m

 
 CharUt H. Kerr Jr Company, Publishers, Chicago,
 
 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 BY A PRACTICAL REFORMER 
 
 CHICAGO 
 
 CHARLES H. KERR AND COMPANY 
 175 MONROE STREET 
 
 I95
 
 Copyright 1895 
 BY CHARLES H KERR & COMPANY 
 
 Library of Progress, No 14. Quarterly, $l.oo a year. February, 
 Entered at t)ie Postoffice, Chicago, as second class matter.
 
 PREFACE 
 
 For more than a quarter of a century I have wit- 
 nessed the growth of Chicago as promoted or ob- 
 structed by its government. Waves of reform have 
 come and gone as the tides come and go. Franchise 
 after franchise has been given away until the munic- 
 ipality has parted with many of its most valuable 
 rights, and to the extent that its people are in modern 
 slavery. 
 
 A new factor has come into the political life of 
 the city, called the Civic Federation. Its member- 
 ship includes many of the principal men of Chicago. 
 It has made considerable headway in the suppression 
 of vice, and it has entered upon a somewhat vigorous 
 legislative campaign, but its measures savor of the 
 visionary, and thus invite failure. 
 
 Chicago needs a deliverer, a leader strong enough 
 to raise the people to a higher plane of political 
 morality. There are already too many reformers 
 who are in the business because it is popular. 
 
 Most of the measures proposed for the betterment 
 of the people are impracticable; and, amid the noise 
 and parade of sham and hypocrisy, real opportu- 
 nities are being lost. A municipal election is about 
 
 3
 
 4 PREFACE 
 
 to take place, involving questions greatly affecting 
 the welfare of the city. The legislature is in session 
 frittering away valuable time with no prospect of 
 giving Chicago needed relief. 
 
 In the midst of these things the writer ventures to 
 point out the real conditions and requirements of 
 Chicago, to review its political history for a year 
 or two, to expose the false pretenses of reform, and 
 to point out in plain, blunt, strong terms, such as 
 may prove valuable to readers in this and every other 
 American city, How TO GOVERN CHICAGO, from the 
 standpoint of a 
 
 PRACTICAL REFORMER. 
 
 Chicago, Feb. 20, 1895.
 
 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 I. MUNICIPAL LIGHT 
 
 When the Almighty began business in this part of 
 the universe his first act, according to all accounts, 
 was to make the light. It appears that light was 
 necessary to a successful carrying out of the other 
 work on hand. All will agree that a world should 
 be well lighted. The same is true of a city. 
 
 Chicago should be abundantly supplied with light. 
 It is one of the essential functions of a city govern- 
 ment to provide the inhabitants within its jurisdic- 
 tion with this necessary comfort at as little cost and 
 inconvenience as possible. 
 
 I take up this question of light at the outset because 
 its proper solution will throw so much light on the 
 other subjects to be considered that the reader will 
 scarcely hesitate to grant to these pages a sufficient 
 measure of confidence to pursue them to the end. 
 
 Whenever one advances a plan, no matter how 
 available, for a better and cheaper supply of public 
 Comforts to the people of Chicago, or of any other
 
 6 HOW TO GOYERN CHICAGO 
 
 city, for that matter, the proposition is at once 
 smothered or snuffed out with suggestions of difficul- 
 ties in the way. One hears about state constitutional 
 limitations, the lack of sufficient municipal powers, 
 the difficulty of securing the necessary legislation, 
 the want of a new city charter, the need of a consti- 
 tutional amendment, and numerous other obstacles 
 to be overcome. But few are versed as to what the 
 powers of the municipal government really are, and 
 perhaps a smaller number have fully comprehended 
 how the powers vested in the municipality can be. 
 best applied in bringing about desired ends. Those 
 who have a knowledge of this phase of the subject 
 often find it profitable to keep it to* themselves. 
 
 I do not remember how many times a bill has been 
 introduced in the Illinois legislature to enable cities, 
 towns and villages to erect and maintain gas and 
 electric works, and to supply the inhabitants thereof 
 with light, heat and power, but certainly as many as 
 a dozen. In every instance the bill has been loaded 
 down to its death svith constitutional objections. It 
 might be added that in almost every case the objec- 
 tors were well rewarded by those in whose interests 
 the objections were made, but it is not my purpose at 
 all to scold corporations, or persons in any capacity, 
 on these few pages. Possibly these measures were 
 unconstitutional. Most of them undoubtedly were. 
 
 The real objection to them, however, is that they 
 should never have been introduced, for had they
 
 I. MUNICIPAL LIGHT 7 
 
 been within constitutional scope, and become a part 
 of the statutes, their provisions would not have been 
 available in any city in the state, certainly not in 
 Chicago. Even were the municipal ownership of gas 
 and electric lighting works demonstrated to be prac- 
 ticable,the city had neither the money nor the means 
 of raising any with which adequately to undertake 
 these enterprises. 
 
 Right here I wish to point out the fatal error 
 which has ever characterized the average reformer 
 of our day. "Everything or nothing," is the rock 
 on which too many have been wrecked. The state 
 socialist begins at the top of his ladder rather than 
 at the bottom. Instead of bringing the people to 
 his way of thinking by demonstrating the value of 
 his theories in practice, step by step, from small 
 beginnings on to larger measures, he asks the country 
 to take a whole course of study in one lesson. 
 
 Almost every citizen believes in the righteousness 
 and expediency of municipal control of gas and elec- 
 trical enterprises carried on for public supply, of 
 street and elevated railway service, and indeed of all 
 undertakings which depend upon franchise ordinances 
 for existence. The only difference of opinion on 
 this question is as to the measure of that control. 
 On the other hand thousands have not yet come to 
 endorse the platform of municipal or government 
 ownership of these works. But there is a common 
 ground on which both these schools of reform may 
 stand together.
 
 8 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 At present the corporations operating under fran- 
 chise ordinances own or control the city, rather than 
 being controlled by its government. A movement 
 to establish municipal control would certainly meet 
 with approval from every interest save the corpora- 
 tions themselves, and it would be a step in the direc- 
 tion of final government ownership. If radicals would 
 content themselves with this rudimentary step, if 
 such they may choose to call it, they could rely upon 
 the support of the conservatives, and await, with 
 prospects of success, opportunities for pushing the 
 issue further. 
 
 But aside from considerations of compromise, it is 
 the only road open. Any other course is blocked 
 by legal prohibitions, constitutional restrictions, of 
 the lack of revenue. 
 
 You cannot build securely without foundations. 
 All effort to secure the passage of reform laws, out 
 of joint with fundamental statutes, is a waste of time 
 and energy. The thing to do is to show the disposi- 
 tion and ability to utilize such laws as already exist. 
 This has not yet been done, and the reader must 
 feel surprise to learn that Chicago has within its 
 reach both law and revenue sufficient to flood the 
 city with gas or electric light, or both, at a cost to 
 the inhabitants not to exceed the present price 
 of water. 
 
 How can this be done? Easily enough. Chicago 
 already owns electric plants with which it lights
 
 I. MUNICIPAL LIGHT 9 
 
 some of the public streets. These would no doubt be 
 extended had the city the required revenue. Ham- 
 pered in this respect.it has made little progress, and 
 the entire plants are, to -day, probably not worth more 
 than $250,000. With these the municipality illumi- 
 nates the street opposite your shop, store, factory 
 or residence windows, but cannot run its wires inside 
 nor permit you to use any of its electric currents, 
 with or without pay. That privilege, the constitu- 
 tion of the state, owing to its silence or otherwise, 
 wisely or unwisely leaves to be enjoyed by the en- 
 franchised corporations. 
 
 But this the city can do. It can sell the electrical 
 plant it now possesses. It can grant a franchise to 
 an electrical corporation, already organized or yet 
 to be organized, and it can enter into a contract 
 with such corporation on almost any terms it sees 
 fit, to run for a period of twenty years. Very well. 
 Suppose then the mayor and council should by ordi- 
 nance invite proposals from the public which would 
 enable a syndicate, or corporation, capitalized to 
 the extent of $25,000,000, more or less, to obtain a 
 twenty-year franchise from the city, together with 
 its present electrical plant, under the following terms 
 and conditions, would not the whole problem be, 
 in a great measure, solved? 
 
 i. A franchise contract between the city, and a 
 quasi-public corporation extending for twenty years, 
 with provisions for renewal, at the option of the city,
 
 10 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 for a like period, providing for a proper measure of 
 municipal control, and ultimate ownership, if at 
 any time such should be deemed wise on the part 
 of the people; for the employment of sufficient cap- 
 ital by such corporation under the control, direction 
 and supervision of the city, to provide ample facilities 
 for lighting the streets, parks, alleys, subways and 
 other portions of the city requiring it, and to furnish 
 light, heat and power to the people in their homes, 
 workshops, stores and factories; for rates and terms 
 of payment for such supply; for the kind or kinds of 
 systems to be used; for hours of service and other 
 rules and regulations for the safety and comfort of 
 the people; and for the rapidity of construction or 
 time in which the system should be completed and 
 the regular supply established. 
 
 2. For an accounting to the city of all expenditures 
 and income, and the payment to the city of such a 
 percentage of gross receipts as might be considered 
 necessary; the revenue so derived to be used for gen- 
 eral purposes or to constitute a fund for the purchase 
 of the plants and properties created by the corpo- 
 ration with a view to final ownership by the city. 
 
 The question at once arises, Would such a scheme 
 command financial support? There is not a financial 
 agency in Europe or America that will not quickly 
 affirm that, to-day, electrical enterprises are at a pre- 
 mium in the money centers everywhere. In short,
 
 I. MUNICIPAL LIGHT 11 
 
 the way for such an undertaking is wide open, legally 
 and financially. The vaults of the country are burst- 
 ing with money that needs only the invitation to be 
 employed in such an improvement. Twenty-five 
 millions and twice twenty-five millions are awaiting 
 this useful employment. It requires but the simple, 
 business-like action on the part of the mayor and 
 council of Chicago to release this idle capital, and 
 to employ thousands now in enforced idleness in 
 the labor of providing this comfort to a long-suffering 
 people. 
 
 Yes, capital is available in any volume required 
 for this enterprise. It would be a far safer invest- 
 ment than a private corporation on the same line, 
 because it would enjoy protection from the city, and 
 in a certain way, a monopoly of the business, but 
 a monopclyin which the inabitants would share equal 
 benefits with the corporation. That is the sort of 
 business combine the people want but have been 
 denied. 
 
 Let us look at this plan from the city's standpoint 
 for a moment. It would require the establishment 
 of a new department of the city government, a de- 
 partment of public service, if you please. This will 
 appear the more imperative, as the scheme unfolds. 
 The aim is ultimately to include telephone service, 
 power supply on a large scale, and for a great variety 
 of purposes, messenger service, and electrical com- 
 munication of all sorts within the corporation limits,
 
 12 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 including calls, alarms, signals, messages, and the 
 like. 
 
 An electrical engineer of ability and experience, 
 would be required at the head of such a department, 
 who, fully understanding the value and vested rights 
 of patented appliances, and the requirements of such 
 a system, would be able to order the works on a 
 broad, comprehensive scale, commensurate with 
 present and future demands. 
 
 It is by demonstrating the practicability and expe- 
 diency of this plan that one must hope to create 
 public opinion in its favor. The great question of 
 municipalizing electricity, gas, telephone service, 
 surface and elevated transit, and like comforts, just 
 as water has been municipalized, must be solved for 
 Chicago. This may or may not involve absolute 
 municipal ownership. But even if this be an impor- 
 tant consummation it can best be attained by the 
 route indicated. 
 
 It must be admitted that even among those who 
 are studying the subject there is a difference of 
 opinion as to the relative merits of municipal control 
 and municipal ownership. Over in Great Britain the 
 cities of Liverpool and Glasgow afford us an example. 
 The one owns and operates its street railways, the 
 other operates them under a concession, retaining 
 and exercising a substantial control, and deriving 
 large revenues therefrom. The testimony from that 
 side of the ocean, both as to revenues and efficiency 
 of service, favors the latter.
 
 I. MUNICIPAL LIGHT 13 
 
 The plan of municipalizing the services referred to, 
 either by establishing control or ownership, is rapidly 
 gaining ground in America. Within a very recent 
 period the writer has placed himself in communica- 
 tion with Mayors, and other heads of city govern- 
 ments in the United States, for the purpose of gath- 
 ering their views on this subject. It was found 
 that in the east the plan was in less favor than in 
 the west. For instance, to my communication of 
 Nov. 28, 1894, the Mayor of Baltimore, under date 
 of Dec. 3, wrote as follows: 
 
 "My Dear Sir: In answer to the question pro- 
 pounded to me in your letter of Nov. 28, that is, 
 whether a municipality should control electric light- 
 ing, gas and telephone works, street railways and 
 the like, I should say, in my judgment, no. 
 
 "I think the municipality should confine itself to 
 the government .of the city, making laws for open- 
 ing, grading, paving and repairing of streets, public 
 education, care of the indigent sick, providing a 
 proper fire department and controlling the same, 
 maintaining the good health of the community, main- 
 taining a proper water supply, maintenance of courts, 
 jails, etc., dredging of the harbor, cleaning the city 
 and proper disposal of garbage, and such other 
 functions as immediately belong to municipal gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 "I think it better that the street railroads, gas, 
 telephone and telegraph works should be left in the 
 hands of private corporations, who should use the 
 streets of the city, subject to such rules and regula- 
 tions as may be from time to time imposed by the 
 municipal government. For the use of the streets 
 I think these corporations should pay a reasonable
 
 14 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 tax annually. The street railways should pay a 
 certain percentage of gross receipts and so should 
 gas and electric light, telephone and telegraph com- 
 panies. The franchises they enjoy are very profitable 
 and therefore a fit subject for taxation; their value is 
 established not only by the market value of the 
 securities of such corporations but by the fact that 
 companies are always ready and willing to pay for 
 such franchises and frequently do, the loss to the 
 public being that often the pay goes into the pockets 
 of a lobby and not, as it should, into the city treas- 
 ury. This latter diversion of funds may be because 
 the legislature does not give the question of the 
 granting or of the municipal value of such franchises 
 the thoughtful consideration to which they are en- 
 titled. 
 
 "If it is proper for a city to control and manage 
 gas works, telegraph and telephone companies, street 
 railways, etc., it might also be considered proper for 
 the same control and management to be extended 
 over the baking of bread, slaughtering of cattle and 
 hogs, manufacturing of clothing, shirts, etc., and all 
 such industries as supply the absolute necessities of 
 the people. 
 
 "Under our system of government, in my judgment, 
 it would be almost impossible to prevent the patron- 
 age that would be supplied by street railways, gas, 
 telephone works, etc., mentioned in your letter, if 
 they were municipalized, from being used for politi- 
 cal purposes, thus becoming sources of corruption, or, 
 to say the least, such temptation for corruption as 
 the people should not be subjected to. 
 
 "If any exception should be made it would, in 
 my judgment, be in favor of the city supplying elec- 
 tric lighting for its own streets. An electric light 
 plant is not very expensive in comparison with gas, 
 and would not offer the same temptation to use a
 
 I. MUNICIPAL LIGHT 15 
 
 large patronage for political purposes from the fact 
 that the employes would not be very numerous, but 
 even in this case I think it better to rely upon private 
 enterprise, which should pay a reasonable tax for 
 the use of streets. 
 
 "In Baltimore the city passenger railways pay 
 an annual tax to the city of 9 per cent of their gross 
 receipts. In addition the property of the railways is 
 taxed as any other property. The telephone com- 
 pany pays an annual tax of 30 cents per lineal yard 
 for the privilege of its underground subway and the 
 telegraph and telephone companies pay an annual 
 tax of $2 upon all poles erected in our streets. Other 
 municipal franchises have in Baltimore, as in other 
 cities, been given away before the people either under- 
 stood their value or when they only gave consider- 
 ation to the additional comfort and public con- 
 venience thereby secured without thinking of the 
 profit obtained by the grantees of the franchise. Had 
 the foresight of our predecessors in the government 
 of cities been better I am sure that the cost of munic- 
 ipalities would now be almost entirely met by the 
 revenues derived from the grants of their franchises. 
 "Yours very respectfully, 
 
 "FERDINAND L. LATROBE, Mayor." 
 
 This letter is instructive. It not only indicates the 
 public sentiment in that quarter on the issue under 
 consideration, but plainly shows that even Balti- 
 more has made greater headway in municipalizing its 
 street railway system than Chicago. If this city re- 
 ceived 9 per cent on the gross receipts from its street 
 railway systems it would be in advance of its present 
 progress. But one must come to the west to get 
 pronounced views favorable to our proposition. Under
 
 10 HOW JO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 date of Nov. 4,* 1894, Mayor Bemis of Omaha, Neb., 
 wrote to me as follows: 
 
 "Sir: The idea of municipalities owning and oper- 
 ating their electric and gas works and street rail- 
 ways is one which has been steadily gaining a foot- 
 hold in this country and I believe that the time will 
 soon come when this method will be the general rule. 
 Municipal ownership of gas or electric plants already 
 obtains to a large extent in many of our smaller cities 
 and towns, and the larger cities must eventually 
 follow in the same direction. 
 
 "There are two objects to be attained in municipal 
 ownership of these franchises. The first and greatest 
 object is a practical purification of politics. The 
 second will be a saving to the taxpayers of the thou- 
 sands cf dollars which annually find their way into 
 the coffers of the ccrporations which now own these 
 franchises. 
 
 "With regard to the first object, I speak with 
 authority when I say that these great franchise cor- 
 porations exert a most pernicious and far-reching 
 influence upon local politics. Their interests are so 
 diversified that they may be regarded as a constant 
 factor in the consideration to almost every matter 
 which presents itself. Their usual method is to en- 
 deavor to secure the election to the municipal legis- 
 lative body, and also to the executive department, of 
 men who can be controlled in the interest cf the 
 corporate pool, either through business channels or 
 by the use of other well known means. This method 
 is usually followed by more or less success as far 
 as the legislative body is concerned, and a body thus 
 constituted is seldom on the right ?ide of any ques- 
 tion where the interests of the taxpayers are con- 
 cerned. 
 
 "With regard to the cost of municipal operation
 
 I. MUNICIPAL LIGHT 11 
 
 as compared with corporate ownership, I believe 
 that the balance will be largely on the side of the 
 former when it is considered that the taxpayer sup- 
 plies the money which the corporations expend in re- 
 taining control of the municipal political machinery, 
 and that the municipality is also called upon at fre- 
 quent intervals to pay for expensive schemes which 
 are presented in the guise of necessities but which 
 prove to be plans for turning the dollars of the tax- 
 payers into the coffers of the corporations. 
 "Yours respectfully, 
 
 "GEORGE P. BEMIS, Mayor." 
 
 A large number of letters received from mayors of 
 cities, and others connected with municipal govern- 
 ment, indicate that a line drawn somewhere about 
 half way between the two communications quoted 
 properly represents the true sentiment of the people 
 of the United States on the questions involved. 
 
 But perhaps some one will ask, What is the neces- 
 sity of such a move? Is not Chicago getting along 
 well enough as to light as matters stand? The city 
 has gas companies, electric corporations, and the 
 municipality is making considerable headway in light- 
 ing the public streets. What more is needed? In 
 reply I say light in Chicago is costing five times as 
 much as the people should be obliged to pay. To 
 most of the people it ranks as an expensive luxury; 
 to many it is not attainable at all except by the use 
 of coal oil. Vast districts in Chicago in the poorer 
 neighborhoods are without even gas. The gas 
 monopoly does not find it profitable to lay mains or 
 to put in supply pipes.
 
 18 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 More than this, electric light is confined to a very 
 few. It is sold at a cost wholly beyond the means 
 of the small business men and is out of question for 
 the ordinary home. It should not be so. No reason 
 can be found for this scarcity and high cost of lights 
 except in the greed of franchise manipulators. Light 
 should always be as cheap and as plentiful as water. 
 
 But, finally,! hear some one say, Yes, your scheme 
 is all right, but it would be an injustice to the exist- 
 ing gas and electric companies. I answer, not at all. 
 There is nothing, in all that has been said, that pre- 
 vents the present gas companies from offering bids, 
 or the city from accepting the same in any move- 
 ment to municipalize gas on the lines indicated. Nor 
 is there any obstacle in the way of the present elec- 
 trical corporations taking a hand in the work of 
 municipalizing electricity to their own advantage. The 
 object to be gained is an abundant and cheap supply 
 of light to all the people of Chicago. Under the pres- 
 ent system this cannot be reached. Through the 
 plan proposed it can. That states the whole case. 
 
 Besides, if justice and equity are to be considered, 
 where will the people stand in relation to the cor- 
 porations? The latter have flourished at the expense 
 of the inhabitants long enough. Now let them flourish 
 together. It is not that the corporations are to be 
 put down, but that the people should be put up.
 
