• 13 
 
 fj'ls 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 
 op 
 
 ME. PATERSON, OF NEW YORK, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 CIVIL AND DIPLOMATIC APPROPRIATION BILL 
 
 .< 
 
 REPORTED BY 
 
 
 
 
 
 THE COMMITTEE OF WAYS AND MEANS 
 
 9 
 
 Delivered in the House of Representatives, June 14 , 1844 * 
 
 # 
 
 V. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 PRINTED BY JOHN T. TOWERS. 
 
 1844. 
 
SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 ME. PATERSON, OF NEW .YORK, 
 
 ON THE 
 
 CIVIL AND DIPLOMATIC APPROPRIATION BILL, 
 
 IN 
 
 Reply to the Southern doctrine of the unconstitutionality of a Protective Tariff; 
 and to Mr. Johnson , of Tennessee , and others , that Revenue ought not to he 
 raised by a Tariff discriminating for Protection, and that a Manufacturing 
 Population would endanger our free institutions. 
 
 Delivered in the House of Representatives U. S., June 14, 1844. 
 
 Mr. Patterson rose and said, that it was known to the House that he had 
 tried several times to obtain the floor when this bill was before under considera¬ 
 tion, as well as when the Tariff bill was being debated. But as he did not pos¬ 
 sess the ability to jump the Mississippi, of which he had often heard, but never 
 before appreciated the advantage of being able to stride the mountain, speaking 
 with a trumpet’s tongue, in order to obtain the eye and ear of the Speaker, in 
 this great national arena—which, with the fact that he had not detained the 
 House but a few moments at any one time during the session—was the only 
 apology he should offer for obtruding himself upon its notice at this late hour of 
 the night and of the session: and knowing the great anxiety of the Committee 
 to get on with the business of the House, he would endeavor not to weary their 
 patience. 
 
 Mr. Speaker, I am in favor of the Senate’s amendment to the bill now under 
 consideration, and all other necessary appropriations for an economical ad¬ 
 ministration of the Government, but upon very different grounds from those 
 assumed by the honorable gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr. Johnson,) who op¬ 
 poses all appropriations in consequence of the revenue being raised through the 
 medium of a Tariff discriminating for protection, which he regards as unconstitu¬ 
 tional and inequitable in its operations upon different portions of the Union, en¬ 
 tering upon the same ground that has been so long occupied by South Carolina. 
 Waiving for the present the inequability of a Tariff for protection, I will go so 
 far as to say, that, rather than expose the laboring classes of this country to foreign 
 competition, 1 would protect the industry of the country if Government could 
 make no other use of the revenue arising from such protection than to throw it 
 into the sea. And here I shall leave for the present this branch of the subject, 
 with the view of examining the inconsistency of some of the arguments put forth 
 by the South, more particularly by the Representatives of South Carolina, against 
 the constitutionality of any Tariff discriminating for protection, accompanied, as 
 these arguments always are,.with denunciations which portend a dissolution of 
 the Union. And in doing this, without attempting anything like a constitutional 
 argument, I shall give only a simple history of the origin of the protective policy. 
 
 , , • 
 
4 
 
 It is claimed that our fathers were contending in the Revolution against an 
 oppressive system of taxation ; and this is used as an argument against the proba¬ 
 bility of the framers of the Constitution intending to grant to the General Govern¬ 
 ment the right to tax the people, when the circumstances out of which the Re¬ 
 volution grew shows the reverse, and that they did intend to place in the hands 
 of the General Government all the power necessary to enable it to protect the 
 industry of the country against foreign competition and foreign oppression. As 
 oarly as 1695, manufacturing had made some advance in New England, at 
 which time it was encouraged by the Colonial Government, particularly of Mas-* 
 sarhusetts. [t soon, however, aroused the jealousy of the mother country, whose 
 riding politicians regarded the New England Colonies as the most prejudicial of 
 ah her possessions, from the ingenuity, intelligence, and enterprise of the people 
 leading them to rise above the dependent and humble condition of mere colonists, 
 to which position Great Britain intended to confine them. Many and fruitless 
 were the attempts of the mother country to keep down enterprise in every other 
 branch of industry than that of agriculture. The Board of Trade and Planta¬ 
 tions made a report in compliance with instructions of the House of Commons, 
 as early as the year 173.1, after the Executive authority of Great Britain had fail¬ 
 ed to suppress the manufacturing enterprise of the country, the result of which 
 was, that, among other branches of industry, it was found hats were manufactur¬ 
 ed and exported to a considerable extent, “which alarming discovery resulted in 
 the passage of an act of Parliament forbidding their exportation from the Colo¬ 
 nies, and from being transported from one Colony to another.” Nor did the 
 matter end here. In 1750, a law was passed by the Parliament of Great Britain, 
 “which was a disgrace to a civilized nation.” It prohibited “ the erection or 
 continuance of any mill or engine for slitting or rolling iron, or any plating 
 forge to work with a tilt hammer, or any furnace for making steel, in the Colo¬ 
 nies, under a penalty of two hundred pounds.” “ Every such establishment was 
 declared a nuisance , which the Governors of the Colonies were required to abate 
 under a penally of £500.” Mr. Huskisson stated, during the latter portion of 
 his life, “ that the real causes of the Revolution are to be found, not in the irri¬ 
 tating measures ihat followed Mr. Grenville’s plan of taxation, but in the long- 
 cherished discontents of the Colonies at this system of legislative oppression.” 
 
 Among the first movements of the Colonists was one of partial resistance, in¬ 
 tended as a protection to the industry of the country. The non-importation 
 act was passed by the first Congress that met at Philadelphia in 1774, and was 
 signed by every member of that body. In the 7th article of that act, it. is provi¬ 
 ded that “ we will use our utmost endeavors to improve the breed of sheep, and 
 increase their numbers to (he greatest extent; in the 8th, we will, in our several 
 stations, encourage frugality, economy, and industry, and promote agriculture, 
 the arts, and the manufactures of (he country, especially those of wool.” The 
 Colonists, few in number, scattered over a vast wilderness, their localities widely 
 apart, and forming mere pin dots on the map of the globe, in arraying them¬ 
 selves, as it were, against the world in arms, in the adoption of measures like 
 this, present a scene of moral grandeur never surpassed ; for it was evident to our 
 fathers, at that time, that, feeble as they were, they must soon be found in hos¬ 
 tile array against the most powerful national pon earth. It was the only alter¬ 
 native left (hem, for the mother country seemed deaf to all their complaints. 
 It was then that 
 
 “ Freedom, from her mountain height, 
 
 Unfurled her standard to the air; 
 
 She tore the azure robes of ni<jht. 
 
 And placed the star of glory there.” 
 
5 
 
 During the Revolution, commercial intercourse was cut off with Great Britain, 
 giving fresh impulse to the manufactories which existed previous to its com¬ 
 mencement, one of which, that of nails, was one of the first upon which Lord 
 Chatham had placed his memorable prohibition, causing new establishments 
 to spring into existence. On the return of peace, the great influx of foreign 
 goods proved disastrous to the mechanical and manufacturing interests of the 
 country. It was found impossible for the States, divided as they were in inter¬ 
 est, by any uniform revenue system, to remedy the evil. “ If one State, by se¬ 
 parate navigation laws, attempted to secure the trade to their own vessels, the 
 rivalry and selfish policy of others counteracted their efforts, which resulted in 
 throwing almost the entire navigation interest of the country into foreign hands. 
 That interest had fallen so low that it was found impossible, in 1778, to construct 
 a ship in Boston hut by subscription, which was induced by patriotic motives.— 
 The shipping interest, and manufactures in .general, petitioned the Government 
 of Massachusetts to protect their industry.” In compliance with their prayer, a 
 Tariff of duties was laid’ In the language of a gifted countryman, the state 
 of the country rendered these laws of little avail. Binding in Boston, they were 
 of no validity in Rhode Island ; and what was subject to duty in New York 
 might be imported free in Connecticut and New Jersey. The state of the indus¬ 
 try of the country was depressed to a point of distress unknown in the mid¬ 
 night of the Revolution. The shipping was dwindled to nothing—the manu¬ 
 facturing establishments were kept up by bounties, and by patriotic associations 
 and subscriptions, and even the common trades were threatened with ruin. It. 
 was plain that not a hatter, a boot or shoemaker, a saddler, or a brass-founder 
 could carry on his business, except in the commonest and most ordinary produc¬ 
 tions of their various trades, under the pressure of foreign competition. Thus 
 was presented the extraordinary and calamitous spectacle of a successful revolu¬ 
 tion wholly failing of its ultimate object. The people of America had gone to 
 wa$, not for names, but for things. It was not merely to change a Government 
 administered by Kings, Princes, and Ministers, for a Government administered 
 by Presidents, and Secretaries, and Members of Congress. It was to redress 
 their own grievances—to improve their own condition—to throw off the burden 
 which the Colonial system laid on their industry. To attain these objects, they 
 endured incredible hardships, and bore and suffered almost beyond the measure 
 of humanity ; and when their independence was attained, they found it was a 
 piece of parchment. The arm which had struck for it in the field, was palsied 
 in the workshops—the industry which had been burdened in the Colonies, was 
 crushed in the free States—and at the close of the Revolution, the mechanics 
 and manufacturers of the country found themselves, in the bitterness of their 
 hearts, independent—and ruined. They looked around them in despair—they 
 cast about for means of relief, and found noije, but the plan of voluntary as¬ 
 sociations throughout the continent, and an appeal to the patriotism of their fel¬ 
 low-citizens. Associations were formed in 1777 and 1778, and circular letters 
 were addressed to their brethren throughout the Union. Combinations of the 
 kind, unsupported by general laws must have proved ineffectual, but before this 
 was discovered the day-star of the Constitution arose, and of all the classes of the 
 people of America to whose hearts it came as the harbinger of blessings long 
 hoped for and long despaired of, most unquestionably the tradesmen, mechanics, 
 and manufacturers hailed it with the warmest welcome. It had, in fact, grown 
 out of the all-pervading inefficiency and wretchedness of the revenue system, 
 which had been felt in ruin by them more than by any other class. The feel¬ 
 ings with which its adoplion was regarded by the traders and manufacturers of 
 the country is manifested in the congratulatory letters passing from one associa¬ 
 tion to another, followed up by petitions to Congress, praying for protection.”—- 
 
6 
 
 This shows in what light they regarded it, and furnishes an instructive lesson; 
 but as my remarks would be extended to an unreasonable length, I must omit 
 them in detail. 
 
