UNIVERSITY OF 
 ILLINOIS LIBRARY 
 AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 
 ILLINOIS HISTORY 
 . ,f*D LINCOLN COLLECTIONS 
 
CHICAGO SCHOOL OF 
 CIVICS AND PHILANTHROPY 
 
 SPECIAL BULLETIN NOVEMBER. 1017 
 
 THE RECONSTRUCTION 
 
 OF 
 
 CITY GOVERNMENT 
 
 Address of Professor Charles E. Merriam, 
 of the University of Chicago 
 
 Before the Graduating Class of the Chicago School of 
 Civics and Philanthropy, June 1, 1917 
 
Illinois History and 
 Lincoln collections 
 
 INCORPORATION 
 
 The Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy began its work in 
 1903 as the Chicago Institute of Social Science. The trustees of 
 Chicago Commons Association were responsible for its management 
 from January 5, 1906, until May 8, 1908, when it was incorporated as 
 Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy under the general laws of 
 Illinois “to promote through instruction, training, investigation and 
 publication the efficiency of civic, philanthropic and social work and 
 the improvement of living and working conditions.” 
 
 BOARD OF TRUSTEES 
 
 Jane Addams. 
 Alfred L. Baker. 
 Mrs. Emmons Blaine. 
 Edward O. Brown. 
 Charles R. Crane. 
 
 Victor Elting. 
 Bernard Flexner. 
 Willard E. Hotchkiss. 
 
 David Kinley. 
 Julia C. Lathrop. 
 Julian W. Mack. 
 Charles E. Merriam 
 Ralph Norton. 
 Allen B. Pond. 
 Julius Rosenwald. 
 Edward L. Ryerson. 
 
 OFFICERS OF INSTRUCTION AND ADMINISTRATION 
 
 Graham Taylor, 
 
 President. 
 
 Sophonisba P. Breckinridge, 
 
 Dean. 
 
 Edith Abbott, 
 
 Director, Department of Social Investigation. 
 
 Victor Yarros, 
 
 Staff Lecturer, Local Government. 
 
 A. Kenyon Maynard, 
 
 Business Manager. 
 
 Elizabeth Susan Dixon, 
 
 Registrar. 
 
 Maud E. Lavery, 
 
 Librarian. 
 
 2 
 

 
 THE RECONSTRUCTION OF CITY GOVERNMENT 
 
 CHARLES E. MERRIAM 
 
 Professor of Political Science, The University of Chicago 
 
 When the Fathers of the Republic organized this govern¬ 
 ment, there was no city problem. The entire urban population 
 of the United States in 1790 was 130,000 or 3.3 per cent of 
 the total population. The Fathers were not familiar with the 
 complicated questions of city government and made no provision 
 for their solution. Indeed, Thomas Jefferson was a believer in 
 rural democracy and opposed to the building up of cities. Upon 
 one occasion he said: “If our people here are ever piled up on 
 top of each other as they are in Europe, we will be as corrupt 
 as they are.” Down to 1850 there was no material increase in 
 city population, nor had urban problems developed. 
 
 Beginning with the mid-century, however, the population of 
 cities began to increase at a rapid rate, and by 1870 the proper 
 government of our urban centers had begun to be a serious 
 question. The original type of government had the unitary 
 form, consisting of a council and a few officers selected by the 
 council. By 1870 this simple organization had been disintegrated, 
 and the legislative part of the government had been divided into 
 two branches in imitation of the federal plan. The mayor had 
 been made an independent elective officer. Numerous other elec¬ 
 tive administrative officials had been provided; and to make mat¬ 
 ters worse, in many instances important branches of the admin¬ 
 istration, such as the police and parks, were placed in the hands 
 of elective boards of three or five. The rapid growth of cities 
 had created new functions which required new powers. Neces¬ 
 sity for granting this authority to the cities had created an im¬ 
 mense amount of special legislation, which both burdened the 
 lawmakers and oppressed the city. In the time of Andrew 
 Jackson the spoils system had been adopted, and cities as well 
 as other organs of government were administered on the basis 
 of the old maxim “To the victor belong the spoils.” 
 