 II. IMPORTANCE OF CHICAGO 
 
 Before proceeding further in the discussion of 
 municipalizing the quasi-public service, involving the 
 more difficult undertakings of terminating franchises, 
 and transferring plants and properties from monop- 
 oly franchise corporations to quasi-public corpora- 
 tions under city control, let us pause for a few min- 
 utes to get, as near as possible, an adequate under- 
 standing of the present and probable future impor- 
 tance of Chicago, as a city, and as a community. This 
 is necessary to a proper comprehension of what is 
 required of the municipal government, what that 
 government may do under existing laws, and what 
 legislation is needed to enlarge its powers so that it 
 may accomplish its full mission. This involves the 
 importance of city government generally, but I am 
 obliged to pass that with the remark that it is a sub- 
 ject not generally understood. One is almost startled 
 at the deductions of Professor Bryce, which show 
 that while the population of fifteen of our largest 
 cities increased from 1860 to 1875 70.5 per cent, the 
 debts of the same cities increased 280 per cent; the 
 taxable valuation increased 157 per cent and the 
 actual taxation increased 363 per cent. 
 
 19
 
 20 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 Various reliable statistics, including the authority 
 mentioned, furnish evidence that, taking cities of about 
 the same size and requirements, Boston expends six 
 times as much as Birmingham, England, and receives 
 less and much inferior service. This must be con- 
 sidered together with the fact that Boston is much 
 more economical in its expenditures than most of the 
 western cities. 
 
 It appears from the available statistics that Amer- 
 ican cities generally pay four or five times more than 
 English cities of the same size for like services. This 
 is usually attributed to the newness and growing con- 
 dition of this country, but the disproportion does 
 not appear to lessen very rapidly with increased age. 
 However the matter may be accounted for, the ex- 
 planation fails utterly to diminish the weight of tax- 
 ation that the people have to bear. 
 
 But the subject of municipal government becomes 
 of the greatest weight when considered in connection 
 with the very rapid growth of American cities. Viewed 
 in this light the questions come home to Chicagoans 
 with great force and imperatively demand solution. 
 
 In the last forty years, we are told authoritatively, 
 the population of cities in the United States as 
 compared with that of the country outside of the 
 cities has increased 140 per cent in excess. This 
 forces serious considerations upon thoughtful men. 
 If the growth of the last ten years in cities is to be 
 taken as a measure of the increase of the next thirty
 
 H IMPORTANCE OF CHICAGO 21 
 
 we shall have, say in 1920 or 1925, 10,000,000 more 
 inhabitants in the cities than in the districts out- 
 side of them. It is not a difficult matter to compute 
 Chicago's share of this increase. 
 
 It must have occurred to all of us that the United 
 States is rapidly becoming a nation of cities. The 
 tendency in this direction is becoming stronger with 
 each decade. Agricultural machinery has lightened 
 and diminished the labors of the farmer. A given 
 acreage is now cultivated to the highest degree of 
 capacity by half the hands required a quarter of a 
 century ago. We must expect even greater advances 
 in this direction. 
 
 On the other hand, the triumphs of skill in the use 
 of labor-saving machinery in industrial pursuits cen- 
 tralizes the population. Great manufacturing centers 
 are developed and these forces must continue to pre- 
 vail, permanently distributing the inhabitants of the 
 country so as to make the cities larger, if not to some 
 extent depopulating the more thickly settled rural 
 districts. These circumstances force upon us the 
 conclusion that the cities must become more than 
 ever the great centers of industrial, social, political 
 educational and religious life of the people. Hence 
 it is that the government of the cities must come to 
 be practically the government of the whole country. 
 It is in the light of these facts that we 
 should study the present and future Chicago and 
 its governmental requirements. In doing so we will
 
 22 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 find ourselves confronted with questions of great 
 importance. One must see in the not very distant 
 future the necessity of uniformity of city government 
 in this country, especially among the great cities. 
 There is necessarily a community of interest among 
 large cities that cannot fail to foster closer relations 
 and produce a greater similarity of municipal sys- 
 tems. 
 
 It may not be profitable to indulge prophecy, and 
 yet if we are to prepare to properly govern the 
 Chicago of the future we must not only learn to 
 properly rule the Chicago of the present, but antici- 
 pate in some measure the task that is to be imposed 
 on those who are to come after us. Our duty is not 
 only to take care of the present but to get ready for 
 the future. 
 
 If we study Chicago properly we must be con- 
 vinced that it will soon be the largest city on this 
 continent. Facts come to our understanding which 
 force this conclusion upon intelligence. Many thought 
 that the predictions of twenty-five years ago would 
 not be accomplished, but we now realize that these 
 have fallen far behind the growth actually attained. 
 
 In a quarter of a century, in spite of the great fire 
 of 1871 and in the face of other serious obstacles, 
 the population has increased from a little over 250,- 
 ooo to nearly 2,000,000, and long before another 
 twenty -five years shall have carried us to the three- 
 quarter century point from the date of municipal
 
 II. IMPORTANCE OF CHICAGO 23 
 
 organization, it will exceed 3,000,000 and be without 
 a peer among the cities of America. These facts 
 should inspire the realization that we not only have 
 a momentous task on hand in properly meeting the 
 demands of the present, but that we are pioneers of 
 a greater Chicago. 
 
 The elements of Chicago's greatness have not all 
 been developed by the skill, industry, intelligence 
 and pluck of our people. Much was done by the 
 hand of nature. Much has been forced upon the 
 city by circumstances not within the control of man. 
 It was Rev. Dr. H. W. Thomas who recently and 
 correctly said from the desk of the People's church: 
 
 "When nature placed a great body of water run- 
 ning through hundreds of miles to the north that 
 the head of Lake Michigan should be near the center 
 of the continent, central to all its vast industries and 
 on the direct line of travel and commerce, nature 
 said: This is the place for the greatest city on the 
 continent, just as nature said that this continent, 
 lying between the two oceans, should contain the 
 greatest nation on the earth." 
 
 We are confronted by the fact that in two or three 
 years the drainage canal from Lake Michigan to the 
 Mississippi will be finished. In this achievement 
 Chicago conquers one of the greatest engineering 
 difficulties that have blocked the path of its progress. 
 The Chicago river will be transformed into a pure 
 running, navigable stream. Its course will be 
 changed. Instead of its sluggish current toward 
 the Gulf of St. Lawrence, its hurrying waters will
 
 24 HOH/ TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 flow toward the Gulf of Mexico. A waterway for 
 commerce will have been established between New 
 York and New Orleans, and Chicago will enjoy the 
 best and most abundant water supply of any city in 
 the world, May we not confidently expect that this 
 wonderful accomplishment will some day be followed 
 by the construction of the already mooted ship canal 
 between Lakes Michigan and Erie, shortening the 
 distance of lake commerce and adding still greater 
 facilities for our commercial, industrial and cosmo- 
 politan growth. 
 
 Chicago's growth is natural and well balanced. 
 The development of the city is equally wonderful on 
 all lines. Chicago is great in its law and medical 
 progress; it is a literary, music and art center; its 
 park and boulevard system is the finest and most 
 extensive in the world Every year is adding to the 
 glory of the city on these lines. 
 
 The population of the city is cosmopolitan and its 
 heterogeneous elements afford the best guarantee 
 that here in Chicago will be worked out in advance 
 of other places the great problem of a distinctively 
 American nationality. Here all languages of the 
 earth are spoken. Here the people may teach and 
 preach and pray and sing in any and all tongues, 
 free and unrestricted, except by the wholesome 
 provision that all of our 150,000 children and the 
 hundreds of thousands that are to come after them 
 shall learn to speak and write the national language.
 
 II.1MPOR TA \CE OF CHICAGO 25 
 
 Here the heterogeneous is becoming homogeneous, 
 and assimilation is developing on lines that will 
 secure to the nationality that is being evolved all 
 that is good and worth preserving in those that are 
 fading under the weight of the new civilization. 
 Chicago's last school census gives the city a popu- 
 lation of nearly 2,000,000. These inhabitants rep- 
 resent all the nations and tongues of every civiliza- 
 tion of the world. 
 
 Chicago's greatest weakness is to be found in its 
 system of government. 
 
 As at present constituted it is calculated 
 in some respects to hamper rather than 
 facilitate the prosperity of the city. In the first 
 place we have too many governments of one kind 
 and another within the city limits. At least two 
 of these should be abolished as soon as the state 
 constitution can be amended or revised so as to per- 
 mit the step to be taken. County and town rule 
 must go. Neither are required within the city limits. 
 Both are a useless burden to the people. Chicago 
 should be given the right of self-government in one 
 undivided system. The present constitution pro- 
 hibits this by providing for the existing complex, 
 cumbersome and expensive plan. 
 
 Relief in this direction can come only from legis- 
 lative action. It should not be delayed longer than 
 is necessary to go through the forms required to 
 change the fundamental laws governing such proced-
 
 26 HOIV TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 ure. If it cannot be accomplished by submitting 
 amendments to the people, then steps should be 
 taken to provide for a convention on revision, so that 
 the constitutional barriers to legislative action on be- 
 half of the city may be removed.
 
 III. TO MUNICIPALIZE TRANSIT 
 
 Two things are needed in connection with the 
 Chicago city government. One is that all the quasi- 
 public service, such as electric lighting, gas lighting, 
 electric and gas heating, power supply, telephone 
 and messenger service, transit, and the means of 
 communication generally, within the municipal juris- 
 diction, should be brought under such measure of 
 city control as will fully protect the interests and 
 subserve the wants of the people, and secure to the 
 city adequate revenues therefrom. The other is that 
 the municipal government itself should be recon- 
 structed, and placed under civil service laws, so as 
 to more fully meet its requirements and responsi- 
 bilities. 
 
 All that has been said in the first part of this work 
 concerning municipalizing electricity, and providing 
 an abundant, cheap supply of light to the inhabit- 
 ants of Chicago may be done, and done at once, 
 under existing municipal laws and powers. The 
 task should be entered upon without delay, and if the 
 people are alive to their interests they will see that 
 it be made an issue in the pending civic elections 
 
 to such an extent that a mayor and council be 
 
 27
 
 28 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 elected favorable to the scheme. Any candidate run- 
 ning for a city office, or for a seat on the Board of 
 Aldermen, who will not pledge himself to this plan of 
 reform, so far as its general outlines are concerned, 
 should be defeated. The people have the matter 
 in their own hands, at this time. It is for them to 
 act, or continue in modern slavery. 
 
 But that branch of municipalizing that I am now 
 about to consider city control over surface and 
 elevated railways, the terminating of franchises, upon 
 expiration, or otherwise, and the transfer of vested 
 and property rights from monopoly corporations to 
 quasi-public corporations under municipal control, 
 cannot be successfully carried out without the aid of 
 legislation. The laws required, however, are very 
 simple, and wholly within constitutional limits. 
 
 In the first place there should be better statutory 
 provisions for terminating a municipal franchise. As 
 the laws now stand, the way is opened, legally, for 
 any city in the state to grant franchises to run for 
 a period of twenty years for any number of purposes, 
 and about all the city can do, when the life of the 
 privilege expires, is to renew it for a like term. The 
 first thing the corporation does after getting posses- 
 sion of valuable rights is to acquire property or plant 
 and to establish the rights of property. When its 
 franchise terminates a question arises which cannot 
 be adjusted by law, equity or anything else available 
 for the purpose. The city cannot purchase the assets
 
 III. TO MUNICIPALIZE TRANSIT 29 
 
 of the corporation, first, for want of money, and, 
 secondly, because it has no power to make use of 
 them on the lines for which they were created. 
 
 On the other hand such assets, without the fran- 
 chise, are of no value to the corporation. Our fun- 
 damental laws might as well have authorized per- 
 petual TFanchises as to have left the question in its 
 present shape. The corporations, however, are very 
 well satisfied with the laws as they stand, for,having 
 once obtained a franchise, they are morally certain 
 of securing its renewal as often as it expires, generally 
 on better terms than were contained in the original 
 grant. 
 
 A law is required that will designate a court to 
 which the city may apply, when any franchise is 
 about to expire, for the appointment of a board of 
 arbitration, which board, acting as a part of the 
 court for the purposes for which it is created, shall 
 ascertain the true value of the assets of the corpo- 
 ration holding such franchise, including the plants 
 and other property required for the legitimate bus- 
 iness for which the corporation was authorized and 
 the franchise was granted, such valuation, when .ap- 
 proved and confirmed by the court, to be final, and 
 to be accepted by the company at interest in full 
 settlement of all rights and interests in such property. 
 
 In this way the city could, at the expiration of any 
 franchise, terminate the same, acquire the plants and 
 properties that had grown up under its use, and, by
 
 :tu HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 the aid of other laws, operate them on its own 
 account, or, through the agency of a quasi-public 
 corporation, under municipal control, have the busi- 
 ness carried on to the best advantage of the people. 
 
 As the reader, no doubt, apprehends, I am leading 
 up to a plan for terminating all the franchises now 
 in existence, granted by the mayor and council of 
 Chicago, for the operation of street or elevated rail- 
 ways in the city, when such franchises shall expire, 
 or sooner, and for the transfer of all plants and 
 properties of the corporations now operating such 
 railways, to the city, or, what is perhaps better, 
 to a corporation or corporations that shall be directly 
 under municipal control. 
 
 Probably the most remarkable feature of this 
 whole proposition is the ease and certainty and 
 equity by which it may be carried out. All that is 
 required for its accomplishment is the creation of 
 public sentiment in its favor strong enough to elect 
 a mayor and board of aldermen pledged to do the 
 work. It will not take long. A considerable num- 
 ber of railway franchises will expire in a short time, 
 all within twenty years. The work may be under- 
 taken at once, or as soon as the simple measure re- 
 ferred to is enacted at Springfield; and, once the plan 
 is enforced in part, the new order proposed will 
 absorb the old objectionable regime long before 
 half the franchises expire. 
 
 Under this plan a vast system of transit may be
 
 III. TO MUNICIPALIZE TRANSIT 31 
 
 developed and perfected in Chicago that will give 
 its inhabitants 
 
 i. Rapid, safe, and comfortable transit to all 
 parts of the city. 
 
 2. Large, well ventilated, well heated, comfort- 
 able cars and seats for all. 
 
 3. One fare from any point within the city limits 
 to any other point, with a perfect transfer system. 
 
 4. Commodious and well heated waiting rooms 
 at convenient points for the accommodation of pas- 
 sengers. 
 
 5. Eight rides for twenty-five cents between the 
 hours of 5: 30 and 8 o'clock A. M. and 5:30 and 8 
 o'clock P. M. 
 
 6. Six rides for a quarter at all other times. 
 
 7. Sufficient number of lines and cars to accom- 
 modate all, the cars to be run at intervals and at rates 
 of speed to be regulated by the city engineer with 
 the approval of the mayor and council. 
 
 8. Extensions to be made and additional cars to 
 be attached whenever required by the city. 
 
 9. A just proportion of the gross receipts to be 
 paid into the city treasury monthly. 
 
 The first step to secure this great blessing to the 
 people of Chicago, as soon as the law referred to 
 is secured, is for the city to pass a comprehensive 
 ordinance as a basis upon which to ask proposals for 
 the purchase of a twenty-year franchise, with the 
 option of renewal, as far as such option can bind
 
 :!2 HOIV TO GOYERN CHICAGO 
 
 the parties to the contract, so that syndicates or 
 corporations can be formed for making proposals, on 
 a basis of a capitalization equal to the undertaking, 
 either as a whole, or in three divisions, so that the 
 city would at once have, at command, ample means 
 for carrying out the plan. 
 
 For such corporations, under municipal control, 
 all new transit franchises would be available, and 
 all old lines as fast as franchises expired, or were 
 sooner terminated the systems of transit in all 
 cases to be under and in compliance with the plans 
 of the city. 
 
 Under this scheme the whole system or systems 
 would be under the department of public service 
 referred to under the head of MUNICIPAL LiGHT,in the 
 first part of this work, and in charge of an engineer 
 of ability and experience. 
 
 I must hasten to demonstrate the practicability 
 of this scheme, drawing the proof from municipal 
 experience elsewhere, or suffer from the charge of 
 being visionary. All that I have here recommended 
 has been accomplished in the city of Toronto, 
 Canada, under difficulties much greater than con- 
 front Chicago, within the last four years. 
 
 And now for the proof. 
 
 In 1891 the franchise granted to the Toronto 
 street railway system expired. The concession had 
 been for thirty years. It was voted by the city in 
 1 86 1. The company had become a greater monopoly,
 
 III. -TO MUNICIPALIZE TRANSIT 33 
 
 in proportion to the size of the city, than the Yerkes 
 system is to-day in Chicago. Senator Frank Smith, 
 who controlled the system there, had shown himself 
 absolutely deaf to the oft repeated reasonable de- 
 mands of the people. The cars were filthy, inade- 
 quate, infrequent, and altogether unsatisfactory. 
 Baron Smith went on piling up money, abusing 
 the people, violating franchise-imposed obligations, 
 and doing about as he pleased. He oppressed his 
 employes, and strikes followed. The last one that 
 occurred resolved itself into a conflict between the 
 street car magnate and the people. 
 
 The issue found its way into local politics and 
 aldermen were elected or defeated on it. Finally 
 the years of the monopoly drew to a close and the 
 city authorities resolved that the franchise should 
 not be renewed to the old company. Provincial 
 legislation was secured, just as has been recom- 
 mended for Chicago on these pages, providing for a 
 court of arbitration to determine the value of the 
 company's property. This was done with a view 
 to terminating the franchise at its expiration in 1891. 
 
 But Toronto had no more money in its treasury 
 than has Chicago to-day, and Baron Smith laughed 
 in his sleeve at the whole movement, fully believing 
 that it would come to naught, and that the city 
 would be compelled to grant him another thirty 
 years' lease under which to oppress the people for 
 the benefit of his private exchequer.
 
 :: 1 HO1V TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 When the time came the city went into court and 
 asked for a board of arbitration under the law for 
 the purpose of ascertaining the legal value of the 
 railway property. The railway was cited to appear 
 and show cause why the arbitration should not be 
 proceeded with. It put in an appearance and for 
 answer pleaded that the city could not purchase be- 
 cause it did not possess the money, nor the means to 
 obtain it. The plea was overruled, and the arbitra- 
 tion proceeded, and in due time the arbitrators pre- 
 sented the result of their labors, which was confirmed 
 by the court. 
 
 This document may not prove entertaining to the 
 average reader, but I reproduce it here except the 
 schedules for the benefit of those of the legal pro- 
 fession who may become actively interested in car- 
 rying out a similar work for Chicago: 
 
 ' 'AWARD OF THE ARBITRATORS IN RE THE TORONTO 
 STREET RAILWAY. 
 
 "To whom all these presents shall come: 
 "We, Edmund John Senkler, of the City of St. 
 Catharines, in the County of Lincoln, and Province 
 of Ontario, Judge of the County Court of the Ccuniy 
 of Lincoln, and Charles Henry Ritchie, of the City 
 of Toronto, in the County of York, and Province of 
 Ontario, one of Her Majesty's counsel learned in 
 the laws, send greeting: 
 
 "Whereas the Corporation of the City of Toronto, 
 by notice in writing bearing date the twenty-third 
 day of November, A. D. 1889, and under the cor-
 
 III. TO MUNICIPALIZE TRANSIT 35 
 
 porate seal of the said the Corporation of the City 
 of Toronto, and the hand of Edward Frederick 
 Clarke, Esquire, M. PP., Mayor of the said City, and 
 Richard Theodore Coady, Esquire, treasurer of the 
 said the Corporation of the City of Toronto, and 
 keeper of the City seal, addressed to the Toronto 
 Street Railway Company, and served upon the said 
 the Toronto Street Railway Company upon the said 
 twenty-third day of November, A. D. 1889, did re- 
 quire the said, the Toronto Street Railway Com- 
 pany, to take notice that the Corporation of the 
 City of Toronto intended, at the expiration of the term 
 of the franchise granted to Alexander Easton, Es- 
 quire, by certain resolutions adopted by the municipal 
 Council of the said Corporation on the fourteenth 
 day of March, 1 86 1, and by a certain agreement made 
 on the twenty-sixth day of March, 1861, between the 
 Corporation of the City of Toronto, and Alexander 
 Easton, and by a certain By-law of the said Corpo- 
 ration passed on the twenty-second day of July, 1861, 
 and numbered 353 (and which franchise the said Com- 
 pany then claimed the right to exercise), and also 
 of certain other franchises subsequently granted by 
 the said Municipal Council at different times for the 
 said term to the Toronto Street Railway Company, 
 to assume the ownership of these railways of the 
 said Company, and of all real and personal property 
 in connection with the working thereof, on payment 
 of their value to be determined by arbitration. 
 
