THE UNIVERSITY — “| OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY 224 MS5n = UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN BOOKSTACKS SPR 6% UNIVERSITY LIBRARY UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN The person charging this material is responsible for its renewal or return to the library on or before the due date. The minimum fee for a lost item is $125.00, $300.00 for bound journals. Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result in dismissal from the University. Please note: self-stick notes may result in torn pages and lift some inks. Renew via the Telephone Center at 217-333-8400, 846-262-1510 (toll-free) or circlib @ uiuc.edu. Renew online by choosing the My Account option at: http://www.library.uiuc.edu/catalog/ THE UNIVERSITY of CHICAGO STUDIES IN SOCIAL SCIENCE Edited by A COMMITTEE OF THE SOCIAL SCIENCE DEPARTMENTS The University of Chicago Studies in Social Science are an expression of community of interests of the social sciences. The publication of these Studies is one of the results of a comprehensive program of research which has been undertaken by the departments concerned not only as separate departments but also as a group or conference of departments. The formation of this conference is an outgrowth of the belief that the social sciences should engage more actively and systematically in co-operative consideration of their problems and methodology. This does not imply any diminution of interest in the development of their special fields. The Studies, therefore, are to include the results of scientific investigations usually associated with the fields of each of the participating departments. But they will also include the results of joint investigations of several or all of these departments as well as studies in related fields. EprirorIiAL COMMITTEE L. C. MarsHatu, Chairman Department of Political Economy A. W. SMALL Department of Sociology and Anthropology C. E. Merriam Department of Political Science M. W. JERNEGAN Department of History T. V. Smita Department of Philosophy W. H. Spencer School of Commerce and Administration Epita ABBOTT Graduate School of Social Service Administration NON-VOTING Causes and Methods of Control THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS THE BAKER & TAYLOR COMPANY NEW YORE THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA TOKYO, OSAKA, KYOTO, FUKUOKA, SENDAI THE MISSION BOOK COMPANY SHANGHAI LbRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS Aa — yu eitene™ “é i SLACKERS WHO FAIL THEIR COUNTRY WHEN NEEDED Cartoon from the Chicago Tribur iain 1924, reprinted by courtesy of John cae and the Chic "ribun NON-VOTING | Causes and Methods of Control BY CHARLES EDWARD MERRIAM Professor of Political Science in the University of Chicago AND HAROLD FOOTE GOSNELL Instructor in Political Science in the University of Chicago THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS CHICAGO, ILLINOIS Coprricut 1924 By Tur UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO All Rights Reserved Published August 1924 Composed and Printed By The University of Chicago Press Chicago, Illinois, U.S.A. ; PREFACE The large cities of the United States furnish ideal material for the study of democratic processes. The varied social classes, the heterogeneous population recruited from all parts of the world, and the compli- cated governmental structures put a considerable strain upon the theory of the competency of the citizens to run their own affairs. What may be said about Ameri- can cities in general applies with particular force to the city of Chicago. The rapid growth of Chicago, its large immigrant population, its growing negro population, its intricate governmental organization, its tangled politi- cal groupings, its many elective offices and elections are all factors which make the city a very desirable field for studying electoral problems. On the other hand, the mobility of the population of Chicago is probably greater than that of most of the other large American cities because of the great concentration of commer- cial and transportational activities in the city, and the election system is perhaps a little more antiquated and — unsuited for urban conditions than the election system found in most American cities. With these limitations in mind, the study of non-voting in a particular Chi- cago election, the mayoralty election of April 3, 1923, may be entered upon as a preliminary approach to the study of political motives. Registration for voting in Chicago is a personal matter, left entirely to the initiative of the individual citizen. March 13, 1923, was the only registration day in the city in advance of the mayoralty election for those who had not registered the preceding October or February in the particular precinct where they were Vil 83724 ee Vill PREFACE then residing. On and immediately prior to this date, the Chicago daily newspapers announced this solemn fact in such a way as to attract the attention of all who were interested or felt concerned; the precinct commit- teemen rushed about to inform their unregistered and unlettered constituents that the last time for them to make sure of their voting privileges had come; and the loyal Chicago electors urged their relatives, friends, and acquaintances who had not registered to avail them- selves of the last opportunity to put their names on the registration books. ‘The Democratic, Republican, and Socialist parties had each nominated a candidate for mayor in the February primary, and in twenty of the fifty wards of the city the aldermanic contest had been so close that a supplementary election on the same day as the mayoralty election was necessary. ‘The party organizations, the Municipal Voters’ League, the League of Women Voters, and all the civic or semi- political groupings in the city had been trying to arouse the interest of the municipal electorate in the most important function which it had to perform in connec- tion with the city government. The activities of these associations were reported in the newspapers, and discussed to some extent upon the street corners. In spite of the efforts of the political leaders to focus the attention of the 1,400,000 eligible electors upon the coming mayoralty election, there were only 900,000 names upon the registration books when the lists were closed on March 17. In other words, there were over a half-million adult citizens who were not registered, a large proportion of whom were unaware that they had made a choice which virtually deprived them of their right to vote in the coming election. ‘Those who are interested in understanding the actual operation of popular government would like to know what is behind PREFACE 1x this failure on the part of a large number of eligible electors to avail themselves of their voting privileges. Are the persons who do not register any different from those whodo? Why isit that the stimuli which moved a majority of the adult citizens pollward on registration day had no effect upon the behavior of a substantial minority? ‘The first outstanding fact to notice is that nearly three-quarters of these non-registered adult citizens were women. Women were allowed to register for local elections in Chicago as early as 1913; yet, ten years later, not half of the adult female citizens in the city had established voting habits. This is a con- dition which leagues of women voters and women’s clubs have been trying to change, but there is much left for them to do. The mayoralty election was held on April 3, 1923. Following the last registration day, the party workers and the civic leaders concentrated their energy on getting out the largest proportion possible of the registered vote. They no longer paid any attention to the great mass of the unregistered. Campaign litera- ture and announcements of political meetings were sent to the registered voters, and many of the registered voters were called upon personally by the precinct committeemen. The newspapers gave full accounts of the important political meetings, printed editorials on the merits of the leading candidates, and sold advertis- ing space to the prosperous political organizations. The party workers realized that voting involved making a choice between two or more alternatives, and they consequently used all the devices that men commonly employ in persuading others to act. The desires, the intellects, the sympathies, the fears, the emotions, the traditions, and the habits of the registered voters were played upon by the political leaders in the hope that x PREFACE the desired response would be produced on election day. On the eventful day, some 723,000 citizens interrupted their customary routine long enough to go through the ritual of marking slips of paper. Some 182,000 persons who were registered did not vote. When this number is added to the number of adult citizens who were not registered, the grand total of the adult citizen non- voters equals some 740,000, or one-quarter of the total population in the city. In other words, one-half of the adult citizens of Chicago were unmoved by the stimuli which induced the other half to vote. Practically the same condition was found in the country at large in 1920, for only one-half of the 54,000,000 adult citizens in the United States participated in the presidential election held in that year. The authors of this report, feeling that the local election was an important one and that the proportion of non-voters was typical, decided to make it the basis for a general analysis of the causes of non-voting. In trying to find out why one-half of the citizenry failed to vote, many difficulties were encountered. The study of human motives has not progressed very far in spite of some of the recent advances made by the psychol- ogists. It is obvious that the citizens who did not vote lacked the motives which moved the voters pollward. Another way of saying this would be that their atten- tion on election day was absorbed by other interests. Life in Chicago is under considerable pressure. ‘The election of some of the minor officers does not interest one-half of the qualified voters, not even to the point of giving up ten or fifteen minutes to marking a ballot. Rich, poor, and the moderately well-to-do have their “theaters, cafés, movies, social events, sports, ete. The women are engrossed in their social duties, their church functions, outside work, or care of their families. The PREFACE XI men are interested in their business, in their clubs, and in their lodges. A complete catalogue of the social situations which crowded out the electoral interests of 700,000 individuals would be, of course, out of the ques- tion. On the other hand, it is not difficult to make some armchair generalizations about the causes of non-voting. Anyone who has ever been a negligent elector will find it easy to build up a number of rationalizations as to why he did not vote. Writers on government and politics have decried the indifference of the electorate ever since the rise of representative institutions. The present work does not repeat these vague misgivings. It is rather an attempt to present a mass of concrete ma- terial, gathered with painstaking care, on the basis of which students of politics may get behind some of the current notions as to the way in which democratic government is working. In order to make an accurate survey of even a small portion of those who did not vote in the election, the authors soon found that it was necessary to secure the co-operation of many individuals. Information was needed from the federal census officials, from the local election officials, and from the local party workers. The assistance of a corps of competent field workers, statisticians, computers, and general clerical workers was also necessary. The study was made under the auspices of the Local Community Research Committee of the University of Chicago. This committee was organized by the Departments of the Social Service Group of the University to administer the research made possible by a grant from the Laura Spelman Rockefeller Memorial to the trustees of which grate- ful acknowledgment is made. The authors feel that the book is only in a small part the product of their own labors. Those connected with Xl PREFACE the local election machinery from the Election Com- missioners to the most humble employee on their force, party leaders in the city ranging in importance from the head of a city organization to a precinct captain’s second assistant, and the students at the University of Chicago connected with the Department of Political Science rendered services that were absolutely indispen- sable to the collection and compilation of the data presented. ‘To the Hon. Edmund K. Jarecki, who as county judge of Cook County had general supervision over the election system; to the Hon. Martin J. O’Brien, city controller and organization chairman of the Democratic party in the city; to Hon. Edward J. Brundage, attorney-general of the state of Illinois and Republican ward committeeman; to Messrs. Anthony Czarnecki, Harry A. Lipsky, and Fred V. Maguire, members of the Board of Election’ Commissioners; to Hon. U.S. Schwartz, member of the City Council; to Mr. Roy O. West, Republican ward committeeman; to Mr. John S. Rusch, chief clerk of the Board of Elec- tion Commissioners; to Mr. Louis Revor, of the Statis- tical Division of the Controller’s Office; and to Mrs. Emma Chaloupka, interpreter and special field worker, the authors are especially indebted. Controller O’Brien furnished the complete list of Democratic precinct com- mitteemen, sent a personal letter to over half of them, and made available the use of the tabulating machines in the statistical division of his office. Judge Jarecki and the Board of Election Commissioners opened up the elec- tion records and assisted in every way possible. The actual gathering of the concrete data about the 6,000 non-voters discussed in this book was done by graduate students in the Department. To Miss Pearl Robertson, Mrs. Loraine R. Green, Mr. Norman Wood Beck, Mr. Roy V. Peel, Mr. Max Swiren, and the other students of PREFACE Xlll the social sciences in the University of Chicago who spent many warm days walking the streets and climbing stairs in order to establish face-to-face contacts with non- _ voters, the authors are under peculiar obligations. ‘The authors have also to be thankful for the ingenuity and resourcefulness that these students showed in finding out the reasons why the citizens in certain selected areas of the city did not vote. Finally, to Professors Quincy Wright and Leonard D. White, who read por- tions of the manuscript and made many helpful criti- cisms, the authors wish to make acknowledgments. While in organizing the material the authors have co-operated throughout, Mr. Merriam is primarily responsible for the chapters on methods, and Mr. Gosnell for the remaining chapters. CHARLES EpwaRp MERRIAM Haroup Footer GOsSNELL UNIVERSITY oF CHICAGO June, 1924 6d { tal rig ‘ tt ‘ os, if i 4 7, » ib ’ 73% £ A Vy 2 ate rr aes, (Sauye, ’ ¢ yi hah PA xt TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I. II. IIT. IV. VI. VII. VII. IX. . DISBELIEF IN WoMAN’s VOTING . SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION Tur Mertuop or Inquiry Judgment and Insight of Bieoertd Weert enien of 6,000 Non-Voters—Social Data—Study of Particular Pre- cincts, Neighborhoods, Groups, and Individuals GENERAL ANALYSIS OF CAUSES OF NON-VOTING PuysicaL DIFFICULTIES IlIness—Absence—Detained by Helpless Meee of Family LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES . Insufficient Legal Residence—Fear of Loss of Business or Wages—Poor Voting Facilities—Fear of Disclosure of Age Anti-Suffragist—Objections of Husband DisGust WITH Po.rtics AND OTHER DISBELIEFS IN VoTING Disgust with aa ete ae ae Party—Belief That One Vote Counts for Nothing—Belief That the Ballot Box Is Corrupted—Disbelief in All Political Action GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA General Indifference—Indifference to Particular ie tion—Neglect: Intended to Vote but Failed—Ignorance or Timidity Regarding Elections—Failure of Party Workers | PRECINCT STUDIES Meruops or Controuuinc Non-VotTinG xV PAGE 25 52 78 . 109 . 123 . 158 . 202 . 232 . 250 XV1 TABLE OF CONTENTS APPENDIXES* PAGE A. TABULATIONS OF ORIGINAL DATA ow oe a eS B. Forms UsSep IN THE Stupy of Non-VoTInG . . . . 262 C. SUGGESTIONS AS TO PROCEDURE IN FuTuRE STUDIES OF Non-VotTinG e e e e e e e « . ° e e Q75 Tepex? BR ON OR a a) ee CHAPTER I THE METHOD OF INQUIRY The fundamental problem in the study of non-voting is to ascertain the situations under which the franchise is not exercised by those who possess it. The reverse side of the problem would be, What are the situations under which men vote? A complete study involves an inquiry into the interests or motives both of voters and of non-voters, of the drives that animate them to vote, of the obstacles—physical, legal, social, or otherwise— that inhibit them from voting. This particular part of the investigation is limited to the side of inactivity or non-exercise of the voting rights. But, as often happens in the study of the abnormal or pathological, much light is thrown on the normal. The striking characteristics of the abnormal are often only the exaggeration, sometimes only slight, of the character- istics of the normal individual. So the traits of the non-voter are often only the slight enlargement of the traits of the voter, and tend to show what is really going on in the electoral process that plays so important a part in modern political and social life. The indifference, the neglect, the attitude toward government, the prejudice, that characterize the non- voter, are not things apart, but are the development of similar characteristics found in the great mass of the voters. If Mr. A does not vote because the taxes are high, or Mrs. B does not vote because her husband objects, or Mr. C because all politics is corrupt, or Mrs. D does not vote because of unfamiliarity with the electoral mechanism or timidity regarding it, then all 1 2 NON-VOTING these conditions probably prevail throughout the whole community in slightly less-pronounced degree. In these particular instances they were strong enough to prevent the exercise of the franchise, while in others they were overcome by other interests and motives. Another: section of this study would therefore include inevitably an inquiry into the motives of the voter with a view of discovering in microscopic manner the situa- tions under which the voting impulse is strongest, of analyzing these situations as sharply as possible, and of ascertaining their origin and development, or, on the other hand, their decline. We should enter here into a field of custom, suggestion, specific personal interest, group interest, sporting interest, civic obligation, and a whole series of yet unexplored lands in the world of political experience. Doubtless the inquiring mind of the investigator will some day map and chart them. Another problem arising out of the study of non- voting is the means of control over the process. If we know the situations out of which non-voting arises, then to what extent may we stimulate or depress non- voting? ‘To what extent might we produce more or, if we desired to do so, less voting ? Obviously this is a field in which experiments might be outlined and under- taken on a considerable scale, if the facilities were available. This topic is discussed in later chapters of this study, but relatively little was done with it in this investigation. The subject was reserved for further development. This particular study was based upon an election for the office of mayor of Chicago in April, 1923. It is not assumed that the facts then found or the conclusions reached are common to all elections at all times and places. Some of the situations found are probably general, but others are distinctly peculiar to the par- THE METHOD OF INQUIRY 3 ticular situation. Care must therefore be taken in generalizing too broadly from the data or conclusions assembled in this study. Many studies of many more situations will be necessary before it is possible to obtain that thorough knowledge of the process upon which broad conclusions may safely be rested. It may be said at the outset that those in charge of the inquiry had a wide background of practical political experience with voters and non-voters. ‘This included active service in party organization, candidacy for office, incumbency in public office, many years of close obser- vation of the electoral process in a number of states, and an unusually intimate knowledge of the electoral process and the social factors in the Chicago situation and in the particular election studied. ‘Tentative studies of non-voting had been tried in several graduate courses in political parties with a view of surveying the problem and of learning some of the practical difficulties that would arise in actual observation.! These pre- liminary studies suggested many of the typical problems and advantages that might be derived from this form of investigation. _7 The chief sources of information in the present study may be classified as follows: 1. The judgment and insight of some 300 experts in the electoral processes. 2. Examination of 6,000 non-voters in the election. 3. Data as to sex, age, length of residence, citizen- ship status of 5,000 voters obtained from the books of the Election Commissioners and other election statistics. " 1JIn 1922, some 1,000 observations of non-voters were made by the National League of Women Voters under the direction of Mr. Merriam, but it proved impossible to carry on this work successfully without trained observers under close supervision. a NON-VOTING 4. Census data from ten enumeration districts, showing male and female, native-born, foreign-born, and naturalized. 5. Some study of particular precincts, neighbor- hoods, groups, and individuals. JUDGMENT AND INSIGHT OF EXPERTS Some 300 persons familiar with voting and non- voting in Chicago were consulted as to the situations under which men do not vote. A part of these were the precinct committeemen and other officials of the Democratic and Republican organizations, another part were officeholders, and another section men and women active in local political affairs and in position to observe closely the electoral process. A number of these were consulted personally, and a questionnaire was filled out by others. _ Signers were asked to indicate in the order of rela- tive importance their reasons for non-voting, or to add other reasons not mentioned in the schedule. In some instances valuable and significant comments were returned by these experts in voting processes,? although in other cases it appeared that relatively little thought had been given to the general problem. For example, a Democratic official in an overwhelmingly Republican territory or a Republican official in an overwhelmingly Democratic territory is not primarily interested in getting out the whole vote, but only that part of it in which he is primarily concerned. Some of these com- ments indicate a very intensive acquaintance with a particular area or set of voters, and shrewd insight into the situations under which non-voting occurs. More intensive inquiry in this field would probably yield very 1 See Appendix B (p. 271) for a reproduction of the questionnaire used. 2 See chap. viii. THE METHOD OF INQUIRY 5 valuable results, especially in the form of specific cases. On the other hand, there are certain citizens who are unwilling to disclose to the regular committeemen the reasons for their unwillingness to vote, especially where this is due to disgust with politics, or to fear or timidity as to disclosing their party affiliation. Broadly speaking, the results of the experts’ judg- ment and the analysis of the returns of the 6,000 examinations were not widely different except in two particulars: 1. The experts failed to include some reasons devel- oped in the course of the examination, as home nursing of the sick, objections of husband, failure of party workers, indifference to last election. Doubtless they were fully aware of these situations but did not include them in their analyses. 2. Our examination of non-voters made it possible — to arrive at a quantitative estimate of the amount of | non-voting and of its distribution among various groups. | Undoubtedly the experts possessed ample information | regarding the special groups with which they were © familiar, but they were not in position to assemble the material and to show the relative proportions of non- voting among the several groups of voters in the city. EXAMINATION OF 6,000 NON-VOTERS Some 6,000 persons who did not vote in the mayor- alty election of 1923 were examined by our investi- gators. ‘These non-voters were selected with a view of obtaining a representative sample of the 700,000 non- voters in this’ election. The following groups were included: sex, age, nationality, economic status, occu- pation, length of residence. ‘The samples were taken from: the groups scattered over the entire city, and as broadly distributed as possible. While the 6,000 non- 6 NON-VOTING voters represent a little less than 1 per cent of all the non-voters, it is believed that the careful selection of groups and types has given a fairly representative set of the situations to be studied. A larger sample would have been more typical, but the cost would have been prohibitive, as interviewing individual non-voters is a slow and expensive process. ‘That a fairly representa- tive group was obtained is indicated by Table I below. TABLE I Cotor AND Nativity or Apuut CiTizENs IN CHICAGO AND OF 5,310 Non-Voters INTERVIEWED Aputt Non-VoTerRs INTERVIEWED (ELECTION OF Apvutt CITIZENS IN Cuicaco (1920 Ce Aprit 8, 1923) CoLor AND NATIVITY Oe SS Per Cent Per Cent Number Distri- || Number | Distri- bution bution Total cee ay eel ee eee eae 1,366,515 | 100.0 || 5,3104| 100.0 Native white—native parentage.....| 345,017 | 25.1 || 1,323 | 25.0 Native white—foreign parentage....}| 529,800 | 39.0 || 1,308 | 25.0 Native white—parentage unknown. .]..........]....... 331 6.0 Negroni ie Ge er eee 88,620 | 6.0 350t| 6.6 Foreign-born white—naturalized....| 403,078 | 29.9 || 1,998 | 37.4 Country of birth of foreign-born white: Wy England and Canada............ 25,461 129 99 1.8 Treland sca ioe eka ae ae eee 41,456 3.0 123 2.8 Germany and Austria............ 99 ,123 7i2 368 6.9 Norway, Sweden, and Denmark.. . 53,9389 4.0 303 5.7 Russia Uses ec aiceia se 39 , 068 2.9 277 5.2 Poland Ya i eae i ei aide ee 43,840 3.2 286 5.4 Czecho-Slovakia, Jugo-Slavia, and Huigary ee see ee eee wee _ 89,154 2.9 939 4b Ltaly ies Puen see aM Le ae aR 18,156 1.8 268 5.0 All other countries.............. 42,882 3.5 85 0.6 * TI, 846. _ + Excluding 69 per cent of the colored non-voters interviewed. For an explanation of this correction, see p. 35. This shows the comparative distribution of citizen popu- lation in Chicago and the distribution of the non-voters interviewed. An excessive number of colored citizens THE METHOD OF INQUIRY 7 was canvassed, but this disproportion was corrected by reducing the figure in the corrected percentage tables. The colored people canvassed were located in the most typical colored sections of the city. It is also plain that the sex group was fairly typical, as is shown by the following figures in Table IT: TABLE II Sex or Voters AND Non-VoTers IN CHICAGO For Entime Crry, Aprin 3, 1923 For SrELectTeD AREAS Non-Voters Registered Non-Voters * Voters (Estimated) ¢ Voterst Interviewed§ SEx SEER SOR ikea Aba) nee Per ent ent ent Cent Number | pistri- | Number | pistri- || Number) pistri- |Number| nistri- bution bution bution bution Male..... 464,289] 64.0 | 273,686] 36.7 || 3,313] 64.3 | 1,681] 31.6 Female... .| 258,978] 36.0 | 470,683] 63.3 || 1,846] 35.7 | 3,629] 68.4 * Figures from records of Board of Election Commissioners. + The mode of arriving at this estimate is given on p. 26. t Data from registration books of eleven typical precincts as of March, 1923. § Excluding 69 per cent of the colored non-voters interviewed. That the sample taken was fairly representative is further shown by the fact that the characteristics found in‘the first small samples were maintained in other and larger samples as the inquiry went on. The later material accumulated, for example in racial analysis, confirmed the earlier material, thus giving consistency and uniformity to the sample, and tending to establish its representative nature. The lists of non-voters were obtained by checking the printed registration lists with the poll books and the names on the doorplates, and by inquiry from door to door. Some names were supplied by the precinct committeemen of the parties or by others familiar with the neighborhood studied. After all, the least difficult 8 | NON-VOTING of the problems was that of finding large numbers of persons who did not vote. Nor in most cases, some- what to our surprise, was any difficulty encountered in obtaining information from the non-voters themselves, who were frequently found to be accommodatingly communicative. Some, of course, were reticent or suspicious, but most were not; and some were even loquacious. These non-voters were examined by investigators, most of whom were graduate students of political science, especially trained for the purpose and closely supervised in the conduct of their work. Their efforts were supplemented by special types of workers in some cases, and they were aided by interpreters in a few instances. In most cases, however, we were able to find investigators of appropriate linguistic ability. Every effort was made to obtain as full and accurate a statement of the facts as possible, and to avoid leading or suggestion to the non-voter, especially as to the cause of his inactivity. It is not to be presumed that this was done successfully or without bias in all cases. Nor is 1t safe to conclude that those interviewed either told the truth, or remembered accurately, or were able to analyze their own situation in all cases. But, on the whole, the data are believed to be fairly reliable. In any case, the facts are far more complete both qualita- tively and quantitatively than have ever been as- sembled before in any such inquiry, whatever greater degree of completeness and accuracy we may attain in the future. The data themselves may be divided into two groups: (1) data regarding the status of the individuals, and (2) data regarding the reasons for non-voting.! 1 The schedule used for interviewing the individual non-voters is given on pp. 264-65. THE METHOD OF INQUIRY : 9 Three types of non-voters may be distinguished in the community: (1) the non-naturalized, (2) the non- registered, and (3) the registered and non-voting’ . citizen. This inquiry did not undertake an examination. of the non-naturalized group—a separate and important © study. It included, however, the non-registered non- voter and the registered non-voter. | 2b | $9 «6|d€we 6°01 | FL | F'6 | SOL || SOL | SOL || GOL | $6 |°°°'****10A0 pue C9 9°8I | 3°06 | 4°9 | BFL | SOL | 8 OST 1-8 ST 129° St 126 CE-8 SL as le 2 oO LS SC eee 613 | 9° | 1°08 | 9°83 | L’LL | 9°S1 || SIS | S°6L | 9°08 | OLS || FSS | VSL || O'1S | FOS | °° 6-OF 3°9% | 3°93 | bss | 4:08 | 8°08 | 8°6S || $'6S | $'6S | 9°63 | B'24B || 4:08 | 4°95 || FOS) 6 LSB] "55" "60g OL | 8ST | 1'S8 | 8°13 | O'$s | 8'OF || 0°SS | 0'0E | 6°93 | 9°48 || F'1S | 9'SS || 9°93 | FBS | °° EB-TS 0'OOL |0'O00L 10° OOL |0'O0L |0'OOL |0°OOL |/0'°00L |0°O00L 10° O0L J0°OOL {0° OOL |O'OOT ||0'OOT |0°OOT |* °° * °° *}U90 A9g LLO‘T |L18‘3 | OSs | sob (SFe‘s jose‘s ||009‘S l9FS‘T lez9‘L |SsIs‘s |i¢er’s l0s8‘T ||9La‘¢ |6gL‘¢ | °,tequinu [eo], rah bo 2, =e] 7 =~] Zi =e] Z =e) © jan] lee] ae) 5 8, 8 2, § 8, g a, 8 a3, g & |/OS me) 9, < & < a < & < & < = Z. fe iis Sees oee = g g g g & 2 e 2 g S S |g. = = E a 4 5 g a g a fc cs E. o He sp | & = 5 = S 5 oe = 5 sdnouy ADV a a a a a POMOIAIOJUT S190 A -WON a NUOG-NOSITUOY ound NV GALIBMA TAILVN GIVNG GIVI TIVLOT, NOILNGIYLSIG] INA) UA :svauy GaLOGIAG NI ALIAILVN GNV ‘HOIOD ‘XAG GgIdWINGag JO SUMLOA-NON GNV SUALOA GHUALSIONY Ao AY AI aTave ANALYSIS OF CAUSES 31 the non-voters were much newer to the city than were the registered voters, one-half of the former as compared — with one-third of the latter having been in the city for less than twenty years. This difference between the registered voters and the non-voters was greatest among TABLE V TeRM OF RESIDENCE IN Cook County or REGISTERED VOTERS AND Non-VoTerRS OF SPECIFIED CoLoR AND NATIVITY IN SELECTED AREAS: PER CrEnT DISTRIBUTION Tor NATIVE Roam ieee WHITE NEGRO Hoan Non-Voters TreRM OF Interviewed RESIDENCE ; Non- : Non- : Non- tn County | Regis- ~|Voters t a Voters ae ree - nter- nter- IH abit-| Occa- Voters viewed Voters viewed Voters viewed ual | sional Voters Total no. *. .|5,159/5 ,310)i1 ,841|3 , 469/12, 520/2 962] 422 | 350 |2,217|1,998 Per cent. . ./100.0/100 . 01/100 . 0/100 . 0/|100 . 0/100 .0/100 .0}100 .0;100 .0/100.0 Under 10 years....| 12.6} 32.7]| 40.3) 28.7], 9.9) 32.5] 50.3) 78.5) 8.6} 25.0 10-19..... 19.3] 16.3) 15.9) 16.5] 9.0] 8.6] 22.7) 12.9) 30.4) 28.3 20-29..... 31.2] 20.5]| 20.8] 20.3] 40.5) 26.2) 15.4) 5.3] 23.7) 14.6 30-39..... 24.5) 18.3]| 14.2} 20.5] 25.8) 19.5| 8.5] 2.8) 26.0} 19.3 40-49..... 9.1} 8.2] 5.8) 9.4)| 10.2) 8.2) 2.4 0.4) 9.2) 9.5 50-59; .... Peele es Os DI Oe eea theo usa 1 Ob cee 60-69..... Meee OEOT rope Re Ola ba lows oa 0.1) 0.5 70 and over.| 0.1] 0.2) 0.2) O.@/|..... OFS hy Or2’is (OL bp COPE Grr * Basis of 100 per cent in each case. the native whites of native parentage, the English- speaking naturalized foreigners, the naturalized Italians, and the negroes. One-third of the naturalized Irish non-voters and two-fifths of the naturalized Italian non-voters had lived in the city for less than ten years. While most of the habitual non-voters were new resi- dents of the city, it is of importance to note that 47 per cent of the adult white citizens interviewed who had 39 - _ NON-VOTING never voted had lived in the city for more than twenty years. On the other hand, 86 per cent of the habitual colored non-voters had lived in the city for less than ten years. These were the recent migrants from the South who had never been allowed to vote in their old home communities and many of whom had not been in the state long enough to fulfil the residence qualifica- tions for voting. Briefly, this table indicates that a short term of residence in the city kept many people from voting. On the other hand, it does not follow necessarily that a long term of residence correlates closely with voting, for about: the same proportion of voters and non-voters had lived in the city for forty years or more. It has been pointed out above that the concrete situations which resulted in non-voting were studied by interviewing 6,000 non-voters. The reasons for not voting that were obtained in this fashion were the reflections which the individual non-voters or their intimate associates were willing to put in verbal form regarding the situation which stimulated their non- action. While it is true that few people can describe accurately their own motives and actions, the “‘reasons”’ given in each case may be regarded as fairly reliable in- asmuch as they were characteristic of certain social situations. On the schedules used for interviewing non-voters, there were twenty reasons for not voting which appear in all the subsequent tables. Some of the investigators tried to select the most important reasons as they went along, but others put down all the reasons that they regarded as operative in a given case. On one-fourth of the schedules, secondary or minor reasons were mentioned in addition to the principal reason.! 1'Table XX in Appendix A shows the combinations of reasons for not voting that were given by this portion of the non-voters interviewed. ANALYSIS OF CAUSES 33 In all, there were found to be over 150 separate com- binations of the different reasons given why people do not vote. As might be expected, some of these com- binations appeared much more frequently than others. The most popular combinations were between general indifference and ignorance or timidity regarding elec- tions, and between general indifference and disbelief in woman's voting, both of which occurred more than two hundred times. Next came the following combina- tions: general indifference and disgust with politics, general indifference and neglect, general indifference and insufficient legal residence, general indifference and ill- ness, and neglect and fear of loss of business or wages. Each one of these combinations explained the electoral delinquencies of sixty to a hundred adult citizens inter- viewed. ‘There were five reasons which were just about as likely to occur in combination with some other factor as by themselves. ‘These reasons were: general indifference, ignorance or timidity regarding elections, neglect, disbelief in woman’s voting, and disgust with politics. On some of the schedules there appeared as many as three or four different reasons.! Thus, there were many reports on which neglect, fear of loss of business or wages, and congestion at the polls were checked. These reports were typical of many that were obtained in working-class districts where the men voted early in the morning in order to avoid losing any of their working time. An analysis of the different factors which combined to keep certain persons away from the polls on election day shows clearly the complexity of the problem attacked in this study. It is obvious that it would be very difficult to make cross-tabulations on the basis of the many different explanations of non-voting described above. In order 1 For a full statement of all the combinations see Appendix A. 34 NON-VOTING to obtain a simple and convenient classification of the many reasons for not voting given by the non-voters, the interviewers went over each one of the individual schedules, and selected what they regarded as the most TABLE VI Reasons For Not Votine Given By Non-Voters INTERVIEWED Per Cent Reasons for Not Voting Number Distribution All reasons. 2) 2 eivel pees ce cree HEN To eam 5,310 100.0 Physical difficulties: UTE ROP EOL Ss og GO TM Hk ra Oay Ia Iga eRe 647 12.1 ADSONCE Ds ctu Mee Gara b oe Ayia gene Megs mac ira 589 Lit Detained by helpless member of family......... 115 2.2 Legal and administrative obstacles: Insufficient legal residence. ..............0.04- Q74 5.2 Fear of loss of business or wages............... 289 5.5 Coiigestion at, polls) ec i wk. lie ini oie mea 44 0.8 Poor location of polling’ booth 7.0.5 .54 45040. ee 45 0.8 Fear‘ ofdisclosure of lage; 2). 0 pate 14 0.3 Disbelief in voting: Disbelief in woman’s voting................0-. 414 7.8 Objections: of husband. is,’ Lyrae ea eee 54 1.0 Disgust with politios sos (6:1. ui euleae aaa ee eee ee 230 4.3 Disgust ‘with own’ party.) Sain ee Bee ae 105 2.0 Belief that one vote counts for nothing ........ 79 1.5 Belief that ballot box is corrupted............. 40 0.7 Disbelief in all political action................. 22 0.4 Inertia: General indifference yk SEs ak ae eee 1,347 25 .4 Indifference to particular election.............. 129 2.5 Neglect: intended to vote but failed........... 448 8.4 Ignorance or timidity regarding elections....... 378 Ae Failure’ of ‘party: workers.) ))\\0).).\ase ick ee ee 47 0.9 important factor in each case.! Inasmuch as three- fourths of the reports on the individual non-voters con- tained but a single causal explanation, it cannot be said that this procedure did great violence to the data. Table VI shows the results of this step and also the number of non-voters giving each of the various reasons 1'This was done when the original schedules were being coded for the Hollerith punch-card operators. ANALYSIS OF CAUSES 35 after a correction was made for the superabundance of colored non-voters interviewed. A_ glance at the reasons given by the colored non-voters shows how necessary it was to make this correction.!. The reasons for not voting instanced the greatest number of times by the adult negroes were insufficient legal residence and disgust with own .party. Since the overwhelming importance given to these reasons by the negroes was peculiar to the time-and-place situation, only a portion of colored non-voters was used in each of the general tables. This reduction was made on the basis of a very careful community study made as to the amount of non-voting among the negroes in the particular election under discussion.2 The new total of 5,310, which appears on all the tables, contains only 31 per cent of the colored non-voters interviewed. The quantitative importance of the different reasons for not voting may now be considered on the basis of this corrected sample. For purposes of convenience, the reasons may be divided into three groups: the very common reasons, the common reasons, and the minor 1See Table VIII, p. 40. 2 The number of colored non-voters to discard was determined as follows: The average annual increase of the negro population in Chicago for the decade 1910-20 was something over 10,000. The negro population of the city in 1923 was probably at least 150,000 (110,000 in 1920). In a solid colored precinct with a total population of 1,400 people, a thorough canvass revealed the presence of 463 adult non-voters. Assuming that this precinct was typical of the solid colored districts, it can be said that the ratio of adult colored non-voters to the total colored population in the city in April, 1923, ° was 1 to 3. One-third of the estimated colored population in the city at the time of the election is 50,000. This number is 6.7 per cent of 740,000, the estimated number of adult non-voters at the election. The number given above, 5,310, represents the total number of adult white non-voters interviewed, plus 350, this number being 6.6 per cent of 5,310. Since 350 is $1 per cent of 1,138, the total number of adult colored non-voters inter- viewed, 69 per cent of the adult colored non-voters interviewed were not used in the corrected tables. For another approach to this problem, see Table I, pp. 6-7. A aaa 36 NON-VOTING reasons. The very common reasons are defined as those that were instanced by at least 7 per cent of the non-voters. The following reasons fulfil this definition: general indifference, illness, absence, neglect, disbelief in woman’s voting, and ignorance or timidity regarding elections. In general, ‘the estimates based upon the replies of the party experts support this grouping.! General indifference was mentioned by more than a third of the non-voters interviewed as the reason or one of the reasons for not voting, but it was regarded as the most important reason in only one-fourth of the cases. ‘The common reasons were those each of which was given by approximately 5 per cent of the non- , voters.\ The reasons in this group—fear of loss of business or wages, disgust with politics, and insufficient legal residence—were also ranked high by the party experts. The remaining, or minor, reasons have the following rank order, beginning with the most impor- tant: indifference to particular election, detained by helpless member of family, disgust with own party, belief that one vote counts for nothing, objections of husband, failure of party workers, poor location of polling booth, congestion at the polls, belief that the ballot box is corrupted, disbelief in all political action, and fear of disclosure of age. It is significant to note that the estimates of the party experts and the results obtained by the interview method were in substantial agreement as to the general relative importance of the _ different reasons for not voting. In an earlier portion of this chapter, the general importance of the factor of sex as a cause of non-voting was discussed. Table VII, showing the reasons for not voting given by the male and female non-voters 1 An examination of the questionnaires showed that these reasons were marked as most common by the great majority of the party experts. ~ a of aw ae is ee. ae tS ANALYSIS OF CAUSES 37 TABLE VII Reasons ror Nor Vorine Given spy Non-Voters OF SPECIFIED SEx, REGISTRATION STATUS, AND VOTING EXPERIENCE: PER CENT DISTRIBUTION S REGISTRATION Vv E Sex Sratus OTING EXPERIENCE Reasons For Not VortiIneG Voted | Voted q Fe- || Regis-| Not N & || Male | male |] tered |Reais-|) Chi. | Else- | Voted & cago All reasons: Number*........... 5 ,310||1 , 681/3 ,629]|1 ,919|3 , 369||3 045] 385 |1,841 Per COUtren ses. 100 .0}/100 .0/100 .0||100 .0/100 .0}|100 .0}100.0/100.0 Physical difficulties: ane IAP M ree 2. sa’, 5's 12.1); 8.6] 18.8}} 19.9) 7.7|| 17.4) 7.8) 4.6 Absence ........... AL SL 7h G2 19S) 6 2h) 16.0) Eee 4 Detained by helpless member of family..| 2.2|| 0.7| 2.8]; 3.2} 1.6]| 2.9} 0.3} 1.4 Legal and administrative obstacles: Insufficient legal resi- re 2 es as! 6.21148 6leSscol) 0:8) re. 6 «2.6 26 2h art Fear of loss of busi- ness or wages..... 5.5}; 12.9) 2.0] 10.0; 2@.9]| 7.8) 4.4) 1.8 Congestionatthepolls} 0.8)| 1.5} 0.5]) 1.5] 0.5]} 1.3] 0.5} 0.2 Poor location of poll- ; me booth ss)... . OrSih el. OL Oo CECE Ola - LS 1y Ose) Ose Fear of disclosure of oi, bale 0.3|| 0.1] 0.3]] 0.1] 0.3]| 0.9]..... 0.3 Disbelief in voting: Disbelief in woman’s EIEN cs ss ss TON ces LDA TL .GpaTL Sil) 2S 2b e 2 Sr iees Objectionsofhusband| 1.0]|..... eho Os 1), 1 126l)-5 Ossie: 2.6 Belief that one vote counts for nothing LES NO IV SP AWS PE SH AP leh tS aS Disgust with politics | 4.3]| 5.1) 4.0]} 3.4) 4.9]| 4.9] 4.2) 3.5 Sty with own Metetek A se ste 2 SON Soll (kA 44h 0.6 BS. Liet SiG eee, Balt that ballot box is corrupted...... OC.Teb ie Ob OTP OL 7: O18 A IGiees Disbelief in all politi- cal action........ 0.4)| 0.6) 0.4] 0.2) 0.5}) 0.2) 0.3) 0.8 Inertia: General indifference | 25.4|| 14.6] 30.4)| 11.5] 33.4]| 17.0] 16.6] 41.0 Indifference to par- ticular election....| 2.5|| 2.6) 2.4]; 2.8] 2.3); 3.6} 2.9] 0.3 Neglect: intended to vote but failed....| 8.4|| 10.9] 7.3]} 14.5} 5.0}} 11.9} 8 2.8 Ignorance or timidity regarding elections| 7.1|| 4.6) 8.3]| 2.7) 9.6) 4.1] 7.5} 12.0 Failure of party : workers.......... GPO EOE ST. O06 1 OF LO. tron OF6 * Basis of 100 per cent in each case. t Includes twenty-two cases in which no information regarding registration status was given and thirty-nine cases in which no information regarding voting experience was given. 38 NON-VOTING interviewed, indicates something about situations stim- ulating non-voting which were peculiar to the members of each sex. The following reasons were found to be more important among the women than among the men: general indifference, disbelief in woman’s voting, illness, ignorance or timidity regarding elections, and home-nursing duties. On the other hand, absence from the city, fear of loss of business or wages, and neglect were found to be more important factors among the male non-voters than among the female non-voters. In fact, the chief reason why men do not vote according to the results of this study was not general indifference but absence from the city. The sex differential is one which runs through all the tables showing reasons for not voting given by the non-voters of specified characteristics. Table VII also shows the relation between registra- tion status, voting experience, and the different reasons for not voting. Over one-half of the cases of irregular voting, that is, the cases of registered voters failing to vote, were explained by one of the three following causes: illness, absence, or neglect. General indiffer- ence does not loom up as a factor of prime importance in explaining the abstention of the registered citizens. On the other hand, general indifference was an impor- tant reason why adult citizens did not register.\_A more ~ elaborate analysis of this material shows that over 50 per cent of the non-registered adult female citizens interviewed in this study gave, as the cause of their civic negligence, indifference, ignorance regarding elec- tions, or disbelief in woman’s voting.! | One-half of the non-registered adult male citizens explained their failure 1 For the sake of brevity and to avoid burdening the reader with too many tables, the tables showing the reasons for not voting given by the non- voters of specified sex and registration status are not published. ANALYSIS OF CAUSES 39 to take the first step in the voting process because of absence from the city, insufficient legal residence, or general indifference. Of great significance from the standpoint of this study were the reasons given by the habitual non-voters. Over one-half of the adult male citizens interviewed who had never voted said that they were indifferent, lacked the legal residence qualifica- tions, or were ignorant regarding elections, while 78.6 per cent of the adult female citizens who had never voted declared that they were indifferent, disbelieved in woman’s voting, or were ignorant regarding elections. Attention should be called to the important place given to general indifference and ignorance regarding elections by those who have no voting experience. These two clauses alone account for over half of the cases of habitual non-voting among the adult female citizens of Polish or Italian parentage. Table VIII shows that there is close relation between color, nativity, and certain of the reasons given for not voting. Of all the groups considered, the native- white non-voters of native parentage were the most likely to give absence from the city and the least likely to give general indifference as a reason for not voting. One-half of the male and one-third of the female native American non-voters interviewed explained their failure to go to the polls on the grounds of absence, illness, or neglect. In the particular election under discussion, insufficient legal residence and disgust with own party accounted for the abstention of nearly two-fifths of the colored non-voters. The preponderance of these two reasons, due largely to the particular election, distorts somewhat the relative importance of the remaining reasons given by the negroes. In order to put the colored non-voters on a comparable basis with the whites, an estimated normal distribution of the colored 40 NON-VOTING TABLE VIII Reasons ror Not Votina Given By Non-VotTers oF SPECIFIED CoLorR, “Nativity, AND ParentaL Nativity: Per Cent DistrispuTion NATIVE-Born or NATIVE Or ForrIcn Reasons For Nort Votinae Totatt White All reasons: Nomberry eur fccae ueneer 5,310 || 1,323 Per cent iin g Giicahetiar wes 100.0 ||100.0 Physical difficulties: ' Dinesa We.) c Orcieee os sear 12.1 || 10.9 Absence. via. ceeckter yD ED | Us ANS Detained by helpless mem- ber of family. 20. 424.2. 2.2 Ls Legal and administrative obstacles: Insufficient legal residence..| 5.2 6.2 Fear of loss of business or WARES? ur cutis Wa er wieldda leis 5.5 4.7 Congestion at the polls.....| 0.8 0.5 Poor location of polling booth} 0.8 0.8 Fear of disclosure of age....| 0.3 0.1 Disbelief in voting: A Disbelief in woman’s voting | 7.8 7.5 Objections of husband..... 1.0 0.5 Belief that one vote counts Tor DOING aie aieu el 1.5 1 Disgust with politics....... 4.3 3.9 Disgust with own party....| 2.0 0.7 Belief that ballot box is COPrupled aa eder hiss ot OG 0.7 Disbelief in all political BRUTIONs Ge hen ne Ure ale 0.4 0.5 Inertia: General indifference....... 25.4 || 22.6 Indifference to particular election tan scuba Y tails 2.5 3.4 Neglect: intended to vote but failed (haci sires te bee 8.4 7.8 Ignorance or _ timidity regarding elections...... 71 6.1 Failure of party workers...| 0.9 0.4 * Basis of 100 per cent in each case. PARENTAGE PARENTAGE Colored we N F Ph mate ative | Foreign Colored| Normal| White | White Distri- bution) 350 | 228 |1,294)1,952 100.0 |100.0 {100.0 |100.0 4.8 | 7.5 | 11.7 | 14.4 4.6) 7.0) 8.3 (eos 0.5 | 0.9.) 03.15 see 20.0} 3.9} 3.4] 8.3 4.7 17.0 | 2.5 | 3.5 LU ae 0.8 | 1.8 | O;8 en 0.8) 0.4 | O. Giles 4.0 | 6.2 | Tidee sere 0.7 | 0.9 1 aiee 1.4 Ind 1.8 | 72-8 oe 6.0) TiO aioe 18.05) “O39 1,0:}, 38 La 1:8} 0 ae 0.4] 0.4] 0.4) 0.5 14.7 | 22.7 | 28.2 | 28.1 3.0] 4.4] 2.0] 1.8 3.61 5.7 | 10.6) 0 8.2 | 12.7) VSys ee 2.0 | 3.1.) O}Ghieee t Includes 391 cases in which nativity of parents of non-voter was unknown. {The percentage of whites giving insufficient own party. legal residence and disgust with ANALYSIS OF CAUSES 41 non-voters according to reasons for not voting was worked out. On the basis of this ‘“‘normal distribu- tion,’’! it can be said that the colored non-voters were the most apt of all the groups discussed to attribute their electoral failures to disgust with politics or ignorance and timidity regarding elections. The outstanding reasons for not voting given by the native whites of foreign parentage were general indifference, illness, and neglect. Fear of loss of business or wages and disbelief in woman’s voting also stood out prominently in this group as compared with the other groups. The foreign-born white non-voters were more inclined to explain their failure to vote on the grounds of illness, disbelief in woman’s voting, and ignorance or timidity regarding elections than were the native-white non- voters of native parentage. The last-mentioned three reasons, together with general indifference, explained the abstention of nearly three-fourths of the foreign- born women interviewed who acquired their American citizenship by marriage. A detailed analysis of the reasons given by the non- voters of foreign parentage (Table IX) gives some idea as to why there were so many non-voters of particular national origins. It has been indicated above that non- voting was relatively very common among the women of Slavic or Italian origin. When questioned about their failure to register and to vote, the women of these nationalities commonly replied that they were indiffer- ent, sick at the time of the election, or ignorant regard- ing all elections. A fair proportion of them also replied that they did not believe in women voting. Among the non-voters of Irish or German parentage, the pleas of general indifference and ignorance regarding elections were heard less frequently and those of illness, absence, 1 This is given in column 4 of Table VIII. *U9AIS J19M Pagloads ssoy} UY} Jaq}0 SolI}UNOD USt9I0} YOY UI Sasvo say-AIJY sopnpouy | "988 YOO Ul JUV Jd QOT Jo siseg y $$ eee 9'T £'S 9°I 6°0 r'0 9°0 $°0 9°0 OL Teter ececerecesces + ssrontom Aqred Jo ame o°6 9°8 OTT 1'9 6°6 9 9°S cL 9°L Pa “"BUORI2[9 Suipiesei1 Ayipruary 10 soue10usyT 9°9 v8 8g ol | 6 6r | 38 69 8°¢ Oia >. "pales Inq 930A 0} pepuszur 2409/99 9°0 GO +] 24°0 63 9°S SI 9°3 ce 61 ae “WOr}eI9 TENOTIEd 04 sousIIIpuy o's | ses | 6:63 | #¢2 | 0°98 | t'9% | 9:68 | L:98 T'S [ects iste tee -gonasamipur peroues) /DUsauy 6°0 c'0 cere v,« 9°0 r'0 0 See be 1'T FO ee aia ee ‘ WOrjIe [eorytjod re ul orpaqsiq ol 8°0 POET ie 9°0 9°0 Lt ¢'0 Lt 8°0 osc +++ = paydnaz0o SI xXoq JO]TBq Fey} JoISg | CP 9° 63 Ss P'S 6°3 6°S $F Co GhU Seated Aig hues es) V8 Ley S19 00.°6 6-9 "++ *sorod yy ysn3siq7 61 61 81 rl a | VI 61 i Se 91 fete “surqjou IOJ ta 9}0A UO 7eY} Jorg a's a | 60 9°0 9°0 a | 9°0 81 El o Hae ere go 6 ate: elibbian Kena se . ‘*purqsny jo suonoolqg Lg 18 6°9 6 3 0'¢ 0°61 TSI Gh 08 be ee : ‘SUIJOA SWeUIOM UT Jorfoqsiq iS) :buxyoa ur foyaqsig Z. ; atin a eeees aa pa eS 9°0 c'0 2 anata ee 9°0 €°0 SWalla enermire, sVa Ww oeeransl are "+ -a8e Jo amsopstp Jo vag = $0 50 1 0% 0 8°0 O'T LT 7 ee ce “+ 7+" qOOG Jo WOL}ROOT 100g ey ou 8°0 L'0 6'0 6°0 8°0 ¢'0 9'0 8'0 bleigs6.- Ske vain ta..¢ eee! "*+++**srod ay} 78 UOTysasu07 > &°9 8°P G25 0'9 @ 8 G'S 6°S T=; 69 Eee pie de eer ag 2, Oe a. Ssoulsngq Jo sso] jo Ivay Zz G+T 3 o's os L's C'S e's gg P'S Chacala tare Sey Oe eee, noe ep "* ““g9U9pIsod [B52] qusloyNsuy 2) /89]9DjSGO adynujsurtmpy pun pobaT Z 9°T ¢'0 SL $9 IZ rs 9°3 ee i OU oe ee Ayturey jo ceed BE ssafdjay Aq pourejoq I'¢ SF — 8°6 oD, 6° pare 891 OL Rew Asa ene oo ene “aouesqy o'er | OFT oot | 6:81 o'6 ¢3l | OL. | 96 os ae per Ko cr 5 evar To ee geUTT fer qoashy 0'001 | 0'001 | o-00t | o-00T | O'00t | O'00t | O'00T | O'o0T I] OcOOT | ge eate a tees a quao s9gq GI¢ 6LS ISP OFS CLP $88 908 SLI 908‘§ a le ace 56 Sine eee ale eee 6 6 «ie 8 ee eee eres * , Jaquin /SUu0svas 1). P SotizUunNo‘) Yeu epeuey Ayeqy DARTS puvpog BISssny ‘uapaMsg Aueulsex) pue[eiy pute 12410 ‘ABMION puelsuy || {ivsoy DNILOA LON YOd SNOSVAY Q SHALOA-NON' 40 SINGUVG JO HLNIG AO AULNOOYD + NOILAGIUISIG] IND) UT -ADVINTUVG NOIGYOT AO SHALOA-NON A NOAIN) ONILOA LON YOU SNOSVaY XI GIAVe ANALYSIS OF CAUSES 43 and disbelief in woman’s voting more frequently than among the newer immigrant groups just discussed. The reasons for not voting given by the men of foreign parentage were most likely to be neglect or fear of loss of business or wages. In fact, among the few male non- voters of Polish parentage, fear of loss of business or wages stood out as the most important factor. The reasons for not voting given by the male and female non-voters of specified ages, as is shown in Table X, bring out several interesting correspondences. While one-half of the male non-voters over forty years of age declared they did not vote because they were absent, sick, or indifferent, the same proportion of male non-voters under forty years of age said that their abstention was due to absence, fear of loss of business or wages, and neglect. Nearly four-fifths of the women of all ages accounted for their failure to vote on the ground of indifference, illness, or disbelief in woman’s voting, but the last two factors were much more impor- tant among the elderly women than among the young women. It has been indicated above that non-voting was more common among the elderly women than among young women. ‘Table X shows that a large number of elderly women failed to vote because they were sick or unwilling to believe that voting was a woman's task. ‘The reasons that were more commonly given by the young women than by the old were general indifference, neglect, insufficient legal residence, and home-nursing duties. A partial answer to the query as to why so many of the new residents of the city failed to vote is shown in Table XI. The new residents! did not vote largely because they were indifferent, they lacked the legal residence qualifications, or because they felt that they 1 Those who had been in the city for less than ten years. NON-VOTING AA. ‘UMOUYUN SBA 998 YOIYM UI Saseo sAQ-A}IIG} Sepnyouy | 61 0'T L°0 91 61 ¢°0 v0 60 62 L’8 Lik o°8 8's 9°¢ 0'P he g's | es 9h 68 6°9 ¢°6 8° OL GFT 06 6°6 6°36 1% 6 T &°& a 03 Te | 696 | 96 18°68 | 6 SI | OGL rh § gor ¢°0 60 60 60 an | r 0 9°0 40 ¢°0 ¢°0 6°0 60 $1 Sil 8°0 L0 an | mak 9'T a Bi GG 6°& 8°& L6G 8's rg 0's 6S 94 a 1 an oP 80 9°T 61 pa oS 81 91 cI OT eT LT i ae Se Oe Be PRA 6.S1 6st | 3°6 L'8 soe ns ; iil peer "0 69 50 50 es Ces 27, Ay tree 60 8°0 60 8°0 9°0 ; i E OT UT Sager al A | ¢°0 L0 6 1 oT Gal g-T ¢°0 PG 06 66 6&9 c'6 SLT | 0 FT 8°0 8°36 1 Oe ¥ 9 3°S PL 9°8 ¢ oI OT £6 6 P 8°36 & 1 6°0 9°0 vO 9°¢ 94 6g TS. ay | 696 | 6 16 | 681 4L& | 6b | 9G ¢ OL 608 | 60 | 6 PF 8S 0° OOT | 0° O0L | 0 OOT | O'OOL | 0'OOT | O'OOT | 0'OOT | 0°O00T c6S | FES‘T | sg0'T 668 891 OLg 86P 6TT Py ee a a ee a eee | ee pur 09 69-0F 68-06 63-16 pur 09 69-0F 68-06 66-16 ole mo y Tr Ww SdOINA UVAX-NAY, AM SUALOA-NON JO ADY wADdKO Gt mare M29 DO O HON 0 S&F Figs eo Qe 1H25 oO SO © res FNC OS rior S oS = oo len) I& JIviLoy, ‘OSB YORI UI 390 Jod OOT Jo sIseg » rere ede ewecee es vices Sr99I0M ATIVC JO SINIBT “** *suorjoo]e Sutpsresar AjIprIuty 10 soue10UsT "rete “parrey yng 940A 0} pepueqzU :409]99N srereesess “ores JeMorsed 0} sdueJeTIpuy eevee eee oeeeeereereer ev ee * Q0UsTEHIput [Biou9+) DUYLaUy erie enanieicectrenene Wess -donoe [eortjod [[®@ Ut Jorpoqstcy oeee eevee eee ees es aay wmene. 