Price, $2 per hundred. 
 
 CHICAGO TRIBUNE CAMPAIGN DOCUMENT, Nc. 1. 
 
 Coptiught Secured. 
 
 Spirit of the Chicago Convention. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM ALL THE NOTABLE SPEECHES DELIVERED IN AND OUT 
 OF THE NATIONAL “ DEMOCRATIC ” CONVENTION. 
 
 A Surrender to the Rebels Advocated — A Disgraceful and 
 Pusillasiimous Peace Demanded—The Federal Government 
 Savagely Denounced and Shamefully Vilified, and not a 
 word said against Hie Crime of Treason and Rebellion. 
 
 This pamphlet contains the spirit of the Chicago “ Democratic”'Convention. If it 
 contains no statements that if the proposed “Armistice and National Convention” expe¬ 
 dients should fail, the democratic party would put down the rebellion, it is because, from 
 first to last, no such statements were made. They would have been firebrands in the 
 camp, and if uttered in the Convention, would have exploded the “democracy” into two 
 conflicting factions. They uttered no word of approval of Abraham Lincoln, or disap¬ 
 proval of Jefferson Davis. The blood and crimes, the hardships and deprivations, the 
 infringements on personal liberty which we all endure, were not, during the entire sitting 
 of the Convention, once charged to the rebellion or its leaders, but were by every speaker 
 charged wholly, fiercely and relentlessly to the President of the United States, his officers 
 and armies. Had the Convention been held in Richmond, Virginia, not a word need have 
 been expunged. 
 
 Further, the general spirit and tone of the Convention, so far from looking to a sup¬ 
 pression of the present rebellion, w r as in favor of a new rebellion against the Government 
 in the imagined contingency of “interference with the freedom of the ballot,” at the 
 coming election. Very few of the speakers closed without an exhortation to prepare for 
 a fight this fall. As nothing had occurred to indicate such an interference, and as it is in 
 the power of those who met in this Convention to compel the Government to put forth 
 ks armed force, by themselves inciting disturbance, it is to be presumed, that as in the 
 case of the rebel prophecies of disunion four years ago, so now, what these prophets so 
 unanimously foresee they have determined to bring to pass. Such a rebellion would re¬ 
 unite them for the time in aim and purpose with their ancient party allies, Jefferson Davis 
 and the Southern rebels. It would remove the seat of war from Atlanta, Mobile and 
 Richmond, to Chicago, New York and Boston. It would set the people of the Northern 
 Stat- s to cutting each other's throats, to send August Belmont’s Confederate stock up to 
 par, and to establish’the independence of the Rebellion. 
 
 Such was the tone and spirit of this so-called “Peace Convention” Vallandigham, 
 the forerunner in the crime of Northern Rebellion, was the demi-god of the occasion. It 
 was the tone and spirit of the New York anti-draft riots, where there was prodigious cheer¬ 
 ing for McClellan—so here—and from the same class, imported in large numbers, for the 
 occasion. They were not the peaceful citizens of this nation—not the class from which a 
 genuine cry for peace would ever come. They were for peace with the rebels only because 
 thev were for the rebels, for the slavery in behalf of which they rebelled, for the seces- 
 siouism of Calhoun which led them into the rebellion, and for that gilded shim of this 
 day—the name Democracy, which has thus far helped the rebellion on its wav. Sympa¬ 
 thizing thus with the rebels, they demanded peace as a service to their friends—peace 
 with the country’s enemies, and war against its defenders. In one breath they chaunted 
 the evils of our present war, and in the next threatened a new rebellion. One moment 
 they talked dolorously of the wounded and dying, and the next, threatened a free fight 
 against us in our own streets, which would fill every American heart with shame and dye 
 every American threshold with blood. They have done the rebels good service. Had 
 they met, and on behalf of the democracy of the North, authoritatively informed the 
 country that the seceders must submit to the Government or be crushed, the rebels would 
 have been more discouraged and their return to the Union more hastened, than by the 
 most sanguinary defeat on the battle-field. As it is, the emissaries of the rebellion in Can¬ 
 ada telegraph, “Platform and Vice President satisfactory — Speeches vert satisfactory.” 
 
 Republicans and Democrats who are not yet willing to surrender the Union, or to 
 bring about another rebellion at the No:th to complicate a thousand fold the settlement 
 of our present difficulties, are these men whose speeches are so very satisfactory to the 
 rebels, worthy to be entrusted with the destinies of the country ? 
 
 That there might be no dispute about the correctness of the extracts of speeches 
 in the following pages, they were all copied from the columns of the Cbicag* Times , 
 except a few passages taken from the Chicago Tribune's reports, which are credited to it. 
 
2 
 
 \ 
 
 The Chicago Times, of Aug. 25bh, stated 
 tile: object of those attending the Conven¬ 
 tion to be, to make it 
 
 “The occasion of a demonstration of democratic 
 power and earnestness which will strike terror to the 
 hearts of our enemies.” 
 
 We also learn from the same paper that 
 
 “ The most distinguished democrats of the nation 
 will address the people, and open the campaign in the 
 democratic city of the West.” 
 
 THE CLAMOR FOR A DISUNION PEACE. 
 
 The general tone and sentiment of the 
 twenty or thirty thousand democrats 
 gathered from all parts of the Union, are 
 thus described in the Chicago Times — 
 McClbllau Pendleton Peace organ.' 
 
 In front of the Court House, upon every street 
 and alley in the vicinity of the Sherman and Tremont 
 Houses, were assembled vast crowds of people— 
 listening intently to the earnest oratory of speakers 
 whose manner and delivery showed that their denun¬ 
 ciations of the Administration—though they might 
 be at times unpolished—in every instance proceeded 
 directly from the heart. Peace was the cry of 
 every man, woman and child, to be encountered on 
 the streets. Peace was the watchword of every 
 orator, and the responses of the immense crowd 
 who listened, proved that the one predominant feel¬ 
 ing in every heart was a desire for peace. 
 
 yallanuioham’s first speech. 
 
 The Chicago Times , of Aug 27th ? in its 
 prelude to Yallandigham’s speech, alluding 
 to the crowd gathered in the Court House 
 Square, says: 
 
 “ No wonder, then, that thousands of people were 
 anxious, in the midst of the great crisis that is now 
 passing, to hear the sound truths and immaculate 
 teachings of the old democracy.” 
 
 Vallandighaw said: 
 
 “ There are two principal forms of government in 
 the world. Governments founded on the idea of co¬ 
 ercion, and governments founded on consent. The 
 Declaration of Independence to which we owe our 
 national existence—the charter in which is laid down 
 the principles on which our government is founded— 
 declares that all just governments rest on the consent 
 o: the governed. Other governments, in other ages 
 aa'l in other countries, have been founded on the 
 idea of coercion, and look to bayonets, cannon, the 
 sword, to enforce the edicts of the rulers as against 
 the people, to maintain themselves against the wishes 
 and sentiments of the people who are called their 
 subjects. Governments founded on consent, on the 
 other hand, rely on the instrumentalities of freedom, 
 free speech, free press, free assemblages of the peo¬ 
 ple, a free ballot box under which executive officers 
 and legislators are elected to make laws and execute 
 the laws so made, and those only. 
 
 “ Such governments repudiate the idea of coercion 
 and arms, relying only on the,coercion of law and of 
 public opinion. This is the only coercion rightfully 
 to be exercised in a government founded like ours on 
 the consent of the governed.” 
 
 Yallandigham here propounds the Four- 
 ierite and Utopian idOa of a government 
 based on moral suasion without the use of 
 force. Because our government is founded 
 on the consent of the governed, he infers 
 that it must govern only with the consent 
 of the disobedient. But while our written 
 
 constitutions and our universal suffrage and 
 fiee elections attest that our government 
 derives all its powers from the consent of 
 the governed, our penal laws, criminal 
 courts, jails, penitentiaries, prisons and gal¬ 
 lows equally show that one of the very 
 powerswhich the government derives from 
 the consent of the governed, is the power 
 to coerce the disobedient and rebellious. 
 
 wentwortu’s reply to vallandigham. 
 
 Hon. John Wentworth, widely known as 
 an olden-time Democrat of the days of 
 Jackson, now a supporter of the Adminis¬ 
 tration, at the close of Yallandigham’s 
 speech, addressed the following triumphant 
 refutation of his heresies to the same audi¬ 
 ence. We quote from the Tribune report: 
 
 “ But Vallandigham toll you that the Government 
 could never be held together by coercive force, that 
 power brought to apply on the unculy could never 
 reduce them to obedience. Was there ever a greater 
 heresy uttered by the mouth of man ! No coercion ! 
 Why, gentlemen, the coercive power of Government 
 is the only safety and salvation of society. No gov¬ 
 ernment., no community can exist an hour without it. 
 It was the weakness of the Articles of the old Confed¬ 
 eration that they conferred no coercive power, and 
 the statesmen of that day saw the pressing necessity 
 of the new Constitution. Take to-day from munici¬ 
 pal and governmental organization the power of coer¬ 
 cion and society goes at once into anarchy and chaos. 
 The weak would become the immediate prey of the 
 strong, and might would indeed become right. I 
 have been told that there are those who would disturb 
 the quiet of the gathering in this city. We, the au¬ 
 thorities of the city, coerce them into respect for law. 
 Surely you should not denounce coercion. That glo¬ 
 rious old war-horse of Democracy, General Jackson, 
 from whose lips I inhaled the pure inspiration of De¬ 
 mocracy, and at whose feet I received the first les¬ 
 sons of political and governmental duty, was glo¬ 
 riously free from this modern heresy. His celebrated 
 proclamation against the nullifiers, in wh.ch ‘coer¬ 
 cion’ gleamed and glistened in every line, will give 
 him a name and an immortality in history, when the 
 maligners and denunciators of his policy shall have 
 been forgotten. I therefore stand for General Jack- 
 son and against Vallandigham. Will you stand for 
 Vallandigham and against General Jackson? ” 
 
 Compare Vallandigbam’s language with 
 Art. 1, Sec. 8, of the Constitution of the 
 United States, authorizing the Government 
 “to raise and support armies,” and “to 
 provide for calling forth the militia to exe¬ 
 cute the laws of the Union, suppress in¬ 
 surrections and repel invasions.” Would 
 he suppress a rebellion by an opinion? 
 
 Yailandigham continues — 
 
 “Much more is this true of a federative system. 
 States leagued and united together to make one com¬ 
 mon government made by independent sovereignties 
 who have delegated certain portions of their power 
 to their common agent for the purpose of their com¬ 
 mon good. For three-fourths of a century such a 
 government existed in the United States and still 
 survives on parchment, but not in reality. Three 
 years ago a party whose distinctive motto was free 
 speech, a free press and free men, obtained power in 
 this land. Soon after a civil war broke out and they 
 began immediately to depart from the idea of a coer¬ 
 cion of opinion or coercion of law, and resorted to a 
 coercion of force; first, as against States, contrary 
 to the very idea upon which our Federal Union was 
 founded,’and in derogation of the fundamental prin- 
 
3 
 
 ciples of all free government. Next— and naturally 
 a 3 a legitimate consequence of the first violation — 
 those who Obtained power through your suffrages be¬ 
 gan the coercion of force against those who still ad¬ 
 hered to the government and recognized them as 
 agents of it.” 
 
 Yallandigham here says the war broke 
 out after Mr. Lincoln obtained power. 
 Compare with this the following statement 
 from the Southern history of the war writ¬ 
 ten by Pollard, editor of the Richmond 
 Examiner, a good “democratic” authority: 
 
 “ On the incoming of the administration of Abra¬ 
 ham Lincoln on the 4th of March, the rival Govern¬ 
 ment of the South had perfected its organization; 
 Fort Moultrie and Castle Tinckney had been cap¬ 
 tured by the South Carolina troops; Fort Pulaski, 
 the defense of Savannah had been taken; the arsenal 
 at Mount Yerndrt 1 , Alabama, with 20,000 stand >of 
 arms, had oeen seized by the Alabama troops; Fort 
 Morgan in Mobile Pay had been taken ; Forts Jack- 
 son, St. Philip and Pike, New Orleans, had been cap¬ 
 tured by the Louisiana troops; the Pensacola navy- 
 yard and Forts Barrancas and McRea had been 
 taken, and the seige of Fort Pickens commenced; 
 the Baton Rouge Arsenal had been surrendered to 
 the Louisiana troops; the New Orleans Mint and 
 Custom house-had been taken ; the Little Rock Arse¬ 
 nal had been seized by the Arkansas troops; and on 
 the 16th of February, General Twiggs had transferred 
 the public property in Texas, to the State authori¬ 
 ties.” 
 
 Yallandigham also said — 
 
 “ In one hour all the safeguards of the Constitution 
 perished, arbitrary arrests commenced, spies became 
 known throughout the land, their fluty being to watch 
 the motions and report the conversations of every 
 one the administration chose to suspect of that new 
 crime of “ disloyalty” to that administration. In 
 all this, to a large extent, they were unhappily sup¬ 
 port ed ( by a vast majority of the people, silently and 
 by active participation. The despotism of party 
 aided the despotism of arbitrary power, the despot¬ 
 ism of a majority sustained those who held the reins 
 of government in trampling for a time upon the rights 
 of minorities.” 
 
 One of the safeguards of the Constitution 
 is that which enables the President and 
 Congress, “ when during rebellion or inva¬ 
 sion, the public safety may require it,” to 
 suspend the writ of habeas corpus, and 
 thus to make what Yallandigham calls'“ ar¬ 
 bitrary arrests.” Not only does the Con¬ 
 stitution expressly authorize these-.abitrary 
 arrests daring rebellion, by authorizing a 
 suspension of the “ habeas corpus,” but 
 Vallandigham admits that “ a vast majority 
 of the people ” approved of them. If both 
 the Constitution warrants, and tiib majority 
 approve the “aroitrary arrests,” wil} Yallan¬ 
 digham assert that neither the Constitution 
 nor the'majority shall rule? 
 