 Such were the feelings and hopes with which the laboring classes of the 
 country, particularly the manufacturers and mechanics, looked forward to the 
 adoption of the Constitution. In the State of Massachusetts, it is admitted that 
 the question of adoption was decided under the influence of the tradesmen 
 and manufacturers, already mentioned. It was declared in debate, in the con¬ 
 vention of the Slate of Massachusetts, that the encouragement of manufactu¬ 
 rers was declared to be the early and avowed object of the Constitution. As 
 it was successively adopted in each State, triumphal processions of the trades¬ 
 men, mechanics, and manufacturers, with their banners and mottoes expressive 
 of their reliance upon the new constitution for protection, evinced in the most 
 imposing form, in the presence of uncounted multitudes, the principles, the ex¬ 
 pectations, and the hopes of the industrial classes of the country. “ Processions 
 of the kind were organized in Portsmouth, in Boston,-in New York, in Phila¬ 
 delphia, in Baltimore, and in Charleston, and the sentiment which animated 
 and inspired them all was the same as that expressed in the motto inscribed 
 upon the banner of the manufacturers of Philadelphia : ‘May the Union Gov¬ 
 ernment protect the manufacturers of America.’” 
 
 Such was the avowed sentiments of the mechanics and manufacturers of the 
 country, and such their influence over public sentiment, that it is evident, from 
 the vote upon the adoption of the Constitution in several of the States, that it 
 would not have been adopted if it had not been generally understood that it 
 imparted to the General Government all the power necessary to protect the 
 industry of the country.* , 
 
 Mr. Madison brought forward the revenue system early in the session of the 
 first Congress, which convened under the Constitution in 1789 ; and while this 
 measure was being discussed, numerous memorials were presented from differ¬ 
 ent sections of the Union, praying Congress to adopt suitable measures to pro¬ 
 tect the industry of the country from foreign competition. The first one pre¬ 
 sented came from the tradesmen, manufacturers, and others, of the town of Bal¬ 
 timore, in the State of Maryland, “ praying an imposition of such duties on all 
 foreign articles which can be made in America as will give a just and decided 
 preference to the labor of the petitioners, and that there may be granted to 
 them, in common with the other manufacturers and mechanics of the United 
 States, such relief as to the wisdom of Congress may think proper.” And where 
 do you think the next petition came from? From Boston? No. From 
 New York? No. From Philadelphia? No, sir ; but from the shipwrights of 
 Charleston, South Carolina-. 
 
 [Here Mr. Simpson, of South Carolina, rose and called Mr. Patterson to 
 order for irrelevancy. ♦ 
 
 The Speaker decided that he was in order; and he proceeded, amidst cries 
 of u Go on !” “ You are in order !”J 
 
 u Stating the distress they were in from the decline of that branch of their 
 business, and the present situation of the trade of the United States, and praying 
 that the wisdom and policy of the National Legislature may be directed to such 
 measures, in the general regulation of trade and the establishment of a proper 
 navigation act, as will relieve the particular distress of the petitioners, in com¬ 
 mon with their fellow shipwrights throughout the Union.” 
 
 * The Constitution was ratified by Pennsylvania, on the 13th of December, 1787, by 
 vote of 46 to 23 ; by Massachusetts, on the 6th of February, 1778, by a vote of 187 to 
 168; by New Hampshire, 21st June, 1788, by a vote of 57 to 46; by New York, 26th 
 July, 1788, by a vote of 34 to 25. 
 
7 
 
 [Here Mr. Simpson rose again to a point of order. His point was “ Irrele¬ 
 vancy. ” 
 
 The Speaker decided that he was in order.] 
 
 I conceive I am in order, Mr. Speaker. I am discussing the Tariff policy a& 
 a source of revenue, and intend nothing uncourteous to South Carolina. New 
 York and other cities followed, praying Congress for similar relief. Mr. Madi¬ 
 son said in the debate upon the act introduced by himself, that “the Slates that 
 are the most advanced in population and ripe for manufactures ought to have their 
 particular interests attended to in some degree. While the States retained the 
 power of making regulations of trade, they had the power to protect and cherish 
 such institutions. By adopting the present Constitution, they have thrown the 
 exercise of this power into other hands. They must have done this, with the 
 expectation that those interests would not be neglected here.” 
 
 u Duties laid on imported articles may have an effect which comes within the 
 idea of national piudence. It may happen that materials for manufacture may 
 grow up without any encouragement for this purpose. It has been the case in 
 some of the States; but. in others regulations have been provided, and have suc¬ 
 ceeded in producing some establishments, which ought not to be allowed to per¬ 
 ish from the alteration which has taken place; it would be cruel to neglect them 
 •and turn.their industry into other channels, for it is not possible for the hand 
 of man to shift from one employment to another without being injured by the 
 change. There may be some manufactures, which, being over-forward, can ad¬ 
 vance towards perfection without any adventitious aid; while others, for the 
 want of the fostering hand of Government, will be unable to go on at all. Le¬ 
 gislative attention will, therefore, be necessary to collect the proper objects for 
 this purpose.” 
 
 [Here Mr. Cullom, of Tennessee, called Mr. P. to order. His point of order 
 was the same as that of Mr. Simpson. 
 
 In the midst of cries of “ Go on!” “ You are in order!” the Chair decided 
 •that he was in order.] 
 
 I conceive, Mr. Speaker, that the Tariff as a source of revenue is directly 
 connected with appropriations for the Belgium mission as well as all others; but, 
 as I am unwilling to intiude upon the coutesy of the House, I will pass over 
 much of what I intended to occupy its time with. [“ Print them,” was the cry, 
 u if you do not give us the whole of it.”] 
 
 This is the argument of the Father of the Constitution. Will any one pre¬ 
 tend, after reading it, that Mr. Madison did not believe that the General Govern¬ 
 ment possessed the power, and was in duly bound to protect the industry of the 
 country. The preamble indicates that such is the case. It is in these words: 
 “ For the support of Government, and the discharge of the debt of the United 
 States, and the encouragement and protection of manufactures.” If it was un¬ 
 derstood by any one in any other light, it is singular that the ground was not 
 assumed during that lengthy debate. The benefit of the protecting principle was 
 by no means confined to the Northern States, but was extended to the South, 
 whose agricultural interests were among the first to reap the benefit of it. A 
 heavy duty was laid on manufactured tobacco, which was the only form the im¬ 
 ported article could in competition with the production of the South. Roger 
 Sherman supported it upon the ground that the importation of the article ought 
 to be prohibited. A duty was also laid upon indigo; both of which was a tax 
 upon the labor of the North for the benefit of the Southern planter. A high 
 duty was also levied on hemp, in favor of which Southern members allege “ that 
 the lands were adapted to the growth of it, and that its culture would be pur¬ 
 sued with attention.” “ But the most prominent case of protection for the benefit 
 of the South is, the duty imposed on raw cotton for the avowed purpose of ill- 
 
8 
 
 during its growth” At that time cotton mills were in operation in Massachusetts, 
 "Rhode Island, and some other places, and duties had been levied by some of the 
 Slates for the protection and encouragement of this important branch of industry. 
 All the cotton consumed by them was imported, the South having, up to that 
 time, produced no more than was wanted for domestic use—none was exported. 
 Gotlon, as an American production, was not known in any European port. In 
 the bill of which I have been speaking, introduced by Mr. Madison, a duty of 
 three cents a pound was imposed on cotton, in the Senate, for the purpose of 
 •inducing its culture in this country. A member from South Carolina, in the 
 -House of Representatives, advocated its adoption upon the ground that “ cotton 
 was in contemplation, as an article of produce, by the planters of South Caro¬ 
 lina and Georgia, and that, if good seed could be obtained, he hoped it might 
 succeed.” It was upon this ground the duty was imposed. On the 5th of De¬ 
 cember, 1791, in compliance with an order of the House of Representatives, 
 General Hamilton made his celebrated report on manufactures, in which he says, 
 that the present duty of three cents per pound on the foreign raw material was 
 ^undoubtedly a very serious impediment to the manufacturers of cotton, and that * 
 a repeal of it is indispensable for the prosperity of manufacturers.” 
 
