fort Toronto; and the one 
 opposite Oswego was Fort Frontenac. 
 
 PAGE NINETEEN 
 
 Commissary (or Quartermaster) LaForce was one of the out- 
 standing French leaders in the struggle for the Ohio, especially 
 
 50' 
 
AMBASSADOR TO THE FRENCH 
 
 able in treating with the Indians. Washington was to meet him 
 again soon under less friendly circumstances. 
 
 PAGE TWENTY 
 
 The new commandant, Legardeur de St. Pierre, had assumed 
 command only a week before Washington arrived. He had seen 
 service on the upper Ohio as early as 1739, when a French 
 expedition under Baron de Longueuil descended the Ohio to 
 fight the Chicksaw Indians to the south. Just before assuming 
 command on the Ohio, he had been on an exploring expedition 
 almost to the Rocky Mountains. 
 
 Monsieur Riparti was Sieur de Repentigny, who had held the 
 French command from the death of Marin until the arrival of 
 St. Pierre, after which he became the commander of Fort 
 Presque Isle. 
 
 PAGE TWENTY-THREE 
 
 John Trotter and James MacClocklan were captured at Venango 
 and taken to France before they were finally released. 
 
 PAGE TWENTY-FOUR 
 
 Records from December 16 to 23. 
 
 It will be noted that Washington wrote nothing of his ac- 
 tivities between the 16th and 23 rd of December. Fortunately, 
 Christopher Gist also kept a journal and has left a record. His 
 entries from the 16th to the 22nd are therefore given here: 
 
 JOURNAL OF CHRISTOPHER GIST 
 
 December 16-23, 1754 
 
 Sunday, 16th. We set out by water about sixteen miles, and en- 
 camped. Our Indians went before us, passed the little lake, and ive 
 did not come up with them that night. 
 
 •51- 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 LiBKAKY 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Monday, 17th. We set out, came to our Indians' camp. They were 
 out hunting; they killed three bears. We stayed this day and 
 
 Tuesday, 18th. One of our Indians did not come to camp. So we 
 finding the waters lower very fast, were obliged to go and leave 
 our Indians. 
 
 Wednesday, 19th. We set out about seven or eight miles, and en- 
 camped, and the next day 
 
 Thursday, 20th. About twenty miles, where we were stopped 
 by ice, and worked until night. 
 
 Friday, 21st. The ice was so hard we could not break our way 
 through but were obliged to haul our vessels across a point of land 
 and put them in the creek again. The Indians and three French 
 canoes overtook us here, and the people of one French canoe that was 
 lost, with her cargo of powder and lead. This night we encamped 
 about twenty miles above Venango. 
 
 Saturday, 22nd. Set out. The creek began to be very low, and 
 we were forced to get out, to keep our canoe from oversetting, sev- 
 eral times; the water freezing to our clothes; and we had the pleasure 
 of seeing the French overset, and the brandy and wine floating in 
 the creek, and run by them, and left them to shift for themselves. 
 Came to Venango, and met with our people and horses. 
 
 PAGE TWENTY-FIVE 
 
 Met with our horses. It will be remembered that the weakened 
 horses had been sent ahead to Venango from Fort Le Boeuf 
 under the care of Barnaby Currin. 
 
 Joseph Campbell was apparently a trader with whom the Half 
 King expected to make the trip down the river. 
 
 PAGE TWENTY-SIX 
 
 A match coat was a kind of overcoat of matching skins or some- 
 times of fur or wool. 
 
 52 
 
AMBASSADOR TO THE FRENCH 
 
 The exact location of Murdering Town has never been estab- 
 lished, nor has its name been explained. Gist's account of the 
 scrape with an Indian near Murdering Town differs from 
 Washington's: 
 
 JOURNAL OF CHRISTOPHER GIST 
 
 December 27, 1754 
 
 Thursday, 27th. We rose early in the morning, and set out 
 about two o'clock. Got to the Murthering town, on the southeast 
 fork of Beaver creek. Here ive met with an Indian, whom I thought 
 I had seen at Joncaires, at Venango, when on our journey up to 
 the French fort. This fellow called me by my Indian name, and 
 pretended to be glad to see vie. He asked us several questions, as 
 how we came to travel on foot, when we left Venango, where we 
 parted with our horses, and when they would be there, etc. Major 
 Washington insisted on travelling on the nearest way to the forks 
 of Alleghany. We asked the Indian if he could go with us, and 
 show us the nearest way. The India?! seemed very glad and ready 
 to go with us. Upon which we set out, and the Indian took the 
 Major s pack. We travelled very brisk for eight or ten miles, when 
 the Major's feet grew very sore, and he very weary, and the Indian 
 steered too much north-eastwardly . The Major desired to encamp, 
 to which the Indian asked to carry his gun. But he refused that, and 
 then the Indian grew churlish, and pressed us to keep on, telling us 
 that there were Ottawa Indians in these woods, and they would 
 scalp us if we lay out; but go to his cabin, and we would be safe. 
 I thought very ill of the fellow, but did not care to let the Major 
 know I mistrusted him. But he soon mistrusted him as much as I. 
 He said he could hear a gun to his cabin, and steered us more 
 northwardly. We grew uneasy, and then he said two whoops might 
 be heard to his cabin. We went two miles further; then the Major 
 
 53 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 said he would stay at the next water, and we desired the Indian to 
 stop at the next water. But before we came to water, we came to a 
 clear meadow; it was very light, and snow on the ground. The 
 Indian made a stop, turned about; the Major saw him point his gun 
 toward us and fire. Said the Major, "Are you shot?" "No," said I. 
 Upon which the Indian run forward to a big standing white oak, 
 and to loading his gun; but we were soon with him. I would have 
 killed him; but the Major would not suffer me to kill him. We let 
 him charge his gun; we found he put in a ball; then we took care 
 of him. The Major or I always stood by the guns; we made him 
 make a fire for us by a little run, as if we intended to sleep there. 
 I said to the Major, "As you will not have him killed, we must 
 get him away, and then we must travel all night." Upon which I 
 said to the Indian, "I suppose you were lost, and fired your gun." 
 He said, he knew the way to his cabin, and 'twas but a little way. 
 "Well," said I, "do you go home; and as we are much tired, we 
 will follow your track in the morning; and here is a cake of bread 
 for you, and you must give us meat in the morning." He was glad 
 to get away. I followed him, and listened until he was fairly out 
 of the way, and then we set out about half a mile, when we made a 
 fire, set our compass, and fixed our course, and travelled all night, 
 and in the morning we were on the head of Piney creek. 
 
 Since Gist's account was written sooner after the event 
 than Washington's, and since Gist was more at home with 
 Indians, his account is the more probable. Washington appar- 
 ently believed that the Indian was part of the unseen band of 
 Ottawas alluded to, and also believed that they had been lying 
 in wait. After all, when one has been suddenly shot at by a 
 strange Indian at only fifteen paces, one is probably ready to 
 believe the worst. 
 
 54 
 
AMBASSADOR TO THE FRENCH 
 
 PAGE TWENTY-SEVEN 
 
 The island which sheltered the raftsman, known variously as 
 Garrison Island or Wainwright's Island, is since submerged. 
 
 The great Kunnaway is an early spelling of the Great Kanawha. 
 
 The Yaughyaughgane is the present Youghiogheny. 
 
 Queen Alliquippa also had lived at the mouth of Chartier's 
 Creek. She has been variously described as a Seneca or as a 
 Delaware. 
 
 It will be noted Washington records that on the sixth of January 
 while on the road home, he "met 17 horses loaded with Mate- 
 rials and Stores, for a Fort at the Forks of Ohio." If his observa- 
 tion is correct, the Ohio Company or the government of Vir- 
 ginia had already decided on the Forks of the Ohio for their 
 fort before Washington got back to Virginia from Fort Le 
 Boeuf. Just when and by whom the decision was made is not 
 clear, but it may have been that when Washington first inspected 
 the land at the point as a possible site for a fort, he did so be- 
 cause he knew that it already had been so chosen. His is the 
 first written reference to the site which is now Pittsburgh. 
 
 PAGE THIRTY-ONE 
 
 The reference to the Marquis Duguisne is obviously a misprint 
 for Duquesne. 
 
 55 
 
Colonel in the Virginia Militia 
 Fort Necessity 
 
 April i, 175-4— July 9, 175-4 
 
In Defense of His Majesty's Lands, 1754 
 
 When young Major Washington, on January 16, 1754, de- 
 livered the French commander's reply to Governor Dinwiddie, 
 the Governor's worst suspicions were confirmed: the French 
 were moving into the Ohio Valley. And— adding insult to in- 
 jury—the French Captain Joncaire had told Washington that 
 any action by the English would be "too slow and dilatory to 
 prevent any undertaking" of the French. With this taunt spur- 
 ring him on, Dinwiddie energetically set about to thwart the 
 French advance. 
 
 The Governor did not have at his immediate command either 
 troops or funds for raising troops, and the House of Burgesses, 
 the lower chamber of the legislature of the colony, which 
 would have to provide funds and authorize the use of troops, 
 was not in session. And so, he issued a call for the House of 
 Burgesses to gather on February 14, more than a month ahead 
 of schedule. The upper chamber, the Governor's Council, he 
 had always at hand. An earlier date could not be set for con- 
 vening the legislators because it would take time to notify them 
 and a longer time for them to gather. 
 
 Primarily for the members of the legislature Dinwiddie had 
 ordered the printing of Washington's account of his journey to 
 the French commandant at Fort Le Boeuf. He hoped that 
 Washington's report of the French determination to occupy the 
 Ohio Valley would stir them as it had stirred him. And he 
 had sent to the Lords of Trade, late in January, 1754, a full 
 report of Washington's mission: Washington's Journal of 1753, 
 "a true and verbatim copy"; his own correspondence with the 
 French commander; a plan of the French fort as drawn by 
 Washington; a report of French strength and of Virginia weak- 
 
 59 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 ness, in men, supplies, and ammunition; and assurance that he 
 would do all to keep the Indians loyal and to set up defense of 
 "His Majesty's Lands." 
 
 But what was the Governor to do until the burgesses gath- 
 ered? Time was important; the French might already be push- 
 ing their bark canoes and dugout pirogues into the Allegheny 
 River for a sweep south to the strategic Forks. He decided to 
 take emergency measures at once. As a partner in the Ohio 
 Company, Dinwiddie knew that the Company agent, William 
 Trent, was already in the disputed territory with workmen 
 and supplies on hand for building a Company warehouse where 
 Redstone Creek enters the Monongahela River (now Browns- 
 ville, Pennsylvania) , and a Company fort at the Forks of the 
 Ohio. Washington had met the builders and some settlers on 
 his return trip to Williamsburg. The fort would fit well into 
 the plans for repelling the French; but only if it were built in 
 time. The workmen should have protection and help. Many 
 English traders were already in the area, the Governor knew; 
 why not enlist them? After all, their stake in holding off the 
 French was direct and real; English traders had been the first 
 to suffer from the French advance; and who would be better 
 at frontier warfare than these rough men of the wilderness, who 
 knew both the Indians and the country better than any other 
 group in the English colonies? Acting on this happy thought, 
 the Governor sent Trent a commission making him a captain 
 and authorizing him to enlist one hundred of his fellow traders 
 and frontiersmen into a company of infantry. This company, 
 to be formed on the spot, was then to guard and assist the work- 
 men building the fort until more troops could be hurried to 
 the defense. 
 
 For the first contingent of reinforcements Dinwiddie turned 
 to Washington. At the time, he hoped that part of the Colonial 
 
 60 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 Militia, as the forerunner of our present National Guard was 
 then called, could be persuaded to volunteer for service to help 
 erect and guard the fort; if enough volunteers did not come 
 forward, for the daily pay of fifteen pounds of tobacco paid to 
 Virginia Militia, he would conscript enough more to make up 
 a force. Major Washington, as an adjutant of the Colonial 
 Militia, was assigned to recruit one hundred volunteers and 
 with them to speed to the aid of Trent at the Forks of the Ohio. 
 
 The French characterization of the English as dilatory proved 
 all too true. The Virginia legislators did not react as quickly 
 as Dinwiddie wanted. Like other Colonial legislators they were 
 suspicious of a governor appointed by the King and sent to 
 them from Britain. They were especially suspicious of requests 
 for money — money that the colonists would have to provide 
 through taxes — and they were equally suspicious of requests 
 from a governor for additional power — such as the power to 
 raise or employ troops. Some members objected that Washing- 
 ton's report of the French advance was propaganda aimed at 
 promoting the interests of the Ohio Company. One burgess de- 
 clared that he felt the Forks of the Ohio really did belong to 
 France. And, worst of all from the Governor's point of view, 
 they generally agreed that the Governor was not authorized to 
 employ the Militia outside of the province — and, cautioned the 
 legislators, the Ohio Country might well be outside the prov- 
 ince. As it turned out, the best measure that the frustrated and 
 furious Dinwiddie could get from the lawmakers was an appro- 
 priation of ten thousand pounds to be used in "protecting the 
 frontier." 
 
 Three different types of troops were known in the American 
 colonies at that time: the Colonial Militia, the British Regulars, 
 and volunteers called occasionally for specific needs. 
 
 Every able-bodied free white man over twenty-one was re- 
 
 61 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 quired by law to be available for service in the Militia and to 
 provide his own arms and ammunition. The Militia was de- 
 signed to repel invasion, and in southern colonies like Virginia, 
 to guard against slave revolts. The Governor had already been 
 blocked by the legislature in his plans to use the Militia. 
 
 There were a few units of the British Regulars in the colonies. 
 They were professional career soldiers who were under the 
 direct control of the home government in London. The nearest 
 of these units — two companies in New York and one in South 
 Carolina— were put at the disposal of Dinwiddie. They were 
 called by the British war office independent companies — 
 independent because they were not attached to any regiment. 
 These independent companies, however, were too small a force 
 to hold off the French alone, and it would be weeks or even 
 months before they could reach the Virginia frontier. 
 
 The only military organization immediately possible had to 
 be volunteers. Such a force Dinwiddie decided to organize. 
 When he had expected to be able to use the Militia, Dinwiddie 
 had planned a force of six hundred. Now, in the interests of 
 speed, and because recruiting proved difficult, he decided three 
 hundred would have to do, organized into a regiment of six 
 companies of fifty men each. 
 
 There were other components included in the Governor's 
 blossoming plans. (Secretly he had ordered a uniform for him- 
 self.) He called on the governors of the colonies near-by for 
 troops, and confidently expected them to comply. For reasons 
 too various and complicated to go into here, they could not or 
 would not — but this Governor Dinwiddie did not know at 
 the time. 
 
 Further, he optimistically expected to raise one thousand 
 warriors from among two southern Indian tribes allied to the 
 British: the Catawbas and the Cherokees. The Catawbas lived 
 
 62 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 in western South Carolina and the Cherokees lived west of 
 the Catawbas. 
 
 If these southern warriors had appeared on the Ohio, a deli- 
 cate situation indeed would have presented itself, for the Cataw- 
 bas were bitter enemies of the Iroquois, who were the northern 
 Indian allies of the British. Fortunately then, the Catawbas 
 and Cherokees did not appear. Governor James Glen of South 
 Carolina, suspecting that Dinwiddie was plotting to get the 
 southern Indians to transfer their trade from South Carolina to 
 Virginia, advised the Indians to stay home, and they did. 
 
 In the meantime, Trent and Washington, too, were plagued 
 with apathy and skepticism. Volunteers were scarce, and those 
 who came forward were disappointing. Trent was never able 
 to raise his quota. Washington wrote to the Governor, from 
 Frederick, Virginia, "You may, with almost equal success, 
 attempt to raise the dead to life again as to raise the force of this 
 county." Even after the Governor had announced that the regi- 
 ment was to receive a bonus of two hundred thousand acres of 
 land to divide among themselves, recruits came in slowly. After 
 all, the land was in the distant Ohio Country. Those who did 
 enlist, Washington wrote Dinwiddie on March 9, 1754, were 
 not only self-willed and ungovernable, but "loose, Idle persons, 
 that are quite destitute of House, and Home; and . . . many of 
 them of Cloaths. There is many of them without Shoes, others 
 want Stockings, some are without Shirts, and not a few that 
 have Scarce a Coat, or Waistcoat to their backs. " 
 
 Yet the recruiting went forward. A colonel's commission and 
 command of the entire force were given to Joshua Fry, a former 
 mathematics professor and a respected officer of the Militia 
 with some frontier experience. Washington applied for — and 
 received — the post of second in command and a commission in 
 the Virginia Militia as a lieutenant colonel— though he almost 
 
 63 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 resigned in anger when he learned that the pay would be con- 
 siderably less than that given the same rank in the British 
 Regulars— a wound as much psychological as financial for a 
 Colonial officer. 
 
 In the meantime, Trent and Gist sent word from the Forks 
 of the Ohio that friendly Indians reported the French already 
 on the move. With the report they sent an urgent request for 
 reinforcements. In reply the Governor ordered Washington and 
 such troops as were already enlisted to march at once, and Colo- 
 nel Fry and the rest of the force to follow as soon as possible. 
 
 On April 2, 1754, only three months after his first journey 
 west of the mountains, Lieutenant Colonel Washington, at the 
 head of two volunteer companies, turned his horse again west- 
 ward towards the Allegheny mountain ridges. 
 
 Story of the Washington Journal of 1754 
 
 Without records or documents of some sort no history can 
 be written. Sometimes the documents themselves are pedes- 
 trian or dull; more often they are live and dramatic. But the 
 history even of some dull documents is as romantic as the in- 
 formation the document itself gives. Such is the history of 
 Washington's Journal for the spring and summer of 1754. 
 
 This Journal fell into the hands of the French, no doubt dur- 
 ing the confusion of the evacuation and retreat from Fort 
 Necessity. Since the diary of the Virginia commander would 
 naturally be prime military intelligence to the French, it was 
 translated by an unknown Frenchman and a copy of the trans- 
 lation was forwarded to Paris. Soon after the translation reached 
 Paris, Britain and France became engaged in a world-wide war, 
 which became known to the old world as the Seven Years War, 
 and to the American colonies as the French and Indian War. 
 
 64« 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 The military action in the Ohio Valley, in 1754, marked the 
 first actual hostilities between the English and the French. For 
 that reason, Washington's skirmish with a French detachment 
 under Ensign Jumonville — which we will learn of shortly and 
 which Washington had featured in his Journal — was presented 
 by the French as one of their grievances against the English. 
 
 To substantiate their charge that the English had started the 
 war, the French government, in 1756, published translated ex- 
 cerpts from Washington's captured Journal as part of a book 
 which set forth the French version of the origins and causes of 
 the war. This French government publication — it would be 
 called a White Paper today— was entitled Memoire contenant 
 le precis des faits, avec leurs pieces justificatives, pour servir de 
 reponse aux observations envoy ees par les ministres cT Angleterre, 
 dans les cours de V Europe. {Memorial Containing the Summary 
 of the Facts, with Supporting Documents, to Serve as Reply to the 
 Observations Sent by the Ministers of England to the Courts of 
 Europe) . 
 
 Shortly after its publication the French book was translated 
 into English and appeared in English and American editions as 
 The Conduct of the Late Ministry and as The Mystery Revealed. 
 Washington's Journal, containing his description of the fight 
 with Jumonville, was one of the "supporting documents" used 
 in the books. 
 
 Until recently the Memorial has been the earliest surviving 
 source of Washington's Journal of the campaign. Historians 
 always have considered it suspect. The French at the time had 
 every reason to present Washington in a poor light and, it has 
 been thought, might have tampered with his account. One his- 
 torian has recorded that when Washington some years later 
 saw the English retranslation of the French translation of his 
 Journal, he complained that some things were left out and other 
 
 65 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 things were added "and the whole of what I saw Englished is 
 very incorrect." 
 
 The original Journal has never been found, nor has the French 
 translation which was sent to Paris. Another translation, how- 
 ever, was sent from Governor Duquesne to Contrecouer, his 
 commander at Fort Duquesne, to give Contrecouer information 
 about English plans and make it easier for him to plan the de- 
 fense of the fort. Very recently, among the Contrecouer papers, 
 this French translation of the captured Journal has come to 
 light, together with new information about the contents of 
 Washington's original document. This, like the earlier transla- 
 tion, contains only excerpts, but the Contrecouer copy contains 
 excerpts not in the Memorial. 
 
 Since the passages that occur in both translations, the Memo- 
 rial and the Contrecouer, are worded the same, we must con- 
 clude that the Memorial did not deliberately alter Washington's 
 Journal, although it probably omitted parts which did not sup- 
 port the French view. Or the additions which Washington noted 
 several years later could have been the result of honest mistake, 
 for usually in his notebooks Washington kept drafts of letters 
 he sent while on campaign, and the French translator could 
 have thought these parts of the Journal and so included them. 
 
 Because the Memorial contains some passages not in the 
 Contrecouer, to present Washington's writing as fully as is now 
 possible, in this book we are presenting a combination of the 
 two, more complete than either alone. 
 
 The passages from the Memorial we have had printed in 
 italics. All statements in parentheses are part of the original 
 text; those in brackets are the editor's comments. 
 
 We must pause here to give thanks to Donald H. Kent who 
 has translated the French text of the two versions which are 
 printed side by side in Papiers Contrecouer et autres documents 
 
 66 ■ 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 concemant le conflit anglo-francais sur FOhio de 1745 a 1756. 
 Dr. Kent has published his translation in Pennsylvania History, 
 XIX, 1, January, 1952. Dr. Kent has also made a new and 
 superior translation of the old Memorial version, the first made 
 in many years. With his kind permission it is Dr. Kent's trans- 
 lations we have used. 
 
 Extract from the Journal of Colonel Washington 
 on his Oyo [Ohio] Expedition 
 
 The last of March, 1754. 
 
 March 31. I received a commission from the Governor (of 
 Virginia), dated the 15th instant, for the lieutenant-colonelcy 
 of the Virginia regiment under the commanding officer Joseph 
 Fry [Joshua Fry], Esquire, with orders to take under my com- 
 mand the troops which were then in quarters at Alexandria, 
 and to march with it towards Oyo and aid Captain Trente 
 [William Trent] 1 in constructing fortresses and in defending 
 the possessions of His Majesty against the enterprises and hos- 
 tilities of the French. 
 
 April 2. Everything being ready in execution of our orders* we 
 
 * The italic represents excerpts from the Memorial copy; the nonitalic, 
 the Contrecoeur version. Bracketed material is the editor's; the parentheses 
 are in the translation. 
 
 1 As already noted, before being commissioned by the Governor, 
 William Trent was the agent of the Ohio Company charged with con- 
 structing storehouses and a fort for the Company in the Ohio Country. 
 Trent, a Pennsylvanian, had been a captain of Pennsylvania troops raised 
 in 1 746 to march on Canada, and had spent time on the New York frontier. 
 In the 1740's he entered a partnership for trading with his brother-in-law, 
 George Croghan. Benjamin Franklin was one of the backers of the firm. 
 Trent also acted at various times as an Indian agent for Pennsylvania and 
 for Virginia. He was with the Forbes expedition in 1758. In his latter 
 
 67 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 began our march on April 2, with tivo companies of infantry, 
 commanded by Captain Peter Hog 2 and Captain-lieutenant Vam- 
 braan [Van Braa?n], 3 five subaltern officers, two sergeants, six cor- 
 porals, a drummer, and one hundred and twenty soldiers, a surgeon- 
 major, a Swedish gentleman volunteer, 4 " two 5 wagons guarded by a 
 lieutenant, sergeant, corporal, and twenty-five soldiers. 
 
 April 17. About noon I met Mr. Gist who had been sent 
 from Oyo on express by the Half King 6 in order to find out 
 when the English could be expected there. He informed me 
 that the Indians are very angry at our delay, and that they 
 threaten to abandon the country; that the French are expected 
 
 years he engaged in wide land speculation in the hope of recovering trading 
 losses incurred during the French and Indian War and during Pontiac's 
 uprising. 
 
 2 Peter Hog (pronounced with a long "O"), a native of Scotland, came 
 to Virginia about 1745, and was 51 years of age in 1754. He served in the 
 Virginia regiment until the fall of Fort Duquesne in 1758. In later years 
 he became a large holder of western lands, many of which were grants 
 given in recognition of his military service. 
 
 3 Van Braam, Washington's French interpreter in 1753, had reputedly 
 been an officer in the Dutch army prior to his migration to America. 
 
 4 The Swede was Carolus Gustavus de Spiltdorph. Like many others 
 in the Virginia regiment, he later fell during Braddock's defeat at the Battle 
 of the Monongahela. 
 
 5 The Contrecoeur copy lists 12 wagons. This seems more probable 
 than 2, in view of the fact that 28 men were assigned to guard the wagons. 
 Possibly the copyist for the Memorial omitted the figure "one" in "twelve." 
 
 6 Lest the reader think that the struggle for the Ohio Country was only 
 between the French and the British, let the Half King be kept in mind 
 throughout the campaign. As the most important Indian leader of the upper 
 Ohio region, it will be seen that often it was he who decided the course 
 of events. While he was without doubt a staunch friend of the English, 
 that friendship hinged on English opposition to French incursions into the 
 Half King's territory. 
 
 68 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 every day at the lower part of the river; that the fort is begun, 
 but hardly advanced; and several other particulars. 
 
 April 20. I received word that the fort had been taken by 
 the French. This news was confirmed two days later by Cap- 
 tain Trente's ensign, Mr. Wart [Ensign Edward Ward], 7 who 
 had been obliged to surrender it to a corps of French of more 
 than a thousand men under the command of Captain Contre- 
 coeur, 8 who had come from Venango (In French, from la Pres- 
 quile), 9 with sixty boats and 300 canoes and 18 pieces of 
 
 7 Edward Ward, a brother-in-law of William Trent, was working with 
 him in the Ohio Country when Trent received Dinwiddie's order to enlist 
 a company for guarding the projected fort at the Forks of the Ohio. John 
 Frazier (or Fraser) was made the lieutenant of the Company, and Ward, 
 the ensign. In April, Ward was in command of the thirty-one troops that 
 Trent had managed to enlist when word came that the French were almost 
 at hand. Captain Trent was absent at Wills Creek seeking supplies; 
 Lieutenant Frazier considered resistance hopeless and refused to leave his 
 store to return to the Forks. Only the Half King was at hand to advise 
 Ward, and his suggestion was to try to complete the fort. Ward and the 
 Half King almost did complete it, but the arrival of a large force of French 
 on April 16 forced surrender. 
 
 8 Claude Pierre Pecaudy de Contrecoeur was a captain in the French 
 Marines, commander in chief of the French forces on the Ohio (relieving 
 Saint Pierre), and was to be commandant of Fort Duquesne as soon as 
 it was erected on the spot where Ensign Ward's little enclosure, Fort 
 Prince George, had stood. A veteran of the wilderness, he had been with 
 Celeron on his trip down the Allegheny and Ohio in 1749, and had com- 
 manded Fort Niagara. As already noted, one of the two sources for 
 Washington's Journal for 1754 is the extract of that captured document 
 sent to Contrecoeur by Duquesne. Contrecoeur was in command of Fort 
 Duquesne (although not of the French field forces) during the battle of the 
 Monongahela. He later held other commands on the New York frontier 
 during the French and Indian War. 
 
 9 The French translator of the Journal apparently did not know that 
 Venango and Presque Isle were not the same place. 
 
 69 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 artillery, which were set up as a battery against the fort. He 
 then sent him a summons to withdraw. 
 
 Mr. Wart also informed me that the Indians still remain 
 firmly attached to our interests. He had brought two young 
 men of the Mingo nation, so that they would have the satisfac- 
 tion of seeing that we were on the march with troops to aid them. 
 
 He also gave me the following speech which the Half King 
 sent to me (This is thought to be Tanahisson.) 10 
 
 Speech of the Half King, Escruniat [Monacatoocha], 11 and 
 Belt of Wampum 12 for the Governor of Virginia and of Penn- 
 sylvania. 
 
 My brothers the English, the bearer will let you know how 
 we have been treated by the French. We expected for a long 
 time that they would come and attack us; now we see how 
 they intend to treat us. We are now ready to attack them, and 
 are waiting only for your aid. Take courage and come as soon 
 as possible, and you will find us as ready to fight them as you 
 are yourselves. 
 
 We have sent these two young men to see if you are ready 
 to come, and in that case they will return to us and will let 
 us know where you are, so that we may come and join you. 
 We could wish indeed, if you can do it, that the troops of the 
 
 10 Tanahisson is a French variation of Tanacharison. 
 
 11 Escruniat is a variation of Scruneyattha, also known as Scarouady or 
 Monacatootha, the Iroquois chief who was the Onondago Council's leader 
 over the Shawnees. 
 
 12 Belt of Wampum in this instance is a proper name, that of the Seneca 
 chief, Tohashwughtonionty. Donald Kent, "Journal of 1754," 11, n., 
 points out that The Diaries of George Washington, 1748-1799, ed. John C. 
 Fitzpatrick (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1925), "give 
 the erroneous impression that Half King is used here as a title for Scarouady, 
 and that Belt of Wampum refers to the belt delivered with the speech." 
 
 70 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 two provinces might meet at the fork 13 of the road. If you do 
 not come to our aid soon, it is all over with us, and I think 
 that we shall never be able to meet together again. I say this 
 with the greatest sorrow in my heart. 
 
 A string of wampum. 
 
 The Half King addressed this speech to me personally. 
 
 I am ready, if you think it proper, to go with these two 
 young men to meet the two Governors, for I no longer depend 
 on those who have been gone so long without returning or 
 sending any word. 
 
 April 23. Council of war held at Wills-creek (Wills Creek], in 
 order to take precautions with regard to the news brought by Mr. 
 Wart. 
 
 Upon examining into the news brought by Ensign Wart, and 
 reading the summons made by Captain Contrecoeur, commanding 
 the French troops, and examining into the speeches of the Half King 
 and of other chiefs of the Six Nations, it appears that Mr. Wart 
 was forced to surrender the said fort on the 17th of this month to 
 the French, who numbered more than a thousand men and eighteen 
 pieces of artillery, of which some were nine-pounders; 1 * whereas 
 the detachment of the Virginia regiment, a?nounting to one hundred 
 
 13 In the French of both versions of the Journal, this is written "fort 
 du chemin" (Jort of the road). The French translater of the Journal, how- 
 ever, did not seem to know the English word fork, for in places where 
 fork was clearly used by Washington, it is always translated as fort. 
 Kent, "Journal of 1754," 12, n., who first pointed out this French error, 
 believes that the "fork of the road" was where the path to Gist's branched 
 off from the path leading to the mouth of the Redstone. 
 
 14 In the Memorial version of the Journal, the French editor, at this 
 point, included the following footnote, which is typical of the French 
 editorial comments appended to the work: "Captain Trent and Ensign 
 Ward had greatly exaggerated the French forces. Which is natural common 
 enough for people to do who abandon their fort at a bare summons." 
 
 71 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 and fifty men, commanded by Colonel Washington, had orders to 
 reinforce Captain Trent's company, and that thus the garrison of 
 the said fort consisted only of thirty-three effective men. 
 
 It was found impracticable to march toward the fort without 
 sufficient forces; and being strongly invited by the speeches of the 
 Indians, and especially by those of the Half King, the president 
 proposed for discussion whether they should not advance as far as 
 Redstone Creek {In French, as far as the Creek de la Roche Rouge) 
 upon the Monongehele {In French, Mal-engeule) , about thirty- 
 seven miles on this side of the fort, and fortify themselves there, 
 while clearing the roads so that they could bring artillery and bag- 
 gage, or to wait for further orders. 
 
 The affirmative was decided by reason of the fact that the mouth 
 of Red-stone is the first suitable place on the Monongehele; that the 
 storehouses for the Company's provisions are ready there to receive 
 our munitions and food; and that, when opportunities occur, the 
 heavy artillery can be transported by water in case we should find 
 it convenient to attack the fort; moreover, that would preserve our 
 men from the sorry consequences of inaction and encourage our allies 
 to remain on our side. 
 
 May 4. We met Captain Trente's factor 15 who informed us 
 that 400 more French had certainly arrived at the fort and that 
 the same number were expected in a short time. He also in- 
 formed us that they were busy building two strong houses, one 
 upon the Oyo, and the other upon the River Mai engueulee 
 [Monongahela] , both of them about three hundred rods from 
 their junction; and that they are setting up a battery on an islet 
 between them. 
 
 May 5. We were joined by another trader coming from 
 
 15 The identity of "Captain Trent's factor" is not known. 
 
 72' 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 Aliganie [Allegheny] who confirmed the same news, and who 
 added that the French were building in the place where the 
 Oyo Company [Ohio Company] had at first intended to build 
 a fort, at the mouth of the small River Shuttles [Chartier's 
 Creek] . 
 
 May 7. We met a trader who informed us that the French 
 had come to the mouth of the Pviver Rouge, and that they had 
 taken possession of it with about four hundred men. 
 
 May 8. This report was contradicted by some other traders 
 who came directly from there. 16 
 
 May 10. A trader arrived from the Wyendot country, hav- 
 ing passed by the Mai engueule forks where he had seen the 
 Half King and the other chiefs of the Six Nations who had just 
 received the speech I had sent them. The Half King showed 
 the pleasure it had given him and, before the trader left, a de- 
 tachment of 50 men was sent to meet us. He informs me that 
 the French are working with all their might to build a fort on 
 the point which I had indicated to the government. On the way 
 this same merchant met M. La Force 17 at Mr. Gist's new plan- 
 tation with three other Frenchmen and two Indians who had 
 come to reconnoiter the country of the River Rouge [Redstone] 
 and the vicinity under the specious pretense of hunting deserters. 
 
 May 11. I detached a party of 25 men commanded by Cap- 
 tain Sthefen [Stephen] 18 and Ensign La Peronie [La Peyroney] , 19 
 
 16 The flood of frontier rumor and counter-rumor indicated in this and 
 the preceding entries is indicative of the difficult military intelligence 
 problem which Washington faced throughout the expedition. 
 
 17 M. La Force, it will be recalled, escorted Washington from Venango 
 to Fort Le Boeuf the previous year. 
 
 18 Adam Stephen, a captain in the Virginia regiment, joined Washington 
 with a detachment of troops before Washington left Wills Creek. He was 
 promoted to major in the field, and, after the campaign, to lieutenant 
 colonel. He survived Braddock's campaign, and, in 1756, led an expedition 
 
 73 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 They had orders to go to Mr. Gist's and to find out exactly 
 where La Force and his party were; and in case they should be 
 in the vicinity, not to pursue them. I also ordered them to 
 examine the surrounding woods closely and to try to grab some 
 Frenchmen™ if they should find one apart from the rest, and 
 bring him in so that information could be gotten from him; to 
 secure exact information on whether it is possible to make a descent 
 by water; and to look for some suitable place in the vicinity of the 
 mouth of the River de Red-stone where a fort might be built; and 
 to greet the Half King and send him to me with a small escort; 
 and likewise to get information as to the views of the French, their 
 intentions, what they have done, and what they have in mind to do, 
 and to gather everything which might give us knowledge. 
 
 May 15. An express reached us with letters which informed us 
 that Colonel Fry, with a detachment of more than a hundred men, 
 was at Winchester, and that he was to set out in a few days to join 
 us; and likewise that Colonel Junis [Innis] 21 was marching with 
 
 against the Creek Indians. He was with Forbes in 1758, surviving Grant's 
 defeat. During Pontiac's uprising he was active in the defense of the 
 Virginia frontier. During the Revolution he rose to the rank of major 
 general, but was then dismissed from the service for being intoxicated 
 during an engagement. 
 
 19 William La Peyronie, or Peyroney, a native of France, settled in 
 Virginia about 1750. He was Washington's adjutant. After being wounded 
 at the Battle of Great Meadows, Fort Necessity, he was later promoted 
 to captain by Dinwiddie, at Washington's suggestion. The following year, 
 while commanding a company of Virginia Rangers, he was killed at the 
 Battle of the Monongahela. 
 
 20 These italicized words are italicized in the original, so that, here, 
 the italics do not indicate that the phrase is from the Memorial copy. 
 
 21 Colonel James Innes, a native of Scotland and a close friend of 
 Dinwiddie, had been a company commander of Virginia troops in the 
 British attack on the Spanish colonial city of Cartagena (in what is now 
 
 74 • 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 three hundred and fifty men recruited in Carolina; that it was ex- 
 pected that Maryland would raise two hundred men; that Penn- 
 sylvania had raised ten thousand pounds {equivalent to about fifty- 
 two thousand five hundred livres) to pay the soldiers of the other 
 colonies, this province furnishing no recruits at all; and that Gov- 
 ernor Shirley had sent six hundred men to harass the French in 
 Canada. I hope that that will give them something to do, and will 
 lessen the spirited parties which they are sending to the River Oyo 
 with so much zeal. 
 
 May 16. Met two traders who say they fled for fear of the 
 French, whose parties were often seen toward Mr. Gist's. 
 These traders are of the opinion, like many others, that it is 
 not possible to open a road for loaded wagons from here to the 
 River de la Roche Rouse. 
 
 May 17. This evening also arrive two Indians from Oyo 
 who come from the fort of the French. They report that they 
 were using all their forces to build their fort which, six days 
 ago, was breasthigh, two fathoms thick, with the intermediate 
 space filled with earth, stones, etc. 
 
 All the trees which were around it have been cut and burned, 
 and grain has been sown in their place. They number only 800 
 men by their count; the Indians think they number only 600. 
 
 Columbia) in 1740. This expedition— an unsuccessful one— had provided 
 the only opportunity for Virginians to see military service in Washington's 
 time, until the Ohio expedition of 1754. Dinwiddie appointed him com- 
 mander in chief of the expedition forces which, it was planned, would 
 become more than the Virginia regiment through the addition of other 
 Colonial troops plus some Regulars. At the time he received the command 
 he was leading some North Carolina troops toward the frontier. These 
 troops never left the settlements, however, due to lack of weapons and 
 disputes over pay. Innes himself never got beyond Wills Creek, where he 
 commanded Fort Cumberland after the defeat of the Virginia regiment. 
 
 75< 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 A larger number is expected in a few days. They think that 
 this will amount to 1,600, by means of which, they say, they 
 can defy the English. 
 
 May IS. The continuing high water prevented me from mov- 
 ing my men and baggage forward, 22 which made me decide to get 
 into a state of defense against any immediate attack of the enemy, 
 and to go down myself to observe the river. 23 
 
 May 20. I embarked in a canoe with Lieutenant West 24 " three 
 soldiers, and an Indian and after going along for the distance of 
 half a mile, we were obliged to come back on shore, where I met 
 Peter Suver, a trader, who was inclined to discourage me in the 
 search I was making for a passage by water. That made me change 
 my intention of having canoes made. I had the men march, as the 
 water was low enough so that they could cross. However, I con- 
 tinued to go down along the river, and finding that our canoes were 
 too small for six men, we stopped and made a boat. With this and 
 with our canoes we reached Turkey-Foot 25 {in French, le pied de 
 dinde) at the beginning of the night. Eight or ten miles from there 
 we met with several slight obstructions of little consequence, unless 
 the water should get still lower. We passed several places suitable 
 for canoes. 
 
 22 The expedition at this point was blocked by high water at the ford 
 known as the Great Crossing of the Youghiogheny, near what is now 
 Addison, Pennsylvania. 
 
 23 Since many traders who knew the area had declared that cutting a 
 wagon road over Chestnut Ridge to the mouth of the Redstone would be 
 very difficult, Washington was now contemplating sending his supplies, 
 instead, down the Youghiogheny by canoe— if that should prove possible. 
 
 24 Lieutenant John West, Jr., was a lieutenant in Van Braam's company 
 for a period, but was often on detached duty. He resigned his commission 
 shortly after the return of the regiment to Wills Creek in July of 1754. 
 
 25 The junction of the Youghiogheny, Laurel Hill Creek, and Castel- 
 man's River at what is today Confluence, Pennsylvania. 
 
 76 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 May 21. We passed some time in examining the place, which 
 we found very suitable for the location of a fort, as it was at the 
 junction of three branches, and in most places there was a good 
 gravel foundation upon which to establish it. The sketch, to be seen 
 here, is as exact as I could make it without instruments. 
 
 We went about two miles to observe the course of the river, which 
 is narrow and with many eddies, full of rocks, and rapid. We 
 crossed it, although the water was quite high. This makes me think 
 there would be no difficulty in traveling it in canoes, which could 
 only be with hard work, however. 
 
 Besides this rapids, we found others, but as the water is less deep 
 there, and the current more gentle, we easily crossed them, after we 
 found little or no depth. The mountains lie on both sides of the river. 
 We went down about ten miles, where a large rapids obliged us to 
 stop and come ashore. 26 
 
 (From May 22 to 24, the journal contains only a description 
 of the country.) 
 
 May 24. This morning the young Indian arrived whom I 
 had sent to the Half King, from whom he brought me the fol- 
 lowing letter. 
 
 To the first of His Majesty's officers whom this may concern. 
 
 Upon hearing report that the French army is going to meet 
 Mr. George Washington, I exhort you, my brothers, to be on 
 your guard against them, for they are resolved to strike the 
 first English they meet. They have been on the march for two 
 days; I cannot tell in what number. The Half King and the 
 rest of the chiefs will join you in ^\.wq days to hold a council. 
 I do not say more, but give my compliments to my brothers the 
 English. 
 
 Signed, the Half King. 27 
 
 26 The Ohiopyle Falls of the Youghiogheny, at Ohiopyle, Pennsylvania. 
 
 27 A surviving copy of this letter indicates that it was actually written 
 
 77' 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 I got as much information as I could from these young In- 
 dians about all the circumstances, but they did not give me 
 much enlightenment. 
 
 They say that there are often parties in the field, but they 
 do not know of any large one coming in this direction. The 
 French continue to erect their fort. What is on the land side is 
 very well enclosed, but the side toward the water is much 
 neglected, at least it is undefended. They have only nine pieces 
 of cannon, and some of them very small, and none of them are 
 mounted. There are two on the point, and the others some dis- 
 tance from the fort on the land side. 
 
 They report that there are many sick and that they could 
 not find any Indian to guide their small parties in the direction 
 of our camp, as these Indians had refused them. 
 
 The same day ive arrived at the meadows 28 at two o'clock where 
 we found a trader who told us he came that morning from Mr. 
 Gist's, where he had seen two Frenchmen the previous night; and 
 that he knew there was a strong detachment on the march, which 
 confirmed the news we had received from the Half King. Conse- 
 quently, I stationed troops behind two entrenchments which were 
 natural formations, and had our wagons put there, too. 
 
 May 25. I sent out a party on horseback along the roads to 
 go scouting, and, in addition, several other small parties to 
 reconnoiter the roads. I gave the horsemen orders to examine 
 the country well and to try to get news of the French, of their 
 strength, of their movement, etc. 
 
 for the Half King by his English interpreter, John Davison. Davison will 
 be remembered as Washington's Indian interpreter on the journey to Fort 
 Le Boeuf, in 1753. 
 
 28 Washington had now reached the Great Meadows, where Fort Ne- 
 cessity was to be erected and battle eventually joined. The location is 
 slightly south of U. S. Route 40, eleven miles east of Uniontown, Penn- 
 sylvania. 
 
 78 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 In the evening all these parties returned without having dis- 
 covered anything, although they went quite far in the direction 
 from which it was said the party was coming. 
 
 May 27. Mr. Gist arrived early in the morning with news 
 that M. La Force with 50 men, whose tracks he had seen five 
 miles from here had gone to his plantation the day before about 
 noon, and that they would have killed a cow and broken every- 
 thing in his house, if they had not been prevented by two 
 Indians, whom he had left to guard his house. Immediately I 
 sent out 7 5 men under the command of Captain Hog, Lieutenant 
 Mercer™ Ensign La Peronie, three Sergeants and three corporals 
 with suitable instructions. 
 
 The French had made much inquiry at Mr. Gist's on the 
 subject of the Half King. I did not fail to let some young men 
 know about this, who were in our camp, and this had the effect 
 I wanted. / made them understand that the French wanted to 
 kill the Half King. Immediately they offered to chase after the 
 French with our men; and if it was true that they had either 
 insulted or killed him, one of them would go promptly to carry 
 the news to the Mingo villages and arouse the warriors to 
 strike. One of these young Indians was sent out toward' s Mr. 
 Gist's, and in case he did not meet the Half King, he was to 
 send him a speech by a Delaware. 
 
 About eight o'clock in the evening, I received an express 
 
 29 Lieutenant George Mercer was later promoted to captain and for a 
 time was Washington's aide. After serving with Braddock he was appointed 
 lieutenant colonel in a second Virginia regiment, and with it accompanied 
 the Forbes expedition. In 1763 he went to England as the agent of the 
 Ohio Company. Later, he was appointed Stamp Agent for Virginia, a 
 position he was forced to resign under popular pressure. In 1768 he served 
 briefly as lieutenant governor of North Carolina. When he sold his exten- 
 sive land holdings in 1774 and 1775, Washington was one of the principal 
 buyers. Mercer died in England in 1784. 
 
 79 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 from the Half King, who informed me that, as he was coming 
 to join us, they had seen along the road the tracks of two men 
 which went down into a gloomy hollow, 30 and that he imagined 
 that the whole party was hidden there. Instantly I sent out 
 forty men; I ordered our munitions put in a secure place, for 
 fear that this was a stratagem of the French to attack our camp. 
 I left a guard there to defend it, and with the rest of my men 
 began to march through a heavy rain, with the night as black 
 as pitch and by a path scarcely wide enough for a man. We 
 were often astray for 15 or 20 minutes before we could find 
 the path again, and often we would jostle each other without 
 being able to see. We continued our march all night long, and, 
 May 28, about sunrise we arrived at the camp of the Indians, 
 where, after holding council with the Half King, we decided 
 to strike jointly. 
 
 Therefore, he sent out a couple of scouts to see where they 
 were and how they were arranged, and also to reconnoiter the 
 vicinity, after which we carried out our arrangements to sur- 
 round them, and we began to march in Indian fashion, one after 
 the other. We had advanced quite near them according to plan, 
 when they discovered us. Then I gave my men orders to fire; 
 my fire was supported by Mr. Wage's [Lieutenant Thomas 
 Waggoner], 31 and my men and his received the entire fire of 
 the French during most of the action, which lasted only a quar- 
 ter of an hour until the enemy were routed. 
 
 We killed M. de Jumonville, 32 commanding this party, with 
 
 30 The French camp is known today as Jumonville' s Rocks. It is three 
 miles north of Summit, Pennsylvania. 
 
 31 Thomas Waggoner was a lieutenant in Van Braam's company. He 
 was wounded in the Jumonville skirmish. The following year, as a captain, 
 he fought well at the Monongahela. In the fall and winter of 1755, he served 
 creditably in defending the Virginia frontier against Indian raids. 
 
 32 Joseph Coulon de Jumonville, ensign in command of the French de- 
 
 80 
 
Typical Iroquois from Notes on the Iroquois, Schoolcraft, 1847 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 nine others; we wounded one and made 21 prisoners, among 
 whom were M. La Force, M. Drouillon, 33 and two cadets. 34 
 The Indians scalped the dead, and took most of their arms. 
 Afterward, we marched with the prisoners under guard to the 
 camp of the Indians, where again I held council with the Half 
 King, etc. There I informed him that the Governor wanted to 
 see him, and was waiting for him at Wischester [Winchester] . 
 He replied that that was impossible for the time being, as his 
 men were in too grave danger from the French whom they 
 had just attacked; that he must send messengers to all the allied 
 nations to invite them to take up the hatchet. In fact, he sent 
 the message, and sent with it a French scalp, to the Delawares 
 by one of their young men. This man wished to have a part 
 of the presents which were intended for them, and that the rest 
 should be kept for another occasion. He intended to go and 
 find his family and several others, in order to bring them toward 
 Mr. Gist's, whither he asked me to send some horses and men 
 to aid them in coming to our camp. Afterward, I proceeded 
 with the prisoners. They informed me that they had been sent 
 with a summons for me to retire, a specious pretense so that 
 they could reconnoiter our camp and learn our forces and our 
 situation. (See the summons and the orders.) It was so evident 
 that they had come to reconnoiter us that I admired their 
 assurance in declaring to me that they had come as an embassy. 
 
 tachment, was the younger brother of a French captain, Coulon de Villiers. 
 Jumonville was born in the province of Quebec in 1718 and entered military- 
 service at fifteen. For a review of the two-hundred-year controversy over 
 the "assassination" of Jumonville, see The Jumonville Affair, by Marcel 
 Trudel in Pennsylvania History, XXI, 351-381. 
 
 33 Drouillon was a major. The fact that he was under an ensign on the 
 expedition would indicate either that he went along as a volunteer, or 
 that he was new to the Ohio region and therefore was not put in command. 
 
 34 M. de Boucherville and M. de Sable. 
 
 81 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Their instructions stated that they were to get information 
 about the roads and rivers and about the country as far as 
 Potomac. Instead of coming as an ambassador should, publicly 
 and in an open manner, they came with the greatest secrecy 
 and looked for the most hidden retreats, much more suitable 
 for deserters than for an ambassador. They camped there, they 
 remained hidden there for two whole days, when they were 
 no more than 5 miles from us. They sent out spies to recon- 
 noiter our camp; the whole company re-traced its steps for two 
 miles; two messengers were sent, as mentioned in the instruc- 
 tions, to warn M. de Contrecoeur of the place where we were 
 and of our arrangement, so that he could send out his detach- 
 ment to enforce the summons as soon as it should be given. 
 
 Besides, that was an escort worthy of a prince serving as 
 ambassador, instead of which it was only a mere French petty 
 officer; spies are not needed by an ambassador, whose dignity 
 is always sacred. If they came with good intentions, why stay 
 for two days five miles away from us without imparting the 
 summons to me, or revealing anything relating to his embassy. 
 That alone would be sufficient to give birth to the strongest 
 suspicions, and we ought to do them this justice, that if they 
 wanted to hide, they could not have chosen better than they did. 
 
 The summons is so insolent, and looks so much like brag- 
 ging, that if two men had come to bring it openly, it would 
 have been an excessive indulgence to have suffered them to 
 return. 
 
 The Half King's opinion in this case is that they had evil 
 designs, and that it was a mere pretext; that they had never 
 pretended to come to us as anything but enemies, and that if 
 we had been so foolish as to let them go, he would never help 
 us to capture other Frenchmen. 
 
 They pretend that they called to us as soon as we were dis- 
 
 82 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 covered. This is an absolute falsehood, for I was then at the 
 head of the file going toward them, and I can affirm that, as 
 soon as they saw us, they ran for their arms without calling, 
 which I should have heard if they had done so. 
 
 May 29. 1 dispatched Ensign la Tour [Ensign James Towers] 35 
 to the Half King with about 25 men and almost as many horses, 
 and as I expected that there would constantly be French parties 
 which would follow the one which had been defeated, I sent an 
 express to Colonel Frey [Fry] in order to get reinforcements. 
 
 After that, the French wanted to speak to me, and asked me 
 on what footing I regarded them, whether as part of the retinue 
 of an ambassador or as prisoners of war. I informed them that 
 it was in the latter category, and I told them my reasons as 
 stated above. 
 
 May 30. I detached Mr. Wart [Ward] and Mr. Spindorph 
 [Spiltdorph] to take the prisoners to Wischschester [Win- 
 chester], with an escort of twenty men. 
 
 Fearing that as soon as the news of this defeat should reach 
 the French we might be attacked by considerable forces, I be- 
 gan to raise a fort with a little palisade. 36 
 
 June 1 . A trader arrived with the Half King. They say that, 
 at the same time M. de Jumonville was sent here, another party 
 had been detached toward the lower part of the river, in order 
 to capture and kill all the English they might find. 
 
 We are finishing our fort. 
 
 In the evening Mr. Tours [Towers] arrives with the Half 
 King, Queen Aliguipa [Aliquippa], and about 25 or 30 families, 
 making nearly 80 to 100 persons, including women and children. 
 
 35 Ensign James Towers, also written as Towner, was promoted to 
 lieutenant before the end of the campaign. He served in Captain Hog's 
 company. He resigned from the regiment in December of 1754. 
 
 36 This was the beginning of Fort Necessity at the Great Meadows. 
 
 83 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 The old king, being invited to come into our tents, tells me 
 that he had sent Monakatoocha to the Village des Logs [Logs- 
 town] with a belt of wampum and four French scalps which 
 were to be sent to the 6 Nations, to the Wyendots, etc., in 
 order to inform them that they had attacked the French, and to 
 ask for their assistance to uphold this first blow. 
 
 June 5. An Indian arrives from Oyo who had gone to the 
 French fort for a short time before; he confirms the news of 
 the two traders taken by the French and sent to Canada. He 
 says that they have set up their palisade and enclosed their 
 fort with very big trees. 
 
 There are eight Indian families toward this side of the river 
 who are coming to join us. He met one of the Frenchmen 37 who 
 escaped from the engagement with M. de Jumonville, and who 
 was without shoes or stockings and almost unable to walk; but 
 he had let him go, not knowing that they had been attacked. 
 
 June 6. Mr. Gist on his return informs me of the death of 
 poor Colonel Fry, 38 and that the French prisoners arrived safe 
 and sound at Wchestre [Winchester] , with which the Governor 
 had great satisfaction. 
 
 I learn also that Mr. Montour 39 is coming with a commission 
 to command 200 Indians. 
 
 37 His name was Mouceau. 
 
 38 Fry died as the result of a fall from his horse. After his death, Wash- 
 ington was promoted (in May) to colonel and assumed formally the 
 command of the entire regiment. 
 
 39 Three-quarter Indian and one-quarter French, the son of an Iroquois 
 chief, a master of English, French, and several Indian tongues, Andrew 
 Montour was an outstanding interpreter and Indian agent for Pennsylvania 
 and Virginia. He was also a leading fur trader. Montour was not very 
 successful in enlisting Indian troops in 1754. In 1755, he served with 
 Braddock and remained an ally of the English throughout the French and 
 Indian War. 
 
 84- 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 Mr. Gist had encountered a French deserter who had assured him 
 that they numbered only five hundred men when they took the 
 fort from Mr. Wart, and that they were fewer at present, having 
 sent fifteen men to Canada to inform the Governor of their success; 
 that there were still about two hundred men who were waiting only 
 for a favorable opportunity to come and join us. 
 
 ]une 9. The final part of the Virginia Regiment arrived under 
 the command of Colonel Must [Major, later Lieutenant Colonel, 
 George Muse] , 40 We learned that the independent company from 
 Carolina had arrived at Wilscreck [Wills Creek] . 
 
 June 10. I received [or, reviewed] the regiment, and in the eve- 
 ning I had word that some Frenchmen were advancing toward us. 
 Thereupon I sent a party of Indians scounting towards Gist's, to 
 try to find them and learn their numbers. At the beginning of the 
 night we had an alarm, but it was false. 
 
 June 12. Two of the scouts whom we had sent out yesterday, 
 returned after having discovered a small party of Frenchmen; the 
 others continued as far as Stuarfs.* 1 Upon this news, I thought it 
 necessary to march with the greater part of the regiment, in order 
 to find these ninety men of whom we had intelligence. Consequently, 
 I gave Colonel Must orders to take away all our baggage and muni- 
 tions, to place them in the fort, and to establish a good guard there 
 until my return; and I marched at the head of one hundred thirty 
 men and about thirty Indians; but at the distance of half a mile I 
 
 40 George Muse had served in the Cartagena expedition and then had 
 been, like Washington, one of the adjutants of the Virginia Militia. Com- 
 missioned a major in the Virginia regiment, he was promoted to lieutenant 
 colonel when Washington was advanced to colonel. During the action at 
 Fort Necessity he behaved in a cowardly manner and was afterwards in 
 disgrace. His resignation was accepted immediately upon his return to 
 Virginia. 
 
 41 Stewart's Crossing was a ford on the Youghiogheny at what is today 
 Connellsville. Braddock's army used it in 1755. 
 
 85 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 met the other Indians who told me there were only nine deserters, 
 and I sent Mr. Mantour [Montour] with some Indians to bring 
 them in safely. I had them clothed, and they give us confirmation 
 of what we had conjectured about the designs of M. de Jumonvilles 
 party, and that more than a hundred soldiers are waiting only for 
 a favorable opportunity to come and join us; that M. de Contrecoeur 
 was expecting a reinforcement of four hundred men, and that these 
 four hundred men were to have arrived some time before the attack 
 upon La Force; that the fort was completed; that the gates and the 
 front were covered by artillery; that on the water side there was a 
 double palisade; that they have only eight pieces of small cannon; 
 and that they know how many men we have. They inform me 
 also that the Delawares and the Chawanons [Shawnees] have 
 taken up the hatchet against us. Thereupon resolved to invite 
 these two nations to come in council at Mr. Gist's; for this 
 sent messengers and belts. 
 
 June 13.1 induce these deserters to write the following letter 
 to their comrades who wish to desert. (It is not in the journal.) 
 
 June 15. I had the men work on the roads. 
 
 June 16. We left for the River Rouge, and were impeded a great 
 deal, as our wagons broke down several times. 
 
 THE NEXT FIVE DAYS 
 
 [The next five days were spent in preparing for and holding 
 a council with the Indians at Gist's. The Journal entries for 
 these days consist of long and very repetitious speeches to and 
 from the Indians. Rather than reproduce the speeches here, we 
 have made the following summary: 
 
 Washington had decided to call the council with the Indians 
 to see if the report of the French deserters, that the Delawares 
 and Shawnees had decided to side with the French, was true. 
 Messengers were sent out to call in the Indians on the 17th. 
 
 86 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 On the 18th, some Mingoes from Logstown — who had not 
 been invited to the council — arrived at Gist's and demanded 
 that they be included in the council. The questions they asked 
 and their general attitude aroused the suspicion that they were 
 spies for the French. 
 
 On the 19th, with the arrival of the Half King from the 
 Great Meadows, the council began. The Logstown Mingoes, 
 the ones suspected of being pro-French, spoke first. They 
 wanted to know if they would be considered enemies by the 
 English if they remained neutral. Washington replied that the 
 English were fighting solely on behalf of the Iroquois and their 
 allies, to drive away the French, and urged the Indians to send 
 their women and children east to the settlements and to join 
 their warriors with the regiment. Those who did not join the 
 English, he threatened vaguely, would "be responsible for all 
 the consequences," while those who "manifested their bravery 
 and their energy at this juncture ... I shall recompense . . . 
 in the most generous way." 
 
 Roughly the same speech was made to the Delawares and 
 Shawnees. However, these tribes, while protesting their con- 
 tinued friendship to the English, declared that they had been 
 ordered to remain neutral by the ruling Onondago council of 
 the Six Nations. 
 
 The parties to the council consumed almost three whole days 
 in devising, delivering, and listening to translations of the vari- 
 ous speeches . Consequently the council did not end until the 2 1 St.] 
 
 Extracts from the Journal {continued) 
 
 Afterward, the council broke up, and these treacherous de- 
 mons who had been sent by the French to spy went away, not 
 
 87 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 without some suitable stories prepared to amuse the French, 
 and to tend to make our own designs succeed. 
 
 As they had spoken to me of 1,600 Frenchmen and 700 
 Indians who were on the march to reinforce those at the fort, 
 I persuaded the Half King to send out three of his men in order 
 to learn the truth, although I believed that this news was only 
 soldiers' talk. These men were sent secretly before the council 
 was finished, with orders to go to the fort, and to gather infor- 
 mation painstakingly from all the Indians they would find there; 
 and if there were any news worth the trouble, one of them 
 would return, and the others would continue their journey as 
 far as Venango and around the lake, in order to learn every- 
 thing exactly. 
 
 I also persuaded King Schingues [Shingas] to keep scouts in 
 the field along the river to give us news in case any Frenchmen 
 came. I gave him a letter which he was to send me by his 
 messengers, in order to|prevent any one from imposing on me 
 to alarm us. 
 
 The day the council finished, I persuaded Kaquehuston, 42 a 
 trusty Delaware, to carry to the fort the letter which the French 
 deserters had written to their comrades, and I gave instructions 
 about how he should carry on his observations in several mat- 
 
 42 Kaquehuston is in all probability Kekeuscung, also known as Kit- 
 tiuskund, who later became a chief of the Delawares. He may not have 
 been as "trusty" as Washington believed, for with the rest of the Delawares, 
 Kekeuscung went over to the French. He is known to have helped to 
 harry the Forbes expedition in 1758 and to have taken part in Pontiac's 
 War. It is reported that at the Battle of Bushy Run, in 1763, when Colonel 
 Bouquet's troops were besieged in their flour sack fort while enroute to 
 raise the siege of Fort Pitt, Kekeuscung spent the night of August 5 shout- 
 ing threats and insults in broken English at the improvised fort. He is 
 believed to have fallen in the action of the following day. 
 
 88 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 ters of which I spoke to him; for I am strongly of the opinion 
 that the fort can be surprised, because the French are camping 
 outside and their guard cannot be kept very exactly because 
 of the work they are doing. 
 
 I also persuaded George, 43 another trusty Delaware, to visit 
 the fort a little after Kaquehuston, and gave him suitable in- 
 structions, recommending particularly that he hasten his return 
 so that we might have fresh news. 
 
 Immediately after the council, in spite of everything Mr. 
 Montour could do to dissuade them, the Delawares, like the 
 Half King and all the other Indians, returned to the Great 
 Meadows; but although we no longer had them, I did not leave 
 off still having our own men constantly out scouting to fore- 
 stall any surprise. 
 
 As these Indians, spies of the French, were very curious 
 and asked many questions in order to learn what way we in- 
 tended to go to the fort, and when we expected to arrive there, 
 I stopped the work on the road and did not push it any farther. 
 I told them finally that we intended to continue through the 
 woods, cutting down the trees, etc., and that we were waiting 
 here for the reinforcement which was coming, with our artil- 
 lery and our wagons to accompany us there. But as soon as 
 these men had gone, I began work marking out and making a 
 road toward the Roche Rouge [Redstone Creek] . 
 
 June 24. In the evening there arrive from the Great Meadows 
 three men, among whom is the son of Queen Aliguipa [Ali- 
 quippa]. He brings me a letter from Mr. Croghon [Croghan] 44 
 
 43 Delaware George rose to be a chief among his people, and with them 
 went over to the French. He may have received his English name while a 
 disciple of the famous frontier missionary, Christian Frederick Post. 
 
 44 George Croghan, a native of Ireland, came to Pennsylvania in 1741 
 and by 1745 was engaged in the Indian trade. Highly successful as a trader, 
 
 89 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 who informs me of the trouble he has in finding any Indian 
 willing to come; that in truth the Half King was disposed and 
 was preparing to join us, but a blow which he had received 
 had prevented him from doing so. I thought it would be wise 
 to send Captain Montour to Fort Necessity to see if it would 
 not be possible to persuade the Indians to come to us. 
 
 June 26. An Indian arrives bringing us news that Monoca- 
 toocha has burned his village (Loystown) [Logstown] , and be- 
 gun to travel by water to the Roche Rouge with his people, 
 and may be expected there in two days. This Indian passed 
 near the fort and is sure that the French have received no rein- 
 forcements except a small number of Indians who have killed, 
 he says, two or three Delawares. I did not fail to relate this 
 news with the most appropriate colors to the Indians and par- 
 ticularly to the Delawares who are here. 
 
 June 27. Detached Captain Louis [Lewis], 45 Lieutenant 
 Vagghener [Waggoner], and an ensign, two sergeants, two cor- 
 porals, a drummer, and 60 men to complete building the road 
 as far as the mouth of the River de la Roche Rouge on the 
 Monanghelele. [Here the Journal ends.] 
 
 he was prominent among the English entrepreneurs who won the trade 
 of the Ohio Indians from the French, thus helping to precipitate the struggle 
 for the valley. Besides, he was a leading interpreter and adviser for Penn- 
 sylvania on Indian affairs. He served the Virginia regiment as a contractor 
 of flour and horses; his failure at this assignment contributed to the defeat 
 of the expedition. The date on which he joined Washington on the expedi- 
 tion as an interpreter and adviser on Indian diplomacy is not known. In 
 1756, Croghan became Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs under Sir 
 William Johnson. He was also active in land speculation. It will be re- 
 called from an earlier note that he was a brother-in-law and partner of 
 William Trent. He moves through the history of the frontier, one of the 
 liveliest and most complex of all the personalities in the Ohio Country. 
 
 45 Andrew Lewis, a captain and company commander, later was pro- 
 moted to major in the Virginia regiment. He served with Braddock and 
 
 90- 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 Fort Necessity: 
 Eyewitness and Contemporary Accounts 
 
 Colonel Washington was too busy with more serious matters 
 in the days after June 27, 1754, to make his Journal entries. 
 For the story of the rest of the campaign, therefore, we must 
 turn to many sources, all of them incomplete in one way or 
 another. There were no war correspondents with the Virginia 
 regiment— or for that matter with the French detachment. But 
 we do have the accounts either of men who were at the battle 
 or who heard about it shortly thereafter— men on both sides— 
 officers and privates, heroes and deserters. 
 
 The observant reader will note that accounts do not agree 
 always as to details. There are many reasons for this: they 
 were written later and from memory; the heat of battle is 
 always confusing; the witnesses' testimony is no doubt colored 
 by both patriotic considerations and by being personally in- 
 volved. But these men, these soldiers, write with the vividness 
 of things they felt deeply. And anyway, theirs are the only 
 records we have. 
 
 [The sub-titles of the selections below are the editor's.] 
 
 COLONEL WASHINGTON RECORDS A MILITARY DECISION 
 
 Minutes of a Council of War held at Gists Plantn. 48 
 At a Council of War held at Mr. Gists June 28th 1754. 
 
 on the Virginia frontier against the Indians in the fall of 1755. He was 
 with Forbes in 1758, part of Major James Grant's ill-fated detachment, 
 and in the defeat of Grant was captured and taken to Canada. During the 
 Revolution he held a colonelcy and served creditably until his death from 
 illness in 1781. 
 
 46 These minutes are in Washington's handwriting. They are in Letters 
 to Washington, and Accompanying Papers, ed. Stanislaus Murray Hamilton 
 (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1898-1902), I, 16-18. 
 
 91 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 After the Junction with our own Detachmt. 47 and the Inde- 
 pendent Company 48 to Consider what was most prudent & 
 necessary to be Done in the present Situation of Affairs: It 
 was Unanimously Resolved that it was Absolutly necessary to 
 Return to our Fort at the meadows & Wait there untill Supply'd 
 with a stock of provisions Sufficient to serve us for some 
 months. 
 
 The Reasons for so doing were very Weighty: 
 
 Monacatootha a man of Sense and Experience & agreed 
 friend to the English Had left the French Fort only two days 
 before & had seen the Reinforcmt. arrive & heard them declare 
 their Resolution to march and Attack the English wt 800 of 
 their own men & 400 Indians. 
 
 There was a Reinforcemt. hourly expected, we learned from 
 French Deserters. 
 
 We knew, that two of our own men had deserted to them 
 and acquainted The Enemy of our Starving Condition and our 
 Numbrs. & Situation. 
 
 We had wanted 49 bread & meat for six days already; and 
 were still uncertain when any would arrive. We had only about 
 25 head of Live Cattle the most of them Milch Cows to depend 
 upon, for 400 men, and about one quart of salt to use wt. our 
 Meat, or preserve it. 
 
 The Enemy being thrice our Number & knowing our Cir- 
 
 47 This is the detachment sent out the day before under Captain Lewis 
 to work on the road. It had been recalled at the worsening military situation. 
 
 48 The Independent Company from South Carolina had joined Wash- 
 ington on the 14th or 15th of June. It was commanded by Captain James 
 Mackay. Because Mackay held a commission from the King and Wash- 
 ington was commissioned only by the Governor, Captain Mackay would 
 not accept orders from Washington, but acted as a separate command. 
 When Washington advanced to Gist's, the Independent Company remained 
 behind at the Meadows. 
 
 49 "We had wanted bread and meat" — that is, had been without them. 
 
 92 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 cumstances would not give us a Chance to fight them, but 
 Strive to starve us out by intercepting our Convoys. The Live 
 Cattle were Uncertain as the Enemy strove to Block us up. If 
 the Enemy were so Void of knowledge in Military Affairs as 
 to Risk a Battle, We must give a Total defeat to thrice our 
 Number,— Otherwise be Cut to pieces by so prodigious a 
 Number of their Indians in our Retreat, who are the best peo- 
 ple in the World to improve a Victory and at the best lose all 
 our Warlike Stores & Swivles. 50 Compell'd by these Reasons 
 it was Unanimously Resolv'd to Decamp directly, and to have 
 our swivles drawn By the men by Reason of the Scarcity of 
 horses. 
 
 Besides the Indians decla'd that they would leave us, unless 
 we Returned to ye Meadows. The distance Between that & 
 Mr. Gist's house, is thirteen miles of hilly road form'd Natu- 
 rally for Ambushes. The French could not so Easily Support 
 themselves at the Meadow as at Gist's by reason of distance to 
 Carry the Stores and Provisions & their want of horses to do 
 it. They can come within five miles of Gist's house by water; 
 thirteen miles further of bad Road was a Great obstruction to 
 them & gave us an Opportunity of Obtaining intelligence, & 
 Securing our Convoys. 51 While we lay at Gist's house They 
 might pass us unobserved by a different Road from Red Stone 
 that Lay about nine miles from us. But at the Meadows, both 
 Roads are United, and the Bearing of the Mountains makes it 
 difficult for an Enemy to come near or pass us without Receiv- 
 ing Advice of it. From all these Considerations this Resolves 
 
 50 This refers to small cannon mounted on swivels, with which the 
 Virginia regiment was armed. 
 
 51 "Securing our convoys" — that is, receiving shipments of food which 
 were supposed to be on the way and which would reach the Meadows 
 before it would reach Gist's. 
 
 93 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 was Signed by [There are no signatures. The copy that has 
 survived is probably a draft copy.] 
 
 MAJOR ADAM STEPHEN DESCRIBES THE RETREAT FROM 
 
 GIST'S NEW SETTLEMENT TO FORT NECESSITY 
 
 AT THE GREAT MEADOWS 52 
 
 June 29, 53 we received certain Intelligence, that the French 
 were reinforced with 300 White Men, and the same Number 
 of Indians, and that they intend to march immediately to attack 
 us; Whereupon Col. Washington call'd a Council of War, 
 wherein it was resolved to send an Express to hasten the Inde- 
 pendents 54 to join us, and that in the mean Time we should set 
 about fortifying ourselves, as well as the Time would permit, 
 and there wait the arrival of Cap. Lewis, and Mr. Poison, 55 
 who were out on Detachments, and to whom Orders were 
 sent to join us with the utmost Expedition. Captain Maccay 56 
 arrived at our Camp at Gist's House, in the Night, and we were 
 joined by our Detachment next Forenoon: when a Council of 
 War was again call'd, wherein it was unanimously resolved to 
 retreat immediately, carrying all public Stores with us; and as 
 we had but two very indifferent Teams, and few Horses, the 
 Officers loaded their own Horses with Ammunition, and left 
 
 52 This account appeared in the Maryland Gazette of Annapolis on 
 August 29, 1754. It is reprinted in Charles H. Ambler's Washington and 
 the West, pp. 214-216. 
 
 53 Stephen places the date one day later than Washington. 
 
 54 The Independent Company. 
 
 55 William Poison, a native of Scotland, was the lieutenant in Captain 
 Stobo's company. He assumed command of the company when Stobo 
 became a hostage, and was promoted to captain shortly thereafter, on 
 July 21. He was killed at the head of a company of Virginia Rangers the 
 following year at the Battle of the Monongahela. 
 
 56 Captain James Mackay, commander of the Independent Company 
 from South Carolina. 
 
 94 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 part of their Baggage behind; Col. Washington setting them 
 an Example, by ordering his Horse to be loaded first, and giv- 
 ing four Pistoles 57 to some Soldiers to carry his necessary 
 Baggage. We had nine Swivels, which were drawn by the 
 Soldiers of the Virginia Regiment twelve Miles, of the rough- 
 est and most hilly Road of any on the Alleghany Mountains. 
 The independents refused to lend a Hand to draw the Guns, 
 or help off with the Ammunition; nor would they do Duty as 
 Pioneers, 58 which had an unhappy Effect on our Men, who no 
 sooner learned that it was not the proper Duty of Soldiers to 
 perform these Services, than they became as backward as the 
 Independents. This was one great Reason why we had not 
 compleated our Works before the Attack. 
 
 July 1st, we arrived very much fatigued at the Meadows, 
 and had continued our Retreat, but for want of Horses and 
 Conveniences to carry our Ammunition. Our Men had been 
 eight Days without Bread, and instead of a large Convoy, which 
 we had long expected, there arrived only a few Bags of Flour: 
 They were so harassed with working on the Fortifications at 
 Gist's, 59 and with marching, that they were not able to draw 
 the Swivels. This being the Case, and having certain Intelli- 
 gence that the Yorkers 60 had arrived at Alexandria about twenty 
 Days before, a fatal Stay! and a flying Report, that they had 
 got to Will's Creek on their March to join us, it was thought 
 most advisable to fortify ourselves in the best Manner possible, 
 and wait our Convoys and Reinforcements, which we daily 
 expected. 
 
 57 A pistole was worth $4. 
 
 58 The Regulars maintained that professional soldiers were not required 
 to do manual labor, unless given extra pay, and Washington had no author- 
 ity to promise them extra pay. 
 
 59 A fort had been started at Gist's before retreat was decided. 
 
 60 The two independent companies from New York. 
 
 95 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 In the mean Time an Express was sent to inform them of our 
 Station, and hasten them to our Assistance. We set about clear- 
 ing the Woods nearest to us, and carrying in the Logs, to raise 
 a Breastwork, and enlarge the Fort. 
 
 COLONEL WASHINGTON RECORDS THE 
 DISAPPEARANCE OF HIS INDIAN ALLIES 61 
 
 ... the few Indians while till now had attended him; 62 and 
 who by reconnoitering the enemy in their March had got ter- 
 rified at their numbers and resolved to Retreat as they advised 
 us to do also but which was impracticable without abandoning 
 our Stores, Baggage, &ca. as the horses which had brought 
 them to this place had returned for Provision had left us previ- 
 ous to the Attack. 
 
 COLONEL WASHINGTON AND CAPTAIN MACKAY 
 DESCRIBE THE FRENCH ATTACK ON THE FORT 63 
 
 The third of this Instant July, about 9 o'clock, we received 
 Intelligence that the French, having been reinforced with 700 
 Recruits, had left Monongehela, and were in full March with 
 900 Men to attack us. Upon this, as our Numbers were so 
 unequal, (our whole Force not exceeding 300) we prepared 
 for our Defence in the best Manner we could, by throwing up 
 a small Intrenchment, which we had not Time to perfect, 
 before our Centinel gave Notice, about Eleven o'Clock, of 
 their Approach, by firing his Piece, which he did at the Enemy, 
 
 61 From some notes that Washington once prepared for the use of a 
 biographer. They appear in The Writings of George Washington . . . edited 
 by John C. Fitzpatrick, XXXIX, 39-40. 
 
 62 Washington here speaks of himself in the third person. 
 
 63 From a newspaper account first printed in the Virginia Gazette of 
 Williamsburg and subsequently reprinted in other colonial papers. It is 
 reprinted in Ambler's Washington and the West, pp. 211-213. 
 
 96- 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 and as we learned afterwards killed three of their Men, on 
 which they began to fire upon us, at about 600 Yards Distance, 
 but without any Effect: We immediately called all our Men 
 to their Arms, and drew up in Order before our Trenches; but 
 as we looked upon this distant Fire of the Enemy only as an 
 Artifice to intimidate, or draw our Fire from us, we waited 
 their nearer Approach before we returned their Salute. They 
 then advanced in a very irregular Manner to another Point of 
 Woods, about 60 Yards off, and from thence made a second 
 Discharge; upon which, finding they had no Intention of at- 
 tacking us in the open Field, we retired into our Trenches, and 
 still reserved our Fire; as we expected from their great Superi- 
 ority of Numbers, that they would endeavour to force our 
 Trenches; but finding they did not seem to intend this neither, 
 the Colonel gave Orders to fire, which was done with great 
 Alacrity and Undauntedness. 
 
 COLONEL WASHINGTON REMEMBERS THE 
 FIGHTING AND THE RAIN 64 
 
 . . . they then, from every little rising, tree, stump, Stone, 
 and bush kept up a constant galding 65 fire upon us; which was 
 returned in the best manner we could till late in the Afternn. 
 when their fell the most tremendous rain that can be conceived, 
 filled our trenches with Water, Wet, not only the Ammunition 
 in the Cartouch 66 boxes and firelocks, but that which was in a 
 small temporary Stockade in the middle of the Intrenchment 
 called Fort Necessity erected for the sole purpose of its secur- 
 ity, and that of the few stores we had; and left us nothing but 
 
 64 From the source described in note 61. 
 
 65 Galling, that is, irritating. 
 
 66 An early form of cartridge. 
 
 97 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 a few (for all were not provided with them) Bayonets for 
 defence. 
 