 Vallandigham asks— I. , ; 
 
 “ Have yotl been secure in your persons and pro¬ 
 perty, in your papers and your houses? Have you 
 been free from arrests, from searches and from 
 seizure?” . ' p a f u ,"7 
 
 > -i .; lot Bamn'jjJjo bun root! juIbi, 
 
 The Constitution does not proyide,}Jib , ;j 
 we shall be absolutely secure from s$ajfc]^ 
 and seizures, but .only fj^om unreasonable 
 searches ajid seizures, leaving thd,executive 
 department of the government full liberty to 
 make all reasonable searches ami seizures. 
 
 In the same speech Yallandigham has 
 the brazen effrontery to say : 
 
 “ What was the condition of the country in the 
 beginning of his (Lincoln’s) Administration? Con¬ 
 trast it with the condition of things now. Then we 
 had peace, now cruel war; then Union with all its 
 blessings, now disunion with all its horrors; then 
 the constitution maintained which our fathers 
 pronounced, and we in our day and genera¬ 
 tion too, as the consummation of human wisdom ; that 
 constitution now lies prostrate under the heels of 
 despotic power.” 
 
 Yes, “ What was the condition of the 
 country ” when committed to the Adminis¬ 
 tration of Mr. Lincoln ? It was rent in 
 twain by the party to which Yallandigham 
 belongs. 
 
 Mr Lincoln found two governments in 
 full blast: Buchanan at the head of one and 
 Davis at the head of the other. He found 
 two con-titutions in force, the Federal and 
 Confederate. He found eight States fully 
 seceded, three more almost out, and two 
 more preparing to follow the eleven elopers. 
 He found half the territory of the United 
 States in the hands of the Confederates, 
 with their Capital established at Montgom¬ 
 ery. He found this insurgent Government 
 busy organizing an army and a navy, build¬ 
 ing forts, drilling troops and collecting 
 taxes. He found the armories and arsenals of 
 the Federal Government plundered of their 
 contents, and the treasury robbed of its last 
 dollar. When Mr. Lincoln took the oath of 
 office, the “ democratic party ” had scuttled 
 and plundered the ship of State. The Union 
 was dissolved as far as it was in the power 
 of that party to dissolve it. When he 
 entered the White House he found awaiting 
 him three plenipotentaries from Jeff. Davis 
 to negotiate a commercial treaty in behalf 
 of the “ Southern Confederacy ! ” They did 
 not deign to ask for recognition of rebel 
 independence. They considered that al¬ 
 ready settled. Such was the Union work of 
 this “ glorious democratic ” party ; and now 
 the leaders of the Northern wing ask to be 
 restored to power, in order that they may 
 complete their scheme of disunion by 
 establishing a North-Western Confederacy 
 on the ruins of the old Union. 
 
 Yallandigham, with sublime impudence, 
 actually arraigns the President for not hav¬ 
 ing, against his most active resistance, re¬ 
 stored the Union: 
 
 “ I speak freely of the President as one who asks 
 me for my vote, I tell him no, yon have nob dis¬ 
 charged the duty for which you were elected. You 
 have not so administered the government as to ad¬ 
 vance its prosperity. You have not, as you promised 
 us, restored the Union of these States, preserved the 
 constitution given into your hands for keeping. 
 Whose fault is it?” 
 
 It is the fault of James Buchahan and the 
 “democratic party ” who during the first 
 five months of the rebellion assisted it by 
 every means in their power, stripping the 
 
4 
 
 North of 120,000 stand of arms to send to 
 the rebels, and denying that the Govern¬ 
 ment had any right but to submit to be 
 coerced by rebels into its own dissolution 
 and destruction. 
 
 Vallandigham wants the war stopped: 
 
 “If you would have peace,,abandon that idea of 
 coercion, come back again to compromise and con¬ 
 ciliation-; instead of war let us have reason, argu¬ 
 ment, deliberation ; let us have the. assemblage of a 
 convention of the States to consider this great ques¬ 
 tion. Instead of the experiment of war let us have the 
 experiment of peace. From military appliances let 
 us look to the arts of peace, and the acquirements of 
 statesmanship. Through these alone will you reach 
 the highway of public prosperity.” 
 
 How is peace to be secured except by 
 conquering the rebellion ? Before a con¬ 
 vention there must be an armistice. But 
 Vallandigham did not inform his audience 
 how the armistice is to be brought about, 
 nor how a convention is to be legally con¬ 
 stituted without the concurrence of tne 
 States in rebellion. Does he propose to 
 withdraw all our forces from the field now 
 that, after a hard and exhausting campaign, 
 they stand on the very margin of final suc¬ 
 cess ? Does he propose that we shall 
 abandon Kentucky, "Missouri, Tennessee, 
 Northern Arkansas, Louisiana, West Vir¬ 
 ginia, Maryland, Delaware? Must we sur¬ 
 render back to the hands of the very men 
 from whose bloody gripe they have just 
 been rescued, Vicksburg, Port Hudson, 
 Port Royal, Norfolk, Fortress Monroe, Forts 
 St. Philip, Morgan, Gaines, Roanoke, Don- 
 elson, Island No. 10, Memphis, St. Louis, 
 Louisville, Wheeling, New Orleans, Balti : 
 more, Nashville, Atlanta and Washington— 
 in short, all places and territory south of Ma¬ 
 son A Dixon’s line ? Must our fleets be with¬ 
 drawn and the blockade raised in order that 
 the rebels may sell their cotton and prepare 
 themselves for a renewal of the war ? 
 
 Yet this is what an armistice implies; 
 this is what the rebel writers with one 
 accord demand ; this is what their authori¬ 
 ties make the single conditior. Jeff. Davis 
 declared, in the most emphatic manner, to 
 Colonel Jaquess, that he would not consent 
 to negotiate until the independence of the 
 Confederacy had been recoguized. 
 
 “ Say to Mr. Lincoln, from me, that I shall at any 
 time be pleased to receive proposals for peace on the 
 basis of our independence. It will be useless to ap¬ 
 proach me with any other.” 
 
 An armistice, while it lasts, is, in 
 effect, a concession of rebel independence, 
 and an acknowledgment that the Union is 
 dis iolved. 
 
 But let us suppose this difficulty sure 
 mounted, stopped,—what sort of a convert 
 tion does Vallandigham propose to hold ? 
 One chosen according to the mode pre¬ 
 scribed by the constitution, or by some oth- 
 > er method ? 
 
 The only possible convention that could 
 authoiDatively settle any dispute, must be 
 assem-bled in the mode prescribed by the 
 Constitution itself. Does any copperhead 
 deny this ? By Article V, of the Constitu¬ 
 tion of the United States, it is provided that: 
 
 “ The Congress .... on application of the legis¬ 
 latures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call 
 a convention for proposing amendments which . . . 
 shall be valid to all intents and purposes as parts of 
 this constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of 
 three-fourths of the several States, or by conventions 
 in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode 
 of ratification may be proposed by the Congress.” 
 
 Congress cannot, it will be seen, of it3 
 own motion, call a Convention, which it can 
 do only when moved thereto by two-thirds 
 of all the Sta'e legislatures; that is, of all 
 the States, rebel as well as loyal. 
 
 But such an application would be an ac¬ 
 knowledgment by these States that they 
 were a part of our Federal Union, and owed 
 fealty to our constitution. Is it to be be¬ 
 lieved that the rebel States are willing to do 
 this? And if so, what need of a Conven¬ 
 tion ? They are already in the Union by 
 their own consent, which is all that we re¬ 
 quire. 
 
 FERNANDO WOOD’S PEACE SPEECH. 
 
 Fernando Wood insisted on stopping the 
 war and making peace. A Disunion peace, 
 of coursej; the rebels will voluntarily make 
 no other. 
 
 Now, my friends, I counsel peace. [Cheers.] 
 I counsel peace in the Democratic party that we 
 may restore old rights to this distracted land. We 
 must have a union of the party that we may have 
 a Union of the States. [Cheers.] Planting our¬ 
 selves firmly upon a peace platform, [that’s right, 
 and cheers,] with a candidate pledged to restore 
 peace and harmony, [cheers,] some great lion-hearted 
 Democrat, the Union shall and will be restored. 
 [‘ Bully for you,’ and loud cheers.] 
 
 Now, my friends, we have had war, we have had 
 administration, desolation, emancipation and dam¬ 
 nation. [Loud cheers.] 
 
 And now we propose to apply the remedy—to 
 administer the antidote—peace. We call for peace. 
 God of our fathers, Gnaut us peace, [Amen,] peace 
 in our hearts, and at thine altars ; peace on the red 
 waters and on our blighted shores ; peace for be- 
 leagured cities and the hosts that wait around 
 them ; peace for the widows and fatheriess, for the 
 sinning and sinned against. Grant us peace, O 
 God, for all, and for a distracted, torn and bleed¬ 
 ing land. Speed the great time of peace. [Im¬ 
 mense cheers.] 
 
 SPEECH OF A CATHOLIC PRIEST. 
 
 Rev. J. A. McMa3ter8, a Catholic priest, 
 and editor of the Freeman's Journal —a lead¬ 
 ing Catholic paper of New York, made the 
 following infamous speech. It is filled with 
 falsehood and bitterness for his Govern- 
 sp&eut and love and respect for slave-driving 
 rebels: 
 
 Peace is the magic charm that has drawn you 
 together. From your farms, from your workshops, 
 and your counting rooms, you have seen the wide 
 desolation of war. The groans of the dying and the 
 
5 
 
 wailing of the bereaved have reached your ears and 
 moved your hearts, and you come to pour the balm 
 of peace into their bruised and lacerated hearts. 
 
 Your mission is a high, and holy, and a glorious 
 one. As a public journalist I was one of the first 
 to cry out against the nefarious scheme of wholesale 
 murder involved in the war. I am proud to say 
 that time has vindicated the justness of my position. 
 Show me a War Democrat to-day and I will show 
 you a shoddy Abolitionist in disguise. A man who is 
 in favor of this unnatural war, insults the holy name 
 of Democracy when he claims a place in its organi¬ 
 zation. He is a Judas, and should be cast out as 
 an enemy to humanity and to God. War and blood, 
 and rapine, and murder, is the legitimate business of 
 the Lincoln minion. We wash our hands clean of all 
 participation in it., r _j 
 
 But we are told that we must be forced to carry 
 arms in this unholy fight. Soon the net is to be 
 drawn that will gather In its half million rnoye to 
 feed the insatiable thirst for blood of the Negro God^ 
 Let us demand a cessation of the sacrifice until the 
 people shall pronounce tbeir great and emphatic 
 verdict for peace, and let the tyrant understand 
 that the demand comes from earnest men gnd must 
 be respected. 
 
 We are often called the “ Unterrified.” I trust 
 you are. I hope that your nerves may be of steel, 
 for there is a day of trial coming, and you must 
 meet it. There will be Provdst Marshals who 
 will sneak into your family circles and spy into your 
 domestic relations, and perhaps cast you into an 
 Abolition bastile. Then I trust to find you 1 unter¬ 
 rified ’ indeed. Let not the threats of bayonets or 
 greenbacks of this Heaven-cursed Administration 
 frighten you; but if you are to die, die as becomes 
 men, in a struggle for your rights; live not as be¬ 
 comes slaves. In the platform of the Convention 
 to-morrow we shall have embodied the glorious and 
 sublime doctrine of peace. If. you will sustain the 
 platform, as. I know you will, upon our country will 
 dawn th« brightest era this nation has ever seen, 
 and the angels of God will come down to earth to 
 bless the name of Democracy. 
 
 senator Richardson’s slanders. 
 
 Senator Richardson, of Illinois, spoke at 
 Bryan Hall on Friday evening, Aug. ‘26th. 
 W e extract from the Times the following: 
 
 “ To re-elect Mr. Lincoln is to accept four years 
 more of wax, four years more of trouble, of disaster, 
 
 • of woe, of lamentations, of ruin to the country. 
 [Applause.] To defeat 31 r. Lincoln, to accept the 
 nominee of the Chicago Convention, [cheers,] is to 
 bring peace and harmony and concord and union to 
 these States. [Loud applause.] ” 
 
 “But these Republicans say they would be very 
 much disgraced if they were to propose terms of 
 settlement with rebels with amts in their hands. 
 These people with arms in tlieir 
 hands are the very people I want to 
 settle with. I am not afraid of a 
 man if he has no arms.” 
 
 buA .euniad nannii! 1 "tu hi >8 i>t*tn-*H 
 RICHARDSON CALLS OCR SOLDIER8 HIRELING 
 HESSIANS. 
 
 “ Fellow citizens, I ask you to turn back in htetory 
 and tell roe where it was that ever hired soldiers con¬ 
 quered a peace. When the Goth and Vandal over 
 ran Rome, and the people turned out from motives 
 of patriotism and love of country, they drove them 
 back. For a hundred years the Goth and Vanda) 
 attempted to overrun Rome. But after a while the 
 people became enervated, and they hired, as we are 
 hiring now, the soldier to fight their battles, and they 
 were conquered. I might-run this paral'el through 
 history, but I will give but one other example. Dtxr- 
 ing the American Revolution, when vhe people of 
 England desired to prevent this country from sepa¬ 
 rating from them, and when they turned out, their 
 owti people into the army th y took Boston, New 
 York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Charleston, the Ches¬ 
 
 apeake, and in fact the entire coast. But when the 
 feeling changed towards us, and the King of England 
 was compelled to hire Hessians to come here and 
 fight us, we whipped them. You cannot win victories 
 with hired soldiers. They must be moved by a 
 higher motive and purer patriotism than the mere 
 love of the dollar they receive for their services.” 
 
 The gallant and patriotic soldiers of the 
 Union are here defamed as “hilling Hes¬ 
 sians;” their defeat predicted and desired, 
 and the triumph of the rebels taken for 
 granted. “ Out of the fullness of the heart 
 the mouth speaketh.” At the very moment 
 this old rebel sympathizer was proclaiming 
 that the rebellion could not be subdued, one- 
 half of it had been crushed and the residue 
 was tottering, notwithstanding the aid and 
 comfort given to the insurgents by such 
 men as the speaker. 
 
 DEWITT, OF NEW YORK, STIGMATISES THE BRAVE 
 POTOMAC ARMY. 
 