 Such was the influence of Southern Representatives, (for South Carolina has 
 ^always been ably represented here,) that the duty was not repealed, noth with¬ 
 standing Mr. Hamilton exerted himself in its behalf. When this branch of manu¬ 
 factures was in its infancy in the northern and middle States, it was compelled 
 to struggle against foreign competition, paying this duty for the benefit of 
 ^Southern planters, in order that they might explore the tropics from the Gulf 
 ©f Mexico through the wide circle of the earth, “ for a species of cotlon seed 
 that would thrive in their climate.” Every ounce of cotton consumed by the 
 'llumblest cottager in the land, paid this duty for years, for the benefit of the 
 Southern planter. As late as 1796, the proprietors of a cotton mill on the 
 Hrandywine, petitioned Congress to repeal the duty on raw cotton, which was 
 rejected by the Committee of Commerce and Manufacturers, on the ground, 
 that to repeal the duty on raw cotton imported would be to depress the growth 
 ©f cotton in our own country.” It was then strictly a protective duly to the 
 full extent of the amount imposed. Up to the present hour, it protects the cot¬ 
 ton planter against foreign competition, otherwise he would have to compete 
 fn our own markets with foreign cotton, as he does in the markets of Europe,. 
 •This dut 3 f has been maintained without change since it was first imposed, not¬ 
 withstanding the South and the North have recommended its repeal at different 
 times. Mr. Forsyth, of Georgia, advocated its repeal in 1816, at which time 
 43outh Carolina, through her Representatives, was instrumental in fastening upon; 
 Massachusetts a protective tariff, to which she was opposed. South Carolina, 
 it seems, at that time understood the true interest of Massachusetts better than 
 ^he did herself—she drove her into manufacturing against her will. Even as 
 late as 1824 and 1828, her Representatives were found voting for a protective 
 tariff. She comes then with bad grace at this late day to demand of Massachu¬ 
 setts that she shall abandon the protective policy, however destructive it may 
 |>rove to her vast manufacturing interest, upon the ground of the exploded ab¬ 
 stractionism, that the Constitution has not granted to the General Government 
 the power to enact laws discriminating for protection. More than half a cen- 
 4ury has passed away since the adoption of the Constitution, and in the face of 
 numerous instances of South Carolina’s sanctioning the constitutionality of pro¬ 
 tection, her Representatives are found at each returning session of Congress, 
 denouncing its unconstitutionality. One of her Representatives, (the Hon. 
 Mr. Burt,) said, “Did gentlemen expect that the people of the Southern 
 States would submit to discrimination like that—-he did not mean to use the 
 
9 
 
 language of menace here—be did not mean to say what in his belief the South 
 would do, because it might not become the propriety of debate in this Hall, but he 
 would say the West had already spoken, and the South would not submit to 
 this system, that they would not submit to be put in the relation to the North 
 of dejected and despised colonies, and if they would submit to it theywere 
 slaves and deserved their destiny.” Another Representative of South Caro¬ 
 lina is still more denunciatory of the tariff, and speaks in tones that would 
 seem to indicate that if the system of discrimination for protection was main¬ 
 tained by the North, that the South would at no distant day break asunder the 
 bonds of this glorious Union. While the Hon. gentleman from Alabama, (Mr. 
 Belser,) says he is beginning to lose the respect with which he had been 
 taught to regard that sacred instrument. No true American can look upon fore¬ 
 bodings of this kind, without a melancholy heart. 
 
 It is to be expecied that the ghost of the murdered Constitution, which 
 like the ghost of murdered Banquo, is ever up and never down, will be seen in 
 its gastly cerements flitting through our Representative Halls, just so long as 
 each Representative adopts the latitudinous doctrine of construing the Consti¬ 
 tution as he understands it,' unless parasidal hands, armed with the strength of a 
 Sampson, shall hurl the pillars of the Constitution itself from their centre, tum¬ 
 bling them promiscuously to the earth, burying it beneath iis ruins. The sooner 
 the doctrine of unconstitutionality is abandoned, the belter it will be for the 
 country. There is but one opinion upon this subject in the North. I have no 
 doubt ihat my political opponents in my own district, as well as throughout the 
 State, if they were not to conceal, but express, their true sentiments on ihe sub¬ 
 ject, however much we may differ upon other matters, would take me by the 
 hand, bidding me God speed in maintaining the rights, of the General Govern¬ 
 ment to discriminate for protection. But I do not stand up here, Mr. Speaker, 
 to advocate any measure that is grossly unjust and inequitable in its bearing 
 upon different sections of the country, even if coming within the strict letter of 
 the Constitution—nor would the people of the Noith insist upon the continu¬ 
 ance of any law if they believed it was in reality oppressive to a large portion 
 of their countrymen, as they are ready at all times to share their portion of the 
 burdens of Government, and submit to any laws hearing alike upon every portion 
 of the country. If the protective policy is so oppressive to the South and West, 
 it is singular that the merchants whose operations are extended over every sec¬ 
 tion of the Union, and whose interests are liable to he affected by any thing that 
 depresses any poriion of the country, should be so universally in favor of it. I 
 have received letters from a great many eminent merchants, urging the import¬ 
 ance of sustaining our present tariff, contrasting the bettered condition of the 
 whole country under its influence, with the bankruptcy and ruin which pre¬ 
 vailed everywhere under the recent revenue tariff. No class of community can 
 so well judge of its effects as the merchants, they feel its influence in the bet¬ 
 tered condition of the smaller merchants scattered throughout the land, whose 
 increased ability to pay is a true barometer indicitive of the healthy condition 
 of the country. It has been asked in the other branch of Congress, what we 
 at the North would do, if the South, with the superior advantage of cheap labor,, 
 should become manufacturers. Let them embark in it, it is doubtless their true 
 interest. The North will bid them God speed, and if they drive us from that 
 field of enterprise, and we cannot make a living in cultivating mother earth 
 among our rocks and our mountains, rather than quarrel with her for maintain¬ 
 ing the only truly independent principle for the people of this country, that of 
 the protection of its industry against foreign competition, we will travel still 
 farther North, mount an iceberg and fish for seal. But I must leave this branch 
 of the subject, and proceed to discuss more practicable matters. 
 
10 
 
 According (o (he doctrine of the advocates of Free Trade and a horizontal 
 
 o 
 
 Tariff, or a Tariff discriminating for revenue only—who contend that the duty 
 imposed on any article enhances its value, to the full extent of the duty, to the 
 consumer, and that it does not end with the article imported upon which duty is 
 collected, but it enhances the value of every article of the same kind produced in 
 this country, to the same extent—no Tariff or system of revenue would be equi¬ 
 table and just, that was not confined to such articles as are not produced in the 
 country, and must necessarily come from abroad; otherwise, the consumer would 
 be subjected to a two-fold tax. Can it be expected that doctrines so anti-Ameri¬ 
 can will ever be tolerated in this country? Yet, if it be true, that the whole 
 product of the country is enhanced in value to the* extent of the duty collected 
 upon foreign imports, and that it is wrong, inequitable, and unconstitutional, the 
 argument covers the whole ground, and duties cannot be justly imposed upon 
 any other articles than those we cannot produce. The South, jealous as it is of 
 any infringement of its rights, I trust, will not attempt to force this odious doc¬ 
 trine upon the country. A , 
 
 There is a wide difference of opinion as to the truth of the argument, that arti¬ 
 cles imported, which come in competition with articles produced in this country, 
 are enhanced in value to the full extent of the duty levied upon them ; and, 
 while the South will argue themselves into the belief that such is the case, by' 
 metaphysical disquisitions, the Yankee wdl work out, by calculations predicated 
 upon facts, quite a different result. I had sought, from other sources, facts appli¬ 
 cable to the case, when the able report of the Committee on Manufactures made 
 its appearance, and saved me the trouble of compiling much of what I had col¬ 
 lected. For such facts as I have availed myself of, I take this opportunity to tender 
 my acknowledgments to the able Chairman of that Committee. From that re¬ 
 port it appears that there was a falling off in the price of sundry articles manufac- * 
 tured in this country, between August, 1841, the time of the passage of the pre¬ 
 sent Tariff, and January, 1844, as follows : 
 
 On 27 inch brown shirtings 
 
 
 8 
 
 per cent. 
 
 On Swedes iron 
 
 • 
 
 8 
 
 per cent. 
 
 30 do. do. do. 
 
 
 3 
 
 do. 
 
 English, assorted - 
 
 - 
 
 6 
 
 do. 
 
 37 do. do. sheeting 
 
 
 4 
 
 do. 
 
 * Pig copper 
 
 • 
 
 
 do. 
 
 40 do. do. do. 
 
 
 9 
 
 do. 
 
 ‘Anvils 
 
 * 
 
 10 
 
 do. 
 
 36to38 do. do. do. 
 
 
 6 
 
 do. 
 
 English bars, refin’d, 
 
 roll’d 
 
 24 
 
 do. 
 
 30 do. do. drill 
 
 
 13 
 
 do. 
 
 American refined - 
 
 • 
 
 28 
 
 do. : 
 
 30 do. do. ieans 
 
 
 32 
 
 do. 
 
 Swedish hammered 
 
 • 
 
 25 
 
 do. 
 
 Leather in Baltimore, Phil. 
 
 
 
 Wrought nails 
 
 • 
 
 17 
 
 do. 
 
 N. York, & Boston 
 
 20 to 26 
 
 do. 
 
 Cut nails - 
 
 • 
 
 19 
 
 do. 
 
 Molasses - 
 
 - 
 
 2c. per. gal. 
 
 Pigs - - 
 
 - 
 
 22 
 
 do. 
 
 Hemp, different kinds 
 
 11 to 16 
 
 per cent. 
 
 Braziers’ rods 
 
 • 
 
 33 
 
 do. 
 
 American cordage - 
 
 - 
 
 15 
 
 do. 
 
 Scythes - 
 
 • 
 
 30 
 
 do. 
 
 Pitch 
 
 ■ - 
 
 12 
 
 do. 
 
 Shovels - 
 
 m 
 
 27 
 
 do. 
 
 Rosin 
 
 ■ - 
 
 35 
 
 do. 
 
 Tacks 
 
 33 to 41 
 
 do. 
 
 Anchors - 
 
 - 
 
 18 
 
 do. 
 
 Brads 
 
 
 46 
 
 do. 
 
 Copper sheathing- 
 
 - 
 
 10 
 
 do. 
 