 "And whereas by an order made in the High Court 
 of Justice, Chancery Division, by the Honorable the 
 Chancellor of Ontario, on Wednesday, the eighteenth 
 day of June, A, D. 1890, in the matter of an arbitra- 
 tion between the Corporation of the City of Toronto 
 and the Toronto Street Railway Company, and in 
 the matter of the Acts of the Legislature of the 
 Province of Ontario, 52 Victoria, Chapter 13, and 53
 
 36 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 Victoria, Chapter 105, upon motion that day made 
 unto the said Court by Mr. Robinson, Q. C., of 
 counsel for the Corporation of the City of Toronto, 
 and upon reading the affidavit of C. R. W. Biggar, 
 Q. C., a certain notice served by the said City of 
 Toronto on the said Toronto Street Railway Com- 
 pany on the twenty-third day of November, 1889 
 (being the notice hereinbefore recited), the affidavit 
 of Patrick Joseph McCormack, being the affidavit of 
 service of such notice, and upon reading the notice 
 of motion therein, and a certain agreement made 
 between one Alexander Easton and the said the 
 Corporation of the City of Toronto, on the twenty- 
 sixth day of March, A. D. 1861 (being the agreement 
 mentioned and referred to in said notice), and upon 
 hearing counsel, the Honorable the Chancellor of 
 Ontario did, pursuant to the statute firstly above 
 named by the said order, appoint Edmund John 
 Senkler, of the City cf St. Catharines, Judge of the 
 County Court of the County of Lincoln, Samuel 
 Barker, Esquire, and Charles Henry Ritchie, one of 
 Her Majesty's counsel learned in the law, the arbi- 
 trators to ascertain the value to be determined by 
 arbitration under the said agreement. 
 
 "And whereas the said arbitrators duly took upon 
 themselves the burthen of the said reference and 
 arbitration, and duly weighed and considered the 
 several allegations made by and on behalf of the 
 said the Corporation of the City of Toronto ar.d the 
 said the Toronto Street Railway Company, the 
 parties thereto and also the proofs, vouchers and doc- 
 uments which have been given in evidence before 
 them. 
 
 "Now, therefore, we the said Edmund John Senk- 
 ler, and Charles Henry Ritchie, being two cf the 
 above-named arbitrators (Samuel Barker, the other 
 of said arbitrators not joining in its award, although
 
 III. TO MUNICIPALIZE TRANSIT 37 
 
 present at the making thereof), do hereby make 
 and publish this our award of and concerning the 
 matters so referred to us as aforesaid, in manner 
 following, that is to say: 
 
 "We find, award, adjudge and determine the value 
 of the railways of the said Toronto Street Railway 
 Company, and of all real and personal property in 
 connection with the working thereof, to be the sum 
 of one million, four hundred and fifty-three thousand, 
 seven hundred and eighty-eight dollars ($1,453,788). 
 
 "We further find, award, adjudge and determine 
 that the said railways, and the said real and per- 
 sonal property so valued by us, consist of and include 
 all the railways, and all the real and personal prop- 
 erty specified or mentioned in the schedule hereunto 
 annexed, and also all other railways belonging to 
 or worked or constructed by the Toronto Street 
 Railway Company within the City of Toronto afore- 
 said, and all other real and personal property of the 
 Toronto Street Railway Company used or intended 
 to be used in connection with their said railways or 
 any of them, and that the above-mentioned sum so 
 found by us is the value of all said railways, and of 
 all said real and personal property free and clear and 
 fully and completely exonerated and forever dis- 
 charged of and from all mortgages, debentures, bonds, 
 debts, liens, encumbrances, claims and demands 
 whatsoever either at law or in equity, and of every 
 nature and kind whatsoever. 
 
 "We are of opinion that the true construction of 
 the agreement of the twenty-sixth March, 1861, 
 between the Corporation of the City of Toronto and 
 Alexander Easton, and the resolutions recited there- 
 in, the right and privilege to construct, maintain and 
 operate street railways upon certain streets in the 
 City of Toronto was granted to the said Easton for 
 the period of thirty years from the date therein men-
 
 ::8 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 tioned only, and not in perpetuity, and that all street 
 railways constructed in the City of Toronto by said 
 Easton, or by the Toronto Street Railway Company, 
 have been constructed and operated under privileges 
 for the same term of thirty years and not in perpe- 
 tuity, and in valuing said railways we have valued 
 the same as being railways in use capable of being, 
 and intended to be used and operated as street rail- 
 ways, but have not allowed anything for the value of 
 any piivilege or franchise extending beyond the 
 period of thirty years, as we ccnsider no privilege 
 or franchise exists beyond that period. 
 
 "We are also of opinion that on the true construc- 
 tion of the agreement of the nineteenth January, 
 1889, between the Toronto Street Railway Company 
 and the Corporation of the City of Toronto, the 
 Company is not entitled to be paid for permanent 
 pavements constructed by the City subsequent to the 
 thirty-first December, 1888, and we also think that 
 such pavements cannot be considered as having been 
 constructed or paid for by the Company as to entitle 
 it to any allowance therefor under the fifth section 
 of chapter fifty-eight, fortieth Victoria (Statutes of 
 Ontario), and we have therefore not allowed any- 
 thing in respect thereof. In valuing the pavements 
 constructed prior to the first January, 1889, we have 
 not made any deduction in respect of used life of 
 such last mentioned pavements subsequent to that 
 date, as having regard to the terms of the said Agree- 
 ment of the nineteenth January, 1889, we do not 
 think any such deduction should be made. 
 
 "It was shown in evidence before us that the 
 property valued by us is (in whole or in part) subject 
 to the following encumbrances, that is to say: De- 
 bentures issued by the Toronto Street Railway 
 Company under the authority of the Act (Statutes of 
 Ontario) forty-seventh Victoria, chapter seventy-
 
 III. TO MUNICIPALIZE TRANSIT 39 
 
 seven, for the principal sum of six hundred thousand 
 dollars, payable on the first July, 1914, and bearing 
 interest at the rate of six per cent per annum, pay- 
 able half-yearly. 
 
 "Mortgage in favor of one Platt for eight thousand 
 dollars (principal money), payable on the first July, 
 1892, with interest at the rate of six per cent per 
 annum. 
 
 "Mortgage in favor of one Crovvther for one thou- 
 sand seven hundred dollars (principal money), pay able 
 on the twenty-eighth of April, 1891, with interest at 
 the rate of six per cent per annum. 
 
 "Mortgage in favor of one Gooderham for twenty- 
 six thousand dollars (principal money), payable on 
 the first November, 1891, with interest at the rate of 
 five per cent per annum. 
 
 "Mortgage in favor of one Allen for two thousand 
 five hundred dollars (principal money), payable on 
 the twenty-second December, 1891, with interest 
 at the rate of six per cent per annum. 
 
 "And mortgage in favor of one Parsons for two 
 thousand dollars (principal money), payable on the 
 first day of November, 1891, with interest at the 
 rate of six per cent per annum. 
 
 "In witness whereof we the said Edmund John 
 Senkler and Charles Henry Ritchie (being a majority 
 of the said arbitrators), have hereunto set our hands 
 this fifteenth day of April, A. D. one thousand eight 
 hundred and ninety-one. 
 
 "(Signed) E. J. SENKLER. 
 "(Signed; C. H. RITCHIE. 
 
 "Signed and published the fifteenth day of April, 
 A. D. 1891, by the said Edmund John Senkler and 
 Charles Henry Ritchie (the above-mentioned Samuel 
 Barker being present at the time, although not join- 
 ing in the award), in presence of 
 
 "(Signed) J. F, MIDDLETON."
 
 40 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 When this award had become law, and indeed 
 before that, the city asked for proposals, looking to 
 the formation of a new company that should pur- 
 chase the plant together with a new franchise and 
 carry on the business of operating street railways in 
 Toronto under city control. The conditions upon 
 which bids were invited are set forth in a lengthy 
 document, which I would give on these pages did 
 space permit. Following, however, is a very complete 
 summary of it. The instrument begins: 
 
 "i. The privilege to be disposed of is the exclusive 
 right (subject as hereinafter provided) to operate 
 surface street railways in the City of Toronto ex- 
 cepting on "the Island" and on that portion (if any) 
 of Yonge Street, from the Ontario and Quebec railway 
 tracks to the north City limits, o\er which the 
 Metropolitan Street Railway Company claims an ex- 
 clusive right to operate such railways, and the portion 
 (if any) of Queen Street West (Lake Shore Road) 
 over which any exclusive right to operate surface 
 street railways may have been granted by the Cor- 
 poration of the County of York for a period of 
 twenty years, which shall be renewed for a further 
 period of ten years in the event of legislation being 
 obtained to enable this to be done; and the City will 
 assist in endeavoring to secure legislation. 
 
 "() Over those portions of Yonge Street and 
 Queen Street West (Lake Shore Road) above in- 
 dicated, the purchaser shall have an exclusive right to 
 operate surface street railways, so far as the city can 
 legally grant the same. 
 
 "2. The party whose tender is accepted (and who 
 is herein called "the purchaser") must take over all 
 the property to be acquired by the City from the
 
 III. TO MUNICIPALIZE TRANSIT 41 
 
 Toronto Street Railway Company, as it stands on 
 the date of the acceptance of the tender, including 
 the rails, points, and substructures of all tracks now 
 laid, real estate, buildings, shops, rolling stock, 
 horses, machinery, stock and all other articles cov- 
 ered by the award of the Board of Arbitrators, at 
 the amount of said award." 
 
 It was further set forth that the purchaser must 
 accept the title acquired by the city, the amounts to 
 be paid, dates of payment; and further, that the un- 
 dertaking should not be charged with bonds or deben- 
 tures for a longer period than the term of the contract, 
 and must satisfy the city that means were provided 
 for meeting such obligations at maturity. It further 
 provided: 
 
 "At the termination of this contract the City may 
 (in the event of the Council so determining)take over 
 all the real and personal property necessary to be 
 used in connection with the working of the said rail- 
 ways, at a value to be determined by one or more 
 arbitrators (not exceeding three) to be appointed as 
 provided in the Municipal Act and the Acts respect- 
 ing Arbitrations and References, and to have all the 
 powers of arbitrators appointed under said Acts, 
 and each party shall bear one- half of the cost of the 
 necessary arbitration at conclusion of term of lease, 
 but the City shall only pay for the land conveyed by 
 them to the purchaser, what it is worth, without ref- 
 erence to its value for the purpose of operating a 
 street railway or railways. 
 
 "The City will construct, reconstruct and maintain 
 in repair the street railway portion of the roadway, 
 viz., for double track, 16 ft. 6 in., and for single 
 track, 8ft. 3in., on all streets traversed by the railway
 
 42 HOW TO GOVERN CHIC/ICO 
 
 system, but not the tracks and substructure required 
 (or the said railways." 
 
 The terms of sale or conditions upon which pro- 
 posals were received further provided, in detail, as to 
 tracks, a complete electric system of roads for the 
 whole city; the funds necessary for the undertaking, 
 and stipulated that the "purchaser will be required to 
 establish and lay down new lines, and to ex- 
 tend the tracks and street car service on 
 such streets as may be, from time to time, 
 recommended by the City Engineer and approved 
 by the City Council, within such period as may be 
 fixed by By-law to be passed by a vote of two-thirds 
 of all the members of said Council; and all such ex- 
 tensions and newv lines shall be regulated by the 
 same terms and conditions as relate to the existing 
 system, and the right to operate the same shall ter- 
 minate at the expiration of the term of this contract." 
 
 It was provided that the speed and service should 
 be regulated by the city, that night cars should be 
 run, and as follows as to tickets and fares: 
 
 "Single (cash) fares are to be five cents each. 
 
 "Fares on night cars are to be double the ordinary 
 maximum single fare rates. 
 
 "A class of tickets must be sold at the rate of 8 for 
 25 cents, the same to be used only by pas- 
 sengers entering the cars between the time the day 
 cars commence running and 8 a. m., and between 
 5 and 6:30 p. m. 
 
 "A class of tickets must be sold at the rate of 25 
 for $i, and 
 
 "Another class at the rate of 6 for 25 cents.
 
 III. TO MUNICIPALIZE TRANSIT. 43 
 
 "Children under nine years of age, and not in arms, 
 are to be carried at half fare rates, and infants in 
 arms are to be carried free; school children are to 
 have school tickets at the rate of 10 for 25 cents, 
 only to be used between 8 a. m. and 5 p. m., and not 
 on Saturdays, 
 
 "The payment of a fare shall entitle the passenger 
 to a continuous ride from any point on sa-id railway 
 to any other point on a main line or branch of said 
 railway within the City limits; and to enable this 
 service to be carried out, transfer arrangements must 
 be made by the purchaser to meet with the approval 
 of the City Engineer and the endorsation of the 
 Council. 
 
 "Police Constables in uniform, Detective Police 
 Officers in the employ of the City, and (while a fire 
 is in progress) members of the City Fire Department 
 in uniform, shall be carried free. 
 
 "The purchaser shall be liable to, and shall indem- 
 nify the City against, all damages arising out of the 
 construction or operation of the said railway system." 
 
 It was provided that cars should be of the most 
 approved design "for service and comfort, including 
 heating, lighting, signal appliance, numbers and route 
 boards. They must be kept clean inside and out, 
 and shall not exhibit advertisements outside unless 
 under permit from the City Engineer. The platforms 
 must be provided with gates. Cars are to be used 
 exclusively for the conveyance of passengers, unless 
 otherwise permitted by the City Engineer." The con- 
 ductors were to be uniformed, and a sufficient number 
 of cars were to be provided to accommodate all the 
 people. Employes of the road were not to be re-
 
 44 HOW TO GO1/EN CHICAGO 
 
 quired to work more than ten hours a day or sixty 
 hours a week, or more than six days in the week, 
 and no adult employe should receive less than fifteen 
 cents per hour. There were many other conditions, but 
 these will show to some extent how the people were 
 to be protected. 
 
 You will ask, What was the result of all thisPThe an- 
 swer is in a nutshell. The competition of bidders for the 
 privilege was spirited. Several proposals were re- 
 ceived, backed by heavy deposits as a guarantee of good 
 faith. Abundant capital was at once at command. 
 One of the bids was accepted, and a contract was 
 entered into. In short, the street railway system 
 of Toronto was municipalized, and to-day it has one 
 of the most perfect systems of the kind to be found 
 on the American continent, with ample accommoda- 
 tions for all. Clause 16 of the contract provides that 
 the company shall pay, monthly to the city, the 
 following percentages of the gross receipts: 
 
 On all gross receipts up to $1,000,000 per annum, 8 per cent. 
 Between $1,000,000 and 1,500,000 10 " 
 
 " 1,500,000 " 2,000,000. " 12 " 
 
 2,000,000 " 3,000,000 15 ' 
 
 And on all gross receipts over 3,000,000 " 20 
 
 And in addition to the above the sum of $800 per 
 annum per mile of single track, or $1,600 per mile 
 of double track. It is needless to say that Toronto, 
 besides receiving excellent service, is deriving a large 
 annual revenue from its street railways. 
 
 In this matter Toronto has done well. This book is 
 written that Chicago may be induced to do likewise.
 
 IV. MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 Cities in the United States are left, in a great 
 measure, to work out their own destinies. Congress, 
 unlike European parliaments, is not permitted to in- 
 terfere in their management. Hence one meets with 
 a great diversity in the forms of municipal govern- 
 ment in this country. It is much easier to find out 
 the system of municipal government in the cities of 
 Great Britain, Germany, Switzerland and Italy 
 than to ascertain how municipalities in the United 
 States are conducted. All the principal cities of the 
 British Isles are organized under what is known as 
 the municipal corporation act of 1882. 
 
 The cities of Italy are managed under the "com- 
 munal law" approved by royal decree Feb. 10, 1889. 
 City ordinances for the provinces of Preussen, Bran- 
 denburg, Punmern, Schlessn, Posen and Sachsen 
 were promulgated May 30, 1853, and were followed 
 by general laws under the rule of the German empire, 
 With varying exceptions, the system which prevails 
 in the management of German cities can be learned 
 by studying these general ordinances. In Switzerland 
 there exists a similarity in the laws regulating cities. 
 
 In Great Britain, Germany, Italy and Switzerland, 
 
 45
 
 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 therefore, the central governing power of the nation 
 promulgates the laws which govern the municipal 
 corporations in the different countries. If this pre- 
 rogative were granted to the United States congress, 
 all the great municipal centers would be regulated 
 by one general act of the national legislature. Under 
 the present order of affairs in the country each of 
 the state legislatures produces a system of municipal 
 government for its own cities, following no definite 
 precedent. There is no uniform method; so it is 
 impossible to refer to the American system of mu- 
 nicipal government, as there is no definite system. 
 
 This is a young nation and it cannot be expected 
 that its rulers will be as well versed in the difficult 
 problems of municipal government as cities ten times 
 the age of ours, but they should be sufficiently liberal- 
 minded and unprejudiced to enable them to adopt 
 the wise provisions tried and found reliable by older 
 cities in Europe, where many of America's rich 
 citizens go to live and enjoy life after accumulating 
 fortunes here. 
 
 The present system of Chicago. City government 
 has its peculiarities. Some of its features are good; 
 others are at fault. Its weaknesses arise mostly from 
 constitutional sources. The framers of the consti- 
 tution of 1870, although Chicago at that time was 
 a city of over 300.000 inhabitants, appear to have 
 wholly ignored the question of city government except 
 in a very superficial way. Much attention was paid
 
 IV. MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 47 
 
 to the manner in which county affairs should be 
 managed, but the municipal idea was, to a great ex- 
 tent, overlooked. 
 
 This is shown from the fact that, to-day, Chicago 
 has various systems of municipal jurisdiction, the 
 one somewhat conflicting with the other, the whole 
 forming an expensive, cumbersome and out of date 
 monstrosity. No one can study the situation to any 
 extent without concluding that county and town rules 
 within the limits of the city of Chicago should be 
 abolished. St. Louis affords an example of this. 
 There is but one form of government other than 
 federal. and state in that city. There are many other 
 instances that could be mentioned. Chicago has too 
 much government altogether. The town lines and 
 town jurisdiction should be wiped off the map. They 
 are only a burden to the people. They create a use- 
 less expense which is needlessly added to the taxes of 
 the people. 
 
 It is the same with the county government. It 
 should have no existence within the city limits. It 
 amounts to an enormous burden and gives nothing 
 in return except taxation. It should have been wiped 
 out by the constitutional convention of 1870. Be- 
 cause it was not, another convention is necessary. 
 Chicago should have but one form of municipal gov- 
 ernment within its borders and that one as simple 
 and as close to the people as possible. 
 
 To reach this desired end the constitution of the
 
 48 HOIV TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 states needs to be revised, and the legislature should 
 stop talking about submitting amendments to the 
 people and take steps at once to bring about a new 
 constitutional convention. One may, at. the present 
 time, take a position on any street corner and he 
 will find himself amenable to five governments. They 
 are federal, state, city, county and town. Each one 
 takes him and filches him, but gives him mighty little 
 in return. All that is accomplished by the three last 
 named could be much better done by one. Has 
 any one figured how much the taxpayers of Chicago 
 would save by abolishing its town and county gov- 
 ernment burdens? 
 
 Bad revenue laws are a curse to Chicago, and for 
 that matter to the whole state. No one should favor 
 removing the present constitutional limit to munic- 
 ipal indebtedness. Chicago requires no relief in that 
 direction. If the legislature will provide for an honest 
 assessment of all taxable property within the state 
 on the fair valuation plan, Chicago, with its other re- 
 sources at present available and those which will be 
 made available under proper reforms, will be in re- 
 ceipt of more money than will be required for all 
 purposes. 
 
 It would appear that the question of our faulty 
 assessment system is one which the legislature can- 
 not longer ignore. It concerns the whole state, but 
 of course no portion of Illinois suffers to the extent 
 of this city. Chicago pays one-third of the taxes cf
 
 /K MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT li- 
 
 the state and more, and the poor pay two-thirds of 
 that, while the rich and the property of great corpo- 
 rations almost wholly escape. 
 
 There is but one cure for this evil. It must come 
 from the legislature. The power to cure is not to be 
 found outside that body. All that is needed is a law 
 to compel a fair and honest assessment of all taxable 
 property on the fair valuation plan by making any 
 other sort of an assessment punishable by heavy fine 
 and imprisonment. 
 
 By the way, the Republicans were in power at 
 Springfield in 1885 and 1887. In the former year 
 the legislature authorized Governor Oglesby to ap- 
 point a commission to revise the revenue laws of the 
 state. He appointed such commission and it worked 
 at its task the greater part of 1886. The outcome 
 was a revenue bill which the governor laid before the 
 general assembly of 1887. That bill provided for one 
 county assessor and an honest assessment on the fair 
 valuation plan, with severe penalties for violations. 
 So far as these two provisions were concerned the 
 bill was a good one, but it was torn to pieces in com- 
 mittee and finally strangled at the end of a rope pro- 
 vided by the corporations. 
 