 Mr. Dewitt, of New York, addressed a 
 crowd from the balcony of the Sherman 
 House. 
 
 “ Speaking of the achievements of our armies, the 
 speaker said, when that grand army that had crossed 
 the Rapidan under Gen. Grant had failed, what could 
 be expected of an army df conscripts, hirelings and 
 negroes? [Cheers and cries of “ Nothing.”] Men 
 taken from new emigrants just arrived upon bur soil; 
 men torn unwillingly from, their homes and forced 
 into the ranks, and untiitored Africans — these were 
 the men before Richmond and Petersburg, and what 
 could be expected of them, when a grand army of 
 chosen men had failed to accomplish good.” 
 
 A HISSING REPTILE. 
 
 S. S. Cox, who is widely known to be the 
 •most intimate and confidential friend of 
 Geo. B. McClellan, among political men, and 
 next to Belmont, the leading w■ire-puller for 
 his nomination, made the fo lowing speech 
 as reported in the Chicago Times : 
 
 “Senator Cox being introduced,.said he did not 
 want to use any harsh language towards Old Abe, 
 [cries of “ give it to him,”] He Ivad attempted in 
 his own city, a few weeks since, to show in a very 
 quiet way, that Abraham Lincoln had deluged the 
 country with blood, created a debt of four thousand 
 millions of dollars, sacrificed two millions of human 
 lives, and filled the land with grief, and mourning. 
 
 A pious man who had listened attentively to his 
 remarks, sang out, ‘ G—d!$j- d him.’ 
 
 He did not agree with his pious friend. He hoped 
 God would have mercy ou Abraham Lincoln, but 
 at the November election the people would damn 
 him to immortal infamy. [Immense.cheering,] 
 
 One of our friends, Judge Hall, had been at rested 
 in Missouri a short time since because he happened to 
 say that Jefferson Davis was no greater enemy to the 
 Constitution than Lincoln, lie (the speaker) would 
 say it boldly; let them arrest him. [Cheers and 
 cries, “ they dare not.”] 
 
 The speaker concluded by recapitulating the Infa¬ 
 mous actions of the. President, showed how he had 
 exercised fraud to overpower and defeat the purposes 
 of loyal people, and said Republicans, Wade and 
 Davis, not democrats, were his accusors. lie ex¬ 
 horted the people to join in the grand determination 
 to remove the despot from the place which he was 
 unfit to fill.” 
 
 The report of the Chicago Tribune, adds 
 the following; 
 
“ For less offenses than Mr. Lincoln hud been guilty ! 
 of, the English peop e had chopped off the head of 
 the first Charles. In his opinion, Lincoln and Davis • 
 ought to be brought to the same block together. The 
 other day they arrested a friend of his, a member of 
 Congress, from Missouri, for saying in private conver¬ 
 sation, that Lincoln was no better than Jeff. Davis. 
 He was ready to say the same now here in Chicago. 
 Let the minions of the administration object, if they 
 dare.” 
 
 “He asked, did they want the whole country mort¬ 
 gaged for the freedom of the negro ? ” 
 
 He would be entirely willing to mortgage 
 the whole country to pay Jeff. Davis’ debt ! 
 incurred in securing the slavery of the negro. 
 
 “ If this war was to continue four years longer, 
 where would we bring up ? ” 
 
 He might have asked, if this war should 
 continue one year longer, where would the i 
 Rebels bring up ? 
 
 STAMBAUGH PREFERS DISUNION TO THE FREE- j 
 DOM OF THE SLAVES. j 
 
 “ Mr. Siambaugh, a delegate from 6hio, said, ‘that 
 if he was called upon to elect between the freedom 
 of the nigger and disunion and separation, he 
 should choose the latter. [Cheers.] Bayo¬ 
 nets and cannon, and above all, negro emancipation, : 
 cannot conquer a permanent peace.’ His plan for ] 
 the solution cf these difficulties, was an armistice, 
 and an arrangement for a joint Convention, in which 
 to talk over and arrange all family grievances. He 
 was certain that iD Ohio, the entire community were 
 in favor of peace.” 
 
 HE ADVOCATES REPUDIATION. 
 
 “One reason why the Democrats shou’d support 
 the candidate of the Convention, whoever he might 
 be, was, that they might search hell over and they 
 could not find a worse President than Abraham Lin¬ 
 coln. When this war is over, he would not give a 
 pinch of snuff for the 5.20s and the 10.40s now hoard¬ 
 ed by the rich.” 
 
 JUDGE ALEXANDER WANTS AN ARMISTICE. 
 
 “ Judge Alexander, of Kentucky, was then intro¬ 
 duced. After a few introductory remarks, he said, 
 
 “ was the Constitution to be restored by the party in 
 power? [Cries of ‘ No, no.’] Was it to be restored 
 by a continuance of the war? [Cries of ‘No.’] 
 Since they could not do it by shedding blood, he 
 would ask how were they to obtain peace? They had 
 tried the bayonet and failed, and they would now 
 try the ballot because with it they would drive out 
 Lincoln and his minions. In order to stop the war 
 they must have an armistice, to be followed by a con¬ 
 vention of all the States. No war had ever been j 
 settled except by compromise, from the time when 
 Moses fouj/ht. the Amalekites down to the present 1 
 day. If they did not believe this, then they must 
 beiieve that the physical powers were superior to the 
 meDtal powers, and if such were the case, then they 
 t,ad better leave the abode of civilization, and go 
 forth to the wild prairies to live. [Cheers ] He 
 could tell them that Kentucky would stand by the 
 nominee of the Convention. [Loud and prolonged 
 cheeriDg.] He felt assured that the proper platform 
 would be submitted, and would contain a plan for an 
 armistice and a Convention of States. Thep their 
 grief and sorrows would pass away, and the people j 
 would cry, “Let us have peace.’’ [Cheers] He 
 concluded by relating a couple of anecdotes which 
 created much laughter. One of them had reference 
 to the opinion of a Kentucky gemleman who thought 
 that as Mr. Lincoln was so fond cf the negro, he 
 should have one of the slain ones skinned and made j 
 into a pair of moccasins for bis daily wear,” 
 
 COL. CARR, ON BUCHANAN AND LINCOLN. 
 
 Col. Carr was then introduced. He said he con¬ 
 sidered this one of the proudest days in American 
 history. Between three and four years ago the Re¬ 
 publican party had met to nominate a person for Pre¬ 
 sident, and selected a citizen of Illinois. It was not 
 the first time a King had been deposed and a fool put 
 in his place. In former times kings had kept fools to 
 keep from wearying, but this was the first country 
 that, had elected a fool to reign over it. [Chesrs and 
 laughter.] 
 
 NO DIFFERENCE BETWEEN A WAR DEMOCRAT 
 AND AN ABOLITIONIST. 
 
 Hon. Mr. Trainor, of Ohio, (President of 
 the State Convention last year,) said: 
 
 If you wish for peace, great, glorious peace, Vote 
 for the nominee of the Democratic Convention. A. 
 bloody war has been waged, not for the liberty of the 
 white man, but for elevating him to equality with the 
 negro. At the first call 75,000 were called. They 
 proved insufficient. Next 300,000 more; and some 
 2.000,000 Jives have been lost in this war. Now the 
 President has called for 500,000 more. Shall he have 
 them ? [“ No, no,” from the audience.] The demo¬ 
 
 cratic party want peace; for if we don’t get it we will 
 have to submit to a military despot. 
 
 He would urge the people to be freemen, and hurl 
 Abraham Lincoln and his minions from power. 
 THERE IS NO DIFFERENCE BETWEEN A WAR 
 DEMOCRAT AND AN ABOLITIONIST. THEY 
 ARE BOTH LINKS IN THE SAME' SAUSAGE, 
 MADE OUT (IF THE SAME DOG. Should resist¬ 
 ance be offered at the polls to prevent our suffrage, 
 let that resistance be met with resistance. [To a 
 question.] The South will gladly come back if Abra¬ 
 ham Lincoln be hurled from power. He has killed 
 more men by his proclamations than the rebel Gen¬ 
 eral Lee. 
 
 Why don’t the “ South ” pay that it will 
 come back if Lincoln be “ hurled from 
 
 assertions made? 
 
 SATURDAY, August 27. 
 
 Tim Chicago Times says, of the meetings 
 held on Saturday evening, which were large- 
 | ly attended as well bv the peace svmpathiz- 
 1 ers and “ plug tig-lie s” of the whole country, 
 as by those curious to hear what the friends 
 of peace with the rebels, and war with the 
 government, had to say — 
 
 “ The demonstration last night was not a meeting 
 merely; it was a whole constellation of meetings. 
 The grand centre of the city—Randolph, Clark, 
 Washington, and La Salle streets, in the vicinity of 
 the Court-House—and the Oourt-House Square, pre¬ 
 sented one solid mass of human beings. And these 
 were independent of the crowds that had assembled 
 in other parts of the city — in the Democratic Invin¬ 
 cible Club Hall, in Bryan Hall, and in the remote 
 streets. From 7 until 10 o’clpck, there were continual, 
 unbroken columns pouring from all directions to¬ 
 wards the Court-House and the adjacent thorough¬ 
 fares . 
 
 During the entire evening there were, at all times, 
 five ;peakers holding forth to thousands of assembled 
 citizens, and almost within the sound of each other’s 
 voices. The number of people composing the grand 
 nucleus of the entire assemblage, was at no time 
 during the evening estimattd at less than forty thou¬ 
 sand, even by the most scrupulous.” 
 
 VIEWS OF A NEUTRAL KENTUCKIAN. 
 
 Gon. Leslie Coombs thinks our Southern 
 brethren drew the sword- 
 
7 
 
 % 
 
 “ Alas, that I should live to see these evil days ; 
 to think that our southern brethren should draw the 
 sword ! I told them in the beginning of this strife of 
 sections, that they were throwing -fire-balls to am- , 
 bitious devils that, would turn theru on our own house, 
 and they would not care a d—n if it were set on fire. 
 [Laughter.] But, sir, allow me to say I shall live — 
 old as I am—L shall live to see this strife ended ; I 
 shall live to see the bonds of national fraternity again 
 united ; I shall live to see this paper-money abated ; 
 this gunpowder currency, which I would not use for 
 wadding tokdla prairie chicken, abated, and turned 
 into gold and silver.” [Applause.] 
 
 Gen. Coomb?, tired of the war and a 
 little scared, said: 
 
 “ I am tired of this war. I am tired of the lamen¬ 
 tations in my ears all around me. I tell yon, gentle- 
 men, you know nothing of the horrors of this war 
 here If you could 1 see the guerillas pouring into 
 your villages and every part of the State, and citizens 
 flying, as I have seen them in my town, Lexington, 
 you would know something of the horrors of this 
 war. And when I but just now left my home, my 
 town was guarded by negroes, no white man left with 
 the privilege of a gun in his hand. I am not a slave¬ 
 holder. Eight years ago I set mine free. I emanci¬ 
 pated them myseif, for I did not intend to let any 
 other man emancipate them. [Applause.] So I 
 left my family in the hands of emancipated slaves, 
 for my negroes would not leave me. I tell you, I 
 have seen those (democratic) guerillas charging down 
 through town when it was rather delicate looking.out 
 of the windows, because you could not know where a 
 bullet m'ght be coming.” 
 
 His advice cuts both ways. 
 
 “ We read in ancient history of the siege of the 
 great city of the Hebrews, and that whilst Titus was 
 daily battering down their walls, the factious Jews 
 were quarreling among themselves every night. 
 But for God’s sake, dou’t let us be like the Jews 
 quarreling amongst ourselves, and devouring one 
 another in these times of the extremity of our imper¬ 
 iled institutions of freedom.” 
 
 He then gives a piece of advice which in 
 itself would abolish slavery. 
 
 “ Let each man kiss his own wife and nobody elee’s 
 wife, and let each woman whip her own children.” 
 
 This is all the abolitionists have ever 
 asked. It would put an end to the “ sum 
 of all villanies,” stop mulatto breeding and 
 give peace to the Union, and perpetuity to 
 free institutions. 
 
 THE OLD THREAT. 
 
 Hon. H. S. Orton, of Wisconsin, repeats 
 the old Southern threat: “ Elect us or we ? ll 
 split you ” 
 
 “ The fanaticism of the North conjoined with the 
 fanaticism of the South has run its course, and it is 
 for us, the conservative masses of the United States, 
 to say whether it shall longer prevail, or whether 
 the government, the constitution and the Union shall 
 be preserved and resume their sway. On this con¬ 
 vention and the one to fallow it, hangs the fate of this 
 great Republic. Bearit in mind and recollect it well 
 and solemnly that on these conventions rests the fate 
 of this Union. And what is involved in that? To 
 an American everything—life, property, all the en- 
 dearrr ents of home and society—everything that 
 Americans hold dear. 
 
 In Wisconsin Lincoln has no party left, except 
 himself and his officers and satraps, — that is all 
 there is left of them. 
 
 I pledge you my word it is all that is left in the 
 State of Wisconsin—the collectors of the revenue, 
 
 the assessors and their dependents, are all the strength 
 that Abe Lincoln has in these free Sta’es. And they 
 are to rule over us. Are you going to submit.to it ? ” 
 [Cries of * no.’] 
 
 Like Mark Antony over the dead body of 
 Cassar he “ would not stir up their minds 
 and hearts to sudden mutiny.” 
 
 “ I do not countenance forcible resistance to any 
 law. Iam an advocate of law. In I860 I did not 
 have the honor to vote for that great and good man 
 whose spirit now rests in God, Mr. Douglas [Cheer?] ; 
 but I voted for Bell and Everett, and to-day I don’t 
 know which of them is the best off. Bell has gone 
 over to the secessionists, and Everett gone over to 
 the abolitionists, and I am without candidates to-day, 
 and 1 don’t know which of them has gone into the 
 worst company.” [Laughter and cheers.] 
 
 Neither he nor the South will return to 
 the old Union if slavery is destroyed. 
 
