aKt “The College Graduate in a Democracy” ADDRESS TO THE Graduating Class of The Clemson Agricultural College of South Carolina DELIVERED BY WILLIAM O. THOMPSON, LL.D. PRESIDENT OHIO STATE UNIVERSITY Memorial Hall, June 9 , 1914 PEACE PRINTING CO. Greenville, S. C. 1914 c “The College Graduate in a Democracy” Mr. President , Gentlemen of the Faculty and Board of Trustees, Members of the Graduating Class: American (history is a series of wonderful visions. From the days of Plymouth Rock to the university com- mencements of the twentieth century there is no lack of interest or variety in the scenes, no matter from what point of view you study the progress of the American people. The scenery is filled with sunlit mountains, broad and fertile valleys, rugged mountain scenery, and of course the dark shadows. There is no persistent tendency to level these mountain ranges,, to destroy the fertile valleys and bring about the drear monotony of mediocrity of a common level for all people. There is a disposition to rejoice in the endless- variety of American life with an apparent determination that the dark shadows shall not be the hiding places of crime, disorder, and danger, but the cool, sequestered vale in which the weary may find rest and the leisurely may find enjoyment. The wide variety of climate, of topography, of industry, of intellectual, social and reli- gious life, are entirely consistent with the variety of ele- ments that have entered into American life and have been cherished by her free institutions and her democratic form of government. It should be born in mind that this democracy is an American development through the agency of imported citizenship. No one of us is a real native. We are the children or the grandchildren of the pioneers who came from other lands to dwell in the new discovery. From the days of Runnymede in 1215 the rage of King John is prophetic of the contest that has been continuously waged all these centuries between privilege on the one side and the people on the other. Out of the hot-bed of discussion and the ferment of the Reformation Period came not only the discovery of a new continent but the culling out of liberty- loving souls who dared the dangers of an angry ocean to find a home where religious and civil liberty might cultivate without let or hindrance the ideals of democratic citizenship. These men came through a series of years from the most aggressive and enlightened portions of the European continent. They brought with them a mixture of their love of liberty and their traditional customs. There was fought out, therefore, on the Ameri- can continent in tlhe early colonial and pioneer days the last contests which established forever the doctrine that America was to be a country where the government should be of the people, for the people and by the people. The development of this democracy was based upon the fundamental ideas of freedom of religion, of speech, of the press, of labor, and in general the fundamental right of every man to direct his life and determine his own career. America was a synonym for freedom of opportunity. On the other hand, this highly prized freedom was paralleled by the development of institution, al life in dhurch and state and the traditional ideas of edu- cation. The development of wealth and the overhanging of established social customs brought into American de- mocracy many of the artificial and superficial convention- alities which tend to stratify society into fixed groups that were quite as unresponsive as those characteristic of Euro- pean society. The western pioneer has always been the ex- pression of American freedom, while the eastern family has tended to crystallize into the hard and fast stratifica- tion of wealth and privilege* From a political point of view this present decade has demonstrated that the western man has been characterized by freedom, independence, lack of respect for traditions, and a tremendous moral 2 earnestness, based upon his conviction as to righteousness and his love of personal liberty. The eastern man has tended toward an intellectual aristocracy, devotion to established customs, love of the privilege associated with wealth and power and a conservative attitude upon all matters pertaining to political and social progress. In the world of education these same general lines have been maintained. The eastern college or university, strongly wedded to traditional forms and types of educa- tion, has gathered its inspiration from the culture of the past while the western institution, more a university of the people, has caught its inspiration from the vision of its future triumphs and a devotion to the public welfare. The student of history and of economic development has come to appreciate that all special favors are based upon the service of others. It is impossible to rid our minds of the conclusion that people of special privilege enjoy that privilege at the expense of others. A favored class, therefore, means a proletariat at the other end of the line. The struggle of democracy is to rid the proletariat of his burden, to give him a better expression of his own life, and to bring the favored classes to see their obligation toward those enjoying less of favor or opportunity. Democracy, therefore, signifies not simply a condition in which men live but an attitude of mind toward each other which shall determine their service and an appreciation of that service as rendered by one to another. Democracy therefore has to do, not merely with the form of government, but the spirit in which it is administered. It has to do as much with the spirit in which a citizen renders service as in the kind of service rendered. It is impossible to think of a great population all engaged in a service the form of which has equal dignity and importance, but not impossible to think of a great people inspired with right ideals as to service and with an