 Since then the legislature has done nothing. The 
 Democrats did not even make the attempt when they 
 got control. 
 
 Now all Chicago needs in the way of revenue re- 
 form is a law that will provide and enforce an honest
 
 50 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 assessment. Will the present Republican general 
 assembly give us such a law? Will it prove to pos- 
 sess sufficient moral stamina for the work, or will it 
 succumb to corporation "influences"? We shall see. 
 The present mayor of Chicago in his annual mes- 
 sage of April 1894, speaking of the situation under 
 "bad revenue laws," said: 
 
 "It was a great American who said that the way 
 to make a bad law odious was to attempt to enforce 
 it. We are working under a bad revenue law, and 
 our only hope is in new legislation. But the people 
 will never awaken to the necessity of such legislation 
 until the present system is thoroughly exposed. Such 
 exposure is the single object lesson that will arouse 
 the tax-payers to the necessity of a change and in- 
 duce the members of the next legislature to grant 
 proper relief. 
 
 "It is most unfortunate that at a time when mate- 
 rials are cheap, labor abundant, and the needs of the 
 laboring classes so great, the city is without 
 the means to begin important works, or even to com- 
 plete those already commenced. At the very time 
 we should seek to give employment to the largest 
 number, we are compelled to dispense withvthe ser- 
 vices of competent officials in order to keep within 
 our means. 
 
 "It is evident that for a number of years past the 
 revenue of the City has been entirely inadequate to 
 meet all just demands. 
 
 "The perplexing dilemma which confronted my pred- 
 ecessors for many years, reappears at this time with 
 greater force than ever. We cannot shut our eyes 
 to the fact that this administration has to meet the 
 culmination of an evil, which has grown to such pro- 
 portions as to be no longer dealt with on any general 
 commercial principles."
 
 IV. MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 51 
 
 Under the present system the saloons contribute 
 about half the total revenues of Chicago, and yet 
 many people complain that the saloon has too much 
 representation in the city council, and other branches 
 of the city government. This complaint is unfair. 
 Taxation without representation is as unjust to-day 
 as it was at the dawn of the Revolution, though un- 
 fortunately not as unpopular. 
 
 If a full, fair valuation were enforced in the assess- 
 ment of property, the city would be able to realize 
 all required revenue within the present, constitu- 
 tional limit of taxation. But unless Chicago moves in 
 this matter the legislature will more than likely ad- 
 journ without taking the desired action. If the civic 
 federation were as active to secure an honest assess- 
 ment as it is to obtain a civil service law there would 
 be more ground to hope for relief. Alas! this new 
 reform body has no quarrel with legalized crime. 
 
 In order to solve the question, How to Govern 
 Chicago, an honest assessment of all taxable prop- 
 erty must be provided for, whether through county 
 assessors or boards of assessment commissioners. 
 The appeal of this work to the legislature is to pass 
 such a law. 
 
 Every well governed city should maintain a De- 
 partment of Public Safety, having administrative 
 jurisdiction, with the mayor, over the police force, 
 the health and fire departments. Chicago should con- 
 solidate these branches of us government under onq
 
 52 HOIV TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 management, with the immediate supervision of each 
 department in charge of a separate head. 
 
 These three branches of the government are kin- 
 dred, and interlock at almost every step. The police 
 are indispensable to the exercise of the functions of 
 the fire and health officers, and all three work to- 
 gether, though on somewhat different lines, for 
 the safety of the inhabitants of the city. The fire 
 department is at present well managed, and may- 
 be regarded as the most excellent feature of the 
 municipal system. The health bureau requires re- 
 constructing, and more efficient regulations for the 
 management of the police force are demanded. 
 
 But too much has already been said against the 
 Chicago police. It's easy to talk. A great deal of 
 reform talk heard nowadays is chaff. Much of it is 
 downright injustice. For instance, the police depart- 
 ment of Chicago is one of the most unjustly abused 
 bodies in the country. There are many 'unworthy 
 officers on the force, but the great majority of them 
 are faithful,obedient servants of the public. Nearly 
 all the trouble with the police is with the system 
 of government Every member of the force is work- 
 ing for promotion. Experience has shown that he 
 can obtain that quickest by zealous adherence to his 
 master's political interests, as well as by strict atten- 
 tion to duty. The former often conflicts with the 
 latter. Hence the criticism. 
 
 No city in the country has a better police force
 
 V. MUNICIPAL GOIVERNMENT 53 
 
 than Chicago, but no other police department is so 
 badly governed. The question is, How can Chicago 
 police management be improved? Certainly not by 
 taking it out of the hands of the mayor. The testi- 
 mony on that point is overwhelming. Experience is 
 the only safe guide in these matters. Certain duties 
 may be assigned to a police commissioner, but when- 
 ever that body has been made independent of the 
 mayor it has worked badly. Some of us remember 
 the old Chicago board of police commissioners. It's 
 record is now one of the rottenest landmarks of the 
 city's history. 
 
 I respectfully submit a number of letters from 
 mayors of American Cities, taken from a mass of 
 recent correspondence carried on with a view to ob- 
 taining opinions and experiences in other cities on 
 this question of police management. They will be 
 found instructive and entertaining: 
 
 MILWAUKEE, Nov. 23. DEAR SIR: Yours of the 2Oth 
 inst., requesting my views on the subject of the 
 management of a police force, is at hand. In reply 
 will say it is but natural that the people of Milwau- 
 kee are prejudiced in favor of the system of police 
 government which has been in vogue here since 1 885, 
 on account of the satisfaction it has given and the 
 universal support which it has received at the hands 
 of the press and the public generally. 
 
 The position of fire and police commissioner is 
 purely an honorary one and is not sought by poli- 
 ticians. I believe, too, that the mayor is best 
 equipped to select proper material for the board, be- 
 cause of his superior local knowledge of men and the 
 needs of the departments.
 
 54 HOW TO GOYERN CHICAGO 
 
 I speak of the two departments, fire and police, 
 as they are on the same footing, and the same argu- 
 ments will hold as to both. 
 
 I am satisfied that both departments have been 
 removed as far from political influence in this city 
 as it is possible to place them. 
 
 The board has been invested with appointing pow- 
 ers only, except that it is authorized to hear and 
 determine charges preferred by the mayor against 
 the chief of police, inspector of police, chief engineer 
 of the fire department and the first assistant chief; 
 it has also the power to dismiss any of the four 
 officials named 'for the good of the service.' 
 
 The chiefs are responsible to the board for the 
 proper administration of their departments; they may 
 dismiss members, but have no voice in their appoint- 
 ment; hence the incentive to show favoritism is 
 reduced to a minimum. The board is evenly divided 
 between the two political parties and may safely 
 be trusted with making appointments impartially, 
 especially as all appointees are subject to a compet- 
 itive examination. 
 
 The system of commissioners as applied in Mil- 
 waukee has passed through three Republican and two 
 Democratic administrations and thus far no change 
 has been attempted or desired. 
 
 I will add that aldermen and other officials have 
 long since become reconciled to the idea that there 
 is no such thing as a "pull" in either department and 
 the men comprising the two forces, secure in the 
 knowledge that so long as their services are faithfully 
 performed they will not be molested, can be relied 
 upon to do efficient work. Yours respectfully, 
 
 JOHN C. KOCH, Mayor. 
 
 BALTIMORE, Nov.23. DEAR SIR: In answer to your
 
 II/. MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 55 
 
 questions I would reply: first, in my judgment the 
 best system of government for a city police force is 
 by a commission of three, with the mayor of the city 
 ex-officio a member, making four altogether. The 
 three members of the commission, in my judgment, 
 should be appointed by the governor of the state, 
 two of whom should belong to the majority and one 
 to the minority of the two great political parties. 
 
 This, I think, would be the best way of divorcing 
 the police force from politics. The minority repre- 
 sentation ought to satisfy both parties that the man- 
 agement would be fairly conducted. 
 
 The mayor should be a member ex-officio because 
 the city would pay the expenses of the board 
 and therefore ought to have a representation in the 
 expenditures. The governor should appoint because 
 that would place the responsibility upon one man of 
 making good appointments, and if he should fail to 
 do this the people could get at him. 
 I am, very truly yours, 
 
 FERDINAND L. LATROBE, Mayor. 
 
 NEWARK, N. J., Nov. 23. DEAR SIR: Mayor J. A. 
 Lobkurclter desires me to reply to your inquiries of 
 the 2Oth inst. and to say: 
 
 1. Irt his judgment the best system of govern- 
 ment for a police force is a nonpartisan commission. 
 
 2. Such commission should be appointed by and 
 be responsible to the mayor. 
 
 3. The divorcement of the department from pol- 
 itics and the securing of an efficient service depends 
 solely upon the character of the men comprising 
 the commission, and the tenure of office of patrolmen 
 should be secure during good behavior. 
 
 Yours very truly, 
 
 JOHN S. GIBSON, Mayor's Secretary.
 
 :,() HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 PITTSBURG, Nov. 23. DEARSiR: Answering yours 
 of the 2Oth inst.: 
 
 1. Having the mayor of the city the real head of 
 the police department and holding him responsible 
 for the conduct of the men. 
 
 2. Don't think a commission good policy. 
 
 3. The men on the force to be appointed by the 
 mayor after examination as to physical and mental 
 qualifications, they to be appointed during good be- 
 havior and only subject to dismissal after examination 
 by the mayor or the chief of the department, the 
 men to have a copy of the charges made against 
 them. Very respectfully, 
 
 M. McKENNA, Mayor. 
 
 BUFFALO, N. Y., Nov. 23. DEAR SIR: In reply to 
 your inquiry of the 2Oth inst., relating to the best sys- 
 tem of police management,! would say that in Buffalo 
 the police force is subject to a board of commis- 
 sioners consisting of the mayor ex-officio and one 
 Republican and one Democratic commissioner, ap- 
 pointed by mayor for six-year terms. This board 
 appoints a superintendent who is the actual as well 
 as the nominal head of the police force in its practi- 
 cal workings. 
 
 The members of the force hold their positions dur- 
 ing good behavior, and cannot be removed or reduced 
 in rank except upon fair trial. 
 
 In Buffalo this plan has, when desired, secured 
 police service free from political favor. 
 
 From my experience I am of the opinion that the 
 only way to divorce a police force from politics and 
 thus secure the most efficient service is to put at the 
 head of the department as commissioners and super- 
 intendent men who honestly desire such a divorce. 
 With such men at the head the result can be attained
 
 .- MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 
 
 under any method of police government, and without 
 such men at the head some way can always be found 
 to defeat the most carefully considered methods. 
 Respectfully, 
 
 CHARLES F. BISHOP, Mayor. 
 
 CINCINNATI, Nov. 21, 1894. DEAR SIR: In reply to 
 yours dated Nov. 20, asking for information in ref- 
 erence to the organization and management of a 
 police department, I have the honor to inform you 
 that: 
 
 1. The best system of government for a city police 
 force is the nonpartisan. All nominations and ap- 
 pointments should be made without reference to 
 political party, opinions or affiliations. 
 
 2. The administrative part of a police department 
 should be vested in a board of police commissioners, 
 consisting of electors, to be appointed by the governor 
 
 or a period of years, say four. 
 
 3. The best method of divorcing a police force 
 from politics, etc., etc., is- to appoint persons on the 
 force of sobriety, integrity, and who are orderly and 
 law-abiding citizens. No man should be appointed 
 who has been convicted of any misdemeanor within 
 three years previous to his appointment, or has been 
 engaged in any unlawful calling; nor should any 
 person be appointed on account of any political sen- 
 timent or affiliation, nor should he be discharged cr 
 reduced in grade for political opinion. Their appoint- 
 ment and continuation upon the force must depend 
 solely upon their ability and willingness to enforce 
 the law and comply with the rules and regulations 
 laid down for the government of the police depart- 
 ment. I am, sir, very respectfully, 
 
 JOHN A. CALDWELL, Mayor.
 
 r>8 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 TORONTO, ONT., Nov. 27,1894. DEAR SIR: In reply 
 to your communication of the 2ist instant I beg to 
 say that the police in cities should, in my judgment, 
 be under a board of commissioners composed of men 
 occupying responsible official positions, the more per- 
 manent the better, and removed from political, 
 religious or society influences. Their sole object 
 should be to administer the affairs of the force in the 
 interest of the preservation of peace, the protection 
 of life and property and a strict enforcement of law 
 federal, provincial and municipal. The composition 
 of such a commission in a measure depends upon 
 local circumstances. In the province of Ontario the 
 police commissioners in cities are the county judge, 
 a federal appointment; the police magistrate, a pro- 
 vincial appointment; and the mayor, elected by the 
 municipality. So far as my experience goes, this 
 system of representation has proved most successful. 
 In order to avoid politics in police matters make all 
 appointments, from the chief executive officer down- 
 ward, permanent, subject, of course, to continuous 
 good conduct and efficiency. Hold all in their respec- 
 tive spheres strictly to their duty. Permit no member 
 of the force to join a secret or political society. Tol- 
 erate no aldermanic or other outside influences and 
 maintain a high standard of discipline. To carry out 
 these ideas it will be necessary to have one chief ex- 
 ecutive officer clothed with ample power to carry out 
 the policy of the board and to enforce compliance 
 with all the rules and regulations that may be laid 
 down for the guidance of the force. I have the 
 honor to be, sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 WARING KENNEDY, Mayor. 
 
 OMAHA, NEB., Nov. 26. DEAR SIR: Referring to 
 your letter of the 2Oth inst. regarding a system of
 
 IV. MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT f>9 
 
 government for a city police force, I submit the fol- 
 lowing replies to your questions: 
 
 i and 2. By a strictly nonpartisan commission, 
 appointed by the governor, with sufficient money at 
 its command to pay good salaries to competent and 
 efficient men, with one patrolman for each 700 inhab- 
 itants in cities having over 20,000 population, and 
 one patrolman for each 1,000 inhabitants in cities 
 having less than 200,000. 
 
 3. The entire administration of the department 
 should be vested in the commission without any 
 interference from any other department, and any 
 officer or policeman who meddles with politics further 
 than to cast his vote should be immediately dis- 
 missed. 
 
 This method has been in force in this city for the 
 past seven years and the result has been entirely 
 satisfactory. 
 
 GEORGE P. BEMIS, Mayor 
 
 ST. PAUL.MINN., Nov. 21. DEAR SIR: In answer 
 to your inquiry regarding the best system of govern- 
 ment for a city police force I desire to say that in my 
 opinion the control of the police should be vested 
 absolutely in the mayor, without any interference 
 whatever by the council or any other co-ordinate 
 branch of the city government. This, in effect, 
 answers the three inquiries embraced in your letter; 
 but it maybe better to give a specific answer in each 
 case. So to inquiry No. 2 I may respond that white 
 a commission might be desirable for a city as large 
 as yours, it has no value for a community of 50,000 
 to 200,000 population. 
 
 In answer to your third question I may say that I 
 know of no better way to divorce police from politics 
 than by vesting the responsibility for police manage-
 
 60 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 ment in the man whom the people choose to put at 
 the head of their city affairs. Yours truly, 
 
 ROBERT A. SMITH, Mayor. 
 
 In addition to the above, I received a number of 
 brief letters, in answer to questions put by myself, 
 from chiefs of police as follows: 
 
 BROOKLYN, Nov. 22. SIR: In reply to yours of the 
 2Oth inst., I have respectfully to inform you that 
 I have been pleased to mail you this day a copy of 
 our last annual report. This department since 1889 
 has had one head, known as the commissioner of the 
 department of police and excise, who is appointed by 
 the mayor for two years. Our force is under civil 
 service rules. All appointments are during good 
 behavior and all promotions made upon merit under 
 provisions of civil service law. 
 
 Very respectfully yours, 
 P. CAMPBELL, 
 
 Superintendent of Police. 
 
 BOSTON, Nov. 22. DEAR SIR: Replying to yours 
 of the 2Oth inst., I have to say that this department 
 is governed by a board of police, created by act of 
 legislature in 1885. The board is appointed by the 
 governor, with the advice and consent of the council. 
 Members of the board are appointed for a term of 
 five years. Respectfully yours, 
 
 BENJAMIN P. ELDRTDGE, 
 
 Superintendent of Police. 
 
 BALTIMORE, Nov. 22. DEAR SIR: In reply to yours 
 of the 2Oth inst., I beg to say that the police force 
 of this city is of the Metropolitan system and is gov- 
 erned by three police commissioners who are elected
 
 7K MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 01 
 
 by joint ballot at the convention of the legislature, 
 one commissioner being elected every two years to 
 serve six years. Very respectfully, 
 
 JACOB FREY, Marshal. 
 
 WASHINGTON, Nov. 22. DEAR SIR: In reply to your 
 favor of the 2Oth inst.,I have to state that all munic- 
 ipal departments of the District of Columbia are 
 supervised by a board of three commissioners (two 
 civilians and one army engineer) appointed by the 
 president of the United States. 
 
 The police department is under a superintendent, 
 appointed by the commissioners, who managed all 
 affairs connected with the department, the more im- 
 portant questions being subject to their approval. 
 Appointments are made upon his recommendation 
 and members of the force hold office during good be- 
 havior. Very truly, W. G. MOODY, 
 
 Major and Superintendent Metropolitan Police. 
 
 INDIANAPOLIS, Nov. 21. DEAR SIR: Allow me to say, 
 in reply to your communication of the 2Oth inst., 
 the police force is conducted under a board of public 
 safety, said board being appointed by the mayor of 
 the city and being directly under his control. 'The 
 board makes all appointments of police and firemen. 
 The mayor is elected for two years and his boards 
 are appointed for the same length of time. 
 Very respectfully yours, 
 GEO.W. POWELL, 
 
 Superintendent of Police 
 
 DETROIT, MICH., Nov. 21. DEAR SIR: In reply to 
 your letter of inquiry requesting to be informed how 
 our police force is conducted and if under a board
 
 G2 HOIV TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 of commissioners, how appointed etc., I have to say 
 that the department is governed by a board of four 
 commissioners appointed by the mayor for a term of 
 four years each. The board is a nonpartisan one, 
 being composed of two Republican and two Demo- 
 cratic members. Respectfully yours, 
 
 C. C. STARKWEATHER, 
 
 Superintendent of Police. 
 
 PITTSBURG.NOV. 2. DEAR SIR: Replying to your 
 favor of the 2Oth inst., I would state that we do not 
 have a board of police commissioners in existence in 
 our city. Our police force is appointed by one city 
 official known as the director of the department of 
 public safety, who is elected every four years by our 
 city councils. The power is vested in him for all 
 appointments and discharges of persons in the employ 
 of his department, which also includes the bureau 
 of fire, bureau of health, bureau of electricity, bureau 
 of building inspection and bureau of plumbing in- 
 spection. Very truly yours, 
 
 ROGER O' MARA, 
 Superintendent Bureau of Police. 
 
 CINCINNATI, Nov. 21. DEAR Sm:In reply to yours 
 dated Nov. 20, asking for information as to the man- 
 agement of the board of police commissioners, etc., 
 I have the honor to inform you as follows: 
 
 i. All police powers and duties connected with 
 and incident to the appointment, regulation and 
 government of the police force are vested in the mayor 
 and the board of police commissioners, consisting of 
 four (4) electors appointed by the governor, not 
 more than two (2) of whom are of the same political 
 party, namely, two (2) Republicans and two (2) 
 Democrats. They are to serve for a term of four 
 years.
 
 IV. MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 63 
 
 2. The mayor has full power and authority over 
 the police organization, government and discipline 
 of this force. 
 
 3. The force is nonpartisan and politics are not 
 considered as to an applicant's fitness for a position 
 on the police force. We do not recognize politics, 
 religious faith or any other matter, except that a 
 candidate is a fit and honest man and comes up to 
 the requirements of the rules laid down by the mayor 
 and police commissioners for the appointment of 
 police officers. 
 
 4. No member of this force, after his appoint- 
 ment as directed, can be removed from the force 
 except for inefficiency, misconduct, insubordination 
 or violations of law. Charges must have been duly 
 formulated and the same proved before the board 
 of police commissioners before an officer can be dis- 
 posed of. 
 
 Very respectfully yours, 
 
 PHIL. DEITSCH, 
 Superintendent of Police. 
 
 LOUISVILLE, KY., Nov. 21. DEAR SIR: In reply 
 to your favor of the 2Oth instant would say that the 
 police force of this city is under the control of a 
 board of public safety. The board consists of three 
 members appointed by the mayor for a term of four 
 years at a salary of $3,000 per year. 
 Yours respectfully, 
 
 THOS. H. TAYLOR, 
 
 Chief of Police. 
 
 DENVER, COLO., Nov. 22. DEAR SIR: Answering 
 your favor of the 2oth instant I have to say, while 
 I am not at this time chief of police, I herewith in- 
 close you a copy of my last report of that depart- 
 ment.
 
