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LIBRARY OF THE 
 
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Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
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 http://archive.org/details/warfarealongmissOOcurr 
 
Photograph from Crandall, W. D., et al, History of the Ram 
 Fleet and Mississippi Marine Brigade, (1907) 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel George E. Currie 
 
 11 
 
WARFARE ALONG 
 THE MISSISSIPPI 
 
 The letters of 
 Lieutenant Colonel George E. Currie 
 
 Edited by 
 
 Norman E. Clarke, Sr. 
 
 Clarke Historical Collection 
 Central Michigan University Mount Pleasant 
 
This edition is limited to 
 one thousand copies 
 
 Copyright 1961 by 
 
 The Clarke Historical Collection 
 
 Central Michigan University 
 
 Mount Pleasant 
 
 Lithoprinted in U.S.A. 
 EDWARDS BROTHERS, INC 
 
 Ann Arbor, Michigan 
 

 ACKNOWLEDGMENT 
 
 The letter press book 1 of Lieutenant Colonel George E. 
 Currie and the original logbook of the U. S. Steamer Diana 
 that contains many of Currie's commands are in the 
 Clarke Historical Collection, Central Michigan Univer- 
 sity, which has kindly granted me permission to quote 
 them. The editor is particularly grateful for the generous 
 cooperation received from Clyde E. Walton and staff of 
 the Illinois State Historical Society and to Dorothy A. 
 Brackhoff of the Missouri Historical Society. George E. 
 Heckroth, 2 Director of the Clarke Historical Collection, 
 and his staff at Central Michigan University have shared 
 generously with me their knowledge and time. Also, to 
 Harold W. Moll, the editor is most grateful for his dili- 
 gence and assistance in research and in the preparation 
 of the final manuscript. 
 
 George E. Currie' s letters, herein published, of which 
 but fragments have been previously used, give fresh in- 
 formation on the military operations of Company C, 59th 
 Illinois Volunteers, the Ram Fleet and the Mississippi 
 Marine Brigade, and portray the mind of a sensitive, in- 
 telligent observer serving his country during its greatest 
 ordeal. 
 
 His letters are quoted verbatim from the letter press 
 book. The story is further amplified by the addition of 
 Chapters I and VI containing quotations from the books 
 Episodes of the Civil War, Nine Campaigns in Nine States 
 . . . etc., by Corporal George W. Herr 3 and that excellent 
 
 1. For a discussion of the letter press book, see appendix B, 
 p. 149. 
 
 2. Mr. George E. Heckroth retired as Director of the Clarke 
 Historical Collection in December, 1960. 
 
 3. Herr, George W., Episodes of the Civil War, Nine Campaigns 
 in Nine States . . . etc., San Francisco, Bancroft, (1890). 
 
 V 
 
gathering of documentary and personal narrative, The 
 History of the Ram Fleet and the Mississippi Marine 
 Brigade . . . etc., by Warren Daniel Crandall. 4 
 
 Norman E. Clarke, Sr, 
 
 Birmingham, Michigan 
 May 18, 1960 
 
 4. Crandall, Warren D., and Newell, Isaac, D., History of The 
 Ram Fleet and the Mississippi Marine Brigade. St. Louis, Press of 
 Buschart Brothers, (1907). 
 
 VI 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 Acknowledgment v 
 
 Illustrations viii 
 
 Introduction ix 
 
 Chapter I - George E. Currie and the 59th Regi- 
 ment, Illinois Volunteer Infantry ... 1 
 
 Chapter n - Fighting in Missouri and Arkansas - 
 
 1861 13 
 
 Chapter III - Battle of Pea Ridge, Arkansas 23 
 
 Chapter IV - The March to Shiloh - Transferred 
 
 to the Ram Fleet - 1862 35 
 
 Chapter V - Ellet Rams Conquer Rebel Fleet in 
 
 Battle of Memphis - June 1862 45 
 
 Chapter VI - The Mississippi Marine Brigade ... 55 
 
 Chapter VII - Captain Currie Transferred to the 
 Mississippi Marine Brigade - 
 November 1862 63 
 
 Chapter VIII - Organizing the Mississippi Marine 
 
 Brigade 71 
 
 Chapter DC - Guerrilla Warfare and Burning of 
 
 Austin, Arkansas - May 1863 77 
 
 Chapter X - Before Vicksburg - The Building of 
 
 Fort Adams - June 1863 85 
 
 Chapter XI - Vicksburg After Defeat - Capture of 
 
 a Confederate Paymaster - September 
 1863 93 
 
 Chapter XII - The Fight of Lake Village Against 
 
 Rebel General Marmaduke's Forces . 101 
 
 vn 
 
Chapter XIII - Battle of Coleman's Plantation - 
 
 July 1864 113 
 
 Chapter XIV - Colonel Currie Resigns from Serv- 
 ice - Northbound Steamer Attacked 
 by Guerrillas, August 1864 125 
 
 Chapter XV - Finale 143 
 
 Bibliography 145 
 
 Appendices - A - Cross reference between the 
 letter press book and this 
 
 publication 147 
 
 B - Discussion of George E. Currie' s 
 
 letter press book 149 
 
 C - George E. Currie' s note accom- 
 panying his letters of war 
 experience 153 
 
 ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel George E. Currie Frontispiece 
 
 Colonel Charles Ellet, Jr. xii 
 
 Ram Fleet Postal Cover 46 
 
 Naval Battle Before Memphis, June 6, 1862 49 
 
 Brigadier General Alfred W. Ellet 58 
 
 vm 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel George E. Currie's letters cover a 
 period from just prior to his enlistment on July 10, 1861, 
 through August of 1864. His word depictions of a soldier's 
 observation in service graphically present training, 
 marching, and fighting in Missouri and Arkansas during 
 the early days of the War. This first period was climaxed 
 by the Battle of Pea Ridge, 1 that practically cleared Mis- 
 souri of Confederate troops for the remainder of the War. 
 George E. Currie was the first officer selected by Cap- 
 tain Alfred W e Ellet to join a new and hazardous river op- 
 eration. 
 
 The Mississippi Ram Fleet, often called Ellet's Ram 
 Fleet, was organized and built in early 1862. It has re- 
 ceived little notice in books on the history of the Civil 
 War, although it won the important naval Battle of Mem- 
 phis 2 and contributed much to General Grant's western 
 campaign. The ram, a wooden vessel with reinforced bow 
 and often fitted with a steel beak for cutting into the en- 
 emy's ship, was of ancient origin in naval warfare, but it 
 required the unexpected, devastating onslaught of the 
 Southern Ram Merrimac (Virginia) to arouse Washington 
 to the dangerous situation existing on the Mississippi Riv- 
 er. The Federal Navy Department was ineffective, so the 
 
 1. Williams, Henry Smith, The Historians History of the World, 
 New York, The Encyclopedia Britannica Co., (1904) Vol. 23, p. 427. 
 
 2. Crandall, op. cit., pp. 51-84; Ellet, Alfred W., " Ellet and His 
 Steam-Rams at Memphis," in Johnson, Robert U., and Buel, Clar- 
 ence., (Editors); Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, New York, 
 The Century Company (1884-1887) Vol. 1, pp. 453-459; Stewart, 
 Charles W., (Editor) Official Records of the Union and Confed erat c 
 Navies in the War of ine Rebellion, Series 1, Washington, Govern- 
 ment Printing Office (1910) Vol. 23, pp. 125-135. This publication 
 is hereafter referred to by USONR-I. 
 
 IX 
 
War Department seized the occasion to set up a naval op- 
 eration manned by volunteer soldiers under army offi- 
 cers 
 
 The rank of Colonel was given the Ram Fleet Com- 
 mander, Charles Ellet, Jr., who was empowered to have 
 his brother, Alfred W. Ellet, appointed Lieutenant Colonel 
 and his second in command. 3 The latter was authorized 
 to bring with him a limited number of reliable men from 
 the regiment in which he was serving. 
 
 Alfred W. Ellet, then a Captain in Company "1," 59th 
 Regiment Illinois Volunteers, received a telegram from 
 Major General Samuel R. Curtis, Headquarters, Army of 
 the Southwest, West Plains, Missouri, April 29th, 1862 as 
 follows: "Persuant to orders from the Secretary of War 
 you will proceed with the officers and privates herein de- 
 scribed to St. Louis, Missouri, and New Albany, Indiana, 
 and report in person or by letter to Colonel Charles Ellet, 
 Jr , use all possible speed in reporting as ordered." 4 
 The following officers from the 59th Regiment, Illinois 
 Volunteers, accompanied Captain Ellet; First Lieutenant 
 John H. Johnson, First Lieutenant George E. Currie, and 
 First Lieutenant Warren D. Crandall, all of Company "C". 
 
 George E. Currie served as an infantry officer in the 
 59th Regiment, Illinois Volunteer Infantry, the Ram Fleet 
 and the Mississippi Marine Brigade. During these serv- 
 ices he was intimately associated with the Ellets. 
 
 There were six Ellets 5 engaged in the Civil War. Col- 
 onel Charles Ellet, Jr., a civil engineer, conceived and 
 built the Federal Mississippi Ram Fleet and died from a 
 
 3. Curtis, H. Z., Assistant Adjutant General, Special Order No. 
 159. Quoted in Crandall, op. cit., p. 37 and USONR-I Vol. 23, pp. 
 74 and 78. As Crandall's book was published in 1907, he did not 
 have access to Charles W. Stewart's editing of the Official Records 
 of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion. 
 Volumes 22 and 23 were published in 1908 and 1910. Crandall 
 states, on page 68, that he had access to the Ellet papers "pre- 
 served with scrupulous care by his (Ellet) family." He quotes at 
 length from many of the orders and letters. 
 
 4. Crandall, op. cit., p. 37. 
 
 5. Ibid., pp. 9-13 and 245-247. 
 
gun-shot wound received in the naval Battle of Memphis. 
 His son, Charles Rivers, was made Colonel in charge of 
 the Ram Fleet, following his father's death, although he 
 was a Medical Cadet, only twenty years old. After a bril- 
 liant career of less than a year in command of the Ram 
 Fleet, Colonel Charles Rivers Ellet died in October, 1863, 
 from typhoid fever. Alfred W. Ellet, brother of Colonel 
 Charles Rivers Ellet, Jr., was serving with the Ram Fleet 
 when he was assigned by the War Department to form the 
 Mississippi Marine Brigade and was given the rank of 
 Brigadier General. Lieutenant Colonel John A. Ellet, 
 nephew of General Ellet, succeeded to the command of the 
 Ram Fleet, and his brother was a Lieutenant in the caval- 
 ry of the Mississippi Marine Brigade. The General's 
 son, Lieutenant Edward E. Ellet, was on the military staff 
 of his father. 
 
 The use of ram boats had been advocated by Charles 
 Ellet, Jr., since his visit to Russia during the Crimean 
 War, when he had urged Russia to employ such boats in 
 relief of Sevastopol. He had repeatedly urged Washington 6 
 to adopt the ram boat for use in naval combat on narrow 
 waterways such as the Mississippi River. The Federal 
 Government consistently disregarded his offers to serve 
 until the Merrimac on March 8, 1862, demonstrated the 
 usefulness of the ram in battle, an incident that ended the 
 days of wooden ships and introduced radical changes into 
 naval warfare. 
 
 On March 27, 1862, Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of 
 War, was frantically urging Charles Ellet, Jr., as follows: 
 " You will proceed immediately to Pittsburg, Cincinnati and 
 New Albany, and take measures to provide steam-rams for 
 defense against iron-clad vessels on the Western waters." 7 
 
 6. Abbott, John, S. C, The History of the Civil War in America, 
 (Springfield, 111. 1864) Vol. 1, p. 344. Charles Ellet, Jr., issued a 
 pamphlet on the subject of Rams December 1855. In April, 1862, a 
 month before the terrible onslaught of the Merrimac he published a 
 similar pamphlet "Military Incapacity" and had it placed in the 
 hands of every government official at Washington, D.C. 
 
 7. Stanton, Edwin M., Letter to Charles Ellet, Jr., March 27, 
 1862. Quoted in Crandall, op. cit., p. 17 and USORN-I, Vol. 22, p. 
 680. 
 
 XI 
 

 From the Collections of the Library of Congress 
 
 Colonel Charles Ellet, Jr. 
 
 Xll 
 
To this urgent appeal, Charles Ellet, Jr., patiently re- 
 plied, "I wish to again give you my views as briefly as 
 possible. It is said that the enemy have eleven gun boats 
 below Island No. 10 8 and I understand they are supposed 
 to have others, fitted up as rams, ascending the Missis- 
 sippi, one of which has reached Memphis. I propose to 
 strengthen the hulls of some of the swift, strong coal tow- 
 boats which I am told can be obtained here and fit them 
 up as speedily as possible to be used as extemporary 
 rams, to go down to Island No„ 10, or any other strong- 
 hold of the rebels and at a proper time during the contest, 
 when the rebel gun boats seem to be in a favorable posi- 
 tion, run down before the batteries and drive our rams at 
 full headway into the rebel boats doing what I can by pre- 
 liminary preparation to save the men if the boats should 
 sink. These boats the river men say will make eighteen 
 or twenty miles an hour down the Mississippi. It will be 
 very difficult to hit them at that speed 9 and I will try to 
 protect engines and boilers against any ordinary shot. It 
 is possible that I can so strengthen our own hulls as to 
 sink any Mississippi boat we can hit fairly and save our 
 own. I seek good boats and do not intend to make altera- 
 tions which will injure them materially for future use, if 
 they are not lost in the service... We ought to have at 
 least as many boats as there are boats to run down. In- 
 deed we ought to have more. No boat can stop to strike 
 twice, and some may not hit their adversary fairly or may 
 get the worse of it. The men must take service with the 
 full knowledge of the dangerous nature of the duty, the en- 
 emies fire being the least of the dangers. I would like to 
 be authorized to assure them that their names will be re- 
 ported to the Secretary of War who will recommend them 
 
 8. Between New Madrid and Island No. 10 the Mississippi makes 
 a loop. New Madrid was cut off from its source of supply and it 
 capitulated on March 17. A twelve -mile -long canal was cut across 
 the loop and troops landed south of Island No. 10. It capitulated on 
 April 7 after a combined land and water attack. See Williams, H.S., 
 The Historians History of the World, New York, (1904, 1907) Vol. 23, 
 p. 421. 
 
 9. Ellet is here referring to shot from gunboats or shore batter- 
 ies. 
 
 Xill 
 
to the President and Congress. I think this will be more 
 valued than specific rewards." 10 
 
 The nine vessels 11 to constitute the Mississippi Ram 
 Fleet were the Lioness, Sampson, and the Mingo, three 
 powerful Ohio River stern- wheel towboats; the Queen of 
 the West, Monarch, and the Switzerland, three large side- 
 wheel steamers; the Lancaster, a smaller side-wheel 
 boat and the Fulton and the Horner, two small stern-wheel 
 towboats used as tender and dispatch boats of the fleet. 
 The first three named vessels were purchased and fitted 
 out at Pittsburgh; the Lancaster and Queen of the West 
 at Cincinnati; the Switzerland at Madison; the Monarch at 
 New Albany, and the smaller boats at Cincinnati,, All of 
 the boats were not finished at the place named but were 
 rushed down the Mississippi River and final work was 
 done at New Albany and Mound City, on their way to the 
 conflict. 
 
 The Mississippi Ram Fleet was one of many innova- 
 tions in the Civil War that arose out of necessity and de- 
 veloped without the guidance of precedent. In a telegram 
 to Colonel Charles Ellet, Jr., the Secretary of War, Edwin 
 M. Stanton, speaking of the Ram Fleet said, "...the pecul- 
 iarity of the enterprise which you have undertaken induces 
 
 10. Ellet, Charles, Jr., Letter to E. M. Stanton, March 29, 1862. 
 Quoted in Crandall, op. cit., p. 19 and USORN-I, Vol. 22, p. 683. 
 
 11. Crandall, op. cit., p. 27; Pratt, Fletcher, Civil War on West- 
 ern Waters, Henry Holt and Company, N. Y. (1956) pp. 96-100; Pratt 
 and Crandall agree on the names listed; however, a study of the 
 United States Navy Department, Official Records of the Union and 
 Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion, First Series, Vol. 
 23 pp. 64-66, 73, 532, and other letters give a somewhat different 
 list of boats. In agreement with the official list is: Parker, Theo- 
 dore H., The Federal Gunboat Flotilla on the Western Rivers During 
 its Administration by the War Department to October 1, 1862, un- 
 published doctoral thesis (1938) University of Pittsburgh, Pa., page 
 113, "..had made arrangements to convert them into rams. Those 
 were the Sampson, Lioness and Dick Fulton, purchased and con- 
 verted at Pittsburgh, and the Lancaster No. 3, and the Queen of the 
 West at Cincinnati, the Monarch at New Albany, and the Switzerland 
 at Madison, Indiana. Shortly after the middle of April he also pur- 
 chased at Pittsburgh, two small, fast vessels, the Mingo and the T. 
 D. Horner, to act as tenders to the larger boats of his ram fleet.'' 
 
 XIV 
 
the expression 'concurrence' instead of placing you dis- 
 tinctly under the command of the naval commander. There 
 ought not to be two commanders on the same element in 
 war operations— but as the service you are engaged in is 
 peculiar, the naval commander will be so advised and will 
 be desired not to exercise direct control over your move- 
 ments. ,?12 
 
 After the Mississippi River had been freed of the grasp 
 of the Southerners from New Orleans to Fort Pillow, its 
 use as a military waterway continued to be seriously in- 
 terrupted by small to large bands of Confederate guerril- 
 las who persisted in harassing river traffic and embar- 
 rassing important military operations. The guerrillas 
 planted their cannon on favorable river banks and poured 
 damaging fire into unarmed military transport and supply 
 boats. If their fire was returned, they hastily dragged the 
 cannon to a more sheltered position and resumed firing or 
 pulled them back into the countryside. 
 
 To destroy the Southern guerrillas required a mobile, 
 amphibious force of infantry, artillery and cavalry that 
 could hastily land from ships, pursue the guerrillas on 
 land and destroy them. Such a striking force was devel- 
 oped in the fall and winter of 1862-1863 and called the 
 "Mississippi Marine Brigade, " sometimes the "Ellet 
 Scouts" 13 or "Ellet's Horse Marines." 14 This was a na- 
 val and land operation but under control of the War De- 
 partment. 15 The organization of this amphibious force 
 was one of the vagaries that plagued the Civil War. The 
 men who made up this important service had to be obtain- 
 ed from volunteers among military hospital convales- 
 cents. 16 
 
 12. Stanton, R. M., Telegram to Charles Ellet, Jr., April 26, 1862. 
 Quoted in Crandall, op. cit., p. 33; USONR-I, Vol. 23, p. 74. 
 
 13. Wright, Captain W. H., Recruiting Handbill. Quoted in Cran- 
 dall, op. cit., p. 257. 
 
 14. Crandall, op. cit. p. 258. 
 
 15. Forter, Admiral David, Naval History, pp. 331-333. Quoted 
 in Crandall, op. cit., p. 249. 
 
 16. Foster, C. W., War Department Letter, December 21, 1862. 
 Quoted in Crandall, op. cit., p. 255; USORN-I, Vol. 23, p. 630. 
 
 XV 
 
A detailed description of marine action follows. As the 
 Colonel was on his way home after his honorable dis- 
 charge, the boat was attacked by a guerrilla force. This 
 vivid, action-filled word picture closes his story. 
 
 xvi 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 GEORGE E. CURRIE AND THE 
 
 59th REGIMENT, ILLINOIS 
 
 VOLUNTEER INFANTRY 
 
 At the beginning of the Civil War the raising of troops 
 was a jealously guarded right of each state, with the Na- 
 tional Government assigning quotas, the size of which 
 were influenced by the military ambitions of important 
 state politicians. Accordingly, those states that loomed 
 large in the political maneuvers of the Federal Govern- 
 ment were placated by larger numbers of troops. But 
 even in a favored state like Illinois, the patriotic enthusi- 
 asm rapidly filled the authorized regiments, and it is safe 
 to say that more than ten thousand from Illinois left their 
 state and enlisted in regiments of other states. It was in 
 this manner that the 59th Regiment, Illinois Volunteers, 
 first saw service as the 9th Missouri Regiment. 
 
 *" After having tried various pursuits, I established 
 myself in the notion business in 1861, just previous to the 
 outbreak of the war. I located in Tennessee, McDonough 
 County, Illinois, a thriving little village on the Chicago, 
 Burlington and Quincy Railroad. It had a population of one 
 hundred or more good, staunch American farmers, lib- 
 eral in their social and religious views, as the number of 
 "sects" clearly evidence, but politically intensely partisan, 
 
 1. From here to the end of this chapter is a direct quotation from 
 Herr, op. cit., pp. 443-447. The chapter in Herr's book, "Organiza- 
 tion of Company "C", 59th Illinois" was written by Lieutenant Colo- 
 nel George E. Currie. As the letter press book in the Clarke His- 
 torical Collection does not contain all of the material that covers 
 this portion of Currie's activity, it was deemed proper to include 
 the chapter in this publication so that the story will be complete. 
 
 1 
 
with about equal party strength of Democrats and Repub- 
 licans. 
 
 They depend mainly on Chicago for news of the great 
 world that stretched away beyond the horizon. The news 
 train arrived daily at 4 p.m. One paper, generally the 
 Tribune, was bought from the train boy. At about train 
 time you would see the men gathering in groups, some 
 whittling away at sticks or cutting out chunks in boxes or 
 whatever was near, now and then emphasizing a vigorous 
 remark by a deeper slash, while those who had driven in 
 had hitched their teams and stood around waiting for the 
 train. As it slowed at the station there was a close scru- 
 tiny of the passengers who alighted, a few greetings and 
 good-byes waved to acquaintances as it pulled away, and 
 then a closing -up of the rank as it were, around the post- 
 office clerk, who usually read the news aloud. At the 
 close came the after-clap of heated arguments; scamper- 
 ing off home to tell the folks; and, as a result, a new lease 
 was given to opinions, strengthened or weakened by the 
 report of the exciting times. Day after day brought ru- 
 mors of rebel successes, union surrenders, a probable 
 northern invasion, a threatened dissolution, and tramping 
 down of the old flag, emblem of our freedom, and in its 
 place to raise the stars and bars of rebellion. All ques- 
 tions gave place to the one that was agitating all loyal 
 hearts, whether we should stand quietly by and let a few 
 desecrate patriotism and freedom, our common heir- 
 looms; or should we obey the voice of duty and go forth to 
 battle for home, right, and country? 
 
 The loyalty of that little community was shown in the 
 hearty approval that greeted our efforts to recruit a com- 
 pany. Enthusiasm lent wings to our actions, and in a few 
 days we had raised the minimum number required. On the 
 first of June we had an election, selecting R. M. Veach 2 
 
 2. Captain Brazillia M. Veach was born in Harrison County, Indi- 
 ana, April 12, 1823. His father was a soldier of 1812, and his grand- 
 father was in the Revolutionary War. When the war broke out, he 
 was in the merchandising business in Tennessee, Illinois. He at 
 once recruited a company of volunteers — Company C— and joined 
 what was afterward known as the Fifty-ninth Illinois Volunteer In- 
 fantry. He led his company through all the campaigns in which it 
 
as captain, and to me was given the first lieutenancy. We 
 did not select a second lieutenant. Captain Veach left for 
 Springfield immediately, to place our services at the Gov- 
 ernment's command. His return was eagerly awaited and 
 two days later we were just as keenly disappointed at his 
 inability to do anything but place our number at the dis- 
 posal of the Government, at the end of a list of over a 
 hundred other companies entered ahead of ours and await- 
 ing acceptance. Ignorant of the demands of war and the 
 darkness of the night then coming on the nation, we dis- 
 banded and went to our homes, disappointed and dis- 
 couraged. 
 
 A few days after two recruiting officers came looking 
 for companies already formed to fill out the Ninth Mis- 
 souri Regiment, then recruiting at the St. Louis arsenal. 
 We were accepted by them, 3 although our number had 
 dwindled down, the interval having cooled the ardor of 
 some, and others enlisting in other companies. 
 
 And now in the hurried preparations for departure, 
 stand by my side and let us view this scene together. 
 Look at the mother giving her last parting words to her 
 boy, as with woman's faith she puts in his hand a little Old 
 Testament that to her has been a safeguard and a com- 
 forter. See the father holding in his arms the baby, while 
 his wife clings to his arms, and the children, awed by the 
 presence of so many people, but unconscious of the sor- 
 row, crowd around his feet. Sisters talk earnestly to 
 brothers, and lovers draw a little aloof, and, seeing and 
 hearing but themselves, vow constancy and faith between 
 
 participated, taking part in several important battles, until June, 
 1863, when his health became so impaired he was compelled to re- 
 sign. Recovering, he again recruited another company, which be- 
 came Company C, One Hundred and Thirty-seventh Illinois Volun- 
 teer Infantry. He commanded this company until October 1864, 
 when, his terms of service having expired, he was mustered out 
 with his regiment. From Herr, op. cit., p. 447. 
 
 3. The Ninth Missouri regiment, commanded by Colonel John E. 
 Kelton, of West Point, entered the United States Service on Septem- 
 ber 6, 1861 at St. Louis. George E. Currie was First Lieutenant of 
 Company "C." 
 
the caresses. The girls' faces, beaded with perspiration 
 and tears, look like they have caught the drops of an April 
 shower, and their lips, red as roses in June, they lift up 
 for kisses, so loud and long, we hear them here. And the 
 baggage they are putting on the train— boxes and bundles, 
 tied up with ropes and leather, and every other article that 
 an "Aunt Jerusha" can twist into a knot when she wishes 
 to make a bundle "tight and hold." 
 
 Is the scene tiresome? Well for you, my friend, that 
 you can stand here with me and grow restive over the old 
 mother, laying so many injunctions upon her son; and 
 looking with pitying contempt at the father, burdened with 
 the weight of his entire family; and sneer at the sister, so 
 overcome at the brother's departure; and laugh at the 
 country maiden, who, with streaming eyes and red, red 
 nose, rushes up again to say good-bye to her sweetheart, 
 and her grief overcoming maiden reserve, hangs on his 
 neck and bids farewell once more. This day is the most 
 trying one they have known in their simple lives. July, 
 the 10th— the day, the last hour has come, and time nearly 
 up, when all those near and dear to them are going to war. 
 Heretofore their ways have all been peace. The waiting 
 train will bear them away to unknown perils, dangers and 
 death. The beloved father, the eldest son, the favorite 
 brother, the trusted friend, the anxious lover— all are go- 
 ing. No wonder tears are as plentiful as drops in copious 
 showers, and good-byes are said, but to be said again; and 
 hands are clasped once more through the windows, and 
 handkerchiefs are waved and waved; and the train moves 
 slowly away— away from our sight, and then faster and 
 faster bears them on to the new life of a soldier. Over all 
 is the gloom which even the bravest hearts feel at part- 
 ing; and then we try to throw if off, count our numbers, 
 and although we have but forty-two (the required minimum 
 being sixty) decide to go on and recruit by the way. We 
 looked after our personal baggage. There was one line 
 we could fight it out on some time. The good women at 
 home had sent us forth laden with all the eatables a coun- 
 try housewife could make palatable; but, excepting myself, 
 not one had a blanket or pillow. My landlady had given me 
 a bed quilt and a pillow, and as I could find no available 
 storeroom for the balance of my notion stock, I took it 
 
with me, packed in trunks. Like Robinson Crusoe, I tried 
 to save all the material from the wreck. 
 
 Quincy, Illinois, beautifully situated on a hill, was 
 reached at sunset. We ate our supper of cold pie, chicken, 
 cakes and other dainties on the levee. I will just say, for 
 fear you may envy our lot, that this was the last epicurean 
 supper we had for some time. We all sauntered up to the 
 public square. Soon after there is a report from Palmyra, 
 Missouri, about twenty miles away, stating that a portion 
 of the Sixteenth Illinois Infantry, a part of which had been 
 raised near our own town, and many of the men known to 
 us, had encamped at the courthouse, and there had been 
 attacked by rebels. They were driven inside the building, 
 and had gallantly defended themselves against superior 
 numbers. 
 
 The report caused the greatest excitement and com- 
 motion everywhere, with drums beating and bonfires blaz- 
 ing. The mayor of the town, after a stirring address to 
 the citizens, soon found several hundred volunteers ready 
 to start as a rescuing party. Among the number was our 
 forty-two. At the critical moment it was found that there 
 was not a musket to be found in the town. Empty hands 
 and willing hearts could do naught against the rebel bul- 
 lets; and so, amid the greatest excitement, the men broke 
 rank, and confusion even more reigned. 
 
 At midnight our men returned to the hotel on the levee, 
 the front street of the town. The only quarters we could 
 obtain were the parlors, and we slept on the carpet. After 
 a late breakfast in which we finished the last of our pro- 
 visions, we sallied forth to find ourselves in the midst of 
 active preparations for the relief of Palmyra. The scene 
 had changed from up-town to the levee. During the morn- 
 ing two steamboats had arrived from Hannibal, a few 
 miles below, with a smattering of soldiers and ammuni- 
 tion. An excited throng lined the river front. At ten 
 o'clock Colonel U. S. Grant arrived from his camp, twenty 
 miles away. His regiment, the Twenty-first Illinois In- 
 fantry, not yet uniformed and unarmed, looked more like 
 farmers than soldiers. They had broken camp the day be- 
 fore and marched through the night to Quincy. 
 
 At the same time a train came from Springfield, bring- 
 ing arms for Colonel Grant's regiment. This train was in 
 
charge of the Quartermaster -General of the State. His 
 half -military unit and the silver -mounted Spencer rifle 
 that he carried quickly silenced all my doubts of him be- 
 ing "one grand general.' ' So wishing to show my patri- 
 otism and bravery, assuming as much as a military bear- 
 ing as I could, I tendered him the services of my little 
 command (our captain having taken an early train home, I 
 was acting as commander). On reaching the armory, a 
 great deal of time was spent in convincing the officers 
 that it was proper to let us have the muskets; and finally, 
 when we secured permission, there were only twenty-one 
 old muskets, with flint locks, with the dust of a century 
 upon them. Half were without flints, and as these guns 
 had gone out of use, no one could supply them. 
 
 Again reporting to the quarter -master, I received 
 orders to take my men, and, with what guns we had and a 
 little powder and a few bullets in our pockets, to cross to 
 the Missouri shore, keep my command out of the demora- 
 lized crowd, and await the arrival of Colonel Grant, who 
 would soon follow, and from whom I would receive further 
 instructions. 
 
 Up to this time in my life I had been a civilian. I had 
 never attempted to form a company or give a military 
 command. Orders had to be obeyed, however, and my 
 feelings in the presence of that multitude can better be 
 imagined than set down. Under the circumstances I did 
 the best I could. Taking one man by the arm, I placed him 
 in position, and then, by a wave of my hand, motioned 
 each one to step in line. The next concern was the man- 
 ner of holding the muskets. Like their judgments, no two 
 agreed in this respect, but each believed his own the cor- 
 rect way. 
 
 But my "woes did trod upon another's heels, so fast 
 they followed." In the flurry of the moment, I had formed 
 the line facing from the river. That river was our ob- 
 jective point. We were to cross it on a small ferry, and 
 now how to reach it was the question. The men could not 
 march backward down the hill. I could not change the 
 course of the river. I must confess to a strong reverence 
 for the majestic Mississippi. I honor the "Father of Wa- 
 ters." But just at that particular moment I considered the 
 old gentleman had outlived his usefulness, and was de- 
 cidedly in the way. 
 
 6 
 
I thought for a time, and then drew once more upon my 
 military ingenuity. I placed the first man in position, fac- 
 ing the ferry, and then, by a wave of the hand that had 
 proved all-sufficient before, again assigned them to their 
 places. My face glows with the conscious pride of a mili- 
 tary tactician as I march the men down to the ferry. In a 
 few minutes we have crossed the river and are within 
 twenty miles of Palmyra, where the rebels, for aught we 
 know, may now be the victors. 
 
 We did not march directly on Palmyra. The Phillis- 
 tines were in too great numbers, and we had no David to 
 confront them. 4 That little band looked like men with a 
 great care on their minds. You could see at a glance that 
 many of us were wavering between staying and running 
 back home; and not a few but would have gone, but for the 
 shame of such an act; and then too the river, you know, 
 was between us and the other side. 
 
 The ferry, on its next trip, brought over Colonel Grant 
 and his regiment, and soon a better feeling prevailed, the 
 men chattering pleasantly. Colonel Grant established his 
 camp near the river bank that afternoon, issuing clothing 
 and arms, preparatory to an advance on Palmyra. 
 
 From the camp a railroad ran to Palmyra, crossing, at 
 a distance of four and eight miles, respectively, the Little 
 and Big Fabius, two small streams running parallel with 
 the Mississippi. It was necessary to guard these bridges 
 during the night, to prevent the rebels destroying them 
 and thus cut off relief from Palmyra. Colonel Grant de- 
 signed to send one of his own companies to guard these 
 bridges, but was prevented by the delay in getting them 
 uniformed and armed. So my company of forty-two men, 
 with twenty-one muskets, was detailed for the duty. 
 
 We had no preparations to make, and it then being late 
 in the afternoon, we were soon on our way, and by rapid 
 marching reached the Little Fabius bridge at sunset. 
 Most opportunely, too, for the rebels had already set fire 
 to it, and the flames were making rapid headway. It was a 
 difficult matter to extinguish it. We had no buckets, and 
 the banks of the stream were steep and high, and the 
 
 4. I Samuel 17:45-51. 
 
flames stubbornly burnt on, despite our efforts. There 
 was not a house in sight where we might have obtained 
 some vessels to carry the water c We scattered the burn- 
 ing rubbish and used our hats for buckets— a boyish trick 
 that did not desert us now. Finally we conquered it. When 
 the excitement incident to our first experience in soldier- 
 ing had like the fire, died out, we all sat down to rest and 
 meditate. 
 
 We were in the enemy's country, and, helpless as we 
 were, could not tell what moment would bring us an at- 
 tack. There was gloom on our countenances, that dark 
 shadow of coming events in our hearts, and over it all was 
 a dismal attempt to keep up appearances. 
 
 Suddenly we were startled by a report so loud and long 
 that, sounding down through these years, the echoes are 
 painfully distinct. It seemed to be a challenge thundered 
 over the whole Confederacy, and an isolent invitation to 
 the rebels to come on and fight. When the shock had 
 passed away, upon inquiry it was found to be a premature 
 explosion of one of the old muskets. Lost in thought, the 
 men sat knocking the pebbles between their feet with the 
 butts of the guns; one had struck a stone too hard and the 
 gun discharged. "Load up, Harry McElroy, and don't do 
 so any more" was the stern command I made in rather a 
 plaintive voice. He promised not to, but every once in a 
 while some poor fellow, giving emphasis to his thoughts, 
 would hit too hard and discharge the guns. Finally we 
 arose as if intuitively prepared to set out for the next 
 bridge. Detailing twenty men with ten muskets to Big 
 Fabius bridge, four miles nearer Palmyra. Ought I not 
 have felt perfectly secure with such a force? What a for- 
 midable line of battle we would present if attacked! 
 
 We walked on the railroad ties, as there was no road. 
 Most of the time our way was through dense forest, dark 
 and dreary, as the moon had not yet risen. It was a tedi- 
 ous, dangerous tramp for two hours. Somehow our feet 
 would lag, as every step separated us from our companions, 
 and we seemed dragging after us a load that became heav- 
 ier as the distance increased. 
 