2s *paqdnaioo SI xoq JOT[eQ ey} Jorpoge wee aes o- “Ayaed UMO Y}IAL JSNSSICE “sorptod qzIM ysnsstqy oe ee Surqyou IOJ SJUNOD 9JOA 9UO }RY} Jolpeg "**""SUIJOA S UBUIOM Ul :Buajoa ‘pueqsny jo suoroefqg jorpeqsiq, ur fayaqsig "ss +" ***9¢B JO VINSOpSIP JO Ie9I7 "*** "700g Surjod Jo uor}e00T I00g 2 2 a ke orer es. ‘ sjjod oq} ye UWOI}sadu07D "**"s98BM JO SSoUISNg JO SSOT Jo IeaT ** “QoUOpIsod [B89] JUSTOUFNSUT [89190890 aarywijsiurupo pun obaT Sire ATurey es gas Bee Aq poureyog eve eee eee oeoe ere eee ee ee eee eee ee eee ‘ ssoul[] ssaynayfip yoorshiy q *qyuao Jog 4 Toquan Ny -SUOSDIAL 1] 7 ONILOA LON WOU SNOSVAY NOILOGIULSIG] INAD UAG ‘SANDY AaWIOddS AO SUMLOA-NON HIVWA GNV AIVIAT AM NUAIS ONILOA LON woud SNOSVay X ATAVL 45 ANALYSIS OF CAUSES ‘as¥o TOI Ul yO Jod OOT JO SIseg y a ooo Ooo I 6 0° 00T Il IAQ pur OL See eT T= 9°0 roa | 6°0 L'0 con b> G.P 9°F 9°9 $°9 16 0's o's Gg rh 0's OIL | ¢'°6 oh oS L's 13 oS $3 ar oS 0°06 | 8°96 | 4°85 | 8°96 | 9°93 | TIS | 5° LB ata ees Bi Brae 5 o'0 0 FO C'S 9°0 6°0 L0 9°0 6°0 9°0 cae Si wy I ¢°0 9°T OT 61 S'S oy L's tL o's Lt 6's $s ee te9-0 L0 9'°T cl 0°3 PT oS S'T L0 91 a1 6'0 9°0 0's POL | 06 6'8 6'9 8°9 9°8 oS eee O $°0 $'0 3°0 10 abt eee se ee 01 ot eT 50 oS St ee aI 6°0 9°0 L'0 OT o's ST $9 0'9 $8 Ph 63 amen le oT L'0 6°0 oS L's Silt ean Og E'S 0's AG L’3 roa | P-Fioaso Sl aieyste- cs Le? OL -1-8SL Pee Cste 1S. 36 01 ee Lie | OST cS Sl: 1.023110 6 0'00L | 0'OOL | 0'O0L | 0'00T | O'OOT | 0'OOT | 0'00T OF S91 CSh 6L6 | 980‘LT | S98 | SSZL‘T 69-09 69-09 6F—-0F 66-06 63-06 6I-OL | OT t9puy) SGOIuag AVA A-NAT, AM ALNQOD WOOD NI GONAGISAY AO WATT, . NHN WHSSCOSO KPHAHNROSO WMNOKRO icy) canal raze! —) S So re tesrssessesesssssgrgyiom AVIed JO sIN[leT " *Smorpooje Sulpiese1 ApIpruity 10 soueIOUST "+++ *paTrey yng 930A 0} pepueyU :4d9[59Ny Se oe SORIep Ivjnorjied 0} sdUsIJeyIpuy 5g ote Sete ean eae ee we QoUdTOYIpUT [BLIU9N) DYMIUT ew lela’. oe “ene a ‘morjoR eorptjod Il? ul Jorpeqsiq i ta “*poydnai09 SI XOq JO][Rq 7eY} Jorpeg ain : “Aqaed UMO Y}IM YSNSSICy eo; 4. ela! oe 6/0 eee eee ere ‘sorpjod YA qsnssiqy "++ *ZuIq}OU IOJ SJUNOD 930A 9UO 4eY} Jol[eg oe eee ee eee s-9-0te ls ee ° ‘puvqsny jo suorqoelqg oer wue Ce ee 6 ee ene ‘SUTJOA S UBUIOM Ul Jorpeqsiq, sbuyoa ur foyagsig oe ys 18s es +e «57 O9u JO SINSOosIpO avon set cutreleRv s tasel a. q}00q suljjod jo UOI} BOOT 100g ie. Te. oe ee eee s]jod oy} 12 UOT}sasu07) Trrtsece ss -s9FBM IO SSOUISNG JO SSO] JO Ivaq o's: 6S 6s ee" bee wa ‘ goMepIsod [esoy quoloygnsuy 189]9D]SqQo aaroujsvuriupy pun whaT ee: Ayrarey jo Joquioul ssajdjay Aq pourejoq Seg aoe ee Ct ae a aouasqy des a Ghaee Have ake eee oe ane “+> *SsouTTT ssauynoyfip poorshiy J i.e eee aes oe eee -quoo Jog Pe, tare tas. 5D eo “+25 + Joqumnyy :suosvas IVLOL ONILOA LON Od SNOSVAY NOILOGIYISIGG IND) UA :ALNQAOD NI GONACISaY JO WUAT, GUIMIONdG JO SUALOA-NON AM NUAID ONILOA LON WOU SNOSVAY IX Wav 46 NON-VOTING did not know anything about the local political situa- tion. It should be recalled that a large portion of the ~ non-voters who have lived in the city for less than ten years were negroes. The non-voters who had lived in the city for more than ten years were more likely to give illness, absence, fear of loss of business or wages, and disgust with politics as reasons for not voting than were those who had been in the city for less than ten years. The age factor, of course, had much to do with the reasons for not voting given by those who had lived in the county and city for more than forty years. Many elderly women of foreign nativity were indifferent toward elections even though they had been in the city for forty years or more. The relation between economic status and non- voting was shown by an examination of the rents paid and the occupations held by the non-voters interviewed. Unfortunately there was no information available about the occupations and the rental expenses of the voters. However, it is significant to note that the non-registered adult female citizens were found to be much more numerous in the neighborhoods where prevailing rents were under $20 a month than in the districts in which nearly all the rents were over $50 a month.! Practically all of the non-voting citizens of Irish, Italian, Polish, or Bohemian ancestry were found in districts where rents were low. On the other hand, the registered native whites of native parentage who did not vote were relatively very numerous in neighborhoods where rents were high. Table XII is designed to show the relation between rent paid and the different reasons for not voting. The male non- voters in the best? residential sections of the city gave 1See p. 26. * Modal average of rents in 1920 over $80 a month according to the telephone survey. See Table XII. ANALYSIS OF CAUSES Reasons ror Not Vorine Given By MALE AND FEMALE TABLE XII Non-VoTERs IN SPECIFIED RENTAL AREAS: Per Cent DistrIBurtrIoON Reasons FoR Not Vorina All reasons: bo Vighstt nd 3 i a i tel 2 Physical difficulties: Le Te ae PR ey hoo oe ees Detained by helpless member SMDRAIG Beery contin eh iain 24 > Legal and administrative obstacles: Insufficient legal residence. . Fear of loss of business or (Ee Re eae Congestion at the polls. .... Poor location of polling booth Fear of disclosure of age.... Disbelief in voting: Disbelief in woman’s voting. Objections of husband ...... Belief that one vote counts USN Disgust with politics....... Disgust with own party.... Belief that ballot box is cor- COL, eo ee rr Disbelief in all political Eph ya Ss a Inertia: General indifference........ Indifference to particular BIA Beale ce es ck ote «3 Neglect: intended to vote TL Ae es ne Ignorance or timidity regard- The ClE(uONS, 4... ss Failure of party workers... . 0. * Basis of 100 per cent in each case. co Mer ww ow oF F VW OWE CO bat > Mopau AVERAGE OF RENTS PER Under $20 Male $20- $50 Monts In 1920 $50 and Over Female Under | $20— $20 $50 AT $50 794 —_ 330 | 550 |1,908) 676 |1,029 100 .0)100 .0)100 .0/100.0/100 .0/100.0 a0 Soha ie) 2.00) 4) Sh. Je: lo) ees Ooo OP © =" sees o °o 32 —_ oO HO woane an ® #oOr wo 3 ie) or io) =) j— Sw oocooce iS) jd 9 > 09 O CO QO cov 24 oS on K=) 2 ~1 D> oS rt =) Sy) oO "| t© Or i=) oS =e © oo ooor o>) oro © CO ~% He ~2 2 on ~ = wn ro A) rr — { Includes twenty-three cases in which no information regarding rent paid was given. 48 NON-VOTING three principal reasons for not voting: absence, general indifference, and illness. To understand the reasons for the abstention of a like proportion of male non- voters in the poorest! neighborhoods, fear of loss -of business or wages was also necessary. Absence was about five times as important a factor among the former as among the latter group of non-voters. The female non-voters living in dwellings at the two rental extremes likewise gave widely divergent reasons for not voting. One-half of the female non-voters in the best residential areas declared that their failure to vote was due to absence, indifference, or insufficient legal residence, while one-half of the female non-voters who lived in the poorest districts said that they did not vote because of indifference, ignorance, or objections of husband. Occupation was the second criterion of economic status used in this study. Of the various occupations listed in Table XIII, housekeeping was one which appeared to have a definite relation to non-voting. The woman who spent most of her time doing house- work was very likely to be a stay-at-home on election day. It may be that the great number of non-voting housewives obtained in this study resulted from the way in which the interviewers did their work. |On the other hand, the sex classification given above shows that the number of female non-voters was not dispropor- tionate. The other occupations which seem to corre- late closely with non-voting were salesmanship, small retailing, and railroading. Table XIII shows the reasons which were most commonly given by persons engaged in the specified occupations. General indiffer- ence and absence accounts for nearly two-thirds of the cases of non-voting found among the business men and 1 Modal average of rents in 1920 less than $10 a month. 49 ANALYSIS OF CAUSES *UMOUZUN SCM TONVdNdI0 YOIYA UI Sasvo 901q}-A}10J Sopnyouy | "asBo Youve UI Jad Jad OOT Jo siseg » 6'0 Tay c'O0 6°0 L 0 3% . 16-6 c'0 rhe kane te 6'0 pees rene Re aaa > ba Ayred jo oinqprey $6 |¢8 |Ls |OL |BL [Pb BS |L6 CF 6 F (6S ILL |°°°°°* saorosje Surpaesor Ayrpruny Jo souvs0UsT ent 8 ie GL 16 2a 1g-L te 210 6. 18 SL 01 EP 8 tS "* poyrey IN 930A 0} popuezUt :4oo]daN gt itz ise leew les los let leo las lee leg lew [occ UOIo]a 4S¥] 0} doUaIOyIpUT 95061645 16 96 |0°-66.\) FI 1 PL 88 i691 j9 OL |o LE 9ST Pes jo a eee Ue iE et eo Dysauy 6'0 $°0 c'0 Se ae $'T BS: a1 ae 60 c'0 oacee @ 0 me eye « soressss ss “Tore peorrod [TB Ur Jorjeqstq eaten ers c'0 c'0 FO 6°1 rT reas Seat oa | 9°T aes L'°0 irae. ees Oagedie: + SUiKene se poydnai09 SI xoq yoryeq yey} ppg 6'0 rot zy U's L'0 LT acl Qe 9°L ST re 0'% a ayes’ «Tonks eta katiene iene tel swale te Ayred UMO Y}IM YsNSstqq Peemnlaran\f. Vo\9 9-192). 10. 9~ (20 198-6 98 1h 9 16'S 18 eee eae eee "7+ sorprjod yy ysnsstc] Getcey. - 19. [= S116 1. 16 6 16 F848. IVs eli Gobet a ee “sayy ou IO} S}UNOD 930A 9UO }eY} Joe” c’0 eet ee eels | ee 0, 6 eulnis 6 oh force ite: 61 ge Ve, 0y.0 sete i cece. os O'L © p Tene, eae nbole Yee elie. (ener erie eite: iguw e/a puvqsny jo suonoelqg 4S |O6L 99 |9'E |E'T 1S 6-19 S$ 19 LT [2-0 “HB A pst FOO S UBUIOA UT JorToqstqy :Buryoa ur faragsig c'0 g'0 secaters | aea-s ote L'0 - - : le (eet ead g°0 F ac ete "rut rts ****9Be Jo omsopostp Jo 1eaq Sao L'3 g'T L°0 soy .cieiee . ‘16'0 El 6°0 eT 8°0 7 SaaS a rece ele a Snes ‘q00q Surjod jo uorzeo0] 100g sc Pete | c'0 L'@ L'0 <6 as 18°C LS [Pa G2t 8'0 PR a er) Pee pice) Sebo. OVer ine hgty ero sjjod ye uonsasu0g 60 |80 |T4L |f'8 |8 4 |¢'SL [88 |F'L8 |O'ST |L'ST js2 jig¢ sake “Fs + <= +S poSlea 0 SNOTTENG, 40 BBO] JO Tea Cre viS 6.8.17 S69 76 4. 18'S 16.9 19 FL jh oe 658 “16°9. =e" iT eon ee eouapisad [Bsa] JUS!OUNsUT [89]9D}SGO aaynujsvurupy pun pobaT $3 ae RHE FO L'0 © Ouaae © 8 sme 8'T 9'0 SA L'0 om "setts * APOTBT Jo Joquisul sso] djoy Aq poureyoq oot Ise |g leet locos Ieee lone lett leo Iter leon cat cc aouasqy ues isttioo ler Ion los let los leo loz leg ltatlo: Soe ee es eee eee - + *ssounT ssaunoypip poorshy q 0° 00T/0 OOT/O OOT/O OOT/O OOT/O OOT)O OOT)O OOT/O OOT/O OOT|\O OOT||O'OOT)"* TTT qued tag 61S |S60°S| SST | 8s | SST | 68 | O8 | SIL | SF | OLE | FET |lOTS‘s| gE tg *,TOQuun NY isuospad go) F | af] | ak | of |e? oll | 8 lech BO] @ | 58 | ee| oe | 22 | Fs |Fe=| £6 | FE |FPS |lsmoy BUNOA ION 10J suosHaY g a n 2p a 5 be) ua wa NOILNGINISI(] INAQ UFG :SNOMVdO00Q GAIWIOGdG JO SUMLOA-NON Ad NUAID ONILOA LON YOd SNOSVAY WIX WIdVL 50 NON-VOTING the traveling salesmen and for about one-half of the electoral delinquencies of the transport workers and the professional men. The persons engaged in the other occupations mentioned assigned much less impor- tance to absence as a reason for not voting and relatively more to general indifference. Many of the non-voting clerical workers said that they were neglectful. Many small shopkeepers and workingmen did not vote because they were afraid of loss of business or wages. Many unskilled workingmen lacked the legal qualifica- tions for voting, and many of the non-voting domestic servants disbelieved in woman’s voting. The non- voting housewives explained their failure to vote largely on the grounds of illness, general indifference, disbelief in woman’s voting, or ignorance or timidity regarding elections. The purpose of this chapter has been to point out the importance of certain social factors as causes of non-voting and to show the relation of these factors to the different reasons for not voting given by the 5,000 non-voters interviewed. It has been shown that: sex and registration status have much to do with whether an adult citizen votes or not. In the particular election under discussion over one-half of the non-voters were women who were not registered. The mode in which citizenship is acquired also has something to do with the amount of interest shown in elections. A large proportion of the women of Slavic or Italian origin who acquired their citizenship by marriage took no interest in registration or voting. The possible comparisons that could be made between selected groups of registered voters and non-voters demonstrated that youthfulness, old age, and newness to the city correlated highly with non-voting. The analysis of the economic status of the non-voters interviewed brought to light the fact ANALYSIS OF CAUSES 51 that a large proportion of the irregular voters of both sexes were well-to-do, while the greater portion of the habitual non-voters were women in poor circumstances. Finally, the analysis of the non-voters interviewed according to the reasons given for not voting made it clear that there were certain stimulating situations which resulted in failure of certain kinds of people to vote. In other words, there was a distinct relation between the reasons given and such factors as sex, registration status, nationality, age, term of residence in the city, and economic status. As these factors were varied the relative importance of the different reasons also changed. In the following chapters a detailed analysis of the non-voters and the stimulating situations will be given. CHAPTER III PHYSICAL DIFFICULTIES A detailed analysis of the twenty reasons given for not voting and an examination of some of the indi- viduals that gave them may profitably begin with a discussion of the basis of the general groupings made. It is probable that some of the reasons for not voting given by the persons interviewed were excuses and not genuine explanations. However, the type of reply given has been checked against such factors as sex, nationality, economic status, and voting experience. In this way, its plausibility has been tested to some extent by objective criteria. At least it can be said that persons of such and such a position in the com- munity gave certain specified verbal reactions to ques- tions regarding their abstention from the polls. For purposes of convenience in handling the material, the twenty reasons for not voting have been classified under five different headings. While the reasons put under each heading form a more or less coherent group, no attempt has been made to set up a rigid classifica- tion. The interrelation between the different factors discussed is too complex for any such simple pro- cedure. The term, “physical difficulties,’ describes in a general way the first group of causes. If a person is seriously ill or is detained at home by a helpless member of the family, voting is made extremely difficult, and — in some cases, impossible. Absence from the city also makes voting difficult, as the Absent Electors’ Law of Illinois is very cumbersome. 52 PHYSICAL DIFFICULTIES 53 Below is a table showing the total number of non- voters who gave some physical difficulty as the most important reason why they did not vote. TABLE XIV Per Cent of Reasons for Not Voting Number N omit bee Interviewed Total giving physical difficulties | 1,351 25 .4 TL) Oy Al dels a 647 12.1 OTN NAGE a ON ga 589 11.1 Detained by helpless member of CNT RAE Ss Go ie Bee aa 115 2.2 The City Election Act of Illinois provides that legal voters who expect to be away or sick at the time of registration may make application in person or through another to be registered at the central office of the Board of Election Commissioners. If the application is not made in person it must be sworn to before a clerk of court of record and delivered under seal. The provisions of this law are such that few absent or sick legal voters profit by them. If absence or sickness prevents a person from registering in his voting pre- cinct, such a person is not likely to appear in person before the Board of Election Commissioners, nor is such a person likely to be able to hunt up a clerk of a court of record. At any rate, little use has been made of the law in Chicago. None of the absent or sick non-registered electors interviewed in this investiga- tion knew of the existence of these provisions. ILLNESS Many of the persons interrogated about their non- voting had given no thought to the matter. It is likely that some of them hunted around for the most a4 NON-VOTING plausible answer they could think of which would satisfy the investigator and speed him on his way. Whatever the actual situation was, illness figured in a large proportion of the replies received by the field workers. The precinct committeemen and the persons prominent in the political life of the city also regarded illness as an important cause of non-voting. In one-eighth of the 5,000 cases obtained in this study of non-voting, illness was given as one of the explanations of the abstention. That the illness in all of these cases was not genuine might be inferred from the fact that in 166 instances it was combined with some other reason. When non-voters said that they were both sick and indifferent, it is almost impossible to determine which was the most important factor. If they had not been sick it is still possible they might have been indifferent toward the election. The same can be said regarding those cases in which illness was associated with neglect or ignorance or with one of the disbeliefs in voting. In preparing the material for detailed statistical analysis, 647 cases were selected in which illness was deemed to be the most important factor. In other words, it was found that 1 out of every 8 non-voters interviewed gave sickness as the most important factor explaining his or her abstention. The great bulk of the non-voters who complained about sickness on election day were women. Most of these women were registered, and felt it their duty to vote in such an important election as the mayoralty election, unless hindered from doing so by some physical difficulty. One out of every 7 of the registered women who did not vote stayed at home on account of illness. Of the women who had never voted only 1 in 24 was sick on election day. It is interesting to note that a much smaller ratio of males were sick at the time of PHYSICAL DIFFICULTIES 55 the mayoralty election than of the females, if the results of the canvass can be accepted as substantially correct. The explanation of the sex difference is given in some of the individual cases cited below. A further analysis of the importance of illness as a cause of non-voting shows that it figured largely among the women of Irish, Polish, Russian, or Bohemian ancestry. With the one exception of the Irish, the female citizens of the older immigration were less likely to claim that they were indisposed on election day than were the citizens of the newer immigration. Among some of the nationalistic groups studied, illness was nearly as important a factor among the men as it was among the women. Every eighth German non-voter interviewed, whether man or woman, was professedly in poor health on election day. High proportions of the Italian, the Polish, and the Irish male non-voters were also physically indisposed at this time. The sani- tary conditions of the home and the workshop probably have something to do with these cases. Only 6 per cent of the male non-voters of native parentage com- plained of illness on election day. The ratio of illness among the foreign-born non-voters was much higher than that among the native-born non-voters. The high ratio of sick non-voters is made to appear more plausible when the factor of age is taken into consideration. A large percentage of the sick non- voters were well advanced in years. ‘These elderly citizens were very easy to find because most of them were permanent stay-at-homes. Forty out of 144 sick male non-voters were over sixty years of age, and 94 out of 502 sick female non-voters were over sixty years of age. The percentage of non-voters who gave illness as the cause of their abstention gradually increased as the older age groups were reached. Beginning at 56 NON-VOTING 4 per cent of the men and 10 per cent of the women in their twenties, it increased gradually until it reached 30 per cent of the males and 24 per cent of the females over seventy. The ratio of those giving illness as a cause of non- voting increased with the length of residence in the city. It is not to be supposed from this that general health conditions in the city were bad, but rather that the persons who had been in the city for fifty years or more were prone to various kinds of sickness on account of their age. Those persons who had moved into the city within the last ten years were in the prime of life, and were comparatively immune to illness. Of those non-voters who had been in the city for a short time only, the Irish, the Polish, and the Russians showed the greatest percentage of illness, while the native whites and Scandinavians showed the least. ‘The sanitary conditions in some of the Irish and Polish precincts which were canvassed were bad, and this fact may explain in part the high percentage of sick non-voters in these groups. At first sight the tables showing the economic status of the sick non-voters do not bring out such striking contrasts as might be expected. The female non-voters who lived in neighborhoods where rents were over $50 a month were only a little less likely to claim that they were indisposed on election day than were those living in neighborhoods where rents were under $50 a month. ‘The variation in the amount of sickness among non-voters according to economic status was greater among the men. Only 6 per cent of the male non-voters in the best residential areas said that they were kept from voting on account of illness, while about 10 per cent of the male non-voters in the poor sections asserted that they were sick on election day. The PHYSICAL DIFFICULTIES 57 German and Scandinavian women living in the high- class rental areas were much less likely to offer their personal ailments as an explanation of their failure to vote than were those living in the poor districts. The same can be said regarding the colored non-voters. The high percentage of illness among the non-voting home- owners may indicate that persons who pay taxes excuse a failure to vote only on such grounds as illness or absence. The variation in the relative amount of illness among the stay-at-homes in different neighbor- hoods is slight, but it must be remembered that the bulk of the non-voters studied in this investigation were women living in the poorest sections of ‘the city, and that they make up nearly two-thirds of all the sick non-voters. Enough has already been said about those non-voters who gave illness as an explanation of their staying at home on election day to indicate that most of them were housewives. Nearly every eighth non-voting housewife claimed that she was not at the polls on election day because she was sick. ‘The proportion of illness was even greater among those who had no occupation. Every third parent or dependent of the head of the family could not vote on election day because of physical disabilities. The business men on their own time, the traveling salesmen, the clerical workers, and the transportation workers were the least likely to be non-voters on account of sickness. About 7 per cent of the non-voting laborers, shopkeepers, professional and domestic workers were kept from voting on account of illness. It is possible that the high ratio of illness among the stay-at-home housewives as compared with the ratio of those engaged in gainful occupations was the result of the tendency on the part of housewives to offer illness as an excuse. However, 58 NON-VOTING it has already been pointed out that many of these housewives were old and that most of them were poor. The genuineness of the illness can be determined only by careful consideration of individual cases. The statistical analysis shows that the great major- ity of those who were kept at home on election day on account of illness were registered, middle-aged, or elderly female electors of foreign parentage, having no occupation but housework and living in poor sections of the city. In discussing the various reasons that were found in combination with illness, it was pointed out that illness was sometimes associated with indifference. It was also indicated that a large proportion of the women gave this dual explanation for not voting. In all the differ- ent residential neighborhoods of the city, women were interviewed who declared that they stayed at home on election day because they were both sick and indifferent. Mrs. Sundling,! a young woman living in the Hyde Park district, said that she usually voted but was feeling bad last election day and although she did not live far from the polls she did not feel like going out to vote. The interviewer remarked that this person seemed indifferent to the last election although illness was given as the cause for her failing to vote. In a Dutch settlement on the South Side, an elderly housewife did not vote at the mayoralty election, although she had voted in the preceding February aldermanic election, because she had a bad cold on election day. However, she was up on that day and could have gone to vote, had she really wanted to do so. In a depreciated residential area back of the Stockyards, a Polish woman, aged thirty-six, living in squalid conditions, did not register because she was subject to headaches which often kept her from going out. She declared that when she was not indisposed on account of her headaches her children were ill. 1The names given in the case studies are typical but not iden- tifying. PHYSICAL DIFFICULTIES 59 While many of the interviews with non-voters who professed sickness on election day were of an unsatis- factory nature, the great bulk of them gave evidence that their sickness was serious. Some gave an account of the specific disease which kept them at home on election day. A few examples will illustrate the atti- tude of the different kinds of non-voters that were kept from the polls on account of some specific disease. A young woman in a fine residential district, in spite of her short residence in the city, declared that she was greatly interested in politics. At the time of the election she was sick with diphtheria and was quarantined with some other members of her family. She was evidently sorry to have lost her vote. Mrs. P, a middle-aged colored woman afflicted with tuberculosis, thought she was mortally ill, and declared that she had not been out of her house for twelve months. At the time of the election she was confined to her bed. The most convincing cases of illness discovered in this investigation were those in which the persons definitely stated that they were confined to bed at the time of the election. With these individuals voting was practically a physical impossibility under the existing voting laws. Mr. H, an attorney living on the North Side, usually a regular voter, was sick in the hospital at the time of the election. Mrs. C, an elderly woman of Irish extraction who kept a lodging- house in the Hyde Park district, did not vote because she was sick in bed the first week in April. Some very good friends as party workers came to take her to the polls for she had hoped to be able to get up, but she was absolutely unable to go. She evidently took voting seriously, and was quite well acquainted with municipal affairs. In the Ghetto district a middle-aged Jewish woman voted at the primaries but was in the hospital on election day. She said that she paid taxes on two buildings and therefore did not miss voting except when she was absolutely unable to get out. She regarded voting as a desirable protection for all taxpayers. 60 NON-VOTING A middle-aged Bohemian woman who remembered something about the voting process in the old country declared that she was a regular voter in Chicago elections and voted in the November county election of 1922, but on the day of the mayoralty election she was sick in bed when the party workers called for her. Mr. Salter, a middle-aged brick mason who had done some work for the city, would certainly have voted in the mayoralty election if he had not been confined to his bed. He represented the colored organization of bricklayers at the time of Judge Landis’ arbitration, and was an influential man in his local, political, and industrial groups. Mrs. Bales, an elderly colored laundress who was born in Kentucky and came to Chicago in 1890, insisted that she did not purposely get sick at the time of the election. She was interested in the attitude of the colored people toward the issues of the mayoralty election, and was glad to see that the colored people were conquering some of their old prejudices. At the primary she had voted for the other party candidate, and she would have done the same at the election if she had not been confined to her bed. It has already been indicated that a large proportion of the non-voters who complained of illness were of advanced age. According to the 1920 census figures there were 46,000 people in Chicago who were over seventy years of age. It is probable that at least two- thirds of them were citizens.1 Mrs. W was eighty-two years of age and had been in Chicago for forty years. She thought that every citizen should be informed on current events and politics and that the people who complained about the city administration had no excuse to offer when they did not vote. She was a firm believer in women exercising their | influence in politics, and for one of her age she was unusually alert and informed on politics. Only her feeble health prevented her voting. A German woman, seventy-nine years of age, declared that she had been interested in politics since Lincoln was president. She voted in November, 1922, but found it too difficult to vote in the 1 Fourteenth Census of the United States, II, 291. Three-fourths of the persons over seventy years of age were foreign-born. About 55 per cent of all the foreign-born were naturalized. PHYSICAL DIFFICULTIES 61 mayoralty because she could not walk and was unable to leave the house. Mr. W, colored, had chronic rheumatism and an occasional stroke of paralysis. He was over sixty years of age, and although still able to get up and go around he had not voted for four years. He had attended only one political meeting in his life, and was disgusted at what he saw in this meeting. In view of what he had heard about the mayoralty candidates, he did not think it worth his while to make the effort to vote. Disease and old age were not the only factors which resulted in so many stay-at-homes on election day. Some citizens were disabled at the time of the mayoralty election because of injuries caused by accidents. A Russian woman of Jewish extraction was injured in a fall from a street car. She was in bed at the time of the election, unable to move her right foot. She declared that while only such a situa- tion could prevent her from voting, she was disgusted with the city’s extravagance. Mrs. R, an elderly woman living near a popular boulevard, did not vote because she was just recovering from an injury which she received when a cab hit her. She said that she had always voted and taken a keen interest in politics. A middle-aged Irish laborer showed a great deal of interest in elections. He did not see much hope in the present methods of choosing candidates until people learn to vote intelligently. He himself had been a regular voter up until the time he had broken his leg, but had not been able to vote since the presidential election of 1920. One reason for the higher ratio of sickness among the female citizens than among the male citizens is the fact that at any given time in the year a certain proportion of women are confined on account of pregnancy. Probably as many as 8,000 women in Chicago can be put in this class of non-voters at a given election.! A young Polish woman was registered but did not vote because, as she said, “‘she was visited by the stork at the time.” 1 According to the Report of the Department of Health for the City of Chi- cago for 1922 there were between 4,000 and 5,000 births each month. 62 NON-VOTING : A young colored woman was not registered and did not think of voting in April because she was receiving confinement care at that time. She had been in such poor health for some time that she felt she was unable to give any thought to such matters as elections. There was another group of citizens whose functions as electors were made very difficult because of some physical deformity. The deaf, the blind, the lame, and the paralyzed find voting a rather onerous task. Mr. A was an inmate of a hospital for incurables. He was blind and never voted at primary elections. He did not vote at the mayoralty election because he could find out little about the candidates, and there was no one to take him out on that day. Another blind man who stayed at home said he was disgusted with voting because of his physical impediment. He declared that he was not going to the polls any more to become a mere tool of ward politicians. According to the Illinois Election Law the elec- tion officials may go into the voting booth to assist persons who are physically incapable of marking the ballot. Mrs. G was an elderly woman afflicted with deafness and poor eyesight. She often found it very inconvenient to get out to the polls especially in bad weather such as that which obtained on the day of the mayoralty election. Mrs. G was an old resident of the city and her physical defects alone kept her from voting regularly. Mr. B was a paralytic and so of course could not get out to vote. He had two sons who would soon be able to vote, so he did not feel the loss of his own vote so keenly. In countries having compulsory voting illness is looked upon as a legitimate excuse for staying away from the polls on election day. A certain proportion of those who are confined to their homes on election day by sickness might be enabled to vote by a liberal mail-ballot law. The persons who gave illness as an excuse for not voting at least took their civic negligence as something which had to be accounted for in a plausible manner. PHYSICAL DIFFICULTIES 63 ABSENCE Absence as well as illness sometimes makes it highly inconvenient or impossible for a legal voter to be at the place where he is entitled to vote on election day. The legislature of Illinois recognized this fact by passing laws in 1917 and 1919 relative to absent voting. Any registered voter expecting to be away on the day of election may make an affidavit to that effect and apply for a ballot within a certain specified time. This affidavit must be made and the ballot marked before an officer authorized to administer oaths. Such officer, of course, must not see or know how the ballot is marked. The absent voter must not only make his application under oath but he must also cast his ballot under oath, and if he receives a ballot and wilfully neglects to make use of it he is liable to prosecution. Because the provisions of the Absent Electors’ Law regarding the secrecy of the ballot can easily be evaded, and because of the fact that the law is little known, few electors have availed themselves of it. Only 226 voters made use of it in the election of April 3, 1923. The precinct committeemen and the party experts both regarded absence as a significant cause for non- voting, and, according to the results obtained by the interview method, absence ranked third. Absence appeared on one-ninth of the schedules filled out for the individual non-voters. It was found less fre- quently in combination with other factors than was illness. About one-third of the 121 complex explana- tions in which absence appeared as one of the factors also contained general indifference.1 Neglect or fear of loss of business and wages made up nearly two- thirds of the remaining combinations. As in the case of illness, it is difficult to determine whether the removal 1 Tables XIX and XX, pp. 259-60. 64 NON-VOTING of the physical difficulty under discussion would have removed the cause of the abstention. The person might still have taken an indifferent attitude toward the election. However, the association of absence with fear of loss of business or wages is quite reason- able, and so is the union of absence and neglect. In this study neglect covers the type of citizen who intended to vote but failed because of some intervening obstacle. A statistical analysis of those non-voters who explained their abstention on the ground of absence reveals at once some of the striking characteristics of this type of non-voter. As might be expected, more men than women are called out of the city on election day. Every fifth male non-voter declared that absence from the city accounted for his abstention while only 1 in every 15 female non-voters gave this explanation. It was also more important among those who were registered than among those who were not registered. Absence was given as the cause of non-voting by every fifth person who registered but did not vote. When sex and registration status are considered together, the piling up of the absentee cases is even more note- worthy. ‘Twenty-seven per cent of the male non-voters who were registered but did not vote declared that on election day they were out of town. Absence was given as a cause for not registering by 15 per cent of the unregistered men and by 83 per cent of the women who were not registered. Nearly all the men who failed to register because they were out of town had some voting experience. Nevertheless, 8 per cent of the habitual male non-voters were in the out-of- town-on-election-day group. ‘This makes absence the fifth most important cause among the men who have never voted. If these proportions can be accepted as PHYSICAL DIFFICULTIES 65 typical, it is clear that the Absent Electors’ Law of Illinois does not accomplish its purpose. Some light upon the representative character of the absent non-voters interviewed can be obtained by analyzing the table showing their nativity. One-half of them were native whites of native parentage. Almost every third native white male non-voter of native parentage was away from the city at the time of the mayoralty election. On the other hand, the non- voters of foreign parentage rarely gave absence from the city as a reason. Only 1 in 5 of the German or Russian male non-voters and only 1 in 10 of the Italian male non-voters mentioned absence. ‘The male citizens of the newer immigration had evidently not reached that economic status which enabled them to move freely to other parts of the country. ‘Their business and their home ties kept them close to a very restricted part of the city. The ratio of absenteeism was like- wise much higher among the female non-voters of native parentage than among the female non-voters of foreign parentage. Fourteen per cent of the non-voting native white women of native parentage were out of the city on election day, while absenteeism was found among only 2 per cent of the negligent female electors of Irish, German, or Scandinavian extraction. The foreign- born women who acquired their citizenship through the naturalization of their husbands were little likely to be deprived of their vote on account of absence from the city. Thus it appears that absence deprived more native Americans of native parentage of their vote than it did citizens of foreign birth or parentage. Most of the absent non-voters, women as well as men, were between the ages of thirty and fifty-nine. Omitting the very old citizens, absence as a cause of non-voting was found to be increasingly more important 66 NON-VOTING as the older age groups were reached. In other words, those who traveled for business or pleasure were the middle-aged citizens who had established themselves economically. The young men and the young women who were just starting their careers were not likely to be found away from their homes. Among some of the foreign groups the opposite tendency was manifest. The young men of Polish, Russian, Scandinavian, or Bohemian ancestry were more mobile than were the older male members of their respective groups. The explana- tion of this is that the casual laborers were recruited from these groups. With the exception of a small group of young Irish women, the elderly non-voting women had a higher percentage of absenteeism than did the young. These women who were out of the city on election day were for the most part native whites of native parentage, over forty years of age. Table XI, showing the absent non-voters classi- fied by term of residence in Cook County, seems to indicate that the longer a person stays in the city the more apt he is to be out of town on election day. ‘The close relation between the age and the term of residence of the native whites in Chicago accounts-for the high percentage of absenteeism among the old residents. It is interesting to note that a low ratio of absenteeism was found among those non-voters who had been in the city for less than ten years. The greater portion of these new residents of the city were colored, native white, or German-born. The Germans who had been in the city for less than twenty years were more likely to be out of the city on election day than were those who had been in the city for twenty years or more. How- ever, as in the other tables discussed, the native whites of native parentage were the controlling group. Twenty-three per cent of the old white residents of PHYSICAL DIFFICULTIES 67 native parentage were deprived of their vote because of absence. There is a striking connection between absence as a cause of non-voting and the economic status of the voter. In the best residential neighborhoods, that is, where rents were $80 a month or over, according to the telephone survey, one-half of the male non-voters and one-quarter of the female non-voters were away on elec- tion day. On the other hand, only 10 per cent of the male non-voters and less than 2 per cent of the female non-voters in the poorest districts! gave absence as a cause of their non-voting. The absent male non-voters living in the poorest sections of the city were largely railroad men. Although the absent non-voters living in the districts where the prevailing rents were over $50 a month were largely native whites of native par- entage, there were some of German, Irish, or English parentage. Practically all of the absent female non- voters interviewed in this study were found in the well- to-do neighborhoods where the native whites of native parentage predominated. In fact, every fifth woman of native parentage living in neighborhoods where rents were over $50 a month was out of the city at the time of the mayoralty election. Thus, it can be said that a relatively high proportion of the wealthy men and women living in houses and fashionable apartments were absent non-voters. The citizens who lost their vote because election day found them many miles from the polling place were most likely to be business men on their own time, traveling salesmen, transport workers, or professional men. Forty-six per cent of the non-voting business executives interviewed in this study were out of the city on election day. Fifty-seven per cent of the 1 Prevailing rents under $15 a month. 68 NON-VOTING non-voting traveling salesmen and about one-third of the non-voting transport workers and professional men explained their abstention on the ground of absence. The persons who were least likely to lose their vote on account of absence from the city were the housewives. Next to them in this respect came the unskilled workers and domestic servants. About 15 per cent of the skilled workers and clerical workers who failed to vote in the last mayoralty election’ accounted for their non- voting on the ground of absenteeism. The non-voters who gave absence as a reason for not voting were largely native white males who were registered, middle-aged, well-to-do, and engaged in business. Many of the wives of these men were also out of the city on election day. Most of the absent non-voters interviewed were found in the wealthiest part of the Hyde Park neigh- borhood and in the heart of the North Side “Gold Coast” area. The absent male non-voters found in these neighborhoods were almost all middle-aged business men on their own time. There were bankers, lumber manufacturers, clothing manufacturers, public- utilities magnates, railway presidents, furniture manu- facturers, real estate dealers, and other business executives who failed to vote on April 3, 1923, because they were out of town. Mr. G was a high official in a local public-utility company. He had lived in Chicago for forty years, and was actively interested in elections, especially local elections. A trip to California pre- vented his voting in the mayoralty election. Mr. Y, a middle-aged banker, was a personal friend of Mr. Dever, the Democratic candidate for mayor, and gave a statement in support of Dever’s candidacy, although he was abroad at the time of the election and so was unable to vote. Mr. Y declared that he was an active participant in local politics and received a telegram from Dever announcing the result of the election when he was on PHYSICAL DIFFICULTIES 69 the ship coming home. He was sorry to have lost his vote and was evidently an active political worker. Mr. U, aged fifty, a prominent real estate dealer, did not vote at the mayoralty election because he was out of the city at the time of the election. He was one of General Dawes’s minute men, and said that he was very much interested in Chicago politics. The skilled and unskilled workers were not quite so apt to be out of town on election day as were the busi- ness men. However, there were some skilled workers © whose occupation frequently took them out of the city. The transport workers connected with the many rail- roads that converge in Chicago are frequently called out of the city by their employment. Among the non- voting railway employees were locomotive engineers, railroad mail clerks, railroad brakemen, railroad fire- men, Pullman porters, Pullman dining-car cooks and waiters, flagmen, and ordinary section-gang laborers. These men were nearly all native whites of native parent- age while the unskilled were either Negroes, Poles, or Italians. A middle-aged machinist of Austrian parentage worked in a shop which was some distance out of the city. He was able to return to his home only on special occasions. He had tried to come to the city to vote but had arrived a few minutes after the polls had closed. Mr. T, born in Russia, a skilled worker in the men’s ready-made clothing industry, was in Kansas City at the time of the election trying to organize some of the clothing workers in that city. He was registered in a precinct near the center of the Chicago clothing industry, and declared that he was greatly interested in politics, and only failed to vote when he was out of town. Mr. R, a young colored Pullman porter who had lived in Chicago for fourteen years, always voted when he could. He was working on a nine-hour run to the Pacific Coast at the time of the last registration, and consequently was unable to vote in the April election. He knew of scores of other Pullman porters who found their work made voting almost impossible. TO) NON-VOTING Mr. N was a young Italian laborer. He was registered to vote in the mayoralty election, but he was assigned to a section gang which was put on a railroad job in Indiana and so was not able to vote. The greatest amount of absenteeism was found among the traveling salesmen. Chicago is a great commercial center and hence is the hub of many sales agencies. ‘There were no traveling salesmen inter- viewed who indicated that they knew anything about the Absent Electors’ Law of Illinois or had made any effort to find out whether or not they could vote by mail. Mr. C, a salesman thirty-six years of age, living in Hyde Park, did not vote because he was absent from the city for the first part of the year. He declared that he spent so little time in Chicago that he did not take a very active interest in politics. When he was in the city he usually voted, but if he was not he did not worry much about elections for he was greatly absorbed in his business interests. Mr. B, forty-three years of age, was “‘on the road”’ at the time of the last election, and had not voted since the November election of the preceding fall. He declared that he usually voted, but he thought that local politics would ruin any honest man running for office. He believed that the public wanted the officeholders to have their salaries and perhaps enough to make up campaign expenses, but no more. Chicago politicians did not know where to stop. A comparatively high percentage of those engaged in the various professional occupations were out of the city on election day. Authors, teachers, musicians, architects, lawyers, physicians, and actors declared that they did not vote at the mayoralty election because they were in other parts of the country at the time. Comparatively speaking, there were only a few clerical workers in the absentee class. Mrs. Y, a middle-aged writer and lecturer, was on a lecture tour for the International Harvester Company at the time of the spring election of 1923. She claimed to be actively interested in Chicago politics. PHYSICAL DIFFICULTIES 71 Mr. O, a young attorney, could not vote because he was out of the city on business. He declared that he never failed to vote when at home, and took a most active interest in every aspect of local politics. Mr. B, a young accountant working for the Wilson Company, was away on a business trip in April, and that reason alone prevented his voting. When at home he was regularly a voter at all elections, and was interested in the issues. Mr. P, a German, who came to this country in 1906 when he was twenty years of age, was engaged in clerical work in the city. At the time of the mayoralty election he was in California on busi- ness, but when in the city he rarely failed to vote, and he believed that voting “‘was a good thing.” The least amount of absenteeism was found among the non-voting housewives. However, a fairly large number of the native white women of native parentage living in the residential districts were in the absentee class. Some of the women in prosperous circumstances went on business trips with their husbands. The wives of retired business men and of business men who were seeking recreation almost invariably accompanied their husbands. Some women were out of the city at election time visiting relatives in nearby cities. The non-voting housewives who accounted for their absten- tion on the ground of absence from the city, like most of the absent non-voters discussed, declared that they regarded voting as a valuable privilege. Mrs. Q, a young woman living in a high-class apartment on the North Side, was out of the city in April with her husband who was a publisher. She was a regular voter and did not wish to be classed as a non-voter because of her failure to participate in the mayoralty election. Mrs. T, a middle-aged housewife living in Chicago most of her life, was intensely interested in local affairs but went away at the time of the last election with her husband, whose health necessitated a trip to the South. She was sorry to have missed voting, and she asserted that she seldom failed to vote. Mrs. Z, an elderly Jewish lady who was born in Russia, did not vote because she went to visit some out-of-town relatives for the 12 NON-VOTING Passover holidays. She usually voted because her son was very urgent in the matter. A detailed analysis of the absent voters shows them to be among the “substantial” citizens of the city. Although there is an Absent Electors’ Law in Illinois, the nature of its provisions is little known. A campaign of education regarding the provisions of this law would undoubtedly lessen the number of absent non-voters, and a more liberal mail ballot law would go farther in the same direction. DETAINED BY HELPLESS MEMBER OF FAMILY The cases discussed in which illness was a cause of non-voting were cases in which the non-voters them- selves were sick. ‘There were also many persons who did not vote because of illness in the family. Illness as a general reason for non-voting might have included both of these situations, but it was found desirable to create a new classification for those who were detained at home on election day by a “helpless member of family,” which might be either an infant or an adult invalid. The questionnaire which was sent to the precinct committeemen did not have on it any causal explanation covering this situation, but some of the precinct committeemen in their additional remarks expressed ideas similar to it. On the other hand, the caption, “Home Nursing Duties,’ appeared on the questionnaire which was sent to the persons prominent in the political life of the city. Eight of the 92 persons who replied to this questionnaire regarded this cause as of some importance. The interviewers found 119 actual non-voters who explained their abstention on this ground. Of all the causal groups discussed so far, home-nursing duties is the most homogeneous and clearly defined. There were only 14 out of the total PHYSICAL DIFFICULTIES 73 119 cases in which another reason also was given. General indifference and ignorance were the only causes found in combination with home-nursing duties. While a little over 2 per cent of the total number of female non-voters were detained by a helpless member of the family on election day, the percentage of male non-voters in this causal group was so small that it can be almost entirely disregarded. The presence of a dozen men in the group was due to peculiar factors which will be discussed later. One-half of the women who were kept at home on election day by some helpless member of the family were registered. . In other words, home-nursing duties appeared as an important cause of non-voting among the women who were registered but failed to vote at the mayoralty election. The young female non-voters of Jewish, German, Irish, or Scandinavian parentage, living in poor cir- cumstances, were more likely to be confined to their homes on election day by home-nursing duties than were the female non-voters of the other nationalistic, economic, and age groups considered inthis study. The native whites of native parentage and also the colored were not likely to be tied down by helpless members of their families. Nearly 3 per cent of the foreign-born women who acquired their citizenship through the naturalization of their husbands were enmeshed in their domestic duties on election day. Nearly one-half of all the women who were detained by helpless members of their families on April 3, 1923, were in their thirties. The other half had just passed the forty-year mark, or had not yet reached the age of thirty. In other words, practically all the female non-voters under discussion were at the most probable child-bearing age. Inasmuch as wealthy people can afford to employ maids and nurses, the reason under discussion was not of great 74 NON-VOTING importance among the female non-voters living in the best residence neighborhoods. About 85 per cent of the women detained by sick or helpless members of the family lived in houses which rented for less than $50 a month. Only among the colored female non-voters did the criterion of economic status fail to make this striking discrimination. Over 90 per cent of the non-voters under discussion were housewives. With the exception of the men already mentioned, the remainder were either daughters or mothers. Home-nursing duties explained about 3 per cent of the cases of non-voting among the house- wives interviewed in this study. The first matter to be explained by a description of individual non-voters who were detained by a helpless member of the family is the fact that some of them were men. The men who could not leave their homes on election day were nearly all attending sick wives. In the “‘Stockyards”’ district as well as on the “‘Gold Coast,’ there were men who did not vote because the illness of their wives caused them to forget all about the election. Mr. A. David, a retail shoe merchant of Jewish ancestry, was registered but failed to cast his vote on April 3 because his wife was being operated on and he was in the hospital all that day and most of the night. In a Dutch community on the South Side a young machinist did not vote because his wife and young baby were sick. He declared he tried to be a regular voter and had missed voting only one time. Mr. Hoefelt, a middle-aged tin worker of German ancestry living on the North Side, failed to vote because on April 3 he was attending his dying father. He said he had always voted in the previous elections. With the exception of the foregoing cases all the non-voters in the causal group under discussion were women. Women whose husbands, whose mothers, PHYSICAL DIFFICULTIES 75 whose sisters, or whose nearby relatives were sick were not likely to vote when the care of these sick relatives rested primarily upon them. In a North Side “German” precinct Mrs. Weber, an elderly lady, did not vote because she was at home attending her husband whose ankle had been broken. She had voted in the February primaries and declared that she always voted. In a North Side “Swedish” precinct, Mrs. Peterson did not vote because her husband was ill at the time of the election. He died shortly after April 3. She had voted last in the presidential election of 1920. Mrs. Rosenthal, a middle-aged Jewess who lived in the Lawn- dale district, did not vote because on election day she was at the side of her husband who was in the hospital. She declared that she was a regular voter. Miss Patrek, a young Polish girl, did not vote because she had to stay at home to take care of a sickly nineteen-year-old sister and was never able to leave the house to vote. Her mother was dead and she was the oldest child in the family. Her father was a butcher earning about $15 a week. Mrs. McGinnis, a native of Ireland, had lived in this country for thirty years, and became a citizen many years ago by virtue of her husband’s naturalization papers. Her husband was confined in a hospital with a broken leg at the time of the election, and she did not wish to go to the polls alone. Mrs. Washington, a young colored woman, could not get out to vote on election day because she was caring for her sister-in-law who received confinement care on that day, and she was also looking after her sister’s five children. It has been stated that very few women in the best residential areas were detained at home on election day because of a helpless member of the family. The reason for this is that women in better circumstances can afford to employ nurses. However, women, regard- less of their economic position, are likely to neglect general social obligations when their children are sick. When quarantined on account of some contagious disease caught by their children, their abstention was compulsory. 