 64 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 The department is conducted under a board of com- 
 missioners of three members, who receive their ap- 
 pointments from the governor of the state, whose 
 term of office is the same as the governor (two years). 
 The intent of the governor creating this board was 
 to remove the police department from politics, which 
 was strictly carried out until the present governor 
 was elected, when he appointed a board who totally 
 ignored the governor and conducted the department 
 as a mere political machine. 
 
 The law creating this board requires the governor 
 to appoint on-e member of the board who is of a 
 different political faith from himself, with a view of 
 making it nonpartisan. 
 
 From my experience in police matters I am firmly 
 of the opinion that the police department that can 
 be conducted on a strict non-political basis can be 
 made the most efficient. Respectfully, 
 
 J. F. FARLEY, 
 Superintendent of Supplies. 
 
 ROCHESTER, N. Y. , Nov. 23. DEAR SIR: Reply- 
 ing to your letter of the 20th inst., would say that 
 our police force is under a board of police commis- 
 sioners, consisting of three in number, who are 
 elected by the common council every four years alter- 
 nately. I should add to the above that the mayor is 
 chairman of the board (ex-officio). Yours truly, 
 
 J. P. CLEARY, 
 Superintendent of Police. 
 
 From such a study of this subject as I have been 
 able to give, I am fully convinced that the mayor 
 should be held responsible for the proper management 
 of the police department. This he can probably best
 
 IV. MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENT 05 
 
 carry out through a commission to be appointed by 
 himself and confirmed by the council. 
 
 Civil service rules and the merit system as to 
 appointments and promotions should prevail. 
 
 There should be an improvement of the Chicago 
 police courts, first in the direction of divorcing them 
 completely from the justice of the peace system. 
 The following letter to the writer from W. C. More- 
 land, city attorney of Pittsburg, Pa. .contains valuable 
 suggestions for the establishment of an efficient police 
 court system for Chicago. 
 
 PITTSBURG, PA., Dec. 3. DEAR SIR: Under what 
 is known as the 'City Charter' of the city of Pitts- 
 burg, act of assembly June 14, 1887, P. L. 396, the 
 mayor has the power of appointing five police mag- 
 istrates, subject to the approval of the city council, 
 and in such districts of the city as shall by ordinance 
 be designated. The term of office shall be during 
 good behavior and until a successor be appointed and 
 approved. The annual salary of each magistrate paid 
 by the city is $2,500. All fees and fines collected 
 by these magistrates are payable to the city treasurer; 
 they receive no other compensation than the salary 
 fixed. 
 
 By act of assembly, approved June 16, P. L. 303, 
 the power and duties of these magistrates are defined: 
 They have the power and authority to receive and 
 take criminal informations . . . accusing any 
 person or persons of the commission of any felony 
 or misdemeanor, where such felony or misdemeanor 
 has been committed within the corporate limits of 
 the city . . . and to issue warrants for the 
 arrest of such persons so accused, administer oaths 
 and hold preliminary hearings in all such cases and
 
 CO HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 commit to jail or bind over for trial, or discharge. 
 They also have full and complete power, jurisdiction 
 and authority to administer oaths and examine wit- 
 nesses and hear, determine and punish according to 
 the laws and ordinances of said city, all cases of 
 arrest upon view or upon information made and 
 warrant issued by the police of the city in which such 
 police magistrate may reside of all persons who may 
 be found engaged in or charged with drunkenness, 
 disorderly conduct, selling liquor contrary to law, 
 maintaining a disorderly house or bawdy house, lewd, 
 indecent or lascivious behavior on the streets or else- 
 where, gambling, creating riots or disturbances, 
 vagrants, beggars, prostitutes, disturbers of the public 
 peace, known or reputed pickpockets, burglars, 
 thieves, watch stuffers, cheating, swindling, persons 
 who abuse their families and suspicious persons who 
 can give no reasonable account of themselves or 
 violating any of the laws or ordinances of such city. 
 
 They also have jurisdiction of suits for the re- 
 covery of fines and penalties imposed by any and all 
 laws of the city in which they reside and of all cases 
 of summary conviction arising under the laws and 
 ordinances of said city. The full power to hear the 
 cases, administer oaths or affirmations, decide the 
 same, enforce the penalties, collect the fine or com- 
 mit to prison, as the case may be, according to the 
 provisions of the law and ordinances applicable 
 thereto. 
 
 Thus far our system has worked admirably. The 
 men appointed seem to perform faithfully and intel- 
 ligently the duties imposed on them. We regard the 
 system as a very decided improvement over the one 
 previously existing. Yours, etc. 
 
 W. C. MORELAND, City Attorney.
 
 V. CIVIL SERVICE 
 
 Civil service rules and the merit system are nec- 
 essary to the good government of Chicago, even 
 more so under the plans proposed than otherwise. 
 In one sense the patronage of the municipal govern- 
 ment will be greater. But this question has been 
 fully discussed and the value of the plan admitted on 
 all sides. 
 
 I desire only to point out that the duties of a civil 
 service commission should both begin and end with 
 providing candidates for the public service. That 
 task is sufficiently great in itself, without adding to 
 it the responsibilities of a trial board for disciplining 
 or dismissing delinquent public servants, or defending 
 those unjustly assailed. These matters properly 
 belong to the administration of government, and 
 must always be more or less a matter of party 
 politics. 
 
 It will be quite sufficient for this, and perhaps for 
 two generations to come, if, tor all departments of 
 the public service, employes, male and female, shall 
 be selected from a list of candidates provided by an 
 authorized civil service commission. The matter of 
 their dismissal or discipline may well be left to the 
 
 67
 
 68 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 government that employs and pays them, and to such 
 regulations as may, by law, be made to regulate such 
 matters. If a civil service board is to dabble with 
 such issues, it will soon become a political machine, 
 with just as much partisanship and partisan zeal as 
 characterize any department of a municipal govern- 
 ment. 
 
 By all means give Chicago, and every other city 
 of any importance in the state, a civil service board 
 for ascertaining and certifying to the qualifications 
 of candidates for the public service, but, as you would 
 value its usefulness, keep it out of any and all 
 branches of government, else it will become a par- 
 tisan machine and an-object for contempt. I believe 
 such a board should be a state body having jurisdic- 
 tion over the qualifications of all persons employed 
 in every branch of the public service to which it 
 may be applicable, but local boards may not prove 
 objectionable. 
 
 Such a board cannot have any legitimate part in 
 the trial of a policeman, or a civil engineer employed 
 on sewers or tunnels, or a fireman, or a sidewalk 
 inspector, a school teacher, or any other servant of 
 the public who may be the object of charge of mis- 
 conduct. 
 
 Political patronage is probably the greatest draw- 
 back to efficient and clean municipal administration 
 everywhere. This is particularly true in Chicago. 
 Too many citizens have taken active part in political
 
 K C/K/Z. SERVICE 69 
 
 contests for the spoils of office and with the expec- 
 tation of occupying positions in the public service 
 rather than from patriotic motives. No one can con- 
 sistently find fault with these selfish motives every- 
 where visible in our political life so long as the very 
 essence of the municipal system invites to these prac- 
 tices. The rigid enforcement of civil service rules 
 and the application without flinching of the merit 
 system of promotion in the civil service will have the 
 wholesome tendency of inculcating among the peo- 
 ple the idea that good, efficient, clean government is 
 more to be desired and sought after as the result of 
 civic elections than the mere occupancy of office. 
 Too many citizens follow politics as a business 
 and for the sole purpose of obtai ing an easy liveli- 
 hood. This is not so much the fault of the people 
 as it is the weakness of municipal methods. 
 
 But these results can best be reached by a law that 
 will compel every branch of the government to select 
 its employes from the lists of the civil service boards, 
 rather than from the roll of ward workers. The 
 civic federation, or some of its members, has erroneous 
 ideas on civil service rules and their enforcement. 
 The proposition to supplant the government, or any 
 portion of it, by an outside body, which shall hold 
 the whip over a mayor, or chief of police, o-r any 
 other officer, is impracticable, not to say ridiculous. 
 
 One of the best features of civil service laws is 
 their economy. Under strict civil service rules and
 
 70 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 the merit system, the force in the city hall can be 
 reduced one half. That will amount to an enormous 
 saving annually to the taxpayers. And the work 
 will be done much better. One of the greatest draw- 
 backs to the heads of departments is the practice of 
 the administrations of placing a herd of green hands 
 at work in the city hall after each election. As soon 
 as they learn to properly perform the tasks assigned 
 to them, and very often before, they are discharged to 
 make room for others. 
 
 And yet I would be inclined to consider an active 
 interest in politics, on the part of a young man or 
 woman, as a characteristic giving some claims to a 
 place in the public service. Of course other things 
 should be considered. We do not want the public 
 service to be a mere machine, but a live, intelligent, 
 energetic force, each member of it pressing forward to 
 political preferment. Promotion in office is political 
 pieferment. It can never be anything else. It should 
 not be. We do not want to abolish politics, but 
 rather to elevate and reform party government. 
 
 I would increase opportunities for political action 
 on the part of the people. Therein lies the safety to 
 what is good and worth preserving in American in- 
 stitutions. Nor would I weaken party lines. Man 
 has not yet invented a better system of popular gov- 
 ernment than that which is by political parties. A 
 strong government and a strong opposition are req- 
 uisites to the safety of the people. It is a sign of
 
 ' K CIVIL SERVICE 71 
 
 intelligence on the part of the voters, not an indica- 
 tion of disloyalty to party, when the government fre- 
 quently passes into the hands of the opposition. It 
 rather indicates that leaders have become disloyal to 
 their pledges, and that the people are quick to rebuke 
 them. 
 
 Some of our civil service reformers want to erad- 
 icate party politics altogether, at least from the public 
 service. That would be an unsafe experiment. It 
 would be followed by rings far more corrupt than 
 political cliques. In the first place we are not so 
 badly off in political morals as some so called reform- 
 ers make o-ut. 
 
 It is easy and often popular with the masses to 
 assail and denounce officials, and to lay charges 
 against them, and even to bring them into public 
 discredit. One cannot produce much in the way 
 of reform by calling public servants bad names. 
 Nothing can be accomplished for the people, except 
 through the people themselves. You cannot main- 
 tain a government on higher lines of political morality 
 than a majority of the voters sustaining it enjoy. There 
 is a tendency always among the few who enjoy a 
 measure of wealth and refinement not found among 
 the masses to feel themselves better than the com- 
 mon herd. But, as a matter of fact, they are often 
 less worthy to be intrusted with the responsibilities of 
 government than those who make no pretensions. 
 
 I remember a few years ago when the people lost
 
 72 HOIV TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 confidence in the old parties and elected a number 
 of the "better class" as members of the Chicago San- 
 itary Board of Trustees. It was a citizens' movement, 
 a reform move. What were the results All of the 
 gentlemen elected, except two, found out soon after 
 taking office, either that they could not afford time 
 from their private interests to devote to the public 
 service, or that they were wholly unfit, by experience, 
 for the work, and they resigned. The old political 
 parties were compelled to elect their successors, who, 
 by the way, are now rendering the public good 
 service. 
 
 A large number of good citizens are just now talk- 
 ing loud about municipal reform, who know very 
 little about the subject. They are talking too much, 
 by the way, and some of them are beginning to 
 sound ridiculous. The civic federation has its share 
 of this class. It is through the zealous efforts,.of im- 
 practicable reformers that the cause generally receives 
 its worst setbacks. I hear men say: 
 
 "There is a man employed in the water department 
 who only yesterday became a citizen. He can 
 scarcely speak the national language intelligently. It 
 is a disgrace to the city." 
 
 Nothing of the sort. Such a sentiment has no 
 place in genuine loyalty. It is downright prejudice 
 and ought to be heartily condemned. All the nation- 
 ality elements should be represented in the public 
 service. It is not necessary that a young man or
 
 V.C1YIL SERVICE 73 
 
 woman should graduate in the high schools to be 
 entitled to a post in the government. I am not so 
 sure that the high school should be maintained at all 
 at public expense. One thing is certain. If all the 
 opportunities for individual progress in great cities 
 are to be absorbed by corporations, monopolies, 
 trusts, department stores, and other consolidations, 
 we shall soon have little use for high schools, as 
 parents will be obliged to take their children from 
 the grammar schools to the stores, shops and factories 
 in order to maintain the family existence. 
 
 I am for giving every foreign-born citizen an equal 
 opportunity. Broken English is not a distressing 
 sign of our times. It is rather an indication of 
 national progress and a proof that all the nations of 
 the earth are contributing to the evolution of Ameri- 
 can greatness. 
 
 Chicago's municipal government could be recon- 
 structed with advantage on some such plan as 
 follows: 
 
 i. A mayor, attorney, treasurer, collector, comp- 
 troller, and clerk, elected every two or four years 
 by the people. 
 
 2. A common council, comprising two aldermen 
 from each ward, elected one half each year, for two 
 years, as at present. 
 
 3. A board of public safety of three members, of 
 which the mayor shall be ex-officio chairman, for the 
 general management of the police, fire, and health
 
 74 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 departments, appointed by the mayor, and confirmed 
 by the council, for a term equal to that of the mayor, 
 such board to act under ordinances providing civil 
 service rules and the merit system for promotions. 
 
 4. A board of public works of three members, of 
 which the mayor shall be ex-officio chairman, ap- 
 pointed by the mayor and confirmed by the council, 
 for the administration of all city works, the laying of 
 special assessments, and the general management of 
 all public improvements. 
 
 5. A board of public service of three members, of 
 which the mayor shall be ex-officio chairman appointed 
 by the mayor and confirmed by the council, to be 
 charged with the management of all franchise corpo- 
 rations connected with the quasi-public service, such 
 as gas and electric light, heat and power, telephone, 
 and message service, street and elevated railways 
 and other franchise interests of the city. 
 
 6. A board of inspection of three members, of 
 which the mayor shall be ex-officio chairman, ap- 
 pointed by the mayor and confirmed by the council, 
 to be charged with the duties of inspection of all 
 kinds, including water, gas, oil, foods, sanitary mat- 
 ters, etc. 
 
 7. The corporation council and the heads of all 
 departments to be appointed by the mayor and con- 
 firmed by the council. All other employes of the city, 
 including secretaries and chief clerks, to be under 
 civil service rules.
 
 1/.CIYIL SERVICE 75 
 
 8, A Public library board as at present. 
 
 9. A board of education as at present. 
 
 10. A police court system providing for judges, 
 appointed by the mayor and confirmed by the coun- 
 cil, with ample jurisdiction, the city to be divided 
 into suitable judicial districts for the purpose, the 
 judges to be paid an ample salary to secure the ser- 
 vices of able, honest men, and all fees to be turned 
 into the city treasury. 
 
 ii. A board of three civil service commissioners, 
 appointed by the mayor and confirmed by the council, 
 charged with the duty of examining candidates as 
 to their qualifications for every branch of service of 
 the municipal government, but to have no control 
 over them after their appointment.
 
 VI. REFORM METHODS 
 
 We cannot hope to summon a new set of politicians 
 to the municipal helm all at once. Even if such were 
 possible nothing could well prove more disastrous. 
 We must use the materials we have. With an en- 
 lightened, active, expressive public sentiment, keeping 
 close watch upon our public servants, insisting upon 
 needed changes and reforms, the progress will be 
 substantial and in the right direction. 
 
 I am not among those who see only that which is 
 to be condemned in the majority of our politicians. 
 Their greatest weakness lies in the unfortunate truth 
 that they are, to a large extent, owned and con- 
 trolled by the franchise corporations. But for this 
 the people themselves are largely to blame. The 
 average voter is generally too much absorbed in the 
 insane race of making gain to bother much with 
 political affairs. So completely absorbed are the 
 business men of the city, that it is next to impossible 
 to get them together for purposes of remonstrance 
 or agitation on any public question. It is only when 
 a taxpayer is struck squarely between the eyes that 
 he will pay the slightest attention to the actions of 
 those who are robbing him. Even then, if an oppor- 
 
 76
 
 VI. REFORM METHODS 77 
 
 tunity offers by which he can cheaply purchase his 
 own emancipation from the evil, he is generally quite 
 willing to let his neighbor take care of himself. This 
 selfish, dishonest, indifferent spirit is the curse of 
 our people. 
 
 Talk about honesty, political or otherwise, and 
 what must we say, if we speak or write the truth? 
 Take the policeman. He is to-day branded by the 
 so-called reformers as an officer of the government 
 in league with thieves, pickpockets, gamblers and 
 outcasts. In some cases this is true. But alas! the 
 average policeman of Chicago is the peer in honesty 
 of the average bank president. Is that not true? Is 
 he not more honest than the municipal franchise 
 manipulator? Is he not as honest as his master, the 
 alderman? 
 
 But there is a difference. The policeman is low. 
 He has to defile his hands in th'e slums of the city. 
 He is a servant, often too coarse to be an agreeable 
 companion. He will do very well as an object of 
 attack. On the other hand the bank president, the 
 franchise corporation manager, the lobbyist, is a 
 gentleman, cleanly shaven, with fine linen, and the 
 advantages of luxury. His dishonesty don't count. 
 
 I am sick of the pot calling the kettle black. 
 There is not a reformer, or reform organization, in 
 Chicago that has yet ventured to cross the pathway 
 of a franchise corporation. Not one. The civic 
 federation is making a great ado about gambling and
 
 78 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 other vices that always flourish to some extent in 
 great cities, but it hasn't a word to say about the 
 greater municipal crimes of stealing public franchises. 
 Is not this hypocrisy enough to weaken one's confi- 
 dence in the "better classes?" I use the term ad- 
 visedly. These people belong to the "better class." 
 They acknowledge it themselves. They pose as a 
 little better than their neighbors. I am holier than 
 thou! These words are imprinted on their actions. 
 And so it is that the good they would do is dwarfed 
 by their hypocrisy, which to-day cries to Heaven 
 for punishment. 
 
 Hypocrisy ? Yes, hypocrisy of the rankest character. 
 The term is not strong enough. Truth demands 
 fiercer language. Contemplate the facts. Here is 
 an organization of reputable people, of wealthy citi- 
 zens, banded together to protect the inhabitants from 
 bad city government. What steps did this reform 
 body take to prevent the consummation of that colos- 
 sal steal, the Universal gas ordinance? None what- 
 ever. It was blind, deaf, and dumb to that infamy. 
 What action did it take in regard Jto the recent 
 delivery of Chicago to street transit monopoly, with 
 its trolley and double fare monstrosities? Let an 
 awakening indignation of the people who have been 
 outraged answer. 
 
 But it is unpleasant to talk thus plainly. Let us 
 be thankful that the civic federation is really in 
 earnest in its work to prevent public gambling, and
 
 V 'I. REFORM METHODS 79 
 
 to purify the ballot. These are noble missions and 
 well worthy the best efforts of the earnest people 
 engaged in the work. 
 
 The civic federation has made considerable parade 
 in preparing bills, and getting them launched in the 
 general assembly at Springfield. In this work I am 
 bound to say that the organization meant well, but 
 acted unwisely. None of these bills will ever become 
 laws. They were presented in an impracticable 
 shape, and must come to naught. If legislation is to 
 be had for Chicago it will have to come through the 
 Cook County members. The civic federation and 
 the Chicago clubs can't do the work. The thing to 
 do is to get the Chicago delegation together, and 
 for the leaders in municipal politics, such as George 
 B. Swift and John P. Hopkins, to agree with them 
 as to the measures most needed. If there is to be a 
 party split, then so much the better. It will result 
 in the Republicans advancing one plan, and the 
 Democrats another. The legislature can take its 
 choice, and the people of Chicago will have an oppor- 
 tunity of pronouncing on the merits of both. 
 
 Three measures are imperatively needed at this 
 session. These are: 
 
 i. A law for the enforcement of a fair valuation 
 in all assessments. 
 
 2. A law for terminating municipal franchises upon 
 their expiration, and providing for courts of arbitra- 
 tion as to the value of the properties of franchise 
 corporations.
 
 80 HOIV TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 3. A joint resolution providing for a revision of 
 the state constitution, so as to permit the legislature 
 to pass a suitable charter for the government of 
 Chicago. 
 
 But let us examine some of the measures of mu- 
 nicipal reform proposed by the civic federation, A 
 sub-committee of that body has framed a bill provid- 
 ing for a new form of Chicago city government. 
 Without stopping here to question its constitutionality 
 or practicability, even if constitutional, let us see 
 what it provides. 
 
 Under it the mayor is to be elected by the people. 
 In case of vacancy the mayoralty falls to the heads 
 of departments in specified order of succession. The 
 mayor is the only elective administrative official and 
 is given power to appoint and remove heads of de- 
 partments without interference from the council. In 
 his appointments he is to be subject to civil service 
 rules. 
 