 This was our first outpost duty. When we at last 
 reached the bridge the moon was shining brightly, and 
 gave us a clear view of the surroundings. We posted two 
 
 8 
 
sentinels— one at the far end of the bridge, the other to 
 our left— and with the remainder, kept watch at the near 
 end of the bridge. Not a man slept that night. We were 
 all clothed in summer clothing, and had but one bed-quilt 
 as a protection against the heavy penetrating dew. The 
 sun never shown on a more hungry and chilled set of men, 
 nor was daylight ever more eagerly watched for nor more 
 gladly welcome. 
 
 Calling in the pickets, most of us slept till nine o'clock, 
 when the sentinel on duty announced the approach of sol- 
 diers. A hasty consultation followed. Every man was up- 
 on the general's staff that time. It was decided to send 
 one man forward to parley with the advancing foe, while 
 the guns were put in the hands of the most trusty marks- 
 men, to be ready for use. 
 
 Our emissary went forward, holding up his hands to 
 show he was unarmed. The foe as steadily advanced. 
 There was that calm which the uncertainty of the last des- 
 perate resort brings, and just as we resolved we must 
 die, up went such a shout that made the welkin ring. We 
 saw him shaking hands all around, like an exhorter at a 
 camp-meeting. Then came our turn, for it proved to be a 
 company that Colonel Grant had sent to relieve us. At 
 twelve o'clock we were back at camp, surrounding a sut- 
 ler's tent, buying something to eat. 
 
 I made a report to Colonel Grant. He heartily com- 
 mended our actions, and expressed an earnest desire to 
 have us in his regiment, but our previous arrangements 
 prevented us accepting his offer. Returning to Quincy that 
 afternoon, we went into camp in a little grove just outside 
 of the town, and without tents, camp-equipage or provi- 
 sions (we had to buy our rations yet) we practiced mili- 
 tary duties as best we could. 
 
 A small steam ferryboat was sent up from Keokuk to 
 take us down to St. Louis to join our regiment. On the 
 fifteenth of July we steamed down the river. There was 
 scarcely cabin-room for one-half the number, and so the 
 rest were compelled to sleep on the open deck. We ex- 
 pected to reach St. Louis the next morning, and so took no 
 provisions with us. The boat refused to land to let us buy 
 any, and we reached the city at sunset the following day, 
 hungry, I can assure you. 
 
 9 
 
And now we are in a military camp. It is our first ex- 
 perience, and in such a camp we did not find ignorance 
 conducive to that bliss with which it is generally accredi- 
 ted. Knowing not where, to whom nor how to apply for ra- 
 tions at so late an hour, we had about concluded that we 
 would be compelled to wait until next morning. Fortune 
 favored us. The post quarter -master heard of our arrival 
 and destitution, and treated us, as he said, to the best of 
 his ability, by issuing one box of hardtack and two un- 
 cooked hams. 
 
 It is a feast for a king, is it not, my brave boys? I 
 hear the merry shout, the mirthful jest, the easy wit and 
 humor, as the years roll away, and we are famished boys 
 again, around the highly relished feast. It makes me hun- 
 gry for the old times again, to think of it. Back again as 
 comrads, sharing in common, the old storage shed where 
 we slept that night on the bare ground, our slumbers as 
 peaceful and refreshing, and our dreams as pleasant as 
 though we slept on beds of down and mother watched over 
 us. 
 
 Morning found us still determined to stand together, to 
 serve and help save our country. Our hardships had been 
 severe, indeed, and enough to daunt the courage of many a 
 veteran. But we were young, and hope and sunshine and 
 action add a zest to the purpose and a zeal to the enthusi- 
 asm of youth. It was still optional with us to remain in 
 that camp or walk out as citizens; for as yet we had not 
 been mustered into regular service. Hardships had been 
 endured; the cares, trials and privations of a soldier's 
 life were dawning upon us, gradually changing the idea 
 that to be a soldier meant gay trappings, a time of ease, 
 honor and pleasure. But we had come, we had seen, and 
 we would stay. 
 
 Our first day in camp was made more pleasant by 
 the assignment to better quarters and regular issu- 
 ing of rations. On the following day we organized 
 the camp for drill. As neither of its officers knew 
 the first principles, and as an election for second 
 lieutenant was then on the tapis, we were most for- 
 tunate in securing the very man for the position. He 
 
 10 
 
was an old Mexican war veteran— D. W. Henderson. 5 
 Leaving the company in his charge, I returned to Ten- 
 nessee 6 to recruit it to sixty men, the required number. 
 Returning, I found that Captain Veach had come back in 
 my absence— having left it, as before stated, soon after 
 our arrival at Quincy— and had been ordered down the riv- 
 er to Cape Girardeau, wither I followed with my new re- 
 cruits on a Government transport. And there and entirely 
 new scene opens. On our arrival there I was busy for 
 some time looking after my baggage. As I have before 
 mentioned, I had the remainder of my Yankee notion stock 
 with me, and it would have puzzled anyone to know what I 
 was going to do with it. It consisted of two large canvas - 
 covered trunks filled with tack-hammers, hatchets, but- 
 tons, suspenders, pocket-knives, thread, needles, pins, 
 and all the hundred odds and ends of a country notion 
 trade. 
 
 Robinson Crusoe, you know, had his island; and I al- 
 ways respected him for being so industrious in saving 
 everything from the wreck, when he might have gone fish- 
 ing or hunting. I was like him in one respect; I was with- 
 out friends at that time, to whom I might have sent these 
 articles; and it began to dawn upon me that it was not ex- 
 actly the right kind of baggage for a soldier called on to 
 defend his country. The matter began to be a serious one 
 when I thought the Government might not allow me trans- 
 portation for my stock, and from indications we were not 
 likely to be a standing army, as we had reports that other 
 troops had even been compelled to run. 
 
 5. Captain Daniel W. Henderson was born in Tennessee, March 
 7, 1823. In 1832 his parents settled in Illinois. In 1846 he assisted 
 in raising a company for the Mexican War, but the quota for Illinois 
 being filled, it was not accepted. At the second call, in 1847, he as- 
 sisted in recruiting what became Company I of the First Regiment, 
 Illinois Volunteers. He remained in Mexico till peace was declared, 
 when his regiment was ordered home to Alton, Illinois, where they 
 were paid off and discharged. 
 
 6. Tennessee, Illinois. See page 1. 
 
 11 
 
How short-sighted we poor mortals are! How ready 
 we are to brood over a trouble, and right here at our own 
 door is a way out of the difficulty. And see how my oppor- 
 tunity came. Our company had only been mustered in 
 after the last payday, and of course the boys had no mon- 
 ey, and the next payday was a long time ahead. The sut- 
 lers had so many tempting delicacies, such as tobacco, 
 cigars and other indispensable luxuries to a soldier, and 
 every one of them was busy devising ways and means to 
 secure them. 
 
 Hearing of my stock, they induced me to let them have 
 the articles and they took them out into the town and sold 
 them to the people, and so had ready money to purchase 
 from the sutler. 
 
 I fitted up my tent, displayed the stock, and for an hour 
 or so customers flocked in and trade boomed. Each one 
 would take what he thought he could sell, and give me an 
 order for the amount on the paymaster. Even the trunks 
 were disposed of, and I soon found myself out of business 
 rid of all encumbrances, and men all happy, and the prof- 
 its not inconsiderable. 
 
 And so, as the story always ends, everyone is made 
 happy. As I write, the smell of the sutler's cigar is waft- 
 ed to me, and I find the temptation too strong to resist. I 
 indulge in a soldier's solace. Won't you join me?" 
 
 12 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 FIGHTING IN MISSOURI AND 
 ARKANSAS - 1861' 
 
 In Camp at Lamina Bridge, Mo., 
 December, 20, 1861 
 
 Dear Sir:-, 
 
 2 The trip from Quincy to St. Louis was made in a small 
 boat with cabin rooms for only half our number, the others 
 having to sleep on the open deck. Expecting to arrive in 
 St. Louis in the morning, no provisions were taken on 
 board and as the boat refused to land anywhere, we were 
 compelled to wait for something to eat until we arrived at 
 the Arsenal about sunset and entered for the first time a 
 military camp. Ignorant of where, how and to whom to ap- 
 ply for rations, at this late hour, we had just concluded 
 we would be compelled to wait until next morning when 
 fortunately the Q.M., hearing of our arrival and destitu- 
 tion did as he said "The best he could for us" by issuing 
 one box hard tack and two uncooked hams. It was a feast 
 for a King, was it not my comrades? I still hear the 
 
 1. The chapter numbers and the titles have been supplied by the 
 editor. Each of the twelve letters in the letter-press book have a 
 regular letter heading and a salutation. Chapter II is letter twelve, 
 pages [143-156]. Pages [153] and [155] are missing and apparent- 
 ly were never in the letter-press book. The story is connected from 
 pages [152] to [154] and from [ 154 to 156]. See appendix A, page 
 147 and B, page 149. Words in brackets have been supplied. In 
 some instances the space is present but the word is missing, in 
 others the word appears to have been skipped by the typist. Page 
 numbers in brackets refer to the original letter-press book. In 
 every instance, the letters are quoted verbatim from the original 
 letter-press book. 
 
 2. A small portion of the first letter, Chapter II, gives similar 
 incidents and phrasing as the last portion of Currie's account in 
 Herr's work. Chapter I, p. 10. 
 
 13 
 
merry laugh, the mirthful jest, the easy wit and humor, 
 and the years roll away, and we are boys again together 
 around that highly relished feast; comrades again as we 
 share in common. That night the shed used for storage 
 purposes, (better accommodations being promised for the 
 morning) was where we slept on the bare ground, our 
 slumbers as peaceful and refreshing, our dreams as pleas- 
 ant as though we slumbered in royal couches. The morn- 
 ing found us still determined to stand together to serve 
 and save our country. Our hardships so far had [not] 
 been heavy enough to daunt many; we had seen and we 
 would stay. Our first day in camp was made pleasant by 
 the assignment of better accommodations and issuing of 
 rations. The next day we organized the company for drill, 
 but as neither of its officers knew anything of the art and 
 as the election of a second lieutenant was then on the 
 tapis, we were fortunate in finding just the man wanted— a 
 Mexican War veteran, whom we elected, leaving the Com- 
 pany in his charge, I returned to Tennessee 3 to recruit 
 the Company to sixty -five men, the legal number required. 
 In ten days I returned with a sufficient number to the St. 
 Louis Arsenal. During my absence our Captain Veach, 
 (whom as before stated had left us) returned and had been 
 ordered down the river to Cape Girardeau where I fol- 
 lowed him with the recruits on a government boat. 
 
 The camp at Girardeau was large. Our Company had 
 never been mustered into the service and in the intervals 
 when not employed in throwing up earthworks on a summit 
 of a hill just back of the city making preparations to guard 
 against an attack of a large rebel force there menacing it, 
 they had been drilled and had become quite proficient. 
 The day after my arrival I was officer of the guard for 
 the first time. First attempts always bring out all the 
 awkwardness, embarrassment and incompetancy that can 
 be embodied in a human creature, but the first attempt 
 accomplished, the first lesson learned, then comes grad- 
 ually an ease, a self consciousness of knowledge, ability 
 and fitness that lightens the labor a half and makes the 
 accomplishment only a question of time. I had guard of 
 
 3. Tennessee, Illinois. 
 
 14 
 
one hundred and fifty men and made the best use of my 
 time and tried to improve every opportunity. We re- 
 mained during two weeks completing the fortifications and 
 drilling when off duty, so that when ordered to St. Louis 
 arsenal at about the middle of August we returned such 
 full-fledged soldiers that we felt a certain superiority 
 over the many raw recruits there. A short time after our 
 arrival at the arsenal all the companies, which like our 
 own had enlisted to fill up the Ninth Mo. regiment, were 
 called in from detached duty and the prefecting of the 
 regimental organization completed. After a slight drill 
 drill [sic] of the regiment we were ordered by boat to 
 Lexington Mo., situated on the Missouri river, there to 
 reinforce Col. Mulligan's command, which was surround- 
 ed in its entrenchments by a vastly superior force of reb- 
 els commanded by General Sterling Price, major Gen'l of 
 this State of Mo. Telegrams came pouring in for hasty 
 reinforcements to save Mulligan, yet we were placed on a 
 stern-wheel boat, R. G. Taylor, which took three days to 
 reach Booneville, Mo., but little more than half way to 
 Lexington. At this point we learned of the surrender of 
 the gallant Mulligan's entire command after a most bril- 
 liant defense and the retreat of Price's army with these 
 prisoners south toward Springfield. Disembarking at 
 Booneville [we] went into camp and remained nearly a 
 week pressing wagons and horses from surrounding coun- 
 try into service for transportation of our supplies and 
 equipage. 
 
 We next struck camp and started in pursuit of Price's 
 retreating army already a week in advance [of us]. We 
 reached Sedalia Mo., situated on the Kansas Pacific R. R., 
 after a twelve [-hour] march where Gen'l Freemount 
 [sic] with an army of 10,000 men joined us with Govern- 
 ment transportation, [which] now relieved the horses and 
 wagons impressed in our service. A day or two of prepa- 
 ration and organization of the army into brigades and di- 
 visions, and we were again on the march south toward 
 Springfield expecting to overtake the retreating rebels at 
 same point. 
 
 In a march of six days we reached Springfield one hun- 
 dred miles distant unmolested to find that Price was still 
 retreating toward Neosho in S. W. Mo., leaving only his 
 
 15 
 
rear guard in the outskirts of the town. With this our ad- 
 vance, or rather Freemonts' [sic] body guard, had a spir- 
 ited but disastrous encounter and was driven back to our 
 advancing columns, losing fully one half of their number 
 in killed and wounded. 
 
 A brave skirmish but an evidence of a lack of judgment 
 as deplorable as costly. We camped near the city and on 
 the following day, (Nov. 3rd), General Freemont [sic] was 
 superseded by General Hunter, who immediately marched 
 the army back over the same road they had traversed to 
 Lamina Brigade [bridge?] near Otterville, Mo., where 
 the army went into winter quarters. This virtually put an 
 end to all extensive military operations in S. W. Missouri 
 for the winter. Like the brave little soldiers of our early 
 school book "we had been marched right up down again." 
 
 Now and then we made an occasional movement to in- 
 tercept recruits going to Price's Army south of us and 
 then the most important being the capture, at Milford, 
 near Warrensburg, of a rebel camp making [the] entire 
 force prisoners, securing camp equipage etc., and in 
 which our company took a prominent part. On November 
 12th General Halleck displaced Hunter in the command of 
 the Mo. department and a re-organization took place. 
 General Samuel R. Curtis of Iowa being made the com- 
 mander of our army. 
 
 We remained in camp drilling, adding to our military 
 value as we became more and more [accustomed] to 
 camp and field life. 4 As the army had now settled down 
 
 4. Chapter II, Currie's letter No. [12], contains anomalies that 
 are not consistent with the date, December 20, in the heading of the 
 letter. In that portion of the letter before this reference number, he 
 mentions November 12 and all of the events appear to have occurred 
 before December 20. In the paragraph following this reference num- 
 ber, he mentions a thirty-day leave of absence, that, according to 
 the context, must have ended late in January or early in February; 
 hence, a date of December 20 is impossible for the second portion 
 of the letter. 
 
 Currie further states that St. Louis and Rolla were connected by 
 a railroad started at the beginning of the war and since extended to 
 California. It appears, then, that the second portion of the letter 
 was edited after the date when the railroad was completed across 
 the country to California. 
 
 16 
 
in their winter quarters with no expectations of again tak- 
 ing the field until spring, I obtained leave of absence for 
 thirty days to visit friends in the North. After the expira- 
 tion of my leave of absence on my return to St. Louis, I 
 found that early in January the entire army had been or- 
 dered to Springfield, Mo., to drive out the rebels from that 
 State. General Price advancing from the Arkansas border 
 unresisted was over running S. W. Mo. There had been 
 no provision to keep the line open from our camp near 
 Otterville at Lamina Bridge to Springfield, the objective 
 point seemingly of both armies, and it was useless to now 
 attempt to reach my command by that route. [Ij awaited 
 the opening of a supply route to the army. 
 
 I ascertained that a supply train would leave Rolla in a 
 few days to meet the army at Springfield. St. Louis and 
 Rolla were connected by a railroad begun at the breaking 
 out of the war and since finished to California. Taking the 
 train I reached Rolla and from there had to secure private 
 conveyance to Springfield, lying south about equal distance 
 between Rolla and our winter camp, Otterville. Securing 
 a Mexican pony [ and] with the captain of our regiment for 
 companion, I set out to find the command somewhere. It 
 was now in February and bad weather [and] bad roads re- 
 tained our progress, so materially that we reached 
 Springfield only to find our army had passed through the 
 day [before] hotly pursuing the rebels, southward. 
 
 Hurrying along without stopping to rest we overtook 
 the command the second day and joined them while they 
 were engaged in a running fight. [From] now on during 
 the day our advance was constantly skirmishing with the 
 
 In the letter-press book, page [143] is the first page of letter 
 No. [12]. This page has no typed-in number, but the next page, 
 [144] is numbered [#2]. Page [145] is not numbered, but page 
 [146] is numbered [#3], However, page [147] is numbered [#5]. 
 Page [148] is numbered ["1st"]. These items indicate quite clear- 
 ly that someone has attempted to join two letters or papers together 
 to form one continuous story, and that there is a break in the manu- 
 script at page [148]. There are no indications that the first portion 
 of the letter could not have been written on December 20, 1861, but 
 there are several indications that the second portion was written 
 about March 1, 1861, and edited after that year. 
 
 17 
 
rear of the retreating rebels; at night two armies camped 
 within sight of each other, to arise the next morning to 
 renew the running skirmishes of the day previous, the 
 rebels retreating south, we followed close upon their 
 heels. So each day repeated itself until our advance 
 reached the Arkansas border. It appears that there was 
 some dissatisfaction among the rebel soldiers now, as 
 there had been rivalry among their officers. 
 
 The rebels with whom we had been skirmishing were 
 Missourians who had enlisted under General Price for the 
 defence of Mo. only, and did not want to go out of their 
 own state. Gen'l Price had been appointed Maj. Gen'l of 
 the State Militia, [sic] by the rebel Gov. Jackson and 
 [was] not recognized as such by the regular Confederate 
 service; both Generals Mcintosh and McCulloch, regular 
 Confederate Major Generals, claimed to out rank him and 
 refused to fight under him in Mo. So the retreat was 
 pushed on over into the state of Arkansas where McCul- 
 loch and Mcintosh joined Price as did Maj. General Earl 
 Van Dorn and a brigade of Indians numbering about five 
 thousand under Gen'l Albert Pike of Arkansas, thus swell- 
 ing the rebel force to about 20,000. 
 
 In order to check our advance the rebels felled [a] 
 great number of immense trees, which lined the roadside 
 right across our path to retard us and make mark [march- 
 ing?] slow and difficult. But a regiment of soldiers with 
 sufficient guard was put to work and so rapidly did it re- 
 move those obstructions, those huge forest trees, that 
 they seemed as light as air in the many hands and were 
 thrown aside so quickly that the rear of our army never 
 knew until they came up and saw the trees, that there had 
 been an impediment in our way. Only a half a day was 
 lost by these instructions [obstructions]. Nothing further 
 was done by the rebels to impede our quick advance. 
 They were rushing rapidly on, intent on drawing us as far 
 into the State as possible before offering battle. 
 
 Our first camp in Arkansas was at Cross Timber Hol- 
 lows. Our mail, the first from Springfield, was received 
 here. It contained an order from the Department Head 
 Quarters, changing the name of our regiment from Ninth 
 Mo. to Fifty Nine Illinois, a change effected by a petition 
 from the regiment. All its members were from Illinois at 
 
 18 
 
the time of its organization. 
 
 Illinois had furnished her quota of men and our only 
 way to help was fill up the Mo. quota, in order to get into 
 service at that time. From Cross Timber Hollows we as- 
 cended a hill to Elkhorn Tavern, around which afterwards 
 the battle of Pea Ridge was fought, a change station on the 
 old stage line leading from Springfield to Little Rock, and 
 is located in the back bone, as it were, of a swell of 
 ground called Pea Ridge. The roads from this point run 
 along the summit of the ridge for three or four miles, 
 then descends by easy grades into the valley of Sugar 
 Creek turning to the right through a small village and to 
 the left ascends another hill. Since entering the State we 
 had not fired a gun, the enemy keeping too far in the ad- 
 vance, but here we learned that at the summit of the hill 
 beyond Sugar Creek, the enemy had posted men behind the 
 trees on both sides of the road to bush whack us as we 
 advanced. To clear the way General Curtis ordered four 
 [a full?] squadron of the second Mo. Cavilry to charge 
 them from the foot of the hill. Instead of allowing the 
 horses to walk to the crest of the hill and then make the 
 attack, he insisted on a charge being made from the foot 
 of the hill and the result was when they reached the enemy 
 the horses were so tired they could not charge, and men 
 and horses [were] slaughtered at a fearful rate, and be- 
 fore the infantry could get to their rescue, the rebels had 
 fled leaving us to care for the wounded and bury our 
 dead— this took us several hours. Afternoon was now upon 
 us and so we went to camp on the battle field. The dead 
 strewn thick around us must be buried. It was the first 
 battle, in which I had ever been. I feel again the sickening 
 hour of that sight. I see again the bodies of our com- 
 mander [comrades] who so short a time before were as 
 full of life, of hope, of eager expectations, as we who stood 
 around saddened into a seriousness that still comes with 
 the memory of that scene. There was not time for funeral 
 preparations; the glory of a soldiers death must take the 
 place of the tender loving mothers, the heart broken wives 
 and sorrowing children [in?] those last acts of love which 
 each and all do for things dead; and that glory then seemed 
 what a poor recompense; as we stood around so uncertain 
 as to which of us would be the next to part with life for it. 
 
 19 
 
Turning I watched an ambulance come dashing along and 
 as it passed I saw the dead bodies of two soldiers. The 
 heads covered with blood were hanging out at the back end 
 of the ambulance, the tail gate not being closed, jarring 
 and knocking with every jerk of the wagon. A ghastly 
 sight. I followed it and when it stopped went up and saw a 
 soldier's burial on the battle field. Two men were digging 
 a trench about three by seven feet, and into this side by 
 side with an army blanket under and one over them, the 
 soldiers were placed and the dirt, which was being re- 
 moved for graves for the next dead comrades, covered 
 them from sight forever. It seemed cruel then, but now I 
 know that, though buried there without a mark to show 
 their graves, they were not forgotten. The wild flowers 
 take on a deeper hue on their graves, the winds sing softly 
 to them of victory; the birds twitter all day of freedom 
 and peace. They are a part of their nation's pride and 
 glory. They are cherished by their Country, and in the 
 hearts of their loved ones there is a memory that renews 
 its life with every season and grows more sacred as 
 passing time brings promise of a near reunion before the 
 General Commander. All night long that scene haunted 
 me and at dawn next morning when the reveille sounded I 
 was glad for action to shake off the impression. First 
 came the bustle and hurry of preparation for breakfast. 
 But all through the time I could see those dead men, and 
 though since, I [have] passed through more harrowing 
 scenes, none ever affected me as did that first burial, and 
 today the memory is as fresh as though it was an occur- 
 rence of yesterday. 
 
 After breakfast we struck camp and at sunrise the 
 whole command was moving. It was now the latter part of 
 February, 1862, and our whole march from Springfield 
 had been made with most delightful weather. Our march 
 this day covered over fifteen miles and that night we went 
 into camp near the foot of the Boston Mountains, where 
 Price had gone to recognize [reorganize?] and recruit as 
 we afterwards, ascertained, being joined by troops and 
 commanders as before explained. General Van Dorn 
 commanding [the] Trains, [Trans-?] Mississippi Depart- 
 ment [of the] Confederate Army, taking command. So 
 rapidly had we advanced that our zeal had overstripped 
 
 20 
 
our judgment and our supply train was now many miles in 
 the rear, compelling us to go into camp until it came up 
 with supplies, as our rations had been entirely consumed. 
 For the four days following our entire command lived 
 on field corn, such as was fed to the mules and this had to 
 be brought a distance of twenty miles, requiring an entire 
 brigade to guard the foraging party. Its scarcity and the 
 difficulty in getting it, put each man on an allowance of 
 four ears daily. But even then our men were cheerful and 
 many a hearty laugh did we have over the various con- 
 trivances and the ingenuity displayed in the preparation of 
 our meals. Here would be one fellow driving holes through 
 an old tin pan with a nail and then using the rough side for 
 a grater. Another would pound it between rocks. It was 
 parched and popped, stewed and boiled and roasted, but 
 still it was only "corn," and not very palatable, especial- 
 ly for so long a time. We ate it promising ourselves 
 feasts when the supply train came up, and it arrived op- 
 portunely, too, for distress and sickness already had be- 
 come dangerously prevalent in the ranks from lack of food 
 and nourishment. 
 
 We had been in camp four or five days when the rebels 
 began to advance upon us and we were ordered to retreat, 
 the idea being 
 
 Continued in our next. 5 
 
 5. The letter ends abruptly without finishing the thought. The 
 next letter in the letter press book, No. [13], does not complete the 
 story; however, the next letter in chronological order, No. [6] starts 
 by a reference to the problem of "corn." 
 
 It will be noted that in the second portion of this letter the typist 
 was having considerable trouble reading the manuscript as is evi- 
 denced by the large number of errors in transcription. 
 
 21 
 
CHAPTER III 
 BATTLE OF PEA RIDGE ARK 
 
 Near Elkhorn Tavern March, 10th, 1862. 
 
 "And so Joseph's brethern came to buy corn/' 2 Now 
 do you think because we lived on corn for so long we had 
 some to sell? Not so. The brethern began to advance 
 upon us to slay us, coming up so fast, we were obliged to 
 retreat hastily in order to secure a more effective posi- 
 tion for the battle now evident. The game was now re- 
 versed. Instead of being pursued the rebels turned and 
 were now pursuers driving us rapidly back to Sugar Creek, 
 a position selected as offering many advantages for a bat- 
 tle ground, especially in defense against an attack from 
 the south, from which direction the rebels were approach- 
 ing. General Franz Sigel with his command was left in 
 the rear to keep the enemy in check until our main army 
 could get into position. Our retreat to Sugar Creek oc- 
 curred on the 5th of March, 1862. It was late in the after- 
 noon when we reached the creek and went into camp a safe 
 distance back from the brow of the hill north of the 
 stream. The first order was to built earth works on this 
 hillside and get the artillery into position as this slope 
 faced the south and thus commanded the direct approach 
 of the rebels coming from that direction. It was a most 
 tedious and difficult work. Up through a heavy underbrush 
 over the rough uneven surface the men pulled the heavy 
 guns by means of long ropes. I was detailed with my 
 
 1. Letter No. [6], pages [61 to 77] contains no salutation and is 
 titled -Battle of Pea Ridge, Ark." Currie refers to this paper as a 
 letter, in the last paragraph of the chapter. This chapter is a ver- 
 batim quotation of Currie's letter No. [6]. 
 
 2. The words in the quotation marks do not appear in the Bible 
 Currie is evidently referring to the records in Genesis, Chapters 42 
 to 45. 
 
 23 
 
Company, our captain having returned home on a leave of 
 absence, to place and protect a four gun battery belonging 
 to our Brigade. 
 
 From the evening of the 5th, all night we worked and 
 finished just at sunrise next morning, when we went to 
 camp for rations and rest. All the afternoon of the 5th 
 General Sigel, who had been left in our rear, was con- 
 stantly engaged in heavy skirmishes with the advancing 
 rebels. By his coolness and skill he baffled all their at- 
 tempts to isolate, overwhelm or crush him. Finally wear- 
 ing out the day and the distance fighting and falling back, 
 repelling his foes until reenforcements were sent him, 
 the rebels arrested their pursuit and General Sigel went 
 into camp in close proximity to ours. 
 
 Preparations were now complete, and awaited the en- 
 emy's arrival but on the morning of the 6th they had failed 
 to appear. About nine o'clock [as] we were sitting around 
 our mess chests eating breakfast, the camp was aroused 
 by the heavy firing of artillery in our rear. Startled, we 
 seek information but on every face is the same anxious 
 look of inquiry. Suddenly a courier dashes up from the 
 direction of the firing with news that is most startling. A 
 foraging party sent out back of us for food for the animals 
 was attacked a short distance from Elkhorn and almost 
 the entire party, wagons, and horses were captured. Pic- 
 ture to yourselves the confusion such news wrought. How 
 had the enemy reached our rear, had we not worked all 
 night to receive them with our artillery, as they approach- 
 ed our front? They certainly did not relish the warm re- 
 ception and had frustrated all our plans. Simply, too. 
 From the little village of Leetown west of our position a 
 road led to our rear, meeting the road we were on, [to] 
 the back of us near Elkhorn Tavern. This passage, by an 
 oversight or negligence, which proved most costly, had 
 been left unguarded and the rebels during the night had 
 flanked us by majkinga detour by way of Leetown over this 
 road and came up in the rear, compelling us now to meet 
 them on their own ground with [out] an advantage for us. 
 [We were] ignorant of every foot of it while to the rebel 
 guides it was an open book. The long roll sounds and a 
 rapid change is made from front to rear. The artillery 
 which has caused so much time and labor to place in our 
 
 24 
 
front, must now be dragged to another position and all the 
 work must be done by the least possible number, as every 
 man is needed at the front to meet the oncoming foe, who 
 flushed with the decided advantage, meant to profit still 
 further by our confusion. Hurry skurry, away go the wag- 
 ons, Quarter Masters, Stores, the Commissary, the hos- 
 pital with its sick and all the other traps of an army in the 
 field, which must be located at a safe distance in the rear 
 during an engagement. Loud and clear above all the din, 
 came the commands of the many officers forming lines of 
 battle. There was the rattling of the wagons dashing to 
 the rear; the rumbling of the artillery, galloping off to the 
 front; the clatter of the cavalry; the quick tramp of the in- 
 fantry; the flashing of arms while the distant steady mut- 
 terings of the approaching enemy's firing told too plainly 
 that the storm so long delayed was about to burst upon us 
 with a fury that had gathered strength from the calm that 
 preceded it. 
 
 Our division, the third, under Brigadier General Jeff. 
 C. Davis, moved rapidly to battle. After two miles march 
 [we] took position on the left of the Pea Ridge Road, which 
 brought us into the vicinity of the little small [sic] village 
 of Leetown. Marching through the woods we came to a 
 small clearing around a little log hut, (which was after- 
 wards converted into a hospital) and by command left our 
 napsacks and other cumbrous luggage. We were marching 
 through a woody country with a dense underbrush, cut and 
 crossed by deep ravines and washouts, so we must be 
 inipeded [sic] by as little weight as possible. And now 
 marching by the right flank through the woods, we find a 
 battalion of the second [First?] Mo. Cavalry belonging to 
 our brigade in a most demoralized condition, having been 
 disastrously repulsed in a charge. We pushed on until the 
 head of our column came to a cornfield of about fifty 
 acres, fenced in from the surrounding woods by a zigzag 
 rail fence. As we reached the South East corner of the 
 field the head of the column files to the right and continues 
 marching in that order until our left reaches the corner, 
 when we flank to the left in line of battle and move for- 
 ward but a short distance when we met the rebels in line, 
 and now the battle begins. Meeting, both armies fire si- 
 multaneously and both fall back. We retreat about two 
 
 25 
 
hundred feet, about face, and reload our guns. Here one 
 of my corporals in his excitement in ramming the ball in 
 his gun struck his hand so forcibly as to drive the ramrod 
 through it. On learning of the accident I relieved him 
 from duty and sent him back to the hospital. I took his 
 gun and cartridge box, filled with forty rounds of ammu- 
 nition, strapped it around me and taking position at the 
 right of my company, remained there during the fight, 
 firing my musket as the men did. On our second advance 
 we covered and went beyond the ground occupied by the 
 rebels. At the first volley [we] passed down and up the 
 sides of a ravine, met the rebels, exchanged fire and 
 again both fell back. 
 
 I did not hear any command to retreat, if in fact any 
 was given, and so ordered my company to reload, suppos- 
 ing the brigade was still in line. The underbrush was so 
 heavy we could not see twenty feet from us, all of our 
 firing having been done in a kneeling position. However, 
 soon discovering our advanced position a most perilous 
 one, we fired our volly and retreated across the ravine 
 like gophers back to the command. 
 
 A third time we advanced to the enemy, this time but 
 half way up the ravine as the rebels were awaiting us at 
 the top, fired and we fell back hotly pursued by the rebels 
 who drove us from the field. You would not have wagered 
 much on my winning in that hurry! skurry! pell-mell! 
 every man looking out for himself [in the] race. I was no 
 light weight by any means with my heavy sabre, a filled 
 cartridge box, and a musket on my shoulder. I was doing 
 fairly well, however, until somehow the sabre twisted it- 
 self between my legs and threw me flat on my face. I 
 knew the adjutant of our regiment, who was riding a white 
 horse, was right behind me and turning over on my side 
 I saw the big eyed animal looking down on me as sober as 
 a judge, as if about to pass sentence upon me for such 
 awkwardness. I rolled over out of the way, sprung to my 
 feet, and scampered off making up for lost time. 
 
 The enemy was so close upon us we could almost see 
 the color of his eye. A portion of our left came to a zig- 
 zag fence enclosing a corn field and had to jump it, the 
 right keeping on through the woods. My company, jumping 
 the fence, ran across the soft plowed ground without much 
 
 26 
 
military order, the rebels being within 150 feet of us, but 
 so certain of capturing the entire command they did not 
 stop to fire a shot. We jumped the opposite fence and met 
 more rebels. Now don't anticipate, please, we jumped the 
 opposite fence to be most agreeably surprised to find ly- 
 ing down and just behind, and so concealed from view, a 
 full regiment of Indiana infantry, who had been held in re- 
 serve and now were in position to check the advancing 
 foe. Did they do it? Well let's see. We leaped over the 
 prostrate reserve and formed line just in their rear. Un- 
 aware the rebels came up within a few feet of the fence. 
 When the reserves open fire upon them so unexpectedly 
 and so effective as to completely check them. Baffled and 
 chagrined at the turn affairs had taken, when our capture 
 seemed so certain, they about faced, made a left half 
 wheel and charged a four gun battery, which had been left 
 in the corner of the first corn field mentioned, where you 
 remember we formed in line of battle. The battery had 
 been constantly shelling the woods in front of us during 
 the attacks and retreats. 
 
 Seeing the object of the rebels, the reserve leaped the 
 fence, also wheeled to the left and charged the enemy now 
 already in posession of the battery and just ready to turn 
 the guns upon us. The rebels abandoned the prize and fled 
 fired upon [by us] with lightening rapidity and telling ef- 
 fect. This virtually closed the fight in our front for the 
 day. The conflict had lasted from ten in the morning until 
 four in the afternoon. Our division sustained a loss of 
 fifty killed and one hundred and fifty wounded, some fa- 
 tally. 
 
 You [will] remember [that] our division, the third, 
 was stationed on the left of Pea Ridge Road. Our right, 
 fighting on the East side of Pea Ridge road near Elkhorn 
 Tavern, had been heavily engaged during the entire day. 
 There was a ceaseless deafening roar of heavy artillery 
 and the sharp crack of small arms from nine A. M. until 
 night. The enemy's object was to throw its main force 
 against our advance on the Pea Ridge road and sending a 
 flanking party under Generals Mcintosh and McCulloch 
 via Leetown [to] get into our rear and thus completely 
 shut us in. 
 