 Wire 
 
 17 to 36 
 
 do. 
 
 The falling off’on glassware, wood screws, and sundry other articles of hard¬ 
 ware, is equally great, not only at New York, but in different sections of the 
 Union. In 1828, the duty on molasses was increased from 5 to 10 cents per gal¬ 
 lon, at which time, under a duty of 5 cents, it was bringing 30 cents per gallon: 
 from 1829 to 1832, when paying a duty of 10 cents per gallon, it sold at from 25 
 to 27 cents per gallon. A great many other articles might be enumerated, which, 
 have also declined in price since 1841, while the majority of agricultural produc¬ 
 tions have advanced in price, as will appear by the following table: 
 
 4K t: 
 
11 
 
 Articles which have advanced in price. 
 
 On Pork, clean 
 
 21 
 
 per cent 
 
 Pork, mess 
 
 35 
 
 do. 
 
 Pork, prime 
 
 65 
 
 do. 
 
 Oats - 
 
 14 
 
 do. 
 
 W hite beans 
 
 35 
 
 do. 
 
 Full blood American wool 
 
 8 
 
 do. 
 
 Half do. do. do. 
 
 16 
 
 do. 
 
 Cotton - 
 
 25 
 
 do. 
 
 Average rise, 25 per 
 
 cent. 
 
 
 Articles which have declined in price. 
 
 Mess country beef 
 
 - 16 
 
 per cent* 
 
 Navy do. - 
 
 - 10 
 
 do. 
 
 Hams 
 
 - 15 
 
 do. 
 
 Lard 
 
 - 7 
 
 do. 
 
 Flour 
 
 - 10 
 
 do. 
 
 Cora 
 
 - 7 
 
 do. 
 
 Average fall 9 
 
 7-5 per cent. 
 
 
 By these tables it appears that every article imported into the country, paying 
 an increased duty under the present Tariff, have declined in price, while agri¬ 
 cultural products alone have increased. What stronger evidence can be required 
 to show that the condition of the country has vastly improved since the Tariff of 
 1842 took effect ? The balance of trade, which was against us, draining the 
 country of specie, destroying confidence, ruining the currency, blasting hopes, 
 and bankrupting estates—like the Destroying Angel, dealing death in advance, 
 and leaving desolation in the rear: now, that is changed in our favor, by reason 
 of the restraining influence which the Tariff has had upon imports, in substitut¬ 
 ing the production of our own industry in place of the foreign article, bringing 
 back to the country specie in a golden flood, and restoring the currency once 
 more to a healthy condition—much of which is attributable to the Tariff. 
 
 It is denied that the Tariff has been the cause of the falling off in the price of 
 manufactured articles, and claimed that, the decline in the price of labor, 
 improvement in machinery, &c., have reduced prices. To some extent, this 
 may be true; but there has been no such decline in wages, or improvement in 
 machinery abroad, as would warrant a reduction of prices to one-half the extent 
 the price of manufactured articles have declined. Competition has done it.— 
 Manufacturing is beginning to obtain a firm footing, by reason of the confidence 
 which the Tariff has imparted to that interest, throwing around it a healthy at¬ 
 mosphere^ in which it is becoming invigorated and rising into manhood, by the 
 aid of ample capital to enable those embarked in it to perfect their establishments 
 and to protect themselves against the influence of foreign capital in some measure, 
 by which they are already enabled to compete in foreign markets successfully 
 with Great Britain in the production of some of the coarser kinds of goods, 
 creating a healthy compefion at home, which will reduce the price of most arti¬ 
 cles to the lowest point at which they can be produced, the fruits of which are 
 already manifested in the decline of very many articles. Suppose we should 
 adopt the Free Trade doctrine—destroy our manufactories and depend upon fo¬ 
 reign countries for supplies—how long would it be before Great Britain, France, 
 and other European countries, supplying us, as they would, with different arti¬ 
 cles not coming in competition with each other, having the control of the market., 
 before prices would advance beyond any duty which would be necessary to pro¬ 
 tect the industry of the country and maintain a wholesome competition at home? 
 That this would be the result, no one can doubt: all experience shows it.— 
 Gentlemen from the West can appreciate the force of the argument. The gen¬ 
 tleman from Indiana, (Mr. Wright,) tells us that his constituents pay double 
 the prime cost of every article of merchandise they purchase. This may be so; 
 and it is the fruit of an entire absence of competition. A merchant sits down in 
 a remote district of country, in the supply of which he has no competitor, and his 
 profits are sure to be exhorbitant. Open some new communication, by way of a 
 canal or railroad, upon which a marketing town springs up and competition is 
 introduced, and profits very soon fall from 100 per cent, down to 25 or 20. The 
 effect is the same with manufacturing. If I may be permitted, I will read a let¬ 
 ter from an importer to the editor of the New York Tribune, and published some 
 
12 
 
 time since, and also one from an extensive importing firm in the city of New 
 York to me, which show the workings of the Tariff in reducing prices : 
 
 “It is often asserted by the advocates of Free Trade that the consumer pays the duty im¬ 
 posed by the Tariff in all cases. This is grossly untrue, because we manufacture many ar¬ 
 ticles cheaper than they could be imported without any duty. But the Free Trader says- 
 this is specially true in regard to those articles which are not made here. On one article I 
 can speak from personal knowledge, viz , crockery, of which there is but one small manufac¬ 
 tory in this country having no influence on its price. 
 
 “ By the late Tariff the duty was raised from 20 to 30 per cent. This article is regulated 
 in England by a list made in 1814, and from this price a discount is made. Before the pas¬ 
 sage of the Tariff, the discount was (for cash in England) 45 per cent. An importation 
 
 would theu stand thus on, say, ..... £100 
 
 45 per cent, discount - - - - 45 
 
 £55 
 
 Duty 20 per cent. - - - - - 11 
 
 Cost, including duty - - - - £66 
 
 “ Immediately on the passage of the Tariff, the British manufacturers increased their dis¬ 
 count to 50 per cent, and an importation now stands thus, on - £100 
 
 50 per cent, discount - - - - - 50 
 
 # - 
 
 £50 
 
 Duty 30 per cent. ..... 15 
 
 £65 
 
 “ Thus showing that the article is now imported 1£ per cent, cheaper, besides the gain on 
 exchange, &c. In this case, then, the increase of duty was in fact paid by the British man¬ 
 ufacturer, who met that increase by a larger discount; and the article is now sold by the job¬ 
 ber 10 per cent. lower than in 1841. An Importer.” 
 
 j Extract of a letter from N«w York , dated February 23, 1844.] 
 
 “ With regard to the effect of the late Tariff upon iron, it is a subject that w*e have look¬ 
 ed at with some care, and have little hesitation in expressing our opinion, which is, that iron 
 is not higher under the present duty than it would have been under a 20 per cent, duty; in 
 other words, that the foreign producer pays the duty. And, again, we have no doubt that 
 if, for example, the present Congress should reduce the duty on rolled iron (now paying $25 
 a ton) five dollars or ten dollars a ton, the English ironmasters would at once advance their 
 price twenty shillings or forty*shillings sterling a ton, and get it. 
 
 “ We are satisfied of this, riot only from former experience, but from the present features 
 of the foreign iron market. It would be naturally supposed, and is often said, that, with 
 the immense domestic consumption of iron in England, and their other large markets, the 
 loss of ours could not sensibly affect the price; but it does practically do it, and on this prin¬ 
 ciple, that is, the surplus of an article on the market depresses the price—so that if, iu a 
 production of six or eight hundred thousand tons, the usual market for fifty thousand is cut 
 off, the whole mass must suffer till a reduced price or a diminished production gives an out¬ 
 let for the surplus. Your millers are well aware of this in flour. It is the ten or fifty thou¬ 
 sand barrels too much that make them all the trouble. 
 
 “ Why do our disinterested countrymen declaim so strong about the English corn laws? 
 Is it that they hope, at a reduced duty, the poor operative may buy his flour cheaper, or that 
 we may sell it dearer? 
 
 “ We have many illustrations of the way in which our duties affect prices abroad. A 
 striking example is in recent quotations. Hoop iron, which was formerly 10 to 20s. per ton 
 more, is now quoted 20s. less thau refined bar iron. The reason is, our duty on hoop iron is 
 increased in a greater proportion, and they must sell it for this, or not sell it at all.” 
 
 The effect is the same upon every article imported into this country, coming 
 in competition with articles of our own manufacture. The home market of 
 every country is die most important one, the exports forming but a small propor¬ 
 tion of the article produced, and the manufacturer finds it for his interest to crowd, 
 off his surplus at prime cost, and sometimes at a trifling loss, if, by doing so, he 
 
can get rid of his surplus, maintain prices at home, and keep his establishment 
 moving. Hence it is, that it we find the foreign manufacturer, upon the imposi¬ 
 tion of additional duties, continuing to supply our markets, and competing with 
 our manufacturers by reducing prices so low that, in many instances, the consu¬ 
 mer obtains the imported article at a less price than he did before the duty was 
 advanced. Do away with competition, and the price rises. Destroy your own 
 manufactories, and you are at the mercy of foreigners, who will not long continue 
 to supply you at prices below which the articles cannot be produced. 
 