 Since 1870 the reconstruction of American city government 
 has proceeded at a rapid rate. In the first place, a widespread 
 
 
movement has been initiated and carried through, providing for 
 a higher degree of local autonomy. The right of a city to 
 govern itself in local affairs has made rapid progress in the last 
 generation. Sometimes it has been accomplished by a constitu¬ 
 tional amendment guaranteeing municipal home rule; in other 
 instances by broad grants of statutory authority; and in still 
 other cases the powers of the city have been extended through 
 friendly interpretation of the courts. While the problem of 
 municipal home rule is far from settled at the present time, never¬ 
 theless, it has come to be recognized as one of the fundamentals 
 of reconstruction, that cities must be given broader powers than 
 they now possess. 
 
 Another line of approach has been a method of selecting 
 public officials. This has taken two principal forms: first, a limi¬ 
 tation of the number of elective offices; and, second, the elimina¬ 
 tion of the national party emblem, circle, or designation upon 
 the local ballot. The purpose of this latter effort was to enable 
 the municipality to vote squarely upon municipal issues. It, is 
 designed to eliminate the national party so far as possible from 
 local conditions. This movement has spread rapidly over the 
 United States, is now in effect in all but a relatively few of our 
 municipalities, and may fairly be characterized as one of the 
 fundamentals in the reconstruction of American municipal 
 government. 
 
 The third line of progress has been in the direction of the 
 merit system. The vicious effects of the spoils system upon 
 government were most easily and first observed in the govern¬ 
 ment of cities. It early became evident in congested centers that 
 qualified public servants holding office continuously without re¬ 
 gard to political conditions were absolutely indispensable. Con¬ 
 sequently, the movement for civil service reform developed with 
 great rapidity in cities. At the present time most of the cities in 
 the United States have adopted the merit system and made it a 
 part of their fundamental law. It cannot be said that either the 
 spirit or the letter of this law has been fully carried out, but 
 material progress has been made and large sections of the admin¬ 
 istrative service of cities have been taken out of the spoilsman’s 
 hands. It may, therefore, be said that another fundamental in the 
 reconstruction of the American city government is the adoption 
 of the merit system. 
 
 4 
 
Another line of attack has been the centralization of the 
 legislative body. For many years the bicameral city council 
 was commonly found in American cities. Within the last forty 
 years these cities have one by one discarded the system, and 
 Philadelphia remains as the only conspicuous city in the country 
 with a double-barreled legislative body. Not only is this true but 
 in many instances the ward system has been abandoned and the 
 council chosen at large. This later movement, however, has not 
 been universally followed. It cannot be said to be a general 
 principle. Conspicuous exceptions to the new principle are found 
 in cities like Cleveland and Chicago. It may fairly be said, 
 however, that another fundamental in the reconstruction of 
 American city government is the elimination of the two cham¬ 
 bered legislature. 
 
 The administrative branch of the municipal government also 
 in the last forty years has been concentrated. Brooklyn’s charter 
 of 1882 and the Bullit bill in Pennsylvania in 1885 blazed the 
 trail. Since then there has been a constant succession of con¬ 
 centrations on the municipal side; a gradual reorganization of the 
 administrative service centering around the mayor. On the one 
 hand, the mayor has been given the power of appointment and 
 removal, and on the other hand the number of departments has 
 been simplified and reduced so that something approaching a 
 cabinet type of administration has appeared. The scattered dis¬ 
 organized administration under which Tweed and his gang 
 plundered the city of New York is rapidly disappearing. Mr. 
 Nast, the cartoonist in Harper's Weekly, could no longer pic¬ 
 ture, as he did in Tweed’s time, a continuous ring of adminis¬ 
 trative officials, each locating the responsibility for evildoing 
 on the next. 
 
 The high-water mark for administrative concentration is 
 found in the city-manager plan. The essential principle of this 
 is a complete concentration of the administrative authority in the 
 hands of one person, who is at the same time an appointive, and 
 presumably non-political administrator. A similar concentration 
 may be seen in the office of mayor in many cities; but the mayor 
 is differentiated from the manager by virtue of the fact that 
 he is an elective official, while the manager is an appointed offi¬ 
 cial chosen by and subject to a commission. It may fairly be 
 said, therefore, that a fundamental in the reorganization of our 
 city government is the simplification and concentration of admin¬ 
 istrative power. 
 