 Balked however in this effort the party joined the main 
 
 27 
 
army, then near Elkhorn, and drove back our right two 
 miles from their position occupied at the commencement 
 of the fight. It was in this part of the battle [that] both 
 rebel Generals, Mcintosh and McCulloch, valiant and val- 
 uable officers of the Confederate army, were fatally 
 wounded during the night. 3 The Confederates lost too 
 many line officers and the field was strewn with their 
 dead and wounded. Of the brigade of Indians under Gener- 
 al Pike, great aid was expected by the rebels, as the en- 
 emy thought they would prove most efficient at ambus- 
 cades in the woods where they could practice their nefar- 
 ious warfare, scalping and robbing prisoners. But they 
 proved to be the most arrant cowards becoming perfectly 
 unmanageable when our cannons, which they called "shoot 
 wagons," were discharged, fleeing to the rear, [not] 
 listening to, nor heeding commands of their officers. 
 
 While we were on the Leetown side of the fight, we lost 
 rather than gained ground, and in a sense experienced the 
 worst of the battle. Yet we had inflicted a severe [loss] 
 on the enemy, killing and wounding many of their line. 4 
 Officers hewing down their ranks demoralizing the Indian 
 Brigade and mortally wounding two of their best Generals. 
 The death [s] of the Generals Mcintosh and McCulloch 
 had a most depressing effect upon the rebel rank, which 
 never deports itself as gallantly under new officers as 
 under the old commanders endeared by mutual successes 
 and hardships. So that in summing up the day's result it 
 was decidedly in our favor, though at the time we were ig- 
 norant of it, and the afternoon settled down on as despair- 
 ing a division as ever came from battle. Every soldier 
 seemed to know we had been defeated and the gloom of a 
 final attack, which could only bring us capture or death, 
 
 3. The word night appears to be an error of the copyist. Later in 
 the letter are expressions that indicate that officers Mcintosh and 
 McCulloch were killed during the day time. The original word is be- 
 lieved to be "fight." 
 
 4. The context indicates that the punctuation is in error at this 
 point. It should read, "Yet we had inflicted a severe loss on the en- 
 emy, killing and wounding many of their line officers, hewing down 
 their ranks, demoralizing the Indian Brigade, and mortally wounding 
 two of their best generals." 
 
 28 
 
pressed heavily upon us and shut out hope. With despair 
 depicted on every countenance we drew* up in line of battle 
 (in pursuance to a command) on the open field, where our 
 battery was parked during the fight and standing thus lis- 
 tened to a speech made by our brigade commander, Col. 
 Julius White, who among other things stated that we had 
 driven the enemy from the field; that reenforcements 
 would soon join us, overlooking the fact that the rebels, 
 as every soldier knew, occupied a position cutting us off 
 from our base of supplies and closed with an order, ad- 
 vance through the open field into the woods beyond. 
 
 My Company, which were [sic] the skirmishers of our 
 regiment, together with a company of the twenty second 
 Indiana regiment were ordered to deploy covering the 
 front of our brigade and advance. On a comparison of 
 dates of commissions with the Lieutenant of the twenty 
 second Indiana, I by priority became commander of the 
 skirmish line. We deployed and advanced the brigade fol- 
 lowing in supporting distance. Undisputed we made our 
 way over the morning's battle ground, over the fence and 
 advanced about one hundred yards into the woods, picking 
 up on our way black flags decorated with the death's head, 
 blankets, etc. Here and there through the woods we could 
 discern a few rebels fleeing rapidly from us. 
 
 At one place we came upon two wounded men lying side 
 by side on a blanket, covered by another, who had been 
 struck in the legs by shells in the early fight, and had 
 been all day uncared for; my attention being called to them 
 they made known their wants, "a little water, a fire at 
 their poor wounded feet" and interposed with piteous ap- 
 peals not to bayonet them. I took their name and company, 
 called back a couple of men who left them a canteen of 
 water, built a fire to warm their stiffened limbs and made 
 them as comfortable as we could. I promised to send an 
 ambulance after them and have them removed to our hos- 
 pital. I left them sending after us their words of thank- 
 fulness and blessing. They had looked for nothing but 
 death, to expect no mercy from a Yankee had been in- 
 grafted in their code. But here wounded [and] deserted 
 m the battle field by those who had so taught them, they 
 ^ould not realize how we who had faced them in mortal 
 :ombat all day would not [now] stop to assist them. They 
 
 29 
 
did not understand that it was not hatred and enmity 
 against our brother but love for our common parent and 
 the protection of the ties that bound us in our family which 
 had pushed us to war. Poor misguarded [misguided?] 
 men! I sent a message to our surgeon to have them cared 
 for, [then] other duties more important took my attention. 
 It was now near sundown and the skirmishers were or- 
 dered to hault [sic] but remain deployed. All day we had 
 fought with nothing to eat and with but scanty supply of 
 water. Even now no streams were in sight and hungry, 
 thirsty and exhausted and weary soldiers sank down on 
 the damp leaves and were soon fast asleep. 
 
 And now for fear we disturb them, let us cease talking 
 and take up the narrative when they awake. It did not try 
 your patience in keeping still while the brigade lay asleep 
 that night. [ ? J It was not a long nor a refreshing slum- 
 ber, soon we awoke chilled through. We had no blankets 
 having left them you remember, with our luggage at the 
 little log house that morning. We dared have no fire as it 
 would at once discover us to the enemy and bring on us an 
 artillery fire. Shivering we remained until midnight when 
 at a command of "follow' ' passed along the line in a low 
 whisper, we gladly moved by file right, and joined our 
 regiment who were advancing out into a wagon road that 
 ran along the east side of the corn field, where we had 
 advanced during the afternoon and over the battle ground 
 occupied by the rebels during the day. No wonder you 
 shudder. The road is so bestrewn with rebel dead that a 
 detail of soldiers is necessary to turn them out of our 
 path. Overhead a full moon in a clear sky sheds its beams 
 directly on the upturn[ed] faces of the dead, rendering 
 them still more ghastly and making their gray clothes al- 
 most white in the moonlight. "The dead are here" and to 
 those soldiers, weary, chilled and despondent, moonbeams 
 never made a scene more cold or cruel, the air never 
 seemed [more] like drafts from a charnel house nor our 
 doom more apparent. 
 
 After a circuitous route we reached General's Cutes 
 [Curtis?] headquarters, halted for an hour or so and then 
 took up our march again in the direction of Elkhorn Tav- 
 ern. Our four gun battery was parked in the North East 
 corner of a field and to support it the infantry layed [sic] 
 
 30 
 
down along the rail fence running west. At sunrise, to 
 signal our readiness for the fight, our battery was ordered 
 and threw a shell every two or three minutes toward Elk- 
 horn Tavern. This was done for a half an hour or so when 
 to our surprise the rebels opened fire from a battery of 
 masked guns on our flank within a few rods of us and 
 nearly in line with the rail fence under which our infantry 
 was lying so exhausted from action and hunger, having 
 had nothing to eat since the previous morning, that they 
 sank into a heavy sleep which even the din of the firing 
 failed to disturb. Between the rebel battery and ours was 
 a slight elevation in the ground and this prevented them 
 [from] depressing their guns sufficiently to reach our 
 battery, so they amused themselves knocking off the rails 
 of the fence, throwing them on the sleeping soldiers and 
 somewhat disturbing their slumbers. Aroused we lay 
 there watching the brigade commander who was sitting on 
 his horse at the right and in the rear of our battery. At a 
 wave of his sword, up we jumped and scampered pell-mell 
 southward over the field, the soft dirt flying in every di- 
 rection from the sharpnell [shrapnel] and shells explod- 
 ing at our heels. In the meantime our battery had lim- 
 bered [lumbered?] to the rear and started obliquely over 
 the field. That was [a] more profitable target and so the 
 rebels ceased playing with us and turned their attention to 
 the battery, firing at it [with] solid shot to wreck our 
 caissons and succeeded in demolishing one wheel. As 
 quick as [a] flash it was replaced and away it goes out of 
 their reach without further harm. Unharmed also, the in- 
 fantry took a position behind the lower fence of the field 
 parell [parallel] with our first position with a dense woods 
 just back of us and here in the angles of the zigzag fence 
 we again lay down while upwards of fifty pieces of artil- 
 ery we [re] put in position. 
 
 There's a lull in the battle [while] both armies placing 
 [placed?] the artillery for the third 5 day's fight. Soon 
 
 5. There is enough literature to reconstruct most of the Battle of 
 Pea Ridge. However, commentators differ in the number of days 
 fighting, some giving two and others three days. Currie indicates 
 that portions of three days were covered by the conflict. 
 
 31 
 
our batteries open fire on the rebels guns placed on the 
 hillside just back of Elkhorn Tavern and for the next two 
 hours there was a constant play of the artillery, not less 
 than a hundred cannons belching out fire and smoke and 
 shot as fast as guns could be loaded. The dense smoke 
 formed a black canopy over us through which the shells 
 darted like fury [fiery?] meteors and bursting, fell around 
 us in deadly showers. Like the hungry waves of a storm 
 tossed sea lashing against a rocky shore eager for de- 
 struction came the deafening reports of the cannons, the 
 balls seething through the air making frightful bloodshed 
 and carnage, yet there was a sublimity and grandeur about 
 it, that made it majestic and worthy a battle of the Gods. 
 It was such a cannonading that would have inspired a Mil- 
 ton's pen or made a Napoleon's heart leap with a warrior's 
 enthusiasm of mighty conflicts. During all that firing our 
 exhausted infantry slept. You wonder at it do you? It is 
 part of a soldier's discipline to take advantage of every 
 opportunity. The artillery cease operations and our foes 
 concentrate on the East side of Pea Ridge road and with 
 fixed bayonets [we] charge through the woods for about a 
 mile until we reach the Huntsville road leading east from 
 Elkhorn and by which the enemy had made a rapid retreat, 
 taking with them all their artillery, arms, etc., leaving us 
 only the battle field dearly bought by the lives of one 
 thousand three hundred and fifty one of our comrades. 
 
 As we reached the Huntsville road the first person we 
 saw was General Curtis riding along swinging his hat and 
 shouting Victory, Victory ! It was a joyous news. We had 
 been fighting for two days and a half [on half] rations at 
 best, but actually none for twenty four hours. We had 
 been contending with an enemy that outnumbered us three 
 to one, who by strategy had gained our rear, had shut us 
 off from supplies. We had no hope of reenforcement. We 
 had been driven two miles from our position the day be- 
 fore and now victory seemed more a dream than a reality. 
 It was sometime before I could convince myself we had 
 indeed won, so hard had been the fighting, so hopeless the 
 issue for two days. All drank in the good news slowly and 
 when final assurance came the men, hungry, exhausted, 
 overcome, sank down just where they stood in line of bat- 
 tle with no thought but rest. All firing had ceased. 
 
 32 
 
There's [sic] remained to tell of what [that?] two days 
 conflict [on] the battle field, filled with its dead and 
 wounded of both armies, horses and men arising [lying?], 
 the dismounted cannons, shattered caissons and great 
 boughs torn from the trees. Not long however did the 
 scene remain quiet. Soon comrades were looking and 
 making anxious inquiries for friends; ambulances passed 
 hurriedly to and from the hospital bearing the wounded 
 and dead, companies, regiments, brigades, divisions were 
 soon enrouted for camp. 
 
 The fires were relighted and a hasty meal prepared 
 and devoured as only half starved soldiers know how. 
 Then came the guards for outpost, picket and camp duties, 
 while those so fortunate as to escape this labor went over 
 the battle field. All our dead and wounded had now been 
 removed, leaving only the rebel dead which lay there in 
 great numbers. Many of them had been there from the 
 first day of battle and were now beyond recognition. Those 
 who fought with them had left them there. Night graciously 
 laid her mantle pitifully over them and shut them out from 
 our view. At twilight long before the warning bugle had 
 sounded to retire the camp was still, officers and men 
 [were] fast asleep. 
 
 We breakfasted early next morning. At ten o'clock a 
 rebel detail under a flag of truce came to bury their dead. 
 Permission being granted [they] staked [stacked?] their 
 guns with our outposts and proceeded under guard to the 
 unpleasant duty assigned them. Quick work they made of 
 it too. Coming to a body they would dig a trench two feet 
 or less deep, and roll the dead soldier into it, letting the 
 body remain just as it happened to lodge, face down or up, 
 and threw in the dirt loosely on it. When they were through 
 all over the field was arms, hands, and feet exposed, 
 mute appeals for better protection against the swarms of 
 wild animals that would soon scent them out. The rebel's 
 detail, dressed in their butternut dyed suits with pale thin 
 faces, presented a marked contrast to the well uniformed 
 union guards who attended them. We had captured a few 
 prisoners, amongst them about one hundred Cherokee 
 Indians, half starved, half clothed, reeking with filth and 
 vermin and presenting [an] object [lesson], a specimen 
 of "lo! the poor Indians!" as to completely shatter all 
 
 33 
 
one's ideas [about] aborigines. For the three days we 
 remained in camp, these prisoners had to be watched and 
 although the guards paced at fifty feet distant, that Ribicon 
 [sic] did not save them, as the poor guards were attacked 
 by the vermin without pity and without number. We could 
 not feed the prisoners so they were paroled and sent out 
 of camp. In a day or so we removed our quarters to 
 Cross Timber Hollows, there to await supplies. 
 
 As this was the first general engagement in which I 
 had been in, though now nine months in the service, you 
 can imagine how the scenes impressed themselves on my 
 mind, and possessing as I do a fairly good memory, every 
 detail is so fresh it all comes back with striking distinct- 
 ness. Probably clearest of all stands out the little log 
 cabin we converted into a hospital, which was filled to 
 overflowing with the wounded and dying, while piled like 
 wood in cords, the dead lay all about it. I remember see- 
 ing there among the wounded Second Lieutenant Beach, 
 Co. fifty nine Infantry, who had been shot in the ankle in 
 our third retreat across the field on the first morning. 
 Failing to get out of the enemy's reach he fell down and 
 played dead. The rebels rolled him over stripped him of 
 every article of clothing, except his underware and even 
 taking off his shoes, the poor fellow enduring untold 
 agony as they pulled his shoes from the wound, yet never 
 giving a sign [of life]. You see we had just received our 
 pay before the battle and many had not had the opportunity 
 to send their money home, many of the soldiers carrying 
 their money with them in the fight. Finding nothing on 
 him they left Lieutenant Beach and went on. Curiously he 
 had concealed $300 in his undershirt and held it too. As 
 soon as he was able, he wrote home to his sweetheart and 
 she, brave girl accompanied by her Father made the peri- 
 lous journey and came to nurse him. As soon as he could 
 travel he went home with her on a furlough and of course 
 they were married. But it was not for this noble woman 
 to keep him from his duty. She parted with him like a 
 soldier's wife and once more he returned to his duty. 
 When the war was over, going back, however, to the noble 
 woman he called "wife," and where better could I find an 
 ending to my letter than here, where love and devotion 
 and loyalty threw a soft glamour over the hatred, vindic- 
 tiveness, and broken faith that led to such sad scenes. 
 
 34 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE MARCH TO SHILOH 
 
 TRANSFERRED TO THE 
 
 RAM FLEET-1862 1 
 
 U.S. Steamer Ram Mingo 
 June 1st, 1862 
 
 Dear Sir:- 
 
 We laid in camp a few days at Cross Timber Hollows, 
 awaiting supplies after which we marched out of the State 
 of Arkansas to Cassville, Mo. From here filing to the 
 right our march tended easterly along the boundary line 
 of the State, destination Shiloh or Pittsburg Landing, 
 where troops were rapidly concentrating for a battle about 
 to occur. Not long did we traverse the main road but 
 leaving it, we ascended the Ozark Mountains and through a 
 thick growth of pine trees, cut out our own road along 
 their coasts [ascents?]. The Ozarks seemed in their for- 
 mation to have arranged themselves like a large open fan, 
 standing upright, the valley beyond formed a part of the 
 fan having sunk out of sight, its plicated edge being mark- 
 ed by a stream that wended its way in and out following 
 the folds. Along the edge of the huge mountain fan we cut 
 our way, our large army three miles in length marching 
 sometimes in a great "U" form, the rear and advance 
 being within speaking distance and again in a great "W" 
 when the center could [see] both front and rear while the 
 tops of the trees that grew in its folds were way beneath 
 us and the valleys were so deep it made our road seem 
 like a great serpent that upheld by an unseen power glided 
 on its winding way. For three days we marched without 
 
 1. The title has been supplied by the editor as have the titles of 
 Chapters V, and VII to XIV. The rest of these chapters are quoted 
 exactly from Currie's letter press book. 
 
 35 
 
seeing a dozen residents. Slow and tedious was our jour- 
 ney and such a little progress did we make that like the 
 children of Israel we seemed to have reached the desert 
 which would keep us for fourty [sic] years outside of our 
 promised land - civilization. 
 
 At length we descended into the valley aforesaid and 
 now instead of marching around the folds we would cut 
 across through the stream, and how often that meandering 
 stream crossed our path, or we crossed it can be imag- 
 ine'd, when it is noted that in one day our army waded 
 through the same stream twenty three times. We soldiers 
 could remember of leaving serpenture [sic] streams and 
 sinuous rills, but there was not one of us but had a better 
 idea of what they meant after that day. At a place called 
 Bull's Mills we camped. Here my company was detailed 
 at daybreak to proceed their command by a two hours 
 start to make bridges over the streams to facilitate the 
 passage of the infantry, the cavalry, artillery, baggage 
 etc fording, [sic] We felled immense trees from both 
 sides, letting them fall toward the center of the stream, 
 their top branches overlapping each other. Our start was 
 early but the task proved to be so much greater than an- 
 ticipated that the advance reached us at ten o'clock just as 
 we were finishing the third bridge. The men did not wait 
 for its completion, but plunging in, waded across waist 
 deep and so continued doing during the rest of the day, 
 making twenty three crossings in twelve miles. This was 
 the only enlivening occurrence on our whole tiresome 
 tramp, every time we came to the stream the men broke 
 ranks and waded in laughing, singing, shouting, glad as 
 school boys wading through the first deep snow. The op- 
 posite [ bank] reached, they would again fall into line and 
 hasten on eager for the next plunge. We lightened our 
 spirits and officers and men shared the gladsome feeling 
 that made us boys again. So far we had passed through a 
 miserable poor country, and a people whose only heritage 
 was wretched poverty. Many days at a time we saw no 
 dwellings. At last we went into camp at a point ninety 
 miles south of Rolla, Mo. early in the afternoon. 
 
 While eating supper with my fellow officers Capt. Al- 
 fred W. Ellet, "Co.I.," called me aside and read to me an 
 order just received from the Secretary of War, through 
 
 36 
 
General Curtis to select ten 2 line officers and fifty picked 
 men for special duty and to report to St. Louis without de- 
 lay. The order ran thus: "In selecting of officers and 
 men see to it that they are only those whose bravery has 
 been tested and further say to them the duties they will be 
 called upon to perform are of an extra hazardous nature. 
 Do not select any who are not willing to volunteer after 
 being informed of their special danger." Said Captain 
 Ellet, "You are the first one to whom I have read this 
 order. We alone know of its existence. Give me an im- 
 mediate answer as to your intentions and say nothing of it 
 until I have made my list of selections of men and of- 
 ficers. " 
 
 I concluded to go with him and share whatever danger 
 the expedition held. Captain Ellet and I had been warm 
 friends during our time of service. Our friendship had 
 been united by mutual dangers shared on picket and guard 
 duty together and I felt now much gratified at this new 
 mark of esteem and confidence. I went back to supper but 
 the words "extra Hazardous" and the uncertainty and 
 mystery took away all appetite. Of course I was subjected 
 to all manner of quizzing and chaff at the hands of my 
 mess mates as to the cause of my preoccupation, sudden 
 loss of appetite and etc.; but I answered them equivocally 
 and as we were to start for St. Louis that night I began 
 packing up my effects getting ready to leave. This pro- 
 ceeding of course added fuel to the officer's curiosity, 
 which as I was enjoined to silence, could not be satisfied. 
 All this time details were being made from the different 
 companies of our regiment and within two hours from the 
 receipt of the order five officers were in readiness to 
 start leaving, the other five to follow with the fifty men 
 and our baggage next day as transportation could not be 
 obtained for them that night. 
 
 At sunset, mounted on heavy artillery horses, we rode 
 away. I wish it were possible to put the thoughts or to 
 give place to the various solutions of the mysterious order 
 
 2. USORN-I Vol. 23, p. 78. The letter of Brigadier -General 
 Schofield says six officers. No letter from the Secretary of War or 
 General Curtis has been located. 
 
 37 
 
under which we now rode on that beautiful moonlight night. 
 Like every puzzle it held a hundred deep holes through 
 which a solution might slip just when you expected to 
 solve it. Our officer gave us his opinion that we were 
 destined for spies and detectives. Another solution groped 
 through dark tunnels under cities: another timidly ap- 
 proached a treacherous mine, while still another boldly 
 advanced upon storming breast works. The guessing went 
 through every hazardous duty required from a soldier and 
 still we were at sea. Two o'clock in the morning found 
 both men and horses worn out. We concluded to stop at a 
 barn by the roadside where we found forage for our horses 
 and then climbing up into the loft, slept until sunrise. 
 
 After a breakfast, obtained at a near [by] house, we 
 again proceeded, not refreshed however by our short rest. 
 For quite a while previous to our trip we had been un- 
 accoustomed to the saddles and the military horses we 
 rode were not good saddle animals. Our bones ached, our 
 flesh was sore and we felt very much like bad boys the 
 day after a sound thrashing from a strong, irate school 
 master. 
 
 We wanted to make Rolla, yet distant fifty miles, that 
 day. While riding along in the forenoon we came across 
 some of the largest black snakes I have ever seen. They 
 were basking in the sun, one immense fellow fully ten feet 
 long stretched right across our path. Our horses shied at 
 [the] sight of it and held back. One of the officers dis- 
 mounted and creeping carefully up, caught hold of its tail 
 and with a motion similar to that of snapping a whip, broke 
 its neck. Dinner was eaten at a little town; and while 
 waiting, a Q.M. in charge of a supply train came up from 
 Rolla and with it three or four ambulances which was go- 
 ing to our front. Our eloquence combined with our pitiful 
 condition induced him to exchange two ambulances for our 
 horses. We promised to return the ambulances from 
 Rolla with the next train, which he had informed us would 
 start two days thereafter. The rest of our way was made 
 in comparative luxury. We made Rolla at dark, havfing] 
 ridden the ninety miles in twenty four hours inclusive of 
 all stoppings. Pursuant to our promise and direction we 
 turned over th& ambulances to the Post Q.M. , leaving Rol- 
 la by rail at nine next morning [which] brought us to St. 
 
 38 
 
Louis the same afternoon. From here by directions em- 
 bodied in the order detailing us, we telegraphed notice of 
 our arrival to [the] Secretary of War for further instruc- 
 tions. No amount of questioning could give us any infor- 
 mation here as to our mission, no one even knowing of the 
 order. 
 
 Next morning a dispatch in answer to ours ordered us 
 to report to New Albany, Indiana, and again notify [the] 
 Secretary of our arrival there. So, to near New Albany 
 we went by first train and dispatched as directed. His 
 answer settled all doubt, dispersed our anxiety and cleared 
 the bewilderment. We were ordered to report to Col. 
 Chas. Ellet, brother of Captain Ellet our commander and 
 [a] civil engineer of great ability. Col. Ellet was busily 
 converting tow -and steam boats into rams for the purpose 
 of destroying the rebel fleet of gun boats and rams on the 
 Mississippi river. 
 
 The fleet would consist of three side and four stern 
 wheel boats then at the wharf at New Albany and [that?] 
 were being converted into war vessels as rapidly as pos- 
 sible, requiring still about two weeks time for completion. 
 The preparation consisted in making a protection for the 
 boilers and machinery by enclosing them with a wall of 
 heavy timber twelve inches square built around the boil- 
 ers reaching from the main deck to within a few inches of 
 the cabin floor, securely bolted and otherwise fastened to 
 the boat's hull; in cutting down the upper works and paint- 
 ing the entire boat black, to give it as fierce an appear- 
 ance as possible, and lastly to fill the prows solid, with 
 scantlings that extended back about midship, or less. 3 
 
 3. Parker, Theodore H., The Federal Gunboat Flotilla on the 
 Western Rivers During its Administration by the War Department to 
 October 1, 1862. University of Pittsburgh (1939). Parker's descrip- 
 tion is herewith quoted from pages 113-114. "The changes neces- 
 sary to convert steam boats into rams were limited by Ellet, for the 
 most part, to braces and timber guards. Three timber bulkheads 
 varying from 12 inches to 16 inches thick, and from 4 feet to 7 feet 
 high and reaching from stem to stern were built into the hold. These 
 were secured by cross braces so the weight of the entire vessel 
 would be thrown into the impact when it rammed an adversary. In 
 order to strengthen the hull against damage from such impact, stay 
 
 39 
 
Despite all this preparation, the boats [were but] mere 
 shells [so] as to earn the name of black death traps among 
 the men. 
 
 Such [a] boat was to be [staffed] with 15 sharp shooters 
 of which our fifty men were to form a part; a marine cap- 
 tain and a crew necessary to run the boat, supplied with 
 a hose attached to the boilers with which to throw hot wa- 
 ter in case of being boarded by the enemy, a liberal quan- 
 tity of hand grenades and breech loading carbines. I was 
 assigned military commander of the Ram Mingo, the other 
 officers being similarly assigned upon the other boats. 
 Our duties were to take exclusive command of the boats 
 when in action but at all other times the marine Captain 
 had command. 
 
 When all was ready we started down the Ohio river into 
 the Miss- [sic] but found no obstructions until we reached 
 Fort Pillow. Here in a bend of the Miss [sic] on the left 
 bank the enemy had erected strong fortifications. With 
 the heavy guns mounted on the summit of a hill that com- 
 manded the river for two or three miles. From this point 
 down to New Orleans, a distance of one thousand miles, 
 the rebels held undisputed possession of the river. The 
 object of the Ram Fleet was to run the battery of Fort 
 Pillow and attack the rebel fleet lying about (two miles) 
 [below] Fort Pillow. We found our mortar fleet actively 
 engaged shelling the rebel fortifications while two or three 
 iron clad gun boats laid at anchor in the middle of the 
 river. A few days prior to our arrival there had been a 
 naval engagement in which we lost one boat, "The Cincin- 
 nati." The vessel was destroyed by a rebel ram lying un- 
 der the guns of their fort suddenly attacking our fleet 
 while [it was] unprepared to meet it. 
 
 bolts were placed every few feet from stem to stern, transversing 
 the entire width of the vessel. An oak bulwark two feet thick was 
 built around the boilers and machinery of the vessels and braced in 
 a similar fashion. Moreover, all the vital parts and machinery of 
 the vessels were secured with timbers and iron braces, so there 
 would be little or no chance of their derangement as a result of run- 
 ning into an enemy boat. These devices were ingenious and repre- 
 sented the best known method of achieving results without the ex- 
 penditure of more time and money or other changes. " 
 
 40 
 
After our arrival we remained inactive for a number 
 of days, not feeling safe to attempt the running of the en- 
 emy's batteries with our frail vessels, they not being in- 
 tended for resistance to heavy ordnance. In order to pro- 
 tect the rams Col. Ellet decided to use empty coal barges. 
 The modus operandi was this: "Each man was to tow a 
 barge on the side next to the enemy's guns. Over the 
 barge was built a sharp angled roof made of twelve inch 
 square timber formed by securely bolting one end of the 
 plank to the gunwales along both sides of the barge and 
 drawing them together at the top, making the apex of the 
 angle higher than the ram, the sides of the roof presenting 
 a resistance of twenty four inches of solid timber to the 
 rebel guns. To guard against line shots Col. Ellet had the 
 angles formed between the side walls of the barge above 
 the gunwales and the slanting timbers filled with drift, 
 wood blocks, etc., making a perfect resistance against all 
 such shots. While the preparations were in progress the 
 mortar fleet which consisted of a half a dozen boats, each 
 mounted with a heavy mortar armed [amid] ships [and] 
 lying to the bank, about two miles above Fort Pillow, kept 
 up an incessant shelling of the rebel fortification with im- 
 mense bombs, each requiring a twenty [pound] powder 
 charge. Each mortar was shot about every twenty minutes 
 during the entire day and night until the incessant boom! 
 boom! became distressingly monotonous. 
 
 The enemy, evidently husbanding their ammunition, 
 vouchsafed no reply. To facilitate our work the barges 
 were drawn along the bank to better enable the men to 
 handle the heavy timber from shore. The rams were an- 
 chored about twenty feet out from shore to prevent the 
 rebels boarding them at night and to relieve the men from 
 guard duty, etc. We attached a breast line to a tree on the 
 bank and in the morning could, by drawing in this line pull 
 the boat up to the shore and at night slacken the rope and 
 the Ram would ride at anchor. All hands had been hard at 
 work all day and turned in early. Midnight found the si- 
 lence broken only by the ceaseless lapping of the water on 
 the shore. Suddenly Col. Ellet aroused every boat by his 
 announcement of the "rebels" approach. Now everywhere 
 the scene became one of quick command and humed [sic] 
 obedience. Men dazed with sudden awakening, yet with a 
 
 41 
 
soldier's instinct, darted hither and thither to prepare for 
 the fight. Carbines were collected, hand grenades con- 
 veniently placed to be thrown on the enemy when within 
 hitting distance; the hoses for throwing scalding water on 
 those who attempted to board, were attached to the boil- 
 ers, the sharp shooters were placed in [the] most effec- 
 tive positions and commanders moved among all, en- 
 couraging each man to stand to his post. The preparations 
 were now complete; in readiness we waited. On and on 
 we waited. On and on stole the enemy, evidence of their 
 steady approach being the snapping of a dead twig or 
 bough, the crunching of a pebble beneath their tread. The 
 shadows of the dense woods lining the shore seemed to be 
 teeming with rebel hordes. 
 
 With beating hearts, eyes and ears strained to catch 
 every sight and sound, we waited. The river which would 
 soon be the grave of many a brave man, flowed ceaseless- 
 ly, pitilessly on. Every wave seemed to leap higher and 
 higher and dash more boldly against the boat side, as if 
 hungry to enfold its victims. Nearer and nearer they 
 draw. Silence again. Will they never come from out those 
 deep shadows. We felt we could stand the suppressed ex- 
 citement no longer, and just as it became unbearable the 
 enemy, dauntless, unf earing, appeared right in our post in 
 full view— a great mild-faced moon-eyed cow, looking to 
 our distended imagination ten times larger, ten times 
 more mooneyed than ever cow appeared before. Probably 
 attracked [sic] to the boats by the lights, it came to see 
 what was going on, standing now calmly surveying the 
 scene, as refreshingly unconscious of the [situation] it 
 had [ created] as a great statue or painting is of the furor 
 it creates. Lazily looking around, its curiosity satisfied, 
 it turned and disappeared in the woods. Oh! the hearty, 
 joyous laughter that now went up from boat after boat, the 
 echoes answered back with heartier peals until the whole 
 place rang like the poor belated little boy frightened out of 
 his senses by the tall white ghastly guidepost. We laughed 
 again with might and main when we found out what it was. 
 That night's adventure outlined [outlived?] the Ram fleet 
 and though we boys have forgotten many things I venture 
 to say that not amongst them will be found [ one who has 
 forgotten] the story of that cow. 
 
 42 
 
Fort Pillow was situated on Chick-a-saw bluffs, high 
 and steep. The opposite bank of the river was low and 
 swampy and now covered with water. While we were get- 
 ting ready to run the batteries I made several reconnoitres 
 [sic] on the bank opposite the rebel fortifications. By 
 wading through the water and keeping sheltered behind the 
 willow trees I could get right up to the bank and with a 
 field glass obtain a good view of the fort with the location 
 and number of water batteries, two points which we wished 
 to learn before attempting to run by them with our rams. 
 The rebels had one of their gunboats and rams combined 
 lying under protection of their water batteries and Col. 
 Ellet desired to test the fighting capacity of his ram fleet 
 by drawing out the enemy to battle. Sunday afternoon was 
 the time selected. The arrangement being that I should 
 take the Dick Fulton, the fleetest ram, and let her drop 
 down stream, stern first, so near the rebel boat, as to in- 
 duce her to come out of her moorings and attack me, while 
 the ram Switzerland, a side wheel boat, was to hug the 
 shore, bow downstream so that when the Fulton was at- 
 tacked, she would join in the fight and the two vessels 
 would capture the rebel. The race [ruse?] however, did 
 not succeed. I dropped down, within range of the guns ap- 
 parently unmolested and then returned to our landing. 
 
 During the time the weather was extremely hot, our 
 boats were required to keep up one hundred and fifty 
 pounds [of steam] night and day and the intense heat from 
 the casemated boilers under the floor and the hot rays of 
 a southern sun on the roof made the cabin so hot that our 
 feet were blistered walking across the floor and it only 
 became endurable at meal time by running the boat up and 
 down the river and catch the breeze. There was much 
 prostration and sickness caused by the intense heat among 
 all our men. 
 
 Our work on the barges was about complete and in two 
 or three days at the furthermost we had planned the de- 
 scent of the river under cover of night, past Ft. Pillow and 
 its formidable obstructions. But all our labor availed 
 nothing. Before the dawn of day, one morning, we were 
 aroused by a terrific explosion of the enemy's magazines 
 which told too plainly that the fort was evacuated. A party 
 from the fleet started off in yawls and by daylight had 
 
 43 
 
taken possession of the ramparts and hoisted the stars 
 and stripes upon the same staff which had borne, a few 
 hours before, the flag of secession. The rebels retreated 
 south taking with them everything of use and value but the 
 water guns which they had spiked making them useless. 
 The ram fleet had in the meantime dropped down to this 
 point, while the gun boats and mortar fleets which were 
 slow runners, moved on down the river to Memphis, the 
 next stand selected by the enemy and where they had con- 
 centrated all their [sic] 4 
 
 4. The letter in the letter press book ends abruptly without a fin- 
 ished sentence or thought. 
 
 44 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 ELLET RAMS CONQUER REBEL 
 
 FLEET IN BATTLE OF MEMPHIS 
 
 - JUNE 1862 
 
 U.S. Steamer Ram Mingo 
 Mississippi River Ram Fleet of 1 
 
 Memphis, Tenn., June 20th, 1862 
 
 Dear Sir:- 
 
 Fort Pillow had been evacuated. The flag staff that so 
 short a time before held the emblem of the Confederacy, 
 now bore the victorious stars and stripes, and so far the 
 Mississippi was open to the Union forces. Our boats and 
 mortar fleets left for Memphis, the Ram Fleet, remaining 
 to destroy whatever the rebels, in their hasty flight, had 
 left intact, following, overtook them, about ten miles above 
 Memphis, where all cast anchor, for the night. 
 
 To better understand the after events, a description of 
 the Ram Fleet is here pertinent. Under the skillful man- 
 agement of Col. Chas. Ellet, a civil engineer of marked 
 ability, river steamers were converted into Rams by the 
 
 1. Special stationery had been prepared for the Ram Fleet's use. 
 A photograph of a cover addressed to Mrs. Mary Ellet, nee Mary 
 Israel, Wife of Charles Ellet Jr., addressed to Georgetown, D.C.,is 
 shown on page 46. 
 
 As the preparation of the Ram Fleet was kept as secret as possi- 
 ble, (see Parker, op. cit., p. 115) it is improbable that special sta- 
 tionery was used before the display at Fort Pillow, June 5, 1862. 
 Charles Ellet, Jr., died near Cairo on board his ram Switzerland, 
 June 21, 1862, of infection as a result of a pistol ball wound received 
 in the Battle of Memphis, June 6. 
 