 PRIVATE JOHN SHAW DESCRIBES THE FIGHTING 
 AND THE FORT 67 
 
 . . . their Indians were thereby Encouraged to Advance out 
 of the Wood and show themselves pretty near where our Men 
 lay upon which Colo. Washington Gave the Word to fire which 
 was accordingly done, and many of the Indians were killed. 
 Our people having two Swivel Guns which were discharged 
 at the same time. After this neither French nor Indians appeared 
 any more but kept behind Trees firing at our Men the best 
 part of the Day, As our people did at them. There was at this 
 place a Small Stocade Fort made in a circular form round a 
 Small House that stood in the middle of it to keep our provi- 
 sions and ammunition in, and was covered with Bark and some 
 Skins and might be about fourteen feet Square and the Walls 
 of the Fort might be eight feet distance from the said house all 
 round. The French were at that time so near that Severall of 
 our people were wounded by the splinters beat off by the 
 Bulletts from the said House. 
 
 MAJOR ADAM STEPHEN TELLS OF THE PLIGHT 
 OF THE GARRISON 68 
 
 [We] had received no Intelligence of the approach of our 
 Convoys or Reinforcements, and . . . had only a Couple Bags 
 of Flour and a little Bacon left for the Support of 300 Men. 
 We had intended to have killed the Milch Cows which were 
 
 67 Deposition of John Shaw, original manuscript in the British Public 
 Records Office, photostats in the Darlington Memorial Library of the 
 University of Pittsburgh. 
 
 68 From the Maryland Gazette, August 29, 1754. 
 
 •98' 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 our greatest Dependence before the Engagement, but had no 
 Salt to preserve them, and they soon became the property of a 
 superior Enemy. By the continued Rains, and Water in the 
 Trenches, the most of our Arms were out of Order, and we 
 had only a Couple of Screws 69 in the whole Regiment to clean 
 them. But what was still worse, it was no sooner dark, than 
 one-half of our Men got drunk. 70 
 
 COLONEL WASHINGTON RECORDS THE FRENCH 
 OFFER TO NEGOTIATE 71 
 
 We continued this unequal Fight, with an Enemy sheltered 
 behind the Trees, ourselves without Shelter, in Trenches full 
 of Water, in a settled Rain, and the Enemy galling us on all 
 Sides incessantly from the Woods, till 8 o'Clock at Night, 
 when the French called to Parley: From the great Improbability 
 that such a vastly superior Force, and possessed of such an 
 Advantage, would offer a Parley first, we suspected a Deceit, 
 and therefore refused to consent that they should come among 
 us; on which they desired us to send an Officer to them, and 
 engaged their Parole 72 for his Safety. . . . 
 
 MAJOR STEPHEN DESCRIBES THE READING 
 OF THE FRENCH TERMS 73 
 
 When Mr. Van Braam returned with the French Proposals, 
 
 69 A tool used in cleaning fouled firearms. 
 
 70 Washington recently had been supplied with rum to use as presents 
 for the Indians. Apparently the tired, wet and hungry men of the Virginia 
 regiment had got into it. When Coulon de Villiers, the French commander, 
 inspected the fort after its surrender the next day, he found casks of rum 
 still unopened. He had the casks smashed to keep the contents from his 
 own troops and his Indian allies. 
 
 71 See note 63. 
 
 72 Parole in this case means "word of honor." 
 
 73 See note 52. 
 
 99 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 we were obliged to take the Sense of them by word of Mouth: 
 It rained so heavily that he could not give us a written Trans- 
 lation of them; we could scarcely keep the Candle light to 
 read them; they were wrote in a bad Hand, on wet and blotted 
 Paper so that no Person could read them but Van Braam who 
 had heard them from the mouth of the French Officer. Every 
 Officer then present, is willing to declare, that there was no 
 such word as Assassination 74 mentioned; the Terms expressed 
 to us were 'the Death of Jumonville.' If it had been mentioned, 
 we could have got it altered, as the French seemed very con- 
 descending, and willing to bring Things to a Conclusion; dur- 
 ing the whole course of the Interview: Upon our insisting on 
 it they altered what was more material to them, the Article 
 relating to Ammunition, which they wanted to detain; and that 
 of the Cannon, which they agreed to have destroyed, instead 
 of reserved for their Use. Another Article, which appears to 
 our Disadvantage, is that whereby we obliged ourselves not to 
 attempt an Establishment beyond the Mountains: This was 
 translated to us, 'Not to attempt Buildings or Improvements, 
 on the Lands of his Most Christian Majesty.' This we never 
 intended; but denied that he had any Lands there, and therefore 
 thought it needless to dispute that Point. 
 
 THE ARTICLES OF CAPITULATION 75 
 Capitulation granted Mons. de Villiers, 76 captain and com- 
 
 74 As will be shown subsequently, the terms of capitulation signed by 
 Washington did admit that Jumonville had been "assassinated," much to 
 Washington's later mortification. 
 
 75 An English translation of the Articles of Capitulation may be found 
 in Ambler's Washington and the West, pp. 216-217. The text in French may 
 be found in Washington and "The Murder of Jumonville" by Gilbert F. 
 Leduc, pp. 219-227. 
 
 76 Louis Coulon de Villiers, commander of the French detachment at 
 
 100. 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 mander of infantry and troops of his most Christian Majesty, 
 to those English troops actually in the fort of Necessity which 
 was built on the lands of the King's dominions July the 3rd, 
 at eight o'clock at night, 1754. 
 
 As our intention has never been to trouble the peace and 
 good harmony which reigns between the two friendly princes, 
 but only to revenge the assassination which has been done on 
 one of our officers, bearer of a summons, upon his party, as 
 also to hinder any establishment on the lands of the dominions 
 of the King, my master; upon these considerations, we are will- 
 ing to grant protection or favor, to all the English that are in 
 the said fort, upon the conditions hereafter mentioned. 
 
 1. We grant the English Commander to retire with all his 
 garrisons, to return peaceably into his own country, and we 
 promise to hinder his receiving any insult from us French, and 
 to restrain as much as shall be in our power the Savages that 
 are with us. 
 
 2. He shall be permitted to withdraw and to take with him 
 whatever belongs to them excepting the artillery, which we 
 reserve for ourselves. 
 
 3. We grant them the honors of war; they shall come out 
 with drums beating, and with a small piece of cannon, wishing 
 to show by this means that we treat them as friends. 
 
 4. As soon as these Articles are signed by both parties they 
 shall take down the English flag. 
 
 5 . Tomorrow at daybreak a detachment of French shall re- 
 ceive the surrender of the garrison and take possession of the 
 aforesaid fort. 
 
 6. Since the English have scarcely any horses or oxen left, 
 they shall be allowed to hide their property, in order that they 
 
 the battle of the Great Meadows, was the older brother of Jumonville 
 and had been given command of the expedition for that reason. 
 
 101 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 may return to seek for it after they shall have recovered their 
 horses; for this purpose they shall be permitted to leave such 
 number of troops as guards as they may think proper, under 
 this condition that they give their word of honor that they will 
 not work on any establishment either in the surrounding coun- 
 try or beyond the Highlands during one year beginning from 
 this day. 
 
 7. Since the English have in their power an officer and two 
 cadets, and, in general, all the prisoners whom they took when 
 they assassinated Sieur de Jumonville they now promise to send 
 them with an escort to Fort Duquesne, situated on Belle River, 
 and to secure the safe performance of this treaty article, as well 
 as on the treaty Messrs. Jacob Van Braam and Robert Stobo, 77 
 both Captains shall be delivered to us as hostages until the ar- 
 
 77 Captain Robert Stobo, later major, was one of the most romantic 
 and colorful figures of the French and Indian War. He was born in Glasgow 
 in 1727, attended Glasgow University, and in 1742 came to Virginia as 
 the representative of a group of Glasgow merchants. Convivial and much 
 sought after socially, a friend of Governor Dinwiddie's, he was given a 
 captaincy in the Virginia regiment. On the campaign he was accompanied 
 by ten servants and a covered wagon loaded with equipment which in- 
 cluded a large cask of Madeira wine. He and Van Braam were chosen as 
 hostages, probably because they were both unmarried. While a hostage 
 Stobo was promoted to major. During his imprisonment at Fort Duquesne, 
 he sent secretly a sketch of the fort to Washington by way of a friendly 
 Indian. This sketch fell into the hands of the French, along with other of 
 Braddock's papers, when Braddock was defeated, so that Stobo was ac- 
 cused of espionage and for a time was under sentence of death. He escaped 
 twice from his place of imprisonment in Quebec, and twice was recaptured; 
 his third escape was successful. When he rejoined the English, he served 
 as an adviser to General James Wolfe in the campaign against Quebec. 
 Profusely thanked and handsomely rewarded by the Virginia assembly 
 for his services and hardships, he returned to England and a commission in 
 the Regulars. Thereafter he saw service in the West Indies. Three novels 
 have contained fictional accounts of his life and adventures. Historians prob- 
 ably have put no other man in more footnotes than Robert Stobo. 
 
 102 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 rival of our French and Canadians herein before mentioned. 
 
 We on our part declare that we shall give an escort to send 
 back in safety the two officers who promise us our French in 
 two months and a half at the latest. 
 
 Made out in duplicate on one of the posts of our blockhouse 
 the same day and year as before. 
 
 Signed 
 
 James Mackay 
 Go. Washington 
 Coulon De Villiers. 
 
 MAJOR STEPHEN ALMOST LOSES HIS LUGGAGE 78 
 
 . . . every thing [was] afloat in the Encampmt which was in 
 a natural meadow or dry marsh — This occasion'd Stephen to 
 put on Shoes without Stockings in which trim he continued all 
 the day of the Engag'nt. 
 
 The Weather was Showery, the ditches half full of Water, 
 & fort half Leg deep of Mud, so that Stephen's duty as Major 
 leading him every where: He was Wet; Muddy half thigh up; 
 without Stockings, face & hands besmear'd with powder & in 
 this pickle form'd the Men to march out of the Fort early in 
 the Morning of the 4th according to Capitulation— The Enemy 
 allow'd us to Carry off the Baggage, & to march out with the 
 honours of War — Whilst Stephen was forming the men, His 
 Servant cry'd out Major a Frenchman has Carried off you 
 Cloaths — Stephen looking Round, observ'd the Corner of his 
 port Mantua 79 on a Frenchman Shoulder, he running into the 
 Crowd — Stephen pursued & overtook him Seiz'd the port- 
 
 78 This excerpt is taken from "Colonel Steven's Life written by him- 
 self for B. Rush in 1775" in the Pennsylvania Magazine of History and 
 Biography, XVIII, 43-50. 
 
 79 A portmanteau was a traveling bag designed for use on horseback. 
 
 103 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 mantua, kicked the fellow back side & Return'd. Upon Seeing 
 this two french Officers, observ'd to Stephen that [if] he Struck 
 the Men & behaved So, they could not be answerable for the 
 Capitulation. Stephen damned the Capitulation, & Swore they 
 had Broke it already. The Officers Observing such pertness in 
 a dirty, half naked fellow, ask'd Stephen, if he was an Officer— 
 Upon Which Stephen, made his Servant Open his portmantua, 
 & put on a flaming suit of laced Regimentals Which in those 
 cheap days cost thirty pistols — 
 
 The French Officers gazed at the flaming Regimentals, on 
 Such a dirty fellow without Stockings, were extremely Com- 
 plaisent, told us, as we had given hostages, we ought to get 
 hostages of them; that they were very desirous of going to 
 Virginia, as they understood there were a great many Belles 
 Madammoiselle there — 
 
 PRIVATE JOHN SHAW DESCRIBES THE 
 EVACUATION OF FORT NECESSITY 80 
 
 [The Capitulation] was accordingly agreed to and signed by 
 Colo. Washington, and agreed to by all the Officers, And ac- 
 cordingly next Morning We Hoisted no Colours. And as soon 
 as it was day the French and their Indians came in a Body 
 beating their Drum and formed themselves into two Ranks that 
 our People might pass through, which they Accordingly did 
 with their Drums beating, with their Arms and what provisions 
 and Ammunition they could Carry. But we were obliged to 
 leave behind our Swivel Guns and some Arms which soon after 
 were destroyed and broke to pieces by the Indians. Such of 
 our men that were in that little Fort having broke the Heads 
 of the Powder Barrels and strewn it about that it might be of 
 no Service to the French. 
 
 80 The source for this excerpt is described in note 22. 
 
 .104- 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 We were also obliged to leave with them Captn. Vanbraam 
 and Captn. Stobo as Hostages for the Delivery of the Twenty 
 one prisoners that had been taken by Colo. Washington . . . 
 who were then at Williamsburgh. 
 
 THE FRENCH COMMANDER, COULON DE VILLIERS, 81 
 DESCRIBES THE CAMPAIGN FROM THE FRENCH 
 POINT OF VIEW 
 
 — Too much rain, Too little ammunition, and 
 Trouble ivith his Indian allies 
 
 July 1. We went and put our wheel-carriages in a secure 
 place. We disposed in order our effects, and whatever else we 
 could dispense with in the Stock-house. 82 I left a good sergeant 
 and twenty men and a few sick Indians to guard the effects. 
 Some ammunition was shared out and we marched on. Towards 
 eleven o clock we found the roads 83 so bad that, from the first stop, 
 the chaplain was no longer able to continue the trip; he gave us 
 general absolution, and returned to the warehouse; we saw some 
 tracks which made us suspect that we were discovered. 
 
 81 Coulon de Villiers' Journal was first printed in the French Memorial 
 . . . and appeared in English translation in The Conduct of the Late Ministry 
 and in other places. None of these versions was complete, however. The 
 excerpt printed here is translated from the Papiers Contrecoeur. 
 
 Washington saw only the incomplete Memorial version of Coulon de 
 Villiers' account. This version was edited so as to magnify the French 
 victory and hide French shortcomings. This fact should be kept in mind 
 when reading Washington's bitter comments on Coulon de Villiers' ac- 
 count of the battle. 
 
 In our translation of Coulon de Villiers' Journal, we have placed in 
 italics those portions which Washington did not see. They shed significant 
 light on why Coulon de Villiers offered to negotiate. 
 
 82 The Ohio Company warehouse at the mouth of Redstone Creek on 
 the Monongahela. 
 
 83 The road referred to was probably the pack horse trail used by English 
 traders going from Wills Creek to the warehouse on Redstone Creek. 
 
 105 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 About three in the afternoon, having had no account of our 
 scouts, I sent out some others, who fell in with the first. They 
 mistook each other, and were just going to fire at one another; 
 but luckily they found out their mistake. They came to us and 
 declared, that they had been as far as the road which the English 
 were making; that they had seen no one there; and that it was 
 apparent no one had been there for about three days; we no 
 longer doubted but that the English were informed of our steps. 
 We continued our way, however, up to a house advantageously 
 situated from which we could send to reconnoiter on all sides, and 
 the troop settled down there in such a way that it could defend itself, 
 and we passed the night there waiting for our scouts. 
 
 July 2. At break of day, we set out on our march, without 
 waiting the arrival of the scouts. After I had marched for some 
 time, I stopped and determined not to proceed farther; till 
 such time as I received some positive account. I dispatched 
 some scouts towards the road; in the meantime some of the 
 Indians arrived whom I had left behind at the Stockhouse. They 
 had made a prisoner who said he was a deserter; I questioned 
 him, and threatened to hang him if he tried to deceive me. I 
 was informed the English had deserted their post, in order to 
 draw near their fort; and that they took with them their cannon. 
 Our last scouts arrived and told me that the first had missed the 
 way, that they had seen the track of ten to twelve men, and that they 
 did not doubt that this was theirs. I continued my way and arrived 
 at an abandoned house from which some of our people discovered 
 the camp 84 which had been abandoned by the English; and we 
 went there. This place consisted of three houses ... I sent out 
 scouts, and took care to have every place searched. A great 
 many tools and other utensils were found concealed, which I 
 ordered to be taken away. It being late I caused my detach- 
 
 84 Gist's Settlement. 
 
 106- 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 ment who were levelling the bad roads to encamp here; moreover, 
 the weather was rainy. We had there an alert caused by our Indians, 
 who were seeking some animals. 
 
 I again set about asking the Englishman more questions, con- 
 tinuing to alternately frighten and flatter him with the hopes 
 of being rewarded. I communicated to the Indians whatever 
 discoveries I made, and my resolution not to expose them rashly. 
 It rained the whole night. 
 
 July 3rd. At day- break I prepared to march. I invited the 
 Indians to supply me with scouts. The weather inclined to be 
 rainy, but I foresaw the necessity of preventing the enemy 
 from raising the fortifications which they might resolve to do, 
 and I flattered myself that he would be less alert in such bad weather. 
 
 The Nippissings 85 and the Algonquins 86 did not wish to go on: 
 I told them that they could remain; I began to march with the other 
 tribes, which shamed the first into coming to join me, with the 
 exception of two. 
 
 Before my departure two of my first scouts for whom I had been 
 worried came back and told me that they had made three prisoners 
 who came from the Chawenons 87 and whom they had taken back 
 to the warehouse, which was confirmed by a letter they brought me 
 from the sergeant whom Yd left there. 
 
 We marched the whole day through the rain; and I sent out 
 scout after scout: I stopped at the place where my brother had 
 been assassinated; and here I saw some human bodies still 
 remaining. 
 
 Being now about three quarters of a league from the English 
 
 85 The Nipissings were a pro-French and anti-Iroquois tribe whose home 
 was the northeast shore of Lake Huron. 
 
 86 The Algonquins, also enemies of the Iroquois and thus friends of the 
 French, lived in the Gatineau River valley in present day Ontario. 
 
 87 "Chawenons" was a French version of Shawnee. 
 
 107 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 fort; I made each officer to march in a column at his respective 
 division, in order to have it in my power to dispose of them 
 as circumstances should require. 
 
 I sent scouts who were to go close to the camp; and twenty 
 more to support them; and I advanced myself in order; when 
 some of my people returned to tell me that we were discovered; 
 and that the English approached in order of battle to attack us : 
 as it was said they were close to me, I put my troops in order 
 of battle, and in a manner suited to woods-fighting. It was not 
 long before I perceived that my scouts had led me wrong; and 
 I gave order to my troops to advance towards that side from 
 which I apprehended an attack. As we were not acquainted 
 with the ground, we presented our flank to the fort from whence 
 they began to cannonade us: I perceived almost at the same 
 time, to the right, the English coming towards us in order of 
 battle. 88 The Indians, and we also, set up the cry, and advanced 
 to meet them: but they gave us no time to make our discharge: 
 they filed off, and withdrew into an entrenchment which lay 
 next to their fort. We then set ourselves about investing the 
 fort: it was advantageously enough situated in a meadow, the 
 wood of which was within musket shot of it. We came as 
 close to them as it was possible, to the end that his Majesty's 
 subjects might not be exposed without necessity: the fire was 
 pretty brisk on both sides, and I repaired to the place which 
 appeared most to favor a sally. We succeeded in silencing the 
 fire of their cannon, I may say, with our small arms. It is true 
 that the zeal of our Canadians and soldiers worried me, because I 
 saw that we would in a little while be without ammunition. Mr. 
 
 88 It will be recalled that Washington had drawn up the Virginia regiment 
 in front of the entrenchments to repel the charge that he thought was coming. 
 Coulon de Villiers apparently mistook this defensive measure for an intended 
 attack. 
 
 108' 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 Le Merrier 89 proposed to me making arrangements to bolster our 
 positions so as to confine the English in their fort and entirely pre- 
 vent them from leaving. I ordered Mr. De Bailleul 90 to assemble 
 as many men as possible in order to help the quarter which would 
 be attacked in case of a general sortie. At this time we distributed 
 provisions, ammunition and goods, vohich encouraged the Indians 
 and militiamen. 
 
 The enemy's fire began again at six o'clock, with more fury 
 than ever, and lasted till eight o'clock. As voe had spent our time 
 all day drying things from the rain, the Detachment was very 
 tired. The Indians had announced to me their departure on the next 
 day. Rumor said that the beat of drums and the firing of cannon 
 had been heard from a distance. I proposed to Mr. Le Merrier to 
 offer to parlay ivith the English. He agreed with me and we caused 
 it to be cried out, that if the English were desirous to speak to 
 us, we would cease firing: they accepted the proposal, and there 
 came a captain to that part of the attack where I was. I de- 
 tached Mr. le Mercier to receive him, and I went into the 
 meadow myself; there we told them, that as we were not in 
 war, we were willing to deliver them from the cruelties to 
 
 89 Francois le Mercier, a relative of Contrecoeur, had originally been in 
 command of the detachment that took Fort Necessity. Before the detachment 
 had left Fort Duquesne, however, Coulon de Villiers had arrived and had been 
 given command because he outranked Le Mercier and in order to have the 
 opportunity of avenging his brother, Jumonville. Le Mercier had served as en- 
 gineer and supply officer with Marin's fort-building expedition into Western 
 Pennsylvania in 1 753 and thus was the designer of the French forts in the upper 
 Ohio Valley. A few months before, he had accepted the surrender of Ensign 
 Ward for Contrecoeur at the Point of the Allegheny and Monongahela. 
 
 90 Francois Piercot de Bailleul was in the Ohio Country as early as the 
 1739 expedition of Baron de Longueuil. In 1753 he was with the advance 
 party that began the chain of French forts on the upper Ohio. Like many of 
 his English foes at the action at Fort Necessity, he was wounded the follow- 
 ing year at the Battle of the Monongahela. 
 
 109' 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 which a more obstinate resistance would expose them from the 
 Indians; that this very night we would take away from them 
 all hopes of slipping away from us. That we now condescended 
 to show them mercy, as we were come only to take revenge 
 for the murder of my brother, in violation of the most sacred 
 laws, and to force them to leave the King's territories; and we 
 agreed with them to grant them the capitulation, of which a 
 copy is annexed. 
 
 We considered that nothing could be more advantageous to 
 the nation than this capitulation, it not being natural in time of 
 peace that we should make prisoners of war who in time of 
 war would have been a nuisance to us since they would have con- 
 sumed our provisions. We made the English agree to give us in 
 their own hands, that they had committed an assassination on 
 us, in the camp of my brother. We had hostages as sureties for 
 the French whom they had in their power: we compelled them 
 to evacuate the country as belonging to the most Christian King. 
 We obliged them to leave us their cannon, which consisted of 
 nine pieces. We had already destroyed all their horses and 
 cattle, and further we made them give in their own hand that 
 the favor we showed them was only to prove to them how 
 greatly we desire to treat them as friends. 
 
 We were able to count up the considerable advantages held by 
 the enemy: almost as numerous as we; who had been awaiting us 
 for several days; who had a meadow in the middle of which was 
 their fort; who had nine pieces of cannon, and who were attacked 
 only by wild small arms fire from natives little accustomed to this 
 military discipline. Thus I owe the success of this enterprise only 
 to the valor and steadiness of the officers and to the example of the 
 cadets who composed our party. 
 
 That very evening the articles of capitulation were signed : 
 and I had in my camp the hostages I required. 
 
 110' 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 The 4th, at break of day, I sent a detachment to take posses- 
 sion of the fort; the garrison filed off, and the number of their 
 dead and wounded raised compassion in me, notwithstanding 
 my resentment of the manner in which they had made away 
 with my brother. 
 
 The Indians, who had in every respect, complied with my 
 desires, had laid claim to the pillage. I opposed it, but the con- 
 sternation of the English was so great that they ran away and 
 left behind them even their flag and a pair of their colors. I 
 demolished their fort and Mr. le Mercier caused their cannon 
 to be destroyed together with the one which had been granted 
 them by their capitulation, the English not being able to take 
 it away. 
 
 I hastened away, after having first destroyed the casks of 
 liquor, in order to prevent the disorders which they would have 
 inevitably caused. One of my Indians took ten English and 
 brought them to me; I sent them away by another. . . . 
 
 I lost in this attack only two French and one [Indian] , I had 
 seventeen wounded, of whom two were Indians, exclusive of 
 several wounds so slight as not to require the attention of the 
 surgeon. 
 
 I marched this day about two leagues, and caused our chief 
 sick to be carried on litters by detachments. 
 
 The 5th I arrived about nine o'clock at the camp which had 
 been abandoned by the English. 91 I ordered the intrenchments 
 to be demolished and the houses to be burned to ashes. This 
 done, I marched on, after having detached Mr. De La Chau- 
 vignerie 92 to burn all the houses in the neighborhood. . . . 
 
 91 Gist's Plantation. 
 
 92 The Sieur de La Chauvignerie, one of the French's "Indian experts," 
 later supervised the construction of Fort Machault in 1755 at what is today 
 Franklin, Pennsylvania. 
 
 Ill 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 The 6th I set out early in the morning to the place where we 
 left our wagons ... we burned the warehouse. . . . 
 
 The 7th I continued to march ... I burned as I went along 
 all the settlements I met with, and I turned over command of 
 the detachment to Mr. Contrecoeur about 4 o'clock. 
 
 COLONEL WASHINGTON COMMENTS ON 
 COULON DE VILLIERS' JOURNAL 93 
 
 ... I cannot help remarking on Villiers' account of the battle 
 of, and transactions at, the Meadows, as it is very extraor- 
 dinary, and not less erroneous than inconsistent. He says the 
 French received the first fire. It is well known, that we re- 
 ceived it at six hundred paces' distance. He also says, our fears 
 obliged us to retreat in a most disorderly manner after the 
 capitulation. How is this consistent with his other account? 
 He acknowledges, that we sustained the attack warmly from 
 ten in the morning until dark, and that he called first to parley, 
 which strongly indicates that we were not totally absorbed in 
 fear. If the gentleman in his account had adhered to the truth, 
 he must have confessed, that we looked upon his offer to parley 
 as an artifice to get into and examine our trenches, and refused 
 on this account, until they desired an officer might be sent to 
 them, and gave their parole for his safe return. He might also, 
 if he had been as great a lover of the truth as he was of vain- 
 glory, have said, that we absolutely refused their first and 
 second proposals, and would consent to capitulate on no other 
 terms than such as we obtained. That we were wilfully, or 
 ignorantly, deceived by our interpreter in regard to the word 
 assassination, I do aver, and will to my dying moment; so will 
 
 93 This letter appears in The Writings of Washington . . . edited by Jared 
 Sparks (Boston, 1834), II, 463-465. The original has not been found by- 
 modern scholars. 
 
 112 
 
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COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 every officer that was present. The interpreter was a Dutchman, 
 little acquainted with the English tongue, therefore might not 
 advert to the tone and meaning of the word in English: but 
 whatever his motives were for so doing, certain it is, he called 
 it the death, or the loss, of the Sieur Jumonville. So we received 
 and so we understood it, until, to our great surprise and morti- 
 fication, we found it otherwise in a literal translation. 
 
 That we left our baggage and horses at the Meadows is 
 certain; that there was not even a possibility to bring them 
 away is equally certain, as we had every horse belonging to 
 the camp killed or taken away during the action; so that it was 
 impracticable to bring any thing off, that our shoulders were 
 not able to bear; and to wait there was impossible, for we had 
 scarce three days' provisions, and were seventy miles from a 
 supply; yet, to say we came off precipitately is absolutely false; 
 notwithstanding they did, contrary to articles, suffer their In- 
 dians to pillage our baggage, 94 and commit all kinds of irregu- 
 larity, we were with them until ten o'clock the next day; we 
 destroyed our powder and other stores, nay, even our private 
 baggage, to prevent its falling into their hands, as we could not 
 bring it off. When we had got about a mile from the place of 
 action, we missed two or three of the wounded, and sent a 
 party back to bring them up; this is the party he speaks of. 
 We brought them all safe off, and encamped within three miles 
 of the Meadows. These are circumstances, I think, that make 
 it evidently clear, that we were not very apprehensive of danger. 
 The colors he speaks of as left were a large flag of immense 
 size and weight; our regimental colors were brought off and 
 
 94 Actually, as the text of the capitulation shows, the French promised 
 only "to restrain as much as shall be in our power the savages that are with 
 us." Washington probably felt that the French could have done more to 
 restrain the always restless red men. 
 
 113 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 are now in my possession. Their gasconades, and boasted 
 clemency, must appear in the most ludicrous light to every con- 
 siderate person, who reads Villiers's journal; such preparations 
 for an attack, such vigor and intrepidity as he pretends to have 
 conducted his march with, such revenge as by his own account 
 appeared in his attack, considered, it will hardly be thought 
 that compassion was his motive for calling a parley. But to sum 
 up the whole, Mr. Villiers pays himself no great compliment 
 in saying, we were struck with a panic when matters were 
 adjusted. We surely could not be afraid without cause, and if 
 we had cause after capitulation it was a reflection upon himself. 
 
 GOVERNOR ROBERT DINWIDDIE INFORMS THE 
 BRITISH GOVERNMENT OF THE RETREAT 95 
 
 . . . our Forces were oblig'd to carry off the wounded Men 
 on their Backs to some Distance from the Place of the En- 
 gagem't, where they left them with a Guard; the Scarcity of 
 Provisions made them make quick Marches to get among the 
 Inhabits, w'ch was about 60 Miles of bad road. The Surgeon's 
 Chest was destroy'd, w'ch was a great Loss to the Wounded. 
 The Number of the Enemy killed in this Action is uncertain, 
 but by Acc't from some Dutch in their Service, they say were 
 300, 96 and many wounded. From their great Superiority of 
 Numbers at the Beginning of the Engagem't, it may be presum'd 
 they lost many Men, or some other Disaster y't they desired to 
 parley, so much contrary to the Expectat's of our Forces, who 
 were determin'd to sell their Lives dear rather than be taken 
 Prisoners. The Number of our People kill'd in the Action were 
 
 95 A letter from Dinwiddie to the Lords of Trade in The Official Records 
 of Robert Dinwiddie edited by R. A. Brock (Richmond, 1883), I, 239-243. 
 
 96 The identity of the Dutch here referred to is obscure. The figure of 
 three hundred killed is almost certainly a great exaggeration. 
 
 114- 
 
COLONEL IN THE VIRGINIA MILITIA 
 
 30, and 70 wounded. Our few Forces have behav'd with great 
 Intrepidity and resolution in this Action. 
 
 PRIVATE SHAW DESERTS THE VIRGINIA REGIMENT 97 
 
 This deponent then Marched on with the Rest of our Men 
 to Will's Creek but were obliged to leave all their Stores and 
 Baggage behind them. At Wills-Creek sixteen of the Volun- 
 teers of the Virginia Regiment in a Body went to Colo. Wash- 
 ington telling him, that as they Came to Settle the Land Which 
 now they had no more thought of doing, They were determined 
 to Return home. Colo. Washington endeavoured to persuade 
 them to Stay, promising to procure them some Gratuity from 
 the Government of Virginia for all their trouble and Losses, 
 But he could not prevail with them. For they went off in a 
 Body soon after he and Captn. Mackay set out for Williams- 
 burgh 98 and, after he was gone the Men went off daily in Two's 
 and Three's, so that he verily believes there were full two 
 thirds of them gone when he . . . came off. 
 
 MAJOR STEPHEN REPLIES TO CRITICS 
 OF THE CAMPAIGN 99 
 
 . . . our Conduct is blamed by a busy World, fond of rinding 
 Fault without considering Circumstances, or giving just Atten- 
 tion to Reasons which might be offered to obviate their Clam- 
 ours. Let any of these brave Gentlemen, who fight so many 
 successful Engagements over a Bottle, imagine himself at the 
 Head of 300 Men, and laboring under all the Disadvantages 
 above-mentioned, and would not accept of worse Terms than 
 Col. Washington agreed to? 
 
 97 Deposition of John Shaw. 
 
 98 Washington and Mackay hurried ahead to Williamsburg to report to 
 the Governor. 
 
 99 See note 52. 
 
 115 
 
Aide-de-camp to 
 General Edward Braddock 
 Battle of the Monongahela 
 
 June -July, 1757 
 
A Road to the Ohio 
 
 When Colonel George Washington rode into Williamsburg 
 on July 17, 1754, to report personally to Governor Dinwiddie 
 the defeat at Fort Necessity, his military fortunes were at a 
 low ebb. In the months following, however, they sank even 
 lower, before soaring again to honor and distinction. 
 
 As was inevitable, Washington received much of the blame 
 for the unsuccessful campaign. He was accused of bad judg- 
 ment. It was said, further, that he had attempted too much on 
 his own, that he should have waited for reinforcements which 
 were on the way, that his motive had been to win all the glory 
 for himself. 
 
 The youthful commander, however, was by no means the 
 sole object of criticism. Others were considered equally if not 
 more at fault. There were the contractors who had failed to 
 supply provision. There were the lethargic officers of the tardy 
 reinforcements from New York and North Carolina. And in 
 Virginia eyes, at least, the leaders of other colonies were culp- 
 able for their enormous indifference to the French threat. 
 
 Defeat or no defeat, the indefatigable Governor Dinwiddie 
 was anxious to continue the struggle. He even considered send- 
 ing the Virginia regiment right back to the Ohio Country for 
 another attempt. Just at that moment, however, there loomed 
 another of the Governor's frequent wrangles with the burgesses 
 over money, and the prospect of an empty treasury forced the 
 Governor to abandon a second campaign that year. He had to 
 be content with less strenuous actions. And so, he ordered the 
 building of a fort at Wills Creek as a base for future operations 
 and petitioned the home government more strongly than ever 
 for Regular troops. 
 
 119 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Washington was relieved that the Virginia regiment had not 
 been ordered back into action, for the half-starved, ragged, and 
 ill-equipped ranks were thinned by continuing desertion and 
 demoralized by lack of pay. Such duty as was performed con- 
 sisted of half-hearted frontier garrison activity. 
 
 If garrison duty was dull, the next development in young 
 Washington's martial career was sharp — and painful. Dinwiddie 
 long had been wrestling with the delicate and baffling problem 
 of differences between Colonial and Regular officers. It could be 
 solved, he knew, if he could obtain commissions from the King 
 for his Virginia officers, to replace the lowly Colonial com- 
 missions which did not carry authority over Regular officers 
 of even lesser title. The King, he knew, would be unlikely to 
 grant high commissions to obscure Colonials, so he hit upon 
 this plan: the Virginia regiment, with its colonel, lieutenant 
 colonel, and major, could be broken up into independent com- 
 panies commanded by captains. For these captains he would 
 try to get commissions direct from the King. 
 
 Under this plan Colonel Washington of the Virginia regiment 
 might hope for only a captain's commission. Naturally, George 
 was insulted. The proud young Virginia colonel had been 
 offended not to be able to command mere captains with com- 
 missions from the King; how much deeper the humiliation now 
 to be demoted three grades and put under haughty Regular cap- 
 tains, who would outrank him even with his captaincy because 
 their commissions held earlier dates! He would not do it! He 
 submitted his resignation; and the Governor, who by now had 
 convinced himself that Washington personally had brought on 
 defeat at Fort Necessity by disobeying sage gubernatorial ad- 
 vice, accepted the resignation. 
 
 Washington was reluctant to quit his new military career, 
 but now, at least, he could give some time and attention to his 
 
 120 
 
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL BRADDOCK 
 
 own personal affairs, which had been largely neglected for the 
 past year. Although Washington already owned considerable 
 lands, he did not have a homeplace of his own. Therefore, in 
 December of 1754, he leased Mount Vernon, which had been 
 the home of his older half brother Lawrence, now dead. Law- 
 rence's widow had remarried and the estate had passed into 
 the hands of her new husband, George Lee. From him Wash- 
 ington leased Mount Vernon, and he spent much of the winter 
 putting the place in order. 
 
 But Washington was destined for a life more strenuous than 
 a planter's. Into the quiet colony came news of military affairs 
 too exciting for him to ignore. The mother country was send- 
 ing an expedition to Virginia; it was a sizable one to boot — 
 two regiments of infantry, plus artillery, engineers, quarter- 
 master troops — the whole to be commanded, not by some 
 Colonial squire, such as Fry or Innes, but by a major general 
 of the Regulars, Edward Braddock. 
 
 No sooner had word of this exciting development arrived 
 than the stir of preparation began. The quartermaster of the 
 expedition, Sir John St. Clair, arrived and began the bustle of 
 contracting for transport, setting up hospital facilities, and in- 
 specting routes of march. St. Clair was followed by other com- 
 ponents, so that by early spring northern Virginia was a busy 
 military base. 
 
 This was too much for the retired colonel of twenty-three. 
 He had left military life only because of the pride-wounding 
 demotion with which he had been threatened. Now he found 
 occasion through friends to make known to General Braddock 
 his past services in the Ohio Country and his willingness to 
 serve again. 
 
 Had Washington known more about the expedition and its 
 personnel, he might have thought better of his ambitions. The 
 
 121 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 two British regiments in their last engagement, in 1745, had 
 run from the field during the brief fighting between Prince 
 Charles Edward Stuart and the supporters of the House of Han- 
 over. And now, fresh from garrison duty in Ireland, they looked 
 on service in the wild new world as a distasteful exile. Further, 
 the regiments were understrength, and were to be filled out 
 with Colonial recruits— to a considerable extent, as it turned 
 out, convicts and runaway indentured servants. 
 
 Edward Braddock, the commander, like his father before him, 
 was a product of the Coldstream Guards. He had virtually 
 grown up on the parade grounds, and in his forty-five years of 
 service had come to be the ideal, peacetime professional soldier. 
 The humdrum of garrison life and the procedure of army pro- 
 tocol he knew well enough; the problems of the drillmaster and 
 administrator he could cope with handily; but he had seen little 
 action, and certainly none at all to prepare him for fighting 
 Ottawa and Huron warriors on the banks of the Monongahela. 
 
 Intellectually, the General was neither stupid nor brilliant. 
 In the rather dashing society of his brother officers he was at 
 home, although not an ornament. His bravery was beyond ques- 
 tion, but the campaign ahead of him was beyond solution with 
 mere bravery. 
 
 Further, Braddock was inclined to be a little lazy— after all, 
 after forty-five years in the service one does not get too excited 
 too often. He depended on his staff, and he did not check them 
 too closely. In the slang of soldiery, he was inclined to "go 
 by the book" and let it go at that. He was "going by the book" 
 the day a forest marksman toppled him from his horse. 
 
 Oddly enough, the only victory his expedition was to win 
 was not a victory over the French but a victory over the forest; 
 not a triumph of arms but a triumph of axe and shovel, of blast- 
 ing powder and sweating horse. His victory was a road cut 
 
 122' 
 
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL BRADDOCK 
 
 over the mountains and down to the rolling Ohio— a road, 
 symbolically enough, built partly with his own bones. The road 
 his men built and died upon became the artery of a people 
 pouring westward to conquer finally with axe and plow the 
 stubborn foes that Braddock could not conquer with the sword 
 and musket. 
 
 Braddock' s Campaign: 
 Eyewitness and Contemporary Accounts 
 
 Since there is no Washington diary for the year 1755, the story 
 of Washington's third journey to the Ohio is told through his 
 own letters, supplemented by the letters of other men — French 
 and English— who marched to Braddock's Field in 1755. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON ACCEPTS A COMMISSION 
 / wish to attain a small degree of knowledge in the military art. 
 
 Letter to Robert Orme, 1 Mount Vernon, March 15, 1755 2 
 
 Sir: I was not favoured with your agreeable Letter (of the 
 2d) till yesterday, acquainting me with the notice his Excel- 
 lency, is pleased to honour me with, by kindly desiring my 
 Company in his Family. 3 Its true, Sir, I have, ever since I de- 
 clined a command in this Service expressed and Inclination to 
 
 1 Robert Orme had served with General Edward Braddock in the Cold- 
 stream Guards. In 1755, like Washington, he was one of the aides-de-camp 
 to the General. 
 
 2 The Writings of George Washington . . . edited by John C. Fitzpatrick, 1, 107. 
 
 3 His Excellency refers to Braddock. Joining Braddock's "family" meant, 
 in eighteenth century military terminology, joining Braddock's personal staff. 
 Washington had the rank of captain, granted by brevet— that is, on a tempo- 
 rary basis — and he served without pay. 
 
 123 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 serve the Ensuing Campaigne as a Volunteer; and this believe 
 me Sir, is not a little encreased, since its likely to be conducted 
 by a Gentleman of the General's great good Character; 
 
 But beside this, and the laudable desire I may have to serve, 
 (with my poor abilitys) my King and Country, I must be in- 
 genuous enough to confess, I am not a little biass'd by selfish 
 and private views. To be plain Sir, I wish for nothing more 
 earnestly than to attain a small degree of knowledge in the 
 Military Art. . . . 
 
 GENERAL BRADDOCK ON VIRGINIANS- 
 ON AMERICAN ROADS-ON INDIAN TRADERS 
 
 Very indifferent men — Nothing can 
 well be worse — A parcel of banditti 
 
 Letter to Robert Napier, 4 Fort Cumberland, 5 June 8, 1755 6 
 
 ... the whole of the Forces are now assembled, making 
 about two thousand Effectives, the greatest part Virginians, 
 very indifferent Men, this Country affording no better; it has 
 cost infinite pains and labour to bring them to any sort of Regu- 
 larity and Discipline: Their Officers very little better, and all 
 complaining of the ill Usage of the Country, who employ'd 
 them last Year without pay or provisions. I am told they have 
 made a pretty good hand of this year's recruiting Affair, tho' 
 I can get no proof of it. This part of the Country is absolutely 
 
 4 Robert Napier was the Adjutant General of the British army and 
 Secretary for Military Affairs to the Duke of Cumberland, the head of the 
 army and second son of the King, George II. 
 
 5 The fort built at Wills Creek in the fall and winter of 1754 had been 
 named Fort Cumberland after the Duke of Cumberland. 
 
 6 Military Affairs in North America 1748-1765, Selected Documents from 
 the Cumberland Papers . . . edited by Stanley Pargellis, pp. 84-92, which will 
 be referred to hereafter as Military Affairs by Pargellis. 
 
 124< 
 
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL BRADDOCK 
 
 unknown to the Inhabitants of the lower parts of Virginia and 
 Maryland, their Account of the Roads and provisions utterly 
 false. From Winchester to this place which is Seventy Miles 
 is almost uninhabited, but by a parcel of Banditti who call them- 
 selves Indian Traders, and no Road passable but what we were 
 oblig'd to make ourselves with infinite Labour. It would take 
 up too much of your Time were I to tell you particularly the 
 Difficulties and Disappointments I have met with from the 
 want of Honesty and Inclination to forward the Service in all 
 Orders of people in these Colonies, which have occasion'd the 
 great Delays in getting hither, as well as my being detain'd 
 here a Month longer than I intended. . . . 
 
 Nothing can well be worse than the Road I have already 
 pass'd and I have an hundred and ten Miles to march thro' an 
 uninhabited Wilderness over steep rocky Mountains and almost 
 impassable Morasses. From this Description, which is not ex- 
 aggerated you conceive the difficulty of getting good Intelli- 
 gence, all I have is from Indians, whose veracity is no more to 
 be depended upon [than] that of the Borderers here; their 
 Accounts are that the Number of French at the Fort at present 
 is but small, but pretend to expect a great Reinforcement; this 
 I do not entirely credit, as I am very well persuaded they will 
 want their Forces to the Northward. 7 As soon as I have join'd 
 the Detachment, who have been seven days making a Road of 
 twenty four Miles, I shall send people for Intelligence, who I 
 have reason to beleive I can confide in. I have order'd a Road 
 of Communication to be cut from Philadelphia to the Crossing 
 of the Yanghyanghain, 8 which is the Road we ought to have 
 
 7 The British plan of campaign in 1755 called for attacks on Canada by 
 way of upstate New York and along the Atlantic Coast, as well as the move 
 against Fort Duquesne. 
 
 8 No one in 1755 seemed to be able to spell Youghiogheny . 
 
 125 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 taken, being nearer, and thro' an inhabited and well cultivated 
 Country. ... 
 
 WASHINGTON ON HIS DUTIES 
 
 / shall serve this campaigne agreeably enough 
 
 Letter to John Augustine Washington, 9 Fort Cumberland, 
 May 14, 1755 10 
 
 I see no prospect of moving from this place; as we have 
 neither Horses nor Waggons enough, and no forage for them 
 to subsist upon but what is expected from Philadelphia; there- 
 fore, I am well convinced that the trouble and difficulty we 
 must encounter in passing the Mountain for want of proper 
 conveniences, will equal all the other Interruptions of the Cam- 
 paigne; for I conceive the March of such a Train of Artillery 
 in these Roads to be a tremendous undertaking: As to any 
 danger from the Enemy I look upon it as trifling, for I believe 
 they will be oblig'd to exert their utmost Force to repel the 
 attacks to the Northward. . . . 
 
 The Gen'l. has appointed me one of his aids de Camps, 11 in 
 which Character I shall serve this Campaigne, agreeably enough, 
 as I am thereby freed from all commands but his, and give 
 Order's to all, which must be implicitly obey'd. 
 
 I have now a good oppertunity, and shall not neglect it, of 
 forming an acquaintance, which may be serviceable hereafter, 
 
 9 John Augustine Washington, or "J ac k/' was tne second of George's 
 three younger brothers. Although only twenty years old at the time, he man- 
 aged Mount Vernon for George while George was on campaign with Braddock. 
 
 10 The Writings of George Washington . . . edited by John C. Fitzpatrick, 
 I, 124. 
 
 II An aide-de-camp is an executive assistant to a general officer. He trans- 
 mits orders, collects information, and otherwise assists the general. 
 
 126 
 
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL BRADDOCK 
 
 if I can find it worth while pushing my Fortune in the Mili- 
 tary way. 
 
 I have wrote to my two female corrispondents 12 by this op- 
 pertunity, one of which Letters I have inclos'd to you, and 
 beg y'r. deliverance off. I shall expect a Succinct acc't of all 
 that has happened since my departure. 
 
 AN ENGLISHMAN MEETS HIS INDIAN ALLIES 
 They are hardly to be described 
 
 Journal of a Seaman, 13 Wills Creek, May 10 and 19, 1755 14 
 
 On the 10th:— Marched at 5 on our way to Will's Creek. 
 ... At 1 we halted and formed a circle, when Colonel Dunbar 15 
 told the Army that as there were a number of Indians 16 at 
 Will's Creek, our Friends, it was the General's positive orders 
 that they do not molest them, or have anything to say to them, 
 directly or indirectly, for fear of affronting them. . . . 
 
 We found here Indian men, women and children, to the num- 
 ber of about 100, who were greatly surprised at the regular 
 
 12 The two ladies with whom George corresponded were Mrs. Sarah 
 Carlyle and Mrs. Sally Fairfax, both related by marriage to the Washington 
 family, and both among Washington's social circle. 
 
 13 A detachment of seamen of the Royal Navy accompanied Braddock to 
 handle block and tackle work in moving the cannon. 
 
 14 The History of an Expedition against Fort Duquesne . . . edited by Winthrop 
 Sargent, pp. 373 and 378-79. The author of the Journal, believed to have been 
 a midshipman in the naval detachment, has never been identified. For more 
 information about this Journal, see Military Affairs by Pargellis, p. 104, note. 
 
 15 Colonel Thomas Dunbar commanded the 48th Regiment, one of the 
 two regiments of Regulars in Braddock's force. 
 
 16 The Indians at Wills Creek were Half King's band of Mingoes, who 
 had been under Monacatootha since the death of the Half King in the fall 
 of 1754. 
 
 127 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 way of our soldiers marching, and the numbers. I would will- 
 ingly say something of the customs and manners of the Indians, 
 but they are hardly to be described. The men are tall, well 
 made, and active, but not strong, but very dexterous with a 
 rifle barrelled gun, and their tomahawk, which they will throw 
 with great certainty at any mark and at a great distance. The 
 women are not so tall as the men, but well made and have 
 many children, but had many more before spirits were intro- 
 duced to them. They paint themselves in an odd manner, red, 
 yellow, and black intermixed. And the men have the outer rim 
 of their ears cut, which only hangs by a bit top and bottom, 
 and have a tuft of hair left at the top of their heads, which is 
 dressed with feathers. Their watch coat is their chief clothing, 
 which is a thick blanket thrown all round them, and wear moc- 
 casins instead of shoes, which are Deer skin, thrown round the 
 ankle and foot. Their manner of carrying their infants is odd. 
 They are laid on a board, and tied on with a broad bandage, 
 with a place to rest their feet on, and a board over their head 
 to keep the sun off, and are slung to the women's backs. These 
 people have no notion of religion, or any sort of Superior being, 
 as I take them to be the most ignorant people as to the knowl- 
 edge of the world and other things. In the day they were in 
 our Camp, and in the night they go into their own, where they 
 dance and make a most horrible noise. 
 
 On the 19th: 
 
 . . . This evening the Indians met at the General's tent to 
 give their answer, which was, that they were greatly obliged 
 to the Great King their Father, who had been so good as to 
 send us all here to fight for them, and that they would all give 
 their attendance, and do what was in their power of recon- 
 noitring the country and bringing intelligence. . . . 
 
 The General told them he was their Friend, and never would 
 
 128' 
 
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL BRADDOCK 
 
 deceive them, after which they sung the war song, which is 
 shouting and making a terrible noise, declaring the French their 
 perpetual enemies, which they never did before. After this the 
 General carried them to the Artillery, and ordered 3 Howitzers, 
 3 12-Pounders, and 3 Cohorns 17 to be fired, all the drums and 
 fifes playing, and beating the point of war, which astonished 
 and pleased the Indians greatly. They then retired to their own 
 Camp, where they ate a bullock, and danced their war dance, 
 which is droll and odd, shewing how they scalp and fight, ex- 
 pressing in their dance the exploits of their ancestors, and war- 
 like actions of themselves. 
 
 ROAD BUILDING IN THE WILDERNESS 
 
 One may go twenty miles without seeing before him ten yards 
 
 Sir John St. Clair 18 to Napier, Little Meadows, 19 
 June 13, 1755 20 
 
 The Situation I am in at present puts it out of my power to 
 give you a full discription of this Country; I shall content my- 
 self with telling you that from Winchester to this place is one 
 continued track of Mountains, and like to continue so for fifty 
 Miles further. Tho our Motions may appear to you to have 
 been slow, yet I may venture to assure you that not an Hour 
 has been lost; considering that no Magistrate in Virginia or I 
 
 17 The cohorn was the forerunner of the modern mortar, a small cannon 
 which throws low-velocity explosive projectiles at a high angle. 
 
 18 Lt. Col. Sir John St. Clair, deputy quartermaster for North America, 
 was in charge of supply and road building for Braddock. 
 
 19 Little Meadows was in western Maryland about ten miles west of the 
 crossing of the Savage River. It was a regular stopping point on the pack 
 road to the Monongahela. Washington had stopped there in 1754. 
 
 20 Military Affairs by Pargellis, pp. 93-95. 
 
 129 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 believe in Maryland gave themselves the least trouble to assist 
 in collecting the Country People to work upon the Roads, and 
 to provide us with Carriages : But on the Contrary every body 
 laid themselves out to put what money they cou'd in their 
 Pocketts, without forwarding our Expedition. In this Situation 
 we never cou'd have subsisted our little Army at Wills' s 
 Creek, far less carried on our Expedition had not General Brad- 
 dock contracted with the People in Pennsylvania 21 for a Num- 
 ber of Waggons, which they have fullfilled; by their Assistance 
 we are in motion, but must move slowly untill we get over the 
 Mountains. . . . 
 
 Thus far I do affirm that no time has been lost in pursuing 
 the Scheme laid down in England for our Expedition; had it 
 been undertaken at the beginning from Pensylvania it might 
 have been carried on with greater Dispatch and less expence: 
 
 21 Benjamin Franklin was the contractor. As a prominent Pennsylvanian, 
 he had been calling on Braddock at a time when the General was desperately 
 trying to locate 150 wagons and fifteen hundred horses. Franklin offered to 
 try to hire the needed articles in his native Pennsylvania. 
 
 A few days before, the quartermaster of the expedition, Sir John St. Clair, 
 had threatened Pennsylvanians with pillage and destruction because they 
 were not working as quickly as St. Clair desired on a supply road Pennsyl- 
 vania was to build for the expedition, to run from Shippensburg, Pennsylvania, 
 to a forward point on Braddock's line of march. 
 
 St. Clair's threats were rhetorical, but the sly Franklin used them to ad- 
 vantage in contracting for the equipment among the Germans of southeastern 
 Pennsylvania. In the Europe which the Pennsylvania Germans had left only 
 recently, light cavalry known as Dragoons or Hussars did pillage for the army. 
 
 In a handbill distributed in the heavily German areas of Pennsylvania, 
 Franklin warned that the soldiers were coming for wagons and teams. 
 Franklin kindly offered to try to get good terms for the farmers if they would 
 voluntarily rent their animals and vehicles. If not, Franklin went on sadly, 
 he supposed the region would be visited by Sir John St. Clair, the "Hussar." 
 
 With this dreadful word Franklin was able to raise the required teams and 
 wagons without difficulty. 
 
 130 
 
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL BRADDOCK 
 
 I am not at all surprized that we are ignorant of the Situation 
 of this Country in England, when no one except a few Hunters 
 knows it on the Spot: and their Knowledge extends no further 
 than in following their Game. It is certain that the ground is 
 not easy to be reconoitered for one may go twenty Miles with- 
 out seeing before him ten yards. . . . 
 
 What was looked on at home as easy is our most difficult 
 point to surmount, I mean the passage of this vast tract of 
 Mountains; Had we a Country we coud subsist in after we 
 get over them, the thing wou'd be easy. . . . 
 
 The Roads are either Rocky or full of Boggs, we are obliged 
 to blow the Rocks and lay Bridges every Day; What an happi- 
 ness it is to have wood at hand for the latter! 
 
 FROM WASHINGTON EN ROUTE 
 
 They halt to level every mold hill 
 and to erect bridges over every brook 
 
 Letter to John Augustine Washington, Great Crossing 
 of the Youghiogheny, 22 June 28, 1755 23 
 
 Dear Jack: Immediately upon our leaving the Camp at 
 George's Creek 24 the 14th Instant (from where I wrote to you) 
 I was seized with violent Fevers and Pains in my head which 
 continued without the least intermission till the 23 following 
 when I was relieved by the Generals absolutely ordering the 
 Physicians to give me Doctr. James's Powder, 25 w'ch is the 
 
 22 The Great Crossing of the Youghiogheny was near what is today Addi- 
 son, Pennsylvania. 
 
 23 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, I, 141-146. Some ab- 
 breviations used in the original of the letter have been spelled out to facilitate 
 reading. 
 
 24 George's Creek was crossed about eight miles northwest of Vills Creek. 
 
 25 Dr. James' Powders were a "patent medicine" of the day. 
 
 131 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 most excellent medecine in the world for it gave me immed. 
 ease, and removed my Fev'rs and other complaints in 4 Days 
 time. My illness was too violent to suffer me to ride, therefore 
 I was indebted to a cover'd Waggon for some part of my 
 Transp'n; but even in this I could not continue for the jolt'g 
 was so great that I was left upon the Road with a Guard and 
 necess'rys, to wait the Arr'l of Colo. Dunbar's Detach, which 
 was 2 days March behind. The Genl. giving me his word of 
 hon'r that I should be brought up before he reach'd the French 
 Fort; this promise, and the Doct'rs threats that if I persever'd 
 it wou'd endanger my Life, determin'd my halting for the above 
 Detach't. 
 
 As I expect the Communication between this and Wills Cr. 
 will soon be too dangerous for single persons to pass, it will 
 possibly stop the interchange of Letters in any measure; there- 
 fore I shall attempt (and will go through if I have strength) to 
 give you an acct. of my proceedings, of our situation, and of 
 our prospects at present; which I desire you may communicate 
 to Colo. Fairfax, 26 and my Corrse'ds, for I am too weak to 
 write more than this Letter. In the Letter wh'ch I wrote fr'm 
 Georges Creek, I acquainted you that unless the numb'r of 
 Wag'ns were retrenched and the carry'g Horses increased that 
 we never should be able to see Duquisne: this, in 2 Days after- 
 wards (which was about the time they got to the little Meadows 
 with some of their First Waggons and strongest Teams, they 
 themselves were convinced off, for they found that beside the 
 almost impossibility of gett'g the wag'ns along at all; that they 
 
 26 Colonel William Fairfax was the father-in-law of Lawrence Washing- 
 ton, George's older half brother. He was friend and benefactor of George, 
 a leading man of his day, a member of the Council (or upper house) of the 
 colony, and a cousin and land agent of Lord Thomas Fairfax (one of the 
 great landed proprietors of the colonies and the only English peer resident 
 in the colonies) . 
 
 132 
 
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL BRADDOCK 
 
 had often a rear of 3 or 4 miles of Waggons; and that the Sold'rs 
 Guarding them were so dispersed that if we had been attacked 
 either in Front, Center, or Rear the part so attack'd must have 
 been cut off and totally dispersed before they cou'd be properly 
 sustained by any other Corps. 
 
 At the little Mead'ws there was a 2d. Council call'd, for 
 there had been one before wherein it was represented to all the 
 Off'rs of the difT't Corps the great necessity there was for 
 Horses and how laudable it wd. be to retrench their Baggage 
 and offer the spare Horses for the Publick Service. In order 
 to encourage this I gave up my best Horse, (w'ch I have nev'r 
 heard of since) and took no more baggage than half my Port- 
 manteau would easily contain. . . . 
 
 The General before they met in Council ask'd my private 
 Opinion concern' g the Expedition. I urg'd it in the warmest 
 terms I was Master off, to push on; if we even did it with a 
 chos'n Detacht. for that purpose, with the Artillery and such 
 other things as were absolutely necessary; leav'g the baggage 
 and other Convoys with the Remainder of the Army, to follow 
 by slow and regular Marches, which they might do safely, 
 while we were advanced in Front. As one Reason to support 
 this Opinion, I inform'd the Genl. if we could credit our 
 Intelligence, the French were weak at the Forks but hourly 
 expect'd reinforcements, which to my certain knowledge cou'd 
 not arrive with Provisions or any Supplies during the continu- 
 ance of the Droughth as the Buffalo River 27 down w'ch is their 
 only communication to Venango, must be as Dry as we now 
 find the great xing of the Youghe., which may be pass'd dry 
 shod. This was a Scheme that took, and it was det'd that the 
 Genl. with 1200 chosen Men and Officers of all the differ' t 
 Corps, with the following Field Officer's (viz,; Sr. Peter Hal- 
 
 27 The River aux Boeufs, or French Creek. 
 
 133 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 kett who acts as Brigadier, Lt. Colo. Gage, Lt. Colo. Burton, 
 and Major Sparke, 28 with a certain number of Waggons as the 
 Train would absolutely require, shou'd March as soon as things 
 cou'd be got in readiness for them, which was compleated, and 
 we on our March by the 19th, leav'g Colo. Dunbar and Maj. 
 Chapman, 29 with the residue of the two Reg's, Companys most 
 of the women 30 and in short every thing behind except such 
 Provision's and other necessary's as we took and carried upon 
 Horses. 
 
 We set out with less than 30 Carriages (Incl'g all those that 
 transported the Howetzers, 12 pounders and 6 pounders, etc.), 
 and all of those strongly Horsed; which was a prospect that 
 convey'd the most infinite delight to me tho' I was excessively 
 ill at the time. But this prospect was soon over turn'd and all 
 my sanguine hopes brought very low when I found, that in- 
 stead of pushing on with vigour, without regarding a little 
 rough Road, they were halting to level every Mold Hill, and 
 to erect Bridges over every Brook; by which means we were 
 4 Days gett'ng 12 Miles; where I was left by the Doct'r's 
 Advice and the Genl's absolute Orders, otherwise I wou'd not 
 have been prevailed upon to remain behind my own Detach' t 
 as I then imagin'd, and believ'd I shall now find it not very 
 
 28 Sir Peter Halkett commanded the 44th regiment, which, with the 48th, 
 made up the basic units of Braddock's command. Thomas Gage was lieuten- 
 ant colonel of the 44th; at the beginning of the American Revolution, Gage 
 rose to the rank of general and became the British commander in North 
 America. Ralph Burton was second in command of the 48th. Major Sparke, 
 or Sparks, was with the 48th. 
 
 29 Major Chapman commanded the detachment of troops working on the 
 road under the direction of Sir John St. Clair, the quartermaster of the 
 expedition. 
 
 30 Women regularly were attached to British forces at that time as washer- 
 women and hospital attendants. In addition, some of the men were accom- 
 panied by their wives, although against orders. 
 
 134- 
 
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL BRADDOCK 
 
 easy to join my own Corps again, which is 25 Miles advanced 
 before us; tho' I had the Generals word of Hon'r pledg'd in 
 the most solemn manner, that I sh'd be brought up before he 
 arrived at Duquisne. They have had frequent Alarms, and sev- 
 eral Men scalp'd; but this is only done to retard the March, 
 and to harass the Men if they are to be turn'd out every time a 
 small party of them attack the Guards at Night; (for I am 
 certain, they have not sufficient strength to make head against 
 the whole) . 
 
 I have been now 6 Days with Colo. Dunbar's Corps, who 
 are in a miserable Condition for want of Horses, not hav'g 
 more one half enough for their Wag'ns; so that the only method 
 he has of proceedings, is to March on himself with as many 
 Waggons as those will draw, and then Halt till the Remainder 
 are brought up which requires two Days more; and I believe 
 shortly he will not be able to stir at all; but there has been vile 
 management in regard to Horses and while I am mention'g 
 this I must not forget to desire that you'll acq't Colo. G. 
 Fairfax 31 that I have made the most strick enquiry after his 
 Man and Horses, but can hear nothing of either; at least noth- 
 ing that can be credited. I was told that the Fellow was taken 
 ill upon the Road while he was with Sir John St. Clair's Detacht. 
 the certainty of this I can't answer for, but I believe there is 
 nothing more cert'n than that he is not with any part of the 
 Army. And unless the Horses stray and make home themselves, 
 I believe there is 1000 to 1 against his every seeing them again: 
 for I gave up a horse only one Day, and never cou'd see or 
 hear of him afterwards : My strength wont admit me to say 
 more, tho' I have not said half what I intended concerning our 
 Affairs here. Business, I shall not think of, but dep'd solely 
 
 31 George William Fairfax, eldest son of Colonel William Fairfax, had 
 been a close friend of Washington from boyhood days. 
 
 135 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 upon your management of all my aff'rs, and doubt not but that 
 they will be well conducted. You may thank my friends for 
 the Lett'rs I have rec'd which has not been one from any Mortal 
 since I left Fairfax, except yourself and Mr. Dalton. 32 It is a 
 piece of regard and kindness which I should endeavor to ac- 
 knowledge was I able and suffer'd to write. . . . Make my 
 Complim'ts to all who think me worthy of their Enquirys. 
 
 P.S. July 2d. A great Misfortune has attended me in my 
 sickness was, the looseing the use of my Servant, for poor 
 John 33 was taken about the same time that I was, with near the 
 same disorder; and was confin'd as long; so that we did not 
 see each other for several Days, he is also tolerably well re- 
 covered. We are sure advan'd almost as far as the g't Meadows; 
 and I shall set out to morrow morning for my own Corps, with 
 an Escort of 100 Men which is to guard some Provision's up; 
 so that my Fears and doubts on that head are quite remov'd. 
 I had a Letter yesterday from Orme, who writes me word that 
 they have pass'd the Youghyangane for the last time, that they 
 have sent out Partys to scour the Country thereabouts and have 
 Reason to believe that the French are greatly alarm'd at their 
 approach. 
 
 THE ARMY APPROACHES FORT DUQUESNE 
 
 The General ordered to proceed in making the road as usual 
 Robert Orme to Napier, Fort Cumberland, July 18, 1755 34 
 After Marching abt twenty Miles from this place 35 to a 
 
 32 John Dalton of Alexandria, a friend. 
 
 33 John Alton, Washington's personal manservant. 
 
 34 Excerpt from Military Affairs by Pargellis, pp. 98-99. Like all other 
 British accounts of the battle, it was written after the return of the defeated 
 army to Wills Creek. 
 
 35 Orme is writing from Fort Cumberland, twenty miles from Little 
 Meadows. 
 
 136- 
 
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL BRADDOCK 
 
 Camp calld the little Meadows, the General finding the delay 
 so great from the extreme line of Baggage and also that it was 
 impossible from the small number of Troops he had to make 
 his line of March secure, he determined to proceed himself 
 with twelve hundred Men, ten pieces of Ordinance, Ammn and 
 Provisions proportion^ to the undertaking, and left eight hun- 
 dred Men with the body of the Convoy under the Command 
 of Colo Dunbar with orders to move forward as fast as the 
 Nature of the Service woud admit; with this Command His 
 Excellency marched with great expedition and safety, and En- 
 camp'd on the 8th of this Instant within ten miles of the French 
 Fort. Here the Guides were all summonsed and question'd as 
 to the first part of the next days March His Excellency having 
 been informd of a very bad and dangerous Defilee called the 
 narrows;™ upon their report it was judg'd most expedient to 
 pass the Monongahela twice at two different Fords 37 which 
 were neither of them knee deep, by which measure the narrows 
 were to be avoided and a very bad passage of the Turtle Creek. 
 To secure the two passages of the River the General order'd 
 the two Grenadier's Company s as a part of a Detachment 
 which was to be compleated to 300: Men with two Six pounders 
 under the Command of Lieut. Colo Gage with proper Guides 
 to March before break of Day making the two crossings of 
 the Monongahela, of which the first was a mile distance, and to 
 take an advantageous Post at the last, Sir John St. Clair with a 
 working party of 200: Men was to follow at Day break, and 
 the whole was to March at Six. This Plan was exactly and 
 punctually executed, and the Artillery, Ammunition, Provisions, 
 Baggage and all the Troops had passd the river the second time 
 
 36 Turtle Creek valley. 
 
 37 One ford was between present-day McKeesport and Duquesne; the 
 second ford was just north of the mouth of Turtle Creek. 
 
 137 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 at one o'clock; as soon as the whole was over the General order'd 
 the two Detachments to advance, and Sir John St. Clair to 
 proceed in making the Road as usual. . . . 
 
 ENGINEER GORDON 38 SEES THE FOE 
 The enemy s Indians run along our right and left flanks 
 
 Harry Gordon to an unknown correspondent, 
 Wills Creek, July 23, 1755 39 
 
 The flank party s of the Advance & Main Body were No 
 Stronger than Usual & Coll: Gage's party march'd By files 
 four Deep our front had not Got above half a Mile from the 
 Banks of the River, when the Guides which were all the Scouts 
 we had, & who were Before only about 200 yards Came Back, 
 & told a Considerable Body of the Enemy, Mostly Indians 
 were at hand, I was then just rode up in Search of these Guides, 
 had Got Before the Grenadiers, had an Opportunity of view- 
 ing the Enemy, & was Confirmed By the Report of the Guides 
 & what I saw myself that their whole Numbers did Not 
 Exceed 300. 
 
 As soon as the Enemys Indians perceiv'd our Grenadiers, 
 they Divided themselves & Run along our right & Left flanks. 
 The Advanced party Coll: Gage order'd to form, which Most 
 of them Did with the front Rank upon the Ground & Begun 
 firing, which they continued for several Minutes, Altho' the 
 Indians very soon Dispers'd Before their front & fell upon the 
 flank partys, which only consisted of an officer & 20 men, who 
 were very soon Cut off. . . . 
 
 38 Harry Gordon, a military engineer, was one of several engineers en- 
 gaged in road-building. 
 
 39 Military Affairs by Pargellis, p. 106. 
 
 138 
 
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL BRADDOCK 
 
 SIR JOHN ST. CLAIR ON THE FIGHTING 
 For God-sake gain the riseing ground 
 
 St. Clair to Napier, Wills Creek, July 22, 1755 40 
 
 ... we began to feel the Enemys fire and to hear their Shouts; 
 those who were under my Command immediately form'd. On 
 those in my front falling back upon me, I ran to the front to 
 see what the matter was, when I received a Shot through the 
 body. I then return'd to my own people, posted Cap: Poisons 41 
 Company of Artificers and Cap: Periwees 42 Company of Rang- 
 ers to Cover my two Cannon. I then went up to General 
 Braddock who was then at the head of his own Guns and beg'd 
 of him for God-Sake to gain the riseing ground on our Right to 
 prevent our being Totally Surrounded. I know no further of this 
 unlucky affair to my knowledge being afterwards insensible. 
 
 CAPTAIN ORME ON THE BATTLE 
 
 No order coud ever be restored 
 
 Orme to Napier, Fort Cumberland, July 18, 1755 43 
 
 The French and Indians as we found after had possessed the 
 sides and Brow of a Hill in a kind of Semicircular form, from 
 the extremes of which, some of them fired upon one of our 
 advanced Flank Parties, this immediately brought on a general 
 Pannick, the Men coud never be perswaded to form regularly, 
 
 40 Military Affairs by Pargellis, p. 103. 
 
 41 William Poison, it will be recalled, had served as a lieutenant with 
 Washington at Fort Necessity. He was killed in the righting at the Monon- 
 gahela. 
 
 42 This was actually Captain William La Peyroney, who had been Wash- 
 ington's adjutant at Fort Necessity. He was killed in the fighting at the 
 Monongahela. 
 
 43 Pargellis, Military Affairs, p. 99. 
 
 139' 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 and in great confusion fell back upon the Party which Sir John 
 St. Clair commanded, as did Sir John St. Clair s upon Colo 
 Burton's, every exhortation entreaty and perswation was used 
 by the General and Officers to make them advance or fall back 
 into the line of March, examples of all kinds were likewise 
 given by the Genl. and the Officers, but the Pannock was so 
 universal and the Firing so executive and uncommon that no 
 order coud ever be restor'd, after three hours of irregularity, 
 and the waste of all the ammunition, during which time allmost 
 all the Officer's were killed or Wounded by advancing some- 
 times in bodys and sometimes separately in order to encourage 
 the Men. . . . 
 
 ENGINEER GORDON ON THE BATTLE 
 
 / turned & saw them tomohocking some of our wounded people 
 
 Gordon to an unknown correspondent, 
 Wills Creek, July 23, 1755 44 
 
 The General Order'd the officers to Endeavor to tell off 1 50 
 men, & Advance up the hill to Dispossess the Enemy, & an- 
 other party to Advance on the Left to support the two 12 
 pounders & Artillery people, who were in great Danger of 
 Being Drove away By the Enemy, at that time in possession 
 of the 2 field pieces of the Advanced party. This was the Gen- 
 erals Last Order; he had had Before this time 4 horses killed 
 under him, & now Receiv'd his Mortal wound. All the Officers 
 us'd their Utmost Endeavors to Get the men to Advance up 
 the hill, & to Advance on the left to support the Cannon. But 
 the Enemy's fire at that time very much Encreasing, & a Num- 
 ber of officers who were Rushing on in the front to Encourage 
 the men Being killed & wounded, there was Nothing to Be 
 
 44 Pargellis, Military Affairs, pp. 107-108. 
 
 .140- 
 
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL BRADDOCK 
 
 seen But the Utmost panick & Confusion amongst the Men; 
 yet those officers who had Been wounded having Return'd, & 
 those that were not Wounded, By Exhorting & threatning had 
 influence to keep a Body about 200 an hour Longer in the field, 
 but cou'd not perswade them Either to Attempt the hill again, 
 or Advance far Enough to support the Cannon, whose officers 
 & men were Mostly kill'd & wounded. The Cannon silenc'd, 
 & the Indian's shouts upon the Right Advancing, the whole 
 Body gave way, & Cross'd the Monongahela where we had 
 pass'd in the Morning, with great Difficulty the General & his 
 Aid de Camps who were Both wounded were taken out of a 
 Waggon, & hurry ed along across the River. . . . Before I had 
 got 40 yards in the River, I turn'd about on hearing the Indians 
 Yell, & Saw them Tomohocking some of our women & wounded 
 people, others of them fir'd very Briskly on those that were 
 then Crossing, at which time I Receiv'd Another Shot thro' 
 the Right Shoulder. But the horse I Rode Escaping, I got across 
 the River. . . . 
 
 Coll: Burton tho' very much Wounded attempted to Rally 
 on the Other Side, & made a Speach to the Men to Beg them 
 to get into some Order, But Nothing would Do, & we found 
 that Every man wou'd Desert us; therefore we were oblig'd to 
 go along. . . . 
 
 WASHINGTON ON THE DEFEAT 
 
 The Virginia companies behavd like men and died like soldiers 
 
 Washington to Governor Dinwiddie, 
 Fort Cumberland, July 18, 175 5 45 
 
 ... we were attacked (very unexpectedly I must own) by 
 abt. 300 French and Ind'ns; Our numbers consisted of abt. 
 1300 well arm'd Men, chiefly Regular's, who were immedi- 
 
 45 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, I, 148-150. 
 
 141 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 ately struck with such a deadly Panick, that nothing but con- 
 fusion and disobedience of order's prevail'd amongst them: The 
 Officer's in gen'l behav'd with incomparable bravery, for which 
 they greatly suffer'd, there being near 60 kill'd and wound'd. 
 A large proportion, out of the number we had! The Virginia 
 Companies behav'd like Men and died like Soldiers; for I be- 
 lieve out of the 3 Companys that were there that day, scarce 
 30 were left alive: Capt. Peyrouny and all his Officer's, down 
 to a Corporal, were kill'd; Captn. Poison shar'd almost as hard 
 a Fate, for only one of his Escap'd: In short the dastardly 
 behaviour of the English Soldier's expos'd all those who were 
 inclin'd to do their duty to almost certain Death; and at length, 
 in despight of every effort to the contrary, broke and run as 
 Sheep before the Hounds, leav'g the Artillery, Ammunition, 
 Provisions, and, every individual thing we had with us a prey 
 to the Enemy; and when we endeavour'd to rally them in hopes 
 of regaining our invaluable loss, it was with as much success 
 as if we had attempted to have stop'd the wild Bears of the 
 Mountains. The Genl. was wounded behind in the shoulder, 
 and into the Breast, of w'ch he died three days after; his two 
 Aids de Camp were both wounded, but are in a fair way of 
 Recovery; Colo. Burton and Sir Jno. St. Clair are also wounded, 
 and I hope will get over it; Sir Peter Halket, with many other 
 brave Officers were kill'd in the Field. I luckily escap'd with't 
 a wound tho I had four Bullets through my Coat and two 
 Horses shot under me. It is suppose that we left 300 or more 
 dead in the Field; about that number we brought of wounded; 
 and it is imagin'd (I believe with great Justice too) that two 
 thirds . . . received their shott from our own cowardly English 
 Soldier's who gather'd themselves into a body contrary to 
 orders 10 or 12 deep, wou'd then level, Fire and shoot down 
 the Men before them. 
 
 142 
 
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL BRADDOCK 
 
 WASHINGTON ON HIS OWN ACTIONS 
 
 G. W. remained the sole aid through the day, to the Genl 
 
 Notes written by Washington for a biography 46 
 
 In the early part of the Action some of the Irregulars (as 
 they were called) without direcns. advanced to the right, in 
 loose order, to attack; but this, unhappily from the unusual 
 appearance of the movement being mistaken for cowardice and 
 a running away was discountenanced, and before it was too 
 late, and the confusion became general an offer was made by 
 G.W. to head the Provincials and engage the enemy in their 
 own way; but the propriety of it was not seen into until it was 
 too late for execution. After this, many attempts were made to 
 dislodge the enemy from an eminence on the Right but they all 
 proved ineffectual; and fatal to the Officers; who by great 
 exertions and good examples endeavourd to accomplish it. In 
 one of these the Genl. reed, the Wd. of which he died; but 
 previous to it, had several horses killed and disabled under him. 
 Captns. Orme and Morris his two Aids de Camp, having re- 
 ceived wounds which rendered them unable to attd. G. W. re- 
 mained the sole Aid through the day, to the Genl. . . . No 
 person knowing in the disordered State things were, who the 
 surviving Senr. Officer was. and the Troops by degrees going 
 off in confusion; without a ray of hope left of further opposi- 
 tion from those that remained; G. W. placed the Genl. in a 
 small covered Cart, which carried some of his most essential 
 equipage, and in the best order he could, with the best Troops 
 (who only contind. to be fired at) brought him over the first 
 ford of the Monongahela; where they were formed in the best 
 order circumstances would admit on a piece of rising ground. 
 
 46 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, XXIX, 41-46. 
 
 143 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 COLONEL DUNBAR ON THE INVISIBLE ENEMY 
 
 The soldiers dont seem to think they deserve all that is said 
 
 Dunbar to Napier, Fort Cumberland, July 24, 1755 47 
 
 The Officers by All Accounts behaved As Well as Men could 
 and the Soldiers dont seem to think they deserve all that is 
 Said, that they fought an invisible Enemy is by All Accounts 
 Certain for I have heard many say both Officers and Soldiers 
 they did not see One of the Enemy the whole day tho A Warm 
 Constant fire in the front and on both flanks Colo Gage who 
 was in the front and first Attacked declares he does not know 
 he saw One of the Enemy the whole time this Manner of fight- 
 ing confounded the people; they saw and heard fireing and the 
 fatal consequences but few saw an Enemy. 
 