 It is contended that under our Tariff manufacturers are a privileged class— 
 that the agriculturist needs none, nor does he desire any protection from it. Let 
 us see if that be the case, and how the matter stands. At prices agricultural pro¬ 
 ducts were bringing in January last, they would pay, if imported, the following 
 duty: ( 
 
 Cotton, 3 cents per lb. or 30 percent, ad val, 
 Wool, 30 p.c and 3 c p lb. 40 
 Beef, 2 cents per lb. or 64 
 Pork, 2 “ “ 34 
 
 Bacon, 3 “ “ 52 
 
 Lard, 3 “ “ 50 
 
 Cheese, 9 
 
 <4 
 
 ISO 
 
 44 
 
 44 
 
 44 
 
 44 
 
 44 
 
 44 
 
 Butter, 5 cts. per lb. or 51 percent, ad val. 
 Potatoes, 9 “ per bu. 36 “ 
 
 Flour,122| “ per bbl. 25 “ 
 
 Wheat, 25 “ per bu. 25 “ 
 
 Oats, 10“ “ 33 
 
 Hemp, $40 per ton, or 30 “ 
 
 On the articles enumerated there is an average duty of 50 per cent. That 
 these articles need protection is shown by the fact that there are more or less of 
 them imported, notwithstanding the duties are high. Take the four articles of 
 hemp, wheat, potatoes, and wool exceeding in value 8 cents per pound, and the 
 importation for the last six years averages §238,000 annually, more than the 
 average of wheat and flour exported to Great Britain during the same period.—- 
 Many other articles are protected, which directly benefit the agriculturist. 
 
 It appears by the last, census that there were 792,000 persons engaged in 
 manufacturing, add to which the laborers in and about the various establish¬ 
 ments, wirfi their families and dependents, and it will swell the number to near 
 four millions, which may be regarded as the manufacturing population of the 
 country, all of whom are consumers of agricultural products. Change this po¬ 
 pulation into producers, and where would be your market? 
 
 “ It is said to be ascertained that the Glenham Woojlen Factory, at Fishkill, in 
 New York, with a capital of §140,000, gives profitable employment to §1,432,- 
 000 of other capital, chiefly agricultural, in items as follows: 66,000 sheep, at 
 §2 a head, §132,000; 22,000 acres of pasture land, to feed sheep, in Dutchess 
 count}^, supposed to be worth §50 per acre, §1,100,000 ; farms employed to the 
 extent of 2,600 acres, worth §70 an acre, §182,000; other capital, to furnish 
 tenants fire wood and provender, &c., $8,000 : consequently, if §140.000 manu¬ 
 facturing capital employs §1,432,000 of other capital, then the §300,000,000 
 manufacturing capital in the United States, at the same rate, would employ other 
 capital of the country to the amount of §3,068,571,428. This shows that Amer¬ 
 ican manufactures give employment to a vast amount of agricultural capital .” 
 
 The farmers of the country, of which class more than a million are engaged 
 in growing wool, receive annually forty millions of dollars from this source, and 
 fGr the subsistence of operatives in woollen and iron establishments, twenty-six 
 millions—in all sixty six millions—being more than eight times as much as all the 
 American flour, beef, and pork consumed by all the foreign markets of the world. 
 
 It appears by the estimate of the Commissioner of Patents, that the quantity 
 of wheat inised in the United Stales in. 1842, was 102 317,340 bushels, an d,by 
 the commercial document, that, the whole amount, of wheat sent abroad, estimat¬ 
 ing five bushels to the barrel, was only 7,235,968 bushels, being about one fif¬ 
 teenth of the whole crop. It also appears that there was raised the same year, in 
 
14 
 
 the country, 441,829,246 bushels of Indian corn, and the commercial document 
 shows that only 1.684,000 bushels were sent out of the country. The impor¬ 
 tance of a home market will appear from the fact that the New England States 
 consume annually, beyond their own production, 7,000,000 bushels of wheat, 
 which is about 500,000 bushels more than the average exports of the whole coun¬ 
 try. Of other grain, Massachusetts and Rhode Island consume, of the products 
 of other States, at least 3,675,000 bushels, nearly three times the amount sent 
 abroad annually. Massachusetts alone consumes, of the products of other States, 
 more than forty millions of dollars, equal to one half the annual exports of the 
 produce of the United States, exclusive of manufactured articles. It is estimated 
 by Mr. Hudson that the four millions of persons dependant upon manufactures, 
 furnish a market to Western States worth ten times as much as all other markets 
 in the world. 
 
 With the exception of cotton and tobacco, our agricultural products exported 
 do not exceed sixteen millions annually. All the rest, of our immense products, 
 amounting to more than $2,000,000, is consumed at home, always finding a cer¬ 
 tain market, while the foreign market is unceitain, depending, more or less, upon 
 the crop in Europe, where, if the crop is abundant, the excess is thrown back 
 upon the home market, reducing the price of the whole crop, or is forced abroad 
 at a great sacrifice. “ The annual production of wool may be estimated at $16,- 
 000,000—withdraw protection from that interest, and it must, in a great measure, 
 be abandoned : protect wool and neglect to protect the woollen manufacturer, 
 and you destroy the heme market for wool.” Protection does not destroy com¬ 
 merce; on the contrary, it tends to increase it: the freight of die-stuffs, barilla, 
 and the thousand articles imported, which are consumed in manufacturing, em- 
 ploy a ten fold greater amount of shipping than would be required to bring the 
 manufactured article to the country. In case a protective Tariff did injure com¬ 
 merce, would there be any good reason why the interests of the 792,000 engaged 
 in manufacturing should be sacrificed to benefit the 117.000 engaged in commerce ? 
 
 The average price of flour and wheat in the United States, from 1 S31 to 1841, 
 was, according to the prices current of those years, $6.65 per barrel, and $1.30 a 
 bushel, whereas, the average price, during the same period, in Europe, was $4.93 
 a barrel, and 98 cents a bushel ; which shows how much wheat and flour must 
 have declined in this country, before it. could have found a foreign market. Not 
 one-twentieth of the products of the country are marketed abroad, which shows 
 how unimportant the foreign market is, when compared with the home market. 
 “ Prom 1836 to 1840, the average annual exports of all our agricultural products, 
 exclusive of cotton, was only $11,766,615, of which $5,353,818 was the annual 
 export to Great Britain. Our whole average exports, for the same time, was 
 $102,588,892, of which the export of cotton was $64,238,235, leaving only 
 $33,350,367 as the average annual export of all our products for those years/* 
 Although our exports at times have increased, yet that increase has been makily 
 confined to cotton. 
 
 During ten years, from 1820 to 1830, of tolerable protective policy, we paid 
 off one hundred millions of foreign debt. During the next ten years, from 1830 
 to 1840, of comparative Free Trade, we contracted a foreign debt of two hun¬ 
 dred millions. During the first period, our imports were $798,500,000—during 
 the second period they were $1,302,500,000,being nearly double the amountirn- 
 ported during the first. From 1835 to 1840, the golden era of Free Trade, the bal¬ 
 ance of trade against us was more than $132,000,000, bankrupting and distressing 
 the country beyond endurance A great deal is said about the inequality of the 
 present Tariff, and one would suppose, from representations upon this floor, that 
 our system of taxation was the most grinding in the world. 
 
15 
 
 Great Britain, under her new Tariff, for which she has so much credit award¬ 
 ed her, imposes upon our salt beef a duty of 60 per cent., bacon 109 per cent.,, 
 butter TO per cent., corn 32 per cent., flour 32 per cent, average, unmanufactur¬ 
 ed tobacco 1000 per cent., manufactured tobacco 1200 per cent., salt pork 33 per 
 cent., soap 200 per cent., spirits from grain 500 per cent., spirits from molasses 
 1600 per cent., making a large discrimination in favor of her colonies, intended 
 as a protection to her own industry. Nor is this policy confined to Great Britain. 
 Every other country has adopted the same general fo’icy. “ While Mexico has 
 adopted recently a Tariff which is prohibitory, Chili and the other Governments 
 of South America impose a duty almost equal to that of Great Britain upon our 
 productions. The policy of Spain is prohibitory. Portugal, Russia, and the 
 Netherlands prohibit substantially our bread stuffs, says Mr. Hudson, while 
 Prance adopts the principle of protecting her own industry, prohibiting generally 
 iron and its manufactured articles, shoes, carriages, cotton and woollen goods, cut 
 and window glass, and whatever else comes in competition with her own indus¬ 
 try.” From this view of the policy of other nations, the Committee, as I think, 
 wisely come to the conclusion that we should not relax our present policy. One 
 would suppose that, taxed and rejected as the products of this country are by 
 other countries, the strictest constructionist would acknowledge the propriety of 
 a discriminating Tariff, if upon no other ground than to countervail the unequal 
 restrictions upon our own products, in self-defence. In 1841, our imports were 
 $127,945,000, and our exports $91,000,000. Upon the amount imported, we 
 collected 11J per cent, duties, amounting to $14,487,000 ; whereas, foreign coun¬ 
 tries collected upon our exports, that year, $113,500,000, or 124 per cent.— 
 There was a time when the people of this country would have cried out, as one 
 man, against so unequal a policy—declaring, in the spirit of true patriotism, 
 that we had millions for defence, and that we will no longer pay so unequal 
 a tribute without huriing back the blow. The spirit and independence of the 
 golden age has departed, and the strife appears to be, on this floor, to obtain the 
 unenviable distinction of being most instrumental in reducing the people of thi& 
 country to colonial vassalage. 
 