 The cover bears the postmark and date, Mound City, Sept 26. 
 The postage stamp used was first placed on sale August 17, 1861. 
 The cover then must date after June, 1862, and probably is Septem- 
 ber 26, 1862. 
 
 45 
 
46 
 
following process: For the protection of the boilers and 
 machinery a heavy wall of 12 in. square timbers, securely 
 fastened and bolted to the hull, extended from the main 
 deck, to within a short distance of the cabin floor; the up- 
 per works were cut down; the prows filled solid with heavy 
 timbers reaching back about midway, while a coat of black 
 paint, added to their formidable appearance, if not to the 
 strength of the boats. Each Ram was liberally supplied 
 with hand grenades and breech loading carbines; a hose to 
 attach to the boilers, for the purpose of throwing hot wa- 
 ter on those who would attempt to board it, and with every 
 appliance that would add to its efficiency. Fifteen sharp 
 shooters were stationed on each boat. The duties of the 
 fleet were to open the Mississippi to navigation and patrol 
 it, so as to check the guerrilas, who now made the pas- 
 sage, if at all possible, extremely hazardous. 
 
 June 5th, 1862, opened clear and bright. The combined 
 fleets had so many vessels that their number would be 
 their worst impediment, when going into action, each ob- 
 structing the other. Slow runners, the gun boats, started 
 down the river in order to make the distance to Memphis 
 and secure a good fighting position, a little earlier than 
 the other fleets. Soon after the Ram Fleet followed, at 
 half speed. 
 
 Memphis, lying directly in our path, in a bend of the 
 river, soon came into sight. Standing on the bluffs on the 
 City's front, her population, to the number of thousands, 
 gathered there, by invitation of the rebel commander, to 
 witness the "speedy annihilation of the Yankee fleet," 
 most eager for the battle to begin, that the sooner the vic- 
 tory might be celebrated. Opposite in line of battle, the 
 rebel fleet, like enraged watch dogs, snarled and showed 
 their glittering guns, seemingly as impatient and more 
 defiant than the people. Two of our gun boats had dropped 
 their stern anchors, at the low-head at Wolf's Island and 
 were firing their bow guns. Their loud reports were the 
 heralds of the fierce storm bursting upon misguided 
 'Memphis. 
 
 As soon as the Flag-ship of the Ram Fleet came in 
 sight, she signalled all boats to land. This boat was the 
 Queen-of-the West, and was the headquarters of Col. El- 
 let. In compliance with her signal the Rams began to 
 
 47 
 
round to, but before a landing could be effected, the 
 "Queen" again signalled all boats into action, and backing 
 around, followed by the Monarch and Lancaster, (both side 
 wheelers), in order named, darted off into action. The 
 fourth Ram, the Mingo, of which I was its Military Com- 
 mander, having the supply barge of fuel in tow, was com- 
 pelled to land it before going into action. 
 
 Disregarding the firing of our gun boats the Rams 2 dart 
 forward to meet the rebel fleet now advancing in formida- 
 ble array. The Ironclads cease firing and the battle is 
 entirely given over to the Rams, of which the rebels had 
 the most powerful, while the Unionists had the advantage 
 of down stream. 
 
 Stand here with me on the deck of the Mingo, unloading 
 its barge and view the battle. Watch while the Queen-of- 
 the- West with a Harpy-like fury darts at her formidable 
 adversary, and meeting it in mid-stream inflicts such a 
 disastrous blow, in less than three minutes, it sinks out of 
 sight. There, see, the Monarch attacks and hissing as it 
 speeds through the water strikes and so disables the Con- 
 federate Ram, that it will soon follow its sunken compan- 
 ion. A bursting steam pipe, or boiler, throwing out its 
 scalding water, adds, to the terror of the crew, who if 
 rescued 'twill only be to the prolongation of horrors, that 
 death can alone relieve. 
 
 Make way again for the Queen as she boldly rushes 
 forward to attack the "Gen'l Price." She strikes, but so 
 powerful is the Rebel Ram, it resists the butt, and is 
 pushed clear to the opposite shore, where it grounds. 
 Back again, panting comes the Union Ram, seeking new 
 prey. The Confederate flag-ship "Little Rebel, " as it re- 
 bels against capture and making for the opposite shore, 
 allows its commander and crew to escape in the woods. 
 The Monarch next attacks the Lovell, and disables it. 
 Down stream it turns and is escaping. See it going: It 
 will escape. Hark: that awful report. Too late. The 
 
 2. Parker, T. H., op. cit., states in note 42, that cannon were not 
 mounted on the rams until after the Battle of Memphis, June 6, 1862. 
 See also Charles Ellet, Jr., report of June 10, 1862, USORN-I, Vol. 
 23, p. 134. 
 
 48 
 
49 
 
boilers have exploded and it sinks in full view of the city, 
 it tried so well to guard. In advance of the Lovell, and 
 making the fastest time of its record the Van Dorn runs 
 down the river and escapes, the only rebel vessel un- 
 harmed. The conflict is over. Brief but complete. The 
 rebel fleet by destruction, capture or flight is destroyed. 
 Of the Union fleet but two Rams, the Que en- of- the- West 
 and the Monarch, were engaged in the conflict. The Lan- 
 caster backing into the bank broke its rudder and was 
 compelled to withdraw from the fight. 
 
 The smoke of battle clears away, the spoils are se- 
 cured, and, at anchor, in mid-stream ride the victorious 
 Rams, while the gunboats with their heavy guns, broad- 
 side, ready for action, keep a manacing watch over the 
 city. Already a dispatch for an infantry regiment to come 
 and take command of the city has been sent. The mayor 
 came on board, and surrendered the city, asking that no 
 firing be done, as the streets were filled with women and 
 children, and the people called to celebrate the victory? 
 Over their hearts has fallen a despair, as dark as the 
 Memphian night of old. An enslaved people have again 
 found a liberator, and the revengeful spirit of a Pharaoh 
 still lives. 
 
 With that strange influence of mind upon mind that 
 leads to concentrated action in times of intense excite- 
 ment, they surge through the streets, not lacking leaders 
 and needing but the shadow of a cause to resort to deeds 
 of violence. Restrained by fear, incited by intense hatred, 
 humiliated with the certainty of the morrow, they wander 
 on, while cries and groans, fierce threats, and wild lam- 
 entations mark the fierce conflict of their passions. 
 
 Through the confusion two lieutenants and one enlisted 
 man 3 wend their way to raise the Union flag on the P. O. 
 building. With jeers and threats, the howling mob pursue 
 them to the building and follow close at their heels up to 
 
 3. Crandall, et. al., op. cit., pp. 57 and 464, names four persons 
 who went into the city to plant the flag, Lieut. (W. D.) Crandall, Med- 
 ical Cadet Charles Rivers Ellet, the commander's son, and two 
 soldiers of the boat's guard of sharp shooters, Cyrus Lathrop and 
 William H. McDonald. 
 
 50 
 
the flight of stairs. At the top is a trap door through 
 which they stepped out, on the roof. Up goes the Union 
 flag, for the first time unfurled in Tennessee, since two 
 years before she passed the Ordinance of Secession. Dear 
 old Flag: They watch it unfurl its stars and stripes over 
 fallen Memphis with that keen affection, which none but a 
 soldier, who has fought for it, could feel. With a just feel- 
 ing of pride, they turn to descend, to find the trap door 
 closed and fastened on the underside. They are prisoners 
 on the roof, with no possible means of escape. Above 
 them floats the Flag, the emblem of liberty. Below them 
 is a mob, that shows its exultation on discovery of the 
 trick, in loud hurrahs. They are completely in the trap. 
 Before help could reach them from the boats, what might 
 not happen, exposed as they were, helpless at the mercy 
 of madmen! 
 
 On board the fleet the intelligence is received with the 
 greatest concern. Immediately, Col. Ellet sends for the 
 mayor. Nothing but a speedy and safe passage back to the 
 boats for the men and to keep the flag where it is will 
 save the town from being shelled. The mayor promises 
 to do all he can and in a short time, to the great relief of 
 everyone, the little party returned unharmed. 
 
 Fully as hazardous, was the exploit of the Mingo's 
 commander, 4 who with his sharp shooters went on shore 
 to cut down an old steamboat flag-staff to secure the reb- 
 el flag on it. On arriving he found another captain, who 
 had come from another of the rams, for the same purpose. 
 He was surrounded by an excited crowd of people, so 
 menacing that he was at the least, uncertain what course 
 to pursue. After a hasty conference the two officers de- 
 cided to form a hollow square around the flag, alternating 
 the men armed with breech leaders and muskets. At the 
 point of the bayonet only would the crowd fall back suffi- 
 ciently to allow the staff to fall, when it was cut down. 
 Slowly the mob fell back cursing and making the most ter- 
 rible threats of vengeance on those who molest the flag. 
 In a few minutes the two men with the axes soon felled the 
 
 4. George E. Currie in Chapter IV, page 40, states that he was 
 the commander of the U.S. Mingo. 
 
 LIBRARY 
 51 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
 
 AT URBANA- CHAMPAIGN 
 
pole on which the rebel flag was nailed, when it was speed- 
 ily torn from its fastings and carried on board the fleet. 
 
 With the arrival of the Infantry the next day, the city 
 was put under military command. After the storm, the 
 calm. Stores were closed, business suspended, the streets 
 deserted, the city's daily life paralyzed. All day the sold- 
 iers walked about, the excitement of the past night having 
 wonderfully abated. As Confederate money was now treas- 
 onable, to aid the citizens the military commander allowed 
 its circulation for three days in order to get the U.S. 
 greenbacks, current. The effect was magical. People 
 thronged the streets, filled the stores, rode, walked, 
 traders came in, in numbers to buy supplies from every 
 direction, everywhere people laden with bundles, it looked 
 like another Vanity Fair day. Business was into its proper 
 channel, again regulated itself and in a short time, life 
 went on as before the surrender. 
 
 In summing up the casualties we found, remarkably, 
 that although the people stood, directly in the paths of the 
 shots from our gun-boats, there was not a single accident 
 reported amongst them. 
 
 On the fleet but one was wounded and that one, our 
 Commander Col. Ellet. When the Queen- of- the- West went 
 into action he seated himself between the chimneys in full 
 view of the pilot and of the prow of his own boat. Sitting 
 there intent upon the proceedings, calm, collected with a 
 forgetfulness of self and a disregard of danger, very 
 characteristic of the man, he directed all the movements 
 which proved so efficient. It was an exposed position, he 
 being constantly a target for Rebel sharp shooters. Struck 
 by a ball, in the knee, true soldier that he was, he never 
 deserted his post until victory was secured. Daily he 
 grew worse. Every effort that medical skill could devise 
 was made. Amputation, the only hope of recovery, was to 
 him abhorrent, and he resisted all appeals saying, "Like 
 his country, he preferred death to dismemberment. " 
 His boat started up the river for cooler quarters, but when 
 it landed at Cairo, Col. Ellet was journeying to that Coun- 
 try, in the Great Beyond. His military career was brief 
 but brilliant. He had hoped and accomplished. Victory 
 made his life complete and success enabled him to rest 
 peacefully forever on the summit of Fame's Hill. 
 
 52 
 
As a naval battle, the Memphis fight was one of the 
 greatest ever fought on inland waters; as a victory it was 
 most advantageous, as it opened the Mississippi to Vicks- 
 burg, a passage essential to the movement of our army 
 and struck the severest blow the Confederacy had yet re- 
 ceived, by thus dividing it down to that point; as a success 
 it gave an immediate recognition and sterling worth to the 
 effectiveness of Rams, [which] until then, new in naval 
 warfare, and added prestige and honor to the genius of 
 their projector, Col. Chas Ellet. 
 
 53 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 MISSISSIPPI MARINE BRIGADE 
 FORMED TO FIGHT THE 
 SOUTHERN GUERRILLAS 
 
 George E. Currie had been promoted to Captain of 
 Company "F" 59th Illinois Volunteers for meritorious 
 service in the battle of Pea Ridge to take rank April 14, 
 1862. 1 Upon being offered the place, he volunteered for 
 service in the Ram Fleet on April 28. 2 After his special 
 assignment with the Ram Fleet, he left the steamer U.S. 
 Mingo and joined his company where it was encamped. 
 Early in November they were encamped across the river 
 from Nashville, Tennessee. 3 On November 15, he re- 
 ceived orders to report at once to Brigadier General Ellet 
 at Cairo, . . . where he was promoted to Lieutenant Col- 
 onel. 4 
 
 1. Herr, George W., op. cit., p. 452. 
 
 2. Crandall, W. D., et. al., op. cit., p. 38. See also pp. 34 and 37. 
 
 3. No record has been found that indicates exactly when or why 
 George E. Currie left the service of the Ram Fleet to rejoin his 
 company. The orders from Chas. Ellet, Jr., to Brigadier General 
 Schofield, op. cit., p. 34, USORN-I, Vol. 23, p. 78, state that no of- 
 ficer with rank greater than first lieutenant was to be selected. In 
 the literature involving the Ram Fleet, he is always mentioned as a 
 lieutenant and not as captain. Problems of rank may have necessi- 
 tated his return. Also see Chapter VII page 64, for the attitude of 
 his officer. 
 
 4. Chapter VI consists primarily of excerpts, abstracted by the 
 editor, taken from the Introduction and Chapter I, pages 248-265 of 
 Crandall, op. cit., Vol. 2 (Two Volumes in one book). Crandall has 
 presented copies of letters, orders and handbills, etc., that he ob- 
 tained from the collection preserved by the Ellet family. Many of 
 these orders were later published, USONR-I, Vol. 22, pp. 288, 680- 
 683, 685; Vol. 23, see Index, David D. Porter's action, USONR-I, 
 Vol. 23, p. 395. 
 
 55 
 
During the year of 1862 the western divisions of the 
 Union army and navy achieved those important victories 
 that in a large measure contributed toward a successful 
 outcome of the Civil War. Early in that year General U. 
 S. Grant had taken Forts Henry and Donelson, compelling 
 the evacuation of Bowling Green and Columbus; Nashville 
 was occupied by Union troops; the battle of Pittsburgh 
 Landing was fought and won and the strongly fortified city 
 of Cornith captured. On the Mississippi River a series 
 of victories were recorded in quick succession. Island 
 No. 10 was captured; New Orleans surrendered; Forts 
 Pillow and Randolph were evacuated; the Confederate flo- 
 tilla was destroyed at Memphis and that city made the im- 
 portant base of further army and navy operations. 
 
 The Mississippi River was thus practically opened to 
 Vicksburg, and its safe navigation became essential to the 
 successful operation of northern armies. Down its deep, 
 turbid channel must be transported the reenforcement di- 
 visions and munitions of war needed for the strengthening 
 support and equipment of forces in the field. From St. 
 Louis to Vicksburg stretched eight hundred miles of wa- 
 terway. The mighty river wandered its way over many 
 treacherous sholes [sic], between tortuous bends, through 
 the very heart of disloyal territory still in possession of 
 scattered forces of the enemy. Such was the conformation 
 of the stream that the banks afforded ample and inviting 
 opportunity for the masking of Confederate batteries, and 
 the concealment of guerrilla bands located for the purpose 
 of firing upon and capturing or sinking passing vessels 
 richly freighted with government supplies. The gunboats 
 of the river navy afforded no adequate relief from this 
 harassing peril for when compelled by the fire of the gun- 
 boats to retire from their chosen position, the enemy had 
 only to withdraw a mile or two into the interior, and either 
 wait until the gunboats were gone or select another posi- 
 tion a few miles above or below and there renew their op- 
 erations. Had all the upper Mississippi navy been scat- 
 tered along the river from Cairo to Vicksburg and each 
 given a reasonable beat to patrol, there would not have 
 been enough vessels to insure the transports safe naviga- 
 tion of the river. That which was manifestly and impera- 
 tively demanded by the situation was the organization and 
 
 56 
 
equipping of a military force which could not only success- 
 fully fight the harassing guerrillas upon the water, but 
 which could also disembark troops to fight them on land 
 and if necessary, pursue them far into the interior, mak- 
 ing it hazardous for these bands to prosecute their parti- 
 san warfare and insuring transport's safe navigation. 
 
 When Admiral David Porter assumed command of the 
 Mississippi squadron, October 9, 1862, he applied for a 
 force of Marines to be carried in suitable vessels ac- 
 companying the gunboats, and to be landed at points where 
 parties of guerrillas were wont to assemble. The gunboats 
 alone could not break these parties up and it was therefore 
 necessary to have trained soldiers at hand to chase and 
 annihilate them. The Navy Department could not furnish 
 the Marines asked for, but the War Department undertook 
 to furnish the necessary vessels to carry these soldiers 
 about. The command was given to Brigadier General Al- 
 fred W. Ellet, and as the members of this family had be- 
 fore proved themselves brave and enterprising men, sev- 
 eral of them were given appointments in the Marine Bri- 
 gade. 
 
 The importance to the Union cause of the special serv- 
 ice for which the Marine Brigade was organized is further 
 shown by a letter written by Mr. Seddon, the Confederate 
 Secretary of War, to General Kirby Smith, which was cap- 
 tured near Natchez by the Brigade itself. In that letter 
 Mr. Seddon advised that "small bands of men be raised, 
 to be armed with rifles and field pieces, for the express 
 purpose of interrupting navigation on the Mississippi. The 
 work must be accomplished at all hazards and whatever 
 cost, as the possession of the river by the enemies of the 
 Confederacy is having a bad effect upon the Confederate 
 prospects abroad. " 
 
 Secretary Stanton was quick to comprehend this critical 
 situation on the Mississippi, and when there came to him, 
 from Lieutenant Col. A. W. Ellet, a strong communication 
 relating to this matter, he was prompt to act. Summoning 
 Ellet, who was made a brigadier general, to Washington 
 for conference respecting the organization and the need 
 for transportation for the proposed command, the details 
 were arranged, and within an incredibly brief time there 
 was formed and equipped for active warfare an entirely 
 
 57 
 
From the Collections of the Library of Congress 
 
 Brigadier General Alfred W. Ellet 
 
 58 
 
novel arm of the service. The command belonged to the 
 Army, yet, necessarily, as the Ram Fleet had been, was 
 to cooperate with the Navy. 
 
 The Mississippi Marine Brigade fleet consisted of the 
 following boats, Autocrat, B. J. Adams, Baltic, Diana, 
 Fairchild, John Raine, and the Woodford. These were fine 
 large boats, formerly New Orleans packets.* The Fairchild 
 was fitted out as a quartermaster and commissary boat, 
 and the Woodford as a hospital boat, the rest designed for 
 the accommodation and transportation of the officers and 
 men, and their horses. 
 
 Refitted, their boilers were protected by heavy timbers 
 and huge bunkers. From the lower deck to the hurricane 
 roof was built all around, a barricade of solid, two-inch 
 oak plank, of double thickness, and with two-inch dimen- 
 sion strips between. Through these barricades were cut 
 loop-holes for muskets, and large port holes with swing- 
 ing doors, for ventilation. For the protection of pilots, the 
 pilot houses were provided, on each side, with semi-cir- 
 cular sheets of boiler iron. The afterpart of the cabin 
 decks were officer's quarters, while the forward part 
 served for the men's mess room. The men's sleeping 
 quarters were upon an intermediary deck, built in aft of 
 the boilers. Both officers and men were provided with 
 suitable wash rooms, bathrooms, and facilities for wash- 
 ing clothes. Above the forecastle, hung upon pulleys, al- 
 ways ready to be attached to a huge crane on either side, 
 and so quickly lowered and swung ashore, was a large 
 railed gangway, over which two horses could pass abreast. 
 As protection against any attempt at boarding, each vessel 
 was provided with a hot water hose, connected with the 
 boiler, and hung where it was in readiness for instant use. 
 Only such furniture, bedding, etc., were retained out of 
 the original equipment of the boats as was actually needed 
 for the comfort of the officers and men. The rest was 
 sold and the proceeds therefrom turned into the govern- 
 ment treasury. 
 
 The Mississippi Marine Brigade was to be made up 
 from invalids or convalescents from hospitals. Special 
 order No. 89 issued by Headquarters, Department of Mis- 
 souri, stated "persuant to order from the Secretary of 
 War, Brigadier General Ellet is authorized to enlist 
 
 59 
 
convalescents from any hospital and similar orders were 
 issued from Headquarters, Department of Ohio. Recruit- 
 ing literature was sent out in the form of handbills. The 
 following are examples. 
 
 "MISSISSIPPI MARINE BRIGADE 
 
 Soldiering Made Easy ! No more Marching 
 No Carrying Knapsacks! 
 
 $100.00 BOUNTY 
 
 A Marine Brigade, to act in concert with the in- 
 vincible Ram Fleet, is to be raised immediately. 
 All under the command of Brigadier General A. W. 
 Ellet. Large steam boats are engaged to carry the 
 troops down into the rear of Rebellion and open the 
 Mississippi and her tributaries to the navigation of 
 the northwest. They will be provided on the boats 
 with good cooks and bedding. 
 
 General Ellet has received special permission 
 from the Secretary of War to receive volunteers for 
 the Brigade from the drafted men of every State. 
 Those who are desirous of serving their country, 
 exempt from the hardships of soldiers, will do well 
 to join this organization. Transportation will be 
 furnished to headquarters, St. Louis, for all volun- 
 teers. 
 
 The undersigned is a recruiting officer for this 
 Brigade either for cavalry, artillery or infantry. 
 
 His office will be found at A. S. Foots Intelligence 
 office, Bank Street, opposite Weddell House. 
 
 Captain J. R. Crandall" 
 
 . and from a hand bill- 
 
 "The proposed service is especially attractive 
 to old soldiers. It has the following advantages: 
 
 1. There are no trenches to dig. 
 
 2. There are no rebel houses to guard. 
 
 3. There is no picket duty to perform. 
 
 60 
 
4. There is no danger of camps in the mud, but 
 always a chance to sleep under cover. 
 
 5. There is no chance of short rations. 
 
 6. Command will always be kept together. 
 
 Another reads: 
 
 THE "MISSISSIPPI MARINE BRIGADE" 
 Convalescent Soldiers--Harrah Boys! 
 
 Brigadier General Ellet having obtained permis- 
 sion from the War Department to recruit convales- 
 cent soldiers from any hospital, is organizing a 
 Mississippi Marine Brigade. A regiment is just or- 
 ganizing in St. Louis, and promises to become the 
 most renowned in the service. 
 
 It is raised for and becomes a part of the above 
 Brigade, commanded by Brigadier General A. W. 
 Ellet, well known commander of the Mississippi 
 Ram Fleet. The "Ellet Scouts" will be furnished 
 good quarters and transports fitted out expressly 
 for them, where they will keep all their valuables, 
 clothing, stores, etc., and with other parts of the 
 Brigade, (consisting of infantry, cavalry, and artil- 
 lery), on similar vessels, will keep company and 
 act in concert with the Mississippi Ram Fleet. No 
 long, hard marches, camping without tents or food, 
 or carrying heavy knapsacks, but good, comfortable 
 quarters, and good facilities for cooking at all 
 times. 
 
 The "Ellet Scouts" are expected to see plenty of 
 active service on the Mississippi River and its trib- 
 utaries in keeping it clear of rebel guerrillas, and 
 securing to the public the free and safe navigation of 
 the great highway. They are expected to act prompt- 
 ly and at short notice, in concert with some of the 
 Rams and gunboats at distant points, with secrecy 
 and dispatch, and landing, to operate on shore in an 
 attack, in the rear, or a sudden assault. 
 
 This Brigade will become famous in the annals 
 of the Mississippi River Warfare, as the Ram Fleet 
 
 61 
 
has already done. Now is the time if ever you can 
 serve your country and consult your own comfort at 
 the same time. Every soldier re -enlisting in this 
 Brigade is entitled to a final settlement and all pay 
 in arrears will be paid up promptly, besides two 
 dollars premium, one month's pay in advance, and 
 twenty-five dollars bounty for re-enlisting. 
 
 Published by order of Brigadier General A. W. 
 Ellet. 
 
 Captain W. H. Wright 
 
 Recruiting Officer" 
 
 During this period of organization, the new command 
 was quartered at Benton Barracks, which comprised the 
 Fair Grounds, in the northwestern outskirts of the city 
 [St. Louis]. There the men were collected, uniformed, 
 and equipped, and, under the command of Lieutenant Col- 
 onel George E. Currie, a master of discipline and tactics, 
 were daily exercised during the winter of 1862-1863 in 
 company, regimental, and brigade drill. 
 
 With this brief introduction to the Mississippi Marine 
 Brigade, herewith follow eight letters of Lieutenant Col- 
 onel George E. Currie describing his observations while 
 in the Marine Brigade, including his discharge and trip 
 home, November, 1862, to August 17, 1864. 
 
 62 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 CAPTAIN CURRIE TRANSFERRED 
 TO MARINE BRIGADE 
 
 Olive Street Hotel, 
 St. Louis, Mo. 
 Nov. 28th, 1862 
 
 Dear Sir:- 
 
 The following day after writing you at Nashville, Tenn., 
 giving account of the army movements through Ky. and the 
 battle of Perryville and which our regiment was yet en- 
 camped at Edgfield [sic] across the river at Nashville, I 
 received the following order: l 
 
 Headquarters 14th Army Corps, 
 Department of the Cumberland, 
 Nashville, Tenn. Nov. 14th 1862 
 
 Special order, #16 
 
 Captain Geo. E. Currie 59th 111. Vols, will proceed to 
 Cairo, Ills, and report to Brigadier General Ellet without 
 delay. 
 
 By command of Major General Resecreons, [sic] 
 [Resecrans?] 
 
 W. H. Sidell, 
 
 Major 15th U.S. Infantry 
 
 A. A. Gen'l 
 
 To Captain George E. Currie 
 Co. "F" 59th 111. Vol. 
 
 1. The first paragraph of the letter is ambiguous and the exact 
 meaning is not readily apparent. Internal evidence suggests the fol- 
 lowing interpretation: 
 
 "The following day after writing to you while I was at Nashville, 
 Tennessee, giving accounts of the army movements through Ken- 
 
 63 
 
This order came to me during the forenoon of Nov. 15th 
 and without even expecting it my surprise can better be 
 surmised than expressed. The Lieutenant Col. of our reg- 
 iment of the 59th Ills., who was then in command, sent for 
 me to come to his tent. He was very bitter in denouncing 
 the order that took we [me?] permanently away from the 
 Regiment. However the order was imperative and I has- 
 tened to make preparations to leave without delay. From 
 this point runs the L. & N. Railroad to Louisville distant 
 about one hundred and eighty miles to which place I had to 
 go enroute to Cairo. As we followed the rebels out of 
 Tennessee into Ky., before the battle of Perryville, they 
 destroyed this Railroad by tracing [tearing?] up the 
 track, derailing locomotives and cars and otherwise in- 
 juring it to our disadvantage. Near Mitchell, fourty [sic] 
 miles from Nashville, is located one of the largest tun- 
 nels on the road. Into this the Rebels ran a full train of 
 cars, then blew up the tunnel with an immense quantity of 
 powder that completely filled the place with debris, re- 
 quiring work to open the road to travel. The road from 
 Mitchell south of the tunnel above referred to was in run- 
 ning order and being used for the Federals to bring up 
 supplies from Louisville, which had to be transferred 
 from Mitchell to Nashville by wagons, likewise all pas- 
 sengers to and from Louisville had to be taken by similar 
 conveyances. For this purpose a line of omnibuses was 
 attached at Nashville to carry people to the turminus [sic] 
 of the railroad at Mitchell, and when I applied at their of- 
 fice in Nashville on the afternoon of the 15th I was told a 
 large stage coach would leave early that afternoon in time 
 to make connections with the railroad to Louisville the 
 same night. 2 [But delay in starting made the time near 
 
 tucky and the Battle of Perryville, and when our regiment was yet 
 encamped at Edgeville, a little town across the river from Nash- 
 ville, I received the following order: " 
 
 2. The typist of George E. Currie's letter Number 9 seems to 
 have had trouble copying and interpreting the original. Page [118] 
 and [119] of the letter press book contain the same material, page 
 [119] having fewer typist errors and slightly better English con- 
 struction. Page [118] has not been included in this book. Page 
 [119] is indicated by being enclosed in brackets. 
 
 64 
 
eight o'clock before we got under way, and instead of the 
 mere comfortable stage coach promised about twenty pas- 
 sengers, all soldier and officers were required to take 
 passage in an old dilapitated omnibus drawn by two horses 
 of about the same value. It required fully two hours drive 
 to get through our lines, at each outpost we were required 
 to halt and show our authority for passing through the 
 lines and finally we passed the outer and our way beyond 
 was not interrupted by soldiers. Soon after, however, the 
 rain began to fall from the dark overhanging clouds, that 
 made it impossible to see any great distance, but the al- 
 most continuous flashes of lightening enabled the driver 
 to see the turn-pike road distinctly, and with a liberal 
 supply of the whip, we were being hurried along the smooth 
 pike in good time. But the rain continued to pour down on 
 the now thoroughly drenched driver, who sat on top of the 
 bus, dressed in their [his?] summer clothing and had be- 
 come so thoroughly soaked and chilled that he announced 
 that he was unable to drive any further. 
 
 A friendly flash of lightning revealed the close prox- 
 imity of a house a short distance ahead of where we then 
 were and it was decided to stop there long enough to warm 
 and dry the clothes of the driver and then proceed. 
 
 The house stood some distance back from the road with 
 no sign of a friendly light shining from its windows for it 
 was now midnight and the people had retired.] In response 
 to our knocking on the door a man opened it to whom we 
 made known our wants, who admitted us and soon had a 
 bright fire in the grate of his parlor. The driver sat near 
 the fire and soon his drying clothes steamed like a loco- 
 motive boiler. 
 
 Some of the passengers had provided themselves with 
 the usual flash used by the experienced teamsters, whose 
 contents made the inner man steam with greater force un- 
 til he announced that he was good for the balance of the 
 trip to Mitchell, rain or shine. "All aboard' ' was heard 
 and soon we were flying down the road at a rapid rate. 
 After an hour's run the wheels on the right side of the bus 
 dropped into a rut at the edge of the road and over it went 
 on the side, throwing those of the passengers seated on 
 top of the bus down an embankment twenty feet below. I 
 happened to be seated on the opposite side, so that when 
 
 65 
 
the bus lay on its side I stood upright. Quickly opening 
 one of the windows, now over my head I crawled out on the 
 side of the bus, and helping others out, all the occupants 
 being uninjured. My mind then turned toward the safety of 
 those seated on top of the bus, among whom was my serv- 
 ant, Bill, as black as specimen of the African race as 
 ever lived, and as true and faithful a servant as he was 
 black. I called him at the top of my voice and he seemed 
 to answer from the lower regions, "Here I is Captain. Fs 
 all right.' 9 Just then a flash of lightning revealed Bill 
 climbing over a rail fence at the foot of the embankment 
 over which he had been thrown into a cornfield. 
 
 Others of the passengers that had tumbled down the 
 bank came up and in a few minutes all were assured of 
 their personal safety, which was a musical tune. The bus 
 was badly damaged, too much so to be of any further use 
 on that trip. [In] a hasty council of war in which the 
 driver was its principle [sic] it was decided that the 
 driver should return to Nashville with the horses, pro- 
 cure another omnibus of which he said there were plenty 
 and return early next morning and take us on [to] our 
 destination which he said would not require more than 
 four hours. Feeling thankful that we had escaped injury 
 and elated at the promise of another conveyance early in 
 the morning to complete our perilous journey through a 
 section of country unprotected by Federal troops, and 
 swarming with bands of Confederate soldiers, we set about 
 making ourselves as comfortable as possible. 
 
 Some made a blazing fire from the rails of an adjoining 
 fence, while the party of twenty or more gathered around. 
 The rain by this time had ceased, the moon shone out 
 clear and bright and altogether our condition was greatly 
 improved, while compelled to await the morning and 
 promised conveyance. 
 
 One of our party, Captain Veach, sighted a farm house 
 not very far ahead of where our accident befell us and 
 making up a party of four, myself [included] we set out to 
 find accommodations for the night. We soon aroused the 
 inmates and with a promise of a liberal reward in green- 
 backs for their trouble we were assigned a room in the 
 garret (the house being but one story) in which were four 
 beds and soon we were lost in deepest sleep after taking 
 
 66 
 
the precaution of piling all the chairs in the room against 
 the door so that no one could enter without making a ter- 
 rible racket that [would] awaken the dead, and each with 
 a revolver under his pillow, we felt sure of holding the 
 fort against intruders. 
 
 It was long after sunrise that we were startled by a 
 terrible knocking on our door, each of us was made awake 
 in a moment, sitting up in bed with our revolvers in hand 
 cocked and rising to defend ourselves against the band of 
 guerrillas that we felt sure was now sure to break down 
 all barriers and either capture or slay us in cold blood. 
 The knocking continued but each time with greater force 
 than before, because there was no response from within. 
 Each rap on the door became painfully harassing to our 
 now thoroughly aroused sense of danger, "each moment 
 seemed an age," feeling that our time had come, still we 
 were as silent as death not even speaking to each other 
 least [lest] it might intensify, the feelings of the hated 
 rebels to more desperate acts. Thus time sped on, each 
 [of us] with his revolver pointed at the door ready to give 
 the first intruder the warmest welcome and offer up our 
 lives as dearly as possible. 
 
 After enduring untold agonies in silence, and as no one 
 had yet broken down the door, one brave fellow in our 
 party ventured to ask who is there, and what do you want? 
 Such a burst of laughter as followed, this assurance of 
 safety to the party fairly shook the house, each acting as 
 though he was not afraid, that he knew there was no guer- 
 rilla at the door, etc. But I guess you never saw a hap- 
 pier set of fellows than we, when we heard the familiar 
 voice of the Negro, instead as we feared, the demands of 
 our enemies. To say the breakfast was greatly enjoyed is 
 stating it lightly. After which we sat down to wait the ar- 
 rival of the promised vehicle that was to carry us on to 
 Mitchell. 
 
 About three o'clock a loaded omnibus hurriedly passed 
 us enroute from Nashville, too full to make room for any 
 of us, and to add still more to our discomforts, they knew 
 nothing of an omnibus coming to our relief and as govern- 
 ment wagons were constantly passing on their way to Mit- 
 chell for loads of supplies, all excepting myself took ad- 
 vantage of riding in one of these cumbisom [cumbersome?] 
 
 67 
 
wagons, while I [was] so certain that an omnibus would 
 soon reach us that I remained. Four o'clock in the after- 
 noon came, still no means of relief, even the army wagons 
 that had left Nashville in the morning, to make Mitchell 
 fourty [sic] miles drive during the day, had all passed and 
 I [was] left alone in the enemies [sic] country. To stay 
 there overnight was almost certain capture or death. 
 
 I now began seriously thinking of some way out of that 
 unpleasant dilemia [dilemma]. While thus wondering in 
 my mind what to do a man riding in a buggy came along 
 en-rout [sic] to Tyese Springs about four miles distant on 
 my road. By paying him four dollars he consented to al- 
 low me to ride with him that far, but as our route took us 
 off the pike we had to travel on a country road that was 
 made almost impossible by rain the night previous. The 
 buggy was a heavy running affair - the horses small [and] 
 thin in flesh, consequently our progress was slow. How- 
 ever we managed to reach the Springs at dark, which was 
 twenty miles from Mitchell. At the hotel there was a mot- 
 ley group of people standing around whose looks indicated 
 there was no Yankee soldier needed there and taking the 
 gentle hint, I set out to walk to Mitchell that night. 
 