 THE FRENCH COMMANDER REPORTS THE VICTORY 
 
 Perhaps, I should say, God put himself on our side 
 
 Captain Contrecoeur to Count La Galisonniere, 48 
 Fort Duquesne, July 20, 1755 49 
 
 The favor with which you have honored me and the role 
 which you play in the Colony leads me to inform you of the 
 complete victory which we have just won from the English 
 three leagues from this fort. 250 French and 650 Indians have 
 defeated 2000 English regular troops and taken all their cannon 
 and baggage. M. de Beaujeu, 50 who had been named to suc- 
 
 47 Pargellis, Military Affairs, p. 111. 
 
 48 Count Galisonniere, a former governor of Canada, was a high naval 
 officer and influential person in the colony. 
 
 49 Papiers Contrecoeur edited by Grenier, pp. 398-99; in French. 
 
 50 Daniel-Hyacinthe-Marie de Beaujeu, a captain, had previously com- 
 manded Fort Niagara. 
 
 144' 
 
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL BRADDOCK 
 
 ceed me in this command, led the party, having as his lieuten- 
 ants M. Dumas and M. de Ligneris. 51 He was killed on the 
 third discharge from the enemy; these men took his place very 
 well and they were well seconded by all the other officers and 
 cadets. The enemy left 500 men on the field of battle and have 
 lost their commander and almost all their officers. 
 
 I ask you, please, Monsieur, to be helpful at the colony at 
 this time when nothing would please me more than to have to 
 have the officers who served so well under me rewarded for 
 their zeal. Messiuers Dumas and de Ligneris had a great part 
 in our recent success, since victory was very much in the bal- 
 ance 52 when M. de Beaujeu was killed, but these 2 men encour- 
 aged our troop so well that all came out for the best end— or, 
 perhaps, I should sav, God put himself on our side. . . . 
 
 WASHINGTON DESCRIBES THE RETREAT 
 
 The dead, the dying, the groans, lamentation, and crys 
 
 Notes written by Washington for a biography 53 
 
 ... by the Genls. order, he 54 rode forward 55 to halt those which 
 had been earlier in the retreat: Accordingly, after crossing the 
 Monongahela the second time and ascending the heights, he 
 
 51 Captain Jean-Daniel Dumas formerly had commanded Fort Le Boeuf. 
 On the month following Braddock's defeat, he assumed command of Duquesne 
 from Contrecoeur. Captain Frangois-Marie Le Marchand de Ligneris, too, 
 eventually rose to the command of Fort Duquesne and was the last French 
 commander of the post. Thereafter, he assumed command of Fort Machault 
 to the north. In 1759, he received a mortal wound while trying to raise the 
 English siege of Fort Niagara. 
 
 52 The bulk of the Canadian Militia had fled from the field at the first 
 discharge, leaving the fighting to the French Regulars and the Indians. 
 
 53 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, XXIX, 41-46. 
 
 54 Washington here speaks of himself in the third person. 
 
 55 Since the army was now in retreat, riding "forward" meant aivay from 
 the battlefield. 
 
 145 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 found Lieutt. Colo. Gage engaged in this business to whom he 
 delivered the Genls order and then returned to report the situa- 
 tion he found them in. When he was again requested by the 
 Genl. whom he met coming on, in his litter with the first halted 
 troops, to proceed (it then being after sundown) to the second 
 division under the command of Colo. Dunbar, to make arrange- 
 ments for covering the retreat, and forwarding on provisions 
 and refreshments to the retreating and wounded Soldiery. To 
 accomplish this, for the 2d. division was 40 odd miles in the 
 rear it took up the whole night and part of the next Morning, 
 which from the weak state in which he was, 56 and the fatigues, 
 and anxiety of the last 24 hours, rendered him in a manner 
 wholly unfit for the execution of the duty he was sent upon 
 when he arrived at the Dunbars Camp. 57 To the best of his 
 power however he discharged it, and remained with the seed, 
 division till the other joined it. The shocking Scenes which pre- 
 sented themselves in this Nights March are not to be described. 
 The dead, the dying, the groans, lamentation, and crys along 
 the Road of the wounded for help (for those under the latter 
 descriptions endeavoured from the first commencement of the 
 action, or rather confusion to escape to the 2d divn.) were 
 enough to pierce a heart of adamant, the gloom and horror of 
 which was not a little encreased by the impervious darkness 
 occasioned by the close shade of thick woods which in places 
 rendered it impossible for the two guides which attended to 
 know when they were in, or out of the track but by groping 
 on the ground with their hands. 
 
 Happy was it for him, and the remains of the first division 
 
 56 It will be recalled that Washington had been violently ill only a few 
 days before. 
 
 57 Dunbar's Camp was just north of Jumonville's rocks, about three miles 
 north of present Summit, Pennsylvania, in Fayette County. 
 
 146< 
 
 i 
 
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL BRADDOCK 
 
 that they left such a quantity of valuable and enticing baggage 
 on the field as to occasion a scramble and contention in the 
 seizure and distribution of it among the enemy for had a pursuit 
 taken place, by passing the defile which we had avoided; and 
 they had got into our rear, the whole, except a few woodsmen, 
 would have fallen victims to the merciless Savages. Of about 
 12 or 13 hundred which were in this action eight or 9 hundd. 
 were either killed or wounded; among whom a large proportion 
 of brave and valuable Officers were included. The folly and 
 consequence of opposing compact bodies to the sparse manner 
 of Indian fighting, in woods, which had in a manner been pre- 
 dicted, was now so clearly verified that from hence forward 
 another mode obtained in all future operations. 
 
 As soon as the two divisions united, the whole retreated to- 
 wards Fort Cumberland; and at an Incampment near the Great 
 Meadows the brave, but unfortunate Genl. Braddock breathed 
 his last. He was interred with the honors of war, and as it was 
 left to G. W. to see this performed, and to mark out the spot 58 
 for the reception of his remains, to guard against a savage 
 triumph, if the place should be discovered, they were deposited 
 in the Road over which the Army, Waggons &ca. passed to 
 hide every trace by which the entombment could be discovered, 
 thus died a man, whose good and bad qualities were intimately 
 blended. He was brave even to a fault and in regular Service 
 would have done honor to his profession. His attachments were 
 warm, his enmities were strong, and having no disguise about 
 him, both appeared in full force. He was generous and disin- 
 terested, but plain and blunt in his manner even to rudeness. 
 
 58 The site is about a mile west of the restored Fort Necessity on Route 
 40, Fayette County, Pennsylvania. 
 
 147 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 AN ENGLISH OFFICER ON THE RETREAT 
 
 Scandlous was the base and hurried retreat 
 
 Anonymous letter on Braddock's Campaign, 
 Wills Creek, July 25, 1755 59 
 
 Scandlous as the action was, more Scandlous was the base 
 and hurried Retreat, with the immense destruction and expense 
 to the Nation — what was lost in the Action with what was 
 destroy'd afterwards by our selves, amounted upon a moderate 
 Calculation to near Three hundred Thoussand pounds value be- 
 sides the loss of Blood &c. We Carried with the sweat of our 
 Brows, a pritty Train of Artillery up to the ffrench, which 
 they never Could have obtain'd otherwise. 
 
 ENGINEER GORDON ON THE RETREAT 
 
 Nothing after we are gone coud hinder 150 
 French Indians from ravaging to Alexandria 
 
 Gordon to an unknown correspondent, 
 Wills Creek, July 23, 1755 60 
 
 On the Road I propos'd fortifying a Camp ... 10 mile to 
 the Westward of the Crossing of the Yohiogany, a very ad- 
 vantagious Situation, & which Cover'd the Richest part of the 
 Country which Lyes Betwixt Guest's [Gist's] & that, or at 
 least I imagin'd we might have Been join'd By Coll: Dunbar's 
 party at Guest's, where a Good Camp might Easily Been had, 
 
 59 Pargellis, Military Affairs, p. 119. The author of this anonymous letter, 
 a ranking British officer with the expedition, has not been positively identified, 
 but is believed to have been Captain Gabriel Christy, an assistant to Quarter- 
 master St. Clair. 
 
 60 Pargellis, Military Affairs, p. 108. 
 
 148 
 
AIDE-DE-CAMP TO GENERAL BRADDOCK 
 
 which fortified with two or three Redoubts in front cou'd have 
 Been defended By our Numbers (above 1000 fitt for Duty) 
 against any force our Enemy s cou'd Bring against us. 
 
 Instead of all this Nothing wou'd Do, But Retiring, & De- 
 stroying immense Quantitys of Amunition & Stores, with 
 which Last all our Instruments & Stationary wares shar'd the 
 fate. 
 
 Here we are at present, But the talk is of going into Pensil- 
 vania, & No talk of putting this fort or the frontiers of this 
 Country in any posture of Defence; as it is at present, 3 pieces 
 of 6 pound Cannon, with the Advantage the Ground wou'd 
 Naturally give them, cou'd knock the fort 61 to pieces, & nothing 
 after we are gone cou'd hinder 150 french Indians from Rav- 
 aging to Alexandria. 
 
 WASHINGTON FEARS FOR THE SETTLEMENTS 
 
 The poor remains of the Virginia troops 
 "will be too small to guard our frontiers 
 
 Washington to Governor Dinwiddie, 
 Fort Cumberland, July 18, 17 55™ 
 
 I tremble at the consequences that this defeat may have upon 
 our back settlers, who I suppose will all leave their habitations 
 unless there are proper measures taken for their security. 
 
 Colo. Dunbar, who commands at present, intends so soon as 
 his Men are recruited at this place, to continue his March to 
 Phila. into Winter Quarters: so that there will be no Men left 
 here unless it is the poor remains of the Virginia Troops, who 
 survive and will be too small to guard our Frontiers. . . . 
 
 61 Fort Cumberland, from whence Gordon was writing. 
 
 62 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, I, 1 50. 
 
 149 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 AN ENGLISH OFFICER ON THE STRAGGLERS 
 The road was full of dead and people dieing 
 
 Anonymous letter on Braddock's campaign, 
 Wills Creek, July 25, 1755 63 
 
 . . . from Guests^ their was a bag of flower left here and 
 there on the road, least any Soldiers should have been in need 
 of it. Several stragglers have Join'd us since who says they 
 should have starv'd but for Provisions they found on the road — 
 but report, the road was full of Dead and people dieing who 
 with fatigue or Wounds Could move on no further; but lay 
 down to die — this melancholy Accot Convinces, what use our 
 Staying, would been of, to save the life of many a poor fellow. 
 
 WASHINGTON DENIES HIS DEATH 
 
 / take this early oppertunity of contradicting 
 
 Washington to John Augustine Washington, July 18, 1755 65 
 
 Dear Jack: As I have heard since my arriv'l at this place, a 
 circumstantial acct. of my death and dying speech, I take this 
 early oppertunity of contradicting the first and of assuring you 
 that I have not as yet, composed the latter. 
 
 63 Pargellis, Military Affairs, p. 124. 
 
 64 Gist's. 
 
 65 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, I, 152. 
 
 150' 
 
Virginia Colonel 
 
 With General John Forbes 
 
 Fort Pitt 
 
 April - December, 17^8 
 
The Road to Victory 
 
 Fleeing waggoners were the first to reach Fort Cumberland 
 at Wills Creek with wild tales of the disaster that had befallen 
 Braddock's army on the Monongahela. The dispirited army 
 which followed them had not been annihilated, as the first mad 
 rumors had reported. Indeed, had the campaign been planned 
 intelligently, these troops under Colonel Thomas Dunbar, many 
 of whom had seen no action, might have taken Fort Duquesne. 
 
 Between the site of battle and the base at Fort Cumberland, 
 however, there was neither fortification nor supply depot to 
 which the army could fall back. And by the time Dunbar's men 
 had trudged the more than seventy weary miles back to Fort 
 Cumberland, a return to the Forks of the Ohio was unthinkable. 
 
 At any rate, a return was unthinkable to the unaggressive 
 Dunbar. When he reached Fort Cumberland he paused only 
 long enough to leave the sick and wounded with the shattered 
 remnants of the Virginia soldiery as garrison, and then with 
 the Regulars hastened to Philadelphia and "winter quarters" 
 (in August!). 
 
 The former aide-de-camp to the late General Braddock was 
 one campaigner who did not go with the army to Philadelphia. 
 Washington, at the death of Braddock, lost his only official con- 
 nection with the Regular Military Establishment. From the 
 General he had held the brevet, or temporary, commission of 
 General's aide-de-camp. With Braddock's death, he became 
 again a civilian. Still weak and ill from the sickness which had 
 struck him down on the campaign, he was glad enough to go 
 home to Virginia for rest and recuperation. 
 
 The year before, when Governor Dinwiddie had been trying 
 to get the Virginia House of Burgesses to raise money to send 
 
 153 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 the Virginia regiment to the Ohio Country, he had painted for 
 them a frightful picture of the Indian warfare that would come 
 unless the Ohio Country was garrisoned immediately with 
 English troops. At the time it had been a threat conjured up by 
 a governor trying to win approval for expansionist schemes. 
 Now, two campaigns and two defeats later, the threat was real. 
 
 For one thing, the apparent weakness of the English was a 
 spur to the savages to clear at least one group of white men out 
 of their hunting grounds. For another, the French, who were 
 now involved in earnest, were giving to Indian efforts a direc- 
 tion and a purpose their own leadership had never provided. 
 
 Thus, behind the last straggling redcoats limping from the 
 valley of the Ohio came the war parties of Delaware and 
 Shawnee, Huron and Wyandot. As often as not, a war party 
 included an ambitious French cadet or an adventurous Canadian 
 Militiaman. These Frenchmen were seldom seen; nor, for that 
 matter, were the Indians, except by frontier farmers who could 
 give no report of them because their little clearings were stained 
 with their own life's blood. 
 
 To guard Virginia's long and irregular frontier the Governor 
 had only two alternatives — familiar, if not reassuring. One was 
 the Militia and the other what remained of the independent 
 companies which had been the Virginia regiment. 
 
 The Militia, farmers conscripted for the immediate action, 
 showed resolution in only one endeavor: keeping a safe dis- 
 tance between themselves and Indians. The romantic myth of 
 the stalwart husbandman who became an intrepid fighter the 
 moment he laid aside plow for rifle is attractive, but had it been 
 related to Governor Robert Dinwiddie of Virginia, he would 
 have waxed profane. 
 
 Again the Governor and the legislature had to turn to Vir- 
 ginia's own full-time soldiers. The Virginia regiment had to 
 
 154- 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 be reconstituted. Thus it was that the harried Governor, late 
 in the summer of 1755, again offered Washington command of 
 the Virginia regiment— a command Dinwiddie had taken away 
 from him little more than a year before. It was hardly surprising 
 that Washington at first refused. The service of Virginia had 
 proved hard and the gratitude of Dinwiddie meager. Further, 
 the young planter now had won a military reputation of sorts, 
 and his strong pride, which was at once a strength and a tor- 
 ment to him, rebelled at undertaking a task which seemed 
 likely to result in all blame and no triumph. But the Governor 
 persisted, and so did friends whose judgment Washington re- 
 spected. Added inducements were offered — he might choose 
 his own field officers; his pay would be increased; he would 
 bear the title, commander in chief of the Forces of Virginia; 
 and after all, the frontier must be defended. Washington 
 accepted. 
 
 Washington's reluctance to undertake the job, however, 
 proved well founded. The difficulties which he had anticipated, 
 and which were to test his patience throughout his military 
 career, appeared in generous quantity. Recruits were few in 
 number and poor in quality. Eventually the regiment was padded 
 out to something like full strength through the dubious measure 
 of drafting vagrants. Supplies were too little and too late. Men 
 deserted, and the detachments sent to hunt them deserted, too. 
 There were the inevitable wrangles over rank when the com- 
 mander of the Maryland troops at Fort Cumberland turned up 
 with an old commission from the King and claimed he out- 
 ranked the Virginia colonel who held only a lowly commission 
 from the colonial governor. The construction of frontier forts 
 went too slowly and the consumption of provisions went too 
 fast. And through it all, the Indians struck— now here, now 
 there — and all too often with impunity. Once a party of Militia, 
 
 155 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 called out to reinforce the regiment during a particularly bad 
 raid, returned from the hot pursuit of an Indian party with 
 candid but maddening news. They had been actually on the 
 verge of overtaking the Indians, they related, and therefore 
 thought it high time to turn back. 
 
 As 1755 gave way to 1756 and 1756 to 1757, the fighting 
 settled down into a grim pattern. The Virginians took to send- 
 ing out scalping parties of their Indian allies, the Cherokee and 
 Catawba, and spurred on these undependable red men by pay- 
 ing them for scalps. As a desperate means to prevent desertion 
 the Virginia regiment added to its martial accoutrement a 
 gallows; its grisly shadow on the parade ground reminded the 
 rank and file that this backwoods' war was in earnest. 
 
 There were, of course, lulls in what was essentially a guerilla 
 struggle. And since the military front, if it could be called that, 
 was only a few days' ride from Williamsburg, Colonel Wash- 
 ington was sometimes able to grace the ballroom in his regi- 
 mental uniform and even visit occasionally his Mount Vernon 
 lands. He even managed, in 1756, during the winter's lull, to 
 visit Philadelphia, New York, and Boston, and there mix mili- 
 tary conferences with sight-seeing, shopping, and the social 
 gaiety that only these cities could offer. In the summer of 1757, 
 an event occurred in the mother country which was to affect 
 both Washington and the Forks of the Ohio with which his 
 military fortunes were already so much entwined. To the post 
 of Secretary of State in the British cabinet came William Pitt, 
 blistering debater in parliament, master strategist in military 
 council, daring gambler with the public funds — and for stagger- 
 ing stakes. With energy driven by a touch of madness his 
 leadership turned the tide of war. 
 
 In the American theater of operations the rise of Pitt brought 
 about the great campaign of 1758. Against the long serpent of 
 
 156' 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 French encirclement the British fashioned a three-pronged tri- 
 dent. In the East a force was to strike at the fortress of Louis- 
 burg which guarded the mouth of the St. Lawrence. In the 
 center an expedition was to move against Ticonderoga. In the 
 West, British arms were once again to attempt the capture of 
 Fort Duquesne. 
 
 To Washington this expedition promised two things: it would 
 settle accounts with the tormentors of the Virginia frontier 
 and it would afford a new opportunity for service with the 
 Regulars and under experts in the military profession. 
 
 Virginia pledged not only one regiment for the campaign; 
 she raised a second. To the command of the second Virginia 
 regiment was called another proud Virginian, William Byrd, 
 III. And in Williamsburg, Francis Fauquier succeeded, as 
 governor of Virginia, the ill and aging Dinwiddie. 
 
 The story of the long campaign of 1758 follows in the narra- 
 tives of eyewitnesses. Without impinging on their accounts, a 
 few comments here will serve to summarize the important 
 features of the campaign they describe firsthand. 
 
 Under Brigadier John Forbes and Colonel Henry Bouquet, 
 Washington met and served two commanders who brought to 
 their assignments not only the skills of their profession but, at 
 last, an understanding of warfare in America. For Washington 
 it was a very valuable apprenticeship. 
 
 To the campaign General Forbes made two signal contribu- 
 tions. In the all-important field of supply his plan was modern 
 in a logistical sense. He did not move his troops until his pro- 
 visions were sufficient and nearby, and he did not move his 
 provisions until he had fortified a base ready to receive them. 
 This made for slow progress and a long campaign, but it meant 
 that a repulse would not be turned into a route for lack of a 
 nearby rallying point, or an army be driven from the field for 
 
 157 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 lack of provender. In short, from Braddock's errors came 
 Forbes's success. 
 
 Forbes made an important contribution in the field of diplo- 
 macy, too. While ready to agree heartily with the frontiers- 
 man that the only good Indian was a dead one, he realized also 
 that dead Indians were hard come by. He resolved instead of 
 killing Indians to gain their friendship. The delicate and danger- 
 ous negotiations to win their confidence also slowed the cam- 
 paign, but Forbes's patience and tact finally won away from the 
 French many of their wavering red allies. 
 
 There were other problems, too. Relations between the army 
 and the civil population taxed the patience of the commanders. 
 To these quarrels were added the harassment of Indian foe and 
 the exasperation of Indian ally — one could not live with Indians, 
 and, in the forest, one could not live without them. 
 
 To the colonials, too, the campaign presented problems. The 
 road General Forbes had his men cut to Fort Duquesne was to 
 them only a necessary drudgery detail, but to settlers and 
 traders it meant a permanent way to the rich Ohio Country 
 and the vast watershed beyond. And so, whether this avenue 
 to the commerce of an island empire should begin at the busy 
 quays of Philadelphia or the broad expanses of Chesapeake Bay 
 roused a controversy which launched an intercolonial struggle 
 within the larger international conflict. 
 
 But out of the patience and skill of John Forbes, who like 
 Edward Braddock died far from his homeland, came at last the 
 victory: the French left forever the Forks of the Ohio, and 
 the road was open westward. 
 
 With these many twisted strands is woven the story of George 
 Washington's fourth journey into Western Pennsylvania. 
 
 158 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 Forbes and Pittsburgh: 
 Eyewitness and Contemporary Accounts 
 
 COLONEL WASHINGTON SEEKS A RECOMMENDATION 
 
 Washington to Brigadier General John Stanwix, 1 
 Fort Loudoun, Virginia, April 10, 1758 2 
 
 Dear Sir: Permit me, at the same time I congratulate you, 
 (which I most sincerely do) upon your promotion, you have 
 met with and justly merited, to express my concern at the pros- 
 pect of parting with you. I can truly say, it is a matter of no 
 small regret to me! and that I should have thought myself happy 
 in serving this campaign under your immediate command. But 
 every thing, I hope, is ordered for the best; and it is our duty 
 to submit to the will of our superior. I must, nevertheless, beg, 
 that you will add one more kindness to the many I have experi- 
 enced, and that is, to mention me in favorable terms to General 
 Forbes, 3 (if you are acquainted with that gentleman,) not as a 
 
 1 General Stanwix commanded all forces in Pennsylvania, Maryland, and 
 Virginia; he was Washington's immediate military superior. 
 
 2 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, II, 172. 
 
 3 General John Forbes, a native of Scotland, was a career officer, although 
 educated for medicine. He distinguished himself particularly in the War of 
 the Austrian Succession and won rapid promotion. Early in 1757 he had been 
 sent to America as Colonel of the 17th Foot. In December of the same year, 
 Pitt elevated him to brigadier general and gave him command of the expedi- 
 tion against Fort Duquesne. He was so ill throughout the campaign that he 
 was forced to travel the last six weeks in a litter between two horses, but he 
 forced himself to continue in service until the campaign was successful. 
 Exhausted and emaciated, he died a few months after his victory, on March 
 11, 1759, and was buried with military honors befitting his rank in Christ 
 Church, Philadelphia. 
 
 159 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 person, who would depend upon him for further recommenda- 
 tion to military preferment, for I have long conquered all such 
 expectancies, (and serve this campaign merely for the purpose 
 of affording my best endeavors to bring matters to a conclu- 
 sion), but as a person, who would gladly be distinguished in 
 some measure from the common run of provincial officers, as I 
 understand there will be a motely herd of us. . . . 
 
 THE GOVERNOR OF CANADA REPORTS ON BORDER WARFARE 
 
 The Marquis de Vaudreuil 4 to his home government, 
 Montreal, February 13, 1758 5 
 
 Monseigneur, 
 
 Since the letter that I had the honor to write you, by the last 
 vessels, concerning the region of the Belle Riviere, nothing 
 very important has happened there, but our parties continued 
 to harry our enemies. 
 
 4 Frenchmen of the Illinois detachment, who had been in 
 the field for two months, came back with the scalps of two 
 Englishmen killed in Pinsilvanie. 
 
 A Canadian voyageur, who had raised a savage party, took 
 12 prisoners and 18 scalps in the same country. 
 
 Two cadets of our troops also returned with two scalps taken 
 on the Riviere Potomack. 
 
 M. de Rocheblave, 6 at the head of 4 Canadians and a few 
 savages, took 13 prisoners and 4 scalps. He destroyed a con- 
 siderable number of oxen and other animals. 
 
 4 Pierre-Francois de Rigaud, Marquis de Vaudreuil, had succeeded Duquesne 
 as governor of New France. 
 
 5 From S. K. Stevens and D. H. Kent, editors, Wilderness Chronicles of 
 Northwestern Pennsylvania (Harrisburg, 1941), pp. 109-111. Cited hereafter 
 as Wilderness Chronicles. 
 
 6 Sieur de Rocheblave was a cadet in the French forces who led many 
 raiding parties against the English frontier. 
 
 160 
 
Portrait of General John Forbes by John Watson, 
 probably painted in Philadelphia between April 20 
 and June 27, 1758, before Forbes came west to 
 Fort Duquesne; owned by Alan Scaife of Pittsburgh 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 M. de Vercheres 7 took two prisoners and one scalp in the 
 settlements of Virginia. 
 
 Two other cadets of our troops also returned with two scalps. 
 
 All our parties have carried terror among our enemies to a 
 point that the settlements of the English in Pinsilvanie, Mari- 
 land, and Virginia are abandoned. All the settlers have re- 
 treated to the city or into the forest. . . . 
 
 I had the honor, Monseigneur, to report the departure of the 
 Jesuit to establish a mission among the tribes of the Belle 
 Riviere. He has reached there, but at the beginning he did not 
 have the success that his zeal made him desire. He has, never- 
 theless, baptised a few children and begun to instill the senti- 
 ments of Christianity in several savages. This is a work that 
 requires time and patience. I am also exhorting this missionary 
 not to be discouraged and to have as much perseverance as is 
 necessary for an object of such importance. 
 
 COLONEL WASHINGTON REPORTS ON BORDER WARFARE 
 
 Washington to Sir John St. Clair, Ft. Loudoun, Virginia, May 4, 1758 s 
 
 Dear Sir: I have now had an opportunity of examining Uca- 
 hula, an Indian Warrior, who brought in the scalps mentioned in 
 my last. His account is nearly the following: 
 
 That, about the 1st. of last month, Lt. Gist 9 with 6 Soldiers, 
 and 30 Indians, left the South-branch of Potomack-river; and 
 after a tedious march, occasioned by deep snows on the moun- 
 tains, they got upon the waters of Monongahela, where Mr. 
 Gist, by a fall from a steep Bank, got lamed, and was rendered 
 
 7 A cadet named de Vercheres was stationed at Fort Duquesne in 1755 
 and was no doubt the leader of the raiding party mentioned. 
 
 8 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, II, 191-92. 
 
 9 Christopher Gist 
 
 161 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 incapable of marching: That the white men and some Indians 
 staid with him, and the remainder of the Indians divided into 
 three small parties and proceeded, when he (Ucahula) with 
 two others, went down the Monongahela in a bark-canoe, and 
 landed on the north-side, not far from Ft. du Quesne. 
 
 That they lay concealed two days to make discoveries and, 
 if possible to get a prisoner; but no favourable opportunity 
 offering to accomplish the latter, they attacked a canoe in 
 which two french-men were fishing; both of whom they killed 
 and scalped, in sight of some other frenchmen, also afishing. 
 
 This indians account of F. DuQuesne, corresponds with most 
 others I have heard, vizt. that it is strong on the land-side, but 
 stockaded only, where it faces the Ohio-river. It does not ap- 
 pear, from his information, that there are many men there, or 
 that they have thrown up any New Works. He saw a party on 
 the other side of the river, which he supposed to be newly come, 
 because there were several canoes near them, and they seemed 
 to be busy in putting up bark-huts, which however were not 
 many; and only two Tents pitched. When he had got about 
 1 5 miles on this side of Fort du Quesne, he came upon a large 
 indian encampment, and tracks, steering towards Virginia, and 
 after the parties had joined and were marching in, Lt. Gist 
 came upon a track of another large party, pursuing the same 
 course. These parties have since fallen upon the back-inhabitants 
 of Augusta-County, and destroyed near 50 persons, besides an 
 Officer and 18 men, belonging to Captn. Hogg's 10 ranging- 
 company, who we suppose (for I have no advice from him) 
 were sent to the country-peoples' assistance. As soon as I ob- 
 tained notice of this, I ordered a Detachment from the Regi- 
 ment, and some Indians, that were equipped for War, to march, 
 and endeavour to intercept their retreat, if they are not too 
 
 10 Peter Hog, who had commanded a company at Fort Necessity. 
 
 162 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 numerous. I have also engaged Ucahula, with a small party of 
 brisk men, to go immediately for Ft. du Quesne, and try to 
 get a Prisoner. He seems confident of success, and promises 
 to be back in 20 days at the farthest. 
 
 COLONEL HENRY BOUQUET DESCRIBES THE 
 PREPARATION OF A CAMPAIGN 
 
 Bouquet 11 to General John Forbes, Carlisle, Pa., June 7, 1758 12 
 
 Sir, 
 
 As the arms, tents, and munitions have not yet arrived, I 
 have been obliged to delay my departure, for there is no one 
 here to whom I can entrust the detail and the distribution of 
 the different articles. 
 
 312 muskets, cartridges, bayonets, and blankets arrived to- 
 day for the provincials. I immediately supplied Burd 13 with 
 
 11 Henry Bouquet, a French-speaking protestant from Switzerland, was 
 an outstanding professional soldier. His service in the Dutch and Sardinian 
 armies attracted the attention of the British who offered him a commission 
 as lieutenant colonel of the new Royal American Regiment. He accepted it, 
 and came to America in the spring of 1756. After his service under Forbes, 
 he continued to serve on the frontier throughout the war. During the Pontiac 
 War, he won a brilliant victory over the woods Indians at Bushy Run. 
 Bouquet skilfully adapted European tactics to conditions of frontier warfare. 
 In his use of open combat formations, he was a precursor of modern military 
 thinking. He died a brigadier general in 1765, victim of a fever contracted 
 while on campaign on the southern frontier. 
 
 12 S. K. Stevens, D. H. Kent and Autumn L. Leonard, editors, The Papers 
 of Henry Bouquet (Harrisburg, 1951), II, 47-51. Cited hereafter as Papers 
 of Bouquet. 
 
 13 Colonel James Burd commanded the Second Battalion of the Pennsyl- 
 vania regiment in Forbes's army. In 1755 he had been in charge of building 
 from the Pennsylvania settlements the supply road which was to connect 
 with Braddock's route of march at Turkeyfoot, now Confluence, Pennsyl- 
 vania. In 1756, he commanded Pennsylvania's frontier post of Fort Augusta. 
 In 1759, he built Fort Burd near the mouth of Redstone Creek as a supply 
 
 163 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 169 muskets, and delivered his old guns to the two captains, 
 McNight 14 and Boyer, 15 to arm their companies while waiting 
 to get others. This battalion is marching tomorrow to join 
 Armstrong 16 at Littleton. 17 
 
 In spite of all the repairs made on the roads, they are almost 
 impassable beyond Shippensburg because of the continual rains 
 on the clay soil. Several wagons have stuck in the mud, and 
 several have been three days in going from Shippensburg to 
 Fort Loudoun. 18 I am having them worked on continually, but 
 they must be given time to become hard. This is an obstacle 
 that cannot be overcome. 
 
 Col. Stephens, 19 with 600 men of the Virginia troops (5 of 
 Washington's companies, and a company of carpenters) , is at 
 Fort Loudoun, Cumberland County, also busy repairing roads. 
 
 One is not through with one difficulty before falling into 
 
 depot between Fort Cumberland and Fort Pitt, and in 1760, rose to the 
 command of Fort Pitt itself. He later served in Pontiac's War and the 
 Revolution. 
 
 14 John McNight was a captain of the First Battalion of the Pennsylvania 
 regiment. 
 
 15 John Byers was a captain of the Second Battalion of the Pennsylvania 
 regiment. 
 
 16 Colonel John Armstrong, Irish-born frontiersman and surveyor, com- 
 manded the Pennsylvania regiment. In 1756, he had led the successful sur- 
 prise attack on the Delaware village of Kittanning on the Allegheny River, 
 a point of origin for many raids against the frontier. During the Revolution, 
 Armstrong rose to the rank of major general and later served in Congress. 
 
 17 Fort Littleton was built in 1758 in what is today Fulton County. Origi- 
 nally part of Pennsylvania's frontier defense, it became a post on Forbes's road. 
 
 18 Fort Loudoun, Pennsylvania, like Fort Loudoun, Virginia, had been 
 named for Lord Loudoun, British commander in chief for North America 
 from early in 1756 until the spring of 1758. Fort Loudoun, Pennsylvania, 
 was close to the present town of the same name, and was the starting point 
 for Forbes's road. 
 
 19 This was Adam Stephen, Lieutenant Colonel of the first Virginia regi- 
 ment and veteran of Fort Necessity and Braddock's defeat. 
 
 164- 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 another. The pork for our stores, which was bought in Mary- 
 land or Carolina, is worthless; and you will see by the enclosed 
 report that the sample we have inspected, is not acceptable. . . . 
 
 The flour is not white, but as it is good and the mills of this 
 country cannot grind it finer, I think— if you approve— that 
 this can be overlooked. . . . 
 
 We got 98 horses yesterday which are better or, rather, not 
 so bad as I was expecting. Today they were divided into two 
 troops. . . . 
 
 I had 15 men taken from Burd, and 6 from the two com- 
 panies of new recruits here, to whom horses will be given to- 
 morrow. If all the cavalrymen are as well chosen, you can ex- 
 pect a troop of fine men. 
 
 We are waiting for the saddles and pistols, but they say there 
 are neither brushes nor curry-combs. . . . 
 
 Until tents can be obtained for the new recruits, nothing can 
 be done with them. There is no way of accommodating more 
 than 200 men here; and it is only by having them together that 
 they can be chosen, and each man put in the place for which 
 he is best suited. 
 
 . . . The Cherokees are behaving so badly that it seems they 
 have made their decision, and are ready to leave us. . . . 
 
 The success Bosomworth 20 has, will soon determine what 
 we can expect of them. If they wish to come to Loudoun, all 
 could yet be reconciled; if they refuse, we can no longer count 
 on them. The only compensation left to us if they leave, is 
 that we will no longer be obliged to hurry. We have no regular 
 attack to fear, and the French will find as many difficulties in 
 keeping their Indians as we; and if we both lose them, the 
 advantage surely remains on our side. 
 
 20 Captain Abraham Bosomworth was assigned to liason with the southern 
 Indians. 
 
 165 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Captain Gordon 21 arrived here on the 4th. I expect his convoy 
 tomorrow. With what he brought, we have only about 40,000 
 cartridges, which for 2000 men is only 20 shots each; and none 
 are left in reserve, nor anything to supply the artillery. 
 
 At Winchester there were 40 barrels of powder and 170 
 boxes of bullets, which would still not be enough. I think you 
 will be obliged to buy two or three hundred barrels of powder 
 at Philadelphia, for it will be necessary to use a great deal to 
 train these new recruits a little, and to drill our troops in forest 
 warfare. 
 
 A large part of the provincials are armed with grooved rifles 
 and have their molds. Lead in bars will suit them better than 
 bullets — likewise the Indians — , but they also need fine pow- 
 der FF. 
 
 I beg you to send us munitions, cartridge paper, and a quan- 
 tity of gunflints. 
 
 Each wagon should have two ropes with two strong iron 
 hooks at the ends, so that the soldiers can pull them out of the 
 mudholes, and help them to climb the mountains. 
 
 A number of ropes an inch in circumference to tie the loads 
 on the pack horses, if they have not already been provided. 
 
 I am exhausting your patience by so many requests, but I 
 think I have finished. . . . 
 
 As I am obliged to make much of the country folk on the 
 one hand, while I scold them on the other, I cannot avoid recom- 
 mending a trifle, which is to find some way of paying, through 
 the medium of Mr. Stevenson 22 at York, the cost of that cursed 
 horse which was drowned last year in the service of the second 
 
 21 This was the same Harry Gordon who served as an engineer with 
 Braddock. 
 
 22 George Stevenson was a recruiting officer for the Pennsylvania regiment 
 in York County. 
 
 166 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 battalion of the R. A. 23 That will have a very good effect, and 
 will smooth over many difficulties. 
 
 The five deserters from the Pennsylvania regiment, who were 
 arrested at Reading, have been brought here. I do not think 
 that they can be hung, as they have not been paid, but they 
 can be made to fear it at Reas Town. 24 
 
 I have collected a dozen poor horses which belonged to Gen- 
 eral Braddock's expedition, and I am assured that there are 
 still more than 150 included among the strayed, which by the 
 law of England belong to the King until the proprietor shows 
 up. If you consider it worth the trouble, you might have an 
 order published to give them up, promising a crown for those 
 who bring or find them, and menacing those who disobey with 
 the penalty of the law. They could be given to the officers on 
 condition that they be used for expresses when needed, and for 
 pack horses on occasion. 
 
 The number of merchants asking to follow the army makes 
 me think that if you offer some encouragement, you could en- 
 gage workmen of useful trades, such as tailors, saddlers, gun- 
 smiths, wheelwrights, blacksmiths, etc., to come with the army 
 without wages and of their own accord. This would be very 
 helpful in the woods, and would save paying those people. . . . 
 
 THE GOVERNOR OF CANADA LEARNS OF THE 
 APPROACH OF A BRITISH ARMY 
 
 The Marquis de Vaudreuil to his home government, June 10, 1758 25 
 
 Monseigneur, 
 
 I am still interested in maintaining savage parties in the 
 neighborhood of Fort Chamokin. 26 
 
 23 RA. stood, not for Regular Army, as it does in today's military par- 
 lance, but for Royal Americans. This was a regiment of the British regular 
 
 167 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 The first party, composed of 12 Irroquois of the Five Na- 
 tions and 14 Loups, 27 returned with 7 prisoners and 15 scalps. 
 
 The seond party took 7 scalps and 2 prisoners. 
 
 A third Loup party returned with 4 scalps and 8 prisoners. 
 
 These prisoners reported that 7,000 regulars had landed, but 
 they did not know their destination. 
 
 The savages assured M. de La Chauvignerie 28 that the army 
 which was forming was intended for the Belle Riviere, and 
 that the English would set out on the march from the 10th to 
 the 15th of May. 
 
 It will certainly not be my fault, Monseigneur, if the care I 
 am taking to harry our enemy vigorously on all sides does not 
 oblige them to abandon their plans. 
 
 "THIS EXPEDITION, WHICH IS BELIEVED SO EASY, IS FULL 
 OF ALMOST INSURMOUNTABLE DIFFICULTIES" 
 
 Bouquet to Forbes, Fort Loudoun, Pennsylvania, June 11, 1758 29 
 
 You are not to overlook the fact that no one in this country 
 can be relied on. At all times, private interests outweigh the 
 general welfare. . . . 
 
 army recruited in America. It was later known as the Sixtieth Foot. 
 
 24 Fort Raystown was later renamed Fort Bedford after the fourth Duke 
 of Bedford, a leading British statesman of the day. It is now known as Bed- 
 ford. It was a major supply base for Forbes's army. 
 
 25 From Wilderness Chronicles, p. 111. 
 
 26 This was Fort Augusta at the site of the former Iroquois village of 
 Shamokin at the forks of the Susquehanna, now Sunbury, Pennsylvania. 
 
 27 Loups was the French name for Delawares. 
 
 28 Michel Maray de la Chauvignerie, a lieutenant, commanded Fort 
 Machault, the French post at Venango, now Franklin, Pennsylvania. 
 
 29 Papers of Bouquet, II, 73-74. 
 
 168 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 The farther I go away from the settlements, the more I see 
 that this expedition, which is believed so easy, is full of almost 
 insurmountable difficulties. For want of stores prepared in ad- 
 vance, we shall consume daily almost as much provisions as 
 can be transported over such roads. 
 
 If obliged to open all the roads, we shall be obliged to march 
 like tortoises, very slowly, and carrying everything on our 
 backs. I am told that Braddock's army went 3 days without 
 finding grass for the horses, which made them unfit to carry 
 provisions; and he would have been likely to die of hunger, 
 if he had beaten the enemy. 
 
 No reliance can be made in the reports of the people who 
 claim to know the country, after passing Reas Town. All whom 
 I have questioned contradict each other, and we shall only learn 
 the truth about it by exploring the country ourselves. 
 
 WASHINGTON WRITES HIS COMMANDER OF THE 
 IMPORTANCE OF INDIAN ALLIES 
 
 Washington to Forbes, Fort Loudoun, Virginia, June 19, 1758 30 
 
 Sir: Pardon the liberty I am going to take; a liberty, that 
 nothing but the most disinterested regard for the safety and 
 welfare of these Colonies wou'd cause me to take. How far my 
 notions on what I am going to observe is compatable with 
 Reason, and how far they may corrispond with your Sentiments 
 on the matter, I shall candidly submit to your [Excellency's 
 determination] . 
 
 The unfortunate arrival of the Cherokees into these Govern- 
 ments so early in the Spring, 31 and the unavoidable Accidents 
 
 30 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, II, 215-16. 
 
 31 The Cherokees had arrived before Forbes's army was ready to march. 
 It was feared that friction between them and the white population would 
 cause them to go home again before the army marched. 
 
 69 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 that have hitherto prevented a junction of the Troops, intended 
 for the Western Expedition, has caus'd the Indians (who natu- 
 rally are of a discontented Tempers) to be tired of waiting, 
 and all, except those who came with Colo. Byrd, 32 and a few 
 others that have promised to join him, to return home; how 
 long these can be prevail'd upon to remain with us, I won't 
 absolutely affirm; but this I can venture to say not 6 Weeks, 
 if it requires that time to form our Magazines and prepare for 
 our March, as Colo. Bouquet seem'd to think it will. Now, in 
 this event, we are left to perform a March of more than 100 
 Miles from our most advanc'd Post, before we shall arrive at 
 Fort Duquesne; a great part of which over Mountains and 
 Rocks, and thro' some such defiles as will enable the Enemy, 
 with assistance of their Indian's and Irregulars; and their Supe- 
 rior knowledge of the Country, to render our March extremely 
 arduous, perhaps impracticable; and at best very tedious; unless 
 assisted by a considerable Body of Indians, who I conceive to 
 be the only Troops fit to cope with Indians in such Grounds; 
 for, I must beg leave further to add, that I can not look upon 
 strength and Success in the Woods to be the Consequence of 
 Numbers; on the contrary, I conceive the designs of an un- 
 wieldy Body of Troops, marching as Convoys, may be frus- 
 trated by a few; this I am certain off, they may be greatly 
 harrass'd; and their March much incommoded by the Sculking 
 Enemy we shall have to deal with. 
 
 From what has, and might be said on this [occasion it would] 
 appear that Indians, to Us, are of the utmost Importance; and 
 as I understand your Excellency proposes to keep open the 
 
 32 William Byrd, III, colonel of the second Virginia regiment. Before 
 assuming command of the new regiment, Byrd had served as a commissioner 
 for Virginia among the southern Indians, and was more successful than most 
 of his contemporaries in dealing with the red men. 
 
 170' 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 Communication with the Inhabitants, 33 and secure a retreat by 
 the construction of Posts at advantageous situations, and proper 
 distances, as the Army advances; (a work truly of the greatest 
 Importance, especially as we will too probably begin our March 
 with a handfull of Indians) I think it wou'd be practacable 
 by the prosecution of this plan, to get a Number of the Indians, 
 (by sending a person of abilities and adress immediately for 
 them) before we cou'd approach Fort Duquesne; and I think 
 it is not likely we shall meet with any formidable attack till 
 we get pretty near that place. . . . 
 
 WASHINGTON PROPOSES INDIAN DRESS 
 FOR THE VIRGINIA REGIMENT 
 
 Washington to Bouquet, Fort Cumberland, 34 July 3, 1758 35 
 
 My Men are very bare of Cloaths (Regimentals 36 I mean) , 
 and I have no prospect of a Supply; this want, so far from my 
 regretting during this Campaigne, that were I left to pursue 
 my own Inclinations I wou'd not only order the Men to adopt 
 the Indian dress, 37 but cause the Officers to do it also, and be 
 the first to set the example myself. Nothing but the uncertainty 
 of its taking with the General causes me to hesitate a moment 
 at leaving my Regimentals at this place, and proceeding as light 
 as any Indian in the Woods. 'T is an unbecoming dress, I con- 
 
 33 That is, keep a road open to the settlements after passing into unin- 
 habited country. 
 
 34 Washington had now left the home base of the Virginia regiment, Fort 
 Loudoun at Winchester, and had arrived on July 2nd at Fort Cumberland 
 at Wills Creek, there to await further orders. 
 
 35 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, II, 229. 
 
 36 Regimentals, that is, the distinctive uniform designed for, but usually 
 not supplied, the first Virginia regiment. 
 
 37 Hunting shirt and leggings. 
 
 171 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 fess, for an officer; but convenience rather than shew, I think 
 shou'd be consulted. 
 
 BOUQUET REPORTS THE ENDLESS DIFFICULTIES OF A 
 EUROPEAN ARMY IN THE AMERICAN WILDERNESS 
 
 Bouquet to Forbes, Camp near Raystown, July 11, 1758 38 
 
 All the letters I receive from Virginia are rilled with nothing 
 but the impossibility of finding a passage across Lawrell Hill, 39 
 and the ease of going by Braddock's road. This is a matter of 
 politics between one province and another, in which we have 
 no part; and I have always avoided saying a word on this sub- 
 ject, as I am certain that we shall find a passage, and mat- 
 in that case — we should for many reasons prefer this route, 
 if not for the whole army, at least for a large detachment. 
 
 I am sorry that I cannot assure you positively of the possi- 
 bility of this passage, as the Indian rascals I had sent to explore 
 it with 4 officers and 30 of our men deserted them under the 
 pretext that their omens 40 were bad, which forced them for 
 lack of provisions to return without doing anything. . . . 
 
 The Catawbas have left us like scoundrels, after bringing us 
 one scalp, which was recognized by the Cherokees as an old 
 scalp which they themselves gave them 41 in the spring. . . . 
 
 The roads are strewn with broken wagons. The wagon mas- 
 ters for the most part are good for nothing. The officers who 
 are escorting them have added further to the evil, which has 
 obliged me to forbid them to meddle with horses and wagons 
 until further orders. . . . 
 
 38 Papers of Bouquet, II, 179-182. 
 
 39 Laurel Hill is the next to the last western ridge of the Appalachians in 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 40 The Indians, like other primitive people, were extremely superstitious. 
 
 41 One Indian tribe invited another tribe to join them on the warpath by 
 sending the hoped-for allies a scalp taken from the intended enemies. 
 
 172^ 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 If you cannot come soon, I beg you to send me a warrant for 
 general courts martial. An example must be made to stop deser- 
 tion. We have a man here, who has offered his services to do 
 the hanging. . . . 
 
 The sabers . . . which were given to the light cavalry, are a 
 joke. It is their principal weapon, and they could not kill a 
 chicken with this tiny knife. ... I should like you to have 
 curved sabers bought for them, which they could use on occa- 
 sion. This expense, moreover, is nothing if we succeed; and 
 if we fail, everything will be likewise too expensive. 
 
 OF INDIAN RAIDS 
 Washington to Bouquet, Fort Cumberland, Maryland, July 13, 1758 42 
 
 Camp at Fort Cumbd. abt 9 Thursday Night, July 13, 1758. 
 
 Sir: About 4 Oclock this Afternoon, after I had clos'd my 
 letter to you, I receiv'd Intelligence that two Men were kill'd 
 and a third taken prisoner on the Road 43 about a Mile from this 
 place. I got the Indians to go, and sent a Command of 50 Men 
 immediately to the spot, where they took the Track of six 
 Indians, and followed them till near dark; when the Indians 
 return'd, as did our Party also. 
 
 They discover'd that one of the Men kill'd was a Soldier of 
 the second Regiment; and that the other two were herders go- 
 ing to our Grass Guards 44 in the most careless, stragling manner, 
 
 42 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, II, 236. 
 
 43 The road referred to was Braddock's Road. While Washington was at 
 Fort Cumberland, scouting and working parties were sent out on Braddock's 
 Road. At first, it was thought that part of the army might use the road. 
 After this idea was abandoned, parties were still sent out to confuse the 
 French as to the actual route planned by Forbes. 
 
 44 Grass guards were men tending grazing horses and the cattle driven 
 with the army to provide fresh meat. 
 
 173 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 contrary to repeated Orders and positive orders given, to pre- 
 vent Soldiers stragling from camp, or small Parties going out. 
 The Mischief was done about 8 this Morning. Our discovery 
 of it too late to give us a chance to overtaking the enemy. I 
 thought it advisable nevertheless to give you Information that 
 the Enemy are abt., and that I expect we shall be pester'd w'h 
 them all this Moon; haunting our Camps; and watching our 
 Motions. 
 
 OF COUNTER-RAIDS 
 
 Washington to Bouquet, Fort Cumberland, Maryland, July 16, 1758 45 
 
 Camp at Fort Cumberland, July 16, 1758. 
 
 Sir: I was favoured with yours of the 14th. Inst't, at 11 
 Oclock last Night, the Express who brought it, informs me, 
 that he was twice fired at by six Indians, and oblig'd to abandon 
 his Horse. 
 
 There's three Parties gone from hence towards the Enemy's 
 Country within these few days. The largest of them, (consist- 
 ing of an Officer and 18 Cherokees,) March'd 3 days ago. I 
 always send out some white people with the Indians, and will 
 to day or to morrow, send an Officer and some alert white 
 men, with another Party of Cherokees as you desire it; tho' 
 I must confess, that I think these Scalping Parties of Indians 
 we send out, will more effectually harass the Enemy (by keep- 
 ing them under continual Alarms) than any Parties of white 
 People can do; because small parties of ours are not equal to 
 the undertaking, (not being so dexterous at skulking as Indians;) 
 and large ones will be discovered by their spies early enough 
 to give the Enemy time to repell them by a superior Force; . . . 
 
 45 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, II, 237. 
 
 174« 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 BOUQUET FRETS ABOUT INTER-COLONIAL RIVALRY 46 
 
 Bouquet to Forbes, Camp near Raystown, Pennsylvania, 
 July 21, 1758 47 
 
 The Virginia party in regard to your route is continuing in 
 full force, and although the secret motive animating them ap- 
 pears to smack of partiality, it seems to me, however, that 
 this is an additional reason for acting with double caution in a 
 matter of this consequence, in order that we may answer their 
 outcries convincingly in case of an accident, which they would 
 not fail to attribute to the choice of a new route. 
 
 GENERAL FORBES SUSPECTS THE MOTIVES OF VIRGINIANS 
 
 Forbes to Bouquet, Carlisle, Pennsylvania, July 23, 1758 48 
 
 As I disclaim all parties myself, should be sorry that they 
 were to Creep in amongst us. I therefore cannot Conceive what 
 the Virginia folks would be att, for to me it appears to be them, 
 and them only, that want to drive us into the road by Fort 
 Cumberland, no doubt in opposition to the Pennsylvanians who 
 by Raestown would have a nigher Communication [than them] 
 to the Ohio. 
 
 WASHINGTON PLEADS FOR THE SOUTHERN ROUTE 
 TO THE OHIO 
 
 Washington to Bouquet, Fort Cumberland, Maryland, July 25, 1758 49 
 
 I shall most chearfully proceed to Work on any Road; — 
 
 46 The next nine excerpts illustrate the controversy over the army's route. 
 Virginians were for Braddock's route which would strengthen the ties be- 
 tween the Ohio Country and Virginia; Pennsylvanians were for the new 
 all-Pennsylvania route. Forbes and Bouquet were caught in the middle of 
 the struggle. 
 
 175 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 pursue any Rout;— enter upon any Service that the General or 
 yourself can think me qualified for, or usefully employed in; 
 and shall never have a Will of my own where a point of Duty 
 is required at my hands: but since you desire me to speake, 
 permit me to observe this; that after having examind all the 
 Guides, 50 and been convinced by them and every other Person 
 who has knowledge of that Country, that a Road comparable 
 to General Braddocks/or indeed fit for any Service at all, even 
 for Carrying Horses 51 /cannot be made. ... I don't know what 
 reports your Reconnoitring Parties have given, but I have been 
 told on all hands that if any thing is expected there, disappoint- 
 ments will ensue, for nothing can be taken that way without 
 distroying of our Carrying Horses, so extreame bad the Hills are. 
 
 BOUQUET LISTS THE ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES 
 OF BRADDOCK'S ROAD 
 
 Bouquet to Forbes, Camp near Raystown, Pennsylvania, 
 July 26, 1758 52 
 
 Colonel Washington has had the beginning of Braddock's 
 Road cut, which I have fixed at ten miles from Fort Cumber- 
 land. From the guides I have sent you, you will have learned 
 the advantages of this route, which is open and requires few 
 repairs; and its inconveniences, which are the lack of forage, 
 its length, its narrow passes, and the river crossings. Colonel 
 Washington who is animated by a sincere zeal to contribute 
 
 47 Papers of Bouquet, II, 252. 
 
 48 Alfred P. James, ed., Writings of General John Forbes (Menasha, Wis- 
 consin, 1938), p. 156. Cited hereafter as Writings of Forbes. 
 
 49 Papers of Bouquet, II, 273-74. 
 
 50 Guides — that is, woodsmen with a knowledge of the country. 
 
 51 Pack horses. 
 
 52 Papers of Bouquet, II, 277-78. 
 
 176 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 to the success of this expedition, and ready to march from what- 
 ever direction you may determine with the same eagerness, 
 writes me that, from all he has heard and been able to gather 
 from reports, our route is impracticable even for pack horses, 
 so bad are the mountains; and that Braddock's Road is abso- 
 lutely the only one to take, etc. 
 
 MAJOR GEORGE ARMSTRONG OF PENNSYLVANIA 
 RECOMMENDS THE NORTHERN ROUTE 
 
 Armstrong to Bouquet, Kickenapauling's, 53 July 26, 1758 
 
 Sir/ 
 
 I reached this place Yesterday about 4 oClock P.M. and 
 finds a Good Situation for a Deposite upon this Creek, 54 some 
 of the Ground Cleared some time ago by the Indians, and not 
 overlooked by Hills, the nearest to it is at least 50 perches. 
 Grass is extremely good and plenty of it, so that it is certainly 
 the best Situation for a Deposite between the Allighany 55 and 
 Lawrell hill. . . . The Road we came Yesterday may be made 
 pretty Good. . . . When I return from Loyalhaning, 56 and 
 after the Works are finished, I intend to employ myself in Sur- 
 veying a very Good Plantation or two that Lays upon this Creek. 
 
 MAJOR ARMSTRONG OVERCOMES THE TEMPTATION TO 
 COMBINE LAND SPECULATION WITH SOLDIERING 
 
 Armstrong to Bouquet, Drounding Creek, 57 July 30, 1758 58 
 
 What I dropt inadvertantly in a former letter to you in 
 
 53 Kickenapauling, a former Indian town named for a Delaware chief, 
 was on Quemahoning Creek in Somerset County. It was on Forbes's Route. 
 
 54 Quemahoning Creek, now dammed to form Quemahoning Reservoir. 
 
 55 The Allegheny ridge of the Appalachians. 
 
 56 Loyalhanna took it's name from a previous Indian village of that name. 
 
 177 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 respect of Surveying a Plantation was no more than a Jock, 59 
 and wou'd be extremely sorry to think You wou'd imagine I 
 wou'd not spend my time and the time of those that are with 
 me as much for the Service as lay in my power, as well by 
 punctually obeying Your orders. . . . 
 
 COLONEL BOUQUET STATES THE CASE 
 AGAINST BRADDOCK'S ROAD 
 
 Bouquet to Forbes, Raystown, July 31, 1758 60 
 
 You will see by the enclosed extract from Major Armstrong's 
 letters what report 61 he has made. Everything seems practica- 
 ble, and even easy, but I distrust the observation of a young 
 and inexperienced man too much to act on his advice. I have 
 therefore sent Colonel Burd, Rhor, 62 and Captain Ward 63 to 
 reconnoiter the Allegheny, to make a survey of all the diffi- 
 culties, and to put me in a position to determine what reliance 
 could be given to the rest of the explorations. Unfortunately, 
 they found things very different, and that mountain over which 
 these gentlemen crossed so easily is worse than Sideling Hill 64 
 
 It was renamed Ligonier after Sir John Ligonier, commander in chief of the 
 British army at the time. 
 
 57 Drounding Creek was another name for Quemahoning Creek. 
 
 58 Paper of Bouquet, II, 286. 
 
 59 A joke. Perhaps someone had suggested to Major Armstrong that the 
 purpose of the expedition was not land speculating. 
 
 60 Papers of Bouquet, II, 290-93. 
 
 61 The report has to do with the suitability of various terrain between 
 Raystown and Loyalhanna for roadbuilding. 
 
 62 Ensign Charles Rhor was an engineering officer. He was killed at 
 Grant's defeat. 
 
 63 Captain Edward Ward served with the first battalion of the Pennsylvania 
 regiment. 
 
 64 Sideling Hill, as users of the Pennsylvania Turnpike or the older Lincoln 
 Highway know, is a part of the Allegheny ridge of the Appalachians. 
 
 178' 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 and the climb much longer. As they did not think a wagon road 
 could be cut in this escarpment without an immense amount 
 of work, they searched along the mountain for another pass, 
 and found about two miles to the north a gap of which no one 
 here had the slightest knowledge. You will see a description 
 of it in Rhor's report and his map. 
 
 It appears that with a great deal of work a road much more 
 satisfactory than the other could be build there; it remains to 
 be seen what obstacles are left as far as Loyal Hannon. . . . 
 
 I think as you do that you cannot accept Cumberland 65 until 
 after you have it in your power to demonstrate the impossibility 
 of finding another road, or at least the impossibility of opening 
 it without risking the expedition by too great a loss of time. 
 
 We are in a cruel situation, if you are reduced to a single 
 communication. In the 64 miles from Cumberland to Gist's, 
 there are only three places which could furnish enough forage 
 for the army. The rest will be enough for only one night. 
 
 The frost, beginning about the end of October, destroys all 
 the grass, and the rivers overflowing in the spring cut off all 
 communication. 
 
 I had an interview with Colonel Washington to find out how 
 he imagines these difficulties can be overcome. I learned noth- 
 ing satisfactory. Most of these gentlemen do not know the 
 difference between a party and an army, and find every thing 
 easy which agrees with their ideas, jumping over all the diffi- 
 culties. . . . 
 
 A soldier hunting horses was attacked four miles from the 
 camp on the Cumberland road by three Indians, who aimed at 
 him from above. As it had rained all day, their guns failed to 
 discharge. He shot at them, and thinks he killed one of them. 
 Before he could reload, the other two attacked him with their 
 
 65 That is, Braddock's road from Fort Cumberland. 
 
 .179- 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 knives and tomahawks. He knocked one down with the butt 
 of his rifle and, collaring the other, threw him to the ground 
 and would have beaten him to death if other Indians had not 
 come to his rescue with loud cries. He fled and, running very 
 rapidly, he escaped with six slight wounds. . . . 
 
 We have something worse than the Indians. It is smallpox 
 in the camp. We are keeping it as much a secret as possible, 
 to prevent desertion, and are isolating those who have been 
 attacked by it. 
 
 WASHINGTON STATES THE CASE FOR BRADDOCK'S ROAD 
 
 Washington to Bouquet, Fort Cumberland, Maryland, 
 August 2, 1758 66 
 
 Sir: Those matters we talk'd of relative to the Roads has 
 since our parting been the object of my closest attention, and 
 so far am I from altering my opinion that the more time and 
 attention I give thereto, the more I am confirm'd in it; as the 
 validity of the reasons for taking the old Road appear in a 
 stronger point of view. . . . 
 
 Several years ago the Virginians and Pensylvanians com- 
 menc'd a Trade with the Indians settled on the Ohio, and to 
 remove the many Inconveniences a bad Road subjected them 
 to, they, after reiterated efforts to discover where a good one 
 might be made were found ineffectual, employ'd several of the 
 most intelligent Indians who in the course of many years hunt- 
 ing acquired a perfect knowledge of these Mountains to at- 
 tempt it, but these Indian's after having taken the greatest pains 
 to gain the Rewards then offer'd for this discovery declared 
 the Path leading from Wills Creek was infinitely preferable to 
 any that cou'd be made at any other place; Time and experience 
 
 66 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, II, 252-55. 
 
 •180- 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 so clearly demonstrated this truth, that the Pensylvania Traders 
 commonly carried their Goods thither by Will's Creek, there- 
 fore the Ohio Company in 1753 at a considerable Expense 
 open'd a Road thither. In 1754 the Troops I had the hon'r to 
 Command greatly repair'd it as far as Gist's Plantation; and 
 in 1755 it was widened and completed by General Braddock 
 within 6 miles of Fort Duquesne; consequently a Road that 
 has been so long open'd, so well repair'd; and so often, must 
 be much firmer and better than a new one, allowing the Ground 
 to be originally equally as good. 
 
 But supposing it was practicable to make a Road from Rays 
 Town quite as good as General Braddock's, I ask if we have 
 time to do it? certainly not, Surmounting the vast difficulties 
 to be encounter'd in making it over such monstrous Mountains, 
 covered with woods and Rocks wou'd require so much time 
 as to blast our otherwise well grounded hopes of striking the 
 long wish'd for and Important Stroke this Season; and deferring 
 it to another year wou'd, I am morally certain, be productive 
 of the most destructive Consequences to the Southern and mid- 
 dle Colonies; for they have to make a noble push towards 
 ending those Calamities under which they so long have groan'd, 
 granted supplies beyond their abilities. These Funds will, in a 
 few months be exhausted; the Troops of course disbanded. 67 
 Their inability and discouragement from so great a disappoint- 
 ment will prevent their attempting a similar effort against an- 
 other Season, and experience evinces, that Expence and Num- 
 bers must be encreas'd in proportion to our Delays. 
 
 The Southern Indians have from our bad Success, and inac- 
 
 67 Troops of the second Virginia regiment were enlisted only until the 
 first of December, 1758; troops of the first Virginia were authorized to serve 
 outside the boundaries of Virginia only until that date; Pennsylvania, Mary- 
 land, and North Carolina had appropriated no funds for paying their troops 
 beyond December 1, 1758. 
 
 181 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 tivity, long look'd upon us in a despicable light, have already- 
 committed Hostilities on our Frontiers, and only wait the re- 
 sult of this Campaign to unmask themselves; which wou'd be 
 such an acquisition to the Enemy as might terminate in our 
 Destruction. 
 
 The favourable accounts some give, of the Forage on the 
 Rays Town Road being so much better than the other is cer- 
 tainly exaggerated, greatly, as every unprejudiced person who 
 are acquainted with both, agrees that the only difference be- 
 tween the Mountains here and there is, that those are more 
 inaccessible; And it is well known that in both, the rich Valleys, 
 between the Mountains abound with good food, and those that 
 are Stony and Brushy are destitute; Colo. Byrd and the Engi- 
 neer that accompanied him confirm this truth; And surely the 
 Meadows on this Road wou'd greatly overbalance the advan- 
 tage of having Grass to the foot of the ridge on this side the 
 Mountain on the Rays Town Road and all agree that a more 
 barren Road is no where to be found than from Rays Town to 
 the Inhabitants which is likewise to be considered with the 
 badness of the Road. 
 
 And the Principal objection made to Genl. Braddock's Road 
 is that of the waters to pass; but these very rarely swell so 
 much as to obstruct the Passage. The Yaughyaughgane which 
 is the most rapid and soonest filled I with a Body of Troops, 
 have cross'd after 30 odd days almost constant Rain. In fine 
 any difficulties that may arise therefrom are so trivial that they 
 are really not worth mentioning. The Monongahela the largest 
 of all these Rivers, may if necessary, be easily avoided as Mr. 
 Frazer, 68 (the principal Guide) informs me by passing a Defile 69 
 
 68 John Frazier, the Indian trader who had lived at the mouth of Turtle 
 Creek until driven away by the French. 
 
 69 Turtle Creek Valley. 
 
 182 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 which I cannot conceive to be so bad as commonly represented; 
 but even that he tells me, may be shunn'd. 
 
 It is said again that there are many Defiles on this Road, I 
 grant there are some, but know of none that cannot be travers'd 
 if found necessary; and I shou'd be glad to know where a Road 
 can be had over these Mountains not subject to this Inconven- 
 ience, unless they kept the heights always, and that is imprac- 
 ticable. 
 
 The shortness of the Road from Rays Town to Fort Duquesne 
 by Loyal hanny, is us'd as an argument in disfavor of this Road, 
 and bears some thing in it unaccountable to me, for I must beg 
 leave to ask here, if it requires more time, or is it more difficult 
 and expensive, to go 145 miles in a good Road already made to 
 our hands, or to cut 100 miles in length, great part of which 
 over almost inaccessible Mountains, and, to say, or think, we 
 can do nothing more this Fall than to fortify some Post on the 
 other side of the Mountains and prepare against another Cam- 
 paigne I must pray Heaven, most fervently, to avert! . . . 
 
 ON LAUREL HILL AND LAURELS 
 
 Washington to Major Frances Halkett, 70 
 Fort Cumberland, Maryland, August 2, 1758 71 
 
 My dear Halkett: I am just return'd from a Conference held 
 with Colo. Bouquet. I find him fix'd, I think I may say fix'd, 
 upon leading you a New way to the Ohio; thro a Road, every 
 Inch of it to cut, at this advanced Season, when we have scarce 
 time left to tread the beaten Tract; universally confess'd to be 
 the best Passage through the Mountains. 
 
 If Colo. Bouquet succeeds in this point with the General, all 
 
 70 Major Francis Halkett was Forbes's aide and secretary. Sir Peter 
 Halkett, who fell at the battle of the Monongahela, was his father. 
 
 71 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, II, 260. 
 
 183 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 is lost! All is lost by Heavens! Our Enterprise Ruin'd; and we 
 stop'd at the Laurel Hill this Vinter; not to gather Laurels, 
 by the by . . . 
 
 INTELLIGENCE REPORT: SCOUTING FORT DUQUESNE 
 
 Journal of Lt. Coleby Chew, 72 August 7 to August 18, 1758 73 
 
 Monday, August the 7th 1758 
 
 I Set of from Rays town by order of Colo. Boquet With a 
 party of indians & White men to make What Discoverys I 
 could of the strenth & situation of the Enemy to the Westward 
 & proceeded as far this night as the Shawanese Cabbins. . . , 74 
 
 Tuesday the 8th We continued our Course a long the Old 
 Traiding Path Crossing the Alligany Ridge & encamped — at 
 Edmunds Swamp. . . , 75 
 
 Wednesday 9th We marched abt 9 miles ... to Quimahony 76 
 Creek at Which place we continued thursday ye 10th — Friday 
 the 11th We proceeded Early in the morning on our Way 
 crossed the Lauril Ridge & came to & Encampment at the 
 Loyal :hannon Old Town. . . . 
 
 Saturday the 12th We continued on our way along the Old 
 Tradg path Which kept for ten or twelve miles for the most 
 part a long the low Ground of the loyalhannon, 77 tho it some- 
 times turned off from the River & Crossed some Ridges & 
 
 72 Lieutenant Coleby Chew was an officer in the first Virginia. He was 
 killed on Grant's ill-fated expedition. 
 
 73 S. M. Hamilton, ed., Letters to Washington, III, 39-43. 
 
 74 Shawnee Cabins was a locality on the Shawnee branch of the Juniata 
 River west of Raystown. It is mentioned in the journals of early traders. The 
 site, south of Schellsburg, Pennsylvania, became a station on the Forbes road. 
 
 75 Now called Miller Run. 
 
 76 Quemahoning Creek. 
 
 77 Loyalhanna Creek, a branch of the Kiskimenetas. 
 
 184' 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 points of hills— the high land is well Timbered the Ridges not 
 high, the low Ground of the River & in general of all the Creeks: 
 Very bushy & thick. We this Day Discovered some Very late 
 sign of Indians. . . . 
 
 Sunday the 13 th we marched very early & continued on tell 
 10 oClock When our indians halted to Conger [conjure] as 
 they had all the Day seen a fresh sign of Indians; the low 
 Grounds & Swamps were Very thick & Bushy: We Sent out 
 Scouts Who continued out tell Near Dark Which Occasioned 
 us to Encamp there that Night. We Were informed by the scouts 
 that the Enemy had gone on directly towards F. Duquesne: 
 this Afternoon When the Sun was a bout an hour high we hear 
 12 Cannon fired as we imagined at F[ort] Dfuquesne]. 
 
 Monday the 14th. ... as the provision was Near spent the 
 Indians this Night held a Council in which it was Determined 
 that all Except my self a Serjt & five indians should Return. 
 
 Wednesday the 16th We sent Back those that were to Re- 
 turn & proceeded on our way being only seven in Number: 
 We came to where a large party of Indians had been abt 10 
 Days a goe I imagine from the size of their Encampment abt 
 100. . . . We here left the Old Tradg path & went . . . till we 
 Were within two miles of: F: D: then went to the N of W: 
 & came to an Old indian Town 78 on the Ohio Abt 1^ m. 
 Above the Fort We had a Very good View up & Down the 
 River: We saw some Cattle grasing on an Island Down the 
 River: We hid our selves in a thickett till the indians had con- 
 jured and painted after Which we Went Down The River 
 Within % of a m[ile] of the F[ort] then turned S.E. & went 
 up on a stony Ridge where the Chief Warriour took his conjur- 
 ing Implements & tyed them abt the Necks of three young 
 men indians & told them they could not be hurt: Round my 
 
 78 Shannopin's Town. 
 
 .185- 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Neck he Tyed the Otter Skin in Which the Conj'g Implements 
 had been kept & round the Serj'ts neck he tyed a Bag of Paint 
 that had been kept with the Implements, he then told us that 
 not one of us could be shot for those things Would turn the 
 Balls from us — He then made us Strip ourselves of all our 
 Cloaths Except our Breech Clouts & Mocasons, then shook 
 hands With us & told us to go & fight like men for nothing 
 could hurt us. The first View had of the fort was from the 
 Banks of the Ohio but a Great Distance: we saw one Batteau 
 two Cannoes, there were indians in the latter fishing. We were 
 there in a pasture fenced in With Trees sett one on another. 
 We saw by the Tracks that this pasture, the farthest part of 
 Which is only abt. % m: from F: D: was much frequented by 
 indians. from Which I Could make no Great Discovery Except 
 of the Number of tents till Almost sun seting at Which Time 
 I let the Indians know that I wanted them to Accompany me 
 to the top of a Ridge 79 that Run Down in the forks Directly 
 towards the F: but they disliked the proposal & refused as they 
 were in great Expectations of geting a Scalp there— however 
 When they saw that I was Determined to go & had proceeded 
 on towards the place they followed me — from the top of this 
 Ridge I had an extraordinary good View as it was considerably 
 higher than the F & scarce half mile Distant from it, there 
 were fifty or sixty tents pitched on the Ohio abt. 100 yards 
 from the Fort & there are several houses on Monongahela. 
 there were Neither Cannoes nor Batteaus in this that I Could 
 perceive, nor Could I discover any New Works abt. the fort. 
 I do imagine the men parade in the Fort as I saw them going 
 in at Retreat Beating 80 but from What I Saw I do not judge 
 that they have above 300 Frenchmen, the Indians kept a con- 
 
 79 Grant's Hill. 
 
 80 That is, when the drums beat the evening retreat. 
 
 186< 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 tinual Hooping but I Could not see their Camp unless the Tents 
 I mentioned were pitched for them Which I judge were from 
 the fires & the Appearance of the people at them whom by 
 their looks, noise &c. I imagine to be Indians — I could see no 
 Sign of a Camp or Buildings on the other Side of either of the 
 Rivers — After Dark the Indians got to Singing & Dancing from 
 their noise I judge them to be abt. fifty in Number all which 
 the Cherokees told me were Shawnese. As I have taken a plan 
 of the place & Fort as well as I could upon a Separate paper, 
 I shall make no mention of it here . . . . 
 
 From the top of this Ridge I moved to another place nearer 
 to the monongahala but could make no further Discovery From 
 this place we went back to the Chief Warriour & after some 
 consultion a greed to return home — upon Which we came abt. 
 a mile & Near the Tradg path encamped — We heard the In- 
 dians singing & Dancing all night — — — 
 
 Thursday 17th. As soon as Day break we began our march 
 which we continued Very fast till 1 oClock in Which time we 
 came about 30 miles & overtook our party that was ordered 
 back We then made a short halt & refreshed our selves after 
 which we continued our march together & came Abt. 12 miles. 
 Abt. 2 miles before we encampt we came upon some fresh 
 Tracks that came along the path Eastwards — — — 
 
 Fryday the 18th. we continued on our Way pursuing the 
 Tracks that we Came on last Night. The low grounds & 
 Branches I mentioned in my Journal as I went towards F: D: 
 are Very low & liable to be Overflowed & consequently Very 
 moist & Soft so that I am a fraid a Road tho' them Will be 
 Very indifferent for Carriages We followed the Tracks till 
 night When we encamped abt. 4 miles from the Camp at 
 Quimahony Creek 
 
 Saterday the 19th. We marched Early in the morning & came 
 
 187 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 to the camp Where we found that it was Ensn. Aliens 81 party 
 that we had tracked & that they arrived a Camp But last Night. 
 
 GUERILLA WARFARE IN THE FOREST 
 
 Bouquet to Forbes, Raystown, August 8, 1758 82 
 
 Yesterday I had word that three sutlers' 83 wagons which 
 were going from Juniata to Fort Littleton without escort, were 
 attacked beyond Sideling Hill by nine Indians who scalped two 
 wagoners and took two prisoners. And I learned just now that 
 one of our convoys, coming here escorted by only thirteen men, 
 was attacked on this side of the same mountain, and had two 
 soldiers wounded. On hearing of the first, I sent out a party of 
 thirteen Indians and seven volunteers to cut them off by an 
 ambush on the Franks town road. 84 Another party of eight In- 
 dians and five volunteers with an officer from Virginia has 
 marched in the direction of Venango, with orders to take a posi- 
 tion on the communication with the fort and to try to discover 
 if there is not a hidden camp. A third party is on the route 
 beyond Loyal Hannon. A fourth is going straight to the fort, 
 and I have written to Colonel Washington to push on ahead 
 on Braddock's route to stay there in ambush. I hope that we 
 shall encounter some party, and if some of their men can be 
 killed, that will make them more cautious. 
 
 81 Ensign John Allen of the first Virginia. 
 
 82 Papers of Bouquet, II, 337. 
 
 83 A sutler was an independent merchant who followed the army to sell 
 provisions and supplies to the soldiers. 
 
 84 Frankstown, located on the branch of the Juniata River of the same name, 
 is today in Blair County. The Franks family, traders of Philadelphia, probably 
 gave the locality its name. The Frankstown trail led to the Allegheny River 
 at Kittanning, by way of Frankstown. 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 INTELLIGENCE REPORT: 
 SCOUTING THE ENGLISH ARTILLERY 
 
 Bouquet to Forbes, Raystown, August 18, 1758 85 
 
 The enemy has discovered us, as one of their parties took a 
 prisoner Saturday near the Shawnee Cabins, who escaped after 
 being with them for two days. He said that the six Indians who 
 captured him spoke English as well as he could, which makes 
 me fear that they are some of our friends the Delawares. They 
 went along about 1 50 paces from our workmen, and asked him 
 several pertinent questions about the artillery. When he did 
 not give a correct answer, they told him that he lied, that we 
 had only so many cannon. The rascals have doubtless been fol- 
 lowing the convoy for several days. 
 
 DIPLOMATIC REPORT: FORBES MOVES TO 
 WIN BACK THE OHIO INDIANS 
 
 Forbes to Bouquet, Shippensburg, Pennsylvania, August 18, 1758 86 
 
 After many Intreigues with the Quakers, the Commissioners, 
 the Governour &c, and with the Governour and Government 
 of new Jersey and by the downright Bullying of Sir William 
 Johnson &c. I hope I have now brought a Convention with the 
 Indians of whatever denomination or Tribe, pretty near to a 
 Crissis. 87 The six nations and all the Chief men of the Indians 
 living to the eastward of the Lakes and upon the Ohio as far 
 
 85 Papers of Bouquet, II, 380. 
 
 86 Papers of Bouquet, II, 383. 
 
 87 Forbes hoped to win the western Indians away from the French. In the 
 negotiations, the English commander had two factors in his favor. The 
 French, due to British naval action, were unable to supply the Indians with 
 trade goods of sufficient quantity and at a reasonable price. Further, the 
 Indians were beginning to suspect that the British would win the war, and 
 thought it politic to be on the winning side. 
 