 Some time since there appeared about to be formed a matiimonial alliance upon 
 this floor between the South and the West. The honorable gentleman from South 
 Carolina, (Mr. Holmes,) who made the learned and constitutional argument so 
 convincing to himself that the most refined abstractionist could not discover any 
 thing in an appropriation for the improvement of the Western rivers that in the least 
 infringed upon the Constitution, in the capacity of a lover, commenced early in 
 the session to woo, and apparently was about not only to win the affection, but 
 to obtain the heart and hand of the beautiful Western bride who seemed readv 
 to surrender herself, with all her virgin charms, into the arms of the gallant and 
 chivalrous South Carolina, who held out to her in the improvement of their 
 rivers and the destruction of the Tariff, which were the conditions of the match, 
 assurances of her realizing the brightest promises of hope. How the matter 
 stands, and what progress has been made, I do not pretend to know. At the 
 time, appearances indicated, that, as the match was a most distinguished one,, 
 the nuptials would be celebrated with all pomp and ceremony, and that in due 
 time the parties would set forth upon a magnificent bridal tour around the world ; 
 their interests being separate, notwithstanding they^ had taken each other for bet¬ 
 ter or for worse, the worse being sure all along to fall to the lot of the Western 
 bride, as they were to act as supercargoes of divided interests, each diplomatising 
 for themselves ir* all their commercial operations. They will appear, of course, 
 p 2 the great commercial marts of Europe—England, Prance, Germany, and else¬ 
 where—flushed with extravagant anticipations, and robed in all the dignity of 
 their high diplomatic mission, exhibiting the scroll upon which is recorded the 
 
16 
 
 principles of Free Trade, a horizontal Tariff, and 20 per cent, duties—unde¬ 
 niable evidence of the immense sacrifices of their country to the modern ab« 
 stractionism—Free Trade. They will be met and congratulated for their far- 
 reaching wisdom in adopting the doctrine of Free Trade, which, they will be 
 told, is exactly adapted to the United States, who alone of all the nations of the 
 earth can reap a golden harvest under its dispensation. The cargo of the gen¬ 
 tleman from South Carolina will be in such demand that he will be permitted to 
 enter England or France, with all his commodities, by paying a mere nominal 
 tribute, because they have to compete with the world in the markets of the gen¬ 
 tleman from South Carolina, as well as those of the West, in the sale of the iden¬ 
 tical article purchased of him, enhanced in value hundreds of per cent, by rea¬ 
 son of foreign labor bestowed upon it. While the confiding bride, who had 
 been induced to join her fortune to his, with the assurance that the expedition 
 would end in their mutual weal, instead of which, when too late, finds with all 
 her blandishment and charms, that she is not to be treated with common civility, 
 many of her articles meeting with total rejection, while others are only admitted 
 at 30, 50, 104 to 1600 per cent.; and although she may remonstrate against 
 such ruinous conditions, and the ingallantry of him who had espoused her but 
 to deceive, deserting her in the hour of trial when his aid was most ueeded, 
 and when it would have been supposed, such was the sacrifices she had 
 made in confiding her fortunes to his guidance, that his manly nature would 
 have risen in arms, making common cause with her against such unrighteous 
 demands, instead of which, the chivalry which the South inherited from their 
 fathers will have departed, and he would be found repudiating his fair spouse, 
 suffering her to continue knocking in vain at the doors of the great commercial 
 temples for admission on more liberal terms, until “ her locks are wet with the 
 dew-drops of the night,” when, at last, heart broken and dejected, she is com¬ 
 pelled to pay the ungenerous tribute, and returns home, bankrupted in estate, 
 and dispirited, her indulgent mother would demand a divorce from so unholy 
 a union ; which, I will venture to predict, that, should her Representatives upon 
 this floor ever attempt to renew, they would not be permitted, the second time, 
 an opportunity to disgrace her fair fame and bankrupt her estate. No, sir, 
 the manufacturing interest, suitably protected, is yet to form the proudest jewel 
 in the crown of the West. 
 
 I believe it is conceded by all writers upon political economy, that population 
 is wealth to a nation. What purely agricultural nation has ever become very 
 wealthy, or densely populated in modern times? On the contrary, is not every 
 nation most elevated in its condition, both morally and intellectually, and en¬ 
 joying the greatest amount of this world’s comfort, more or less a manufactur¬ 
 ing nation ? If this be the case, and I understand it to be so, and that it is 
 equally certain that we cannot become a manufacturing people and compete 
 with the old world without ample protection, until our populaiion is reduced to 
 the degraded and miserable condition of the laboring classes abroad, which may 
 God m his mercy long protect us from. If population is wealth—a sufficient 
 amount of which can never be attained in purely agricultural pursuits to de- 
 velope all the resources of the country, and to better, at the same lime, the con¬ 
 dition of the agriculturist—the question arises, how, or in what possible way, 
 can that population be obtained, but by protecting and fostering every branch 
 of home industry? Nothing appears more clear than that, the object cannot 
 be obtained in any other way. 
 
 Western gentlemen object to this, because, as they say, it is building up the 
 manufacturing interest at the expense of the agriculturalist. Nothing is more 
 falacious, in my humble opinion, than this argument. On the contrary, the 
 .agricultural interest is benefitted ten fold beyond the petty tax that it is subject 
 
17 
 
 to, in consequence of any Tariff necessary to protect manufactures in the 
 country against foreign competition—nor is there any section of country to 
 more extensively benefitted through all coming time by a manufacturing popu¬ 
 lation than the lair and beautiful West. What is it that equalises the markets 
 through the length and breadth, from the centre to the extreme of the United 
 Kingdom of Great Britain, but the immense cities built up by its vast manu¬ 
 facturing interests—making the agricultural products of the country worth 
 as much at Manchester, Leeds, Birmingham, Glasgow, hundreds of miles from 
 London, as in that city? Clearly nothing. Without these cities, the markets 
 for the remote sections of the country would be London, the productions of 
 which would be subjected to no inconsiderable expense in transporting it to 
 market, which is now entirely saved to the agriculturalist by reason of hid 
 home market, without which there would be many articles of that class most 
 profitable to produce which would not bare transportation, such as hay, fruit* 
 vegetables, milk, <fcc., from the production of which they would be cut off. 
 What is it but the superior advantage of the markets at Boston, New York, 
 Philadelphia, and all our large towns for every kind of agricultural produc¬ 
 tion, and more particularly that class of articles which will not bare trans¬ 
 portation, that makes the land in the neighborhood of those cities and towns 
 worth one hundred to five hundred dollars an acre, while better improved 
 lands in the West may be obtained from five to twenty dollars the acre 0 
 Suppose a Manchester, a Birmingham, a Leeds, and a Glasgow should rise up 
 in Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin, Missouri, and Iowa, making a home market* 
 would they not make the country around these cities a garden, enhance the 
 value of real estate, equalizing the price of agricultural productions as in 
 England? Think you not that the agricultural interest of that region would 
 would be benefitted vastly beyond any tax it would be subjected to in conse¬ 
 quence of a Tariff sufficiently high to enable manufacturers to sustain them¬ 
 selves against foreign competition ? The doctrine of Free Trade appears much 
 better on paper than in practice, if it is to result, as it must, in the the pros¬ 
 tration of our own manufacturing interest, making us dependent upon foreign¬ 
 ers for many of the necessaries as well as most of the luxuries of life. No 
 policy is so well calculated to impoverish the country, and make the great mass 
 of the people, who in this country must always be agriculturists, hewers of 
 wood and drawers of water to the commercial interest and to foreigners. There 
 are many portions of the West at this time from which it would cost to trans¬ 
 port a bushel of wheat to England, including insurance, commissions, &c., 
 for selling, some eighty-seven and a half cents, add to which five shillings for 
 duty, and it will cost in England one dollar and fifty cents, leav ing to the pro¬ 
 ducer in Illinois, after paying all charges, taking the average price to be in 
 the English markets, one dollar and seventy-five cents—twenty-five cents a 
 bushel—the freight alone amounting to more than three-fourths of a dollar per 
 bushel, while the average freight of the articles returned to Illinois to pay 
 with would not exceed an English penny for each bushel. Does it not follow* 
 then, that the Western farmer is taxed by a system of Free Trade for the bene¬ 
 fit of British manufactures vastly beyond what he would be required to contri¬ 
 bute in the way of protecting the manufacturer at home who would be able to 
 give him a much larger quantity of his manufactured articles for the produc- 
 auctions of his farm than they would bring him in foreign markets. 
 
 Is it not clear, then, that this system of Free Trade, which, by the way„ 
 would be free on one side to foreigners and foreign production, while it would 
 be prohibition and everlasting taxation on the part of all the productions of this 
 country, is directly calculated to impoverish the country, particularly the agri¬ 
 cultural interest for the benefit of foreigners; a few commmon carriers, and the 
 
18 
 
 commercial interest of the country—raising up a few overgrown and splendid At¬ 
 lantic cities to ihe total destruction of any thing of the kind in the country? 
 Nothing appears more clear to me than that it would reduce the people of 
 this country to the deplorable condition of those of Europe, prostituting and 
 prostrating our boasted independence, making us slaves in fact, although free 
 in name, instead of that elevated, free, intellectual, and high minded race which 
 our fathers, the founders of the Republic, in their visions of glory, anticipated 
 we should be. 
 
 The honorable gentleman from Mississippi, (Mr. Hammett,) in a speech, 
 upon another subject, made upon this floor some time since, drew a contrast 
 between the slaves of this country and the laborers of Italy and France, show¬ 
 ing the condition of the former to be vastly superior to that of the latter. It 
 fell to my lot, a few years since, to witness the condition of the European la¬ 
 borer. When in Portugal—once so powerful and wealthy, the discoveries of 
 India, from whom Great Britain at one time was compelled to obtain a per¬ 
 mit to pass around the Cape of Good Hope—while wandering along the 
 Tagus, whose golden and jewelled sands had jemmed the earth, from whence 
 the gallant Exmouth, in her palmy days, had borne beneath the broad pendant 
 of the Mistress of the Seas, an Empress to the Imperial sea-girt Isle—at Gre¬ 
 nada, in Spain, that earthly Eden and lost Paradise of the Moors, in the midst 
 of flowers and fruit forever fair—along the Garon and Loir, the garden of 
 France, in the midst of beautiful chateaus and vine-clad hills—where the 
 sweet notes of the Nightingale enchant the groves with music scarcely less of 
 heavenly origin than if the morning stars had sang together—rail nature seemed 
 rejoicing, while man, alone, for whose benefit all these things were created, 
 appeared unhappy, the veriest slave in existence, chained down to the earth, 
 and forced, like the quarry slave, to work from morning to night for barely 
 enough to keep from starvation—mechanics and the laborer of the field, making 
 their noon day meal upon a crust of bread and water, with now and then the 
 trare luxury of fruit. It was then that I turned to my own, my native land, 
 with exultation, and thanked my God that the condition of my countrymen 
 was elevated so far above those children of poverty and oppression. 
 