 The proposed charter provides for five executive 
 departments, the heads of which shall constitute 
 the board of control. They are: The department 
 of accounts and collections, with the comptroller at 
 its head; the department of finance, with the city 
 treasurer at its head; the department of law, with 
 the corporation counsel at its head; the department 
 of public works, with the commissioner of public 
 works at its head, and the department of public safety, 
 with the commissioner of public safety at its head.
 
 Yl REFORM METHODS 81 
 
 The comptroller has general charge of the complete 
 audit of the city accounts, and prescribes the form 
 and manner of bookkeeping, making pay-rolls and 
 all other claims against the city, as well as perform- 
 ing the duties now prescribed by ordinance. The 
 sub-committee, in its report in explanation of the 
 measure, contends that the comptroller should also 
 have charge of the collection of tax money belonging 
 to the city. 
 
 The department of finance is arranged practically 
 on the old basis. There is a provision for securing 
 to the city all interest paid by banks. In fact, the 
 general plan is that all fees and perquisites of office 
 shall belong and be paid to the city, the officers re- 
 ceiving nothing except the salaries provided by law. 
 The department of public works is to have the initia- 
 tive in all improvements to be paid for by special 
 assessment. 
 
 The department of public safety includes the police 
 force, the fire department, the health department 
 and the inspection of buildings, of steam boilers, of 
 gas and of oil. The mayor will not preside or vote 
 in the council, but will have a seat and the right 
 of debate. The city is to be divided into six districts, 
 each of which will have six aldermen. Twelve al- 
 dermen are to be chosen at large from the city. 
 
 In the matter of franchises the civic federation's 
 bill provides that all material and structures in, over, 
 upon or under the streets shall belong to the city
 
 82 HOIV TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 on being put in place. The grantee obtains the 
 privilege of use during the limited period for which 
 the license is given. This period is thirty years in 
 the case of elevated roads, twenty years for surface 
 roads and ten years for heat or power plants, elec- 
 tric lights and private switch tracks. These fran- 
 chises are to be given in return for such rental as the 
 ordinance provides. The cost of construction is to 
 be credited on this rental charge and the construction 
 is to be supervised by the commissioner of public 
 works. In all cases where the conditions permit 
 competition, advertisements are to be made for pro- 
 posals or bids on terms most favorable to the city 
 before privileges in the streets are granted. 
 
 Application must first be submitted to the heads 
 of the executive departments, known collectively as 
 the board of control. If the assent of a majority of 
 these heads of departments is secured the ordinance 
 may be submitted to the council. After this the 
 mayor has an absolute veto of ordinances granting 
 such privileges. No grant for a branch or extension 
 of any system, nor any branch or line operated or 
 controlled by an existing system, may extend beyond 
 the limit of the term for the exercise of the original 
 privilege, or of the privilege held by the main com- 
 pany. The salary of the mayor is placed at $10,000 
 a year, of heads of departments at $8,000 and of 
 aldermen at $2,500. 
 
 The framers of this bill rely upon the passage of
 
 VI. REFORM METHODS 8:j 
 
 the civil service measure, now before the legislature, 
 and a special assessment law to be submitted later, 
 to perfect the system proposed. It may be taken 
 also that they expect a new revenue or assessment 
 law to be passed. 
 
 There are merits and defects in this somewhat 
 remarkable measure. In some respects it is too 
 radical. The changes proposed are too sweeping by 
 far. Genuine reforms seldom come with such strides 
 except in cases of revolution. The framers of the 
 bill must surely expect that it will serve the purpose 
 of agitating reform issues. They cannot seriously 
 hope to see it become a law in its present shape or 
 in any other by which it could be recognized as their 
 work. 
 
 In the first place the measure is unconstitutional 
 for many reasons, It could never pass if made to 
 apply to all the cities of the state, for the smaller 
 centers could have no use for it. The garment would 
 not fit at all. It must therefore be intended especially 
 for Chicago, and in that sense is pre-eminently within 
 the scope of special legislation and clearly prohibited 
 by the constitution. Just where the legislature is to 
 get power to divide the territory of a city into six, 
 or any other number of districts, is not clear. It 
 provides the city with property rights in and to 
 materials and plants placed on, under or over the 
 public streets under franchise grants, but makes no 
 provision for municipal use of the same at the ex-
 
 84 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 ptration of the franchises under which they may be 
 created. 
 
 The newspapers have named the measure, a bill 
 for a new city charter, and I must acknowledge that 
 the title is in every sense proper and fitting. If the 
 general assembly of Illinois had the power and 
 authority to enact a statute giving Chicago, or any 
 other particular city, a charter, all might be well. 
 At any rate it would make it worth while to discuss 
 the faults of the bill, of which there are many, but 
 under the circumstances there is nothing to be said 
 except that it's only fit for an amateur debating 
 society. It presents plans and theories, the elucida- 
 tion of which would certainly prove instructive and 
 entertaining, but it ought to be taken into some other 
 state, Nebraska, for instance, where the legislature 
 has been endowed with constitutional prerogatives 
 of sufficient scope to provide city charters to suit 
 the wants of the people, one kind for a small city, 
 and another for a metropolis. It would be a waste 
 of time to debate its provisions at any length in 
 Illinois until the constitution of the state has been 
 radically changed. The bill as proposed by the civic 
 federation would not become a law if passed by the 
 legislature and adopted by popular vote, unless 
 stripped of its features which bring it into conflict with 
 the letter and spirit of the cities, towns and villages 
 act, and the constitutional provisions for legislative 
 action on behalf of the government of cities.
 
 KA REFORM METHODS 85 
 
 The bill to change the present special assessment 
 system, in the preparation of which the civic fede- 
 ration is said to have had a hand, is, in most respects, 
 a desirable measure. It bears the impress of the 
 real estate board and of Corporation Council Palmer, 
 however, and is calculated to bring about a desirable 
 change. 
 
 Again reformers are told that before framing bills 
 for the better government of Chicago they should 
 carefully study the constitution of Illinois, and, if 
 they will do this, their energies will be directed to 
 wards a revision of that instrument, adopted in the 
 year of grace 1870, at the instance of the corpora- 
 tions, rather than to framing proposed statutes which 
 are out of joint with its plainly expressed terms.
 
 VII. CURRENT HISTORY 
 
 The necessity of some of the reforms already 
 pointed out is best impressed upon the reader by 
 reference to current municipal history. The Chicago 
 city government, for some years back, has been strug- 
 gling against odds for necessary financial support, 
 and city administrations have become victims of un- 
 popularity, as much from what could not, under 
 existing laws, be accomplished, as from what they 
 failed to do. But the people have not hesitated to 
 hold the city authorities responsible for results wholly 
 beyond their power to control. Unless some legis- 
 lation is at once provided, a financial crash will over- 
 take the city government. 
 
 If the reforms, in the way of municipalizing gas, 
 electricity, and transit, indicated in this sketch were 
 now well advanced, revenues for all purposes would 
 be in sight, but it will take some time to create public 
 sentiment in favor of these changes, and to inau 
 gurate them. Something must be done meanwhile 
 to put the city treasury in receipt of more money. 
 The present administration, acting with the council, 
 should send a delegation to Springfield to secure the 
 passage of a revenue law, with an emergency clause, 
 
 so that it will take effect in time to cover the assess- 
 
 86
 
 VIL CURRENT HISTORY 87 
 
 ment of 1895, providing for a fair cash valuation in 
 the assessment of all property. This, with a clause 
 to enable the city to better anticipate the taxes, will 
 meet immediate necessities. 
 
 The struggles of the Hopkins administration on the 
 financial question, creditable in every sense to the 
 present mayor, show the great necessity of some 
 steps in this direction. In his last annual message 
 Mayor Hopkins said: 
 
 "You are well aware of the financial condition of 
 the city. You know that it will require the most 
 strenuous efforts on our part to not only place the 
 city on a sound financial basis, but to bring to a 
 successful end the reform which this council and the 
 administration inaugurated at the beginning of the 
 fiscal year. It will require not alone your co-opera- 
 tion, but the co-operation of the citizens whose in- 
 terests are identified with the successful administra- 
 tion of local affairs. 
 
 "The financial question is the most serious one 
 that confronts the present administration. Without 
 a sound system of finance, no municipality can be 
 successfully administered. The present condition of 
 affairs is the natural result of an attempt, which has 
 been made for many years past, to carry on the 
 city's business under a defective system. This 
 doubtful course should not be continued; the real 
 facts should no longer be concealed. In my judg- 
 ment, it's better far that a full and frank statement
 
 88 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 should be made of the financial condition of thecky, 
 so that its citizens may be induced to turn their 
 efforts in the direction of such improvements as will 
 result in the application of better business principles 
 to the conduct of city affairs. Such reform can never 
 be brought about in any other way." 
 
 Addressing himself to the task before him, the mayor 
 cut out his work on three lines in this language: 
 
 "Three great problems confront us, and though we 
 may not solve them, yet I hope we shall do some- 
 thing toward their final solution which shall benefit 
 the public. First there is the financial question, 
 then the question of public franchises, and lastly, 
 the elevation of railroad tracks. The two first are 
 closely connected, and embrace many minor ques- 
 tions which arise from time to time. Since assum- 
 ing office three months ago I have made some begin- 
 ning in the consideration of these three important 
 questions, and in this connection I desire to thank 
 the members of your honorable body and the city 
 officials who have given valuable assistance in the 
 prosecution of this great and onerous undertaking." 
 
 All that Mayor Hopkins could do, under the pres- 
 ent laws, in the way of solving the financial question, 
 was to watch every opportunity for increasing the rev- 
 enue, and to economize by reducing the expenses. 
 On these lines he has probably accomplished more 
 than any of his predecessors. 
 
 Taking the tax levy of 1893, that of 1894 not hav-
 
 /'//. CURRENT HISTORY 89 
 
 ing yet been all realized, I find that it was distrib- 
 uted among the following funds: 
 
 General Sinking Fund..$ 1,020.00 
 School Sinking Fund... 1,020.00 
 
 Public Library 487,464.00 
 
 School Tax Fund 5,550,000 oo 
 
 Interest Account 994, 500.00 
 
 $7,034,004.00 
 
 General Fund 424,258.80 
 
 House of Correction .... 6 1 , 200. oo 
 
 Contingent Fund 15, 300.00 
 
 Fire Department 528,690 99 
 
 Sewerage Department.. 105,651,60 
 
 Dep't Public Works 1,287,523.76 
 
 Police Department. 2,010,926 94 
 
 Street Lamp Fund 295,800.00 
 
 Health Department.... 47,613.60 
 
 4,776,965.69 
 
 Total tax levy of 1893 $11,810,969.69 
 
 From the above it will be seen that after deducting 
 the amount of School Tax, Public Library, Interest 
 and Sinking Fund, there remained only about $4, 800, - 
 ooo for municipal purposes. This, so far as the re- 
 ceipts from taxes were concerned, was the whole 
 amount applicable to the needs of every department, 
 while $5,550,000 was allotted for school purposes 
 alone. Under such conditions it can readily be seen 
 how difficult it was to maintain the credit of the city. 
 
 The city's proportion of the general taxes for mu-
 
 90 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 nicipal purposes in 1894, was $4,817, 490. 88, or about 
 sufficient to carry one department of the city effect- 
 ively. The humiliating spectacle consequently was 
 presented of the city of Chicago being obliged to de- 
 pend on the receipts from saloon licenses to eke out 
 its municipal existence. 
 
 The total estimated receipts from this source for 
 the year 1893 were $4,298,182.15; the actual re- 
 ceipts were $3,729,698.29, showing a deficit of $568,- 
 483. 86. The receipts from these two sources combined 
 were entirely insufficient to meet the necessary ex- 
 penses of the city government in the protection of 
 life and property. 
 
 It is easily seen from the above that the present 
 mayor has had his hands full, and now that his term 
 of office is at an end he is able to give this account: 
 
 It is figured that during his brief term he has saved 
 for the people of Chicago the sum of $7,178,803.80, 
 and it will be noted that the bulk of this saving 
 is to come from a close imitation of real municipal- 
 izing of the quasi-public service. One is almost 
 warranted in the belief that Mayor Hopkins is not 
 far from conversion to the plans set forth in this 
 work. 
 
 Of the vast total of over $7,000,000 it is calculated 
 that $5,358,519 will accrue on account of the ad- 
 ministration policy of demanding some compensation 
 for every franchise given by the city. The present 
 administration has been busy with franchises, most
 
 rll CURRENT HISTORY 91 
 
 of which have been for enterprises of great magni- 
 tude. Since Mayor Hopkins entered upon the duties 
 of his office ordinances have been passed for the 
 Northwestern Elevated Railroad company, the North 
 Chicago Elevated Railroad company, the North Side 
 Electric Street Railway company, the Northern Elec- 
 tric Railway company, the Cicero & Proviso Street 
 Railway company, and the Mutual Electric Light 
 company. Besides these, ordinances have been 
 passed under which the Yerkes railroad systems and 
 the Chicago City Railroad company's system may 
 be transformed from horse to overhead electric rail- 
 roads. In all of these ordinances Mayor Hopkins and 
 the council have insisted upon some compensation 
 for the great privileges granted. In the cases of the 
 elevated railroad companies this compensation has 
 been based upon a percentage of gross receipts to be 
 paid over on a sliding scale of percentages after the 
 tenth year and continuing for the remaining forty 
 years of the grants. In the cases of surface street rail- 
 road ordinances the percentages have been fixed 
 upon gross receipts payable after the tenth year of 
 the grant, and until the expiration of the remaining 
 ten years. In the cases of ordinances allowing the 
 change of motive power sums of money have been 
 demanded outright, or the beneficiaries have been 
 forced to agree to pay stipulated sums yearly for 
 street lighting, or other municipal purposes. In the 
 Mutual Electric Light ordinance a percentage upon 
 gross receipts has been secured.
 
 92 
 
 HOW JO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 Mayor Hopkins has estimated the receipts from 
 these sources to the end of the grants, fifty years in 
 cases of elevated railroads and twenty years in the 
 other cases. As stated, this estimate reaches the sum 
 
 of $5,358-5i9. 
 
 Following are the estimates where estimates are 
 necessary, and the amounts otherwise provided for 
 to come to the city from franchises granted during 
 the last two years: 
 
 Northwestern Elevated Railroad 
 company car tax and percentage 
 accruing to city (estimated) $ 4,192,000.00 
 
 North Chicago Elevated Railway 
 company car tax and percentage 
 accruing to city (estimated) 1 12, 1 10.40 
 
 North Side Electric Street Railway 
 company car tax and percentage 
 accruing to city (estimated) 59,004.50 
 
 Stipulated amount to be paid by the 
 North and West Side Street Rail- 
 road companies for permission to 
 change motive power 570,000.00 
 
 Viaduct damages on account of Dear- 
 born Street viaduct to be paid by 
 same companies, about 34,454.70 
 
 Chicago City Railway company, for 
 
 permission to change motive power 250,000.00 
 
 The Northern Electric Railway com- 
 pany 62, 500 oo 
 
 Cicero and Proviso Street Railway 
 
 company 6,450.00 
 
 Mutual Electric Light company . .. 72,000.00 
 
 Total $5,358,519.60
 
 Vll. CURRENT HIS TOR Y 93 
 
 The account proceeds: The remainder of the $7, - 
 178,803.80 is accounted for in four items. One of 
 these shows the amounts secured from quasi-public 
 corporations having underground work in the streets 
 for repairs necessary on account of their disturbance 
 of the streets. The other shows the difference paid 
 by property-owners for public paving between the 
 years 1893 and 1894. The mayor takes credit for 
 this on the theory that his action broke up the pav- 
 ing combine, though he admits that the prices of ma- 
 terial and labor were lower in 1894 than they have 
 been for years. The third item shows the saving in 
 expenses of running the city government for the year 
 1894 as compared with 1893, and the fourth shows 
 the increase of receipts during 1894 over 1893. These 
 tables are given below. 
 
 Income from franchises $5,358,519,60 
 
 Corporations, for street repairs 249, 141.70 
 
 Street-paving contracts, as compared 
 with prices paid in 1893: 
 
 Asphalt $ 95,871.29 
 
 Cedar blocks. 373,398,96 
 
 Macadam 54, 546. 60 
 
 Garnite 3,875.04 
 
 $ 527,691.89 
 Saving 1894 over 1893: 
 
 Pay rolls 508, 041.16 
 
 Other expenses 446,025. 52 
 
 Increase in receipts 89, 383.93 
 
 Total $7,178,803.80
 
 04 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 But even this does not tell all the story. It is 
 shown that though the appropriation for 1892 was 
 $8,339,315 and for 1893 $9,087,765, as compared 
 with $7,968,791 for 1894, there were over-drafts at 
 the beginning of the year 1894 of $779,786, while 
 at the beginning of 1895 they were but $609,767; 
 in other words, that though the city had more than 
 $1,000,000 less appropriation in 1894 than in 1893 
 there was a saving even then of $170,019. 
 
 The statement also contains the following, making 
 a comparison of payrolls: 
 
 November and December, 1893 
 
 (Swift's) $1,479,521.09 
 
 November and December, 1894 (Hop- 
 kins') 1,283,727.40 
 
 Reduction in 1894 $190,793.69 
 
 Nor is this all. It is shown that the increase in 
 water pumped at various stations in 1894 over 1893 
 was 1 1,040,000,000 gallons. The bulk of this in- 
 crease is said to have been at the Fullerton Avenue 
 and Canal stations, indicating that the increase was 
 pumped into the river. The effect of this dilution 
 of the river slime is shown by a comparison of the 
 death rates, the statement showing that 'for 1893 to 
 have been 16.9 per 1,000, as against 15.3 per 1,000 
 during 1894. 
 
 In the matter of elevating railroad tracks the 
 Hopkins administration excels. That great under- 
 taking has been actually begun, and is in such a state
 
 Vll. CURRENT HISTOR. Y 95 
 
 of progress as to warrant the conclusion that it will 
 be carried on to a complete finish. 
 
 Hence, it will be seen, one can find much to com- 
 mend in the struggles against odds in the Hopkins 
 administration. These things should serve as lessons 
 to the people, pointing out what is necessary in the 
 way of changes and reforms in the present systems, 
 in order to attain greater, and even nore substantial 
 permanent results. 
 
 What is needed more is a sort of new beginning, 
 a new start in the government of the city, on lines 
 laid down in this little book; and if the voters will 
 take the matter up, and elect only those pledged to 
 such a course of reform, great and glorious will be 
 the outcome for Chicago.
 
 VIII. PRACTICAL REFORM 
 
 It was announced the other day that at a meeting 
 of Populist leaders held in Chicago it was practically 
 settled that the platform of their party for the ap- 
 proaching election will contain a plank declaring 
 against a down town elevated loop unless it is to be 
 owned by the city. This is in common with most of the 
 declarations of the Populists on the subject of munic- 
 ipal ownership, and it is certainly discouraging even 
 to one who advocates the principle. 
 
 It must strike one as remarkable that the leaders 
 of a political party noted for intelligence and ad- 
 vanced thinking on matters of principle, are so much 
 at fault in practice. No matter how sound their 
 theories may be, they appear to be utterly astray in 
 methods of putting them into practice. It must be 
 known to these reformers that, under the present 
 laws, the city of Chicago cannot own or operate a 
 street railway of any sort. More than this, those 
 qualified to judge, who have investigated the subject, 
 declare that the legislature has no constitutional 
 authority to grant the city such power by statute. If 
 this be so, a vast deal of work, in the way of law mak- 
 ing and constitutional revision is necessary before 
 
 96
 
 VllL PRACTICAL REh'ORM 97 
 
 the proposed "plank" can be available to the people. 
 
 Meanwhile Chicago wants the loop and will have 
 it. It is likely indeed to be constructed under exist- 
 ing franchises, and if not the mayor and council will 
 certainly grant one for the purpose as soon as ap- 
 plied for under the proper procedure. The city 
 could not proceed to do what the Populists contend 
 for, first for want of law, and in the next place 
 because the means are not within its reach for such 
 an enterprise. 
 
 This brings me to consider some mistakes of the 
 Third party on this whole matter of municipal owner- 
 ship of the means of the quasi-public service. In 
 the first place, we are moving along in the world of 
 progress too swiftly to pay much heed to things 
 wholly impracticable. A proposition for a certain 
 reform carries with it the necessity of laws and means 
 for its inauguration, and its proposer is visionary, 
 and indeed a stumbling block to progress, unless 
 he be able to point out by what methods his plans 
 can be accomplished. 
 
 Let us look at this proposition of the Populists 
 for municipal ownership of the proposed down town 
 loop, squarely. It would entail a constitutional 
 amendment, or revision, the passage- of laws by the 
 general assembly empowering the city in the prem- 
 ises, and the passage of ordinances by the city for 
 the details of the scheme. This is a work that un- 
 der no conditions could be carried out inside of four
 
 08 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 years. I mean it would take four years to put the 
 city in a position to do what the Populists demand 
 as to this loop. Now the same is true of any simi- 
 lar undertaking of municipal ownership. 
 
