V • / n " ' - - A SERMON I DELIVERED BEFORE THE fcntife antr fiegislatfoc Department OF THE GOYEKNMENT OF MASSACHUSETTS, AT THE ANNUAL ELECTION, WEDNESDAY, Jan. 3, 1866. By Rev, ALONZO II. QUINT. BOSTON: WRIGHT & POTTER, STATE PRINTERS, No. 4 Spring Lane. 1 8 6 6 . # , ' . •- ■ ’ • - ■.. .HI E ■ . .■ V, . * . ..: f- 1 r . V • • . ■ 1 ? 73.7 Oijj dDamnumtoaltlj of Uassat&imtts. House of Representatives, Boston, January 9, 18G6. Rev. A. H. Quint: Dear Sir, —Agreeably to an Order, which was unanimously adopted, the under¬ signed were appointed a Committee to present to you the thanks of the House of Representatives for your appropriate and excellent Discourse, delivered before the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government of the Commonwealth on the 3d inst., and to request a copy of the same for the press. Trusting that it will be agreeable to you to comply with the request at your earliest convenience, We remain, Very kindly and truly yours, SAM’L M. WORCESTER, TIMOTHY F. CLARY, * T. E. St. JOHN, JESSE A. LOCKE, I. H. COE, Committee. New Bedford, Mass., January 20,1866. Rev. S. M. Worcester, D.D., and others, Committee of House: Dear Sirs, — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communica¬ tion asking a copy of the Election Sermon preached on the first Wednesday of this month, and to forward the manuscript. I am, very respectfully yours, ALONZO II. QUINT. O' ■ V , ■« ' tomflitimltl! of ltamQ»sdts. House of Representatives, January 24, 186G. Ordered, That four thousand copies of < the Discourse delivered before the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government by Rev. A. H. Quint, be printed for the use of the Legislature. « W. S. ROBINSON, Clerk. ■ . f •: va \ . ' t ] . : . : ‘ 1 « • * ' , ' ' ft? * - I SERMON. Deuteronomy, iv. 33. DID EVER PEOPLE HEAR THE VOICE OF GOD SPEAKING OUT OF THE MIDST OF THE FIRE, AS THOU HAST HEARD, AND LIVE? There is no People, except in a republic or a theocracy. At the first, the father of the family was its ruler, and remained such when the family grew into a great group. As families multiplied, and by emigration became distinct, the head of ■ each was still its absolute ruler. As grandchildren multiplied, and great-grandchildren, and kinsfolk, and servants, and persons were added who wanted sustenance and protection, the patriarch became the ruler of a nation;—the sheik of the eastern tribe and the chief of the western clan, alike the head of the family, and the ruler whose single will was law and disposed of life and person. There was no People; there were children. In the very words which used to style the king 8 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. of France w sire,” and do style the autocrat of the Bussias ” father,” are the lingering traditions of primeval empire. When tribes grew large, and multiplicity of interests came in, and kinship grew faint, one man could not see and do all. Subordinates grew to be principal men; and, while they Ihnited the power of the ruler, ruled, each in his own domain. An aristocracy bounded despotic rule, but it was with a circle of smaller despots. The daimios of the East, the old barons of England, the great lords of France, weakened the ruler, but were themselves his imitators. There were serfs, but there was yet no People. In the broadening and deepening of civilization and the progress of education, it was inevitable that the voice *of the masses should make itself heard. It was so even in Pome, when the tri¬ bunes held some sway. Where concession had to be made, it was so shaped as to divide. Parlia¬ ments, states-general, cortes , became partial expo¬ nents of the popular existence. But they recog¬ nize no People as entitled to rule. They allow only a fragment,—neutralized by hereditary legis¬ lators, and overtopped by a line of kings deriving their only claim from the accident of a birth,—to THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 9 quiet the instinctive demands of the popular heart. In the best, a mere fraction of the lower ranks has any utterance for their will; there are subjects, but no People; even Victoria reigns ” by the grace of God.” All monarchical theory proceeds, when con¬ sistent, and so far as consistent, on the assumption that the people are to be controlled, guided, and made to walk in the way which certain superiors mark out. It is the paternal theory, but it treats men as always to be children. Government is to do all the thinking, all the planning, all the acting; and the subjects are clay. Our country was the first to recognize the prin- ✓ ciple that to all men belong the interests of the State. Saying that ” all men are created equal ” it necessarily rejected hereditary rulers and denied kingly claims. It saw no reason why any particu¬ lar men should govern because their fathers did; and with this, it saw no rightful claim in any man or any set of men to exclude other men or other classes of men from a share in the Commonwealth. Though government is ordained of God, the form of government is decided by the people; and in that decision all men are equal. Rulers shall be chosen by the people; laws shall be made by the 2 10 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. people’s agents. There never was a People until 1776. There were before, the mob, the masses, the lower classes; but never a People. It is inter¬ esting to notice, but no time to develop the fact, how phraseology changed, in the times pre¬ liminary to the Revolution. The significant term " the People,” in State papers and public speeches was driving out the word " subjects.” When times were ripe, the Declaration embodied the word in all its vigorous significance. And the theory of that Declaration says that the people want no special class to take care of their interests; no government to provide workshops; no mechanical education of their children; no edicts to take the place of a manly self-reliance; no State church to tell them what is the only way of saving their souls. The people will develop their own interests; train up their own children; make their own laws; and find, by the help of God, their own way to heaven. They restrict government to the prevention of offences against the State, or against individuals; the securing of justice to all persons; the removal of obstacles to healthy progress; and they expect that, with the least weight consistent with the necessary strength of its silken bonds, it shall THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 11 leave unrestricted and untrammelled the self¬ development of the people. We bless God for this heritage from our fathers. We praise His holy name for continuing to us the priceless blessings of this liberty. We glorify His goodness in preserving the embodied exponent of the sublime recognition of the dignity of man. We reverence Him who says now, as He anciently said of those who should be His people, ” Their nobles shall be of themselves, and their governor shall proceed from the midst of them.” Especially and sadly should we be wanting in gratitude, if, on this recurrence of the annual recognition of His providential hand, we failed to remember that four years of * sad but holy war have ended. Five years ago, the eminent preacher who stood in this place said: "]STo man can foresee the immediate issue of our affairs. We are advancing in the dark. We are all sensible of this. It would be folly to predict the intelligence of to-morrow’s telegraph. But it is not the usual way of Divine Providence, in the treatment of gigantic evils, which block up the course of Christian ideas and are organ¬ ized in social institutions, to bring them to an end by bloodless revolutions alone.The 12 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. decisive conflict of a Christian civilization with them may be deferred, but sooner or later it must come; and whenever it comes they are apt to die as they have lived,—by violence. If this should be- the result of the conflict with slav¬ ery in this country, we or our children must suffer the shock.” The shock which he, interpreting the thought % of all wise men, foresaw, came speedily. Before that session of the legislature had ended, ten States were in rebellion; all the southern forts save two were in the hands of the enemy; the mints, the arsenals, the treasuries southward, were all gone; the way from the north to the capital was broken; the- troops called for were refused by some States not in rebellion; and the Massa¬ chusetts soldiers who