appreciation of the dignity both of man and of labor. In whatever area we undertake to discuss the meaning and significance of life we shall find ourselves confronted [with the constant 3 struggle between the two opposing theories. We cannot bring all men to the same degree of efficiency nor assign to them equal rewards for service. The real problem is whether a democracy can so adjust its social and industrial conditions as to maintain in every instance the dignity of citizenship, self-respect in the individual, and an attitude of mind toward our neighbor consistent with our ideals of freedom and character. We must in some way realize the truth in the familiar couplet : “Honor and fame from no condition rise, Act well your part; there the honor lies.” A peasant on the American farm, a proletariat in American industry, and a fixed gulf between a man of high achievement and the one of moderate service are not the features which we think of as expressing the excellence of American democracy. There are two great forces that tend to correct these disturbing tendencies. The one is religion which, in its simple and fundamental form, will ever be the spiritual bond binding men to common ideals, common aspirations, common hopes, and a perpetual fellowship. The other is education, which, with its broadening and enlightening influence, should bring to men not only an appreciation of life but an ability to interpret society and its institutions in such a way as to render the service needed for the breaking down of social and industrial prejudices and the development 1 ! of a social status tolerable alike to the rich and the poor, to the strong and the weak. The supreme function of education, therefore, is to develop men and women who are able not only to under- stand and appreciate the problems of democracy but who are in a sympathetic mood, ready to lay hold with a de- termined effort to aid in their solution. The college bred man or woman is the one on whom society, through its organized forces, has put its supreme effort to pro- duce a citizen of this type. Above all other persons he is the one to whom special consideration has been given and upon whom rests the heaviest responsibility 4 for leadership in a society constantly facing the struggle between opposing forces. The college graduate is the favored child of his generation, nurtured in an idealism where character, service, and opportunity are emphasized and where, if anywhere, we may expect to find a citizen- ship with highest ideals, broadest sympathies and a most genuine service. It is in such people we may rationally expect to find the best expression of our American ideals. These familiar and somewhat commonplace remarks about the ideals of democracy are no doubt imbedded in the conscience of the American student. Here in the middle West, addressing myself to a graduating class and indirectly to the community from which they come, I desire to set out in a simple way the opportunities as well as the duties that lie before the American college graduate in our developing democracy. There are 'a few things that might well be assumed and upon which I put some emphasis this morning as underlying a proper appreciation of the careers to which educated people may look forward. i. First of all, let it be recognized that you are plung- ing into a life which shows no lack of energy or efficiency. No one can read American history and feel that the people lack energy. He might question the wisdom with which they have exerted themselves, but he could not deny the fact that there is tremendous energy every- where on this continent. Indeed the criticism is not infrequently heard that we have a surplus of energy; that we are altogether too active; that too little place is found in American life for the leisurely thoughtfulness which builds permanency. It may be that individuals lack oftentimes this sterling quality but it will be well for you to assume that the abounding energy of the American people will continue long past your day and generation. The efficiency of the people is usually as- sumed. This, however, is a more debatable question. American energy has been characterized by tremendous wastefulness. It is difficult always to argue for efficiency 5 in the presence of such tremendous extravagance of energy. The much discussed problems of conservation in these days constitute only one side of the issue. While wasting with one hand we have not always been careful to develop with the other. We have produced our crops at too great cost of our original resources. The im- poverished condition of large areas of this country is a persistent note of warning. I recall very distinctly when visiting Leadville, Colorado, a score of years ago that the dumps of some of the lead mines were sup- posed to be worthless. In later years improved methods of producing ores made those dumps sources of great profit. Efficiency has dragged itself along in particular instances of this kind. I do not mean to offer a sweeping criticism of the practices of the fathers. It seems foolish now to think of rail fences of walnut wood or of the best of white oak, but that was a necessity of the time. They were the cheapest fences that could be built. The lumber nowadays could be turned to much better pur- pose. This may illustrate what is true in many instances in respect to the wastefulness of the early settlers. Mak- ing due allowance, however, for all these things, the fact remains that American experience has proved that we have been unnecessarily wasteful of our resources. This is hardly consistent with highest efficiency. Another phase, however, is that a good deal of latent power and efficiency has never been developed. This is the field into which educated young men and young women may enter in the sure hope not only of a reward for their services, but of the gratitude of the people as well. It is characteristic of