 5 
 
A further type of concentration is seen in the consolidation 
 both of the legislative and the administrative branches in the com¬ 
 mission government. Here we have the return to the original 
 form of city government, in which the power was located in a 
 unitary body. The chief difference is that the city council of 
 1790 was elected by wards, while the commission government is 
 elected at large. The adoption of the commission government 
 by between three and four hundred cities, including a population 
 estimated at ten millions, is a striking feature in the history of 
 our American cities. It cannot be said, however, that the unitary 
 type of municipal government has definitely prevailed. Most of 
 the larger cities, including Boston, New York, Philadelphia, 
 Pittsburgh, Cleveland, Chicago, and St. Louis, still retain the 
 dual type of government, following more closely the analogy of 
 the federal government. The struggle for survival seems to be 
 between the unitary type of government on the one hand and 
 the dual federal type of government on the other. It is too early 
 to predict which of these, if either, will be universally adopted. 
 
 Another pronounced tendency during the last forty years 
 has been the effort to secure continuous control over the acts 
 and agencies of municipal government. This has taken the form 
 of a demand for the initiative, referendum, and recall in local 
 matters. Starting with the referendum on franchises, bond 
 issues, and the control of the liquor traffic, the referendum has 
 been extended to a wide variety of measures. Furthermore, the 
 referendum has been supplemented by the initiative and the re¬ 
 call. The obvious purpose of all these measures is to secure a 
 higher degree of control on the part of the electorate over their 
 officials and over the acts of their officials. It cannot yet be said, 
 however, that they have been generally adopted. Where the 
 commission form of government has been accepted, they have 
 generally been incorporated as a compromise between those who 
 wish the highest efficiency on the one hand, and those who desire 
 democratic control on the other. In the New England and 
 Eastern states, however, the initiative, referendum, and recall 
 have not progressed so rapidly as in the Central and Western 
 states. While, therefore, the general tendency has been toward 
 the adoption of these new instruments of government, it can¬ 
 not yet be said they are universally accepted as fundamental in 
 the reconstruction of city government. 
 
 6 
 
While the diagnosis of American city government has shown 
 many striking defects in the structure and form of the govern¬ 
 ment, there are equally important defects in the functions of 
 municipalities escaping notice. The problems of the American 
 city are not merely mechanical. They are functional as well. 
 The city must consider not only how its affairs shall be con¬ 
 ducted, but what the nature and scope of its activity shall be. 
 If the structure of municipal government is in need of funda¬ 
 mental revision, its activities require equally thorough re-exam¬ 
 ination and reorganization. It is the gravest of errors to impute 
 all the ills of a municipal body politic to its anatomy and to ignore 
 the functional disorders that are not attributable to the frame¬ 
 work of our cities. We cannot neglect treatment of the evils 
 that are attacking our urban communities. We cannot pass by 
 the proper performance of city functions without imperiling the 
 health and the life of the municipality. Without attempting to 
 discuss more than a few types of undeveloped functions, at¬ 
 tention may be here directed to the problem. 
 
 If we collect a large number of people upon a limited area, 
 we know in advance that certain problems are bound to rise. 
 We know in advance that unless proper precautions are taken, 
 certain disastrous results will inevitably follow. We know in 
 advance that there will be a serious problem of unemployment 
 in the city as distinguished from a rural district. We know in 
 advance there will be a grave problem of proper housing. We 
 know in advance there will be a fundamental difficulty with 
 regard to children’s play and adult recreation. We know in 
 advance in an American city that serious problems will arise by 
 reason of the heterogeneity of our population. These are some 
 of the characteristic problems of the modern American city. 
 
 Unfortunately, far more attention has been given to the me¬ 
 chanism of government than to the actual work of the machine. 
 Much more time and energy has been spent upon the technique 
 of the municipal organization than upon the vital problems with 
 which the organization must deal. We have magnified the means 
 and minimized the ends of municipal government. We have 
 not developed a social policy or program in American cities cor¬ 
 responding to the new needs of our centers of population. 
 