76 NON-VOTING Mrs. A, aged thirty-six, lived in an excellent apartment near Hyde Park Boulevard. She was registered but did not vote in the mayoralty election because one of her children was ill. She always voted when able, and she thought women entirely as capable as men to carry on political affairs. In the Englewood district a young Swedish woman did not vote because her baby was sick. She had been a regular voter since becoming an American citizen in 1918. In a “Polish” precinct a young woman failed to vote because her young baby was sick and when she got someone to take care of it, it was too late to vote. She had thought the polls would be open until five o’clock. Mrs. Schwartz, living in a high-class apartment in the Hyde Park district, could not leave her home because she and her children were quarantined for scarlet fever. Mrs. Simon, an elderly Russian woman, was taking care of her convalescent daughter on election day and could not leave her home. She said that she always voted in local elections especially when a prominent Jew was a candidate. An elderly Austrian woman declared that she usually went to vote with her daughter, but her daughter was sick on election day and she did not want to leave her, nor did she wish to go to the polls alone. A middle-aged Russian woman living in the Ghetto district did not vote because her son was abnormal and could not be left alone. She was well read on politics but she felt that she should not run off to take part in an election. Not all the helplessness in the families of the non- voters under discussion was due to sickness. ‘There were a great many women who thought they could not leave their young children while they voted, and who did not want to bother about finding someone to take care of them. In a Bohemian precinct west of the Yards, Mrs. Palek, aged thirty-eight, said she had eight small children and had no time for voting. She added that if her husband voted and she took care of her children she was doing her duty for her country. Mrs. Kate Donovan, aged thirty-nine, a native of Ireland, had six children and did not register because she never found time to get away from her work and her home. PHYSICAL DIFFICULTIES te Mrs. Sabin’s child was about eight months old. She was not registered because her baby was born about the time she became twenty-one years of age. A young woman of Swedish parentage was registered but did not vote because she had no one with whom to leave her baby, and she thought that the weather was so bad that she could not take her baby with her to the polls. Home-nursing duties, like illness and absence from the city, describes an objective situation. When it has been definitely established that an eligible elector was detained at home on election day by a helpless member of the family, or that he or she was sick or out of the city on election day, the explanation of the abstention may be regarded as fairly complete. In countries that have compulsory voting, illness and absence are looked upon as legitimate excuses for not voting. In this country, a sick or an absent elector is not looked upon as a negligent citizen. Because of this fact it is probable that some of the non-voters inter- viewed feigned that they were indisposed or away on election day. Nevertheless, an examination of the individual cases shows that the great bulk of them were genuine. The physical difficulties that render voting highly inconvenient can all be traced indirectly to the mode of conducting elections in this country. In order to safeguard the honesty of elections, it is thought necessary to require each individual voter to make a personal application for his ballot in his own local voting precinct during the specified hours for voting. If work- able schemes for voting by mail were in operation and were thoroughly understood by the voters, there is no reason why qualified electors should be deprived of their vote because of illness, absence, or home-nursing duties. CHAPTER IV LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES The legal and administrative obstacles to voting discovered in this study were insufficient legal residence, fear of loss of business or wages, congestion at the polls, poor location of polling booth, and fear of disclosure of age. The first one of these obstacles is the only one which was strictly legal. ‘The others are largely peculiar to the election system in operation in Chicago. For instance, most of the persons who did not vote because they were afraid of losing business or wages did not object to voting as such, but simply found the hours TABLE XV Per Cent Reasons for Not Voting Number eG is Interviewed Total giving legal and administrative obstacles 666 12.6 Insufficient legal residence. ..............2.00005. Q74 5.2 Fear of loss of business or wages..............4.- 289 5.5 Congestion at polls foot. ss) i a an 44 0.8 Poor location of polling booth... ......4.....2.%) A5 0.8 Eear.of' disclosure ofiazes-a: ter. i. Oo ie ae eee 14 0.3 of voting highly inconvenient. In only a very few cases was the non-voting caused by fear of pressure from employers or customers. Such obstacles as con- gestion at the polls and poor location of polling place are obviously connected directly with the administra- tion of elections. The same can be said regarding the factor described as “‘fear of disclosure of age.” A common characteristic of all of these five reasons for not voting is that they are based, in part at least, upon some defect of the election system which could be rem- edied either by changing the law or its administration. 78 LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES 79 INSUFFICIENT LEGAL RESIDENCE In order to vote in any election in Illinois a person must have lived in the state for one year, in the county for three months, and in the election precinct for thirty days preceding the particular election. The mobility of the population of Chicago is such that there are many citizens in the city at every election time who do not fulfil all of these requirements. Many casual laborers come to the city for periods of less than one year,! and many persons register in one part of the city and move shortly before election time to another precinct. In other words, the short-time increases in the city’s popu- lation and the shifts in the population within the city deprive a considerable number of persons of the privilege of voting. The committeemen who were in close touch with the movements of population in their precincts assigned considerable importance to insufficient legal residence as a cause of non-voting. Nearly 300 out of the 5,000 individual non-voters interviewed claimed that insufficient legal residence kept them from the polls. About one-fifth of the citizens disfranchised in this way gave in addition some other cause explaining their abstention. It appeared that many of the persons who had not been in the city or in the precinct long enough to qualify as voters were also indifferent to local elec- tions. There were some citizens who lacked sufficient legal residence and who were also ignorant regarding elections. Where insufficient legal residence appeared in combination with some other factor it was impossible to tell whether or not the individual would vote as soon as he fulfilled the residence qualifications. An analysis of non-voters who gave insufficient legal residence as a cause of their abstention shows them to be alike in many ways. Of the 274 cases of insufficient 1 Nels Anderson, The Hobo (Chicago, 1923), p. 3. 80 NON-VOTING legal residence used for detailed analysis, 145 were men and 129 were women. Relative to the other reasons given for not voting, insufficient legal residence was twice as important among the men as among the women. ‘The men thus disqualified made up about one-sixth of all the non-registered males interviewed. About one-quarter of both the men and the women who failed to vote in the mayoralty election but who had had voting experience elsewhere indicated that insuffi- cient legal residence alone kept them from voting. Some 17 per cent of the habitual non-voters lacked sufficient legal residence. ‘This makes the reason under discussion second in importance among the factors that resulted in some men failing ever to vote. Many of the transitory workers never qualify as voters in any place. A study of the growth of the population of Chicago in 1922 would throw some light upon the character of those who failed to vote because of insufficient legal residence. Following the decreased foreign immigra- tion during the world-war, the ranks of the unskilled laborers in the city were filled by recruits from the negro communities of the South. Consequently, as might be expected, the greater proportion of those non-voters who did not fulfil the legal residence quali- fications for voting on April 3, 1923, were negroes. One out of every five negroes interviewed who had not gone to the polls on election day accounted for his abstention on the ground of insufficient legal residence. ‘There was no other racial or nationalistic group having such a large proportion of persons who had just moved to the city, the residence requirements for naturalization being more stringent than the residence qualifications for voting. In the ratios that follow, the preponderance of the negroes must be recognized as a conditioning factor. LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES 81 _ The negroes who had the energy and initiative to come to Chicago during the period of the shortage of immi- grant labor were young men and women.! Conse- quently, insufficient legal residence figured as a more important cause of non-voting among the young citizens than it did among the old. Twelve per cent of all the male non-voters in their twenties lacked the residence qualifications. This percentage was nearly twice as great as any found in other age groups. An analysis of the young colored non-voters shows how common this situation was. One-third of the colored male non-voters and one-sixth of the colored female non-voters under forty years of age lacked sufficient legal residence. Sixty per cent of the colored non-voters who lacked sufficient legal residence paid less than $50 a month for rent. On the other hand, the proportion of negroes who had not been in the city long enough to vote was greater among those who paid more than $50 a month for rent. This same tendency, though less marked, was mani- fested among the Irish, Russian, and Scandinavian male citizens who gave the reason under discussion. While the economic status of the non-voter as indi- cated by rent paid did not reveal much regarding the actual operation of the residence qualifications for voting, the economic status of the non-voter as indicated by occupation did. Nearly one-third of those deprived of the vote because they had not lived in the state, the county, or voting precinct long enough were unskilled laborers. ‘The bulk of the remainder were the house- wives of the laborers. There were a few scattered among the other occupations listed in this study. There were two main classes of citizens in Chicago who could not vote in the mayoralty election because they 1See above, p. 30. 82 NON-VOTING lacked legal residence qualifications: first, the young colored folk engaged in unskilled labor who had lived in the state for less than a year; and second, the renters, of all classes and descriptions, who had moved out of their old voting precinct less than a month before the elections. Most of the negroes who could not take part in the mayoralty election because they had not lived in the state for a year had moved to the city directly from some southern state where they had never been allowed to vote. The recent arrivals from Tennessee, Arkansas, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina had vivid stories about the devices which had been used to disfranchise them in the South. While some of them were uncertain as to whether they would register as soon as they were eligible, most of them seemed to feel that it was a great privilege for negroes to be able to vote. Mr. Willie Watson, a thirty-nine-year-old colored laborer, had never voted in Tennessee, his native state, because he had no desire to come in contact with the whites that hung around the polling booth there. He declared that he would vote in Chicago as soon as he was eligible to register. His wife, also a native of Tennessee, who had received some schooling in Nashville, said that she could have voted in Tennessee but did not care to undergo the humiliation and insult that was attached to negroes voting there. Mrs. Smith, a twenty-eight-year-old mulatto, did not think of voting when she was in Arkansas because she thought that she lacked the property qualifications necessary for voting there. She declared that she would very likely register in Chicago as soon as she was eligible. Mr. E, a young thirty-five-year-old colored laborer in the Pull- man yards, felt that his five months’ residence in the city was hardly long enough for him “‘to gather the particulars.”’ He did not know what attitude he should take toward politics as he had never voted in Georgia, his home state. A middle-aged laborer in the building trades, who had come to Chicago for higher wages in the middle of 1922, declared that he would try to learn something about voting and politics in general LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES 83 before he registered. He was glad to get away from the mistreat- ment which he had suffered in Alabama, and thought voting in Chicago would be a great privilege. Not all the negroes who lacked legal residence and voting experience felt hesitant about starting to vote. Some were so anxious to vote in the mayoralty election that they went to the polls only to be turned away disappointed. Mr. Ruben Anderson, twenty-seven years of age, native of Texas, was not at all backward in wanting to “‘try his hand at voting.” He went to the polls shortly after he came to the city only to be told that he was ineligible. Mr. Alonzo Jackson, a young colored laborer in the Armour Glue Factory, who had come to Chicago from Arkansas to get better wages, said he would register at the first opportunity after he was eligible. He explained glibly to his wife that voting was simply a matter of putting a cross in front of a candidate’s name. Mr. Edwards, a young laborer in the Stockyards, was anxious to “‘get on in politics.”” He had attended a rural school in Missis- sippi up to the fourth grade and had been enthusiastic about living in the North long before the time of his migration in 1922. .As soon as he arrived in Chicago, he had talked with the party workers and was eager to work with the party organizers. Mrs. Edwards, his wife, became of age about the time she arrived in Chicago. She was very anxious to vote “‘because her parents had never had the chance.” Mr. Wesley Carter, a middle-aged laborer in the Stockyards, had moved from Little Rock, Arkansas, where he had been a property owner and a voter in presidential elections. He had never bothered with local elections because he thought that they were of minor importance. He said he would vote here as. soon as he was eligible. Mr. Waters, a native of Alabama, had lived in Pittsburgh from 1917 to 1922, during which time he had voted. He said he had come to Chicago for economic reasons, and would vote here as soon as eligible. Mr. Washington Hunter, a middle-aged laborer in a spring factory, had registered in St. Louis and declared that he would do the same in Chicago. He was a native of Louisiana, and had moved to the North because he saw everyone leaving his old home com- munity. 84 NON-VOTING Some of the colored non-voters who failed to fulfil the requirement of a year’s residence in the state were uncertain as to whether they would ever vote or not, because their local attachments were so loose. Mr. Thomas Williams was a middle-aged, shiftless-looking casual laborer in the building trades who had lived in Chicago off and on for eight years. In 1921 he had started out for California and had “‘knocked about the country”’ since that time, not remain- ing long enough in one place to get a voting residence. Mr. Johnson was born in Pennsylvania in 1898. He worked as a waiter on a boat and declared that he had been traveling about the country since he was twenty-one years of age and had not been eligible to vote in any place. Miss Sarah Dean, a middle-aged helper in a commission house, had not lived long enough in one place to get a voting residence, and so had never voted. She merely had a room in Chicago and did not consider the city her permanent residence. Not all the colored citizens who lacked legal resi- dence were entirely new to the city. Many had lived in the city for considerably more than a year prior to the mayoralty election but were deprived of their vote at the election because they had moved from one voting precinct to another since their last registration. The housing facilities for the negroes in Chicago were so deficient in 1922-23 that the colored population was constantly shifting. Many old colored residents lost their vote because they moved a few blocks just before the election. Mr. Jack Lewis, a thirty-eight-year-old laborer in-the Stock- yards, said that his family had had to move from “pillar to post”’ since coming to Chicago in 1921, trying to get decent quarters. He had not been eligible to register because he had never stayed long enough in one precinct. Mr. Ned Ring, a laborer at McCormick’s, had lived in the Twenty-eighth Ward for fifteen years, and had always voted regu- larly. He would have voted in April if he had not lacked a few days of fulfilling the residence requirements in the voting precinct into which he moved from an adjoining precinct. LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES 85 Practically all of the white non-voters who lacked sufficient legal residence had had voting experience elsewhere, and were looking forward to voting in Chi- cago as soon as they qualified.1. Persons from Kansas City, Cleveland, New York, Kentucky, Wisconsin, and Michigan said that they had voted in their old home states, and would vote in Chicago as soon as they had been in Illinois for a year. Some had even voted in the city but lost their vote in the mayoralty election because they had moved within thirty days of the election. Mr. Victor Solomon, a middle-aged weaver of Jewish extrac- tion, said that he had never missed an election when he was in New York. He thought that everyone should vote, and was dis- gusted with the lack of interest which most Jewish people showed in politics. He planned to vote as soon as he was eligible. Mrs. B, a middle-aged housewife living in the Hyde Park dis- trict, also came to Chicago in 1922. She had been interested in politics and had worked actively in her home state of Kentucky to induce women to vote. ; Mr. Lunt, a young man connected with the Quaker Oats Com- pany, said that he had not been interested in voting here. He added that he had taken an active interest in politics in Wisconsin where he had voted in 1920. His wife said that she knew too little to vote intelligently as yet in a Chicago election, although like her husband, she had been a regular voter in Wisconsin. Mr. Olson, a well-to-do manufacturer, had come to the city from Michigan, and did not know much about politics but intended to vote at the next election as he had always voted in his old home state. Mr. Brown, connected with the Armour Company, usually voted, and he had tried to get his registration transferred from his old precinct but could not. The change of residence was the only thing that prevented him from voting in April, 1923. There were some white casual laborers who had never ‘been in the state long enough to qualify as electors. 1In Massachusetts this factor was found to be more important among the native-born than among the foreign-born. See J. P. Gavit, Americans by Choice (New York, 1922), p. 248. 86 NON-VOTING These non-voters were found in the “Hobohemia” section of Chicago. Mr. Janson, an elderly truckman of Norwegian extraction, did not vote because he had traveled around quite a lot as a farm worker and as an unskilled laborer. During his travels he had lost his naturalization papers and everything that he had, so he did not bother any more about voting. Mr. Murphy, a middle-aged laborer, came to Chicago in the latter part of 1922. He changed cities when his work failed, and had been moving about so much that he had not voted since he was in Boston in 1919. Mr. R, a government official, did not vote because he moved about the country so much that he was rarely able to qualify in any state. He had voted last in New York, in 1921. The residence qualifications for voting in Illinois, like the residence qualifications in most of the American states, disfranchise the new residents. This situation explains in part why the non-voters were much newer to the city than were the registered voters in the areas canvassed. In 1923 the great bulk of the new residents in Chicago were negroes who had been attracted by the shortage of unskilled labor in the city. There were also some adult citizens, white as well as colored, who were legally barred from voting because they had moved into their precinct within thirty days of the election. This class could be enfranchised by providing for an easy transfer of registration. Thereis no demand for the extension of the franchise to those who have lived in the state for less than a year. This study shows that the negroes who were moving to the city from the South needed at least a year to acquaint them- selves with the politics of the city. FEAR OF LOSS OF BUSINESS OR WAGES In 1891 the General Assembly of Illinois passed a law which entitled any voter to absent himself from any LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES 87 services or employment in which he was then engaged, for a period of two hours between the time of opening and closing the polls on election day, without penalty or deduction in pay.! This law was designed to enable workingmen to vote without fear of discrimination or loss of wages. No test has been made of the effective- ness of the law in accomplishing this purpose. How- ever, the Supreme Court of the state tested the constitutionality of the law and found it wanting. On February 21, 1923, the court held that the law was invalid in that it denied due process of law and could not be construed as a valid exercise of the police power.’ This decision, coming as it did just before the mayoralty election, undoubtedly had some effect upon the impor- tance of the factor of fear of loss of wages as a cause of non-voting. The precinct committeemen, the persons of political prominence, and the interviewers all gave this cause considerable weight. The labor manager of a large clothing-house in the city told of several com- plaints that were made by the union workers when they were not paid for voting time. One of these complaints was carried to the Board of Arbitration in the men’s clothing industry established by voluntary agreement between the union and the employers. The labor manager made the following comment upon the deci- sion, which, like that of the Supreme Court, was adverse to the claim: At any rate, the men in this department presented me with a claim for pay for the time they had taken off to vote on that election day. They pleaded that they did not know of the new ruling. The spokesman for the people told me frankly that hereafter if the firm was so small as not to be willing to pay its employees for the time they took off to vote, that they certainly would not trouble to vote. 1 Chap. 646, Nos. 228, 387. 2 People v. C. M. & St. P. R.R. Co., 306 Ill., 486 (1923). 88 NON-VOTING I have not had the opportunity to check up among all our people to see how far prevalent this attitude is, but I am convinced that there is not as much enthusiasm for the ballot, particularly when there is no compensation involved, as you and I and other friends of good government might desire. On the 5,000 schedules turned in by the interviewers, fear of loss of business or wages appeared nearly four hundred times. It was rated as the most important reason for not voting in 289 cases. In contrast to some of the other reasons which have been discussed, it was found more frequently in combination with neglect than in combination with general indifference. It was also quite commonly linked together with poor voting facilities. All of these were logical combinations. In Chicago, the polls were open on election day from 6 o’clock in the morning until 4 o’clock in the afternoon. Many workingmen felt that they had to vote before they went to work if they voted at all. Many men had to start from their homes about 6:00 a.m. or shortly afterward in order to arrive on time at their work. This meant that the polls were crowded in the working- class districts during the first hour that they were open. A workingman who failed to vote early in the morning might have stopped work early and voted in the afternoon. However, the slightest misjudgment on his part as to the time that he needed to get from his working place to the polling booth would have deprived him of his vote. Fear of loss of business or wages was six times as common a cause of non-voting among the men as it was among the women. It ranked third in importance with the men and eleventh with the women. Three- fourths of the 289 non-voters under discussion were men. Approximately 13 per cent of all the male non-voters interviewed declared that they could not afford at the LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES 89 last election to take the time from their work to vote. Only 2 per cent of the female non-voters gave the same explanation of their abstention. While the great majority of both the men and women who could not take time off to vote were registered, there was a respectable proportion of the men who could not register because of their long hours of work. In fact, fear of loss of business or wages ranked fourth among the various reasons given why men do not register. Every twelfth man interviewed whose name did not appear on the list of registered voters was likely to say that he could not leave his work on registration day. The same ratio held for the men who had never voted. However, among the female habitual non-voters the number who gave this reason was inconsiderable. The native whites of native parentage were less likely to be prevented from voting for this reason than were those of foreign parentage. In other words, the native whites of native parentage who were interviewed nearly always occupied a more independent economic position than did those of foreign parentage, and were therefore less likely to give fear of loss of business or wages as a reason why they did not vote. Between 15 and 20 per cent of all the Scandinavian, Irish, Italian, Slavic, and German male non-voters feared that voting would mean a pecuniary loss to them, while only 9 per cent of the native white male non-voters had the same misgiving. If the number of negroes who gave insufficient legal residence or disgust with own party as the reason for their not voting is cut to a normal ratio, the ratio of colored electors who did not vote because of fear of loss of business or wages was about the same as that found among the white citizens of foreign parentage. The young men, under forty years of age, were more dependent upon their employers and their customers 90 NON-VOTING than were the men over forty years of age. Nearly one-quarter of the young male non-voters of foreign parentage admitted that this was their situation. Among all the older male non-voters only 8.8 per cent, and among the older non-voting males of native par- entage only 5 per cent, admitted that their employ- ment interfered in any way with the performance of their civic obligations. About the same relation between youthfulness, economic pressure, and non- voting was found among the women. The young colored female non-voters and the young Polish female non-voters were the most apt to give fear of loss of busi- ness or wages as the reason why they did not vote. With the Scandinavian and Bohemian women, however, the age factor seemed to work the other way, for among them the older women were more apt to give this reason than were the younger. A lower ratio of employment excuses was found among those who had been in the city less than ten years than among those who were old residents of the city. The explanation of this may be that the newer residents were non-voters for other reasons, as, for instance, indifference or insufficient legal residence. Another interpretation may be that many of the newer residents were older men and came to the city to occupy positions of more or less independence, while the non- voters who had been in the city from twenty to twenty- nine years included many men born in Chicago who were just working their way up in the industrial world. Among the colored, the Russian, and the Scandinavian non-voters the newer residents were more likely to explain their abstention on the ground of competing business interests than were the old. As might be expected, the voters who stayed away from the polls because of economic pressure came LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES 91 largely from the poorer neighborhoods. In the resi- dential districts where rents were over $65 per month, only a little over 5 per cent of the male non-voters gave fear of loss of business or wages as the reason why they did not vote, while in the neighborhoods where prevail- ing rents were under $65 a month nearly 15 per cent of the male non-voters gave this reason. Except in the case of a few citizens of Scandinavian or German stock, the lower the rent the more apt were the electors to be bound down by economic ties which made it incon- venient for them to vote. The relation between occupation and fear of loss of business or wages is shown in Table XIII. Twenty- seven per cent of all the small shopkeepers interviewed in this investigation were afraid of losing their cus- tomers if they took time to vote. Fifteen per cent of the laborers, skilled and unskilled, were afraid of losing part of their pay if they stopped work to vote, and about 8 per cent of the business men, the salesmen, the professional men, the clerical workers, and the domestic servants were afraid of suffering economic losses of one kind or another, if they disturbed their routine by voting. Fear of loss of business or wages was one of the least important causes of non-voting among the housewives. | There are some adult citizens who have never voted because of fear of loss of business or wages. As in the case of the irregular male voters, they were the young men of all nationalities who had just come into the city. Most of them lived in the poorer sections of the city, engaging in skilled or unskilled work or in the small retail business. Fear of loss of business or wages was a state of mind which stimulated non-voting among the registered males of colored or foreign parentage who were under 92 NON-VOTING forty years of age, who lived in neighborhoods where rents were less than $50 a month, and who were employed in manufacturing, construction work, or in the small retail business. It also was found among some of the men who had never voted. A few case studies from each of the occupational groups used in this study will serve to illustrate some of the generalizations which have been made above. Since so many of the small shopkeepers interviewed declared that their non-voting was due to fear of loss of business, the discussion of this group furnishes a good starting-point. A young man who ran a restaurant on Claremont Avenue declared that he left home for the store at 4:30 a.m. before the polls were open. As he had no one to relieve him at the store, he could not vote. Usually, however, he voted as he had “‘many friends ' in polities.” On West Fiftieth Place a woman of German parentage ate kept a small grocery store said that she had no time to vote as there was no one to relieve her. Her husband worked elsewhere during the daytime. An Austrian woman who kept a small atic on East Fifty-fifth Street frankly admitted that she was “‘not sufficiently interested in this election to leave a young girl in charge of the shop while going to vote.” On Federal Street, in the heart of the colored section, a young negro who ran a lunchroom said that he was too busy to get off on registration day. He contended that he had to spend all his time building up trade. After the small shopkeepers, the working classes contained the highest proportion of persons who did not vote because of economic pressure. A precinct committeeman from the Twenty-third Ward said: ** Voting hours are from 6:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m.—polls are crowded and he will be compelled to lose time at his work. The boss will have it in for him if they are busy and dock him, besides, or when work is slack will dis- LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES 93 charge him, giving other reasons.” In the working- class districts many colored and Polish laborers were found who did not vote because their hours of employ- ment in the steel mills, in the Stockyards, or in some other industrial plant left them no time for such matters. Mr. C, a young Pole, worked in “‘Indiana Harbor.” He had been in the country and the city for fifteen years, but he had never voted as he had always left for work early in the morning and could not get back before the polls closed. Mr. Harris, forty years of age, a native of Alabama who had been in the city seven years as a laborer in the Stockyards, said that he had thought of voting on his way to work. He forgot about it and stopped on his way home, but he returned too late to vote. He added that he never lays off for politics as he cannot afford to do so. A young colored laborer in the First Ward who worked in South Chicago said that he had not voted since “they stopped giving time to vote.”” He wasa native of Alabama and had been a resident of the city for six or seven years. Mr. B, colored, who worked in a manufacturing plant on the West Side, left for work in the morning before the polls were open, and he did not get back until after they were closed. Before he began work in this particular plant he had always been a regular voter. Workingmen of Irish, German, Swedish, or native American parentage were interviewed who failed to vote because they could not afford to take time off from their jobs. In a North Side precinct an Irish policeman failed to vote because he had been at work on election day in another precinct. A young man in the Hammond Company said that after working thirteen hours he was too tired to bother about voting. He had to lay off to rest. Sometimes he was given time to vote and some- times he was not. He was indifferent toward elections when he was given no time off. A telephone lineman of Swedish ancestry said that he did not vote at the mayoralty election because he had to get out in the storm to fix lines. 94 NON-VOTING A young cylinder press feeder in a large printing plant declared that he was no longer given time off to vote. He did not like to vote on his own time, as the spring was a busy season and he must make up for the dull periods. He felt that voting was the duty of every citizen and that citizens should be given time off to vote. A printer of Italian stock who worked in a small shop could not afford to lose the time to vote as a large amount of work had piled up. He was even working nights at the time of the spring election. Those engaged in night work were also apt to be non- voters, not because they feared a direct pecuniary loss, but rather because they did not want to lose any of their productive capacity from lack of sleep. A street-car motorman of German parentage, thirty-two years of age, did not vote because his hours of employment at the time of the election were such that he would have had to give up some sleep in order to vote. A young merchant of German parentage declared that he was working sixteen hours per day and sleeping in the daytime. He thought that he needed sleep more than the vote. So far, the discussion of situations in which economic pressure is the chief cause of non-voting has been con- fined to the description of individuals living in the poor neighborhoods. In the prosperous residential areas, there are relatively fewer such individuals but they are not altogether absent. A middle-aged contractor living in the Woodlawn district of Chicago did not vote because he had to be at work early to super- intend matters. He hired many men to work for him, and he liked to be on the job when the work started. In spite of this fact, he admitted that he was sorry that he had failed to register and vote, and he declared that he intended to vote next time. With the exception of some small shopkeepers, the individual non-voters so far taken up in this reason group have all been men. Many women workers also did not vote because the voting hours conflicted with their working hours. LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES 95 A stenographer, about forty years of age, born in the city, of German parentage, did not vote because she was not permitted to take time off as hitherto. If she had voted she would have lost a day’s pay. She said that her pay was “‘worth more to her than all the mayors and presidents in the country.” A young German maid, a native of German parentage, living near the Stockyards, had always voted until she took a position which made it impossible. She had to start work before the polls were open and she did not return until about 6:00 p.m. Mrs. Olson, a young Swedish washerwoman, whose husband died several years ago, did not vote because she arrived home from work too late to vote. She has two children to support and could not get along without what little she earned at her work. In all the cases discussed in this section, one fact stands out clearly. Many working people in Chicago find the voting hours extremely inconvenient. The law which compelled employers to give their employees time off with pay on the election day was declared uncon- stitutional by the Illinois Supreme Court. Even if the law had been upheld, it would not have solved the situation. With the great number of elections that occur in Chicago each year, the financial burden of voting upon many individuals is a not inconsiderable factor. Elections might be held upon a uniform day which could be declared a legal holiday, or elections might be held on Sundays, as in several European countries. POOR VOTING FACILITIES Congestion at the polls and poor location of the polling booth are such closely related electoral diffi- culties that it is advisable to consider them under the general heading of “‘poor voting facilities.” On the registration days under discussion the polls were open from eight in the morning until nine in the evening. But on the election day the polls were open only from six in the morning until four in the afternoon. ‘This meant 96 NON-VOTING that workingmen practically had to register in the eve- ning and to vote early inthe morning. Some working- men had to start for the place of their employment so early that it was highly inconvenient for them to vote at all. Those who did have a few minutes before starting out in the morning often found the polls congested. According to the law, a voting precinct should contain as nearly as practicable 400 voters, but some of the precincts contained as many as 500 or 600 voters. It is quite obvious that the congestion at the polls in the working-class precincts early in the morning kept a considerable number from voting. The provision of the City Election Act regarding the selection of polling places was another portion of the law the operation of which sometimes made voting disagree- able. The Election Commissioners are directed by the law to select the most public and convenient places that can be found in each precinct for places of registry and voting. In a number of precincts the commissioners could not find any desirable places. ‘The result was that some of the polling places were located in barber shops, poolrooms, basements, garages, and other places to which sensitive women hesitated to go. | However diligent the Election Commissioners may be in performing their duties, the fact remains that the party experts regarded congestion at the polls as an important cause of non-voting. There were 89 indi- vidual non-voters who complained about the voting facilities in their particular precinct. Slightly over one- half of these objected to the location of the polling booth, and the rest thought that the voting facilities were adequate. Those who thought that the polls were congested were also likely either to fear loss of business or wages or to be careless about voting. On the other hand, those who thought that the polling LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES 97 booth was located in an unsuitable place were likely to be either indifferent or ignorant regarding elections. Only 41 of those interviewed gave poor voting facilities as the sole reason for their abstention on April 3, 1923. To these were added other non-voters giving complex explanations in which poor voting facilities loomed up as the most important factor. Of the 89 individual non-voters who gave poor vot- ing facilities as their principal reason for not voting, 42 were men and 47 were women. ‘The men were likely to object to a long line at the polls while the women were likely to find the polling place uncongenial. Relative to the other causes of non-voting neither congestion at the polls nor poor location of the polling booth appeared as very important reasons. Only 1.5 per cent of all the non-voters interviewed found it incon- venient to vote because of the nature of the voting facilities offered. Nevertheless, this factor, the de- scription of which suggests at once the remedy, is an administrative obstacle to voting which is worth con- sidering. ‘Two per cent of the registered male non- voters did not vote because the polling place was crowded. Nearly a dozen women were found who never voted because they objected to entering the place where the polling booth was located. One per cent of the women interviewed who had voting experience in Chi- .eago refused to return to the polls because of the unpleasant experiences that they had on the occasion of their first visit. The complaints regarding voting facilities were found more largely among the colored, the German, the Polish, and Russian non-voters. Five per cent of all the colored male non-voters declared that they were deprived of their vote because of congestion at the polls early in the morning. At elections when there is a full 98 NON-VOTING colored vote, it is probable that the percentage is much higher inasmuch as the greater portion of the negroes are laborers whose hours of employment clash with the voting hours. There was a slight accumulation of complaints against the location of the polling booth among the female colored non-voters and among the female non-voters of Russian parentage. The number of individuals who did not like the voting facilities that were afforded at the mayoralty election were so few that analysis of their age can hardly be expected to bring out any startling conclusions. Men of all ages found the polls crowded, and women of different ages found the polling place uncongenial. However, there were many young men, especially colored young men, who complained about congestion at the polls, and there was an unduly large proportion of elderly white women who were finicky about the location of the polling booth. Complaints regarding poor voting facilities were heard principally in poor neighborhoods. Congestion at the polls was found to be most significant in pre- cincts where the prevailing rents were around $15 a month. ‘These were in the colored and white working- class areas where so many found the hours of voting inconvenient, and where precinct lines were being rapidly outgrown. ‘Those who did not like the location of the polling booth were also likely to come from the poor neighborhoods, but the tendency here was not as striking as in the case of those complaining about con- gestion at the polls. Both congestion at the polls and poor location of polling booth were of greatest signifi- cance among the men and women living in flats. The men whose hours of work were such that they could only vote early in the morning when the polls were likely to be crowded were unskilled laborers or clerical LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES 99 workers. The women who found the location of the polling booth distasteful were likely to be domestic servants or housewives. In conclusion, it can be said that poor voting facili- ties tended to keep from voting those persons living in the poorest neighborhoods who were unskilled workers, clerical workers, or housewives. Since complaints about poor voting facilities were re- ceived only in certain specified precincts, it will be profit- able to consider the actual conditions found in some of these precincts. There was some grumbling about the voting facilities afforded in several precincts in congested foreign districts near the Stockyards. A few cases will indicate the nature of the complaints that were offered. Mr. Herman Gorski, a middle-aged leather sorter who came to this country from Poland in 1906, lived four blocks from the polling place. He did not vote in the mayoralty election because when he went to the polls they were crowded and when he came home it was too late to vote. Mrs. Kysko, thirty-one years of age, was registered but did not vote because the polling place was too far from her home. She declared that she walked enough in a day. Anyone would think a é woman “‘crazy”’ who worked all day and then walked four blocks just to vote. She had voted last in the spring of 1922. In a West Side precinct, a young woman of Bohemian parentage did not vote because she was told at the first polling place she found that she had to go into the next precinct, and upon reaching the polling place of that precinct, she found it crowded. By this time her baby had become so cross that she got disgusted and went home. There were more persons who complained about inadequate voting facilities in a certain colored precinct than in any other precinct canvassed in this study. As has already been indicated, this precinct was in the heart of one of the oldest colored sections of the city. A few of the complaints which were heard will give an idea of the voting facilities that were furnished in this precinct. The men complained principally about 100 NON-VOTING congestion at the polls. The objections which the women in this precinct had to the voting facilities offered concerned the location of the polling booth. Mr. Tom Cannon, aged forty-one, a colored laborer in the build- ing trades, was not registered because no one notified him of the registration date. He learned of it on the way to work registration morning. ‘The polls were too congested to register then, and when he returned home it was too late. He thought the party workers were at fault for not bringing the registration date to his notice, and he probably did not know that he might have registered in the evening any time before nine o’clock. Mr. Clark, a colored laborer in the Stockyards of about the same age, was registered in the precinct but did not vote at the mayoralty election because he was unable to make up his mind until late in the day to split his ticket, and when he did go to the polls he found them congested. Mrs. Lizzie Bell, a native of Alabama who had lived in the city for twelve years, declared that the polling booth was located in a — notorious pool and gambling place where there had been some “‘cut- ting” scrapes. She was afraid to go near it. Mrs. Jennie Turner, fifty-seven years of age, complained that in the North and the South voting was distasteful. In Ten- nessee she did not wish to come in contact with the discourteous and uncouth people at the polling booth, and in Chicago she refused to vote because the voting booth was in a pool hall. Such occur- rences caused her to lose all interest in politics. On the side of the Stockyards opposite from the Polish precincts already discussed were found several precincts in which some Irish and Russian voters com- plained about the voting facilities. In a precinct of the Fourteenth Ward Mrs. May Weinstein, aged thirty-three, did not vote because the polling place was too crowded and dirty. She was not in sympathy with the “‘shanty Irish”’ in her precinct, and had little to do with them or with the politics of the precinct. Miss Ida Kodner, a young clerk living in the same precinct, was born in Russia. She had had a grammar-school education and some voting experience, but did not vote in the mayoralty election because she was a little reticent about entering the crowded polling place. LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES 101 Miss Litowich, a young stenographer of Russian extraction, was registered in a precinct of the Twentieth Ward, which was in the heart of the Ghetto district. She was not interested enough in the mayoralty election to wait in the long line which she found when she came to the polls early in the morning. In some of the well-to-do neighborhoods, also, there were complaints about the kind of voting facilities offered. In a precinct of the Twenty-fourth Ward, Mrs. Wolf said that the polling place was always located in a poolroom or barber shop which always contained a “‘bunch of rowdies” who made insulting remarks about the passing women. Mrs. Barnes, a lodging-house keeper in a precinct of the Fifth Ward, had lived twenty-five years in Chicago but had never voted. Then she had a roomer who was sick and on whom she had to wait quite a bit. This individual was so enthusiastic about elections that she became interested herself and so went to the registration. She did not like to go to “that barber shop in the first place,” and when she saw how crowded it was, she was dismayed and so did not vote. In a precinct of the Forty-third Ward, near the “Gold Coast,” Mrs. V, a middle-aged woman who had lived in the city for twenty- five years, did not vote because she had found the polling place located in a very unpleasant cigar store. Since there were only 65 women out of a total of 231 voters in this precinct on April 3, 1923, her impression that there were too few women at the polls was well founded. In a precinct of the Forty-ninth Ward, a high-class apartment area on the North Side, Mr. Greely, a newspaper editor, did not vote because the polls were crowded in the morning when he went to vote and when he came back it was too late in the evening. He thought the hours of voting not arranged well for those who work. He declared that he always voted when he could because he thought every citizen should vote, although he himself would not care to meddle in politics like some people who were making a living in politics. Some of the people who failed to vote in the mayor- alty election complained that they could not find the polling place. 102 NON-VOTING In the Hyde Park district, Mrs. Messinger, a middle-aged housewife, did not vote because she had such a time trying to find the voting booth. She thought that there ought to be more booths and that the location of these booths should be brought to the attention of the voters in some effective manner. She even sug- gested that a band be furnished by the city for each polling place. Mr. Brown, an American Express Company driver, could not find where the polling place was located in his precinct in the Thirty-eighth Ward. He was sent around from one place to another until he got disgusted and quit. Mr. Barton, a wholesale merchant, complained that the polling place was continually shifting and he was unable to keep up with its latest shifts. He was angry at the loss of his vote. Congestion at the polls, like fear of loss of business or wages, was an administrative obstacle to voting which grew directly out of the peculiar voting hours in Chicago. The time during which the polls were open was so short that many voters were disfranchised. Workingmen who tried to vote early in the morning in order to avoid losing any of their working time found the polls congested. The polls should have been open until seven in the evening in order to give the workingmen a chance to vote after their work. Such voting hours are found in Ohio and in many other parts of the United States. It has also been suggested in this connection that elections could be held on Sunday as in continental European countries. If this innova- tion were made, it would clearly simplify the problem of getting efficient election clerks and other workers. However, it must be recognized that there are strong prejudices against the adoption of this system. The polling places in Chicago are of such a char- acter that many eligible electors do not want to go into them to register. If a suitable room cannot be found in some building in the precinct the custom of providing temporary booths or of using schoolhouses for polling places might be adopted. LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES 103 FEAR OF DISCLOSURE OF AGE The registration law of Illinois requires that all persons who register for voting must give their age. The obvious purpose of this requirement is to provide a check against impersonation. Honest and efficient election officials could easily detect a young man trying to vote under the name of an old man. However, one of the by-products of the requirement has been the refusal of some citizens who are sensitive about their age to register at all. The method employed in this investigation makes it difficult to estimate how many people balk at registering because of the age require- ment. The precinct committeemen and the persons prominent in political life both regarded fear of dis- closure of age as an important reason why some people did not register. On the other hand, the interviewers found only 14 people out of the 5,000 or more approached who frankly admitted that they did not register because they did not want to tell their age to the election officials before their neighbors. Persons who were sensitive about their age were likely to avoid the subject altogether and to give general indifference or disbelief in woman’s voting as the verbal explanation of their abstention. In fact, one of these two reasons was quite commonly linked with fear of disclosure of age as a secondary explanation. The small number of individuals who gave the reason under discussion can hardly be subjected to an elaborate statistical analysis. Since those who disliked to reveal their age constituted less than 1 per cent of nearly all subclassifications used in this study, it will be more convenient to deal with them on a numerical basis than on a percentage basis. All but two of the non-voters interviewed who con- fessed that they did not want to tell their age were 104 NON-VOTING women.! Although most of them had had voting experience, only two were registered. One-half of them were about thirty years of age, and the rest were all over forty years of age, two of them being nearly seventy. Seven of the non-voters under consideration were living in dwelling places which rented for over $50 a month, while the rest of them were in tenements renting for less than $25 a month. ‘The proportion of women who did not like to tell their age was slightly higher in the well-to-do neighborhoods than in the poor. How- ever, the difference was so small that no inferences can be made from it. Inasmuch as age and sex are the most important factors explaining the development of a fear complex regarding the disclosure of age, the most interesting cases in the group will now be discussed from that point of view. First, why should any man be sensitive about telling his age ? Mr. V, an elderly negro, was born in Kentucky about the time of the Civil War. He came to Chicago in 1914. He appeared to be much younger than he actually was. He did not wish to give his age because he feared that if it were known he would lose his job as a laborer in a cooper shop. His boss had been in the habit of discriminating in favor of younger men. Besides he was unschooled and took little interest in Chicago politics. The three women in the group under twenty-five years of age all came from German or Polish sections of the city. Two of them were married and one was not. The one who was not married worked in a tele- 1 The nativity of the parents of the non-voters under discussion was as follows: native white parentage, 2; native colored parentage, 3; German parentage, 4; Scandinavian parentage, 3; English parentage, 1; and Polish parentage, 1. With the exception of two women, one Swedish-born and the other German-born, all of them were native-born. All seven of the total of both sexes were born in Chicago. LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES 105 phone office. She did not register on “account of giving her age,”’ and because of the necessity of getting up early to vote. She liked her sleep too well for that. The four women who had just passed their thirtieth birthdays and the middle-aged women came from differ- ent sections of the city. Mrs. Masterson from the Stockyards district lived in her mother’s flat. On election day she went shopping and did not get back from town in time to vote. She objected to telling her age and said that she “‘won’t vote the next time she has to tell her age.’ Mrs. Masterson was one of the women in this group who was not interested in politics. Mrs. Lane, living in a fine house in the Hyde Park neighbor- hood, told the interviewer frankly that she did not want to tell her age. She thought it was nobody’s business just so she was twenty- one. Therefore she refused to register. | Mrs. Miller lived in a good apartment on the North Side. She did not like to tell her age, nor did she like to lie about it. Consequently she was not interested in politics. Mrs. Thing lived in a fifty-dollar-a-month apartment in the Woodlawn district. She did not register because she thought her age would be disclosed to neighbors at the polls. She did not wish everybody to know her affairs so she kept away. Miss Wylie, a middle-aged spinster, living west of Humboldt Park in her father’s house, was of the same opinion. She snapped at the interviewer as follows: “Too many gabby women on the board. Can’t tell age.” The old women who said that they did not like to tell their age at the polls likewise represented a varied group. Mrs. Mitchell was born in the city, of English parents, about the time of the Civil War. She was registered but did not vote at the mayoralty election in 1923 because she was sick in bed at the time. She also objected to telling her age. She made the following com- plaint: “‘They make fun at you at the polls. If I have to tell my age, I won’t vote.” Mrs. Watson was an elderly colored woman from Tennessee who lived in an apartment with her son-in-law. When asked why she 106 NON-VOTING did not register, she replied: “‘Because you have to tell the history of your life. I don’t want to do this. I registered once but I do not expect to do so again.”” Mrs. Watson at first said she did not know her age and she glared at her daughter when the latter said that she was sixty-five years old. Mrs. Koch, a German-born woman, living in the Hyde Park district, came to this country in 1853. She was not registered because in registering in 1920 she had found “‘some of the officers a trifle pert and curious on the subject of ages.” The provision of the election laws of Llinois which requires all persons to give their age when registering to vote kept many women and a few men from voting. The women, so deterred, were about thirty years of age and they were found in all sections of the city. The men who did not like to disclose their ages were past sixty and feared they might have to give up their jobs to younger men. It is conceivable that another system of registration might be devised which could dispense with the requirement of age. _The use of the signature, a photograph, or some other means of identi- fication might be used. Another administrative obstacle to voting, which was not mentioned by the non-voters themselves, was given by the precinct committeemen and the persons prominent in the political life of the city. This was fear of jury duty. Although the jury lists in Chicago are made up from the legal voters of the county and although the jury commissioners of Cook County do not rely solely upon the list of registered voters for making up their lists, the impression was current among many men in the city that the jury lists were made up entirely from those who were registered and that those who registered and failed to vote were called upon first for jury service. This belief acted as a powerful deterrent to voting among a certain class of business men. LEGAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE OBSTACLES 107 There are other features of the election system which led many citizens to ignore the election process.!. In certain parts of Chicago the political strife was once and is now occasionally of such a violent character that many persons are afraid to go near the polls. There was a time when nearly every election was featured by one or more gun battles. The memories still survive. In one of the river wards a young woman of Jewish extraction did not vote because she was afraid that “if she did not vote right she might be knocked off.” In a notorious section immediately north of the Loop, a tailoress of Swedish parentage was afraid to go to the polls because of the shootings and kidnapings that had occurred there. She also did not know about the registration dates. In one of the well-known Italian districts a middle- Raat street- car employee did not vote because he felt that there was too much violence countenanced at the polls. The diversity of languages spoken in the city led, he thought, to many of the misunderstandings which were at the bottom of some of these feuds. There were some actual instances found of intimidation of voters by the election officials or by the party workers. Mrs. Boest, a middle-aged woman of German parentage, was not registered because her husband had been restrained from voting by the election judges, and she declared that she did not try to vote under those circumstances. By far the greatest number of cases of intimidation were found in the colored settlement that had recently sprung up in the Ghetto district. The Democratic party organization in this district was strongly intrenched and resented the influx of colored Repub- lican voters. Consequently the party workers used various devices to persuade the negroes not to vote. 1 A young woman living in the near North Side registered for the first time but did not vote because the judges refused to give her a ballot when she gave the new name she had acquired just before the election by marriage. She and the election officials were evidently unaware of that provision of the law which permitted a woman who had just been married to vote under her old name after taking an oath [City Election Act, Sec. 80]. 108 : NON-VOTING The Democratic workers made application to have the names of registered negroes erased. ‘The negroes were then sent “‘suspect”’ notices which they had to answer in person before the Election Commissioners. A colored waitress thirty-five years of age declared that Chicago methods of preventing negroes from voting were less scrupulous than those in the South. Although in reply to a “‘suspect”’ notice, she had, in February, proved her qualifications to the satisfaction of the commissioners, a similar notice was sent to her in April. She felt that if the Republican leaders were unwilling to stop such dis- graceful practices that they would have to worry along without her vote. One colored porter who had voted in the primary was not per- mitted to vote in the election because the election officials said he had spoiled his primary ballot. He said that under such circum- stances he did not care anything about voting.! The administration of elections in a city the size of © Chicago is at best a difficult task. When this task is placed largely in the hands of two thousand election precinct boards chosen on the recommendation of the local party leaders, it is natural that there will be many complaints against the system. In the election under discussion, not only did the residence requirements, the voting hours, and the registration system keep many people from voting, but the failure of the local boards to perform their tasks efficiently had a depressing effect upon the number voting. 1A colored woman thought that the election judges and clerks were crooked because they refused to allow her to vote. They wrote her a letter to appear before the Election Commissioners because they thought she was living in “open and notorious adultery” with a man whose name she did not even know. This woman appeared to be half-intoxicated when she made this remark. . CHAPTER V DISBELIEF IN WOMAN’S VOTING So far only those non-voters who attributed their abstention to some physical, legal, or administrative difficulty have been discussed. A wholly different type of non-voter is the one who disbelieves in voting. In this investigation many adult citizens were found who had no intentions of voting on April 3, 1923. The issues and personalities that figured in the election were responsible for this attitude among some of these citizens but there were others whose disbelief in voting was not confined to any particular election. TABLE XVI Per Cent of Total Reasons for Not Voting Number Non-Voters Interviewed Total giving disbelief in woman’s voting. . 468 8.8 ig aks a RIDE SIRS Ye Re 414 7.8 Rrseetsetia OF NUSHANG 4 6. spies oes ad sein eloa's 54 1.0 Of the various disbeliefs in voting, disbelief in woman’s voting was the most frequently encountered in the canvass of non-voters made for this study. One out of every 1 nine female _non-voters-interviewed “admitted that she had not adjusted herself as yet to the idea of women voting. ‘The strength of this disbelief varied from a mild attitude of indifference toward women’s civic responsibilities to a confirmed convic- tion that women should keep out of politics altogether. Those opposed to woman suffrage did not lack confi- dence in the election process itself, but rather in their own ability to make themselves effective in politics. 109 110 NON-VOTING The investigators were told that woman’s place is in the home, that women have no business in politics, and that women ought to mind their own business and let the men folks take care of politics. On one-half of the schedules made out for those opposed to woman’s voting, some other reason in addition to disbelief in woman’s voting appeared. Most frequently this addi- tional cause of non-voting was general indifference. Women who did not believe in voting could hardly be expected to take any other attitude toward politics. In a few cases disbelief in woman’s voting was combined with disgust with politics or with ignorance and timid- ity regarding elections. Ignorance is a reasonable concomitant of a feminine inferiority complex, but the disgusted anti-suffragists adopted somewhat of a superior attitude toward “the dirty game of politics that the men are wont to play.’’ The some five hun- dred anti-suffragists who were interviewed throw some interesting light upon the operation of the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution. The testimony of the precinct committeemen agreed with the results of the interviews in giving considerable importance to disbelief in woman’s voting as a cause of non-voting among the women. In the survey made for this study disbelief in woman’s voting was only checked as a reason why adult female citizens do not register and vote, but some of the precinct committeemen wrote that this belief was found among men also. The effect of a man’s disbelief in woman’s voting was that his wife did not vote. ‘The women who did not vote because their husbands objected are discussed later. ANTI-SUFFRAGISTS A detailed analysis of the anti-suffragists met by the interviewers in this study shows they did not register DISBELIEF IN WOMAN’S VOTING 111 except in rare cases, and that nearly all of them were devoid of any voting experience. They constituted one-fifth of the sample obtained of female habitual non-voters. ‘The ratio of anti-suffragists was highest among the female non-voters of German or Irish parentage. In actual numbers, the German anti- suffragists stand out above the other groups. If dis- belief in woman’s voting is taken into consideration together with objections of husband, the third highest ratio of anti-suffragists was found among the women of Italian extraction. While among those of foreign parentage, the native-born were less likely to display an anti-suffragist complex than were the foreign-born, the relative amount of disbelief in woman’s voting among the native-white female non-voters of native parentage was about the same as among those of all foreign stocks combined. Most of the anti-suffragists interviewed were between thirty and fifty years of age. Relatively, dis- belief in woman’s voting was a more important factor among the older-age groups than among the younger- age groups. In other words, woman suffrage had existed in Chicago for only ten years prior to 1923, and prejudices which had existed before its adoption were still found to some extent among the older women, but they were beginning to die out in the new genera- tion. Making allowances for the factor of age, it can be said that the ratio of anti-suffragists among the women who had been in the city less than ten years was rela- tively high. The newcomers to the city, most of them of foreign stock, had not yet adjusted themselves to the improved status of women in this country. There does not seem to be any pronounced differ- ence between the relative amount of disbelief in women’s 112 NON-VOTING voting found in the various types of residential areas in the city. In both the best and the poorest sections about 11 per cent of the female non-voters interviewed were anti-suffragists. However, it should be remem- bered that there were many more female non-voters in the poor sections than in the well-to-do. In neighbor- hoods where rents ranged from $25 to $35 a month the ratios were somewhat higher than in either of the extremes, because these areas contained large numbers of Irish and German women. As might be expected, the anti-suffragists were largely housewives, with a sprinkling of domestic servants, small shopkeepers, and clerical workers among them. Nearly all of the anti-suffragists were not registered, most of them had not had any voting experience, and the great bulk of them were elderly foreigners, new to the city and living in poor circumstances. Nearly one- quarter of the housewives over forty years of age who had never voted gave disbelief in woman’s voting as the explanation of their abstention. Since the anti-suffrage attitude is the result of early home training, it will be useful to discuss a few anti- suffragists of each of the different nationalities in the city. It has already been pointed out that a fairly high proportion of those who disbelieved in woman’s voting were of German or Irish origin. The anti- suffragists of these two foreign stocks were founda in all parts of Chicago. In a precinct west of the Stockyards, Mrs. Rickel, who was born in Germany in 1870 and came to this country when she was eighteen, thought that since women began to vote the men have begun to lose all respect for them. She complained that even “‘when we go into the street cars they do not offer you a seat” and that they “‘just treat you rough.” Mrs. Rehm, an elderly woman of German parentage living in the Douglas Park section, said that a “‘woman is a flower for the DISBELIEF IN WOMAN’S VOTING 113 man to look after.” She should not “spoil it and mingle in his affairs.” Another woman of German parentage living in a precinct west of Washington Park said she had never voted. As she put it: “I cannot understand why women should vote. The country is much worse since women were given the right to vote. Since woman suffrage, we have prohibition. The women have plenty to do in the home.” In a North Side German community, Mrs. Rathke, a young woman of German parentage, had a definite inferiority complex. She thought women should not “‘stick their noses in politics.” Her husband’s vote was sufficient. Only men and widows should vote. Women do not understand politics and so should not “butt in men’s work.” She was very determined that woman suffrage was wrong. In the northwestern part of the city an elderly Irish woman declared: ‘‘Women have no business voting. They would be better off staying at home and minding their own affairs. Women have no experience or knowledge in the field of voting.” In a South Side community where there was a greater sprinkling of Irish a middle-aged Irish woman was interviewed who declared that “women will run, then ruin the world.” She thought that all young men should marry ignorant girls whom they could run. In a congested Irish precinct south of the Stockyards, Mrs. Casey, aged fifty-three, born in Chicago of Irish parentage, declared that her husband got drunk on moonshine and beat her so she left him. She blames woman suffrage for this and for all other political evils. She herself was opposed to prohibition. There was also a considerable amount of feeling against woman suffrage among the women of foreign nationalities other than the Irish and German. There were Slavic and Nordic anti-suffragists. Mrs. Sobozak, a middle-aged Hungarian woman, greeted the interviewer with the following tirade: ‘‘ Was better times when women did not vote. As soon as women started to vote, things went sky high, even in the old country when women started to mix in the affairs of men folks there was a change for the worse. [If it was not for the women here, it would not be dry here. They spoiled the men’s liberty.” Mrs. Lobsewski, a Polish woman living back of the Stockyards, whose husband was naturalized in 1898, declared that she was always 114 NON-VOTING too busy to vote. She could not spare the time and she thought that voting was a man’s duty and not a woman’s, as the men under- stood more about it. In a Bohemian settlement near the Chicago River, a young woman belonging to the second generation of Bohemians in this country said that her husband changed his party and she did not feel like canceling his vote so she quit. She voted in 1920. Mrs. §, a Danish woman living near Humboldt Park, had never voted because she thought the educated and leisure-class women only should vote. She could not see where poor wives like herself had the time to vote. In the Hyde Park district Mrs. Wolley, an old lady of eighty- three, thought that women should not vote—not because they were not capable, but because it was “‘just taking another responsi- bility from the shoulders of the men.”’ She thought men were get- ting more and more helpless, because women were helping to furnish a living and were going to help run the government. In the heart of the Irish district, near the Stockyards, a middle- aged English woman was found who had never voted because she disbelieved in the idea of women voting. She said: “All our family troubles are caused by our women folks getting away from the ways of living in previous and former years.” There were many confirmed anti-suffragists in the congested colored precinct canvassed in the Second Ward and in the other colored districts covered in this investigation. These women gave various reasons for not being interested in politics, from the mere belief that woman’s place is in the home to the belief that all social and political evils were traceable to woman suffrage. Mrs. Reese, a young colored woman who left Alabama in 1920, had never voted. Mrs. Reese said: “‘Our mothers and grand- mothers did not vote and they had much better control over the men of their time than the women of today.” She thought the feminine..control..superior..to,.politicalveontrol. Mrs. Annie Wesley, an attractive-looking middle-aged servant for a private family, wished to be given the seat on the street cars. She was very drastic in her denunciation of woman suffrage, and gave expression to the view that if women voted the men would lose their old-time regard for them. DISBELIEF IN WOMAN’S VOTING 115 Mrs. Violet Elder, a middle-aged colored woman who came to Chicago from Mississippi in 1913, felt that her son was very wonder- ful and that he could vote for the family. She had had little schooling and did not care very much for woman suffrage, although she had voted in the 1920 presidential election. Perhaps the most interesting colored anti-suffragist was Mrs. Maria Almeda, a colored woman who was born in Missouri before the Civil War. She had lived in Chicago for forty-one years and thought that the women vote without knowing what they are doing, and that they have upset the world socially and politically. She said woman suffrage brought the prohibition amendment and had done more harm than good. It would have been wiser to have waited until the men were converted to the prohibition idea. She had very little schooling but was rather intelligent and informed on matters in her immediate vicinity. She was quite positive in her objection to woman suffrage. In a precinct immediately south of the Loop a young colored housewife declared: “‘I cannot see it in the Bible where women are supposed to vote and therefore I do not vote.” Disbelief in woman’s voting was not confined to the negroes and the whites of foreign parentage. ‘There was a respectable proportion of white women of native parentage who possessed the anti-suffragist attitude. In the Hyde Park district Mrs. Harris, a young wife living in a $65-a-month apartment, said that her husband’s vote was sufficient for the family. She added that if she were a widow or had property in her own right, she would vote. Mrs. Spalding, living in a $90-a-month apartment just outside a very wealthy section, said emphatically: ‘““[?’m a lady and I do not want to be anything else but a lady. I was raised in Virginia and promised mother not to break any of my promises. Mama always thought politics was men’s business.”’ If the some four hundred anti-suffragists interviewed in this city can be regarded as typical of the anti- suffragists in other urban communities, it may be said that disbelief in woman’s voting is an important but slowly vanishing factor in the civic life of an urban community. Already it is less significant among the 116 NON-VOTING young women just past voting age. Perhaps little can be done to check the prejudices of the older confirmed anti-suffragists. The schools and civic bodies can lessen the amount of prejudice against woman’s voting that will be found in the electorate of tomorrow. OBJECTIONS OF HUSBAND The women who did not vote because of the objec- tions of their husbands were first classified with the women who disbelieved in woman suffrage. The dis- tinction between these two reasons for not voting is difficult to draw. A woman might say that she did not believe in woman’s voting. In some cases it was almost impossible to find the basis of this attitude. The woman might have independent convictions upon the subject or she might be deferring to the judgment of the men in her family. Women were more apt to express a general attitude of indifference toward elec- tions than to admit that they did not vote because their husbands did not want them to vote. However, out of the 5,000 non-voters, 54 women interviewed by the investigators said frankly (or their husbands said it for them) that they did not vote because of objections on the part of the male head of the family. Nearly one- quarter of these cases were linked with general indiffer- ence toward all elections. The indifference in these cases was a minor or resultant factor. While the woman who does not vote because her husband objects resembles the anti-suffragist to the extent that she has no intention of voting, she differs from the usual anti-suffragist in that her attitude is strongly tinged with a fear complex. As one woman tersely put it: “IT am not looking for a divorce.” Like the women who did not believe that members of their sex should vote, the women who gave in to the x DISBELIEF IN WOMAN’S VOTING 117 prejudices of their husbands on the matter of voting constituted a more homogeneous group than some of the other-reason groups discussed. None of them were registered and only a few had had voting experience.! The voting experience of these few obviously had unfor- tunate consequences. Otherwise there is no explana- tion for their attitude toward voting. It is clear from this that objections of husband as a cause of non-voting was of greatest importance among the female habitual non-voters. Objections of husband was found to be an impor- tant cause of non-voting among the Italian, the Ger- man, the Slavic, and the colored women. It explained nearly 5 per cent of cases of non-voting found among the female citizens of Italian parentage. It was of little relative importance among the female non-voters of Irish or native parentage. Less than 1 per cent of the native white female non-voters of native parentage gave objections of husband as a reason for not voting. Two per cent of the female non-voters of foreign parent- age accounted for their abstention on the ground that their husbands took an adverse view toward their participation in politics. Twenty-seven of these indi- viduals, or two-thirds of the group, were foreign-born, having acquired their citizenship through the naturali- zation of their husbands. One might conclude from this that the status of women among the foreign-born was considerably below the American standard, and that there was some justification for the recent changes made in the naturalization laws in so far as they affected foreign-born women who married citizens or whose husbands later became naturalized.2 However, the 1Qne case, obviously misclassified, was put in the registered column. 2 Act of September 22, 1922; 42 Stat. L., Pt. 1, sec. 6, p. 1022 (The Cable Act). 118 NON-VOTING actual figures are hardly large enough to warrant any sweeping generalizations. It is interesting to note that husbands of all nationalities, American included, were found who objected to their wives’ voting. Among those who gave objections of husband as the cause of their non-voting there was a smaller pro- portion of women of advanced years, that is, women over forty years of age, than there was among the anti- suffragists. This probably means that many elderly foreign-born women had come to accept their husbands’ attitude toward woman suffrage as their own, and consequently it did not occur to them to say that their failure to vote was due to their marital status. At any rate, there did not seem to be any direct connection between the factor of age and objections of husband as a reason for not voting. The age distribution of the women under discussion was about the same as that of the total group of female non-voters interviewed. The same can be said for the mobility factor. The women who were submissive to their husbands in political affairs were of all ages and some of them were old residents of foreign colonies where there was little chance for them to assume an independent attitude. The position of women in the poorer residential dis- tricts of the city was undoubtedly less independent than it was in the well-to-do residential districts. This fact is reflected in the different proportions of female non- voters in the good and the poor neighborhoods who found voting an impossibility because of their husbands’ objections. In residential areas where prevailing rents were over $50 a month, less than 1 per cent, and in dis- tricts where rents were under $50 a month, nearly 2 per . cent, of the non-voting women were so situated. This fact tends to corroborate the conclusion above that the foreign-born women who were old residents had lived DISBELIEF IN WOMAN’S VOTING 119 under such conditions that they had little opportunity to assume an independent attitude toward public affairs. Three-quarters of the women who gave the reason under discussion lived in squalid flats renting for around $20 a month. The married women who did not vote because they feared their husbands’ displeasure were largely of foreign parentage. If native-born they were young, and regardless of their nativity, they were living in poor economic circumstances. The chances were 7 to 1 that they never had any voting experience. Since objection of husband was found as a reason of non-voting only among groups where women were given a fixed status in the home, it will be profitable to consider a few individual cases found among each of the different nationalities. The proportion of Italian adult female citizens who did not vote because their husbands objected was larger than that of most any other nation- ality. On this account three typical non-voting Italian women will be discussed first. Mrs. Scleso, a middle-aged Italian woman, who came to the city twenty-seven years ago and settled in a cheap flat in the Ghetto district, was not registered because she felt that the “‘polls was a bum place.”’ Her husband believed that women would be taken in the booths and “‘shown how to vote wrong.” Since one had “‘to show women how to do in the polls,” he did not “‘want her to vote.”’ Mrs. Bruno, who lived over the store which her husband owned, said that she could not go with her husband to vote on account of business. Her husband said, “Unless she go with me, she might not vote right.” Mrs. Escalono, in an adjoining precinct, was an elderly Italian lady who came to the city forty years ago when she was twenty years of age. Her husband said: “I wouldn’t vote if she did—I’m not going to have people coming around her.” Next to the Italian women, the German and the Bohemian women seemed to be the most amenable to their husbands’ suggestions. 120 NON-VOTING In a cosmopolitan section of the Stockyards, a middle-aged German woman, who had been in the city for twenty years and who had become a citizen through the naturalization of her husband, said that she did not vote because her husband objected. He told her she had enough to do at home not to mix in politics. He “don’t believe in women voting.” In the ward directly south of the Stockyards, Mrs. Hess said that she was not opposed to voting herself, but she believed that the husband is the head of the family and she accepted his dictum. Mrs. Olson, a German woman who lived in the northwestern part of the city, found that both her husband and her son objected to her voting. She declared that she was not interested either. A young native-born woman of Bohemian parentage, who lived in a flat near the Stockyards which rented for $16 a month, said her husband objected to her voting. He had said to her: ““Woman’s place is at home. Women only go to the polls to have fun and they just hang around and klatch.” Many of the colored women who had recently moved from the South were found to be submissive to their husbands in political affairs. Near the largest Italian district in the city, a colored woman did not vote because her husband would not allow her to. He said that she was so ignorant that despite his instructions she would probably be urged into voting the wrong ticket by Democratic workers. His fears were based partly on the fact that he lived in a strong Democratic ward. Mrs. Anderson, who came to Chicago from Kentucky in 1919 and began to work as a day laundress, said that her husband was | disgusted with politics and quarreled about it so she did not vote. She added that she might vote if her husband had a different attitude. Mrs. Carpenter, a middle-aged colored woman who moved from Mississippi to Chicago in 1913, was not opposed to politics but she did not know anything about voting and was not interested. Her husband objected to her voting and refused to admit party workers who came to interest her. He always voted. She was a very quiet woman and her husband did most of the talking. She had a tolerant attitude and appeared to be the more intelligent of the two, DISBELIEF IN WOMAN’S VOTING Ha ie Some of the native white women of native parentage who refrained from voting because their husbands objected were found in good residential districts but none were discovered in the wealthiest neighborhoods. Immediately west of the Gold Coast section on the North Side, one woman refused to vote because while she respected and tre- mendously admired her husband, she heartily disagreed with him on almost every issue. Since he was a “self-made man” who made all the money she spent, and since she did not even in return give children, she did not feel that she could vote in opposition to him, even though she always had in mind one for whom she would vote. In a moderately prosperous part of the Hyde Park section, a young woman was found who had never voted because her husband would not let her. She said that “‘he didn’t think women had any business with the franchise.’’ Since she was not keenly inter- ested herself, she decided to secure marital peace at the expense of public duty. In a North Side district west of the Chicago River, a young woman of native parentage did not approve of woman’s voting because her husband held the view that “‘women had enough to do taking care of their home and children.”’ The husband of a woman living in a cheap flat in one of the downtown cosmopolitan districts said that he did not want his wife to vote. He declared that he would not vote again because of the rotten politicians. He said that his “‘ancestors came here three hundred years ago and he thought that Americans should do some- thing to prevent foreigners from getting control.’ His contribution to the ‘““America for Americans”’ movement was the cancellation of two “‘American”’ votes. The men of foreign parentage who objected to their wives’ voting were brought up in communities where women were not given equal political and social rights with the men. The advent of woman suffrage in Germany, Italy, and Czecho-Slovakia came long after the tide of immigration from these countries to America reached its full height. The newness of woman suffrage in this country accounts for the survival of these old 122 NON-VOTING prejudices. ‘There can be no question that the under- mining of these prejudices against woman’s participa- tion in politics will mean a position of greater inde- pendence for woman in the home. Agitation toward such an end could be profitably directed against the preconceptions of both the men and the women holding the anti-suffrage view. CHAPTER VI DISGUST WITH POLITICS AND OTHER DISBELIEFS IN VOTING It is those who are disgusted with politics that pre- sent the hardest problem of political control. If a large proportion of the citizens of voting age have no confi- dence in the electoral process, then one of the pillars of modern political institutions is laid on a shaky founda- tion. However, the disbeliefs discussed in this chap- ter were not all of a permanent character. Many of those who were disgusted with politics had specific grievances against the government. Those who did TABLE XVII Per Cent of Reasons for Not Voting Number sae rea viewed Total giving disgust with politics and other disbeliefs in voting..................: 476 8.9 Piceviat win politics) 4... i). sa.) Sujpieae es 230 4.3 Brieust Witn, OWN party... . 2.6. eee eee 105 2.0 Belief that one vote counts for nothing....... 79 1.5: Belief that ballot box is corrupted............ 40 0.7 Disbelief in all political action............... 22 0.4 not vote because they were disgusted with their own party were reconciled to their party’s program by the next election. Although small in numbers, the non- voters who believed that one vote counts for nothing, that the ballot box was corrupted, or who disbelieved in all political action, challenged the existing electoral system. 123 124 NON-VOTING DISGUST WITH POLITICS Although disgust with politics did not appear upon the questionnaire which was sent out to the precinct committeemen, the additional comments made by some of the committeemen in their replies showed that this attitude was an important cause of non-voting in the city. Among all the groups of foreign origin were considerable numbers of persons who were bitter at being deprived of their alcoholic beverages and who could not understand why the favorable vote on public- policy referendum on light wines and beers in Novem- ber, 1922, had not alleviated the situation. One of the committeemen expressed this attitude as follows: This section of the city comprises a class of people from all sections of foreign countries. When landing in this country they believed they would have all kinds of personal liberty, but that was taken away from them when they were prohibited from drinking their beverages. At the last election in which light wines and beer were considered the vote showed this district wanted them, average 30 to1. When the legislature refused to recognize this, they showed general indifference by not voting. While there were those who resented President Hard- ing’s attitude on such questions as prohibition enforce- ment and the bonus, there were also those who failed to vote because of disgust with local politics. A committeeman from the Stockyards district wrote: “People claim it is useless to vote on account of no- services from the Board of Local Improvements and the Department of Streets and Alleys.’ The alleged graft on the School Board led many others to disregard local politics. What the party experts said about the existence of a widespread attitude of disgust toward politics was confirmed by face-to-face contacts with the non-voters themselves. Some persons when approached on the sub- DISGUST WITH POLITICS 125 ject of non-voting grew eloquent in their denunciation of politics and all politicians. One woman harangued the investigator for over twenty minutes on the need for political reform and on the lack of politicians that kept their promises. Instances of the various special grievances against the government and the parties which were mentioned in the reports of the precinct committeemen were found in all quarters of the city. Among the reasons given for disgust with politics were the following: ‘‘AIl politicians are crooks, or they soon become so.” “‘It is useless to try to put out the bad and put in the good, all are susceptible to the evil influence and political machines.”’ ‘‘There is too much mud-slinging and fighting among the candi- dates wher one is as good and as bad as another.” “People work and worry and run to the polls to elect somebody who does nothing for them after he gets in.” **Politics are controlled by the riffraff; the men higher up are unconcerned.” ‘Rents are high and streets and alleys are dirty whether one party or another is in.” *“*All politicians are in the business for what they can . get out of it; there is not an honest politician left.” There were many who denounced the _ prohibition amendment and the failure of the bonus, or who grew excited over the inefficiency of the local officials, and there were not a few who were disappointed and disgruntled office-seekers. Of the 5,000 non-voters, about one-twentieth gave disgust with politics as the reason or one of the reasons why they did not vote. In less than one-half of these cases, disgust with politics was the only reason given. Where some other reason was given in addition, the chances were even that it would be general indiffer- ence. Indifference in these cases was quite clearly a resultant factor, and it had to give way on all the 126 NON-VOTING cross-tabulations to disgust as a leading factor. The 33 combinations of disgust and belief that one vote counts for nothing were treated in much the same way. When disgust was combined with ignorance, with disbelief in woman’s voting, or with belief that the ballot box is corrupted, the cases were harder to handle. The last- named attitude is simply a special kind of disgust with politics, but the first two attitudes do not necessarily go along with disgust. However, it is quite possible that an anti-suffragist or an ignorant non-voter might also be disgusted with politics. Over 4 per cent of the corrected sample of non-voters gave disgust with politics as the reason for their not voting. On the basis of the survey of non-voters made for this study, it may be estimated that 5 per cent of the male non-voters had an aversion toward politics. Of the 230 cases used in the final analysis, nearly three- quarters had not registered and about one-quarter had never voted. The highest ratio of disgusted non-voters (7.2 per cent) was found among the males who were not registered. Most of these had not voted since 1920, and over one-quarter of them had never voted. The fact that so many of this type of non-voter were not registered indicates that their anti-political attitude was deep seated. Disgust with politics was found to be relatively more important among the Slavic and negro groups than among the other racial groups represented in the sample obtained of non-voters in the city. It is probable that the antagonistic attitude toward politics found among the Poles, the Czechs, Jugo-Slavs, and the negroes arose out of the conditions which these groups found in their city environment rather than out of any special racial characteristic or training. Except in the case of ~ the Bohemians, among the native-born of foreign par- DISGUST WITH POLITICS 127 entage disgust was more prevalent than among the foreign-born. The disgusted male non-voters came largely from the poorest sections of the city where such things as dirty alleys were not uncommon sights and where political jobs were very much in demand. Such complaints were heard among the colored non-voters as: ‘Rich white folks are managing everything and it does not make any difference whether poor people vote or not’; “Politics, simply a means by which the rich exploit the poor, the strong exploit the weak”; and ‘Politics benefit the rich only; the poor suckers get nothing from any candidate or party.’?> Many Poles were found who thought that the city did nothing for them, that the politicians were interested in “graft and corruption”’ and left the alleys in filth, and that the poor people’s liberties were taken away. A great amount of disgust with politics was found among the native white women of native parentage living in apartment and residential areas where rents were over $50 a month. These women were disgusted because the government failed to live up to the high standards which they had set for it. Their discontent may be interpreted as a sign of the growing civic con- sciousness among the women. To be sure, non-voting is not a rational mode for expressing this discontent, but these women are searching for a remedy of present unsatisfactory conditions and that in itself is a salutary sign. They demand a more efficient administration of the school system and of the other welfare activities of the government. Disgust with politics was an attitude which was more commonly found among men who were over fifty years of age and among women who were over forty. Among the native whites of native parentage and among those of German parentage the difference in the amount of 128 NON-VOTING dissatisfaction with politics among the young and the old non-voters was striking. The youthfulness of the colored non-voters who had had bitter political experi- ences in the South tended to bring up the general aver- age of disgusted young voters in the city. In spite of the fact that 64 out of the 230 disgusted non-voters had never voted, it may be said that aversion to politics developed largely among those who had had some experience with political affairs. A cynic might say that a few years’ experience with Chicago politics would develop a disgusted attitude in almost anyone. Table XI shows that only 3 per cent of the non-voters who had been in the city for less than twenty years were disgusted with politics as compared with 5 per cent of those who had been in the city for over twenty years and 7 per cent of those who had been in the city between forty and fifty years. A greater amount of disgust with politics among the older residents was also found among the white adult citizens who had never voted. Occupation was another factor which had something to do with the development of an antagonistic attitude toward politics. It was closely related to economic status as shown by rent. While over one-half of the sample of disgusted non-voters used for detailed statis- tical analysis were housewives, the greatest amount of disgust with politics was found among the laborers, skilled and unskilled. The smallest amount of disgust relative to the other causes of non-voting was found among the business men and the professional men. Among the latter only 1 per cent were found to be in a state of irritation regarding politics. From this general analysis, it may be concluded that disgust with politics stimulated a large amount of non- voting among native male citizens of negro or foreign- white parentage who had lived in the poorest sections of DISGUST WITH POLITICS 129 the city for over twenty years engaged in skilled or unskilled work, and among the middle-aged housewives who had lived for the same length of time in apartment or flat areas. This generalization applies to the adult white citizens who have never voted as well as to all non-voters. The adult colored habitual non-voters who explained their abstention on the ground of disgust with politics were likely to be in their twenties or thirties and residents of Chicago for less than ten years. Many of the negroes who had come to the city within the last ten years were disgusted with politics because of their experiences in the South. A few case studies will bring out clearly the nature of the grudge which these non-voters had against the government. Some felt offended at the prohibition enforcement and anti-bonus policies of the national administration. Mr. K, born in Chicago forty years ago of Polish parents, said that he did not register because the President vetoed the bonus. When the United States entered the world-war, he had volunteered immediately. He lost one brother in the aviation service and his wife in the nursing service. He was working among the suffering and disabled soldiers at the time of the election. He saw many die of want after suffering, while so many made money here. Then they let the war prisoners out. The “first over” were not the **first returned” as promised. He felt that the government should give paid-up insurance. Because of his grievances against the government he had not voted since 1916. A negro from the most congested colored section of the city, another world-war veteran, born in Alabama twenty-seven years ago and a resident of Chicago for the last six years, took a surly attitude toward politics. He was all worked up because of the attitude toward the government hospital at Tuskegee. He had never voted and ‘‘cared nothing about politics because they only benefit the rich.” Mr. Sam Reda, of the near North Side of Chicago, born in the city thirty years ago of Italian parents, declared that there was “‘no use to vote for a president.” “After fighting, have to pay war tax, 130 NON-VOTING got no bonus—prohibition when I came back.” Now he is a mechanic and has no time to vote. He does not care especially to vote, for candidates promise so much before they are elected and then they fulfil none of them. If he does not vote, he will have no hard feelings against himself for having assisted in the election. A sixty-five-year-old clerk of one of the Loop hotels could not find words to vent his spleen against the Eighteenth Amendment. He said that since liquor was taken away, “‘ government is becoming amockery.” ‘“‘Money buys anything.” ‘“‘When the top is corrupt, they are all corrupt.” “Since individual rights have been taken away, one must take moonshine poison.’ He and his three sons were not going to vote any more until prohibition was changed. A Polish woman, aged fifty-six, who came to the Stockyards district forty years ago, gave expression in her native tongue to similar sentiments. She was at first loath to talk because she feared the interviewers had come to make her vote, but the Polish interpreter overcame her misgivings. This woman declared that the saloons should be open, for now people are killing themselves with liquor. Her boys formerly did not want her to vote, but now they do not care. She would vote, if they would put whiskey in. She does not drink, now they drink poison. Up to the present time, she had never voted or registered. Many of the disgusted non-voters had a grouch against some local governing agency. In the poorer sections of the city some complained that it was useless to vote on account of no services from the Bureau of Streets. A young Bohemian, who lived back of the Stockyards and who worked as foreman in a large mail-order house, explained in detail how he felt on this matter. He regarded the politicians as a “bunch of crooks.’”? There was no use to vote because the “‘alleys were not cleaned.’”’ The flies were so bad that the screens did not keep them out. Rats also came from the alleys. These pests carry disease. He, like many, felt it of no use to vote. A young Italian woman from the Ghetto district made the same complaint in the following words: ‘‘ Taxes and rents are high. The alley has not been cleaned twice in the summer and the children have no place to play but in the streets and alleys. It does no good to vote. You are always told to see somebody else and nothing is done.” DISGUST WITH POLITICS 131 An Austrian woman gave the following explanation of her — grievance: “‘Candidates are willing to promise anything but when they get into office they break their promises. They will not remove rubbish from the alley. There are seven members in this family who will not vote until something is done about this.” The Bureau of Streets was not the only city agency which was denounced by the disgruntled non-voters. The schools, the police, and the courts came in for their share of the vilification. A native American woman, living in an $85-a-month apartment on the North Side, was very antagonistic toward the politicians, particularly because of the school administration. She was very angry because her six-year-old child had to go to school at 8:00 a.m. on account of the lack of schoolhouses. She herself had a good education and seemed interested in public affairs, but she had not voted since the presidential election of 1920. Another woman, born in Chicago of German parentage and occupying a house of her own, was disgusted because the police had done nothing about the robbery of her home and the four robberies of her husband’s trucks. She asserted that she was insulted by one desk sergeant. A naturalized Italian who previously had great faith in the government of the country and took interest in all elections lost several thousand dollars through an agent in a deal for a flat build- ing and lost the case in court. He thinks the judge was bribed and that there was no such thing as justice for a poor man. He declared that lawyers were especially dishonest and that he would not vote for any man. Another branch of the city government whose mal- administration immediately affects the attitude of many citizens toward voting is the Board of Assessors. An elderly lady, a native of Indiana but an old resident of Chi- cago, declared she had never voted because all politicians seemed dishonest to her. Many folks got lower taxes by “‘seeing” a politician. This was a practice which she would never countenance. However, she felt no responsibility to do anything about it herself. There were some who looked for an immediate and tangible reward for voting. When they failed to receive 132 NON-VOTING this reward, they became non-voters. In the rooming districts in Chicago where the number of transients is large, money was commonly given for votes on election day. The disappointed office-seeker was frequently a non-voter. In the survey made of 5,000 non-voters in the city all kinds of disgruntled job hunters were found. Not only is the disappointed office-seeker a non-voter, but his family and frequently his friends also become non-voters. Offices are not the sole favors which some people think they have a right to demand as a reward for faithful voting. The granting of a sign, building, and other permits, and the placing of orphans in institu- tions were among the favors expected as a recompense for loyalty at the polls. If these favors were not forth- coming, then the vote was withheld. A poorly educated colored woman, who moved to Chicago from Georgia in 1920, made the remark: “If you vote, they’ll pay you.” She added that a friend said they’d pay her and when they didn’t she wouldn’t vote any more. They’d always paid her husband and she had heard most of the voters around say that they were paid. ‘Toward the end of the interview, she put in the saving remark: “‘No use to vote only for money unless you know for what you're voting.” An elderly Polish woman, living in the steel-mills district of South Chicago, was a non-voter in the city election because the city refused to give her husband employment. He is old and unable to do strenuous work, so she felt that the city ought to give him street or park work. She declared that she would not vote any more because the city showed so little interest in her welfare. When a middle-aged Italian laborer was asked why he did not vote, he replied in fairly understandable English: “‘Why should I vote when the alderman refused to give me a job? Therefore, I forbid my wife from voting also.” In the Ghetto district, a Russian Jew who had lived in the neighborhood for over twenty years, declared himself to be a habitual non-voter. He was disgusted with politics, because of the refusal of the boss to give his son a job. He felt that ten years of loyalty to the local boss was deserving of material recognition. DISGUST WITH POLITICS 133 ‘ There were disgusted non-voters who thought that the candidates were equally bad, or that the men elected never remembered the promises they made during the campaign, or that the whole system was rotten. In some cases, the disgust was couched in general terms. In the colored district, a junk man, born in Tennessee thirty- six years ago, a resident of Chicago for the last six years, said: “Day by day the world is getting worse and worse. Down South you can’t vote and you haven’t got anything; up here you can vote but still you haven’t got anything. What’s the use?” In one of the better white residential districts on the South Side, one of the interviewers brought back the following report from a middle-aged woman: ‘“‘When I called on Mrs. W she denounced the political situation and the politicians in as strong terms as it is possible for a lady to express herself. I timed my visit at the house which lasted for some twenty-odd minutes. During this time Mrs. W emphasized strongly the need for political reform and the fact that politicians did not keep their promises. Her closing remark was: ‘There are six votes in this house, and not a single vote of the six will ever be cast again until some- thing is done for us before election time comes around.’ She was willing to trade these six votes for a little relief from the heavy taxes.” A young woman living on the North Side, whose relatives were almost all down at the City Hall holding public office, said that she never voted and never intended to vote, adding the following frank statement of her belief: “Some people may say that I am not patriotic, that I am not fulfilling my duties as a citizen by not voting, but I don’t care. I know enough about politics and I haven’t any desire to vote for so-called honest men who are not against pulling off deals for their own special benefit or for some of their friends. If you’re in with the crowd and have a drag, as they say, you can get almost*anything you want, but if you’re an honest citizen without political friends you have to pay the price.” Especially interesting was the comment of a colored woman, who had always lived in Virginia before coming to the city five years ago. She and her husband felt that none of the candidates for alderman and mayor were worth bothering with. She did not register because she was disgusted with the whole thing. She was especially wrought up over seeing in the paper that her own 134 NON-VOTING party candidate received a woman newspaper reporter in pajamas. She thought it was horrible. The disgruntled attitude found among so many non- voters frequently had a wholly irrational foundation. Some people were inclined to attribute all their woes to politics. One Bohemian woman said the reason why she did not vote this year was that she was “‘sore.” She went to register because a woman came and got her. She had just finished knitting a pair of socks for her husband. They were worth three dollars and when she came back the dog had torn them all up. She was so “‘sore”’ she would not vote. From these case studies it cannot be concluded that the disgusted non-voter is always the most rational of human beings. If most of these individuals could be brought to take a broader view toward politics, their | grievances would disappear. It is not inconceivable that those who have little faith in the efficacy of positive political action at one time may become enthusiastic voters later on. DISGUST WITH OWN PARTY Disgust with own party is classed as a disbelief in voting, but it must be distinguished from the other disbeliefs which are discussed in this chapter. It is not a disbelief in voting as such, but rather a disbelief in voting at a particular election. The person who abstains from voting because he is disgusted with his own party will probably be a voter at the next election. Since a disgusted attitude toward one of the two major parties is a product of a definite time-and-space situa- tion, the discussion of this factor in the Chicago mayor- alty election of April 3, 1923, will have less general significance than the discussion of some of the other factors. However, there are always some disaffected ee DISGUST WITH POLITICS 135 elements within such composite bodies as the two major parties in any large American city, and the description of the attitudes of the members of such an element in a given situation may throw some light upon urban party systems. On the basis of the corrected sample it can be esti- mated that 2 per cent of non-voters in the Chicago mayoralty election of 1923 were “disgusted’’ Repub- licans or Democrats. Since the factional strife within the Republican party was much more bitter than that within the Democratic, practically all this group were disgusted Republicans. Many Democratic committee- men testified as to the ease with which they won over Republicans or induced them to cut into their candi- dates’ strength by remaining away from the polls. The persons who did not vote because they were disgusted with their own party constitute a fairly homogeneous group. Disgust with own party was much more likely to be the sole reason for not voting than any of the other reasons so far discussed with the possible exception of home-nursing duties. Of the 105 disgusted partisans, one-fifth gave more than the single reason, and with these few general indifference was the popular secondary reason. Their “indifference” was the result of their grudge against their own party, and conse- quently it was rated as a minor reason. Inasmuch as persons do not have party affiliations until they become voters, disgust with own party was found as a cause of non-voting only among those who had had voting experience. Disgust with own party was also confined, except in very rare cases, to those who were registered. It was a more important factor among the men than among the women because the women had had the franchise for a comparatively short time 1 See below, p. 203. 136 NON-VOTING and had not developed the same attachments to a given party that were held by many of the men. Of the total sample of non-voters, over 3 per cent of the men and about 1.4 per cent of the women said that they objected to their own party candidate, and they objected to voting for the other party candidate. When those who were registered but did not vote in the April election are considered alone, the disparity between the percentages of the men and women who gave this explanation of their non-voting was not so great, the percentages being respectively 5 and 4. Most of these persons voted last in the November elec- tion, 1922. In contrast to some of the other non-voters dis- cussed, those non-voters who explained their absten- tion on the ground of disgust with their own party belonged only to certain racial and nationalistic groups which were disaffected by local political situations in Chicago in the spring of 1923. The negroes, whose loyalty to the Republican party can easily be traced to the events of the Civil War and the reconstruc- tion period, were disappointed in the selection which their party made of a mayoralty candidate. ‘Twenty- one per cent of all the male colored non-voters in- terviewed voiced their disgust with the Republican candidate and stated that they could not bring them- selves to vote for a Democrat. This percentage is doubled when the male colored non-voters who were registered in 1923 are considered alone. Fifteen per cent of all the female colored non-voters and about 44 per cent of the colored women who were registered objected to their own party candidate. Needless to say, disgust with own party was the most important cause of non-voting among the negroes at this elec- DISGUST WITH POLITICS 137 tion.! Two-thirds of the sample of non-voters who were disgusted with their own party were negroes, and the remaining third was made up principally of citizens of Italian, English, and Scandinavian stock. Thirteen Italian-Americans were found who did not vote in the mayoralty election because the candidate of their own race had been eliminated in the primary.? These citizens constituted 4 per cent of the total number of non-voters of Italian stock. None of the Irish or Slavic non-voters gave disgust with their own party as a reason for their failure to participate in the mayoralty election. While about 60 per cent of the non-voters who were disgusted with their own party were under forty years of age, it cannot be said that this attitude was more characteristic of the young citizens than it was of the old. All the negro and the Italian non-voters inter- viewed in this study were much younger than any of the groups. As compared with the norm of their own groups, the disgruntled party men of colored or Italian parentage were rather old. At least a higher propor- tion of the older than of the younger negroes gave this reason. Since the negroes and the Italians were both com- paratively new to the city, it is not surprising that three- fourths of the non-voters under discussion had lived in the city for less than twenty years. Most of the 1 The vote in the Second Ward (almost solidly colored) was as follows: Dever (D.) | Lueder (R.)|Millard (R.)} Barasa (R.)|Litzinger (R.) ss Primary..... 939 2,670 463 6,298 1,032 6 Election..... 8,276 SI A Ne laa Te «A ta AY I a ACN Pe ce Us Spee 373 2 Judge Barasa, of Italian origin, was an unsuccessful candidate for mayor in the Republican primaries. 138 NON-VOTING negroes interviewed had lived in the city for less than ten years. In congested sections prevailing rents were around $15 a month. In the better colored districts rents ranged from $30 to $65 a month. The same was true for the Italians. A large proportion of the dis- gusted partisans were unskilled laborers or domestic servants who “roomed out.” Inasmuch as disgust with one’s own party is an attitude which is found under special circumstances, a few case studies will be particularly useful in trying to understand how this factor operates in a given election. In the Chicago mayoralty election of April, 1923, William Hale Thompson, mayor of the city from 1915 to 1923, was not a candidate for re-election. This fact induced many of the colored voters to stay away from the polls. Mayor Thompson had posed as a friend of the negroes, his floor leader in the City Council was a colored alderman from the Second Ward, and there were many Thompson admirers in all the colored sections of the city. These admirers felt that they would injure their political benefactor if they voted, so a large proportion of them remained away from the polls, and many of them quietly supported the Demo- cratic candidate. Arthur Lueder, the Republican candidate and postmaster of Chicago, did not arouse any particular enthusiasm among the colored voters. Many colored politicians talked at the churches during the campaign, and criticized the attitude of the press toward the colored people. ‘The implication was that no colored person could afford to vote for any candidate indorsed by such newspapers. Stories were circulated that Lueder was receiving the support of some 50,000 Klansmen in the campaign, and the negroes quickly inferred that he was connected with the Ku Klux Klan in some way. ‘There were other stories current among DISGUST WITH POLITICS 139 the postal employees that the segregation of negroes in the post-office had been brought about by the party candidate. All of these stories tended to create a sentiment among the colored voters which was not conducive to voting. Most of the negro voters in Chicago were conservative, and some would not con- sider voting for a candidate bearing the Democratic label under any circumstances. Their experiences with the Democratic party in the South were too recent for most of them to overcome their prejudices. Con- sequently, when the word went out for the other old Thompson Republican party workers, “‘If you cannot vote for the other party candidate, do not vote at all,” the greater majority of the colored voters in the city chose the latter alternative. The interviewer! who did most of the field work with the colored non-voters came across a variety of inter- esting cases which illustrate all of the attitudes touched upon above. One negro from Alabama said that he could never vote for a Democrat as long as he kept his memory. The Democrats he knew in Alabama were the “‘imps of Satan.”’ He is thirty years of age and has lived in the most congested colored section of the city. He voted last in the presidential election of 1920. One woman from Georgia, who has lived in Chicago for seven- teen years and has voted regularly until this year, did not like the attitude of the colored people in voting for the other party candidate. She thinks that anyone who has lived in the South should forever hate the Democratic party, “not because all Democrats are bad, but because the party keeps its foot on the black man.” Mr. Edward Varis, a grocery-store owner, came to Chicago from Kentucky thirty-six years ago. He is now fifty-seven years of age— is a jocular little gray-haired mulatto man, and his store is a little neighborhood center. The polling place was formerly in his grocery store, and he said he “‘was up on all political matters.” His wife is the only woman in the precinct who was away visiting at the time 1 Mrs. Loraine R. Green, graduate student at the University of Chicago. 140 NON-VOTING of the election. She was in New York City. Mr. Varis last voted in the 1920 presidential. He registered but did not vote in the mayoralty election because of the attitude of the press. He said: *‘T have voted in Chicago for the past thirty-five years, and I do my own thinking. I will not vote for any candidate that is sup- ported by certain newspapers.” Mr. James Brown, aged fifty-eight years, has lived in Chicago for thirty-three years and at his present address for eight years. He has voted in Chicago for thirty-two years and has always voted the Republican ticket. He feels that he is too far along in life to change his politics. He thinks that “‘the Republican party candi- date would not do the city nor the people any good,” so he did not vote and advised others not to vote. Mr. Louis Dwight, aged sixty-three, came to Chicago six years ago. He cast his first ballot at the presidential election in 1880 in a Tennessee village. He voted regularly there until disqualified by the “grandfather clause.’’ He began again after the repeal of the *“Dortch law” and voted until he came to Chicago. He missed his first election in April of this year. He always has voted the straight Republican ticket and always will. During the past campaign he “‘kept open house,’’ advising people not to vote. He thinks “the colored people have put their hands in the lion’s mouth.” He has a very nice family of grown sons and daughters. His wife has never voted. She did not vote in Tennessee because she did not wish to come in contact with the discourteous people at the polls, and besides, the white women in the town where the family lived advised the colored women not to vote. She has not bothered to register and vote since coming to Chicago. The same objections to the Republican candidate and to voting for a Democrat were found among the negroes in the more prosperous sections of the city. A colored hotel waiter said that the business men and the individuals whom .he knew in the Loop advised him to vote for the Democratic candidate. His landlady was so bitterly opposed to his voting for a Democrat that he decided not to vote. She advised him to tell his Democratic friend that he voted that ticket and his Republican friends that he voted the Republican ticket. He was forty-eight years old. He moved from Kentucky, his birthplace, to Chicago when he was sixteen years of age, and he was living at the time of the interview in an elegantly furnished apartment. t.. b aii OL lle DISGUST WITH POLITICS 141 A woman party worker in another colored settlement, who owned a flat building and who had lived in the vicinity for thirty years, said that she was opposed to working for a Democratic candidate. Her husband worked for the Democratic candidate, but she refused to do so. She was a native of Alabama, but her long residence in the city had given her an opportunity to become interested in the politics of her community. She voted in the February primary, but was deadlocked by conflicting claims in the April election. While many of the colored voters lost interest in the mayoralty campaign after Mayor Thompson withdrew his name from the contest, many Italian voters in the city assumed a disinterested attitude when Judge Barasa failed to win the Republican nomination in the primary. One Italian laborer, who had been in the city for three years and in the United States for thirteen, said that his candidate lost in the election for nomination and that he did not care to vote for anyone else. He declared that he wanted a candidate of his own race before he would vote. An Italian factory worker said that he could not vote for Judge Barasa and therefore he did not vote at all. He was thirty-five years old, and he had come to the city directly from Italy when he was twenty. There were scattered individuals all over the city who did not vote in the April election because they had some special grudge against their particular party. The negroes were not the only ones who found the con- test devoid of interest with Mayor Thompson out of it. In a settlement of Russian Jews, several were found who declared that they did not vote because Thompson was out of it. In the sections of the city where the native whites of native parentage predominate, many staunch Republicans failed to find in Leuder’s candidacy sufficient of interest to vote.! Their objections to 1 See below, pp. 203-7. 142 NON-VOTING Dever, the Democratic candidate, were not personal, but grew out of their dislike for breaking party ties. The fact that even as small a group as 2 per cent of the non-voters in a municipality like Chicago can be classed as disgusted party men and women is significant in trying to analyze municipal nominating systems. Why should the tariff, the failures of the Harding administration, the issues of the reconstruction period following the Civil War, and the problems of the political status of the negro in the South be dragged into a mayoralty-election campaign in Chicago? The act providing for the non-partisan election of aldermen in Chicago was passed in the hope that some of these issues would be relegated to the background in local electoral contests. It is an anomalous situation that permits the continuation of the old party primary in mayoralty elections. A great many business men, small shopkeepers and others, and a great many work- ing people in Chicago refrain from voting in the pri- maries because they must disclose their party affiliations. A non-partisan primary for the selection of mayoralty candidates would tend to increase the amount of popular participation in the local primary elections as well as in the final election itself. BELIEF THAT ONE VOTE COUNTS FOR NOTHING The disillusioned voter, who believes that one vote counts for nothing, presents a difficult problem of political control. The ignorant citizen can be informed, the indifferent citizen can be stirred out of his lethargy, but the sophisticated cynic of democracy cannot be moved so easily. The precinct committeemen esti- mated that a large proportion of the non-voters had this “‘what’s the use ?”’ attitude. However, only 1.5 per cent of the non-voters interviewed gave clear indica- DISGUST WITH POLITICS 143 tion that this attitude was the most important cause of their abstention. Nearly two-thirds of the 79 non- voters accosted who believed that one vote counted for nothing also expressed either an indifferent attitude or a disgusted attitude toward politics. It is likely that the party experts classed many non-voters as dis- believers in the efficacy of the vote whom the inter- viewers would have classed as indifferent or disgusted non-voters. ‘The interviewers were instructed to put in the “disillusioned” class only those who thought the election was predetermined, and therefore took a fatalistic attitude toward voting. The party experts who wrote that many Socialists had given up hope in democracy because of the smallness of their numbers evidently caught this distinction, but the great bulk of the precinct committeemen did not, in part because disgust with politics was not one of the suggested reasons for not voting on the questionnaire sent out to them. Of the disillusioned voters, one-third were registered, while two-thirds were not registered. Of this two- thirds about one-half, mostly women, never had any voting experience. ‘The ratio of those who doubted the efficacy of the ballot was the highest among the men who were not registered but who had voted at some time in Chicago. The ratios for the women were generally lower than those for the men. Among the native white non-voters of native parent- age a much larger proportion of the men thought vot- ing futile than of the women. In actual numbers the ratio was 2 to 1. On the other hand, there was a higher proportion of females among the disillusioned non-voters of foreign parentage than among the males. For both sexes combined the nativity of parents did not appear as a discriminating factor. There were 144 NON-VOTING disillusioned citizens of English, Irish, German, Italian, Scandinavian, and Slavic origin. The foreign-born who had acquired citizenship by naturalization were less likely to regard voting futile than the native-born. Disillusionment regarding voting was slightly less prevalent among those under forty years of age than it was among those over forty years of age, but it had about the same vogue among the old and the new residents of Chicago. It was more popular in the poor sections than in the wealthy sections of the city. It was found among 2 per cent of the male non-voters in slum districts, and not at all among the male non-voters in the very best residential areas. While the high proportion of housewives in the total sample of non-voters makes the proportion of house- wives among those who believed voting futile seem large, relatively the number of disillusioned housewives was not large. Over 2 per cent of the non-voters engaged in skilled work, while slightly over 1 per cent of housewives thought voting useless. A dozen or so laborers who were rooming out did not see the utility of the election process. The disillusioned attitude was found among those who were not registered, who were past middle age, and who lived in the poorer sections occupied with day work or housework. The reactions that some of the interviewers received from non-voters in the poorest sections of the city will illustrate clearly the nature of the belief that one vote counts for nothing. Some citizens thought that voting was useless because they did not derive any direct personal benefit from it. And there were many others who, as an able precinct committeeman said, “are skeptical of the efficacy of the ballot to intrench rights or redress wrongs.” DISGUST WITH POLITICS 145 Mrs. Masek, a young housewife of Polish parentage living in one of the North Side river wards, said: ‘“‘ Nothing good comes out of it. They do exactly as they please. Your vote does not count. They just take the people for dubs.” A similar view was expressed by a young woman of Italian parentage living in the Ghetto district. She exclaimed: ‘‘ Don’t get anything out of it. It makes no difference. People who work by the hour get docked and those who are on piecework lose their time. Politicians are frequently unaccommodating. They wouldn’t help my brother get his papers.”’ Mrs. Amanda Miles, a young colored laundress, never voted because she saw no difference in her own social or economic position whether one candidate or another was in office. She thought there was no need wasting time by voting. Another common view among the poor people was expressed by Mrs. C, an elderly Bohemian woman, who never voted because she thought that the poor people only vote for aldermen; that the high officers were selected by the politicians without any help from the people; and that the politicians were making fools of the people. A Bohemian laborer, who worked in the Stockyards and lived in a cottage near by, was also of the conviction that there was no use in voting, as “‘it was all humbug anyway.” One of the most interesting cases of disillusionment was that of a colored woman, Mrs. Ara Jones, a native of Kentucky, but an old resident of the city. She said that she had never voted, and declared that she never had been interested in politics. She found the polls usually surrounded by drunken men, and she felt that it was a very unwholesome place. She thought that the ballot box was corrupted and would have liked to change conditions, but her one vote was “‘like sticking your finger in the lake and expect- ing it to leave a fingerprint.’’ Her house was kept in good condition and she herself was an active church worker. In the better residential districts some disillusioned non-voters were found whose cynicism was partly based on the belief that the government was run with- out regard to the expression of public opinion as given in elections. Mr. Jackson, a young telephone wireman living in the Wood- lawn neighborhood, thought that voting was useless because the people did not get what they wanted even after it was secured by a 146 NON-VOTING vote of the majority. He felt that this was the situation particularly with regard to the beer and wine question. Miss Brown, a young telephone girl living in the Calumet region, believed that measures were carried regardless of the votes cast. Her view that voting was futile was based on the claim that the anti-daylight-saving proposition was carried, but daylight saving was put into effect anyway. An old newspaper man living in a Loop hotel said: “I did not want to vote for Lueder. There is so much crookedness in this ward that I did not take time to vote. I have reported many campaigns. Most elections here are decided before they occur. All knew Lueder had not resigned. A Washington senator was trying to run the situation. The time will come when we will elect by direct vote and have the referendum and recall; money will then lose its power.” There were various kinds of disillusionment regard- ing voting in the middle-class districts. Many regis- tered voters did not vote at the mayoralty election because they believed that a Democratic victory was a foregone conclusion. A rabid Irish feminist in one of the West Side wards said that she did not vote because women did not get the chance they deserve. ** What is the use in voting when there are no women candidates ?”’ she exclaimed to the investigator. She believed her vote would only help the selfish ends of men. Another interesting woman living in the Hyde Park district usually voted but at the last election she failed to vote because she and her husband did not agree. When this occurred, she said, neither of them went to the polls as their votes canceled each other. Mrs. Loeb, a young woman of German parentage living on the North Side, said she did not vote because she knew there was no chance for Dever to lose. Mr. Johnson, a middle-aged colored laborer in the building trades, felt that the other party candidate was sure to win, so there was no need of his wasting the time to vote as his vote would avail nothing. An elderly lady in the Hyde Park district thought that the elec- tion would bea clean sweep so she did not bother to vote. She added that the women’s clubs should put out information about elections, advising women who are busy as to who are the best candidates. ee ee, ee ee Salad DISGUST WITH POLITICS 147 Another type of cynicism regarding elections is found among the Socialists. Many Socialists realize the present hopelessness of their cause as far as arbitra- ment at the ballot box is concerned. Mr. Westy, a young Yellow Cab driver of Russian parentage, did not go out of his way to vote in the election because he realized the hopelessness of Cunnea’s candidacy, the Socialist running for mayor. Miss Worth, a young lady who worked with a co-operative exchange, did not vote because she was a member of the Farmer- Labor party and felt that she would waste her time voting for either a Democrat or a Republican. She would have voted if there had been any Farmer-Labor candidate for mayor. Mr. B, a sculptor of socialistic tendencies, said that he was once interested in political affairs, but he thought there was little choice between the candidates now. He would vote Socialist if at all, but he thought even the Socialists had become conservative. He took a whimsical attitude toward voting, and expressed the view that even Socialists could accomplish little after getting into office. The persons who believe that voting was futile did not constitute a clearly defined group of non-voters. Their conviction that voting was useless was sometimes based on a general disgust with politics or a belief that the ballot box was corrupted—attitudes which are discussed elsewhere. Should an attempt be made to show these non-voters the utility of voting? If so, how? Those disillusioned voters whose cynicism was based on their failure to get some direct benefit from the government can possibly be shown that the services which the government renders are not always of a tangible sort. BELIEF THAT THE BALLOT BOX IS CORRUPTED Belief that the ballot box is corrupted is a special kind of disgust with politics. In some cases it is diffi- cult to tell which of the two disbeliefs in voting char- -acterizes the attitude of a given non-voter. The 148 NON-VOTING interviewers were instructed to put in the class under discussion only those persons who felt that the election returns were fixed, or that votes were bought and sold. The Election Commissioners,! the precinct committee- men, and the persons prominent in the political life of the city were all willing to admit that there was some lack of confidence in the purity of elections in Chicago. A precinct captain from one of the river wards gave an excellent description of his impressions on this subject: What can be done if both precinct captains want to put over a candidate? Just speak to their judges and clerks, that’s all they lave to do, if they are dishonest. How are ballot boxes protected at the polls before they are opened and counted, how are they counted, what happens when the judges and clerks we cannot trust go to dinner at the polls? Now there is no such thing as an honest election and the public knows this. A high court official made the following comment along similar lines: Most important of all is a deep conviction among candidates that the police returns are intentionally falsified by many clerks in transcribing the returns to the books of the Election Commis- sioners as they are called off by the reading clerk. It is a common saying if a candidate receives less than 5,000 plurality over his nearest competitor he is not considered safe. Belief that the ballot box is corrupted was given as the cause of non-voting by 40 of the 5,000 non-voters interviewed. Nearly one-half of these individuals also indicated that they were disgusted with politics. Since their disgust arose out of their lack of faith in the purity of the city elections, the latter reason was taken as the primary one and the former as secondary. ‘The twelve cases in which indifference was combined with a belief that the election procedure was corrupted were treated in the same fashion. Belief that the ballot box is 1The City Club Bulletin, January 14, 1924. acne « fee bere Sn ome a q 4 F DISGUST WITH POLITICS 149 corrupted stood out as the most important cause of non- voting in all those cases where it was clearly stated, no matter with what other factor it was combined. While these forty non-voters constitute less than 1 per cent of the total number of non-voters interviewed, they are an interesting group to consider. Two-thirds of them thought it was not worth their while even to register and over one-quarter of them had never voted. Disgust with the Chicago election machinery was more pronounced among the male non-voters who had been voters in other localities than among those who had voted only in the city. It was also a relatively more important factor among the male non-voters than it was among the female non-voters. The eighteen men who had no faith in elections in Chicago made up over 1 per cent of the total number of male non-voters, while the twenty-one women who evidenced a similar lack of faith constituted only one-half of 1 per cent of the female non-voters. While the ratio of those who had no faith in the fair- ness of the local-election process to the total number of non-voters of each nationality considered was very small in each case, it was slightly larger among the colored non-voters and among the non-voters of German, Italian, or Bohemian parentage than among the other nationalistic groups. Three per cent of the male non-voters of German parentage were convinced that the election process was manipulated. ‘There were no persons of Irish, Polish, or English extraction who gave this reason for not voting. Like disgust with politics, belief that the ballot box is corrupted was held by a larger ratio of the young men than of the old men. On the other hand, the women non-voters who shared this belief were just as likely to be youthful as elderly. Term of residence in the 150 NON-VOTING county did not seem to have much to do with the development of a doubting attitude toward the honesty of Chicago elections. ‘This may mean that it did not take long for a person to find out the character of the election process in Chicago. Three-fourths of the non-voters who had no con- fidence in the purity of elections in Chicago came from residential districts in which rental values were depre- ciated. Election corruption was found to be more prevalent in the rooming-house districts where honest and efficient election officials were difficult to find than it was in the well-to-do sections where questionable practices would not be openly countenanced. About one-half of those who had no confidence in the purity of elections in the city were skilled or unskilled laborers, and three-fourths of the remainder were housewives. ‘The occupational analysis corrob- orates what is suggested by the analysis of these non- voters by type of neighborhood. They came from groups which were in close contact with the rougher edges of city life. It is difficult to make any accurate summary state- ments about a group as small as the non-voters inter- viewed who believed that the ballot box is corrupted. There were just as many men as women in this group, which is contrary to the general ratio. The men pos- sessed more striking characteristics than the women. Few of them were registered, most of them were past forty, practically all of them were unskilled or skilled workers. The women, like the men, came from the poorer sections of the city where certain racial groups predominated. A number of complaints regarding corrupt election practices were heard in the cosmopolitan neighborhood immediately outside of the Loop business district. The i oe DISGUST WITH POLITICS 151 interviewer! who worked in this depreciated residential area came upon many illuminating cases. There were many citizens who had become so disgusted that they declared that they would never vote again. They told of drinks given for votes, of offers of money for their votes on the ground that it was all common people got out of the government, of bribery of the colored people, of girls voting under age, of the impossibility of securing the ballots of but one party at the primaries, of their ballots being opened by the judges right before their eyes, of the large number of drunken men around the polls, of such eagerness on the part of the workers at the polls that the people vote right that they come into the booths and take the pencil right out of their hands. The man who complained that the party workers had taken the pencil away from him when he was in the polling booth was a car- penter, born in this country of Swedish parents and a resident of the city for forty years. He declared that there was “too much rotten humbug going on at the polls,’ and that it “‘made no difference whether he voted or not.” His wife was a telegraph operator, native-born of German parentage, and she also had had experiences with the corrupt politicians. As she put it, she “‘never got to vote for whom she wanted.” The woman who complained about drunkenness at the polls and about the difficulty of securing the primary ballot of but one party was an elderly Canadian who had been in the city for fifty years. She called the election officials a “gang of nothing but crooks.” Her sister was very irate and almost slapped one of the officials when handed Democratic papers instead of the Republican papers for which she had asked. ‘Liquor was on hand”’ for all the election officials, and they “‘were too drunk to talk to” at the February primaries, so she “didn’t like to go there.” The woman who was given a marked ballot was a middle-aged housewife, native-born of Swiss and German parentage. She was told that her husband would show her how to vote and warned her *“not to tell for she would be put in jail.”’ 1 Mr. Beck. 152 NON-VOTING One man grew so furious when approached on the subject of voting that he slammed the door in the face of the interviewer and said he would have nothing to do or say with such a rotten process. Another thought conditions at the polls were so bad and that there was so little possibility of their being improved in this district that he advocated a common polling place for the whole city— in the Coliseum, he suggested. Another district where a widespread belief existed that the ballot box is corrupted was the congested colored precinct in the Second Ward. A young laborer said that he was greatly interested in the primary, but he thought money elected the aldermen. “‘ Votes were bought with money and booze.” His wife worked in the primary for the defeated candidate. Since the primary he has lost interest in politics and does not “‘waste his time in voting.” Mr. Dennis, who worked in the Stockyards, was also disgusted with election methods in the city. He was convinced that votes were bought right and left in the last election. Conditions were getting better for the rich and worse for the poor. Mr. Linder, a thirty-nine-year-old laborer in an asphalt com- pany, thought that the ballots were voided after the polls were closed. A colored man ran for a judgeship in 1921, and Mr. Linder thinks that he was counted out by the persons who counted the ballots. The non-voters of German or Russian parentage who believed that the election machinery was corruptly manipulated were apt to be Socialists. In a precinct on the North Side which was predominantly German, a young photo-engraver of German parentage was very bitter over the Cunnea-Hoyne recount of 1912. He thought that politics was so corrupted that the workers’ candidates had no chance. He knew that Cunnea had no chance and so he did not care about voting. Mrs. Loeft, a woman of German parentage living in the same precinct, declared that all politics was corrupt and that the capital- istic candidates, or rather the servants of the capitalists, always won regardless of how the votes were cast. She also claimed that Hughes was counted out in California in 1916. DISGUST WITH POLITICS 153 In the Ghetto district, two Russian Jews were found who had no faith in the honesty of Chicago elections. One, an express driver fifty-eight years old, thought that elections were not only corrupt but also useless, for if a person dangerous to the big interests was elected he was promptly prevented from taking office or was bought off. His wife claimed that votes were stolen and elections were bought; even when a good man was elected he was forced to remain quiet or was thrown out. She, like her husband, was a Socialist. The non-voters of native parentage who thought that the ballot box is corrupted in Chicago were not as numerous as some of the other groups. Living in neighborhoods where the power of money in elections was slight and where open manipulation was not tol- erated, they were not so apt to come in contact with corrupt election practices. In the Woodlawn district a young architect was interviewed who did not think that honest voters stood much chance anyway. He thought that the candidates were usually so bad that he had never voted, although he was thirty-four years of age. In a well-to-do North Side precinct, an electrician living in a basement declared that he did not vote because in the April primary he came home early from work in order to vote and when he reached the polling place he found that another had voted for him. Since that time he had not taken the trouble to get excused from work. ““What’s the use ?” he said; “if they want your vote they will take it, and if not, they will scratch it. Twice I have been asked at the polls how I voted.” : Although the number of non-voters interviewed who thought elections were vitiated by fraud in Chicago was relatively small, the fact that there were any at all indicates that the administration of elections in the city is not what it should be. A careful student of registration systems for voting in the United States has made the following comment on the Chicago system: There is now, and has been for some time, a considerable amount of fraudulent voting in Chicago. Perhaps the larger part of this is done by impersonation of qualified voters, or by voting the names 154 NON-VOTING of persons who have died or moved out of the precinct, and whose names are left on the books through the negligence or corruptness of the canvassers, but there is also a considerable number of fictitious names upon the registers.1.... The present unsatisfactory conditions could be remedied in a measure by giving the central office more power of supervision and investigation, by providing an adequate canvass of the precincts about once each year, by adopting the merit system for the selection of precinct election officials, and by providing an adequate check upon the counting and tallying of the ballots done by the election officers. DISBELIEF IN ALL POLITICAL ACTION Considering that Chicago is the headquarters for the I.W.W. and has been the meeting place for various radical groups, it might be expected that a fair propor- tion of the adult citizens in the city would be disbelievers in all political action and advocates of direct action or of some other form of non-political action. However, because of the attacks upon the radical groups by the federal officials, it is difficult to get any frank expression of a definitely anti-political attitude. Those non-voters who did give evidence of a disbelief in all political action were more likely to take the attitude that one vote counted for nothing than they were to assume a defi- nitely “‘anarchistic”’ attitude. They disbelieved in all kinds of political action that were immediately possible. Some of them expressed the hope that a better ordering of authority relationships in modern society might be worked out. Disbelief in all political action was regarded as the most important cause of non-voting in only 22 of the total 5,000 cases obtained in this survey. In addition 1J. P. Harris, Registration Systems in the United States (University of Chicago doctoral dissertation, 1923). DISGUST WITH POLITICS 155 to these 22, it appeared ten times elsewhere in com- bination with some other reason which was regarded as more important. A detailed analysis of the character- istics of these non-voters shows that the great bulk of them were not registered. Those few who were regis- tered did not register to vote, but, as one of them put it, “to be identified with the local community.’ While less than half of 1 per cent of the non-voters disbelieved in all political action, 1 per cent of the male non-voters who were not registered and 2 per cent of men who had never voted took an anti-political attitude. The non-voters who disbelieved in all political action were scattered among all the different nationalities found in the city except the Irish and the Polish. No Irishmen were discovered who had lost faith in political methods in this country. The number of non-voters who disbelieved in all political action was so small that it is possible to describe all of the interesting ones. Mr. A, an elderly native American insurance agent who lived in an apartment renting for $60 per month or more, registered in order to be identified with his community, but he never voted. He believed in occupational rather than political representation, and he had no use for the present kind of political action. A well-informed blind student was convinced that all elections are humbug. He believed that it is impossible for anyone to cast an intelligent vote because of the impossibility of knowing about the candidates. “All sources of information are corrupt and not to be trusted. And furthermore, if the informed citizen could cast an intelligent vote it would count for nothing because it would be nullified by the unintelligent vote of the sewer digger which counts for just as much.” He was dissatisfied with the party system at present. He believed that a monarchy would be a better form of government than the present form, and he had great contempt for the “‘Demos.”’ The colored non-voters who evidenced a lack of faith in all political action were of two general types. 156 NON-VOTING One type was the general social iconoclast, and the other type the religious objector. In the heart of the congested negro section of the city was a woman, thirty-five years of age, who was born in Kentucky and had lived in Chicago for twenty years. She had a nervous tempera- ment and became very excited when interviewed on the subject of voting, giving expression to “radical thoughts” in a high-pitched voice. She had attended high school and had read a great deal by herself. The party workers had “harassed” her to register, and when she had questioned them about the political situation she had found them ignorant. Among other things she said: “‘The people are incapable of self-government. They do not know what they are voting for. The party with the most money and spoils wins. The whole system is wrong.” An Evangelist preacher in the Nazarene Apostolic church said that the creed of his church forbade participation in public life. He told the members in his congregation that they must not vote. This preacher was forty-five years of age, a native of Tennessee, and a resident of the city for ten years. Some members of his church, disbelievers in all political action for the same reason that he gave, were also interviewed. As one of them put it: “Earthly super- vision and regulation is not only superfluous but detrimental since God is watching over the whole world and regulating all of its activities.” Among the citizens of foreign stock a few were found who manifested a lack of faith in the laws and the government of this country. In the Bohemian and Polish section of the city back of the Stock- yards an old lady was interviewed who called the government all kinds of names. ‘The neighbors said to the interpreter: ““Go on and arrest her for the way she is calling the government names.” The woman answered in angry tones that she was doing right and would not do anything for the government. She continued as follows: “They are a pack of thieves. They are taking everything away from the people. The next thing they will come and take my home away from me.” . A mild expression of the anti-political attitude was given by a young Russian musician, living in a West Side Jewish community. He thought that not only was the ballot box corrupted but even DISGUST WITH POLITICS 157 those elected were thrown out, as in the case of Victor Berger and the New York Socialists. He declared that he would never vote, as he thought political action useless here. A young Jewish art student said that he saw no use in voting, as the Socialists had no chance. He said that he was becoming disgusted with political action and was turning toward “‘direct action.” Judging from the number of persons who disbelieve in all political action that a dozen of interviewers were able to find in three months’ time, there is no need for concern regarding any immediate overthrowal of the government by this group. Those persons opposed to all political action who were discovered were not of a very militant or violent type. The philosophical or religious “anarchist”? is not an immediate menace to society. The persons who abjure political action because they are contemptuous of the world in general are not likely to lead any anti-political movement. CHAPTER VII GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA The obvious answer to the query as to why so many adult citizens fail to vote is general indifference. The 740,000 adult citizens who did not vote on April 3, 1923, were indifferent to the stimuli which moved the other half of the citizenry pollward. To say that these citizens were indifferent does not throw much light on the cause of their non-voting. It simply states the fact of their non-voting in another form. An attempt is made in this chapter to break up the general negative attitude assumed by the average non-voter into its component elements. In this way it is hoped to get behind the mask of general indifference. While the TABLE XVIII Per Cent of Total Reasons for Not Voting Number Non-Voters Interviewed Total giving general indifference or some form of imertin sce aes ee leh in cp eras 2,349 4A 3 General indifference ih ay Ge 22 a6 os cea canals 1,347 25 .4 Indifference to particular election....,....... 129 2.5 Neglect—intended to vote but failed......... 448 8.4 Ignorance or timidity regarding elections...... 378 7.1 Failure of party workerayice 200. ho ss es AT 0.9 mask may not be entirely removed, something about the kind of persons who wear it will be brought to light. Inertia as a cause of non-voting has been broken up into the following: indifference to the last election, neglect (intended to vote but failed), ignorance or timidity regarding elections, and failure of the party 158 GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA _— 159 workers. General indifference is, of course, the most common type of inertia. The analysis of the character- istics of the persons who took an indifferent attitude toward elections and also the analysis of their verbal reactions to questions about their political attitudes will reveal something about the problem of political control in an urban community like Chicago. GENERAL INDIFFERENCE According to all the methods of analysis used in this investigation, general indifference is the most common cause of non-voting. The precinct committeemen, the persons of political importance in the city, and the non- voters themselves all placed this factor at the top of the list. One well-known alderman who was questioned on this matter made the following excellent analysis of general indifference toward elections in Chicago: Indifference is undoubtedly the greatest cause of non-voting. ‘It is difficult to do anything more than generalize about this, but in Chicago it might be analyzed in this way: Life in a large city is always under constant pressure. Rich, poor, and moderately well-to-do all have their theaters, cafés, movies, social events, sports, etc. They do those things which give them a thrill or a *kick.”’ A dull election, in which there is nothing of the dramatic, does not interest them, not even to the point of giving up the ten or fifteen minutes which are required to vote. If the election is turned into a great sporting event, a neck-and-neck race, they may be drawn to the polls. In the twenty years that I have lived in Chicago, I do not recall a single animated street-corner conversa- tion on politics between men who were not directly interested. About the only thing which has even stirred the indifferent voter slightly is the prohibition question.1 The interviewers were instructed to label a non- voter as indifferent when he or she merely replied to questions with a shrug of the shoulders or with some 1 Alderman U. S. Schwartz. 160 NON-VOTING such remark as, “‘Put down any reason that you want.” -Women who said they were too busy with housework, too busy taking care of children, too busy with social life, or too busy with church work were also classed with those who were indifferent to the political process. General indifference appeared on one-third of the 5,000 schedules that were turned in by the field workers. It was regarded as the principal reason for not voting in a quarter of all the cases investigated. General indiffer- ence was the sole reason given for failure to vote in a little more than one-half of the entire number of cases where it appeared. In other words, general indifference appeared in combination with some other reason about one thousand times. ‘This in itself indicates the indefi- nite nature of this attitude. The most common partners of general indifference were ignorance or timidity regard- ing elections and disbelief in woman’s voting. Each of these latter reasons appeared over two hundred times in conjunction with general indifference. The next mgst common companions of general indifference were neglect and disgust, each of which was found with the reason under discussion about one hundred times. _ Among the rather questionable combinations were those between general indifference and illness and absence. Where these factors occurred together it was difficult to say whether the obstacle was physical or mental. There was no cause listed in this investigation with the exception of indifference to a particular election, which did not appear at least twice in conjunction with general indifference. Most of these combinations occurred about two dozen times. An analysis of the 1,347 cases of indifference that were used for the detailed cross-tabulations shows that there was about twice as much general indifference among the women as there was among the men. While GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA 161 nearly every seventh male non-voter admitted he did not care about elections, the same admission was made by every third female non-voter. Another character- istic of the indifferent non-voters was that most of them were not registered. Only 10 per cent of the registered voters who did not vote in the mayoralty election were indifferent, while about one-third of all the non-voters who were not registered were indifferent. Eighty-five per cent of the indifferent female citizens interviewed in this investigation were not registered, and 61 per cent of them had never voted. From this it may be concluded that general indifference was the leading factor among the habitual female non-voters, two-fifths of whom could give no definite reason for their absten- tion other than a general disinterested attitude. Gen- eral indifference was also an important factor among the habitual male non-voters. Every third man inter- viewed who had never voted could give no adequate explanation for his failure to vote except that he was not interested in politics. General indifference was slightly more prevalent among the non-voters of foreign parentage than it was ‘among the non-voters of native parentage. Twenty- two per cent of the non-voters of native white parentage could give no explanation for their failure to vote except general inertia. On the other hand, nearly one-third of the non-voters of Slavic or Italian parentage were indifferent. The ratio of indifference among the other ‘racial’? groups did not vary much from the general average. One-third of all the foreign-born female non- voters who were naturalized by marriage were com- pletely indifferent to all elections. From this it is clear 1The “normal distribution” of colored non-voters, given above on p. 40, shows that the percentage of indifferent colored non-voters was about the same as that found in the other groups. 162 NON-VOTING that the indifferent citizens interviewed were largely foreign-born women, who had had no voting experi- ence. General indifference was more common among the young citizens than it was among the old, and it was of least importance among the middle-aged. Nearly two- thirds of the indifferent citizens were under forty years of age. One-third of the female non-voters in their twenties were indifferent, while only one-fourth of those in their forties or fifties were indifferent. This may be accounted for on the ground that the middle-aged women were more likely to give disbelief in women’s voting than general indifference. Only among the Scandinavian and Slavic women was there a higher ratio of indifference among those over forty years than among those under forty years of age. One-sixth of the men in their twenties gave indifference as the reason for their failure to vote. The proportion of indifferent citizens among both the men and women seventy years of age and over was higher than in any of the other age groups. ‘The correlation between youthfulness or old age and general indifference was also close among those who had never voted. There was a direct relation between the attitude of indifference toward elections and length of residence in the city. Twenty-seven per cent of the non-voters interviewed who had been in the city less than ten years were indifferent to politics. This was nearly 3 per cent higher than the percentage of indifference among those who had been in the city for a longer period of time. Newcomers to the city take several years to get ad- justed to the city environment. This generaliza- tion holds true for the whites of native parentage as well as for the whites of English, Italian, or Bohemian parentage and for the negroes. ‘The proportion of new GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA 163 ‘residents among the indifferent citizens was greatest among the negroes who had never voted. Among both the men and the women general indiffer- ence was less prevalent in the well-to-do neighborhoods than in the poor neighborhoods. Only one in every five of the female non-voters interviewed in the best resi- dential sections admitted general indifference, while every third female non-voter in the poor residential sections freely admitted an indifferent attitude toward elections. ‘The rental line made the same sort of a divi- sion among the indifferent male non-voters. Among the female non-voters of German or Scandinavian parentage there was relatively a large amount of indifference in districts where prevailing rents were over $50 a month. In general, so few of the non- voters of foreign parentage lived in the better residen- tial neighborhoods that no conclusions can be drawn with reference to the effect that a higher economic status might have upon their political attitudes. Of the habitual non-voters who expressed indifference toward elections, four-fifths lived in the poor neighbor- hoods. The persons living in houses were less likely to be indifferent than were the persons living in apart- ments, flats, or hotels. This difference is partly trace- able to economic status and partly to the fact that families occupying houses were more closely attached to the local community. An analysis of the occupations of the indifferent non-voters shows that most of them were housewives. Three out of every four of the non-voters who ex- pressed an indifferent attitude toward elections were housewives. Indifference was also an important factor among the domestic servants, the clerical workers, and the unskilled workers. It was of less importance among the business men on their own time, the traveling 164 NON-VOTING salesmen, and the professional men. Only 8 per cent - of the non-voting salesmen were found to be indifferent. This low percentage was partly due to the large pro- portion of salesmen who gave absence from city as a cause of their non-voting. Among the housewives who had never voted almost every other one was found to be indifferent. Forty per cent of the skilled workers, the clerical workers, and one-third of the small shop- keepers who had never voted were indifferent. In concluding the statistical analysis, it can be said that most of the citizens who gave indifference as a reason for not voting were white women of foreign parentage, not registered, having little voting experi- ence, living in the poorer sections of the city, and having no occupation but housework. Indifference among the men was much less prevalent but it was found to some extent among the men of foreign parentage who were not registered and who lived in the poorest neighbor- hoods, earning their living by unskilled work. It is necessary to consider a number of individual cases in order to understand the various kinds of situa- tions in which a person pays no attention to elections. It has been shown that there is some relation between indifference and age. Persons just becoming of age, whether male or female, have no fully developed voting habits. On the other hand, citizens of advanced years, especially the female citizens, are likely to show no interest in elections. | Mr. James Anderson, a young colored laborer, who just became of age a few days before the election, did not vote because he had not yet given any thought to politics. Mr. Anderson came to Chi- cago in 1919 and now lives with his brother in a house situated in one of the better colored sections of the city. Miss Benda, a girl born in Chicago of Italian parentage, had never voted because she was of the opinion that young girls have other things to think about besides voting and government. GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA 165 Mrs. Tarrington, a widow, aged sixty, had never voted because she was tired of politics. Her husband had been a “‘fiend for politics,’’ but since he died she took no interest in politics. Mrs. Kraus, an elderly German lady who lives in the old Austin section, said that she was over her voting days. She wanted “‘to get out and have some fun now.” Her children could vote for her. Mrs. Kraus had voted in 1913 when woman suffrage was first inaugurated for local elections. Mr. Kimmel, an old German laborer living in a nearby ward, had not voted since 1919. He said that he felt old and tired and that the death of his wife left him uninterested in the politics of the city. He was living with his daughter at the time. Another factor which has something to do with indifference is the length of time that the person has been in his voting precinct and in the city. Many who had lived in the city for more than a year and who could have qualified as electors still felt themselves strangers to the community. Mr. Janowski, a young Polish laborer, voted last in 1919. Shortly after that date he moved to another section of the city. He had not voted since he moved and he said that he was expecting to move back to his old neighborhood and would probably vote then. In the Polish settlement near the Stockyards, a woman of Polish ancestry was interviewed who said that she had voted in Chicago Ridges in 1917. Public opinion in this small village made her vote in the first election that women voted, but when she moved to the city she lost interest in political affairs and found plenty of other things to do. Mr. Jensen, a young man of Norwegian ancestry who had just moved to the city from a small town, had never voted because he had not yet adjusted himself to his new urban environment. He intimated, however, that he would start voting soon, as most of his friends voted. In the Hyde Park district Mrs. A, a woman just past fifty, had never taken part in politics since coming to Chicago in 1917. She had lived formerly in Denver, and said that she had always voted there. She knew Colorado politics and was interested. All her friends and she did political work. She found it difficult to make new contacts in Chicago and has not yet been able to adjust herself. 