 The mud road I had to travel was perfectly horrid, and 
 for the most part led through the roads [woods?] with 
 here and there a small clearing and the accompanying log 
 cabin [by] the roadside. At each of them a dozen or more 
 dogs set up a terrible barking as I neared the place, keep- 
 ing it up until beyond their hearing, only to be startled by 
 the next pack of hounds, as if to notify the Guerrillas [sic] 
 of the approaching Yankee; thus I spent the entire night 
 wending the middle of the road for fear I would tumble in- 
 to the ditch. During all that night I never saw a living 
 soul and the only signs of life during that long and lonely 
 tramp were those rebel dogs who added additional terror 
 to the situation by their continuous warning of my ap- 
 proach. 
 
 However at sunrise next morning I reached the camps 
 of soldiers around Mitchell worn out and hungry for I 
 hadn't eaten a mouthful since the early morning breakfast 
 the day before. I soon was provided with a soldier's ban- 
 quet that was now more relished. About eight o'clock my 
 train pulled out for Louisville, which place I reached 
 
 68 
 
without incident or accident about ten the same evening 
 and stopping at the Louisville Hotel where I remained sick 
 in my room for a week or more with a violent fever caused 
 by the long tramp by night through mud and water and ex- 
 posure. But I came out of it all right and soon was able 
 to travel. [I] took passage on the O. & M. Railroad to 
 Cairo, 111. On my arrival [I] found that General Ellet had 
 removed his headquarters to St. Louis to which point I 
 went by rail arriving here on the 25th and reporting for 
 duty and now awaiting my assignment when [to be?] made 
 of which I am now ignorant, will write again. 
 
 69 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 ORGANIZING THE MISSISSIPPI 
 MARINE BRIGADE 
 
 Benton Barracks, 
 St. Louis, Mo. 
 March 1st 1863. 
 
 Dear Sir:- 
 
 My last letter closed with the promise that as soon as 
 I was assigned to duty (of which I was then ignorant) that I 
 would write you again, as I knew that you would be anxious 
 to hear why I was ordered to report here. Well the day 
 after my arrival in St. Louis, I learned that Gen'l. Ellet, 
 to whom I was to report, had his headquarters on Third 
 Street near Washington Ave., and on arriving at the desig- 
 nated place, found his Adjutant General in charge of the 
 office, Gen'l. Ellet having gone to his home in Illinois for 
 a few days. My tardiness in not reporting sooner as 
 ordered, was explained by my delay in Louisville while 
 sick. The Gen'l. becoming tired at the long delay had 
 concluded to go home and there wait my arrival. However 
 explanations were all satisfactory and I was handed my 
 commission from Washington and signed by the Secretary 
 of War, Edward M. Stanton, promoting me to the rank of 
 Lt. Colonel in an entirely new organization, styled the 
 "Mississippi Marine Brigade", and Gen'l. Ellet, its 
 Commander being authorized to recruit the command 
 from convalescent soldiers, from the hospitals, or wher- 
 ever men could be found, who were able to do duty in this 
 Command, where little or no marching is to be required, 
 and thus hold in service those who will perhaps never be 
 able to do duty again in the field, and who can perform as 
 good service in this brigade as by those who are enlisted 
 from civil life. The command is to consist of one full 
 
 71 
 
regiment of Infantry, four squadrons of Cavalry, one bat- 
 tery of six rod-men, steel guns, ten pounders for field 
 service, and all to be quartered on board Government 
 transports. 
 
 The object of this new organization is to keep the 
 Mississippi river free of the roving bands of guerrillas 
 that swarm upon its banks, firing upon passing steamers 
 with artillery and small arms, thus preventing the Gov- 
 ernment sending supplies to the troops in that part of the 
 southern country tributary to the Mississippi river. 
 
 The field and staff officers of the Brigade are to con- 
 sist of one brig, gen'l. and staff, one colonel and lieutenant 
 col. and two majors, beside the usual accompaniment of 
 captains and lieutenants, all to rank as Infantry excepting 
 the Cavalry and Artillery officers, and to be known as 
 Army and not naval officers although we are to take 
 orders, and be under the immediate command of the Navy 
 on the Mississippi river. This you see makes us in the 
 military parlance neither Army or Navy, the one or the 
 other; and yet both. But there is one thing to be seen 
 closely [clearly?], that is we will surely be amphibious in 
 our movements and preparations for fighting, the boats all 
 being purchased and casemated for our use and protec- 
 tion. But as to the kind of boats and how they will be 
 made safe for the protection of the men I am at this time 
 ignorant; but as soon as I have the particulars will make 
 it a subject for my next letter. The above facts I learned 
 from the Adjutant General which are in fact all he knows 
 about the organization; but enough is gleaned to satisfy me 
 that hereafter my long and tedious marches by day and by 
 night, through rain and shine, mud and dust, sleeping in 
 the open air without tents, and subsisting upon half- 
 rations, are over. Henceforth I will have a horse to ride, 
 this being one of the accompaniaments [sic] of my rank, 
 and right well pleased I am with the change. The General 
 was informed of my arrival by mail the same day and on 
 the following noon we met at his headquarters at the above 
 named Street and number. We needed no introduction as 
 we both served as true officers in the 59th Illinois Infan- 
 try, he as Captain of Company "I" and I as 1st. Lieutenant 
 in Company "C" and had frequently served as officers of 
 guard and pickett [sic] together during the first year of 
 
 72 
 
our soldier lives. There was the closest friendship exist- 
 ing between us as comrades, and men, and to this, and the 
 confidence in my ability, so he said, that caused him to 
 ask the War Department to advance me to the rank of It. 
 colonel and place me in his command. We read over the 
 orders from the War Department, authorizing the recruit- 
 ing of the brigade and at once formulated plans for its 
 organization which are in effect that men be sent to the 
 large cities in the West, where convalescent camps are 
 established and there recruit, or have transferred to our 
 brigade such men as are able to do duty on board our 
 vessels, from any of the companies and regiments to 
 which they then belonged. Brigade head-quarters are to 
 remain where now located and I am assigned to duty at 
 Benton Barracks in the western part of the City for the 
 purpose of receiving the recruits as they arrive, organize 
 them into companies, select their officers and establish a 
 system of discipline and exercise the men in drilling, etc. 
 
 On the following day I established my head-quarters at 
 the barracks, made a requisition on the Department 
 Quarter- master for office furniture, and was soon com- 
 fortably located in my new position. In a few days there- 
 after recruits began to arrive in large numbers so that I 
 was kept busily engaged in providing quarters, drawing 
 supplies, and getting the camp into shape. As soon as 
 enough men came in to form a Company, officers were 
 appointed who took that care off my hands and following 
 the same rule, as each company filled to its minimum, 
 came in, we soon became quite a formidable command. 
 Meantime I had appointed my Adjutant and acting Quarter- 
 master. The Cavalry and Artillery companies were 
 rapidly filling up and drilling of the men and schooling of 
 the officers kept the camp in a continuous stir from early 
 morning until night. My greatest ambition being to make 
 this command proficient in drill and unexcelled in military 
 discipline. To this end I used my best endeavors. How 
 well I will succeed, the future must reveal. The barracks 
 is commanded by Col. Bonnerville, an old army officer 
 who is educated in his profession. Next in command 
 comes myself, as I am the only field officer except Col. 
 Bonnerville, stationed here. 
 
 But I must not forget to tell you the extent of these 
 
 73 
 
grounds and the extensive proportions for mustering re- 
 cruits, etc. The grounds within the [compound] must be 
 something like 100 acres. Four long rows of houses or 
 barracks as they are called in military parlance, extend 
 fully 1000 feet each in length, from East to West, capable 
 of sheltering at least ten thousand soldiers. Officers' 
 quarters, probably half the length of the men's quarters, 
 are located at the east end of the four barracks above 
 described, running north & south, so that we have a full 
 view down along the men's quarters and between which 
 the space is used for the forming of companies and regi- 
 ments preparatory for drill and parade. The grounds and 
 quarters of the men are kept scrupulously clean, the 
 buildings whitewashed inside and out, large dining rooms 
 all provided for the accommodation of the officers where 
 I am comfortably situated using a room adjoining my 
 head- quarters, for a dormitory. With this pen picture, 
 though but partially describing our arrangements, you will 
 doubtless come to the conclusion that as soldiers we are 
 quite comfortable, which we really are. The camp is kept 
 in constant stir with the incoming recruits, the formation 
 of new companies, and the drilling of those already mus- 
 tered and organized, that when night comes on I am tired 
 out and glad to seek retirement at an early hour. Still I 
 am charmed with the life of a soldier with all its hard- 
 ships, thrills and dangers, it has a peculiar fascination 
 that language fails to describe and I am now more than 
 anxious to test my abilities to organize the command I am 
 entrusted with, by the selection of the best material 
 offered, securing the ablest officers to command them and 
 last but not least, establishing strict military discipline 
 and by almost constant drilling of the men, make it one of 
 the most effective commands in the Federal army. [On] 
 Washington's birthday, 22nd. of February, the command 
 was ordered out with other troops stationed in and around 
 the city for a grand street parade and review by Maj. 
 Gen'l. Curtis, the department commander. I had up to 
 this time organized six companies of Infantry, the four 
 squadrons of Cavalry men were nearly filled to the maxi- 
 mum number, the battery also about complete, and with 
 new uniforms and accutrements [sic] for the men, made 
 doubly attractive by a new design of cap of a semi-naval 
 
 74 
 
design, we had the honor of attracting greater attention 
 and were given more praise by the press for our military- 
 bearing than any of the many organizations that took part 
 in that celebration. 
 
 We all felt justly proud of our little brigade I can as- 
 sure you, and the praises bestowed upon us that day 
 seemed to inspire the officers and men with renewed de- 
 termination to put forth their greatest efforts to maintain 
 the enviable reputation established on that occasion. 
 From this time until we embarked on board the boats, I 
 had no difficulty in mustering a full quota of men for 
 company and battallion [sic] drills which was kept up in 
 some manner from early morn until night every day. 
 March 1st we received orders to prepare to break camp 
 preparatory to our embarkation on board our vessels that 
 would arrive at the wharf on the 3rd. The packing up of 
 our effects began at once, the men being anxious to try 
 the new life before them where comfortable quarters are 
 provided and where for once they could serve their coun- 
 try surrounded by luxurious quarters free from the long 
 and weary marches of the past and when we are quartered 
 on board our vessels, I will write you again giving a full 
 description of them and our new soldier life. 
 
 75 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 GUERRILLA WARFARE AND 
 
 BURNING OF AUSTIN, 
 
 ARKANSAS - MAY, 1863 1 
 
 On Board U. S. Steamer, Diana 
 Helena, Ark. May, 26th, 1863. 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 Do you never grow tired of the repeated story of blood- 
 shed and destruction? Brilliant manoeuvers [sic], daring 
 charges, thrilling attacks, all mean but the same, defeat 
 for one, victory for another and for both a sacrifice of 
 life and property. Lash the ocean into stormy fury and 
 look at the result, shipwrecks and destruction. And when 
 grim visaged war with an insatiable appetite bellows 
 through the land, destruction is his delight and death his 
 attendant. The storm is passed, shipwrecks strew the 
 shore and there a city lies in ruins. 
 
 On the East [West? ] bank of the Mississippi about 
 midway between Memphis and Helena, Ark. lay the little 
 town of Austin. Its population was scarcely one hundred, 
 when the men were at home, but now that it had linked its 
 fate with that of the Confederacy it had valiantly sent 
 every man and boy to the services, leaving their homes in 
 the [hands] of women and children, who numbered about 
 fifty. A clean neat snugly built little town, whose people 
 
 1. Journal of the United States Steamer Diana (JUSSD), p. 67. 
 The fleet had been anchored at Helena, Arkansas, and shore skir- 
 mishes made on May 24 and 25. They left Helena at 5 P.M., May 25, 
 and moved to the mouth of the White River. Wherever possible, the 
 dates in the letter press book have been checked against the log 
 book of the steamer Diana, and are indicated in the text. 
 
 77 
 
and surroundings bore evidence of a refinement and cul- 
 ture. Their homes were comfortable, if not elegant, 
 streets clean, lawns and gardens well kept and brightened 
 with groups of women and children in holiday attire, pre- 
 sented to us on that Sunday, May 24th in 186 3 2 a peace 
 and calm and quiet happiness, that might well have soften- 
 ed the turbulent spirit and lead to holier higher thoughts 
 than that of destruction and revenge. 
 
 Does coming events cast their shadows before? A dark 
 and gloomy day is sometimes redeemed by a burst of 
 glorious sunshine before the sun sinks out of sight, and to 
 those wives and mothers it may be their homes never 
 looked fairer, their children happier, than on that day, that 
 was to close in darkness and despair for them. I can 
 never recall the scene without feeling a flush of indigna- 
 tion, that I was compelled to witness such vandalism and 
 seemingly to abet by my presence what was utterly beyond 
 my control, and abhorrent to me. As though it happened 
 but yesterday, the scenes stand out before me black and 
 bold, a plot upon a discipline that allowed passion to dom- 
 inate and revenge itself on helpless, innocent victims. 
 
 On Saturday afternoon, May 23rd 3 our fleet left Mem- 
 phis for Helena, a run of ninety miles. The fleet consisted 
 of nine steamboats, on board a regiment of Infantry, four 
 squadron of Cavalry, a battery of six rifled guns and two 
 pieces mountain hawitizers [sic] used for field service. 
 The boats were casemated from lower deck to the hurri- 
 cane roof, pierced at suitable distance, with loop holes for 
 musketry and artillery, and each provided with one or 
 more twenty pounder Parrott guns. Amphibious in its 
 character, fitted out for operation both marine and on 
 land, it was at once formidable and fully efficient in its 
 many trying adventures. We put out for Helena leaving 
 the Fairchild, our quarter master, and commissary boat 
 at Memphis, taking on supplies to follow. Later on, my 
 Boat, the B. J. Adams was second in order of sailing. 
 Nothing occurring we reached our destination about sun- 
 set. But the Fairchild had no such good fortune. Her 
 
 2. JUSSD. "Austin burned May 24, toward evening." p. 67 
 
 3. JUSSD. "Arrived at Memphis, May 22, at 11 A.M." p. 66 
 
 78 
 
officers reported being fired into by a Confederate battery 
 of two guns on a point, in the river, where a fine academic 
 school was located about a half a mile above Austin. On 
 receipt of this information, the Commanding General of 
 the Fleet at once issued orders for the return of the en- 
 tire fleet to Austin, starting at two o'clock next morning. 
 The order was specific in its details, the Cavalry were to 
 hold themselves in readiness to disembark as soon as the 
 boats touched the shore, and making a dashing charge, 
 surprise the rebels, attack them, prevent their escape and 
 hold them at bay until the arrival of the Infantry, which 
 would follow quickly after them. Everything seemed to 
 favor the plan, Austin was reached at daylight and the 
 Cavalry ready, as per instructions, galloped away soon 
 out of sight, while the bugle sounds brought the Infantry 
 into line, the officers horses prancing around, full of 
 action, glad to be free from the restraints of the stables 
 on board the vessels. A beautiful May morning, the birds 
 welcoming in the day with their sweet matutinal praises, 
 the air soft and balmy, and heavy with the perfume of 
 flowers and over all, the restful peace of a Sabbath. 
 
 "Sweet day, so calm, so cool, so bright, 
 The bridal of the Earth and Sky." 
 
 We took an easterly course along the principal thor- 
 oughfare of the town that beyond it stretched away into a 
 country road about a mile and a half away. A primeval 
 forest, venerable with its immense trees and dark and 
 penulous [pendulous] with a heavy growth of underbrush 
 lay in our path, while intermediate between it and the 
 Town a road branched off to the left leading to the acad- 
 emy from which place the rebels had fired upon the Fair- 
 child the day before. When the Cavalry reached this 
 branch in the road, they halted and intended to remain 
 there until the Infantry came up before moving on to the 
 academy, where they supposed the rebels still were sta- 
 tioned in their position of the day before. In this supposi- 
 tion they were correct, but the rebels had formed their 
 own plans as was subsequently shown. Having witnessed 
 the debarkation of the Cavalry they reckoned upon this 
 being all our force so they laid a plot to decoy the Cavalry 
 to the wood, where capture would be an easy matter. 
 
 79 
 
So placing a few mounted men in the edge of the woods, 
 they opened a scattering fire on the Cavalry, [supposed 
 them to be] the whole rebel force consisting of one regi- 
 ment and two six pounder guns, [which] stole in on their 
 rear, thus shutting the Cavalry off from returning on the 
 Austin road back to us. A half hour's time was consumed 
 in forming the Infantry into line and marching down to the 
 academy road. Here ignorant of the situation we halted to 
 listen if we could locate our Cavalry by any noise of 
 firing. The neglected plantation was so overrun with the 
 tall rank weeds as to effectly [effectively] screen the 
 movements of any beyond and while this insured an almost 
 certain success to the strategic movements of the rebels, 
 it at the same time shut off from them the near approach 
 of our Infantry coming up behind them. The rebels were 
 now sandwiched in between our Cavalry in their advance, 
 and the Infantry in their rear, and all alike unconscious of 
 the other's position. It was a ludicrous position after all, 
 there were the four squadrons of Cavalry dashing on, 
 trying to overtake the enemy in advance as they supposed 
 while the real enemy, a regiment strong, was almost 
 treading upon their heels, so fast were they following 
 them, and back of all our Infantry regiment close upon the 
 rebels hordes. 
 
 When our Infantry advanced, reached the edge of the 
 forest, it was fired upon by some roving rebels lurking on 
 our flanks. The Commanding General had a close call for 
 a sho[r]t while, and [an] orderly had a horse killed under 
 him. We could hear no sounds of any conflict, nor were 
 we again molested passing through the woods probably a 
 half a mile in extent, and then into a clearing, with a 
 plantation on our left— here again another branch from the 
 main road lead [led] to the right— down quite a declivity 
 into a dense undergrowth while the low overhanging 
 boughs of the trees, stretching over the road had met and 
 locked their branches into such a network as to allow 
 hardly room for a wagon to pass under. Both the main 
 road and this wood path were so thickly dented with fresh 
 imprints of horses feet that it was impossible to say what 
 direction our Cavalry had taken. 
 
 On this delemma [sic] our General decided to remain 
 at the junction of the roads until he could be convinced of 
 
 80 
 
which one the Cavalry had taken. Nine o'clock and the sun 
 became uncomfortable [sic] warm. The cool shades of 
 the trees, was very inviting and the men soon found shel- 
 ter making themselves as comfortable as possible, until it 
 seemed that there was no Cavalry awaiting for our sup- 
 port, and the only object of that march was to let the men 
 lie in the cool shades of the forest. The General was 
 frequently importuned to move on to look after the Caval- 
 ry, but he was obdurate and was [the] autocrat of the 
 situation. One whole hour passed, and still no tidings of 
 our little band of horsemen. At last around a sharp turn 
 in the wood path comes an ox team, drawing a rude plan- 
 tation wagon with a Negro driver, and a middle aged white 
 woman sitting in the bed. She was [an] anomaly. She was 
 a woman and yet could hold her tongue. To all our re- 
 peated questions she would give us no information, but the 
 driver when taken away from her was more communicate 
 [communicative]. The Negroes were always ready to give 
 any information they could, telling us that fighting had 
 been going on for more than an hour not a mile from us. 
 Strange as that may appear we never heard a shot, the 
 dense forest probably shutting off the sounds. 
 
 Now a quick start, a rapid march and in a short time 
 we were in hearing of the skirmishers. A line of battle is 
 formed by filling to the right and we marched forward to 
 support the Cavalry, when imagine our surprise to find 
 ourselves facing the rear of the rebel line. Quicker than 
 a flash the wary Confederates realize their position, hav- 
 ing fallen in their own trap and in a twinkling by a rapid 
 movement by the left flank, spirited themselves out of our 
 reach. Were the Cavalry glad to see us? Well when men 
 think all hope lost and only death before them, suddenly a 
 succoring hand lifts them up again to life and light, it 
 takes some minutes for them to express their apprecia- 
 tion of the change. Men and officers rush to us with many 
 a blessing for the timely assistance, not a few embracing, 
 just as long parted lovers would have done. There's [sic] 
 had been an alarming situation the rebels in their rear 
 had never revealed their presence until they were in the 
 treacherous road in the dense woods. Then they pounced 
 upon them like furies. By falling back the Cavalry sought 
 to gain time and position for a best possible defense. 
 
 81 
 
Reaching a deep ravine they sheltered their horses under 
 it[s] overhanging bank, and lying on their faces on the 
 brink were doing their best to protect themselves against 
 a force three times their number until assistance arrived. 
 So admirably had they conducted the fight that they es- 
 caped without loss of life or wounds, and only two were 
 taken prisoners. The enemies [sic] loss was a half 
 a dozen or more. We did not stop long to search for their 
 dead and wounded as the underbrush made locomotion dif- 
 ficult and it was thought best to get out of the woods as 
 soon as possible. One case, however fell in my way. An 
 officer whose rank I cannot recall was shot in the head 
 and still living though our surgeon inserted his index 
 finger its full length in the wound, he could not find the 
 ball. We made a pillow of a blanket which we found near 
 him and left him to die alone, a feast for some of the wild 
 carnivorous animals infesting the swamps. A cruel fate? 
 Yes, even in the throes of death he was a handsome fellow, 
 and I never think of that morning without my mind revert- 
 ing to his sad untimely death. Some heart awaited his 
 coming that would never know the joy of seeing the absent 
 one return. Leaving the rebel dead and wounded where 
 they fell we returned to Austin to the boats. The women 
 and children evidently glad that we had escaped the easy 
 capture predicted by the rebels that morning were gath- 
 ered on the sidewalks as we marched through. Officers 
 and men returned to their quarters, the horses were un- 
 saddled and taken care of, and we were congratulating 
 ourselves upon the termination of the day, not anticipating 
 any further duties unless the rebels came back to renew 
 the attack. To our surprise we noticed the General's 
 orderlies going from house to house reading to the in- 
 mates an order issued from the brigade head quarters 
 that at the hour of four p.m. every house in the Town 
 would be burned. The people were priveleged [sic] to 
 remove their household effects should they see fit, if not, 
 all would be consumed. In vain the women besought the 
 Commander to spare their little homes, telling him of the 
 great suffering he would impose upon their helpless child- 
 ren, the old, the feeble, the indigent, pleading their irre- 
 sponsibility of the war and above all of the congregation of 
 the rebel force at the academy the day before. Pleading, 
 
 82 
 
beseeching as only woman can when she is put to the test 
 to save her loved ones from danger. To all appeals he 
 was unyielding and his answer fell like a knout on their 
 heads already torn and bleeding with sorrow and anguish. 
 There was no one to protect and none dared to protest 
 against the cruel measure. Some of the women went to 
 work carr[y]ing out their furniture and piling it up in the 
 streets, but the majority of them, feeling that he who 
 would render them homeless would not offer them protec- 
 tion against marauders and it was just as well to see all 
 perish as to save some only to sustain another loss by 
 having it stolen. So they sat in their homes soon to be the 
 funeral pile [pyre] of their hopes and awaited the applica- 
 tion of the torch. We read of the bravery and storism 
 [stoicism] of the Spartan mothers but looking back and 
 recalling again those defenceless women with their little 
 children huddled around them waiting for the hour of their 
 doom, I think even these women of old could not have 
 suffered the loss braver nor shown more herosim under 
 the trying ordeals. As previously arranged the tap of the 
 bell on the boat is the signal to begin the conflagration. 
 From house to house rush those detailed to do the fiendish 
 work and those who in boasted chivalry, had gone in the 
 service for protection of home and country, are now en- 
 gaged in the valiant struggle of still further subduing a 
 handful of women and children by that most barbarous 
 crime of arson. 
 
 As the flames spread the inmates calmly walked out to 
 places of safety. The flames made rapid headway and 
 soon the town was one red sheet of fire. As again the tap 
 of the bell signalled all aboard, and the boats pushed out 
 down the river. The people of the town had been treated 
 with utmost respect by every soldier, not one of whom but 
 resented the part he was compelled to play in that dis- 
 graceful affair. I had visited the academy before men- 
 tioned and was in hopes that its distance would save it 
 from the General's edict and it would be at least a tem- 
 porary shelter for the stricken people. Upon the black- 
 board was the still unsolved problem, the students had 
 been hastily called away to help solve one more difficult 
 than any they had yet attempted. Books still open, marked 
 where the day's lesson had been left unfinished, and now 
 
 83 
 
without a moment's warning they left the peaceful haunts 
 of the Alma Mater and fled to answer the stern demand of 
 their government's call for more troops. Learning to 
 read the lesson of life before the first page had been de- 
 ciphered they were put to tasks that made brave men 
 shudder and grow sick at heart, and when they returned, 
 if return they did, they had gained a knowledge that put 
 boyhood's days forever behind them. Lost youth! What 
 can compensate us for it, when we have grown weary 
 battling with the world, and would fain cast our eyes back 
 to the wild free careless days of our boyhood. I had 
 hopes, as I said, that the school would escape the sweeping 
 ukase. We had not proceded [sic] down the river very far, 
 before from every door and window belched forth smoke 
 and flames and the last stroke was added. Like a Nemises 
 [sic] pointing at us a long black avenging figure rose a 
 huge column of smoke following us for miles down the 
 stream. What became of the poor women and children? 
 I do not know. Frequent inquiry elicted [elicited] nothing 
 and our command never visited that locality again. It was 
 an unmilitary act to say the least. A stain upon that 
 record which we worked hard to make brilliant. It was 
 one of those unnecessary acts, and for that reason most 
 potent in its embittering effects that served but to widen 
 the breach between the factions without gaining any advan- 
 tage. Helplessness should never appeal to us in vain and 
 he who cannot command himself to judge dispassionately 
 and without motives of revenge should never be a com- 
 mander of men to bring upon them the odium of actions 
 their manhood resents, but whose duty as soldiers leaves 
 no avenue for escape. You would never forget that sad 
 scene of women and children left alone with their burning 
 houses slowly eating away all hope of shelter from them. 
 Nor do I think one could. We may think to cease of a Nero 
 but one never forgets to pity Rome. 4 
 
 4. We may cease to think of a Nero, but one never forgets to pity 
 Rome. The typist apparently transposed the words think and cease. 
 
 84 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 BEFORE VICKSBURG - BUILDING 
 OF FORT ADAMS - JUNE 1863 
 
 United States Steamer B. J. Adams 
 Mississippi Marine Brigade 
 Youngs Point, 1 La., June 30th, 1863, 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 In war, as in politics, strategy holds an enviable posi- 
 tion. The bolder the move, the more brilliant the success, 
 the more humiliating the defeat. From early June, 1863, 
 Vicksburg was besieged day and night. Our army was 
 thoroughly and effectively investing the city, the right 
 resting on the river above, thence in a crescent encircling 
 it, reaching the Mississippi again, below the city. Our 
 Navy patrolled 2 the river above, the peninsula opposite 
 was in our possession, completely cutting off every avenue 
 of supply and communication to the rebel garrison so 
 hemmed in. The air was in a constant tremor, with the 
 roar of artillery and the continual resounding of the sharp 
 report, of small arms. Night, but added weirdness to this 
 imposing spectacle. Immense shells, 3 fully 12 inches in 
 diameter, filled with a ten pound charge of powder, and 
 requiring a nineteen pound charge to eject them, shot into 
 
 1. JUSSD. pp. 81-82, The Diana lay at Youngs Point, June 27 to 
 June 29, leaving at 8:00 p.m. and arriving at Davis' Landing at 11:00 
 p.m. 
 
 2. JUSSD. pp. 75-84, June 11 to July 4 entries indicate patrol- 
 ling of the river at Vicksburg. 
 
 3. Everhart, W. D., Vicksburg National Military Park, Missis- 
 sippi. U. S. Govt. Printing Office, Washington, D. C. (1954) on page 
 44 is reproduced a National Archives picture of one of the huge 
 mortars referred to by Currie. 
 
 85 
 
the air, every few minutes from our mortars. Like huge 
 fireflies, round and round, they ascend to a giddy height, 
 then poising for a second, descend, explode, scattering 
 their fragments, and deadly Night- shade of War as they 
 are, impregnate the whole surroundings with death. The 
 concussion was heard for miles away, like mutterings of 
 distant thunder, and the burning fuse, full half a mile high, 
 were as lightnings of as fierce, and long continued storm, 
 as war has ever known. 
 
 During the siege, the Marine Brigade was lying inac- 
 tive at Youngs Point, opposite the mouth of the Yazoo 
 River. I had made various trips, through the surrounding 
 country, up the Yazoo River; daring even to make my way 
 to the " rifle pits," back of Vicksburg, and in every direc- 
 tion that an interest would incite, or the chance of an 
 adventure, break the monotony of inactivity. 
 
 On one of these trips I made a discovery that led to the 
 accomplishment of a strategic move that was as bold as it 
 appeared impossible. Accompanied by Capt. Groshon, a 
 former experienced artilleryman, [I] went down on a tug 
 along the upper side of the peninsula opposite Vicksburg, 
 across which futile attempts had been made in trying to 
 cut out a new channel for the Mississippi and induce it to 
 change its course. The river was very low, and the tug, 
 by hugging close to the high bank, was screened from the 
 alert rebels. Leaving the tug by cautiously feeling our 
 way across the peninsula, dodging behind trees to escape 
 shot and shell we succeeded crossing unharmed, and 
 reached the levee, thrown up around the peninsula, for 
 protection against high water, probably fifteen feet or 
 more. Finding a washout down the slope, we crawled up 
 its side to the ridge and lying on our faces, with field 
 glasses, could look directly over into Vicksburg, just 
 across the river. In the survey I happened to get the 
 range of a foundry working full blast. It was very evident 
 that the foundry was turning out cannon ball and shot, from 
 the fragments of our fire pouring in upon them, killing us 
 with the return of our own bread, cast upon the waters. 
 Returning to the tug, making our way back in the same 
 guarded manner as in crossing, and thence to the fleet I 
 dispatched a request to Admiral Porter to allow me per- 
 mission to locate [a] twenty pound Parrot gun to stop that 
 
 86 
 
foundry. The Admiral gave his consent, but did not for- 
 bear from expressing his doubts as to the feasibility of 
 such a plan, his views being strengthened by the fact that 
 Gen'l Sherman had been driven out of a "sand bag fort," 
 a mile to the right and rear of the position chosen for this 
 new battery. Nothing daunted by this intelligence, I took 
 one hundred enlisted men and fifty Negro boat hands from 
 the fleet, and putting the gun on board a tug, started from 
 Young's Point about sunset, so timing the arrival, that 
 night would cover their transit across the peninsula. 
 
 Landing on the upper bank of the peninsula, the Negroes 
 were sent ahead, the gun dismounted, lashed to a plank and 
 pulled by a long rope across the distance, more than a 
 mile, through the deep sand. The Negroes hurrying for- 
 ward, were set to work making an angular excavation in 
 the levee, the apex pointing toward Vicksburg. About two 
 o'clock, the soldiers arrive with the gun. The force is 
 now divided into relief of fifty, allowing two hours rest at 
 a time for each division. So fast does the work proceed 
 that, on the right, we begin tunneling a passage about 
 twenty feet long, then widening out into a cave-room, in 
 which to store our ammunition, as in a magazine, so 
 secreted, we need fear no explosion of our shot by ignition 
 from an unlucky ball of shell from over the way. 
 
 When morning came we were like miners working 
 away, hidden from view, in the depths of the levee and so 
 sheltered, at liberty to continue the excavation with the 
 advantage of daylight to expedite the work. At sunset we 
 have cut half way through the levee and our magazine was 
 about complete. During the second night the gun carriage, 
 and one hundred rounds of ammunition were smuggled 
 across the peninsula, a hazardous but so far successful 
 undertaking. 
 
 Directly in front of us, between the levee and the river, 
 a railroad ran along, leading to Monroe, La. Wanting the 
 iron for a casemating, a party of soldiers went up the 
 track to find some kind of a wagon to haul it in. As the 
 track in front of us was directly under the gaze of the 
 rebel garrison, we felt diffident about robbing the railroad 
 under the eyes of so many witnesses, especially since 
 they would show their disapprobation of such an outrage 
 by a perfect hail storm of shot and shell; so to guard 
 
 87 
 
against discovery, about twenty soldiers went up the road 
 in the darkness and securing a hand car, filled it with iron 
 rails. 
 
 Meantime, the outer slant of the levee was graded off 
 to about 35 degrees, as near as we could tell in the dark- 
 ness; then this slant was cut in long vertical grooves in 
 which were laid the cross ties to furnish a structure upon 
 which to fasten the iron rails. These were laid on the 
 cross ties, as fast as they could be brought in. At the 
 bottom, two lengths were used, one on each side of an 
 opening, left for a sally port for the gun. Above it but one 
 length was used, it being about sixteen feet in length. The 
 rails were laid with every other row reversed, so that one 
 fitted into the other, making, when completed, a casemat- 
 ing of solid iron for the front of our fort four and a half 
 inches thick. 
 
 So far all went well. In the day our position was most 
 perilous as it seemed even a falling leaf brought over shot 
 and shell, to investigate it; while during the night, by the 
 river making this bend around the peninsula, our mortars' 
 fleets lay back of us above the peninsula, throwing over 
 our heads, into Vicksburg, their immense shells, every 
 five of which took a hundred pounds of powder to send 
 them on their errand of destruction and death. Whenever 
 we heard the discharge, we watched for the shell. If it 
 passed over us, we were safe, but [if] it did explode pre- 
 maturely, we had to scamper off behind trees and stumps 
 to save ourselves. During the night, many times we were 
 compelled to thus protect ourselves. At one explosion, 
 having no tree or shrub to get behind, I stood waiting for 
 the result, conscious that the shell was making directly 
 for me. It struck the earth not twenty feet away, plowing 
 up the ground and burying itself out of sight, scattering 
 the mud in all directions. 
 
 When we had cut through the levee, we met our first 
 serious drawback. The excavation had been made on a 
 level with the peninsula; the road bed of the railroad had 
 been built four feet above the level so that there was an 
 embankment in front of us, making our fort four feet too 
 low. Should we reconstruct the fort or ditch through the 
 bed. I finally decided upon the latter plan, but as it was a 
 night's work, and as we could no longer then conceal our 
 
 88 
 
position from the lynx eyed rebels, across the river, it 
 had to be delayed until the third night. The second night 
 we had finished about half the casemating. The levee was 
 covered with a dense growth of weeds. In sloping down 
 the front, for the fort we had cut a wide swath and thrown 
 up the dirt, which in the daylight would show the tamper- 
 ing to the rebels, who would immediately make that spot a 
 target. To cover up the gap, we transplanted as carefully 
 as possible, loads of weeds, making it appear as natural 
 as we could. When morning came, everything looked as 
 serene and undisturbed as one could wish. Internal prep- 
 arations were about complete, and we were jubilant over 
 the success, so far. About noon I took a sly peep around 
 to see how things looked. Imagine my feelings. The hot 
 sun had withered all the transplanted bushes, and every 
 moment the gap hedged in by the vivid green of the grow- 
 ing plants on every side, grew more startling, as the 
 bushes lost their coloring, drooping and dying in the sun. 
 They were rebel weeds, and seemed holding out their 
 branches, beseechingly to the Confederates across, "to 
 avenge the death of the flowers.'' Would the day never 
 pass? Surely old Joshua 4 himself must have a hand, in 
 keeping that sun so long in one particular spot in the 
 heaven. The long hours, waiting hours, when every second 
 seems an hour itself dragged slowly on. A report: A 
 shell. Have they noticed the weeds? Inside the fort we sit 
 and wait, our hearts beating with suppressed excitement, 
 waiting. But the shell didn't strike the gap. Another and 
 another comes over us, around us, but never near enough 
 to mean "you are found out." 
 