 V J 
 
 “ You want the constitution, the rights of ’.he 
 States, and a return of the old Union. Where is the 
 old Union? A schoolboy’s tale, the wonder of an 
 hour ! We want a return to it with the constitution, 
 but not otherwise. After every right established by 
 our fathers was broken down and destroyed would I 
 return to it? Or would the South return to it ? ” 
 
 ‘Resistance to the draft will save slavery 
 
 — save the South — and set the sun, mobn • 
 
 and stars back in the firmament once more. 
 
 • 
 
 “ Now is the time to return to the right path. 
 Under iho pressure of the draft—and God bless the 
 draft, it is the best argument that has ever been 
 addressed to the American people. It proves that 
 we have touched bottom, we have got a realizing 
 sense that we have got nearly to the last ditch, the 
 last man, and the last dollar. Under the pressure 
 of the time stop and save your goven ment ; for if 
 it is gone now it is gone forever, and there is a future 
 of darkness and gloom. The stars of heaven are 
 blotted out, the moon will refuse to shine, the sun 
 will rise no more in the fair firmament of the Amer¬ 
 ican Republic ! ” 
 
 VUIAT YOUNG MORRIS KETCHUM SAID. 
 
 _ ’ • • v . Q ;’» C t Y • * ' J U f) Y « * 
 
 Young Ketchum of New York, son of the 
 pro-slavery banker, had no confidence in 
 democratic principles or professions, and 
 said: 
 
 “ Now, gentlemen, we want our man for two 
 reasons. In the first place the people of the city of 
 New York are sick of platforms. We have not had 
 j a platform for eight years given to us by either side 
 which has been maintained aftej- its adoption. And 
 though we approve of the motto, * principles, not 
 men,’ yet we feel that we have been so often de¬ 
 ceived that we now want a man who shall be a princi¬ 
 ple in himself, and whose principles we are willing 
 to support. We want to elect a man who will say 
 to the South, 1 Come back, we will restore to you 
 every constitutional privilege, every guarantee that 
 yon ever possessed; your rights shall no longtr be 
 invaded ; we will wipe out the emancipation procla¬ 
 mation ; we will sweep away this confiscation act, all 
 that we ask of you is to come back and live with us 
 on the old terms. We are both tired and weary, and 
 want to live together again,’” 
 
 But suppose the rebels refuse to ccrae 
 back on any terms, — they have a million 
 times declared they never would voluntarily 
 return. What then ? Has all the fighting 
 to be done over again ? Young Ketchum 
 ! was candid enough to state the consequence 
 
8 
 
 of allowing the Union to be divided. He 
 said : 
 
 “ * This Union must and shall be preserved.’ God 
 Almighty set the seal of Union on this land when he 
 poured the mighty waters of that great river through 
 this valley of the Mississippi down to the Gulf of 
 Mexico. Tliis was his seal that the land should 
 never be divided. You may separate to-morrow and 
 recognize them as an independent nation, but let me 
 tall you that before five or ten years have rolled over 
 your heads, you would have the same war, bloody, 
 bitter, and everlasting as now.” 
 
 This is what Ketchum said. Now listen 
 to what Jeff Davis says. In his late con¬ 
 versation with Col. Jacques and James Ret 
 Gilmore, he said: 
 
 “ I tried all in my power to avert this war. I saw 
 it' coming, and for twelve years [it was not 
 Lincoln, then, that caused the war,] I worked night 
 and day to prevent it, but I could not. The North 
 was mad and blind ; it would not let us govern our¬ 
 selves, and so the war came, and now it must go 
 on, till the last man of this generation falls : in hi3 
 track, and his children seize his musket and fight his 
 battles, unless you acknowledge our rights of self- 
 government. We are not fighting for slave¬ 
 ry. We are fighting for independence — 
 and that or extermination we will have.” 
 
 . What good will “wiping out the emanci¬ 
 pation proclamation,” and “ sweeping away 
 the confiscat : on acteffect towards a res¬ 
 toration of the Union? 
 
 “ But. tell me, said Davis, are the terms you have 
 named — emancipation, no confiscation, and univer¬ 
 sal amnesty — the terms which Mr. Lincoln author¬ 
 ized you to offer us ? ” 
 
 “No, sir; replied Col. Jacques, Mr. Lincoln did 
 not authorize me to offer you any terms. But I 
 think both he and the Northern people, for the sake 
 of peace, would assent to some such conditions.” 
 
 “ But, replied Mr. Davis, amnesty, sir, applies to 
 criminals. We have committed no crime. Confisca¬ 
 tion is of no account unless you can enforce it. 
 And emancipation! You have already emancipated 
 nearly a million of our slaves-r-and if you will 
 take care of them, you may emancipate the 
 rest. I had a few when the war began. 1 was of 
 some use to them ; they never were of any to me. 
 Against their will you ‘ emancipated ’ them, and 
 you may ‘ emancipate ’ every negro in 
 the Confederacy, but we will be free ! 
 We will govern ourselves. We will do it if we have 
 to 3ee every Southern plantation sacked, and every 
 Southern city in flames.” 
 
 “ Well, sir, said Col. Jacques, be that as it may, 
 if I understand you, the dispute between your Gov¬ 
 ernment and ours is r^rrowed down to this: Union 
 or disunion.” 
 
 “Yes; or to put it otherwise: Independence 
 Or subjugation.” 
 
 “ Ihen the two Governments are irreconcilably 
 apart. They have no alternative but to fight it 
 out.” 
 
 BITTER DENUNCIATION OF THE PRESIDENT, 
 ENCOURAGEMENT TO REBELS. 
 
 Mr. Romeyn, of New York, said : 
 
 “ Mr. Lincoln has vi lated the rights of the States 
 and the sacred rights of man. He proposes to lib¬ 
 erate the slaves of the South and turn them upon the 
 Nprth to live in idleness and vagrancy, and become 
 paupers and burthens to society. He refuses to al¬ 
 low the Southern, States their constitutional rights 
 even if they returned to the Union. The South will 
 never submit to such terras, nor would the North un¬ 
 der similar circumstances.” 
 
 What constitutional right did the 
 “ South ” not enjoy before secession ? Is it 
 a violation of the rights of the States for 
 the President to enforce the Constitution 
 and the laws ? 
 
 REED OPPOSES THE DRAFT. 
 
 Hon. Mr. Reed, of Indiana, was in favor 
 of peace at the South, but would rather 
 have war in the North than a draft; 
 
 He advised open and aboveboard resistance to 
 the draft. If Lincoln and his satraps attempted to 
 enforce it, blood would flow in our streets, and it 
 would be right it should flow. Lincoln was already 
 damned to all eternity, and he did not know if even 
 this iniquitous! measure would materially affect the 
 estimation in which the people, held him. He had 
 taken considerable pains to inform himself of the 
 opinion of the people in relation to tliis draft, and he 
 found it altogether condemned. There was hut one 
 opinion in this matter, and that was, that if the draft 
 was not enforced there would he peace. Mr. Lincoln 
 had tried war for three years ; he had slain our peo¬ 
 ple by countless thousands, and blood enough had 
 been shed to float the largest ship of war in the 
 world. He said we might as well make up our minds 
 to the fact that it was impossible to whip the South, 
 and then asked, would the people consent that their 
 best and noblest men should be swept down by the 
 relentless conscript law? No, a thousand times no, 
 was his answer. He further continued his inflamma¬ 
 tory appeals concerning the draft, and advised open 
 and associated resistance to its enforcement. 
 
 He advised his hearers to shoot down those who 
 would enforce the draft; to insist upon the right of 
 the writ of habeas corpus ; to resist to the bitter 
 end the attempt to make the military power superior 
 to the civil, and to openly arm themselves that they 
 might be prepared for horrible contingencies. 
 
 Mr. Reed’s attention is affectionately di¬ 
 rected to the following democratic epistle: 
 
 “ Headquarters Army of tbk Potomac, 1 
 
 October 2T, 1862. f 
 
 “ Your Excellency is aware of the very great re¬ 
 duction of numbers that has taken place in most of 
 the old regiments of this command, aud how neces¬ 
 sary it is to fill up these skeletons before taking them 
 again into action. I have the honor, there¬ 
 fore. to request that the order to fill up 
 the old regiments with drafted men may 
 at once be issued. 
 
 GEO. B. McCLF.LI.AN, 
 Major General Commanding. 
 
 His Excellency, the President.” 
 
 The Chicago limes tfyps, introduces its re¬ 
 port of Rynders’ speech : 
 
 “the invincible club. 
 
 “ At an early hour in the evening the hall of the 
 Democratic Invincible Club, corner of Clark and 
 Monroe streets, was filled with a most enthusiastic 
 audience to,listen to an address on the great ques¬ 
 tions of the day by Captain Daiah Rynders, the well 
 known President of the Empire Democratic Club, 
 New York.” 
 
 The chairman of the Invincible Club in¬ 
 troduced him in the following terms: 
 
 “ He had now much pleasure in introducing to the 
 meeting.Captain Isaiah Rynders, [cheers]—a gentle- 
 I man well known, and who had done such good ser ¬ 
 vice in the cause of democracy. [Loud applause.] * 
 
 RYNDERS 1 FREE SPEECH, 
 
 Capt. Rynders, thus eulogized the rebels, 
 denounced his government, slandered the 
 
9 
 
 friends of freedom and Union, and clamored 
 for a disunion peace : 
 
 He had always been for peace, even before the first 
 gun was fired. He had denounced the unholy cru¬ 
 sade against our southern brethren even before the 
 first regiment was moved Southward. He saw the 
 inevitable result, of war — tne waste, and blood and 
 tears it would entail, and to this day he could say, 
 and he said it with pride, that he had never said one 
 word against the brave, the noble, the generous, the 
 chivalrous people of the South, and lie trusted in God 
 he never would. 
 
 Nearly half a million of those noble men had fallen 
 in bloody graves, but they remain unconquered. 
 [Cheers ] They can never be subdued, as they are a 
 part of our own flesh and blood. [Loud applause.] 
 Millions more of men may be torn from their homes 
 to fall in the fight, but the task will fail, as it oueht 
 to do. The war is carried on for the nigger, and in 
 God’s name let the Abolitionists fight it out. We 
 shall nominate our candidate on Monday, and place 
 him squarely upon a platform of peace, and sweep 
 the nation like a whirlwind. Those who count upon 
 a division of the ^Democratic party will be disap¬ 
 pointed . We are one and all for peace, and with this 
 magic word upon our banner we shall sweep over the 
 course, and roll into oblivion the black, negro-loving, 
 negro-hugging worshippers of old Abe Lincoln. 
 
 HE IS SOLICITOUS FOR A FREE FIGHT 
 
 I will tell you, my Republican friends, I know you 
 have been pretty supercilious, you have been defiant, 
 you have been outrageous ; but I know I speak the 
 heart and voice of the old war-worn democracy when 
 I say ti at next fall we intend to have a free election, 
 free ballot, free assemblage together, or tho freest 
 fight that ever took place in this country. [Tre¬ 
 mendous cheering.] 
 
 DENIES THAT THE REBELS ARE TRAITORS. 
 
 “After three y ears of despotism he stood before 
 them a free man—before a free people. With refer¬ 
 ence to the remark which he had referred to, he 
 would now speak after the digression he had just 
 made. It was a remark he did not approve of. He 
 had heard one of the speakers state that the people 
 of the South were traitors, which were harsh words, 
 as the people of the South were as brave and chiv¬ 
 alrous a people as were ever put on this earth. 
 [Cheers.] He had regretted that they took the step 
 they did for the settlement of their grievances, for 
 they had great grievances. He was sorry they took 
 these steps, ami his advice was to stay in the demo¬ 
 cratic party, and they would right their grievances. 
 They, however, seemed to think differently, and he 
 was sorry for it. Never h id one word come from his 
 lips against them, and he hoped his lips would be 
 sealed when he did injustice to a brave, noble, and 
 chivalrous people. [Applause.] ” 
 
 SUFFERING BRETHREN IN CAMP DOUGLAS. 
 
 “The abolitionists now thought more of the colored 
 man than the free white man in the East. They 
 could not see the white man, suffering from want and 
 destitution, but they have to look to the colored man 
 in Alabama arid Louisiana. They could see them, 
 but not the misery of the white man. They could not 
 look to Camp Douglas nor to Fort Lafayette and see 
 white men languishing in bondage. [Cheers ] They 
 have no sympathies for these men, because, in the 
 celebrated language of the clergyman at Beaufort, 
 * he invariably has a white skin.’ 
 
 “ He next alluded in withering terms to Lincoln’s 
 apology to the Emperor Napoleon relative to the res¬ 
 olution which passed the House of Representatives 
 regarding the carrying out of the Monroe doctrine.” 
 
 Ry nders was not then aware that the de¬ 
 mocracy had already been passed over to 
 Belmont, the Rothschilds, and the other 
 holders, not only of Jeff. Davis’ debt, but of 
 Maximilian’s, and that their platform would 
 repudiate the Monroe doctrine altogether. 
 
 GEORGE F. TRAIN IN FAVOR OF DISSOLVING 
 THE UNION, AND UNITING PART OF THE 
 NORTH WITH THE SLAVE STATES. 
 
 “The South and West had always been firm friends. 
 Did we in the West produce this war? We are not 
 now the enemies of the South. The West and the 
 South will eventually close up, New York and Penn¬ 
 sylvania will follow, and finally we will be all together 
 again, except puritanical, fanatical, New England. 
 She will be left alone, and all the niggers will be 
 driven within her boundaries.” 
 
 MONDAY, August 29. 
 
 The Convention was called to order by 
 August Belmont, Chairman of the National 
 Democratic Committee, financial agent of 
 the Rothschilds, and the representative in 
 that capacity of the Confederate debt. 
 He represents the money that pays the 
 rebel armies. He said : 
 
 “ In your hands rests, under the ruling of an all¬ 
 wise Providence, the future of this Republic. Four 
 years of misrule, by a sectional, fanatical and cor¬ 
 rupt party, have brought our country to the very 
 verge of ruin.” 
 
 Where he says “ couptry,” the people 
 will of course read “ rebellion and Confed¬ 
 erate bonds.” 
 