 189' 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 down as the Wabache, and Illinoi, have all accepted of our Belts 
 of Invitation and friendship, and have promised to meet the 
 Governours and Commissioners from all those different Prov- 
 inces at East town 88 in Pennsylvania by the 12th or midle of 
 September, where I think nothing can prevent a solid peace 
 being established with most of those Indian tribes, as the Indian 
 Claims appear to me both Just and Moderate, and what no man 
 in their senses or in our situation with regard to the Indians 
 would hesitate half an hour in granting them. 
 
 COLONEL BOUQUET CONSIDERS A DECLARATION 
 OF WAR ON PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 Bouquet to Forbes, Raystown Camp, August 20, 1758 89 
 
 Forage is another article which will require . . . wagons. 
 Hoops 90 says that almost all those which are in service can no 
 longer be used, or would take so long on the way that they 
 could not be depended on, aside from the expense and the quan- 
 tity of forage they consume. There remains only one decision 
 to take in my opinion, which is to dismiss all the wagons in bad 
 condition and hire new ones. That is the difficulty: to count 
 on the good will of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania or on the 
 press warrants 91 of the magistrates would be folly, and we 
 should die of hunger. You have no more regular troops to use 
 for that purpose, but there are about 300 provincials between 
 Shippensburg, Carlisle, and the east side of Susquehanna, not 
 counting the 200 men at Fort Augusta. These fine gentlemen 
 will not impress anyone unless you give them a leader who will 
 
 88 Easton, Pennsylvania. 
 
 89 Papers of Bouquet, II, 398. 
 
 90 Adam Hoops, an army contractor, from Carlisle. 
 
 91 Legal orders authorizing the use by the military of civilians' wagons. 
 
 190- 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 make them step. I think that Sir John 92 would be very suitable 
 for that expedition, and that if you would terrorize the entire 
 province and would find for you, between Philadelphia, Lan- 
 caster, Berks County, and York, 300 wagons which might bring 
 us in a single trip about three months' supply of flour. . . . 
 
 I know that the whole province will cry murder, but if that 
 measure is necessary for the success of the expedition, their 
 unfounded complaints will not stop you. 
 
 THE ARMY MARCHES: INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE 
 ADVANCE TO LOYALHANNA 
 
 Bouquet to Col. James Burd, Raystown, about August 23, 1758 93 
 
 Sir 
 
 You are to march from Reas Town Camp the 23d Aug: wth 
 the R.A. 
 
 1st Highland Batt 94 5 Companies 
 
 Your own Batt. 
 
 one division of artillery 
 
 Entrenching Tools 
 
 — Waggons loaded wth Provisions. 
 
 You are to proceed to Loyal Hannon, leaving your Waggons 
 where the Road is not open with orders to join you with all 
 possible Expedition. 
 
 When the three days Provisions taken by your men are con- 
 sumed (they are Served for the 25th Inclusive) you will take 
 Provisions out of the Waggons of your Convoy, and make them 
 carry Part of the other Waggon's load: 
 
 The Horses are to be tyed every night upon the mountain, 
 
 92 Sir John St. Clair, who had performed the same function for Braddock. 
 
 93 Papers of Bouquet, II, 406-408. 
 
 94 Battalion. 
 
 191 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 as they would otherwise be lost; . . . They could perhaps be 
 lefft loose at Edmunds Swamp, and Kickeny Pawlins. 
 
 Lieut Chew wth a Party are to be detached from the Top 
 of the Allegheny to reconoitre in a Straight Line the ground 
 betwixt that place and the Gap of Lawrill hill, he is to cross 
 that Gap, observing the course of the Water, and the Path; 
 and is to join the detachment at L. H. All the detachments of 
 the R. A. R. those of the 5 Compys of Highlanders, and of 
 your own Battn are to march with you to Loyal H. with 3 or 
 4 days Provisions for the whole. Col. Stephens is to march wth 
 you and his Six Compys. 
 
 at the Place where you leave the Artillery and Waggons, 
 your Men are to carry the Tools themselves, Packing on the 
 Horses the Saws GrindStones, &. 
 
 You are to employ all the Pack Horses of the first Batt. and 
 those that you may find on the Road to carry your Provisions 
 untill the Waggons can come to you, and load the 5 Barrils of 
 Cartridges; Drive also Some Bullocks. 
 
 As Soon as you arrive at L.H. Mr. Basset is to lay out your 
 Incampment at the Place assigned by Mr. Rhor, 95 with two 
 Small Redouts at 200 yards; All hands are then to be employed 
 in entrenching the Camp; Those who have no Tools will pitch 
 the Tents, cook, and the rest releave one another in the Work. 
 
 Before night the Ground must be reconoitred and your ad- 
 vanced guards posted; The Centrys are to releave every hour 
 in the night, without noise. 
 
 No Drum is to beat as long as you judge that the Post has 
 not been reconnoitred by the Ennemys. 
 
 Suffer (in the beginning chieffly) no hunters or Stragglers, 
 to prevent their being taken. No gun to be fired. 
 
 a Store house of 120 foot long, and at least 25 wide is to be 
 
 95 Lieutenant Thomas Basset and Ensign Charles Rhor were engineers. 
 
 •192- 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 built immediately to lodge your Provisions and Ammunition, 
 in the Place where the Fort is to be erected, and covered with 
 Shingles. 
 
 All the Artificers are to be put to Work: the Sayiers 96 and 
 Shingle Makers with the Smiths first. 
 
 an Hospital is to be built near the Fort, and Ovens. Mr. Rhor 
 is to give the direction for the Fort. 
 
 If there is any possibility of making Hay, no time is to be 
 lost, and the clear grounds are to be kept for that use, and not 
 Serve for Pasture. 
 
 send proper People to reconnoitre where sea Coal 97 could be 
 got, if there is none, Char coal must be made. 
 
 The houses of office to be kept clean and covered every day. 
 
 The ammunition and Arms carefully inspected, the Arms 
 loaded with a running Ball. 
 
 The Tools to be delivered to Each Party upon Receipt of 
 their Commanding officer, who is to See them returned to the 
 Stores before night. 
 
 The Intrenchmt is to be divided by tasks, and all the officers 
 are to inspect the Work. 
 
 If you Send any Party forward, Don't permit them to take 
 Scalps, which Serves only to render the Ennemys more vigilant. 
 No Party is to be Sent, untill you hear from Major Armstrong 98 
 and Capt. Shelby. 99 
 
 It would perhaps be proper to change every day the place of 
 your advanced Posts; secure all avenues. If any difficulty 
 Should occur to you, Consult Major Grant, 100 whose Experi- 
 
 96 Sawyers— that is, workmen who did sawing work. 
 
 97 An early name for bituminous coal. 
 
 98 Major George Armstrong served in the third battalion of the Pennsyl- 
 vania regiment. 
 
 99 Captain Evan Shelby was an officer of the Maryland troops. 
 
 100 Major James Grant of the 77th regiment, or Highlanders, as the 77th 
 
 193 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 ence and perfect Knowledge of the Service you may rely in- 
 tirely upon. 
 
 I give you the above instructions by way of Memorandum, 
 and you are at Liberty to make any alterations that your Judg- 
 ment and the Circumstances may direct. 
 
 Let me hear from you every two days; You know that Some 
 of the Provincial officers are not vigilant upon Guard. Warn 
 them every day. They could ruin all our affairs : Keep a Journal 
 of your Proceedings. 
 
 THE DEATH OF A CATAWBA CHIEF 
 
 Washington to Bouquet, Fort Cumberland, Maryland, 
 August 24, 1758 101 
 
 When the Convoy got within 6 Miles of this garrison 3 
 Cuttawba men and 2 Squaws (contrary to the advice of the 
 Officers) set on before the Convoy for this Camp, and soon 
 after were fir'd upon by about 10 or 12 of the Enemy; who kill'd 
 Captn. Bullen, and Captn. French, 102 and wounded one of the 
 Squaws; the loss we sustain by the death of these two Indians, 
 is at this juncture very considerable, as they were remarkable 
 for their bravery, and attachment to Our Interest; particularly 
 poor Bullen whom (and the other) we buried with Military 
 Honours. 
 
 "THE LUCKLESS FATE OF POOR VIRGINIA" 
 
 Washington to John Robinson, 103 Fort Cumberland, Maryland, 
 September 1, 1758 104 
 
 My dear Sir: We are still Incamp'd here, very sickly; and 
 
 was usually referred to, did not prove as reliable as Bouquet indicates in 
 this passage. 
 
 101 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, II, 274. 
 
 194' 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 quite dispirited at the prospect before Us. That appearance of 
 Glory once in view, that hope, that laudable Ambition of serv- 
 ing Our Country, and meriting its applause, is now no more! 
 Tis dwindled into ease; Sloth, and fatal inactivity, and in a 
 Word, All is lost. . . . 
 
 We seem then, to act under an evil Geni, the conduct of our 
 Leaders (if not actuated by superior Orders) is temper'd with 
 something, I don't care to give a name to, indeed I will go 
 further, and say they are d— ps, or something worse to 
 P— s— v— n 105 Artifice, to whose selfish views I attribute the 
 miscarriage of this Expedition, for nothing now but a Miracle 
 can bring this Campaigne to a happy Issue. . . . 
 
 See therefore how our time has been mispent; behold the 
 golden oppertunity lost; and perhaps never regain'd. How is it 
 to be accounted for? can G— 1 F— s 106 have Orders for this? 
 Impossible: Will then our Injur'd Country 107 pass by such 
 abuses? I hope not. Rather let a full Representation of the mat- 
 ter go to His Majesty. Let him know how grossly his Hon'r 
 and the Publick money have been prostituted. I wish I was sent 
 immediately home as an Aide to some other on this Errand. 
 I think without vanity I cou'd set the Conduct of this Expedi- 
 tion in its true colours, having taken some pains, perhaps more 
 
 102 Despite their anglicized names and titles, Captain Johnny Bullen and 
 Captain French were Catawba warriors. Bullen was "adopted" by Bouquet 
 as a "son." Bullen and French were among the few reliable Indian allies 
 of the British. 
 
 103 John Robinson was Speaker of the Virginia House of Burgesses. 
 Throughout his career, he speculated extensively in western lands. Robinson 
 was a close personal friend of Washington's. 
 
 104 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, II, 276-78. 
 
 105 The two words not spelled out are clearly "dupes" and "Pennsylvanian." 
 
 106 General Forbes. 
 
 107 In the years before the Revolution, when Washington spoke of his 
 "country," he meant, as a rule, Virginia. 
 
 195 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 than any other to dive into the bottom of it. But no more, adieu 
 my dear Sir. It has long been the luckless Fate of Poor Virginia 
 to fall a Victum to the views of her Crafty Neighbours; and 
 yield her honest efforts to promote their common Interest at 
 the expence of much Blood and Treasure; while her sincerety 
 justified her Measures. We now can only bewail that blindness, 
 and wish for happier times, which seem at so remote a distance, 
 that it is rather to be wish'd than expected. 
 
 LETTER TO WILLIAM PITT- 
 THE PROGRESS OF THE CAMPAIGN 
 
 Forbes to Pitt, Fort Loudoun, Pennsylvania, September 6, 1758 108 
 
 In my last letter I had the honour to acquaint you, of my 
 procedings in the new road across the Alleganey Mountains, 
 and over Laurell Hill (leaving the Rivers Yohiegany and Mo- 
 nongahela to my left hand) strait to the Ohio, by which I have 
 saved a great deal of way, and prevented the misfortunes that 
 the overflowing of those rivers might occasion. I acquainted 
 you likewise of the suspicions I had of the small trust I could 
 repose in the Pennsylvanians in assisting of me with any one 
 necessary, or any help in furthering the Service that they did 
 not think themselves compelled to do by the words of your 
 letter to them. 
 
 As likewise of almost the total defection and desertion of 
 the Southern Indians (except 80) who after the receiving of 
 their presents &c. have all returned home not without commit- 
 ting . . . outrages upon the scattered Inhabitants of the North- 
 west parts of Virginia in their return. 
 
 I thought fit to recapitulate this least my letters dont come 
 to hand regularly as there is no post in those parts, nor any 
 
 108 Writings of Forbes, 202-206. 
 
 196 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 regular one anywhere except from Philadelphia, By New York, 
 to Boston; and even there one may be three Months in receiv- 
 ing a Letter, that ought to be delivered in ten days, besides my 
 letters must now go by Mercht. Ships, which makes the delivery 
 very precarious. I hinted to you in my former, of my endeav- 
 ouring to bring about a Treaty betwixt the Delaware Indians 
 &ca. neighbours to those Provinces, but of late drove into the 
 Arms of French and removed to the Ohio, as the Indians de- 
 mands were but few, and to me seemingly not unreasonable, I 
 thought the reclaiming of those Tribes would be of very great 
 Service to the Publick in weakening of the French Interest by 
 setting a good example to other Western Tribes of Indians, who 
 it is said have all the Inclination to be well with us, wanting 
 only an Opportunity, and an Assurance of protection to declare 
 themselves for us, or at least to remain neutralls. 
 
 This is almost brought to a Crisis, their Chief Men being 
 hourly expected at East-town upon the Delaware, where the 
 Governr. of Pennsylvania and Jersey are to meet them and 
 settle Preliminaries; I wish it could have been done sooner, and 
 that they could have had time to remove, because now my scene 
 of offensive Operations must imediately be put in Execution, 
 when it will be hard for me to distinguish betwixt our friendly 
 disposed Indians, and our real Enemies. 
 
 My advanced post consisting of 1 500 Men, are now in pos- 
 session of a strong post 109 9 Miles on the other side of Laurell 
 Hill and about 40 from Fort Du Quesne, nor had the Enemy 
 ever suspected my attempting such a road till very lately, they 
 having been all along securing the strong passes, and fords of 
 the rivers, upon General Braddock's route. 
 
 My greatest distress and what maybe a real hindrance to me 
 for some days is the provisions, which altho' every care im- 
 
 109 Loyalhanna. 
 
 197 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 aginable was taken by contracting for great Numbers of Wag- 
 gons and Baggage horses at a very great Expence. Yet all has 
 not been able, to supply the present consumption, and the 
 maintaining of three Month's Provisions in store to carry along 
 with us— This I early foresaw and acquainted the Governr.:, 
 and the Assembly Commissioners of my Doubts, arising from 
 the villiany of the Inhabitants in furnishing their worst Horses 
 at so critical a juncture, — By contract they being obliged to 
 carry 2000 lb weight per Waggon, such a length of road in 
 such a specified time, but cannot carry above 1400 at most and 
 take up four and twenty days in place of twelve to execute it in. 
 
 I have wrote the Governr. in very strong Terms upon this 
 head, beging he would shew it to their Assembly now sitting, 
 in order that they may fall upon Methods of sending from 
 Philadelphia, and parts adjacent, three Months provisions at 
 once . . . altho' sad experience makes me dread that their dilatory 
 Measures, and contrary factions, will so retard, so absolutely 
 necessary a transport as to throw me, and the little Army I 
 have the honour to command, into very great distress. 
 
 I was greatly afraid that the unfortunate stop General Aber- 
 crombie 110 met with, might have enabled the French to strengthen 
 themselves with regulars in those parts, but from every Intel- 
 ligence I can possibly get, any reinforcements that have joined 
 or are likely to join them, are the West Country Indians, who 
 returned from Ticonderoga, who likewise may tire at Fort Du 
 Quesne, but of this I hope to be better informed, when still a 
 little nigher them, by the Means of deserters of whom as yet 
 we have not had one come in, and there is but little trust to be 
 put in the best Spies you can find, or in the small scouting parties 
 
 110 Major General James Abercromby had succeeded Lord Loudoun as 
 British commander in chief for North America. His "unfortunate stop" was 
 his failure to take Ticonderoga from the French earlier in the summer. 
 
 198 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 that you send for discovery, & no truth at all to be expected 
 from an Indian. . . . 
 
 I vainly at the beginning flattered myself that some very 
 good Service might be drawn from the Virginia, & Pennsylvania 
 Forces, but am sorry to find that a few of their principle Officers 
 excepted, all the rest are an extream bad Collection of broken 
 Innkeepers, Horse Jockeys, & Indian traders, and that the Men 
 under them, are a direct copy of their Officers, nor can it well 
 be otherwise, as they are a gathering from the scum of the 
 worst of people, in every Country, who have wrought them- 
 selves up, into a panick at the very name of Indians who at 
 the same time are more infamous cowards, than any other race 
 of mankind. 
 
 If it should please God to grant Success to His Majesty's 
 Arms in their Attempts upon the Ohio, and which I think can't 
 well fail, I shall be greatly at a loss how to dispose of Fort Du 
 Quesne, whether to blow it up, and destroy it and the whole 
 Settlements thereabout, or to keep it and leave a Garrison there 
 for the Winter, the execution of the first is as easy, as the 
 second appears to be attended with many difficulties, all of 
 which must naturally occur to you, from its great distance from 
 any of the inhabited parts of those Provinces, and consequently 
 the great difficulties of either supporting it, or supplying it 
 with Necessaries during a long severe Winter. 
 
 I have consulted the Governours of Pennsylvania and Vir- 
 ginia upon this head, and to know what Number of Troops 
 they could leave there in case it was thought proper to preserve 
 it, to which I have had no positive answer, but I know the 
 Pennsylvania troops will disband the first of December unless 
 their Assembly makes a new Provision for their Support. 
 
 In a few days I shall have most of my Troops moved forward 
 towards the head, there to be in readyness of seizing the first 
 
 199 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 favourable Opportunity of marching to the Banks of the Ohio, 
 which I now have in my power of doing, by a march of 48 
 hours, and if refused the Carriages demanded from the Penn- 
 sylvanians, or they appear too tardy, and dilatory in the execu- 
 tion thereof, I shall most certainly try it upon flour, and rice, 
 with the Assistance of what live Cattle we can carry forward 
 with us. 
 
 My health, that has been extreamly precarious these two 
 years, has of late been very near brought to a close, by a long 
 and severe attack of a bloody flux, 111 which has reduced me 
 to a state of weakness that I am obliged to travel in a Hurdle 
 carried betwixt two Horses, but I hope the animating spirits 
 of being able to do the smallest Service to my King and Country, 
 will leave nothing undone on my part that can anyways con- 
 tribute to the Success of so glorious a cause. 
 
 FORBES DAMNS PENNSYLVANIANS 
 
 Forbes to Bouquet, Raystown, September 17, 1758 112 
 
 ... I have seen with regret for this some time past a Jealousy 
 and suspicion subsisting on the part of the Virginians which 
 they can have no reason for, as I believe neither you nor I 
 values one farthing where we get provisions from, provided we 
 are supplyed, or Interest ourselves either with Virginia or 
 Pennsylvania, which last I hope will be damn'd for their treat- 
 ment of us with the Waggons, and every other thing where they 
 could profit by us from their impositions, Altho' at the risque 
 of our perdition. 
 
 111 Dysentery. 
 
 112 Writings of Forbes, 212-13. 
 
 200- 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 THE FIRST BATTLE-MAJOR GRANT'S DEFEAT 
 
 Washington to John Augustine Washington, 
 Raystown, September 25, 1758 113 
 
 ... I greatly bewail the misfortune that gives rise to the 
 following relation. Major Grant of the Highlanders with a 
 Chosen detachment of 800 Marchd from Our advanced Post at 
 Loyal Hannan the 12th Instt. for Fort Duquesne what to do 
 there I cannot certainly say, but it is reported and I suppose 
 justly, to Annoy the Enemy and gain Intelligence. In the Night 
 of the 13th. He took post with his Troops in sevel. Columns 
 on a Hill 114 just above the Fort, from whence he sent out to 
 Reconnoitre the Works, this they did, and burnt a Log House 
 just by the Walls. Not content with this Success Majr Grant 
 must needs sent an Engineer in full view of the Fort next morn- 
 ing with a covering Party to take a Plan of the place, he also 
 ordered Majr Lewis 115 two Miles back to their Baggage Guard 
 where Captn. Bullet 116 Commanded, and while this was doing 
 causd the Revielle to beat in different places; which causd the 
 Enemy to Salle upon them in very great numbers, hence ensued 
 an obstinate Engagement and the running away of the Pen- 
 sylvanians, who were just behind, and ought to have Sustaind 
 the Highlanders. Majr Lewis notwithstanding his former Or- 
 ders Marchd up the Virginians with great dispatch and Intre- 
 pidity .... their bravely fell with more of my Officers besides 
 Captn Walter Stewart 117 who was left wounded in the Field 
 (but is since come in) I had also 62 killd; this is a heavy 
 stroke upon the Regiment who only had 8 Officers 166 Men 
 
 113 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, XXXVII, 482-83. 
 
 114 Grant's Hill. 
 
 115 Major Andrew Lewis of the first Virginia. 
 
 116 Captain Thomas Bullet of the first Virginia. 
 
 117 An officer of the first Virginia. 
 
 201 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 there. I inclose you a Return of all the Troops that were there, 
 of the killd wounded &ca. Your Friend Bullett has acquired im- 
 mense honour in this Action, defending himself with what 
 Virginian's were left against the whole Force of the Enemy 
 while his Ammunition lasted, and then was the last Man that 
 left the Field. It is with infinite pleasure I till you that the 
 Virginians, Officers and Men, distinguish themselves in the 
 most eminent manner, and the General has Complimented me 
 publickly on their good behaviour, and that every Mouth re- 
 sounds their Praises. The Highlanders and them are become 
 one People, shaking each other by the hand wherever they meet 
 tho perfect Stranger's. . . . 
 
 MAJOR GRANT'S ACCOUNT-"I HOPE I SHALL NEVER SEE 
 AGAIN SUCH PANNICK AMONG TROOPS" 
 
 Grant to Forbes, Fort Duquesne, about September 14, 1758 118 
 
 The Instructions when I left Loyl Hannon was that a par- 
 ticular party should be sent to Attack each Indian fire, but as 
 those Fires either had not been made, or were burnt out before 
 we got to the Ground, it was impossible to make any disposi- 
 tion of that kind. Major Lewis was informed of every particular 
 of our Project before we marched from Loyal Hannon, & was 
 told there that he was to Command the Troops that was to be 
 sent upon the Attack, as I was to continue upon the height to 
 make a Disposition for covering His retreat (which we did not 
 desire to be made in good Order) & for forming the Rear 
 Guard in our March from the Fort, & you'l easily believe that 
 He & I had frequent Conversation upon the March about our 
 Plan of Operations. I sent for Him, the moment ... the Troops 
 
 118 Papers of Bouquet, II, 500-504. The French permitted Grant to send 
 this account to Forbes from Fort Duquesne. 
 
 202 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 arrived upon the Hill, Opposite to the Fort & told him that as 
 we had been misinformed by the Guides with regard to the 
 distance, & by that means had got there much later than we 
 expected, it was impossible to make the projected disposition 
 of a party of Men for the Attack of each Fire, but that it was 
 impossible to continue another Day without being discovered, 
 & that as the Night was far advanced there was no time to be 
 lost. I therefore ordered Him to march directly with 100 
 Americans 119 200 Highlanders & 100 Virginians & to Attack 
 every thing that was found about the Fort. I gave Orders that 
 no Attention should be paid to the Cen tries, who probably 
 would challenge & in case they were fired upon they were not 
 to return it upon any Account. But to march On as fast as 
 possible & were not to fire a Shot, 'till they were close to the 
 Enemy— & that after they discharged their pieces they were 
 to Use their Bayonets without Loading a Second time. I told 
 the Major that I would Order all our Drums & Pipes 120 to 
 beat the retreat, when it was time for the Troops to retire, that 
 I was indifferent what Order they came back in, for that it 
 was the same thing to me if [there] was not three of them to- 
 gether, provided they did the Business they were sent upon. 
 
 The Major had not half a Mile to march into the open plain 
 where the Fort stands, the 400 Men under His Command had 
 a white Shirt over His Cloaths, to prevent Mistakes, & . . . 
 they might even at a distance distinguish One another; I saw 
 the Americans and Highlanders march off & gave directions 
 that the Virginians should fall in— in the Rear, sending a greater 
 Number of Men, might possibly I thought Occasion confusion, 
 & I was of Opinion that 400 Men were quite sufficient to carry 
 the Service into Execution. I was absolutely certain we were 
 
 119 Troops of the Royal American regiment. 
 
 120 The bagpipes of the Highlanders. 
 
 203 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 not discovered when the Troops marched from the Hill. I 
 thought our loss must be inconsiderable, & I never doubted 
 but that everything would succeed beyond our most sanguine 
 expectations. 
 
 After Posting the remaining part of the Troops in the best 
 manner I could, I placed myself with the Drums & Pipes at 
 the Head of the Highlanders, who were in the Center & exactly 
 Opposite the Fort, during the Operation the time passed, the 
 Day Advanced fast upon us, & was turning uneasy at not hear- 
 ing the Attack begin, when to my great Astonishment, Major 
 Lewis came up & told Me. "That is was impossible to doe 
 any thing, that the Night was dark, that the Road was bad, 
 worse than anything I had ever seen, that there were Logs of 
 wood across it, that their were fences to pass that the troops 
 had fallen into Confusion, & that it was a Mercy they had not 
 fired upon one another, that they had made so much noise he 
 was sure they must be discovered. & that it was impossible 
 for the Men to find their way back thro' those Woods.' 7 — these 
 were exactly the Words he made use of— this behaviour in an 
 Officer was new to Me. His Conduct in Overturning a long 
 projected Scheme & in disobeying such positive Orders, was 
 so Unaccountable that I could not speak to him with common 
 patience, so that I just made Answer to his last words that 
 the Men according to the Orders that had been given would 
 have found their way back to the Drums when the Retreat beat. 
 — So I left Him & went as fast as I could to Lieut. McKenzie 121 
 & Mr. Rhor, to see what the matter was & to give directions 
 for the Attack if the thing was practicable. I found the Troops 
 in the greatest confusion I ever saw Men in, which to say truth 
 was not surprizing, for the Major had brought them back from 
 
 121 Since there were three Lieutenant McKenzies with Grant, it is im- 
 possible to say which one this was. 
 
 204- 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 the plain when he returned himself, and every body then took 
 a Road of their own. I found it was impossible to think of form- 
 ing them for an Attack, and the Morning was too far advanced 
 to send for the other Troops from the other places where they 
 were posted, tho' I was reduced after all my hopes of Success, 
 to this melancholly Situation, that something at least might be 
 Attempted, I sent Liets. Robinson 122 & McDonald, 123 with 50 
 Men to make an Attack at a place, where Two or Three Fires 
 had been seen the night before. I desired them to kill a Dozen 
 of Indians if possible, & I would be satisfied, they went di- 
 rectly to the place they were ordered, & finding none of the 
 Indians they set fire to the House, but it was daylight before 
 they could return I mention this last Circumstance that it might 
 appear clearly to you it was not in my Power, to send a greater 
 Number. 
 
 The surprize was Compleat the Governour 124 knew nothing 
 of us or our March & in all probability the Enterprize must 
 have succeeded against the Camp as well as against the Indians, 
 if the Attempt had been made. So favourable an Opportunity 
 I dare say never was lost; The Difficulties which Major Lewis 
 had represented to Me to be unsurmountable appeared to Me 
 as they Certainly were absolutely imaginary I marched above 12 
 Miles that night with an advanced Guard & flanking Parties 
 before it without the least Confusion the Major had not a Mile 
 to march to the Fort and above two thirds of that way in an 
 Open plain. & I can safly declare that there is no part of the 
 Road in getting into the plain, worse than what I had passed 
 with out any great difficulty in comeing up the Hill. I made no 
 Secret to the People who were then about Me, that I was so 
 
 122 Archibald Robinson of the Highlanders. 
 
 123 One of two Lieutenant Alexander McDonalds with the Highlanders. 
 
 124 Captain de Ligneris, commander of Fort Duquesne. 
 
 205 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 much dissatisfied with the Majors Conduct, that I was deter- 
 mined to Carry him back to Camp in Arrest, that he might 
 Answer to you for his behaviour. Several Officers heard Me 
 say — As Mr. Bentick 125 if he escaped has no doubt informed, 
 that it was my Intention, however I did not think it Advisable 
 to take any Step of that kind 'till we were out of reach of the 
 Enemy. I therefore sent Major Lewis the 14th at break of Day 
 with the Americans & Virginians to reinforce Capt. Bullet who 
 I had left with about 50 Men as a Guard upon our Horses & 
 Provisions, within 2 Miles of the Fort directly upon the Road 
 by which we were to return to our Camp. I was afraid the 
 Enemy might possibly send a Detatchment that way to take 
 Possession of some Passes to harrass us in Our March, or per- 
 haps to endeavour to cut us off in case we were forced to make 
 a Retreat — & I directed the Major to place these Troops in 
 Ambuscade that he might have all the Advantage possible of 
 any party that could be sent out. — about 7 in the Morning after 
 the fog was gone & the Day cleared up it was found impossible 
 to take a Plan of the Fort from the height where the Troops 
 were posted, & as Colo. Bouquet & I had settled that a Plan 
 should be taken A la bar be de la Garisson 126 in case Our Attempt 
 did not succed in the Night. I sent Mr. Rhor with Capt. 
 McDonald 127 & a hundred Men to take the Plan, with direc- 
 tions not to expose himself or the Troops, about the same time 
 being informed that some of the Enemy Indians had discovered 
 Capt. McKenzie, 128 who was posted upon the left almost face- 
 ing the Monongehela. in Order to put on a good Countenance, 
 & to Convince our Men they had no reason to be Afraid, I 
 
 125 Lieutenant Rudolph Bentinck of the Royal American regiment. 
 
 126 Literally, "in the beard of the garrison." 
 
 127 Captain William McDonald of the Highlanders. 
 
 128 Captain Hugh McKenzie of the Highlanders. 
 
 206 
 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 gave directions to our Drums to beat the Reveille, the Troops 
 were in an Advantageous Post, & I must own I thought we 
 had nothing to fear. — For about half an Hour after the Enemy- 
 came from the Fort, in different parties, without much Order, 
 & getting behind Forces they advanced briskly, & Attacked 
 our left where there were 250 Men. Capt. McDonald & Lieu- 
 tennant Campbel 129 were soon killed Lieut. McDonald was 
 wounded at the same time, & our People being Over powered, 
 gave way, where those Officers had been killed, I did all in 
 my power to keep things in Order but to no purpose. The 100 
 Pensylvanians who were posted upon the right at the greatest 
 distance from the Enemy, went Off without Orders, & without 
 Firing a Shott. in short in less than half an Hour all was in Con- 
 fusion & as soon as that happened we were fired upon from 
 every Quarter. I endeavoured to rally the Troops upon every 
 rising Ground & I did all in my Power in that Melancholly 
 Situation to make the best Retreat I could. I sent an Officer to 
 Major Lewis to make the best disposition he could, with ye 
 Americans & Virginians, till I could come up, & I was in hopes 
 to be able to make a Stand there, and at last to make a tolerable 
 retreat Unfortunately upon hearing the firing the Major . . . 
 thought the best thing that could be done was to march to our 
 Assistance. Unluckily they did not take the same Road by 
 which I marched the night before & by which they had passed 
 that Morning & As I retired the same way I had Advanced, 
 I never saw them, when I found Capt. Bullet & his 50 Men 
 alone, I could not help saying to him that I was undone How- 
 ever tho' there was little or rather no hopes left, I was Resolved 
 to doe the best I could, & when ever I could get anybody to 
 stay with Me We made a Stand sometimes with 100 & some- 
 times with 50 just as the Men thought proper for Orders were 
 
 129 Perhaps Lieutenant John Campbell of the first Virginia. 
 
 207 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 to no purpose, Fear had then got the better of every other 
 passion & I hope I shall never see again such a Pannick among 
 Troops, till then I had no conception of it. 
 
 At last inclining to the left with about 50 Men, where I was 
 told a number of the Americans & Highlanders had gone, my 
 party diminished insensibly, every Souldier taking the Road he 
 liked best, & I found myself with not above a Dozen of Men 
 and an Officer of the Pennsylvanians, who, had been left with 
 Capt. Bullet surrounded on all sides, by the Indians, & when I 
 expected every instant to be cut in pieces without a possibility 
 of escapeing, a Body of the French with a number of their 
 Officers came up, & offered Me Quarters, which I accepted 
 off. I was then within a short League of the Fort, it was then 
 about 1 1 . O Clock, and as far as I can judge about that time, 
 the French troops were called back & the pursuit ended what 
 our loss is you best know, but it must be considerable. 
 
 This is the best Acct. I can give you of our unlucky affair. 
 I endeavoured to execute the Orders which I had received to 
 the best of my power, As I have been misfortunate the World 
 may possibly find fault with my Conduct. I flatter myself [that] 
 you will not. I may have committed Mistakes without know- 
 ing them, but if I was sensible of them I most certainly should 
 tell you, in what I thought I had done wrong, I am willing to 
 flatter myself that my being a Prisoner will be no detriment 
 to my promotion in case Vacancies should happen in the Army 
 & Its to be hoped that the proper Steps will be taken to get me 
 exchanged as soon as possible. 
 
 "IT WAS BUT A SCENE OF CONFUSION" 
 
 Bouquet to Forbes, Layalhanna, September 17, 1758 130 
 
 When they arrived on the height, only a single fire was seen, 
 130 Papers of Bouquet, II, 519-520. 
 
 208 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 but Ensign Chew 131 who had been reconnoitering said that the 
 Indians were sleeping in blockhouses easy to capture. He sent 
 Major Lewis there with 400 men. Some confusion occurring 
 among his troops, he feared he had been discovered and returned 
 to join Major Grant, who sent back immediately two parties 
 of Highlanders. They visited the blockhouses, and found no 
 one there. They set fire to them and withdrew. 
 
 The major, according to his orders, had but to retreat, but 
 he unfortunately got the notion that the garrison was too weak 
 to dare risk a sortie, and consequently he remained on the 
 height until daybreak. He then had the reveille beaten in differ- 
 ent places and ordered Major Lewis to go and station himself 
 in ambush by the baggage with 100 Royal Americans and 150 
 Virginians. 200 Highlanders, 100 Marylanders, and 100 Penn- 
 sylvanians were stationed on the heights, and he sent McDonald 
 with 100 Highlanders, with the drum beating, straight to the 
 fort. A party sallying from the garrison had been discovered, 
 and there is likelihood that he wanted to cut off its retreat. 
 McDonald was scarcely halfway when they heard the whoop 
 of the Indians, followed immediately by a sortie of about 800 
 French and Indians, who came and fell upon him. He killed so 
 many of their men by his first volley that they spread out and 
 surrounded him. He pierced through them, doing which he was 
 killed. Monro's 132 and Hugh McKenzie's companies which 
 went down to aid him were thrown into disorder, and the cap- 
 tains were killed. As the enemy continually received reinforce- 
 ments, all the troops were very soon engaged, and the firing 
 kept up for a long time without our men yielding. 
 
 Major Lewis, who was almost two miles away, hearing the 
 shots, pressed by his officers and the soldiers, left his post to 
 
 131 Coleby Chew. 
 
 132 Captain George Monro of the Highlanders. 
 
 209 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 go to their aid. He arrived just at the moment when our men 
 were retreating in disorder upon his post. He had reached a 
 height which had made his men out of breath and, on appearing, 
 they found themselves under enemy fire. The action, however, 
 was still very lively and disputed for a long time. Finally, our 
 men gave way and it was but a scene of confusion, despite all 
 Major Grant's efforts to rally them. They would probably 
 have been cut to pieces but for Captain Bullet of the Virginians 
 who with 100 men sustained the battle with all their forces 
 until, having lost two-thirds of his men, he was pushed in the 
 direction of the river, where he found the poor major. He urged 
 him to retreat, but he told him he would not leave the field 
 of battle as long as there was a man who would fight. 
 
 "My heart is broke," said he, "I shall never outlive this day." 
 They were soon surrounded, and the Frenchmen, calling him 
 by name, offered him quarter. He did not wish it. They did 
 not want to fire on him, wishing to take him prisoner. Captain 
 Bullet still fired, and in the end they fired, too, and routed his 
 party into the Ohio, where a large number drowned. Bullet 
 escaped, but I have no news of the major. On the first word 
 of his misfortune, I sent Lieutenant Colonel Stephen with 300 
 men to join Lieutenant Colonel Dagworthy 133 in order to cover 
 their retreat. The Indians did not pursue very far. Our loss is 
 very considerable in officers, and 270 men are still missing. 
 Several crossed the river, and it is believed that many escaped 
 in this way. 
 
 "FRESH DILEMMAS EVERY DAY" 
 Forbes to Abercromby, Raystown, October 8, 1758 134 
 Mr. Gordon the Engineer has either gone off at the nail, or 
 133 Lieutenant Colonel John Dagworthy served with the Marylanders. 
 
 210 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 is turned so dilatory in every measure under his charge that 
 it is almost impossible to get any one thing done to the purpose 
 where he is concerned. If a triffle is to be done he makes it a 
 labour to man and horse, and if a work of consequence makes 
 slight of it. This is at present cruell, and now Rhorr is dead 
 Hesse 135 and Basset 136 dying, I have no resource. So this branch 
 is infinite perplexity; and the Qr. Mn. Genii 137 is beyond the 
 power of man either to change or amend. And the immense 
 confusion of Waggons and roads are intirely Sir Johns creating, 
 who by a certain dexterity has you in fresh Dilemna's every 
 day, and with his solemn face will tell you when he has done 
 the worst, that he really acted for the best and can justify it. . . . 
 The Indians I cannot mention to you with any manner of 
 patience, as I look upon them, their Interpreters, their Superin- 
 tendents, and every creature any ways connected or attached 
 to them, as the most imposing Rogues that I have ever had to 
 deal with. The manner that they have been manadged here for 
 these twelve months by past, has absolutely put it out of our 
 power, almost ever to have any more dealings, or trust in them. 
 They have cost to the provinces and Crown, incredible sums 
 of money, and except about 14 Catawbas who have behaved 
 well at major Grants affair, no one other tribe has done any 
 one piece of service. And they as well as the rest of the Cher- 
 okees amounting only in the whole to 100 men leaving you 
 every day, unless retained by presents, which I do assure you 
 they neither do nor ever can deserve. . . . 
 
 134 Writings of Forbes, 224-26. 
 
 135 Lieutenant Emanuel Hess, an engineer of the Royal American regiment, 
 suffered from consumption. 
 
 136 Lieutenant Thomas Basset, an engineer of the Royal Americans, ap- 
 parently recovered from whatever his ailment was, as he was soon back to 
 duty status and completed the campaign. 
 
 137 The Quartermaster General was Sir John St. Clair. 
 
 211 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 THE FRENCH ATTACK THE ADVANCE POST 
 
 Burd to Bouquet, Loyalhanna, October 12, 1758 138 
 
 This day at 11 A: M the enemy fired 12 Guns to the South 
 west of us upon which I sent out two partys to surround them 
 but Instantly the firing increased, upon which I sent out a large 
 party of 500 men they were forced to the Camp and Immedi- 
 ately a regular Attack Insued which lasted a long time I think 
 about two hours, but we had the pleasure to do that Honr. to 
 His Majesties Arms to keep his Camp at Loyal Hennon. I 
 can't inform you of our Loss, nor that of the Enemy, must 
 referr You for the particulars to Lieut. Coll: Lloyd, 139 one of 
 their Soldiers which we have mortally wounded, says they were 
 1200 strong & 200 Indians but I can Assertain nothing of this 
 further. I have drove them of the field, but I don't doubt of a 
 second Attack, if they do, I am ready. . . . 
 
 Excuse this Scrall being in a little hurry at present— since 
 writing we have been fired upon. 
 
 THE FRENCH ATTACK FAILS 
 
 Burd to Bouquet, Loyalhanna, October 13, 1758 140 
 
 The Enemy has harrassed me all night, they made some little 
 faints, but I think they were Cheefly Employed in Carrying 
 off their Dead, & wounded, I have had sundry partys out to 
 Day but Can't say possitvely wheither they are gon, or not 
 as yet, but am apt to think they gott enough of it yesterday to 
 suffice them for the first Tryal, I played upon them with shels 
 last night which soon stopt their savage Tones. . . . 
 
 138 Papers of Bouquet, II, 552-53. 
 
 139 Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Lloyd was with the second battalion of 
 the Pennsylvania regiment. 140 Papers of Bouquet, II, 556. 
 
 212 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 Capt. Gordon's Musick from the Great Guns farr Exceeded 
 The Indian Solos. 
 
 FORBES DESCRIBES THE FRENCH ATTACK 
 
 Forbes to Abercromby, Raystown, October 16, 1758 141 
 
 The 12th in the morning about eleven oclock the advanced 
 post were alarmed by hearing some fireing about half a mile 
 from them, which was succeeded by the Indian Halloo upon 
 which 60 of the marylanders run towards the place whence the 
 noise came, and when they got up, the firing became brisk — 
 whereupon Colonel Burd of the pennsylvanians who com- 
 manded, ordered a party of the first Battalion of pennsylvanians 
 to go and support the Marylanders, who had not marched half 
 a mile when they met with the Enemy who were surrounding 
 the Marylanders, and gave them their fire for some time, but 
 upon finding them too numerous begun to retreat, a third party 
 was ordered out, but the fire encreasing and approaching the 
 breast work, the rest of the troops were ordered to their posts 
 in the breast work and to line the skirts of the wood to favour 
 the retreat of the three party s, and the alarm Guns were fired 
 to make the Cattle and horse Guards take care themselves. In 
 about an hour from the beginning the Enemy had drove our 
 people into the breastwork and appeared in numbers along the 
 edge of the wood from whence they begun afresh a very brisk 
 fire, but our Cannon & Cohorns kept them at a distance, and 
 certainly did execution as they were well served, 142 however 
 after an hours firing and finding they could make no impression 
 they began to retire leaving only two killed and one wounded 
 where the fire was hottest. It is said that they carried off the 
 
 141 Writings of Forbes, pp. 231-33. 
 
 142 u w e n served" here means "well manned and fired." 
 
 213 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 killed and wounded as they fell and retired in the evening to 
 five miles distance, and next morning were seen by some of our 
 returning scouting partys fifteen miles off. We saved all our 
 Bullocks but they have carried off the officers horses and 
 Batts 143 horses but cannot learn the number. . . . 
 
 I am apt to believe that the Enemy were not so strong as 
 call'd, and that we had above 1500 effective men within . . . 
 our breast work exclusive of sick and yet neither made one 
 Sortie or followed them half a yard, but shamefully allowed them 
 to bury the few they had killed, Carry off their wounded with 
 some Prisoners and all our horses. 
 
 But as the difficultys in roads and rains, provisions for man 
 and horse had sunk the Spirits of every living annimall a Vic- 
 tory . . . was necessary so I puffed up everything and ordered 
 a General Feu de Joy, 1 ** which great surprized the remaining 
 few of the Indians, who by this time had all to a man prepared 
 to leave us next morning. . . . 
 
 It is hard how to judge or to choose the best how to act for 
 the good of the Publick, but I know one thing certain, that a 
 little good luck and success often justifies the worst of measures 
 and stupidest of actions. 
 
 "OUR AFFAIRS ARE NOW DRAWING TO A CRISIS" 
 
 Washington to Francis Fauquier, Loyalhanna, October 30, 1758 145 
 My march to this post gave me an opportunity of forming a 
 
 143 A bat horse carried an officer's personal luggage. 
 
 144 A feu de joy, literally, a fire of joy, was a victory celebration. All 
 troops were issued blank cartridges, and these were then all shot off at the 
 same time. The Indians, especially, enjoyed this. 
 
 145 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, II, 299-300. 
 
 214' 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 judgment of the road; and I can truly say, that it is indescrib- 
 ably bad. Had it not been for an accidental discovery of a new 
 passage over the Laurel Hill, the carriages must inevitably have 
 stopped on the other side. This is a fact nobody here takes upon 
 him to deny! The General and great part of the troops, &c, 
 being yet behind, and the weather growing very inclement, 
 must I apprehend terminate our expedition for this year, at 
 this place. But as our affairs are now drawing to a crisis, and a 
 good or a bad conclusion of them will shortly ensue, I choose 
 to suspend my judgment, as well as a further account of the 
 matter, to a future day. 
 
 JUST IN CASE-BOUQUET JOTS DOWN PLANS 
 FOR A WINTER EXPEDITION 
 
 A paper of Bouquet's, about November 5, 1758 146 
 
 The Battoes being ready, embark the men wth. Six days 
 Provisions dressed and go down Conimax, 147 Kiskemenitos & 
 Ohio, to disembark on the right Side opposite to the Fort, 
 where the Artillery must play hot on the Fort. The Breach 
 made an assault can be given or if not thought advisable, move 
 on this Side & Open a regular attack. The Place being much 
 raked by the first, and the artillery probably dismounted. It 
 would be Short Work. 
 
 As a preparation for the expedition, train the soldiers to 
 shoot, to take positions, to load lying behind a log, to run, to 
 dig trenches, etc. 
 
 146 Papers of Bouquet, II, 594-95. This was a memorandum Bouquet pre- 
 pared for his own use, probably for a council of war. 
 
 147 The Conemaugh leads into the Kiskimenetas, which in turn flows into 
 the Ohio. 
 
 215 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 FORBES WRITES TO THE NEWLY REWON INDIAN ALLIES- 
 
 " Return forthwith to your towns . . . 
 let the French fight their own battles." 
 
 Forbes to the Shawanese and Delawares on the Ohio, 
 Loyalhanna, November 9, 1758 148 
 
 Brethren, I embrace this opportunity by our brother, Pes- 
 quitomen 149 who is Now on his Return home with some of 
 your Uncles, the Six Nations, from the Treaty of Easton, of 
 giving you Joy of the happy Conclusion of that great Council, 
 which is perfectly agreable to me; as it is for the mutual ad- 
 vantage of Your Brothers, the Indians, as well as the English 
 nation. 
 
 I am glad to find that all past Disputes and Animosities are 
 now finally settled, & amicably adjusted; & I hope they will 
 be forever buried in Oblivion, and that you will now again be 
 firmly united in the Interest of your brethren, the English. As 
 I am now advancing, at the Head of a large Army, against his 
 Majesty's Enemies, the French, on the Ohio, I must strongly 
 recomend to you to send immediate Notice to any of your 
 People, who may be at the French fort, to return forthwith to 
 your Towns; where you may sit by your Fires, with your 
 Wives and Children, quiet and undisturbed, and smoke your 
 Pipes in safety. Let the French fight their own Battles, as they 
 were the first Cause of the War, and occasion of the long differ- 
 ence, which hath subsisted between you & your Brethren, the 
 English; but I must entreat you to restrain your young Men 
 from Crossing the Ohio, as it will be impossible for me to 
 distinguish them from our Enemies; which I expect you will 
 comply with, without Delay; lest, by your neglect thereof, I 
 
 148 Writings of Forbes, pp. 251-52. 
 
 149 Pisquetomen, a Delaware chief, was a brother of Shingas, "king" of 
 the Delawares. 
 
 216 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 should be the innocent Cause of some of your Brethren's Death. 
 This Advice take and keep in your own Breasts, and suffer it 
 not to reach the Ears of the French. 
 
 As a proof of the Truth and Sincerity of what I say, and to 
 confirm the tender Regard I have for Lives and Welfare of our 
 Brethren, on the Ohio, I send you this String of Wampum. 
 
 A TRAGIC INCIDENT- VIRGINIANS FIGHT VIRGINIANS 
 
 Washington's notes for a biographer 150 
 
 . . . during the time the Army lay at Loyal haning a circum- 
 stance occurred wch. involved the life of G W in as much 
 jeopardy as it had ever been before or since the enemy sent out 
 a large detachment to reconnoitre our Camp, and to ascertain 
 our strength; in consequence of Intelligence that they were 
 within 2 Miles of the Camp a party commanded by Lt. Colo 
 Mercer 151 of the Virga. line (a gallant and good Officer) was 
 sent to dislodge them between whom a severe conflict and hot 
 firing ensued which lasting some time and appearing to ap- 
 proach the Camp it was conceived that our party was yielding 
 the ground upon which G. W. with permission of the Genl. 
 called (for dispatch) for Volunteers and immediately marched 
 at their head to sustain, as was conjectured the retireing troops, 
 led on by the firing till he came within less than half a mile, 
 and it ceasing, he detached Scouts to investigate the cause and 
 to communicate his approach to his friend Colo. Mercer, ad- 
 vancing slowly in the meantime. But it being near dusk and 
 the intelligence not having been fully dissiminated among Colo. 
 
 150 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, XXIX, 47-48. The 
 incident described took place on November 12, 1758. 
 
 151 Lieutenant Colonel George Mercer was a member of the second 
 Virginia. 
 
 217 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Mercer's Corps, and they taking us, for the enemy who had 
 retreated approaching in another direction commenced a heavy 
 fire upon the releiving party which drew fire in return in spite 
 of all the exertions of the Officers one of whom and several 
 privates were killed and many wounded before a stop could 
 be put to it. to accomplish which G W never was in more 
 imminent danger, by being between two fires, knocking up 
 with his sword the presented pieces. 
 
 WASHINGTON OPENS THE ROAD 
 
 Washington to Forbes, Camp Chestnut Ridge, 
 November 17, 1758 152 
 
 Sir: After the most constant labour from day-break till night, 
 we were able to open the Road to this place only, about 6 
 miles from our last Camp. . . . 
 
 I received but 36 of the 42 axes sent by Colo. Montgomery, 
 and those in the very worst order, last night was spent in doing 
 the needful repairs to them. We have 4 carriages with us, that 
 follow with great ease. 
 
 If Indians ever can be of use to us, it must be now, in the 
 front, for intelligence. I therefore beg you will order their con- 
 ductors to bring them at all events, and that we may get our 
 Bullocks immediately up; otherwise, as our meat will be out 
 to-morrow, we shall possibly be delayed the next day in serv- 
 ing it out, when we should be marching to the next Post. 
 
 There was a Sergeant (Grant) of mine, confined for insolent 
 behavior to an officer of Pennsylvania, and tried at the last 
 General Court martial; but the sentence was not known when 
 I came away, altho' the Court sat 5 days before. I applied (thro' 
 Major Halkett) to get him released, but could not. He is a very 
 fine fellow, and I am as desirous of getting him, as he is to come. 
 
 152 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, II, 303-304. 
 
 218 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 'TORT DUQUESNE, OR THE GROUND RATHER ON WHICH 
 
 IT STOOD, WAS POSSESSED BY HIS MAJESTY'S TROOPS 
 
 ON THE 25TH INSTANT." 
 
 Washington to Francis Fauquier, Fort Duquesne, 
 November 28, 1758 153 
 
 Honble. Sir: I have the pleasure to inform you, that Fort 
 Duquesne, or the ground rather on which it stood, was pos- 
 sessed by his Majesty's troops on the 25th instant. The enemy, 
 after letting us get within a day's march of the place, burned 
 the fort, and ran away (by the light of it,) at night, going down 
 the Ohio by water, to the number of about five hundred men, 
 from our best information. The possession of this fort has been 
 matter of great surprise to the whole army, and we cannot 
 attribute it to more probable causes, than those of weakness, 
 want of provisions, and desertion of their Indians. Of these 
 circumstances we were luckily informed by three prisoners, 
 who providentially fell into our hands 154 at Loyal Hannan, at 
 a time when we despaired of proceeding, and a council of war 
 had determined, that it was not advisable to advance beyond 
 the place above mentioned this season, but the information 
 above caused us to march on without tents or baggage, and 
 with a light train of artillery only, with which we have happily 
 succeeded. . . . 
 
 The General purposes to wait here a few days to settle mat- 
 ters with the Indians, and then all the troops, (except a suffi- 
 cient garrison which will I suppose be left here, to secure the 
 possession,) will march to their respective governments. . . . 
 
 153 From Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, II, 308-10. The 
 following two letters are out of chronological order in the interest of a 
 clearer narrative. 
 
 154 The prisoners mentioned were taken in the same skirmish in which 
 the Virginia troops had fired on each other. They informed the British that 
 the garrison at Fort Duquesne was very weak. 
 
 219 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 This fortunate, and, indeed, unexpected success of our arms 
 will be attended with happy effects. The Delawares are suing 
 for peace, and I doubt not that other tribes on the Ohio will 
 follow their example. A trade, free, open, and upon equitable 
 terms, is what they seem much to stickle for, and I do not 
 know so effectual a way of riveting them to our interest, as 
 sending out goods immediately to this place for that purpose. 
 It will, at the same time, be a means of supplying the garrison 
 with such necessaries as may be wanted; and, I think, those 
 colonies, which are as greatly interested in the support of this 
 place as Virginia is, should neglect no means in their power to 
 establish and support a strong garrison here. Our business, 
 (wanting this) will be but half finished; while, on the other 
 hand, we obtain a firm and lasting peace, if this end is once 
 accomplished . . . 
 
 FORBES TO PITT-"I HAVE USED THE FREEDOM OF GIVING 
 YOUR NAME TO FORT DUQUESNE" 
 
 Forbes to Pitt, letter begun at Pittsburgh, November 27, 1758, and 
 completed at Philadelphia, January 21, 1759 155 
 
 Sir, 
 
 I do myself the Honour of acquainting you that it has pleased 
 God to crown His Majesty's Arms with Success over all His 
 Enemies upon the Ohio, by my having obliged the Enemy to 
 burn and abandon Fort Du Quesne, which they effectuated on 
 the 25 th:, and of which I took possession next day, the Enemy 
 having made their Escape down the River towards the Missis- 
 sippi in their Boats, being abandoned by their Indians, whom I 
 had previously engaged to leave them, and who now seem all 
 willing and ready to implore His Majesty's most Gracious 
 Protection. So give me leave to congratulate you upon this great 
 
 155 Writings of Forbes, pp. 267-69. 
 
 220- 
 
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 Letter from John Forbes to William Pitt changing Fort Du Quesne to Pittsburgh 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 Event, of having totally expelled the French from this prodigious 
 tract of Country, and of having reconciled the various tribes 
 of Indians inhabiting it to His Majesty's Government. . . . 
 
 I should have carried the troops up the River to the Lake 
 Erie, and destroyed the French posts at Venango and Presque 
 Isle, but the Season of the Year, and the Scarcity of my Provi- 
 sions, does by no Means admitt of it, this last inconveniance 
 (being obliged to carry every bit of my Provisions for Men 
 and horse for betwixt 3 & 400 Miles thro' almost impracticable 
 roads and Mountains) renders it extremely difficult for me to 
 leave a sufficient Garrison here for the Protection of this Coun- 
 try, as all Manner of Communication with the inhabited parts 
 of the provinces will be cut off during the Winter for at least 
 four Months, notwithstanding that I have built Forts, and 
 erected Posts at proper distances, to have kept the Communica- 
 tion open if possible. . . . 
 
 My Physicians and all our Hospital People unaimously agree 
 that I must go directly for England for to save my life, I must 
 therefore beg it as the greatest favour that you will be so good 
 as to move His Majesty to be graciously pleased to give me 
 His leave of returning home as soon as I possibly can in order 
 to re-establish my health, which at present renders me incapable 
 of any service, or doing any duty whatever. 
 
 I have used the freedom of giving your name to Fort Du- 
 Quesne, as I hope it was in some measure the being actuated 
 by your spirits that now makes us Masters of the place. Nor 
 could I help using the same freedom in the naming of two other 
 Forts that I built (Plans of which I send you) the one Fort 
 Ligonier & the other Bedford. I hope the name Fathers will 
 take them under their Protection, In which case these dreary 
 deserts will soon be the richest and most fertile of any possest 
 by the British in N. America. 
 
 221 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 "AFTER GOD THE SUCCESS OF THIS EXPEDITION IS 
 INTIRELY DUE TO THE GENERAL . . ." 
 
 Bouquet to William Allen, 156 Pittsburgh, November 25, 1758 157 
 
 I take with great pleasure this first opportunity of informing 
 you of the Reduction of this important place, pursuaded that 
 the success of his Majesty's Arms on this side will give you a 
 great satisfaction, and reward you for all the pains you have 
 taken for the difficult supply of this army. 
 
 We marched from Loyal Hannen with 2500 picked men 
 without (Teams) or Baggage, and a light-train of Artillery in 
 expectation of meeting the Enemy and determine by a battle 
 who should possess this Country. 
 
 The distance is about Fifty miles which we marched in five 
 Days, a great diligence considering the Season, the Uncertainty 
 of the Roads intirely unknown and the difficulty of making 
 them practicable for the artillery. 
 
 The 23 we took post at 12 Miles from hence and halted the 
 24 for Intelligence. In the Evening our Indians reported that 
 they had discovered a very thick smoak from the Front extend- 
 ing in the bottom along the Ohio; a few hours after they sent 
 word that the Enemies had abandoned their Fort after having 
 burnt everything. We marched this morning and found the 
 Report true,— they have blown up and destroyed all their Forti- 
 fications, Houses, Ovens and Magazines; all the Indian Goods 
 burnt in their Stores which seems to have been very considerable. 
 
 They seem to have been about 400 men, part is gone down 
 the Ohio, 100 by land supposed to Presque Isle, and 200 with 
 the Governor, Mr. de Lignery, 158 to Venango; where he told 
 
 156 William Allen was an influential member of the Pennsylvania assembly. 
 
 157 Papers of Bouquet, II, 610-11. 
 
 158 de Ligneris. 
 
 222< 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 the Indians he intended to stay this Winter, in intention to dis- 
 lodge us in the Spring; We could soon make him ship his Quar- 
 ters, had we only provisions, but we are scarcely able to main- 
 tain ourselves a few days here to treat with the neighboring 
 Indians who are summoned to meet us; The Destruction of 
 the Fort, the want of Victuals and the impossibility of being 
 supplied in time at this distance and season of the year, obliges 
 us to go back and to leave a small detachment of 200 Men only, 
 by way of keeping possession of the Ground. This successful 
 Expedition can be of great service to the Provinces, provided 
 they will improve and support it: It is now the time to take 
 vigorous Measures to secure this Conquest, and unless Virginia 
 and Pennsylvania can agree upon an immediate assistance, all 
 our pains and advantages will be loss. 
 
 An immediate supply of provisions, Cloathing and necessaries 
 should at any rate be sent up for the support of the Troops, 
 and Measures taken for the formation of Magazines on the 
 Frontiers (Rays Town and Cumberland) for the supply of an 
 army to act early in the Spring. 
 
 The souccours and directions from England would be too 
 late, and if the Colonies do not exert themselves to the utmost 
 of their power, I am afraid they will have occasion to repent it. 
 
 Indian Goods ought to be provided without delay with a 
 Commissary of proper person to dispose of them either for 
 Trade or presents, as our New friends cannot remain long un- 
 provided and would soon return to the French, was we to let 
 them want. 
 
 Some artificers are also greatly wanted, such as Carpenters, 
 Smiths, Masons, Gunsmiths & chiefly Ship builders &c. 
 
 A number of Cows and Bulls, Mares and Stallions, Garden 
 seeds &c. every moment is precious and the Land so rich, and 
 the pastures so abundant that everything should thrive, and the 
 
 223 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Garrison would soon be able to support itself. 
 
 Fish Netts and Hooks would likewise be of great use for 
 people reduced to Salt Meat, and some Rice, Barley &c. to 
 prevent the Scurvey among the Men. I enter in all those Details 
 with you because I think the safety of this post depends of it, 
 and in the plenty you are used to live, they would not so readily 
 occur to you, as to us who are deficient of every necessary of 
 life. Could you diffuse in the Assembly the publick Spirit which 
 directs all your actions, I would be very easy upon the Conse- 
 quences, but I know the disposition of people in general always 
 indolent and ready to fall asleep on the smallest glance of ease 
 and quiet. You must rouse them, and make them sensible that 
 this business is but half done. We have acted our part, let you 
 do yours; It is now in your power to enjoy in peace and quietude 
 your Lands and possessions, if you will only lay out in time some 
 money, which may save you ten times more, and the lives of 
 thousands of your poor Inhabitants. 
 
 After God the success of this Expedition is intirely due to 
 the General, who by bringing about the Treaty of Easton, has 
 struck the blow which has knocked the French in the head, in 
 temporizing wisely to expect the Effects of that Treaty, in 
 securing all his posts, and giving nothing to chance; and not 
 yielding to the urging instances for taking Braddock's Road, 
 which would have been our destruction; In all these measures 
 I say that he has shown the greatest prudence, firmness and 
 ability; Nobody is better informed of the Numberless diffi- 
 culties he had to surmount than I am, who had an opportunity 
 to see every step that was taken from the beginning and every 
 obstruction that was thrown in his way. I wish the Nation may 
 be as sensible of his service as he really deserved and give 
 him the only reward that can flatter him; The pleasure of see- 
 ing them pleased and satisfied. 
 
 224- 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 "THE FINEST AND MOST FERTILE COUNTRY OF AMERICA, 
 LYING IN THE HAPPIEST CLIMATE OF THE UNIVERSE" 
 
 A despatch dated November 28, 1758, from an anonymous 
 
 correspondent at Pittsburgh to the Pennsylvania Gazette 
 
 of December 14, 1758 159 
 
 I HAVE the Pleasure to write this Letter upon the Spot 
 where Fort Duquesne once stood, while the British Flag flies 
 over the Debris of its Bastions in Triumph. 
 
 Blessed be God, the long look'd for Day is arrived, that has 
 now fixed us on the Banks of the Ohio with great Propriety 
 called La Belle Riviere, in the quiet and peaceable Possession 
 of the finest and most fertile Country of America, lying in the 
 happiest Climate in the Universe. This valuable Acquisition 
 lays open to all his Majesty's Subjects a Vein of Treasure, 
 which, if rightly managed, may prove richer than the Mines 
 of Mexico, the Trade with the numerous Nations of Western Indians: 
 It deprives our Enemies of the Benefits they expected from their 
 deep laid Schemes, and breaks asunder the Chain of Communi- 
 cation betwixt Canada and Louisiana, a Chain that threatened 
 this Continent with Slavery, and therefore the chief Favourite 
 and Mistress of the French Court. These Advantages have been 
 procured for us by the Prudence and Abilities of General 
 Forbes, without Stroke of Sword, tho' had they been purchased 
 at the Price of much Blood and Treasure, every Lover of his 
 Country must have allowed that they would have been cheaply 
 bought. . . . 
 
 The Twenty-sixth of this Month was observed, by the Gen- 
 eral's Orders, as a Day of Publick Thanksgiving to Almighty 
 God for our Success; the Day after we had a grand feu de Joye, 
 and To-day a great Detachment goes to Braddock's Field of 
 Battle, to bury the Bones of our slaughtered Countrymen, many 
 
 159 Papers of Bouquet, II, 613-14. 
 
 225 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 of whom were butchered in cold Blood by (those crueller than 
 Savages) the French, who, to the eternal Shame and Infamy 
 of their Country, have left them lying above Ground ever since. 
 The unburied Bodies of those killed since, and strewed round 
 this Fort, equally reproach them, and proclaim loudly, to all 
 civilized Nations, their Barbarity. 
 
 Thanks to Heaven, their Reign on this Continent promises 
 no long Duration! especially if Mr. Pitt be preserved, whose 
 great Soul animates all our Measures, infuses new Courage into 
 our Soldiers and Sailors, and inspires our Generals and Admirals 
 with the most commendable Conduct. 
 
 SECURING THE FRUITS OF VICTORY 
 
 Washington to Francis Fauquier, Loyalhanna, December 2, 1758 160 
 
 The General has, in his letters, told you what garrison he 
 proposed to leave at Fort Duquesne, but the want of provisions 
 rendered it impossible to leave more than two hundred men in 
 all there. These, without peculiar exertions, must, I fear, aban- 
 don the place or perish. To prevent, as far as possible, either of 
 these events happening, I have by this conveyance wrote a 
 circular letter to the back inhabitants of Virginia, setting forth 
 the great advantages of keeping that place, the improbability 
 of doing it without their immediate assistance, that they may 
 travel safely out while we hold that post, and will be allowed 
 good prices for such species of provisions as they shall carry. 
 Unless the most effectual measures are taken early in the spring 
 to reinforce the garrison at Fort Duquesne the place will in- 
 evitably be lost, and then our frontiers will fall into the same 
 distressed condition that they have been in for some time past. 
 For I can very confidently assert, that we never can secure 
 
 160 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, II, 312-15. 
 
 •226- 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 them properly, if we again lose our footing on the Ohio, as 
 we consequently lose the interest of the Indians. I therefore 
 think, that every necessary preparation should be making, not 
 a moment should be lost in taking the most speedy and effica- 
 cious steps in securing the infinite advantages which may be 
 derived from our regaining possession of that important country. 
 
 That the preparative steps should immediately be taken for 
 securing the communication from Virginia, by constructing a 
 post at Red-stone Creek, which would greatly facilitate the 
 supplying of our troops on the Ohio, where a formidable gar- 
 rison should be sent, as soon as the season will admit of it. 
 That a trade with the Indians should be upon such terms, and 
 transacted by men of such principles, as would at the same time 
 turn out to the reciprocal advantage of the colony and the 
 Indians, and which would effectually remove those bad impres- 
 sions, that the Indians received from the conduct of a set of 
 rascally fellows, divested of all faith and honor, and give us 
 such an early opportunity of establishing an interest with them, 
 as would be productive of the most beneficial consequences, 
 by getting a large share of the fur-trade, not only of the Ohio 
 Indians, but, in time, of the numerous nations possessing the 
 back countries westward of it. And to prevent this advanta- 
 geous commerce from suffering in its infancy, by the sinister 
 views of designing, selfish men of the different provinces, I 
 humbly conceive it absolutely necessary that commissioners 
 from each of the colonies be appointed to regulate the mode of 
 that trade, and fix it on such a basis, that all the attempts of 
 one colony undermining another, and thereby weakening and 
 diminishing the general system might be frustrated. To effect 
 which the General would (I fancy) cheerfully give his aid. 
 
 Although none can entertain a higher sense of the great im- 
 portance of maintaining a post on the Ohio than myself, yet, 
 
 227 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 under the unhappy circumstances my regiment is, I would by 
 no means have agreed to leave any part of it there, had not the 
 General given an express order for it. I endeavored to shew, 
 that the King's troops ought to garrison it; but he told me, as 
 he had no instructions from the ministry relative thereto, he 
 could not order it, and our men that are left there, are in such 
 a miserable situation, having hardly rags to cover their naked- 
 ness, exposed to the inclemency of the weather in this rigorous 
 season, that, unless provision is made by the country for supply- 
 ing them immediately, they must inevitable perish, and if the 
 first Virginia regiment is to be kept up any longer, or any serv- 
 ices are expected therefrom they should forthwith be clothed; 
 as they are, by their present shameful nakedness, the advanced 
 season, and the inconceivable fatigues of an uncommonly long 
 and laborious campaign, rendered totally incapable of any kind 
 of service; and sickness, death, and desertion must, if not 
 speedily supplied, greatly reduce its numbers. . . . 
 
 "THUS ENDED THAT CAMPAIGN" 
 
 Washington's notes for a biographer 161 
 
 . . . Thus ended that Campaign, a little before Christmas in 
 very inclement weather and the last one made during that War 
 by G W whose health by this time (as it had been declining 
 for many months before, occasioned by an inveterate disorder 
 in his Bowels) became so precarious as to induce him (having 
 seen quiet restored by this event to the Frontiers of his own 
 Country which was the principal inducement to his taking 
 arms) to resign his Military appointments. The sollication of 
 the Troops which he commanded to Continue, their AfFecte, 
 farewell address to him, when they found the Situation of his 
 health and other circumstances would not allow it. affected 
 
 228' 
 
 
VIRGINIA COLONEL WITH GENERAL FORBES 
 
 him exceedingly and in grateful sensibility he expressed the 
 warmth of his attachmt. to them on that, and his inclination to 
 serve them on every other future occasion. 
 
 161 Fitzpatrick's The Writings of George Washington, XXIX, 48-49. 
 
 229 
 
ft ft ft ft ft 
 
 Land Scout 
 In the Ohio Country 
 
 October -December, 1770 
 
Economic Difficulties 
 
 Newly christened Pittsburgh was desolate and chill in the 
 winter of 1758 as temporary shelters were raised slowly on 
 the ruins the French had made of their once-proud Fort 
 Duquesne. Washington was turning his back on it — on the 
 tatterdemalion garrison, on the recently hostile savages still 
 camped at the Forks, on the very war itself. To a more intro- 
 spective man, departure from the scene would, no doubt, have 
 been the occasion for welling memories of the more than five 
 years he had given to the struggle for this ground. But Wash- 
 ington was not introspective, and anyway, he was bone-tired 
 and wracked with illness. No doubt, as a man sick and in strange 
 parts will be, he was obsessed with getting home. At least he 
 could comfort himself that the campaign was over. 
 
 If the service of Virginia had been hard — and it had been — 
 the rewards were great. When Washington greeted the New 
 Year at Williamsburg, after a hurried return trip from the 
 Ohio Country, he arrived as the acknowledged first soldier of 
 Virginia. In addition, he was now a lawmaker. In the summer 
 of 1758, he had stood for burgess of Frederick County, and 
 had been elected even while absent on the campaign — for al- 
 though he was a resident of Fairfax County, he owned land in 
 Frederick County and thus was known to the residents there 
 as a neighbor as well as a military leader. 
 
 On the sixth of January of the new year, 1759, he added to 
 the title of burgess that of bridegroom. Before the campaign 
 of 1758 had taken him into the wilderness, Washington had be- 
 come engaged to a comely young widow of his own age, 
 Martha Dandridge Custis. She had been left with two small 
 children— a boy, Jacky, and a girl, Patsy— but she had also 
 
 233 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 been left with what was, by the standards of the day, a very 
 large fortune. Her social standing was as elevated as her amia- 
 bility was pleasing. For Washington, the alliance was from 
 every point of view a favorable one. With his new family he 
 returned now to his beloved Mount Vernon. 
 
 In the next few years other honors found their way to the 
 master of the broad estate on the south bank of the Potomac, 
 He became a vestryman in his parish; a trustee of the near-by 
 city of Alexandria; a justice of the County Court. He gave up 
 his seat as a burgess from Frederick County to run for a seat 
 in his own Fairfax County, and won handily. 
 
 All of these were honors which a wealthy and well-born 
 planter might expect to accumulate. To them were added, how- 
 ever, other duties which were testimony to his probity and 
 neighborliness. He was called on frequently to act as executor 
 of wills or as guardian to widows or minors. Although these 
 unselfish duties were time-consuming, tedious, and often thank- 
 less, Washington gave to them unstintingly of time and effort 
 that spoke unmistakably of noblesse oblige. That his neighbors 
 so often asked him for this help was testimony to the kindly 
 regard and respect in which he was held by the community. 
 
 For years Washington had been absorbing the harsh lessons 
 of the soldier; now he was to learn something of the stubborn 
 facts of economics. First of all, there was Mount Vernon itself 
 — during the long war years the plantation had gone to seed. 
 Stock, tools, buildings, fences — all needed repair or replace- 
 ment. In a letter to an old comrade at arms, Captain Robert 
 Stewart, Washington described the situation: 
 
 This, upon my soul, is a genuine account of my [financial] affairs. 
 ... I doubt not that you will be surprised at the badness of their condi- 
 tion unless you will consider under what terrible management and 
 disadvantages I found my estate when I retired from the public service 
 
 234- 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 of this colony; and that besides some purchases of land and negroes 
 I was necessitated to make ... I had provisions of all kinds to buy 
 for the first two or three years; and my plantation to stock, in short 
 with everything; buildings to make, and other matters, which swal- 
 lowed up, well before I knew where I was, all the money got by 
 marriage, nay more, brought me into debt. . . . 
 
 Adding to Washington's growing indebtedness, the soil of 
 Mount Vernon proved unsuited to the culture of tobacco. After 
 repeated poor crops, Washington turned to raising wheat instead. 
 
 Whatever the crop, however, the economic relationship be- 
 tween Virginia and the mother country stacked the cards against 
 the planter. Virginia's principal cash crop rapidly wore out 
 the soil. Under existing British laws Virginians could sell only 
 within the British Empire, and could buy manufactured goods 
 only from Britain. Most planters dealt through some British 
 merchant, or factor, who bought their crops and sold them 
 manufactured goods. These London middlemen naturally- 
 wanted to pay prices as low as possible for colonial products, 
 and to get prices as high as possible for the English goods they 
 supplied the planter — usually on credit and so with interest 
 added to the price. 
 
 The planters themselves compounded their difficulties by 
 their wasteful standard of living, a practice which Washington 
 shared. As Douglas Southall Freeman has written of Virginia 
 society of that day, "Extravagant living was the vice of a class 
 which neither could pay what it owed nor collect what was 
 owing it." Virginians abused their credit with London houses 
 until credit was cut off, and in addition, often could not pass up 
 the opportunity to acquire more and more land in the new 
 world until they had over-extended themselves into bankrupt- 
 cies which brought other estates tumbling down with their own. 
 
 Small wonder, then, that Virginians resisted so resolutely 
 
 235 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 the threat of a further strain on their shaky economy, a strain 
 in the form of taxes imposed by a distant parliament. They 
 were a society in imminent jeopardy of a general economic col- 
 lapse, and the duties of the Stamp Act or Townshend Acts 
 could well be the fatal blow. Although Washington was better 
 off than many of his fellows, he was a prominent leader in 
 organizing as resistance to the new taxes a boycott of British 
 goods. The weapon was a double blessing: besides putting pres- 
 sure on the British parliament to remove the taxes, non- 
 importation agreements, temporarily at least, prevented Vir- 
 ginia aristocrats from spending themselves further into debt. 
 
 Because of his public activity, Washington had expenses 
 above and beyond those of the average planter. Campaigning 
 for election to the legislature consumed not only time but 
 money. In one election alone, Washington treated the voters 
 to 28 gallons of run, 50 gallons of rum punch, 34 gallons of wine, 
 46 gallons of beer, and 2 gallons of cider. (Since there were 
 fewer than four hundred voters, and since three other candi- 
 dates besides Washington also contributed towards quenching 
 the thirst of the electorate, it must have been a joyous election.) 
 
 Expense did not stop with the campaign. Even as today, the 
 time and expense of serving in the legislature then was hardly 
 covered by the pay. Washington was approached frequently 
 for loans, especially by former fellow soldiers. It was part of 
 the gentleman's code of the day that Washington should make 
 the loans without interest, security, or even a specified date of 
 repayment. Small wonder the account books of Mount Vernon 
 showed greater and greater debits. 
 
 One would hardly expect the former Colonel, however, to 
 be so unresourceful as to meet his economic difficulties pas- 
 sively. As a matter of fact, Washington had thought out a 
 remedy — which was to take him again, after an absence of 
 
 236 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 twelve years, back to the Forks of the Ohio. To a neighbor, 
 Captain John Posey, even further in debt than himself, Wash- 
 ington urged the advantages of recouping fortune by buying 
 western lands: 
 
 . . . there is a large Field before you, an opening prospect in the 
 back Country for Adventures, where numbers resort to, and where 
 an enterprising Man with very little Money may lay the foundation 
 of a Noble Estate in the New Settlements Upon Monongahela for 
 himself and posterity. The Surplus money which you might save after 
 discharging your Debts, would possibly secure you as much Land 
 as in the course of 20 years would sell for 5 times your present Estate. 
 For proof of which only look to Frederick [County] , and see what 
 Fortunes were made . . . ; was it not by taking up and purchasing 
 at very low rates the rich back Lands which were thought nothing 
 of in those days, but are now the most valuable Lands we possess? 
 Undoubtedly it was, and to pursue this plan is the advice I would 
 
 offer my Brother were he in your situation I would . . .ask whether 
 
 it would be better to labor under a load of debt, where you are, 
 which must inevitably keep you in continual Anxiety, and dread of 
 your Creditors; by selling the produce of your labour at under value, 
 (the never failing consequence of necessitous Circumstances) with 
 other evils too obvious to need Inumeration, and which must forever 
 lend a helping hand to keep you low and distressed or to Pluck up 
 resolution at once and disengage yourself of these Incumbrances and 
 Vexations . . . [and] to remove back, where there is a moral certainty 
 of laying the foundation of good Estates to your Children. 
 
 Washington was in a much better position to put his own 
 advice into effect than was his neighbor, for he would not have 
 to sell his present holdings to raise money for new lands. Under 
 the terms of the proclamation of Governor Dinwiddie in 1754, 
 when the Virginia regiment was first raised, the volunteers of 
 that year were entitled to two hundred thousand acres of land 
 in the Ohio Valley as reward for their services. Washington's 
 share of this would be for him a goodly estate indeed. 
 
 237 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Why, then, did Washington wait so long to claim his reward? 
 The answer lay in the troubled nature of the times after 1754. 
 During the ensuing war the French contested with force of 
 arms any claim Virginia might have to the Ohio Valley. When, 
 in 1763, the French finally surrendered the area, the doughty 
 Pontiac and his war-daubed braves took up the struggle. And 
 in that same year, in order to pacify the tribes, the King issued 
 his famous proclamation forbidding English settlement beyond 
 the Appalachians. 
 