 What then should these Populists have done? 
 What should they do? They should agree upon a very 
 different plank. The city has it within its power, if 
 it will show the disposition and ability, to take a most 
 important step towards municipal ownership of the 
 enterprise referred to, and one which a great many 
 people think preferable, but a step, however, which 
 must be taken if the municipality is ever to own 
 such works It would be folly to say that Chicago 
 must wait four years or longer before commencing to 
 build a down town loop, and yet that's what the 
 Populists' proposition involves. What these often 
 misguided reformers should do is to advocate the 
 sale of a franchise for twenty years, or fifty years, 
 if an elevated railway comes under the railroad act, by 
 the city to a corporation that would furnish the 
 required means, construct and operate the loop under 
 city control, and on a plan that would give the city 
 substantial revenues; and all other elevated lines 
 access over its tracks for the accommodation of the 
 people. This Chicago can do, and ought to do. 
 
 The mayor and council should at as early a day as 
 possible pass an ordinance setting forth the terms 
 and conditions upon which the city is ready to part 
 with such a franchise. Then proposals should be
 
 Ylll.- PRACTICAL REh'ORM 99 
 
 invited. The result would be the formation of a 
 company that would, if the terms and conditions of 
 the ordinance were properly set out, be completely 
 under city control, and that would give to the city 
 a great public work under a degree of municipal 
 management that would fully protect the patrons of 
 the service, and the treasury of the city. 
 
 The terms of such a franchise would of course pro- 
 vide that upon its expiration the city would have the 
 right to renew it or to acquire the plant and property 
 of the company under an arbitration valuation. This 
 is the only route to municipal ownership for the city, 
 in respect to street railways, gas, electricity, and 
 other branches of like public comforts. 
 
 If the Populists would put forth as much effort on 
 these lines as they do in the agitation of ends that 
 are not now attainable, much more would be real- 
 ized. I am not rinding fault with the Populists, but 
 venture to call their attention to these things in the 
 hope that they will get actively upon lines with 
 something besides talk and resolutions. 
 
 For all new enterprises of this kind under consid- 
 eration the city has ample scope for action on the 
 lines pointed out. For municipalizing those already 
 in operation, laws are required to enable the munic- 
 ipality to wind up the business under a franchise 
 upon its termination and to acquire the plant and 
 property rights that have grown up under it. 
 
 It would, indeed, be a hopeful indication if one of
 
 100 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 the old political parties would appeal to the voters 
 of Chicago in the pending election on the platform 
 of municipalizing gas, electricity, and the loop system, 
 on the plan set forth in this little volume. These 
 things can be immediately done, without the aid of 
 legislation, and it would be an auspicious opening of 
 a great work of reform that would certainly go on 
 until all these means of public service were fully 
 municipalized and, at some future time, if such were 
 deemed practical, brought under full city ownership. 
 
 Suppose one of the great political party conventions 
 should decide to place such a public undertaking in 
 its platform, and ask its candidate for mayor to stand 
 squarely on such a plank. Could there be any doubt, 
 if such a movement were known to be sincere, of 
 the success of the plan? The corporations holding 
 franchises from the city would array themselves 
 against the policy, but the ballot is secret, and the 
 voters could be relied upon to take advantage of the 
 opportunity to free themselves from the unjust bur- 
 dens that now load them down. 
 
 It appears to me that the average voter would 
 scarcely care much which political party happened to 
 champion the cause so long as he was given the 
 chance to vote for so grand a reform. As against this 
 proposition the relative merits of candidates, and 
 party considerations, could have little weight. It 
 would not be the Outs against the Ins. It would be 
 something more than clique vs. ring. The politics
 
 Vlll. PRACTICAL REFORM 101 
 
 of the campaign would be lifted out of the realm of 
 spoils and placed upon a plane inviting the attention 
 and criticism of intelligent voters. It would give 
 the contest real issues, instead of personalities. It 
 would give something besides saloon oratory to ward 
 work. 
 
 But if the old political parties refuse to espouse 
 the cause of the people; if these organizations will 
 not rise above the spoils of office, then let the Third 
 party wage a campaign on these issues, placed in 
 practical form, with a strong man at the head of its 
 ticket, and the people will rally to its support. The 
 voters, or rather a majority of them, want substantial, 
 practical reform, expressed in positive actions and 
 with less empty talk.
 
 IX. HOPE IN POLITICAL PARTIES 
 
 It has been the effort of these pages to point out 
 the road to practical reforms in the present system 
 of Chicago city government. It will be seen that 
 the movement, to be successful, must be gradual. 
 We cannot have the end with the beginning. The 
 progress must be step by step. We may start out 
 for municipal control over all franchise corporations, 
 and reach that much desired result under existing 
 laws, or with a very small degree of legislation wholly 
 within constitutional limits. We may incorporate 
 civil service rules and the merit system for pro- 
 motions in every branch of the public service. We 
 may reconstruct the present city government as indi- 
 cated in this work, almost entirely by ordinances, 
 with some slight legislative enactments. Ample 
 revenues can be secured by a law to enforce honest 
 assessments. 
 
 The greatest gains will come to the people in an 
 abundant and cheap supply of light, heat, power, 
 telephone and message communication, street and 
 elevated railway transit, and the like, and while these 
 blessings are being realized, the movement for a 
 constitutional convention can be pushed, and such a 
 
 102
 
 IX. HOPE IN POLITICAL PARTIES 103 
 
 revision of the fundamental laws secured as will put 
 the legislature in a position to give Chicago a special 
 charter, with one form of municipal government 
 within the city limits. 
 
 The question is, how are these things to be accom- 
 plished? By whom is the work to be done? When 
 is it to be begun? 
 
 With all deference to the People's party, which 
 has a legal and healthy local existence, and which has 
 put forward a platform with many good features, we 
 are left with no reasonable expectation that it will 
 get control of the Chicago city government within 
 the next two or even four years. As a party it is 
 unable to agree upon a set of principles of local self- 
 government. It must yet devote much time to per- 
 fecting a policy, for at present it depends more upon 
 the shortcomings of the old political parties for 
 popular support, than upon the merits of its own pro- 
 posals. 
 
 Relief must come, if it is realized in the near future, 
 from either the Democratic or the Republican party. 
 The cause of Chicago is really in the hands of the 
 people themselves. If they will become more inte- 
 rested in the questions of local self government, and 
 elect only such men as are committed to practical 
 plans of reform, much will be accomplished. If, 
 on the other hand, municipal politics are left to a 
 monopoly of the professionals and spoilsmen, fran- 
 chise monopoly and aldermanic corruption will 
 flourish.
 
 104 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 The result of the pending city elections will put 
 either the Democrats or Republicans in power in the 
 city hall. There is a possibility of the mayor being 
 on the side of the council minority, as at present, but 
 this may not re-occur. The people ought to know, 
 in advance, what they are voting for. It must of 
 course be a contest of men, but it should be pre- 
 eminently a battle of measures. The voters are 
 entitled to know just what the respective parties 
 propose to do, so that they can intelligently deter- 
 mine how to cast their ballots. 
 
 So far as a municipal policy is involved in the 
 present contest, George B, Swift, whether elected to 
 the office of mayor, or defeated, represents the Re- 
 publican sentiment. His views are those of his party, 
 and from his attitude the people may judge what to 
 expect from his administration if elected. 
 
 The same is true of John P. Hopkins, the present 
 mayor of Chicago, as regards the Democratic policy. 
 Whether Mr. Hopkins is re-elected, or another Dem- 
 ocrat takes his place, the sentiments which he now 
 voices are those of his party, and from them voters 
 may know what to expect if a Democrat is elected. 
 Hence I venture to discuss the attitude of these two 
 politicians towards the measures herein advocated, 
 not from a partisan standpoint, but with a view to 
 informing my readers what measures of support, 
 relatively, the reforms which this little book has been 
 called into existence to voice, will receive at their 
 hands.
 
 IX. HOPE IN POLITICAL PARTIES 10." 
 
 First as to Mr. Swift. He is the Republican candi- 
 date for mayor of Chicago. He is well known to the 
 people. His public record is an open book. He 
 has had long and varied experience of municipal 
 affairs, both as commissioner of public works and as 
 an alderman. Upon the death of Mayor Harrison 
 he discharged the duties of mayor ad interim with 
 credit to himself and the city. 
 
 Among his more recent utterances, from which one 
 may judge as to his views on municipal reform, is 
 his address on "The Municipality," at the Marquette 
 Club Lincoln memorial banquet on the I2th inst. 
 He said: 
 
 "It is difficult to determine where to begin in open- 
 ing up to your view and presenting for your earnest 
 consideration a subject so vast in its proportions and 
 so near to your wellbeing, morally, physically and 
 financially. 'The Municipality' the government of 
 our city, the administration of city affairs, is the 
 subject I have chosen. 
 
 "Let us note briefly what there is to be governed, 
 cared for and maintained. The city was organized 
 March 4, 1837, with a population of 4,170; an area 
 of ro 1-2 square miles; an assessed property value 
 of $236,842; no bonded indebtedness. In 1894, 
 fifty-seven years later, the population was estimated 
 at 1,600,000; the area, 186 43-100 square miles; 
 the real estate, assessed valuation, $190,963,364, 
 to which add the personal property, assessed valua-
 
 106 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 tion, $56,462,078, making a total of $247,425,442 
 worth of taxable property. The bonded indebtedness 
 of the city aggregates $18,000,000. The miscel- 
 laneous receipts for the year 1894 aggregate a trifle 
 over $7,000,000, $4, 000,000 from saloon licenses and 
 other sources and $3,000,000 from water taxes, to 
 which add the 2 per cent tax on assessed property 
 valuation, amounting to $4,948,000, making a total 
 yearly revenue in exact figures for corporate purposes 
 of $11,950,829, in addition to school tax, public 
 library tax and special assessments. 
 
 "The expenditures for the year 1894 were as 
 follows: 
 
 For corporate purposes $i 1,039,897 
 
 For board of education 5,71 1,81 1 
 
 For public library 490, 594 
 
 Paid out, special assessments 5.474. 194 
 
 For election expenses 235,841 
 
 "Here we have a grand total of expenditures of 
 $22,952,337. This is a vast sum to exact from tax- 
 payers surely needing the closest supervision and 
 the strictest business methods in its collection and 
 disbursement. 
 
 "Contemplate an area of nearly 200 square miles; 
 a population of 1,600,000; 3,000 miles of streets 
 and alleys, improved and unimproved; 4,500 miles 
 of sidewalks, 1,200 miles of brick and pipe sewers, 
 costing $16,000,000; 47,000 street lamps, costing 
 for maintenance annually $1,000,000; 560 miles of 
 steam, electric, elevated and street railways; a net-
 
 IX. HOPE IN POLITICAL PAR TIES 107 
 
 work of pipes and wires, gas, water, telegraph and 
 telephone, underground; forty-one miles of river 
 frontage, an annual entrance and clearance of 18,000 
 vessels, with a freightage amounting to 12,000,000 
 tons annually ; a water system consisting of tunnels 
 with a capacity of nearly 500,000,000 gallons every 
 twenty-four hours; pumping stations with a pumpage 
 of 360,000,000 gallons every twenty-four hours; 
 i, 600 miles of mains and other equipments, costing 
 to date $2 3, 000,000; a police department numbering 
 3,347 men; a fire department numbering 1,160 men; 
 212 public schools and 4,500 teachers and an enroll- 
 ment of 185,000 pupils; over 15,000 city employes, 
 and an annual expenditure of $23,000,000. That 
 was the year 1894. This vast corporation is con- 
 trolled by two great governmental branches, namely, 
 a legislative, the city council, and the administrative, 
 consisting of the mayor and the heads of the various 
 bureaus of administration. 
 
 "The citizen naturally entertains the deepest in- 
 terest in the municipality. Upon it he depends for 
 the myriad of things that combine to make our 
 modern civilization; to it he looks for the constant 
 exercise of the peace-preserving power, with all 
 which that implies; to it he looks for the mainte- 
 nance of popular education. 
 
 "Whatever the wealth of the municipality, it is 
 nothing if divorced from the public health. The city 
 cannot lengthen its strides or strengthen its stakes
 
 108 ' HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 without giving great attention to the transportation 
 problem and the proper maintenance of its high- 
 ways. Commerce would shrink and shrivel were 
 water and rail communication not constantly fos- 
 tered; all of the ramifications of municipal growth 
 and development are of the deepest concern to the 
 citizen, and for them in their many forms he looks 
 to the executive and legislative powers of the 
 municipality. 
 
 "As a municipality we have enlarged with marvel- 
 ous rapidity. With the enlargement have come vast 
 problems that test the highest intelligence, the 
 natural judgment and the most sustained patriotism. 
 With this wonderful growth the needs are correspond- 
 ingly great not time and natural adaptation, but 
 the quick resources of the broad, western confidence; 
 and earnest, energetic manhood must supply these 
 needs; the work must be done. Public, not personal 
 interests are to be consulted; patronage must be 
 used solely to secure public interests. It is the abuse 
 of official patronage which has resulted in a masterful 
 public sentiment which to-day demands prompt, 
 clear-cut, radical and permanently beneficial changes 
 in our civil service. A remedial agency, it is hoped, 
 will in the near future be applied; it should be 
 heartily welcomed and hospitably entertained, so 
 that its abode in the city government would be made 
 permanent and productive of lasting good. 
 
 "Many are the ills complained of in the munici-
 
 IX. HOPE IN POLITICAL PARTIES K)9 
 
 pality and as numerous are the remedies proposed. 
 Among them may be mentioned increased official 
 power, extension of official term, limitation to one 
 term, removal of bond inhibition, increase of tax 
 limitation. 
 
 "The 5 per cent bond inhibition and the 2 per cent 
 limitation were and are wise precautionary measures, 
 and the public should watch carefully any attempts 
 to change or annul them. The one-term-and-then- 
 out idea is meritorious, and to those who have had 
 experience in public office it commends itself at once 
 and without argument. 
 
 "To the advocates of increased official power I 
 would respectfully recommend the careful perusal of 
 the charter and city ordinances it is not the want 
 of laws, but rather the lack of inclination or ability 
 to enforce them. There should be individual respon- 
 sibility and strict personal accountability in official 
 life. 
 
 "The power conferred on the mayor is great, al- 
 most autocratic, consequently the responsibility is 
 equally great. The position is not one of ease and 
 retirement nor a rostrum for oratorical display. 
 
 "There are grave duties to perform which require 
 constant study, cool deliberation, firmness of char- 
 acter, honesty of purpose and courage of convictions. 
 A man so equipped and wedded to the one-term 
 idea and reform in the civil service as advocated and 
 demanded by an aroused public, will prove as nearly
 
 110 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 acceptable to the people as is possible. Such an 
 executive will be careful in the selection of depart- 
 ment heads. He will surround himself with men of 
 capacity, industry and integrity, to whom he can 
 safely trust the supervision of minor employes, 
 such employes knowing that the price of their re- 
 tention in position is faithful and intelligent public 
 service. 
 
 "Undisturbed by political, social, or personal in- 
 terference, such an administration would grapple 
 with the problems that confronted it and successfully 
 solve them. Such an administration would com- 
 mand the confidence of the people, and the people 
 would gladly rally to its support, lending moral and 
 financial assistance. 
 
 "The deliberations and conclusions of such execu- 
 tive and administrative officers would have weight 
 with the legislative portion of the city government, 
 that much abused body that quite often reflect the 
 opinion of the people whom they primarily repre- 
 sent, much criticism to the contrary, notwithstand- 
 ing." 
 
 Such are Mr. Swift's views on municipal govern- 
 ment. On the matters of franchise reform, and the 
 methods of municipalizing transit, electricity, gas, etc. , 
 as set forth in this work, Mr. Swift, after somewhat 
 hastily considering the questions, appeared to be 
 very much pleased with the propositions, and said 
 that he had given the idea of stronger municipal
 
 IX. HOPE IN POLITICAL PARTIES 1 1 1 
 
 control over franchise corporations much attention 
 and was heartily in favor of it. From pronounced 
 expressions of opinion on his part, the author con- 
 cludes that most of the plans of reform set forth on 
 these pages have a strong friend in Mr. Swift. 
 
 As to the present mayor, he is outspoken in their 
 favor. Early in November of 1894 Mayor Hopkins 
 undertook the study of municipal government gen- 
 erally, and particularly with reference to municipal- 
 izing gas, electricity, and street railway transit. He 
 gathered materials, and collected experiences and 
 opinions from many cities in Europe and America, 
 and at one time thought seriously of laying a plan 
 before the council, in a special message, for supply- 
 ing the city with electric light, heat and power, 
 through a corporation to be under municipal control, 
 and from which the city was to receive a substantial 
 share of the gross receipts, the main feature of the 
 measure being a cheap and abundant supply of light 
 to the inhabitants of the city, not only in their shops, 
 stores, factories and dwellings, but upon the streets. 
 
 He had also at that time under consideration a 
 plan for constructing the down town elevated loop, 
 by means of a corporation under city control, the 
 city to share in the revenues, the system to include 
 passenger depot service, and to be available to all 
 elevated roads, including those hereafter to be con- 
 structed, upon reasonable terms. 
 
 It is known that he made considerable headway
 
 1 12 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 in formulating a plan for these and kindred under- 
 takings for improving and municipalizing the quasi - 
 public service, but that, for some reason, he deferred 
 action. Those advised of his motives in the prem- 
 ises say that % he has by no means dropped the matter, 
 but intends to put his plans into practice as soon 
 as an opportunity presents itself. 
 
 As shown in a previous portion of this book, Mayor 
 Hopkins has made a splendid record in his struggles 
 with the financial difficulties into which previous ad-- 
 ministrations had drawn the city, as well as on his 
 policy of obtaining revenue for the c'ty from fran- 
 chises, and on track elevation. Should he succeed 
 himself as mayor, or should a Democrat be elected 
 in sympathy with his plans, the reforms proposed 
 in this little volume would, to some extent at least, 
 be given a trial. 
 
 There is, therefore, good ground for hoping that, 
 with an awakened public sentiment in favor of prac- 
 tical reforms on these lines, Chicago may yet, in a 
 measure, be delivered from municipal franchise 
 monopoly. 
 
 I want to point out in the strongest terms at com- 
 mand that no great reforms in the fundamental plans 
 of Chicago city government can be carried out under 
 the existing state constitution, and that we must rely 
 upon the development of public sentiment in favor 
 of a revision of the constitution in order to induce 
 one of the old political parties to undertake the task.
 
 IX. HOPE IN POLl 11CAL PAR 7 IliS 1 1 :; 
 
 I discuss this subject in connection with HOPE IN 
 POLITICAL PARTIES, for my experience of Illinois 
 politics for more than a quarter of a century has 
 convinced me that however valuable independent, 
 third party, or reform movements may be in the 
 way of pushing the old parties out into active prog- 
 ress on reform lines, real progress in legislation must 
 come, if it is accomplished at all, at the hands of 
 either Democrats or Republicans. It has been so for 
 a quarter of a century, with unimportant exceptions, 
 in this state and it will probably continue in that 
 way for some time in the future. Our hope is, as 
 yet, in the old parties, and if practical reforms are 
 presented to these political organizations in such a 
 shape that they can be carried out to the advantage 
 of the people, there is every reason to believe the 
 work will be taken up. It is the visionary reform 
 scheme, the impracticable, that must fail. Half the 
 measures that are taken to Springfield for the relief 
 of Chicago are unconstitutional; The people do not 
 appear to know very much about the constitution 
 of their own state. This is deplorable, but true. 
 Public men, even lawyers, frame bills for legislative 
 action just as if the general assembly had no limit 
 upon its legislative functions. 
 
 I sincerely recommend all citizens who wish to take 
 part in public affairs and contribute to the better- 
 ment of the people, especially on the line of munic- 
 ipal reform, to make a thorough study of the consti
 
 1 14 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 tution of Illinois. It is not such a very lengthy 
 document either. One may get a very clear idea of 
 its provisions in two or three days' careful reading. 
 If this is done there will not be so many foolish bills 
 framed as there are, and a great many reformers will 
 begin to talk about the necessity of constitutional 
 revision rather than the passage by the legislature of 
 impossible measures. 
 
 Here is a list of important reforms, advocated by 
 a good many people, which cannot be carried out 
 without amendment to or a revision of the consti- 
 tution: 
 
 1. Charter for the exclusive government of 
 Chicago. 
 
 2. A proper revision of the revenue laws so as to 
 enforce an honest assessment. 
 
 3. The abolition of town and county forms of 
 government within the city limits. 
 
 4. Municipal ownership of gas, electric and like 
 works, street railways, or other branches of the 
 quasi-public service, excepting water. But a sub- 
 stantial degree of municipal control over these 
 enterprises may and should at once be carried out as 
 set forth in this volume. 
 