hurried onward were attacked in the chief city of a State which, full of treach¬ ery, had not seceded. A new government was inaugurated with all pomp, whose ” corner-stone rests upon the great truth that . . . slavery is” the ” natural and normal condition ” of ” the negro.” The Potomac and the Ohio were the virtual boundaries of the Republic; and the rev¬ eille of our armies was every morning answered by THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. • 13 the drum corps of the rebel on a line of a thousand miles. Of the intervening years’ history it is not my purpose to speak. That history is only too famil¬ iar. But, while we praise God for the return of peace and for the success of Bight; and while we are preparing for a new era, with new duties for the citizen, the statesman, and the Christian, we may well see one great fact shown in the light of that history,—that the people, in great peril and trial, have proved themselves capable of maintain¬ ing their distinctive institutions. They have heard the voice of God speaking out of the midst of the fire, and yet they live. Democracy,—which is to be the convenient word to express the equality of the people in govern¬ ment by the people,—has been peculiarly on trial before the world. For eighty years the Republic had prospered. Every decade its enemies repeated their prophecies that it would soon fall, and every decade its figures told how it grew. In material prosperity, it had covered the seas with its white banners of peace. It had planted its flag on the Pacific shore. Its huge cities and the granaries of its fertile fields astonished the haters of our pros¬ perity. In its influence, its ideas were steadily 14 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. affecting the world. The subjects of European rulers were infected with a yearning for their rights. Here was a living example that a State could do well enough without a king. Kings are useless lumber where there is a people. Alas, that rarely by education, by intelligence, by self-reli¬ ance, there is a people. Yet this principle of ours, so far as prevalent, sweeps away the load which the people have had to carry. Hereditary legisla¬ tors shook, therefore, before the example of democ¬ racy. It kindled the tinder of popular justice under old thrones. Peers and princes are useless, and are as spider’s webs before this radical princi¬ ple. No wonder, therefore, that they hailed our national trial with joy; rejoiced that "the bubble had burst;” hurried to concede belligerent rights to rebels against a government with whom they had pledged solemn treaties; bowed down and worshipped a slaveholding chivalry. No wonder that they now mutter and are afraid; for our success gives new life to the veins of the people everywhere. The battle we fought,—in The Trial of Democracy,—was the battle of Man. I. It was a question, first, whether a democracy had any centre of loyalty. THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 15 In other countries there is the throne. To that, a centre for all parties, do all men look. Their loyalty is to the king; or, may be, the queen. Their first toast, in all their drunken revels, is to the queen. They ascribe a title, blasphemously, which belongs to God. They reverence the throne because it is a symbol; the symbol of national power. To maintain it is to preserve order. But Americans have no throne. "What, then, could be the rock of public stability? What is there to reverence? Around what shall American love gather? The event has shown. As deep a sentiment of nationality imbues the American as the subject of any empire. As deep a love for country is in his heart, as though some Hapsburg, or Coburg, or Orleans fattened on the hard earnings of the people to rear a brood of pensioned sucklings. The American loyalty was definite and powerful. The land which God gave him,—he loved it. One land. On the banks of the St. Lawrence, or in the eastern pine-lands; the old granite hills, ' which sit stern and moveless forever; the thousand waterfalls of its glorious rivers; the swarming mines and the iron crests; the broad prairies, green in spring, or golden with ripened sheaves; Father 16 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. of Waters, broad and steady from the upper lakes to the southern sea; mountain range, and rolling Oregon beyond, where the western sun kisses the evening sea; cotton lands and the broad savan¬ nas; sugar tropics and everglades; this land, redeemed out of wildness and subdued from savage foe; this land, defended from early tyranny with cost of blood; this magnificent shore of thou¬ sands of miles; these imperial harbors; these measureless forests; this land, covered with houses and dotted with churches . and schools;—whose heart does not swell with pride when he thinks of this native land? Not a land merely; a country. It had a princi- pie. It was pledged to liberty. However imper¬ fect the development, the principle was there, and was working itself supreme in the hearts of a free people. Welcome here the oppressed. Homes here for the homeless tenant of Irish blood, ground down by tyranny; for the exile from German fatherland; for dark-browed Italian and snow- bleached Scandinavian. This land recognizes and shall recognize the God-given right of every man to his manhood. Loyalty? What is a throne to principle? What is a House to liberty? What is a hierarchy to faith? THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 17 It had its symbol. Love clutched it. Where the red, and the white, and the blue—stars and stripes—floated, there the American reverently bowed, and said, "My country’s flag! Emblem of a nation which covers half a continent; hope of a people which loves liberty; blazonry of the rights of men; before thee I bow, thou symbol of a nation’s glory. To thee my allegiance; to thee my prayers. Bearing thee through the fiery storm and deadly hail until the flame and the smoke roll away; and, if my life-blood flow, under thy folds will I be buried.” Ho symbol for loyalty? Witness the dying color-bearer throw the flag to the next of the color-guard; hear the Massachusetts patriot say, "Wave the flag once more before my eyes; ” listen to the voice on the ramparts of Wagner, " The dear old flag never touched the ground.” Witness, as I have seen, when the flag halted by the wayside ill the southern land, the old man come out and put his arms around the staff, and take the folds in his hand and kiss them, while his white hair the wind was blowing, and on his cheek the tears were fall¬ ing, as he said, " I was afraid I should never see • the old flag again before I died.” Recall the return of the banners, the three hundred scarred, and 3 18 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. pierced, and torn, escorted for the last time by the representatives of the armed host; telling in every scar and rent of the maimed living and the mar¬ tyred dead, who had seen in the flag they bore, no pieces of cloth dyed by the dyer and sewn by needle, but the majesty of the great Republic. II. It was a question whether a democracy could carry on a great war. All men who have the work to do dread war. War is a sad and stern reality. It fires the blood to read of some great battle; of roar of guns; of dashing charge of the riders; of sheeted fire; of lines of moving bayonets; of waving flags. One’s heart stirs within him when he thinks even in dreams of the fluttering banner, and the grim faces, and the thunder of batteries, and the rattle of musketry, and the cheer of victory. But one’s heart sinks within him when he thinks of comrades dead. In the very applause of the multitude lie hears the undertone of the groan of the fallen, of the cry of the widow, of the moan of the fatherless, of the sigh of the childless. War is a hard reality. 