 “ The past and present are sufficient warnings of 
 the disastrous consequences which would befall us if 
 Mr. Lincoln’s re-election should be made possible by 
 our want of patriotism and unity. The inevitable 
 results of such a calamity must be the utter disinte¬ 
 gration of our whole political and social system 
 amidst bloodshed and anarchy, with the great prob¬ 
 lems of liberal progress and self-government jeop¬ 
 ardized for generations to come.” 
 
 He thinks the cause of the rebellion was 
 the failure of northern democrats to agree 
 with their southern brethren. 
 
 “ Let us at the very outset of our proceedings bear 
 in mind that the •dissensions of the last Democratic- 
 Convention were one of the principal causes which 
 gave the reins of government into the hands of our 
 opponents, and let us beware not to fall again into 
 the same fatal error.” 
 
 He tells them to sacrifice all their honest 
 convictions, if they have any, but says noth¬ 
 ing about “Confederate bonds.” 
 
 “ W T e must bring at the altar of our country the 
 sacrifice of our prejudices, opinions and convictions, 
 however dear and long cherished they may be, from 
 the moment they threaten the harmony and unity of 
 action so indispensable to our success/’ 
 
 He nominated for temporary chairman, 
 Mr. Buchanan’s shadow, and the defender of 
 the rights of the rebellion and anti-coercion- 
 ism in the Senate of 1860—Hon. William 
 Bigler, of Pennsylvania. 
 
 He said: 
 
 “ The termination of democratic rule in this coun¬ 
 try was the end of peaceful relations between the 
 States a&d the people.” 
 
 In other words, when the democratic 
 party, though grown so sectional that it 
 could hardly carry a single free State, still 
 carried the general election, the republican 
 
10 
 
 party submitted. ]}ut when the democratic 
 party was beaten, it rebelled and went in 
 for a free fight in every State which it con¬ 
 trolled. Well may democrats boast, that 
 with the end of their power ended peace, if 
 they themselves made the overthrow of 
 their power a cause of rebellion. 
 
 “ The elevation of a sectional party to authority 
 at Washington, the culmination of a long indulged 
 aDd acrimonious war of crimination and recrimina¬ 
 tion between extreme men at the North and South, 
 was promptly followed by dissolution and civil war. 
 And in the progress of that war even tHte bulwarks 
 of civil liberty have been imperiled and the whole 
 fabric brought to the very verge of destruction.” 
 
 The only “bulwark of civil liberty” which 
 has been suspended is the “ habeas cor- 
 pis” But it is the Constitution of the 
 United States, not the Republican party 
 platform, which suspends habeas corpus dur¬ 
 ing rebellion. The rebels, therefore, are re¬ 
 sponsible for the suspension. 
 
 “And now at the en of more than three years of a 
 war unparalleled In modern times for its magnitude 
 and foy its barbarous desolations,—after more than 
 two millions of men have been called into the field 
 on our side alone,—after the land has been literally 
 drenched in fraternal blood, and wailings and lamen¬ 
 tations are heard in every corner of our common 
 country—the hopes of the Union, our cherished ob¬ 
 ject, are in no wise improved.” 
 
 This is grossly false. McClellan, in his 
 Harrison Landing letter, says, that were 
 “the armies of the Confederate States thor¬ 
 oughly defeated,the political structure which 
 they support would soon cease to exist.” 
 
 Gen. Grant, who is the best judge of the 
 military situation, says, that with 100,000 
 more men‘he could “thoroughly defeat” 
 the rebel armies. According to Grant and 
 McClellan we not only have improved our 
 hopes of Union, but have it fully in our 
 power to realize them within a few months 
 by a moderate reinforcement of our armies. 
 
 “ The men now in authority, through a feud which 
 they have long maintained with violent and unwise 
 men at the South, because of a blind fanaticism 
 about an institution in some of the States in relation 
 to which they have no duties to perform and no re¬ 
 sponsibilities to bear, are utterly incapable of adopt¬ 
 ing the proper means to rescue our country—our 
 whole country—from its present lamentable condi¬ 
 tion.” 
 
 We had one duty to perform and one re¬ 
 sponsibility to bear in reference to slavery, 
 viz., to #ee that the desperate faction of 
 300,000' slaveholders at the South should 
 not enforce their absurd claim, not only to 
 rule all the slaves and poor white trash of 
 the South, but the twenty millions of north¬ 
 ern freemen, in reference to questions such 
 as the introduction of slavery into our own 
 States and into free Territories upon which 
 the Constitution gave us the right to vote 
 and decide. 
 
 long’s anti-draft resolution. 
 
 Mr. Long, of Ohio, offered the following 
 resolution: 
 
 | “Resolved, That a committee, to be composed of one 
 member from each State represented in this Conven¬ 
 tion, to be selected by the respective delegatlpns 
 thereof, be appointed for the purpose of proceeding 
 forthwith to the city of Washington, and, on behalf 
 of this Convention and the people, to ask Vlr. Lincoln 
 to suspend the operation of the pending draft fur 
 500,000 more men until the people shall have an op¬ 
 portunity through the ballot box in a free election— 
 uninfluenced in any manner by military orders or, 
 military interference—of deciding the question, now 
 fairly presented to them, of war or peace, at the ap¬ 
 proaching election in November; and that said com¬ 
 mittee be and they, are hereby instructed to urge 
 upon Mr. Lincoln, by whatever argument they can 
 employ, to stay the .flow of fraternal blood, at least 
 so far as the pending draft will continue to augment 
 it, until the people, the source of all power, shall 
 have an opportunity of expressing their will for or 
 against the further prosecution of the war in the 
 choice of candidates for the Presidency? 
 
 “ Which was referred to the Committee on Resolu¬ 
 tions,” 
 
 The Convention having previously de¬ 
 termined to nominate Gen. McClellan ^br 
 President, who is the father of the idea of 
 filling our armies by conscription, dared not 
 say anything in their platform on the sub¬ 
 ject. The above resolution was therefore 
 smothered, and the question dodged. 
 
 MONROE DOCTRINE IGNORED. 
 
 - I , ... . • S- \ 
 
 Mr. Aldrich, of Pennsylvania, proposed 
 the following resolution, as part of the plat¬ 
 form, all of which were rejected by the Com¬ 
 mittee on Resolutions, and the Convention : 
 
 “ Resolved, That we cannot view with indifference the 
 open repudiation and vio ation of the Monroe doctrine, the 
 establishment of an empire on the ruins of a neighboring 
 republic.” 
 
 This resolution suffered the same fate of 
 the anti-draft resolution offered by Mr. Long. 
 
 The following extract feebly shows how 
 exclusively Yallandigham was the hero of 
 the Convention. He could not even rise 
 from his seat without being greeted by the 
 shouts of his peace worshippers: 
 
 “ Mr. Vallimdigham rose and was greeted with loud and 
 pro’oi ged cheering and cries ‘ Take the platform.’ He 
 finally stepped to the platform, and merely gave notiee that 
 the Committee on Resolutions would meet in toe evening 
 at 8 o’c'ock, at the rooms ot the New Y'o>k delegation i'n 
 the Sherman House.’ (Immense cheering.) 
 
 “ The Convention then adjourned until 10 o’clock the 
 following morning.” 
 
 We quote from the addresses delivered 
 during the evening in front of the Sherman 
 House. 
 
 Mr. M. Y. Johnson, of Illinois, formerly 
 of Fort, Lafayette, is happy to tell them that 
 Yallandigham is making the platform. 
 
 “ Mr. Johnson s id that ihe great question nt the present 
 time wa6 the platform that was to be made, and tie was 
 happy to tell them tp.<t Hon. Mr. YallandLh; m and other, 
 representatives are now engaged in m king a pe >ce plat¬ 
 form. [Cheers.] They intended to place a p ace man on 
 that piriform. [Cheer*.] They ought to give su., port to 
 Mr. Valtandigham, [cheers], as he was trying to protect 
 and get back their righis as citizens which hud been taken 
 awnv by the present corrupt admini-tr-dion. 'I he admin¬ 
 istration, by their infernal policy to put the negr above the 
 white man, had de u^ed the country with blood and had 
 sent to untimely graves ten hundred thousand men. • 
 [Cheers.]” 
 
 (What a monstrous lie !) 
 
11 
 
 Hon. W. W. O'Brien, of Peoria, proposes 
 to try Lincoln and hang him. 
 
 “Mr. O’Brien accused the admi; btrution of attemptirg 
 to gae the tress, putting down trial by ju y, «nd suspend¬ 
 ing tbe Hebea J t’rrpus. But when Abr Ham l inco’n 
 retired from tbe Pre idential chair they would renew trial 
 by jury, and try him for the offenses he had comm-’tted 
 against the laws and the constitution. He would be pro¬ 
 vided with counsel, a: d p r otected by good democratic 
 lawyers, (i heers.l Th<y would try him as Charles I. 
 was tried in Ingland.and the ve r d ct of the jury might 
 be the seme, taut he hsd been found guilty of b-in? a 
 tyrant ardn traitor. Whatever they would do woo'd be 
 under the .aw, and if th ( y found ; ini guilty tiey wou'd 
 and mm to carry out the law. ■(( heerg.) 
 
 But we have men who call themselves War Dem¬ 
 ocrats ; men who, for the sake of power, place or 
 pelf, went into the business of murder, and soaking 
 their hands in fraternal blood, they hold them up to 
 you. all dripping in gore, and say, “Behold my 
 loyalty.” They are not democrats—they are aboli¬ 
 tionists; and this fall we will bury them in the same 
 grave with the abolitionists, and damn them to eter¬ 
 nal infamy. [Cheers.]” 
 
 A FULL BLOODED COPPERHEAD. 
 
 Hod. Mr. Benjamin Allen, of New York, 
 thdught nobody to blame for the war but 
 the abolitionists: 
 
 “ Slavery is not the cause of the war, but aboli¬ 
 tionists are the cause of it. If you would remove the 
 cause, ydu must remove the abolitionists. [Loud 
 cheers.] I do not believe that there is a secessionist 
 per 86 in the whole South. But they would all come 
 back if the abolitionists were thrown out of power. 
 The people will soon rise, and if they cannot put Lin¬ 
 coln out of power by the ballot they will by the bullet. 
 [Loud cheers.] ” 
 
 Mr. Van Allen would not fight to put 
 down the rebellion, but is ready to fight the 
 government. 
 
 ** Mr. John J. Van .Allen, of New York, rext gave voice 
 for peace. As for the peace sentiment, he procl imed. l et 
 her run. War is disunion. ar could mver rroduce 
 peace. It w a impo-sible to snbjug-te eiybt millions of 
 p ople. and it ougnt i.ot to be doi e ii it could 1 e dor e. 
 It would require another government to do It. 1 et us have 
 a platform clear mi this issue. It is the or ly one we can 
 all tstat d upon—itis the on.y one tha; can take us out of 
 the difficulties that surround us. But it wi 1 requi e some¬ 
 thin? more than talking. He would r ot fight in this war, 
 but if necessary to assert the principles of me cot sutuiioo, 
 he was a fUhtb g m- n. It seemed, to his mind, that 
 the people of this comitry had been mod the last four 
 years. The g eat mis a^e was that the democracy cid not 
 resist the war front the begianiug. She would retrace her 
 siei s. and finally triumph. He wc uld not have a candidate 
 WITH ThK tiMELh OF WAR 0.\ Hla GARMENTS. 
 
 MR. VAN ALLEx’s ADMISSIONS. 
 
 Another report contains the following : 
 
 “ I do not want a man nominated whose nomination will 
 me, when I male a two hour’s speech, u? spend 
 ®ie hour and. a half in explanat'ons. We p opose to go to 
 the country rn definite tn-rg-sag^iest thepa>ty in power. 
 Gne of these is ‘ arbitrary r-.ne^ts.’' Ge, . B. Mc» lellan 
 ordered the most high handed o ne that has been made since 
 the war beg*n. V\ e protose to go to the country on the 
 charge of suspension of the writ of Habeas Corpus. 1 his 
 was recommended bv Geo. B. McClel’an. Ws propose to 
 go into the campaign bearing the olive branch of peace. 
 Qeorg^ B.. Vci'lell-m tec mmemted drafting soldiers, and 
 ttiH wears Abe Lincoln’s shoulder streps, and since bei’ g 
 relieved from active service to which he wou.d gladly 
 return, he said at * est Point, that too mnch blood lad 
 been abed, too much treasure expended, to stop thie war 
 now. With him we can make no point-on the disturbance 
 of the social relations of the country. With him v g irfnst 
 crop tbs doctrlue of State sovereignty. For two years he 
 labored to coerce States. IN FACT, GENTLEMEN, 
 
 THE Nomination op george b. nicCLRLlaxV 
 CLASHES THE ENTIRE-INDICTMENT WHICH WB 
 HAVE DRAW N AGAINaT THE ADMINISTRATION. 
 fGreat cheering.) 
 
 Hon. Mr. Curtis, of New York, said: 
 
 “ 1 trust the dey w.ll never come when the scenes wit- 
 nes^od in the commonwealth of Kentucky—a State ren¬ 
 dered glorious by the associati ns of the pari—will be 
 enacted on this soil—when the administration will endeavor 
 by force of arms to interfere with f! e fr-e sentiment and 
 fr-e will of the people. But. if that day sh uld come, 
 before Cod a n d pi eight of 'leaven, I would invoke the 
 fid of hour ter revolution, (fond eb-err g.) A people 
 who w-uld Submit to that degred of outrage ard tyranny 
 which destroys the cba’ter of them bbertie9—(to wit to be 
 require d to swear allegiance to, tl>e Ui-ited States before 
 voting in a ?tate claimed to belong to.the con r ederacy) — 
 are rot fitted to live and stand up as'rren. tut should lie 
 down and'die eg s’ares. (Cheers arid cries r f ‘ rood.’) 
 I warn the government now in power not to trao-ple top 
 far upon the liberties which a e ’eft to ns sejfcr if they do, 
 they will be swept b- fore a Sto-rm as a ship is swept from 
 the sea in a storm. (Cheers.,” 
 
 -John Fuller, of Michigan, characterizes 
 the war for the Union, as 
 
 “This unholy, cruel, and abominable struggle. 
 [Loud cheers ] Gentlemen, are you willing lomrer to 
 submit to this state of things? [Cries of “No.”] 
 Our land is already wet with fraternal blood. Our 
 press has been shackled, the liberty of speech has 
 been suppressed, the writ of habeas corpus has 
 been suspended, and he who dared to raise his voice 
 against these arbitrary and unconstitutional acts has 
 been arrested by the minions of the government, and 
 incarcerated in dungeons or banished from his native 
 land. [Cheers.] Are you willing, I again ask, to 
 bear these hardships and to submit to this tyranny 
 and oppression ? [Renewed cries of “No, no!”] 
 Are you willing to follow in the footsteps of Abraham 
 Lincoln, the perjured wretch who ha3 violated the 
 oath he took before high heaven to support the Con¬ 
 stitution and preserve the liberties of the people? 
 [Cheers. ] 
 
 Mr. G C. S nderson, says, the Union 
 must not be restored by war. 
 