 In the rural community relatively few people are unem¬ 
 ployed. A man out of a job is conspicuous by his idleness. In 
 
 7 
 
urban centers it is well known that unemployment on a large scale 
 is likely to arise. In a city like Chicago there are from 40,000 
 to 50,000 men looking for employment at all times, and in in¬ 
 dustrial depression this figure is raised to 100,000 or 150,000. 
 Until the last few years, however, you might have searched the 
 statutes and the ordinances of our cities in vain for any recog¬ 
 nition of the unemployment problem. There has never been, 
 until very recently, any systematic attempt on the part of a 
 municipality to deal with this, the most serious of all human 
 problems. The difficult task of securing a job for the unemployed 
 has been left to the private employer or agency, not infrequently 
 of a questionable character* or to the alderman or local politician. 
 The ward boss has been glad to help the unemployed and to help 
 himself in return, while the city government stood by indifferent 
 and inactive. 
 
 Recently urban governments either independently or with 
 the state and national government have undertaken a systematic 
 program of securing employment for the unemployed. We 
 have not, it is true, been able to eliminate unemployment alto¬ 
 gether, but we have put the problem in the way of solution. 
 Cities begin to show a keen interest- in that element of their 
 population which has been unable to fit into the industrial situa¬ 
 tion. The failure of American cities to deal with this vital and 
 fundamental problem of municipal life is one of the causes of 
 the failure of government. And fundamentally, therefore, in the 
 reconstruction of American city government, there must be the 
 formulation and execution of plans for aiding the unemployed. 
 
 It is known in advance that housing conditions in urban 
 communities will defy the requirements of public sanitation un¬ 
 less extraordinary precautions are taken. We know in advance 
 that the death-rate, the infant-mortality rate and the disease-rate 
 will mount to appalling figures unless the community intervenes. 
 We know we cannot rely wholly upon the patriotism of the land- 
 owner to prevent the use of his land for structures that are unfit 
 for human beings. We have permitted conditions to develop, 
 particularly in our larger cities, that are a disgrace to the human 
 race. 
 
 It is true that building codes have been enacted in practically 
 every large city, but in the early days these covered only the 
 simpler safeguards against fire hazard and structural insecurity. 
 
 8 
 
Until recently there has been no organized effort to face squarely 
 the awful toll taken by death and disease in the crowded tene¬ 
 ments of our great communities and in the insanitary shacks of 
 the smaller towns. Yet, here we have one of the characteristic 
 problems of the community, one of the situations that arises 
 out of the nature of a city as inevitably as any other phenomenon 
 in the world of cause and effect. Social surveys in the last few 
 years have begun to turn the light on the distressing conditions 
 that prevail, and an organized movement is now under way to 
 make more endurable the conditions under which most of our 
 people in our large cities spend their years. It is not to be 
 assumed, however, that any such plan has been carried through. 
 And it must be recognized that conditions under which large 
 numbers of people live in congested centers has never been 
 equalled for discomfort since the birth of the human race. A 
 fundamental, therefore, in the reconstruction of American city 
 government is the creation of conditions under which light, air, 
 sunshine, and reasonably comfortable surroundings are made the 
 right of every citizen. The adoption of systematic city-planning 
 and the establishment of a zoning plan are essential to the proper 
 development of urban living conditions, and are integral parts 
 of any comprehensive program. 
 
 It is known in advance that the building of a modern city 
 will destroy the play facilities of a child and precipitate grave 
 problems of adult recreation. About one-half of the population 
 of the city is under twenty-one years of age. Yet the structure 
 of the modern city automatically eliminates the recreation facili¬ 
 ties of the child and the youth. Cities have been raised on the 
 theory that there were no children, or that there was no neces¬ 
 sity for making any special provision for them under special 
 conditions. The result has been death, disease, vice, and crime. 
 All the leading authorities recognise that juvenile delinquency is 
 the great unsolved problem of modern criminology. It is only, 
 however, within the last few years that any systematic attempts 
 have been made to reorganize the play facilities of the modern 
 municipality. 
 