high efficiency that it usually produces its results economically and with- out destroying the fruits of other activities. The im- proved methods of many manufacturing processes have enabled us to gather larger percentages of value and thus represent a very important phase of conservation. This brings out the hopeful vision for educated young men and young woman. There is a problem here worthy 6 of your best intelligence. My references have chiefly been to things material simply because they are most evident. The student of sociology, however, is well aware of the fact that the social waste of modern society together with the failure to use our social forces for the betterment of civilization are simply appalling. The great outstanding need today is for some vision-gifted soul to lead the way in a better utilization of talent. It is the function, however, of the educated person to see the possibilities here and throw his energies into such a reorganization of our social life as will make it not only more efficient but productive of greater happiness. The organization of government by common consent has been the least economical of any phase of American life. There has been superficial efficiency. There have been advocates, too, of the reckless expenditure of money on the part of the government who justified this ex- penditure on the grounds that it was a practical means of distributing revenues. This is akin to the old theory of political economy that the burning of a house somehow created labor. Some men could not see why the destruction of property was not a blessing and why it would fail to be a community blessing. In much the same way our public expenditures of money has been characterized by a reckless disregard of results and oftentimes by a partial failure at least to advance the public interests. The problem of poverty that stares us in the face is a purely local condition. There is money enough, there is wealth enough, there is food enough, but for some reason the American mind has not yet dis- covered a method of distribution which is effective Meantime everybody is clamoring for bigness. Every city wants to grow at a rapid rate and exceed the speed limit of every other city. In this buoyant expectation the superficial observer supposes that the bigger the city the more certain its prosperity. As a matter of fact, the bigger the city, the bigger its problems. The art and science of living in our great centers of 7 commerce and industry is yet to be developed. The prevalence of crime and the widespread fear that settles down over the people with every setting of the sun is a silent testimony to the fact that we have not yet learned how to live. After all, it is quite as im- portant that people know how to live as that they know how to fight or even to make money. The problem of the American city has been heralded for two decades and just now we are discussing the great problem of the open country. This, too, in a country where energy abounds and where a certain superficial efficiency is recognized. The college graduate would seem therefore to have a divine call in showing us how to direct our energies and how to create an efficiency that yields the peaceable fruits of righteousness and comfort. 2. A second characteristic of American life has been its abounding initiative. The typical American never declines a challenge. He has an abounding confidence in his ability to do things. He starts out with supreme confidence that things will turn out well in the end. Aside from this he has shown a good deal of originality in his initiative. The easiest illustration of this quality will be found in the Patent Office at Washington; in the improvement of American machinery; in the superior quality of many of the common things that minister to everyday life. There are some things that can be better done in Europe than in America, but one must recognize that the initiative of the American has been rather high class. He has made all the experiments imaginable in politics, religion, business, and education. It is not a condemnation that many of these experiments have borne little valuable fruit. It is this restless spirit of the pioneer that has made all his achievements possible. Perhaps you will say that his energetic initiative has not always been intelligent. Let that be granted, but we must also grant that American initiative has earned its right to recognition. Granted, without further debate, that much can be 8 said against the quality of American initiative, the point I have in mind is that the graduate of the twentieth century will hardly startle the world by showing unusual initiative. His problem rather will be to direct this initia- tive in practical’ useful, and helpful lines. Education should help its beneficiary to do things in a better way. We sometimes fear that the monotony of our educational process suppresses and destroys the initiative of the rising generation. It must be confessed that excessive training has its dangers. College life itself has made evident its own threat against the useful initiative of the graduate. The masterful influence of leisure, com- monly known as loafing, has a long category of sins in college life. It may be well, therefore, to sound the note of caution, perhaps of alarm, to the American col- lege graduate of today when he faces an active, busy world. The habit of dawdling away time, too common in many circles, the lack of any appreciation of time as a factor in life, the current notion that an escape from the adverse decision of faculties is sufficient for gentle- man, unite to create an atmosphere in which initiative is discounted. If the American college graduate is to improve American life he must put away the childish things of his school 'days and act the part of an intelli- gent, aggressive citizen. He will hardly justify the state’s expenditure of money for his education unless