 “Fellow-citizens, what say you? Is it not time 
 that this infernal war should stop? [Voices — 
 “Yes.”] Has not there been blood enough shed ? 
 Has there not been property enough destroyed? 
 Have we net all been bound, hand and foot., to the 
 abolition car, »hat is ro'ling .oveT our necks like the 
 wheels of another Juggernaut? We all love our 
 country. There is nothing would rejoice us more 
 than to see the stars and stripes, the glorious emblem 
 of our Union, re-established all over this country, 
 but it ought to be done by concession and compro¬ 
 mise. [Applause. A voice.— “That is tie doc¬ 
 trine.”] It must not be by a further shedding of 
 blood. It cannot be. [A voice: “ It will never be 
 done by blood.”] We must have peace. Peace is 
 our motive; nothing but peace. If the Southern 
 Confederacy, by any possibility, be subjugated by 
 this abolition administration, the next thing they 
 would turn their bayonets on the free men of the 
 North and trample you in the dust.” 
 
 Hou. James H. Birch, of Missouri, thinks 
 re union may be impossible even by peace 
 measures. 
 
 “ His hopes and prayers were that such a union 
 might even yet be practicable, but if it be found to be 
 otherwise — if the conflict of interest or of passion 
 has been rendered really “ irrepressible ” by the 
 iniquities of the party in power, and it shall be so 
 adjudged by the same c< mpetent authority which 
 ordained our present Constitution, let not the blame 
 of it be attached to the democratic party. But if 
 the country is doomed to become permanently di* 
 v ded, it will be recorded in history that it was not 
 the fault, of the democracy, whether in the inception 
 or the prosecution of the measures which have [ed 
 and are yet leading to so saddening an alternative.,” 
 
 That’s cool, after the democracy have 
 permanently destroyed the Union, they are 
 not to he held responsible for it, but rather 
 to be glorified for the deed ! 
 
12 
 
 SPEECH OF CHAUNCEY BURR. 
 
 C. ChaunCey Burr, a prominent New 
 York Democrat, editor of “The Old Guard,” j 
 prayed God that the rebels might never be 
 subdued.” f ; 
 
 “In addressing the audience Mr. Burr spoke sub¬ 
 stantially as follows: He did not expect td make a 
 speech as the time for speech-making was past. Ar¬ 
 gument was useless, and the time for action had 
 come. He would speak with that freedom which had 
 been the wopt of the people of America for the last 
 three years. Puring that time, spies and informers 
 had been on the tracks of the people, add, in point 
 of fact, we had lived under a despot sm worse than 
 that of Austria. The people had submitted to that 
 despotism, not because of a want off courage, 
 bravery or pluck, but because they were a law-and. ' 
 order people They had patiently waited for a 
 change in the policies of Lincoln’s administration, 
 but it had been denied them ; and for nearly four 
 years they had submitted to these acts of desnotisra. 
 And it was a wonder that they had a Cabinet and 
 men who carried out the infamous orders of the 
 gorilla tyrant that usurped the Presidential chair. In 
 New Jersey they had shifted the responsibility of 
 these despotic acts to the shoulders of the abolition¬ 
 ists, and more than one Provost Marshal,had a hole 
 made through his head. In that State, it was a diffi¬ 
 cult matter at one time to find an abolitionist who 
 would accept such a position, and the administration 
 had tried to bribe democrats, but, thank God, they 
 had failed. But they had well nigh reached the end 
 of their reign of despotism. They could not and 
 should not go any further. They were about to be j 
 sWept from the land by an indignant people. They 
 talked about a rebellion down South, but a greater 
 rebellion had been in progress in the North. 
 
 The question as to what should be done with those 
 States had been asked a hundred times since he came to 
 Chicago. He could not answer the question. Those 
 States did not belong to him. They did not belong to 
 Lincoln. We bad no right to burn their wheat fields, 
 steal their pianos, spoons or jewelry. Mr. Lincoln 
 had stolen a good many thousand negroes, but for 
 every negro he had thus stolen, he had stolen ten 
 thousand spoons. It had been said that, if the South 
 would lay down their arms, they would be received 
 again into the Union. The South could not honora¬ 
 bly lay down her arms, for she was fighting for her 
 hoioor. 
 
 Two millions of men had been sent down to the 
 slaughter pens of the South, and the army of Lincoln 
 could not again be filled, neither by enlistments or 
 conscription. If he ever uttered a prayer, it was 
 that not one of the States of the Union should be 
 conquered and subjugated. They bad tried for 
 three years to whip the seceding States back into the 
 Union, but, from the way the war had been con¬ 
 ducted, they were more likely to whip us. 
 
 W e were told that we would conquer the rebellious 
 States. They could not be conquered, and he prayed 
 God that they never might be; The democratic 
 party was for peace. Their representatives had 
 come to Chicago to nominate a candidate for the 
 Presidency. He would be nominated on a peace 
 platform, and they could not succeed on any other. 
 If any other platform was adopted they deserved to 
 be defeated.” 
 
 The eloquent speaker was frequently and vocifer¬ 
 ously applauded during his speech of half an hour or 
 mare. 
 
 The Chicago Times, says of the following 
 speech of Henry Clay Dean : 
 
 “His speech was one of peculiar bitterness, 
 abounding with stubborn, irresistible,'incontrovertible' 
 facts. It imparted enthusiasm to the audience, and 
 blistered the souls of the republicans whc? had the 
 courage to listen to it to the end ” > ' 
 
 REMARKS BY HENRY CLAY DEAN. 
 
 He said in the presence of the face of Camp Douglas 
 and all the satraps of Lincoln, that the American 
 
 people were ruled by felons. Lincoln had never 
 turned a dishonest man out of office or kept an honest 
 one in. [A voice— 4 What have you to say of Jeff 
 Davis? "] I have nothing to say about him. Lincoln 
 is engaged in a controversy with him, and I never 
 interfere between black dogs. [At this point in the 
 speaker’s remarks, an abolition rowdy shouted * Dry 
 up, you old tory,’ when there was a cry to put him 
 out. Mr. Dean resumed:} For over three years 
 Lincoln had been calling for men, and they had been 
 given. But with all the vast armies placed at his 
 command, he had failed "! failed ! / failed ! ! I 
 FAILED ! ! ! ! Such a failure had never been known. 
 Such destruction of human life had never been 
 known since the destruction of Sennacherib by th« 
 breath of the Almighty. And still the monster 
 usurper wanted more men for his slaughter pens. 
 [Loud cri->8 of 4 he shan’t have more.’] The careful 
 husbandman, in deadening the forest was always 
 careful in preserving the young growth of timber, 
 and in selecting his swine for the slaughter, he pre¬ 
 served the younger ones for future use. But the 
 tyrant and despot who ruled this people to destruction 
 paid no regard to age or condition. He desired to 
 double the widowhood and duplicate the orphans. 
 He blushed that such a felon should Occupy the 
 highest place in the gift of the people. Perjury and 
 larceny were written over him as often as was 4 one 
 dollar’ on the one dollar bills of the Bank of the 
 State of Indiana. [Criesof the 4 old villain.’] The 
 democracy were for peace. The people were for 
 peace, but the contractors, and army officers and 
 satraps of the administration wanted it not . [Great 
 applause.] Ever since the usurper, traitor, and 
 tyrant had occupied the Presidential chair, the repub¬ 
 lican party had shouted war to the knife, anti the 
 knife to the hilt. Blood had flowed in torrents, and 
 yet the thirst of the old monster was not quenched. 
 His cry was for more blood. 
 
 TUESDAY, August 80. 
 
 Horatio Seymour having taken h ; s seafras 
 permanent chairman, addressed the Con¬ 
 vention in language more guarded than that 
 of many of the street speakers, but agreeing 
 with them in venomous hate of the North, 
 laying the blame of the war upon Northern 
 Christianity, under the slang term, “fanat¬ 
 icism,” and upon Mr. Lincoln as the repre¬ 
 sentative of the Northern people, and hav- 
 ing.no word of fault to find with secession, 
 rebellion, the rebel army, or the Confede¬ 
 rate Government. He said : 
 
 They did not intend to destroy our country — they did 
 not mean to break down its institutions. But unhappify 
 they were influenced by sectional prejudices, by fanati¬ 
 cism, by bigotry, and by intolerance, and we hove found 
 in the course of the list four years that-their animating 
 sentiments have overruled their declarations and their 
 promises, and swept them on step by step, until they 
 have been carried on to actions Prom which at the outsat 
 they would have shrunk away with horror. Even noyj, 
 when war has desolated onr land, has laid It'S heavy bun- 
 thens upon labor, when h i‘ 0 krnptey and ruin overh mg us, 
 they will not have Union except upon conditions unknown 
 to our Constitution ; they will not let the shedding of 
 blood cease, even for a little t me, to see if Christian 
 charity or the wisdom of statesmanship may not work out 
 a method to save onr country. Nay, more than this, they 
 will not listen to a proposal for peace which does not offar 
 that which this government has no right to ask.” 
 
 Gov. Seymour, in the last remark, indi¬ 
 cates his belief that rebellion is no crime, 
 involves no forfeiture of life or property 
 and fhht the “ rights ” of rebels are* ft) 
 slaughter the defenders of the Union as 
 long as tbev can, and when whipped, t.o re¬ 
 sume their places by the side of faithful, 
 loyal men, without loss or punishment. 
 
13 
 
 COWARDLY SURRENDER TO THE REBELS. 
 
 The following is the chief plank in the 
 platform adopted. It is a demand for a 
 cowardly and dishonorable surrender to the 
 rebels. It is a false arid shameful admission 
 that the “North” is whipped; that the 
 struggle to save the Union is a failure ; that 
 all the bloodshed, and money spent, must 
 go for nought, and that the rebels shall dic¬ 
 tate their own terms of peace. Here is the 
 tory plank: 
 
 “ Resolved, That this Convention does explicity dec'are, 
 as the sense of the American people, that alter four years 
 (not till May next,) of failure to restore the Unioh by the 
 experiment of war, during winch, under tne pretence of a 
 military necessity, or war power higher than the Consti¬ 
 tution, the Constitution itself has been disregarded in 
 ©very part, (a lie.) and public liberty and private right 
 alike trodden down, (another lie,) and the material pros¬ 
 perity of the cobntry essentially impaired,—justice, hu¬ 
 manity. liberty, and the lUblio weff.ire demand that 4*L 
 mediate efforts be made for a <;e.->8atljN 
 
 OF HORTlLlI IES, with a view to an ultimate conven¬ 
 tion o' the Mates, or other peaceable means, to the end 
 that at the earliest ptacticable moment, peace may be re 
 8 to rod on the basis of the Federal Mates.’’ 
 
 On this pusillanimous platform Gen. 
 George B. McClellan was placed as the 
 Presidential standard-bearer of the “peace 
 sneaks.” 
 
 We commend to democrats and Republi¬ 
 cans alike, the following extract from Mc¬ 
 Clellan’s late West Point oration, which it 
 will be perceived is in direct conflict with 
 the National Platform of his party : 
 
 ‘‘ To secure ourselves from the fate of the divided Re¬ 
 publics of Italy and South America, to preserve our gov- 
 trun ent from destruction, to enforce its Just power aud 
 
 ihws, to maintain ouk very existence as a 
 
 N ATlON—these were the causes which impelled us to 
 draw the sword. Rebellion agaiust a government like 
 o«ra. which contains the means of self-adjustment, and a 
 pacific remedy for evils,should never be confounded with 
 revolution against dtspotic power, which refuses redress 
 of wrougs. Such a rebellion cauuot be justified uppn eth¬ 
 icalgrounds; AND THE ONLY ALTERNATIVES FOR 
 OUK CHOICE ARE ITS SUPPRESSION OR THE 
 DB.-'TRUCrioN OF OUR NATION A>.I I Y. At such a 
 time as this, aud in such a struggle, POLITICAL PaR- 
 TiZANSHiP FROULD BE mERGED IN A TRUE 
 AND BKAVE PATRIOTISM, which thinksonlyof the 
 good of the whole country. It was in this cause, and with 
 these motives that so many of our comrades have given 
 their lives; AND TO THIS WE ARE ALL PERSON¬ 
 ALLY PLEDGED IN > LL HONOR AND FIDELI¬ 
 TY. Shall such devotion as that of OUR DEAD COM¬ 
 RADES BE OF' NO aVaIL? Shall it be said in after 
 ages that we lacked, the vigor TO COMPLETE THE 
 WORK. THI S REGUN : tuat, after all these noble lives, 
 freely given, WE HESIl’ATE.r AND FAILED TO 
 KEEP STRAIGHT ON UNTIL OfJR LAND WAS 
 8AVED?" 
 
 SPEECH OF HARRIS, OF MARYLAND. 
 
 The name of Gen. McClellan having been 
 placed in nomination before the Convention, 
 and before the vote was taken, Mr. Harris, 
 member of Congress from Maryland, and a 
 delegate to the Convention, arose and said: 
 (Quoted from the Chicago Times). 
 