4 Now a democracy sees this. Where kings rule, they make war. It has been said that if the subject had a voice there would be no war. Even if a THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 19 democracy should, through national pride, plunge into a foreign strife, it could never endure a struggle near home, which would tax all its powers. Just twenty years ago, the preacher who stood in this place congratulated his audience on "the decline of the military spirit,” as a " favorable indi¬ cation ” of " the perpetuity of our republican liberty.” " To designate a person,” said he, " by some of the lower distinctions [of ' military titles ’] which once were considered as rigorously due, . . . would be deemed in many instances a questionable act of civility, if not an impeachment of a gentle- . man’s respectability.” Doubtless some men felt so. The activities of trade had favored peaceful habits; and the thoughts of dreamers had said the world would need no more soldiers. To practise the evolutions of armed men seemed to many a boyish waste of time. The citizen soldiery of Massachu¬ setts, which was to save the capital, and the dis¬ tinguished corps before me, which was to be the nursery of generals,* persevered against a prevalent * The Independent Company of Cadets. —Of the past and present members of this corps, one hundred and forty are known to have been in the service of the United States, in the course of the war, mainly holding commissions. The following have received commissions as general officers: Brevet Major-Generals,—George H. Gordon, Edward A.. Wild, and Adin B. Underwood. Brigadier-General,—Stephen 20 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. spirit, of often neglect, sometimes opposition. The habits of the people were clearly peaceful; so peaceful as to mislead not only the enemies of the government, hut our enemies abroad. Public spirit has changed now. It no longer " impeaches a gentleman’s respectability ” to bear a military title. The title smacks of Gettysburg, and Shiloh, and Spottsylvania. When democracy, with its peaceful habits and its dislike of burdens, stood the test, it was seen that the fire of the patriot soldier merely slumbered. M. Weld, Jr. Brevet Brigadier-Generals,—Horace B. Sargent and William S. Tilton. The following named persons, all members of the corps at the time of their death, have been killed in battle or died of their wounds: Charles P. Chandler, Major 1st regiment (Infantry,) January 30, 1862, at Glen¬ dale; William B. Williams and Bichard C. Goodwin, Captains, 2d (Infantry,) August 9, 1862, at Cedar Mountain; Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, Jr., Captain, 12th, August 9, 1862, at Cedar Mountain; Arthur Dehon, 1st Lieutenant, 12th, December 13, 1862, at Fredericksburg; William Greenough White, 1st Lieutenant, 12th, died May 16, 1863, of wounds received at Antietam; Waldo Merriam, Lt. Colonel, 16th, May 12, 1864, at Spottsylvania; Charles F. Cabot, Captain, 20th, December 13, 1862, at Fredericksburg; Henry M. Bond, 1st Lieutenant, 24th, May 14, 1864, killed by guerillas after being wounded; Sidney Willard, Major, 34th, December 13, 1862, at Fredericksburg; Charles E. Griswold, Colonel, 56th, May 6, 1864, at the Wilderness; Charles L. Chandler, Lt. Colonel, 57th, May 24, 1864, (battle not stated). George W. Thatcher, private, 6tli, died of disease at Fort Delaware; George F. Hodges, 1st Lieutenant, 18th, died January 31, 1862, in camp. Many of the past members, also, have been killed. The 45th regiment was raised under the auspices of this corps and officered almost entirely from its members. THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 21 Would it furnish the men, of which war is so wasteful? This question is settled. No sooner had the first rebel shot said that war or national disruption were alternatives, than the instincts of 4 loyal hearts said, "War.” In every public gather¬ ing, War! In every legislative hall, War! In every church, War! The majesty of the people arose in sublime grandeur, and said, War! The strong young men shall go, and the old men counsel; and the women shall knit and sew while they weep and pray. There were heroes in the army. But often it was greater heroism, to remain at home. It was easier to go than stay; but there were duties at home. The men who did their work in legislature, or public offices, or pulpit; the • men who organized, who conducted the raising and equipping of troops, guarded the finances of State, shaped public sentiment and strengthened the public heart,—they were often the greater heroes; because for these quieter duties they # resisted their impulses towards the field. Conscription? It takes force to fill armies? Yes, where there are only kings and subjects; when it is "her majesty’s armies,” and "her majesty’s ships;” but not where there is a people, and they are the people’s armies and the people’s 22 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. ships. Every State vied with every other in begging the acceptance of her soldiery. Every road to the capital thrilled with martial music. The tide of men grasping the musket surpassed the heaviest legions which the first Napoleon levied on the sons of France. The armies which threw back Europe at Waterloo were not a tithe of our battalions. To the Crimea a great nation could with difficulty send fifty thousand men; America furnishes forty times fifty thousand. Austria’s levies will number six hundred thousand; America freely gives three times six hundred thou¬ sand. France boasts of half a million, drawn by force; America gives her President that number at a single call. The very conscription ordered was a farce; for five times as many as it brought came freely while they were turning the wheel. Would it allow discipline? American habits of equality would make it hard to submit to inflexible rule. The camp makes, for the time, a more rigid « distinction of caste than that of a court. But the problem was readily solved. Men obeyed willingly the orders of other men, no better, no wiser, no abler, no braver. Why? Because our men, dis¬ cerning principles, knew that discipline must be maintained as the means of success. It was far THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 23 harder to teach officers how to command than soldiers how to obey. That was the practical problem. For the men obeyed, not in deference to the man who held the rank, but to the dignity of the country, which the rank represented. Obe¬ dience was not the slavish habit of a lower class, but the grouping of the affections around a nation¬ ality. Would it be efficient, firm and resolute; ready and qualified? Some permanent body of office¬ holders may be proficient in these things; may have more energy; may keep steadily on when the people would lag. On this, it is enough to refer to England in the Crimean war; the acknowledged inefficiency of managers; the slackness of organiz¬ ing; the ignorance; the waste; the suffering; and to see in comparison the energy with which vast armies were organized, supplied and followed with abundance, and great fleets built and manned; and to remember that when delay or inefficiency were exhibited, it was in spite of the people; that the people had in the beginning a juster view of the greatness of the conflict than the rulers had; * that * It was a Massachusetts man who said to the President, when he was deciding to call out seventy-five thousand men, “ President, call out a million. The South will laugh at seventy-five thousand men; they will respect a million.” 24 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. the people saw the things to be done before the rulers did; and that the people were ready for sacrifices before the rulers dared to call for them. The record is closed now. The war-power of a democracy is decided. With gigantic armies gigantic armies have been crushed. A dozen States, each as large as a European kingdom, have been recovered. Not a fortress without the flag; not a vessel without a loyal commander. The war-power is recorded at Yorktown, at Winchester, Manassas, Cedar Mountain, Roanoke, Antietam, Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, the Wilderness, Shiloh, New Orleans, Stone River, Chattanooga, Resaca, Dallas, Kenesaw and Petersburg. While the dead sleep in their graves, though the wheat may grow over their bones, and the powers of nature blot out the signs of the bloody days; while homes cease to be sad, and traditions tell of the great work, is the question settled. Army of Potomac and Army of Georgia are only historic; but the drooping banners are under tender watch; and if—which God forbid—the need should come again, they have only to bring out the flags to the air, that gathering thousands should hear their familiar rustle and again keep step to the music of freedom. THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 25 Would it bear the heavy burdens of war? These burdens itself assumes. There is no higher power to tax. The national dislike of taxa¬ tion would naturally prevent such expenditures. But the people needed only to see an object worthy of such burdens. In the very beginning, millions were proffered