 Jt has long been a matter of national pride with us that the condition of the 
 masses in this country is so vastly superior to that of those of Europe, should 
 it not be a matter of equal pride with the people’s Representatives to maintain 
 through all coming time that superiority? And how can it be done but by 
 guarding our own industry against the unequal competition of that labor whose 
 reward is starvation, and which, if sufferod to come in competition with our 
 own, must sooner or later reduce the laboring classes in this country to the same 
 miserable condition. An all-wise Providence has placed in our hands all the 
 elements necessary, if properly husbanded, to make us prosperous and happy 
 for generations to come. Let us guard, then, with a vigilant eye, the vast 
 domain which has been so bountifully bestowed upon us, to be held in trust 
 for distribution to occupants during this and coming generations. If so appor¬ 
 tioned out with the proper protection of our own industry, they will prove the 
 instrument, which will long continue to elevate our condition above any other 
 portion of our race. 
 
 It is urged that manufacturing will endanger our free institutions, that it be¬ 
 gets ignorance and vice, engenders disease, and shortens life. This is untrue in 
 every respect. There are no more intelligent and virtuous working class of 
 people, and more zealous of their rights as freemen, than the manufacturers and 
 mechanics of this Country. In 1833, the Government of Great Britain ap¬ 
 pointed commissioners, whose duty it was made to inquire into the condition 
 of the manufacturing population, from whose report it appears, that the state of 
 
19 
 
 morals was as perfect, and in some respects more perfect than among other 
 classes. The instances of illegitimacy were no more numerous than among 
 the agricultural classes, while the average time of sickness was much less than 
 that of any other class. The important fact appears, that during the raging of 
 the cholera in Manchester, in 1832, the manufacturing population actually em¬ 
 ployed in factories, escaped almost entirely its ravages. In one factory em¬ 
 ploying over 1,500 hands there were but four cases, and in many others not a 
 single case. The workmen became so -strongly impressed with the belief that 
 there was something in the atmosphere of a factory that protected them from the 
 disease, that they hurried back from their meals to their work as the only place of 
 safety. They were paid more liberal wages, enjoyed more of the comforts 
 of life than the agricultural classes. The number who could read and write 
 bore a fair average with those employed in agriculture and other branches of 
 labor, while the history of the times establishes (he fact that they were as zea¬ 
 lous of their rights, more active, intelligent, and effective reformers, than any 
 other class in England. The history of the world shows that the manufactur¬ 
 ers, mechanics, and artisans of every age, have proved as able and intelligent 
 defenders of their individual rights, as bold and patriotic reformers as any other 
 class whatever; which should put forever to flight the unfounded imputation that 
 employment of the kind is calculated to beget ignorance, degrade, and vitiate 
 the mind. Without going into detail to show the bettered condition of Eng¬ 
 land, Germany, Fiance, and many other countrys, in consequence of their going 
 extensively into manufacturing, if I may be permitted, I will refer to a little 
 kingdom nearly connected with the events which ended in the discovery of this 
 country, which early distinguished itself in promoting the arts, sciences, agri¬ 
 culture, and manufactures, and whose inhabitants are rarely thought of but as 
 a race of infidels, and barbarians, long since swept from the earth. The kingdom 
 to which I allude, is Granada, in Spain, the foundation of which is ascribed to 
 the Jews lead captive in the train of Nebuchadnezar, when he came to Spain 
 after the destruction of Jerusalem, when they are supposed to have built the 
 cities of Toledo and Granada; these cities did not attain much note till the con¬ 
 quest of Spain by the Saracens, after which, it was apportioned out amongst 
 the conquerors. The Musselmauof Egypt, settled in Mucia, the Royal legion 
 of Ernessa, in Seville, that of Casarine, in Jaen, that of Palestine, in Midona 
 Sidona, while the fruitful dominions of Granada was assigned to ten thousand 
 cavaliers who were said to have been of the noblest blood of Arabia. “ The 
 colonists kept up their ancient distinction, after naming their places after that 
 of their nativity. The Saracens called them upon the bank of the Douro, Da¬ 
 mascus, which soon lost its boundaries in the growing extent, of the Albecian 
 which still bares the name of Granada. They are said to have been led to 
 give it the name of Damascus from other considerations, than love and venera¬ 
 tion for their native city. “ Granada, like Damascus, enjoyed a fertility so 
 constant, that scarcity is said never to have been known within its borders;” it 
 also had its two rivers, and many springs, bathing its walls and cleansing its 
 streets, passing in cooling streams through its houses, and gushing up every 
 where in fountains ; nor does the Douro furnish a beverage less delightful to 
 the. Granadians, than the Tora to the natives of Damascus.” “The Silver 
 Genii like the Barada of Damascus, laves the southern confines of the city, 
 while the Syrca Naveda, with its snow-crowned ridges, pierce the clouds rising 
 like another Mount Lebanon at its back.” In that romantic region of beautiful 
 valleys and everlasting mountains, distinguished for perpetual snows, and 
 flowers of perreniai bloom, denominated the lost Paradise-of the Moors, one may 
 well imagine as lie looks down from the towers of the Alhambra, upon the Vega 
 of Granada, that if it is not the upper Paradise, that its concentrated beauties 
 
20 
 
 are their imaged forth, shut out from the contaminations of the wicked world 
 by the everlasting mountains which approximate its great prototype. We are 
 told that it was there where internal commotion had weakened them, and the 
 Spaniards had driven out the Arabs from other portions of Spain, indicating a 
 speedy downfall of the Saracen denomination, in Granada, “there arose one 
 of those individuals who. sometimes appear upon earth to affect the destinies of 
 men and nations, and stamp the age in which they live with something of their 
 ovn greatness, who, upon the fragments of a broken State, erected a new king- 
 d >m in one corner of Andalusia, destined to enjoy near three centuries of great- 
 ness and glory.” “ This individual was Mohamed Benasnar, the first of that 
 distinguished race who reigned so wisely under the title of Emperor of the 
 Fai hf'ul and King of Spain, which was the commencement of the golden age 
 of that little kingdom.” He and his successors gave themselves up to the cares 
 of peace, and won the affections of the people by erecting hospitals for the poor 
 and sick and blind, establishing schools for the children, and colleges for the 
 youth, frequently visiting them in person to see if they were managed kindly, 
 and if the attendants did their duty—nor did they fail to encourage the arts, 
 manufacturers, and agriculture; in the latter employment they delighted in 
 spending much of their time in cultivating flowers and in beautifying the 
 grounds, which indeared them to their subjects, and which was so necessary 
 .where theie are no fixed laws of succession. Manufactures were in a more 
 flourishing state than in any cotemporary kingdom of Europe. The manufac¬ 
 turer of gunpowder, glass, porcelain, and paper, was first discovered by them 
 and introduced into Europe. The manufacture of cotton and woolen cloth 
 was carried on extensively at Granada. “ The silk manufacture was the most 
 brilliant branch of their industry, which in the time of Justine sold for its 
 weight in gold, became a common article of dress among the Granadians, who 
 carried this branch of manufacture to so great a perfection, that in the markets 
 of the Levant, their serges, taffetas, and velvets, were prefered to those of 
 Syria. The commerce of that little kingdom carried on with Africa and the 
 Levant, was said to be very great—strangers from twenty different nations were 
 seen in its streets at the same time, engaged in trade and commerce. The lovers 
 of letters and science which it is said sprung up in Arabia, among the descend¬ 
 ants of the same caliphs who destroyed the Alexandrian library, which lead 
 there to the establishment of colleges and libraries, did not fail to extend itself 
 amongst the Spanish Arabs, who are said to have established sixty libraries ill 
 different places, some of them of an extent that would have done credit to the 
 founders of the present day, at which time the first libraries of England would 
 not have formed a tithe of one of them—mention is made of 301) cotemporary 
 authors of note amongst them. In the 12th century, the very gloomiest period 
 of the dark age of Christendom, nowhere in the Saracen dominions did learning 
 flourish more than in Granada, which contained a Royal University, and two 
 inferior colleges, besides its numerous primary schools.” The libraries attached 
 to the institutions, and all oihers connected with the Spanish Moors, fell a prey 
 to the fanaticism of the Christians. 
 
 “Cardinal Ximenese, learned and illustrious as lie was said to have been, 
 caused 800,000 volumes, found at Granada at the conquest, to be brought toge- 
 th er and burned in one bonfire. Thus the friends of learning had to deplore the 
 loss of works whose untold treasures are only known to be regretted. The Gra¬ 
 nadians also excelled in (he knowledge of medicine; so famous were they, that 
 Christian Princes sought the advice of Moorish physicians. They also did 
 much to advance the arts, science, and literature in Christendom, which had so 
 long given place to the religious disputes and blind fanaticism which had cast 
 such a gloom over that period ; and although it was a cardinal principle of Ma- 
 
21 
 
 homedanism to enforce its doctrines at the price of blood, they were a tolerant 
 * people : Christians were permitted to sit down in safety, and hold sweet counsel 
 with them, beneath the shadow of the Moorish vine and fig-tree. 
 