 " We democrats of Maryland have been oppressed, as 
 you know. All onr rights have beeD trampled upon, and 
 the stTong arm of the military has been over us as it rests 
 upon ns now, as it was instituted by your nominee, Gen. 
 McClellan. (Confusion, applause and fusses, maiDly from 
 the galleries ) Admit the fact that all our liberties and 
 Tights have been destroyed, and I ask you, in the name of 
 common sense, in the name of justice, in the name of hon¬ 
 or, will you reward the man who struck the first blow ? 
 (Applause and hisses.) From the indications I see here 
 to-day, I have reason to fear that the man who has been 
 in the front of this usurpation, (Gen, Met leflan.) Will be 
 the successful candidate." 
 
 GEN. MCCLELLAN THE FIRST USURPER. 
 
 “ I claim it as a right to state that one of the men 
 whom you have nominated, is a tyrant. [Hisses 
 and cheers.] Gen. McClellan was the very first man 
 who inaugurated the system of usurping State right*. 
 [Uproar.] This I can prove, and I pledge rnystlf, if 
 you will hear rae, to prove every charge in the indict¬ 
 ment And it is the duty of a jury, when a charge is 
 made which is proven, to convict and not reward the 
 offender. Maryland has been cruelly trampled upon 
 by this man, and I cannot consent, as a delegate from 
 that State, to allow his nomination to go unopposed. 
 What you ask me 10 do is, in reality, to support the 
 man who stabbed my own mother; and I for one — 
 and I believe I speak for the whole delegation from 
 Maryland — will never do it. We will never, never 
 consent that the State of Maryland shall be so dis¬ 
 honored. What, is it a fact that you care nothing 
 for the dishonor of a sovereign Slate? Is it really 
 the case that you can consent that the man who 
 overthrew liberty and crushed underfoot the free In¬ 
 stitutions of a State, shall receive reward instead of 
 punishment for bis tyranny? In old times, it was 
 the doctrine that an injury done to one State, was an 
 ; injury inflicted on all; and, instead of rewarding the 
 perpetrator of the injury, each State should come 
 forward to resent it. Now you propose a reward in 
 i the shape of Presidential honors io the man who first 
 set the iron heel of despoti m upon my State.”—Chi¬ 
 cago Times report. 
 
 Senator Harris then read from a news¬ 
 paper, the following order of Gen. McClel¬ 
 lan, dated Sept. 12, 18b 1, for the 
 
 ARREST OF THE MARYLAND LEGISLATURE. 
 
 “Maj. Gen. N. P. Banks, U. S. A. 
 
 General — After a full consultation with the Presi- 
 : dent, Secretaries of State, War, etc., it has been de- 
 | cided to effect the operation proposed for the 17th. 
 Arrangements have been made to have a government 
 steamer at Annapolis to receive the prisoners and 
 carry them to their destination. 
 
 Some four or five of the chief men in the affair are 
 to be arrested to-day. When they meet on the 17th, 
 you will have everything prepared to arrest the whole 
 | party, and be sure that none escape. 
 
 It is understood that you will arrange with Gen. 
 Dix and Gov. Seward, the modus operandi. It 
 j has been intimated to me that the meeting might 
 take place on the 14th ; please be prepared. Iwould 
 be glad to have you advise me frequently of your ar¬ 
 rangements in regard to this, very important matter. 
 
 If it is successfully carried out, it will go far to¬ 
 wards breaking the back-bone of the rebellion. It 
 will pmbably be well to baye a special train quietly 
 prepared to take the prisoners to Annapolis. 
 
 I leave this exceedingly important affair to your 
 tact and discretion—the absolute necessity of secrecy 
 and suceess. 
 
 With the highest regard, I am, my dear General, 
 your sincere friend, 
 
 (Signed) GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, 
 
 Maj. Gen. U. S. A.” 
 
 (Continued from Chicago Tribune Report.) 
 
 “ Again Mr. Harris spoke. I am here for the pur- 
 ! pose of presenting to the Convention, the character 
 of the man whom you have nominated, and I wish 
 ! you to hear his character and to know him as well 
 as I do. [Cheers.] [Three cheers for Mac. being 
 | called for, they were given amidst a whirlwind of 
 hisses.] Well, sir, that is a document by which 
 i George B. McClellan took up and arrested the legis¬ 
 lature of Maryland, a sovereign State, met in order 
 to thwart the tyranny and oppression of Abraham 
 Lincoln, [Cries of ‘ Show him up, show him up/ 
 
 4 go on, go on,’] to subvert and overturn those things 
 | that, are the foundation and basis ot our country. 
 
 : Where is the man who sympathizes with Maryland, 
 
 I who could go to the polls and vote for such a man? 
 
 Why, Mr. President, how long do you suppose that 
 I these sons and representatives of Maryland were 
 
14 
 
 imprisoned in the bastiles of the United States? 
 For sixteen months they were' separated from 
 their families, torn from their homes, kept from their 
 business, and when at last their bars and bonds were 
 loose, it was in spite of the acts of him by 
 whom they were placed there, of him, 
 that devil McClellan . [Great sensation, hisses 
 and considerable cheering.] Well, sir, I look upon 
 it that it. not only struck at the liberties of Maryland 
 and the freedom of the people, but at the existence 
 of the legislature of our State, and all the charges I 
 can make against Lincoln and his administration, I 
 can make against this man McClellan. [Cheers.] 
 
 Another count in the indictment, there is the letter 
 of Oct. 29, 1861. 
 
 The speaker was here interrupted by so much dis¬ 
 order and rowdyism, that he was forced to suspend 
 the reading of the letter for several minutes, the 
 breach of order belDg so manifestly beyond reason. 
 
 Although the Convention had jlist adopt¬ 
 ed a platform claiming “ freedom of speech” 
 as one of its principles, the effort to sup¬ 
 press what Mr. Harris bad to 3ay, was so 
 fierce and boisterous, that it was not until 
 he had knocked down one of the delegates 
 from New York, and given distinct indica* 
 tions that he was armed anil ready for a 
 “ free fight,” after the manner of the chival¬ 
 ry, that he could secure a hearing. He pro¬ 
 ceeded : 
 
 GEN. MCCLELLAN INTERFERES WITH ELECTIONS 
 
 IN MARYLAND, AND SUSPENDS THE HABEAS 
 
 CORPUS. 
 
 “ I now proceed to another cotmt in the indictment. On 
 October 29,1801, he thus wiote to General Banks : „ 
 
 ‘ GEN EKAL : There is an apprehension amongst Union 
 citizens ip many parts of Maryland of attempted interfer¬ 
 ence in the e ection to take place on the (Jth or Novemb r 
 next. In order to prevent this, the Major General com¬ 
 manding—(and who, gentlemen, was the Major General 
 coimminding but George B. Alct lellau ?) Jhe Major 
 General commanding directs you to send a sufficient de- 
 tachnir at to protect Union vorerx, auit to see tout nothing 
 is ui.Ou ed to interfere with their rights as voters, ’ 
 
 _ (Here the speaker was inte'rrUptsd with cries of * That’s 
 right,’ 4 Good I good I ’ while vociferous cheers were given 
 fbi Gen. McClellan ) 
 
 ‘Mr. iiARtUc; i would have concluded leng ago, Mr. 
 President, except for the iurerruptions that nave been 
 made,bv this assembly itself; and, certainly, ypu cannot 
 take advantage of your own wrong, anti prevent me pro¬ 
 ceeding. (i be speaker then read the remainder of the 
 letter, which authorized Gen. Banks, in order to prevent 
 these adeged treasonable deHgns, to 4 SUSPEND THE 
 WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS’) Now, sir. who feared 
 the disunionists ol Maryland would ever interfere with 
 the Unionists ? With the power in, the hands of the admin¬ 
 istration, with the power in the hands of (he Governor of 
 Maryland, where in the name of God was'itto be supposed, 
 except in the mind of somehypoc’ite, that i" was necessary 
 for some military force to come iuto the State and suspend 
 that great writ, thsp Habeas Corpus ? (Cheers.) And why 
 were these ‘ uisnnionists’ or Maryland, allowed, to go at 
 large till the day.of e,ection ; said he, you must arrest 
 them before going to the polls and you may discharge them 
 after the elec (ion. (Cheats.) Why was this done ? Why, 
 if there.was danger to the country in allowing these men 
 to remain at large, were they not'arrested til, the day of 
 election in the State, by order of this Gen. McC.ellen. 
 Those things that we have charged so frequently against 
 Abraham Lincoln, HE, GEORGE B. McC'LEJLLAN, HAS 
 BEEN GUlTY OF DImsELF. (Cheers and hisses.) 
 Sir,he declares that, under ; th« plea of military necessity— 
 that tyrant’s plea of military necessity—Abraham Iiucoln 
 ha* the power of abolishing one of the institutions of .Mary¬ 
 land, Missouri,'and Kentucky; THEPOWEitOF ABOl>- 
 ISHIAG THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY—a great 
 right that you consider yourselves bound to protect and to 
 protect Mary,nnd, Missouri and Kentucky, in protecting, 
 (See hjs/Hariison Landing letter to the President.) Now, 
 what have jou to say to this charge against George B. 
 McClellan., (Cheers and hisses.) 
 
 ‘ You have to meet them one Way or another, for they 
 will be made by our opponents, and it Is better to hear 
 them from a democrat before the canvass commences 
 (* beers ) What,, then, have you to say in his lavor ? 
 Why ag a military man, HAb re BEEN DEFEATED 
 EVERYWHERE ? (Cries of “No no,” “ Yes, yes,” and 
 cheers.) The siege of Richmond was not, I think, a sno- 
 
 cess ; (ironically,) the battli, of Antietam wag not a suc¬ 
 cess, and in him as a military leader you have NOTHING 
 W HATEVER TO BRAG OF, while yon hate co rnbind 
 with MILITARY INCAPACITY Ti E FACT THAT 
 HE HAS INTERFERED WITH AND DESTROYED 
 THE CIVIL RIGHTS OF THE PEOPLE, if OtfrU 
 McC'ellsn, when Abraham Lincoln t Id him to arrest thie 
 legislature of MaryAnd. had ssid to him. ‘ I have received 
 a comnjhsion ns commander at your band*-*-you can take 
 it back before 1 become a tyrant,” he would have stjod 
 before the wor'd as a MAN ; but inasmuch Ashe received 
 and acGdjUpon instructions which struck a blow at civil 
 libeity he became the mere tool of Abraham Lincoln. 
 
 A MILD CONSERVATIVE SPEECH. 
 
 Capt. Kooutz, of Pitt-burgh, one of the 
 leaders of the democratic party, aod an 
 ardent McOlellanite, thus reflected the sen¬ 
 timents of his “ democratic ” brethren. The 
 speech is an evidence that free speech has 
 been suppressed by Lincoln : 
 
 Lincoln was now played out; the opposition to him 
 was going to be bold and powerful, there must be no 
 underhand work, and if democrats catch Lincoln’s 
 b—y satrap spies among them, they must cut their 
 
 d--d throats, that’s all. [Applause.] It is the 
 
 duty of every American to vote for a peace candi¬ 
 date. For seventy years the democratic party safel 
 guided the ship of state through all dangers; buY 
 now, in less than three years, the shoddy despotismt 
 has deluged the, country with blood, destroyed all 
 national institutions, broken up the home circle, and 
 changed the most glorious country under the sun into 
 a garden of discord, where brother lifts up his hand 
 to slay brother. [Applause.] Shall this state of. afr 
 fairs Iasi? [‘No, no.’] Shall more wives be made 
 widows, and more children fatherless, and greater 
 hate be stirred up between children of the same glo¬ 
 rious constitution? If not, vve must put our foot 
 upon the tyrant’s neck, and destroy it. The demo¬ 
 cratic government must be raised to power, and Lin¬ 
 coln, with his Cabinet of rogues, thieves and spies, be 
 driven to destruction. What shall we do with him ? 
 [A voice—“Send him here, and I’ll make a coffin for 
 him, d—n him.”] Yes, d—n him and his miserable 
 followers. I should like to see the noble George B. 
 McClellan as President, [cheers,] and that great 
 democrat, Horatio Seymour, should occupy the posi¬ 
 tion of Secretary of State. In the Cabinet I would 
 see the name of Yoorhees, and the brilliant galaxy of 
 gentlemen statesmen who cluster round the demo¬ 
 cratic banner. Such a government would bring 
 peace to the country, and would tend greatly to ren¬ 
 der negative the evils of the ^present corrupt admin¬ 
 istration. 
 
 WILLING TO ACKNOWLEDGE SECESSION. 
 
 Rev. Prof. Johnston, of Missouri, went a 
 step further. If he could’nt make peace any 
 other way, he was very willing to acknowl¬ 
 edge secession. He said: ' i , , 
 
 We have already sacrificed one million five hundred 
 thousand men in this deadly strife. I was in favor, 
 in the beginning pf the war, of its vigorous prosecu¬ 
 tion. But it has no)y become a war for crushing the 
 white man, and raisiagYhe negro. Every negro that 
 we have set free has cost us the life of a white man, 
 and five, thousand dollars besides. I regret that 
 slavery exists. But .because it does exist, don’t let 
 us make fools of ourselves. I want to see peace with 
 the rights of all the citizens of this land restored. 
 Is that right ? [A voice: Yea we want a peace man 
 for President. Down with war men,"”] 
 
 If it shall be necessary in the settlement of our 
 difficulties to allow a few start to form a ovnstellor 
 iionty themselves , I thlDk we can be just as safe, 
 just as well protected, and just as free and happy 
 under a Union of Republics as we have been under 
 a Union of States. I want tp see this whole contin¬ 
 ent bound together by a grand union of Republics. 
 
 “ No pent up Utica contracts our powers, 
 
 But the whole boundless Continent is ours.” 
 
15 
 
 And we will have it, and will have peace and har¬ 
 mony and self government with it. [Cheers.] 
 
 ALEXANDER LONG, OF OHIO, DENOUNCES 
 MCCLELLAN 
 
 As a coorcionist, a usurper, and an emanci¬ 
 pationist, unworthy the support of the dem¬ 
 ocratic party. 
 
 “ Mr. Long, a member of Congress from Ohio : I 
 have but a few words to say, and X propose to say 
 them ; and I am not afraid to speak what I think, 
 even in the face of gentlemen who don’t want to 
 hear. I have faced the music before, and I am 
 wiiling to do it here. 
 