freely. They pledged the country’s all. They knew the costly nature of war, as to money alone; but they said, Go on; make your ordnance; pile up your stores. A ship* of war costs three times the old annual State expenses of Massachusetts; build hundreds! A battery will throw away in a little skirmish the support of a family; unlimber the guns! An army costs half a million a day; multiply armies! A great battle expends a million of dollars; fight great battles! True, here and there was some grovelling soul who complained. There was a man who cried "beef” among the shoeless, suffering soldiers at Valley Forge, in our fathers’ days. We had but few such. The heart of the people was right. Private munificence followed the soldiers to every camp and every battle-field. We read of Sanitary and Christian Commissions; of aid to refugees and aid to freedmen in the people’s glorious record; and all the time the people were impatient to be 4 26 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. taxed. What is money to a nation’s life? When Congress delayed to make the necessary laws, the indignant people said, "Lay on the taxes* lay heavy taxes* it is the slightest cost of liberty* it is the least of our troubles.” Yes, the least. Harder was the burden. I am ashamed to refer to money. That the cost? Yo. It was in young men, who went to die. In the long throbbing, waiting. In anxious households. In tremulous questions and pale faces, when the telegraph clicked. In fathers’ and mothers’ self- sacrifice, as they said, ” Go! ” In the very lint which sisters made in tears. In the knitting which knit hearts into the fabric. In women’s hands, which tended the soldier in hospital, and hearts, which sobbed for his mother. In empty chairs. In southern graves, and northern burial-places where the weary man dragged himself that he might sleep with his kindred. Such was the burden a people freely assumed for their country’s life. The books are closed. But the recording angel has every such deed written, and keeps watch over every nameless grave. And, in the preservation of heroic deeds, when many a child grows up and says, ” Father, why did you give me the name I bear?” he will hear, ’’Because it i THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 27 was the name of a gallant soldier and a true friend, with whom your father was when he died in the roar of battle; and it is that you shall love the flag he loved, and the country for which he died * and, if need ever comes, that you shall count not your life dear, if your country needs it.” Would it persist in war, in spite of disasters? * K The crowd is fickle. One moment it shouts; the next, it frowns. "Will it, against defeat and disappointment, continue steadfast? •It was a day of disaster at Bull Bun. "With high hopes they had moved on the foe. But back they come, shattered. Weary, scattered soldiers pass over the Long Bridge, and the exultant enemy are wild with joy. ISTow what foreign papers said was crazy enthusiasm will end. No; the disaster only nerved the nation. Have generals failed? we will have better generals. Are there not enough men? we will have more men. The steady stream of troops pour to the capital. Fifty thousand failed in July? Two hundred thousand are in camp in December. Failure on the Peninsula? Eighty thousand men are left? Three hundred thousand more came that autumn. 28 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. Failure at Chancellorsville? Three hundred thousand more answer to the bugle call. In the long months, there were reverses which no European power could have stemmed. Ho monarch would have dared summon the men, and repeat the calls, and pile up the aggregates which our plain President, calling, asked and had.* But the people were steadfast. If any of them ever seemed to waver, it was because the rulers were so long ignorant of the nature and needs of the war; and so long failed to do what was imperiously demanded. When all our attacks hardly made a dent in the enemy’s defences, the people persisted. Favorite generals must give way, and even faction could not help them. Hew measures must come, if old and cherished ones failed. Parties crumbled when the issue was made. When the rebels said, You can never conquer us; and foreigners scoffed, You can never conquer them; and traitorous men, with the wish father to the thought, said, You can never conquer them; the people said, "We ivill conquer.” Hever was their persistence more glori¬ ously illustrated than when hard war and disgrace¬ ful peace were openly put in contrast. If this goes * “ Aggregate number of men furnished under all calls, reduced to a three years standard, 2,129,041.” THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 29 on, it was said, you will be crushed with taxes; you will be drained of men; you will lose your liberty, and the country will perish. Yet calmly and steadily they pledged money, sons, lives,—all. That told that in heroic endurance the people rise to majestic nobleness. Against fortune, with hope deferred, often in darkness; yet, the work begun, it was determined to finish. III. If democracy find a centre of loyalty, and if it could prosecute war successfully, it was a question whether it could preserve its principles in times of suqh struggles. Could it preserve its own liberties? In all great contentions there is danger. Dan¬ ger on the one hand from the turbulent elements which rise to the surface; and on the other from the extraordinary powers necessary to preserve order and secure tranquillity. The latter is the greater. Justice demands authority, and authority may consolidate itself into permanent power. The civilian entrusted with enormous strength, may destroy liberty; the successful soldier may build a dynasty upon the ruins of the State. Such powers to the magistrate are inevitable; such prestige to the warrior is certain. It was necessary 30 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY.. that dictators should see in Rome that the republic received no hurt; the republic survived those. But when Caesar led his victorious cohorts home, Rome fell. When the lying Stuart lost his head, and Cromwell arose to rule the discordant elements, he had to become for the country’s sake a despot. When France in its resurrection saw all restraints broken, order demanded a consul; and the consul became the emperor. When France again sought freedom, and the citizen-king was an exile, the temporary republic chose a Prince-President; but the President became Napoleon the Third. Our history reverses precedents. It was nec¬ essary to entrust the head of the nation with imperial power, to carry on war and preserve order; and the people did it without grudging. No fear of usurpation entered their minds; for they knew their strength, and knew that any attempt to make permanent such powers would be swept away like mist in the morning. Liberty was shown to be compatible with order. Here and there were threats. In one great city the degraded populace were excited to burn asylums and murder children; but some veteran soldiers from the forts and some citizen soldiers from the town worked their way through the mob and slew THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 31 a thousand or more; and Massachusetts men camped in City Hall Park and planted their cannon in the great arteries. They had, men say, in this city signs of similar disturbance; hut it needed only your prompt and fearless chief magis¬ trate and a single ball from your citizen soldiery to scatter the rioters. But who feared that the magistrate would he a tyrant? Who feared that Abraham Lincoln would be a despot? If a few men, outspoken in their treason, were put under guard, it was only as significant hints of the power behind; and that no more were disturbed was because the people could afford to laugh at the street corner fury of the men whose treasonable hearts found their safety in their imbecility. And now, now we have preserved both order and liberty. Martial law is ended. The same old laws govern, and the same courts hear cases, and the same legislation goes on. Ho citizen feels any yoke. A ballot is still a sacred thing. High, generals were favorites, yet armies obeyed their successors. The chieftains marched their veteran armies to the capital, hut it was to disband them. Our hosts have melted into citizens, as the winter melts into spring. Our generals come home and go to their old level. Our soldiers are artisans I 32 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. again, with none of the crime which men feared. The republic is still the government of the people. In the lately rebellious States, even, courts are opened and magistrates rule, custom-houses are re-established, and the strange experiment is tried —God grant it be in safety—of re-allowing the insurgents the rights of citizens. Could a democracy preserve its institutions in a sudden and fearful crisis?