166 NON-VOTING Mrs. R, who lived in a residential hotel with her mother and brother, took no interest in elections. She had moved to the hotel in 1922 shortly after the death of her husband, and she found nothing in her daily life which had any connection with politics and elections. In one of the Italian communities in Chicago, Mr. Guida, a retail grocer, aged fifty-five, resident of the city for a dozen years, said that he was naturalized for protection only and did not care to vote or to take any part in politics. Some people vote only when they are urged strongly to do so by members of their families or by their friends. When this pressure is lacking they are indifferent to the political process. Mrs. Borrelli, an elderly Italian woman who came to the city in 1905, had not voted since 1921. She was unable to speak Eng- lish, but by using a neighbor as an interpreter, the interviewer was able to find out that she “never went to vote except with her husband.” In the Lawndale community, a Jewish woman living in a $60-a- month apartment, said that she voted when her husband reminded her. She had only voted a few times and was not yet accustomed to the procedure. Her husband had not reminded her of the election in April, 1923, because he was disgusted with politics at that time, having been unable to secure a much-desired sign permit. An elderly Polish woman living near the Stockyards, who became a citizen when her husband was naturalized in 1900, had not voted since 1918. She said that he did not go to vote so she did not. If he did, she also would. There were some indifferent citizens who would not or could not give any adequate explanation of their non-voting, the election had made so little impression upon them. One young musician living in the Hyde Park district said that he had one of his temperamental spells at election time and neg- lected to vote. A Polish woman living in one of the river wards in a dilapidated flat did not remember whether she had voted for mayor or not. She thought that she was too tired to vote at that time and did not go because she washed that day. GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA ~— 167 An elderly German woman living on the North Side had never voted and admitted that she was not at all interested in elections. She said that she did not need to render any more services to the country for she gave a son. Mr. Brown, a young man of twenty-three, said that he had neither registered nor voted and that he had no intention of doing so. With a nonchalant manner, he affirmed that he had no time for such things. He seemed to be quite proud of the fact that he had been able to resist the social pressures brought to bear on young men to vote. Citizens who vote only when they perceive some special, direct benefit can be derived therefrom are not likely to vote when the vision of that benefit is lacking. The men and women whose business or work engrossed most of their time were quite frequently indifferent toward elections, especially when their business had no very direct connection with the government. Mrs. Sanderson, living in the Englewood district of Chicago, informed the investigator that she took no interest in politics because she owned no property. Her statement was: ‘There is no use to vote unless you get something for it.” A woman of native parentage living in the Hyde Park district declared that she did not care for voting and would vote only when some special reason induced her to vote, as in 1916, when she voted for Wilson, hoping that if he were elected the eight-hour law would be passed. She did it to help her brothers who were railroad men and who urged her to vote. A young retail salesman of Danish parentage, living in the old Austin section, did not vote in the mayoralty because he was more interested in his business than in politics. He said that he might vote when he had more time. It has been pointed out that many of the indif- ferent non-voters were housewives. The housewife is likely to be more interested in taking care of her children, in taking care of her house, in church work, or in thé social life of her community than she is in poli- tics. Most of the cases of indifference found among the housewives can be explained along one of these lines. 168 NON-VOTING Mrs. Rosetti, a middle-aged wife of an Italian laborer who came to this country in 1888, said that she had never voted because she was too busy. As she expressed it: “‘Got a lot of children.” A woman in the Bohemian settlement near the Chicago River had never voted because her domestic duties were of too pressing anature. Her first husband ran away with a young girl of eighteen years of age, and she married a widower with six children and so did not have time to be interested in politics. In a well-to-do section on the North Side a young woman of native parentage declared she could not get a maid to care for her children so she did not vote. A colored woman, aged thirty-three, living in a flat that rented for $18 a month, had never voted, because she did not care for politics. She preferred to devote her time to church work and her lodge. Politics, she said, was all right for those who were inter- ested. She spent her time doing other things. A Danish woman on the North Side, fifty-two years of age, declared that she was more interested in the home and in church work than in voting. As long as registration for voting is a personal matter as in Chicago, entirely dependent upon the initiative of the eligible electors, there will be many women who have not established voting habits who will not register. A complete official registration such as is made in some foreign countries might be a method of teaching these women something about the importance of their electoral privileges. With or without such a registration system it is probable that the chief reliance of those interested in cutting down the number of indifferent electors will have to be put in publicity and adult educational campaigns. INDIFFERENCE TO PARTICULAR ELECTION Indifference to the particular election was an alter- native reason for not voting that might be checked by the interviewer under the heading of general indiffer- ence. It did not appear on the questionnaires sent to the precinct committeemen and the persons prominent * GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA _ 169 in political life. Indifference to the particular election signifies in this study that the non-voter was not interested in the election of the mayor, the run-off election of aldermen, and the election of minor city officials. In other words, the election of April 3, 1923, was a municipal election, and the citizens who failed to take part in it showed a lack of interest in Chicago politics. It is reasonable to expect that persons who had no interest in Chicago politics might also be uninformed on political matters. The most common partner of indifference to the city election was ignorance or timidity regarding elections. In these combinations the ignorance was usually a lack of information about the candidates who were running for office. Indiffer- ence to the last election occurred 129 times on the schedules which were collected by the investigators. On 23 schedules it appeared in combination with some other factor. Belief that one vote counts for nothing and disgust with own party were frequently found in conjunction with indifference to the city election. In fact, all the persons who said they objected to their own party candidate and to voting for the other party candidate were indifferent to the city election. How- ever, these persons possessed a positive attitude against voting, as has been brought out above. The percentage of non-voters who were indifferent to the particular election was found to be about the same for the men as for the women. Practically all who gave this reason had had some voting experience. Only seven citizens who had never voted said that they did not care about the particular election. Over 3 per cent of the women who were registered were indifferent to the election, and over 4 per cent of the women who had voted in Chicago at some time did not find any- thing which appealed to them in the election. - 170 NON-VOTING There was no appreciable difference in the impor- tance of the factor under discussion among the various age groups of native-born and foreign-born. In none of the nationalistic groups did the percentage of those indifferent to Chicago politics reach very alarming proportions. ‘The women and the men of native parent- age constituted one-third of the entire group of luke- warm local electors. The men who were under forty years of age were a little more inclined to slight local politics than those who were over forty years of age. The greatest amount of indifference to the city election was found among the colored, the Irish, the Italian, and the Russian male non-voters who were in their twenties and thirties. Many of the women under forty years of age also seemed to take no interest in the election. This tendency was most pronounced among the young negro, Russian, and Scandinavian women. However, the variation in the amount of interest shown in Chicago politics among the different age and national- istic groups was slight. With the exception of the Russians and the Scan- dinavians there was a decided tendency among the newer residents of the city to slight the mayoralty election. ‘The tendency was most striking among the colored non-voters who had been in the city less than ten years. Three per cent of them did not vote in the mayoralty election because they thought it was of little importance. Among the white non-voters of native parentage there did not seem to be any difference in the amount of interest shown by the old and the new residents. Indifference to the election was more common in the best residential districts than it was in the poor districts. In the former, 1 out of every 20 and in the latter 1 out of every 100 non-voters admitted indifference to the GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA birt mayoralty election. About 4 per cent of the non- voters who paid over $50 a month for their rent were indifferent to the local political situation as compared to 2 per cent of those living in areas where rents were less than $50. In other words, the native whites of native parentage interviewed in this investigation, who made up the great bulk of those in the best neighborhoods, showed a relatively high amount of indifference to the election. The colored, the Irish, and the German non-voters living in the well-to-do sections showed the same tendency. Persons living in the houses and apart- ments renting for the highest rates were more inclined to give this reason than those living in flats, but the home-owners in all neighborhoods rarely gave it. An occupational analysis of the non-voters shows that the business men, the professional men, and the domestic servants were inclined to slight the importance of the mayoralty election. The least amount of indifference to the mayoralty election was found among the small shopkeepers and the traveling salesmen. Sixty-seven, or about one-half of those who were indiffer- ent to the city election, were housewives. This number, however, only constituted a little over 2 per cent of the total number of non-voting housewives. Indifference to the city election was found to be most common among those nationalistic groups that were dissatisfied with the local political situation and among wealthy whites of native parentage who were engrossed in other matters and bored by the frequency of elections in Chicago. There was about an equal number of men and women in this reason group. Most of them voted last in 1922 or in 1920. A few typical cases representing each of the national- istic groups will show something about the nature of the indifferent local-government electors. It has been 172 ~ NON-VOTING pointed out that some of them were Irish. That Irish voters would be indifferent to an election in which an Irish candidate was running for mayor does not seem probable. Mr. Thomas O’Brien, a thirty-eight-year-old factory superin- tendent interviewed, refused to: vote in the mayoralty election because he was not interested. ‘The smaller offices did not interest him. He voted only for president. Mr. O’Brien was not a native of Chicago but was born in Indiana of Irish parents and moved to the city in 1917. He voted last in the presidential election of 1920. In the Slavic neighborhood back of the Stockyards, a woman was interviewed who said she was indifferent to the last election. Her husband voted in April, but she did not have time to vote. She considered the president more important than the mayor, and she intimated that she would vote in the next presidential election. Mrs. Rassmussen, a woman of Russian parentage living in the Lawndale community, voted last in 1922. She declared that she voted only when interested in the candidates personally. She knew nothing about the mayoralty candidates and consequently did not take the election seriously. Another Russian woman living near by declared that she had no time to bother with local elections. She voted only for governor and for president. The negroes who were indifferent to the city election gave a variety of excuses for their attitude. Some found presidential elections interesting and local elec- tions devoid of anything dramatic, and there were others who were not interested in the election because they thought that local conditions were too upset. A laborer in the Stockyards, aged twenty-nine, who moved to the city from Alabama in 1918, was not interested in city politics because the offices seemed to him to be comparatively unimportant and the city life went on anyway whoever was in office. He was a world-war veteran, and thought that the election of president made a great deal of difference. He was much pleased with the president’s attitude on the matter of a government hospital in Alabama. Mrs. Russell, an elderly negro laundress who came to the city in 1918 from Kentucky, did not agree with her daughter-in-law who GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA — 173 was working at the polls, and so decided not to register or have anything to do with local elections. A young colored maid working in a downtown store had voted for Mayor Thompson in 1919 because everyone in her neighborhood was voting for him and talked about how good he was to the colored people. She had not voted since that time. Even the presidential election had not seemed so important as the mayoralty election of 1919. Since Thompson was not the candidate for re-election in 1923 she was not interested in the mayoralty election under discussion. Some were indifferent to the mayoralty election because of a personal or domestic maladjustment. These individuals did not have any special objections to voting but their minds were so taken up with other matters of such immediate concern that they gave no thought to politics. In this group may be put those persons interviewed who recently suffered loss of some close friend or relative by death. None of the members of a certain family living near Garfield Boulevard voted in the mayoralty election because their mother had died in the registration place. Mrs. Arling’s seventeen-year-old daughter had run away from her about registration time, and the mother was so distracted that she lost interest in the election and in everything. The greater portion of persons who slighted the local political situation were native whites of native parent- age living in the finest residential districts of the city. There were persons who did not exactly object to their own party candidate, nor did they believe that both of the candidates were equally bad, but, nevertheless, they were not satisfied with the alternatives offered on elec- tion day. Some of these were like one young man who had just come to the city and had not been here long enough to become interested in local politics. Others did not vote because no candidate of their own social group, race, or nationality was running for office. Mr. Williams, a middle-aged real estate dealer, wanted to vote for the best man but would not because he was a Catholic. On the 174 NON-VOTING other hand, he would not vote for a poor candidate, so he did not vote at all. In the Woodlawn neighborhood between Jackson and Washing- ton parks a young teacher was interviewed who said that he was not much interested in Chicago politics, and that he was not at all inter- ested in Chicago politics in the last election as he thought there was little choice between the candidates. He voted last in the spring of 1922, and he declared that he planned to vote in the next presiden- tial election. Mrs. Herzling, who was over seventy years of age and who had lived in the city for six years, thought that all women should vote. She was herself a participant in the early movement for women’s rights. She was specially interested in national affairs but was not interested in the last Chicago election. She declared that she once entertained Susan B. Anthony, and she added that she thought women’s influence necessary to pass laws protecting women. It is a well-known fact that there is considerable variation in the interest which the registered voters show in different elections. In the five-year period from 1919 to 1923, the percentage of registered voters who voted in Chicago ranged from 13 per cent in the primary election of September, 1919, at which dele- gates to the constitutional convention were nominated, to 93 per cent in the presidential election of 1920. In the mayoralty election under discussion, 80 per cent of the registered voters participated. The number of elections in a given year, the dramatic quality of each election, and the conflict of religious, racial, partisan, and economic influences in each election are all factors which have some effect upon the amount of the regis- tered vote cast. NEGLECT: INTENDED TO VOTE BUT FAILED The persons who intended to vote on April 3, 1923, or who intended to register in March but failed are called in this study the “neglectful citizens.”’ Table XIX shows that neglect appeared on one-tenth of the GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA = 175 cards handed in by the investigators. On nearly one- half of these schedules there was some other reason given in addition to neglect. The reasons found most commonly in combination with neglect were general indifference, fear of loss of business or wages, and con- gestion at the polls. These combinations describe a situation common among the working people. Those laborers who had to get up early in the morning to vote usually found the polls congested, and being disinclined to get off from their work in the afternoon, they neg- lected to vote altogether. There was also a consider- able number of citizens who, in addition to being careless about voting, were sick, were away from the city, were ignorant regarding elections, or were disgusted with politics. Eight and four-tenths per cent of the non-voters interviewed gave neglect as the most important cause of their abstention. This makes neglect the fourth most important factor according to the interview method. The rough estimate of the precinct com- mitteemen also gave this factor a high rank. As one able precinct committeeman put it: “‘There are always many inert, always going to but never doing.” What are the characteristics of the non-voters who admitted that they were simply careless or lazy on election day? ‘The study made of 5,000 cases shows that nearly 11 per cent of the male non-voters and nearly 7 per cent of the female non-voters gave neglect as their reason for not voting. The higher percentage of neglect among the males was due in part to the fact that there were more men registered than women. Neglect was given three times as frequently by those who were registered as by those who were not registered. In fact, of those non-voters who were registered, about 1 Appendix A. 176 NON-VOTING 1 in 7, regardless of sex, evidenced a careless attitude toward voting. On the other hand, only 1 in 14 of the men and only 1 in 20 of the women gave neglect as a reason for not registering. From this it is clear that neglect is a common cause of irregular voting. A careless attitude toward voting was more prev- alent among certain nationalistic groups than it was among others. The non-voters of Jewish, Scandina- vian, or German parentage were more inclined to be negligent regarding the political process than were the citizens of English, Italian, or Slavic parentage. With the exception of the male non-voters of English parent- age, those of the older immigration were slightly more disposed to be careless than were the newer immigrants. The white non-voters of native parentage were midway between the two extremes. Except among those of English or Jewish parentage the proportion of neglectful citizens was higher among the native-born than among the foreign-born. As in the case of general indifference, this probably indicates that the newly naturalized citizens take more pride in the privileges of citizenship than do those who are born citizens. This tendency was most marked among those of Polish stock, among whom the native-born were three times as likely to give neglect as the reason for not voting as were the naturalized foreign-born. Not only was neglect more common among the native-born than among the naturalized, but it was also more common among the young than among the old. ‘There was a steady decline in the percentages of both the male and female non-voters giving this explanation as the older-age groups were reached. The most striking contrast between the younger and older generation in this respect was found among the male non-voters of German, Russian, Bohemian, or native GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA — 177 American parentage. In every one of these groups there were nearly twice as many neglectful male non- voters under forty years of age as there were over forty. The reason for this difference is that there were more young citizens registered than there were old, and the young were inclined to take their electoral duties rather lightly. In contrast to general indifference, neglect was of less relative importance among those who had been in the city less than ten years than it was among those who had been in the city more than ten years. It is likely that the relative large amount of carelessness found among those who had been in the city for about twenty years is traceable to the fact that many in this group were the native-born neglectful youths discussed in the previous paragraph. Neglect was more common among the newer residents of German, Irish, Russian, Bohe- mian, or native white parentage than it was among some of the other nationalistic groups discussed. The numerous elections in Chicago and the great number of elective offices discouraged many who tried to keep up a sustained interest in politics. Consequently, the older residents quite frequently became neglectful. The relative amount of neglect in the best and the poorest residential areas was about the same. How- ever, the ratio of neglect among the men in the best neighborhoods was slightly less than that among the men in the other residential neighborhoods. ‘This may be explained on the ground that there was a close rela- tion between neglect and fear of loss of business or wages. The latter factor was rarely found in the neighborhoods where the prevailing rents were $80 a month and over. On the other hand, neglect was an important factor among those living in the so-called middle-class neighborhoods. 178 NON-VOTING As has been intimated, neglect was very common among those whose occupation engrossed most of their time and attention. The skilled workers, the clerical workers, and to a large extent the professional men and the business men were likely to be careless about elec- tions. Although nearly one-half of all the neglectful non-voters were housewives, the neglectful housewives constituted less than 7 per cent of all non-voting housewives. Neglect was of considerable importance among sons and daughters who had just begun to earn their livelihood and who had not yet assumed any of the responsibilities of citizenship. Most of the “neglectful” electors were young, registered, experienced in voting, native-born, engaged in clerical, skilled work, or business, and living in a middle-class section of the city. Since the citizens under discussion did not vote because they had other more engaging interests on elec- tion day, it will be illuminating to consider what some of these other interests were that caused them to forget voting. When business men who are more or less on their own time fail to vote, it is ordinarily because their minds are preoccupied by their business cares. The ease with which the idea of voting is crowded out of their minds is also an indication of the strength of their civic consciousness. A young bank manager living on the near North Side was quite apologetic for his failure to vote in the last.election. He said that he had always voted before and that he intended to vote in the mayoralty election but simply forgot it. A young insurance broker living in the same community in a private house said that he had moved since the last election and had forgotten to register in his new voting precinct. He felt that voting was a duty, and he explained his neglect on the ground that he had been very busy. . A young bond salesman of an old Boston family was quite interested in politics but he had never voted since he came to GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA — 179 Chicago in 1920. He had been too rushed to take the time and trouble even to find the polling booth. Another young bond salesman who lived in the Hyde Park dis- trict was registered, but did not vote in the last election because he was careless and forgot about it. The rest of his family were all regular voters. The skilled and the unskilled workers had more reason for neglecting to vote than the business men because their hours of employment frequently made it difficult for them to find the time to vote. Mechanics, chauffeurs, and laborers were found who put off voting until it was too late. A young mechanic, registered in a South Chicago precinct, did not vote in the mayoralty election because he had forgotten about it until it was too late. He suggested that the booths be kept open later than 4:00 p.m. on election days. A young machinist living on the North Side voted in the February primary, but he failed to vote in the April election because he did not remember that there was an election until he read the - returns the next morning. A young glazier of German parentage living in the same com- munity said that he seldom voted unless he was reminded by his father. He intended to vote in the mayoralty election but forgot about it. A young chauffeur declared that he arrived at the polls too late. He had been out on a long trip and did not get back until late in the afternoon. A middle-aged Austrian teamster, registered in one of the river wards, intended to vote but he started for work too early in the morning and came back from work after the polls were closed. Mr. Jenkins, an elderly colored laborer in the Stockyards, felt that all the colored people should exercise the right of suffrage where they have the opportunity. He had a very large family and could not afford to lose a day’s pay. He overslept on registra- tion day and then after returning from work fooled around until it was too late. He was very much chagrined that his name was not on the list of registered voters. An Irish laborer, living in the Stockyards district, was not painted in very favorable colors by his mother. She said he was a 180 NON-VOTING careless and shiftless fellow who probably forgot to vote. He got into one of his drunken stupors on election day and fell asleep some place. Women engaged in clerical or domestic occupations found their hours of work made voting inconvenient. If they did not think to make special arrangements, they found themselves unable to vote. Miss Thomas, a young colored girl who worked nights for the Yellow Cab Company, did not vote because she could not afford to lose the time during the day from her sleep. Miss Mangelsdorf, a young stenographer of German parentage, living on the North Side, voted in February but failed to vote in April because she neglected it before going to work and could not get back from work before the polls were closed. Mrs. Havens, a middle-aged lodging-house keeper of native American parentage, did not vote because she was busy taking care of her house. She said that if the old precinct captain had not moved she very probably would have voted, for although she always intended to vote, she forgot to unless reminded about it. ' She looked upon voting as a privilege which women should exercise. Miss Law, a colored maid working on the North Side, lived on the South Side. She planned to get off from her work early in order to register but neglected to do so. The polls were too crowded for her to register in the early morning. The young people with no gainful occupation were quite apt to be careless about voting. In this class came the students and those who were just out of school. Many students failed to register because they did not feel themselves members of the community. Miss Hoeft, a “home girl” of German parentage, wanted to vote but when the time came she found out that she had forgotten to register. She had just become of age in 1922. Mr. Peterson, a young man who had just attained his majority, was spending his time looking for a job. He had never voted and forgot about the election until it was too late. The polls were closed when he reached the voting place. Miss R, a young University College student, registered for the first time in November, 1922, and she intended to vote in the GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA 181 mayoralty election but when the time came she was careless and neglected it. Mr. Payson, a young medical student living on the West Side, had intended to vote but was unable to because on election day he found himself in another part of the city. He was well posted on both national and local politics. The professional workers who did not vote in the mayoralty election were likely to explain their negli- gence on the ground of mere carelessness. A young photographer was registered but did not vote because it was inconvenient for him. His alarm was not set early enough, and he did not think about voting during the day until it was too late. A young pharmacist of Polish parentage living near the Chicago River did not vote because he forgot about it when he was not busy in his drug-store, and when he did think about it, it was too late. Miss Lieberman, a teacher living at a fine residential hotel, said to herself in the morning she would vote in the afternoon. In the afternoon she found herself in another part of the city and could not return in time. Miss Lieberman cited general indifference as the most common cause of non-voting among her acquaintances. She obtained advice as to how to vote from the male members of the high school faculty. The housewives constituted the most numerous class of neglectful citizens. They offered a variety of reasons for not voting, some of which were connected with their daily routine and others which were not. Some of the neglectful housewives voted when urged to by their husbands or friends, but when that pressure was removed they forgot all about the election process. In the Lawndale community, Mrs. Goldstein, a middle-aged housewife of Jewish parentage, voted in February but failed to in April because she was very busy with housework. She declared that she always voted and that on one occasion had burned her cookies in order to cast a vote. She considered voting highly important. On the South Side, a woman of German parentage was registered but on April 3, 1923, found herself too busy with housework to go 182 NON-VOTING to the polls in the morning. After she had finished her ironing she went to the polls and found that they had just been closed. She boasted of being among the first women to vote in Chicago. There were some housewives whose social duties interfered with their electoral duties. Mrs. Kempf, a middle-aged housewife of Dutch ancestry, declared that she was a regular voter and at the time of the mayor- alty election she was ready to go to the polls, but a caller detained her and by the time she got to the polls they were closed. In one of the Polish sections of the city a young woman was interviewed who had not registered. She had just moved and failed . to register in her new voting precinct. She wanted to register but neglected to do so at the proper time. Mrs. Marks, a young housewife living in a Jewish settlement, forgot to register when she became of age and consequently could not vote. She declared that she was anxious to vote, and was sorry that she had missed her first opportunity to register. An elderly Russian woman, living in the old Austin section, was registered but did not vote because her husband forgot to tell her about it. She said that she always voted with him.! Mrs. Litowich, a middle-aged Jewish mother, declared that she usually voted and that she simply forgot it last time. Her son, a lawyer, usually reminded her, but she insisted that she herself was very interested in public affairs and looked upon voting as a duty. Several views may be taken regarding the impor- tance of neglect or carelessness as a cause of non-voting. The voter who “‘just forgot about the election”’ obvi- ously holds his electoral duties lightly. If voting had been a matter of great importance to him, it would not have slipped his mind so easily. On the other hand, it has been shown that this attitude is not a habitual one. Better publicity regarding electoral matters and a change in the hours of voting would certainly decrease the amount of non-voting due to neglect. 1 Tt is interesting to note that in the Hebrew sections the name of the husband usually appears on the poll books immediately preceding that of the wife. GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA 183 IGNORANCE OR TIMIDITY REGARDING ELECTIONS Ignorance or timidity regarding elections did not appear on the questionnaires sent out to the party- precinct committeemen, nor was it found on the first schedules used by the special investigators. Lack of positive information about the candidates was the reason on the early schedules most closely allied to ignorance and timidity regarding elections. The pre- cinct committeemen, whose job it was to inform the adult citizens in their territory about the qualifications of the candidates, naturally did not give much weight to a cause which implied a failure on their part. The investigators, however, soon found out that there were a great many adult citizens in the city who not only knew nothing about the candidates who ran in the mayoralty election of April, 1923, but who were in total ignorance of the simple mechanics of the election process itself. [Ignorance or timidity regarding elec- tions was rated by the prominent persons in the city as one of the five leading causes of non-voting. | Table XX indicates the close relationship that exists between general indifference and the factor under discussion.!. On 229 of the schedules filled out by the investigators, ignorance or timidity regarding elections appeared in combination with general indifference. If the former reason had appeared on all the schedules, its total would have been larger as it would have covered some cases that were classed under general indifference. The common occurrence of ignorance regarding elections in conjunction with disbelief in woman’s voting is also significant in this connection. It is highly probable that the great bulk of the female anti-suffragists were also ignorant regarding elections. The prevalent attitude among them was that they did 1 See below, p. 260. ‘ 184 NON-VOTING © not need to bother about politics—the men took care of such things for them. ‘The other reasons with which ignorance or timidity was found in frequent association are disgust with politics, neglect, illness, and failure of party workers. ‘There was also some relation between ignorance and such factors as absence, insufficient legal residence, and poor location of polling booth. ‘The variety of reasons with which ignorance was combined furnished further proof of its prevalence. Some non- voters admitted that they knew little about politics, but what little they had heard had disgusted them, and others explained their abstention on the ground of illness, absence, lack of residence qualifications, or poor location of polling booth, professing at the same time ignorance or timidity regarding elections. As shown above, 7 per cent of the non-voters gave ignorance and timidity regarding elections as the chief reason why they did not vote. A description of the 378 non-voters whose abstention was explained mainly on the ground of ignorance brings many interesting facts to light. Seventy-seven of them were men and 301 were women. ‘The ignorant male non-voters made up 4.6 per cent of the total male non- voters, while the ignorant female non-voters made up 8.3 per cent of the total female non-voters. Relatively speaking, ignorance regarding elections was twice as common among female non-voters as it was among male non-voters. It was also confined largely to the adult citizens who were not registered and who had not had any voting experience. Where it was found among those who were registered, it meant rather lack of positive information about the candidates than ignorance regarding. the election process itself. Among the habitual non-voters 12 per cent of both the men and women gave ignorance as the cause of their non-voting. GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA 185 This high ratio places ignorance or timidity as the most important factor explaining why some adult citizens _ never vote. | An analysis of the parentage of the non-voters under discussion shows that ignorance regarding elections was a relatively more important factor among the negroes and the whites of Scandinavian, Italian, or Polish parentage than it was among the whites of native, English, German, or Irish parentage. Practically no Trishmen were found who admitted that they did not ‘know anything about politics. On the other hand, many Swedish-speaking, Polish-speaking, or Italian- speaking American citizens were found who did not know anything about the election process. In other words, ignorance and timidity regarding elections was a much more important factor among negroes and the non-English-speaking foreign-born than it was among the English-speaking whites. The classification of the non-voters under discussion by sex and age groups does not show that there was any marked connection between age and ignorance and timidity regarding elections. The ratio of male non- voters giving ignorance as the cause of their abstention was highest among those in their forties, while among the women it was highest for those in their fifties and sixties. The newness of woman suffrage explains the prevalence of electoral ignorance among women of advanced years. The middle-aged men who knew nothing about politics were either Polish, Russian, German, or Italian. The most striking correlation between age and ignorance was found among the habitual colored non-voters. Over two-thirds of the ignorant colored non-voters were in their twenties. As might be expected, ignorance and timidity regard- ing elections was more prevalent among the non-voters 186 NON-VOTING who had been in the city for less than ten years than it was among those who had been in the city for more than ten years. The opportunities for education and sophistication regarding political affairs in the city are many. ‘The present study indicates that some of the old residents had taken advantage of these opportuni- ties. Roughly speaking, the investigators found twice as much ignorance regarding elections in the poor sec- tions of the city as in the best residential districts. This holds true for both the men and women inter- viewed. In the well-to-do areas persons were rarely found who admitted that they were uninformed about the election process. However, there were some who complained about the difficulty of getting accurate information about the candidates. In the poorer sec- tions of the city there were many who knew nothing about politics and made no effort to conceal their ignorance. The great bulk of those who gave ignorance or timidity regarding elections as the explanation of their failure to go to the polls on April 3, 1923, were house- wives. ‘The reason was also mentioned by a respec- table number of small shopkeepers, professional men, clerical workers, and domestic servants. The business men and the professional workers did not say that they were ignorant regarding elections but they did complain about the lack of positive information about the candidates. The skilled and unskilled laborers who confessed their ignorance regarding voting were largely foreign whites or negroes. Ignorance or timidity regarding elections was found to be an important cause of non-voting among the middle-aged white women of foreign parentage and among the young colored women who had never had GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA 187 any voting experience and who lived in the poorest sec- tions of the city. It was also found to some extent among the habitual male non-voters who had lived in the city but a short time and who were engaged in the unskilled occupations. | Many of the habitual female non-voters of foreign stock avoided the entire election procedure because their ignorance made them feel shy about it. Many wives of naturalized foreigners felt that their unfamiliar- ity with the English language and with local election procedure made it inadvisable for them to vote. The nature of this shyness can clearly be brought out by describing a few typical cases. An elderly woman of Jewish ancestry, who came to this country from Russia in 1899, said that she had never voted because she was ashamed to admit her inability either to read or write English. She did not want her ignorance of the English language to be made conspicuous. A Polish woman, forty-nine years of age, who came to this country in 1885, did not vote because she declared that she was a widow and would not go near the polling place for fear that the people would think that she was going there on account of the men folks. Mrs. Buckhauser, who was born in Germany in 1875 and came to this country when she was sixteen years of age, never voted in Chicago because she could not speak nor write English. She was afraid they would laugh at her at the polling place, which was located in a mixed foreign settlement west of the Stockyards. Mrs. Rubino, thirty-three years of age, who came to this country in 1900, did not vote in April, 1923, because she had never voted before and was uncertain whether a woman should vote or not. When she was in Italy, “‘women didn’t vote.” She felt that persons with a lack of education should not vote for they would not know what they were doing. In addition to the foreign white women discussed above, there were a considerable number of colored citizens who felt timid about voting because of their ignorance. 188 NON-VOTING Mrs. Turner, a young laundress who had moved from Mobile to Chicago in 1921, did not know anything about politics and conse- quently did not vote. She deplored the fact that so many colored people voted without knowing what they were doing. She had seen a ballot and was so bewildered that she did not try to register. Mrs. Williams, an elderly colored woman who was once a slave and had never been given any schooling, was a habitual non-voter because she knew nothing about politics and felt herself entirely too old to learn. Not all of the “ignorant”? non-voters felt them- selves incapable of learning about the political process. Many citizens who were unfamiliar with the mechanics of voting would vote if someone showed them how. Mrs. Foucek, a Bohemian woman who was naturalized through her husband’s papers, had never voted, because, as she said, “‘I ain’t got the nerve.’’ Her husband told her to go, and she intimated that if someone would go with her she would vote. Mrs. Davis, a young colored woman living in the congested negro district, was a habitual non-voter because she knew nothing about voting and declared that no one seemed interested enough to enlighten her. Some people voted ignorantly. She would not do this. She did not even know the registration date. Another colored woman thirty-five years of age, a native of Kentucky, knew nothing about the ordinary mechanics of voting because her husband was not much interested. She felt that she got along as well as those who did vote. No one had ever explained the process to her. Timidity regarding elections was sometimes a promi- nent factor in the behavior of non-voters who had had some educational advantages and who knew something about the candidates. Both male and female citizens just becoming of age and persons who had just received their naturalization papers were rather timid about starting to vote. A young chauffeur of Polish origin had never registered to vote because he felt that the young fellows did not care about voting and he was ashamed to go alone. GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA 189 Mr. Snow, a negro filing clerk in the Pullman Company who had just reached his majority shortly before the election, did not vote because he thought he would better wait awhile before voting in order to find out something about the process. He had attended high school for two years. A young man in the old Austin section declared that he wanted to have a good job before he walked up to the polling place to cast his vote as a full-fledged member of society. Miss A, registered for the first time, had had a good education and was doing stenographic work. She had followed the election issues, had heard both of the candidates, but when the election came, not knowing the procedure in voting and fearing that she would be laughed at, did not vote. Mr. Posen, a retail merchant of Russian extraction, had been naturalized in January, 1923, and had taken advantage of his first opportunity to register in February. When the election came in April he was afraid to vote because he did not know how to go about voting. A native of Lithuania who had just secured his citizenship papers declared that he was getting acquainted with Chicago politics and would start to vote the following year. He spoke very little English, but seemed to be sincere in attaching great importance to voting. There were some colored and some white citizens who were timid about voting because their first ex- perience at the polls had been of a very embarrassing nature. Mrs. Butler, a young colored woman, a native of South Caro- lina and a resident of Chicago for eight years, had attempted to vote in the judicial election of 1921. She had been overwhelmed with the long list of names. She did not know whom to vote for because she assumed that all judges were educated and one could do about as well as another. Since that time she had not returned to the polls to vote. Mrs. Champion, a colored laundress who had moved from Atlanta to Chicago in 1919, registered in 1921 and went to the polls to vote. When she entered the polling booth she was so bewildered by the long list of names that she folded the ballot without marking it and placed it in the ballot box. She had never been back to the polls after that trying experience. 190 NON-VOTING Mrs. Tilson, another colored laundress, became so excited that when she went into the voting booth she marked her ballot in the wrong way. She never had the courage to return. A colored barber-shop porter said that when he spoiled his ballot on the primary election, his first election, he was told that he need not come back on election day for he would not be permitted to vote. Mrs. B, a naturalized citizen, said that she had voted once and that was enough. It all happened in the last presidential election. Her husband had given her all the instructions about whom to vote for and how to do it. She thought she understood it all but when she was handed the ballot and it was time for her to vote her memory failed her and she hardly knew what to do. She said that she then crossed off with reckless abandon the names of a great many men regardless of party lines, or whether she was voting for two men for the same office. When her husband, who is a staunch Republican, questioned her later about it, she told him what she had done and said that “no doubt the election judges would have a good laugh over her ballot.” She was “kidded”’ so much about it she decided never to vote again. She lost all interest and desire to vote and she “‘guessed it didn’t make much difference anyway.” Sometimes non-voters were ignorant of some essen- tial feature of the election procedure but not of the entire process itself. They were unaware of the exact operation of the registration provisions of the election law, or they had some doubt as to their citizenship. Some citizens knew so little about the voting require- ments in the state that they believed almost anything that unscrupulous party workers told them. Mr. Pankuch, an airbrake inspector of the Santa Fe Railroad, was born in Hungary and came to this country in 1909. He was naturalized in 1920, and voted several times after that date. He thought when he had registered and did not move that he did not have to register again. He failed to register in October, 1922, when the registration was held, and when he went to vote he ‘ound that he was not registered. He said that he lost two hours on his own time trying to vote, and was provoked that persons like him- self who did not read the papers were not informed about the 1egis- tration requirements. GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA 191 A middle-aged school teacher living in the Hyde Park district failed to vote in the mayoralty election because she believed the assertion of the election officials that a new registration list was being made and that she could not vote on that account. She was actually registered at the time and legally entitled to vote. Mrs. Elizabeth Kimske, who was born in Germany but who had lived in the United States for thirty-five vears, did not register because she was not sure whether she had the right to do so. Her parents were naturalized and she claimed that some people insisted that she did not have the right to vote. Rather than risk being challenged she had refrained from participation in politics. A young Polish woman, who became an American citizen when her husband was naturalized in 1919, failed to become a voter because she accepted the statement of the election officials to the effect that she could not vote unless she had voted three times before. A colored woman did not vote because she believed the word of a Democratic committeeman that her husband’s vote would count for both of them. It has been pointed out that ignorance regarding Chicago politics is quite common among those who have been in the city for less than ten years. Many com- plained about the great number of elective offices in Chicago and the confusing number of candidates and rival party factions. Mrs. Tell, a young woman who was born in southern Illinois, and came to Chicago in 1921, did not vote in the mayoralty election because she knew nothing about Chicago politics. She had always voted in her home town, but thought it was too hard to find out about the men running for office in Chicago. The candidates at the last election looked about equally good to her so she did not bother about voting. Mrs. Farrell, an elderly Irish woman who was naturalized in 1893 and who moved to Chicago from Milwaukee in 1919, did not vote because she found it so hard to get any authentic information about the candidates running for office in Chicago. She had always voted in Milwaukee and declared that she would not vote in Chicago unless she could find out something about the candidates. A young bricklayer, a native of Canada, naturalized in Wiscon- sin, had voted in Green Bay in 1920. He declared that he had not been in Chicago long enough to acquaint himself with the city’s 192 NON-VOTING politics. He felt that it was his duty to vote, and he planned to vote when he became adjusted to the local situation. Mr. Brown, a colored laborer in the Stockyards who moved from Alabama to Chicago in 1920, never voted because he had not been in the city long enough to learn very much about politics. He felt that he did not know enough about the elections in the city to register. His schooling had extended to about the fourth grade. The old residents of Chicago as well as the new felt that it was very difficult to keep in touch with local politics in the city. Some citizens had been accustomed to make a careful study of the qualifications of the various candidates before they made up their minds how to vote. When the pressure of other duties pre- vented their doing this, they did not feel justified in voting. It cannot be said that these individuals were. exactly ignorant about elections. They did not vote because of lack of positive information about the candidates. Miss Julia Rubin, a young woman living in the Bohemian sec- tion of the city, said that it had been her custom to attend meetings of both the political parties and to hear the discussions of the candidates of both sides and then to form her own opinion. Since she was prevented from doing that at the last election she did not vote. In the Lawndale community a high-school teacher declared that she was so busy teaching and studying that she had not had time for careful consideration of the political candidates and therefore did not vote because she found herself unable to make an intelligent decision. Mrs. Q, who was both a business woman and a housewife, said that she did not vote because she did not have time to go carefully into the history and qualifications of the candidates. She did not believe anyone should vote unless they knew about what they were doing. She said that the women who voted the way their husbands told them were making woman suffrage a joke. These women were merely “echoes.” Mr. Majors, an unskilled colored laborer who migrated from Alabama to Chicago in 1917, helped re-elect his alderman but he GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA 193 was not interested in the candidates that were running in the mayoralty election. He knew nothing definite about either of them except one argument against each. His own party candidate was indorsed by the wrong newspaper and the other candidate was indorsed by the wrong party. He had had little schooling and was inclined to be conservative in his social, religious, and political at- titudes. A Swedish washerwoman, registered in a Hyde Park precinct, did not vote because she simply could not decide which was the better candidate. She had studied their platforms and had read the papers, but unless she was certain of what she was doing, she did not feel that she should vote. In addition to the citizens who declared that they did not have time to find out something about the candidates and issues of the mayoralty election, there were others who thought that there were no reliable sources of information on local political affalrs. Some thought that the party propaganda was worse than useless, and others had no faith in the political news furnished by the daily papers. One rooming-house keeper, living on the near North Side, would not accept the opinion of others regarding the candidates, even that of her husband. Since she had a little personal informa- tion about the mayoralty candidates she did not vote. A middle-aged weaver, who was born in Germany and came to this country in 1891, could not read English, and he would not rely upon the German papers for information about local politics. He voted in the presidential election of 1920, but he would not vote in the mayoralty election because he had no accurate information about the candidates. A young colored woman, who had been through two years of high school, asserted that she was very much interested in politics. The party workers had called upon her, and she had questioned them about the candidates but she was not satisfied with the information given. She wanted to know all about the people for whom she voted “‘even though she had only one vote.” Although her husband voted, she had not registered. One woman declared with great emphasis: “I will not vote without being certain as to which is the best candidate. I have > 194 NON-VOTING no faith in the newspaper reports, and I had no reliable information about the candidates so I did not vote. An honest voter should be well informed.”’ The ignorant and the timid electors discussed above constitute a miscellaneous group of citizens. On one hand were those who knew nothing about the simple mechanics of voting. On the other were the highly edu- cated citizens who sensed the complexity of the political situation and despaired at getting accurate informa- tion upon which to base their election-day choices. A shorter ballot, fewer elections, special instruction in voting, and a better organization of public informa- tion are suggested as possible control devices for these situations. FAILURE OF PARTY WORKERS The failure of the party workers as a reason for not voting appeared only on the schedules which were used by the mvestigators. Not much light on this matter could be expected from party experts. However, whenever non-voters were encountered who volunteered the information that they would have voted had the precinct captain told them about the election and furnished transportation to the polls, it was reasonable to suppose that their abstention was due partly to the failure of the party workers. Of course, it might be said that nearly all non-voting, especially that due to inertia, is the result of the failure of the party workers to arouse their constituents. A precinct captain in a colored district took pride in the way the Republican ticket had been “‘knifed”’ in his precinct by his in- activity. He was a Thompson worker and had no fondness for Lueder, the candidate selected in the Re- publican primary. Precinct committeemen from other sections of the city testified as to the importance of GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA 195 their work. One of the interviewers gave the follow- ing report of a conversation with a First Ward precinct committeeman: I had a long talk with a precinct leader of an adjoining precinct. His first statement was an enlightening one. He said: ‘People don’t vote for candidates; they vote for precinct leaders.” And they vote as their precinct committeemen tell them to. He prided himself on the extraordinary hold he had on his voters. He knows exactly how many votes he is going to deliver days in advance of the election. ‘Ten days in advance of the recent election he esti- mated Dever’s vote and missed it by only four. It was his boast that if he wanted to, he could swing 90 per cent of his votes into the Republican party for a given candidate. ‘A citizen won’t vote of himself’’ is his weighty comment. ‘You got to ride on his tail . all the time, and he will try to dodge you on election day.”” He was * also weary of the job. People were eternally sitting on his doorstep for favors. It took too much of his time. The investigators used in this study could not make an accurate estimate of the influence of the party workers in getting out the vote because there are so many complex factors involved. A failure on the part of the party workers was almost invariably combined with some other factors. Non-voters who complained about illness or poor location of the polling booth would add that they might have voted had the precinct cap- tain come around for them. Indifferent, ignorant, and neglectful citizens would try to place the responsibility for their abstention upon the inactivity of the party workers. The ignorant citizens were especially depend- ent upon the party workers. ‘To separate and weigh these factors was an extremely difficult task. The actual number of citizens whose absence from the polls was explained mainly on the ground of the failure of the party workers was relatively small. The forty-seven cases which make up this group cannot be subjected to too fine a statistical analysis. However, 196 NON-VOTING certain general tendencies can be pointed out. Women were affected more than men by the inactivity of the party workers. Failure of party workers was given more frequently as a reason for not registering than it was given as a reason for not voting, but those who explained their failure to register on this ground usually had had voting experience. The habitual non-voters rarely com- plained about the slothfulness of the party workers. The native whites of native parentage were the least likely to notice the failure of the party workers, while the colored and the foreign-born whites of the recent immigration were the most likely to depend upon instructions from the party committeemen. Among the non-voters of colored, Slavic, or Italian parentage, nearly 2 per cent felt that they would have voted if the party workers had urged them. Small as this pereent- age is, it affords some backing to the view that the power of the party machine is greater among the colored and the newer immigrant groups. The fact that a higher ratio of dependence on party workers was found among the foreign-born whites than among the native- born whites bears out the same conclusion. While those non-voters who explained their absten- tion on the ground of the inactivity of the party workers did not fall into any special age groups, they came only from particular neighborhoods. None of them came from the best residential areas where the activity of a party worker was more likely to do harm than good, but the great bulk of them came from the poorer sec- tions where the modal average of rents in 1920 was between $10 and $14 per month. While there were a few laborers among them, they were for the most part the wives of workingmen. In conclusion, it can be said that the non-voters who tried to shift the responsibility for failing to vote GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA — 197 upon the party workers were largely colored or foreign white women who were not registered at the time of the election, although having had some voting experi- ence, and who lived in the lowest rental areas of the city and were engaged solely with housework. The individual cases illustrating the failure of party workers to get their constituents out to vote can be considered from two points of view. One approach would be concerned in discovering in what respects the party workers failed, and the other in finding what were the characteristics of the electors who were dependent upon the party workers for information about voting. Since this study is primarily concerned with the non-voters themselves, the case studies in this section will be considered from the latter stand- point. It has been pointed out that very few citizens of native parentage put very much reliance upon the information given by the party workers regarding voting. However, a few persons were found in some of the middle-class neighborhoods who complained about the inactivity of the party workers and expressed an opinion that they would have voted if they had been coaxed. A well-educated southern woman, living in a Loop hotel, who worked for the Great Northern Railroad, declared that she liked to vote and would have voted at the mayoralty election had anyone called to remind her about it. She had voted last in Kentucky in 1915. Mrs. Harris, a middle-aged music teacher registered in a good residential district of the South Side, did not vote because she came to the polls too late, being unaware until the last minute that an election was being held. She suggested that notice be sent to the voters the day before the election and that the voters be taken to the polls. Mr. Lowes, a caretaker for a house in the “‘Gold Coast”’ section, was registered in the precinct where he made his livelihood but did 198 NON-VOTING not vote at the last mayoralty election because the ward ‘‘heeler’’ did not come around as usual. Mr. Elson, a shipper who moved from Jowa to Chicago in 1921, was not registered in Chicago because he did not know his neighbors. He had come from a small town in Iowa and was not used to the social habits of the people of Chicago. He expected to be coaxed and urged to register by someone in the community. There were German-born, Irish-born, and Russian- born citizens who freely admitted that they put con- siderable reliance upon the activity of the party workers around election time. Mrs. Mechning was born in Germany in 1874. She came to the city when she was nine years of age. She was registered in a North Side precinct where there were many other persons of similar origin. She said that she was losing interest in politics since the Republican Women’s Club was dissolved. Politics mixed with social affairs had appealed to her, and she felt that parties were not active enough at the last election, even though an election-day call had been made upon her. Mrs. Ulrich, another German-born woman who came to the city in 1913 at the age of seventeen, had never registered. She acquired her citizenship by marriage in 1916, and she said that she would vote now if someone would “get after her.”’ Her uncle was a precinct captain in another precinct, and she had a good command of the English language. A Russian pocket-book maker who came to this country and to the city in 1900 took an active part in politics as soon as he was naturalized because of the insistence of the Democratic precinct captain. He had always been called for and directed by this cap- tain. He believed that one should repay a politician for favors by voting for his man. The Democratic captain who had been his guide recently died, and not knowing anything about the candidates, he did not vote. Relatively speaking, a small proportion of the women of the newer immigration vote. The women of Italian parentage who took an active part in local politics were found to be those who had begun to break away from the traditions and prejudices of their local GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA — 199 community. The women of Slavic ancestry could only be brought to overcome their timidity regarding elec- tions by a considerable amount of coaxing. Mrs. Luigo, a young woman registered in a precinct populated largely by persons of Italian extraction, did not vote because no machine was sent to pick her up and take her over to the polls. She was the wife of a lawyer and felt herself slightly superior to her neighbors, and declared that she would not walk to the voting place. Mrs. Radacek was born in Bohemia in 1890. She came to this country in 1901, and became a citizen when her father took out his papers in 1905. She voted in the mayoralty election of 1919 but had not been near the polls since that time because she had no friends to go with her. Her neighbors did not vote, so she kept away in order that they would not say she was “‘sticking her nose”’ in places where she ought not to. She declared that if some women would call for her on election day she would vote. Mrs. Jurak, a Bohemian woman, forty-six years of age, said she would go if her husband would take her to vote, but her husband said she should go with the women. When she asked some of the women to go with her they refused. She declared that if women workers called for her she would go. According to the results obtained by the interview method the negroes were by far the most pliable material in the hands of the party workers. Coming so recently from a rural environment in the South, where they had never been permitted to vote, they were quite ready to listen to whatever the Republican committee- men told them. In one precinct alone scores of negroes were found who had voted during the 1919 mayoralty election and in the presidential election of 1920, when the Republican party workers were exceedingly active, but had neglected to vote since that time because of the lethargy of the Republican contingent in the district since that date. Many of the negroes were unable to read and write and consequently could not keep up with the complicated election calendar in Chicago unless they were notified by the party workers. 200 NON-VOTING Mrs. Rydell, thirty-nine years of age, migrated from Alabama to Chicago in 1918. She voted a year after she came to the city upon the urgent request of the party workers. She had five children, all of them under fifteen years of age, and said she did not have time to think of politics except when the party workers notified her. When the party workers did not urge her to go to the polls, she gave no thought to voting. The party workers had been inactive in the spring of 1923, and consequently she had not even bothered to register. Mrs. Fox, a native of Mississippi who came to the city in 1915, was a registered voter in 1923. She had no schooling and was barely able to sign her name. She could not read the newspapers, therefore knew practically nothing about the candidates. The party workers had called upon her in former elections and discussed the merits of the candidates. In the spring of 1923 they did not call so she preferred not to vote. Mr. Lunt, a young laborer in a freight house, voted in 1921. He did not register for the mayoralty election because he did not know when the time came for registration. The party workers had previously notified him about registration dates. Mr. Lunt had only been to school for a few years, and was not a regular reader of the daily newspapers. Mrs. Bell was a rather feeble colored woman who used to vote quite regularly. She had lived in the city since 1908. She insisted that she would have registered and voted if the party workers had transported her to the polls. Mrs. Sandy, a colored woman thirty-three years of age, told of having trouble with her feet. She could not walk any distance at election time. Election morning her husband offered to get some crutches so she could go to vote, but she said that she would trust the party workers to furnish transportation—and ‘“‘they never showed up.” The testimony of the non-voters discussed in this section suggests possible control devices for the indiffer- ence and inertia which is the cause of so much non- voting. What is done by the party workers might be done by those who are interested primarily not in the success of a particular candidate or group of candidates but in the success of democratic government itself. GENERAL INDIFFERENCE AND INERTIA 201 On the other hand, someone will say that a citizen whose political ideas are such that they can be molded by the average precinct captain is not an especially desirable type of voter. The material here presented does not throw an altogether favorable light upon the actual operation of the electoral process. However, if the democratic form of government is accepted as a working hypothesis, the methods and devices employed by the party workers should be given careful con- sideration. CHAPTER VIII PRECINCT STUDIES In the preceding chapters it has been indicated that there were two main classes of non-voters: the occa- sional non-voters who failed to vote when the election was not dramatic enough to interest them and the habitual non-voters who never bothered even to register. It has been shown that an unduly large proportion of the native whites of native parentage living in the best residential sections of the city were oceasional non-voters, while, on the other hand, a disproportionately large number of the habitual non- voters were negroes or foreign-born whites. The dis- cussion of the different reasons for not voting has brought out some of the situations that were peculiar to these two types of non-voters. However, the methods of analysis used so far have not recognized fully the geographical and personal basis of political alignments and attitudes. The efficiency of the pre- cinct captains has much to do with the amount of non- voting in the particular areas over which they hold sway. It is hoped that the community and individual studies in the chapter will show something about the intimate relationship that exists between non-voting and the local social and party organization. These studies are based on the letters sent in by precinct committeemen and upon the reports of student investi- gators. The detailed report on non-voting received from an energetic Democratic precinct committeeman on the South Side not only gave many clues as to the causes 202 PRECINCT STUDIES 203 of non-voting, but it also afforded a guide to the work of the interviewers. According to the complete and exhaustive records which he furnished, there were 692 adult citizens in his district in March, 1923, of whom 421, or 60 per cent, were registered. In the April mayoralty election 79 per cent of the registered vote was cast. About two-thirds of the non-voters were women and two-fifths were registered. These ratios were about the same as those in the city at large.! From this it should not be concluded that the precinct committeeman was merely of average type. An analy- sis of the party affiliations or party inclinations of the non-voters puts these ratios in an entirely new light. Three-fourths of the non-voters had Republican or Independent leanings. Obviously, the Democratic precinct committeeman was not especially interested in getting these people to vote. He presented the reasons why the Republican vote in his precinct was so small in the following picturesque terms: In our precinct the Republicans were formerly “got on the books” and “‘got out to vote” through the activity of the local representative in the precinct, but the workers have for about two years been distempered to the point of inactivity; the recent mayoralty campaign found a very poor Republican worker pitted against an A-1 Democratic worker (pardon the blushes); the Democratic worker carefully avoided whatever might stir a Repub- lican (potential) elector to register; the incumbent alderman (a Republican) candidate for re-election, was afraid of the precinct and let it alone; the Thompson contingent was pretty much apathetic recently, and those who “‘had been got regularly to come forrard”’ by the application of Lundinian methods felt no urgency in the situation devoid of the savor of “‘lang syne.” Many Republicans failed to find in Lueder’s candidacy sufficient of interest to them to impel them pollward. Many others felt a hope that Dever would give an administration marked by cleanness and capability in contrast to the eight years of Lundinism—yet 1 See above, p. 26. 204 NON-VOTING could not bring themselves to vote for a Democrat, who might, after all, perform in harmony with the most jaundiced Republican idea of Democratic immorality and ineptitude. The situations which accounted for the failure of the 271 adult citizens in this precinct to vote in the mayoralty election, as presented by this committeeman, were strikingly similar to those found in the present study. He pointed out that illness was the cause of a large amount of non-voting among the registered women, that disgust with politics deterred many men from registering, and that general indifference and disbelief in women’s voting accounted for the abstention of the great bulk of the female non-voters. In fact, he men- tioned in some form all of the reasons for not voting that were used in the analysis of the data presented above. The chief difference between his analysis and that made in the present study was in the importance assigned to fear of disclosure of age and absence. His close connection with the registration of voters in his precinct enabled him to obtain information about the former factor more readily than could the interviewers, and the fact that his district was not a wealthy one accounts for the relatively small number of cases in which absence from the city figured as a cause of non- voting. He described many novel and interesting situations that result in non-voting. Some of his non- registered constituents were analyzed as follows: Two sisters, unmarried, and one mother of two grown sons refrain from participation in elections because of nervous instability, all three having in recent times been in sanitariums because of breakdowns.! Three sisters in one family, and perhaps a total of thirty other women, shied at the registration hurdle because they were averse to declaration and record as to their ages and would not declare falsely.” 1A case of “‘illness.”’ 2 A case of “fear of disclosure of age.”’ PRECINCT STUDIES 205 Some men resent the appearance of women on local election boards, and, so doing, refuse to register. Some women are resentful of the fact that other women (whom they sometimes refer to as “‘hussies’’) are sitting on the local precinct board, feel slighted because they (the resentful) were not so favored, or at least given opportunity to decline such favors; and so ignore the whole political procedure. A few women folk refrain from registering, thereby deferring to the prejudices of their men folk.1 One man holds aloof from registration by reason of his dis- approval of his wife’s action in registering and voting—wherein she fails not. | Three Socialists on the South Side realize the present hope- lessness of their cause so far as arbitrament at the ballot box is concerned.” Many who did not register are of German blood. I know that in some cases they are resentful of what they regard as America’s condonation of Britain’s high-handedness on the seas, 1914-17, and America’s alertness to opportunities for quarrel with Germany at that time; resentful of the accusatory attitude observed toward those of German blood by so many of our people during our identi- fication with the war with the Central Powers.’ Some railroad men are not registered. . Some of them are “sore”’ on Harding; most are skeptical of the efficacy of the ballot to intrench rights or redress wrongs.® Some, taxpayers, feel that the burdens of taxation have become. intolerable; looking abroad they can see no relief in sight; despair of any cohesive power in the well-meaning majority; and they also abjure all political action, mentally committed to the idea, “‘What’s the use ?’’8 One woman, employed and assisting in payment of taxes on the home (she is unmarried, lives with parents), has investigated, found they are paying over twice as much taxes as the average similar property contiguous, and is rampantly anarchistic, refusing to participate in a system so inequitable.’ Four women who refrained from registering, Republicans, were actuated by personal good will toward the Democratic precinct committeeman; would have registered and voted the Democratic 1A case of “disbelief in woman’s voting.” 2 A case of “‘belief that one vote counts for nothing.” 3 A case of “disgust with politics.” 206 NON-VOTING committeeman’s preferences had he asked them to do so, but he would not presume, for political purposes, on their good will to him. One woman is contemptuous of the world in general; is most happy when she thinks herself most envied; enjoys withholding whatever act of graciousness she may; and influences her sister also to refrain from registering; thinks she thereby registers disdain of socommon a thing as political participation and spites the workers for political parties. One woman separated from husband, living obscurely in a rented room (father, mother, adult brother and sister only block away), is desirous of maintaining an existence as inconspicuous as may be. Another woman separated from husband, moved by similar motives. One woman, having come to keep house for her son and his children—wife of her son, stepmother of the children, having decamped—does not register lest it might be instrumental in calling attention to the absence of her daughter-in-law. One young man finds in his father’s malignant denunciation of all persons and all things political (the father is a Belfaster, born, bred, and nurtured, saturated in his formative years with the virulent prejudices of the majority there, rabidly militant in all things) a humiliation that keeps him off the registration lists. Added to these were many inert, always going to but never doing so. Part of the comments made by the committeemen upon the persons who were registered -but did not vote were as follows: A “‘red-cap”’ [porter] at La Salle Street depot had to be on the job too early to wait to vote.1 Two of our voters on Halsted Street put off voting until they could conveniently forego waiting on customers for a few minutes, so missed out finally.? An ex-lieutenant in the A.E.F., a Republican of a very staunch sort, was so “‘sore”’ on the Washington authorities that he would not vote for “‘Lueder and the federal crowd.’ A man, Republican, found his son, daughter, son-in-law, daughter-in-law, wife, all Republicans, strong for Dever—so he did not vote at all.? One woman, heretofore a Democrat, was prevailed on to switch and become a Thompson Republican when her brother got a sinecure 1 A case of “fear of loss of business or wages.” 2 A case of “disgust with own party.” PRECINCT STUDIES 207 under Thompson a couple of years ago; has since voted as her brother urged, but under protest; urged by him this time to vote for Ben Wilson, the Thompsonite alderman, rebelled, and did not vote at all. One woman will vote only when her son urges. He did not himself vote, said to be “‘under cover,”’ his whereabouts of interest to the police. One young man did not vote—the police would like to see him about a stolen automobile; so two of our young worthies were “under cover” on April 3. A mother and daughter found themselves pulled one way by racial ties, another by religious ties, so did not vote at all.? A Republican woman, her Democratic father and Republican brother both for Dever, herself owner and operator of a big welding business and so staunchly protectionist, settled it all by not voting.? A woman, now Republican, now Democrat, made it known that she wanted to be taken on as a paid worker (on the canvasses and at the polls) by either the Republican or the Democratic organiza- tion, otherwise she and her daughter were not interested. They did not vote. An analysis of the causes of non-voting in a par- ticular precinct, comparable in completeness to the one given above, was made by one of the investigators used in the present study. A discussion of the work of this investigator will show something about the relative merits of the two types of analysis. The pre- cinct canvassed was a portion of the oldest and most densely populated negro residential area in Chicago. The interviewer? who worked in it was able to give an objective description of the neighborhood, such as could not be expected from a precinct committeeman. Today this district, which has a population almost 100 per cent negro, is a picture of age and dilapidation. The houses are for the most part small story-and-a-half and two-story frame buildings, built many years ago for one-family dwellings, but long since used by two families and sometimes more. 1 Thid. 2 A case of “‘indifference to particular election.” 3 Mrs. Loraine R. Green. 208 NON-VOTING In one sense this section may be called a human junk heap, although it is not the section perhaps which contains the largest amount and the lowest degrees of wreckage. While many indi- viduals in this district are junked for life, there are a number who are seeking to be “‘assorted”’ as it were. Some of the people in this area are there because they wish to escape attention. Some elderly people have lived in the district since the days when it was the fash- ionable area of colored people. They lost their social status of bygone days, and they remain there leading secluded lives. Others live in the district for the freedom that it affords. No one notices or cares much about what they do, and they are free to lead their own lives. Many are in the district because they came from the South and found relatives living there. Some of them dislike the neighborhood, but they remain anyway. Others are there because they have comparatively low rents. Some are there only tempo- rarily until they can find suitable living quarters in a more desirable neighborhood. . The majority of the people in this district have had only a small amount of schooling, and many of the older ones neither read nor write. In anumber of homes there are no magazines or newspapers. The chief influences in the lives of these people are the churches, the schools which their children attend, their lodges, the street cor- ners where they congregate, the restaurants, their places of employ- ment, and the various organizations and agencies and institutions in the community which touch their lives. Their political atti- tudes are developed or acquired more or less in face-to-face discus- sion groups. ‘The minister, church members, fellow-employees, friends, neighbors, lodge members, grocer, the political party workers, and the various men’s and women’s organizations all play a part in the development of these attitudes. On the basis of a special tabulation of the number of adult citizens in the census enumeration district that coincided with part of this precinct,! it can be said that only 45 per cent of the persons of voting age in the precinct were registered in the spring of 1923. From this it is clear that non-voting was much more prevalent in this election district in 1923 than in the city at large. Only one-third of the adult female citizens were regis- 1 See above, pp. 13-14. PRECINCT STUDIES 209 tered. At the time of the presidential election in 1920, the proportion of eligibles registered in this precinct was 15 per cent higher or about the same as in the entire city. Because of factors peculiar to the election that have been already discussed, a relatively small propor- tion of the registered vote, 46 per cent, was cast on April 3, 1923. The canvass of this precinct in July, 1923, revealed the presence of at least 463 adult citizen non-voters, of whom 148 were registered and 315 were not registered. The 80 registered non-voters who were not interviewed had either moved to some other part of the city before the election or were out of the city at the time the canvass was made. A com- parison of the social data obtained in the survey with the data taken from the registration books shows that _ there was a close relation between term of residence and non-voting in this precinct. Newness to the city was a cause of non-voting among these negroes, inas- much as 78 per cent of the non-voters as compared with 50 per cent of the registered voters had come to the city _ within the previous ten years. Moving from place to place and moving from house to house tended to dis- organize the lives of these individuals and to lessen their interest in political affairs. Youthfulness was another factor closely related to non-voting, since three-quarters of the non-voters were under forty years of age as compared to one-half of the registered voters. The voters as well as the non-voters were largely laboring men. Nearly all the men worked in the Stockyards or in other industrial concerns, and one-half of the women were factory hands or domestic servants. ‘Their hours of work were such that a large proportion of them found it highly inconvenient to vote. The reasons for not voting given by the negligent negro electors interviewed in this precinct were so 210 NON-VOTING similar to those given above under the heading “colored non-voters”’ that it is not necessary to repeat here what has been said about the situations which stimu- lated non-voting among the negroes.!. Furthermore, many of the individual case studies made in this precinct have already been cited.? This precinct differed from the other colored districts canvassed in that the inhabitants were less likely to be out of the city, were less likely to lack the legal residence qualifications, and were more dependent upon the party workers. The other more prosperous colored neighborhoods studied contained many Pullman porters whose work often called them out of the city on election day. ‘The reason why there was such a falling off in the proportion of adult citizens who registered and voted in this precinct in the three years following 1920 cannot be more clearly presented than by quoting from the descrip- tion of the party workers given by the interviewer: Mr. R, precinct committeeman for the past six years, has lived at his present address for sixteen years. When he came to Chicago nineteen years ago, the block where he lives had chiefly Irish and German people. He has seen all of the whites replaced by colored people. He was born and reared in Tennessee. His son, a world- war veteran, is a policeman in the district. Mr. R realized that there were a number of people in the district with no voting experi- ence who have never registered. His wife and his assistant canvass the precinct every so often. He said some people have not registered because they are questionable characters and they heard that Mrs. B, his assistant, is opposed to vice and plans to “‘run it out of the district.’ Because of dislike for her they will not register. Many of the women object to the location of the polling booth in the pool- hall, which is somewhat notorious because of gambling and “‘cutting scrapes.” He has advised that it be moved. A large number are ignorant, and they hesitate about going to the polls. Most of the people go long distances to work and must leave home very early. He opens his store at 5:00 and 5:30 a.m. to accommodate the early 1See Table VIII, p. 40. 2 See pp. 80-84, 138-42. PRECINCT STUDIES Q11 risers. Many of the people with no voting experience have “‘looked on” and have seen the voters “profit nothing” by voting so they ask, “‘Why vote?” rather than, “‘Why fail to vote?” The candi- dates have fooled the voters so much that they as well as the non- voters are disgusted. During a campaign when the candidates are making promises the party workers canvass the district and all but guarantee everything desirable in life. To those opposed to vice they promise political favors, and everything is asked, from a license for blind peddlers to a position in the City Hall. Of course, after election the promises are not fulfilled and the voters are disgusted. Mr. R gave as the chief reason for the small vote in the mayor- alty election the fact that the ex-mayor was not a candidate. Many of his admirers in the precinct felt that they would be injuring him politically if they voted so they remained away from the polls. Mrs. B, woman assistant captain of the precinct, came to Chicago thirty-five years ago from Michigan. She has lived in the precinct for sixteen years and at the present address for fourteen years. She was clerk of the election committee for three years and has been assistant committeeman for three years. She knows almost everyone in the precinct personally, and has been admitted into homes which were closed to other party workers. The people in the precinct told the investigator that she usually calls and notifies them of registration date and election date, and then if they do not go to the polls before three o’clock she comes after them in her car. She was aware of the fact that there are numbers of people in the district who. have never registered. She feels that Mr. R is responsible for some of the non-voting because he previously made it a personal matter, by connecting politics with his retail business. Since she has been his assistant she has checked some of his tenden- cies in this direction, and has canvassed and recanvassed the district until the people know her and are becoming interested in politics. She attributes a large amount of the non-voting to the character of the neighborhood. There is little or no neighborhood spirit. The old residents desire seclusion and do not wish to come in con- tact with their “‘crude neighbors.’ The churchgoers wish to avoid those of the “gay life.”” No one cares about his neighbors or the neighborhood, so he sees no particular reason for bothering to vote. Then there are those who feel timid and ignorant about the process. Most of the people “pick up their opinions in the street,”’ for they do not read the newspapers. 212 NON-VOTING A great many members of a neighborhood church did not vote in April because of a “‘church fight’? which had been going on for some time. Since the death of the former pastor, who was adored by some 4,000 or 5,000 members, the church has been divided into two factions. Just before the election in April it seems that one of these factions secured political assistance, and the church was locked one Saturday and Sunday by order of the police. 'The mem- bers of the other faction blamed the alderman and his associates, so they held indignation meetings and fought him in the election. He won the primary in spite of their opposition. They were dis- gusted and would not vote in the regular election. Both Mrs. B and Mr. R laughed when told that several people were depending upon party workers to call but were disappointed. Both said that they did not visit at the last election because the people were not interested anyway, and they would have wasted their time trying to interest them. Mrs. B said that there are at least 100 people in the precinct whose vote she can always be sure of because she knows their attitudes. In none of the other precincts canvassed in this study was as thorough an analysis made as in the two precincts described above. However, the special tabu- lation of the number of adult citizens in the census enumeration districts that coincided with some of the areas studied made it possible to make accurate esti- mates as to the amount of non-voting in typical com- munities. A precinct located on the ‘Gold Coast,”’ one of the wealthiest sections of the city, was one of the local communities so analyzed. In this precinct were located, according to the interviewer,! “huge mansions and old spacious houses set back from the sidewalk and huge limestone apartment hotels with shiny brass knobs and liveried porters.” ‘The regis- tration book for this “Gold Coast”’ precinct contained the names of 386 individuals, 196 of whom were women and 190 of whom were men. ‘These registered voters constituted 60 per cent of the adult citizen population 1 Mr. Beck. PRECINCT STUDIES 213 of the precinct. A slightly higher percentage of the eligible female electors were registered in this precinct than in the city at large! At the time of the presiden- tial election of 1920, however, 10 per cent more of the eli- gible women in the district had been registered. While 91 per cent of the registered voters in the precinct were native Americans, only two were born in Chicago. It is possible that the indifference shown toward city poli- tics in this precinct was due to lack of early connections with the community life of the city. Although most of the electors in this precinct were well advanced in years, 27 per cent of them had not lived in the city for twenty years, and 75 per cent of them had lived at their present address for less than ten years. Great difficul- ties were encountered in canvassing this precinct for non-voters because so many of the inhabitants were out of the city and because those who were at home were difficult to approach. People who pay $200 or more a month for rent do not like canvassers. Of the non-voters interviewed, one-half had not registered and 70 per cent were women. Most of the non-registrants were recent comers to the city, and the registered non- voters were the type of persons whose interests were likely to call them out of the city. A precinct captain, situated in a very wealthy section of the city, made the following comment on the reasons for not voting ‘that he regarded as peculiar to his constituents: Another type of non-voter is found among the wealthy class who attempt to control the nomination of their favorites regardless of the wishes and desires of the people at large. They will spend large sums of money for a candidate of their choice, but they will not vote, for they do not wish to come in con- tact with the masses. 1 Forty-eight per cent as compared to 46. 214 NON-VOTING This is not socialistic, but it is based on observation of actual daily conditions. The precinct captain or committeeman who comes into daily contact with the voters has more to contend with than the ordinary man in commercial life, because the classes mentioned above are the ones who are constantly looking for favors and preference. The next election precinct studied was located in the Hyde Park district near the University of Chicago. The inhabitants of this region were moderately well-to-do, many of them owned their own homes, and the great majority lived in up-to-date apartments renting for about $100 a month. There were 229 women and 216 men registered in this precinct. While the percentage of all the adult citizens registered in this precinct was the same as in the “Gold Coast”’ precinct, 6 per cent more of the eligible women were registered. In 1920, the registration for the men and the women alike had been much higher. Ninety per cent of the electors were native white Americans, born outside of Chicago. The most striking differences between the two precincts were found in the mobility of the population and in the ratio of the registered votes cast.! If these pre- cincts can be taken as typical of the wealthy and the middle classes, respectively, it may be said that the mobility of the “‘middle class” in Chicago was greater in 1923 than that of well-to-do, and that the persons of moderate but comfortable circumstances were more interested in the mayoralty election than were the very wealthy. ‘The interviewer who worked in the moder- ately well-to-do precinct found the people very courte- ous and most of them interested in elections. The non-voters differed from the voters in that they had not lived in the community for the same length of 1 Forty-six per cent had not been in the city for twenty years and 79 per cent had lived at their present address for less than ten years. Seventy- eight per cent of the registered vote was cast. PRECINCT STUDIES 215 time, and they were on the average younger. As in the “Gold Coast” precinct, the women showed more interest in elections than did the women living in most of the other sections of the city, largely because of the activity of the women’s clubs. There were twenty-four precincts canvassed that bore a close resemblance to the precincts just discussed. The interviewer! who did most of the work in these precincts made the following summary of the reasons for not voting commonly given by these people: The chief reason for non-voting among the men in the best residential districts I should judge to be absence from the city, especially among the traveling salesmen, the railroad men, and some of the clothing-business men. Some of these persons are pre- vented from voting most of the time because of absence, although their failure to take advantage of the absentee-voting provisions would argue indifference to some degree. Many others declared that they had once been interested in politics (this in the Sixth Ward) but had become so disgusted with politics, particularly dur- ing Thompson’s régime, that they would have nothing more to do with the whole business—were just plain disgusted. Others said it was too hard to find out about the candidates, and they refused to vote unintelligently. There were no charges of corruption at the polls, nor would such charges be expected in intelligent law- abiding communities like this—neither were there any rumors about buying votes or coercion at the polls, or even any objection to the judges or clerks there. Some men objected to the early closing of the polls, especially those who had to leave early for work in the mornings and could not get to the polls in time on returning home in the evening. Among the women non-voters I found that the reasons of illness and absence in the Hyde Park district were reasonably sound, for most of the women here seemed to regard vot- ing asa duty. In the other districts the women did not seem gener- ally to try out the reason “illness” as a mere excuse for getting rid of the investigator, but most of them tried to analyze their reasons. It was gratifying to find that many women did not vote because they felt themselves ill informed about the candidates, and because they refused to take what newspapers said, they decided not to 1 Miss Pearl Louise Robertson. 216 NON-VOTING vote at all rather than vote blindly. Of course, there were always those who were indifferent or too occupied with social affairs to vote. The number of anti-suffragists is surprisingly small as com- pared with foreign-born women. ‘Two women in this group ad- mitted that they did not vote because they would not disclose their ages, but both were pleasant about the matter and very frankly stated their reason. One thing that characterizes this whole middle-class group is its awareness of being a political element, and the consciousness of practically every individual therein that he has some relation to the voting process. ‘Therefore, whatever reasons these people have for not voting are likely to be conscious and often definitely thought- out reasons with a more or less firm basis of conviction. Also, the fact that these people are most of them interested in politics in some way furnishes a background for their special type of reason which is chiefly political. Their attitude is realistic, and there were few so-called “‘cranks”’ or disbelievers in political action on theo- retical bases alone. In conclusion, this group represents the com- fortable class of the city whose reasons for non-voting are due either to causes like absence from the city or illness with few examples of absolute inertia, and a general disgust with the political situation, although the feeling that voting is a duty is strikingly prevalent. The guests of the outlying residential hotels were not as civic-minded as the house and apartment dwellers in the same neighborhoods. A large residen- tial hotel of the better class was selected as typical of the “‘family hotels” in the city, in which are found parents whose children have grown up and left them, bachelors, spinsters, widows, and divorced persons. The construction of this hotel was such that there was considerable variation in the economic status of the inhabitants, the rents ranging from $14 a week for a single room in the old part of the hotel to $700 a month for a suite in the new part. According to the lists which the proprietor of this hotel was required by law to send to the Election Commissioners, and also according to the house count, there were about 600 persons who PRECINCT STUDIES hit regarded the hotel as their legal residence. ‘Three hundred and fifty-nine persons, or 60 per cent of the foregoing total, were registered voters in the spring of 1923. When allowances are made for minors and foreigners, it is obvious that the percentage of eligible electors registered in this hotel was smaller than in the surrounding community. Furthermore, in the mayor- alty election of April 3, 1923, only 60 per cent of the registered vote was cast, which was 10 per cent less than the average for the ward. ‘This indicates that a large number of the residential hotel-dwellers take no active interest in local politics. While this element of the city’s population supposedly has more leisure time than most of the other elements, it is somewhat detached from the life, interests, and problems of the local community. The reasons for non-voting given by the hotel- dwellers were slightly different from those offered by more or less permanent residents of apartments and houses. The difference may be most clearly illustrated by giving the report of an interview which one of the investigators! had with an energetic precinct captain living in the hotel. Mr. K gave four reasons for non-voting: (1) out of the city, (2) downtown and did not return in time to vote, (3) forgot it, (4) sick. He checked eleven on the list of those registered whom he knew did not vote because they were away from the city. Many residents in the hotel were in California on April 3. During the primaries in February the season was on at Palm Beach in Florida and many of the “‘cliff dwellers’? were there at the time and did not vote. The polls closed at 4:00 p.m. At about 2 o'clock Mr. K and his several assistants began a careful checking up and those who had not voted were called up and urged to vote. If they had left the hotel and could be reached by telephone they were called. Many had promised to vote, but did not return from shopping or 1 Mr. Norman Hayner. 218 NON-VOTING other activity in time. Miss X was cited as an example of this type. (Since the polls opened at 6:00 a.m., it seemed to the investi- gator that this kind of failure to vote was more a matter of neglect or indifference than merely of being away from the hotel and not returning in time. Why did they not vote before they left the hotel? A long line at the polling booth undoubtedly played a part in this.) Mr. K stated that the number who forgot about the election or who were too sick to come down to the polls was very small. He made it his business to see that they did not forget it. In the February primaries he received a prize of $50 for the best Demo- cratic primaries precinct in the Fourth Ward. Out of 281 voters only 8 were for the Republican candidate. (Undoubtedly other factors than the efficiency of the organization played a rdle here— for example, the near-withdrawal of the Republican candidate from running.) It is very difficult to canvass in a hotel. Guests call up the management about it. Mr. K, however, has lived in the hotel for ten years and knows many people there. He begins work long before the election, meeting people informally in the lobby rather than going from room to room. He has also put notices in the mail boxes at the clerk’s desk and under the doors. Among those who did not register Mr. K cites a number of women who do not believe in voting. Some of them are orthodox Jews and cling to the idea that doing anything like a man is lowering. Other women fear to disclose their age. One lady registered and when asked her age whispered it. When Mr. K told her that he had not understood what she said, but “‘ Whatever it was you don’t look it,’’ she seemed greatly pleased. The attitude of others is revealed by the following conversa- tion: “Why shouldI vote?” “It is your duty as a citizen,” replies Mr. K. “Don’t think so.” The political attitudes of the English-speaking foreign stocks were found to be very similar to those of the native Americans. Those persons of English or Canadian ancestry in the city were not made the subject of special precinct studies because they were so few in number and so scattered among the native Americans that it was impossible to find any precinct in which they predominated. te a“ PRECINCT STUDIES 219 The inability of certain foreign stocks to use the English language with facility has undoubtedly had an important influence upon their political attitudes. The largest foreign-language group in the city was the Germanic. A precinct on the North Side was selected as typical of one of the oldest “‘German’’ communities inthecity. Prevailing rents in this district were around $20 a month. However, the interviewer remarked that “everything in the district seemed to be affected by German efficiency: the homes, in the main frame cottages and two-flat dwellings, while poorly furnished, were extremely clean and well cared for.’’! While 60 per cent of the eligible electors in the precinct were registered, the proportion of adult female citizens registered was smaller than in any precinct discussed excepting the colored precinct. However, the ratio of the women registered in this German district was about the same as the ratio of adult female citizens registered in the city. Since 60 per cent of the adult citizens in the area under discussion were of German stock, the precinct is fairly typical of the German neighborhoods. In 1920, a much smaller proportion of both the men and women voted, largely because of their feeling against the part played by this country in the war. The mobility of the population in the precinct was lower than that in any precinct so far discussed. Eighty-three per cent of the registered voters had lived in the city for more than twenty years, and 30 per cent had lived at their present addresses for more than twenty years. The 121 non-voters interviewed in this district were on the average younger than the voters, but the contrast was not as striking as in the colored precinct discussed. Thirty-five per cent of the non-voters were foreign- born as compared with 32 per cent of the registered 1 Mr. Swiren. 