 But finally, late in 1768, the way was opened for Washington 
 to press his claims under the proclamation of 1754. Two new 
 treaties, negotiated with the Indians in 1768 — the Treaty of 
 Fort Stanwix with the Iroquois and the Treaty of Hard Labour 
 with the Cherokee — opened the Ohio Valley to settlement east 
 and south of the river as far as the mouth of the Great Kanawha. 
 Since much of the newly reopened area lay within the boun- 
 daries of Virginia, Washington was now in a position to press 
 his claims, as a volunteer of 1754, to land in western Virginia. 
 
 At the same time, an opportunity was developing to acquire 
 land in Pennsylvania. For a long time, what is today the south- 
 western corner of Pennsylvania had remained largely unclaimed 
 because of a boundary dispute between Pennsylvania, Virginia, 
 and Maryland. Until this dispute was settled, no man could be 
 sure of any title to land there. By 1767, however, it appeared 
 that the area would become part of Pennsylvania. (Later, Vir- 
 ginia disputed the claim of Pennsylvania to the southwestern 
 counties, but in 1767, Washington believed that Pennsylvania's 
 claims would hold good— as, of course, they eventually did.) 
 The Pennsylvania lands were to be sold first come, first served, 
 and Washington, who was already familiar with the area, re- 
 solved to be among the first. 
 
 Fortunately, a friend of the war years, William Crawford, 
 
 238 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 already lived in the Monongahela valley and was a surveyor 
 by trade. Washington wrote to this old friend proposing a part- 
 nership to which Crawford agreed. Crawford was to seek out, 
 survey, and claim choice lands. Washington was to supply the 
 necessary funds and give Crawford a share of the lands for 
 his efforts. Washington undertook to raise money sufficient for 
 the project, despite rather pressing debts to creditors in London, 
 because he hoped that future income from the new lands would 
 eventually make it possible for him to discharge the debts. 
 
 In the meantime, Washington also pressed the necessary ar- 
 rangements for making good the Virginia promise of 1754. 
 The current governor, the Baron de Botetourt, was persuaded 
 to grant to the veterans of the Virginia regiment of 1754 the 
 right to take out their two hundred thousand acres in up to 
 twenty separate tracts. Thereupon, newspaper advertisements 
 called the veterans of the regiment together to present their 
 claims. At a meeting in Fredericksburg, late in the summer of 
 1770, the assembled claimants appointed their former Colonel 
 to act on their behalf in seeking out the land to be claimed. 
 The costs of Washington's journey were to be shared by all. 
 
 The trip would also serve another purpose. Crawford had 
 written to announce that he already had acquired some choice 
 acreage for Washington in western Pennsylvania. The journey 
 would make it possible for Washington to view these lands in 
 person. 
 
 As the first bright autumnal hues appeared among the forests 
 of the Blue Ridge, in 1770, George Washington set out once 
 more for lands he had fought to win and now hoped to own. 
 
 239 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Remarks and Occurs. 
 
 (October) 5 th. Began a journey to the Ohio in Company with 
 Doctr. Craik, 1 his Servant, and two of mine with a lead Horse 
 with Baggage. . . . 
 
 6th. Fed our Horses on the Top of the Ridge at one Codleys 2 
 and arrivd at my Brother Samls. 3 on Worthington's Marsh a 
 little after they had dind, the distance being about 30. Miles; 
 from hence I dispatchd a Messenger to Colo. Stephens 4 appris- 
 ing him of my arrival and Intended journey. . . . 
 
 7. My Portmanteau Horse being unable to proceed, I left 
 him at my Brother's and got one of his and proceeded. ... At 
 Rinkers 5 which appears to be a cleanly House my boy 6 was 
 taken Sick but continued on to Pritchard's. 7 Pritchard's is also 
 a pretty good House, their being fine Pasturage, good fences, 
 and Beds tolerably clean. 
 
 8. My Servant being unable to travel, I left him at Pritchard's 
 with Doctr. Craik, and proceedd. my self with Vale. Crawford 8 
 
 1 Dr. James Craik, a native of Scotland and graduate of the University of 
 Edinburgh, had been the surgeon with the Virginia regiment on the cam- 
 paign of 1754, and thus, like Washington, was entitled to receive land under 
 Governor Dinwiddie's proclamation of that year. Craik had also served with 
 Braddock and was to serve later in the Revolutionary War. He was long 
 Washington's personal physician as well as a close friend. 
 
 2 A tavern in what is now Bluemont, Virginia. 
 
 3 Samuel Washington, two years younger than George, lived near the 
 present Charles Town, W Va. 
 
 4 Adam Stephen, another veteran of the Virginia regiment. 
 
 5 Jasper Rinker's house was on the Winchester-Cumberland road. 
 
 6 Billy, or William Lee, a slave purchased from the Lee family, probably 
 knew George Washington as well as any other living man, for he was Wash- 
 ington's manservant throughout these years and throughout the Revolution. 
 
 7 Pritchard's was a tavern on the Cacapon River. 
 
 8 Valentine Crawford was a brother of Captain William Crawford, Wash- 
 ington's western land agent, for whom see note 17 below. 
 
 240- 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 to Colo. Cresap's, 9 in ordr. to learn from him (being just arrivd 
 from England) the particulars of the Grant said to be lately 
 sold to Walpole and others, for a certain Tract of Country on 
 the Ohio. 10 . . . 
 
 9. Went up to Rumney 11 in order to buy work Horses, 
 and meet Doctr. Craik and my Baggage; arrivd there abt. 12, 
 distance 16 Miles. In the Afternoon Doctr. Craik and my Servt. 
 (much amended) and the Baggage, arrivd from Pritchard's; 
 said to be 28 Miles. 
 
 10. Having purchasd two Horses, and recoverd another 
 which had been gone from me near 3 Years, I dispatchd my boy 
 Giles with my two Riding Horses home, and proceeded on my 
 journey. . . . 
 
 11. The Morning being wet and heavy we did not set of[f] 
 till 11 Oclock and arrivd that Night at one, Killam's 12 on a 
 branch of George Ck. 13 distant 103^ Measurd Miles from the 
 North Branch of Potomack. . . . 
 
 9 Colonel Thomas Cresap had settled in western Maryland on the North 
 Branch of the Potomac at what is now Oldtown, Maryland, by 1740. He was 
 an original member of the Ohio Company, for whom he was in charge of 
 building roads and warehouses in the Ohio Country. 
 
 10 The "Walpole Grant" was a vast land-speculating scheme similar to 
 the Ohio Company. Benjamin Franklin, Samuel Wharton, Philadelphia mer- 
 chant, and Thomas Walpole, brother of a leading British statesman of the 
 day (Horace Walpole), were among the promoters. The associates were 
 attempting to get the approval of the British government for the grant of a 
 tract of land covering what is now southwestern Pennsylvania, western West 
 Virginia, and Kentucky. If approved, the grant would have included lands 
 claimed by Virginia — lands which Washington hoped to get in payment for 
 his military service of 1754. The Walpole project later failed to win the 
 approval of the British government. 
 
 11 The town of Romney is now in West Virginia. 
 
 12 Joseph Gillam or Killam was a tavern keeper. 
 
 13 George's Creek was crossed west of Cumberland on Braddock's Road. 
 Braddock's army camped here in 1755. 
 
 241 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 12. We left Killam's early in the Morning, breakfasted at 
 the little meadows 14 10 Miles of, and lodgd at the great Cross- 
 ings 15 20 Miles further, which we found a tolerable good days 
 work. 
 
 The Country we traveld over to day was very Mountainous 
 and stony, with but very little good Land, and that lying in 
 Spots. 
 
 13. Set out about Sunrise, breakfasted at the Great Mead- 
 ows 16 13 miles of[f], and reachd Captn. Crawford's 17 about 
 5 Oclock. 
 
 The Lands we travelld over to day till we had crossd the 
 Laurel Hill (except in small spots) was very mountainous and 
 indifferent, but when we came down the Hill to the Plantation 
 of Mr. Thos. Gist, 18 the Ld. appeard charming; that which 
 lay level being as rich and black as any thing coud possibly be; 
 the more Hilly kind, tho of a different complexion must be 
 good, as well from the Crops it produces, as from the beautiful 
 white Oaks that grows thereon, the white Oak in generl. indi- 
 cates poor Land, 19 yet this does not appear to be of that cold 
 
 14 Washington had stopped at Little Meadows in 1753, 1754, and 1755. 
 
 15 The Great Crossings of the Youghiogheny was a ford near what is now 
 Addison, Pennsylvania. 
 
 16 The Great Meadows was the site of Fort Necessity and Washington's 
 first battle. 
 
 17 William Crawford was originally from Frederick County, Virginia, and 
 was a surveyor by trade. Washington and Crawford surveyed together, per- 
 haps as early as 1749. Crawford served under both Braddock and Forbes, as 
 well as against Pontiac. He was acting as a land agent for Washington as 
 early as 1767, and perhaps before. In 1770, he was residing at his home in 
 what is now Connellsville, Pennsylvania. During the Revolutionary War, 
 he rose to the rank of colonel. After seeing action in many of the principal 
 battles of the war in the East, he was captured while leading an expedition 
 against the Ohio Indians in 1782, and was burned at the stake in what is now 
 Crawford County, Ohio. 18 A son of Christopher Gist. 
 
 19 In Washington's day and for some time later, the quality of land was 
 
 242' 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 kind. The Land from Gists to Crawford's is very broken, tho 
 not Mountainous; in Spots exceeding Rich, and in general free 
 from Stone. Crawfords is very fine Land; lying on Yaughyaugh- 
 gane at a place commonly called Stewart's Crossing. 20 
 
 Sunday 14th. At Captn. Crawford's all day. Went to see a 
 Coal Mine not far from his house on the Banks of the River; 
 the Coal seemd to be of the very best kind, burning freely and 
 abundance of it. 
 
 Monday 15th. Went to view some Land 21 which Captn. 
 Crawford had taken up for me near the Yaughyaughgane distant 
 about 12 miles. This Tract which contains about 1600 Acres 
 Includes some as fine Land as ever I saw, a great deal of Rich 
 Meadow, and in general, is leveller than the Country about it. 
 This Tract is well waterd, and has a valuable Mill Seat 22 (ex- 
 cept that the Stream is rather too slight, and it is said not con- 
 stant more than 7 or 8 months in the Year; but on acct. of the 
 Fall, and other conveniences no place can exceed it) . 
 
 In going to this Land I passd through two other Tracts 
 which Captn. Crawford had taken up for my Brothers Saml. 
 and John; 23 that belonging to the former, was not so rich as 
 
 judged by the type of trees growing on it— hence Washington's interest in 
 various kinds of trees. And how valuable these trees would be today! 
 
 20 Stewart's Crossing of the Youghiogheny is today within the limits of 
 Connellsville, Pennsylvania. Braddock's army used the ford in 1755. 
 
 21 Crawford had had the land surveyed for Washington the previous year. 
 The sixteen hundred odd acres are now the site of Perryopolis, Pennsylvania. 
 
 22 In partnership with a Virginia neighbor, Gilbert Simpson, Washington 
 had a mill erected on the mill site on what came to be known as Washington's 
 Run. Simpson operated the mill, which was begun in 1774 and was in opera- 
 tion by 1776. The mill, which was rebuilt and repaired from time to time, 
 survived until recent decades. The foundation and mill dam may still be seen. 
 The land and mill were sold by Washington to Israel Shreve in 1795. 
 
 23 Samuel, it will be recalled, was two years George's junior; John 
 (Augustine) was the "J ac k" to whom George wrote during the French and 
 Indian Wars. He was four years younger than George. 
 
 243 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 some I had seen; but very valuable on acct. of its levelness and 
 little Stone, the Soil and Timber being good; that of the latter 
 had some Bottom Land upon sml. runs that was very good (tho 
 narrow) the Hills very rich, but the Land in genl. broken. I 
 intended to have visited the Land which Crawford had procurd 
 for Lund Washington 24 this day also, but time falling short, I 
 was obligd to Postpone it making it in the Night before I got 
 back to Crawfords, where I found Colo. Stephen. 
 
 The Lands which I passed over to day were generally Hilly, 
 and the growth chiefly white Oak, but very good notwith- 
 standing; and what is extraordinary, and contrary to the prop- 
 erty of all other Lands I ever saw before, the Hills are the 
 richest Land; the Soil upon the Sides and Summits of them, be- 
 ing as black as Coal and the Growth, Walnut, Cherry, Spice 
 Bushes, etca.; the flats are not so rich; and a good deal more 
 mixd with Stone. 
 
 Tuesday 16. At Captn. Crawford's till the Evening, when I 
 went to Mr. John Stephenson 25 (on my way to Pittsburg) and 
 lodgd. This day was visited by one Mr. Ennis 26 who had 
 travelld down the little Kanhawa (almost) from the head to 
 the Mouth, on which he says the Lands are broken, the bot- 
 toms neither very wide nor rich, but covd. with Beach; at the 
 Mouth the Lands are good, and continue so up the River; and 
 about Weeling 27 and Fishing Ck. 28 is, according to his acct. a 
 
 24 Lund Washington, a distant cousin of George's, was in Washington's 
 employ as the manager of several of Washington's Virginia estates. 
 
 25 John Stephenson, a half-brother of William Crawford, lived on Jacob's 
 Creek in Fayette County. 
 
 26 "Mr. Ennis," to the editor's knowledge, has left no other footprints in 
 the sands of time. 
 
 27 Wheeling Creek, which flows into the Ohio at what is now Wheeling, 
 West Virginia. 
 
 28 Fishing Creek enters the Ohio at New Martinsville, West Virginia. 
 
 244- 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 body of fine Land. I also saw a Son of Captn. John Hardens 29 
 who said he had been from the Mouth of little Kanhawa to 
 the big, 30 but his discription of the Lands seemd to be so vague 
 and indeterminate, that it was much doubted whether he ever 
 was there or not. He says however that at the Mouth of the 
 Big Kanhawa there may be abt. 20 or 25,000 Acres of Land 
 had in a Body that is good, that you are not above five or 6 
 Miles to the Hills, and that the Falls of the Kanhawa 31 are not 
 above 10 Miles up it. 
 
 Wednesday 17. Doctr. Craik and myself with Captn. Craw- 
 ford and others arrivd at Fort Pitt, distant from the Crossing 
 43}-^ Measurd Miles. In Riding this distance we pass over a 
 great deal of exceeding fine Land (chiefly White Oak) espe- 
 cially from Sweisley Creek 32 to Turtle Creek, but the whole 
 broken; resembling (as I think all the Lands in this country 
 does) the Loudoun Lands 33 for Hills. 
 
 We lodgd in what is calld the Town, distant abt. 300 yards 
 from the Fort at one Mr. Semples 34 who keeps a very good 
 House of Publick Entertainment; these Houses which are built 
 of Logs, and rangd into Streets are on the Monongahela, and I 
 suppose may be abt. 20 in Number, and inhabited by Indian 
 Traders, etca. 
 
 The Fort is built in the point between the River Alligany 
 and Monongahela, but not so near the pitch of it as Fort Duquesne 
 stood. It is 5 sided and regular, two of which (next the Land) 
 
 29 John Harden, of Frederick County, Virginia, had served with Washing- 
 ton on the Virginia frontier in the fall of 1755. 
 
 30 The Big Kanawha. 
 
 31 Kanawha Falls is 39 miles above Charlestown, West Virginia, near the 
 present town of Gauley Bridge, West Virginia. 
 
 32 Sewickley Creek, a tributary of the Youghiogheny. 
 
 33 Loudoun County, Virginia. 
 
 34 Samuel Semple's tavern was at the corner of Water and Ferry Streets. 
 
 245 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 are of Brick, the others Stockade. A Mote incompasses it. The 
 Garrison consists of two Companies of Royal Irish Commanded 
 by one Captn. Edmonson. 35 
 
 Thursday 18th. Dind in the Fort with Colo. Croghan 36 and 
 the Officers of the Garrison; Supped there also, meeting with 
 great civility from the Gentlemen, and engaged to dine with 
 Colo. Croghan the next day at his Seat 37 abt. 4 Miles up the 
 Alligany. 
 
 Friday 19th. Reed, a Message from Colo. Croghan that the 
 White Mingo 38 and other Chiefs of the 6 Nations had some- 
 thing to say to me, and desiring that I woud be at his House 
 abt. 11 (where they were to meet). I went up and receivd a 
 Speech with a String of Wampum from the White Mingo to 
 the following effect: 
 
 That as I was a Person who some of them remember to have 
 seen when I was sent on an embassy to the French, and most 
 of them had heard of; they were come to bid me welcome to 
 this Country, and to desire that the People of Virginia woud 
 consider them as friends and Brothers linked together in one 
 chain; that I wd. inform the Governor, that it was their wish 
 to live in peace and harm [on] y with the white People, and 
 that tho their had been some unhappy differences between them 
 and the People upon our Frontiers, it was all made up, and 
 
 35 Captain Charles Edmonstone served with the 1 8th, or Royal Irish, 
 Regiment of Foot. 
 
 36 George Croghan, an Indian trader since about 1 745, had served with 
 Washington in 1754 as an adviser on Indian affairs and interpreter, as well 
 as a contracter of supplies. In 1756, he had been appointed Deputy Commis- 
 sioner of Indian Affairs under Sir William Johnson, and in that capacity, had 
 negotiated the final treaty of peace with Pontiac. In his later years, he was 
 engaged in extensive land speculation. For his lands in the Pittsburgh area, 
 see note 47 below. 
 
 37 Croghan' s home was on Pine Creek in what is now Etna, Pennsylvania. 
 
 38 White Mingo was a Seneca chief. 
 
 246' 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 they hopd forgotten; and concluded with saying, that, their 
 Brothers of Virginia did not come among them and Trade as 
 the Inhabitants of the other Provences did; from whence they 
 were affraid that we did not look upon them with so friendly 
 an Eye as they coud wish. 
 
 To this I answerd (after thanking them for their friendly wel- 
 come) that all the Injuries and affronts that had passd on either 
 side was now totally forgotten, and that I was sure nothing 
 was more wishd and desird by the People of Virginia than to 
 live in the strictest friendship with them; that the Virginians 
 were a People not so much engagd in Trade as the Pennsyl- 
 vanians, etca. wch. was the Reason of their not being so fre- 
 quently among them; but that it was possible they might for 
 the time to come have stricter connections with them, and that 
 I woud acquaint the Govr. with their desires. 
 
 After dining at Colo. Croghan's we returnd to Pittsburg, 
 Colo. Croghan with us, who intended to accompany us part 
 of the Way down the River, having engagd an Indian calld the 
 Pheasant, and one Joseph Nicholson an Interpreter to attend 
 us the whole Voyage; also a young Indn. Warrior. 39 
 
 Saturday 20. We Imbarkd in a large Canoe with sufficient 
 store of Provision and Necessaries, and the following Persons 
 (besides Doctr. Craik and myself), to wit: Captn. Crawford, 
 Josh Nicholson, Robt. Bell, William Harrison, Chs. Morgan 
 and Danl. Reardon 40 a boy of Captn. Crawford's, and the In- 
 dians who were in a Canoe by themselves. 
 
 39 Joseph Nicholson had visited the Illinois Country and hunted in Ken- 
 tucky before undertaking this trip. Later, he served under General Daniel 
 Brodhead against the Senecas in 1779, and still later, he was acting as an 
 interpreter to Cornplanter, the Seneca chief. The two Indians, to the editor's 
 knowledge, do not appear again in historical literature. 
 
 40 Bell, Harrison and Morgan were apparently, like Reardon, employees 
 of Crawford. 
 
 247 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 From Fort Pitt we sent our Horses and boys back to Captn. 
 Crawford's, w' orders to meet us there again the 14th day 
 of November. 
 
 Colo. Croghan, Lieutt. Hamilton 41 and one Mr. Magee 42 set 
 out with us. At two we dind at Mr. MageeV 3 and Incampd 
 10 Miles below, and 4 above the Logs Town. We passd several 
 large Island (s) which appeard to (be) very good, as the bot- 
 toms also did on each side of the River, alternately; the Hills 
 on one side being opposite to the bottoms on the other, which 
 seem generally to be abt. 3 and 4 hundred yards wide, and so 
 vice versa. 
 
 Sunday 21. Left our Incampment abt. 6 Oclock and break- 
 fasted at the Logs Town, where we parted with Colo. Croghan, 
 etca. abt. 9 Oclock. At 1 1 we came to the Mouth of big Bever 
 Creek, 44 opposite to which is a good Situation for a House, 45 
 and above it, on the same side (that is the West) there appears 
 to be a body of fine Land. About 5 Miles lower down on the 
 East side comes in Racoon Ck. 46 At the Mouth of which, and 
 up it appears to be a body of good Land also. All the Land 
 between this Creek and the Monongahela and for 15 Miles 
 back, is claimd by Colo. Croghan under a purchase from the 
 Indians (and which Sale he says, is confirmd by his Majesty) , 47 
 
 41 Lieutenant Robert Hamilton was an officer of the Fort Pitt garrison. 
 
 42 Alexander McKee, the deputy Indian agent at Fort Pitt, sided with the 
 British during the Revolution. 
 
 43 Now McKees Rocks, Pennsylvania. 
 
 44 Beaver River, which enters the Ohio from the north in Beaver County, 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 45 Now Monaca, Pennsylvania. 
 
 46 Racoon Creek enters the Ohio from the southeast. 
 
 47 This tract ran from the mouth of Racoon Creek south to near present 
 Independence, Pennsylvania, and then west to near present Duquesne, Penn- 
 sylvania. The northern and western boundaries of the tract were formed by 
 the Ohio and Monongahela rivers. The land was purchased from the Iroquois 
 
 248 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 On this Creek where the Branches thereof interlock with the 
 Waters of Shirtees Creek, 48 there is, according to Colo. 
 Croghan's acct. a body of fine Rich level Land; this Tract he 
 wants to sell, and offers at £5 Ster'g. pr hundd., with an exem- 
 tion of Quit rents 49 for 20 years; after which, to be subject 
 to the payment of 4/2 Ster'g pr. Hundd.; provided he can sell 
 it in 10,000 Acre Lots. Note the unsettled State of this Country 
 renders any purchase dangerous. 
 
 From Racoon Creek to little Bever Creek 50 appears to me 
 to be little short of 10 Miles, and about 3 Miles below this we 
 Incampd; after hiding a Barrl. of Bisquet in an Island (in Sight) 
 to lighten our Canoe. 
 
 Monday 22d. As it began to Snow about Midnight, and con- 
 tinued pretty steadily at it, it was about ]/% after Seven before 
 we left our Incampment. At the distance of about 8 Miles, we 
 came to the Mouth of Yellow Creek 51 (to the west) apposite 
 to, or rather below which, appears to be a long bottom of very 
 good Land, and the Assent to the Hill apparently gradual. 
 There is another pretty large bottom of very good Land about 
 two or 3 Miles above this. About 11 or 12 Miles from this, 
 and just above what is called the long Island (which tho so 
 distinguished is not very remarkable for length, breadth or 
 
 in 1749 and confirmed at the Treaty of Fort Stanwix. In 1775, Croghan sold 
 the land to Bernard Gratz. 
 
 48 Shirtee's Creek was an early name for Chartier's Creek, which enters 
 the Ohio at present McKees Rocks, Pennsylvania. 
 
 49 Quitrents were a survival of feudalism. Originally, they were money 
 paid yearly to great landowners in place of performing labor services. In the 
 British colonies, great landowners attempted to collect these monies even 
 after selling land and passing title to another person. They proved difficult or 
 impossible to collect and disappeared after the Revolution. 
 
 50 Little Beaver Creek enters the Ohio from the north almost at the present 
 Pennsylvania-Ohio border. 
 
 51 Yellow Creek enters the Ohio from the west at Yellow Creek, Ohio. 
 
 249' 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 goodness) comes in on the east side the River, a small Creek or 
 Run, 52 the name of which I coud not learn; and a Mile or two 
 below the Island, on the West Side, comes in big Stony Creek 53 
 (not larger in appearance than the other) ; on neither of which 
 does there seem to be any large bottoms, or body's of good 
 Land. About 7 Miles from the last Mentiond Creek, 28 from 
 our last Incampment, and about 75 from Pittsburg, we came 
 to the Mingo Town; 54 Situate on the West Side the River a 
 little above the Cross Creeks. 55 
 
 This place contains abt. Twenty Cabbins, and 70 Inhabitants 
 of the Six Nations. 
 
 Had we set of[f] early, and kept pritty constantly at it, we 
 might have reachd lower than this place to day; as the Water 
 in many places run pretty swift, in general more so than 
 yesterday. 
 
 The River from Fort Pitt to the Logs Town has some ugly 
 Rifts, and Shoals, which we found somewhat difficult to pass, 
 whether from our inexperience of the Channel, or not, I can- 
 not undertake to say. From the Logs Town to the Mouth of 
 little Bever Creek is much the same kind of Water; that is, 
 rapid in some places, gliding gently in others, and quite still 
 in many. The Water from little Bever Creek to the Mingo 
 Town, in general, is swifter than we found it the preceding day, 
 and without any shallows; there being some one part or other 
 always deep, which is a natural consequence, as the River in 
 
 52 King Creek, which enters the Ohio from the east, or West Virginia, side. 
 
 53 Known today as Wills Creek. 
 
 54 Mingo Town was on the Ohio side at or near present Mingo Junction, 
 Ohio, which is several miles below Steubqnville, Ohio. 
 
 55 Cross Creeks are creeks which enter a river across from each other— 
 that is, one on one side of the river and one on the other. The creek on the 
 Ohio side is today called Indian Cross Creek and the one on the West 
 Virginia side, Virginia Cross Creek. 
 
 250 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 all the distance from Fort Pitt to this Town has not widend 
 any at all nor doth the Bottoms appear to be any larger. 
 
 The Hills which come close to the River opposite to each 
 bottom are steep: and on the side in view, in many places, 
 Rocky and cragged; but said to abound in good land on the 
 Tops. These are not a range of Hills; but broken and cut in 
 two as if there were frequent water courses running through 
 (which however we did not perceive to be the case, conse- 
 quently they must be small if any). The River along down 
 abounds in Wild Geese, and severl. kinds of Ducks but in no 
 great quantity. We killd five wild Turkeys to day. 
 
 Upon our arrival at the Mingo Town we receivd the disagree- 
 able news of two Traders being killd at a Town calld the Grape 
 Vine Town, 56 38 miles below this; which causd us to hesitate 
 whether we shoud proceed or not, and wait for further Intel- 
 ligence. 
 
 Tuesday 23. Several imperfect accts. coming in, agreeing that 
 only one Person was killd, and the Indians not supposing it to 
 be done by their People, we resolvd to pursue our passage, till 
 we coud get some more distinct Acct. of this Transaction. Ac- 
 cordingly abt. 2 Oclock we set out with the two Indians which 
 was to accompany us, in our Canoe, and in about 4 Miles came 
 to the Mouth of a Creek calld Seulf Creek, 57 on the East side; 
 at the Mouth of which is a bottom of very good Land, as I am 
 told there likewise is up it. 
 
 The Cross Creeks 58 (as they are calld) are not large, that 
 on the West side however is biggest. At the Mingo Town we 
 
 56 Grape Vine Town, also known as Frank's Town, was a Delaware town 
 on what is now known as Captina Creek, which enters the Ohio in Belmont 
 County, Ohio. 
 
 57 This is known today as Beech Bottom Run and is just south of Wells- 
 burg, West Virginia. 
 
 58 See note 55 above. 
 
 251 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 found, and left, 60 odd Warriors of the six Nations going to 
 the Cherokee Country to proceed to war against the Cuttaba's 59 
 About 10 Miles below the Town we came to two other cross 
 Creeks that on the West side largest, but not so big; and calld 
 by Nicholson, French Creek. 60 About 3 Miles or a little better 
 below this, at the lower point of some Islands 61 which stand 
 contiguous to each other, we were told by the Indians with 
 us that three men from Virginia (by Virginians they mean all 
 the People settled upon Red Stone, 62 etca.) had markd the 
 Land from hence all the way to Red Stone; that there was a 
 body of exceeding fine Land lying about this place and up oppo- 
 site to the Mingo Town, as also down to the Mouth of Fishing 
 Creek. 63 At this Place we Incampd. 
 
 Wednesday 24th. We left our Incampment before Sunrise, 
 and abt. Six Miles below it, we came to the Mouth of a pretty 
 smart Creek comg. in to the Eastward calld by the Indians 
 Split Island Creek, 64 from its running in against an Island On 
 
 59 The Catawbas, traditional enemies of the Iroquois, sided with the 
 English in the French and Indian War, as the reader will recall. 
 
 60 These cross creeks are known today as Indian Short Creek (on the 
 Ohio side) and Virginia Short Creek (on the West Virginia side) . They are 
 north of Tiltonville, Ohio. 
 
 61 Pike Island, Upper Sister Island, and Lower Sister Island, just north 
 of Wheeling, West Virginia. 
 
 62 The reference here is to settlements on Redstone Creek, an eastern 
 tributary of the Monongahela. The three men referred to were probably 
 Ebeneezer, Silas, and Jonathon Zane, Virginians, who explored land for what 
 is now Wheeling, West Virginia, in 1769, and settled on it in 1770. Ebeneezer 
 Zane later engaged in extensive land speculation in what is now Ohio. Zanes- 
 ville and Lancaster, Ohio, are situated on lands once owned by Zane. Zane 
 laid out the road from Wheeling to Maysyille, Kentucky, known as Zane's 
 Trace. It later became part of the National Road. 
 
 63 Fishing Creek enters the Ohio from the east near New Martinsville, 
 West Virginia. 
 
 64 This was apparently Wheeling Creek, and the island, Wheeling Island. 
 
 252 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 this Ck. there is the appearance of good land a distance up it. 
 Six miles below this again, we came to an other Creek on the 
 West side, calld by Nicholson, Weeling, 65 and abt. a Mile 
 lower down appears to be an other small Water 66 coming in 
 on the East side; which I remark, because of the Scarcity of 
 them and to shew how badly furnished this Country is with 
 Mill Seats. Two or three Miles below this again, is another 
 Run on the West side; 67 up which is a near way by Land to 
 the Mingo Town; and about 4 Miles lower, comes in another 
 on the East, 68 at which place is a path leading to the settlement 
 at Red Stone. Abt. a Mile and half below this again, comes in 
 the Pipe Creek 69 so calld by the Indians from a Stone which is 
 found here out of which they make Pipes; opposite to this (that 
 is on the East side) is a bottom of exceeding Rich Land; but 
 as it seems to lye low, I am apprehensive that it is subject to 
 be overflowd. This Bottom ends where the effects of a hurri- 
 cane appears by the destruction and havock among the Trees. 
 Two or three Miles below the Pipe Creek is a pretty large 
 Creek on the West side, calld by Nicholson, Fox Grape Vine, 70 
 by others Captema Creek, on which, 5 Miles up it, is the Town 
 calld the Grape Vine Town; and at the Mouth of it, is the place 
 where it was said the Traders livd, and the one was killd. To 
 this place we came abt. 3 Oclock in the afternoon, and finding 
 
 65 This would be McMahon Creek in Bellaire, Ohio. Nicholson apparently 
 mistook it for the Wheeling Creek which enters the Ohio at Bridgeport, 
 Ohio. The party would not have seen this smaller Wheeling Creek, as it 
 enters the Ohio behind Wheeling Island. 
 
 66 McMahon Run, near present McMechen, West Virginia. 
 
 67 Weegee Run. 
 
 68 Big Grave Creek, in present Moundsville, West Virginia. 
 
 69 Pipe Creek is in lower Belmont County, Ohio. 
 
 70 Fox Grape Vine Creek is now known as Captina Creek and enters the 
 Ohio from the west just above present Captina, West Virginia. 
 
 253 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 no body there, we agreed to Camp; that Nicholson and one of 
 the Indians might go up to the Town, and enquire into the 
 truth of the report concerning the Murder. 
 
 Thursday 25th. About Seven Oclock Nicholson and the In- 
 dian returnd; they found nobody at the Town but two old 
 Indian Women (the Men being a Hunting) from these they 
 learnt that the Trader was not killd, but drownd in attempting 
 to Ford the Ohio; and that only one boy, belonging to the 
 Trader (fathr. to him) being gone for Horses to take home 
 their Skins. 
 
 About half an hour after 7 we set out from our Incampment 
 around which, and up the Creek is a body of fine Land. In our 
 Passage down to this, we see innumerable quantities of Turkeys, 
 and many Deer watering, and browsing on the Shore side, some 
 of which we killd. Neither yesterday nor the day before did 
 we pass any Rifts or very rapid water, the River gliding gently 
 along; nor did we perceive any alteration in the general face 
 of the Country, except that the bottoms seemd to be getting a 
 little longer and wider, as the Bends of the River grew larger. 
 
 About 5 Miles from the Vine Creek comes in a very large 
 Creek to the Eastward calld by the Indians Cut Creek, 71 from 
 a Town, or Tribe of Indians which they say was cut of entirely 
 in a very bloody Battle between them and the Six Nations. 72 
 This Creek empties just at the lower end of an Island, and is 
 70 or 80 yards wide, and I fancy is the Creek commonly calld 
 by the People of Red Stone, etca., Weeling. 73 It extends accord- 
 
 71 This is today Fish Creek and enters the Ohio from the east at Wood- 
 lands, West Virginia. 
 
 72 Whether an Indian town was once wiped out on this creek, and if so, 
 what the details were, is impossible to discover. However, in general, such 
 an event would be entirely in keeping with the history and behavior of the 
 Iroquois. 
 
 73 Washington here mistook Fish Creek Island and Fish Creek for Wheel- 
 
 254- 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 ing to the Indians acct. a great way, and Interlocks with the 
 Branches of Split Island Creek; abounding in very fine bottoms, 
 and exceeding good Land. Just below this on the West side, 
 comes in a sml. Run 74 and about 5 Miles below it on the West 
 side also another midling large Creek empty s, calld by the 
 Indians broken Timber Creek; 75 so named from the Timber 
 that is destroyd on it by a Hurricane; on the head of this was 
 a Town of the Delawares, which is now left. Two Miles lower 
 down, on the same side, is another Creek smaller than the last 
 and bearing (according to the Indians) the same name; 76 oppo- 
 site to these two Creeks (on the East side) appears to be a 
 large bottom of good Land. About 2 Miles below the last 
 mentioned Creek, on the East side, and at the end of the bottom 
 aforementioned, comes in a sml. Creek or large Run. 77 Seven 
 Miles from this comes in Muddy Creek 78 on the East side the 
 River, a pretty large Creek and heads up against, and with, 
 some of the waters of Monongahela (according to the Indians 
 acct). and contains some bottoms of very good Land; but in 
 general the Hills are steep, and Country broken about it. At 
 the Mouth of this Creek is the largest Flat I have seen upon 
 the River; the Bottom extending 2 or 3 Miles up the River 
 above it, and a Mile below, tho it does not seem to be of the 
 Richest kind, and yet is exceeding good upon the whole, if it 
 be not too low and Subject to Freshes. 79 
 
 About half way in the long reach 80 we Incampd, opposite to 
 
 ing Island and Wheeling Creek, which he had already passed. 
 
 74 Johnson's Run in northern Monroe County, Ohio. 
 
 75 Bishop Run in Monroe County, Ohio. 
 
 76 Opossum Creek in Monroe County, Ohio. 
 
 77 Proctor Run, at Proctor, West Virginia. 
 
 78 Fishing Creek, below New Martinsville, West Virginia. 
 
 79 Washington here means freshets, or floods. 
 
 80 The "Long Reach" is a straight stretch in the usually winding Ohio, 
 
 255 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 the beginning of a large bottom on the East side of the River. 
 At this place we through out some Lines at Night and found a 
 Cat fish of the size of our largest River Cats hookd to it in the 
 Morning, tho it was of the smallest kind here. We found no 
 Rifts in this days passage, but pretty swift water in some 
 places, and still in others. We found the bottoms increasd in 
 size, both as to length and breadth, and the River more choked 
 up with Fallen Trees, and the bottom of the River next the 
 Shores rather more Muddy but in general stony as it has been 
 all the way down. 
 
 Friday 26th. Left our Incampment at half an hour after 6 
 Oclock, and passd a small run 81 on the West side about 4 Miles 
 lower. At the lower end of the long reach, and for some dis- 
 tance up it, on the East side, is a large bottom, but low, and 
 coverd with beach next the River shore, which is no Indication 
 of good Land. The long reach is a strait course of the river 
 for abt. 18 or 20 Miles which appears the more extraordinary 
 as the Ohio in general, is remarkably crooked. There are sev- 
 eral Islands in this reach, some containing an 100 or more 
 Acres of Land; but all I apprehend liable to be overflowed. 
 
 At the end of this reach we found one, Martin, and Lindsay 
 two Traders; and from them learnt, that the Person drownd 
 was one Philips attempting in Compafny] with Rogers, 82 an- 
 other Indn. Trader, to Swim the River with their Horses at an 
 improper place; Rogers himself narrowly escaping. 
 
 About 12 Miles below the three Islands 83 we Incampd just 
 
 running from Paden City, West Virginia, to Raven Rock, West Virginia. 
 
 81 Probably Grandview Run, just below New Matamoras, Ohio. 
 
 82 Without first names, it is virtually .impossible to discover the exact 
 identity of men with such common names as Martin, Rogers, Phillips, and 
 Lindsay. Even if we knew their names, however, it is unlikely that these 
 obscure merchants of the forest left any other written trace by which they 
 could be identified. 83 Three Brothers Islands, near Eureka, West Virginia. 
 
 256« 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 above the Mouth of a Creek 84 which appears pretty large at 
 the Mouth and just above an Island. . . . We met with no Rifts 
 to day, but some pretty strong water, upon the whole tolerable 
 gentle. The sides of the River was a good deal incommoded 
 with old Trees, wch. impeded our passage a little. 
 
 This day provd clear and pleasant, the only day since the 
 18 th that it did not Rain or Snow, or threaten the one or other 
 very hard. 
 
 Saturday 27. Left our Incampment a Quarter before Seven, 
 and after passing the Creek near wch. we lay, and another 
 much the same size and on the same side 85 (West); also an 
 Island abt. 2 Miles in length (but not wide), we came to the 
 Mouth of Muskingham, 86 distant from our Incampment abt. 4 
 Miles. This River is abt. 150 yards wide at the Mouth; a gentle 
 currant and clear stream runs out of it, and is navigable a great 
 way into the Country for Canoes. 
 
 From Muskingham to the little Kanhawa 87 is about 1 3 Miles. 
 This is about as wide at the Mouth as the Muskingham, but 
 the water much deeper; it runs up towards the Inhabitants of 
 Monongahela, and according to the Indians acct. Forks about 
 40 or 50 Miles up it; and the Ridge between the two Prongs 
 leads directly to the Settlement. To this Fork, and above, the 
 Water is navigable for Canoes. . . . 
 
 About 6 or 7 Miles below the Mouth of the Canhawa we 
 came to a small creek on the west side, which the Indns. calld 
 little Hockhocking; 88 . . . About 8 Miles below little Hock- 
 
 84 The Little Muskingum River, which enters the Ohio just above Kerr, 
 or Marietta, Island. 85 Duck Creek, north of Marietta, Ohio. 
 
 86 The Muskingum River enters the Ohio from the north. Marietta, Ohio, 
 later was built on this site. 
 
 87 The Little Kanawha enters the Ohio from the east at what is today 
 Parkersburg, West Virginia. 
 
 88 The Little Hocking River enters the Ohio at Little Hocking, Ohio. 
 
 257 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 hocking we Incampd opposite to the Mouth of the great 
 Hockhocking, 89 which tho so calld is not a large Water; tho 
 the Indians say Canoes can go up it 40 or 50 Miles. 
 
 Since we left the little Kanhawa the Lands neither appear so 
 level nor good. The Bends of the River and Bottoms are longer 
 indeed but not so rich, as in the upper part of the River. 
 
 Sunday 28th. Left our Incampment about 7 Oclock. Two 
 Miles below, a sml. run 90 comes in on the East side thro a 
 piece of Land that has a very good appearance, the Bottom be- 
 ginning above our Incampment, and continuing in appearance 
 wide for 4 Miles down, to a place where there comes in a sml. 
 Run, 91 and to the Hills, and to where we found Kiashuta 92 and 
 his Hunting Party Incampd. 
 
 Here we were under a necessity of paying our Compliments, 
 As this person was one of the Six Nation Chiefs, and the head 
 of them upon this River. In the Person of Kiashuta I found an 
 old acquaintance, he being one of the Indians that went with 
 me to the French in 1753. He expressd a satisfaction in seeing 
 me, and treated us with great kindness; giving us a Quarter 
 of very fine Buffalo. He insisted upon our spending that Night 
 with him, and in order to retard us as little as possible movd 
 his Camp down the River about 3 Miles just below the Mouth 
 
 89 Now known as the Hocking River, this stream enters the Ohio from 
 the west at Hockingport, Ohio. 
 
 90 Lee's Creek, in southern Wood County, West Virginia. 
 
 91 Pond Creek, near the county line between Wood and Jackson Counties, 
 West Virginia. 
 
 92 Kiashuta, or Guyasuta, as a young hunter, had accompanied Washington 
 and two older chiefs on the journey to the French commandant on the Ohio 
 in 1753. Since that time, he had become a great chief. It was believed that 
 during Pontiac's War, in 1763, he directed the siege of Fort Pitt and led the 
 Indians at the battle of Bushy Run. During the Revolutionary War he sided 
 with the British. Among his depredations was the burning of Hannastown, 
 county seat of Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania, in 1782. 
 
 258 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 of a Creek, 93 the name of which I coud not learn (it not being 
 large); at this place we all Incampd. After much Councelling 
 the overnight, they all came to my fire the next Morning, with 
 great formality; when Kiashuta rehearsing what had passed 
 between me and the Sachems at Colo. Croghan's, thankd me 
 for saying that Peace and friendship was the wish of the People 
 of Virginia (with them) and for recommending it to the Trad- 
 ers to deal with them upon a fair and equitable footing; and 
 then again expressed their desire of having a Trade opend with 
 Virginia, and that the Governor thereof might not only be 
 made acquainted therewith, but of their friendly disposition 
 towards the white People; this I promisd to do. 
 
 Monday 29th. The tedious ceremony which the Indians ob- 
 serve in their Councellings and speeches, detaind us till 9 
 Oclock. Opposite to the Creek just below wch. we Incampd, 
 is a pretty long bottom, and I believe tolerable wide; but abt. 
 8 or 9 Miles below the aforemend. Creek and just below a pave- 
 ment of Rocks on the West side, comes in a Creek 94 with fallen 
 Timber at the Mouth, on which the Indians say there is wide 
 bottoms, and good Land. The River bottom's above for some 
 distance is very good, and continues for near half a Mile below 
 the Creek; the pavement of Rocks are only to be seen at low 
 Water. Abt. a mile or a little better below the Mouth of the 
 creek is another pavement of Rocks on the East side, in a kind 
 of Sedgey Ground. On this Creek many Buffaloes use[d to be], 
 according to the Indians acct. 
 
 Tuesday 30. We set out at 50 Minutes passd Seven; the 
 Weather being windy and cloudy (after a Night of Rain.) 
 
 . . . The River from this place 95 narrows very considerably, 
 
 93 Either Guy an Run or Shade River in Meigs County, Ohio. 
 
 94 Big Sandy Creek at Ravenswood, West Virginia. 
 
 95 Just below the so-called Great Bend of the Ohio. The center of this 
 U-shaped bend is near Letart, West Virginia. 
 
 259 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 and for 5 or 6 Miles or more, is scarcely more than 150 or 
 200 yards over. . . . About 10 Miles below our Incampment, 
 and a little lower down than the bottom described to lye in 
 the shape of a horse Shoe, comes in a small Creek 96 on the 
 West side, and opposite to this on the East begins a body of 
 flat Land. ... A Mile or two below this we Landed, 97 . . . We 
 found many shallow Ponds, the sides of which abounding in 
 grass, invited innumerable quantities of Wild fowl among which 
 I saw a Couple of Birds in size between a Swan and a Goose; 
 and in colour somewhat between the two; being darker than 
 the young Swan and of a more sutty Colour: the cry of these 
 was as unusual as the Bird 98 it self, as I never heard any noise 
 resembling it before. . . . 
 
 Wednesday 31st. I sent the Canoe along down to the junction 
 of the two Rivers abt. 5 Miles, that is the Kanhawa with the 
 Ohio, 99 and set out upon a hunting Party to view the Land. 
 We steerd nearly East for about 8 or 9 Miles, then bore South- 
 wardly, and Westwardly, till we came to our Camp at the con- 
 fluence of the Rivers, the Land from the Rivers appeard but 
 indifferent and very broken; Whether these ridges might not 
 be those that divide the Waters of the Ohio from the Kanhawa 
 is not certain, but I believe they are, if so the Lands may yet 
 be good; if not, that which lyes of the River bottoms is good 
 for little. 
 
 November 1st. A little before eight Oclock we set of with 
 our Canoe up the River, 100 to discover what kind of Lands lay 
 upon the Kanhawa. The Land on both sides this River just at 
 
 96 Leading Creek, which enters the Ohio from the west just south of 
 Middleport, Ohio. 
 
 97 Somewhere near Ten Mile Creek on the West Virginia side. 
 
 98 This description could fit a Great Blue Heron or an American Bittern. 
 
 99 The Kanawha enters the Ohio at Point Pleasant, West Virginia. 
 
 100 That is, up the Kanawha, rather than the Ohio. 
 
 260' 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 the Mouth is very fine; but on the East side when you get 
 towards the Hills (which I judge to be about 6 or 700 yards 
 from the River) it appears to be wet, and better adapted for 
 Meadow than tillage. . . . We judgd we went up this River 
 about 10 Miles to day. On the East side appear to be some 
 good bottoms but small, neither long nor wide, and the Hills 
 back of them rather steep and poor. 
 
 Novr. 2d. We proceeded up the River with the Canoe about 
 4 Miles more, and then incampd and went a Hunting; killd 5 
 Buffaloes and wounded some others, three deer, etca. This 
 Country abounds in Buffalo and Wild game of all kinds as also 
 in all kinds of wild fowl, there being in the Bottoms a great 
 many small grassy Ponds or Lakes which are full of Swans, 
 Geese, and Ducks of different kinds. 
 
 Some of Our People went up the River 4 or 5 Miles higher 
 and found the same kind of bottom on the West side, and we 
 were told by the Indians that it continued to the Falls, which 
 they judgd to be 50 or 60 Miles higher up. This Bottom next 
 the Water (in most places) is very rich; as you approach to 
 the Hills you come (in many) to a thin white Oak Land and 
 poor; the Hills as far as we coud judge were from half a Mile 
 to a Mile from the River; poor and steep in the parts we see, 
 with Pine growing on them; whether they are generaly so, or 
 not, we cannot tell but I fear they are. 
 
 Saturday 3. We set of[f] down the River 101 on our return 
 homewards, and Incampd at the Mouth; at the Beginning of 
 the Bottom above the junction of the Rivers, and at the Mouth 
 of a branch on the East side, I markd two Maples, an Elm, and 
 Hoopwood Tree as a Cornr. of the Soldiers L[an]d 102 (if we 
 
 101 Back down the Kanawha. 
 
 102 The land described here, bottomland on both sides of the Ohio from 
 Point Pleasant to Letart, West Virginia, was used to meet the claims of 
 
 261 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 can get it) intending to take all the bottom from hence to the 
 Rapids in the Great Bent into one Survey. I also markd at the 
 Mouth of another Gut lower down on the West side (at the 
 lower end of the long bottom) an Ash and hoopwood for the 
 Beginning of another of the Soldiers Survey, to extend up so 
 as to Include all the Bottom (in a body) on the West side. 
 
 Sunday 4. . . . We met a Canoe going to the Illinoies with 
 sheep. . . . 
 
 Monday 5 th. I set of[f] the Canoe with our Baggage and 
 walkd across the Neck 103 on foot with Captn. Crawford, dis- 
 tant according to our walking about 8 Miles, as we kept a 
 strait course under the Foot of the Hills, which run about So. 
 Et. and was two hours and an half walking of it. 
 
 This is a good Neck of Land the Soil being generally good; 
 and in places very rich. Their is a large proportion of Meadow 
 Ground, and the land as high, dry, and Level as one coud wish. 
 . . . upon the whole a valuable Tract might be had here, and I 
 judge the quantity to be about 4000 Acres. 
 
 Tuesday 6th. We left our Incampment a little after daylight, 
 and in about 5 Miles we came to Kiashutas Hunting Camp 
 which was now removd to the Mouth of that Creek, 104 noted 
 
 other members of the Virginia regiment. Washington did not personally ac- 
 quire any of this tract. In 1772, however, he did acquire other lands in the 
 area — 10,990 acres running for seventeen miles along the south bank of the 
 Kanawha from two miles west of the junction of the Kanawha with the Ohio. 
 The land was selected and surveyed for him by Crawford in 1771. 
 
 103 This neck of land, part of Meigs County, Ohio, extends into the 
 Great Bend, for which see note 95 above. The travellers were now, of course, 
 retracing their steps. Opposite from where Washington walked on this day, 
 on the east side of the Great Bend, Washington later acquired 4,395 acres 
 of bottomland in and around the present Millwood, West Virginia. Here, too, 
 Crawford handled the details. 
 
 104 Big Sandy Creek, at present Ravenswood. In 1772, Washington ac- 
 quired 2,448 acres on the site of Ravenswood. Crawford was the surveyor. 
 
 262 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 Octr. 29, for having fallen Timber at the Mouth of it. . . . 
 
 By the Kindness and Idle ceremony of the Indians, I was 
 detaind at Kiashutas Camp all the remaing. part of this day; 
 and having a good deal of conversation with him on the Subject 
 of Land. . . . 
 
 (Friday) 16th. 105 . . . Here it was for the 2d time the old In- 
 dian 106 with me spoke of a fine piece of Land and beautiful place 
 for a House, and in order to give me a more lively Idea of it, 
 chalkd out the situation upon his Deer skin. . . . 
 
 Saturday 17. By this Morning the River had fallen (in the 
 whole) 2 or 3 and twenty feet, and was still lowering. . . . 
 
 105 The pages of the diary from the 6th to the 16th of November have been 
 chewed by mice. Such of the original manuscript as remains is not coherent 
 and is therefore not reproduced here. It is possible to glean from it that by 
 the 7th, the party reached the Hocking and passed a Delaware hunting party. 
 On the 8th, Washington, Crawford, and one of the Indians went ashore at 
 the mouth of the Little Kanawha and traveled overland almost to the mouth 
 of the Muskingum, noting the character of the land as they went. Washington 
 later acquired a tract of land in the vicinity traversed on this day. This tract 
 of 2,314 acres, since known as Washington Bottom, was on the east side of 
 the river opposite the mouth of the Little Hocking River. It ran from the 
 lower tip of what is now Blennerhassett Island to the lower tip of Newberry 
 Island. 
 
 On the ninth the party put ashore to pursue a bear. By the tenth continuous 
 rains had caused the river to rise rapidly, and the same was true on the 1 1th. 
 By the 12th the current was so fast that progress became almost impossible. 
 Therefore, on the 13th, the young Indian with the party was sent ahead to 
 have horses brought to the Mingo Town. That day, because of the strong 
 current, only five miles was made. Washington estimated that the river had 
 risen twenty feet and recorded that already it was over its banks in some 
 places. During the day the party met two batteaus and a canoe carrying pro- 
 visions for the garrison at Fort Chartres in the Illinois Country. By the 14th, 
 the river was falling and eleven miles was made. On the 15th, Pipe Creek 
 was passed. By the 16th, the party was in the vicinity of Wheeling. At this 
 point, the diary resumes. 
 
 106 The Pheasant, who had been with the party as a guide since the party 
 left Fort Pitt. 
 
 263 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 About 3 Oclock we came to the Town 107 without seeing our 
 Horses the Indian (which was sent express for them) having 
 passd through only the morning before (being detaind by the 
 Creeks which were too high to Ford; without going high up 
 them). Here we resolvd to wait their arrival which was ex- 
 pected tomorrow, and here then will end our Water Voyage 
 along a River, the general course of which from Bever Creek 
 to the Kanhawa is about S Wt. (as near as I coud determine) ; 
 but in its winding thro a narrow vale, extreamely serpentine; 
 forming on both sides the River alternately Necks of very good 
 (some exceeding fine) Bottoms; lying for the Most part in the 
 shape of a half Moon, and of various sizes. 
 
 There is very little difference in the genl. width of the River 
 from Fort Pitt to the Kanhawa; but in the depth I believe the 
 odds is considerably in favour of the lower parts; as we found 
 no shallows below the Mingo Town, except in one or two places 
 where the River was broad; and there, I do not know but there 
 might have been a deep Channel in some part of it. Every here 
 and there are Islands some larger, and some smaller, which 
 operating in the nature of Locks, or stops, occasion pretty still 
 water above, but for the most part strong and rapid water along 
 side of them; however there is none of these so swift but that 
 a Vessel may be Rowd or set up with Poles. When the River 
 is in its Natural State, large canoes that will carry 5 or 6000 
 weight and more, may be workd against stream by 4 hands 
 20 or 25 Miles a day; and down, a good deal more. The Indians 
 who are very dexterous (even there Women) in the manage- 
 ment of Canoes, have there Hunting Camps and Cabins all 
 along the River for the convenience of transporting their skins 
 by Water to Market. In the Fall, so soon as Hunting Season 
 
 107 Mingo Town, where they were to be met with their horses. 
 
 264 • 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 comes on, they set out with their Family s for this purpose; 
 and in Hunting will move there Camps from place to place till 
 by the Spring they get 2 or 300 or more Miles from there 
 Towns; Then Bever catch it in there way up which frequently 
 brings them into the Month of May, when the women are 
 employe! in Plantg. The Men at Market, and in Idleness, till 
 the Fall again; when they pursue the same course again. During 
 the Summer Months they live a poor and perishing life. 
 
 The Indians who live upon the Ohio (the upper parts of it 
 at least) are composed of Shawnas, Delawares, and some of 
 the Mingos, who getting but little part of the consideration that 
 was given for the Lands Eastward of the Ohio, view the Settle- 
 ment of the People upon this River with an uneasy and jealous 
 Eye, and do not scruple to say that they must be compensated 
 for their Right if the People settle thereon, notwithstanding the 
 Cession of the Six Nation's thereto. 108 On the other hand, the 
 People from Virginia and elsewhere, are exploring and Mark- 
 ing all the Lands that are valuable not only on Redstone and 
 other waters of Monongahela but along down the Ohio as low 
 as the little Kanhawa; and by next Summer I suppose will get 
 to the great Kanhawa, at least; how difficult it may be to con- 
 tend with these People afterwards is easy to be judgd of from 
 every day's experience of Lands actually settled, supposing 
 these to be made; then which nothing is more probable if the 
 Indians permit them, from the disposition of the People at pres- 
 ent. A few Settlements in the midst of some of the large Bot- 
 toms, woud render it impractable to get any large qty. of Land 
 Together; as the Hills all the way down the River (as low as 
 
 108 At the Treaty of Fort Stanwix in 1768, the Iroquois had ceded rights 
 to the land south of the Allegheny and Ohio — that is, southwestern Pennsyl- 
 vania, western West Virginia, and Kentucky. 
 
 265 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 I went) come pretty close and are steep and broken, incapable 
 of Settlements tho some of them are rich and only fit to sup- 
 port the Bottoms with Timber and Wood. . . . 
 
 Sunday, 18th. Agreed with two Delaware Indians to carry 
 up our Canoe to Fort Pitt for the doing of which I was to pay 
 6 Dollars and give them a Quart Tinn Can. 
 
 Monday 19th. The Delawares set of with the Canoe, and our 
 Horses not arriving, the day appeard exceeding long and tedi- 
 ous. Upon conversing with Nicholson, I found he had been 
 two or three times to Fort Chartres at the Illinois, and got 
 from him the following Acct. of the Lands between this and 
 that; and upon the Shawna River; 109 on which he had been a 
 Hunting. 
 
 The Lands down the Ohio grow more and more level as 
 you approach the Falls, 110 and about 150 Miles below them, 
 the Country appears quite Flat, and exceeding rich. On the 
 Shawna River (which comes into the Ohio 400 Miles below 
 the Falls and about 1100 from Pittsburg) up which he had 
 hunted 300 and more Miles the Lands are exceeding Level, rich, 
 and fine, but a good deal intermixd with Cain or Reed, which 
 might render them difficult to clear; that game of all kinds was 
 to be found here in the greatest abundance, especially Buffalo. 
 That from Fort Chartres 111 to Pittsburg by Land, is computed 
 800 Miles; and in travelling thro the Country from that place 
 he found the Soil very rich, the Ground exceeding level to O 
 Post 112 (a French Settlement) and from Opost to the Lower 
 Shawna Town 113 on Scioto equally flat, that he passd through 
 
 109 An early name for the Cumberland River of Kentucky and Tennessee. 
 
 110 Louisville, Kentucky. 
 
 1 1 1 Fort Chartres was north of Kaskaskia on the east side of the Mississippi. 
 
 112 O Post was Ouabache (Wabash) Post, now Vincennes, Indiana. 
 
 113 Lower ShawneeTown was at the juncture of the Scioto and Ohio Rivers. 
 
 266- 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 large Planes 30 Miles in length without a Tree except little 
 Islands of Wood, that in these Planes thousands, and 10,000sds. 
 of Buffalo may be seen feeding; that the distance from Fort 
 Chartres to Opost is about 240 Miles and the Country not very 
 well Waterd; from Opost to the lower Shawna Town and about 
 300 more abounding in good Springs and Rivulets; that the 
 remainder of the way to Fort Pitt is Hilly, and the Hills larger 
 as you approach the Fort, tho the Ld. in general is also good. . . . 
 
 Novr. 20th. About One Oclock our Horses arrivd, having 
 been prevented getting to Fort Pitt by the freshes. 114 At Two 
 we set 115 out and got about 10 Miles. The Indians travelling 
 along with us. 
 
 Tuesday 21st. Reach'd Fort Pitt in the Afternoon, distant 
 from our last Incampment about 25 Miles and as near as I can 
 guess 35 from the Mingo Town. . . . 
 
 Thursday 22. Stayd at Pittsburg all day. Invited the Officers 
 and some other Gentlemen to dinner with me at Samples; 
 among which was one Doctr. Connelly 116 (Nephew to Colo. 
 Croghan) a very sensible Intelligent Man who had travell'd 
 over a good deal of this Western Country both by Land and 
 Water and confirms Nicholson's Acct. of the good Land on the 
 Shawana River up which he had been near 400 Miles. 
 
 This Country (I mean the Shawana River) according to 
 Doctr. Connellys Acct. must be exceeding desirable on many 
 Accts. The Climate is exceeding fine, the Soil remarkably good; 
 the Lands well Waterd with good streams, and full level enough 
 for any kind of Cultivation. Besides these advantages from Na- 
 
 114 Freshets, or flooded streams. 
 
 115 The party left the river at Mingo Town and traveled across what is 
 today the West Virginia panhandle to Fort Pitt. 
 
 116 John Connolly, in 1774, during the Pennsylvania- Virginia boundary 
 dispute, occupied for Virginia the then abandoned Fort Pitt. During the 
 Revolutionary War he was a loyalist. 
 
 267 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 ture, it has others not less Important to a new settlement, par- 
 ticularly Game which is so plenty as not only to render the 
 Transportation of Provisions there (bread only excepted) alto- 
 gether unnecessary, but to enrich the Adventurers with the 
 Peltry for which there is a constant and good Market. 
 
 Doctr. Connelly is so much delighted with the Lands, and 
 Climate on this River; that he seems to wish for nothing more 
 than to induce 100 families to go there to live that he might be 
 among them. A New and most desirable Government might 
 be established here to be bounded (according to his Acct.) by 
 the Ohio Northward and Westward. The Ridge that divides 
 the Waters of the Tenesee or Cherokee River Southward and 
 Westward and a Line to be Run from the Falls of Ohio, or 
 above so as to cross the Shawana River above the Fork of it. 
 
 Doctor Connelly gives much the same Acct. of the Land be- 
 tween Fort Chartres in the Illinois Country, and Post St. Vin- 
 cent (O Post) that Nicholson does, except in the Article of 
 Water, wch. the Doctr. says is bad, and in the Summer scarce, 
 there being little else than stagnate Water to be met with. 
 
 Friday 23d. After settling with the Indians and People that 
 attended me down the River and defray the Sundry Expenses 
 accruing at Pittsburg, I set of on my return home and after 
 dining at the Widow Mierss. 117 on Turtle Creek reachd Mr. 
 John Stephenson 118 (two or three hours in the Night). 
 
 Saturday 24th. When we came to Stewards 119 Crossing at 
 Crawfords, the River was too high to Ford and his Canoe gone 
 a Drift, however after waiting there 2 or three hours a Canoe 
 was got in which we passd and Swam our Horses. The remain- 
 
 117 The Widow Meyers' tavern was a well known stopping place. It is 
 believed to have stood at the present corner of Sycamore and Sixth Streets 
 in Turtle Creek, Pennsylvania. 
 
 118 See note 25 above. 119 Stewart's. 
 
 268 
 
LAND SCOUT IN THE OHIO COUNTRY 
 
 der of this day I spent at Captn. Crawfords, it either Raining 
 or Snowing hard all day. 
 
 Sunday 25th. I Set out early in order to see Lund Washing- 
 ton's Land, but the Ground and trees being coverd with Snow, 
 I was able to form but an indistinct opinion of it, tho upon the 
 whole it appeard to be a good Tract of Land and as Level as 
 common indeed more so, from this I went to Mr. Thos. Gists, 
 and Dind, and then proceeded on to the Great crossing . . . 
 where I arrivd about Eight Oclock. 
 
 Monday 26th. Reachd Killiams on George's Creek where 
 we met several Families going over the Mountains to live, some 
 witht. having any places provided. The Snow upon the Alligany 
 Mountains was near knee deep. 
 
 Tuesday 27th. We got to Colo. Cresaps at the Old Town 
 after calling at Fort Cumberland. . . . 
 
 Wednesday 28th. The Old Town Gut was so high as to Wet 
 us in crossing it, and when we came to Cox's 120 the River was 
 Impassable; we were obligd therefore to cross in a Canoe and 
 swim our Horses. . . . 
 
 Thursday 29th. Set out early and reachd my Brothers 121 by 
 one oclock (about 22 or 3 Miles) .... 
 
 30th. Reached Charles West's 122 3 5 Miles from my Brother's. 
 
 [December] 1st. Reachd home from [Charles] West's, after 
 an absence of 9 Weeks and one Day. 
 
 120 Cox's Fort was at the mouth of the Little Cacapon River. 
 
 121 Samuel Washington. 
 
 122 Charles West was a neighbor. 
 
 269 
 
Landlord and Expansionist 
 1784 
 
"My Landed property West of the 
 Apalachean Mountains" 
 
 George Washington left Western Pennsylvania in 1770, an 
 Englishman, a subject of the King of Great Britain; and Penn- 
 sylvania was one of His Majesty's Dominions Beyond the Seas. 
 He returned in 1784, not an Englishman, but an American; and 
 Pennsylvania, like Virginia, was one of the free and sovereign 
 United States. No man had done more than Washington to 
 bring this about. 
 
 During the years of fighting the Revolution Washington did 
 not get back to the Ohio Valley where he had first heard the 
 whistle of bullets. As a matter of fact, the war forced him to 
 postpone a trip he had planned to the West in 1775. In the 
 years immediately preceding the Revolution, his employees 
 had been attempting to establish a settlement on Washington's 
 lands in the valley of the Great Kanawha, and Washington had 
 hoped to visit this and his other holdings beyond the moun- 
 tains. But the call to command of the Continental Army halted 
 any thought of the trip, and the Indian depredations of the 
 war itself forced his people to abandon the Kanawha settlement. 
 
 Although the lands beyond the mountains were not the set- 
 ting for the clash of the main armies, they were an important 
 center of events that led into the war. 
 
 The Revolutionary War, like most great historical phenom- 
 ena, was a complex event. In one sense, at least, it was a con- 
 tinuation of the war that Washington had helped to launch in 
 1754, the war for the lands of the Ohio watershed. True, the 
 French were gone and the Indians were clearly going, but the 
 struggle for the land was not yet over. There remained the 
 
 273 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 question of whether the development of the vast area would 
 rest with the politicians and courtiers of London, or whether 
 control would be in the hands of colonists — the gentlemen ad- 
 venturers of Williamsburg and Philadelphia, and the frontier 
 farmers of the Susquehanna, the Mohawk, and the South Branch 
 of the Potomac. 
 
 In 1763, a Proclamation by the King had prohibited any 
 settlement west of a line drawn along the top ridges of the 
 Appalachians. The motive of the Crown was to prevent costly 
 friction with the Indians, but the effect was to bar squatter and 
 speculator alike from the new-won lands across the mountains. 
 If this were not galling enough, in 1774, the Quebec Act placed 
 the whole area north of the Ohio and east of the Mississippi 
 under the jurisdiction of the Governor of Quebec, thus wiping 
 out at the stroke of a pen thousands of claims held by Virgin- 
 ians, Pennsylvanians, Marylanders, and other residents of the 
 colonies south of Canada. If the British parliament did not re- 
 alize at the time that these acts could help precipitate a revolu- 
 tion, they came to their senses later — too late. As a matter of 
 fact, one of the charges that British war propaganda made 
 against Washington was that his principal motive in waging 
 war against England was the securing of his vast land claims 
 in the West. 
 
 If the transappalachian area did not see the principal fighting, 
 it was not quiet, either. As the weakest of the antagonists con- 
 testing for the area, the Indians calculated their best interests 
 lay with the victory of the English; and since they could not 
 enter the field independently, they fought with the King and 
 against the Americans. Again, the fort at the Forks of the Ohio 
 became a bustling military base, although this time the columns 
 which marched out of it went north against the Iroquois and 
 west against Detroit, where they once had moved east against 
 
 274« 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 Ligonier or south against Winchester. Wheeling, which had 
 been only the beginning of a clearing when Washington drifted 
 down the Ohio in 1770, now stood Indian siege twice. Wash- 
 ington's associate and friend, William Crawford, was captured 
 in an expedition against the Ohio Indians, and burned at the stake. 
 
 And besides fighting on their own ground, the Westerners 
 sent many a rifleman to the battles in the East. At Saratoga, at 
 King's Mountain, at Cowpens, and on other fields the men of the 
 western slopes and valleys fought bravely and with distinction. 
 
 As had been true over most of Washington's military career, 
 far from profiting economically from the war, he suffered. 
 Throughout the war, Washington had refused to accept pay for 
 his services. When, late in 1783, he resigned his great command 
 and returned to Mount Vernon, he found his private business 
 affairs in grievous straits. Rents had gone uncollected and now 
 were perhaps uncollectible; even if collected, they had to be 
 paid in inflated currency, worth little. Encouraged by the Brit- 
 ish, many slaves had run away; the overseer of Mount Vernon 
 had gone unpaid for years; the bookkeeping was a snarl; fences 
 and fields needed repair. And in addition, swarms of guests 
 descended on the plantation to stay perhaps for a meal, perhaps 
 for a month, and all at Washington's expense. As a young man, 
 Washington had yearned for "public honor"; now, like many 
 a man before and since, he tasted the bitter with the sweet. 
 
 Need to recoup his fortunes was one of the factors which 
 soon turned Washington's feet westward. He had long felt that 
 economic reverses in the East could be recovered in the West. 
 The situation at Mount Vernon pressed him to see to his west- 
 ern properties, as did the fact that they had been so long 
 neglected. Like many another veteran of many another war, 
 Washington had little time to rest from the trails of war before 
 embarking on the uncertain paths of peace. And for him, the 
 
 275 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 paths of peace, like his earliest paths of war, ran to the West. 
 
 The paths of peace to the West were also future highways 
 of commerce, and that provided a second reason for Washing- 
 ton's trip. A way had to be found to tie the distant area across 
 the mountains to the seaboard; otherwise what had been won 
 so recently by war and diplomacy might yet be lost to Britain 
 or Spain. And to a states-righter, as Washington still was in 
 1784, the ties of the hinterland should be not simply with the 
 seaboard, he thought, but with Virginia, too. At the urging of 
 Thomas Jefferson, Virginia's great wartime governor, Wash- 
 ington agreed to investigate on his trip west the possibility 
 of linking, by portage road or canal, the waters of the Potomac 
 with the waters of the Ohio. New York State was also plan- 
 ning such a project, and Washington, who had seen the Mohawk 
 Valley during the war, knew that was possible. If Virginia 
 could lead in facilitating communication and commerce between 
 East and West, she would serve herself as well as the young 
 nation. 
 
 And so Washington, former commander in chief and future 
 President, turned his back on the tribulations and losses of the 
 Revolution and lost himself enthusiastically in his first love — 
 surveying the land. 
 
 The Journal of 1784 
 September 1 — October 4 
 
 Having found it indispensably necessary to visit my Landed 
 property West of the Apalachean Mountains, and more espe- 
 cially that part of it which I held in Copartnership with Mr. 
 Gilbert Simpson. 1 — Having determined upon a tour into that 
 
 1 Gilbert Simpson was a former neighbor of Washington's in Virginia. 
 
 276< 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 Country, and having made the necessary preparations for it, I 
 did, on the first day of this Month (September) set out on my 
 journey. 
 
 Having dispatched my equipage about 9 O'clock A.M:, con- 
 sisting of 3 Servants and 6 horses, three of which carried my 
 Baggage, I set out myself in company with Doctor James 
 Craik 2 . . . 
 
 3d. Having business to transact with my Tenants in Berke- 
 ley; 3 and others who were directed to meet me at my Brother's 
 (Colo. Charles Washington's), 4 I left Doctr. Craik and the 
 Baggage to follow slowly, and set out myself about Sun Rise 
 for that place . . . 
 
 Colo. Warner Washington, 5 Mr. Wormeley, 6 Genl. Morgan, 7 
 Mr. Trickett 8 and many other Gentlemen came here to see me 
 — and one object of my journey being to obtain information 
 
 In 1773, he went west to build and operate a mill for Washington on the mill- 
 site Crawford had acquired for Washington, and which Washington had in- 
 spected in 1770. Washington provided slaves and tools for the project; Simp- 
 son was to manage the property as a partner. Washington was disturbed 
 because, ever since the mill had been put in operation, he had received little 
 or no income from Simpson. 
 
 2 Dr. Craik, it will be recalled, was Washington's personal physician as 
 well as a neighbor and good friend. Craik had gone west with Washington 
 in 1770 and had served during the Revolution as a medical officer. Also in the 
 party were Washington's nephew Bushrod and Craik's son William. 
 
 3 Berkeley County, now West Virginia. 
 
 4 Charles, Washington's next youngest brother, lived near Charles Town 
 in Berkeley County. 
 
 5 Warner Washington was Washington's first cousin. 
 
 6 The Wormeley (or Wormley as it was also spelled) family were a plant- 
 ing family who were neighbors of Samuel Washington and friends of George. 
 The "Mr. Wormeley" referred to may have been Ralph, or his son, John. 
 
 7 Brigadier General Daniel Morgan had commanded Berkeley County 
 troops in the Revolutionary War. 
 
 8 Mr. Trickett does not appear elsewhere in historical literature, to the 
 editor's knowledge. 
 
 277 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 of the nearest and best communication between the Eastern 9 
 and Western Waters; and to facilitate as much as in me lay 
 the Inland Navigation of the Potomack; I conversed a good 
 deal with Genl. Morgan on this subject, who said, a plan was 
 in contemplation to extend a Road from Winchester to the 
 Western Waters, to avoid if possible an interference with any 
 other State, but I could not discover that Either himself, or 
 others, were able to point it out with precision. He seemed to 
 have no doubt but that the Counties of Frederk., Berkeley and 
 Hampshire would contribute freely towards the extension of 
 the Navigation of Potomack; as well as towards opening a 
 Road from East to West. 
 
 4th. Having finished my business with my Tenants (so far 
 at least as partial payments could put a close to it) and provided 
 a Waggon for the transportation of my Baggage to the Warm 
 springs (or Town of Bath) 10 to give relief to my Horses, 11 
 which from the extreme heat of the Weather began to Rub 
 and gaul, I set out after dinner, and reached Captn. Stroads 12 a 
 Substantial farmers betwn. Opecken Creek 13 and Martinsburgh 14 
 — distant by estimation 14 Miles from my Brothers. 
 
 Finding the Captn. an intelligent Man, and one who had been 
 several times in the Western Country — tho' not much on the 
 communication between the North Branch of Potomack, and 
 the Waters of Monongahela — I held much conversation with 
 
 9 The term "Eastern Waters" referred to those east of the Appalachians; 
 the "Western Waters" were those west of the mountains. 
 
 10 Bath is now known as Berkeley Springs, West Virginia. 
 
 11 The sentence structure employed here makes it appear that Washington 
 journeyed to Bath to relieve his horses. Actually, of course, he "provided a 
 wagon" to "give relief" to the horses, while he went to Bath. 
 
 12 Captain Stroads is not otherwise identified. 
 
 13 Opequan Creek, a tributary of the Potomac. 
 
 14 Martinsburg, now in West Virginia. 
 
 278' 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 him — the result of which so far as it respected the object I had 
 in view, was, that there are two Glades which go under the 
 denomination of the Great glades — one, on the Waters of the 
 Yohiogany, the other on those of Cheat River; 15 and distin- 
 guished by the name of the Sandy Creek Glades. 16 — that the 
 Road to the first goes by the head of Pattersons Creek 17 — that 
 from the accts. he has had of it, it is rough;— the distance he 
 knows not. That there is a way to the Sandy Creek Glades 
 from the great crossing of Yohiogany (or Braddocks Road) and 
 a very good one; but how far the Waters of Potomack above 
 Fort Cumberland, and the Cheat River from its Mouth are 
 navigable, he professes not to know — and equally ignorant is 
 he of the distance between them. 
 
 He says that old Captn. Thos. Swearengen 18 has informed 
 him, that the Navigable Water of the little Kanhawa comes 
 within a small distance of the Navigable Waters of the Monon- 
 gahela, and that a good Road, along the Ridge, may be had 
 between the two and a young Man who we found at his House 
 just (the Evening before) from Kentucke told us, that he left 
 the Ohio River at Wheeling (Colo. David Shepperds) 19 and in 
 about 40 Miles came to Red stone old Fort 20 on the Mononga- 
 hela, 50 Miles from its Mouth. 
 
 15 The Cheat River rises in West Virginia and enters the Monongahela 
 just north of the Mason-Dixon Line, at Point Marion, Pennsylvania. 
 
 16 Sandy Creek rises just south of the Great Meadows and runs southwest 
 into the Cheat. 
 
 17 Patterson's Creek is a tributary of the Potomac which enters the North 
 Branch of the Potomac from the south. 
 
 18 Thomas Swearengen, of a numerous frontier family, was once a burgess 
 from Frederick County; during the French and Indian War, a Militia officer. 
 
 19 Colonel David Shepherd, an early resident of Wheeling, directed the 
 defense of that town when Indians attacked in 1777. Later he was interested 
 in the Potomac Company. 
 
 20 Redstone Old Fort is present Brownsville, Pennsylvania. The route 
 
 279 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Captn. Strodes rout to the Westward having been for the 
 most part by way of New River 21 and the Hd'ston, 22 through 
 (what is called) the Wilderness to Kentucke, he adds that 
 when he went out last fall he passed through Staunton, 23 by 
 the Augusta Springs, 24 the Sweet springs 25 to the New River, 
 30.— in all, 103 from Staunton to the New River: from this 
 part of the New River to the place called Chissels Mines, 26 is 
 passable for Canoes and Batteaux with little difficulty; and 
 from thence to the Roanoke 27 where it is as large as the 
 Opeckon 28 near his house is only 12 Miles and a tolerably 
 level country. 
 
 5 th. Dispatched my Waggon (with the Baggage) at day light; 
 and at 7 O'clock followed it . . . about 3 Oclock P.M. we 
 arrived at the Springs, or Town of Bath after travelling the 
 whole day through a drizling Rain, 30 Miles. 
 
 6th. Remained at Bath all day and was showed the Model 
 
 described, once known as Catfish Path, eventually became the Cumberland 
 National Road and is today U. S. Route No. 40. 
 
 21 The New River, a tributary of the Big Kanawha, rises near the present 
 Tennessee- Virginia-North Carolina boundary and flows north. The route 
 here described followed the New River south— that is, upstream. 
 
 22 The Holston rises in the same mountainous area as the New River, 
 but whereas the New River flows north into the Big Kanawha, the Holston 
 flows south and west into the Tennessee River. 
 