* That we have tried. Our leader was assassi¬ nated. Our chief official of state lay helpless from the blow of the felon. "Who does not know that in some lands such a thing would find revolu¬ tion ready? That the peace of empires hangs upon a single thread, which, if broken, would let armies and mobs contend for the mastery? With us, the President was struck down in a moment. There was universal commotion, but it was the sorrow of a people’s heart. There was disturb¬ ance, but it was the shock of a nation’s conscience. There was fire, but it was the fire of a people’s indignation. ~No general moved; no soldier * stirred. In a quiet room the chief justice adminis¬ tered the oath of office to the lawful successor, * The development of this, and some other points, was omitted in the delivery of the discourse. THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 33 who took the powers and responsibilities unchal¬ lenged. The wheels of government were not even jarred. The reason is, because the people rule. The general, however beloved, who should have dared lift his finger against the government, would have found a halter; and his own soldiers would have made the hollow square, because the army is of the people. But there has been a greater success. It is in the fact that steadily and surely the people grew to recognize and uphold the distinctive principles at the basis of the government. We had not lived out our own theories. The Declaration was too much looked at as merely conveying "glittering generalities." This evil was the cause of war. But it is to the credit of the popular mind that, through all trials and temptations it pondered deeply and seriously, and in its ponderings came to see the Bight. While wise men saw clearer, yet it is true that we began only with a hearty, noble outburst of loyalty. It was a kind of blind instinct of love for our flag that God made use of to keep the heart of the nation steady, and to nerve us in many a trying time. The sovereignty of the nation was 34 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. in the flag, and that sovereignty, we said, shall be . preserved. But the principles which were underlying the whole struggle were not silent. Years of discus¬ sion were bearing fruit. The cause of the nation, it was evident, was the cause of liberty; for the revolt was solely in the cause of slavery. If at first the national Congress adopted a Resolve to so amend the Constitution as to secure slavery, that speedily was thrown among the rubbish of dead compromises. Liberty, Slavery, were the recog¬ nized opponents. It has been charged that freedom was at last adopted only as a measure of success. That does injustice to the people. They had always believed in freedom, but they had felt hampered by the old bondage of compromise. They came to see at last that that bondage was broken, and they rejoiced in liberty. Doubtless the current of events made them think. There were strange coincidences. The week of that disastrous battle of Bull Run,— it was sad,—but I saw fugitive slaves returned to their rebel masters that week. The general who then took command of our armies had proclaimed that he would suppress slave revolts " with an iron THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 85 hand; ” it was the policy of the government, but he, its instrument, was baffled in every attempt to touch the rebel power. His highest day was when he hurled back the fiery invasion at Antietam. In the West, no important success was had until a general was sent to New Orleans who believed in the rights of man. That terribly slaughtering day at Shiloh you remember; and its subsequent blun¬ dering campaign, which happened, says a witness, " from the exclusion of contrabands.” Almost all we did for nearly two years was to hold our own. God did not permit any invasion of us to succeed, but that was all. It made people think. So did the fallen fortunes of the prodigal son, who would ” fain have filled his belly with the husks that the swine did eat.” When he came to himself, he said, ” How many hired servants of my father’s have bread enough and to spare, and I perish with hunger! I will arise, and go unto my father.” What to say? I am hungry? No. The hunger had made him think of his father; and the thought of his father suggested, not food, but, ” Father, I have sinned! ” So do God’s chastisings lead men to think of Him; and at the thought of Him, sin is remembered. So did the nation, striving in vain to fill the belly 36 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. with the husks of compromise between right and wrong, look to God; and, looking to God, said, ”Father, we have sinned! ” Then, with that first proclamation of freedom, the current changed. True, it requires no need of a special interposition of divine Providence, to explain what cause and effect could do. When generals took advantage of their own faith, they crippled the enemy in his strongest yet weakest points. The government had the sympathies of millions of people in the enemy’s own land. That proclamation prevented recognition of the slave empire by great foreign powers, who dared not go against the moral sense of the world. But while we can see natural causes at work, it is not presumptuous to believe that God looked with favor on a nation that had taken the position of % justice, He who had said “let my people go.” The prayers and tears of millions went up to Him. He said to us,—pause until you do justice; you shall be baffled until you do justice; you shall strive but you shall not advance. “ Let my people go.” I tell you I would rather have the prayers of those bondmen to the Lord of Hosts, on our side, , than to have a hundred thousand more veterans. Eternity alone can tell what a power at THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 37 the throne of God were the prayers of the bondman. Only as we recognized his claim to manhood, did we advance. But then when we saidYou are free;” when we placed the musket in his hands, and made him that high type of a man—a soldier—we moved forward. The pillar of cloud by day and the pillar of lire by night were with us. The flag we bore was the symbol of freedom, and we had God’s benediction. It opened the Mississippi Biver on the birthday of the nation; that birthday witnessed Lee’s rapid flight from Gettysburg; when Meade followed him back as.he recrossed the river for the last time, it was with the flag of freedom; when Hooker’s starred division scaled Lookout, and fought above the mountain mists, it was under the flag of freedom ; when Missionary Bidge was swept by the advancing line, the old grave of a dead mission was won to freedom; Chattanooga’s fastnesses were fortified impregnably for freedom; Bocky Pace and Besaca and Dallas and Kenesaw gave way to the advancing hosts of freedom ; Atlanta fell for freedom. But when the adventurous march through Georgia pierced the heart of the rebellion; when Grant made Virginia a desolation, and sat down at Petersburg ; when 38 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. he swept through their works and into Richmond; when the flower of the rebel power surrendered; and when the rebel tyrant became a fugitive and a wanderer, so despised that nobody cares whether he lives or dies,—the nations of the earth know t ' that it was not until the national Congress had said "Lord, we do loose the bands of wickedness; we do undo the heavy burdens; we do let the oppressed go free; we do break every yoke.” , - • 4P Of the trial of the people involved in this conflict I have spoken to Massachusetts men, the representatives of the people, because the heart of Massachusetts has been in the ♦struggle. Massachusetts ideas have been in conflict. They have always been. They were in old England, with the tyranny of prelate and king,—when God sifted three nations to found a State, and founded it with a sturdy, never-yielding race, rooted in principle. The compact in the Mayflower; the first court in the Bay in 1630; the skilful defence of chartered rights against the commissioners in 