 The next night, the 3rd, the gun is mounted, the case- 
 mating finished, and now nothing remains but the ditch. A 
 cloudy afternoon brings on an early darkness, and we set 
 to work in earnest. The ground is extremely hard and 
 only yields to repeated thrusts of the picks. A drenching 
 rain adds to the difficulty. Progress is slow, as but four 
 men can work in the ditch at a time, the object being to 
 make it as narrow as possible to prevent the entrance of 
 any shots. Pitch darkness prevented seeing a foot ahead 
 
 4. Joshua 10:12-14. 
 
 89 
 
of you. How fast the time flew? Everything depended 
 upon us getting done by daylight, as we could no longer 
 hide from the rebels. About two o'clock we stopped for 
 examination of the progress. Taking a poncho I wrapped 
 up a lantern in it and going to the end of the ditch, sat 
 down in the mud and putting the light in front of me had 
 Capt. Groshon sight over the gun and see if it was visible. 
 But the gunner saw no ray sending the light back. I felt 
 along the sides of the ditch and thought I felt a bulge on 
 the right side. This was soon shaved away, and once 
 again the experiment with the light, is repeated. Comes 
 the glad tidings w[h]ispered along, light ahead? 
 
 We clear out the bowwom [bottom], a shovel full here 
 and there, and our ditch is completed, being twenty feet 
 long and two wide, with a little flange at the mouth. The 
 railroad makes a bridge over the ditch as we did not cut 
 it away, leaving it to stop any ball that might chance to 
 strike low enough to enter the sally port. Captain Groshon 
 and his relief, had slept part of the night, and it was now 
 their time to go on duty. As the work had progressed, the 
 men had, in turns, of their relief gone back to the fleet, 
 for rest and change of clothing, but I never left until 
 everything was completed. So now, leaving the fort 5 in 
 charge of the Captain, I with those who had worked all 
 night go back to the fleet for much needed rest. 
 
 With the first streak of dawn, Capt. Groshon discharged 
 the gun. The ball left the ditch, but did not cross the 
 river. Neither did the second, but the third sped defiantly 
 across the river to the Confederates. An early caller, 
 and it seemed a very welcome one, as by actual count, it 
 received nineteen shots in return— could any shot ask 
 better appreciation than that? 
 
 As soon as the gun was discharged, the men, fearing to 
 trust to the fort, ran into the magazine and there awaited 
 results, expecting the complete demolition of our little 
 structure. But as shot after shot fails to make any 
 
 5. JUSSD. p. ,79, June 22, "At daylight the two Co's came in 
 having been engaged in preparing a gun on the point opposite the 
 town of Vicksburg." A note at the side in another hand reads, "Ft. 
 Adams." 
 
 90 
 
impression, their confidence begins to strengthen and 
 after the second or third firing of our gun, they stay by it, 
 keenly enjoying the efforts of the rebels to destroy the 
 gun. Deliberately and well the gun is discharged, and each 
 ball is answered by a shower of immense cannon balls, 
 from the rebel batteries, and for five shots during the day 
 we receive one hundred in return, and still at night the 
 little fort is as solid as when the fusil[l]ade began. When 
 a report was made to Admiral Porter that night, he highly 
 complimented the effort, saying "if we succeeded in doing 
 no other harm, 20 shots for one was such a good return, 
 that the rebels would soon exhaust their ammunition." 
 
 Next morning we sent over another challenge evidently 
 to the surprise of the rebels, who evidently thought they 
 had silenced us and driven us out as they had Gen'l 
 Sherman. About four in the afternoon we struck the 
 foundry, the escaping steam leading us to believe, we had 
 hit the boiler. The foundry stopped its work, a serious 
 blow to the rebels, as it was the only one running, leaving 
 them no means to replenish their fast decreasing store of 
 ammunition. 
 
 Having accomplished our purpose, our work was done. 
 We named the fort Adams in honor of my head- quarter's 
 boat, the B. J. Adams. It was a most successful piece of 
 work, as without an engineer or aid I had constructed a 
 battery in the very face of formidable guns, and held an 
 untenable position, accomplishing by strategy and ingenu- 
 ity, an achievement that brought me the hearty apprecia- 
 tion of Admiral Porter, and as a recognition of my 
 service, a leave of absence for sixty days was given me, 
 with permission to go outside the United States. 
 
 When Vicksburg surrendered the Lt. Col. commanding 
 the water batteries sought out our Brigade Commander 
 and asked him to take him over and let him see what kind 
 of a contrivance we had for secreting our gun. He said 
 that after each shot, they would think they must have de- 
 molished anything far and near around the location of the 
 gun. They could not account for the long line of smoke 
 that would rise up from the ditch after each discharge. 
 All sorts of theories were afloat, and finally they decided 
 that the gun was put in a pit or hole, and raised up by a 
 derrick when it was discharged and then lowered into the 
 
 91 
 
hole until the next shot. His approbation upon examining 
 the fort found vent in that expression in which they com- 
 pliment and account for all our northern courage, ingenu- 
 ity and get up and get, "Well, that's one of the best 
 ' Yankee tricks' I have ever seen." 
 
 The reason that the first and second ball did not cross 
 the river was explained by Capt. Groshon. A railroad 
 station had once stood in front of our location. It had 
 burnt down and the safe had been left there, imbedded in 
 the dirt. It happened to be right in the line of our range; 
 about fifty feet from the mouth of the ditch, and it took the 
 two shots to dislodge it. He said nothing could shake the 
 men's faith in the strength of the fort after a hundred 
 pound cannon ball hit the casemating about the sally port, 
 doing no further damage than making a dent about the size 
 of a man's head. 
 
 And so when the "boys" of the Marine Brigade tell of 
 the wonderful exploits, the nights and days that was spent 
 in Fort Adams will not be among "the least" nor the 
 "soonest forgotten." 
 
 92 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 VICKSBURG AFTER DEFEAT CAPTURE 
 OF CONFEDERATE PAYMASTER, 
 SEPTEMBER, 1863 
 
 U. S. Steamer B, J. Adams 
 Mississippi Marine Brigade 
 Boliver Landing 1 Miss. 
 Sept. 10th, 1863. 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 I returned to the fleet lying off Vicksburg from my 
 sixty days leave of absence August the 27th, 2 where I 
 found the following named steamers belonging to the 
 brigade lying at anchor in midstream, namely: B. J. 
 Adams, my head quarters boat The Baltic, Diana and 
 Fairchild y our commissary supply boat and the Woodford 
 Brigade Hospital Boat. 
 
 Here they had been inactive since the 20th, our Brigade 
 Commander had gone North on leave of absence, taking 
 with him the steamer Autocrat. The John Raine was 
 ordered to New Orleans for needed repairs. The river 
 was too low to allow our towboats to bring us a supply of 
 coal and as the low water season promised no immediate 
 relief it looked as though our inactivity was of long dura- 
 
 1. JUSSD. Sept. 9, p. 115, "at Bolivar Landing." September 10, 
 "Left the landing at 5 P.M." 
 
 2. Ibid., There are no Currie orders in the Diana Log Book be- 
 tween the dates of June 22 and August 27, pp. 79-111. The August 27 
 entry reads, "nothing of importance transpiring except the arrival 
 of Lieut. George E. Currie from leave of absence." They were 
 laying alongside Vicksburg. 
 
 93 
 
tion. During my absence Col. Charles R. Ellet 3 and Adju- 
 tant Curtis of my regiment had resigned and gone home 
 leaving Major Hubbard of the Cavalry in command. His 
 written instructions from the General before leaving were 
 as follows: 
 
 "Head Quarters, M. M. Brigade 
 Flag Ship Autocrat 
 Vicksburg, August, 21st, 1863. 
 
 Major 
 
 You will assume command of the boats remaining 
 at this place as soon as the Autocrat leaves. 
 
 Until the arrival of coal from above now expected 
 daily by the Lioness, you will be unable to perform 
 any service but you will devote all your attention to 
 getting the boats repaired as far as is possible to 
 accomplish that object with the means at your dis- 
 posal. For this purpose you will make details of 
 any soldiers asked for by the chief carpenter who 
 will be paid for by the day for all such services 
 performed at fair wages and in proportion to their 
 usefulness. As soon as the Lioness arrives with 
 her tow, you will at once have all the boats full 
 coaled, after which you will proceed up the river 
 with the four boats carrying troops, leaving the 
 Woodford and Fairchild here in charge of all our 
 bayers. [sic] You will keep a sharp lookout along 
 the river to prevent the crossing of the enemies 
 [sic] troops and act as necessity seems to require 
 for the protection of boats against attacks from the 
 shore. 
 
 You will devote your special attention to that part 
 of the river above Greenville and below Napoleon 
 not going further North unless it is clearly evident 
 that your services are required above. In which 
 event you must act as your best judgment will 
 
 3. JUSSD. Friday August 21, p. 107, "Lay all day opposite Vicks- 
 burg Col. Ellet and Ajdt. Curtis left for home, the resignations 
 having been accepted and approved. . ." 
 
 94 
 
dictate. On the last of the month you will observe to 
 have the command mastered [mustered out?]. 
 
 You will sign all official documents as Com- 
 mander of Detachment of M. M. Brigade before 
 Vicksburg. 
 
 Very respectfully, 
 
 Alfred W. Ellet, Brig. Gen'l 
 Com'g M. M. Brigade 
 
 Major Hubbard 
 Com'g Detachment 
 Before Vicksburg" 
 
 The above order was handed me on my arrival, as I 
 become commander of the brigade by reason of seniority 
 in rank. To follow it to the letter I would hold the fleet 
 off Vicksburg until the arrival of coal from above and as 
 then the river was too low to admit of tow-boats running, 
 and still falling with no prospects of sufficient rise for 
 months to bring us needed fuel, our prospects looked 
 gloomy enough. But I was not long in making up my mind 
 what to do. I immediately resolved to disobey the instruc- 
 tions left by the General and change the manner of hand- 
 ling the Brigade. Instead of sailing up and down the river 
 as we had been doing watching for the guerrillas [sic] to 
 come out of their hiding places and attack us, I would land 
 the brigade and seek a fight in their own haunts. This 
 part resolved upon was all very good but how was I to run 
 the boats without fuel this summer, the most difficult fea- 
 ture of all? But I resolved to do or die, now that I had full 
 command of the brigade and I was determined on getting 
 the boats away from Vicksburg. So on the night of my 
 arrival I called a meeting of all the boats' first masters 
 at my head quarters to find out how much coal each boat 
 had on hand. I found some boats had little or none while 
 other [s] had quite a good supply. I directed that an equal 
 distribution of the coal be made among their boats on the 
 following day and to have steam ready to leave on the day 
 after, the 29th in the morning. 
 
 The following day full preparations were made for the 
 start. I employed part of the day looking over the city of 
 
 95 
 
Vicksburg that had surrendered July 4th 4 , during my leave 
 of absence, and for the first time privileged to walk its 
 streets and examine the effects [of our] bombardment that 
 left little but shattered buildings and destruction. Promi- 
 nent among the objects worth seeing was the excavations 
 made in sides of hills on which the city is located wherein 
 the people laid during the siege. The openings into these 
 caverns like abodes was scarcely larger than an ordinary 
 doorway, beyond which they widened out into rooms from 
 ten to fifteen feet square. Many being en- suite [in suites?] 
 some of which were elegantly furnished with home com- 
 forts, even to Brussel carpeting laid on the ground. Into 
 these subturaneous [subterranean] bomb proofs, like 
 hibernating animals secure from harm from shot and 
 shell that poured with [into? ]the doomed city both day and 
 night for three months, were gathered the women and 
 children of those whose husbands, fathers, and brothers 
 were engaged on the fortifications in and around the cities 
 [sic] defences, whose scanty supplies of subsistence was 
 often reduced to one ration of mule meat per day, and 
 whose safety lay in never venturing outside of their dens, 
 made the condition one of living death. But resolute as 
 the Southern women are, they endured all this, even sick- 
 ness and death, in their midst without complaint. Marvel- 
 ing at the endurance of these people for a principle they 
 think is right and having but a limited time to remain on 
 shore I went to Paxton's foundry which was the incentive 
 for building Fort Adams on the peninsula opposite the city 
 during the siege to learn the exact danger [damage? ] my 
 gun had done to it. I found the ball had penetrated the 
 brick wall surrounding the boilers, passed through it and 
 the outer shell of the boiler nearest the gun and dropped 
 to the bottom of the boiler inside and with the aid of one of 
 the engineers of my boat [I] enlarged the small main hole 
 in [the] front end of the boiler and with a hook drew forth 
 the twenty pounder shot that had been threw [sic] from the 
 fort on the third day's firing and which effectually put a 
 stop to the remoulding of our fragments of shot and shell 
 
 4. JUSSD. Saturday, July 4, 1863, p. 84, "at 8 o'clock a.m. news 
 came of the surrender of Vicksburg " 
 
 96 
 
into balls for the enemies [sic] guns. I then returned to 
 the fleet and the following morning at nine o'clock [we left 
 the boat] at Griffin's Landing, Miss., from which point I 
 made the first scout through the country with my small 
 Cavalry command. It strengthened my theory of managing 
 the brigade, for at nine o'clock in the evening we retired 
 with seven prisoners, procured a quantity of beef and 
 found during our absence the boat hands had procured a 
 large quantity of wood. 
 
 But at this point another great difficulty presented it- 
 self. I had but two companies, "B" and "D" of Cavalry, 
 and the first day's scout proved conclusively that it was 
 too small a body of men to venture so far away from the 
 boats, and the weather being too hot and the movements of 
 the Infantry necessarily too slow to operate with. So I 
 resolved to assume the authority of capturing a sufficient 
 number of mules to mount the Infantry and each day 
 thereafter from the first to the seventh [of] September, I 
 sent out all the mounted men I had and some Infantry on 
 foot who never failed to ride home in the evening. In this 
 way I worked my way up the river to Luna Landing, send- 
 ing [out] each day a rather formidable command. 
 
 I now resolved that egnssive [offensive or aggressive?] 
 work should begin in earnest in order to prove that my 
 plan of managing the brigade was the correct one and 
 being unhampered by the presence or orders of the Gen- 
 eral it gave me full scope of action. But my Infantry were 
 poorly mounted and eqiped [equipped]. The mules were 
 unbroken for riding, saddles and bridles were of the most 
 primitive sort, being captured or improvised as only a 
 soldier can originate, but it gave me the advantage of 
 rapid movements, saving the strength of my men for 
 active work when we met the enemy. I also found to my 
 sorrow that we lacked transportation on board the boats 
 for the vastly increased numbers of animals, so another 
 difficulty had to be met. Near the place we found tied to 
 the bank an empty coal boat and near it a saw mill where 
 we procured sufficient lumber to dock it and build a com- 
 fortable stable for fifty or more mules. This work re- 
 quired two days time, all being done by the soldiers who 
 worked like beavers, the officers ably assisting to make 
 the new departure a success. All this preparatory work 
 
 97 
 
was accomplished in time for us to leave Luna on Wed- 
 nesday September 9th 5 at day light in the morning and run 
 to Beulah Landing, Mississippi, arriving about eight 
 o'clock, when I disembarked two companies of Cavalry 
 and two companies (C & E) of mounted Infantry for a scout 
 through the country to Bolivar Landing to which point I 
 ordered the boats to meet me at sundown the same 
 evening. 
 
 We proceeded on our scout, throwing the advanced 
 company on ahead rapidly to surround the houses of the 
 first plantation and allow no person to leave until I came 
 up with the main command, then another company was 
 dispatched to the next plantation for the same purpose and 
 after searching the buildings for guerrillas, arms, etc., 
 we moved on to the adjoining plantation, dispatching an- 
 other company ahead as before. In this way we dashed 
 through the country so rapidly that we kept ahead of the 
 reports of our presence in that section, thus securing 
 many persons who were loitering around these plantations 
 waiting to concentrate at some given point on the river to 
 fire upon passing transports and otherwise prosecute 
 their nefarious mode of warfare. During our passage be- 
 tween two of these plantations, as I was riding at the head 
 of the column about fifteen miles from our starting point, 
 I saw a road leading from our left down a little decent 
 [sic] and soon lost sight of by the growth of small trees. 
 Turning to Captain E. G. Hughes whose company was then 
 at the head of the command, I directed him to take his 
 company down that road a mile or so and we would wait 
 his return at the next plantation, and in less than half an 
 hour after our arrival Captain Hughes was seen coming 
 up with an old fashioned stage coach drawn by two of the 
 largest mules I ever saw and seated on the coach was 
 four men, the driver on the box making five. I ordered 
 the men searched for arms and upon each was found a 
 nine chambered revolver of some English make, entirely 
 new and fully loaded but so sudden were my men upon 
 
 5. JUSSD. September 9, 1863, p. 115. Here is the report of the 
 apprehension of the paymaster who had $1,200,000. Currie's party 
 met the boat at Bolivar Landing. 
 
 98 
 
them as they met on the road they surrendered without 
 firing a shot. 
 
 We made no further search of the prisoners as it was 
 then growing late in the afternoon and we had a long dis- 
 tance yet to march before reaching our boats at Bolivar 
 Landing. So placing a guard around the coach I allowed 
 the prisoners to ride into camp which we reached a little 
 before dark, the boats having already arrived there as 
 ordered. Taking the persons on board my boat, a thorough 
 search of their personal effects revealed nothing of inter- 
 est but in the bottom of the stage coach on which the men 
 rested their foot was a black carpet sack, containing One 
 Million, Two Hundred Thousand Dollars in Confederate 
 money and a draft for One Million more, together with a 
 large package of official documents among which were 
 letters written by Jefferson Davis to officers in the army 
 and a large number of commissions for officers recently 
 promoted. The lieutenant in charge of the party was a 
 paymaster in the Confederate Army en- rout [sic] to Little 
 Rock to pay off the soldiers of the [Confederate] Missis- 
 sippi Army. He was terribly frightened as he expressed 
 himself afterwards. He thought from reports that the 
 Yankee soldiers was sure to rob their prisoners and most 
 likely kill them. So to provide against the act he slipped a 
 small Swiss watch he carried down his boat [boot?] leg 
 when he saw no chance of escape and which he brought 
 forth soon as he could assure himself there [sic] reports 
 were fallacious and with it told the story of his [life]. I 
 never saw a more grateful man in my life than he, when 
 he became assured of the safety of both property and life. 
 He was an educated man, possessing many excellent 
 qualifications. I gave him quarters in my cabin, where he 
 is allowed his freedom under promise of not making an 
 effort to escape. We soon became friends as he proved to 
 be excellent company and remained on board some days 
 waiting an opportunity to send him and his men to 
 Memphis. 
 
 On the day of his departure he made me a present of an 
 an[t]ique scarf pin [set with] a lump of North Carolina 
 gold never having been in the Crusable [crucible] as an 
 evidence of his friendship. Some two weeks after I re- 
 ceived a letter from him, (as he promised to write) dated 
 
 99 
 
at Johnson's Island near Sundacky, [Sandusky] Ohio, in 
 Lake Erie. After receipt of this letter I never heard of 
 him again. I reported the capture of the money to Maj. 
 Gen'l McPhurson [sic] commanding at Vicksburg, who 
 ordered me to send it to Washington, D. C. and turn it 
 over to the department. I detailed an officer for the pur- 
 pose and learned afterwards the government used it in the 
 secret service in providing spies with Confederate 
 [money] to spend when sent [spies] into their lines, that it 
 was worth fifteen cents on the dollar in good money which 
 made the $120000 [$1,200,000] worth to the government 
 $180,000. The draft for the million of course was of no 
 value. 
 
 The short time I have been in command of the brigade 
 proved conclusively to my mind that the new departure in 
 its managements is the correct one, which stimulates me 
 to further offensive movements against the guerrilas. 
 
 So tomorrow I shall proceed to scout the country on the 
 opposite side of the river, promising to write you fully of 
 my adventures from time to time, as events seem to 
 justify. 
 
 100 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 THE FIGHT AT LAKE VILLAGE 
 
 AGAINST REBEL GENERAL 
 
 MARMADUKES FORCES - JUNE, 1864 
 
 On Board U. S. Steamer Diana, 
 Mississippi Marine Brigade 
 Greenville Miss. June 10th, 1864 x 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 Cowper once said that a letter might be written about 
 anything or nothing just as that anything or nothing hap- 
 pens to occur: I have both something or nothing to tell 
 you and still may not make a letter of it. The "nothing" 
 has been the events of the past month. Daily sharp, short 
 skirmishes with the roving bands of guerillas, varied with 
 the daily bickerings of those almost intangible enemies, 
 the flies by day and mosquitoes by night are fast telling 
 upon the usual good nature of the fleet. So, to add to our 
 discomforts the malarial water we are compelled to drink, 
 and the excessive hot weather make us sigh for Peace- 
 Peace that means for us home, friends, and genial climate 
 with the turbulent waters of Secession checked, overcome 
 and turned into the channels of submission and loyalty. 
 
 This trying guerrilla war-fare, phoenix-like in its 
 character, subdued, yet, day after day rising up out of the 
 ashes of its defeat again to menace us, inflamed itself 
 into alarming proportions, bursting out on the sixth 2 in a 
 
 1. JUSSD. June 9 and 11, 1864, p. 156, "Laying at Greenville, 
 Miss." 
 
 2. Ibid. June 7, p. 155, Report of a contact with Marmaduke's 
 Forces." 
 
 101 
 
fierce struggle at Lake Village, the county seat of Chicot, 
 Arkansas. 
 
 First, to describe the location of the little hamlet: The 
 Mississippi makes a horse-shoe curve here, known to 
 steamboatmen as Cypress Bend, and, embedded in it like 
 a gem in a jewelled horseshoe on "my Lady Nature's' ' 
 finger is the little hamlet of Lake Village from which 
 radiate country roads leading to various landings along 
 the river bank; the two most important being the road 
 leading up to Luna Landing, distant about three miles, and 
 the other, down to Sunny Side about eight miles away. 
 Between these two landings was a river distance of over 
 thirty miles around the bend. Back of the village, forming 
 a background, bristling with shadows and dangerous re- 
 treats was an almost impenetrable swamp. Before the 
 village, looking eastwardly, a clear cool lake stretched 
 along for five miles or more reflecting upon its mirror- 
 like surface the dark, rich green of the foliage, the waving 
 trees, the clean, white huts of the plantations, and the 
 deep blue of the Southern skies; making in all as fair a 
 picture as one could wish to see. 
 
 Lake Village, deriving its name from the lake, had at 
 best not more than one hundred people; but it was a ren- 
 dezvous of desperate characters, guerrillas and other 
 rebels selected by them for its advantageous position. 
 They could watch our movements for up-wards of thirty 
 miles on the river, and if pursued would flee to the vil- 
 lage, and thence, by a road le[a]ding back about one hun- 
 dred yards to the swamp, which to them was an open 
 escape, but to us as closed and impassable as the cave of 
 the "Forty Thieves." To cle [a] nse this country of these 
 bands I have made frequent incursions and have become 
 quite well acquainted with the village people. They have 
 always treated me with such respect and confidence that I 
 naturally began to feel kindly disposed toward them. 
 
 The last one of these trips brought me back to the vil- 
 lage about sun- set and as we had travelled upwards of 
 forty miles that day I ordered a halt, intending to rest 
 awhile before going to our fleet which was lying at the 
 Leland plantation, thinking it would be acceptable to both 
 men and horses. Scarcely had I dismounted, when a citi- 
 zen came to me and in undertones advised me not to 
 
 102 
 
remain as the rebel General Marmaduke was in camp 
 near there with a large force of Infantry and Artillery and 
 intended giving us battle on the morrow; that even then a 
 messenger had been sent hastily to inform him of our 
 presence, and it would lead to a certain attack if we 
 remained. 
 
 It was a timely warning. Without delay we resumed our 
 march to the boats and reached them none too soon for the 
 rebel advance came up on our rear guard when within a 
 half mile of the fleet; but for some cause did not press 
 the fight that night. We embarked under cover of the guns 
 on our boats that were trained upon the shore. 
 
 I sent a hurriedly written report of the enemy's pres- 
 ence in force by a dispatch boat to Vicksburg that same 
 night and received on the following evening by the same 
 messenger an order to report at once with my entire 
 command to Genl. A.J. Smith at Vicksburg, held in readi- 
 ness for action. We got under way at once and on the fol- 
 lowing night at eleven o'clock reached Vicksburg, when I 
 reported to the General on his head- quarter's boat, he 
 having sat up awaiting my arrival. During a pleasant chat 
 of an hour or so I gave him all the information I could 
 relative to the position and number of the enemy. It was 
 decided that with his army corps of ten thousand men and 
 Artillery (just returned from the Red River campaign) we 
 would return at an early hour in the morning, disembark 
 at Sunny Side and offer battle. 
 
 The order of sailing placed my boat, the Diana, in the 
 lead of twenty seven others, 3 and at ten o'clock we were 
 under way. My vessel was the flag- ship of the expedition. 
 It was somewhat disabled, having burnt out one of the 
 sheets in her battery of six boilers immediately over the 
 furnace so that a constant stream of water and steam 
 poured out upon the fires, making it difficult to keep up 
 over ninety pounds of steam. This slacked our move- 
 ments, making the trip last until four in the afternoon of 
 
 3. JUSSD. June 4, p. 154. Here Currie's letter and the Journal 
 are at variance. The Journal says 18 transports plus 4 of the Marine 
 Fleet. The fight at Lake Village is described in nearly the same 
 words as are Crandall's, op. cit., pp. 413-417. 
 
 103 
 
the second day before we reached Sunny Side. As soon as 
 the Diana struck the bank as was pre-arranged, four 
 companies of Infantry who had been held in readiness, 
 sprang ashore and formed a skirmish line to cover the 
 landing of the entire troop. Genl. Smith then placed me in 
 command of all the mounted forces; which consisted of 
 two squadrons of the 4th Iowa Cavalry in addition to the 
 Marine Brigade. With one twelve pound howitzer I was to 
 make a reconnaissance and locate the enemy, but to 
 abstain from fighting that evening. 
 
 Keeping a sharp lookout as we started we had not gone 
 a mile when, at a bridge crossing a small creek, we met 
 the rebel skirmish line who showed fight. Dashing upon 
 them we drove them across an open field into a skirt of 
 woods, probably a quarter of a mile wide, along the edge 
 of which the rebels were gathered in force waiting for us 
 to come up. To dislodge them from so advantageous a 
 position, I dismounted my men and formed a line of battle 
 within musket range of the rebels, diverting one company 
 under Capt. Harper to the left in order to flank them. As 
 soon as the flankers were in position, the line both in the 
 front and on the flank moved up and opened fire with such 
 good purpose that the rebels were driven back into the 
 woods, allowing us to take their position in the timber. 
 And now both sides were in about equally sheltered posi- 
 tions. Fortune still smiled upon us; and here, as before, 
 we drove the rebels still farther back until they disap- 
 peared over a levee thrown up around the lake. 
 
 Leaving my command under cover of the woods, with a 
 small body guard I rode around the inner slope of the 
 embankment to look over the situation. Not very long did 
 we remain undisturbed. Our practiced ears soon caught 
 the click of the guns and a shower of bullets fell like hail 
 around us. Quickly ordering my guards to dismount, and 
 charge up the side of the levee to dislodge the rebels, I 
 galloped back across the open space to the brigade to 
 bring them to the point of attack. Mounted, as I was, I 
 made an excellent target for the rebel sharp-shooters, 
 and the bullets, hissing hot, anxious to strike me, whizzed 
 all around. My horse, as if possessed by all the witches 
 of Tarn O'Shanter's ride flew over the ground, and, more 
 fortunate than poor Meg, escaped injury. 
 
 104 
 
In the meantime, the men who had charged up the levee 
 were engaged at short range with the rebels, and when I 
 brought up the command we once more drove the rebels 
 from their stand. Our only casualties were, one man 
 shot in the top of the head as he was climbing over the 
 embankment; and another, hit in the mouth with a bullet, 
 the shot taking off a piece of his tongue. It was now near 
 dusk and we started on our return to the boats, reaching 
 them safely and embarking for the night. That night, the 
 next day's plans were arranged: As before, I would com- 
 mand the mounted brigade, make an early start, and, upon 
 reaching the enemy, form line of battle and have every- 
 thing in readiness for the fight to ensue as soon as Gen- 
 eral Smith came up with his army. Through a drenching 
 rain next morning, which put the roads in a wretched 
 condition, we marched over the route of the previous 
 evening, and, strange to relate, encountered the rebels in 
 the same place where we had met them the day before, 
 and we had to fight them over the same ground. I formed 
 my command in line of battle on the south side of an open 
 field with the right resting on the levee, separating us 
 from the lake. The rebels had a more favorable position, 
 being posted under cover of a strip of timber on the north 
 side of the field. Dismounting, we advanced as Infantry, 
 throwing out skirmishers under command of Capt. I. D. 
 Newell who were soon engaged with the rebel advance and 
 our men drove them back to their main line in the woods. 
 And now, the fight became serious: the enemy stubbornly 
 and determinedly resisted, and their firing at such short 
 range was so scathing that our men lay down in the weeds 
 and grasses to protect themselves as best they could. 
 
 It was still raining hard. At one time, Capt. Newell 
 commanding the skirmish line sent me word he could not 
 hold his position much longer. I directed him to remain, 
 giving him the hope of speedy help. During all these ter- 
 rible moments which seemed hours to us as the ceaseless 
 firing of the muskets augmented by the echoes grew deaf- 
 ening, evidencing the perilous position of our line. Our 
 only safety lay in keeping the enemy from gaining any 
 ground on us: any wavering, any attempt to withdraw a 
 part of the whole of our skirmishers would result in a 
 charge from such overpowering numbers that capture or 
 
 105 
 
death would result to us. My part of the arrangement was 
 to hold them in line until the arrival of General Smith with 
 his ten thousand Infantry and four batteries of field guns. 
 This command had left the fleet soon after us, but as we 
 were mounted we had made the distance an hour or more 
 in advance of the Infantry, whose march over the poor 
 country road was made still slower by the heavy rain. 
 
 I had obeyed my orders which had directed me to meet 
 the enemy, form line, and begin the contest so that the 
 Infantry could step right into the fray. I had done so; and 
 now the serious part of the question was to hold them off 
 until re- infor cements arrived. My command was but a 
 handful compared to the large force opposing it, but the 
 men knew what depended upon keeping the rebels in check 
 until the arrival of General Smith, and bravely and well 
 they acted their part in holding this advanced and danger- 
 ous position for one hour until the Infantry arrived. 
 
 I pointed out my line of battle in the weeds to the Gen- 
 eral upon his arrival: he then ordered a brigade of 
 Infantry and one four gun battery under command of Gen- 
 eral Moewr [Mower] to file to the left and take position in 
 front of my line; thereby relieving my command, who fell 
 back to their horses, taking their wounded with them. Was 
 there any killed and wounded? Quickly as the line could 
 be formed, General Mower opened fire with a section of 
 his artillery, when, to our astonishment, it was returned 
 by the rebels whose guns, concealed in the woods, had not 
 up to this time been used. So nearly had they the range of 
 our guns, that the first shot barely missed them, and after 
 firing but two rounds General Mower limbered to the rear, 
 withdrawing his Artillery from the position, moved up his 
 Infantry line, and the firing of muskets resumed, soon 
 becoming terrific, but not of long duration this time as the 
 rebels fell back. They had not selected this position for a 
 battle; they had made careful arrangements, selecting a 
 battle ground most advantageous to them, and it was now 
 their intention to draw us on to this ground. Retreating 
 about a mile toward Lake Village, they crossed a sluggish 
 bayou about two hundred feet wide, emptying into the lake, 
 being ferried over by a large flat-boat to their main army. 
 
 It now became evident that up to this time we had been 
 contending with only a small part of their force, their 
 
 106 
 
main army being most judiciously posted in a forest on 
 the opposite side of the bayou. They had thrown out a 
 small advance across the bayou probably as a foil to test 
 our strength, ere retreating to draw us on near enough to 
 their main body to ensure our speedy annihilation. Our 
 approach to this bayou was made through a cotton planta- 
 tion that extended to its bank. The lines never halted until 
 we reached the stream, and, although forewarned by Capt. 
 C. G. Fisher of the impassibility of the bayou General 
 Smith pushed on the men, expecting to ford the stream, 
 discovering the inability to do so too late to withdraw his 
 forces and prevent an immediate battle. Imagine our 
 position ! Think of the advantage the rebels had, sheltered 
 as they were behind the trees, while our men were com- 
 pelled to take chances in an open field with an impassable 
 barrier for Infantry between them. 
 
 During the engagement my command was doing flanking 
 duty near a cotton gin, about a half mile to the left and 
 rear of our line. Here, the hospital was established, and 
 as soon as the battle began four ambulances were used 
 bringing in the dead and wounded. In less than a half 
 hours time one hundred of our brave boys lay side by side 
 on the floor of the building, wounded, dying, dead, keeping 
 a dozen or more surgeons busy affording what relief they 
 could. The fight was short but bitter. 
 
 Seeing the enemy wavering, General Smith ordered up 
 the Cavalry to ford the bayou and charge the rebels. The 
 water was shallow, but the bottom was covered with a 
 black, thick muck which rendered the passage very diffi- 
 cult. I led the charge, and, on reaching the opposite bank, 
 found myself there alone and the next horseman did not 
 reach me for some minutes. Was I frightened? Well, it 
 was a perilous position, I can assure you, and I fully 
 appreciated all the danger. Just as soon as a score of 
 men succeeded in crossing, we struck out on a gallop 
 after the now retreating rebels. A half hours run brought 
 us to their hospital, and stopping to make inquiry of their 
 movements, we were joined by additional Cavalry and, 
 pushing on less rapidly, were soon overtaken by the re- 
 mainder of the brigade. Upon coming to a junction of two 
 roads, one of which led to the village, and the other to the 
 swamp, I found both showing so many marks of fresh 
 
 107 
 
traveling that one could not tell which direction the rebels 
 had taken. I sent back an orderly to General Smith asking 
 for orders as to which road to take, stating the reason for 
 so doing. He directed me to proceed along the one leading 
 to Lake Village as it was near night and we would camp in 
 the village. 
 
 While my command had been fording the bayou, General 
 Smith had ordered the burial of the dead where they had 
 fallen. The wounded were put in army wagons and his 
 army was then ferried over by the same flat-boat which 
 the rebels in their retreat had used, and failed to destroy. 
 It had been brought over from the opposite bank where the 
 rebels had landed it. Steadily, all day, the rain poured 
 down and still at sunset, when the entire army had 
 reached Lake Village the rain continued. 
 
 Then we went into camp: every available house and 
 building in the town was converted into sick rooms for the 
 wounded, while those more fortunate to escape injury 
 were collected in messes in and around the town. Fences, 
 chicken- coops, out-buildings, and every thing that would 
 burn was used for fires to warm and dry the thoroughly 
 drenched men, and cook the evening meal. 
 
 And now, what a change ! Is it the shifting scene in a 
 panorama? The little gem that yesterday lay shining in 
 the morning sun was now torn from its beautiful setting 
 and lay trodden in the mud. The very heavens seem to 
 weep in sympathy. Was it for those brave boys we burried 
 [sic] where they fell? Was it for the destruction of the 
 beautiful little village? It must have been for both, for, 
 where the one was deprived of life, the other was being 
 stripped of all that makes life bearable. In this trying 
 hour the villagers came to me (being the only officer they 
 knew) imploring my protection. I sympathized deeply 
 with them and went in person to General Smith who, in 
 courtesy, allowed a guard to be placed over the little they 
 had left. That was all I could do for them. 
 