 Now, gentlemen of the convention, what have we 
 complained of for the last three or four years ? What 
 has been the burden of our complaint against Mr. 
 Lincoln and his administration? He has abridged 
 the freedom of speech; he has arbitrarily arrested 
 citizens and confined them in Bastiles, and he has 
 interfered with the freedom of elections. What have 
 you proposed in these resolutions? You have, to a 
 certain extent, vindicated the freedom of speech ; 
 you have condemned arbitrary arrests and denounced 
 interference with the freedom of elections; and yet 
 you propose in George B. McClellan to place upon 
 that platform ONE WHO HAS GONE FURTHER 
 IN ALL THREE OF THESE MEASURES THAN 
 HAS ABRAHAM LINCOLN HIMSELF. [Hisses 
 and applause.] George B. McClellan has not con¬ 
 tented himself with the arrest of a citizen here and 
 there, and incarcerating him in a Bastile, but ha3 
 arrested an entire Legislature at one order. HE 
 HAS ALSO SUSPENDED THE WRIT OF HABEAS 
 CORPUS of which you have complained. He has 
 acquiesced in the emancipation proclamation of 
 which you have complained of Mr. Lincoln ; and 
 yet you propose, in the very face of the denuncia¬ 
 tions you have heaped upon the head of Mr. Lin¬ 
 coln, to stultify yourselves by taking up a man who 
 has been a supple instrument of Mr. Lincoln for 
 carrying dut the very acts you denounce. 
 
 Then, gentlemen, is this what the people are to 
 expect from a democratic convention. [Voices, 
 ‘no, no.’] I trust not. Give us a candidate for 
 President — ANY ONE EXCEPT GEORGE B. 
 
 McClellan —any man, i care not who 
 
 HE IS — [applause and hisses]—ANY ONE WHOSE 
 HANDS ARE CLEAN, whose skirts &re clear,—any 
 one who has not been instrumental in making ar¬ 
 bitrary arrests ; in violating the . freedom of elec¬ 
 tions and the rights citizens in every possible manner 
 in which he could carry out the wishes of Abraham 
 Lincoln. 
 
 “ In conclusion, I beg of yon not to nominate 
 McClellan. Having laid upon the table the time 
 honored principles of the democratic party, as 
 expressed in the resolution o( 1798-99—having 
 ignored them by laying the resolution on the 
 table - and WEAK AS YOUR PLATFORM IS, 
 looking in some degree to peace, as It does, in 
 God's name don’t place upon it a man WHO IS 
 PLEDGED TO EVERY ACT AGAINST WHICH 
 YOUR PLATFORM DECLARES. 
 
 SPEECHES OUTSIDE THE CONVENTION. 
 
 Mr. Mahoney, a northern rebel,recommends 
 rebellion, and says: “WE MUST GOTO 
 THE SOUTH, IF SHE WILL NOT COME 
 TO US.” 
 
 Mr. Mahoney, of IoWa, having lately rep¬ 
 resented that State in the Old Capitol Prison, 
 was now introduced : 
 
 “ When rulers aggressed on popular rights he 
 saw the remedy in opposing force to usurpation— 
 the people themselves to he judge of the occasion, 
 time and manner of its application. He was in 
 favor of peace; but few democrats had the courage 
 to so declare themselves. The war affected all 
 classes of people injuriously, except capitalists 
 and placemen. He would have peace by all 
 
 mean3. If the South would not come to us for 
 peace, we should go to the South. We should 
 not he discouraged by denials and failures; the 
 constitution of the United States was not an 
 made at once. It had been amended in twelve 
 particulars. He WOULD STILL FURTHER 
 AMEND it, to re-establish peace and union in 
 permanency He had enjoyed three months reflec¬ 
 tion on these thingB under the heel of Abraham 
 Lincoln, and he would have all join him in the 
 unswerving resolve to submit to no new en¬ 
 croachments of tyranny.” 
 
 Mr. Snow, of Washington City : 
 
 “ He, (Mr. S.) predicted that, in view of the 
 action of this convention, Lincoln wou'd in¬ 
 stantly become a peace man, to enable him to 
 withdraw the armies from the field and employ 
 them at the polls.’’ 
 
 Hon. Mr. Early, of Nebraska: 
 
 “ He invoked his countrymen of the green 
 island to use their power in this government, 
 and the shillaldh, if necessary, against any in¬ 
 vasion oi the freedom of the ballot box.’’ 
 
 WEDNESDAY, August 81. ) 
 
 IN CONVENTION. f 
 
 A PLAN TO ASSEMBLE THE DEMOCRACY FOR THE- 
 
 “ FREE FIGHT,” OR NORTHERN REBELLION. 
 
 Gov. Wiekliffe, leader of the rebel wing 
 of the Kentucky copperheads—the largest 
 slaveholder in Kentucky, and having three 
 sons in the- rebel army, said : 
 
 “ The delegations from the West, including that 
 State to which I am attached, are of opinion that 
 circumstances may occur between this and the fourth 
 of March, that will make it necessary for the great 
 mass of the democracy of this country to be reas¬ 
 sembled. To get up a new convention is a work of 
 delay and much difficulty—and my object is. that 
 the dissolution of this convention shall not be affected 
 by its adjournment, after it finishes its labors to-day, 
 but to leave it to the Executive Committee, and at 
 the instance of the democracy, if any occasion shall 
 require, to convene us at such time and place that 
 the Executive National Committee shall designate. 
 
 Resolved, That the convention shall not be dis¬ 
 solved by the adjournment at the close of its busi¬ 
 ness, but shall remain as organized, subject to be 
 called together at any time and place that the Execu¬ 
 tive National Committee shall designate. 
 
 Which resolution was received with much applause 
 and carried unanimously.” 
 
 The Convention having nominated McClel¬ 
 lan, Clement L. Vallandigham moved to 
 make the nomination unanimous. He was 
 seconded by John McKean, of New York, 
 who gave notice that there was danger of a 
 “revolution, a bloody revolution,” which of 
 course, would be averted if the copperheads 
 should be allowed their own way. The 
 threat sounded like those we heard from 
 the present rebels in the canvass of 1860. 
 
 Pendleton, of Ohio, having been nom¬ 
 inated for Vice President, we will let him 
 describe his own position in relation to the 
 rebels. He made a speech in Congress on 
 the 18th of January, 1861. He afterwards 
 carefully revised it, and had it published in 
 the Appendix to the Globe. We quote from 
 it the following passages : 
 
 “ My voice to-day is for conciliation ; my voice is for 
 compromise, and it is but the echo of the voice of my 
 constituents. I beg you, gentlemen, who with me rep- 
 
16 
 
 resent the Northwest ; you who, with me, represent j 
 the State of Ohio ; you who with me, represent the city 
 of Cincinnati, I beg you, gentlemen, to hear that 
 voice. If you will not; IF YOU FIND CONCILI¬ 
 ATION IMPOSSIBLE; IF YOUR DIFFERENCES 
 ARE SO GREAT THAT YOU CANNOT OR WILL 
 NOT RECONCILE THEM, THEN, GENTLEMEN, 
 LET THE SECEDING STATES DEPART IN 
 PEACE ; LET THEM ESTABLISH THEIR GOV¬ 
 ERNMENT AND EMPIRE, AND WORK OUT 
 THEIR DESTINY ACCORDING TO THE WISDOM 
 WHICH GOD HAS GIVEN THEM.” 
 
 THE ESSENCE OF DEMOCRACY. 
 
 brother.” Emulate her example. Roll on the car 
 of peace and stand to your guns ready for the emer- 
 gency which events may force upon you for this deci¬ 
 sion. Be ever true to the faith of the fathers and you 
 j will triumph. 
 
 No more arbitrary arrests will be permitted with 
 impunity. No more Vallandighams will be dragged 
 from the bosom of their families, and spirited away 
 to a foreign land or a dungeon, unless the attempt 
 | costs blood. 
 
 ' ' . '-at 
 
 STRIKING PARALLEL—HORATIO SEYMOUR, BEN¬ 
 EDICT ARNOLD AND THE CHICAGO PLAT- 
 
 The following are specimen chips of the 
 speechifying “ hove in ” at the ratification 
 meeting held on Wednesday: 
 
 Mr. Sanderson said: 
 
 “ If Abe Lincoln was re-elected, he would free the 
 negroes of the South and then enslave the people. 
 We must maintain STATE RIGHTS.” 
 
 Mr. Rollins, of Missouri, said: 
 
 “ I lovb our Southern friends. They are a noble, 
 a brave and chivalrous people, although they are 
 trying to break up the Government.” 
 
 Mr Hanna, of Indiana, was heavy on Ben 
 Butler and poured over his devoted head 
 such venomous slitne as this: 
 
 “By whom was Lincoln supported? Prominent 
 among his supporters is Butler, half devil, one-quarter 
 beast, and less than one fourth human, begot en by 
 the Prince of Hell, spewed from the rotten womb of 
 crime, and thrown into the lap of civilization, a de¬ 
 formed, unfinished wretch. He was sent before his 
 time into this breathing world, less than half made 
 up, and is so hateful looking that the dogs bark at 
 him as he passes by.” 
 
 “ By G—d we must have McClellan nominated. 
 We must put a stop to this d—d war.”— Dean Rich¬ 
 mond of New York. 
 
 “ Let us hurl that usurper from power. Never till 
 that day comes when the usurper and his victim meet 
 at the judgment seat can he be punished for his 
 wrongs, for his conspiracy against American liberty.” 
 — Baker , of Michigan. 
 
 “ I advise peace and harmony, but if in the strug 
 gle it reaches the point that the ballot box is ever 
 touched with sacrilegious hands, I say, then and 
 there, come what will, let the lives and honor of all 
 be pledged to the biggest fight the world ever saw.”— 
 Bishop , of Michigan. 
 
 “ What is this war for? The nigger. It is for the 
 nigger against the white man. I thiok we don’t want 
 our bosoms stuffed so much with damned niggers this 
 warm weather. I don’t believe the negro is .equal to 
 the white man. Is it nut high time that this infernal 
 war was stopped? If the South could be subjugated 
 by this infernal war, the bayonets would be turned 
 against the North. Come weal or woe, we will be for 
 the sovereignty of the States and individual rights.” 
 — Mr. Bander son , of Pa. 
 
 A SHRIEK FOR A DISUNION PEACE. 
 
 Hon. Henry Warren, chairman of the 
 State Committee of Rhode Island, after de¬ 
 nouncing the ruinous reign of the “ Black 
 Republican tyrant,” said: 
 
 Little Rhode Island, carried away by the impulse of 
 the moment, did once lend herself to the mad prcject 
 of this Abolition war; but she now sheathes the sword 
 and cries, “War is murder —I will not kill my 
 
 FORM. 
 
 From Horatio Sey¬ 
 mour's Speech at Chi¬ 
 cago. 
 
 The bigotry of fanat¬ 
 icism and intrigues uf 
 place-men have made the 
 bloody pages of the his¬ 
 tory of the past three 
 years. The guaranteed 
 rights of the people to 
 bear arms has been sus¬ 
 pended up to the very 
 borders of Canada; so 
 that American servitude 
 is put. in bold contrast 
 with British liberty. Mr. 
 Lincoln thinks a procla¬ 
 mation worth more than 
 I peace ; we think the 
 blood of our people more 
 precious than the edicts 
 of the President. 
 
 Four years ago a Con¬ 
 vention met in this city, 
 when our country was 
 peaceful, prosperous and 
 happy. * * * Had 
 
 wise statesmanship se¬ 
 cured the fruits of victo¬ 
 ries, fo-day there would 
 have been peace in our 
 land. 
 
 The democratic party 
 will put down despotism, 
 
 I because it hates the igno- 
 ! ble tyranny which trow 
 degra les the American 
 people. 
 
 ■ From the Chicago Plat- 
 j jorm. 
 
 Resolved , That this 
 Convention does explicit¬ 
 ly declare, as the sense 
 of the American people, 
 that, after four years of 
 failure to restore the Un¬ 
 ion by the experiment of 
 war, during which, under 
 the pretense of a military 
 necessity or war power 
 higher than the Consti¬ 
 tution, the Constitution 
 itself has been disre¬ 
 garded in every part, and 
 public liberty and private 
 right alike trodden down, 
 and the material pros¬ 
 perity of the country es¬ 
 sentially impaired, jus¬ 
 tice, humanity, liberty, 
 and the public welfare, 
 demand that immediate 
 efforts be made for a ces¬ 
 sation of hostilities, etc. 
 
 From Benedict Ar¬ 
 nold's Proclamation 
 to the Cit'zens and 
 Soldiers of the United 
 States, issued October 
 24, 1780. 
 
 You are promised lib¬ 
 erty by the leaders of 
 your affairs, but is there 
 an individual in the en¬ 
 joyment of it, saving 
 your oppressors ? Who 
 among you dare to speak 
 or write what he thinks 
 against the tyranny 
 w r hioh has robbed you of 
 your property, imprisons 
 your sons, drags you to 
 the field of battle, and is 
 deluging your country 
 with blood ? 
 
 Our country once was 
 happy, and had the prof¬ 
 fered peace been embrac¬ 
 ed, the last two years of 
 misery had been spent in 
 peace and plenty, and 
 repairing the desolation 
 of the quarrel that would 
 have set the interest of 
 Great Britain and Amer- 
 ca in a true light, and ce¬ 
 mented their friendship. 
 
 I wish to lead a chosen 
 band of Americ ms to the 
 attainment ot peace, lib¬ 
 erty and safety, the first 
 objects in takin; the field. 
 
 What is America but a 
 land of widows, orphans 
 and beggars? But what 
 need of argument to such 
 as feel infinitely more 
 misery than tongue can 
 express? I give my 
 promise of most affection¬ 
 ate welcome to all who 
 are disp* sed to join me 
 in measures necessary to 
 close the scene of our af¬ 
 fliction, whica must be 
 increased until we are 
 content with ihe liberality 
 of the parent country, 
 which still offers us pro¬ 
 tection and perpetual ex¬ 
 emption from all taxes 
 but such as we shall think 
 fit to impose upon our¬ 
 selves. 
 
 BKWKDICT \RNOLD.