 23 Staunton, Virginia. 
 
 24 Augusta Springs, Augusta County, Virginia. 
 
 25 Sweet Springs, Monroe County, West Virginia. 
 
 26 A lead mine on the New River near present Radford, Virginia. 
 
 27 The Roanoke River comes within a few miles of the New River near 
 Radford, Virginia. 
 
 Since the Roanoke enters the Atlantic ana 1 the New River eventually reaches 
 the Ohio, a portage between them would provide an all-water route to the 
 Ohio Valley. However, the New River descends so rapidly that it could not 
 be traversed even by canoes. 
 
 28 See note 1 3 . 
 
 280' 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 of a Boat constructed by the ingenious Mr. Rumsey, 29 for as- 
 cending rapid currents by mechanism; the principles of this were 
 not only shown, and fully explained to me, but to my very 
 great satisfaction, exhibited in practice in private under the in- 
 junction of Secresy, untill he saw the effect of an application 
 he was about to Make to the Assembly of this State, for a reward. 
 
 The Model, and its operation upon the water, which had 
 been made to run pretty swift, not only convinced me of what I 
 before thought next to, if not quite impracticable, but that it 
 might be turned to the greatest possible utility in inland Navi- 
 gation; and in rapid currents; that are shallow — and what adds 
 vastly to the value of the discovery, is the simplicity of its 
 works; as they may be made by a common boat builder or car- 
 penter, and kept in order as easy as a plow, or any common 
 impliment of husbandry on a farm. 
 
 Having obtained a Plan of this Town (Bath) and ascertained 
 the situation of my lots therein, which I examined; it appears 
 that the disposition of a dwelling House, Kitchen and Stable 
 cannot be more advantageously placed than they are marked 
 in the copy I have taken from the plan of the Town; to which 
 I refer for recollection, of my design; and Mr. Rumsey being 
 willing to undertake those Buildings, I have agreed with him 
 to have them finished by the 10th of next July. The dwelling 
 House 30 is to be 36 feet by 24, with a gallery of 7 feet on each 
 side of the House, the whole fronts, — under the House is to 
 be a Cellar half the size of it, walled with Stone, and the whole 
 underpined.— on the first floor are to be 3 rooms; one of them 
 24 by 20 feet, with a chimney at the end (middle thereof) the 
 
 29 James Rumsey was one of the codevelopers, later, of the steamboat. 
 He was associated with Washington, in later years, in the Potomac Company. 
 
 30 Bath, or Berkeley Springs, was a popular health resort, often visited by 
 the Washington family. The house was intended, no doubt, for that purpose. 
 
 281 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 other two to be 12 by 16 feet with corner chimneys. — on the 
 upper Floor there are to be two Rooms of equal sizes, with 
 fire places; the Stair case to go up in the Gallery. — galleries 
 above also. The Kitchen and Stable are to be of the same size 
 — 18 by 22; the first with a stone Chimney and good floor 
 above.— the Stable is to be sunk in the ground so as that the 
 floor above it on the North, or side next the dwelling House, 
 shall be level with the Yard. — to have a partition therein. — the 
 West part of which to be for a Carriage, Harness, and Saddles, 
 —the East for Hay or Grain.— all three of the Houses to be 
 shingled with . . . 
 
 Meeting with the Revd. Mr. Balmain 31 at this place, he says 
 the distance from Staunton to the Sweet Springs is 95 Miles; 
 that is, 50 to what are commonly called the Augusta Springs 
 and 45 afterwards— this differs widely from Captn. Strodes 
 acct., and both say they have travelled the Road. 
 
 From Colo. Bruce 32 whom I also found at this place, I was 
 informed that he had travelled from the North Branch of Poto- 
 mack to the Waters of Yaughiogany, and Monongahela — that 
 the Potomk. where it may be made Navigable — for instance 
 where McCulloughs path 33 crosses it 40 Miles above the old 
 fort (Cumberland), is but about 6 Miles to a pretty large branch 
 of the Yohiogany, but how far it is practicable to make the 
 latter navigable he knows not, never having explored it any 
 
 31 Alexander Balmaine was an Episcopal clergyman and had been a chap- 
 lain during the Revolutionary War. 
 
 32 Colonel Andrew Bruce later became a resident of Allegheny County, 
 Pennsylvania, and a judge. 
 
 33 McCulloch's Path, named for an obscure early Indian trader, ran from 
 the present Moorefield, Hardy County, West Virginia, on the South Branch 
 of the Potomac, crossed the North Fork near Mount Storm, Grant County, 
 West Virginia, and thence to the Cheat River. It had several alternate routes 
 in the valley of the Cheat. 
 
 282' 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 length downwards. — that the Waters of Sandy Creek, which 
 is a branch of Cheat River, which is a branch of Monongahela, 
 interlocks with these; and the Country between, fiat— that he 
 thinks (in order to avd. passing through the State of Pennsyl- 
 vania) 34 this would be an eligible Road using the ten Miles 
 Ck. 35 with a portage to the Navigable Waters of the little 
 Kanhawa; which from report he says, are only ten Miles apart 
 —he adds that the distance from the North branch to Cheat 
 Rivr. is great and from the South branch greater; but it is to 
 be observed that most of this information is from report — vague 
 — and not much to be depended upon; I therefore endeavoured 
 to prevail upon Colo. Bruce to explore the Country from the 
 North Branch of Potomack at McCulloughs path, or the high- 
 est practicable Navigation on it, to the Nearest Waters of 
 Yohiogany — thence to Sandy Creek 36 and down that to its junc- 
 tion with the Cheat River — laying the whole down by actual 
 surveys and exact measurement; which he has promised to do, 
 if he can accomplish it — on my part I have engaged, if a Sur- 
 veyor can be obtained, to run the Water of the little Kanhawa 
 from the Mouth to the highest Navigation — thence across to 
 the ten miles Creek on the Monongahela, and up that to the Mo. 
 of Sandy Creek, in order to connect the two Forks together, 
 and form a proper plan with observations— and even to continue 
 
 34 Washington and his fellow Virginians, in 1784, feared that the govern- 
 ment of the rival state of Pennsylvania might block any link between the 
 Potomac and the west which fell within the jurisdiction of Pennsylvania. 
 Due to this sharp commercial rivalry in the period before the adoption of the 
 Constitution, Virginians hoped to find an all- Virginia route to the Ohio. 
 
 35 Ten Mile Creek is a western tributary of the Monongahela, rising in 
 Greene County and Washington County, Pennsylvania. Washington's infor- 
 mation is in error in suggesting that Ten Mile Creek approaches the Little 
 Kanawha; perhaps he was thinking of the West Fork of the Monongahela, 
 which does come within a few miles of the Little Kanawha. 
 
 36 See note 16. 
 
 283 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 up the Cheat River further, to see if a better communication 
 cannot be had with the Potomack than by Sandy Creek. . . . 
 
 8th. Set out about 7 Oclock with the Doctr. (Craik) his 
 Son William, and my Nephew Bushrod Washington, 37 who 
 were to make the tour with us. — about ten I parted with them 
 . . . and recrossed the Potomack ... to a tract of mine 38 on the 
 Virginia Side which I find exceedingly Rich, and must be very 
 valuable— the lower end of the Land is rich white oak in places 
 springey; and in the winter wet.— the upper part is exceedingly 
 rich and covered with Walnut of considerable size many of 
 them. Note— I requested a Mr. McCraken 39 at whose House 
 I fed my horses, and got a snack, and whose land joins mine — 
 to offer mine to any who might apply for £10 the first year, 
 £15 the next, and £25 the third — the Tenant not to remove 
 any of the Walnut timber from off the Land; or to split it into 
 Rails; as I should reserve that for my own use. 
 
 After having reviewed this Land I again crossed the River 
 and getting into the Waggon Road pursued my journey to the 
 Old Town where I overtook my Company and baggage — 
 lodged at Colo. Cresaps abt. 35 Miles this day. . . . 
 
 9th. At this place I met with a Man who lives at the Mouth 
 of ten Miles Creek on Monongahela, who assured me, that this 
 Creek is not navigable for any kind of Craft a Mile from its 
 Mouth; unless the Water of it is swelled by Rain; at which 
 time he has known Batteaux brought 10 or 12 Miles down it. 
 He knows little of the Country betwn. that and the little 
 Kanhawa and not more of that above him, on the Monongahela. 
 
 The day proving rainy we remained here. 
 
 10th. Set off a little after 5 Oclock altho' the morning was 
 
 37 Bushrod was the son of Washington's brother John Augustine, or "Jack." 
 
 38 In present Morgan County, West Virginia, near Fifteen Mile Creek. 
 
 39 Mr. McCraken is not otherwise identified. 
 
 .284' 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 very unpromising— finding from the Rains that had fallen, and 
 description of the Roads, part of which between the old Town 
 and this place (old Fort Cumberland) we had passed, that the 
 progress of my Baggage would be tedious, I resolved (it being 
 necessary) to leave it to follow; and proceed on myself to 
 Gilbert Simpson's to prepare for the Sale I had advertised of my 
 moiety of the property 40 in copartnership with him — and to 
 make arrangements tor my trip to the Kanhawa, if the temper 
 and disposition of the Indians should render it advisable to 
 proceed. Accordingly, leaving Doctr. Craik, his Son, and My 
 Nephew with it, I set out with one Servant only . . . and lodged 
 at Tumbersons 41 at the little Meadows 1 5 Miles further. . . . 
 
 11th. Set out at half after 5 oclock from Tumbersons, and in 
 about V/2 Miles came to what is called the little crossing 42 of 
 the Yohiogany — the road is not bad — this is a pretty consider- 
 able water and, as it is said to have no fall in it, may, I con- 
 ceive, be improved into a valuable navigation; and from every 
 acct. I have yet been able to obtain, communicates nearest with 
 the No. Branch of Potomack of any other. . . . Lodged at one 
 Daughertys 43 a Mile and half short of the Great Meadows— a 
 tolerable good House— the Road between the Crossing and 
 Daughertys is in places, tolerable good, but upon the whole 
 indifferent: — distant from the crossing 12 Miles. 
 
 12th. Left Daughertys about 6 Oclock, — stopped awhile at 
 the Great Meadows 44 and viewed a tenament I have there, which 
 appears to have been but little improved, tho' capable of being 
 
 40 The mill on Washington Run near present Perryopolis, Pennsylvania. 
 
 41 Tumberson's, also known as Tumblestone's and Tomlinson's, was on 
 Braddock's Road at the Little Meadows in northern Garrett County, Mary- 
 land, between Frostburg and Grantsville. 
 
 42 Where Braddock's Road crosses Casselman River, a branch of the 
 Youghiogheny, near Grantsville, Maryland. 
 
 43 In the vicinity of present Farmington, Fayette County. 
 
 285 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 turned to great advantage, as the whole of the ground called 
 the Meadows may be reclaimed at an easy comparitive expence 
 and is a very good stand for a Tavern. Much Hay may be cut 
 here when the ground is laid down in Grass and the upland, 
 East of the Meadow is good for grain. 
 
 Dined at Mr. Thomas Gists 45 at the foot of Laurel, 46 distant 
 from the Meadows 12 Miles, and arrived at Gilbert Simpson's 
 about 5 oclock 12 Miles further. Crossing the Mountains, I 
 found tedious and fatieguing ... in all parts of the Road that 
 would admit it I endeavoured to ride my usual travelling gate 
 of 5 Miles an hour. 
 
 In passing over the Mountains, I met numbers of Persons 
 and Pack horses going in with Ginseng; 47 and for Salt and other 
 articles at the Markets below; from most of whom I made 
 enquiries of the nature of the Country between the little 
 Kanhawa and ten miles Creek (which had been represented as 
 a short and easy portage) and to my surprise found the accts. 
 wch. had been given were so far from the truth that numbers 
 with whom I conversed assured me that the distance was very 
 considerable — that ten Miles Ck. was not navigable even for 
 Canoes more than a Mile from its mouth and few of them, 
 altho I saw many who lived on different parts of this Creek 
 would pretend to guess at the distance. 
 
 I endeavoured to get the best acct. I could of the navigation 
 of the Cheat River, and find that the line which divides the 
 States of Virginia and Pennsylvania crosses the Monongahela 
 
 44 The Great Meadows, scene of Washington's first battle, was bought 
 for him by Crawford in 1770. 
 
 45 Son of Christopher Gist. 
 
 46 What Washington here calls Laurel Hill is known today as Chestnut 
 Ridge. 
 
 47 Ginseng, a native American wild herb, is used medicinally and provided 
 an early "cash crop" for frontier farmers. 
 
 286 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 above the Mouth of it which gives the command thereof to 
 Pennsylvania — that where the River (Cheat) goes through the 
 Laurel hill, the navigation is difficult; not from shallow or rapid 
 water, but from an immense quantity of large Stones, which 
 stand so thick as to render the passage even of a short Canoe 
 impracticable — but I could meet with no person who seemed 
 to have any accurate knowledge of the Country between the 
 navigable, or such part as could be made so, of this River and 
 the North Branch of Potomack — all seem to agree however 
 that it is rough and a good way not to be found. 
 
 The accts. given by those whom I met of the late Murders, 
 and general dissatisfaction of the Indians, occasioned by the 
 attempt of our people to settle on the No. West side of the 
 Ohio, which they claim as their territory; 48 indicative of a 
 hostile temper on our part, makes it rather improper for me to 
 proceed to the Kanhawa agreeably to my original intention, 
 especially as I learnt from some of them (one in particular) 
 who lately left the Settlement of Kentucke that the Indians were 
 generally in arms and gone, or going, to attack some of our 
 Settlements below — and that a Party who had driven Cattle to 
 Detroit had one of their Company and several of their Cattle 
 killed by the Indians — but as these accts. will either be con- 
 tradicted or confirmed by some whom I may meet at my Sale 
 on the 15th Instt. my final determination shall be postponed 
 till then. 
 
 13th. I visited my Mill, and the several tenements on this 
 Tract (on which Simpson lives) . I do not find the land in general 
 equal to my expectation of it— some part indeed is as rich as 
 
 48 The Ohio Indians had sided with the British during the Revolutionary 
 War. When the war ended, the Americans felt that they were entitled to 
 settle in any area ceded by Great Britain; the Indians, however, believed 
 that the old boundary of the Ohio River still held. As a result, there was bad 
 feeling and sporadic raiding by both sides. 
 
 287' 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 can be, some other part is but indifferent— the levellest is the 
 coldest and of the meanest quality— that which is most broken 
 is the richest; tho' some of the hills are not of the first quality. 
 
 The Tenements with respect to the buildings, are but indif- 
 ferently improved — each have Meadow and are arable, but in 
 no great quantity. — the Mill was quite destitute of water — the 
 works and House appear to be in very bad condition— and no 
 reservoir of water — the stream as it runs, is all the resource 
 it has; — formerly there was a dam to stop the water; but that 
 giving way it is brought in a narrow confined and trifling Race 
 . . . the trunk, which conveys the water to the wheel are in 
 bad order. In a word, little Rent, or good is to be expected 
 from the present aspect of her. 
 
 14th. Remained at Mr. Gilbert Simpsons all day. — before 
 Noon Colo. Willm. Butler 49 and the officer Commanding the 
 Garrison at Fort Pitt, a Capt. Lucket 50 came here — as they con- 
 firmed the reports of the discontented temper of the Indians 
 and the Mischiefs done by some parties of them— and the 
 former advised me not to prosecute my intended trip to the 
 Great Kanahawa, I resolved to decline it. 
 
 This day also the People who lives on my land on Millers 
 Run 51 came here to set forth their pretensions to it; and to en- 
 
 49 Colonel William Butler, an early resident of Pittsburgh, had acquired 
 his military title while serving with Pennsylvania troops in the Revolution- 
 ary War. 
 
 50 Captain David Luckett, an officer of the Continental Line in the Revolu- 
 tion, had elected to remain in service. 
 
 51 Miller's Run is a branch of Chartiers Creek. Washington's lands on 
 Miller's Run were near present Canonsburg in Washington County, Penn- 
 sylvania. Colonel William Crawford, his land agent, had selected a tract of 
 twenty-eight hundred acres for him in 1771. However, George Croghan 
 also claimed the land and proceeded to sell portions of it to settlers. When 
 Washington later took the case to court, the prominent Pittsburgh attorney, 
 Hugh Henry Brackenridge, represented the settlers. Washington won the 
 
 288 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 quire into my Right — after much conversation and attempts in 
 them to discover all the flaws they could in my Deed &ca. — 
 and to establish a fair and upright intention in themselves — and 
 after much councelling which proceeded from a division of 
 opinion among themselves— they resolved (as all who lived on 
 the land were not here) to give me their definite determination 
 when I should come to the land, which I told them would prob- 
 ably happen on Friday or Saturday next. 
 
 15th. This being the day appointed for the Sale of my moiety 
 of the Co-partnership Stock 52 — many People were gathered 
 (more out of curiosity I believe than from other motives) but 
 no great Sale made. My Mill I could obtain no bid for, altho I 
 offered an exemption from the payment of Rent 15 Months. 
 The Plantation on which Mr. Simpson lives rented well — viz 
 for 500 Bushels of Wheat, payable at any place within the 
 County that I or my Agent might direct. — the little chance of 
 getting a good offer in money, for Rent, induced me to set it 
 up to be bid for in Wheat. 
 
 Not meeting with any person who will give me a satisfactory 
 acct. of the Navigation of the Cheat River (tho' they generally 
 agreed it was difficult where it passed thro' the Laurel Hill) 
 nor any acct. of the distance and kind of Country between that, 
 or the Main branch of the Monongahela and the Waters of 
 Potomack— nor of the Country between the little Kanhawa and 
 the Waters of Monongahela tho' all agreed none of the former 
 came near ten miles Creek as had been confidently asserted; 
 I gave up the intention of returning home that way— resolving 
 after settling matters with those Persons who had seated my 
 
 case, however. After his death, the lands were sold by his estate to Alexander 
 Addison, a noted jurist of Washington County. 
 
 52 Washington's half-interest in the mill. Gilbert Simpson, of course, 
 owned the other half. 
 
 289 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Lands on Millers Run, to return by the way I came; or by 
 what is commonly called the Turkey foot Road. 53 
 
 16th. Continued at Simpsons all day in order to finish the 
 business which was begun yesterday— Gave leases to some of 
 my Ten[an]ts on the Land where I now am. 
 
 17th. Detained here by a settled Rain the whole day— which 
 gave me time to close my accts. with Gilbert Simpson, and 
 put a final end to my Partnership with him. Agreed this day 
 with a Major Thomas Freeman 54 to superintend my business 
 over the Mountains, upon terms to be inserted in his Instructions. 
 
 18th. Set out with Doctr. Craik for my Land on Miller's 
 Run (a branch of Shurtees Creek) 55 — crossed the Monongahela 
 at Devoirs Ferry 56 — 16 miles from Simpsons— bated at one 
 Hamiltons 57 about 4 Miles from it, in Washington County, and 
 lodged at a Colo. Cannons 58 on the Waters of Shurtees Creek 
 — a kind hospitable Man; and sensible. 
 
 Most of the Land over which we passed was hilly — some 
 
 53 The Turkeyfoot Road was a variation of Braddock's Road. Turkey- 
 foot was the name used at the time for the junction of the Youghiogheny, 
 Casselman River and Laurel Hill Creek at present Confluence, Pennsylvania. 
 
 54 Major Freeman had assisted Washington as a clerk at the sale at Simp- 
 son's. He became Washington's land agent for the next period. 
 
 55 Chartiers Creek. 
 
 56 Devoir's Ferry, also known as De Bore's and DeVore's, was begun on 
 the Monongahela River by James DeVore as early as 1773 on the site of 
 present Monongahela City, Pennsylvania. Later, it was known as Parkinson's 
 Ferry. During the Whiskey Rebellion of 1794, Parkinson's Ferry was the 
 meeting place for the delegates from the western counties involved. 
 
 57 David Hamilton, a justice of the peace, lived at "Ginger Hill" on the 
 road from the river to the town of Washington, Pennsylvania. He was a 
 leader of the moderates in the Whiskey Rebellion. 
 
 58 John Canon, a Virginian, was an early settler in the Chartiers Creek 
 area. His military title was the result of Militia service. Canon operated a 
 flour mill, was a prominent Presbyterian layman, and helped to lay out 
 Canonsburg and to found Canonsburg Academy. In 1787, he succeeded 
 Thomas Freeman as Washington's land agent in Western Pennsylvania. 
 
 290- 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 of it very rich — others thin— between a Colo. Cooks 59 and the 
 Ferry the Land was rich but broken— about Shurtee and from 
 thence to Colo. Cannons, the Soil is very luxurient and very 
 uneven. 
 
 19th. Being Sunday, and the People living on my Land, appar- 
 ently very religious, it was thought best to postpone going 
 among them till tomorrow — but rode to a Doctr. Johnsons 60 
 who had the keeping of Colo. Crawfords 61 (surveying) Records 
 —but not finding him at home was disappointed in the business 
 which carried me there. 
 
 20th. Went early this Morning to view my Land, and to 
 receive the final determination of those who live upon it — 
 having obtained a Pilot near the Land I went first to the plan- 
 tation of Samuel McBride, 62 who has about 5 Acres of Meadow 
 — and 30 of arable Land under good fencing— a Logged dwell- 
 ing house with a punchion Roof, and Stable, or small barn, of 
 the same kind — the Land rather hilly, but good, first to the 
 plantation of Samuel McBride, who has about 
 5 Acres of Meadow — and 
 30 of arable Land 
 under good fencing — a Logged dwelling house with a punchion 
 Roof, and Stable, or small barn, of the same kind — the Land 
 rather hilly, but good, chiefly white oak. next— 
 
 59 Colonel Edward Cook, who lived near present Belle Vernon, Fayette 
 County, had been a member of the Continental Congress of 1776 and of the 
 Pennsylvania Constitutional Convention of the same year. 
 
 60 Dr. Ezekiel Johnson lived northeast of Washington, Pennsylvania. 
 
 61 William Crawford, it will be recalled, had been killed by Indians 
 during the Revolutionary War. 
 
 62 Samuel McBride and his brother James (see note 63 below) had been 
 led to settle on the Miller's Run lands by agents of George Croghan. Croghan 
 disputed Washington's claim to the tract. After the McBrides were ejected, 
 they moved to near-by Robinson Township in Washington County, and still 
 have descendants in the area. 
 
 291 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 James McBride 63 
 
 3 or 4 Acres of Meadow 
 
 28 Do of arable Land 
 
 Pretty good fencing— Land rather broken, but good— white 
 
 and black oak mixed — a dwelling House and barn (of midling 
 
 size) with Puncheon Roofs 
 
 Thomas Biggart 64 
 Robert Walker 65 living thereon as a Tenant. — 
 No Meadow.— abt. 
 20 Acres of arable Land 
 a dwelling House and single Barn— fences tolerable — and Land 
 good. — 
 
 William Stewart 66 
 
 2Y2 Acres of Meadow 
 
 20 Do of arable Land 
 
 only one house except a kind of building adjoining for common 
 
 purposes. — good Land and Midling fences — 
 
 Matthew Hillast 67 
 
 63 James McBride was the brother of Samuel McBride, above. 
 
 64 Thomas Biggart, also written Biggar and Bigger, came to America 
 from Ireland in 1773 and moved to the Monongahela Country in the same 
 year. Like his neighbors, the McBrides, he settled in Robinson Township 
 after his ejectment, and has descendants in the region at present. 
 
 65 Robert Walker, like many a simple frontier farmer, has left no other 
 trace in historical literature, to the editor's knowledge. Since he was a tenant 
 of Thomas Biggart's, he would not appear in the land ownership records, the 
 most likely source of identification. Others of the settlers had bought their 
 claims from an earlier claimant, and had never registered the change, thus 
 making identification difficult or impossible. 
 
 66 A man named William Stewart settled at present Brownsville in the 
 early 1750's. The site was once known as Stewart's Crossing. There were 
 many Stewarts in the Monongahela country at this time, however, and it is 
 unlikely that this William Stewart is the one who gave Stewart's Crossing 
 its name in the 1750's. 
 
 67 Matthew Hillast, or Hillis, whose claim only partly infringed on Wash- 
 
 292 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 has within my line k abt. 
 
 7 Acres of Meadow 
 3 besides, Arable— also 
 a small double Barn. — 
 
 Brice McGeechen 68 
 
 3 Acres of Meadows 
 
 20 Do arable— under 
 
 good fencing.— A small new Barn good. — 
 
 Duncan McGeechen 69 
 
 2 Acres of Meadow 
 
 38 Do Arable Land 
 
 A good single Barn, dwelling House spring House and several 
 
 other Houses.— the Plantation under good fencing. 
 
 David Reed 70 
 
 claimed by the last mentioned (Duncan McGeechen) 
 
 2 Acres of Meadow 
 
 18 Do Arable Land 
 
 No body living on this place at present — the dwelling House 
 
 and fencing in bad order. 
 
 John Reed Esquire 71 
 4 Acres of Meadow 
 38 Do Arable Do 
 
 ington's, had the satisfaction of eventually buying ninety-nine acres of the 
 Miller's Run lands in 1802. Hillis bought it from Alexander Addison, who had 
 acquired it from Matthew Ritchie, who had bought it from Washington. 
 
 68 The McGeechens appear in the court records of the ejectment suit as 
 McGeehen, but do not appear to be traceable further than that under either 
 name. 
 
 69 See note above. 
 
 70 David and John Reed, brothers, were natives of Lancaster County, 
 Pennsylvania. They settled on the Miller's Run lands in 1777. John had be- 
 come a justice of the peace in 1781, hence the Esquire after his name. They 
 have descendants in the area. 
 
 71 See note above. 
 
 293 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 A Small dwelling House — but Logs for a large one, a Still 
 House — good Land — and fencing 
 
 David Reed 
 2 Acres of Meadow 
 17 Do Arable. 
 A good logged dwelling House with a bad Roof— several other 
 small Houses and an indifferent Barn, or Stable — bad fences; 
 but very good Land 
 
 William Hillas 72 
 20 Acres of Arable Land 
 No Meadow. 
 But one house, and that indifferent — fences not good 
 
 John Glen 73 
 2 or 3 Acres of Meadow within my Line— his plantation 
 and the rest of his Land without. — 
 
 James Scott. 74 
 
 72 Probably a relative of Matthew Hillast of note 67 above. 
 
 73 John Glen is not further identified. There were several Glenn families 
 in the area at the time, and it is probable that the man Washington dealt with 
 spelled his name with a second N. 
 
 74 The ejectment of James Scott would appear to have had the most far- 
 reaching consequences socially. Crawford had built a cabin on the land as 
 proof of occupancy — a common procedure. Scott was bold enough to live 
 in a house which stood athwart Crawford's cabin door. In 1796, along with 
 many other residents of Washington County, Scott had moved into the newly- 
 opened Beaver Valley. Here, too, the land was claimed by an eastern specu- 
 lator. In August of 1796, the settlers— or squatters— met at James Scott's to 
 organize an association to protect their claims. The organization launched 
 at that time — which was known as the Actual Settlers — became a potent 
 force in anti-Federalist (and therefore anti-Washington) politics in Western 
 Pennsylvania for many years. The attorney for the Actual Settlers was Hugh 
 Henry Brackenridge, who had earlier represented the Miller's Run settlers. 
 The business agent and organizer of the Actual Settlers, John B. C. Lucas, 
 used the organization as a springboard to the state legislature and eventually 
 Congress. One of the chief opponents of the Actual Settlers was Judge Alex- 
 ander Addison, who had bought the Miller's Run lands. Addison and Lucas 
 
 294- 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 Placed on the Land by Thomas Lapsley 75 — has 17 Acres under 
 
 good fencing — only a dwelling House (which stops the door 
 
 of a Cabbin built by Captn. Crawford) white oak Land — rather 
 
 thin— but good bottom to clear for Meadow. — 
 
 Matthew Johnson 76 
 
 2 Acres of Meadow 
 
 24 Do Arable Land 
 
 a good logged house— Materials for a dble Barn— very gd. 
 
 Land, but indifferent fences 
 
 James Scott, 
 a large Plantation — about 
 70 Acres of Arable Land 
 4 Do of improved Meadow 
 Much more may be made into Meadow. — the Land very good, 
 as the fences also are — A Barn dwelling House and some other 
 Houses. — 
 
 The foregoing are all the Improvements upon this Tract 
 which contains 2813 Acres 
 
 The Land is leveller than is common to be met with in this 
 part of the Country, and good; the principal part of it is white 
 oak, intermixed in many places with black oak; and is estemed 
 a valuable tract. 
 
 Dined at David Reeds, after which Mr. James Scot and 
 Squire Reed began to enquire whether I would part with the 
 Land, and upon what terms; adding, that tho' they did not 
 conceive they could be dispossessed, yet to avoid contention, 
 
 were bitter opponents in a famous political battle which was an important 
 chapter in the downfall of Federalism in Pennsylvania. It is safe to say that 
 the struggle began with the Washington ejectment suit. 
 
 75 Thomas Lapsley is not otherwise identified. 
 
 76 Matthew Johnson, or Johnston, had bought his land the previous year 
 from one David Long. 
 
 295 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 they would buy, if my terms were Moderate. I told them I 
 had no inclination to sell; however, after hearing a great deal 
 of their hardships, their Religious principles (which had brought 
 them together as a society of Ceceders) 77 and unwillingness to 
 seperate or remove; I told them I would make them a last 
 offer and this was— the whole tract at 25 S. pr. Acre, the money 
 to be paid at 3 annual payments with Interest;— or to become 
 Tenants upon leases of 999 years, at the annual Rent of Ten 
 pounds pr. Ct. pr. Ann. — The former they had a long consulta- 
 tion upon, and asked if I wd. take that price at a longer credit 
 without Interest, and being answered in the Negative they 
 then determined to stand suit for the Land; but it having been 
 suggested that there were among them some who were disposed 
 to relinquish their claim, I told them I would receive their 
 answers individually; and accordingly by calling them as they 
 stood 
 
 James Scott Brice McGeechin Duncan McGeechin 
 
 William Stewart Thomas Biggar Matthew Johnson 
 
 Thomas Lapsley David Reed John Reed and 
 
 James McBride William Hillas John Glen 
 
 James McBride 
 they severally answered, that they meant to stand suit, and 
 abide the Issue of the Law. 
 
 This business being thus finished, I returned to Colo. Can- 
 nons in Company with himself, Colo. Nevil, 78 Captn. Swear- 
 
 77 It is almost certain that these "seceders," or Presbyterians, had as their 
 pastor the Reverend John McMillan, a noted pioneer clergyman of the area. 
 
 78 Although Washington later refers to Colonel Neville as "Josh Neville" 
 and Joseph Neville, he must have meant Colonel John Neville. To the editor's 
 knowledge, there was no Colonel Joseph Neville in the Monongahela Valley 
 in this period. John Neville, however, settled in Western Pennsylvania in 
 the 1770's after having served under Braddock as a Virginian. He had com- 
 manded Fort Pitt during the early period of the Revolutionary War, and then 
 
 296- 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 ingin 79 (high Sherif) and a Captn. Richie, 80 who had accom- 
 panied me to the Land. 
 
 21st. Accompanied by Colo. Cannon and Captn. Swearingin 
 who attended me to Debores ferry on the Monongahela which 
 seperates the Counties of Fayette and Washington, I returned 
 to Gilbert Simpson's in the afternoon; after dining at one 
 Wickermans 81 Mill near the Monongahela. 
 
 Colo. Cannon, Capt. Sweringin and Captn. Richie all prom- 
 ised to hunt up the evidences which could prove my possession 
 and improvement of the Land before any of the present Occu- 
 piers ever saw it. 
 
 22d. After giving instructions to Major Thomas Freeman 
 respecting his conduct in my busines, and disposing of my 
 Baggage which was left under the care of Mr. Gilbert Simpson 
 
 had served for the duration of the war in the east, where he rose to the rank 
 of Colonel. After holding several state offices during the Confederation period, 
 he eventually became tax collector for the western counties, and, as a conse- 
 quence, had his home burned during the Whiskey Insurrection. This rebellious 
 act led to a train of events which brought Washington back to the west 
 again in 1 794, not as a friendly private citizen, but as the commander of an 
 army prepared for civil war. 
 
 79 Captain Van Swearingen appears at first to have gone throughout life 
 without a first name, until it is discovered that his family name was simply 
 Swearingen and that his given name was Van. "Indian Van," as he was 
 called, was a celebrated Indian fighter and soldier. In the early days of the 
 Revolution, he served with the Westmoreland County Militia against the 
 Indians of the Allegheny Valley. From this post, he went to the 8th Penn- 
 sylvania regiment and transferred from it to Morgan's Rifle Corps. He par- 
 ticularly distinguished himself in action at Saratoga. As a returning hero, he 
 had been elected Sheriff of Washington County in 1781. His daughter married 
 the famous Indian fighter and scout, Samuel Brady. 
 
 80 In later years, Matthew Ritchie was Washington's Western Pennsyl- 
 vania land agent, and, in 1796, bought the Miller's Run lands from George 
 Washington. 
 
 81 Adam Wickerham lived within the boundaries of the present city of 
 Monongahela, Pennsylvania. 
 
 297 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 — consisting of two leather and one linnen Valeses with my 
 Marquee and horseman's Tent Tent Poles and Pins — all my 
 bedding except Sheets (which I take home with me) the equip- 
 age Trunk containing all that was put into it except the Silver 
 Cups and Spoons — Canteens — two Kegs of Spirits — Horse 
 Shoes &ca. I set out for Beason Town, 82 in order to meet with, 
 and engage Mr. Thos. Smith 83 to bring ejectments, and to 
 prosecute my Suit 84 for the Land in Washington County, on 
 which those, whose names are herein inserted, are settled. 
 Reached Beason Town about dusk about (the way I came) 
 18 Miles. 
 
 Note. — in my equipage Trunk and the Canteens — were Ma- 
 deira and Port Wine— Cherry bounce— Oyl, Mustard— Vine- 
 gar— and Spices of all sorts — Tea, and Sugar in the Camp 
 Kettles (a whole loaf of white sugar broke up about 7 lbs. 
 weight) the Camp Kettles are under a lock, as the Canteens 
 and Trunk also are— My fishing lines are in the Canteens. 
 
 At Beason Town I met with Captn Hardin 85 who informed 
 
 82 Beeson's Town was an early name for Uniontown, Pennsylvania. It 
 took its name from Henry Beeson, the founder of the city, who was a mill 
 operator. 
 
 83 Thomas Smith, a native of Scotland who had attended the University 
 of Edinburgh, came to America in 1769 and began the practice of law in 
 Bedford, Pennsylvania. After holding various local offices, he identified him- 
 self with the patriot cause in 1775 as a member of a Committee of Corre- 
 spondence, and in 1776 was a delegate to the Pennsylvania Constitutional 
 Convention of that year. From 1780 to 1782, he was a member of Congress. 
 In 1 784 he was in Beeson's Town "following the circuit"— that is, as a lawyer, 
 he followed the circuit judges who rode from county seat to county seat 
 hearing cases. In 1794, Smith was named to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court. 
 In 1804, the Republicans tried to remove him from office, but failed. He con- 
 tinued to serve until 1809. 
 
 84 The suit was won by Smith for Washington before the Pennsylvania 
 Supreme Court in October of 1786. 
 
 85 John Hardin had been born in Virginia about 1753. His father, Martin, 
 
 298 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 me, as I had before been informed by others, that the West 
 fork of Monongahela communicates very nearly with the wa- 
 ters of the little Kanhawa— that the Portage does not exceed 
 Nine Miles— and that a very good Waggon Road may be had 
 between— That from the Mouth of the River Cheat to that of 
 the West Fork, 86 is computed to be 30 Miles, and the Naviga- 
 tion good — as it also is up the West fork, that the South or 
 Main branch 87 of the Monongahela has considerable impedi- 
 ments in the Way; and were it otherwise, would not answer 
 the purpose of a communication with the North or South Branch 
 of the Potomack from the westerly direction in which it runs. 
 That the Cheat River, tho' rapid and bad, has been navigated 
 to the Dunkard bottom 88 about 25 Miles from its Mouth and 
 that he has understood a good way may be had from thence 
 to the North branch, which he thinks must be about 30 Miles 
 distant. He also adds, that from the Settlemts. on the East of 
 the Alligany, 89 to Monongahela Court House 90 on the West, 
 it is reported a very good Road may be opened, and is already 
 marked; from whence to the Navigable Water of the little 
 Kanhawa is abt. Miles. 
 
 had moved to George's Creek in the Monongahela Valley about 1765. Like 
 Swearingen, he had first served with the Militia against the Senecas in 1776 
 and had then enlisted in the Eighth Pennsylvania and had served with Morgan's 
 Rifle Corps. In 1786 he moved to Kentucky. In 1792, as a brigadier general 
 of the Kentucky Militia, he was killed by Indians in Ohio. 
 
 86 The West Fork of the Monongahela joins the Tygart River (which is 
 the east fork) at Fairmont, West Virginia. 
 
 87 The Tygart River. 
 
 88 Dunkard Bottom, on the Cheat River in Preston County, West Virginia, 
 was settled in 1754 by three brothers named Eckarly, members of the Dunkard 
 sect. Indians wiped out the settlement shortly afterwards, but the name 
 continued. 
 
 89 The reference here is to the Allegheny Mountains, of course, and not 
 to the Allegheny River. 
 
 90 Present Morgantown, West Virginia. 
 
 299 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 From this information I resolved to return home that way; 
 and my Baggage under the care of Doctr. Craik and Son, hav- 
 ing from Simpsons, taken the Rout by the New (or Turkey 
 foot) Road as it is called (which is said to be 20 Miles near[er] 
 than Braddocks) with a view to make a more minute enquiry 
 into the Navigation of the Yohiogany Waters. My Nephew 
 and I set out about Noon, with one Colo. Philips 91 for Cheat 
 River; after I had engaged Mr. Smith to undertake my business 
 and had given him such information as I was able to do. 
 
 Note, It is adjudged proper to ascertain the date of the 
 Warr[an]t to Captn. Posey 92 — and the identity of his hand 
 writing to his Bond to me; the latter so as to give it authenticity 
 — as also the date of Lewis's 93 return, on which my Patent 
 Issued because if this is antecedent to the settlement of the 
 occupiers of my Land, it will put the matter out of all kind 
 of dispute; as the claim of those people rests upon their pos- 
 sessing the Land before I had any legal Survey of it — not 
 viewing Crawfords as authentic. 'Tis advisable also, to know 
 whether any location of it was ever made in the Land, or Sur- 
 veyors Office, and the date of such Entry— and likewise, what 
 Ordainance it is Captn. Crawford speaks of in his Letter of 
 the 20th of Septr. 1776 which passed he says at the last Con- 
 
 91 Colonel Theophilus Phillips lived near present New Geneva, Pennsyl- 
 vania. For a period, meetings of the Monongahela County Court were held 
 at his home. 
 
 92 Captain John Posey lived adjacent to Washington's Mount Vernon 
 estate. As a veteran of the French and Indian War, Captain Posey was en- 
 titled to a grant of land. Washington had bought Posey's rights to such a 
 grant, and had selected the Miller's Run lands. 
 
 93 Thomas Lewis had been the Surveyor of Augusta County, Virginia, 
 at the time Crawford surveyed the Miller's Run lands for Washington. Pres- 
 ent Washington County, Pennsylvania, was part of Augusta County, Vir- 
 ginia, at the time. 
 
 300« 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 vention, for saving equitable claims on the Western Waters. 94 
 
 23d. Arrived at Colo. Philips abt. five oclock in the after- 
 noon 16 Miles from Beason Town and near the Mouth of Cheat 
 Rivr. the land thro' wch. I rid was for the most part tolerably 
 level — in some places rich — but in general of a second quality 
 — crossed no water of consequence except Georges Creek. 
 
 An Apology made to me from the Court of Fayette (thro' 
 Mr. Smith) for not addressing me; 95 as they found my Horses 
 Saddled and myself on the move. 
 
 Finding by enquiries, that the Cheat River had been passed 
 with Canoes thro' those parts which had been represented as 
 impassable— and that a Captn. Hanway 96 — the Surveyor of 
 Monongahela County lived within two or three Miles of it, 
 South side thereof; I resolved to pass it to obtain further infor- 
 mation, and accordingly (accompanied by Colo. Philips) set 
 of in the Morning of the 
 
 24th. And crossed it at the Mouth, as it was thought the 
 River was too much swelled to attempt the ford a little higher 
 up.— the fork was about 2 Miles and half from Colo. Philips 
 and the ground betw. very hilly tho' rich in places. 
 
 The Cheat at the Mouth is about 125 yds. wide— the Monon- 
 gahela near d[ou]ble that— the colour of the two Waters is 
 very differt., that of Cheat is dark (occasioned as is conjectured 
 
 94 The Virginia Convention in the revolutionary year of 1776 had made 
 provisions for legalizing claims in the Western Country which had been 
 established under the former government. 
 
 95 As the late commander in chief, Washington would ordinarily have 
 been "addressed" by the court in a county seat town — that is, ceremonial 
 speeches would have been made and the former general would have had to 
 reply. In his younger days, Washington would have welcomed the honor; 
 now he was no doubt glad to escape it. 
 
 96 Captain Samuel Hanway held the post Washington indicated. His office 
 was at the home of John Pierpont. 
 
 301 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 by the Laurel, among which it rises, and through which it runs) 
 the other is clear; and there appears a repugnancy in both to 
 mix, as there is a plain line of division betwn. the two for some 
 distance below the fork; which holds, I am told near a Mile. 
 — the Cheat keeps to the right shore as it descends, and the 
 other the left. 
 
 The Line which divides the Commonwealths of Virginia and 
 Pensylvania crosses both these Rivers about two Miles up each 
 from the point of fork and the Land between them is high as 
 the line runs being a ridge which seperates the two Waters — 
 but higher up the fork a good road (it is said) may be had 
 from one River to the other. 
 
 From the Fork to the Surveyors Office, which is at the house 
 of one Pierpoint, 97 is about 8 Miles along the dividing Ridge — 
 at this Office I could obtain no information of any Surveys or 
 En trie made for me by Captn. Wm. Crawford; but from an 
 examination of his books it appeared pretty evident that the 
 2500 acres which he (Crawford) had surveyed for and offered 
 to me on the little Kanhawa (adjoining the large survey under 
 the proclamation of 1754) he had entered for Mr. Robert 
 Rutherford 98 — and that the other tract in the fork between the 
 Ohio and little Kanhawa had been entered by Doctr. Briscoe 99 
 and Sons. 
 
 Pursuing my enquiries respecting the Navigation of the West- 
 ern Waters, Captn. Hanway proposed, I would stay all Night, 
 to send to Monongahela Ct. House at Morgan town, for Colo. 
 
 97 John Pierpont lived at present Easton, West Virginia. 
 
 98 Robert Rutherford was an early settler in present Wood County, West 
 Virginia. 
 
 99 Dr. John Briscoe had originally settled on Washington's Round Bottom 
 tract below present Parkersburg, West Virginia. On learning that the land 
 was already claimed, he moved to the tract adjoining. 
 
 302- 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 Zachl. Morgan 100 and others; 101 who would have it in their 
 power to give the best accts. that were to be obtained, which, 
 assenting to, they were sent for and came, and from them I 
 received the following intelligence viz — 
 
 That from the fork of Monongahela and Cheat, to the Court House at 
 Morgan Town, is, by Water, about 1 1 Miles, and from thence to the 
 West fork of the former is 18 More— from thence to the carrying 
 place between it and a branch of the little Kanhawa, at a place called 
 Bulls town, 102 is about 40 Miles by Land— more by Water— and the 
 Navigation good. The carrying place is nine Miles and an half be- 
 tween the navigable parts of the two Waters; and a good Road 
 between; there being only one hill in the way, and that not bad — 
 hence to ye Mo. of the Kanhawa is 50 Miles. 
 
 That from Monongahela Court House 13 Miles along the New 
 Road 103 which leads into Braddock's Road, East of the winding ridge, 
 
 100 Colonel Zackquill Morgan founded Morgantown, West Virginia, in 
 1768. His military title was earned as a Militia officer during the Revolution, 
 when he saw action against Tories and Indians in the Ohio Valley. 
 
 101 Among the "others" who gathered at the surveyor's office to discuss 
 local geography with Washington was Albert Gallatin, who only that year 
 had settled at the mouth of George's Creek on the Monongahela at present 
 New Geneva, Pennsylvania. Washington had been interrogating the crowd 
 of settlers and hunters gathered in the surveyor's rough log office, and was 
 busily calculating some relative mileages. Young Gallatin, with the gift for 
 mathematical calculation which he later displayed as Secretary of the Treasury 
 under three presidents, brashly volunteered the answer to Washington. 
 Washington replied with what Gallatin considered the most withering look 
 he had ever encountered. But after what must have seemed an eternity to 
 young Gallatin, Washington acknowledged, "You are right, sir." Thus was 
 launched a relationship which was to see, in due time, Gallatin become the 
 leading opponent, as a member of the House of Representatives, of Wash- 
 ington, as President. 
 
 102 Bullstown was an Indian village on the upper reaches of the Little 
 Kanawha in present northern Braxton County, West Virginia. 
 
 103 Roughly, present West Virginia State Route 73 to Bruceton Mills, 
 and West Virginia State Route 26 and Pennsylvania State Route 281 to 
 U. S. Route 40. 
 
 303 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 and McCulloch's path, to one Joseph Logston's 104 on the North branch 
 of Potomack is about 40 Miles — that this way passes through Sandy 
 Creek glades, and the glades of Yohiogany, and may be good — but, 
 if the Road should go from Clark's Town 105 on the Western fork of 
 Monongahela, 15 Miles below the carrying place to the aforesaid 
 Logston's it would cross the Tyger Valley River (the largest branch 
 of Monongahela) above the falls therein, go through the glades of 
 Monongahela; cross Cheat River at the Dunkers bottom (25 Miles 
 from its Mouth) and thence through the Glades of Yohiogany — in 
 all fm. ye Kaha. 85 Miles. 106 
 
 That the Cheat River where it runs through the Laurel hill is, in 
 their opinion, so incomoded with large Rock stones, rapid and dashing 
 water from one Rock to another, as to become impassable; especially 
 as they do not think a passage sufficient to admit a Canal can be found 
 between the Hills and the common bed of the River — but of these 
 matters none of them pretended to speak from actual knowledge, or 
 observation; but from Report, and partial views. 
 
 That from these rapids to the Dunkers bottom, and four Miles 
 above, the Navigation is very good; — after which for 8 Miles, the 
 River is very foul, and worse to pass than it is through the Laurel 
 hill; but from thence upwards thro' the horse Shoe bottom, and many 
 Miles higher, it is again good, and fit for transportation; but (tho' 
 useful to the Inhabitants thereof) will conduce nothing to the general 
 plan, as it is thought no part of the Cheat River runs nearer to the 
 navigable part of the No. branch of Potomack than the Dunkers bot- 
 tom does, which they add is about 25 Miles of good road. From the 
 Dunkers bottom to Clarkes Town they estimate 35 Miles, and say 
 the Tyger Valley fork of the Monongahela affords good navigation 
 above the falls 107 which is 7 Miles only from the Mouth, and is a 
 Cater act of 25 feet. 
 
 104 Joseph Logston lived on the Maryland side of the North Branch of the 
 Potomac, roughly opposite present Gormania, West Virginia. 
 
 105 Present Clarksburg, West Virginia. 
 
 106 The last two routes described, by avoiding the mouth of the Cheat 
 River, would be all- Virginia routes from the Potomac to the Ohio. The 
 mouth of the Cheat is, of course, in Pennsylvania. 
 
 107 The Falls of the Tygart are north of present Grafton, West Virginia. 
 
 304 - 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 25th. Having obtained the foregoing information, and be- 
 ing indeed somewhat discouraged from the acct. given of the 
 passage of the Cheat River through Laurel hill and also from 
 attempting to return by the way of the Dunkers bottom, as the 
 path it is said is very blind and exceedingly grown up with 
 briers, I resolved to try the other Rout, along the New Road 
 to Sandy Creek; and thence by McCullochs path to Logstons; 
 and accordingly set out before Sunrise. 
 
 Within 3 Miles I came to the River Cheat abt. 7 Miles from 
 its Mouth — at a ferry kept by one Ice; 108 of whom making 
 enquiry, I learnt that he himself, had passed from the Dunkers 
 bottom both in Canoes and with Rafts. That a new Canoe 
 which I saw at his Landing had come down the day before only, 
 (the owner of which had gone to Sandy Creek) — that the first 
 rapid was about lj^ Miles above his ferry — that it might be 
 between 50 and 100 yards thro' it— that from this to the Next, 
 might be a Mile, of good water — That these 2 Rapids were 
 much alike, and of the same extent; — that to the next rapid, 
 which was the worst of the three, it was about 5 Miles of 
 smooth water. That the difficulty of passing these rapids lies 
 more in the number of large Rocks which choak the River, and 
 occasion the water not only (there being also a greater dissent 
 here than elsewhere) to run swift, but meandering thro' them 
 renders steerage dangerous by the sudden turnings. That from 
 his ferry to the Dunkers bottom, along the River, is about 15 
 Miles; and in his opinion, there is room on one side or the 
 other of it at each of the Rapids for a Canal. 
 
 This acct. being given from the Man's own observation, who 
 seemed to have no other meaning in what he asserted than to 
 tell the truth, tho' he, like others, who for want of competent 
 
 108 Andrew Ice's Ferry is now covered by the waters of Cheat Lake. 
 
 305 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 skill in these things cou'd not distinguish between real and 
 imaginary difficulties, left no doubt on my Mind of the prac- 
 ticability of opening an easy passage by Water to the Dunker 
 bottom.— the River at his house may be a hundred or more 
 yards wide, according to his acct. (which I believe is rather 
 large) near a hundred miles by water to Fort Pitt. 
 
 The Road from Morgan Town, or Monongahela Ct. House, 
 is said to be good to this ferry— distance abt. 6 Miles— the 
 dissent of the hill to the River is rather Steep and bad— and the 
 assent from it, on the North side, is steep also tho' short, and 
 may be rendered much better;— from the ferry the Laurel hill 
 is assended by an easy and almost imperceptible slope to its 
 summit thro' dry white Oak Land — along the top of it the 
 Road continues for some distance, but is not so good; as the 
 Soil is richer, deeper and more stony, which inconveniences (for 
 good roads) also attends the dissent on the East side, tho' it is 
 regular, and in no places steep. After crossing this hill the 
 road is very good to the ford of Sandy Creek at one James 
 Spurgeons 109 abt. 15 Miles from Ice's ferry. 
 
 At the crossing of this Creek McCullochs path, which owes 
 its origen to Buffaloes, being no other than their tracks from 
 one lick to another and consequently crooked and not well 
 chosen, strikes off from the New road which passes great 
 Yohiogany 15 Miles further on, and enters Braddock Road at 
 the place before mentioned, at the distance of 22 Miles. 
 
 From Spurgeon's to one Lemons, 110 which is a little to the 
 right of McCullochs path, is reckoned 9 Miles, and the way 
 not bad; but from Lemons to the entrance of the Yohiogany 
 
 109 James and John Spurgeon settled in Sandy Creek Glades of present 
 Preston County, West Virginia, as early as 1767. 
 
 110 Lemon is not otherwise identified. Since he acted as a guide for Wash- 
 ington for several days, he probably had been in the country for some time. 
 
 306' 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 glades which is estimated 9 Miles more thro' a deep rich Soil 
 in some places and a very rocky one in others, with steep hills 
 and what is called the briery Mountains 111 to cross is intoler- 
 able but these might be eased and a much better way found if 
 a little pains was taken to slant them. 
 
 At the entrance of the above glades I lodged this night, with 
 no other shelter or cover than my cloak and was unlucky 
 enough to have a heavy shower of Rain — our horses also were 
 turned loose to cater for themselves having nothing to give them 
 — from this place my guide (Lemon) informed me that the 
 Dunkers bottom was not more than 8 Miles from us. 
 
 It may not be amiss to observe, that Sandy Creek has a fall 
 within a few miles of its Mouth of 40 feet, and being rapid 
 besides, affords no navigation at all. 
 
 26th. Having found our Horses readily (for they nevr. lost 
 sight of our fire) we started at the dawning of day, and pass- 
 ing along a small path much enclosed with weeds and bushes, 
 loaded with Water from the overnights rain and the showers 
 which were continually falling, we had an uncomfortable travel 
 to one Charles friends, 112 about 10 Miles; where we could get 
 nothing for our horses, and only boiled Corn for ourselves. 
 
 In this distance, excepting two or three places which abounded 
 in Stone, and no advantage taken of the hills (which were not 
 large) we found the ground would admit an exceedingly good 
 Waggon Road with a little causeying 113 of some parts of the 
 Glades; the Ridges between being chiefly white oak land, inter- 
 mixed with grit and Stone. 
 
 Part of these glades is the property of Govr. Johnson 114 of 
 
 111 Briery Mountain is near present Cranesville, Preston County, W.Va. 
 
 112 Now Oakland, Garrett County, Maryland. 
 
 113 Construction of a raised road through marshy ground. 
 
 114 Governor Thomas Johnson of Maryland, a friend of Washington's and 
 leader of the Revolutionary War. 
 
 307 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Maryland who has settled two or three families of Palatines 115 
 upon them. These glades have a pretty appearance, resembling 
 cultivated Lands and improved Meadows at a distance; with 
 woods here and there interspersed. Some of them are rich, with 
 black and lively Soil— others are of a stiffer, and colder Nature 
 — all of them feel, very early, the effect of frost — the growth 
 of them, is a grass, not much unlike what is called fancy grass, 
 without the variegated colours of it; much intermixed in places 
 with fern and other weeds, as also with alder and other Shrubs. 
 The Land between these glades is chiefly white oak, on a dry 
 stony Soil. In places there are Walnut and Crab tree bottoms, 
 which are very rich. The glades are not so level as one would 
 imagine — in general they rise from the small water courses 
 which run through all of them to the Ridges which seperate 
 one from another — but they are highly beneficial to the cir- 
 cumjacent Country from whence the Cattle are driven to pas- 
 ture in the Spring and recalled at Autumn. 
 
 A Mile before I came to Friends, I crossed the Great branch 
 of Yohiogany, which is about 25 or 30 yards over; and impass- 
 able, according to his acct. between that and Braddocks Road 
 on acct. of the Rapidity of the Water, quantity of Stone, and 
 Falls therein — but these difficulties, in the eyes of a proper 
 examiner, might be found altogether imaginary; and if so, the 
 Navigation of the Yohiogany and No. Branch of Potomack 
 may be brought within 10 Miles and a good Waggon Road 
 betwn.; but then, the Yohiogany lyes altogether in the State 
 of Pensylvania whose inclination (regardless of the interest 
 of that part which lyes West of the Laurel hill) would be op- 
 posed to the extension of this navigation, as it would be the 
 
 115 Germans from the region of the Rhine Valley then known as the 
 Palatinate. Their descendants in Pennsylvania are known today as the Penn- 
 sylvania Dutch. 
 
 308 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 inevitable means of withdrawing from them the trade of all 
 their western territory. 
 
 The little Yohiogany from Braddocks Road to the Falls be- 
 low the Turkey foot, or 3 forks, may, in the opinion of Friend, 
 who is a great Hunter, and well acquainted with all the Waters, 
 as well as hills, having lived in that Country and followed no 
 other occupation for nine years, be made navigable — and this, 
 were it not for the reason just assigned, being within 22 Miles 
 of Fort Cumberland, would open a very important door to the 
 trade of that Country. 
 
 He is also of opinion that a very good road may be had 
 from the Dunkers bottom to the No. Branch of Potomack, at 
 or near where McCullochs path crosses it; and that the distance 
 will not exceed 22 Miles, to pass by his house, i.e. 10 to the 
 No. Branch and 12 to the Dunkers bottom— half of which (10 
 or 11 Miles) will go through the glades, white Oak ridges 
 will seperate them. 
 
 There will be an intervention of two hills in this road— the 
 back bone 116 near the Branch— and the Briery Mountain near 
 the Bottom, both of which may be easily passed in the lowest 
 parts by judicious slants, and these with some Causeys in the 
 richest and deepest parts of the glades will enable a common 
 team to draw twenty hundred with ease from one place to 
 the other. 
 
 From Friends I passed by a spring (distance 3 Miles) . . . 
 crossed the back bone and descended into Ryans glade. 117 
 Thence by Thos. Logston's 118 (the father of Joseph) —The way 
 
 116 Back Bone Mountain, in southwestern Garrett County, Maryland. 
 
 117 When Archer B. Hulbert retraced Washington's 1784 journey in 1905, 
 Ryan's Glade was on the farm of William Lower, southeast of Oakland, Md. 
 
 us Washington here means "Thence to Thomas Logston's," his ultimate 
 destination for the day. Thomas Logston lived at the juncture of the North 
 Branch of the Potomac and Stony Creek, four miles down stream from where 
 McCulloch's path crossed the North Branch of the Potomac. 
 
 .309- 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 and distances as follow— to the foot of the back bone, about 5 
 Miles of very good ground for a Road; being partly glady, and 
 partly white Oak Ridges. — across the Ridge to Ryans glade 
 One Mile and half bad, the hill being steep, and in places Stony 
 — to Joseph Logston's 119 V/2 Miles very good going— to the 
 No. Branch at McCullochs path 120 2 Miles— infamous road — 
 and to Thos. Logstons 121 4 more, partly pretty good, and in 
 places very bad but it has been observed before to what fortu- 
 itous circumstances 122 the paths of this Country owe their be- 
 ing, and how much the ways may be better chosen by a proper 
 investigation of it; and the distances from place to place reduced. 
 This appeared evident from my own observation and from 
 young Logston, who makes hunting his chief employment; and 
 according to his own acct. is acquainted with every hill and 
 rivulet between the North Branch and the Dunkers bottom. 
 
 He asserts that from Ryan's glade to the No. branch, 2 Miles 
 below the Mouth of Stony River (wch. is about 4 below 
 McCullochs crossing) a very good Road may be traced, and 
 the distance not more than it is from the same place to the 
 crossing last mentioned, which is a circumstance of some im- 
 portance as the No. Branch above its junction with Stony River 
 (which of the two seems to contain the most water) would 
 hardly afford water for Navigation. 
 
 He agrees precisely with Charles Friends respecting the Na- 
 
 119 In 1905, Butler found Joseph Logston's old homestead on the farm of 
 William Willdeson. 
 
 120 Gormania, West Virginia. 
 
 121 These last four miles would be along the North Branch, which is here 
 not navigable and thus would require extending a portage road to the junc- 
 ture with Stony Creek. The road Washington is mentally outlining here 
 would connect the Potomac with the Ohio River by way of the Cheat and 
 Monongahela. 
 
 122 They were former Buffalo Paths. 
 
 310< 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 ture of the Road between the North Branch and the Dunkers 
 bottom; but insists upon it that the distance will not exceed 
 20 Miles and that Friends ought to be left two Miles to the 
 Westward — this may acct. for their difference of opinion; the 
 latter wanting his House to be introduced as a stage and here 
 it may be well to observe; that however knowing these people 
 are, their accts. are to be received with great caution — 
 compared with each other — and these again with one's own 
 observatns.; as private views are as prevalent in this, as any 
 other Country; and are particularly exemplified in the article 
 of Roads; which (where they have been marked) seem calcu- 
 lated more to promote individual interest, than the public good. 
 
 From the reputed distances, as I have given them from place 
 to place between Monongahela Court House and the No. 
 branch at McCulloch's ford, and description of the country over 
 which I travelled, it should seem that Colo, Morgan and those 
 with whom I had the meeting at Captn. Hanway's, are mis- 
 taken in two points. — viz — measurement and the goodness of 
 Road — They making the distance between those places only 
 40 Miles and the way good, whereas by my Acct. the first is 
 computed 55 Miles and a part of the Road very bad — both 
 however are easily accounted for; the rout being circuitous, 
 and beasts instead of Men having traced it out. Altho' I was 
 seldom favored with a sight of the Sun but handsomely be- 
 sprinkled with Rain the greater part of the way it was evident 
 to me that from Pierpoints (Captn. Han ways Quartrs.) to the 
 crossing of Sandy Creek, I rid in a No. Et. direction— from 
 thence for many Miles South — and afterwards South Easterly. 
 
 I could obtain no good acct. of the Navigation of the No. 
 Branch between McCulloch's crossing and Will's Creek (or 
 Fort Cumberland) indeed there were scarce any persons of 
 whom enquiries could be made; for, from Lemon's to old Logs- 
 
 311 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 tons their is only Friend and young Logston living on the track 
 I came and none on it for 20 Miles below him — but in general 
 I could gather from them, especially from Joseph Logston, who 
 has (he says) hunted along the Water course of the River that 
 there is no fall in it— that from Fort Cumberland to the Mouth 
 of Savage River the water being good is frequently made use 
 of in its present State with Canoes — and from thence upwards, 
 is only rapid in places with loose Rocks which can readily 
 be removed. 
 
 From the Mouth of Savage River the State of Maryland (as 
 I was informed) were opening a Road to their western bound- 
 ary which was to be met by another which the Inhabitants of 
 Monongahela County (in Virginia) were extending to the same 
 place from the Dunker bottom through the glades of Yohiogany 
 making in the aggregate abt. 35 Miles — this Road will leave 
 Friends according to his Acct. a little to the Eastward and will 
 upon the whole be a good Road but not equal to the one which 
 may be traced from the Dunkers bottom to the No. Branch 
 at, or below the fork of it and Stony River. 
 
 At this place — viz Mr. Thos. Logston's I met a brother of 
 his, an intelligent man, who informed me that some years ago 
 he had travelled from the Mouth of Carpenters Creek (now 
 more generally known by the name of Dunlaps) a branch of 
 Jackson's, 123 which is the principal prong of James River to 
 the Mouth of Howards Creek wch. empties into the Green- 
 brier a large branch of New River abe. Great Kanhawa— that 
 
 123 The upper branches of Jackson's Creek, which joins the James at 
 present Covington, Virginia, run parallel to the Greenbriar, a tributary of 
 the New River, which in turn joins the Big Kanawha. A road between the 
 upper branches of Jackson's Creek and the Greenbrier would connect the 
 James River Valley with the Ohio River Valley. The citizens of central Vir- 
 ginia were naturally more interested in this route than in the Potomac route. 
 
 312 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 the distance between them does not exceed 20 Miles — and not 
 a hill in the way. If this be fact, and he asserts it positively, a 
 communication with the Western Country that way, if the falls 
 in the Great Kanhawa (thro the gauly Mountn.) 124 Can be 
 rendered navigable will be as ready, — perhaps more direct than 
 any other for all the Inhabitants of the Ohio and its Waters 
 below the little Kanhawa— and that these Falls are not so tre- 
 mendous as some have represented I am inclined to believe 
 from several Circumstances— one of which, in my mind, is 
 conclusive— so far at least — as they do not amount to a Cata- 
 ract, and that is that Fish ascend them— it being agreed on all 
 hands that the large Cats and other fish of the Ohio are to be 
 met with in great abundence in the River above them. 
 
 27th. I left Mr. Logston's a little after daybreak— at 4 Miles 
 thro' bad road, occasioned by Stone, I crossed the Stoney 
 River; 125 which, as hath been before observed, appears larger 
 than the No. Branch— at Ten Miles I had by an imperceptible 
 rise gained the summit of the Alligany Mountain and began to 
 desend it where it is very steep and bad to the Waters of Patter- 
 sons Creek 126 which embraces those of New Creek 127 — along 
 the heads of these, and crossing the Main Creek 128 and Moun- 
 tain bearing the same name 129 ... I came to . . . Fort pleasant 130 
 on the South Branch about 35 Miles from Logston a little 
 before the Suns setting. . . . 
 
 124 Present Gauley Bridge, West Virginia. 
 
 125 Washington's route from Thomas Logston's had been along the west 
 bank of Stoney Creek, or River. 
 
 126 Patterson's Creek is a tributary of the North Branch of the Potomac. 
 
 127 Another tributary of the North Branch. 
 
 128 That is, the main branch of Patterson's Creek. 
 
 129 Patterson's Creek Mountain. 
 
 130 Present Old Fields, Hardy County, West Virginia. 
 
 313 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 28th. Remained at Colonel Hite's 131 all day to refreash my- 
 self and rest my Horses, having had a very fatieguing journey 
 thro' the Mountains, occasioned not more from the want of 
 accomodation and the real necessaries of life than the showers 
 of Rain which were continually falling and wetting the bushes 
 — the passing of which, under these circumstances was very 
 little better than swimming of Rivulets. 
 
 From Colo. Hite ... I understood that the navigation of the 
 South Branch in its present State, is made use of from Fort 
 pleasant to its Mouth— that the most difficult part in it, and 
 that would not take £100 to remove the obstruction (it being 
 only a single rift of rocks across in one place) is 2 Miles below 
 the old Fort 132 — that this, as the Road goes, is 40 Miles; by 
 water more — and that, from any thing they knew, or believe 
 to the contrary, it might at this moment be used 50 Miles 
 higher, if any benefits were to result from it. 
 
 29th. Having appointed to join Doctr. Craik and my Bag- 
 gage at Colo. Warner Washington's, 133 but finding it required 
 only one day more to take the Rout of Mr. Thos. Lewis's 134 
 (near Stanton) 135 from whose Office I wanted some papers to 
 enable me to prosecute my ejectments of those who had pos- 
 sessed themselves of my Land in the County of Washington, 
 State of Pensylvania; and that I might obtain a more distenct 
 acct. of the Communication between Jackson's River and the 
 
 131 A resident of Fort Pleasant, Abraham Hite is not otherwise identified. 
 The Hite family, descendants of Yost Hite, were very numerous in western 
 Virginia. 
 
 132 p ort pi easan t had been a frontier outpost of Virginia during the French 
 and Indian War. The fact that it was now abandoned shows how far the 
 frontier had moved during Washington's adult lifetime. 
 
 133 Warner Washington, George's first cousin, lived near Winchester. 
 
 134 See note 93, ante. 
 
 135 Staunton, Virginia. 
 
 314' 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 green Brier; — I sent my Nephew Bushrod Washington (who 
 was of my party) to that place to request the Doctr. to proceed 
 — and ... I set out for Rockingham in which County Mr. 
 Lewis now lives. . . . 
 
 30th. ... I arrived at Mr. Lewis's 136 about Sundown, after 
 riding about 40 Miles. . . . 
 
 October 1st. Dines at Mr. Gabriel Jones's, 137 not half a mile 
 from Mr. Lewis's, but separated by the South Fork of Shan- 
 nondoah; which is between 80 and a hundred yards wide and 
 makes a respectable appearance. . . . 
 
 I had a good deal of conversation with this Gentleman on 
 the Waters, and trade of the Western Country; and particularly 
 with respect to the Navigation of the Great Kanhawa and its 
 communication with James and Roanoke Rivers. 
 
 His opinion is, that the easiest and best communication be- 
 tween the Eastern and Western Waters is from the North 
 branch of Potomack to Yohiogany or Cheat River; and ulti- 
 mately that the Trade between the two Countries will settle 
 in this Channel. That altho James River has an easy and short 
 communication from the Mouth of Carpenters or Dunlaps 
 Creek to the Green brier which in distance and kind of Country 
 is exactly as Logston described them, yet, that the passage of 
 the New River, abe. Kanhawa, thro' the gauly Mountain from 
 every acct. he has had of it, now is, and ever will be attended 
 with considerable difficulty, if it should not prove impracticable. 
 The Fall he has understood, altho' it may be short of a Cateract, 
 or perpendicular tumble, runs with the velocity of a stream 
 discending a Mountain, and is besides very Rocky and closely 
 
 136 Near Staunton, Virginia. 
 
 137 Gabriel Jones had been Lord Fairfax's lawyer. He had also been a 
 Burgess, and later was a member of the Virginia Convention to ratify the 
 Constitution. 
 
 315 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 confined between rugged hills. He adds, that from all appear- 
 ance, a considerable part of the Water with which the River 
 above abounds, sinks at or above this Rapid or fall, as the quan- 
 tity he says, from report, is greatly diminished, however, as it 
 is not his own observations, but report these accts. are had, 
 the real difficulty in surmounting the obstructions here described 
 may be much less than are apprehended; wch. supposition is 
 well warranted by the ascension of the Fish. 
 
 Mr. Lewis is of opinion that if the obstructions in this River 
 can be removed, that the easiest communication of all, would 
 be by the Roanoke, as the New River and it are within 12 
 Miles, and an excellent Waggon Road between them and no 
 difficulty that ever he heard of, in the former, to hurt the in- 
 land Navigation of it. . . . 
 
 4th. Reached home before Sun down; having travelled on 
 the same horses since the first day of September by the com- 
 puted distances 680 Miles. 
 
 And tho' I was disappointed in one of the objects which in- 
 duced me to undertake this journey namely to examine into 
 the situation quality and advantages of the Land which I hold 
 upon the Ohio and Great Kanawha— and to take measures for 
 rescuing them from the hands of Land Jobbers and Speculators 
 — who I had been informed regardless of my legal and equitable 
 rights, patents, &ca.; had enclosed them within other Surveys 
 and were offering them for Sale at Philadelphia and in Europe. 
 — I say notwithstanding this disappointment I am well pleased 
 with my journey, as it has been the means of my obtaining a 
 knowledge of facts — coming at, the temper and disposition of 
 the Western Inhabitants 138 — and making reflections thereon, 
 
 138 Washington's interest here in "the temper and disposition of the West- 
 ern Inhabitants" indicated that he was well aware of the growing conflict 
 between the western small farmers, especially beyond the mountains, and 
 
 316' 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 which, otherwise, must have been as wild, incohert., or perhaps 
 as foreign from the truth, as the inconsistency of the reports 
 which I had received even from those to whom most credit 
 seemed due, generally were. 
 
 These reflections remain to be summed up— 
 
 The more then the Navigation of Potomack is investigated, 
 and duly considered, the greater the advantages arising from 
 them appear. 
 
 The South or principal branch of Shannondoah at Mr. Lewis's 
 is, to traverse the river, at least 150 Miles from its Mouth; all 
 of which, except the rapids . . . now is, or very easily may be 
 made navigable for inland Craft, and extended 30 Miles higher. 
 The South Branch of Potomack is already navigated from its 
 Mouth to Fort Pleasant; which, as the Road goes, is 40 com- 
 puted Miles; and the only difficulty in the way (and that a very 
 trifling one) is just below the latter, where the River is hemmed 
 in by the hills or mountains on each side. From hence, ... it 
 may, at the most trifling expense imaginable, be made navigable 
 50 Miles higher. 
 
 To say nothing then of the smaller Waters, such as Pattersons 
 Creek, Cacapehon, Opekon &ca.; which are more or less 
 Navigable; and of the branches on the Maryland side, these 
 two alone (that is the South Branch and Shannondoah) would 
 afford water transportation for all that fertile Country between 
 the bleu ridge and the Alligany Mountains; which is immense 
 — but how trifling when viewed upon that immeasurable scale, 
 which is inviting our attention! 
 
 The Ohio River embraces this Commonwealth 139 from its 
 
 the wealthier seaboard region. This conflict figured largely in the political 
 events connected with the adoption of the Constitution and with Washington's 
 two administrations. In 1794, Washington was to observe again firsthand a 
 different "temper and disposition of the Western Inhabitants." 
 139 Virginia. 
 
 317 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Northern, almost to its Southern limits. It is now, our western 
 boundary and lyes nearly parallel to our exterior, and thickest 
 settled Country. 
 
 Into this River French Creek, 140 big bever Creek, 141 Musk- 
 ingham, 142 Hockhocking, 143 Scioto, 144 and the two Miames 145 
 (in its upper Region) and many others (in the lower) pour 
 themselves from the westward through one of the most fertile 
 Countries of the Globe; by a long inland navigation; which, in 
 its present state, is passable for Canoes and such other small 
 craft as has, hitherto, been made use of for the Indian trade. 
 
 French Creek, down which I have myself come to Ve- 
 nango, 146 from a lake 147 near its source, is 15 Miles fromPrisque 
 Isle 148 on lake Erie; and the Country betwn. quite level. Both 
 big bever creek and Muskingham, communicates very nearly 
 with Cayahoga; 149 which runs into lake Erie; the portage 150 
 with the latter (I mean Muskingham) as appears by the Maps, 
 is only one mile; and by many other accts. a very little further; 
 
 140 Since the present Allegheny River was considered, at the time, part 
 of the Ohio, Washington here refers to French Creek in northwestern 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 141 The Beaver River. 
 
 142 The Muskingum. 
 
 143 The Hocking River. 
 
 144 The Sciota. 
 
 145 The Big and Little Miami Rivers. 
 
 146 Present Franklin, Pennsylvania. 
 
 147 Lake LeBoeuf, near present Waterford, Pennsylvania. 
 
 148 p r esque Isle, at present Erie, Pennsylvania. 
 
 149 The Cuyahoga, which enters Lake Erie at Cleveland, Ohio. 
 
 150 The upper branches of the Tuscarawas, a tributary of the Muskingum, 
 come within a few miles of the Cuyahoga in the vicinity of Akron, Ohio. 
 The portage Path between the two rivers ran through the present limits of 
 that city. The route that Washington is here outlining later was the route of 
 the Ohio Canal, which linked Lake Erie with the Ohio River through eastern 
 Ohio. 
 
 .318- 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 and so level between, that the Indians and Traders, as is affirmed, 
 always drag their Canoes from one River to the other when 
 they go to War — to hunt — or trade. The great Miame, 151 which 
 runs into the Ohio, communicates with a River of the same 
 name, 152 as also with Sandusky, 153 which empty themselves into 
 Lake Erie, by short and east Portages. And all of these are so 
 many channels through which not only the produce of the New 
 States contemplated by Congress, but the trade of all the lakes, 
 quite to that of the Wood, 154 may be conducted according to 
 my information, and judgment — at least by one of the Routs — 
 thro' a shorter, easier, and less expensive communication than 
 either of those which are now, or have been used with Canada, 
 New Yk. or New Orleans. 
 
 That this may not appear an assertion, or even an opinion 
 unsupported, I will examine matters impartially, and endeavor 
 to state facts. 
 
 Detroit is a point, thro' which the Trade of the Lakes 
 Huron, and all those above it, must pass, if it centers in any 
 State of the Union; or goes to Canada; unless it should pass by 
 the River Outawais, 155 which disgorges itself into the St. Law- 
 rence at Montreal and which necessity only can compel; as it 
 
 151 The Miami drains southwestern Ohio and enters the Ohio River at 
 the present Ohio-Indiana border. 
 
 152 The Maumee River drains northwestern Ohio and enters Lake Erie at 
 present Toledo, Ohio. Its numerous tributaries mesh with the upper tribu- 
 taries of the Miami. The Miami Canal from Toledo to Cincinnati later fol- 
 lowed the route Washington is here indicating. 
 
 153 The Sandusky River rises in central Ohio and enters Sandusky Bay 
 on Lake Erie. 
 
 154 Lake of the Woods, lying in present Minnesota and Ontario Province, 
 is west of Lake Superior. 
 
 155 The Ottowa River forms the southern boundary between the provinces 
 of Ontario and Quebec before entering the Saint Lawrence west of Montreal. 
 
 319 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 is from all accts. longer and of more difficult navigation than 
 the St. Lawrence itself. 
 
 To do this, the Waters which empty into the Ohio on the 
 East Side, and which communicate nearest and best with those 
 which run into the Atlantic, must also be delineated. 
 
 These are, Monongahela and its branches, viz, Yohiogany 
 and Cheat and the little and great Kanhawas; and Greenbrier 
 which empties into the latter. 
 
 The first 156 (unfortunately for us) 157 is within the jurisdic- 
 tion of Pensylvania from its Mouth to the fork of Cheat, indeed 
 2 Miles higher— as (which is more to be regretted) the Yohio- 
 gany also is, till it crosses the line of Maryland; these Rivers 
 I am persuaded, afford much the shortest Routs from the Lakes 
 to the tide water of the Atlantic, but are not under our controul; 
 being subject to a power whose interest is opposed to the ex- 
 tension of their navigation, as it would be the inevitable means 
 of withdrawing from Philadelphia all the trade of that part of 
 its western territory, which lyes beyond the Laurel hill. Though 
 any attempt of that Government 158 to restrain it I am equally 
 well persuaded wd. cause a seperation of their territory; there 
 being sensible men among them who have it in contemplation 
 at this moment 159 — but this by the by. The little Kanhawa, 
 which stands next in order, and by Hutchins's 160 table of dis- 
 
 156 The Monongahela. 
 
 157 Virginians. 
 
 158 The state government of Pennsylvania. 
 
 159 This would seem to indicate that Washington had discussed with some 
 of the many prominent Pennsylvanians with whom he talked in 1784, the 
 possibility of Western Pennsylvania seceding to become independent or join 
 Virginia. 
 