tEis contribution makes decidedly for economic efficiency. The tremendous initiative that has built our railroads and our subways was an important contribu- tion to American life. Many of these pioneers of finance and construction lacked the delibarate preparation of the modern university. The fathers literally hewed their way across the Alleghanies and blazed the pathway over mounains and plains to the Pacific coast. We have no new continents now to discover but we have yet to make some most important discoveries for the enrich- ment and the betterment of the people. There is no one to whom we look with such confidence or with such 9 reason as to the college graduate for their betterment. He will need to be a pioneer in a good many questions that vitally effect our financial, political, and social wel- fare. 3. A third suggestion is that the American college graduate will need to recognize the genius for organi- zation that has characterized American life. The great- est political problem of the present day is probably cen- tered around the organization of wealth and of industry. No one can question that the organization itself is rather high class. Some would say that it is vicious; others would say that it is maliciously managed; some would say that it is selfish and against the public welfare. Per- haps it is too early in our experience to know just what the truth really is. There are good reasons for believing that the American genius for organization which has developed our financial systems, our railway situation, our forms of government, and last of all, what we call the trust, is not altogether malevolent. It may be con- ceded without debate that in the progress of human society very decided evils have been developed. It is not neces- sary to affirm that the organizing talent of the American people has always been exercised in a wise or beneficent manner. It must be recognized, however, that it has ac- complished some gigantic enterprises. Some college graduate may come along one of these days who will dis- tance all the fathers in his power of organization, but it would be well not to think of ourselves more highly than we ought to think and to recognize at the outset that young America today will have to show some respect to the genius of the fathers. Whether the coming young man can reform the organizations in business and industry so as to eliminate the evils without destroying the enter- prise is probably a matter of academic speculation. It may be remarked in passing that it is easier to build a fortune than to learn how to use it. It is also more difficult to live an honest life without the fortune than to resist the temptation to build one by unrighteous methods. 10 Students of society are beginning to criticise American life for its inability to direct its own organizations. The school is accused of falling into the trap of an unjust industrialism because it favors vocational education. The church is charged with indifference to the public welfare and subserviency to the malefactors of great wealth. We are plainly told of our inability to manage our industrial organization so as to make an equitable distribution of the benefits arising from our own talent. We are told that the modern manufacturing enterprise is reasonably efficient, well organized but badly managed. The proof of this we are told is that the improvement in productive machinery and in labor-saving machinery has not adequately improved the condition of the laborer nor protected the operator from the dangers of industrial revolutions. Strikes and lockouts are cited as proofs that our organizations are as selfish as they are efficient. This charge is laid against the capitalist and the labor union with equal emphasis. We are told that the organ- ization of labor and the organization of capital are alike selfish, while the efficiency of the organization for certain purposes is not disputed. One can readily see that the talent of organization is one that ought to be highly prized. The college graduate of tomorrow will need to know thoroughly well the purpose that these organiza- tions should serve. There is a large and practically un- limited field here for investigation and perhaps for reform. No statesmanlike view would consider it necessary to spend much energy in abusing the genius for organization or in trying to legislate against it. The real problem is to direct this organization by patroitic and humanitarian motives. The college graduate therefore if he is to serve any great purpose in the world should be able to direct with a superior intelligence the organ- ized forces of industry, of commerce, of politics, and of business. I have the faith to believe that the world will welcome the genius who can ameliorate conditions with- out destroying institutions. If our education fails to ll produce a generation capable of progress in these direc- tions few will be the words of praise. I venture to suggest that it may be well for college graduates to recognize the fact that the creation of wealth is no longer the supreme achievement. The science of production in nearly every realm of human activity has quite outrun our ability to make proper use of it. The tremendous legacies and gifts of the last fifty years might well be interpreted as a testimony on the part of wealth to its own dissatisfaction. Most of these benevolences have been given in the hope that they might do something for society which the producer of wealth was unable to do. I imagine that a man like Mr. Carnegie has realized that the problem of distributing his accumulations is more difficult than the secrets of metallurgy or the mysteries of the tariff. Scotch acquisitiveness is not quite synonymous with the wisdom of Solomon. There have been millions of poverty stricken people in the genera- tions past and yet no nation has gone to a pauper’s grave. The lesson of the centuries would