 At eight o'clock next morning we broke camp and 
 marched to Luna Landing, where, by pre-arrangements 
 the fleet met us, having come up from Sunny Side, where, 
 you remember we disembarked and went to the fight the 
 day before. The fleet, at anchor in midstream, was hailed 
 by a secret signal known only to the Marine Brigade, a 
 
 108 
 
necessity against being decoyed into the hands of the 
 guerrillas by a false signal in our absence. The fleet 
 weighed anchor, and the boats of the Marine Brigade 
 landed at Columbia, while those belonging to General 
 Smith's division landed three miles above, at Luna Land- 
 ing. The river was very low, and the banks at Columbia 
 Landing so steep that a passage way had to be cut down 
 the bank for the horses to get on board the boats. Being 
 very tired with my two days skirmishing, I left my horse 
 with an orderly and made my way down to the boat. 
 Shortly after, General Smith sent one of his staff officers 
 with the request that I report to him on his headquarter 
 boat lying three miles above at Luna Landing. I intended 
 making the trip on tug, or despatch [sic] boat of the fleet, 
 but found her without steam, as the captain, not thinking 
 it would be needed so soon, had ordered the boilers 
 cleaned. Passing up the bank, I mounted my horse, still 
 standing where I had left him, and taking an orderly with 
 me, rode up the river bank to Luna. Dismounting, and 
 leaving my horse with an orderly on shore, I passed on 
 board the General's boat and remained with him an hour 
 or more, discussing the days battle. During my stay the 
 captain of the tug-boat had raised steam and run up 
 along- side of the boat without my orders, but giving as a 
 reason that he knew I was tired riding horseback; which 
 indeed I was, and very glad, too, of his thoughtfulness; and 
 since then I have had cause to [be] more grateful as the 
 sequel will show. 
 
 I kept two saddle horses, one for work, and the other 
 for pleasure. The latter I had not as yet taken into a fight. 
 My work horse was in some way disabled, and as the only 
 resource, I had to press "Johnnie," my favorite, into 
 service and rode him all through the two days fighting. 
 He behaved so well that I was better pleased with him than 
 ever before, and, anxious to favor him all I could I tried 
 to get him aboard the tug, rather than have him walk back 
 to Columbia. Upon finding this would be both dangerous 
 and difficult on so small a craft, I again put him in the 
 orderly's care to take back by land while I went by boat. 
 I stood on the bank watching my beautiful horse as he was 
 led away and then, boarding the tug, was soon alongside of 
 my headquarters, the Diana. 
 
 109 
 
I went immediately to my state-room without giving a 
 thought as to the welfare of the orderly or my horse; as I 
 never dreamed that any danger could befall either, riding 
 as he was, along the river bank in plain view of both 
 fleets, and fully ten thousand soldiers. But one is never 
 certain of anything in this world, unless it be his own un- 
 certainties. A quarter of a mile below General Smith's 
 fleet, the road leading to Lake Village sent off a branch 
 leading to the right. On reaching here the orderly, riding 
 his own horse and leading mine, was pounced upon by a 
 half a dozen or more rebels who captured him and the 
 animals while he was yet dazed at the unexpected attack. 
 I had always put the best equipments on my favorite. My 
 saddle, bridge, and housings, together with a very fine 
 pair of 6 in. Colts navy revolvers. This daring feat was 
 accomplished so quietly that those who witnessed it from 
 the fleet thought the orderly had been joined by some of 
 our own men and had ridden off with them for some 
 reason. 
 
 From a prisoner we captured a few days later who be- 
 longed to the rebel General Marmaduke's forces, I learned 
 that the General himself was riding " Johnnie' ' and was 
 very proud of him. The orderly had been sent with other 
 prisoners to Macon, Ga. What a lucky thought of the cap- 
 tain to come after me with the tug. The rebels, no doubt, 
 having known of my visit to General Smith's had intended 
 to surprise me on my return. That was one time when a 
 soldier acted without orders with a most happy termina- 
 tion. 
 
 During the day, General Smith taking the wounded on 
 his fleet, steamed up the river to Memphis, leaving the 
 Marine Brigade once more to take up its monotonous 
 warfare. The next day after the battle, finding the rebels 
 had evidently abandoned the locality, we ran down the 
 river to Greenville, Miss. We gained the battle, but our 
 loss was very severe— probably over one hundred and 
 twenty being killed and wounded. We could not ascertain 
 the enemy's loss as they must have carried off their dead 
 and wounded with them in their retreat, none of them 
 falling into our hands. 
 
 Upon what little threads our destiny depends ! Yes, if 
 the tug boat had not been brought up for me I would have 
 
 110 
 
fallen without doubt into the rebel trap and they would 
 have held a public rejoicing over the capture of one who 
 had been so long harassing their guerrilla movements. 
 What does Burns say about the schemes of mice and men? 
 Well, this one: 
 
 "Gang aglas, and left me here happy that 
 I am able to write you all's well tonight 
 with me." 
 
 Geo. E. Currie 
 
 111 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 BATTLE OF COLEMAN'S 
 PLANTATION- JULY, 1864 
 
 On Board U.S. Steamer Diana, 
 Mississippi Marine Brigade 
 Rodney, Miss. July 6th, 1864 1 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 Since my last letter to you, we have been sharply 
 skirmishing with the guerrillas up and down the Missis- 
 sippi every day for a month, generally fighting in the 
 woods along the banks of the river, the guerrillas invari- 
 able selecting such positions as offering many advantages 
 for their mode of warfare, and to conceal their actual 
 strength. For some time following this persistent sur- 
 veillance, they had been remarkably quiet; falling back 
 into the country either for re-inforcements, or both. 
 Watching their movements, and awaiting a resumption of 
 their attacks we drifted down the river to Vicksburg, our 
 rende[z]vous when not in action. Here, our fleet of ves- 
 sels lay inactive for ten days or more toward the close of 
 June, 1864. 
 
 Our boats were much in need of repairs, and the weath- 
 er so excessively hot that fighting on board was as dan- 
 gerous to the new men (not yet acclimated) to the extreme 
 heat, as from the enemy's bullets. So, we took advantage 
 of the cessation of hostilities to repair the vessels 2 and 
 rest until the weather moderated, if the guerrillas should 
 
 1. JUSSD., Wednesday, July 6, 1864, p. 160. "Laying at Rodyen, 
 Miss." 
 
 2. Ibid, Tuesday, June 14, p. 156. The report says they were 
 laying off Vicksburg and repairs of the boilers, etc. were made. 
 
 113 
 
keep quiet that long. But the change did not bring the 
 promised rest; we were inactive, confined on board the 
 vessels anchor [e]d in mid-stream, and as each boat was 
 required to keep up 150 pounds of steam to be always in a 
 state of readiness for sailing, with the intense heat of this 
 semi-tropical climate, made the situation almost unbear- 
 able. 
 
 It was with genuine delight we hailed an order issued 
 Saturday, July 2nd., 3 to weigh anchor, land at Vicksburg, 
 to take on supplies and two regiments of colored soldiers 
 and hold ourselves in readiness to proceed to Rodney one 
 hundred miles down the river. We were under way at 
 sunset, sailing in our usual way, and on the following 
 morning, July 3rd., landed safely at Rodney, where the 
 debarkation of all the troops at once took place. 
 
 Our movements were shrouded in mystery. Our bri- 
 gade commander had not communicated one of his plans 
 to the officers whom before he had entrusted and consult- 
 ed with [on] every minute detail of an engagement on 
 which we were bent. He studiously avoided, on this occa- 
 sion, the least intimation of his intentions. His order to 
 prepare for sailing and follow the flag- ship had been 
 faithfully adhered to up to our arrival at Rodney. It was 
 his duty to command; our's to obey. Nor, did his next 
 move explain but rather deepened the mystery. Instead of 
 forming the command in two brigades, the white troops in 
 one, and the colored regiments in the other, he ordered 
 the line in three divisions as follows: First; the four 
 squadrons of Cavalry, Capt. Jno. R. Crandall commanding 
 in front; second; the two regiments of colored Infantry; 
 third: a train of thirty or more army wagons; and fourth: 
 my regiment bringing up the rear. 
 
 To say the train of army wagons was a surprise to the 
 officers except those on the flag- ship, but feebly ex- 
 pressed it. None knew that they were brought down in that 
 vessel but those aboard of her, and conjectures were nu- 
 merous as to the object of that march. While we were 
 
 3. JUSSD. Saturday, July 2, p. 159, "The painting is yet unfin- 
 ished. . . Ordered to raise steam. . ." 
 
 114 
 
unable to get at a reason for our movements, the wagon 
 train precluded all idea of fighting on this trip. Such a 
 useless encumbrance would require too large a force of 
 available men to protect it in case of battle, reducing our 
 numerical strength to the enemy's advantage. Cooked ra- 
 tions for two days were put in the haversacks, and about 
 nine o'clock that morning the bugle sounded the advance, 
 and away we marched toward the South. We proceeded 
 very slowly as the weather was extremely hot, necessi- 
 tating frequent halts for rest and water, so, that it was 
 two o'clock in the afternoon before we reached the Cole- 
 man Plantation but twelve miles from Rodney. 
 
 The Coleman residence stood on the left of the road 
 from Rodney, in an angle formed by a road running from 
 East to West between Port Gibson and Gallatin. When the 
 head of our column reached these cross roads we were 
 halted and ordered to go into camp; each commander be- 
 ing privileged to select his own location, while the resi- 
 dence, occupied by the most rabid of Southern women, was 
 to be occupied as brigade headquarters. About five hun- 
 dred yards east on the road leading to Fort Gibson was a 
 beautiful grove which I had selected for my camp ground. 
 The Cavalry stationed themselves Southwest from head- 
 quarters; the colored troops to the West, and the wagon 
 train was parked in an open field south of, and in front of 
 the residence. Pickets were put out on each of the three 
 roads about a mile from headquarters, and, soon the quiet 
 of camp was only broken by some hilarious group of men 
 in usual camp enjoyments. 
 
 Near sundown Genl. Ellet sent one of his staff officers 
 requesting me to report at headquarters for orders for 
 the next day which were in effect as follows: at an early 
 hour reveille 4 would be sounded from headquarters, and 
 as soon thereafter as possible I should march with my 
 regiment eastward toward Port Gibson; while, atthe same 
 time the Cavalry would go in an opposite direction on the 
 same road toward Gallatin, on a reconnoissance, and 
 
 4. On this page of the George E. Currie letter press book, three 
 typing errors have been corrected. These are three of the five er- 
 ror corrections of this type in the letter press book. 
 
 115 
 
should either of us meet an enemy too strong to handle, 
 we were to send back for assistance - the two colored 
 regiments and mountain howitzer being held there in re- 
 serve. We began an early celebration of the "Glorious 
 Fourth" of July, 5 for, at half past three in the morning 
 reveille sounded, and before an hour I left with my com- 
 mand, the Cavalry riding off opposite at nearly the same 
 time. The ride was most refreshing, the morning clear 
 and cool. On our way through a community formerly 
 wealthy from the indication but now the plantations were 
 deserted, and weeds and desolation had taken the place of 
 the busy life and cultivation of a prosperous Southern 
 plantation. 
 
 We had ridden perhaps three miles from camp, when a 
 courier came dashing up, his horse covered with foam, 
 bringing an order from the General to counte [r] march 
 my command and re-inforce the Cavalry, who were then 
 hotly engaged with a much superior force on the Gallatin 
 road. Rapidly, we retraced our steps, and were soon in 
 front of brigade headquarters, the general himself, on 
 foot at the roadside greatly agitated at the reports the or- 
 derlies were constantly bring [ing] him from the battle- 
 ground. We learned that the Cavalry had proceeded but 
 two miles when they met the enemy in force, evidently 
 approaching to attack the camp. A fight ensued, and, al- 
 ready, the general had sent the two Infantry regiments, 
 and the howitzer to their relief; but at last accounts the 
 battle was still in progress. 
 
 "Take your regiment," said he, "and move on to their 
 assistance and you are to assume command of all the 
 forces in the field. Should you want me in person, send 
 for me and I will join you without delay." "But," an- 
 swered I, "General there is an officer already there who 
 outranks me." "Tell that officer," said he, "it is my 
 orders that you take command." Without further parley 
 we moved on toward the battle field, and had scarcely 
 gone two miles when we saw the first marks of the battle. 
 
 5. JUSSD. Monday, July 4, 1864, p. 159 reports a ". . . severe 
 engagement with the enemy at ' Coleman's corner' ". 
 
 116 
 
On both sides of the road fences were razed to the 
 ground, the result always of a Cavalry fight, and the 
 ground over which they had charged was litterally [sic] 
 plowed up, with here and there and everywhere dead and 
 wounded horses, while a half a mile beyond, both armies 
 apparantly [sic] exhausted were resting in the sight of 
 each other. 
 
 A cursory view of the situation convinced me that 
 while our men had gained in position, we were evidently 
 the greater losers in number. In order to reach the head 
 of the column I passed along the line of Cavalry, now dis- 
 mounted, finding both men and horses greatly fatigued by 
 the struggle just passed through, and suffering from the 
 burning rays of a Southern sun. The Infantry arriving 
 after the Cavalry charge, had taken an advance position to 
 relieve them in case of another attack from the rebels, 
 now in their immediate front, but they, like our men, were 
 taking advantage apparantly [sic] of the lull to rest be- 
 fore renewing the attack. I soon found the ranking officer, 
 but happily was relieved from the delivery of the Gener- 
 al's order that I take command, for, as soon as he could 
 get to me he requested that I take command, saying: "You 
 understand this mode of warfare better than I", which I 
 willingly did. 
 
 Pointing out to me the rebels whose lines were formed 
 on the brow of a hill in a skirt of woods at our left, I made 
 preparations for a fight. Deploying two colored compa- 
 nies of Infantry to the left of the road as skirmishers at 
 the foot of the hill; the remainder of the colored troops 
 formed in line in their rear to support them. I placed the 
 mountain howitzer on an elevated position to the right of 
 the road as to enfilade the enemy's lines as soon as they 
 opened fire on our skirmishers. My own regiment took 
 position near to support the gun while the jaded Cavalry 
 was held in reserve. All in readiness, I gave orders for 
 an advance which was done in perfect line; not a shot be- 
 ing fired, as ordered, until the skirmishers had nearly 
 reached the summit of the hill, when the rebels let go a 
 volley of musketry quickly answered on our part and by a 
 well directed shell from the howitzer, which forced the 
 enemy back into the woods, and the skirmishers returning 
 
 117 
 
their fire, charged the rebels, who gave way and fled in 
 disorder through the skirt of woods across an open field, 
 into another belt of timber beyond. 
 
 Leaving the Infantry, our mounted forces pursued the 
 flying rebels, but as we could not get near them we fell 
 back to the Infantry, resting an hour or so and returning 
 to the camp. While unsaddling our horses we received a 
 challenge, thrown into our very teeth. The rebels, unob- 
 served, had followed us and fired a volley of shots right 
 into our camp from the summit of a hill in our front to 
 our great astonishment and alarm, as we supposed they 
 had retreated and given up the fight. Not so, it seemed 
 they were determined to try [their] chances with us again 
 and had hoped to gain by our discomfiture. 
 
 Hurried preparations followed the "boots and saddles' ' 
 call of the bugle and in a twinkling the command was 
 ready for the fight which now assumed an alarming phase 
 and showed the desperate character and determination of 
 our assailants. Together, with the General and his staff 
 we rode out in the direction of the firing to overlook the 
 situation. Dismounting at the foot of a hill, we sheltered 
 our horses from the firing and, dodging behind trees and 
 stumps got up the hill to our picket line, south of head- 
 quarters, which had been constantly returning the rebel 
 shots all this time. From my experience in guerrilla 
 fighting I thought from the scattered firing of the enemy, 
 that this was simply a feint to divert our attention to this 
 part of the field while the rebels were skirting our forces 
 in some other direction to bring on an attack unawares. 
 But my opinion was at variance with the General's whose 
 views were strengthened by those of his staff, and he fi- 
 nally concluded that it was best to order up the two Infan- 
 try regiments to the support of the pickets and that he 
 would visit the out-posts on the Port Gibson road east of 
 my camp, and see how matters stood there. 
 
 To do this, we passed my quarters. My regiment being 
 formed ready to march. We had not passed my camp but 
 a short distance when we were stopped by an old Negro, 
 coming in breathless haste and terrified, saying that 
 "forty thousand mounted rebels were passing around the 
 picket line to get into our rear." My theory was correct. 
 
 118 
 
The firing on our front was but to blind us to the real de- 
 sign, which was to get in our rear on the Rodney road, so 
 cut us off from our flat [sic] , whip us, and complete the 
 victory by capture of our vessels left poorly guarded at 
 Rodney. A deep laid plot, a victory that meant for them a 
 complete annihilation of the Marine Brigade, a prize 
 worth winning, a defeat that held for us but death. 
 
 I turned to the general, saying; "We will fight on our 
 rear in less than half an hour. Let's get ready. " We im- 
 mediately started toward headquarters and when I reached 
 my command, still mounted since that unexpected volley, 
 ready for action, we marched down the road, halting as 
 the right was opposite the Coleman house. Meantime, the 
 General, who had galloped on ahead of me, had sent four 
 squadron of Cavalry down the road leading to Rodney, at 
 best but a narrow country lane, to ascertain the real 
 whereabouts of our assailants. Scarcely had they gone a 
 half mile when the rebels charged upon them, routing 
 them completely, and driving them back in terrible confu- 
 sion into our very camp. The narrow passage was filled 
 with men and horses in an inextricable mass, their very 
 numbers their greatest difficulty rather than their chief 
 assistance. Riderless horses came snorting and plunging 
 into camp with fierce eyes and distented [sic] nostrils, 
 while their riders were caring for themselves as best 
 they could, fled [fleeing?] before the rebel horde, hotly 
 pursuing them, seeing their advantage in following up the 
 attack. 
 
 General Ellet all this time had been sitting on his 
 horse at the junction of the roads, a silent spectator until 
 the shots of the advancing fire drove him back, and, see- 
 ing the almost hopeless position in which so serious a 
 blunder had placed us, came riding up to the head of my 
 regiment where I was sitting on my horse, and excitedly 
 said, "Colonel, in the name of God what shall we do?" 
 "Do?, Let's fight," said I. Bring down the Infantry from 
 the hill (where he had sent them to support the skir- 
 mishers after the first intimation of the rebels there), 
 form there in that field west of the Rodney road. I will 
 dismount my regiment and whip them in my front in five 
 minutes." 
 
 119 
 
I had no such expectation. We did not know the strength 
 of the enemy. The old Negro, allowing for the proverbial 
 exaggeration of their class, made their numbers some- 
 where in the thousands, but courage is half the battle and 
 I wanted to inspire the General with some confidence and 
 restore his presence of mind. Instead of sending one of 
 his aid[e]s, off he galloped himself, and brought the Ne- 
 gro troops down on the double quick; forming them in line 
 of battle on the south side of the field, the right resting on 
 the Rodney road. The rebels formed in line at the north 
 end of the field, stretching across the road so that one 
 half of their forces confronted the Negro troops and the 
 other half were in my front. Dismounting my regiment, 
 and leaving the horses in a sheltered position in the road, 
 we moved up in line in the rear of the Coleman house to a 
 rail fence and outhouses that enclosed a field of growing 
 corn through which the rebels were then advancing. Be- 
 hind this fence I stationed my men with instructions not to 
 fire a gun until the rebels were so close upon them, each 
 could select his man and not miss aim. With a few men I 
 entered the Coleman house and took position on a second 
 story porch overlooking the entire battle field, securing 
 our position by a barricade of furniture, mattresses, and 
 other articles; and there, awaited the advancing foe. 
 
 The corn was so tall and rank, it completely shielded 
 the rebels from our view; we telling their position by its 
 parting and waving as the men crunched through it. But 
 just across the road through a cleared space, we could 
 see the two armies draw near each other; both firing si- 
 multaneously, and the battle was on. At almost the same 
 moment my men fired a volley at short range on those in 
 our front so effectively, that the line halted; and taking 
 advantage of the surprise we charged them with fixed 
 bayonets and drove them from the field. We had "whipped 
 them in our front in less than five minutes." And now, 
 the fight on our left in the open field became desperate. 
 The rebels, whom we had so severely repulsed, moved 
 across the field and re-inforced those fighting there, and 
 with this united strength made such terrible onslaughts on 
 the hated Negroes, once their slaves, now their equals in 
 the fight, that it seemed for a time they would succeed. 
 
 120 
 
But those black columns never wavered. It was the ene- 
 my that had to advance again and again upon them, only to 
 find an unswerving line that opposed them with deadly ef- 
 fect. They had learned to endure under the lash, and they 
 now displayed such desperate courage and determined en- 
 durance, that it amounted to heroism; and after each at- 
 tack drove their former masters from the field until they 
 withdrew from the contest, leaving their dead and wounded 
 behind. They fell back down the Rodney road, thus bar- 
 ring our only exit to the fleet, leaving us to believe they 
 would renew the fight later on. 
 
 In a consultation of the officers, it was decided best to 
 return to the fleet that night, even though we had to fight 
 our way through. At sunset we set out on our return as 
 follows: the four squadrons of Cavalry in the lead, with 
 my regiment following; second, the train of army wagons, 
 into which our dead and wounded were placed; third, the 
 General bringing up the rear with the two colored regi- 
 ments and the mountain howitzer. Said he, " When the re- 
 bels attack you, if you need my assistance, send an order- 
 ly for me and I will come to the front." 
 
 The road to Rodney lay through a chain of river hills, 
 made passable in many places by narrow cuts sometimes 
 twenty feet in depth. An enemy as fierce as Pharaoh, ex- 
 cited with the hope of victory, maddened with thirst for 
 vengeance against his escaping slaves, made that twelve 
 miles a Red Sea, 6 through which no passageway seemed 
 granted to our prayers for safety on that perilous night 
 march. I took precautions to prevent a surprise, scat- 
 tering the troops fully half a mile in advance of the main 
 command, with the road on either side well flanked so that 
 I felt secure enough in my position that the enemy could 
 not attack before I could form line of battle. But when 
 they would attack us, would they dog our steps like hu- 
 man cayotes [sic] , or would they fly in our faces as we 
 emerged from a narrow defile, cutting us off where it 
 was impossible to push troops through in time to help 
 each other, or would they lie upon those hills and pick us 
 
 6. Exodus 14:5-28. 
 
 121 
 
off as we passed through? The very night was in sympa- 
 thy with them, shrouding their movements in darkness. 
 To our astonishment, on and on we passed, and yet no at- 
 tack. Had they given up the idea? Not yet. Just as our 
 rear was passing through the second cut, the enemy made 
 such a desperate attack upon the colored troops that we a 
 half mile in advance thought the entire number was killed 
 or captured. The darkness but increased the terror of 
 our position. But we were there, and our only resource 
 was to fight our way through blindly. We had chosen what 
 appeared the lesser of two evils, to attempt the passage to 
 our fleet at Rodney rather than risk a night attack at the 
 Coleman plantation. We were in the rebel's country. It 
 had been their inheritance. Every foot of that ground was 
 known to them, and this knowledge of advantageous posi- 
 tions, and the darkness, most favorable to conceal their 
 movements, made it seem almost useless to try a de- 
 fense. At every attack General Ellet called upon me for 
 re-inforcements, asking for two or more companies at a 
 time until my command was reduced to a few men who 
 acted as advance guard and flankers. Litterly [sic] cut- 
 ting our way through, we at last arrived near the river at 
 midnight, when the rebels, seeing the coveted prize slip- 
 ping through their fingers made an almost superhuman 
 effort to capture us. But like the rest, it failed. 
 
 Quickly repairing to the boats, a hasty roll call showed 
 upward of a hundred of the Infantry who did not answer to 
 their names. But by morning enough straggl[e]rs who 
 had been isolated from their command came in to reduce 
 that number until the actual casualties were twenty killed, 
 and eighteen wounded, all from the colored regiments ex- 
 cepting two Cavalry men. The white troops, although in 
 the brunt of every attack during the day, escaped with but 
 a few slightly wounded. 
 
 The battle of Coleman's plantation was one of the most 
 desperate I engaged in during the war. Had the rebel 
 plans, well laid as they were, "not gang aglae," without 
 doubt the entire command would have been destroyed, as 
 the guerrillas would show no quarter to the Negro troops, 
 and we shared the odium of their association and the cap- 
 ture of our entire fleet would have made it one of the 
 most important victories of the South. 
 
 122 
 
I have been minute in detail because it was necessary 
 to understand my position. Between the General and my- 
 self, as men, there was the closest accord: between us as 
 military commanders, there was often a clash of opinions, 
 he generally being upheld by his staff, his son being his 
 chief aid[e] . I had been fighting guerrillas for a year and 
 a half up and down the Mississippi, and while I arrogated 
 to myself no extraordinary military ability, my experi- 
 ence was often a guide that led to correct judgement. It 
 was during one of those little estrangements that this ex- 
 ploit occurred, and I felt the rebuke when we started out 
 by being assigned to the rear, the second position of hon- 
 or, when the command ought to have been divided in two 
 brigades, white and colored, and then my rank would have 
 been next to his. Occurring as it did, had not affairs tak- 
 en so dangerous a turn by the rout of our Cavalry, I had 
 determined to fight independently, wherever I could en- 
 gage the enemy. As it was, my regiment bore the honors 
 of the day, and, to succeed under such adverse circum- 
 stances reconciled us all. 
 
 So the "Glorious Fourth' ' of July passed away, and 
 with it, all attempts of the guerrillas at the complete an- 
 nihilation [sic] of the "Invincible Marine Brigade." 
 
 Very Truly 
 
 Geo. E. Currie 
 
 123 
 
CHAPTER XIV 
 
 COLONEL CURRIE RESIGNS FROM 
 
 SERVICE - NORTHBOUND STEAMER 
 
 ATTACKED BY GUERILLAS 
 
 - AUGUST 1864 
 
 Saint Louis, Mo. 
 August 17th, 1864 1 
 
 Dear Sir:- 
 
 There were signs of a departure among the boats of the 
 Mississippi Marine Brigade on the 4th inst. They had 
 been inactive at Vicksburg since the 31st of July 2 repair- 
 ing the boats and now were about to start for Omeiga 
 Landing, La., about fifty miles up the river where camp 
 was to be established, boats renovated and everything put 
 into ship-shape order to receive Major General Dana, who 
 was coming up from New Orleans to inspect the troops in 
 this department, leaving the Autocrat to convey General 
 Dana from Vicksburg to our camp. The fleet consisting 
 of my vessel the Diana, John Raine, B. J. Adams, Switz- 
 land and Monarch started for Omeiga. Upon our arrival 
 on the following day we established our camp on the 
 shore. We had very few facilities for camp and poor ones 
 at that, but "the boys' ' had lost none of the ingenuity of 
 the Yankee soldiers, and considering inconveniences as 
 
 1. JUSSD. The last entry in the Journal is dated, Thursday, Au- 
 gust 11, on page 168. " Laying at Vicksburg. All of the Brig, prop- 
 erty is being turned over to the Govt." However the duty roster 
 extends to Jan. 22, 1865. 
 
 2. Ibid. Monday, August 1, p. 166. " Laying at Vicksburg. . . 
 boilers and machinery being repaired. . ." 
 
 125 
 
secondary to the relief of being once again on shore, soon 
 made themselves comfortable. The officers kept their 
 quarters on the boats. 
 
 For me the days passed with a snails pace. I had sent 
 in my resignation on the 14th of June and now as impatient 
 as a school boy looking forward to a long promised vaca- 
 tion as soon as relieved, I was going home, where I could 
 once again breathe the cool invigorating breezes of the 
 north. We were inactive, the gurrillas [sic] were as si- 
 lent as though they had been stamped out, and after the 
 stirring times we had passed through, this idleness in the 
 hot climate full of miasma and pestilence seemed a tor- 
 ture long drawn out. Day after day passed and not a sign 
 of a gurrilla [sic] , and we supposed they had retreated 
 back from the banks of the river afraid of the Argus eyed 
 fleet that had been so effectual in their extermination. 
 
 General Dana arrived on Sunday the 7th 3 and ordered 
 inspection of my regiment at three that afternoon, first as 
 dismounted, and three [then?] as mounted Infantry. The 
 exercise lasted about two hours and at its close General 
 Ellet, our Brigade Commander, handed me a note, which I 
 herewith incert [sic] , 
 
 "Head Quarters M. M. Brigade, 
 Flag Ship Autocrat, 
 Omeiga Landing, La. 
 August, 7th 1864. 
 
 Colonel 
 
 I am sorry to have to tell you that I brought up 
 with me your discharge and will relieve you from 
 duty as soon as I can return from Goodrich Landing. 
 I would not of course relieve you until after the in- 
 spection. I can assure you that personally you made 
 a very favorable impression. Let me see you as 
 
 3. JUSSD. Sunday, August 7, 1864, p. 167, " Inspected by Major 
 Gen. Dana. . ." 
 
 126 
 
soon as I return to-morrow and of course you will 
 retain command until relieved. 
 
 Yours Very Sincerely, 
 
 Alfred W. Ellet 
 Brigadier General 
 Commanding M. M. Brigade 
 
 My release had come, my soldier days were advancing 
 to a close, the very news I had so feverishly waited for 
 was here, and the next day I would be relieved from mili- 
 tary duty ready to embark on the first transport that was 
 bound up the river. I did not show the letter to any of the 
 officers, but had it read by the adjutant the same evening 
 at dress parade. The news though [when known] by offi- 
 cers and men, seemed to have a depressing effect and 
 during the evening many came to express their regrets; 
 [the] next day came and went and the General did not re- 
 turn. What a long time it was. I was so anxious to go. At 
 noon on the nineth [sic] the Autocrat with General Ellet 
 on board landed at Omeiga and I was handed my resigna- 
 tion and [was] relieved from duty. It read as follows: 
 
 War Department 
 
 Adjutant General's Office 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 
 July 12 th 1864 
 
 Special order #235 Extract 
 
 31st Lieutenant Colonel. 
 
 Geo. E. Currie first Infantry Mississippi Marine 
 Brigade having tendered his resignation is hereby 
 discharged [from] the service of the United States 
 to enable him to accept another Commission. 
 
 By order of the Sec'y of War, 
 
 E. D. Townsend, Ass't Adj't Gen'l 
 
 My soldier days were over. Hasty preparations were then 
 made for my departure on the first steamer that should 
 
 127 
 
pass, but when it would arrive was the question, as we 
 were outside of any means to ascertain. All that could 
 be done was to get ready and wait like the poor sinner for 
 the wagon. 
 
 While I was busy getting my traps together the offi- 
 cers of the regiment held a meeting in the forward part of 
 the boat's cabin and passed a series of resolutions in 
 which they tried to convince me by the most desperate ef- 
 forts that I had done all the work and they only looked on 
 and saw fair play. The resolutions were as follows: 
 
 U. S. Steamer Diana, 
 
 Mississippi Marine Brigade 
 
 Omeiga Landing, Louisiana, 
 
 August 8th 1864. 
 
 At a meeting of the officers of the mounted Infantry 
 Marine Brigade held on board U. S. steamer Diana 
 at Omeiga Landing for the purpose of preparing 
 some testimonial of esteem for the late command- 
 ing officer of said regiment Lieutenant Colonel Geo. 
 E. Currie resigned. Captain I. D. Newell Compa- 
 ny "A" was elected President and adjutant, Joe 
 Tinker Secretary. The meeting being only organ- 
 ized it was on motion of Captain E. G. Hughes Com- 
 pany "C" voted that a committee of three consist- 
 ing of one captain, One first and second Lieutenant 
 be appointed to draft resolutions, expressive of the 
 feelings of the meeting. On motion of Captain T. C. 
 Groshorn Company "F" it was voted that Captain 
 E. G. Hughes Company "C" and first Lieutenant and 
 regimental Quarter Master A. J. Pendleton, and 
 second Lieutenant J. C. Fortum, Company "D" 
 comprise said committee. Committee met pursu- 
 ant to the above when the following resolutions were 
 adopted. 
 
 First- -That we part with the Colonel with feeling 
 of deep regret. 
 
 Second- -That in all our associations with him since 
 the organization of our regiment we have found in 
 him a true gentleman a patriot and soldier. 
 
 128 
 
Third- -That in parting with him we feel that we 
 have sustained a severe loss and that the service 
 loses a brave and valuable officer. 
 
 Fourth- -That for whatever of merit we have at- 
 tained as a Military Command we are indebted 
 alone to the untiring energies of our noble Com- 
 mander. 
 
 Fifth- -That whatever his lot in life may be, we 
 most heartily wish him unbounded happiness and 
 prosperity. 
 
 Six- -That the proceedings of this meeting be pub- 
 lished in the "Mississippi Democrat, Chicago Tri- 
 bune and Cincinnati Commercial" and that a copy 
 of the same be presented to Lieutenant Colonel 
 Currie. 
 
 Captain I. D. Newell, President 
 
 Lieutenant and Adj't. J. Tinker, Secretary 
 
 The officer diputised [deputized] to hand me copy of 
 the above resolutions also deliver [ed] a verbal instruc- 
 tion from the officers to be presented [present?] that 
 evening at a bayonet [banquet] on board the Diana there 
 being prepared in honor of my departure and while he was 
 delivering the message the smoke of an ascending steam- 
 er was seen around a bend in the river some miles below 
 like an advance courier of the separation that was to take 
 place. It soon came in sight and proved to be the Em- 
 press, Captain John Mulley bound from New Orleans to 
 St. Louis loaded heavily with freight and passengers. 
 When this discovery was made, I declined the invitation, 
 regretfully determined to take passage on the steamer, 
 which was hailed by the Diana and was soon along side of 
 my boat. Meantime the Diana's cabin was filled with as 
 many soldiers of my regiment as could conveniently find 
 standing room in open ranks and I passed down between 
 the two lines of men standing at present arms, seeing in 
 their faces reflected some of the sorrow that was in my 
 own heart. I had been with them through all manner of 
 
 129 
 
hardships and trying times, but this parting unmanned me, 
 more than all the danger and could I only have recalled 
 that resignation, I would have done it most willingly. I 
 had not sought popularity in the command and did not 
 know how well the men liked me. I did not think how much 
 I thought of them until I had to leave them. I believed in 
 the sternest discipline, the most flexible [inflexible?] will 
 and demanded prompt obedience as most essential to good 
 results and I supposed that the spirit of such brave men 
 yielded me obedience as a commander, while they denied 
 me friendship. When I learned how deeply fixed were the 
 bonds that made us comrades, the pain when they are 
 snapped asunder made this parting as hard a one as I 
 shall ever be called to make. I passed on board the Em- 
 press 4 with their goodbyes and shouts ringing in my ears. 
 I could only acknowledge them in silence for my heart was 
 too full for words. The boat glided out into midstream 
 and as I wished to keep the fleet in sight as long as possi- 
 ble I went up to the hurricane roof and sat on the railing. 
 I sat long after it had passed out of view and memory does 
 not fail me now when I say that I thought of them all better 
 than I ever did before. 
 