 The large parks provided for a generation ago were, as a 
 rule, inaccessible to the great masses of the community and 
 served no real purpose so far as the great and growing democracy 
 of the city was concerned. The creation of small parks dn con¬ 
 gested centers is a long- step forward toward the recognition of 
 
 9 
 
the rights of the child. Statistics show that the rate of juvenile 
 delinquency diminishes directly and perceptibly within the neigh¬ 
 borhood of the playgrounds. 
 
 Recreation facilities of adults have been left, to a large 
 extent, unorganized and uncontrolled. A few elementary pro¬ 
 visions were made in the city ordinances for the prohibition of 
 immoral or obscene exhibitions, but no constructive effort has 
 been made until recent years to organize adult recreation. Not¬ 
 withstanding the fact that this was one of the characteristic prob¬ 
 lems of an urban community, the work of recreation was left 
 largely to those who organized and commercialized amusements. 
 In some instances their task was well done, but much of the 
 recreation fell into the hands of the organized vice trust, the dis¬ 
 orderly saloon, and the cheap theater of questionable character. 
 The modern movement for the organized neighborhood centers, 
 neighborhood clubs, community facilities for assembling and or¬ 
 ganization is one of the most notable steps in the recent history 
 of American cities. It is a recognition of the duty of the city to 
 deal with the big problems of the community. The organization 
 of play facilities for children and recreation facilities for adults 
 must therefore be set down as one of the fundamentals in the 
 reconstruction of American city government. 
 
 The most striking characteristic of all in the American city 
 is the complexity of our population. We have brought together 
 nationalities from all parts of Europe and are blending them 
 into a composite race. Notwithstanding the fact, however, that 
 it is known in advance that the population of an American city 
 will be from one-half to two-thirds of foreign extraction, no 
 recognition of this fact has been made by cities and no attempt 
 to form a program corresponding to the needs. Immigrants are 
 in many cases exploited and robbed before they reach the city. 
 They are not assisted in finding lodging, or in finding employ¬ 
 ment, or protection in the police court, nor does the municipality 
 in any way at any time extend to them a friendly hand. This 
 work again has been left to the local politician, and the political 
 boss who has undertaken to assist the immigrant and at the 
 same time to exploit him. If it is a fact that the most striking 
 characteristic of our population is its heterogeneity, then there is 
 a corresponding duty upon the community and the govermnent 
 representing it to deal directly with this fundamental question. 
 You might search in vain, however, the records of most Ameri- 
 
 10 
 
can cities for statutes or ordinances in any way recognizing the 
 peculiar composition of the population of the city. No attempt 
 is made to welcome the immigrant. No attempt is made to secure 
 his employment. He may be tried before courts in which his lan¬ 
 guage is not understood, and in many other ways be left unpro¬ 
 tected by the community in which he has sought a home. Schools 
 alone in our municipal governments have stood out as mediating 
 agents, teaching the stranger the rights and duties of citizenship 
 and weaving his life into the life of the new state or city. Out¬ 
 side of the schools, the politics of the municipality has taught 
 him privilege, graft, and low standards of government. A 
 fundamental in the reconstruction of our American city is there¬ 
 fore a constructive program appropriate to the complex char¬ 
 acter of our urban community. 
 
 Our cities need simpler devices of government in which 
 power and responsibility are more definitely located. They need 
 forms of election machinery as nearly proof as possible against 
 the national party and the local boss. They need broader powers 
 of local self-government over affairs that are primarily local. 
 They need a scope of city activity equal in area to the new and 
 grave responsibilities arising out of urban life. But beyond 
 this, we require the vision to discern, the will to demand, the 
 statesmanship to shape and execute in policy and administration 
 the urgent need for broader and deeper social policies. We 
 need to reshape the rights of man to modern city conditions 
 so that they may include the right to light, air and sunshine, 
 the right to labor and live under clean and wholesome sur¬ 
 roundings ; the children’s right to play and the adult’s right 
 to recreation; the right of the stranger within our gates to a 
 cordial reception into the community he has crossed the ocean 
 to find; the right of, and a place for, neighbors to assemble and 
 to discuss the problems of their common life. 
 