 This little kingdom of Granada, equal in territory only to a second or third 
 rate State, and the most mountainous region in Spain, not more than one half of 
 which was capable of being cultivated, supported a population of between three 
 and four millions. The city of Granada, alone, contained a population of over 
 500,000, and sent forth 60,000 warriors into the field, manifesting a chivalrous 
 bravery rarely equalled and never surpassed. A large portion of this immense 
 population were engaged in the arts and manufactures, furnishing a triumphant 
 refutation to the charge that they beget ignorance and vice, disqualifying man¬ 
 kind for self-government and the enjoyment of free institutions—for the Grana¬ 
 dians were a comparatively free, intelligent, simple, honest, happy people. 
 
 This is but a faint outline of Granada under Alama and his successors, en¬ 
 trenched within its mountains, strengthened in its fastnesses by an immense po¬ 
 pulation, which was gradually swollen by accessions from other congenial king¬ 
 doms, which enabled her for centuries to maintain her grandeur, and carry on a 
 continuous war up to the time of the union of the crowns of Castile and Aragon 
 under Ferdinand and Isabella, when commenced the ten years’ war which ended 
 in its downfall. And although they have perished forever from the earth, and 
 the places that once knew them shall know them no more, the records of their rise 
 and fall are such that their memory can never die: an imperishable immortality 
 is gathered around it, which will live so long as their flowering valley continues 
 to bloom, or the sweet notes of the nightengale to enchant their groves, or the 
 music of the winds to mingle with the roar of their waterfalls, and their silvery 
 flood to flow onward to the ocean, or the sun upon its gorgeous chariot-wheels of 
 fire to come over the everlasting hills, and until it shall sink to fade no more be¬ 
 hind the blue West. 
 
 It will be fortunate and happy for us as a nation, if we profit by the lessons of 
 experience which the history of that remarkable people has opened out to us, 
 clearly demonstrating, as it does, that, by fostering and combining agriculture and 
 manufactures, nations may double their population, develop all their resources, 
 diffuse the rich fruits of their industry, and render their people intelligent, inde¬ 
 pendent, and affluent. 
 
 I remarked, when I first alluded to Granada, that it was nearly connected with 
 the events which led to the discovery of this country. It was so. It was at the 
 little town of Santa Fe, in sight of Granada, and in the midst of its beautiful Ye- 
 ga, where Isabella took by the hand the adventuresome and high-minded Geno¬ 
 ese, after he had made a pilgrimage around the world, seeking patrons at different 
 Courts who would send him forth upon a voyage of discovery. Columbus re¬ 
 turned from Portugal after an unsuccessful attempt to enlist its Court in his enter¬ 
 prise, and applied to Ferdinand and Isabella, who referred his project to a learned 
 commission, who, after due deliberation, regarded it as the chimera of an over¬ 
 heated and distempered mind. When he departed, and was upon his way to bid 
 farewell to Spain foiever, he was met by a learned Friar at Seville,who had become 
 deeply interested in his contemplated enterprise, who had discovered the budding 
 of a mighty genius in him, and who persuaded him to remain until he could visit 
 Isabella, and urge upon her to adopt the enterprise as her own. He did so, and 
 she caused him to be recalled to Santa Fe. He reached there in season to wit¬ 
 ness the completion of the conquest, and the triumphal entry of the Sovereigns 
 into Granada, surrounded by an amount of pomp and glory which has rarely, if 
 ever, fallen to the lot of any other earthly Princes. Ferdinand, who had no 
 mith in the enterprise, opened the negotiation with him. He claimed the Vice 
 Royalty of all the countries he should discover, with one-tenth of their income, 
 
22 
 
 and that he should be made Admiral of the Fleets. Ferdinand rejected these 
 claims, and abruptly broke up the audience, dismissing Columbus, who left, de¬ 
 termined not to abate one iota of his claim, manifesting that greatness of soul 
 which maintained its dignity in the midst of every misfortune. An officer of the 
 household called Isabella’s attention to his departure. She recalled him and ac¬ 
 cepted his terms, undertaking the expedition upon her own account for the 
 Crown of Castile, and not for Arragon, generously offering to pledge her jewels, 
 with which to obtain the means to send him forth. 
 
 I wish, Mr. Speaker, that the distinguished artist had perfected the happy illus¬ 
 tration of that great event, by adding Isabella to the group which has so recen tly 
 been placed upon the steps of your Capitol, representing her at. the interesting 
 moment when offering to pledge her jewels, or in the act of receiving from Co¬ 
 lumbus the globe which he is with an air of triumph in the attitude of present¬ 
 ing. They were kindred spirits, with intellects as towering as the Andes, and a 
 faith as boundless as eternity—whose memories should be cherished by America, 
 and handed down to posterity in nothing less enduring than monumental marble. 
 
 Ferdinand and Isabella are entombed in the great cathedral at Granada, be¬ 
 neath a sumptuous mausoleum, in the form of an elevated white marble couch, 
 resting on the shoulders of saints carved in bass relievo, surmounted by figures 
 representing winged seraphs, with the effigies of the sovereigns reclining upon 
 the top of it, as if in a gentle sleep. There is so much that is chivalrous, ro¬ 
 mantic, and noble, particularly in the character of Isabella, as to make Granada 
 the Mecca to the passing stranger and American pilgrim ; notwithstanding which, 
 when he ascends the tomb and stands over them, reclining as natural as life at 
 his feet, and thinks of the conquest and cruel expulsion of the Moors, will find 
 it hard to forgive them. But when he reflects that the generous and noble 
 minded Isabella, during her lifetime, guarded scrupulously all the provisions of 
 her treaties, making the stern cardinal, Ziminese, tremble in her presence, when 
 rebuking him for his attempts at a favored conversion of the Moors, that the church 
 was the conscience keeper of Kings, and that she took Columbus by the hand 
 when all the world had deserted him, and sent him forth upon his mission of dis¬ 
 covery, full of that expansive faith, which, it has been happily said, if he had 
 found no world in the midst of the watery waves, would have created one. 
 It remains a question, in the eyes of some, never to be solved, whether that 
 faith, which is equal to the removal of mountains, did not invoke from beneath 
 the flood this beautiful world of ours. He cannot find it in his heart to harbor 
 enmity to them. Yet when he looks down upon those mighty Caesars, he is ad¬ 
 monished that they are not there; for the great captain of the guard long since 
 relieved them from their earthly watch, and their spiritual chariots have gone 
 over the everlasting hills ; yet there all that remains of them that is earthly 
 sleeps, unconscious of the agonising groans of a suffering and prostrate country, 
 once the idol of their hearts ; or of the jubilee of a mightier empire than their 
 own that their generous munificence aided into life. “ It matters not, for the seed 
 time has come, and the harvest has passed”—the abundant harvest—not to their 
 children or their children’s children, but to a stranger race.” Sleep on, then, 
 princes, soldiers, sovereigns, through Time’s shadowy night, and may their dust 
 remain undisturbed beneath that noble pile till that instrument shall sound, 
 whose awful voice, we are told, we all sooner or later must hear, at whose echo- 
 ings the loftiest temples will crumble into atoms, and the earth itself dissolve 
 away. 
 
 In conversation, a few days since, with an honorable Representative from the 
 West, (Mr. Douglass,) who, I believe, is an advocate of a Revenue Tariff anil 
 Free Trade, lie spoke of the rapid advances and glorious destiny of the West; 
 cities were to arise there that would outrival New York. As he was contem- 
 
plating their prospective grandeur, he appeared to be about realizing the sublime 
 vision of Byron, when he said : 
 
 “I stood in Venice, on the Bridge of Sighs, 
 
 A palace and a prison on each hand— 
 
 I saw from out the wave her structures rise— 
 
 As from the stroke of an enchanted wand, 
 
 A thousand years their dusky wings expand 
 
 Around me, and a dying giory smiles * 
 
 Over the fair time, when many a subject land 
 Looked to the winged lions’ marble piles, 
 
 When Venice sat in state, throned upon a hundred isles.” 
 
 But how such magnificent cities are to spring into existence dependent 
 merely upon internal commerce, is more than i can divine. But let the 
 West come up to ihe work and sustain her true interests, by adequately pro¬ 
 tecting every branch of home industry, and carry out a judicious system of in¬ 
 ternal improvements which are emphatically Whig measures , and which en¬ 
 robed New England in (he beautiful garments with'which she is adorned, 
 making her waste places blossom like a rose—substituting in New York the 
 home of the happy husbandman, for the his of the serpent, the screech of the 
 panther, and the still more frightful battle yell of the red hunter, giving to them 
 the cattle upon a thousand hills—making every hill top and valley in Penn¬ 
 sylvania and New Jersey, vocal with the merry ciink of the .mechanics ham¬ 
 mer, rearing up to them a hundred towns, and developing the untold mineral 
 wealth, of their iron mountains ; and which policy will equally beautify, adorn, 
 and bless the South and West, if they will avail themselves of its protecting 
 wings. Under its influence our aims will be one, with the same religion and 
 language we shall be united in bonds of a common brotherhood, when we shall 
 hear no more of disunion, violated faith and a broken Constitution ; for the 
 North and the South, the East and the West, will send up their annual con¬ 
 tributions of wreaths of flowers that will never fail to adorn our beautiful 
 temple, watering with their tears the tree of liberty planted by the pilgrims, and 
 nurtmed by our revolutionary fathers, while its roots are penetrating broad and 
 deep the earth, sending up its trunk to the Heavens, and shooting abroad its 
 bianches of flame to light the nations, when it will be fortunate and happy for 
 this and every other generation of the earth, to be permitted to walk the course 
 of time in the fullness of its reflected light.