1665; the imprisonment of a royal governor in 1689; the Lexington of 1775; were consistent # steps. So it was in Massachusetts, there began * in 1835, our thirty years’- war of defence against THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 39 tyranny, when in that year a citizen of Massachu¬ setts, for the sole crime of believing in the Declaration of Independence, found refuge against a riotous mob, only in a jail. A few men, then despised, now honored, fell back on the principle of equal rights. They appealed to the popular conscience; they persisted through good and evil fortune. Whether entertained in some Palace Beautiful, or mobbed in some Vanity Fair, they plodded onward to their Beulah. They were wise seers. Massachusetts ideas spread over the North; went, with its emigrants, over the great North-west; and came in conflict with the despotism of the slaveholder. Who can stand against Right V When the glittering chivalry of the Southerner dashed against the iron race, it splintered like glass. No wonder that a Richmond editor, during the war, wished that the pestilent Mayflower had sunk in micl-ocean with all its freight. For, out of the hold of that dead vessel, have poured horses and riders, mountains of shot and shell, forests of muskets and batteries, and a million of armed men. Massachusetts lias borne its share. While its senators and representatives have been powerful in the councils of the nation, its soldiers have been in every army. Its best blood has wet the ground of 40 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. well nigh every battle-field. Generals born on her soil have won fame. Her sailors, from the one who fired the last shot, knee deep in water, from the deck of the sinking Cumberland, have borne themselves like their ancestry. The first martyrs who fell in strife were Massachusetts men; and the last to fall, upon the last battle-field, was a soldier of Massachusetts. The conflict of arms is over now. The roar of cannon, and the rattle of musketry have ceased. The sabre and the bayonet flash no more. The charge of the rider has ended. The bivouac, the camp, the march, are a dream. The battalions hear no more the hoarse w forward.” The' shattered and glorious banners which we loved, have gone to their rest in legislative halls. The mementoes of many a Manassas and Gettysburg shall soon be idle but eloquent toys. The grass has grown green over the. soldier’s grave, and the bitter weeping mellows into loving sadness. Old comrades talk, by their firesides, of campaigns gone by, and sons shall long love to hear their fathers tell, of a winter evening, when the snow is falling, and the wind is howling, of shelterless exposure to like storms and of exposure to the rattling storm of death. 41 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. The conflict of arms is over. But the conflict of ideas is not oyer, nor the trial of the people. Tyranny dies hard. The doctrine of equal rights has still to be maintained against prejudice, pride, and a mistaken interest. The field is changed; but in the workshop, the pulpit, the lecture-room, the press-room, the legislative hall, every true man is to insist upon the fundamental principles of democracy. It is a religious duty. Equality in rights goes deeper than social compacts. It finds all men created by the same Father; all sinners in the sight of God; equally bound by his uniform law; alike those for whom Jesus Christ died; in need of the same repentance and the same faith; subject to the same law of death; and hoping for the same heaven. The accidents of birth, color, property, culture, do not affect manhood. The trials of these years should teach us that there is no safety but in adherence to principle, wherever it may lead us. On our own basis, we have no right to ignore manhood. We cannot ignore that of the former slave. He is a man. He should be treated as a man. Every word that mentions color is a disgrace to a statute book. Manhood, not color, is the foundation of govern¬ ment. When any set of men refuse equality in 6 42 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. civil rights,—whether it he the minority oppressing the majority in South Carolina, or the vast majority oppressing the feeble minority in Connecticut,— the nation should say, and should be brought to say, in a legal and constitutional way, ” No, you shall, not despise any man; you do sin against that God who made of one blood all the nations of the earth; you do violate that Declaration also which says 4 That all men are created equal; 5 you shall stand on simple justice.’ ” This clear principle declares what is tlie only right path, and safe because it is right. There are other dangers than those of the battle-field. They are in the garb of sentimental forgiveness. To forgive without evidence of repentance may be noble and generous; but we have a nation to save from the penalty of future sin. There is. yet no evidence that many of those who have slain our hundreds of thousands have repented of it as a w r rong. Is it too much to ask that? If it is, yet it is hard to forget that from many of the hands that approach the ballot-box the blood is not yet washed off. There is yet no evidence that many of these men regard their treason as anything worse than a mistake of miscalculation of strength. With many of them, the veneering of loyalty has THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 43 not had time to dry. Is it too much to ask that until they understand loyalty better, they stand aside from the exercise of political power, while only loyal voices he heard and loyal hands work in reconstruction ? There is yet no evidence of a loyalty beyond a doubtless sincere determination to # take a share of that government which their arms failed to destroy. Is it too much to ask for a respectable period of probation? There is as yet no evidence, but unmistakably the reverse, of any adoption of our fundamental principle of equal rights. Is it too much to ask that they accept a principle umnistakably decided in this contest, and vital to the nation’s prosperity? We cherish no vindictive hate. We would take no vengeance for the blood of our murdered brethren. We would forget, if we can, the bitter weeping in half a million homes. These are too sacred for revenge, and beyond the retributions of public justice. But if we are deluded into betraying liberty, we are faithless to our dead. Anything short of right, is no settlement, is no security. It is little matter, as to the foundations of pros¬ perity, which State government is respected, this or that; but it is vital that the claim of every man to manhood shall be recognized. To give the spirit 44 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. of caste liberty within certain defined limits, however narrow, is as wise as to give a prairie fire the right to burn within certain limits, and those limits bounded by a board fence; as wise as to say to a pestilence in your city,—you shall have free range within certain boundaries, and those bounda¬ ries are marked by a chalk line on the pavement. We should not advocate the right of black men to vote; but the right of men. Free-men, not freed- men, is the language of the patriot. Will success come? I believe in God; I believe in the people; that is, Yes. Whatever opportu¬ nities have been lost, of calling upon the people of these States to form new State governments, yet in calm thought men’s minds will see the right, and come up to it. Free speech, free press, free pulpit, free school, will of themselves accomplish the work. Yo more promising signs are possible than the efforts now making to open industrial avenues at the South; to educate the children; to preach the / gospel. All classes, all sects, stand together in this work. The northern enterprise which filled that land with batteries, is to fill it with free institutions. You may dismantle Chattanooga, when you fortify it with the free press, free school, and free pulpit. You may take every gun from THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 45 the Mississippi, when you line its banks with these forts of freedom. And when four millions of people are educated into a Christian civilization, no power on earth can deprive them of their proper place. If the people endure the temptation now before them, we shall see a country of growing wealth, in towns and cities and harvest lands; the ocean whitened with sails, and the harbors forests of masts; a flag beloved at home, and