 Presently one of the pilots came, slapping me on the 
 shoulders, inquired if I was not Colonel Currie. [I re- 
 plied] replying in the affirmation [affirmative] . He said 
 some ladies in the pilot house would like to speak to me. 
 I went with him and found two ladies, the wives of planters 
 who lived back from the river near Goodrich's landing, 
 and who were enrout[e] to St. Louis to purchase supplies. 
 I did not know them but they had seen me frequently pass- 
 ing their houses, when we were out on trips scouting the 
 country for Gurrillas [sic] . On one of these trips we 
 haulted [sic] at a country house and one of these ladies 
 had given me a glass of milk, she said; and thought this 
 like conduct entitled them to claim an acquaintance, even 
 
 4. JUSSD, Tuesday August 9, 1864, p. 168, ". . . at 3 o'clock 
 P.M. the steamer Empress came up the river and was hailed by the 
 Diana. Our much esteemed Lt. Col. Currie being discharged from 
 the service got aboard of her and proceeded up the river. " 
 
 130 
 
 
though unlike Jacob I had come as an enemy and not a 
 suitor. They especially as they were entirely alone with 
 no friends on the boat asked my assistance as an escort. 
 They proved very agreeable and then [their] society 
 somewhat diverted my thoughts from the gloomy channel 
 into which they had been caused by the parting with my 
 late command. Nothing unusual transpired during the 
 evening, except a little stir that was made by the captain 
 of the boat who threatened to put these ladies ashore for 
 singing at my request, some rebel songs, all they knew. 
 But upon explaining to him that I, and not they were at 
 fault, he said no more. 
 
 We reached Columbia landing above Cypress Bend just 
 after dinner the next day, and about fifteen persons in all, 
 among whom were these lady acquaintance [s] , the two pi- 
 lots and mate of the steamer, were assembled in the pilot 
 house, the most comfortable place on the boat, owing to 
 its crouded [sic] condition, there being over four hundred 
 people on board, mostly soldiers enroutfe] home on fur- 
 lough, some of whom had been released after a year's 
 confinement in a Southern prison pen. The conversation 
 naturally run [sic] on our liability of being attack [ed] by 
 gurrillas [sic] as we were in the immediate vicinity of 
 their head quarters, and if we shoud [sic] pass Columbia 
 and Luna Landing, we would be safe, as a Bayon [sic] 
 emptied into the Mississippi river about two miles above 
 Luna, which precluded the enemy from getting their artil- 
 lery above that point. While thus discussing our chances 
 of escape, if attacked and enjoying a lunch on Water Mel- 
 on [sic], the pilot at the wheel called my attention to a 
 smoke rising from behind the levee at Columbia, that I 
 concluded was from a camp of rebel soldiers. Slowly the 
 steamer advanced from [forward?] for we were running 
 very slow, owing to the heavy cargo and green wood used 
 for fuel. When opposite the landing and without previous 
 warning a masked battery of six guns was uncovered at 
 the waters edge and all discharged at our boat at the same 
 time, while apparently a whole division of rebel Infantry 
 swarmed upon the levee just back of the battery, [fired] 
 volley after volley of musketry at short range, while the 
 Artillery kept up a constant and rapid firing, each shot 
 perforating the boat's cabin and sweeping the decks. 
 
 131 
 
It was the most terrible and trying time in all my army 
 experience. Pent up in the pilot house, a room not more 
 than fifteen feet square in which probably fifteen people, 
 one half of whom were women, and means of escape cut 
 off, the only exit was over the open deck of the vessel, 
 which made us targates [sic] for the rebel sharp shooters 
 and certain death or wounds would be the results, should 
 we attempt to go below. The situation was most critical 
 for all on board, but ours was the most exposed, as we 
 were unable to protect ourselves by any obsticles [sic] 
 such as those in the cabin possessed. We were com- 
 pelled to remain in the frail structure made only of half 
 inch boards and windows. 
 
 The attack was so sudden and unexpected that it threw 
 the occupants into the wildest consternation, the ladies 
 gave vent to loud screams and bewailed their fate in tak- 
 ing passage on that steamer, all the time denouncing the 
 attack as unjustified and cowardly in firing upon an un- 
 armed vessel with a mixed croud [sic] of passengers, 
 many of whom were sympathizers with the rebels, es- 
 pecially so was it the case with the women in the pilot 
 house. At the first discharge of artillery I was standing 
 on that side of the pilot house next to the enemy. In front 
 of me stood a young girl whose home was in New Orleans 
 and who was accompanied by her mother enrout [e] to St. 
 Louis for the purpose of entering a Catholic School. I im- 
 mediately took her in my arms and pulled her to the floor, 
 placing her between my feet as I sat with my back towards 
 the enemy, thus doing all I could to shield one of the lady 
 passengers. All dark scenes have their light shades here 
 and there to relieve the darkness. Fashion was then re- 
 velling in the largest of hoops and as most of the ladies on 
 board seemingly aspired to outrank each other in size, 
 their attempts to lie flat on the floor, at my bidding, made 
 the scene one that was recalled afterwards with roars of 
 laughter. At the time self preservation was the first law 
 and they obeyed my instructions with an alacrity that 
 would have astonished a verteran [sic] . All of the fore- 
 going transpired between the first and second shot of the 
 artillery, so you can judge our movements were not slow. 
 The rebels poured shot and shell into the defenceless boat 
 
 132 
 
so rapidly that it seemed a veritable shower of iron with 
 the discharge of the cannon, which never was worked 
 more rapidly on a battle field; the bursting of shells, the 
 constant whistling of Minnie balls; the breaking of glasses 
 and the crash of timbers as the shells penetrated our frail 
 boat, were the mutterings of as fierce a storm as plutonic 
 fury could invent to hurl against its foe. The boat being 
 one of the largest in the trade between St. Louis and New 
 Orleans loaded to the guards [rails] with freight and peo- 
 ple and contending against a six mile current in the river 
 and having to depend on green cotton- wood to make steam, 
 its progress at best was not more than four miles an 
 hour, now in midstream and not more than three hundred 
 yards from the enemies cannon, it seemed as if she was 
 at a complete standstill, for she did not move fast enough 
 to prevent a point blank range of the battery that was 
 poulrjing into her broadside. An average of four shots 
 per minute from each gun, and as there was [sic] six 
 guns in the battery, they were enabled to fire twenty four 
 shots per minute, every one striking the boat in a vulner- 
 able place, to say nothing of the deadly effects of the 
 musket balls, equally as effective from a thousand or 
 more expert sharp shooters mingled with the terrible re- 
 ports of arms and rising above all the bursting of shells 
 and roar of the cannon came the shreaks [sic] and groans 
 of the wounded and dieing [sic] , adding additional terror 
 to the situation. In the midst of all this the wheel of the 
 steamer, on the side next to the enemy ceased turning. 
 Calling to the pilot for the reason, he answered "he did 
 not know.- Then ask the engineer, said I, and the answer 
 came through the speaking tube (leading from the pilot 
 house down to the engine room) the Cain [chain?] is 
 broken. Tell him to repair it, if possible, said I, and go 
 ahead, but alas it was so badly disabled by one of the can- 
 non balls that repairs for the time were impossible and 
 with one wheel to propel the vessel, it was all that could 
 be done for the boat to hold herself against the current 
 without making any headway in the river. 
 
 Being abreast of the battery and the boat standing still 
 enabled the enemy to fire on us with uner [r]ing aim. It 
 seemed that now we were doomed. The passengers who 
 
 133 
 
were mainly soldiers, some on furloughs, other [s] just 
 released from a rebel prison, having been exchanged and 
 all enroutfe] to their homes and friends for a pleasant 
 visit, must again be sent back to these horrid seraglios 
 from where they so recently came. The boat after being 
 stripped of everything valuable and useful to the Confed- 
 erate soldiers would be burned. All these thoughts no 
 doubt passed through the minds of those on board. At this 
 point was heard the clarion voice of the first mate of the 
 steamer, (who was among the number spoken of in the pi- 
 lot house) directing the pilot to blow the boat's whistle to 
 surrender, saying that he did not propose being made a 
 target of for the purpose of saving the soldiers on board 
 from capture. As the pilot obeyed his instructions by 
 giving the usual signal to land the boat, I slipped out 
 from behind the young lady that I was protecting and look- 
 ing out forward, saw the boat lying quartering across the 
 channel and rapidly flanking in towards the shore under 
 the enemies guns during which time the firing never 
 ceased for the reason perhaps the rebels did not under- 
 stand our signal of " surrender.' ' But as we drifted near- 
 er and nearer to the shore each shot told with more 
 deadlier effect, if possible, than when the boat was in mid- 
 stream as the range was shorter. Taking in the situation 
 at a glance I knew that to surrender was either death or 
 that which I feared worse (imprisonment in some loth- 
 some [sic] Southern pen). It seemed that this must be 
 [the only possible] result and yet I determined to make a 
 desperate effort and by holding the boat out in the stream 
 as far from the battery as possible take the chances of 
 escape. Pushing aside the pilot on watch at the wheel I 
 put the wheel hard up and soon had the satisfaction of see- 
 ing the vessel flanking away from the enemy to the other 
 side of the river. This afforded us a better chance to es- 
 cape capture owing to distance, and the shifting of the 
 boats position. But firing into the boat was unabated dur- 
 ing these terrible moments, the effects of each shot as 
 they struck the boat evidenced by the groans of the wound- 
 ed that increased with each volley of cannon and mus- 
 ket [r]y. The breaking of glass and the crash of timber, 
 as the shots and shells plowed through the boat's cabin, 
 
 134 
 
 
were distinctly heard, all of which tended to make our po- 
 sition the more perilous and untenable. After getting the 
 boat as far away from the enemy as possible, owing to the 
 shallowness of water near the opposite shore, I turned my 
 attention to finding some means out of this death trap, for 
 I clearly saw that to save the vessel and the many valu- 
 able lives on board, I had to assume command of the boats 
 management as the officers in the pilot house were of one 
 mind, to surrender the vessel; and as I was the only one 
 present, whom they supposed had the authority, being in 
 full dress of a Federal officer, but in fact nothing but a 
 civilian, as I had my resignation in my pocket, but un- 
 known to them. I directed the pilot to stand the boat as 
 far away from the rebel battery as possible in hopes that 
 we would escape in some manner either by getting the 
 disabled engine repaired so that we could go ahead on both 
 wheels and thus soon pull out of their reach, so [or?] if 
 we failed in that to back the boat down stream with the one 
 wheel and thus withdraw out of their range. Fortunately 
 in looking ahead I saw the smoke of a steam boat lying 
 around a point in the river about two miles distant, ap- 
 parently at anchor. I then directed the pilot to blow the 
 whistel of distress, known to all river men, and in a very 
 short time, saw the vessel coming to our assistance. It 
 fortunately proved to be a small gun boat known as "Tin 
 Clad. ,, As she came around the point indicated, she 
 opened fire on the rebel battery from her two bow guns, 
 which she kept up until reaching our boat. Then [she] 
 rounded to, and took us in tow, soon after landing us at the 
 place where she was [had been?] lying, [and from] 
 where we called her to our assistance. This place was 
 entirely out of range of the rebel battery, and being pro- 
 tected by the gun boat that lay along side of us. I pro- 
 mised to take a survey of the damage done to our boat and 
 assist in the carrying of the wounded, the burying of the 
 dead, and [the] repairs to the engine. 
 
 It was about three o'clock in the afternoon when our 
 boat was safely landed out of reach of the rebel shots and 
 from that time until dark those of us who were able were 
 kept busy at our mournful tasks. First our attention was 
 directed towards the wounded and separating them from 
 
 135 
 
the dead, for they were both lying here and there, some- 
 times in groupes [sic], sometimes singly, where they had 
 taken refuge behind the boat's chimneys, baggage and oth- 
 er protections, during the firing. Some were wounded, 
 others dead. One of these groups I remember was found 
 huddled behind a large iron bound express messenger's 
 trunk that was on the boiler deck forward of the cabin. 
 This chest was filled with the usual express packages, 
 common to that traffic and of course temptingly offered 
 shelter to those who sought safety behind it. But a can- 
 non ball had passed entirely through the chest and either 
 killed or wounded every one of them. Others clustered 
 behind passengers trunks and baggage and articles of 
 furniture, no matter how frail or flamsey [sic] , just so 
 there was a barrier, to make them feel more secure. 
 Others, more used to such events, stood upon the open 
 deck, and took their chances and in many instances faired 
 [sic] equally as well as those who tried to avoid the dan- 
 ger. Our first move was to clear away all baggage from 
 the boiler decks, forward of the cabin and, improvising 
 cots for the wounded, and carrying to the lower deck the 
 dead, where they lay side by side, preparatory to bureal 
 [sic] . To the work of arranging the cots and making the 
 wounded as comfortable as circumstances would permit, 
 the bandaging of the wounds and administering to their 
 wants, none were more active than the half dozen or more 
 Southern ladies who were in the pilot house with us, dur- 
 ing the attack. They proved themselves veritable Flor- 
 ence Nightengales [sic] , never ceasing their efforts night 
 or day by turns, until the wounded were taken off the boat 
 at Helena and Memphis three days later. So attentive 
 were they to these poor Federal soldiers, who enlisted to 
 fight against their friends and principles, that they won 
 the admiration of all on board. During the preparation of 
 this improvised hospital, and placing the wounded on the 
 cots, preparations for the burial of the dead was in pro- 
 gress. The boat hands were engaged in digging a trench 
 on the bank of the river. This trench was seven feet long 
 by three feet deep, and the men extended the length suffi- 
 ciently to receive the dead lying side by side. The graves 
 were arranged by spreading on the bottom blankets 
 
 136 
 
belonging to the men, their bodies then laid on them in 
 one row. Other blankets were then spread over them and 
 the trench filled with dirt, thus closing them forever in 
 their earthly homes, whose doors never open outward. 
 
 Here lay thirteen loyal, true and brave defenders of 
 their Country. All the dead were soldiers who had ob- 
 tained leave of absence to visit home and friends after a 
 long perilous service in their Country's cause, while oth- 
 ers were then exchanged who had been confined in some 
 southern prison pen for months, weak and emaciated, now 
 on their first visit among friends in the North since they 
 enlisted, to recuperate their strength. Turning our at- 
 tention again to the wounded who by this time had been 
 made as comfortable as inadequate means and want of 
 surgical attention allowed by converting the open spaces 
 on boiler deck forward of the cabin into a miniature hos- 
 pital, the cots being arranged in rows so that a narrow 
 isle [sic] or walk between them enabled their attendants 
 to administer to their comforts. The suffering of those 
 poor fellows as they lay wreathing [ sic] with no surgeon 
 to dress their wounds for in all the large passenger list 
 on board the boat, there was not one surgeon nor was 
 there any military station nearer than Helena Ark., fully 
 two days run of the steamer under the most favorable cir- 
 cumstances, where surgical aid could relieve their suf- 
 ferings. But soldier like, there was no complaint. Each 
 seemed to understand the situation and try to make the 
 best of it, seeing that every comfort and attention was be- 
 ing paid them that was possible to render 
 
 Leaving this part of the boat I went into the cabin for 
 the first time and see the condition of things there. Here 
 the passengers were huddled together in groupes [sic] 
 discussing the [e]vent and congratulating one another up- 
 on their miraculous escape. The cabin was puf orated 
 [sic] in every direction with shot and shell. Look where 
 you would daylight was visable [sic] , through this shat- 
 tered cabin. Furniture lay broken and scattered upon the 
 floor. Here lay upon the sofa in the ladies cabin a hand- 
 some intelligent boy of perhaps eight years who had re- 
 ceived a flesh wound in the left arm. He was suffer- 
 ing considerably but was having the kindness and best 
 
 137 
 
attention from the lady passengers. The poor little fel- 
 low had no relations on board, but was placed in care of a 
 male friend of his family to bring him North. 
 
 Passing along still further in my search for incidents I 
 learned that the captain of the boat was standing on the 
 opposite side of the officers cabin or texas (as it is 
 called) from the battery. During the bombardment a can- 
 non ball had passed through the cabin, struck him in the 
 back of the neck just above his shirt collar and took off 
 his head as sharply as if done with an axe. As he fell for- 
 ward the body rested on the upper deck of the boat while 
 the detached head was carried overboard, running down 
 the scuppers into the river. So completely was the head 
 severed from the body that in falling on the deck his shirt 
 collar was not soiled. I remember that during the firing 
 we heard groans so distinctly in the pilot house that we 
 could not account for them. Not one of our party having 
 been hurt, afterwards we concluded it was his body that 
 had given these groans at the time of the decapitation. He 
 was picked up tenderly and carried to St. Louis, his home, 
 for burial. On going to the main or lower deck of the boat 
 the terrible effects of the shots and shells were every- 
 where visible. On the side of the boat next to the battery 
 and along its boilers was a double row of mules, tied and 
 in the efforts of the rebels to disable the boat they had di- 
 rected most of their shots at the boilers and would have 
 succeeded in piercing them no doubt, had it not been for 
 the mules which severed [sic] as a protection. Out of the 
 number of fifty or more fully one half of them were actu- 
 ally shot to pieces, and when their bodies were thrown 
 overboard many of them had to be shoveled, so terribly 
 were they mingled [mangled]. 
 
 Night had now come on, the dead had been buried, the 
 wounded made comfortable, decks cleared of the dead and 
 wounded animals, the engine nearly repaired, when our 
 attention was turned toward making the living comfort- 
 able, righting the broken furniture and preparing the eve- 
 ning meal. It was not relished very much, owing to the 
 surroundings of suffering, the mangled human beings, 
 whose moans of distress were so audable [sic] . A con- 
 sultation of the boat officers and passengers was held 
 
 138 
 
[because] it might be possible that the enemy had moved 
 their artillery along the bank of the river above where we 
 were lying. It was concluded that our best plan would be, 
 in order to save the lives of those on board, to remain 
 where we then were until after midnight. By that time the 
 damage to the engine would be repaired, then darken the 
 boat around the fire doors, by hanging tarpaulins around 
 them; extinguish the lights in the cabin, hold the boats [?] 
 as near the opposite shore as the stage of water would 
 permit and thus hope to escape any future injury. The 
 evening was spent talking over the sad events of the day 
 and exchanging mutual congratulations on our fortunate 
 escapes and refraining upon making demonstrations that 
 would lead the rebels to think that we intended leaving 
 during the night. 
 
 At about the time appointed, however, we quietly raised 
 steam and being convoyed by the gun boat that had re- 
 mained with us during the night quietly started on our 
 journey up the river. But the passengers were in a ter- 
 rible excited condition of mind and body. Gregarious as 
 the human family are when danger is threatened, nothing 
 could prevail on them to keep out of the cabin, no argu- 
 ment could prevail that safety lay in taking refuge be- 
 hind any obstacle on the steamer, however slight, it 
 would offer some protection. To all these appeals the an- 
 swer came "no." Especially so was it the case with the 
 ladies, all must come into the cabin. Be seated and when 
 done lights must be extinguished, commencing at the for- 
 ward part of the cabin etc. When all was in readiness I 
 found myself surrounded by the ladies that were in the pi- 
 lot house during the day, some on chairs, others sitting on 
 the floor and all having one or both hands clinging to me. 
 In this way I was situated when the last light was put out 
 in the cabin and the place became total darkness. These 
 ladies seemed to think safety for them lay in holding to 
 me as tightly as possible. Surrounded by them so closely, 
 with the large number of passengers in the cabin, the 
 doors closed and it being a warm summer's night I soon 
 found myself decidely uncomfortable. In a few minutes 
 after we got under way I made some excuse and grooped 
 [groped] my way through the darkness to the outside of 
 
 139 
 
the cabin, where I remained until they concluded the boat 
 was out of danger. Then the lamp in the cabin was re- 
 lighted, the gun boat that convayed [sic] us returned to 
 her station, and we were once more steaming along, 
 unmolested from this time on, until we reached Helena 
 two days later. 
 
 Our entire time was spent in carrying [caring?] for 
 the wounded, making them as comfortable as possible with 
 our limited means at command. Poor fellows, the suffer- 
 ings they endured are undiscribible [indescribable] . 
 Their wounds and shattered limbs, from lack of surgical 
 attention were terrible, growing worse and worse each 
 hour and with the increased sufferings made the task of 
 carrying [caring?] for them more difficult. At length we 
 reached Helena where surgeons came on board and those 
 who were pronounced "incurable" were taken on shore, 
 while others from [for] whom there was still hopes had 
 their wounds dressed, their fractured limbs amputated 
 and all made as comfortable as possible. We were or- 
 dered to leave them at Memphis ninety miles further up 
 the river. The over crowded condition of the hospital at 
 Helena precluded them being taken off. After an hour or 
 so delay at this point the steamer proceeded on her way 
 and on the following day we reached Memphis, where all 
 the wounded were taken off the boat and cared for at the 
 Government Hospital. 
 
 The boat [was] now free of the suffering humanity that 
 had endured untold agonies during the past three days. 
 The improvised hospital was abandoned and the decks 
 cleared of its furniture and belongings and the passengers 
 settled down to the ac[c]ustomed means of passing away 
 the time. We had passed the danger line and there was no 
 longer any fears of the gurrilla [sic] molestation on the 
 trip. Our next stopping place would be Cairo and as we 
 had now reached telegraphic communication, the news of 
 our disaster was heralded all over the country from 
 Memphis, so that when the boat landed at Cairo the levee 
 was crowded with people anxious to hear the details and 
 examine the boat. They came rushing on board by the 
 hundreds, so great was their curiosity, to see and learn 
 the extent of [the] damage done. We lay at the wharf an 
 
 140 
 
hour or more putting off freight and then started for St. 
 Louis, our destination, arriving there during the after- 
 noon of the following day. Here as at Cairo it seemed the 
 entire population of that great city had assembled at the 
 water's edge in position to jump on the steamer as soon 
 as she came near enough. Here it was that most of the 
 boat's crew lived and hence the greater anxiety of the 
 people to learn of the safety of friends on board. Before 
 the boat hands had time to get out the lines to make her 
 fast to the shore the people climbed and jumped on board 
 and soon the cabin was so full of them there wasn't room 
 for another soul to get in. 
 
 On calling the roll of the boat's crew all answered to 
 their names excepting the captain, John Mulley. His body 
 lay in ice in the boat's hold and his funeral took place on 
 the following day from his residence, followed by one of 
 the largest concourse of friends ever held in the city. 
 
 I remained in the city three days, during which time 
 the escape of the Empress from capture by Marmadukes 
 gurrillas [sic] was the talk of the town and those of the 
 passengers who were known to have been on board of her 
 at the time were the lions of the day, and as a reward for 
 saving the boat, "the first mate was made its captain." 
 
 141 
 
CHAPTER XV 
 FINALE 
 
 The Mississippi Marine Brigade was discontinued in 
 accordance with orders issued in August, 1864. The 
 Diana was turned over to the quartermaster at Morganza, 
 Louisana. General Ellet's final order of August 26 dis- 
 banded the gallant Marine Brigade. The last record in the 
 Diana logbook of an active soldier concerns R. S. Ellet, 
 January 21, 1865. 
 
 Warren Daniel Crandall, Captain and Assistant Adju- 
 tant General of the Mississippi Marine Brigade says, 
 "Colonel Currie's resignation was a serious loss to the 
 command. In many respects he was an ideal soldier. In 
 person he was tall, erect, and soldierly in his bearing. 
 He was well versed in the tactics, handled his men with 
 rare skill, and in action was prompt and intrepid. He 
 knew how to be genial and courteous, though he had a su- 
 perior air, and was at times harsh in manner and sharp in 
 utterances-quick to take affront, and slow to forget. Nev- 
 ertheless, his men highly esteemed him as a leader, and 
 followed him with implicit confidence." 
 
 After the war he lived at Cincinnati, Ohio, and died 
 sometime before 1907. 
 
 143 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 Abbott, John S. C, The History of the Civil War in Amer- 
 ica. Springfield, Mass., 1864. 2 Vols. 
 
 Bible, King James Version. 
 
 Crandall, Warren Daniel, and Newell, Isaac D., History of 
 the Ram Fleet and the Mississippi Marine Brigade., 
 St. Louis, Missouri, Press of Buschart Brothers, 
 1907. 
 
 Currie, George E., Letter Press Book. (December 20, 
 1861 - August 17, 1864) 167 pages. Quoted by per- 
 mission of the holder and owner, The Clarke His- 
 torical Collection, Central Michigan University, 
 Mount Pleasant, Michigan. 
 
 Ellet, Alfred W., "Ellet and His Steam Rams at Mem- 
 phis." in Johnson, Robert U. and Buel, Clarence C, 
 (Editors) Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. New 
 York, The Century Company, 1884-1887. Vol. I. 
 
 Ellet, Charles, Jr., Military Incapacity, 1861. A pam- 
 phlet that was essentially a reprint of a paper he 
 published in 1855. The second publication was pre- 
 pared and distributed to all of the government offi- 
 cials in Washington, D.C. 
 
 Everhart, W. D., Vicks burg National Military Park, Mis- 
 sissippi. Washington, D. C, U.S. Government Print- 
 ing Office, 1954. 
 
 Herr, Geroge W., Episodes of the Civil War, Nine Cam- 
 paigns in Nine States. . .etc. San Francisco, Cali- 
 fornia, The Bancroft Company Publishers, 1890. 
 
 Johnson, Robert U. and Buel, Clarence C, (Editors) 
 Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Being for the 
 most part contributions by Union and Confederate Of- 
 ficers. New York, T. Yoseloff, 1956. In four 
 volumes., first published by The Century Company, 
 1887-1888. 
 
 JUSSD. See Journal of the U.S. Steamer Diana. 
 
 145 
 
Journal of the United States Steamer Diana. Manuscript 
 (March 4, 1863 to January 22, 1865) 179 pages. 
 Quoted by permission of holder and owner, the Clarke 
 Historical Collection, Central Michigan University, 
 Mount Pleasant, Michigan. 
 
 Parker, Theodore H., The Federal Gunboat Flotilla on the 
 Western Rivers During its Administration by the War 
 Department to October 1, 1862. (Doctoral Thesis) 
 University of Pittsburgh (1939), 325 pages, Refer- 
 ences quoted by permission of the Graduate faculty of 
 the University of Pittsburgh and Dr. T. H. Parker. 
 
 Pratt, Fletcher, Civil War on Western Waters. Henry 
 Holt and Company, 1956. 
 
 Stewart, Charles W., Editor, Official Records of the Un- 
 ion and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebel- 
 lion. Series I, Washington, Government Printing Of- 
 fice, 1908-1910. Volumes 22 and 23. Referred to as 
 USONR-I. 
 
 USONR-I. See Stewart, Charles W. 
 
 Williams, Henry Smith, The Historians History of the 
 World , New York, The Encyclopedia Britannica Com- 
 pany, 1904. Volume 23 of 25 vols. 
 
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APPENDIX B 
 
 THE GEORGE E. CURRIE 
 LETTER PRESS BOOK 
 
 The letter press book 1 containing thirteen letters of 
 Lieutenant Colonel George E. Currie, once contained 497 
 ten by twelve inch semi-transparent pages, an index sec- 
 tion in the front and the whole was bound in board covers. 
 
 1. The letter press, so commonly used around the turn of the 
 century, can be considered an instrument of a lost art. It is diffi- 
 cult to find instructions for the use of the letter press and the 
 search is further complicated by the use of the term to apply to the 
 instrument being discussed here. 
 
 Letter press methods were adopted by business and particularly 
 by small railroads and express agencies, where in some remote 
 areas they were still practiced as late as the 1920 , s. The original is 
 made using an indelible pencil, sometimes called a copying pencil, 
 or a special "carbon" paper similar to the present day hectograph 
 "carbon" paper. If a typewriter were used a ribbon inked with an 
 aniline dye was needed. After the original was made, it was placed 
 face up on a light cardboard and under a sheet of semi-transparent 
 paper, sometimes referred to as onionskin copy paper. Over this 
 was placed a damp cloth or blotter, covered with another piece of 
 light cardboard that could serve as the bottom for the next sheet, 
 etc., until as many sheets as were desired were stacked. The 
 'stack' was then placed in a letter press. 
 
 The usual form of a hand operated letter press consisted of a 
 heavy cast iron base called a bed platen. Over this was placed the 
 stack. A movable platen was then placed over the stack and pres- 
 sure applied by a heavy screw mounted in a yoke attached to the bed 
 platen. After about four to ten minutes the press was loosened and 
 the dampeners and separators removed. The soluble ink was ab- 
 sorbed into the back side of the duplicate paper. The original was 
 not harmed and usually it could not be discerned that a copy had 
 been made. 
 
 149 
 
A one-page index, handwritten in ink, precedes the let- 
 ters proper, followed by the thirteen letters occupying 
 pages [l] to [167]. Between each letter is a single blank 
 page. Pages [153] and [155] are missing. The story is 
 unbroken by the missing pages, and it seems probable 
 that tney were removed due to some error at the time 
 transfer was made, or the page numbering machine failed 
 when the book was made, skipping these two numbers. 
 There are no entries on pages [168] to [401] or [487] to 
 [497]. Pages [402] to [486] have been crudely hacked from 
 the book. There is nothing to show there was or was not 
 writing on the missing pages; however, the wide margins 
 remaining give no evidence of any entry. 
 
 Letter No. 10 is in a blue aniline dye while all the oth- 
 ers are in purple. All of the letters are in typescript. 
 The letters have not been placed in the letter press book 
 in any sequential order. It may be that Currie added the 
 letters to the book as he prepared them for some friend, 
 historian, or other person. It is also possible he had the 
 material copied and the operator of the letter press paid 
 no attention to the order of composition. 
 
 Practical typewriters, having both upper and lower 
 case letters, did not come into use until after 1878. In 
 letter no. 12, page 17, Currie states that "the Railroad 
 had since been connected to California. " In Letter No. 4, 
 pages 78, 82, and 84 letter No. 7, page 130 and letter 
 No. 12, pages 13, 19, and 20 as well as in letter No. 1, 
 page 153, he indicates words to the effect that, "the events 
 are as clear in his mind today as when they happened.' ' 
 Currie' s accuracy of detail, the dates on the letters, and 
 cross checks wherever possible indicate complete accu- 
 racy both as to the time and the event. With the exception 
 of letter No. 12, which appears to have been composed of 
 two different letters, there is complete agreement be- 
 tween the letter dates and the events. 
 
 The letters have a freshness, a familiarity with detail 
 and an appeal of sincerity and honesty that remove all 
 doubt as to their originality. In fact, the frequent poorly 
 constructed sentences, long rambling statements connect- 
 ed with "and," "etc.," the frequent change of tense and 
 person, gives one the feeling of sitting in the old soldier's 
 
 150 
 
room. You can almost see him there, sitting on the edge 
 of the chair, and with motions of hands and expressive 
 face, as he repeats the stories of intensive action, pausing 
 now and then to express his feeling of sympathy for man- 
 kind. As a master tactician, he criticizes his superiors 
 and actions of men, but as a good soldier, he always 
 obeys. 
 
 One is forced to conclude, therefore, that Currie com- 
 posed the letter -press material from original letters, or 
 from a detailed diary. 2 Throughout his copy he refers to 
 "the last letter," "the letter sent you from," or "in the 
 next letter," etc. Any rearrangement of his composition 
 destroys the feeling of closeness to the narrator. It is for 
 this reason that the letters are presented to the reader in 
 their exact, original form. With the exception of a few 
 added commas and breaking a sentence here and there, 
 the story is published as it was written. 
 
 It is not known to whom the first copies of the letters 
 were addressed. A thread of evidence throughout the let- 
 ters lends credence to the thought that the letters had 
 been sent to one person, a friend, or the husband of the 
 old landlady who gave him the blanket and pillow, or some 
 other person, who, as the author believes, saved the let- 
 ters and returned them to Currie after the conflict. In 
 several places, he describes and defines military terms, 
 indicating the recipient was not a military man. The sec- 
 ond set of letters, of which the letter press letters are 
 duplicates, were prepared and sent to some person who 
 was pressing Currie for his story. 3 
 
 It has been suggested by some readers of the Currie 
 letters that the works were prepared and sent to W. D. 
 Crandall, one of the authors of the History of the Ram 
 
 2. According to notes on page 179 of the Journal of the United 
 States Steamer Diana, the logbook was given to Lieutenant D. E. 
 Wilson by Sergeant Major Alonzo W. Owens on January 22, 1865. 
 D. E. Wilson died on September 28, 1886 and his brother, E. W. 
 Wilson, sent the logbook to George E. Currie, who received it Octo- 
 ber 11, 1886. The logbook was lent to W. D. Crandall in September 
 1887 and returned to Currie February 27, 1888. 
 
 3. See copy of Currie 's letter one in Appendix C. 
 
 151 
 
Fleet and the Marine Brigade* It is ture that Crandall 
 quotes a letter from Currie similar in subject matter to 
 letter No. 3 in the letter press book. (Quoted in this book, 
 Chapter XII, pp. 103-110) however, more than a third of 
 the letter press book is material that Crandall was not 
 writing about. Crandall was a Captain and Assistant Ad- 
 jutant General of the same military organization as was 
 Currie, so it does not seem plausible that Currie was 
 transmitting this material to Crandall in this form. It has 
 also been suggested that the material was prepared for 
 Corporal George W. Herr. 5 It is true that a letter quoted 
 by Herr contains similar material to that contained in 
 Currie 's second letter, (pages 9 and on of this book); 
 however, the same reasoning applied to Herr as to Cran- 
 dall. It further is not plausible that Currie would have 
 addressed either Crandall or Herr as he does in his first 
 letter. 
 
 A search has been made and authorities consulted to 
 see if the Currie material is extant other than in the 
 Clarke Historical Collection and the fragmentary materi- 
 al published by Crandall and Herr. No references have 
 been found, and the editor believes that over the years the 
 other Currie material has been lost or destroyed. 
 
 As the population increases in the Mississippi Valley, 
 more interest is being expressed in the events of the Civil 
 War which occurred in what was then the Western United 
 States. The Currie letters add measurably to the scanty 
 sources that describe Infantry forces, the Ham Fleet, 
 known primarily through Alfred W. Ellet's paper, 6 and the 
 practically unknown Marine Brigade which fought the 
 guerrillas along the Mississippi River. 
 
 4. Crandall, W. D., op. cit., pp. 414-417 
 
 5. Herr, George W., op. cit., pp. 443-447. 
 
 6. Ellet, Alfred W., "Ellet and His Steam Rams at Memphis," 
 quoted in Johnson and Buel, op. cit., Volume 1, pp. 453-459 (1884- 
 
 1887). 
 
 152 
 
APPENDIX C 
 
 Letter one, unfortunately not dated, of the George E. 
 Currie letter press book, follows: 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 I have at last yielded to your repeated request to tell 
 you all of my experience while serving in the Federal 
 Army during the Rebellion. 
 
 I know of no more powerful incentive to long talking 
 than a good listener, and that I will have one in you, the 
 eager interest with which you have received the few ac- 
 counts I have told you, assures me, and persuades me to 
 enter upon the task. 
 
 The scenes through which I will lead you are as fresh 
 in my memory as though but yesterday intervened between 
 then and now. 
 
 I entered the service as a 1st Lieutenant and came 
 from it as a Lieutenant Colonel. For the most part, I was 
 engaged in guerrilla fighting on the Mississippi river, a 
 warfare as treacherous as the Indian, and as difficult to 
 surpress [sic]. And though oftentimes I may become 
 tiresome with the mononotonous [sic] routine of military 
 and dry details, there are many stirring events that will 
 excite a far less immagination [sic] than yours and make 
 the narrative worth the telling. 
 
 You have, with premeditated design, started a soldier 
 story telling and you must bear the consequences. 
 
 Yours Truly, 
 
 Geo. E. Currie 
 
 153 
 
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