 More than all this we need a spirit of civic sacrifice and 
 devotion akin to what we call patriotism in the national field. 
 Cities, like nations, are not built upon selfish economic interests 
 alone. They arise upon the ruins of lives surrendered for the 
 greater cause. They spring from the unselfish and unrewarded 
 work of many men and women. They are built by a great 
 community of effort nobly directed toward a common end. Na¬ 
 tions summon their hosts to the dramatic sacrifice of war. 
 Cities are built by the silent daily offerings unheralded and un¬ 
 known, whose total efforts raise the structure of the community. 
 
 11 
 
In the tumult of the struggle we must not lose sight of the 
 goal. From time to time we must lift up our eyes to see where 
 we are moving. We may see a city where graft and greed 
 have been lead captive, where privilege and its shadow, poverty, 
 have been driven out through the city’s gates. We may see a 
 city where the public interest sits firmly on the throne, supreme 
 over private interest and privilege. We may see a city where 
 the sinister system linking the machine of the boss with the 
 predatory public utility and the hideous gangs who trade in vice 
 and crime is shattered and dispersed; where the machinery and 
 tools of government that do the people’s will shall be sharp and 
 bright and clean, adapted to the work they must do; where the 
 range and scope of the city’s power shall cover the range and 
 scope of our local human needs; where men and women shall 
 share alike the grave responsibilities of governing their common 
 affairs; where the acts and agents of government shall always be 
 subject to the people’s will; where the level of honesty and 
 efficiency in public affairs shall reflect the highest standards of 
 the community and not its lowest; where public pay-rolls and 
 purchases serve the public and not a party faction or a person; 
 where the hand of the government reaches out to help the com¬ 
 mon needs of all its citizens; where preventive steps are sub¬ 
 stituted for and take the place of punishment; where expendi¬ 
 tures for public schools and parks and social centers, public 
 sanitation and public welfare in great measure take the place of 
 money spent for police and jails; where every child has a place 
 to play, a seat in the school and a library near; where the physical 
 plan of the city is determined by reason and art rather than 
 by chance or speculation; where every man, woman and child 
 lives and works under life surroundings that do honor to the 
 human race; where art and music and all types of civic grace 
 and beauty lift up their heads under the kindly patronage of the 
 community; where the rights of persons are not forgotten in the 
 facts of property; where the public utilities serve the public 
 and are useful for public service rather than for private ex¬ 
 ploitation ; where there is a kindly toleration of races, religions 
 and classes in recognition of the great values that underlie 
 them all; where the city hall may be looked upon as a temple of 
 justice, a center of common interest, a symbol of our common 
 hope; where the soul and the spirit of the multitude who make 
 the city shine out in civic policies and deeds reflecting the truth, 
 the justice, the wisdom and the ideals of the community. * 
 
 12 
 

 Upon details of form and function we may differ, but upon 
 the principles and spirit in which the new city shall be built, 
 those citizens to whom the public interest is paramount may 
 well agree. Indeed, the price of their success is agreement upon 
 principles and policies coupled with a practical program of or¬ 
 ganization and effective action, so that high ideals may be 
 translated into practical achievements. 
 
 The obligations of citizenship are particularly strong upon 
 those of wealth and education. They have received much from 
 the community, and from them much is due. It is true that we 
 are all children of sacrifice. For each of us some mother has 
 gone down into the valley of the shadow of death; infinite pa¬ 
 tience has cradled and cherished us; has taught the wayward 
 feet to walk; “through the power of mimicry beguiled our lips to 
 speech/’ The labor and care of others have been our guides. 
 But in a particular sense some are social debtors, for the hoard¬ 
 ings of society have been lavished upon them in the most liberal 
 measure. These opportunities have been given by society for its 
 own protection and welfare,—for the advancement of the com¬ 
 mon good. 
 
 The first criminal of history before the bar of justice, made 
 the plea, “Am I my brother’s keeper?” This first defense of 
 red-handed murder has been echoed and re-echoed in palliation 
 of a million other crimes, whose perpetrators lived and died un¬ 
 branded. Ancient wrong was built upon this principle, and 
 slavery and special privilege have graven it upon their corner¬ 
 stones. 
 