honored abroad; this country the asylum of the oppressed from every land; the name of the great republic feared by despots as no name has been since Oliver Cromwell frightened then by the mere threat of the thunder of his cannon. More than that, we shall see religion flourish; churches multiplied; the tread of him who preacheth glad tidings; God’s Spirit descending ; and the nation, tried and purified by suffering, the people of God. Well was it for Massachusetts, that when the clouds were lowering, she called to the chair of the executive a man who could say, " I know not what record of sin may await me in another world. But this I* know; I was never mean enough to 46 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. despise any man because he was ignorant, nor because he was poor, nor because he was black.” Massachusetts needed such a man, in such a crisis. She wanted one who believed in man, yet not the less believed in God; one in whose nature was inborn her hereditary love of freedom; yet no more inflexible,in his faith, than determined in its development. One to be not only the exponent, but the fearless leader of her sentiment. One to steady the heart of his State, and yet to stimulate the central government in the path of justice. She wanted a man of experience in statesman¬ ship. One whose ability to grasp the various interests of the public good, should be equalled only by an energy which could accomplish the enormous work thrown upon him. One who in any exigency would dare take responsibility, yet with reverence for the rights of the people. One who would bear on his heart her constant interests of agricultural and other industry, her great system of education, and her reformatory, or penal, or charitable institutions. One who could carry her finances through an unprecedented strain. And added thereto, one who could, with firmness, * energy and delicacy, conduct those military measures which were to raise, equip, organize and THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 47 officer, a force ten times as large as the then army of the United States. We recognize the hand of Providence in giving us such a man. We appreciate the able coadjutors in council, and in the departments of the staff. We are grateful for the vast work done, and so well done. To have been the Governor of Massachusetts for five such years,—called by the spontaneous voice of the people, and continued by re-elections,—these most momentous years since those of the Revolution,—is enough for the patriotic ambition of any man. To have been such a governor, that the reader of the country’s history inevitably turns to Massachusetts, and turning to Massachusetts inevitably sees foremost the name of its chief magistrate,—enrolls a man in history. In such a term of service, there is a manifest completeness. It began when the clouds were lowering; it ends with the skies clear. The work accomplished was one work; it covers a great period in history. Sir, if I venture to address you directly, it is because I know peculiarly your^care for Massachu¬ setts soldiers. The camp where I first learned anything of soldiery,—in the dark spring of 1861, 48 THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. bore the name of Camp Andrew;* and, with some of the men who left that a solitude, I heard you welcome the flags home again. By your wise forethought men were prepared for the midnight summons to the defence of the capital. When you asked that the bodies of her martyrs should be " tenderly ” cared for, you touched the heart of Massachusetts. In all the struggle, the soldiers you sent into the field were equipped, I know, as none others were. Their wives and children were faithfully sheltered. Their officers' were selected with a care unequalled. I saw the men and the helps which you sent in times of disaster. I met your agents in remote cities, faithful to our men. I saw the messengers you sent into the field itself, to lighten their hardships. You were never weary in advancing their interests and redressing their grievances. Year by year I read your words, stirring the soul like a blast from a Puritan trumpet, to our men as we observed, in Virginia or Tennessee, the fast and festival days of our home. You welcomed back the soldiers. You received with honor the flags, and promised that « * At Brook Farm, West Roxbury, where the Second Infantry were in camp. THE TRIAL OF DEMOCRACY. 49 they should be faithfully guarded. You remem¬ bered the dead. Sir, the Massachusetts soldiers owe you a debt of thanks.- Let me, as one who has shared with them in the way of his duty, pledge you, not only for the love you bore to them, but for the love you bore to that country which they love,—their perpetual gratitude. You commit a prosperous Commonwealth to the eminent citizen who succeeds you; to the new Lieutenant-Governor, whose patriotic history has identified him with the people’s interests; to a council whose names are a guarantee of wise advice; to a legislature wdiose membership promises broad statesmanship, and wise legislation. If these officials, and this legislature ever need any new inspirations of patriotism, let them, as they daily enter the capitol, pause before the flags. Let them read the names of battles lost and won, inscribed thereon. Let them read the story of hard-fought fields more eloquently written in the torn, scarred and pierced remnants of the ban¬ ners which once went out in their bright, fresh * beauty. Let them remember the heroic dead and the maimed living. In any doubt, let them go to the silent flags, and as from an oracle, drink in 50 THE TRIAL OP DEMOCRACY. their inspiration; and in that inspiration, learn to respect the rights, maintain the honor, and trust with confidence, the principles of a people who have heard the voice of God speaking out of the midst of the fire, and live. APPENDIX. The following list of Election Sermons is inserted in accordance with the request of several gentlemen interested in historical pursuits. Lists were published in connection with the Sermons of 1809, 1886 and 1849. The present table is a copy of that prepared by Rev. John Pierce, D. D., in 1849, continued to the present time by Mr. William B. Trask, of Dorchester, a nephew of Dr. Pierce. Dr. Pierce says:— “ The first Election Sermon noticed in Governor Wintlirop’s Journal, is by John Cotton, in 1634. He mentions six others. Why no account is given by him of the other twelve, probably delivered during the period embraced by his history, it is difficult to explain. “ The first printed Election Sermon, which has come to my knowledge, is in 1661, by John Norton, of Boston. This is in the Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. “In the 18th century, there two years, 1752 and 1764, in which no Election Sermons were preached, on account of the smallpox in Boston. These vacuities may be supplied by two sermons before the General Court, and published by their order; the first by William Gordon, at Watertown, during the siege of Boston, 31 May, 1775, the other by Dr. Cooper, 25 October, 1780, being the day of the commencement of the Constitution, and the inauguration of the new government. “ It is observable that, with the exceptions already mentioned, there is no recorded failure of an Election Sermon. One indeed was addressed to the Convention, on the deposition of Andros, in 1689. Nor have we an account of any Election Sermon delivered, which was not subsequently published. “ Owing to the paucity of ministers during the early history of the State, preachers were repeatedly chosen more than once to deliver the Election Sermon. Richard Mather delivered two; his son, Increase Mather, four; and his son, Cotton Mather, four. Samuel Torrey delivered three; John Norton, two; Jonathan Mitchel, two; Thomas Cobbett, two; Samuel Willard, two; Joshua Mopdy, two; Benjamin Colman, two; the last in 1723. “ What is included in brackets in the following list is conjectural.” A star (*) signifies that the preacher has deceased. Year. PREACHER. Place. Text. Graduated. 52 i i APPENDIX. 