be, therefore, that educated men and women would do well not to set their affections too exclusively on the accumulation of wealth in the hope of gaining an enviable immortality in history. The story of Croesus is as unsatisfying as that of the modern multi-millionaire. There is something yet lacking. It would be a great misfortune if the world’s wealth were destroyed or if new wealth could not be created. It is equally unsatisfactory if the amassing cannot carry with it a like accumulation of human happiness. The progress of the world is not to be measured exclusively in the statistical tables of tax duplicates or government revenues. If college graduates are to make any contribution to the permanent progress of the world they will need to do something other than and something more than add to its wealth. It may be that America is too young yet to realize the importance of the non-material assets. It may be that the fear of poverty will so distress the college graduate as to prohibit him from throwing his 12 life into the high purpose of making life more fruitful. The late Earle of Shaftsbury stood in his generation as a type of man who regarded the ministry of service to others as the chief opportunity of his day. Mr. Glad- stone, a contemporary, illustrated in a political world an almost unparalleled devotion to the things of the mind and to the spirit. It is doubtful whether any great creator of wealth will every occupy as permanent a place in the esteem and affection of history as Mr. Gladstone. Our own country has not been without such notable ex- amples. The services of a Washington or a Lincoln are quite beyond the measurements commonly applied to men of wealth. In less conspicuous spheres many a college graduate has served with a distinction all out of propor- tion to his publicity. The despiritualizing effects of these material measurements have been commented upon by thoughtful men for a generation. There is in the American mind today a profound conviction that the col- lege graduate would do well not to surrender ingloriously to the temptation to enter the fields of easier conquest. There is a greater need of men today than of money; of dependable character than of guaranteed deposits. Turning aside now from these qualities in American life let me suggest some opportunities that lie before us, in- viting us to undertake the larger realization of our ideals. The educated person should give full consideration to the fundamental importance of the great movement now for world peace among the most advanced nations of the earth. These nations are those who have practically occupied their territory and have brought their people to the highest state of intellectual and moral achievement Their problem is one of self-maintenance and of future development in the moral and spiritual qualities that give character to nations. Territorial aggrandizement is no longer possible for such nations as England, the United States, Germany, and France. These nations have all gone through the pioneer period and are now face to face with the large problems of a permanent civilization of 13 high character. The greatest single effort made by President Taft in his administration was to secure an amicable agreement between certain nations for the set- tlement by arbitration of all international differences. This called for a new definition of national honor. It involved setting aside the older customs and the bringing in of a new conception of the relation between nations. It was a prophetic note in the interest of the kingdom of peace. The United States’ Senate, still dominated by the old theory that might makes right, could not rise to the new moral conception that right makes might. It still was disposed to lean upon material forces as superior to reason and righteousness. This seemed a note of sad discouragement to the more progressive people of our time but is only a passing comment on the persistency of tradition in influencing action. The lack of vision and of moral courage thus displayed has given a new impulse among millions of people to insist that people who write constitutions and make history are better than their best constitutions. Life must interpret our insti- tutions rather than be circumscribed by them. The re- newed effort of the present Secretary of State, with the cordial approval of the Chief Executive, is but another attempt to realize in international agreements the con- science and best judgement of the most progressive thought of the day. The significance of this movement lies in the fact that it revolutionizes the attitude of men of the world upon the relation that should exist between the nations of the earth. We have happily left in the rear the old practice of private justice and have come to believe that the interests of a community are supreme as against the interests of the private individual. This does not mean that private rights are to be ignored but that they are to be interpreted in the light of the larger pub- lic welfare. It is not that the horrors of war have been overestimated but that there has come a new appreciation of a relation based upon integrity of life, reasonable in- terpretation of differences, and the importance of a per- 14 manent basis of security for society. An attitude of sus- picion is not wholesome either between individuals or be- tween nations. This new conception signifies also that the world has come to appreciate permanent peace as the basis of a right organization of its industries. The tremendous waste involved in constant preparation for war has diverted a large amount of human industry and human wealth into channels that lead to destruction as their ultimatum rather than the construction oif per- manent prosperity. The more civilization is developed the deeper is the conviction that human industry should be organized in the interest of human happiness. The free intermingling