 160 Thomas Hutchins, a former British army engineer, in 1778 published 
 A Topographical Description of Virginia, Pennsylvania, Maryland and North 
 Carolina. The mileage figures which Washington here quotes are from that work. 
 
 320' 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 tances (between Fort Pit and the Mouth of the River Ohio) 
 is 184J/2 Miles below the Monongahela, is navigable between 
 40 and 50 Miles up, to a place called Bullstown. 161 Thence there 
 is a Portage of 93^ Miles to the West fork of Monongahela — 
 Thence along the same to the Mouth of Cheat River and up 
 it to the Dunker bottom; from whence a portage may be had 
 to the No branch of Potomack. 
 
 Next to the little, is the great Kanhawa; which by the above 
 table is 98j^ miles still lower down the Ohio. This is a fine 
 Navigable river to the Falls; the practicability of opening 
 which, seems to be little understood; but most assuredly ought 
 to be investigated. 
 
 These then are the ways by which the produce of that Coun- 
 try; and the peltry and fur trade of the Lakes may be introduced 
 into this State; 162 and into Maryld.; which stands upon similar 
 ground. There are ways, more difficult and expensive indeed 
 by which they can also be carried to Philadelphia — all of which, 
 with the Rout to Albany, and Montreal, and the distances by 
 Land, and Water, from place to place, as far as can be ascer- 
 tained by the best Maps now extant — by actual Surveys made 
 since the publication of them — and the information of intelligent 
 persons— will appear as follow— from Detroit— which is a 
 point, as has been observed, as unfavourable for us to compute 
 from (being upon the North Western extremity of the United 
 territory) as any beyond Lake Erie can be. 
 
 viz 
 From Detroit to Alexandria is 
 
 To Cayahoga River 125 Miles 
 
 Up the same to the Portage 60 
 
 Portage 163 to Bever Ck 8 
 
 161 See note 102, ante. 162 Virginia. 
 
 163 Between the upper Cuyahoga and the Mahoning Branch of the Beaver, 
 roughly along the present Erie Railroad from Cleveland to Youngstown. 
 
 321 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Down Bever Ck. to the Ohio 85 
 
 Up the Ohio to Fort Pitt 25 303 
 
 The Mouth of Yohiogany 15 
 
 Falls of Ditto 164 50 
 
 Portage 1 
 
 Three forks or Turkey foot 8 
 
 Fort Cumberld. or Wills Creek 30 
 
 Alexandria 200 304 
 
 607 
 
 To Fort Pitt as above 303 
 
 The Mouth of Cheat River 75 
 
 Up it, to the Dunker bottom 25 
 
 North branch of Potomack 20 
 
 Fort Cumberland 40 
 
 Alexandria 200 |60 
 
 To Alexanda. by this Rout 663 
 
 From Detroit to Alexandria avoiding Pensylvania* 165 
 
 To the Mo. of Cayahoga 125 Miles 
 
 The carrying place with Muskingham River 54 
 
 The Portage 166 1 
 
 The Mo. of Muskingham 167 192 
 
 The little Kanhawa _12 384 
 
 Up the same 40 
 
 Portage to the West Bra 10 50 
 
 Down Monongahela to Cheat 80 
 
 Up Cheat to the Dunker Botm 25 
 
 Portage to the No. bra. Potomk 20 
 
 Fort Cumberland 40 
 
 Alexandria 200 JS65 
 
 Total by this Rout . '. 799 
 
 *the mouth of Cheat River and 2 Miles up it is in Pensyla. 
 
 164 Ohiopyle, Pennsylvania. 
 
 165 This footnote is in the original; i.e., it is Washington's. 
 
 166 Present Akron, Ohio. 167 Present Marietta, Ohio. 
 
 322 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 From Detroit to Richmond 
 
 To the Mouth of the little Kanhawa as above 384 Miles 
 
 The Great Kanhawa by Hutchin's Table of Distances. . 9 8 Y^ 
 
 The Falls of the Kanhawa from information 90 
 
 A portage (supposedly) 10 
 
 The Mouth of Green brier and up it to the Portage 50 
 
 Portage to James Rr 33 281 
 
 Richmond 175 
 
 Total 840 
 
 Note 168 — This Rout may be more incorrect 169 than either of the fore- 
 going, as I had only the Maps, and vague information for the Portages 
 — and for the distances from the Mouth of the Kanhawa to the Carry- 
 ing place with Jacksons (that is James) River and the length of that 
 River from the Carrying place to Richmond — the length of the carry- 
 ing place above is also taken from the Map tho' from Information 
 one would have called it not more than 20 Miles. 
 
 From Detroit to Philadelphia is Miles 
 
 To Presque Isle 245 
 
 Portage to Lebeauf 170 15 
 
 Down french Creek to Venango 171 75 
 
 Along the Ohio 172 to Toby's Creek 173 _25_ 115 
 
 to the head spring of Do 45 
 
 By a Strait line to the nearest Water 174 of Susquea 175 . . . 15 
 
 168 Thl s note i s Washington's. 
 
 169 a s Washington suggests, his information about this route is less accu- 
 rate. Navigation from the Falls of the Kanawha to the mouth of the Green- 
 brier, for example, would be impossible. 
 
 170 Present Water ford, Pennsylvania. 
 
 171 Present Franklin, Pennsylvania. 
 
 172 Here Washington refers to the present Allegheny as the Ohio. 
 
 173 Toby Creek is a branch of the Clarion River in present Elk County, 
 Pennsylvania. In Washington's day, however, the entire Clarion River was 
 referred to as Toby Creek. 
 
 174 Bennett Branch of Sinnemahoning Creek, a tributary of the West 
 Branch of the Susquehanna. 175 The Susquehanna. 
 
 323 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Down the same to the West branch 50 
 
 Fort Augusta 176 at the Fork 125 
 
 Mackees (or Mackoneys) 177 Ck 12 
 
 Up this 25 
 
 By a strait line to Schuylkl. 178 15 
 
 Reading 32 
 
 Philadelphia _62 381 
 
 Total 741 
 
 By another Rout 
 
 To Fort Pitt as before 179 303 
 
 Up the Ohio to Tobys Ck 95 
 
 Thence to Phila. as above 381 
 
 Total 779 
 
 Note — The distances of places from the Mouth of Tobys Creek to 
 Philada. are taken wholly from a comparative view of Evan's 180 and 
 Sculls Maps 181 — The number, and length of the Portages; are not 
 attempted to be given with greater exactness than these — and for 
 want of more competent knowledge, they are taken by a strait line 
 between the sources of the different Waters which by the Maps 
 have the nearest communication with each other — consequently these 
 Routs, if there is any truth in the Maps, must be longer than the 
 given distances — particularly in the Portages, or Land part of the 
 Transportation, because no Road among Mountns. can be strait — or 
 waters navigable to their fountain heads. 
 
 176 Present Sunbury, Pennsylvania. 
 
 177 Mahanoy Creek rises near present Mahanoy City, Pennsylvania, and 
 runs due east to the Susquehanna. 
 
 178 The Schuylkill rises near Pottsville, Pennsylvania, and enters the Dela- 
 ware at Philadelphia. The route which Washington here describes was later 
 followed by the Schuylkill Canal. 
 
 179 That is, by way of the Cuyahoga and Beaver. 
 
 180 Lewis Evans published a map of the Middle Colonies in 1775. 
 
 i8i William Scull, son of the Surveyor-General of Pennsylvania, published 
 a map of Pennsylvania in 1770. 
 
 324- 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 From Detroit to Albany is 
 
 To Fort Erie, 182 at the No. end of Lake Erie 350 
 
 Fort Niagara 183 — 18 Miles of wch. is Land transpn. . . . 30 380 
 
 Oswego 175 
 
 Fall of Onondaga River 184 12 
 
 Portage 1 
 
 Oneida Lake by Water 40 
 
 Length of Do. to Wood Ck. 185 18 
 
 Wood Ck. very small and Crooked 25 
 
 Portage to Mohawk 186 1 97 
 
 Down it to the Portage 187 60 
 
 Portage 1 
 
 Schenectady 55 
 
 Portage to Albany 188 J_5_ Ul 
 
 In all 783 
 
 To the City of New York 160 
 
 Total 943 
 
 From Detroit to Montreal is 
 
 To Fort Niagara as above 380 
 
 North end of Lake Ontario 225 
 
 Oswegatche 189 60 
 
 Montreal — very rapid. 110 395 
 
 In all. "775 
 
 To Quebec 180 
 
 Total 955 
 
 182 Present Fort Erie, Ontario, opposite Buffalo, New York. 
 
 183 jr ort Niag ara wa s located on the American side of the Niagara River 
 where it enters Lake Ontario. 
 
 184 The branch of the Oswego River which rises in Oneida Lake. 
 
 185 Wood Creek rises near Rome, New York, and runs into the eastern 
 end of Oneida Lake. The route Washington describes here was later followed 
 by the Erie Canal and today is followed by the New York State Barge Canal. 
 
 186 The Mohawk River. 
 
 187 The portage around the falls of the Mohawk River at present Little 
 Falls, New York. 
 
 188 The portage around Cohoes Falls near the mouth of the Mohawk. 
 
 189 p resent Ogdensburg, New York. 
 
 325 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Admitting the preceeding Statement, which as has been ob- 
 served is given from the best and most authentic Maps and 
 papers in my possession — from information — and partly from 
 observation, to be tolerably just, it would be nugatory to go 
 about to prove that the Country within, and bordering upon 
 the Lakes Erie, Huron, and Michigan would be more conven- 
 ient when they came to be settled — or that they would embrace 
 with avidity our Markets, if we should remove the obstructions 
 which are at present in the way to them. 
 
 It may be said, because it has been said, and because there 
 are some examples of it in proof, that the Country of Kentucke, 
 about the Falls, 190 and even much higher up the Ohio, have 
 carried flour and other articles to New Orleans— but from 
 whence has it proceeded? Will any one who has ever calculated 
 the difference between Water and Land transportation wonder 
 at this? — especially in an infant settlement where the people 
 are poor and weak handed— and pay more regard to their ease 
 than to loss of time, or any other circumstance? 
 
 Hitherto, the people of the Western Country having had no 
 excitements to Industry, labour very little; — the luxuriency of 
 the Soil, with very little culture, produces provisions in abun- 
 dance — these supplies the wants of the encreasing population — 
 and the Spaniards 191 when pressed by want have given high 
 prices for flour— other articles they reject; and at times, (con- 
 trary I think to sound policy) shut their ports against them 
 altogether — but let us open a good communication with the 
 Settlements west of us— extend the inland Navigation as far as 
 it can be done with convenience-*- and shew them by this means, 
 how easy it is to bring the produce of their Lands to our 
 Markets, and see how astonishingly our exports will be in- 
 
 190 The Falls of the Ohio at Louisville, Kentucky. 
 
 191 Spain controlled New Orleans at the time. 
 
 326« 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 creased; and these States benefitted in a commercial point of 
 view — wch. alone is an object of such Magnitude as to claim 
 our closest attention — but when the subject is considered in a 
 political point of view, it appears of much greater importance. 
 
 No well informed Mind need be told, that the flanks and 
 rear of the United territory are possessed by other powers, and 
 formidable ones too — nor how necessary it is to apply the 
 cement of interest to bind all parts of it together, by one indis- 
 soluble band— particularly the middle States with the Country 
 immediately back of them— for what ties let me ask, should 
 we have upon those people; and how entirely unconnected shod. 
 we be with them if the Spaniards on their right 192 or great 
 Britain on their left, 193 instead of throwing stumbling blocks 
 in their way as they now do; should invite their trade and seek 
 alliances with them? What, when they get strength, which will 
 be sooner than is generally imagined (from the emigration of 
 Foreigners who can have no predeliction for us, as well as from 
 the removal of our own Citizens) may be the consequence of 
 their having formed such connections and alliances; requires 
 no uncommon foresight to predict. 
 
 The Western Settlers — from my own observation — stand as 
 it were on a pivot — the touch of a feather would almost incline 
 them any way — they looked down the Mississippi until the 
 Spaniards (very impoliticly I think for themselves) threw diffi- 
 culties in the way, and for no other reason that I can conceive 
 than because they glided gently down the stream, without con- 
 sidering perhaps the tediousness of the voyage back, and the 
 time necessary to perform it in; and because they have no 
 other means of coming to us but by a long land transportation 
 and unimproved Roads. 
 
 192 The Spanish in the Floridas, which at the time extended along the en- 
 tire Gulf coast to Louisiana. 193 In Canada. 
 
 327 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 A combination of circumstances make the present conjunc- 
 ture more favorable than any other to fix the trade of the West- 
 ern Country to our Markets. The jealous and untoward dispo- 
 sition of the Spaniards on one side, and the private views of 
 some individuals coinciding with the policy of the Court of G. 
 Britain on the other, to retain the Posts of Oswego, Niagara, 
 Detroit, 194 &ca. (which tho' done under the letter of the treaty 
 is certainly an infraction of the Spirit of it, and injurious to the 
 Union) may be improved to the greatest advantage by this 
 State if she would open her arms, and embrace the means which 
 are necessary to establish it. The way is plain, and the expence, 
 comparitively speaking deserves not a thought, so great would 
 be the prize. The Western Inhabitants would do their part 
 towards accomplishing it, weak as they now are, they would, 
 I am persuaded meet us half way rather than be driven into 
 the arms of, or be in any wise dependent upon, foreigners; the 
 consequence of which would be, a seperation, or a War. 
 
 The way to avoid both, happily for us, is easy, and dictated 
 by our clearest interest. It is to open a wide door, and make a 
 smooth way for the produce of that Country to pass to our 
 Markets before the trade may get into another channel— this, 
 in my judgment, would dry up the other Sources; or if any 
 part should flow down the Mississippi, from the Falls of the 
 Ohio, in Vessels which may be built — fitted for Sea — and sold 
 with their Cargoes, the proceeds I have no manner of doubt, 
 will return this way; and that it is better to prevent an evil 
 than to rectify a mistake none can deny — commercial connec- 
 tions of all others, are most difficult to dissolve— if we wanted 
 proof of this, look to the avidity with which we are renewing, 
 
 194 Great Britain retained these and other forts until 1796 as security until 
 the American debts owed to British subjects could be collected. 
 
 328 
 
LANDLORD AND EXPANSIONIST 
 
 after a total suspension of Eight years, 195 our corrispondence 
 with Great Britain; — So, if we are supine, and suffer without 
 a struggle the Settlers of the Western Country to form commer- 
 cial connections with the Spaniards, Britons, or with any of the 
 States in the Union we shall find it a difficult matter to dissolve 
 them altho' a better communication should thereafter, be pre- 
 sented to them — time only could effect it; such is the force 
 of habit! 
 
 Rumseys 196 discovery of working Boats against stream, by 
 mechanical powers principally, may not only be considered as 
 a fortunate invention for these States in general but as one of 
 those circumstances which have combined to render the present 
 epoche favorable above all others for securing (if we are dis- 
 posed to avail ourselves of them) a large portion of the produce 
 of the Western Settlements, and of the Fur and Peltry of the 
 Lakes, also— the importation of which alone, if there were no 
 political considerations in the way, is immense. 
 
 It may be said perhaps, that as the most direct Routs from 
 the Lakes to the Navigation of Potomack are through the State 
 of Pensylvania — and the intert[ia] of that State opposed to the 
 extension of the Waters of Monongahela, that a communication 
 cannot be had either by the Yohiogany or Cheat River;— but 
 herein I differ — an application to this purpose would in my 
 opinion, place the Legislature of that Commonwealth in a very 
 delicate situation. That it would not be pleasing I can readily 
 conceive, but that they would refuse their assent, I am by no 
 means clear in. There is in that State, at least 100,000 Souls 
 West of the Laurel hill, who are groaning under the inconven- 
 iences of a long land transportation. They are wishing, indeed 
 looking, for the extension of inland Navigation; and if this can 
 not be made easy for them to Philadelphia— at any rate it must 
 
 195 During the Revolutionary War. 196 See note 29, ante. 
 
 329 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 be lengthy — they will seek a Mart elsewhere; and none is so 
 convenient as that which offers itself through Yohiogany or 
 Cheat River— the certain consequence therefore of an attempt 
 to restrain the extension of the Navigation of these Rivers, (so 
 consonant with the interest of these people) or to impose any 
 extra duties upon the exports, or imports, to or from another 
 State, would be a seperation of the Western Settlers from the 
 old and more interior government; towards which there is not 
 wanting a disposition at this moment in the former. 
 
 330- 
 
President of 
 The United States 
 
 1794 
 
The Whiskey Rebellion 
 
 When Washington returned from a visit to his Western lands 
 in 1784, there was as yet no clearly defined program for the 
 political structure of the United States. 
 
 On the one hand, Washington was concerned with tying the 
 lands and peoples beyond the mountains to the eastern sea- 
 board. There he was a nationalist, and there he anticipated the 
 major convictions which were to mark his career as a states- 
 man, a career which still lay ahead of him. On the other hand, 
 he wanted, even more, to tie the West to Virginia rather than 
 to the confederation as a whole, and there he was what he had 
 always been, a states-righter. Indeed, in 1784, he seems to have 
 been contemplating without undue alarm — if not with favor — 
 the possibility that western Pennsylvania might separate from 
 the eastern part of the state. 
 
 Ten years later, events had so shaped his philosophy that he 
 took the lead in suppressing the movement of Western protest 
 which he had viewed with equanimity in 1784. 
 
 If Washington's views in 1784 were far from what they 
 would be in 1789, when he became the President, or in 1794, 
 when he faced the Western Insurrection, it was because Wash- 
 ington in 1784 had not yet reached his full stature as a national 
 figure. Indeed, he felt then that his service to his country was 
 behind him and that he was permanently retired from public 
 life — a prospect which he found not unpleasing. And so he 
 approached the question of keeping the Ohio Valley tied to the 
 seaboard as a private businessman interested in the commerce 
 of Virginia rather than as a statesman wrestling with political 
 abstractions. 
 
 However, even then, when only the Articles of Confedera- 
 
 333 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 tion held the states loosely together, the problems of an entre- 
 preneur in a country with thirteen separate and sovereign gov- 
 ernments quickly became the political problem of all the states 
 in a new nation. 
 
 Washington was enthusiastic over the project of improving 
 the navigation of the Potomac — indeed, when the Potomac 
 Company was organized for that purpose, in 1785, Washington 
 was chosen its president. The Potomac River was not only a 
 beckoning gateway to the interior but also the boundary be- 
 tween Virginia and Maryland. Potomac commerce would be, 
 inescapably, interstate commerce. And beyond the upper reaches 
 of the Potomac, the route to the trade of the Ohio Valley and 
 the Great Lakes led either by way of the Cheat River or the 
 Youghiogheny River — and both flowed through the sovereign 
 state of Pennsylvania. 
 
 In this situation, the stubborn facts of trade which looked 
 upon state boundaries as fetters began to dissolve the old, nar- 
 rower states-rights' point of view in Washington's mind. 
 
 There were, of course, other reasons why men of Washing- 
 ton's place in society were finding the Articles of Confederation 
 inadequate. The weak Congress established under the Articles 
 — really a council of ambassadors from thirteen independent 
 states— did not have the power to levy taxes. Therefore, it 
 could not pay interest or principle on the debt inherited from 
 the Revolution. The Articles provided for no executive or 
 judiciary. And so, citizens of one state could not collect debts 
 easily in another. Creditors were not guarded against repayment 
 in cheap paper money. Interstate business was at the mercy of 
 state tariff barriers. In foreign trade the United States was 
 equally helpless. And many patriots ground their teeth at see- 
 ing their new dearly won government so nearly prostrate. 
 
 There were, then, various sources which fed the movement 
 
 334' 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 for the adoption of a strong centralized government. But none 
 led more directly to the movement for a new constitution than 
 the activities of the Potomac Company headed by Washington. 
 
 In 1785, Washington, aided by his prestige as former com- 
 mander in chief, won from the legislatures of Virginia and 
 Maryland approval of the Potomac Company's project for mak- 
 ing the river navigable as far as Cumberland. The two states 
 agreed that both the Potomac River and Chesapeake Bay were 
 to be perpetually free to navigation. Further, the two states 
 agreed to meet yearly to discuss their mutual problems. Out of 
 this gathering of commissioners from Virginia and Maryland, 
 meeting at Mount Vernon as Washington's guests, sprang the 
 movement for the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 In 1786, the Virginia legislature proposed that the other 
 states be invited to the annual meeting. Five states did attend a 
 meeting at Annapolis : Virginia, Pennsylvania, New York, New 
 Jersey, and Delaware. This meeting recommended the Con- 
 stitutional Convention at Philadelphia for the following year, 
 1787. Washington was persuaded to abandon his retirement to 
 head the distinguished delegation which Virginia sent to the Con- 
 vention. Once there, he was chosen unanimously the chairman. 
 
 A full account of the deliberations of the Convention, of the 
 resulting Constitution, and of the struggle for its ratification 
 cannot be given here. On the whole, the adoption of the new 
 form of government was a victory for the commercial, manu- 
 facturing, and planting interests of the coastal area. Neverthe- 
 less, as the West came to recognize, although much later, it 
 held out benefits for them, too. A strong government held out 
 the hope of dealing successfully with the Indians, the British 
 garrisons still on American soil, and the Spanish athwart the 
 Mississippi at New Orleans. In spite of these benefits, at the 
 time of its adoption, the settlements beyond the mountains 
 
 335 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 in the Western Country viewed the new document with suspicion. 
 
 Washington's association with the Constitutional Convention 
 was the chief popular argument advanced for the new document 
 during the struggle over its ratification. It was not surprising, 
 therefore, that he should have been put forward from the begin- 
 ning for the new office of President of the United States. He 
 was genuinely reluctant to leave retirement again for public 
 service, but he also believed in the new Constitution and wanted 
 to help assure its success. Therefore, while he certainly did 
 not seek the office, he accepted it when unanimously offered him. 
 
 Washington was already 57 years old when he took office. 
 He was not in the best of health at the time. He was not, of 
 course, a stranger to politics, having served in the Virginia 
 House of Burgesses as well as in the Constitutional Convention. 
 On the other hand, he was now faced, not with fitting easily 
 into an already operating system, but with launching a new 
 and untried one. 
 
 Therefore, like any wise executive, to a great extent he relied 
 on subordinates. The chief of these was the able and vigorous 
 young lawyer, Alexander Hamilton. As an aide-de-camp to 
 Washington during the Revolution, and as one of the leading 
 figures in the movement for the Constitution, Hamilton was in 
 many ways a happy selection. Although his post was that of 
 Secretary of the Treasury, he was actually a sort of Prime Min- 
 ister to Washington, and the actual leader of the Federalist Party. 
 
 If on the whole, Hamilton's program suited the President, it 
 did not suit the citizens of the Western states. In the first place, 
 the small farmers of the back country had been against the 
 transfer of political power from the state governments — which 
 were close to home — to a national government distant as the 
 one in London had been before the Revolution. 
 
 When the Secretary of the Treasury proposed that the new 
 
 336' 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 government redeem the bonds and notes of the old Congress 
 at face value, the Western Countrymen were further angered. 
 The unpaid notes of the Continental Congress period had long 
 circulated at a fraction of their value and were chiefly in the 
 hands of wealthy Eastern speculators who were often former 
 Tories to boot. It seemed clearly a measure on the part of 
 Hamilton, who was openly contemptuous of democracy, to nur- 
 ture an aristocratic ruling class. 
 
 It was, however, one of the taxes imposed in 1791 to raise 
 money for paying off the old debts which most enraged the 
 husbandmen of the West. This was the excise tax on whiskey. 
 Taxes on imported goods were bad enough, but they could at 
 least be collected from foreigners at the ports and with a mini- 
 mum of bureaucracy. An excise tax laid on domestic articles 
 and collected from the citizens by an army of snooping revenue- 
 men seemed an invasion of liberty and privacy of the type which 
 had been one of the main grievances against George III. Worst 
 of all excises, from the point of view of the settlements beyond 
 the mountains, was this tax on whiskey. Whiskey was the 
 "cash crop" of the upper Ohio Valley. The grain of the region, 
 its chief product, was all but cut off from a market. The moun- 
 tains were an effective barrier to the east; and to the west, the 
 Spanish at New Orleans blocked egress to the sea and the 
 world's markets beyond. 
 
 The distillery, therefore, took the place of transportation. 
 Distilled into whiskey, Western grain was more easily moved 
 to Eastern markets, as much as did not find an appreciative con- 
 suming public among the backwoodsmen themselves. 
 
 It is barely possible that the unpopular excise tax might have 
 been enforced without the military action and the President's 
 intervention, however, if it had not been for events abroad. 
 With their own revolution still green in men's memories, there 
 
 337 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 came to the back country word of the stirring events in France. 
 Successive dispatches telling of tyranny overturned and the 
 common "citizen" come into his own, kindled the imaginations 
 of the citizens of the back country. 
 
 The Whiskey Rebellion — also known as the Western Insur- 
 rection — could hardly be compared with events in France, how- 
 ever. The disorders which comprised the "insurrection' ' sub- 
 sided as quickly as they had flared— a summer thunderstorm that 
 cleared the air in the Western counties. All but a few of the 
 natural leaders of the region were opposed to violence and 
 direct action. These leaders were able to guide the rebels back 
 to peaceful ways. 
 
 President Washington could not know at the moment, how- 
 ever, that the Western Insurrection would die a-borning. He 
 was already sorely taxed by the exasperating intricacies of 
 diplomacy in a world at war. At home, he was beset by a popu- 
 lar development he hated and feared— the rise of political par- 
 ties. And the events around Pittsburgh seemed ominously simi- 
 lar to Shays's Rebellion in Massachusetts, which a few years 
 before had helped to convince him that a strong national gov- 
 ernment was necessary. After all, he himself had written on his 
 last trip to the Ohio Valley in 1784, "The Western Settlers— 
 from my own observation— stand as it were on a pivot— the 
 touch of a feather would almost incline them any way. ..." 
 
 Therefore, Washington acted vigorously in the crisis to up- 
 hold the law and the central government to the extent of him- 
 self commanding the army sent out to restore order. 
 
 History was to demonstrate that the President's actions were 
 in the interests of the very region he marched against, as well 
 as of the nation as a whole. The vital question was still, as it 
 had been since the end of the Revolution, whether diverse re- 
 gions and interests could be held together in a federal union. 
 
 338 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 Had the West broken away in 1794, American nationhood 
 would have been shattered into a continent of petty and quar- 
 reling states, sinking into mutual ruin. The unifying function 
 which Washington and the Federalists performed for the North 
 American states can best be appreciated when compared with 
 the disunity of the Spanish colonies in South America. The 
 South Americans were able to win their independence from 
 Spain, but were unable to remain united afterwards, and have 
 suffered from their disunity ever since. 
 
 It was ironic that Washington's last trip towards the scene 
 of his early campaigns should be to quell rebellion. For he 
 understood these Western fellow countrymen well — certainly 
 better than most of the national leaders — and the settlers in 
 turn understood him. He had been among them often, and many 
 a Western rifleman had served under him against the redcoats. 
 
 But this was his duty, and duty was the mark of the man. 
 Washington had received his initial impulse to the performance 
 of public duty as part of the code of aristocracy — noblesse oblige. 
 And the stern exercise of the public duty — notably absent in 
 too many aristocrats— Washington learned in the Western 
 Country. In the cavernous forests, on his mission to the French 
 commandant in 1753 ; through the nightmare of Fort Necessity; 
 in the crucible of battle with Braddock; through the painful 
 guerilla warfare on the bleeding Virginia frontier; and on the 
 long march to Fort Duquesne with Forbes in 1758 — here was 
 shaped the character which Valley Forge had not found wanting. 
 And now it was this same sense of duty which sent Washington 
 again into the field against the Whiskey Rebels. 
 
 It has been said that the American, a new man in the family 
 of nations, was born on the Western frontier. Certainly 
 this was true of the American who was first among his 
 countrymen. 
 
 339 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY ALEXANDER HAMILTON 
 
 DESCRIBES TO PRESIDENT GEORGE WASHINGTON THE 
 
 OPPOSITION TO THE WHISKEY TAX 1 
 
 Treasury Department, 
 Philadelphia, August 5, 1794 
 
 Sir: — The disagreeable crisis at which matters have lately 
 arrived in some of the Western counties of Pennsylvania, with 
 regard to the laws laying duties on spirits distilled within the 
 United States and on stills, seems to render proper a review of 
 the circumstances which have attended those laws in that scene, 
 from their commencement to the present time, and of the con- 
 duct which has hitherto been observed on the part of the Gov- 
 ernment, its motives and effect, in order to gain a better judge- 
 ment of the measures necessary to be pursued in the existing 
 emergency. 
 
 The opposition to those laws in the four most western coun- 
 ties of Pennsylvania (Allegheny, Washington, Fayette and 
 Westmoreland,) commenced as early as they were known to 
 have been passed. It has continued, with different degrees of 
 violence, in the different counties and at different periods; but 
 Washington has uniformly distinguished its resistance by a more 
 excessive spirit than has appeared in the other counties, and 
 seems to have been chiefly instrumental in kindling and keep- 
 ing alive the flame. 
 
 The opposition first manifested itself in the milder shape of 
 the circulation of opinions unfavorable to the law, and calcu- 
 lated, by the influence of public dis-esteem, to discourage the 
 accepting or holding offices under it, or the complying with it 
 by those who might be so disposed; to which was added a show 
 of the discontinuance of the business of distilling. 
 
 1 The source of this letter is Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series, IV, 
 83-96. 
 
 340- 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 These expedients were shortly after succeeded by private 
 associations to forbear compliance with the law. But it was not 
 long before these mere negative modes of opposition were per- 
 ceived to be likely to prove ineffectual. And in proportion as 
 this was the case, and as the means of introducing the laws 
 into operation were put into execution, the disposition to re- 
 sistance became more turbulent, and more inclined to adopt 
 and practice violent expedients; the officers now began to expe- 
 rience marks of contempt and insult; threats against them 
 became more frequent and loud, and after some time these 
 threats were ripened into acts of ill-treatment and outrage. 
 
 These acts of violence were preceded by certain meetings 
 of malcontent persons, who entered into resolutions calculated 
 at once to confirm, inflame, and systematize the spirit of 
 opposition. 
 
 The first of these meetings was holden at a place called Red- 
 stone, (Old Fort,) 2 on the 27th of July, 1791, where it was 
 concerted that county committees should be convened in the 
 four counties, at the respective seats of justice therein. On the 
 23rd of August, following, one of these committees assembled 
 in the county of Washington. 
 
 This meeting passed some intemperate resolutions, which 
 were afterwards printed in the Pittsburgh Gazette, 3 containing a 
 strong censure on the law, declaring that any person who had 
 accepted or might accept an office under Congress, in order to 
 carry it into effect, should be considered as inimical to the 
 interests of the country; and recommending to the citizens of 
 Washington county to treat every person who had accepted or 
 
 2 Present Brownsville, Pennsylvania. 
 
 3 The Pittsburgh Gazette, first newspaper west of the Alleghenies, was 
 founded by John Scull in 1786. It was the only paper published in the four 
 Western counties during 1 794. 
 
 341 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 might thereafter accept, any such office, with contempt and ab- 
 solutely to refuse all kind of communication or intercourse with 
 the officers, and to withhold from them all aid, support or 
 comfort. . . . 
 
 On the 6th of . . . September, the opposition broke out in an 
 act of violence upon the person and property of Robert Johnson, 
 collector of the revenue for the counties of Allegheny and 
 Washington. 
 
 A party of men, armed and disguised, way-laid him at a 
 place on Pigeon Creek, in Washington county, seized, tarred 
 and feathered him, cut off his hair and deprived him of his 
 horse, obliging him to travel on foot a considerable distance in 
 that mortifying and painful situation. 
 
 The case was brought before the district court of Pennsyl- 
 vania, out of which processes issued against . . . three of the 
 persons concerned in the outrage. . . . 
 
 The person who had been sent with the processes was seized, 
 whipped, tarred and feathered; and, after having his money 
 and horse taken from him, was blindfolded and tied in the 
 woods, in which condition he remained for five hours. . . . 
 
 After much effort, the inspectors of revenue succeeded in pro- 
 curing the house of William Faulkner, 4 a captain in the army, 
 for an office of inspection in the county of Washington. This 
 took place in August, 1792. The office was attended by the 
 inspector of the revenue in person, till prevented by the fol- 
 lowing incidents : 
 
 Captain Faulkner, being in pursuit of some deserters from 
 the troops, was encountered by a number of people in the same 
 neighborhood where Mr. Johnson had been ill-treated the pre- 
 
 4 Captain William Faulkner was a member of the forces under General 
 Anthony Wayne then stationed near Pittsburgh while training for an expedi- 
 tion against the Ohio Indians. 
 
 342' 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 ceding year, who reproached him with letting his house for an 
 office of inspection, drew a knife upon him, threatened to scalp 
 him, tar and feather him and reduce his house and property to 
 ashes if he did not solemnly promise to prevent the further 
 use of his house for an office. Captain Faulkner was induced to 
 make the promise exacted, and in consequence of the circum- 
 stances, wrote a letter to the inspector, dated the 20th of 
 August, countermanding the permission for using his house, 
 and the day following gave a public notice in the Pittsburgh 
 Gazette that the office of inspector should be no longer kept 
 there. . . . 
 
 In June following, the inspector of the revenue was burnt in 
 effigy in Allegheny county, at a place and on a day of some 
 public election, with much display, in the presence of and with- 
 out interruption from magistrates and other public officers. 
 
 On the night of the 2 2d of November another party of men, 
 some of them armed and all in disguise, went to the house of 
 the . . . collector of Fayette, . . .broke and entered it and demanded 
 a surrender of the officer's commission and official books; 
 upon his refusing to deliver them up, they presented pistols at 
 him and swore that if he did not comply they would instantly 
 put him to death. At length a surrender of the commission and 
 books was enforced, but not content with this the rioters, be- 
 fore they departed, required of the officer that he should, within 
 two weeks, publish his resignation on pain of another visit and 
 the destruction of his house. 
 
 Notwithstanding these excesses, the laws appeared, during 
 the latter periods of this year (1793) to be rather gaining 
 ground. Several principal distillers, who had formerly held out, 
 complied, and others discovered a disposition to comply which 
 was only restrained by the fear of violence. . . . 
 
 343 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 CONGRESSMAN WILLIAM FINDLEY 5 OF WESTMORELAND 
 COUNTY DESCRIBES THE INCIDENT THAT BEGAN THE IN- 
 SURRECTION: A FEDERAL MARSHAL 6 SERVING SUMMONSES 
 IS FIRED UPON, JULY 15, 1794 7 
 
 When the marshall came to Pittsburgh, he expressed his sur- 
 prise and satisfaction that he had succeeded in serving the 
 processes without meeting with either injury or insult: what a 
 pity it was that he delayed to serve the last one? . . . 
 
 The next day, in company with the inspector, 8 he went to 
 serve the last writ on a distiller named Miller, near Peter's 
 creek. 9 On leaving the place, a number of men were observed 
 as if in pursuit of them and one gun was discharged; not how- 
 ever, it is believed with a design to do execution. It is well 
 known that, if the design had been to shoot one, or either of 
 them, they could not have escaped from so many men, few of 
 whom I suppose would have missed their aim at a pigeon or the 
 head of a squirrel. Appearing, however, to be in bad humour, 
 the marshal and inspector rode off. 
 
 DISTILLER WILLIAM MILLER TELLS HOW HE FELT ABOUT 
 THE SUMMONS 10 
 
 I felt myself mad with passion. I thought 250 dollars would 
 ruin me; and to have to go to the federal court, at Philadelphia, 
 
 5 William Findley, a Scotch-Irishman and former schoolteacher, served 
 Westmoreland County as state representative, state senator, or congressman 
 for forty years. 
 
 6 David Lenox. 
 
 7 The source of this passage is William Findley's History of the Insurrec- 
 tion in the Four Western Counties oj Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1 796) , pp. 77-78. 
 
 8 John Neville, revenue inspector of the Western counties. 
 
 9 Peter's Creek enters the Monongahela at Clairton, Pennsylvania. 
 
 10 This excerpt is from Hugh Henry Brackenridge's Incidents of the Insur- 
 rection in the Western Parts of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1795) I, 121. 
 
 344' 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 would keep me from going to Kentucky this fall, after I had 
 sold my plantation, and was getting ready. I felt my blood boil, 
 at seeing general Neville along, to pilot the sheriff to my very 
 door. 
 
 MILLER TELLS A QUESTIONER HOW ENRAGED FARMERS 
 ATTACKED BOWER HILL, 11 THE HOME OF REVENUE INSPEC- 
 TOR JOHN NEVILLE, ON THE FOLLOWING DAY, 
 JULY 16, 1794 12 
 
 I desired him to give me the particulars of the attack upon 
 Neville's house, the first day. He did so: he said they had about 
 thirty men, with fifteen guns, six only in order. They found 
 the general just got up; after some words, he fired first. 13 It 
 was from the windows. A horn was blowing in the house, the 
 time of the firing. Was the door open? said I. It was, said he. 
 Why then did you not rush into the entry? We were afraid, 
 said he, that he had a swivel, or a big gun there: 
 
 The negroes, 14 continued Miller, by this time, fired out of 
 their cabins upon our backs, and shot several; and we got off 
 as well as we could. 
 
 HUGH HENRY BRACKENRIDGE, 15 PITTSBURGH LAWYER, RE- 
 CONSTRUCTS THE SECOND ATTACK ON NEVILLE'S HOME, 
 
 JULY 17, 1794 16 
 
 In arranging the measures of the enterprise, a committee was 
 appointed; with power like that of the national commissioners 
 
 II Bower Hill, Neville's home, was on Chartier's Creek, in the present 
 town of Bower Hill, Allegheny County, Pennsylvania. 
 
 12 This excerpt is from Brackenridge's Incidents, I, 122. 
 
 13 Other accounts of this action vary in detail. 
 
 14 General Neville, a former Virginian, was a slave owner. 
 
 15 Hugh Henry Brackenridge was a Princeton graduate, author, editor, 
 and lawyer. He later became a leader of the Democratic-Republican Party 
 and a justice of the Supreme Court. He was one of the levelheaded members 
 
 345 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 with the French armies. 17 This committee offered the command 
 to a Benjamin Parkinson; 18 who excused himself, as not being 
 a man of military knowledge. James M'Farlane 19 was then 
 nominated, and accepted it. This was a major M 'Farlane of the 
 militia, who had served with reputation, in the rank of a lieu- 
 tenant, in the war with Great Britain, from the beginning to 
 the end of it; and was a man of good private character; and had 
 acquired a very handsome property, by industry in trade after 
 the expiration of the war. 
 
 The body having marched, and approached the house of the 
 inspector, the horses were left with a guard; and arrangements 
 made for an attack, should it be necessary. A flag was sent from 
 the committee, with a demand of the inspector to deliver up his 
 papers. This appears to have been the ultimate object of the 
 rioters. The inspector had withdrawn from the house; having 
 seen the force that was advancing; conceiving, I presume, that 
 a demand might be made of his person; and that, in consequence 
 of the encounter of the preceding morning, and the loss sus- 
 tained by the assailants, his life would be in danger. In this case, 
 he must have counted on not being able to defend the house. 
 Why then not have given direction to those whom he left in 
 the house, not to attempt a defence? Perhaps he did it; but his 
 
 of the Western Country who put himself at the head of the radical movement 
 in order to try to lead it back into safe paths. 
 
 16 This excerpt is from Brackenridge's Incidents, I, 18-19. 
 
 17 The reference here is to the armies of the French Revolution, then in 
 progress. The political events in France after 1789 were copiously reported 
 in America, and served as examples and inspirations to the back-country 
 radicals. 
 
 18 Benjamin Parkinson was a leading citizen of Washington County. He 
 had been a leader of the tax resisters for several years. 
 
 19 James McFarlane was from the Mingo Creek settlement, a hotbed of 
 opposition to the excise tax. 
 
 346« 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 brother-in-law, Kirkpatrick, 20 a major in the service last war, 
 judging less prudently, entertained the idea of being able to 
 defend it. 
 
 It being communicated, on the return of the flag, that the 
 inspector had left the house, a second flag was sent, and a demand 
 made, that six persons should be admitted into the house, to 
 search for his papers, and take them. This was refused; and 
 notice was then given, by a third flag, for the lady of the in- 
 spector, and any other female part of the family to withdraw. 
 They did withdraw; and the attack commenced. About fifteen 
 minutes after the commencement, a flag was presented, or was 
 thought to be presented, from the house; upon which, M'Far- 
 lane stepping from a tree, behind which he stood, and com- 
 manding a cessation of the firing, received a ball in the inside 
 of his thigh, near the groin, and instantly expired. The firing 
 then continued; and a message was sent to the committee, who 
 were sitting at some distance, to know whether the house 
 should not be stormed: But, in the mean time, fire had been 
 set to a barn, and to other buildings adjoining the mansion house; 
 and in a short time, the intenseness of the heat, and the evident 
 communicability of the flame to the house, had struck those in 
 the house, with a sense of immediate danger of life; and they 
 began to call for quarter; on which the firing ceased, and they 
 were desired to come out, and surrender themselves. They came 
 out; and the soldiers, 21 three of whom were said to have been 
 wounded, were suffered to pass by, and go where they thought 
 proper. Major Kirkpatrick himself, had nearly passed through, 
 when he was distinguished from the soldiers, and arrested; and 
 
 20 Abraham Kirkpatrick, later a leading Federalist in Pittsburgh. 
 
 21 The soldiers were from the garrison at Fort Fayette in Pittsburgh. 
 They had come to Bower Hill at Neville's request the previous day. There 
 were about a dozen in the house at the time of the attack. 
 
 347 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 ordered to deliver his musket. This he refused; when one pre- 
 senting a gun to his breast, was about to fire; he dropped upon 
 his knee, and asked quarter. The man took the major's hat from 
 his head, and put it on the muzzle of his gun; but did him no 
 other damage — I depict these incidents merely to give an inti- 
 mate idea of the manners and spirit of the people. 
 
 Fire had been put to an end of the mansion house, before the 
 fire communicated from the barn and other buildings. All were 
 consumed; one small building excepted; to which fire was not 
 put, but a guard set over it, at the suggestion of the negroes, 
 that it contained their bacon. 
 
 TOM THE TINKER, 22 MYTHICAL LEADER OF THE TAX- 
 RESISTERS, MARSHALS HIS FORCES THROUGH AN ADVER- 
 TISEMENT IN THE PITTSBURGH GAZETTE, JULY 19, 1794 23 
 
 Mr. Scull, 24 
 
 I am under the necessity of requesting you to put the follow- 
 ing in your next paper— It was found pasted on a tree near my 
 distillery. 
 
 John Reed 25 
 July 23, 1794 
 
 ADVERTISEMENT 
 
 In taking a survey of the troops under my direction in the 
 late expedition against that insolent exciseman John Neville, 
 
 22 The name "Tom the Tinker" has an interesting history. Tinkers were 
 itinerant menders of metal goods, such as pots and pans. When a farmer- 
 distiller paid the hated tax in the Western counties, his still would be shot 
 full of holes. This was jocularly referred to as "mending" the still, and the 
 mending was said to have been done by "Tom the Tinker." The name came 
 to stand for the radical party generally. 
 
 23 This item is from the Pittsburgh Gazette of August 2, 1794. 
 
 24 John Scull edited the Pittsburgh Gazette. 
 
 25 John Reed is identified in the advertisement he was forced to insert. 
 
 348 
 
By the PRESIDENT 
 
 Of the United States of America , 
 
 A Proclamation. 
 
 HEN we review the calamities which afflicl \o many other nations, 
 the present condition of the United States affords much matter of 
 confolation andjatisfaction. Our exemption hitherto from foreign war — an 
 increafing profppcVof the continuance of that exemption — the great degree 
 of internal tran. : ilhty we have enjoyed — the recent confirmation of that 
 tranquillity, by he fuppreffion of an infurreclion which fo wantonly threat- 
 ened it— the hap^V courfe of our public affairs in general — the unexampled 
 profperity of a 1 daffes of our citizens, are eircumftances which peculiarly 
 mark our fitua' with indications of the Divine Benificence towards us. 
 In ftfch a cLkts ngs ft rs in ;;n efpecial manner, our duty as a peop'le, with 
 
 devout reveren md affectionate gratitude, to acknowledge our many and 
 great obligation > Almighty G^d, and to implore him to continue and 
 confirm the ble gs we experience. 
 
 Deeply penei ted with this fentiment, I GEORGE WASHINGTON, 
 Prefident of the-United States, do recommend to all religious focieties and 
 denominations,, and to all perfons whomfoever within the United States, to 
 let apart and oEierve Thuriday the nineteenth day of February next, as a Day 
 of Public Thantfgiving and Prayer ; and on that day to meet together, and 
 render their finere and hearty thanks to the Great Ruler of Nations, for the 
 manifold and fimal mercies, which diftinguifh our lot as a nation ; particularly 
 for the pofTe (fieri of confli:utions of government which unite, and by their 
 union eftablifh liberty with order — for the prefervatiori of our peace foreign 
 and domeftic — 'or the feafonable controul which has been given to a fpirit of 
 diforder, in the fuppteffion of the late infurreclion — and generally, for the 
 profperous coiijfe of our affairs public and private; and at the fame time, 
 humbly and fervently to befeeeh the Kind Author of thefe bleflings, graci- 
 oufly to prolog them to us — to imprint on our hearts a deep and folemn 
 fenfe of our obigations to him for them — to teach us rightly to eftimate their 
 immenfe value— -to preferve us from the arrogance of profperity, and from 
 hazarding the jpvantages we enjoy by delufive purfuits — to difpofe us to 
 merit the contit nice of his favours, by not abiding them, by our gratitude 
 for them, and b a correfpondent conduft as citizens and as men — to render 
 this country nv * and more a fafe and propitious afylum for the unfortunate 
 of other count es — to extend among us true and ufeful knowledge — to dif- 
 fufe and eftabli ; habits of fobriety, order, morality and piety ; and finally, to 
 impart all the ! 'effings we poflefs, orafk for ourfelves, to the whole family of 
 mankind. 
 
 In (cjlimony whereof, I have caufed the Skal of the United States of 
 
 __ o» oc, o j± y - R ica, to be affixed to thefe prcfents, and Jigned the fame with 
 « %my J land. Done at the city of Philadelphia, the firfi day of 
 
 % E. b. a j ( , n , irv ^ ong thoufand feven hundred and ninety-five, and of the 
 
 % o o° hid, neadence of the United States of America the nineteenth. 
 
 "Wo : Ira] nina toil. 
 
 By the. Prefidev.t, 
 Edm : Randolph. 
 
 Washington's Proclamation of Thanksgiving 
 following the suppression of the Western Insurrection 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 I find there were a great many delinquents, even among those 
 who carry on distilling: it will therefore be observed that, I 
 Tom the Tinker, will not suffer any certain class or set of men 
 to be excluded the service of this my district when notified to 
 attend on any expedition carried on in order to obstruct the 
 execution of the excise law, and obtain a repeal thereof. 
 
 And I do declare on my solemn word, that if such delinquents 
 do not come forth on the next alarm, with equipments, and give 
 their assistance as much as in them lies, in opposing the execu- 
 tion and obtaining a repeal of the excise law, he or they will 
 be deemed as enemies, and stand opposed to virtuous principles 
 of republican liberty, and shall receive punishment according 
 to the nature of the offence. 
 
 And whereas a certain John Reed, now resident in Washing- 
 ton, and being at his place near Pittsburgh, called Reedsburgh, 
 and having a set of stills at said Reedsburgh, entered on the 
 excise docket, 26 contrary to the will and good pleaure of his 
 fellow citizens, and came not forward to assist in the suppres- 
 sion of the execution of such law by aiding and assisting in the 
 late expedition, have, by delinquency manifested his approba- 
 tion to the execution of the aforesaid law, is hereby charged 
 forthwith to cause the contents of this paper, without adding 
 or diminishing, to be published in the Pittsburgh Gazette, the 
 ensuing week, under the no less penalty than the consumation 
 of his distillery. Given under my hand this 19th day of July, 
 1794, 
 
 TOM THE TINKER 
 
 P.S. To prevent a great deal of trouble it will be necessary 
 to repeal the excise law and lay a direct tax on all located and 
 patented land in the United States. 27 
 
 26 A still was entered on the excise docket when the tax on it had been paid. 
 
 27 The westerners favored a land tax for two reasons. First, it would fall 
 
 349 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 REVENUER ROBERT JOHNSON ANNOUNCES HIS RESIGNA- 
 TION IN THE PITTSBURGH GAZETTE, JULY 20, 1794 28 
 
 Pittsburgh, July 20, 1794 
 
 Finding the opposition to the revenue law more violent than 
 I expected, regreting the mischief that has been done, and may 
 from the continuation of measures, seeing the opposition changed 
 from disguised rabble to a respectable party, think it my duty 
 and do resign my commission. 
 
 ROBT JOHNSON 
 
 ALLEGHENY COUNTY POLITICAL LEADER JOHN LUCAS 29 
 TELLS HOW THE RESPONSIBLE MEMBERS OF THE COMMU- 
 NITY REACTED TO THE EVENTS, JULY, 1794 30 
 
 . . . John Lucas . . . says . . . that on the 12th or 13th day of 
 last July, being lately returned home from a voyage he had 
 undertaken to the Illinois country, Hugh Henry Brackenridge, 
 attorney at law, living in Pittsburgh . . . came to his house, 
 being one or two days before the first riot had taken place at 
 general Neville's house; and as it was the first time this de- 
 most heavily on the more populous and wealthy East, where land values were 
 higher. Secondly, if large speculators in Western lands were forced to pay 
 federal taxes on their holdings, they might sell them more quickly and at a 
 more reasonable rate, rather than holding them off the market for a higher 
 price. Westerners were convinced that the excise tax had been passed by 
 easterners to avoid a land tax. 
 
 28 This advertisement appeared in the Pittsburgh Gazette of August 2, 1794. 
 
 29 John Lucas, a wealthy young French university graduate, came to 
 America out of sympathy with the ideals of the American Revolution and 
 settled near Pittsburgh in 1784. Like his friends Brackenridge and Albert 
 Gallatin, he did all he could to keep the Western opposition within legal 
 bounds. Lucas later became a state representative, county judge, congress- 
 man, and federal judge. 
 
 30 This excerpt is from an affidavit of Lucas in Brackenridge's Incidents, 
 III, 104-107. 
 
 350 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 ponent had seen Mr. Brackenridge since his arrival, a miscellany 
 of news reciprocally given, soon became the whole topic of 
 their conversation. This deponent perfectly remembers, that 
 amongst other things, he mentioned to Mr. Brackenridge, that 
 while he was passing through Kentucky, he had heard that 
 numbers of people in that state was displeased at the conduct 
 of the federal government towards them; 31 that several com- 
 mittees had been held there, and had already went to a great 
 length; that this said deponent had read a printed paper, pasted 
 up at a public place in Kentucky, containing several resolves 
 of a committee, and especially one by which the people of 
 Kentucky, were invited at large to meet, and take in considera- 
 tion the circumstances of the country; that some talked of a 
 separation from the union, others thought of other measures to 
 be adopted. Upon which account so given ... to Mr. Bracken- 
 ridge, he appeared ... to be highly displeased. . . . 
 
 This deponent declares, that the first opportunity he had of 
 perceiving the disposition of Mr. Brackenridge in the last dis- 
 turbances, was a few days after the committee held at Mingo 
 meeting house, 32 when Mr. Brackenridge said to this deponent, 
 that on his going to meet with the committee at Mingo meeting 
 house, he fairly expected he would be able to defeat any violent 
 measures that could be proposed there; but to his astonishment, 
 he had met with a numerous assembly of men, respectable by 
 their property, their abilities, and the popularity great many of 
 
 31 Kentuckians were dissatisfied because the federal government did not 
 follow a sufficiently strong policy towards Spain, who controlled New 
 Orleans at the time. The trade of Kentucky went to market down the Ohio 
 and Mississippi through New Orleans. The whiskey rebels looked on Ken- 
 tucky as a potential ally. 
 
 32 In the meeting at Mingo Creek Church, the leaders of the attack on 
 Bower Hill tried to win the backing of the rest of the area. The moderates 
 tried to prevent further extreme measures. 
 
 351 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 them enjoyed; that things seemed to take a more serious turn 
 than he expected; . . . 
 
 THE PITTSBURGH GAZETTE ANNOUNCES THE COMING CON- 
 VENTION OF THE FOUR WESTERN COUNTIES, JULY 23, 1794 33 
 
 By a respectable number of citizens who met on Wednesday 
 the 23rd inst. at the Meeting-house on Mingo creek, 34 it is 
 recommended to the townships of the four western Pennsyl- 
 vania counties, and the neighbouring counties of Virginia, to 
 meet and choose not more than five nor less than two repre- 
 sentatives, to meet at Parkinson's ferry, 35 on the Monongahela, 
 on Thursday the 14th day of August next, to take into consid- 
 eration the present situation of the western country. 
 
 July 24, 1794 
 
 BRACKENRIDGE TELLS HOW HOTHEADS ROBBED THE MAIL 
 
 JULY 26, 1794 36 
 
 The post was interrupted on the 26th of July, on the way 
 from Pittsburgh, and near Greensburgh. The packet from 
 Washington and Pittsburgh was taken out. It was carried by 
 Benjamin Parkinson to Washington, and from thence it was ac- 
 companied, by Bradford 37 and Marshal, 38 and others, to Can- 
 nonsburgh, a village seven miles distant. It was there opened. 
 
 33 From the Pittsburgh Gazette of August 2, 1 794. 
 
 34 The Mingo Creek settlement was in the area of present Finleyville, 
 Washington County, Pennsylvania. 
 
 35 Present Monongahela City, Pennsylvania. 
 
 36 This account is from Brackenridge's Incidents, I, 39. 
 
 37 David Bradford was a young lawyer from Maryland who had migrated 
 to Washington, Pennsylvania, where he became deputy attorney general and 
 a member of the state legislature. He became the chief leader of the rebels 
 and was finally forced to flee the country to avoid prosecution. 
 
 38 James Marshall of Washington County had been a leader of the anti- 
 excise forces ever since the passage of the tax law. 
 
 352' 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 No letter, on the late affairs, from any individual of Washing- 
 ton: There were letters from individuals of Pittsburgh; these 
 letters gave great offence, and made the writers objects of 
 resentment. 
 
 The result of the convention at Canonsburgh, at the opening 
 of the mail, was the issuing circular letters to the officers of 
 the militia, proposing a rendezvous at Braddock's field, for the 
 purpose of a march to Pittsburgh. ... It was contemplated to 
 take the writers of the letters, and imprison them in the jail 
 of Washington. These were the objects contemplated, accord- 
 ing to the information given me: 
 
 FINDLEY DESCRIBES HOW THE EXTREMISTS CALLED OUT 
 
 THE MILITIA AND MARCHED ON PITTSBURGH 
 
 AUGUST 1 AND 2, 1794 39 
 
 Bradford reviewed the troops on the ground, 40 and is said to 
 have assumed the powers and to have received the honours of 
 Major-general. There is no doubt but that he received every 
 honour that could be conferred. The infatuated disorganizers 
 idolised him, and those who held him in contempt, and looked 
 on the measures with horror, were many of them most obsequi- 
 ous in their attentions to him. They believed that at that moment 
 expulsion or even more severe punishment depended on his will. 
 His denunciation of cowards and traitors, and holding up 
 Robespiere's 41 system of terror for imitation at the Mingo creek 
 meeting, was well known to them, and spread a temporary panic. 
 
 A committee was apointed at the rendezvous, who resolved 
 
 39 From Findley's History of the Insurrection, pp. 100-101. 
 
 40 The Militia gathered on the scene of Braddock's defeat of 1755. The 
 present Edgar Thompson Works of U. S. Steel Corporation in Braddock, 
 Pennsylvania, covers the site. 
 
 41 Maximilien Robespierre, a Jacobin leader of the French Revolution. 
 
 353 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 that general Gibson 42 and colonel Nevil should be expelled, 
 and authorized the Pittsburgh committee 43 to put this resolu- 
 tion into execution. It was resolved that the army, as it was 
 called, should march to Pittsburgh. On this occasion, the people 
 of Pittsburgh went forward to prepare for giving them the 
 most hospitable reception in their power, that they might pass 
 through it with good humour. Bradford also sent to the com- 
 mandant of the garrison 44 to inform him that no harm was in- 
 tended, and to request being permitted to pass peaceably. They 
 marched in, however, by the Monongahela road which did not 
 lead to the garrison, and being furnished with refreshments in 
 Pittsburgh by the towns-people, they crossed the Monongahela 
 without giving any disturbance. 
 
 After crossing the river many returned to their homes, and 
 these were no doubt the most orderly. A great number of the 
 well disposed people had previously gone to their homes from 
 Braddock's field. A number, however, stayed over night near 
 Pittsburgh, and in the night burned a small barn, the property 
 of major Kirkpatrick, 45 with the grain it contained, which was 
 then the property of a tenant. 
 
 THE PITTSBURGH GAZETTE REPORTS THE MARCH FROM 
 BRADDOCK'S FIELD TO PITTSBURGH, AUGUST 2, 1794 46 
 
 From a Correspondent 
 
 The behavior of the column on their march from Braddock's 
 
 42 John Gibson was major general of the local Militia. Gibson had written 
 a letter hostile to the insurgents, which was among the letters seized and read 
 when the mail was robbed. 
 
 43 Pittsburgh had held a town meeting the previous day and elected a 
 committee to negotiate with the Militia. 
 
 44 Fort Fayette, located northeast of the town, was commanded by Major 
 Thomas Butler of the U. S. Army. 
 
 45 Major Abraham Kirkpatrick had earned the popular ill will by helping 
 
 354' 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 Field to the town of Pittsburgh, and until they left the town, 
 was deserving of the highest praise and commendation. The 
 American or French Armies, on their march through a town 
 during the revolution with Britain, though long formed to order 
 and regularity, never exceeded or perhaps equalled, that of 
 these troops, hastily assembled in the course of 36 hours. This 
 shews that principle supplies the place of discipline, and that it 
 was the cause, not the hope of plunder or rapine that brought 
 them to the field. 
 
 The column consisted of about 5400, about 1 500 which were 
 on their way, and not joined them. The countermand of orders 
 by mistake towards Racoon and Sawickly prevented the march 
 of about 2000 more. 
 
 SOME OF THE MARCHERS DENOUNCE THE VIOLENCE 
 AUGUST 3, 1794 47 
 
 We, the undersigned, on behalf of ourselves and the great 
 body of the column that marched from Braddock's Field on the 
 3rd instant, think it necessary to express our disapprobation of 
 the disorderly proceeding of those of the troops who were con- 
 cerned in setting fire to the barn of Abraham Kirkpatrick on the 
 hill opposite the town of Pittsburgh; also of the attempt made 
 by others of burning his house in town; as these acts was not 
 within the sentence of the committee of the volunteers on 
 Braddock's Field, and therefore there could be no authority for 
 carrying them into effect. 
 
 We consider it as a blemish on the good order of the march 
 of the column through the town of Pittsburgh, and their canton- 
 defend General Neville's home at Bower Hill. He was Neville's brother- 
 in-law. 
 
 46 From the Pittsburgh Gazette of August 16, 1794. 
 
 47 From the Pittsburgh Gazette of August 16, 1794. 
 
 355 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 ment in the neighborhood of it. It has been endeavored to be 
 removed as much as possible by repairing the tenant of Kirk- 
 patrick his damage. 
 
 Edward Cook, Francis McFarlane, Thomas Stokely, Thomas 
 Sedgewick, David Hamilton, Absalom Baird, James Perry, 
 William McClure, William Nailor, John Hughes, Dixon Hus- 
 ton, Hamilton Huston, William Meetkerke, James Marshel. 48 
 
 PRESIDENT GEORGE WASHINGTON COMMANDS THE 
 INSURGENTS TO DISPERSE, AUGUST 7, 1794 49 
 
 BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 
 A PROCLAMATION. 
 
 Whereas combination to defeat the execution of the laws 
 laying duties upon spirits distilled within the United States and 
 upon stills have from the time of the commencement of those 
 laws existed in some of the western parts of Pennsylvania; and 
 
 Whereas the said combinations, proceeding in a manner sub- 
 versive equally of the just authority of government and of the 
 rights of individuals, have hitherto effected their dangerous and 
 criminal purpose by the influence of certain irregular meetings 
 whose proceedings have tended to encourage and uphold the 
 spirit of opposition by misrepresentations of the laws calcu- 
 lated to render them odious; by endeavors to deter those who 
 might be so disposed from accepting offices under them through 
 fear of public resentment and of injury to person and property, 
 and to compel those who had accepted such offices by actual 
 violence to surrender or forbear the execution of them; by cir- 
 culating vindicative menaces against all those who should other- 
 
 48 The signers of this advertisement are a partial roster of the responsible 
 leaders of the community who were trying to terminate the disturbances. 
 
 49 From A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 1789- 
 1908, ed. James D. Richardson (Washington, 1909), I, pp. 158-160. 
 
 356' 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 wise, directly or indirectly, aid in the execution of the said 
 laws, or who, yielding to the dictates of conscience and to a 
 sense of obligation, should themselves comply therewith; by 
 actually injuring and destroying the property of persons who 
 were understood to have so complied; by inflicting cruel and 
 humiliating punishments upon private citizens for no other cause 
 than that of appearing to be the friends of the laws; by inter- 
 cepting the public officers on the highways, abusing, assaulting, 
 and otherwise ill-treating them; by going to their houses in the 
 night, gaining admittance by force, taking away their papers, 
 and committing other outrages, employing for these unwarrant- 
 able purposes the agency of armed banditti disguised in such 
 manner as for the most part to escape discovery; and . . . inso- 
 much that many persons in the said western parts of Pennsyl- 
 vania have at length been hardy enough to perpetrate acts which 
 I am advised amount to treason, being overt acts of levying 
 war against the United States, the said persons having on the 
 16th and 17th July last past proceeded in arms (on the second 
 day amounting to several hundreds) to the house of John 
 Neville, inspector of the revenue for the fourth survey of the 
 district of Pennsylvania; having repeatedly attacked the said 
 house with the persons therein, wounding some of them; hav- 
 ing seized David Lenox, marshal of the district of Pennsylvania, 
 who previous thereto had been fired upon while in the execution 
 of his duty by a party of armed men, detaining him for some 
 time prisoner, till for the preservation of his life and the obtain- 
 ing of his liberty he found it necessary to enter into stipulations 
 to forbear the execution of certain official duties touching proc- 
 esses issuing out of a court of the United States; and having 
 finally obliged the said inspector of the said revenue and the 
 said marshal from considerations of personal safety to fly from 
 that part of the country. . . . 
 
 357 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Whereas it is in my judgement necessary under the circum- 
 stances of the case to take measures for calling forth the militia 
 in order to suppress the combinations aforesaid, and to cause 
 the laws to be duly executed; and I have accordingly deter- 
 mined so to do, feeling the deepest regret for the occasion, but 
 withal the most solemn conviction that the essential interests of 
 the Union demand it, that the very existence of Government 
 and the fundamental principles of social order are materially 
 involved in the issue, and that the patriotism and firmness of 
 all good citizens are seriously called upon, as occasions may 
 require, to aid in the effectual suppression of so fatal a spirit; 
 
 Wherefore, and in pursuance of the proviso above recited, I, 
 George Washington, President of the United States, do hereby 
 command all persons being insurgents as aforesaid, and all 
 others whom it may concern, on or before the 1st day of 
 September next to disperse and retire peaceably to their respec- 
 tive abodes. And I do moreover warn all persons whomsoever 
 against aiding, abetting, or comforting the perpetrators of the 
 aforesaid treasonable acts, and do require all officers and other 
 citizens, according to their respective duties and the laws of 
 the land, to exert their utmost endeavors to prevent and sup- 
 press such dangerous proceedings. 
 
 WASHINGTON SURVEYS THE SITUATION, AUGUST 8, 1794 50 
 
 TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE 51 
 
 German town, 52 2 o'Clock, August 8, 1794 
 Sir. ... I request also that all the information that can be 
 
 50 From The Writings of George Washington . . . ed. John C. Fitzpatrick, 
 XXXIII, 462. 
 
 51 Edmund Randolph of Virginia had succeeded Thomas Jefferson as Sec- 
 retary of State on January 2, 1794. 
 
 52 The President was staying in Germantown to escape the heat of 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 358 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 obtained from the Inspector Neville and the marshal, may be 
 had as soon as they shall have arrived in the City; and wish it 
 to be delivered before yourself and the above gentlemen, that 
 all of you being thoroughly possessed of the facts, and digesting 
 them well, may be ready to meet me at my house in the City 
 tomorrow morning, with your opinions on the propriety of 
 changing any measure already resolved on, or for adding others 
 thereto, according to the information which shall be received 
 from them. It might not be amiss that the Inspector and mar- 
 shal shou'd be at hand, tomorrow at the hour appointed. 
 
 WASHINGTON DISCREETLY INQUIRES ABOUT PUBLIC 
 OPINION, AUGUST 8, 1794 53 
 
 TO BURGES BALL 54 
 
 German Town, August 10, 1794 
 Dear Sir. . . . What (under the rose I ask it) is said, or 
 thought, as far as it has appeared to you, of the conduct of 
 the People in the Western Counties of this State (Pennsylvania) 
 towards the excise Officers? and does there seem to be a dis- 
 position among those with whom you converse, to bring them 
 to a Sense of their duty, and obedience to law, by coercion, 
 if, after they are fully notified by the Proclamation and other 
 expedients, of the consequences of such outrageous proceedings, 
 they do not Submit to the Laws of the United States, and suffer 
 the Collection of the duties upon Spirituous liquors, and Stills, 
 to be made as in other places? In a word, would their be any 
 difficulty, as far as the matter has passed under your observa- 
 tion, in drawing out a part of the Militia of Loudoun, Berkeley 
 and Frederick to quell this rebellious spirit, and to support 
 order and good government? You will readily perceive that 
 
 53 From The Writings of George Washington, XXXIII, 463. 
 64 Colonel Burgess Ball was Washington's nephew. 
 
 359 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 questions of this sort from me to you and your answers are for 
 my private information, and to go no further than ourselves. . . . 
 
 WASHINGTON DENOUNCES THE INSURGENTS, 
 AUGUST 10, 1794 55 
 
 TO CHARLES MYNN THRUSTON 56 
 
 (Private) 
 
 Philadelphia, August 10, 1794 
 Dear Sir. . . . That . . . attempts to discontent the public mind 
 have been practiced with too much success in some of the West- 
 ern Counties in this State you are, I am certain, not to learn. 
 Actual rebellion against the Laws of the United States exist 
 at this moment notwithstanding every lenient measure which 
 could comport with the duties of the public Officers have been 
 exercised to reconcile them to the collection of the taxes upon 
 spirituous liquors and Stills. What may be the consequences of 
 such violent and outrageous proceedings is painful in a high 
 degree even in contemplation. But if the Laws are to be so 
 trampled upon, with impunity, and a minority (a small one too) 
 is to dictate to the majority there is an end put, at one stroke, 
 to republican government; and nothing but anarchy and con- 
 fusion is to be expected thereafter; for Some other man, or 
 society, may dislike another Law and oppose it with equal 
 propriety until all Laws are prostrate, and every one (the 
 strongest I presume) will carve for himself. Yet, there will be 
 found persons I have no doubt, who, although they may not 
 be hardy enough to justify such opposition to the Laws, will, 
 nevertheless, be opposed to coercion even if the proclamation 
 and the other temperate measures which are in train by the 
 Executive to avert the dire necessity of a resort to arms, should 
 
 55 From The Writings of George Washington, XXXIII, 465. 
 
 56 Rev. Charles Mynn Thruston was a Virginia neighbor of Washington's. 
 
 360- 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 fail. How far such people may extend their influence, and what 
 may be the consequences thereof is not easy to decide; but this 
 we know, that it is not difficult by concealment of some facts, 
 and the exaggeration of others, (where there is an influence) 
 to bias a well-meaning mind, at least for a time, truth will ulti- 
 mately prevail where pains is taken to bring it to light. . . . 
 
 AN ANONYMOUS WRITER PRESENTS THE WESTERN CASE 
 
 IN HUMOROUS FORM IN THE PITTSBURGH GAZETTE 
 
 AUGUST 20, 1794 57 
 
 AN INDIAN TREATY 
 
 Speeches intended to be spoken at a Treaty now holding with 
 the Six United Nations of White Indians settled on the heads 
 of the Ohio, at the town of Pittsburg, the 20th of August, 1794, 
 by the Commissioners sent from Philadelphia for the purpose. 
 Captain blanket, an Indian Chief, spoke as follows: 
 brothers: — We welcome you to the old Council Fire at 
 this place. ... As the proffer of this treaty has originated with 
 your great council 58 at Philadelphia, we therefore expect you 
 have good terms to offer. But you know, Brothers, that it ever 
 has been a custom to pay Indians well for coming to treaties, 
 and you may be assured that unless we are well paid, or fully 
 satisfied, your attempts of any kind, will not have the least effect. 
 However, we doubt not but the pay is provided, and that you 
 have a sufficiency of blankets and breech clouts, powder and 
 lead and that the waggons are close at hand. You know, broth- 
 ers, that our neighbours, the British, over the lakes, pay their 
 Indians well, that they have inexhaustible stores of blankets 
 
 57 This article, probably written by Hugh Henry Brackenridge, ran in the 
 Pittsburgh Gazette during the late summer of 1794, and is conveniently re- 
 printed in Pennsylvania Archives, Second Series, IV, 545-549. 
 
 58 The reference is to Congress, which then met at Philadelphia. 
 
 361 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 and ammunition, and that if they were offering us a treaty, 
 they would not hesitate a moment to satisfy all our demands. 
 
 Captain whiskey spoke next: 
 
 brothers:— My friend Captain Blanket has indulged him- 
 self in a little drollery about blankets, &c, but I must speak 
 to the point. I am told that the people of your great council 
 call us a parcel of drunken raggamuffins, because we indulge 
 ourselves with a bottle of our homespun whiskey, and that we 
 ought to pay well for this extraordinary luxury. What would 
 they think if the same was said of them for drinking beer and 
 cyder? Surely the saying will apply with equal force in both 
 cases. We say that our whiskey shall not be saddled with an 
 unequal tax. You say it shall; and to enforce the collection of 
 three or four thousand dollars per ann. of nett proceeds, you 
 will send an army of 12,950 men or double that number if 
 necessary. This is a new fashioned kind of economy indeed. It 
 is a pitty this army had not been employed long ago in assisting 
 your old warrior, Gen. Wayne; 59 or chastising the British about 
 the lakes. However, I presume it is the present policy to guard 
 against offending a nation with a king at their head. But re- 
 member, brothers, if we have not a king at our head, we have 
 that powerful monarch, Captain Whiskey, to command us. By 
 the power of his influence, and a love to his person, we are 
 compelled to every great and heroic act. 
 
 Your know, brothers, that Capt. Whiskey has been a great 
 warrior in all nations and in all armies. He is a descendant of 
 that nation called Ireland; and to use his own phrase, he has 
 peopled three-fourths of this western world with his own hand. 
 We, the Six United Nations of White Indians, are principally 
 his legitimate offspring, and those who are not, have all imbibed 
 
 69 General Anthony Wayne was then in command of an American army 
 in the field against the Indians in Western Ohio. 
 
 362' 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 his principles and passions — that is a love of whiskey; and will, 
 therefore, fight for our bottle till the last gasp. Brothers, you 
 must not think to frighten us with fine arranged lists of infantry, 
 cavalry and artillery, composed of your water-mellon armies 
 from the Jersey shores; they would cut a much better figure in 
 warring with the crabs and oysters about the Capes of Dela- 
 ware. It is a common thing for Indians to fight your best armies 
 at the proportion of one to Rve; therefore, we would not hesi- 
 tate a moment to attack this army at the rate of one to ten. 
 Our nations can, upon an emergency, produce twenty thousand 
 warriors; you may then calculate what your army ought to be. 
 But I must not forget that I am making an Indian speech; I 
 must, therefore, give you a smack of national tongue— Tongas h 
 Getchie — Tongash Getchie — very strong man, me Captain 
 Whiskey. 
 
 Capt. alliance next took the floor: 
 
 My friend, Captain Whiskey, has made some fine flourishes 
 about the power of his all conquering monarch, Whiskey, and 
 of the intrepidity of the sons of St. Patrick in defence of their 
 beloved bottle. But we will suppose, when matters are brought 
 to the test, that we should find ourselves unequal to the task of 
 repelling this tremendous army, or that the great council should 
 still persevere in their determination of imposing unequal and 
 oppressive duties upon our whiskey; who knows but some evil 
 spirit might prompt us to a separation from the union, and call 
 for the alliance of some more friendly nation. You know that 
 the great nation of Kentucky has already suggested this idea 
 to us. They are at present Mississippi mad, and we are whiskey 
 mad; it is therefore, hard to tell what may be the issue of such 
 united madness. It appears as if the Kentuckians were disposed 
 to bow knee to the Spanish monarch . . . rather than be longer 
 deprived of their Mississippi; and we might be desperate 
 
 363 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 enough, rather than submit to an odious excise or unequal taxes, 
 to invite Prince William Henry 60 or some other royal pup, to 
 take us by the hand provided he would guarantee equal taxation 
 and exempt our whiskey. 
 
 This would be a pleasing overture to the royal family of 
 England — they would eagerly embrace the favorable moment 
 to add again to their curtailed dominion in America, to accom- 
 modate some of their numerous brood with kingdoms and prin- 
 cipalities. . . . If the Kentuckians should also take it into their 
 head to withold supplies from your good old warrior Wayne, 
 who is very often near starving in the wilderness, his army 
 must be immediately annihilated, and your great council might 
 forever bid adieu to their territory west of the mountains. This 
 may seem very improbable indeed; but as great wonders have 
 happened within Europe in the course of three years past. 
 
 captain pacificus then arose and concluded the business of 
 the day: 
 
 brothers: — My friend Alliance has made some very alarm- 
 ing observations, and I confess they have considerable weight 
 with me. A desperate people may be drove to desperate re- 
 sources, but as I am of a peaceable disposition I shall readily 
 concur in every reasonable proposition which may have a ten- 
 dency to restore tranquility, and secure our union upon the true 
 principles of equality and justice. It is now time to know the 
 true object of your mission; if you are the messengers of peace 
 and come to offer us a treaty, why attempt to deliver it at the 
 point of the bayonet? If you are only come to grant pardons 
 for past offences, you need not have fatigued yourselves with 
 such extraordinary dispatch on the journey: we have not yet 
 begged your pardon; we are not yet at the gallows or the guil- 
 lotine, for you will have to catch us first before you bring us 
 
 60 Third son of George III and future William IV. 
 
 364- 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 there. But as I am rather more of a counsellor than a warrior, 
 I am more disposed to lay hold of the chain 61 than the toma- 
 hawk; I shall therefore propose that a total suspension of all 
 hostilities and the cause thereof, shall immediately take place 
 on both sides, until the next meeting of our great national 
 council. If your powers are not competent to this agreement, 
 we expect, as your old counsellors and peaceable men, that you 
 will at least report and recommend it to our good old father 62 
 who sits at the helm. 
 
 We know it was his duty to make proclamation &c, &c, 
 but we expect everything that can result from his prudence, 
 humanity and benevolence towards his fellow creatures. 
 A belt, on which is inscribed, 
 plenty of Whiskey without Excise. 
 
 JOHN LUCAS DESCRIBES HOW THE PEOPLE WERE PERSUADED 
 TO AGREE TO OBEY THE LAW, AUGUST, 1794 63 
 
 On the 21st of August, when the committee of twelve 64 went 
 to confer at Pittsburgh, with the commissioners in behalf of 
 the executive, the nine deputies from Westmoreland, Washing- 
 ton, and Allegheny counties met together, and while they were 
 waiting for the three deputies from Fayette, who was not yet 
 arrived, Mr. Brackenridge opened the conversation on the 
 momentous subject of resisting or acquiescing in the laws of 
 the United States; and this deponent, who was one of the three 
 
 61 Indians thought of a peace treaty as a chain, with each of the parties 
 holding one end. 
 
 62 Washington. 
 
 63 Brackenridge's Incidents, III, pp. 104-107. 
 
 64 The committee, three representatives from each of the four counties 
 concerned, had been elected at the "convention" held at Parkinson's Ferry- 
 on August 14. They were chosen to meet with the commissioners sent by 
 the President and the Governor of Pennsylvania. 
 