 I might extend this enumeration, but these impor- 
 tant restrictions are more than sufficient to justify a 
 revision of the constitution, did not many other 
 urgent reasons exist. A measure to this end is 
 already before the legislature, introduced by Repre-
 
 IX. -HOPE IN POL ITICAL PAR TIES 115 
 
 sentative Thomas B. Needles of Nashville, 111. It is, 
 of course, in the form of a joint resolution and is 
 in the following terms: 
 
 "Whereas, The provisions of the present consti- 
 tution of the state of Illinois are too restrictive in 
 their character and are insufficient for the existing 
 and future demands of the people; therefore, be it 
 
 "Resolved, By the house of representatives, the 
 senate concurring herein, that a convention is nec- 
 essary to revise, alter, or amend the constitution of 
 this state, and the question of calling such conven- 
 tion shall be submitted to the electors of the state 
 at the next general election, as provided for by 
 article 14 of the present constitution." 
 
 The judiciary committee of the house has already 
 taken favorable action on this measure, and it is to 
 be hoped that it will pass both the house and the 
 senate. Should this be done the work on hand will 
 be to go before the people and convince the voters 
 of the state that a convention is necessary. The 
 feeling in the country districts is opposed to consti- 
 tutional revision on general principles. Hence it 
 will take much labor to convince the average country 
 voter that his interests will not in some way be 
 jeopardized by a constitutional convention. But 
 this work will become easy if both great political 
 parties espouse the cause and there are some indica- 
 tions that they will. Reformers throughout the state 
 should agitate for constitutional revision, for the 
 corporations, generally, will oppose it.
 
 X. CONCLUSION 
 
 And now in conclusion let me state, as emphatic- 
 ally as possible, that the plan set forth in these pages 
 for municipal reform contemplates no war on exist- 
 ing corporations holding municipal franchises. On 
 the contrary its propositions are equally on behalf 
 of three great interests, which, if right, are one and 
 the same, viz. : 
 
 i. The city government. 
 
 2. The people. 
 
 3. The corporations. 
 
 Any scheme of reform that seeks to promote one 
 of these interests to the injury of the other is im- 
 practicable because it is unjust. The constant harp- 
 ing against corporations is discord in the music to 
 our march of progress. The corporations are BS 
 needful and beneficial to the proper growth and 
 development of the city as the system of govern- 
 ment that should exercise healthful control over 
 them, and the control which this book proposes will 
 serve as a protection to their interests as effectually 
 as it will to the welfare of the inhabitants. 
 
 It is not proposed to set up new electrical works 
 that will destroy the existing ones, and give out a 
 
 110
 
 X. CONCLUSION 117 
 
 monopoly to a favored few at the expense of inter- 
 ests already created. Should the city to-morrow 
 offer for sale an ordinance and contract for the crea 
 tion of a quasi-public corporation with a capitaliza- 
 tion of twenty-five or fifty millions, so as to extend the 
 blessings of abundant electric light to all parts of 
 the city, what is to prevent any or all of the existing 
 electrical companies in Chicago from uniting and 
 offering bids to take the ordinance and undertake 
 the work? Nothing whatever. The idea is not 
 war on corporations, but reform. It is the promul- 
 gation and perfecting of a comprehensive system 
 under municipal control and protection that will 
 supply the wants of the whole city. It is to do away 
 with so many separate, conflicting, competing in- 
 terests, and to unite efforts, skill and capital on 
 a broad scale, equal to the demands of the situation. 
 
 Suppose that instead of passing the Universal gas 
 ordinance last fall the mayor and council had for- 
 mulated a plan for a consolidated, comprehensive 
 gas plant for the whole city, to be conducted under 
 municipal control, and offered for sale a contract 
 and ordinance on that plan, the so-called gas trust 
 interests would have been much better accommodated 
 than they were by the passage of the ordinance 
 referred to, and, what is still better, the people of 
 Chicago would have been fully provided for, while 
 as matters stand they are not. 
 
 Again, suppose that the mayor and council should
 
 118 HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO 
 
 now adopt the policy of terminating all street railway 
 franchises at the expiration of the last one granted, 
 and to authorize no more, on the old plan, ex- 
 cept perhaps such as would expire on even date, 
 or a date to be fixed, and inaugurate a great system 
 of street, alley and elevated transit under municipal 
 control, commencing with new franchises for required 
 new lines, what would be the result? Existing transit 
 interests would at once see the inevitable outcome, 
 and the advantages to them in the scheme, and 
 would fall in line with it. Long before the expira- 
 tion of existing franchises the lines now in operation 
 would be voluntarily municipalized and, without 
 friction, or injustice to any one, the great reform 
 would be accomplished. 
 
 Surely this whole subject is worth serious consid- 
 eration and careful study on the part of the munic- 
 ipal authorities and the .people. It is in this belief 
 that the author has ventured to present this little 
 volume, and in the sincere hope that it will serve 
 to bring about much needed reforms on the lines 
 indicated, it is given to the public. 
 
 THE END
 
 Money Found: Recovered from its hiding-places and 
 put into circulation through confidence in govern- 
 ment banks. By Thomas E. Hill. Chicago: 
 Charles H. Kerr & Company, 175 Monroe St. Paper, 
 25 cents; cloth, 75 cents; leather, $1.00; postpaid. 
 In 1890 Hon. Thos. E. Hill, well known as the 
 author of "Hill's Manual" and other standard educa- 
 tional works, proposed, in a letter to the Farmer's 
 Voice, a vital and far-reaching reform in the banking 
 system of the United States, no less a reform than 
 the government ownership and contiol of the whole 
 banking business. Mr. Hill's system met with instant 
 approval from many of the clearest thinkers of the 
 country, especially the leaders of the People's Party. 
 It has already been endorsed by local conventions of 
 the party, and is likely to be incorporated into the next 
 national platform. 
 
 In response to many requests Mr. Hill has elaborated 
 his system in the book Money Found, over 20,000 
 copies of which have already been sold. He points 
 out that the terrible business depression which began 
 in 1893 was due mainly to the people's lack of confi- 
 dence in the unsound private banks miscalled "national. " 
 He explains how the United States might open its own 
 bank in. every important town, pay 3 per cent on long 
 time deposits, lend at 4 per cent to every borrower who 
 has adequate security, do away with usury and revive 
 business, and all this not only without expense but with 
 a net revenue to the government of about $390,000,000. 
 The latest edition of Money Found contains a 
 glossary of financial terms, together with important 
 statistical tables showing the financial legislation in 
 the United States, the rates of interest in the several 
 states, the amount of gold, silver and paper money in 
 the principal countries of the world, etc. The appen- 
 dix alone is worth many times the cost of the book.
 
 Shylock's Daughter. By Margret Holmes Bates. 
 Illustrated with eleven drawings by Capel Rowley- 
 Chicago: Charles H. Kerr & Company, 175 Monroe 
 Street. Paper, 25 cents; cloth, 75 cents; postpaid. 
 This book is, to begin with, a thoroughly well written 
 love story, with an interesting plot and lifelike char- 
 acters. Whoever begins it will read it through. When 
 he has read it, if he was already a Populist, he will 
 overflow with enthusiasm, while if he was a Republican 
 or a Democrat he will have many things to think over. 
 The hero of the story is a People's Party legislator, 
 elected to represent a constituency of farmers and miners. 
 The heroine is the daughter of one of our typical pluto- 
 crats, a man who had secured his election to the state sen- 
 ate in the interest of a wealthy corporation, and whose 
 aim was to prevent just the legislation that the hero of 
 the story was bent on securing. The senator conceived 
 the happy idea of using his daughter's influence with 
 the popular young legislator, and the consequences of 
 his endeavors are worked out by the novelist in a decid- 
 edly interesting fashion. For the final outcome, the 
 reader must consult the book itself. 
 
 The hero, John Longwood, opens his political career 
 by writing a series of letters on money, land, trans- 
 portation, etc., to his local paper. The ideas thus 
 advanced are sound and timely, embodying some of 
 the most important reforms which the country is suffer- 
 ing for to-day. 
 
 The book is dedicated to the People's Party of 
 America. "Never a party with so magnificent an op- 
 portunity. Never a party with rank and file so sturdy 
 and noble. Never such a need for brave, wise and in- 
 corruptible leaders. If these pages encourage another 
 John Longwood to come forward, it will not have been 
 written in vain."
 
 The Rights of Labor. An inquiry as to the rela- 
 tion between employer and employee. By W. J. 
 Chicago: Charles H. Kerr & Company, 175 Mon- 
 roe Street. Paper, 25 cents; postpaid. 
 
 Few employers and few of those in their employ 
 have very definite ideas as to the implied agreements 
 which legally attach to the ordinary verbal contract to 
 work for so many dollars a week, and still fewer have 
 any definite ideas as to how the law might be improved. 
 The anonymous writer of this book gives much valua- 
 ble information as to the present status of the labor 
 contract, and he advocates certain legal reforms the 
 discussion of which can not fail to do good. 
 
 He holds that under present conditions the laborer 
 is usually at a disadvantage in making a labor contract, 
 since his very life depends on his finding work, and 
 that thus the employer often grasps an unduly large 
 share of the product. The remedy which the author 
 proposes is to limit by law the percentage of profit 
 (after all expenses are paid) which capital may receive 
 each year on its actual investment. He would put 
 this limit high enough to compensate for the losses of 
 unprofitable years. All profits above this limit he pro- 
 poses to divide among those who do the work, either 
 of hand or head, in proportion to their wages. Also 
 he would make some provision against the enforce- 
 ment of needless and oppressive regulations. 
 
 Never in the world's history were the toiling millions 
 so near as now to a union for political action to secure 
 their rights. Given a plan on which all can unite, and 
 the union can be effected with astonishing rapidity. 
 This book develops many if not all the features of the 
 coming plan for action, and every thinking man should 
 read it.
 
 The Pullman Strike. By Rev. William H. Car- 
 wardine, Pastor of the First Methodist Church, 
 Pullman, 111. Fourth edition. Chicago: Charles 
 H. Kerr & Company, 175 Monroe Street. Paper, 
 25 cents, postpaid. 
 
 The Pullman strike has passed into history. The 
 Pullman problem remains unsolved, and every patriotic 
 American must do his part in solving it. For it is 
 only part of a larger problem, one that is already 
 upon us. 
 
 Had the strikers any real grievances, or were they 
 the dupes of ambitious men with private ends to serve? 
 Which ought the people to demand of their legisla- 
 tors, that they restrict the power of organized capital, 
 or that they go further in repressing the movements of 
 organized labor? 
 
 The answers to such questions depend rather on facts 
 than on logic, but facts are hard to arrive at, when 
 statements come from the parties vitally interested in 
 the disputed questions. Mr. Carwardine's little book 
 has therefore a high and permanent value both to the 
 citizen of to-day and the student of the future. For 
 he is neither a capitalist nor, in the restricted sense, 
 a workingman, but an observer, with nothing to preju- 
 dice him in favor of either side. This being the case, 
 his testimony in favor of the men and against the 
 Pullman Company is most convincing, and it is no 
 wonder that the allied monopolists have done every- 
 thing possible in indirect ways to discredit the little 
 book, nor that its sale has been phenomenally rapid 
 among those who are hoping and working for social 
 progress toward a more humane civilization. 
 
 Not a single important statement in the book has 
 been successfully challenged, and fair-minded men 
 *nay read it with the certainty of getting at the facts.
 
 A Story from Pullmantown. By Nico Bech-Meyer. 
 Chicago: Charles H. Kerr & Company, 175 
 Monroe Street. Paper, 25 cents; cloth, 50 cents, 
 postpaid. 
 
 The year 1894 will pass into America's history as a 
 memorable one. Throughout the nation the irrepres- 
 sible conflict between human rights and "vested rights" 
 has been growing more intense. Upon the town of 
 Pullman all eyes have been focused, for here the na- 
 tional struggle has been reproduced in miniature, re- 
 produced in a fashion so concrete that the dullest 
 minds have understood. Rarely has so grand a theme 
 been found ready to the artist's hand, and never has 
 the artist appeared so promptly. 
 
 Mrs. Nico Bech-Meyer is an American by adoption 
 and loyalty, though a Norsewoman by birth. She has 
 acquired a mastery of the English language that most 
 of our native authors might well envy. But she does 
 not often let the reader stop to think of her style, 
 the movement of her story is too rapid. 
 
 Very artistically yet simply she discloses, as her story 
 proceeds, the insufferable oppressions of the Pullman 
 company; she interprets the mental struggle of the 
 more intelligent of the working people; she closes her 
 book with their final decision to begin the strike, and 
 every reader who has followed the story from the be- 
 ginning will feel that as free men and women they 
 could not have done otherwise. 
 
 This book is full of inspiration for those who are 
 tempted to think of the strike as only a failure: "Never 
 yet have great changes been effected without birth- 
 pains. There are walls which must be torn down, 
 and old stuff which must be thrown out. Better to lie 
 down on the street and die than to live a slave's life 
 and leave it as an inheritance to their children."
 
 A scientific and popular treatise on Pre- 
 natal Influence, the Prevention of Conception, and 
 the Hygiene and Physiology of Generative Life. 
 By Sydney Barrington Elliot, M. D. Chicago: 
 Charles H. Kerr & Company, 175 Monroe Street. 
 Cloth, $1.50, postpaid. 
 
 Nothing among the gloomy signs of the times to- 
 day sheds a brighter ray of hope than the scientific 
 discoveries in the field of pre-natal influence. It is now 
 an established fact that parents may, to an extent be- 
 fore undreamed of, determine the lives of their children. 
 "It is the right of every child to be well born." Par- 
 ents may ignore that right. If they do, the chances 
 are that the child will suffer through life from some 
 physical, mental or moral deformity which might have 
 been prevented. Parents may recognize that right, 
 study the laws of pre-natal influence, and so apply 
 them as to intensify in their offspring every good qual- 
 ity they themselves possess, and greatly remedy every 
 defect. If only a majority of our people would do 
 this, the life of the nation would be transformed in a 
 generation. 
 
 Dr. Elliot is one of the scientists who have studied 
 these laws of pre-natal influence, and in this book he 
 has done priceless service in so explaining them that 
 all may understand and apply them. One position 
 which he takes deserves special comment. He holds that 
 there should be no chance conception, and as a corol- 
 lary to this he holds that every married woman should 
 know that there are safe and harmless methods for its 
 prevention. This view will be decried by some, but 
 all who judge conduct by its bearing on the best hap- 
 piness of mankind, rather than by pre-conceived notions, 
 will heartily commend it.
 
 CONDEMNED BY COMSTOCK 
 
 BUT COMMENDED BY INTELLIGENT CRITICS EVERYWHERE. 
 
 Anthony Comstock condemns "Woman, Church and 
 State." * In a letter written Feb. 26, 1894, but only 
 recently made public, he says: "In reference to whether 
 this is a proper book to put in a school library for 
 children to read, I unhesitatingly say no, it is not a 
 
 proper book for children to read The 
 
 incidents of victims of lust told in this book are such 
 that if I found a person putting that book indiscrim- 
 inately before the children I would institute a crim- 
 inal proceeding against him for doing it." 
 
 This letter was in answer to an inquiry from a Cath- 
 olic member of a school board at Fayetteville, N. Y., 
 the author's home. She had presented the work to the 
 school library, and the member in question, objecting 
 to Mrs. Gage's straightforward statements of fact in 
 her chapters on "Celibacy," "Canon Law," etc., sent 
 the book to Anthony Comstock for his opinion. 
 
 Commenting on this letter, the Boston "Investiga- 
 tor" says: "The only question to be asked and an- 
 swered regarding the work of Mrs. Gage is this: Does 
 she tell the truth? That is the point. If Mrs. Gage 
 has stated what is false, has given to fictions the face 
 and form of facts, let her be corrected; let her be 
 shown up as a falsifier; but, if she has told the truth, 
 if she has bodied forth in her volume the ugly wrongs 
 of church and state against her sex, then they who 
 
 * Woman, Church and State, a historical account of the status of 
 woman through the Christian ages; with reminiscences of the 
 matriarchate. By Matilda Joslyn Gage, Chicago. Charles H. Kerr 
 & Company, 175 Monroe Street. Cloth, gilt top, 554 pages, $2.00 
 postpaid.
 
 2 WOMAN, CHURCH AND STATE 
 
 vilify her name and attempt to throw dishonor upon 
 her work, fear the truth and are afraid to have the 
 dead body of history uncovered. Mrs. Gage is the 
 victim of Christian superstition, of religious prejudice, 
 but this foolish and unjust persecution of one of Amer- 
 ica's great women and one of the century's true re- 
 formers, ought to bring her latest and greatest effort 
 before the public, which we feel confident will, after 
 reading it, vindicate not alone her work, but her forci- 
 ble language, as necessary to fitly reveal the subject 
 under discussion." 
 
 The "Church Union" of New York, a Congregational 
 paper of wide circulation, which numbers eight clergy- 
 men among its contributing editors, has given the 
 book two reviews, the first from the pen of its editor- 
 in-chief, the second presumably from that of Rev. 
 Charles H. Parkhurst, D. D., the famous reform cler- 
 gyman of New York. The first says, "We have not 
 space for more than a notice of this highly interesting 
 book. We should like to give it the extensive review 
 it deserves and thus to summon the attention of our 
 readers to some of the very important truths that 
 are presented and which call for thought on the part 
 of all. But get the book and study its striking con- 
 tents for yourself. " The second review declares that 
 "its teeming pages contain not a few important and 
 neglected truths which it would be well for churches 
 and state to ponder. " 
 
 Moncure D. Conway, of London, England, the biog- 
 rapher of Emerson, wrote, "It has long been my usage 
 to read everything I encountered from your pen. I 
 shall probably have something to say of it in one of 
 my discourses at South Place. "
 
 WOMAN, CHURCH AND STATE 3 
 
 f 
 
 From a lady Professor in a Pennsylvania College: 
 "The style of your book is clear, the argument conclu- 
 sive, borne out as it is by authority. It has stirred us 
 all as I wish that the book might stir the entire race 
 of women in every part of the world. One million 
 ought to be distributed and read in our country alone. " 
 
 Judge Merrick of the Louisiana Supreme bench de- 
 clared he had "nothing but unqualified praise for the 
 book." 
 
 A Boston physician wrote, "Allow me to congratu- 
 late you. "Woman, Church and State" is the greatest 
 book ever written by a woman and the grandest book 
 ever written in the interests of woman. I mention it 
 to every woman I meet, and all who have read it are 
 pleased, instructed and astonished." 
 
 The "Woman's Tribune" of Washington, D. C., 
 edited by Mrs. Clara Berwick Colby, commends the 
 book as "especially valuable for study in woman's 
 clubs." 
 
 A Washington, D. C. , lady, a Christian Scientist, 
 said, "What a wonderful book! I cannot read but a 
 little at a time, for it seems to stir up the old Adam 
 in me, that I thought was buried. Every library in 
 the world ought to have it. " 
 
 The "Advance" of Chicago, the leading Congrega- 
 tional weekly of the West, says that the book "shows 
 much research and learning." 
 
 Rev. Dr. Keeling, an Episcopal clergyman of Da- 
 kota, says, "It is a most remarkable book and is bound 
 to make a stir among the clergy. I have read it once, 
 shall read it again and mark it, read it a third time 
 and take notes. " 
 '"The Banner of Light, a noted Spiritualistic paper
 
 4 WOMAN, CHURCH AM) STATF. 
 
 of Boston, says, "If any writer has done the present 
 generation an extremely valuable service, Mrs. Gage's 
 name heads the list. There is no true man or woman 
 who cannot but feel under obligations to its author. " 
 
 Victor K. Lemstrand, a literary gentleman and pro- 
 found thinker of Stockholm, wrote, "I want to make 
 the work known here in SAveden and perhaps translate 
 parts of it into Swedish. " 
 
 A noted lady reformer of the South, a woman of 
 wealth and position, after receiving the book wrote, 
 "I came home and looked your book through; was so 
 chained to it I could not let it go. I am thankful and 
 overjoyed at the book. It will make a stir and 
 emancipate thousands. I thank you in rny soul. I 
 cannot see anything you could have omitted. It throws 
 a light on the park pages of life, a strong light, it is 
 true, strong because true, but in a most solemn and 
 dignified manner." 
 
 Column after column could be rilled with notices 
 similar in character, from newspapers, magazines and 
 letters, all speaking in the highest manner of the purity 
 of the book, its profound learning, the research shown, 
 and its immense value to the world. It is a history, 
 both of the church and the state, especially in their 
 relations to woman, which touches many points that 
 have been ignored by male historians, and herein lies 
 its greatest "value. Intelligent men and women who 
 do not believe in a censorship are invited to send for 
 the book and judge whether its tendency is to corrupt 
 the imagination of girls, or to teach them the dignity 
 of womanhood.
 
 
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