of the educated nations of the earth may not wisely be threatened with the technicalities of international law. The interests of millions are so far reaching that they ought not to be threatened by the in- ability of a few officials to adjust differences which their own interpretations frequently create. Government is to represent the people. It is a false notion that the people are to be made the victims of inefficiency or ir- rational government as expressed through sensitive offi- cials. It has been remarked that if the officers were compelled to fight the battles, treaties of peace would soon be written. A referendum on the question of war would put an end to most of the bloodshed. President Jordan has clearly pointed out the waste of intellec- tual and moral resources by the ravages of war upon the young men of a generation. Others have written clearly upon the financial waste and the consequent burden upon the multitude often entailed for two generations. This diverting of a nation’s resources of men and money and the wicked use of her industrial organizations can not long continue among nations where the questions of conservation and permanency have become fundamental. The victories and triumphs of the future will lie along the lines of the economic utilization of the resources of the world for its own preservation. This means in a word that the industries of the people shall be applied 15 to their own needs and that the highest function of government is to preserve the peace rather than to pro- mote strife. This leads to a remark upon the movement in our times for a humane government. The doctrine that the government is for the people must adjust itself to a new conception of what the interests of the people really are. The unwelcome spectacle of enormous ex- penditures by the government in the maintenance of standing armies and the development of navies suggests at once that the world’s leaders are too willing to recognize conditions fraught with cruelty. The scholar cannot contemplate such things with satisfaction or indifference. He regards the organization of society as a means to an end and would eliminate from it the pos- sibility of cruelty and injustice. One cannot fail to be- lieve as he contemplates the public clamor for integrity in office that there is a growing conviction on the part of the multitude that faithful representation of the people would eliminate the evils of government and protect us against the antagonism of prejudice. An educated civiliza- tion moves rapidly away from the quarrels of primitive life. The problem before the educated man is to bring his government to see the necessity of recognizing this pro- gress. It is here fhat modern democracy is making its loudest call to educated people to enter the public ser- vice in good conscience and with the determination to advance the cause of the people. The aroused conscience of the country on the social conditions has opened the opportunity for educated men and women to engage in a movement to reduce and eventually to abolish com- mercialized vice as represented in the saloon traffic and its attending iniquities. The widespread movement in the interest of children, of better conditions of labor for both men and women, of better sanitary conditions for the ordinary factory and a protection of society against the violence of mobs, calls for the enlistment of every college graduate in America in this holy cause. The movement for a better government in our cities, for a 16 better rural life, and for a more economic utilization of the energies of the people could be tremendously advan- ced in a single decade if the college bred men and women of the country would give a sympathetic response to this call. One must always recognize the necessity ’ of making provision for his own maintenance. The opportunity and duty of earning one’s daily bread is always impera- tive. Nevertheless it is fair to assume that every educated person will produce more than he will consume. He will amass something of resources that he can not utilize. I do not refer merely to money or to bank stocks. These are the most perishable of the world’s resources. Every educated individual should be a fountain of power and efficiency. I desire* therefore, to make the appeal clear and strong that young men and young women, educated largely at the expense of others and often by the state, shall recognize that in their accumulation of power and efficiency simple gratitude requires that they bring back to the state and the community a public service in some degree commensurate with the opportunities they have en_ joyed. I should have them bring into this public service, not a selfish desire for personal aggrandizement, for the increase of their power, or for accumulation of great for- tunes, but an earnest purpose to help in the solution of the distribution of the world’s resources to the needs of society. If government is a means to an end and if edu- cated men and women are the most efficient instruments in the management of the government, it follows without debate that in the matters of church, of politics, of busi- ness, of society, and of every other organization, educated people * should 'be our (most beneficent citizens. I could not advise or counsel young men always to seek poilitical preferment, nor could I advise them to shun or avoid it. In Ohio there are only two great issues; one is the integrity of the man voting; the other is the integ- rity of the man for whom the vote is cast. I imagine this will sum up about all the political problems in the Com- 17 monwealth of South Carolina. To this service college bred men should freely give themselves. The trend of modern society is in the direction of a larger utilization of the educated people of a community in social better- ment. Without much reference to your profession of religion or the lack of it, every citizen of this country