 365 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 deputies from Allegheny county, says, he witnessed Mr. Brack- 
 enridge saying openly, before any body had given his opinion, 
 that he thought that submission was the best step to be taken; 
 that for his part, he was fully determined to submit to the laws. 
 The deponent says, that amongst the many that were wishing 
 secretly to see the people returning to obedience to the laws, 
 Mr. Brackenridge is the first man he did hear speaking of sub- 
 mission after the insurrection. 
 
 The deponent says further, that he went the best part of the 
 way from Pittsburgh to attend the committee of Redstone, 65 
 held on the 28th and 29th days of last August; and as they were 
 going along, the deponent saw in Mr. Brackenridge all the 
 tokens of distress at the appearance of so many liberty poles 
 raised through the country, and so little corresponding with the 
 pacific views he (Mr. Brackenridge) was going with his other 
 colleagues to propagate and support, before the standing com- 
 mittee at Redstone. 
 
 . . . After the report of the conference held on the 21st, was 
 made on the 28th, to the standing committee, and the said com- 
 mittee having adjourned to meet on the morrow, 29th, Mr. 
 Gallatin 66 came to Mr. Brackenridge in the street, and in pres- 
 ence of this deponent Mr. Gallatin proposed to Mr. Bracken- 
 ridge to open the matter on the following day, which Mr. 
 Brackenridge declined, devolving the task on Mr. Gallatin, with 
 promise he would support him with all his might. . . . This depo- 
 nent says, that on the day following he attended the committee 
 
 65 The committee elected to meet with the President's commissioners had 
 recommended submission. However, another "convention" of the four coun- 
 ties was called together at Redstone (Brownsville) to approve or disapprove 
 the action of the committee in agreeing to submit. 
 
 66 Albert Gallatin of Fayette County, later to become successively a con- 
 gressman, Secretary of the Treasury, and diplomat, was the secretary of the 
 "convention" and one of the moderates. 
 
 366' 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 as a member of it, and heard Mr. Brackenridge echoing there in 
 his own language, the cogent and powerful arguments first made 
 use of by Mr. Gallatin, and adding new ones of his own; all to 
 the purpose of disposing the committee to submit to the laws, 
 and propagate that disposition among their constituents. 
 
 WASHINGTON ANNOUNCES THAT TROOPS ARE MARCHING 
 ON WESTERN PENNSYLVANIA, SEPTEMBER 25, 1794 67 
 
 PROCLAMATION 
 
 Philadelphia, September 25, 1794 
 Whereas, from a hope that the combinations against the Con- 
 stitution and laws of the United States, in certain of the West- 
 ern counties of Pennsylvania, would yield to time and reflection, 
 I thought it sufficient, in the first instance, rather to take meas- 
 ures for calling forth the militia than immediately to embody 
 them; but the moment is now come, when the overtures of 
 forgiveness, with no other condition than a submission to law, 
 have been only partially accepted; when every form of con- 
 ciliation not inconsistent with the being of Government has 
 been adopted, without effect; when the well-disposed in those 
 counties are unable by their influence and example to reclaim 
 the wicked from their fury, and are compelled to associate in 
 their own defence; when the proffered lenity has been per- 
 versely misinterpreted into an apprehension that the citizens 
 will march with reluctance; when the opportunity of examining 
 the serious consequences of a treasonable opposition has been 
 employed in propagating principles of anarchy, endeavoring 
 through emissaries to alienate the friends of order from its sup- 
 port, and inviting enemies to perpetrate similar acts of insur- 
 rection; when it is manifest, that violence would continue to 
 be exercised upon every attempt to enforce the laws; when, 
 67 From The Writings of George Washington, XXXIII, 507-509. 
 
 367 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 therefore, Government is set at defiance, the contest being 
 whether a small proportion of the United States shall dictate 
 to the whole Union, and, at the expense of those who desire 
 peace, indulge a desperate ambition; 
 
 Now, therefore, I, george Washington, President of the 
 United States, in obedience to that high and irresistible duty, 
 consigned to me by the Constitution, "to take care that the 
 laws be faithfully executed;" deploring that the American name 
 should be sullied by the outrages of citizens on their own 
 Government; commiserating such as remain obstinate from de- 
 lusion; but resolved, in perfect reliance on that gracious Provi- 
 dence which so signally displays its goodness towards this 
 country, to reduce the refractory to a due subordination to the 
 laws; do hereby declare and make known, that, with a satis- 
 faction which can be equaled only by the merits of the militia 
 summoned into service from the States of New Jersey, Penn- 
 sylvania, Maryland and Virginia, I have received intelligence 
 of their patriotic alacrity, in obeying the call of the present, 
 though painful, yet commanding necessity; that a force, which, 
 according to every reasonable expectation, is adequate to the 
 exigency, is already in motion to the scene of disaffection; that 
 those who have confided or shall confide in the protection of 
 Government, shall meet full succor under the standard and from 
 the arms of the United States; that those who having offended 
 against the laws have since entitled themselves to indemnity, 
 will be treated with the most liberal good faith, if they shall 
 not have forfeited their claim by any subsequent conduct, and 
 that instructions are given accordingly. 
 
 And I do, moreover, exhort all individuals, officers, and 
 bodies of men, to contemplate with abhorrence the measures 
 leading directly or indirectly to those crimes, which produce 
 this resort to military coercion; to check, in their respective 
 
 368 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 spheres, the efforts of misguided or designing men to substitute 
 their misrepresentation in the place of truth, and their discontents 
 in the place of stable government; and to call to mind, that as 
 the people of the United States have been permitted, under the 
 Divine favor, in perfect freedom, after solemn deliberation, in 
 an enlightened age, to elect their own Government, so will 
 their gratitude for this inestimable blessing be best distinguished 
 by firm exertions to maintain the Constitution and the laws. 
 
 And, lastly, I again warn all persons, whomsoever and wher- 
 soever, not to abet, aid, or comfort the insurgents aforesaid, as 
 they will answer the contrary at their peril; and I do also re- 
 quire all officers and other citizens, according to their several 
 duties, as far as may be in their power, to bring under the 
 cognizance of the law all offenders in the premises. 
 
 WASHINGTON BLAMES THE INSURRECTION ON HIS POLITI- 
 CAL OPPONENTS IN THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIETIES 68 
 SEPTEMBER 25, 1794 69 
 
 To BURGES BALL 
 
 Philadelphia, September 25, 1794. 
 Dear Sir. ... I hear with the greatest pleasure of the spirit 
 which so generally pervades the Militia of every State that has 
 been called upon, on the present occasion; and of the decided 
 discountenance the Incendiaries of public peace and order have 
 met with in their attempt to spread their nefarious doctrines, 
 with a view to poison and discontent the minds of the people 
 against the government; particularly by endeavouring to have 
 
 68 The Democratic Societies were forerunners of the anti-Federalist party 
 which, under the leadership of Thomas Jefferson, became the opposition 
 party to the Federalists of Washington and Hamilton. Washington was op- 
 posed to political parties, as this letter makes plain. 
 
 69 From The Writings of George Washington, XXXIII, 505-507. 
 
 369 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 it believed that their liberties were assailed, and that all the 
 wicked and abominable measures that cod. be devised (under 
 specious guises) are practiced to sap the Constitution, and lay 
 the foundation of future Slavery. 
 
 The Insurrection in the Western counties of this State is a 
 striking evidence of this; and may be considered as the first 
 ripe fruit of the Democratic Societies. I did not, I must confess; 
 expect their labours would come to maturity so soon; though 
 I never had a doubt, that such conduct would produce some 
 such issue; if it did not meet the frown of those who were well 
 disposed to order and good government, in time; for can any 
 thing be more absurd, more arrogant, or more pernicious to 
 the peace of Society, than for self created bodies, forming them- 
 selves into permanent Censors, and under the shade of Night 
 in a conclave, resolving that acts of Congress which have under- 
 gone the most deliberate, and solemn discussion by the Repre- 
 sentatives of the people, chosen for the express purpose, and 
 bringing with them from the different parts of the Union the 
 sense of their Constituents, endeavouring as far as the nature 
 of the thing will admit, to form that will into Laws for the gov- 
 ernment of the whole; I say, under these circumstances, for a 
 self created, permanent body, (for no one denies the right of 
 the people to meet occasionally, to petition for, or to remon- 
 strate against, any Act of the Legislature &ca) to declare that 
 this act is unconstitutional, and that act is pregnant of mischief; 
 and that all who vote contrary to their dogmas are actuated by 
 selfish motives, or under foreign influence; nay in plain terms 
 are traiters to their Country, is such a stretch of arrogant pre- 
 sumption as is not to be reconciled with laudable motives; 
 especially when we see the same set of men endeavouring to 
 destroy all confidence in the Administration, by arraigning all 
 its acts, without knowing on what ground, or with what infor- 
 
 370 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 mation it preceeds and this without regard to decency or truth. 
 These things were evidently intended, and could not fail with- 
 out counteraction, to disquiet the public mind; but I hope, and 
 trust, they will work their own cure; especially when it is 
 known, more generally than it is, that the Democratic Society 
 of this place 70 (from which the others have emanated) was 
 instituted by Mr. Genet 71 for the express purpose of dissention, 
 and to draw a line between the people and the government, 
 after he found the Officers of the latter would not yield to the 
 hostile measures in which he wanted to embroil this Country. 
 
 CAPTAIN DAVID FORD 72 OF THE NEW JERSEY MILITIA 
 
 DESCRIBES HOW PRESIDENT WASHINGTON REVIEWED THE 
 
 TROOPS AT CARLISLE, OCTOBER 3, 4, and 5, 1794 73 
 
 Oct. 3d. Orders this day for the troops to turn out early in 
 the morning to receive the President of the United States, who 
 is expected early, having lodged at Harrisburgh this evening. 
 
 4th. The greatest vieing between the New Jersey and Penn- 
 sylvania horse who should be first on the ground to receive 
 the President. At ten o'clock, the signal for mounting came, and 
 away went the horse. The vanguard of the Phila. horse very 
 improperly pressed by our troops, and took post in front. This 
 was considered as not polite by the New Jersey cavalry, more 
 
 70 Philadelphia, the capital. 
 
 71 Edmund Genet, first embassador of revolutionary France to the United 
 States. His political activities on behalf of American aid to France in her 
 current war with Britain forced the United States to decide to ask for his recall. 
 
 72 David Ford, an officer in the New Jersey Militia, rose to the rank of 
 colonel in the War of 1812. 
 
 73 From David Ford's "J ourna l of an Expedition Made in the Autumn of 
 1 794, with a Detachment of New Jersey Troops, into Western Pennsylvania, 
 to Aid in Surpressing the 'Whiskey Rebellion' " in New Jersey Historical 
 Society Proceedings, VIII (1859), 85. 
 
 371 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 particularly as we were strangers. The President came on. He 
 was met by a very large train of Generals and other gentlemen, 
 and all the troops that could be mustered. On his approaching 
 the town, he was saluted by a Federal salute, and the ringing 
 of bells; and every heart expands with joy, except the whiskey 
 boys. They made a passage through the town to the Pennsyl- 
 vania camp, and after receiving them, he took up his quarters 
 in town. He was accompanied by Col. Hamilton as an aid, and 
 a small scout of horse. No army ever received him with more 
 heartfelt joy and satisfaction. I was much mortified that I could 
 not attend the train. I was only a spectator of the cavalcade. 
 
 5th. The officers of each line of the army, with the Governor 
 of each State, waited on the President at 12 o'clock, and were 
 introduced to him, and received with that manly dignity which 
 would have won enemies had they been there, unless their 
 hearts were as black as their actions. 
 
 FIFER SAMUEL DEWEESE 74 OF THE PENNSYLVANIA MILITIA 
 SALUTES THE PRESIDENT, OCTOBER 4, 1794 75 
 
 Previous to our marching, His Excellency Thomas Mifflin, 
 Governor of Pennsylvania, arrived from his farm near Reading 
 and paid to each man in the corps, the sum of six dollars. This 
 sum, each man was to leave with his family. Whether this was 
 out of his own private purse, or on account of the State of Penn- 
 sylvania I do not know, but I recollect that it was said at the 
 time that the Governor had made a present of six dollars to 
 every man for the purpose above stated. 
 
 74 Samuel DeWeese had been a fifer in the Revolution and later was a 
 captain in the War of 1812. 
 
 75 From Samuel DeWeese' s A History of the Life and Services of Captain 
 Samuel DeWeese (Baltimore, 1844), pp. 294-321. 
 
 372 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 Captain Fisher 76 received orders for his company to march 
 on to Carlisle. We all got in readiness, paraded through the 
 principal streets of Harrisburg, and then marched for Carlisle. 
 When we left Harrisburg, we crossed over the Susquehanna 
 river in flats. The banks of the river on the town side were 
 covered with women and children, and there were great weep- 
 ing and mourning indeed. Our country called, and duty was 
 clearly spread out before our eyes; we had therefore to steel 
 our hearts against the cries of mothers and children, and brave 
 up against the tide of weeping and wailing, by playing and 
 beating up merrily "Charley over the water." This, we con- 
 tinued to do until Harrisburg was partly lost in the distance 
 behind us. . . . 
 
 All the officers were at their posts in front of the line in 
 order to receive and salute the Commander-in-Chief and suite. 
 
 President Washington, the Governors (of states) then at 
 Carlisle, formed at the head of the line. The brigade and field 
 officers that accompanied the President and Governors, took 
 their positions in that line preparatory to the review. 
 
 All things being in readiness, the President and suite moved 
 on to a review of the troops. The method of salute was, each 
 regiment as the Commander-in-Chief and suite drew near, was 
 ordered to "present arms." Field officers, Captains, Lieutenants, 
 &c, in line in advance of the troops saluted by bringing the 
 hilts of their swords to their faces and then throwing the points 
 of their swords towards the ground at some little distance from 
 their bodies on their right side. The musicians at the same 
 time playing and beating a salute. The flag bearers at a certain 
 roll of the drum would also salute by waving their colours to 
 and fro. The musicians in this grand line of military, varied 
 
 76 Fisher commanded the company of Harrisburg volunteers to which 
 DeWeese belonged. 
 
 373 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 very much, in their salutes. — Some Drummers no doubt knew 
 what tune was a salute, and could have beaten it well, but their 
 Fifers could not play it, and some Fifers knew how to play it, 
 but their Drummers could not beat it. An acquaintance of mine 
 of the name of shipe who played the Fife for a company from 
 Philadelphia could have played it, and well too, (for many a 
 time we had played it together during the Revolution,) but 
 his Drummer knew nothing about it. Some musicians played 
 and beat one thing and some another. One Fifer I recollect 
 (within hearing distance of us,) played Yankee Doodle, and his 
 Drummer no doubt beat it well too, but it was not a salute. 
 
 When President Washington and his suite arrived at our 
 regiment, I struck up and Warriour 77 beat "the old British 
 Grenadier's March," which was always the music played and 
 beat, and offered to a superior officer as a salute during the 
 revolutionary war. This tune had a great many flams and rolls 
 to it. President Washington eyed us keenly, as he was passing 
 us and continued to do so, even when he had passed to some 
 distance from us. 
 
 After this duty was performed, upon the part of the soldiery, 
 President Washington in conversation with the officers, asked 
 Captain Fisher if his musicians (Warriour and myself) had not 
 been in the Continental service, during the Revolution. Captain 
 Fisher informed him that we had been; upon which the Presi- 
 dent replied that he had thought so, from the manner of playing 
 and beating, and observed that we performed the best of any 
 in the army, and were the only musicians that played and beat 
 the old (or usual) Revolutionary salute, which he said was as 
 well played and beat as he had ever heard it during the Revolu- 
 tion. Captain Fisher was very proud of our having so far ex- 
 celled as to obtain the just praise of the President, and said to 
 
 77 Warriour (a surname) was DeWeese's drummer. 
 
 •374. 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 us upon his return, "Boys you have received the praise of Presi- 
 dent Washington to-day for having excelled all of the musicians 
 in the line in playing and beating up Washington's favorite 
 revolutionary salute, for he says, not a musician in the whole 
 army has played it to-day but yourselves. " If Captain Fisher 
 was proud of Washington's commendation of us, my readers 
 may judge that we were not less proud of it than himself . . . 
 
 PRESIDENT WASHINGTON WRITES OF HIS PLANS 
 OCTOBER 8, 1794 78 
 
 To MAJOR GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN 79 
 
 Carlisle, October 8, 1794. 
 
 Dear Sir: In the moment I was leaving the City of Philadel- 
 phia for this place, your letter of the 24th Ulto. was put into 
 my hands. Although I regret the occasion which has called you 
 into the field, I rejoice to hear you are there; and because it is 
 probable I may meet you at Fort Cumberland, whither I shall 
 proceed, so soon as I see the Troops at this rendezvous in 
 condition to advance. At that place, or at Bedford, my ulterior 
 resolution must be taken, either to advance with the Troops 
 into the Insurgent Counties of this State, or to return to Phila- 
 delphia for the purpose of meeting Congress the 3d. of next 
 month. 
 
 Imperious circumstances alone can justify my absence from 
 the Seat of Government whilst Congress are in Session; but 
 if these, from the disposition of the People in the refractory 
 Counties, and the state of the information I expect to receive 
 at the advanced Posts, should appear to exist the lesser must 
 yield to the greater duties of my office and I shall cross the 
 
 78 From The Writings of George Washington, XXXIII, 522. 
 
 79 Daniel Morgan rose from captain to general in the Revolution as a 
 commander of frontier Virginia riflemen. 
 
 375 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 mountains with the Troops; if not, I shall place the command 
 of the combined force under the orders of Governor Lee 80 of 
 Virginia and repair to the Seat of Government. . . . 
 
 WASHINGTON HEARS THAT A CONVENTION OF WESTERN 
 
 DELEGATES HAS RESOLVED TO SUBMIT TO THE REVENUE 
 
 LAW, OCTOBER 9, 1794 81 
 
 TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE 
 
 (Private) 
 
 Carlisle, Oct 9, 1794. 
 . . . Little, of moment, has occurred since mine of the 6th. 
 A meeting of the Committee of 60, at Parkinson's ferry the 
 2d. inst. 82 have resolved that if the signature of the submission, 83 
 be not universal, it is not so much owing to any existing dispo- 
 sition to oppose the laws as to a want of time or information 
 to operate a corrisponding sentiment &ca. &ca. That they the 
 Committee (unanimously) resolve to submit to the Laws of 
 the United States and will support them &ca. &ca. That in 
 the four western Counties of this State, in their opinion, there 
 is a general disposition to submit to all Laws of the U S and 
 a determination to support the Civil authy. in their execution. 
 
 80 Henry Lee, called "Light Horse Harry" as a commander of cavalry 
 during the Revolution, was Governor of Virginia from 1791 to 1794. He 
 coined the phrase that Washington was "first in war, first in peace, and first 
 in the hearts of his countrymen." Henry Lee was the father of Robert E. 
 Lee, the Confederate military leader. 
 
 81 From The Writings of George Washington, XXXIII, 525. 
 
 82 The "Committee of Sixty" was the "convention" of the Western coun- 
 ties. It met at Parkinson's Ferry for a second time on October 2nd to pass 
 resolutions promising submission to the laws and to elect a committee to 
 notify the President of the pacific disposition of the inhabitants. 
 
 83 Under terms worked out by the President's commissioners and the rep- 
 resentatives of the Western counties, citizens were to sign a promise to obey 
 the laws in return for an amnesty for the signers. 
 
 376' 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 That Wm.Findley of Westmoreland County and David Redick 84 
 of Washington County be Commissioners to wait upon the 
 President of the U. S. and the Governor of Pennsylvania with 
 a copy of these Resolutions: and to explain to Government 
 the present State of that Country that the President may judge 
 whether an armed force be now necessary to support the Civil 
 authority there. 
 
 These Commissioners have not made their appearance yet. 
 The Insurgents are alarmed, but not yet brought to their proper 
 senses. Every mean is devised by them and their associates and 
 friends elsewhere to induce a belief that there is no necessity 
 for Troops crossing the mountains; altho' we have information 
 at the same time that part of the people there are obliged to 
 embody themselves to repel the insults, of another part. The 
 troops at this rendezvous will commence their march for Bed- 
 ford tomorrow; at which time I shall set out for Williamsport, 
 thence to Fort Cumberland, and from thence to Bedford where 
 from the information I shall receive in the interem my ultimate 
 resolution will be taken to proceed, or turn my face towards 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 WASHINGTON RECORDS HIS MEETING WITH THE 
 
 COMMISSIONERS FROM THE WESTERN COUNTIES 
 
 OCTOBER 9 and 10, 1794 85 
 
 On the 9th. William Findley and David Redick deputed by 
 the Committee of safety (as it is dissignated) which met on 
 
 84 William Findley, as previously mentioned, was a member of Congress. 
 David Redick, one of the founders of Washington, Pennsylvania, was a vet- 
 eran of the Revolution, a lawyer, the clerk of courts of Washington County, 
 and had held several state offices. 
 
 85 From The Diaries of George Washington, 1748-1799, ed. John C. Fitz- 
 patrick (Boston, 1925), IV, 212-216. 
 
 377 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 the 2d of this month at Parkinson Ferry arrived in Camp with 
 the Resolutions of the said Committee; — and to give informa- 
 tion of the State of things in the four Western Counties of 
 Pennsylvania to wit Washington, Fayette, West[morelan]d and 
 Allegany in order to see if it would prevent the March of the 
 Army into them. 
 
 At 10 oclock I had a meeting with these persons in presence 
 of Govr. Howell (of New Jersey) the Secretary of the Treas- 
 ury, Colo. Hamilton, and Mr. Dandridge: 86 Govr. Mifflin 87 was 
 invited to be present, but excused himself on acct. of business. 
 
 I told the Deputies that by one of the Resolutions it would 
 appear that they were empowered to give information of the 
 disposition and of the existing state of matters in the four Coun- 
 ties abovemen[tione]d; that I was ready to hear, and would 
 listen patiently, and with candour to what they had to say. 
 
 Mr. Findley began. He confined his information to such parts 
 of the four Counties as he was best acquainted with; referring 
 to Mr Redick for a recital of what fell within his knowledge, 
 in the other parts of these Counties. 
 
 The substance of Mr. Findleys communications were as 
 follows — viz — That the People in the parts where he was best 
 acquainted, had seen there folly, and he believed were disposed 
 to submit to the Laws; that he thought, but could not undertake 
 to be responsible, for the reestablishment of the public Offices 
 for the collection of the Taxes on distilled spirits and Stills — 
 intimating however, that it might be best for the present, and 
 until the peoples minds were a little more tranquilized, to hold 
 the Office of Inspection at Pitsburgh under the protection — 
 or at least under the influence of the Garrison; 88 — That he 
 
 86 Bartholomew Dandridge, Jr., was Washington's private secretary. 
 
 87 Governor Thomas Mifflin of Pennsylvania. 
 
 88 The garrison of Fort Fayette in Pittsburgh. 
 
 378' 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 thought the Distillers would either enter their stills 89 or would 
 put them down;— That the Civilian authority was beginning 
 to recover its tone; and enumerated some instances of it; — 
 That the ignorance and general want of information among the 
 people far exceeded any thing he had any conception of; That 
 it was not merely the excise law their opposition was aimed at, 
 but to all law, and Government; — and to the Officers of Govern- 
 ment;— and that the situation in which he had been, and the 
 life he had led for sometime, was such, that rather than go 
 through it again, he would prefer quitting this scene altogether. 
 
 Mr. Redicks information was similar to the above; except as 
 to the three last recitals on wch I do not recollect that he ex- 
 pressed any sentiment further than that the situation of those 
 who were not in the opposition to government whilst the frenzy 
 was at its height, were obliged to sleep with their Arms by 
 their bed sides every night; not knowing but that before morn- 
 ing they might have occasion to use them in defence of their 
 persons, or their properties — 
 
 He added, that for a long time after the riots commenced, 
 and until lately, the distrust of one another was such, that even 
 friends were affraid to communicate their sentiments to each 
 other; — That by whispers this was brought about; and growing 
 bolder as they became more communicative they found their 
 strength, and that there was a general disposition not only to 
 acquiesce under, but to support the Laws — and he gave some 
 instances also of Magistrates enforcing them. 
 
 He said the People of those Counties believed that the oppo- 
 sition to the Excise law— or at least that their dereliction to it, 
 in every other part of the U. States was similar to their own, 
 and that no Troops could be got to march against them for the 
 purpose of coercion;— that every acct. until very lately, of 
 
 89 Enter their stills on the tax books. 
 
 379 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Troops marching against them was disbelieved; and supposed 
 to be the fabricated tales of governmental men; — That now 
 they had got alarmed; — That many were disposing of their 
 property at an under rate, in order to leave the Country; and 
 added (I think) that they wd. go to Detroit. 90 — That no per- 
 son of any consequence, except one, but what had availed them- 
 selves of the proffered amnesty; that those who were still in 
 the opposition, and obnoxious to the laws, were men of little 
 or no property, and cared but little where they resided; — That 
 he did not believe there was the least intention in them to 
 oppose the Army; — and that there was not three rounds of 
 ammunition for them in all the Western Country. — He (and 
 I think Mr. Findley also) was apprehensive that the resent- 
 ments of the Army might be productive of treatment to some 
 of those people that might be attended with disagreeable conse- 
 quences; and on that account seemed to deprecate the March 
 of it; declaring however, that it was their wish, if the people 
 did not give proofs of unequivocal submission, that it might 
 not stop short of its object — 
 
 After hearing what both had to say, I briefly told them — 
 That it had been the earnest wish of governmt. to bring the 
 people of those counties to a sense of their duty, by mild, and 
 lenient means;— That for the purpose of representing to their 
 sober reflection the fatal consequences of such conduct Com- 
 missioners had been sent amongst them that they might be 
 warned in time of what must follow, if they persevered in their 
 opposition to the laws; but that coercion wou'd not be resorted 
 to except in the dernier resort: — but, that the season of the 
 year made it indispensible that preparation for it should keep 
 pace with the propositions that had been made; — That it was 
 unnecessary for me to enumerate the transactions of those peo- 
 
 90 Detroit was still in British hands at the time. 
 
 380 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 pie (as they related to the proceedings of government) foras- 
 much as they knew them as well as I did; — (That the measure 
 which they were not witness to the adoption of was not less 
 painful than expensive — was inconvenient and distressing in 
 every point of view; — but as I considered the support of the 
 Laws as an object of the first magnitude, and the greatest part 
 of the expence had already been incurred, that nothing short of 
 the most unequivocal proofs of absolute submission should re- 
 tard the March of the Army into the Western counties, in order 
 to convince them that the government could, and would enforce 
 obedience to the laws not suffering them to be insulted with 
 impunity. Being asked again what proofs would be required, I 
 answered, they knew as well as I did, what was due to justice 
 and example. They understood my meaning — and asked if they 
 might have another interview. I appointed five oclock in the 
 Afternoon for it. 
 
 At this second meeting there was little more than a repeti- 
 tion of what had passed in the forenoon; — and it being again 
 mentioned that all the principal characters except one, in the 
 Western counties who had been in the opposition, had sub- 
 mitted to the propositions — I was induced, seeing them in the 
 Shed the next day, to ask Mr. Redick who that one was? — 
 telling him at the same time I required no disclosure that he 
 did not feel himself entirely free to make. — He requesting a 
 little time to think of it, and asked for another meeting which 
 was appointed at 5 oclock that afternoon — which took place 
 accordingly when he said David Bradford was the person he 
 had alluded to in his former conversations. — 
 
 He requested to know if a meeting of the people, by their 
 deputies, would be permitted by the Army at any given point, 
 on their March into that Country (with fresh evidence of the 
 sincerity of their disposition to acquiesce in what ever might 
 
 381 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 be required) . I replied I saw no objection to it, provided they 
 came unarmed; but to be cautious that not a gun was fired, as 
 there could be no answering for the consequences in this case. 
 — I assured them that every possible care should be taken to 
 keep the Troops from offering them any insult or damage, and 
 that those who always had been subordinate to the Laws and 
 such as had availed themselves of the amnesty, should not be 
 injured in their persons or property; and that the treatment of 
 the rest would depend upon their own conduct. That the Army, 
 unless opposed, did not mean to act as executioners, or bring 
 offenders to a military Tribunal; but merely to aid the civil 
 Magistrates, with whom offences would lye. thus ended the 
 matter. . . . 
 
 FIFER DEWEESE REMEMBERS LIFE IN THE ARMY DURING 
 THE MARCH ON PITTSBURGH, OCTOBER-NOVEMBER, 1794 91 
 
 One day whilst we lay at Bedford, I received a message with 
 orders (I being then Fife Major,) to bring my music up to one 
 of the officer's Marquees, 92 I told the person sent to me to 
 inform the officer that I had no fifer, but that I would go myself. 
 Warriour and myself played and beat up the officer's quarters. 
 We were then placed at the head of two or three file of men 
 and marched off by a Sergeant (who had his orders) to the 
 jail.— When we halted at the jail door our Strawsburg hog 
 thief 93 was brought out and handed over to the Sergeant of the 
 guard who had notified us, that when we should march with 
 our charge we should beat the "Rogue's March." When our 
 prisoner was properly positioned we received the order of 
 
 91 From DeWeese's Life and Services, pp. 294-321. 
 
 92 A tent. 
 
 93 A soldier from Strasburg, Pennsylvania, who had been caught stealing 
 a pig from a farmer. 
 
 382' 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 "forward," and as we stepped off, we commenced to beat the 
 Rogue's march after him. He was then conducted through the 
 camp and out of town, about a mile. We then discharged him 
 with several real huzzas loud and long, and then by three cheers 
 or long rolls of the drum. After he had gotten some little dis- 
 tance off from us (far enough to ensure his security providing 
 his heels would prove true to him,) he threw out the challenge 
 of defiance to the whole of us. To have judged of his strength 
 by his words, he could have thrashed the whole army then at 
 Bedford. Besides threatening to "maul" us all, he stated that 
 he was very glad that he was that far upon his road towards 
 home. He then bade us an extremely polite adieu in Billingsgate 
 slang, and then heeled it until he was out of sight. . . . 
 
 . . . Nothing of comfort kind could be procured except hard- 
 ware, alias "good stuff." I took four canteens (my own among 
 the number,) and went to the sutler's 94 wagon, and had them 
 rilled. For the four canteens full (a little over a gallon) I paid 
 the sutler four silver dollars, and was very well satisfied to get 
 it even at that exorbitant price. Captain Alcohol in this par- 
 ticular instance was of great service to myself and messmates, 
 as also to some of our neighboring messmates. In those days 
 of hardships, sufferings and dangers, we did not single our- 
 selves out, and drink behind the doors and swear "we didn't 
 taste the creature," as too many of the people do now-a-days. 
 In this instance we came up to Captain Whiskey with a bold 
 front, in open day and acknowledged his potent spell, and supe- 
 rior worth in our proper use of him. . . . 
 
 . . . We continued our march until we arrived on the top of 
 Laurel Hill mountain.— Here a halt was ordered, and each 
 soldier seated himself and partook of a bite of cold victuals. 
 
 94 A sutler was a traveling merchant who followed the army to sell sup- 
 plies to the troops. 
 
 383 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 After we had finished our repast, an officer called out to me, 
 requesting me to bring my Drummer along with me, and play 
 him a few good tunes. Warriour and I then went to where this 
 officer and others were seated taking their cold bite and "good 
 stuff." They invited us to take a little of the creature with them, 
 which we did without making any wry faces about it. They 
 then asked us to give them some of our best tunes. We did so, 
 and in doing it, we of course done our best. As we were thus 
 engaged, some of them joined in a dance, and began to skip 
 about, and trip it as orderly, lively and airy as if they had been 
 in a ball room. . . . 
 
 After the officers had done dancing, we were ordered to beat 
 up the long-roll, upon which the men formed, and we moved 
 onwards. We next made a halt at Greensburg in Westmoreland 
 county, and the next halt that we made was not far from the 
 "Bullock Plains," known by many as Braddock's Fields. When 
 we arrived at Braddock's Fields, we formed our camp, and 
 laid there a few days. Whilst there, the soldiers, many of them, 
 amused themselves by climbing up into the trees for the pur- 
 pose of cutting out leaden bullets, which had been lodged there 
 in 1755, when General Braddock was defeated by the Indians 
 in the campaign of that year. 
 
 WASHINGTON INSTRUCTS GENERAL HENRY LEE 95 THAT 
 
 THE SOLDIERS MUST THEMSELVES OBEY THE LAW 
 
 OCTOBER 20, 1794 96 
 
 TO GOVERNOR HENRY LEE 
 
 Bedford, October 20, 1794. 
 Sir: Being about to return to the seat of government, I can- 
 
 95 Governor Lee assumed command of the army upon Washington's return 
 to Philadelphia. 
 
 96 From The Writings of George Washington, XXXIV, 6-7. 
 
 384< 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 not take my departure without conveying through you to the 
 Army under your command the very high sense I entertain of 
 the enlightened and patriotic zeal for the constitution and the 
 laws which has led them chearfully to quit their families and 
 homes and the comforts of private life to undertake and thus 
 far to perform a long and fatiguing march and to encounter and 
 endure the hardships and privations of a Military life. Their 
 conduct hitherto affords a full assurance that their perseverance 
 will be equal to their zeal and that they will continue to per- 
 form with alacrity whatever the full accomplishment of the 
 object of their march shall render necessary. . . . 
 
 There is but one point on which I think it proper to add a 
 special recommendation. It is this, that every officer and soldier 
 will constantly bear in mind that he comes to support the laws 
 and that it would be peculiarly unbecoming to him to be in any 
 way the infractor of them; that the essential principles of a 
 free government confine the provinces of the Military to these 
 two objects: 1st: to combat and subdue all who may be found 
 in arms in opposition to the National will and authority; 2ndly 
 to aid and support the civil Magistrate in bringing offenders to 
 justice. The dispensation of this justice belongs to the civil 
 Magistrate and let it ever be our prize and our glory to leave 
 the sacred deposit there unviolated. . . . 
 
 QUARTERMASTER OFFICER WILLIAM MICHAEL 9 ? OF THE 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA MILITIA DESCRIBES HIS FIRST VIEW OF 
 
 PITTSBURGH, NOVEMBER 12, 1794 9 * 
 
 12th. This morning we started early. Before breakfasting it 
 
 97 William Michael, a native of Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, was the 
 son of an officer in the Revolution. He was a hat maker's apprentice when 
 called into service in 1794. 
 
 98 From William Michael's "A Journal of the 'Whiskey Insurrection' " 
 
 385 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 began to snow. We traveled about 33^ miles and stopt at a little 
 Cabbin wherein lived 4 fresh lively Irish Girls. We Breakfasted 
 here, beside a good Comfortable fire. The Cabbin was very 
 small, not above 12 feet square, wherein dwelt content & Hos- 
 pitality, with all the perfections of Rosey Health. ... I waited 
 here until our stores came up with us; gave the waggoners 
 direction to come on as fast as they could, and then proceeded 
 on for the long wished for Port, Fort Pitt. I arrived in town 
 about 2 o'clock. The first Beauty that I observed in the situa- 
 tion was that of the Rivers, which I viewed with the greatest 
 delight. I then began to find out Capt. Gamble, the Superin- 
 tendent of the Stores, but sought him long in vain. I went to 
 the Garrison to find him, he had just left it. I there met with 
 Mr. Vandyke an acquaintance and Physician in the federal 
 Army. He conducted me through and several more, the whole 
 of and every part of the Garrison. I soon after met with Capt. 
 Gamble, and conducted us to our Quarters — Elegant house 34 
 mile from the town. People of the best of Characters Boarded 
 with us; a Mr. Sample," attorney at Law, with his Lady. I was 
 exceedingly disappointed with regard to Society. I vainly antic- 
 ipated a Country awkward Society. Mr. Sample I found an 
 agreeable informed character, that of his lady handsome, was 
 softness itself, conversant and Informed, . . . Indeed, I never 
 expected so amiable a figure in so rugged an Country; together 
 with 6 or 8 more, in all making agreeable Society. . . . 
 
 13th. A most beautiful morn, but cold and calm. The rivers 
 looked this morning like glass. Mr. Moderwel and I, after 
 eating a good hearty breakfast, walked down town to view the 
 rivers, the sight of which was truly pleasing. Along the Monon- 
 
 in Historical Register: Notes and Queries, Historical and Geneological, Relating to 
 Interior Pennsylvania (January- April, 1883), I, pp. 136-137. 
 99 Samuel Semple of Pittsburgh. 
 
 386< 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 gahela shore were laying boats in numbers, both loaded and 
 unloaded, ready to be wafted to the new world down the grand 
 Ohio, a sight majestic, demonstration of its increasing. From 
 that we walked down the banks to the junction of the Alle- 
 gheny; the latter is something larger than the former, and much 
 clearer and more beautiful; just on the point is the spot whereon 
 was the old French fort, but has been erased long ago, and there 
 remains nothing but here and there some part of the foundation. 
 Near to that within fifty yards, is part of the old English fort. 
 The labor of the artificers must have been indefatigable; the 
 stockades nearly all extirpated, the ditches that had been digged 
 to form a channel from the Monongahela and the Allegheny is 
 still clear to be seen. The magazine is still a good and strong 
 building. Braddock's 100 fort is not quite in so commanding a 
 situation as the old French fort; but the present garrison 101 now 
 held is in the most inconvenient situation of all them. 
 
 FIFER DEWEESE REMEMBERS THE OCCUPATION OF 
 PITTSBURGH, NOVEMBER, 1794 102 
 
 From Braddock's Fields we moved on to Fort Pitt, (now 
 Pittsburg) and encamped within a mile of the town. 
 
 Whilst we laid at Fort Pitt I obtained permission to visit 
 the town every day or two. The old Fort (DuQuesne,) which 
 had been built for the protection of this post, I do not recollect 
 whether it was occupied by any of our troops, but believe it 
 was not. It was so built as to command the Alleghany and 
 Monongahela rivers, above, and at their junction, as also the 
 Ohio river below. . . . 
 
 100 The writer errs here in ascribing the building of Fort Pitt to Braddock, 
 who, of course, never reached Pittsburgh. 
 
 101 Fort Fayette. 
 
 102 From DeWeese's Life and Services, pp. 294-321. 
 
 387 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 Instead of being met as was threatened by a formidable foe, 
 we saw nothing in the form of enemies. The disaffected, (those 
 that organized themselves) had disbanded and gone quietly to 
 their homes. 
 
 The insurrectionary spirit was every day growing weaker 
 and weaker, and in proportion as this had manifested itself the 
 insurgent force had diminished. Mustering from 7 to 10,000 
 men only, and they promiscuously and hastily drawn from their 
 homes, young and old without proper leaders, proper discipline, 
 military stores, &c. &c, they had thought it altogether futile 
 to attempt to resist (or cope with) a well disciplined army of 
 upwards of 15,000 strong. 
 
 After a number of the more active leaders were captured and 
 handed over to the proper authorities to be dealt with according 
 to the laws of the land, the expedition was considered at an end. 
 
 Whilst at Fort Pitt, my attention was attracted one day 
 by a great crowd of soldiers and citizens. I drew near for the 
 purpose of learning the cause of such a concourse of people. 
 I perceived that the crowd was viewing a tavern sign. The tav- 
 ern keeper had commenced the business but a short time before, 
 and had put up a sign, upon which was painted "St. Clair's 
 Defeat," 103 which had occurred on the 4th of November, 1791 
 — The sign-board upon which this bloody massacre was painted 
 was full twenty feet in length. On both its sides, whites and 
 Indians were painted. Some of the whites were represented as 
 bearing up against the tide of savage ferocity. Others, both 
 whites and Indians, were represented as falling in death. Indians 
 were represented as firing, scalping and tomahawking the 
 whites. General Butler, 104 (under whose command I had been 
 
 103 General Arthur St. Clair, Governor of the Northwest Territory, was 
 defeated by the Indian leader Little Turtle at the present site of Fort Re- 
 covery, Ohio. 
 
 104 Richard Butler, of the Eighth Pennsylvania Foot. 
 
 388 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 at York, Pa. during the Revolutionary War,) was represented 
 as wounded and leaning against a tree, and an Indian before 
 him with a tomahawk in one hand, and a scalping-knife in the 
 other, spring towards him to complete the work of death. 
 Indians were represented also as taking aim, and firing from 
 behind trees and logs. Whites were also shown as falling, some 
 one way and some another. On each side of this sign-board, I 
 suppose there were two or three hundred whites and Indians 
 represented. This sign must have cost the landlord a great sum 
 of money, but I suppose our soldiers alone more than paid for 
 it, for there were crowds of them to look at it whilst we were 
 encamped at Pittsburg, and most of them spent their money 
 pretty freely in patronizing his house. 
 
 CONGRESSMAN FINDLEY EXPRESSES HIS SUSPICION THAT 
 
 ALEXANDER HAMILTON DELIBERATELY PROVOKED 
 
 THE REVOLT 105 
 
 Perhaps the most mysterious circumstance attending the 
 western expedition, was the character sustained by the secre- 
 tary of the treasury. . . . 
 
 That he was the responsible head of the revenue department, 
 and had the direction of the measures relative to the execution 
 of the excise law, is evident from the powers vested in him by 
 law for that purpose. That he originated not only the excise 
 system, and the other revenue laws, which were enacted by 
 Congress, previous to the insurrection, and the arrangements 
 for carrying them into execution, is evident from the journals 
 of Congress, and his own reports to the House of Representa- 
 tives. The manner in which the coercive part of the excise law 
 was executed, or rather, in which the execution of it was 
 neglected, and the influence which that neglect had in promoting 
 
 105 
 
 From Findley's History of the Insurrection, pp. 223-225. 
 
 389 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 the opposition to the law, which finally burst forth into an in- 
 surrection has been noted. . . . 
 
 That a government could never be considered as established, 
 till its power was put to the test by a trial of its military force, 
 is a sentiment that has been often ascribed to him, and never 
 that I heard of contradicted; and that in perfect correspondence 
 with their principle, he even in the cabinet expressed his sorrow 
 that the town of Pittsburgh had not been burned by those 
 who rendezvoused at Braddock's field, that so a trial of the 
 military force of the government might have been rendered 
 the more necessary and justifiable, has been asserted by author- 
 ity that cannot be reasonably doubted. This assertion, which 
 leaves no doubt of the principle from which it proceeded, per- 
 fectly coincides with the manner in which the excise law was 
 executed in the western counties, and fully accounts for not 
 holding special sessions of the court nearer the places where 
 the crimes were committed, after a law had been made for that 
 purpose, and may also without any forced induction account 
 for issuing the processes out of the district court so early. . . . 
 When it was known that a law was about to be passed to vest 
 the state courts with powers for that purpose, and also for 
 delaying the execution of the process, till . . . the state courts 
 were competent to decide on the case, and until the throng of 
 the harvest, which is confessedly the most inconvenient season 
 in the year for farmers to attend at a distance of about 300 
 miles, and which from other circumstances, was the most likely 
 to excite resistance. It is worthy of remark that when the dis- 
 tillers of Fayette county, without delay, sent to enter their ap- 
 pearance at Philadelphia, the writs were found to be erroneous, 
 and therefore null. What a pity it was, that this had not been 
 discovered before they had been made the instrument of pro- 
 moting an insurrection. 
 
 390- 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 If all these circumstances happened through inattention, that 
 inattention was highly culpable; if they were the result of cool 
 design, the connection of all the parts of the plan, and its even- 
 tual success, while they afforded a striking evidence of dexterity 
 and address, represent the morality of the conductor in a very 
 questionable light. 
 
 PRESIDENT WASHINGTON SUMS UP THE WESTERN INSUR- 
 RECTION IN A MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, NOVEMBER 19, 1794 106 
 
 SIXTH ANNUAL ADDRESS 
 
 United States, Nov. 19, 1794 
 Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the 
 House of Representatives: 
 
 When we call to mind the gracious indulgence of Heaven 
 by which the American people became a nation; when we sur- 
 vey the general prosperity of our country, and look forward 
 to the riches, power, and happiness to which it seems destined, 
 with the deepest regret do I announce to you that during your 
 recess some of the citizens of the United States have been found 
 capable of an insurrection. It is due, however, to the character 
 of our Government and to its stability, which can not be shaken 
 by the enemies of order, freely to unfold the course of this event. 
 
 During the session of the year 1790 it was expedient to exer- 
 cise the legislative power granted by the Constitution of the 
 United States "to lay and collect excises." In a majority of the 
 States scarcely an objection was heard to this mode of taxation. 
 In some, indeed, alarms were at first conceived, until they were 
 banished by reason and patriotism. In the four western counties 
 of Pennsylvania a prejudice, fostered and imbittered by the 
 artifice of men who labored for an ascendency over the will of 
 others by the guidance of their passions, produced symptoms of 
 
 106 p rom Richardson's Messages and Papers, I, 162-165. 
 
 391 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 riot and violence. It is well known that Congress did not hesi- 
 tate to examine the complaints which were presented, and to 
 relieve them as far as justice dictated or general convenience 
 would permit. But the impression which this moderation made 
 on the discontented did not correspond to the efforts of design- 
 ing individuals. The very forbearance to press prosecutions was 
 misinterpreted into a fear of urging the execution of the laws, 
 and associations of men began to denounce threats against the 
 officers employed. From a belief that by a more formal concert 
 their operation might be defeated, certain self-created societies 
 assumed the tone of condemnation. Hence, while the greater 
 part of Pennsylvania itself were conforming themselves to the 
 acts of exise, a few counties were resolved to frustrate them. It 
 was now perceived that every expectation from the tenderness 
 which had been hitherto pursued was unavailing, and that further 
 delay could only create an opinion of impotency or irresolution 
 in the Government. Legal process was therefore delivered to 
 the marshal against the rioters and delinquent distillers. 
 
 No sooner was he understood to be engaged in this duty than 
 the vengeance of armed men was aimed at his person and the 
 person and property of the inspector of the revenue. They fired 
 upon the marshal, arrested him, and detained him for some 
 time as a prisoner. He was obliged, by the jeopardy of his life, 
 to renounce the service of other process on the west side of 
 the Allegheny Mountain, and a deputation was afterwards sent 
 to him to demand a surrender of that which he had served. 
 
 A numerous body repeatedly attacked the house of the in- 
 spector, seized his papers of office, and finally destroyed by 
 fire his buildings and whatsoever they contained. Both of these 
 officers, from a just regard to their safety, fled to the seat of 
 Government, it being avowed that the motives to such outrages 
 were to compel the resignation of the inspector, to withstand 
 
 392* 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 by force of arms the authority of the United States, and thereby 
 to extort a repeal of the laws of excise and an alteration in the 
 conduct of Government. 
 
 Upon the testimony of these facts an associate justice of the 
 Supreme Court of the United States notified to me that "in 
 the counties of Washington and Allegheny, in Pennsylvania, 
 laws of the United States were opposed, and the execution 
 thereof obstructed, by combinations too powerful to be sup- 
 pressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings or by 
 the powers vested in the marshal of that district." On this call, 
 momentous in the extreme, I sought and weighed what might 
 best subdue the crisis. . . . 
 
 My proclamation of the 7th of August last was accordingly 
 issued, and accompanied by the appointment of commissioners, 
 who were charged to repair to the scene of insurrection. They 
 were authorized to confer with any bodies of men or individuals. 
 They were instructed to be candid and explicit in stating the 
 sensations which had been excited in the Executive, and his 
 earnest wish to avoid a resort to coercion; to represent, how- 
 ever, that, without submission, coercion must be the resort; 
 but to invite them, at the same time, to return to the demeanor 
 of faithful citizens, by such accommodations as lay within the 
 sphere of Executive power. Pardon, too, was tendered to them 
 by the Government of the United States and that of Pennsyl- 
 vania, upon no other condition than a satisfactory assurance of 
 obedience to the laws. 
 
 Although the report of the commissioners marks their firm- 
 ness and abilities, and must unite all virtuous men, by shewing 
 that the means of conciliation have been exhausted, all of those 
 who had committed or abetted the tumults did not subscribe 
 the mild form which was proposed as the atonement, and the 
 indications of a peaceable temper were neither sufficiently gen- 
 
 393 
 
GEORGE WASHINGTON IN THE OHIO VALLEY 
 
 eral nor conclusive to recommend or warrant the further sus- 
 pension of the march of the militia. 
 
 Thus the painful alternative could not be discarded. I ordered 
 the militia to march, after once more admonishing the insur- 
 gents in my proclamation of the 25th of September last. 
 
 It was a task too difficult to ascertain with precision the low- 
 est degree of force competent to the quelling of the insurrec- 
 tion. ... In this uncertainty, therefore, I put into motion 15,000 
 men, as being an arm which, according to all human calculation, 
 would be prompt and adequate in every view, and might, per- 
 haps, by rendering resistance desparate, prevent the effusion 
 of blood. . . . 
 
 As commander in chief of the militia when called into the 
 actual service of the United States, I have visited the places 
 of general rendezvous to obtain more exact information and to 
 direct a plan for ulterior movements. . . . Succeeding intelligence 
 has tended to manifest the necessity of what has been done, it 
 being now confessed by those who were not inclined to exag- 
 gerate the ill conduct of the insurgents that their malevolence 
 was not pointed merely to a particular law, but that a spirit 
 inimical to all order had actuated many of the offenders. If the 
 state of things had afforded reason for the continuance of my 
 presence with the army, it would not have been withholden. 
 But every appearance assuring such an issue as will redound 
 to the reputation and strength of the United States, I have 
 judged it most proper to resume my duties at the seat of Gov- 
 ernment, leaving the chief command with the governor of 
 Virginia. 
 
 Still, however, as it is probable that in a commotion like the 
 present, whatsoever may be the pretense, the purposes of mis- 
 chief and revenge may not be laid aside, the stationing of a 
 small force for a certain period in the four western counties of 
 
 394- 
 
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
 
 Pennsylvania will be indispensable, whether we contemplate 
 the situation of those who are connected with the execution of 
 the laws or of others who may have exposed themselves by an 
 honorable attachment to them. Thirty days from the commence- 
 ment of this session being the legal limitation of the employ- 
 ment of the militia, Congress can not be too early occupied 
 with this subject. . . . 
 
 395 
 
Index 
 
 Abercromby, James 
 
 (Major General), 198 
 Actual Settlers Association, 294 
 Addison, Alexander, 289, 294 
 Addison, Pa., 76, 242 
 Akron (O.), 318 
 Albany, 321 
 
 Alexandria (Va.), 234, 321 
 Algonquins, 107 
 Aliquippa, Queen, 37, 55, 83 
 Allegheny, 318 
 Allegheny County, 340 
 Allen, John, 188 
 Allen, William, 222 
 Alton, John, 136 
 Ambler, Charles H., 94 
 Ambridge, Pa., 3 
 Ammon, Edith Darlington, 6 
 Annapolis (Md), 335 
 Armstrong, George 
 
 (Major), 177, 193 
 Armstrong, John (Colonel), 164 
 Augusta County, Va., 300 
 Augusta, Fort, 168, 324 
 Augusta Springs, 280 
 
 B 
 Back Bone Mountain, 309 
 Bagpipes, 203 
 
 Bailleul, Francois Piercot de, 109 
 Ball, Burgess, 359 
 Balmaine, Alexander, 282 
 Bassett, Lieutenant Thomas, 
 
 192, 211 
 Beaujeu, Daniel-Hyacinthe-Marie 
 
 de, 144 
 Beaver River, 248, 318 
 Bedford, Duke of, 168, 221 
 Bedford, Fort, 168, 221 
 
 Beech Bottom Run, 251 
 
 Beeson, Henry, 298 
 
 Beeson's Town (Pa.), 298 
 
 Bell, Robert, 247 
 
 Bellaire, O., 253 
 
 Belmont County, O., 251, 253 
 
 Belvoir (Va.), 38 
 
 Bentinck, Lieutenant Rudolph, 206 
 
 Berkeley Springs, W. Va., 
 
 278, 281 
 Big Grave Creek, 253 
 Biggart, Thomas, 292 
 Blennerhassett Island, 263 
 Bluemont, Va., 240 
 Bosomworth, Captain Abraham, 165 
 Boston Gazette, 6 
 Boston (Mass.), 156 
 Botetourt, Baron de, 239 
 Boucherville, M. de, 81 
 Bouquet, Colonel Henry, 157, 163 
 Bower Hill, 345, 347 
 Brackenridge, Hugh Henry, 288, 
 
 294, 344, 345, 350, 361, 366 
 Braddock, Edward (General), 121, 
 
 122, 147, 169 
 Braddock's Field, 225, 353, 355, 
 
 384, 387 
 Braddock's Road, 169, 173, 182 
 Bradford, David, 352, 381 
 Brady, Samuel, 297 
 Briscoe, John, 302 
 British Empire, 235 
 Brodhead, General Daniel, 247 
 Brownsville, Pa., 60, 279, 341 
 Bruce, Colonel Andrew, 282 
 Buffaloes, 259, 261, 266, 267 
 Bullen, Captain, 194 
 Bullet, Captain Thomas, 201, 206 
 Bullstown, 303 
 Burd, Fort, 163 
 
 397 
 
INDEX 
 
 Burd, Colonel James, 163, 170, 191. 
 
 213 
 Burgesses, House of, 59 
 Burton, Ralph, 1 34 
 Bushy Run, Battle of, 163 
 Butler, Richard, 389 
 Butler, William, 288 
 Byers, John, 1 64 
 Byrd, William III, 157, 170 
 
 Campbell, Lieut. John, 207 
 
 Campbell, Joseph, 3 5 
 
 Canon, Colonel John, 290, 297 
 
 Canonsburg, Pa., 288 
 
 Captina Creek, 251, 253 
 
 Captina, W. Va., 253 
 
 Carlisle (Pa.), 371 
 
 Carlyle, Sarah, 127 
 
 Cartagena, 74 
 
 Cat Fish, 256 
 
 Catawba, 62, 156, 172, 194, 211, 252 
 
 Celeron de Blainville, 3, 49 
 
 Chamokin, Fort, 167 
 
 Charlestown, W. Va., 240, 245 
 
 Chartiers Creek, 4, 46, 249 
 
 Chartres, Fort, 263, 266, 267, 268 
 
 Chauvignerie, Michel Maray de la, 
 
 111, 168 
 Cheat River, 279, 283, 286, 289, 299 
 Cherokee, 62, 156, 169, 172, 174, 
 
 238 
 Chesapeake Bay, 335 
 Chestnut Ridge, 218, 286 
 Chew, Lieut. Coleby, 184, 209 
 Christy, Gabriel, 148 
 Clairton, Pa., 344 
 Clarion River, 323 
 Clarksburg, W. Va., 304 
 Coal Mine, 243 
 Conemaugh River, 215 
 Confederation, Articles of, 333 
 Confluence, Pa., 76, 163 
 Congress (Continental), 334, 337 
 
 Connellsville, Pa., 242 
 Connolly, John, 267, 268 
 Constitution of the U. S., 335 
 Constitutional Convention, 335 
 Continental Army, 273 
 Contrecoeur, Capt. Claude Pierre 
 
 Pecaudy de, 66, 69, 112, 144 
 Cook, Edward, 291 
 Cornplanter, 247 
 Cox's Fort, 269 
 
 Craik, James (Doctor), 240, 277 
 Cranes vi lie, Preston County, 
 
 W. Va., 307 
 Crawford County, O., 242 
 Crawford, Valentine, 240 
 Crawford, William, 238, 242, 262, 
 
 275, 288, 291, 300, 302 
 Cresap, Colonel Thomas, 241 
 Croghan, George, 67, 89, 246, 247, 
 
 288, 291 
 Cumberland, Duke of, 1 24 
 Cumberland, Fort, 269 
 Cumberland, Md., 4 
 Cumberland National Road, 280 
 Cumberland River, 266 
 Currin, Barnaby, 5, 15, 16, 32, 45 
 Custis, Jackie, 233 
 Custis, Martha Dandridge, 233 
 Custis, Patsy, 233 
 Cuyahoga River, 3 1 8 
 
 D 
 
 Dagworthy, Lieut. Colonel John, 210 
 Dalton, John, 136 
 Dandridge, Bartholomew, Jr., 378 
 Darlington, Mary Carson, 6 
 Darlington, Mary O'Hara, 6 
 Darlington, William McCullough, 
 
 6,43 
 Davison, John, 17, 19, 29, 46, 78 
 Delaware George, 89 
 Delaware River, 324 
 Delawares, 1, 168, 216, 265, 266 
 Democratic Societies, 369 
 
 398 
 
INDEX 
 
 Detroit, 2, 274, 321 
 DeVilliers, Coulon, 112 
 Devoir's Ferry, 290 
 Deweese, Samuel, 372, 382 
 Dinwiddie, Robert (Governor), 3, 4, 
 
 6, 15,40,44, 119, 154, 157 
 Drouillon, Major, 81 
 Duck Creek, 257 
 Dumas, Capt. Jean-Daniel, 145 
 Dunbar, Col. Thomas, 127, 153 
 Dunbar's Camp, 146 
 Dunkard Bottom, 299 
 Duquesne, Fort, 219, 220, 225, 233 
 Duquesne, Marquis (Duquisne), 
 
 3, 41, 66 
 Duquesne, Pa., 41, 137, 248 
 
 Easton, Pa., 190 
 
 Easton, Treaty of, 216, 224 
 
 Easton, W. Va., 302 
 
 Eckarly (Brothers), 299 
 
 Edmonstone, Capt. Charles, 246 
 
 Erie Canal, 325 
 
 Erie, Fort, 325 
 
 Erie (Indians), 1 
 
 Erie, Lake, 18, 21, 28 
 
 Erie, Pa., 3 
 
 Etna, Pa., 246 
 
 Eureka, W. Va., 256 
 
 Evans, Lewis, 324 
 
 Fairfax County (Va.), 233 
 Fairfax, George William, 1 3 5 
 Fairfax, Sally, 127 
 Fairfax, Lord Thomas, 132 
 Fairfax, William, 132 
 Faulkner, Capt. William, 342 
 Fauquier, Francis, 157 
 Fayette County, 340 
 Fayette, Fort, 354 
 Findley, William, 344, 377, 389 
 Fish Creek, 254 
 
 Fish Creek Island, 254 
 
 Fishing Creek, 244 
 
 Florida, 327 
 
 Forbes, John, 157, 159 
 
 Ford, David, 371 
 
 Forks of the Ohio, 1 6, 1 7 
 
 Franklin, Benjamin, 67, 1 30, 241 
 
 Franklin, Pa., 3,45, 318 
 
 Frank's Town, 251 
 
 Frankstown Road, 188 
 
 Frazier, John (Fraser), 16, 27, 37, 
 
 45, 182 
 Frederick County (Va.), 233 
 Freeman, Douglas Southall, 235 
 Freeman, Thomas, 290, 297 
 French, Captain, 194 
 French Creek, 3, 21, 27, 28, 318 
 Fry, Joshua (Colonel), 63, 67, 84 
 
 Gage, Thomas, 134 
 Galisonniere, Count La, 144 
 Gallatin, Albert, 303, 350, 366 
 Gauley Bridge, W. Va., 245, 313 
 Genet, Edmund, 371 
 George II (King of Great Britain), 
 
 44, 124 
 Gibson, John, 354 
 Ginseng, 286 
 Gist, Christopher, 5, 15, 30, 36, 44, 
 
 51,68, 161,242 
 Gist, Thomas, 242, 269, 286 
 Gist's Plantation, 4, 181 
 Glen, Governor James, 63 
 Glen, John, 294 
 Gordon, Harry, 138, 166 
 Gormania, W. Va., 304 
 Grafton, W. Va., 304 
 Grant, Major James, 193, 201, 202 
 Grant's Hill, 186 
 Grape Vine Town, 251 
 Gratz, Bernard, 249 
 Great Meadows, 78, 94, 242 
 Greenbrier (River), 312, 323 
 
 399 
 
INDEX 
 
 H 
 
 Half King, 18, 19, 23, 24, 25, 26, 28, 
 29, 32, 33,46, 68, 69, 70, 77, 127 
 
 Halkett, Major Frances, 183 
 
 Halkett, Sir Peter, 1 34 
 
 Hamilton, Alexander, 336, 340, 389 
 
 Hamilton, David, 290 
 
 Hamilton, Lieutenant Robert, 248 
 
 Hanway, Samuel, 301 
 
 Hard Labour, Treaty of, 238 
 
 Hardin, John, 245, 298 
 
 Harrison, William, 247 
 
 Henry, Prince William, 364 
 
 Hess, Lieutenant Emanuel, 211 
 
 Highlanders, 193, 201 
 
 Hillas, William, 294 
 
 Hillast, Matthew, 292 
 
 Hite, Abraham, 314 
 
 Hite, Yost, 314 
 
 Hocking River (Little), 257, 258, 
 263, 318 
 
 Hockingport, O. 258 
 
 Hog, Peter, 68, 162 
 
 Holston (River), 280 
 
 Hoops, Adam, 190 
 
 Hulbert, Archer B., 309 
 
 Hunter, William, 5 
 
 Huron, 1 
 
 Hussars, 130 
 
 Hutchins, Thomas, 320 
 
 I 
 Ice, Andrew, 305 
 Ice's Ferry, 305 
 Independence, Pa., 248 
 Independent Company, 92 
 Indian Cross Creek, 250 
 Indian Short Creek, 252 
 Innes, Colonel James, 74 
 Iroquois, 1, 63, 238, 252, 274 
 
 J 
 Jackson, W. Va., 258 
 Jackson's Creek, 312 
 
 James River, 3 1 5 
 
 Jeffereys, Thomas, 5, 6 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas, 276, 358, 369 
 
 Jenkins, William, 5, 16, 45 
 
 Jeskakake, 26 
 
 Johnson, Ezekiel, 291 
 
 Johnson, Matthew, 295 
 
 Johnson, Robert, 350 
 
 Johnson, Governor Thomas, 307 
 
 Johnson, Sir William, 189, 246 
 
 Joncaire, Phillippe Thomas, 25, 27, 
 
 28, 35,49 
 Jones, Gabriel, 315 
 Jumonville, Joseph Coulon de, 80, 
 
 100, 113 
 Juniata River, 184 
 
 K 
 
 Kanawha (Big), (River), 238, 245, 
 
 261, 265, 273, 312 
 Kanawha, Little, (River), 244, 257, 
 
 263, 265, 283 
 Kaquehuston, 88 
 Kaskaskia, 47 
 Kent, Donald H., 66, 70 
 Kiashuta, 50, 258, 259, 262, 263 
 Kickenapauling, 177 
 King Creek, 250 
 
 Kirkpatrick, Abraham, 347, 354, 355 
 Kiskimenetas River, 215 
 Kittanning, 164 
 Kuskuska, 22 
 Kuskuskies, 18 
 Kustaloga, 26, 30, 49 
 
 LaForce, M., 29, 50, 73, 79 
 Lake of the Woods, 319 
 LakeLeBoeuf, 318 
 Lancaster, O., 252 
 Lancaster (Treaty), 1, 2 
 Lapsley, Thomas, 295 
 LaSalle (LaSolle), 27 
 Laurel Hill, 172, 286 
 
 •400 
 
INDEX 
 
 LeBoeuf, Fort, 3, 5 
 
 Leduc, Gilbert F., 100 
 
 Lee, Henry, 376, 384 
 
 Lee, Robert E., 376 
 
 Lee, William, 240 
 
 Lenox, David, 344, 357 
 
 Letart, W. Va., 259 
 
 Lewis, Andrew, 90, 201, 204, 206 
 
 Lewis, Thomas, 300, 314 
 
 Ligneris, Capt. Francois-Marie 
 
 LeMarchand de, 145, 205, 222 
 Ligonier, 275 
 Ligonier, Fort, 221 
 Little Beaver Creek, 249 
 Little Cacapon River, 269 
 Little Meadows, 129, 242 
 Littleton, Fort, 164 
 Lloyd, Lieutenant Colo. Thomas, 
 
 212 
 Logston, Joseph, 304, 310 
 Logston, Thomas, 309 
 Logstown (Loggs-Town) (Pa.), 
 
 3,4, 17, 18, 27,46 
 Long, David, 295 
 Long Reach (of the Ohio), 255 
 Longueuil, Baron de, 51 
 Loudoun, Fort, Pa., 164 
 Loudoun, Fort, Va., 164 
 Loudoun, Lord, 164, 327 
 Louisburg, Fort, 157 
 Louisiana, Province of, 2, 327 
 Louisville, Kentucky, 266, 326 
 Loups, See Delaware Indians 
 Lower Shawnee Town, 266 
 Lower Sister Island, 252 
 Loyalhanna Creek, 177, 184, 197 
 Lucas, John, 294, 350, 365 
 Luckett, David, 288 
 
 M 
 McBride, James, 292 
 McBride, Samuel, 291 
 MacClocklan, James, 33, 51 
 McCulloch's Path, 282, 305, 306, 309 
 
 McDonald, Alexander, 205 
 McDonald, Capt. William, 206 
 McFarlane, James, 346 
 McGeechen, Brice, 293 
 McGeechen, Duncan, 293 
 Machault, Fort, 48, 168 
 Mackay, James, 92, 94 
 McKee, Alexander, 248 
 McKees Rocks, Pa., 4, 45, 248 
 McKeesport, (Pa.) 137 
 McKenzie, Lieut., 204 
 McKenzie, Capt. Hugh, 206 
 McMahon Creek, 253 
 McMahon Run, 253 
 McMechen, W. Va., 253 
 McMillan, Reverend John, 296 
 McNight, John, 164 
 MacQuire, John, 5, 16, 45 
 Mahanoy City, Pa., 324 
 Mahanoy Creek, 324 
 Mahoning (River), 321 
 Marietta Island, 257 
 Marietta, O., 257, 322 
 Marin, Pierre Paul, Sieur de, 45 
 Marshall, James, 352 
 Martinsburg, W. Va., 278 
 Maryland Gazette, 6 
 Maumee River, 319 
 Maysville, Ky., 252 
 Meigs County, O., 259 
 Mercer, George, 79, 217 
 Mercier, Francois le, 109 
 Meyers (Widow), 268 
 Miami Canal, 319 
 Miami River, 3 1 8 
 Michael, William, 385 
 Middleport, O., 260 
 Mifflin, Thomas, 372, 378 
 Militia, 61 
 
 Miller's Run, 288, 294 
 Millwood, W. Va., 262 
 Mingo, 49, 265 
 Mingo Creek, 346 
 Mingo Junction, O., 250 
 
 •401 
 
INDEX 
 
 Mingo Town, 250, 263, 264 
 Mohawk River, 325 
 Mohawk Valley, 276 
 Monaca, Pa., 248 
 Monacatoocha, 17, 24, 25, 46, 70, 
 
 90, 127 
 Monongahela (River), 4, 237 
 Monro, Capt. George, 209 
 Monroe County, O., 255 
 Montour, Andrew, 84, 89 
 Montreal, 20, 28, 321 
 Moorefield, W. Va., 282 
 Morgan County, W. Va., 284 
 Morgan, Charles, 247 
 Morgan, Daniel, 277, 375 
 Morgan, Zackquill, 303 
 Morgantown, W. Va., 299, 303 
 Mouceau (Canadian Soldier), 84 
 Moundsville, W. Va., 253 
 Mount Braddock, Fayette County, 
 
 Pa., 4 
 Mount Storm (W. Va.), 282 
 Mount Vernon, 234, 235, 236, 275, 
 
 335 
 Murdering Town, 36, 53 
 Muse, George, 85 
 Muskingum River, 257, 263, 318 
 Muskingum River (Little), 257 
 
 N 
 Napier, Sir Robert, 124 
 Necessity, Fort, 94, 97, 242 
 Neville, John, 296, 344 
 Newberry Island, 263 
 Newberry Library, 5 
 New Geneva, Pa., 300, 303 
 New Martinsville, W. Va., 
 
 244, 252, 255 
 New Matamoras, O., 256 
 New Orleans, 2, 18, 19, 326 
 New River, 280, 312 
 New York City, 325 
 New York State, 156, 276 
 New York State Barge Canal, 325 
 
 Niagara, Fort, 2, 325 
 Nicholson, Joseph, 247, 266 
 Nipissing, 106 
 
 O 
 
 Oakland, Md., 307 
 
 Ogdensburg, N. Y, 325 
 
 Ohio Canal, 318 
 
 Ohio Company, 2, 4, 44, 60, 61, 181. 
 
 241 
 Ohio, Great Bend of the, 259 
 Ohio River, 266 
 Ohio Valley, 1 
 Ohiopyle (Pa.), 77, 322 
 Old Fields, W. Va., 313 
 Oldtown, Md., 241 
 Oneida Lake, 325 
 Onondaga River, 325 
 Ontario, Lake, 27, 28 
 Opequan Creek, 278 
 Orme, Robert, 123 
 Oswego, 28, 325 
 Ottowa River, 319 
 
 Parkersburg, W. Va., 257, 302 
 Parkinson, Benjamin, 346, 352 
 Parkinson's Ferry, 290, 352, 365, 376 
 Patterson's Creek, 279, 313 
 Peale, Charles William, 7 
 Pennsylvania Dutch, 308 
 Pennsylvania Gazette, 225 
 Perryopolis, Pa., 243, 285 
 Peter's Creek, 344 
 Peyronie, William La (Peyroney), 
 
 74, 139 
 Philadelphia, 156, 301, 321 
 Phillips, Theophilus, 300, 301 
 Pierpont, John, 301 
 Pike Island, 252 
 Pipe Creek, 253 
 Pisquetomen, 216 
 Pitt, Fort, 245, 264, 266, 267, 322 
 Pittsburgh Gazette, 341 
 
 402 
 
INDEX 
 
 Pitt, William, 156, 220 
 Pittsburgh, 233, 266 
 Pleasant, Fort, 314 
 Point Marion, Pa., 279 
 Point Pleasant, W. Va., 260 
 Poison, William, 94, 139 
 Pontiac, 246 
 Portsmouth, O., 48 
 Posey, Capt. John, 237, 300 
 Post, Christian Frederick, 89 
 Potomac Company, 334, 335 
 Potomac (River), 276, 334 
 Pottsville, Pa., 324 
 Presque Isle, 3, 51, 318 
 Prince George, Fort, 69 
 Pritchards (Tavern), 240 
 Proctor, W. Va., 255 
 
 Quakers, 189 
 Quebec Act, 274 
 Quemahoning Creek, 177, 184 
 Quitrents, 249 
 
 R 
 
 Racoon Creek, 248 
 Radford, Va., 280 
 Randolph, Edmund, 358 
 Ravenswood, W. Va., 259, 262 
 Raystown, 172, 183 
 Raystown, Fort, 168 
 Reardon, Danl., 247 
 Redick, David, 377, 381 
 Redstone Creek, 60, 72, 252 
 Redstone Old Fort, 279 
 Reed, David, 293, 295 
 Reed, John, 293, 348 
 Revolutionary War, 273 
 Rhor, Charles, 178, 192 
 Rinker, Jasper, 240 
 Riparti (Repentiguy) , 29, 33, 51 
 Ritchie, Matthew, 297 
 Roanoke River, 280 
 Robinson, Archibald, 205 
 
 Robinson, John, 194, 195 
 Rocheblave, Sieur de, 1 60 
 Romney (W. Va.), 241 
 Royal American, 167 
 Rumsey, James, 281 
 
 Sable, M. de, 81 
 
 St. Clair, General Arthur, 388 
 
 St. Clair, Sir John, 121, 130, 191, 211 
 
 St. Lawrence River, 157 
 
 St. Piere, Legardeur de, 41, 42, 51 
 
 Sandusky River, 319 
 
 Savage River, 312 
 
 Schenectady, 325 
 
 Schuylkill Canal, 324 
 
 Schuylkill River, 324 
 
 Sciota (River), 266, 318 
 
 Scott, James, 294, 295 
 
 Scull, John, 341, 348 
 
 Scull, William, 324 
 
 Semple, Samuel, 245, 386 
 
 Seneca, 1, 49 
 
 Settlers (Actual), 294 
 
 Sewickley Creek, 245 
 
 Shanapins Town (Shanopin), 18, 32, 
 
 43, 185 
 Shannoahs (Shawnees), 21 
 Shaw, John, 98 
 Shawnee, 1, 265 
 Shawnee Cabins, 184 
 Shays' Rebellion, 338 
 Shelby, Capt. Evan, 193 
 Shepherd, Colo. David, 279 
 Shingas, 17, 24, 25, 26, 45, 88, 216 
 Shippensburg, 164 
 Shirley, Governor, 75 
 Sideling Hill, 178 
 
 Simpson, Gilbert, 276, 285, 288, 297 
 Sinnemahoning Creek, 323 
 Six Nations (Iroquois), 17, 250,254, 
 
 258, 265 
 Smith, Thomas, 298 
 Spiltdorph, Carolus Gustavus de, 68 
 
 403 
 
INDEX 
 
 Spwgeon, James, 306 
 
 Spurgeon, John, 306 
 
 Stanwix Fort, Treaty of, 238, 249, 
 
 265 
 Stanwix, Brigadier General John, 
 
 159 
 Staunton, Va., 280 
 Stephen, Adam, 73, 94, 164, 240 
 Stephenson, John, 244 
 Steubenville, O., 250 
 Stevenson, George, 166 
 Steward, Henry, 5, 16 
 Stewart, Capt. Robert, 234 
 Stewart, Capt. Walter, 201 
 Stewart, William, 292 
 Stewarts' Crossing, 85, 243 
 Stobo, Robert, 102 
 Sunbury, Pa., 168, 324 
 Susquehanna (River), 323 
 Swearengen, Thomas, 279 
 Swearengen, Van, 296, 297 
 Sweet Springs, W. Va., 280 
 
 T 
 
 Three Brothers Islands, 256 
 
 Thruston, Charles Mynn, 360 
 
 Ticonderoga, Fort, 157, 198 
 
 Tiltonville, O., 252 
 
 Toby Creek, 323 
 
 Tohashwughtonionty, 70 
 
 Toledo, O., 319 
 
 Tom The Tinker, 348, 349 
 
 Towers, James, 83 
 
 Townsend Act, 236 
 
 Trade, Lords of, 59 
 
 Traders (Indian), 1 
 
 Trent, William, 60, 67 
 
 Trotter, John, 33, 51 
 
 Turkeyfoot Road, 290 
 
 Turtle Creek (Pa.), 45, 137, 182, 
 
 245, 268 
 Tuscarawas (River), 318 
 Tygart River, 299 
 
 U 
 
 Ucahula, 161 
 Uniontown, Pa., 298 
 Upper Sister Island, 252 
 
 V 
 
 Van Braam, Jacob, 5, 15, 35, 44, 68, 
 
 99, 102 
 Vaudreuil, Marquis de, 160 
 Venango (Pa.), 3, 19, 21, 24, 27, 28 
 Vercheres, de, 161 
 Villiers, Coulon de, 81, 100, 105, 112 
 Vincennes, Ind. 48, 266 
 Virginia, 280, 333 
 Virginia Cross Creek, 250 
 Virginia Regiment, 154, 237 
 Virginia Short Creek, 252 
 
 W 
 
 Wabash River, 19, 43 
 Waggoner, Thomas, 80 
 Walker, Robert, 292 
 "Walpole Grant," The, 241 
 Walpole, Horace, 241 
 Walpole, Thomas, 241 
 Ward, Ensign Edward, 69 
 Ward, Capt. Edward, 178 
 Washington, Augustine, 3, 126, 243 
 Washington Bottom, 263 
 Washington, Bushrod, 284, 315 
 Washington, Charles, 277 
 Washington, George (Signature), 
 
 6, 10 
 Washington, Lawrence, 3, 121 
 Washington, Lund, 244, 269 
 Washington, Pa., 290, 340 
 Washington, Samuel, 240, 243, 269 
 Washington, Warner, 277, 314 
 Waterford, Pa., 3, 318 
 Wayne, General Anthony, 362 
 Weegee Run, 253 
 Wellsburg, W. Va., 251 
 West, Charles, 269 
 West Fork (River), 299 
 
 -404- 
 
INDEX 
 
 West, Lieut. John, Jr., 76 
 Western Pennsylvania, 333 
 Westmoreland County, Pa., 340 
 Wharton, Samuel, 241 
 Wheeling Creek, 244 
 Wheeling Island, 252 
 Wheeling, W Va., 244, 263, 275 
 Whiskey Rebellion, 338 
 Whiskey Tax, 340 
 White Mingo, 246 
 White Thunder, 26, 34 
 Wickerham, Adam, 297 
 Wild Turkeys, 251 
 Williamsburg (Va.), 5, 13, 17, 38, 
 156 
 
 Wills Creek, 4, 15, 18, 38, 44 
 Winchester, Va., 15 
 Withers, William, 6 
 Wood County, W. Va, 258 
 
 Y 
 
 Yellow Creek, O, 249 
 Youghiogheny, Great Crossings of 
 the, 242 
 
 Zane, Ebeneezer, 252 
 Zane, Jonathon, 252 
 Zane, Silas, 252 
 Zane's Trace, 252 
 Zanesville (O.), 252 
 
 405 
 
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