 Let me leave you another phrase, symbolic of struggle and 
 sacrifice, sweeping the field of social and political obligation: 
 “None of us liveth unto himself.” We are trustees of an in¬ 
 heritance of dearly bought human experience. May we use it 
 to serve the democracy that gave it, to protect and promote the 
 interest of society from which it came, to make democracy and 
 liberty facts in the life and labor of men. 
 
 / u 
 
 13 
 
PUBLICATIONS 
 
 Truancy and Non-Attendance in the Chicago Schools: A Study of 
 the Social Aspects of the Compulsory Education and Child La¬ 
 bor Legislation of Illinois. By Edith Abbott and Sophonisba P. 
 Breckinridge, xiii, 472 pages. $2.00 (University of Chicago 
 Press, 1917). 
 
 The Delinquent Child and the Home: A Study of the Delinquent 
 Wards of the Juvenile Court of Chicago. By Sophonisba P. 
 Breckinridge and Edith Abbott. 360 pages. $2.00 (Russell Sage 
 Foundation Publication.) 
 
 The Child in the City: A Series of Papers presented during the Con¬ 
 ferences held at the Chicago Child Welfare Exhibit. Edited by 
 Sophonisba P. Breckinridge. 502 pages. $1.00 (Chicago School 
 of Civics and Philanthropy). 
 
 The Charity Visitor: A Handbook for Beginners. By Amelia Sears. 
 New and revised edition with a chapter on “Estimating a Fam¬ 
 ily Budget,” by Florence Nesbitt. 69 pages. 50 cents (Chicago 
 School of Civics and Philanthropy). 
 
 A Handbook for the Women Voters of Illinois. By Alice Greenacre. 
 Edited by Sophonisba P. Breckinridge. 128 pages, maps. 50 
 cents (Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy). 
 
 The Housing Problem in Chicago: Edited by Sophonisba P. Breck¬ 
 inridge and Edith Abbott. A series of ten pamphlets dealing 
 with results of a recent investigation. Numbers 1 to 3, 6 and 7 
 are out of print. Set of remaining five numbers, 35 cents, post¬ 
 paid (Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy). 
 
 RECREATION DEPARTMENT 
 
 Plays for Children: Edited by Mrs. Gudrun Thorne-Thomsen. No. 1. 
 The Princess Whom No One Could Silence (5 cents); No. 2. 
 Saddle to Rags (10 cents); No. 3. A Tramp and a Night’s Lodg¬ 
 ing (10 cents); No. 4. Robin Hood (20 cents). 
 
 Danish Folk Dances: Description of Folk Dances. Translated by 
 Viggo Bovbjerg. 50 cents. 
 
 Music for Danish Folk Dances. 75 cents. 
 
 Folk Dances of Bohemia and Moravia. By Anna Spacek and Neva 
 L. Boyd. $1.00 (postage 4 cents extra). (Saul Brothers, Chi¬ 
 cago, 1917). 
 
 Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy 
 2559 So. Michigan Avenue, Chicago 
 
 14 
 
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-URBAN A 
 
 3 0112 072584417 
 
 CHICAGO SCHOOL OF 
 CIVICS AND PHILANTHROPY 
 
 Fifteenth year opened October 1, 1917 
 Winter term begins January 2, 1918 
 
 GENERAL TRAINING COURSE FOR SOCIAL WORKERS 
 
 One-year course for college graduates. Two-year course for other 
 
 qualified students. 
 
 SPECIAL PLAYGROUND COURSE 
 
 With technical classes, at Hull-House Gymnasium, in folk dancing 
 games, story-telling, dramatics, preparation of 
 pageants and gymnastics. 
 
 SPECIAL COURSE FOR PUBLIC HEALTH NURSES 
 
 March 4 to June 25 
 
 SPECIAL COURSE IN CURATIVE OCCUPATIONS 
 AND RECREATION 
 
 (In co-operation with the Illinois Society for Mental Hygiene) 
 
 Dealing with the problem of re-education of the physically sick, the 
 mentally disturbed, and the wounded and handicapped soldier. 
 
 January 2nd to June 7th. 
 
 For further information address the Dean, 2559 Michigan Ave., Chicago