must act like a Christian whether he is one or not. The em- phasis of our day is for men and women who will sacrifice themselves in the interest of public welfare. This is es- sentially a Christian service following in the wake of the great Master who for twenty centuries has led the world’s thinking. Men may be slow in proclaiming their indi- vidual beliefs but enlistment in the great army need not always be conditioned upon an ability to analyze intelli- gently the problem. The educated men and women are the leaders whose power of analysis should blaze the way for rational action on the part of all the people. In this public service one will not be long in discovering that the fundamental interest of society clusters about the individual, that is about his rights, his duties and his opportunities. Tremendous emphasis is now being put upon the importance of human life and therefore of human rights. For long years the laws and the courts had defended human property as well as human life. But little more can be said in the defense of property. That problem has been fairly well worked through. The great problem of the future will be to conserve human life, to enlarge its field of service and to protect it. The old struggle for human slavery, which was largely a labor problem, was the prophecy of the present day struggles for the liberating of the human mind and a protection of the freedom of men in thought, in speech, and in action. There are tyrannies which we discover in investigating labor conditions; tyrannies in industrial circles; tyrannies often in the school house, and occasionally a remnant of ecclesiastical tyranny in religious circles. There is one great end to which both education and religion point; namely, the liberalizing and liberating of the 18 human soul. The great mission of the Messiah was to proclaim liberty to the captives. The modern state uni- versity has long held up a banner of freedom but no com- monwealth has realized completely the freedom for which education rightly stands. These conquests which are occuring every day mark the onward progress of modern society and into this enlarged field of opportunity educa- ted men and women should enter with the enthusiasm of hope and the courage of intelligence. This appeal of the hour to college graduates is based upon the needs of modern democracy in its struggle to maintain itself and to promote the interests of the less fortunate. For all time it has been agreed that the strong can provide for themselves. There is no doubt that there is a development of wealth and influence that is a kind of special privilege in which small minorities participate. The college graduate himself belongs to a privileged class. His privilege is the outgrowth of special opportunities which he has been able to utilize to his own advantage. He by reason of his leisure for study and his opportunity to get a broad view of the re- lations of men is the selected leader in bringing the privi- leged class to see its opportunity to cultivate and maintain the right attitude towards all parties in the great mass. When he enters business, engages in the world’s great enterprises, either as manufacturer, professional man, expert, or as public official, there is the temptation to forget the rock whence he was hewn and the hole of the pit whence he was digged. It is easy and perhaps natural under prosperity to forget the days of poverty and ad- versity. The loss of human sympathy in educated men and in men of fortune is little short of a calamity. Our education can justify itself not merely by success in achieving a place for ourselves but in the higher success of having made a place for others. It is this constant concern for the public welfare that characterizes all genuine democracy. The day has gone, let us hope for- ever, when the college graduate in business or anywhere 19 may disregard the interests of the whole people. In our eftorts to describe the movements we have heard the new terms, social righteousness, social service, social justice and their companion phrases. Let not our admiration for fhese terms blind us to the fact that everlasting righteous- ness is the foundation of God’s world. The obligation of righteousness is upon us all, whether we recognize it or not. The old term “noblesse oblige” is not entirely obsolete. The recognition of the obligations resting upon a gentleman to be a gentleman f has a wide application among all people who recognize their moral responsibilities. The hope of our universities lies in the application of this principle. The university does not exist for its own glory and aggrandizement nor its graduate for his selfish advantage. The spirit of service and devotion to essential righteousness should inspire both our research and our teaching. Such an idealism should linger in every mind as the guiding star of achievement. Here in the South with its characteristic freedom and the blush of youth upon your cheeks, you have been quick to respond to the call of your own circles. Now, with a nation born in a day as was the Chinese Republic and with the centers of Europe shaken by a new struggle with old world privilege as seen in the Bulgarian war, we may rise with a new enthusiasm for the cause of educated democracy and do our part to make America’s influence in the world’s program count for the interests of human- ity. Let us not assume that the world will steadily drift to the better estate. Liberty as always is an achievement. Progress, as always, is measured by sacrifice, and men are to be estimated in terms of service. The college graduate is not produced to enjoy a democracy but to create and maintain it. As the child of opportunity, best equipped of us all for leadership, he will realize the hopes of his generation when he is the living embodiment of the simple law — he that will be first among you, let him be servant to all. 20 ~-f* x S-;.: V ' /