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4J m O 0 Q 43 "d -H m O -H Ifl O d 43 -H W O Ph O d Ph d d 0 M w W PQ w 1 _ 1 m w pq P W w W O I I Pi 43 rd Pi 43 pd d d £ § J la — d Pi S3 33 p*~> pH 43 43 I I d o d o o o O O * * d d pd Ol d 43 03 d 43 £ d 12 o EH 43 43 d d a 03 a d * * m m * * B d d o -p> h> o O * r-d ps Ph -P» 03 43 H 43 _d d o d I >5 a ___ e3 d pd d 1 _ 1 * o pd 43 % * 43 03 cS 43 Ph 43 d »—1 * 43 ’B cS d o -u H-S O O * 43 'o W pd ft. 43 03 O d * 43 cS d Ph «e d d o W 5 43 03 d 43 Ph 43 d d d a o r o CC * 43 03 03 d w d GS ■5 <8 d o d * 3 o Ph u d d d d > Ph d d Ph a3 d u d > pH d w w w w d pH d > P-l d d Ph d l> d w d pH d > d Ph d d K 03 ■wi Ph 03 i> Ph d d pH 03 >- Ph 03 M d d o3 Ph 03 d > c3 d Ph 03 t> Ph 03 w w d Ph d > Ph d d Ph o3 P* Ph 03 d Ph o3 > Ph o3 d Ph 03 > Ph d d Ph P F c3 W M HH HH HH l-H HH HH HH rs co #v d K» CO CO • • rH co - CM CM K» rH • rH > CO rv o rH rH rH • CO • rs 00 tH Cl • rH Cl • • H • rH • rH X 19 • co* iO rH • r\ X X :2 • rH > • rH R fH • rH • rH ^3 •a r—H rH • • rH • rH • rH > • • rH • rH r-N 00 • rH • rH R r-H rH :a • rH X • rH > X 02 33 02 • >- rH r c3 »s CM • rH s xiii. rH Cl • rH • rH a 02 l-H o • rH d X X r—H 03 03 03 • rH CQ r ~ mm ^ xn 02 CQ r ““^ 02 • rH d 02 d X o P ^d d d s d a 03 ?-< 03 d a 02 pq rd «s *a m h-t a "oS iTl Ph a 02 Ph a CO Ph ^ rH • rH c3 02 HH d r—H c3 02 Ph 03 O 03 w d 03 rd 03 Judge c3 a o Ph 03 d i-q 03 d Pi M O r“1 a o3 CO CM Ph d T& IS i fe d c o d d • • • d c3 • • • • • d d 03 nd 03 a c5 d' o r. d rd D • rH £ d o to o 13 Ph g3 ■ CO d d d d o -M to d C3 o ■+5 to o • rH e6 d >-» O d O pq w H hP pq m pq 03 «d h> o3 o Ph o3 Ph O d O +s bC d X o d o -h CO o d o H-> co O Ph 03 03 03 PQ a> d d o HH> Ph O d o CO £ d o H— Ph a> 3 03 d Ph P3 d CO * o d * Ph 03 N 03 d _ 03 SH o w, 03 rd 03 03 Ph 03 > 03 03 -d O -H o3 03 Ph H 3 Ph <2 d o3 d Ph o3 ■5 o £ co d d &, d © d rD CO d d d Ph 03 H> 03 03 d Hd d d o -H> -H o o a o3 o o 03 d o HH> CO d d d © r d o o 03 d * * Ph co * * o3 d CO CO * * 3 03 Ph 03 d 03 d 03 pq * d d d 3 .3 3 o3 03 3 d d 03 s 1 I—I HH © HH O O d £ 03 CO d 03 rd HH Ph PP * * fS & * * d Xfl * d -s d d dn C' 45 § O PP d * * b- CO o o I- t- cs o O 1-H r- t>- r-H Cl r-H H t- tH. CO d r-H r-H t- 1- ID CO r-H rH t- t- i>. co rH rH b- b- OS o rH Cl b- b- rH Cl CM CM b- b— CO d Cl Cl b- t - f APPENDIX. OOCOCOOObpOOb-b-OO'OrHOOClCllOClO© ©C202©©©©,02©©©©©Or-HO©rH03rH b-CDCDb-b-b-b*COb*b-b-b-b*b*b-b*b*b-©b- \ 03 of 03 03 of »N 03 •N 03 03 rs 03 #v 03 rv 03 of •N 03 03 of •s 03 •s 03 03 r\ 03 of be te be be bo be bo be be be be be be be be be be bo be be 03 p03 f—^ p03 03 V ■ 1 03 03 03 f—H ^03 r—H 03 r—H 03 1=1 03 r—H r—H 03 »—*H p03 r—H 03 =3 03 r—H ^03 r—H 03 03 p2 03 O o o o O 'o o O o O o o o O o O O *o 'o o O O o O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Q O O c3 > - o5 75 u cS > u e3 72 t-i ci > t-i WWW 72 H c3 > - «5 72 H ?3 > U cS w 7 U a > u w 7 u c3 > cS w 7 u <& > ci w 7 u ci > cS w 7 pH cS > %~ cS 7 7 r r~ 3h <3 a > > ■-* •- CB C6 w w cB t> ?H ei 7 Sh 7 7 7 c3 a > > u o u cB b u c3 (3 b c3 7 f-i cB b Sh CB 7 - c3 fr¬ ¬ et 7 - et fr¬ ¬ et W M HH HH HH HH Hri HH )-M HH HH HH HH HH hM CO *0 00 pP et • rH a 0? u 03 7 o Cl > X X J 03 02 PM Cl rH :a o 3 C3 Cl fr-» a o p o h 03 -h> o 03 Hi X m a CS a o CO :-h co 03 03 P a et CZ2 X 03 pX a Cl p o • rH -H 'o fr- 03 Cl fr- (4 02 p= U 03 > O Jh Hi r» CO fr- X 02 03 O • rH 0 o 5 ci Cl pP c3 03 LO p o • »-H 44> C3 ^ 03 03 w co X • rH pP c3 • rH et m lO (4 c3 03 02 O w CO of • rH H . rH Cy i—< m a PM et pP o 03 N 02 a *3$ tn Ph l- Hi X X X !►» a o p o 03 03 ^2 «3 • rH c3 . to rO fi *« r. fcn S T3 'O * ^ • * • s • • • *5 *c3 *'t3 .S3 £P O pd ® f2 X ,0^03^ HHQ3^C3rr P-.0 1-^r o 02 03 rH O' ^ ^ PH -M 022 a 5 O r § S2’3.a , 72 ^72 ^ § f2 §5^ ^ r^4 X'S r o F jH t, ^ S a ? 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P> r . > r ■ > r . > r . ► r. > r . r r , pH a rH a M a M «3 a rH 03 pH a <3 rH a PH a « a w w w w w W w K 05 co CD co :a t> CO X X X cm -a :a • rH • 3 • ^ • ?h r-H © jj H © • rH a © 0 3 05 p 0 a X rX GO s c3 a a C/5 c3 c/5 • rH c3 cd 05 Ol Ph (M M P-t 09 a 2 V © > O Sh 05 • • pH • rH t> <3 Ph co • • CM Pn lO oT rv rH r\ CM O rH • • pH xi. 24, > a o B © a • rH 0 05 c o u n • rH a o3 © © -M 0 c3 CS © © © Ol N w fi • • r» CM rs rH 1>- rH lO • pH * 05 09 • :a rH #> CO m © S3 c« • rH a a • rH X ^2 © © . rH c o u -5 .a Sh pH .a *s c3 rO o o • rH c$ C3 09 o O o w CM CM rH •I © r* rs a • © r> o no u Vi © Pv #N o e*. #s rv #-» r« no nO V o -M rv > a u > a o a a a a a r S^ c* o no a o -+H 05 O rO a © no a Sh o no a o HH 05 O i ¥ © o H-H 05 O o H~> 05 O o HH 05 O o H-H 05 O a a S3 a V be a o © -v> 'O rH PP Ph PP PP & PP PP PP PP PP PP C/5 t • CS. no • rs • r\ • o -E • • • rv 05 >-» © © © a © 05 © ai © rO © a O Vi © no V a a Vi a a a a O »v 05 • rH £ © vP ra © *a PP S2h • rH 33 • rH as Ph H-> 05 \ rs a o -M H-H o a a © © H3 o © §< o O a © Ph V © a • rH V PH a o S a Ph a rQ a a ft >■ © -M C/5 .a N © PP 05 O) i '© a , O rC: '© »-H © N .00O5©rHCM ^TH^rfl^iOiOiO NNNNNbbb COH<*OC©b-.a0O5©rH(M LO LO LO O IO lO lO (O CD O b- t- r- t- r- t- < 4 1763 APPENDIX. Cl CO b» nO S-, ce > ce w b,CDCOCOT^.lOr-(COOJCOO ^ N ^ «COCO^iOCO^CO»fl^r|( no eo no b»t^b.lbb.Jbr~b-b.lbb. b- b* b- oo no b* •V 03 #v 03 03 03 oT 03 oT oT 03 rs 03 03 *N 03 •K 03 03 rs 03 rs 03 be be be be be bo be be be be bC be be bo be 03 JU 03 ^03 03 03 03 03 03 33 03 03 r < t 'H 03 r—H 03 1 03 t=s JJ3 'o o ■o 'o 'o O r o o 0 0 O 'o 'o 'o 0 0 qq O o O O U O O u O O 0 0 0 O ce > -■ ce nO » ce > ce w nd Sh ce b Sh ce Ti sh 03 > I W H nO sh ce w no eS > eg w nO u <3 > u ce nO u ce > u ce W W nO s, ce > u ce no Sh ce > sh ce w w nO Sh ce > ce w no Sh ce > § w no no $-i - ce ce > > u u ce ce w w nO Sh ce t> & w no r—I I lb X • *“4 05 03 bC no O CO Ol CO • • rH • rH « CQ 03 r—H o • rH S3 O s * ° 05 03 43 03 £ 05 * a o 0 o Sh M X X CO * ce sh N 03 o I '$ & Ph T*1 W fl ce a o OJ X • I—( x K W2 £ 03 > o Sh H Ph (M H fi Pi CO (M 43 ce • rH ce 02 X m O no o X W a ^03 le 05 o o H-i m O PP "2 03 > ce w no Sh <2 03 -0 a ce 43 a ce be >£3 S 03 03 be no • rH Sh rO a ce o a q o t* o rQ £ 03 & s 42 £ 03 £ ^ 03 X 4«< >H o S3 43 3 fi Sh 42 a 03 PW O O nO Sh ce > ce w CfH o o5 03 Sh 3 42 X O 43 3 O a ■e ce b* ^ 3 « 42 co *43 ce 03 CO ’o 43 FN pH fl op O 3 o ■w CO O PQ 3 o H-3 CO o PP no Sh ce 3 Sh 3 PP CO ce o 43 H * H-3 O *43 03 Sh no 3 * no Sh ce 3 Sh ce pq no Sh a * no 0) bo no *sF pq 03 HH» 3 43 W W * * OJ ® M 03 3 03 42 03 • rH 3 ce P * 4-t 3 O co ce t-o * 03 44 O o O ’o 3 a ce m * Sh 03 44 oo 3 O e a «s H ^ OO 03 co O Sh 03 3 Sh 3 H co 03 3 43 ^ ° S * * 44 03 o 03 F-—< o 'M a Sh . ce no 43 » b~ b- b« b- b b» b» b- b« N b- N N b« b- b- 59 t Smallpox in Boston. No sermon. -j- Preached before Provincial Congress, Watertown, May 31. § Preached before the General Court, Watertown, July 19, assembled for choice of Councillors. Year. PREACHER. Place. Text. Graduated. 60 APPENDIX. co cm a o 10 o »—i ft r-t co ft co i—< ft ® cm r -10 'rtCiOiOCOiOiOCO®ftiOftiOftCOCOC01>.ft I'* t 1 . t>» t'. t> )> ©, #v •n rx •** •X •X be' ex ex «3 a> o O o O a> o © © © © © © r—a j •x r—H Q rx o be >~~j t" < pM^ 3 O o o o 'o O be "o o o o o 'o o o ft Sr ft sr ft s ft Sr (S (4 (5 (j > > >■ k ft ft ~ Sr o3 o3 u cS Sr c5 Sr u o3 c3 > ~ o3 > Sr o3 W ft ft ft M ft l-H HH ft ft ft ft Sr 03 > Sr W H w ft s e3 > u . . o3 e3 O O © ft u o3 > S- «e o o a h o3 ft O O © "c3 ft Sr ft Sr CCS 03 > > Sr Sr o3 o3 w w ft Sr e3 > I w ft e o3 > «5 ft ft Sr 03 > « w ft Sr o3 t> o3 Sr © a. o o O © ss a 03 CO * CO S3 C3 ft >■ < © ao a ?3 ^ 44 Sh CCS O o3 £ S3 © a a 0) S3 O ft * rO cS N * CO bX» S3 • rH a S3 O X S3 0) ft * * * CO © a - a -g CO k: CO s CO O 03 © S3 a c3 C/2 * a o3 a >% ft Pr © co O ft * O CO J-l o3 ft > o3 ft - - Q3 Sh W) -2 “ 02 r ° ft ^ • *—< 02 o ft * © • rH S3 o3 ft CO S3 • rH 42 a O ft ft S3 o3 a o * \ S3 © 5 ft a a Sr o3 3 * ^ © •- a t a JF o3 ft c/2 * * © S3 03 © ft '© S3 CO © a o ft N 4) S3 Sr c 3 © CO ft * * a o S3 © SM ft S3 o3 rr a c3 S3 O >“5 S3 'a? * o rH (01 CO lO CO ft CO a O tH CM CO ft a co ft 00 (X) CO CO CO CO CO CO CO CO a a a a a a a a r- |> tH ft ft ft ft ft ft ft ft ft ft ft T—1 rH l-l rH ft *H rH rH iH >H rH rH iH *H r—( «H rH r-( APPENDIX 61 b- a 00 00 Cl KO CO b- H tH ID lO CO Ol Ol Ol C5 IO CD lO 1- I- 00 00 C5 CD t- 00 i- l- O 05 o CO 05 1- i- b- t- I- t- r- r- 00 I>- 00 I- I- rH rH rH rH rH rH rH rH ?H rH rH rH rH rH rH rH rH rH rH i r-x cT 03 03 03 rv bC ♦N • ^ ^s rs C-x be *"s rs bo *S es be 03 05 03 03 03 03 03 03 03 03 03 03 03 03 03 • tc be be be be be bo be be • be be be r-H o> o 03 03 03 03 03 03 03 o 03 03 o 03 03 O 6 fcn CJ ~o 1 H o o 'o 6‘ hn 'o 'o O CJ o -4—) > >• > > t> > > -M > X> -M > > ■4J> u h u h u H fH H S-t u t ~i u u 4i u cc cS c3 c3 cS a 03 CS c3 ci 03 o3 c3 c3 03 c3 c3 c3 ctf h a A A A A A A A A A A A H A A A A A es b- rs • rH D1 CM of Ol ‘x X rH > rH CM • rH 1 J 03 33 03 'd a 43 43 • rH £j c3 -u c3 c3 CO o3 • rH cS A *01 A CQ hH ccT -jT CO Tft u 03 03 A X • rH X 03 44 D A X! 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