220 NON-VOTING voters. In other words, non-voting was slightly more prevalent among the naturalized foreigners in this district than among the native-born. Many of the German-born women who were naturalized by marriage even failed to register. These women explained their abstention on the grounds of general indifference, illness, disbelief in woman’s voting, or ignorance regarding elections, while the male non-voters interviewed said that they were neglectful or preoccupied with their work. It is to be noted, however, that in Germany since the enfranchisement of women, the percentage of the women’s votes is practically as high as that of the men.! The Scandinavian elements in the city were similar to the German elements in that they were among the older immigrants and the older residents of the city. Although the Swedes, Danes, and Norwegians did not congregate in particular communities to the same extent as did the Germans, a precinct was canvassed in which 57 per cent of the adult citizens were of Scandinavian stock. ‘The houses in the district were chiefly flats, with some modern brick apartments, and the rents ranged from about $35 to $50 a month, which was somewhat higher than in the German and Irish com- munities studied. Sixty per cent of the eligible electors in the precinct were registered in 1923. A little over two-fifths of the adult female citizens were registered, a ratio which was even smaller than that found in the German precinct studied. Three-quarters of the foreign-born registered voters were Scandinavians. These facts, with others, tend to show that the Swedish- speaking women in Chicago were not so interested in the electoral process as were the white women of native parentage. In the mayoralty election of 1923, 81 per 1R. Brunet, The New German Constitution (New York, 1922), p. 115. PRECINCT STUDIES 221 cent of the registered vote in the precinct under dis- cussion was cast, which was about the same as in the German precincts canvassed. ‘There were some 90 non-voters interviewed in the district, 78 of whom were not registered. ‘Taken as a group, the non-voters were younger and much newer to the community than were the voters. Two-fifths of the non-voters had lived in the city for less than twenty years as compared with one-quarter of the registered voters. The chief reasons for not voting given by the non-voters in this district were general indifference, neglect, insufficient legal residence, fear of loss of wages, and ignorance regarding elections. The Russian Jews were the first of the new immi- grant groups studied in this investigation. In the western part of Chicago there is a community called Lawndale, coterminous with the Twenty-fourth Ward, which was composed almost entirely of Jews, principally of Russian descent. The inhabitants of this neigh- borhood were mostly of the middle class, each family paying around $50 to $60 a month for rent. In this ward was found a precinct in which 70 per cent of the adult citizens were of Russian descent. A comparison of the number registered in this precinct with the number of eligible electors listed by the census enumera- tors shows that the Russian Jews were about as much interested in politics as were the Germans and Scandi- navians. Less than one-half of the adult female citizens and slightly more than three-fourths of the eligible males were registered. In the election of April 3, 1923, 83 per cent of the registered vote was cast in this precinct. The interviewer who canvassed the precinct had great difficulty in finding non-voters, partly because of the high proportion of the registered vote cast and partly because the unregistered adult 222 NON-VOTING citizens in the neighborhood were suspicious of all the canvassers. Of the non-voters interviewed in the district less than one-half were not registered, over 80 per cent of them were women, and practically all of them had lived at their present addresses for less than ten years. An analysis of the ages of the regis- tered voters and the non-voters showed that an unduly large proportion of the elderly Jewish women were non-voters. Many of these spoke little English. The most numerous of the newer immigrants to the city, according to the 1920 census, were the Slavs. The Poles living back of the Stockyards were the first Slavic group studied in this investigation. The physical aspect of the community was unattractive. The typical houses were high, frame, rectangular boxes, streaked gray by the rains and smoke, into which three or four families were crowded. It is needless to say that as far as economic status is concerned, the persons living in this neighborhood had the lowest rank of any group yet considered. Prevailing rents were around $15 to $18 a month for each family. In a typical Stock- yards precinct, the inhabitants of which were over 90 per cent Slavic, only 58 per cent of the adult citi- zens were registered in 1920. This low ratio was due in large part to the slight interest which Polish-speaking women took in elections. Fifty-seven per cent of the adult female citizens in this precinct could not take part in the presidential election because they had failed to register. Some improvement of this condition was made in 1923. At the time of the mayoralty election one-half of adult female citizens were registered voters in the precinct. Eighty per cent of the registered vote was cast in the 1923 election. The canvass of the precinct for non-voters confirmed the impression that was given by analysis of the registration figures PRECINCT STUDIES 223 for the precinct. There were some 116 non-voters interviewed, three-quarters of whom were not regis- tered. Eighty-seven of the non-voters were women and 29 were men. ‘The proportion of foreign-born among the non-voters was greater than among the registered voters, Strange to say, the mobility of the population in this precinct was lower than in any pre- cinct studied so far. Forty per cent of the registered voters had lived at their present addresses for more than ten years. However, the non-voters interviewed were fairly new to the district, with the exception of some elderly female non-voters who had been in the neighborhood ever since they arrived in the country whether by birth or migration. The causes of non- voting in this neighborhood were vividly set forth by one of the interviewers.! In addition to the ordinary excuses there were a few in this precinct which seemed especially peculiar to the economic and social situation. Many of the men worked such long hours that they were too tired to read about politics when they came in and did not wish to vote unintelligently. Others had worked overtime and finding the polls crowded in the morning had been unable to return. Still others engaged in night work or simply filling in as extras in such positions as carmen were not able to arrange their hours to go to the polls. Then there was the usual run of fatalistic citizens and those who were disgusted because the alleys were not cleaned. But the women were the principal non-voters. Some who keep the store feel they cannot leave their work without losing business. Others hesitate to go to the polls by themselves. ‘“‘If I could only find someone to go with me”’ is the excuse of several. Others who had expected to go with their husbands were disappointed when the latter had to work overtime. It is the women who have not been able to go out of the house and establish other contacts; who, after a death in the family, feel it would not be proper for them to go out in public. The women have to stay with the helpless mem- bers of the family. Just before the birth of a child they have to run the gauntlet of the glances of the men, who are so numerous 1 Mr. Beck. 224 NON-VOTING and before whom they feel “‘so ashamed,”’ that they will not go out to vote. Since children come frequently in this section, this, with the exhaustion following it, is a principal factor. The larger families prevent them from developing an intelligent interest, and the most conscientious will not vote when they do not know what they are voting for or just because someone tells them to vote in this way, and others are glad of the excuse that “they aren’t interested and anyway woman’s place is in the kitchen,” while some go along and vote just because their husbands want them to. Because the suc- cess of prohibition is laid to the women, many men will not let their wives vote, and if they do not forbid it on pain of beating (as we found in one case), they discourage it by telling their wives that the people at the polls will laugh at them because they do not speak English, that women’s votes are always thrown out and there is no use for them to bother to go, that they have enough to do and why should they worry about things which the men had always been able to do and which were really their business. With the shifting population many do not expect to remain in the precinct long enough to be able to register at the next election or to vote, and so do not trouble themselves to register. The non-voting situation in the Italian communities was very similar to that in the Polish communities. In the neighborhoods canvassed that were populated almost exclusively by Italians, there were some brick flat buildings, but the majority of the dwellings were frame flats in various stages of dilapidation. Rents ranged from $12 to $30 a month per family. Less than one-half of the adult female citizens were regis- tered. The interviewers who searched for non-voters in the Italian communities discovered that there were large numbers of Italian women who did not vote although their husbands were voters. In one Italian precinct were found sixty-six adult female citizens who were not registered and who had never voted. Many of these could speak little English and could make themselves understood only through interpreters. The reason why so many Italian women fail to vote may be shown by the following interesting case study: PRECINCT STUDIES | 225 Mrs. Caruso was an Italian who spoke English very imperfectly. She had lived in Chicago twelve years and had not voted once in that time. Previous to coming to Chicago, the family was resident in South Wilmington, near Herrin, Illinois, where her husband was a miner. Here she had never voted either. Her chief reason for not voting seemed to be the fact that she never started and could not bring herself to begin, just did not want to vote, but she said her husband voted at every election, her neighbors voted, and they urged her to vote, but she just did not want to vote. Her husband took the Chicago papers, read, went to political meetings, and she said she just let him represent the family. Very soon she would have a boy old enough to vote, and then ‘‘I’ll have two voters,” as she expressed it. She said the voting booth was near and all condi- tions surrounding the polls were satisfactory, but she preferred to stay at home and do her work, and look after the family. She believed it all right for women to vote, and her husband did not object, but she just never started and was not going to begin. This was evidently a case of habit, so often found among the foreign-born and older people. There was evidently no reason under the sun why Mrs. Caruso did not vote except that she never got started, never broke her habit of staying at home. Not even the presidential campaign interested her, as she said she would not vote in November, 1924. . In some of the cosmopolitan sections of Chicago, there were neither racial, cultural, nor nationalistic bonds to unite the heterogeneous elements of the popula- tion. The people who were carrying on business of a questionable nature sought protection in the cosmopoli- tan areas because there they encountered few restraints, and those persons who were on the verge of pauperism lived next to them because they had no other place to go. Intermingled with the unfortunates living in the depre- ciated residential areas of the First Ward of Chicago were the poor and the wealthy transient hotel-dwellers. The political attitudes of hobos who found their homes in the “‘flophouses”’ immediately outside of the central Loop business section of Chicago have been described by a careful student of their problems. 226 NON-VOTING What is the status of the hobo as a voter? He seldom remains in one place long enough to acquire legal residence. His work, because of its seasonal character, often takes him away from his legal residence just at the time when he should be there to register or vote. Whether he has a desire to cast his ballot or not, he is seldom able to do so. A canvass of thirty-five Hobohemian hotels in Chicago has shown that about a third of the guests are voters. In March, 1923, there were 3,029 registered voters from these hotels, which have a total capacity of 9,480. Many of these, though they are in the city only in winter or for a few weeks at a time, manage to maintain a residence here and, if they are in the city during an election, they vote. Charges are even made that tramps and hobos sell their votes, that they often engage in “‘repeating.”” There is not as much ground for such charges as one would expect. The average tramp does not have the courage to take the chances that the “‘repeater’’ must expect torun. He realizes also that he is always under more or less suspicion even when he is going straight, and this serves as a brake. Homeless men as a group make much of the fact that they are excluded from the ballot, and they remind all who have the patience to listen that the exclusion is unjust because they perform an impor- tant and legitimate function in the labor world. They seem to protest against their exclusion more than to demand the ballot. One man said that he did not know if he would vote if he had a chance, “‘but it’s the principle of the thing.’”! The material gathered in the present study agreed generally with the foregoing analysis. There were more non-voters in ““Hobohemia”’ than in the settled communities. However, it was discovered that the amount of corruption in elections was greatest in the precincts where there was a large floating population. A precinct captain in the “Home Guard Area”’ of Chicago’s ““Hobohemia,’’ who was reputed to have said that the dollar always got the vote, described his bailiwick in his own handwriting as follows: This precinct, mostely all Rooming Houses floating pouplation 50 pret. removals every year all what you call floating pouplation. 1 Nels Anderson, Zhe Hobo (Chicago: The University Press, 1923), pp. 151-52. PRECINCT STUDIES 22 The bonified residance people all register and mostely all of them vote, in this prect. you half to go out and hustle them in. It is hard to tell who is regirsted and who are not. I have no check on them.! The search for non-voters in the precincts discussed so far was not difficult because of a lack of non-voters. In each precinct there were a sufficient number of persons who stayed away from the polls on election day to make the task of the investigator fairly easy. There were some precincts, however, where the interest shown in elections was so great that the discovery of non- voters was made a tedious process. The combination of racial, social, and political factors that produced this result in certain of the neighborhoods canvassed is of interest in understanding how voting may be stimulated. In nearly all of the distinctly “‘Irish”’ settlements surveyed an extraordinary amount of interest was shown in voting. This was especially true in a certain precinct near the Stockyards, two-thirds of the inhabit- ants of which were of Irish extraction. The people in this district lived in flats or “‘cottages”’ which rented for about $20 a month. The proportion of both the male and female adult citizens that were registered in this precinct in 1923 was much greater than in any of the other districts so far described.2 Twenty-six per cent more of the adult citizens were registered in the district than in the city at large. The causes of this great interest in politics, greater in 1923 than in 1920, were varied. The mobility of the population in the district was much lower than in some of the native American districts that have been discussed. Nearly 75 per cent of the registered voters had lived in the city 1 The spelling is reproduced as in the original. 2 Over 90 per cent of the adult male citizens were registered. 228 NON-VOTING for over twenty years. The religion, racial origin, and personality of the Democratic candidate for mayor also had considerable to do with the size of the vote polled in the particular election. Close observation of the precinct while an election was going on showed that the local party organization was highly efficient. At any rate, the interviewer in search of non-voters in the district had a hard job. Of the fifty-one non-voters interviewed, only one-half were of Irish extraction and most of these were unregistered women. A few of the Irish women in the precinct were indifferent, some of them were anti-suffragists, but the balance were all voters. It has already been indicated that there were certain sections of the city populated largely by Russian Jews in which non-voting was a rare phenomenon.! In the Twentieth Ward, where there were more men registered in 1920 than there were adult male citizens, a precinct was found in which over 90 per cent of the registered vote was cast in the mayoralty election. ‘The cause of the great interest in politics shown by the inhabitants of this district was largely economic. Most of the people in the neighborhood relied upon the Maxwell Street market for making their livelihood, and they could not afford from the standpoint of their business to be indifferent to the political powers that controlled the appointment of the market master. The close relationship between economics and politics in the precinct was also evident in the causes of non-voting that were discovered by the interviewer: The alderman is certain that lack of interest in public affairs is no longer an important factor in the northwest part of the ward. The principal cause of non-voting is, he declares, fear of loss of busi- ness, and he divides the persons so affected into three groups. 1 See above, pp. 25-26. PRECINCT STUDIES 229 There is a large group of peddlers who leave for their routes very early and return very late. Few of this group feel that the expres- sion of their opinion through the ballot box compensates them for the loss of several hours of peddling. The second group is com- posed of small shopkeepers who themselves attend to their stores. Since voting would necessitate the closing of their shops, many of this type prefer to lose their votes. A third group is that of busi- ness men, always requiring “‘favors”’ from both parties and therefore unwilling to choose between them. Near the neighborhood discussed above was a sec- tion bordering the Chicago River which was predomi- nately Czech. In this section was a precinct in which an extraordinarily large proportion of the adult citizens were registered and an unusual percentage of the regis- tered vote was cast.. At the time of the mayoralty election, 90 per cent of the adult male citizens and 60 per cent of the adult female citizens in the precinct were registered. The peculiar factors that contributed to this condition were an active neighborhood club and an energetic local party organization. In one of the Italian precincts canvassed there were more men registered in 1920 than there were adult male citizens according to a special tabulation made by the, census office. The precinct was in one of the most densely populated sections of the city, and con- tained a larger number of aliens than citizens. The party workers not only were active in getting the inhabitants of the district to take out naturalization papers, but performed many other services as well. It was observed at a special election in 1924 that those who were under obligations to the local party organiza- tion voted faithfully as they were told. ‘The non-voters in the precinct were few and far between. A strong local party organization is not necessarily built upon some racial tie. In a cosmopolitan neigh- borhood immediately outside of the business district, 230 NON-VOTING there was a precinct in which there were naturalized Poles, Germans, Italians, Swedes, Canadians, English- men, and some native-born Americans. Eighty per cent of all the people living in the precinct were regis- tered. Of the 428 registered voters in the precinct in 1923 only one-third were women. The 1920 census figures show that the normal ratio between men and women did not exist in the community. On April 3, 1923, nearly 100 per cent of the registered vote in this precinct was cast. The interviewer who canvassed this precinct found after some difficulty 51 non-voters, the greater portion of whom were not registered. Nearly all of them complained that corrupt election practices were common in the precinct. The studies given above show that nationality, neighborhood ties, and the efficiency of the local party organization have a direct relation to the proportion of non-voters in a given precinct. In both the presidential and the mayoralty elections the adult female citizens of German, Polish, Scandinavian, Russian, and Italian stock showed less interest in voting than did the women of native-white or Irish stock. ‘Thenative white women who had time and leisure at their disposal frequently made politics one of their social activities. It is inter- esting to note that the ratio of women registered in some of the precincts inhabited largely by foreigners was greater in 1923 than in 1920. On the other hand, both the men and women of native white parentage living in the best residential neighborhoods showed much more interest in the presidential election than in the local election. This falling off of political interest was espe- cially marked in the very wealthy districts and in the expensive residential hotels. The adult citizens in certain Irish, Bohemian, Italian, and cosmopolitan precincts showed a great fondness for voting in local PRECINCT STUDIES 231 elections as well as in national elections, due partly to the efficiency of the local party workers and partly to racial, economic, and social factors. ‘The variation in the proportion of negroes who voted in the presidential and in the mayoralty election demonstrated how easy » it is for the precinct captains to depress the amount of voting. The failure of half of the negroes who were registered to vote in the local election was a temporary condition which was altered the following year. In other words, the amount of voting found in a given community varied directly with the political activity of the local leaders. CHAPTER IX METHODS OF CONTROLLING NON-VOTING Since the situations under which non-voting occurs have been canvassed, in a particular instance, it is now important to inquire into the methods by which non- voting may be controlled. To what extent and by what methods may voting be stimulated or, if so desired, depressed? From the scientific point of view, how may the typical situations which have been here described be increased, diminished, exaggerated, or reduced? Is it possible to remove the obstacles to voting and to increase the number of voters, and if so, what means are most effective for this purpose? This is a question that may best be determined by actual experiment in a series of specific cases, and the nature of such experiments will later be discussed. There are, however, certain general lines of action that are indi- cated by observation and insight. Without under- taking to exhaust the possibilities of accomplishment in this direction, some of the more obvious probabilities may be canvassed. | We might distinguish between the methods appro- priate for enlisting the interest of (a) the non-naturalized person, (b) the habitual voter who is a citizen but not registered (in cases where registration is required), . and (c) the registered voter who does not actually vote. For the present purposes, however, attention will be directed here to the general problem of developing a larger registration and of bringing out those who are registered. 232 ~<~— pa METHODS OF CONTROLLING NON-VOTING 233 Some of the administrative obstacles to voting may readily be removed. In the case of congestion at the polls, the method is that of providing more adequate facilities, especially during the crowded hours of the morning. Particularly during inclement weather con- siderable numbers are turned away by the sight of the long line of waiting voters, and one experience of this kind may carry over to another time when there may be no real congestion. Overcoming this obstacle is merely a matter of more efficient administration of voting facilities.! In Chicago a change in the voting hours would beyond question increase the number of voters. The present arrangement provided for the opening of the polls at six o’clock in the morning and their closing at four o'clock in the afternoon (except in the primaries, when five o’clock is the closing time). In view of the fact that large numbers of voters work at a distance from their homes, and do not return until after four o clock, many of them are thus eliminated. In case of congestion at the early morning hour, or of lateness on the part of the intending voter, the vote is lost. The voter may intend to return before four o’clock, but he may not be able to do so or may neglect it; and in either case the ballot is not cast. An extension of the voting hours to six o'clock or even until five o’clock would have the effect of increasing materially the number of voters.2. This plan would diminish the non- voting attributed either to congestion at the polls or to intention to vote but neglect to do so. 1JIn some jurisdictions the use of temporary polling booths has been found convenient and satisfactory. The movable polling shelters are located on the sidewalk. 2 The voting hours in New York are 6:00 a.m. to 6:00 P.m.; in Phila- delphia, 7:00 a.m. to 7:00 P.m.; in Boston, 6:00 a.m. to 4:00 P.m.; in Ohio, 6:00 a.m. to 6:00 p.m. 234 NON-VOTING Under an old law of Illinois the voter was allowed to take two hours off for the purpose of voting and that without deduction of pay. The purpose of this enact- ment! was to make possible necessary absences from business oremployment. A recent decision of the court has held the part of this act providing for payment of wages during absence unconstitutional,” and hence the worker no longer has this guaranty of the time necessary for casting the ballot. *‘Absence,”’ frequently found as a reason for non- voting, is by no means an insuperable obstacle, but may readily be overcome by an absent-voting law.2 In fact, such a law is on the statute books of Illinois and has been since 1917. The statute permits an elector who expects to be absent on primary or election day to make application to the Election Commissioners (not less than ten nor more than thirty days prior to the election) for a ballot, this ballot the absent voter may mark before an officer authorized to administer the oath, and the ballot duly certified by the officer is then returned to the Election Commissioners. Little use has been made of this, however, as the total num- ber voting under law at the election of 1923 was only 226. A great morning newspaper recently sent out a reporter to ask whether the citizens favored an absent- voting law, and neither inquiring reporter nor answer- ing citizen seemed to be aware of the existence of the statute. 1 Chap. 646, Nos. 228 and 387. 2 In the case of People vs. C. M. & St. P. R.R. Co., 306, Ill. 486 (1923), the court held that the sections giving the employee the right to take two hours to vote were valid, but that the requirement that he be paid for his time was a deprivation of property without due process of law and a denial of the equal protection of the laws. 3 On absent-voting laws see P. O. Ray, American Political Science Review, XVIII, 321-25. METHODS OF CONTROLLING NON-VOTING 235 The provisions in this state are perhaps unnecessarily cumbersome, but in any case the absent voter’s law alone is not adequate as a means of attracting the non- voter, and some other appeal must be made to arouse his interest to a point where he will avail himself of the opportunity which many thousands of voters might utilize if they would. The ways and means of broad- casting information regarding this law, and of generating interest enough to act under it, are a part of a general campaign directed against non-voting. Newspapers might appropriately direct attention to the law just before the time expires for the request for the certificate, and various organizations where absence from the city is common might supplement the warning of the press. In political meetings the same effort might appropri- ately be made. Inability to vote because of eontfiniient by a help- less member of the family is readily met by the precinct party official, and there is no sound reason why with proper organization anyone should be kept from the polls by such a condition. It would always be an easy thing for the party worker to find someone to relieve the voter for the moments necessary to journey to the polls and back, a short time in a congested urban center. Civic organizations might render the same service, if they were organized for this purpose and were minded to render this type of aid to their fellow-citizens. This difficulty diagnosed by our inquiry offers no really serious obstacle. It is in the area designated as “general indiffer- ence,” “‘inertia,”’ or “‘disbelief’’ that the most serious difficulties are encountered in the effort to obtain a 100 per cent vote. However, some of the obstacles even here might yield without great effort to careful treat- ment. The case known as “ignorance and timidity”’ 236 NON-VOTING is an example of this. This situation is based upon the diffidence of the new voter, or of the newly enfran- chised woman voter, or of the older voter who confronts some new situation. It is difficult for the experienced political worker to realize the timidity with which many. voters approach the ballot. Many persons shrink from the polls, or come to the polling place with many vague misgivings. ‘There seems to have been built up around the ballot a tradition that there is some mystery in voting, some survival, it might almost seem, of the ancient superstition of the divinity of kings and govern- ments. This tradition acts as powerfully on the educated as it does on those less well schooled. In fact, the effect is sometimes greater, for the ignorant are not unwilling to ask the way, while the educated may be too proud to inquire. ‘The truth is that there is nothing very difficult or complicated about the process either of registering or of voting, nothing at any rate which may not be readily learned by anyone of mature years in a few minutes at the most. ‘The difficulty is not measured, however, by the actual complication of the process, but by what the voter thinks of it, for if he avoids the polls because of an imaginary trouble the result is exactly the same as if it were real. Much might be done to remove these doubts and fears by organized campaigns for greater familiarity with the mechanism of voting, with the form of the ballot, and with voting and registration procedure. For this purpose the newspapers offer an invaluable medium. ‘The moving picture is another possible means of illustrating the way of voting, which might be very clearly shown in this manner. Billboards even might be used. Sample ballots might be much more freely circulated among voters and much earlier than they ~ usually are. Through the newspapers or the school METHODS OF CONTROLLING NON-VOTING 237 children, or through the police or other agency,. it would be possible to place with every voter a sample ballot and a card with simple instructions in regard to voting.' Political meetings might be utilized for the same purpose. It is not beyond reason to imagine a campaign so successfully conducted that no voter in the constituency would be uninformed upon the way to vote, and thus, whatever else might remain, this cause of non-voting would be removed. Here is a large field for political education of a very practical kind by civic organizations interested in community welfare. Un- questionably, energetic and tactful efforts would be rewarded by a material increase in the number of voters, and, what is more significant, by greater and more intelligent interest in public affairs on the part of considerable groups in the city. __ The length of the ballot and the necessity of obtain- ing some information regarding the candidates or the issues constitute a much more serious problem, and one that can be controlled only with great difficulty. In time, the ballot will doubtless be shortened and simpli- fied to a point where the voter will not be overawed by the proportions of the blanket ballot, or the task of finding out something about the various candidates whose names appear on the ticket. In the particular election under consideration, however, the _ ballot was very short, and could not of itself have been the cause of any considerable amount of non-voting. ‘The memory of other struggles with the ballot may, of course, have had a surviving and deterrent effect. The publicity pamphlet employed in some states may be used for the purpose of spreading information 1 An interesting suggestion for voting by mail (postal voting), and not otherwise, is made by the Mail Ballot Movement, 104 West Monroe Street, Chicago, Illinois. This destroys, however, many of the safeguards against fraud and corruption. 238 NON-VOTING regarding candidates and issues.!. This is a pamphlet in which all candidates are allowed, for a nominal sum, to insert their photographs and a short statement of their record and platform. ‘These pamphlets are printed by the government, and circulated to every voter in the constituency. ‘That this solves the prob- lem of amply informing the voter cannot, however, be contended, although it unquestionably gives him more data than he would otherwise possess. Here the cost of the undertaking must be balanced against the prospect of obtaining commensurate results.? Innumerable suggestions are made in the form of special devices for stimulating the voting process. Among the more significant of the mechanical plans for this purpose are the reorganization of the registra- tion system and the system of compulsory voting. The reorganization of the registration system Is directed toward the universal registration of all persons eligible to vote. It is proposed that the registration be carried on by agents of the government who place the names of voters upon the registry lists, instead of leaving the initiative to the voter as at present and requiring personal appearance and registration at intervals of two years, as is the law in Illinois at the present time and in many other places. If election officials prepared lists of voters from a canvass of the precinct or a revision of old lists, the number of those 1 For a discussion of the subject reference may be made to the following titles: G. H. Haynes, “The Education of Voters,” Political Science Quar- terly, XXII, 484; XXVI, 32. Richard W. Slocum, Publicity Pamphlets (unpublished manuscript), Swarthmore College, 1922. 2See the admirable discussion by Joseph P. Harris, Registration for Voting in the United States, 1923; Chicago Bureau of Public Efficiency, The Proposed System of Registering Voters and Canvassing Registration Lists in Chicago, 1923 (unpublished manuscript). 3 Harris, op. cit. METHODS OF CONTROLLING NON-VOTING 239 registered would, of course, be very greatly increased, and possibly the number of voters would be enlarged. In any event, none would be deprived of the vote because of inability to register on account of absence or illness or other cause.! Every eligible voter would be on the lists at all times. . This system is used in many foreign countries at the present time, and results in much larger registration of voters. Los Angeles makes use of a system in which the registration is carried on by officials who make a house- to-house canvass and register the voters as they go. The voters are required to sign individual duplicate affidavits which are used as a means of identifying them on election day. ‘This results in a much higher regis- tration than is common in cities generally. The system of registration without personal appear- ance has been used in some jurisdictions, but with dis- astrous results in the way of padded rolls, from which names were seldom removed. Philadelphia was a notable example of such an unfortunate outcome. Whether the time has not come for official registration without the appearance of the voter at the polls is, 1 Voters unable to register may now qualify by appearance before the Election Commissioners, under certain conditions. “From and after the November election in each even numbered year and until and including the thirtieth day of September in the next following even numbered year, the office of the Board of Election Commissioners shall be open during business hours of each day, except Sundays and legal holi- days, and excepting the twenty-eight (28) days immediately preceding any regular election, for the purpose of registering applicants for registration. Such applicants shall be put under oath by said board or its duly authorized clerk and shall answer the same questions as are required to be answered at general registrations in Section 3 of this Article III, and such names and answers shall be entered by such board in the general registers under the proper headings in such registers. All such voters so registered and other- wise qualified shall be entitled to vote at all elections and primaries as if registered at the general registration as provided in this act” (Revised Statutes, Ill., 1923, chap. 46, Sec. 215, p. 903). 240 NON-VOTING however, a subject for serious consideration. If proper checks could be provided, the official registration would unquestionably increase the number of voters, since many are omitted from the lists because of failure to register, either because of absence or because of the lack of drive to get on the books at the right time. The attention of the voter would be attracted by the canvasser, and he would be placed upon the list with the minimum of inconvenience and effort on his part. Even if no such change were made, there is still opportunity for important modifications of present practice which would result in a diminution of non- voting. An entirely new registration as often as every two years is not necessary, and often results in the omis- sion of many names from the lists. A new registration at the time of the presidential election every four years would answer all the purposes of a registry list, and many voters now omitted would, without doubt, be found on the lists. At present it is quite possible for a voter who has been on the books for a quarter of a century to be deprived of his vote because of absence from the city at the time of registration, of illness at the time of registration; of business engagement, or even of negligence. Few people remember just when the new registration is made, and often the voter is disfranchised when he thinks he is safely registered. A voter, for example, moves into a precinct in the spring of 1924. He registers and assumes that he is on the list for some time to come, but unless he registers again in the fall he will be unable to vote in the presi- dential election. Of course no system can be made proof against negligence of voters, but two years seems an unreasonably short period for new registration. More adequate provision for transfer of registration, as used in Milwaukee, would also aid in reducing the METHODS OF CONTROLLING NON-VOTING 241 number of non-voters. Many thousands in Chicago lose their votes unnecessarily when moving from one precinct to another. The citizen must appear again before the registry board, and make an entirely new registration. This may be inconvenient or even impos- sible for him. He should be allowed to transfer his registration by writing to the central registration office within a reasonable period before the election and mak- ing the necessary change there, subject to reasonable check. It is of vital importance that the registration system shall be as nearly as possible free from fraud, and that the rolls shall not be padded with surplus voters, fraudulent or fictitious; and it must be freely conceded that there have been serious instances of this in many elections. However, it is possible to go to the other extreme and make the registration provisions so onerous that thousands of citizens are deprived of the vote as a result of their operation. A suggested means of reducing the quantity of non-voting is the compulsory vote, a system in which failure to vote is punished by fine, public reprimand, or by forfeiture of voting rights unless adequate excuse is given. ‘This system is now used in certain European countries, notably in Belgium and in Czecho-Slovakia.! | In North Dakota and Massachusetts the legislature is authorized to provide for compulsory voting but no use has been made of the constitutional provision thus far.? Viewed purely as a control device, the compulsory vote would, in all probability, accomplish the purpose of 1 For a discussion of these experiments see W. T. Donaldson, Compulsory Voting and Absent Voting (with Bibliographies), Columbus, Ohio, 1914; J. Barthelmy, “‘Pour le vote obligatoire,” Revue du droit public et de la science politique, XL (1923), 101-67. 2 A similar amendment was rejected in Oregon in 1920. J. D. Barnett, | “Compulsory Voting in Oregon,” American Political Science Review, XV, 255-66. 242 NON-VOTING reducing the number of non-voters. It would, per- haps, be possible in this fashion to put an end to the bulk of non-voting, or more accurately to end failure to appear at the polls, for experience shows that where the system is in operation a considerable number of those who appear cast a blank ballot in protest against the regimentation imposed upon them. From the scien- tific point of view, the obligatory vote system would, if the law were enforced, very greatly stimulate voting. It would add the force of governmental authority to the persuasions of interest that now work upon the voter. Such an expedient, while desirable in some ways, may..have..other..disadvantages..that.offset_its. gains. The state may well conscript the individual property of a person in time of need, but is.it_desirable_to.con- script his attention. and.-interest upon public-questions to the extent of obliging him to vote even against-his will? Or is it possible to obtain in this manner the judgment it is desired to have? If the individual deliberately chooses not to vote, would it be desirable to oblige him to go through the form of voting against his will? Or again, under our conditions is it likely that such a law would be uniformly enforced ? There is, to be sure, much to be said upon both sides of this discussion, and much is to be done in the way of practical observation of the system where it is in operation. ‘This constitutes, in fact, a study by itself which it has not been possible to make within the limits of this inquiry, but which might very advantageously be made in systematic fashion by competent observers equipped for the purpose. Beyond doubt, merely as a means of adding to the vote, the system of compulsion would bring about the results desired. The real question, however, goes down to the roots of the theory METHODS OF CONTROLLING NON-VOTING 243 of the electoral process, and consequently carries us beyond the scope of the present investigations. More fundamental, however, than any of the me- chanical devices that have thus far been considered is the necessity of affecting in some favorable way the attitude of the non-voter, which, after all, is the funda- mental factor in the situation. How shall we deal with ‘ general indifference and specific prejudices either against voting or against the governmental system itself?» Some of these attitudes may be changed by the adult education. of the community in the numerous ways by which communities play upon the opinions of their members and drive them or lead them into line with the opinion and the attitude of the bulk of the society. There is reason to believe that many of the attitudes toward government disclosed in this investigation might be changed by a process of popular enlighten- _ment such as might be carried on by the press, by leaders of opinion, by organizations and associations persistently inculcating the doctrine of the govern- mental responsibility of the average man and the aver- age voter. Likewise, the governmental opportunity of the citizen may be emphasized by various types of influences that may be brought to bear upon the mem- bers of the community. The citizen who believes that government is corrupt may be shown that the most effective course of action in such a case.is.participation in governmental affairs rather than_boycott of govern- ment. The citizen who has a grievance against the government, as in the case where the streets are not cleaned, or the ashes not removed from the alley, or the taxes are raised, or the country goes dry, may be shown that his abstention from participation in gov- ernment does not help his situation but is likely to result in still less desirable conditions. — It is not to be | 244 | NON-VOTING presumed that a series of evangelistic exhortations alone will increase the quantity of voting. ‘The appeal must be made to the intelligence and the interest of the citizen. It is possible to show how the life-interest of the voter is linked up, under present conditions, with the character of the government, with the capacity, honesty, vision, and constructive ability of its agents and representatives. 7 How elections may be made vivid and interesting of themselves, so that men will be drawn into them, is another problem which might well be the subject of much thought and experiment. Unquestionably, the short ballot with more sharply outlined leadership and power would aid in making elections more attractive. The choice of one hundred or more officials, many of them of minor significance, as, for example, the county surveyor or the coroner or the clerk of the probate court, is a weariness to the flesh, and it tends to pro- duce boredom in many voters. ‘They shrink from the task of passing upon the personnel of prospective officials whose qualifications they do not know, and whose positions they regard as very insignificant. The dramatic elections are those where great power and responsibility are at stake, and where much turns" upon the outcome of the vote. In selecting a mayor or a governor or a president the voter identifies himself with the power and the personality of the victor or of the challenger, as the case may be, and: achieves an interest in the proceedings often very intense in nature. Deeper down lies the problem of preliminary. educa- tion for political life, a field into which it is not possible to enter here except by way of suggestion. To what extent do the school systems instil the spirit of civic obligation and civic interest and civic facility in judg- METHODS OF CONTROLLING NON-VOTING 245 ment of problems and personnel?! It may well be contended that a more thorough training in political information, intelligence, spirit, and obligation may go far toward arousing a type of governmental interest that might be counted upon to continue for a long period. It would perhaps be practicable to test the efficacy of existing courses in government by examining groups some years after the time of the school work.’ The training in the secondary school might further be intensified and emphasized by more formal con- sideration of the nature of the ballot at the time of first entrance into the voting group. The first voter might be given a much more attractive initiation into the democratic fellowship of which he becomes a part than he is ordinarily offered when he first enters the basement or the barber shop to register or to cast his vote. There is little of the dramatic in the usual process commonly followed, little to stir the imagina- tion of the new voter as he crosses the portals of the great democratic society. Dull as it may seem in drab surroundings, the casting of the first vote of the American citizen is in reality a moment of deep sig- nificance to the individual and to the community he -joins, and efforts might well be made to emphasize this really momentous occasion and utilize its values for the enrichment of political life. Even if new voters are not actually assembled, it would be possible by means of the modern device of the radio to address great numbers of them simulta- neously, or by the moving picture to reach thousands within a week previous to the registration or electoral period. There are inviting possibilities in the develop- ment of a solemn and impressive introduction into 1See C. E. Merriam, “Citizenship,” University of Chicago Magazine, 1911. 2See David Snedden, Civic Education. 246 NON-VOTING voting life, and if this introduction comes at the end of a thorough training in the fundamentals of citizenship, the result may be significant. It cannot be too fre- quently reiterated, however, that the electoral process must be able to generate its own interest and drive as it goes along, without too great reliance upon the sense of obligation alone. ‘The vitality of government must spring from the keen sense of its continuing utility, from the continuing commendation of intelli- gence, and the spontaneous promptings of genuine interest. It is plain, then, that there are numerous devices that may be utilized in stimulating the voting tendencies of the electorate, some of which have been tried and others have been only projected. A careful survey of these experiments would be desirable, and actual experiment with them would be of still greater importance. There is no one of the situations under which non-voting has been found in Chicago that would not respond to treat- ment. Some of them, as in the case of physical causes, are more readily handled, and others, such as general indifference at the other extreme, are slower to respond. Modifications in law and administration, stimulation of interest through discussion, the slower process of education of the coming generation—these are all available as methods of increasing the vote on a volun- tary basis. Compulsory voting appears as an addi- tional measure if it is desired to employ this type of pressure to the voter. To bring out a 100 per cent vote would be very difficult, but to develop a 90 per cent vote ought not to present insuperable obstacles in most constituencies. After the expenditure of a cer- tain amount of effort the law of diminishing returns would enter to impair the value of the marginal attempts. But it is perfectly plain that intelligence METHODS OF CONTROLLING NON-VOTING 247 applied to the problem of non-voting will produce results of a significant nature. It is evident that the easiest task, given carte blanche, would be to depress the number of voters. We do not contemplate this procedure, but it would be possible, scientifically speaking. At times, in fact, the party workers do what they can to bring out a small vote, as when the organization fears the effect of a large vote, or when the partisan leaves untouched voters who might perhaps favor the opposite party. The “still hunt” and the “let alone”’ policy are well understood by the practical masters of the art of deal- ing with the electorate; and are from time to time employed as occasion and advantage dictate by these doctors of electioneering. The politician’s tactics of not “‘stirring them up” is the method best adapted to promote general indifference and neglect. A notable example of this is seen in the Second Ward in the very election studied. A well-concerted plan for this would include not only the masterful inactivity of the party workers, but the silence of the press, the quietude of civic organizations, a general conspiracy of avoidance of political discussion. The controlling agencies would boycott the election by quietly ignoring it. It would be easy to increase the physical difficulties of voting. Lack of knowledge regarding the time, the place, the purpose of the election, would make it more of a task to cast a ballot. In point of fact, we went through just such a period prior to the establishment of the Australian ballot system,' and for a long time afterward with the primary-election systems.2 The diffi- culties were so great that the voter was puzzled and oiten avoided the election altogether. The oral-voting 1 See E. C. Evans, History of the Australian Ballot, pp. 1-16. 2See C. E. Merriam, History of Primary Elections, chap. i. 248 NON-VOTING system was in vogue for many years, but was abandoned in order to prevent intimidation or corruption at the polls, thereby incidentally increasing the number of the voters. In the next place and for such a purpose the electoral process should be made as complex as possible. A still larger number of names should be placed upon the ballot, so that voting would become an accomplish- ment in manual dexterity, a test of good eyesight, a feat in memory of the qualification and accomplish- ments of the obscure. This would beyond question tend to reduce the number of voters.! If ingenuity were given free rein, the election might become so severe an intelligence test that few would care to undergo the strain. From the foregoing brief résumé of a few of the possible devices for encouraging the situations under which non-voting develops, it is easy to see that the problem of reducing the vote is a relatively easy one. These suggestions may perhaps be taken as somewhat jocular in character, but, in point of fact, the regular party workers understand and practice from time to time the art of depressing the vote as well as that of stimulating it, and it would be easy to improve by scientific methods on their results. It is plain that the non-voting behavior may readily be controlled—either increased or diminished as desired. Few desire to reduce voting, at any rate not of those entitled to vote, and, consequently, the practical prob- lem is that of increasing the amount of voting. Here the methods range from the drastic system of compul- 1JIn the southern states many devices have been employed to make voting difficult for the colored man. Among these are the use of a number of ballot boxes for different offices, the omission of the party designation on the ballot. METHODS OF CONTROLLING NON-VOTING 249 sory voting to the slower processes of civic and social education. Between them lie a long series of legal and administrative changes and of drives for publicity and public education to which much attention will doubt- less be given in the future. For this purpose, the usefulness of the present study lies in the analysis of the reasons for non-voting and in the indication of the distribution of the reasons through various groups in the community. This is a diagnosis of non-voting behavior on which may be based specific treatment of this phase of democratic activity. CHAPTER X SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION The causal explanation of non-voting, like the causal explanation of any social occurrence, involves the description of the individuals involved and of the total stimulating situations. In this study the statis- tical and the case-study methods have been used to show some of the facts that were related to non-voting in a particular Chicago election. Inasmuch as the party experts were able and willing to furnish only the most general information about their negligent constituents, and inasmuch as there was scarcely any social data available regarding all the voters and non-voters in the election, it was found necessary to send special interviewers into certain selected areas in order to find out something about the peculiar characteristics of the non-voters and to make a study of the situations in which citizens failed to vote. The control groups used in the study were the registered voters and the adult citizens that lived in the same neighborhoods that were canvassed for non-voters. Information in regard to the registered voters was obtained from the registration books in the Election Commissioners’ office, ‘and certain social data regarding the adult citizens ‘were obtained from a special tabulation made in the : United States Census Office. The analysis of the entire number of adult citizens who did not vote in the election of April 3, 1923, shows that two factors of sex and registration status were very closely related to the condition under discussion. ‘There were twice as many female non-voters as there 250 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 251 were male non-voters, and there were three times as many adult citizens who could not vote because they had failed to register as there were registered voters who had failed to vote in the particular election. An examination of the election records brought to light the fact that the local election did not have sufficient dramatic interest to attract the same ratio of eligible electors that took part in the preceding presidential election. The most striking decreases in the propor- tions of adult citizens registered and of registered voters taking part in the local election were found in the most prosperous neighborhoods where those of native Ameri- can parentage predominated. The analysis of certain social data obtained regard- ing the non-voters and the registered voters in selected areas showed that old age or youthfulness kept many citizens from voting; that newness to the city and unfamiliarity with local political affairs deterred many others from going to the polls; and that foreign birth and foreign-language training kept many women whose American citizenship was acquired by marriage prior to September, 1922, from registering. The different social situations that stimulated non- voting were ascertained in two ways. Some 250 party experts gave their opinions as to the chief reasons why people did not vote, and over 6,000 non-voters were personally interviewed. The percentage - distribution of the non-voters interviewed, classified according to reasons given for not voting, showed that general indifference and inertia accounted for over two-fifths } - of all the abstentions, that such physical difficulties } as illness and absence covered one-quarter of the cases, | that legal and administrative obstacles explained | one-eighth of the electoral failures, and that disbelief ; in woman’s voting or disgust with politics accounted 252 NON-VOTING for the remainder. This analysis agreed in general with the views of the party experts. When the reasons for not voting given by the non- voters of specified sex were analyzed, it became at once clear that entirely different situations stimulated non-voting among the women than among the men. If the women had not been allowed to vote in the particular election studied, then the factors of general indifference and inertia would have been of much less importance and the physical and legal difficulties of much more importance. Only one-third of the male non-voters as compared with one-half of the female non-voters were indifferent toward elections. On the other hand, three-fifths of the men as compared with three-tenths of the women who did not vote said that they were kept from the polls by physical or administrative obstacles. One-eighth of the female non-voters were anti-suffragists. Entirely different reasons were emphasized by those who were not registered than by those who were registered but did not vote-in the particular election. Illness and absence together were three times as — important in the latter group asin the former. General pans and inertia were the chief reasons why adult citizens did not register. One-third of those who had voted elsewhere but not in the city asserted that they did not vote in the local election because of legal and administrative obstacles in the way, and over one- third of the habitual female non-voters disbelieved in voting. While general indifference and inertia were the most common reasons given by the non-voters, there were certain social situations in which other factors loomed up as of more importance. The chief reasons for not voting given by the colored citizens who had SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 253 just come to the city were insufficient legal residence and disgust with politics; the principal causal explana- tions offered by the elderly native white males engaged in business and living in the best residential sections of the city were absence and illness; and the main reason for failing to vote that was given by the small shopkeepers was fear of loss of business or wages. The analysis of the sex, color, nationality, regis- tration status, voting experience, age, term of residence in city, and economic status of the non-voters that gave particular reasons for not voting brought out more clearly the close relationship that existed between the social situations and the peculiar characteristics of the non-voters. For instance, illness kept’ at home on election day many elderly housewives and a few elderly gentlemen. On the other hand, the women kept from voting by home-nursing duties were usually young. Absence from the city on election day was most common among the registered, native white, middle-aged, well-to-do businessmen. Fear of loss of business or wages was a significant cause of non- voting among the registered males, some of them colored and some of them foreign-born, who were under forty years of age, who lived in poor neighbor- hoods and who were employed in manufacturing, construction work, or in the small retail business. The inconvenient hours of voting that resulted in congestion at the polls kept from voting the young workmen living in congested and rapidly expanding sections of the city. Many women hesitated to enter polling booths that were found in undesirable locations, and there were many others who balked at the registration hurdle because of the requirement of age. Among the most interesting cases were the anti- suffragists. Disbelief in woman’s voting and objections 254 NON-VOTING of husband kept at home on election day many house- wives of foreign stock who lived in the poorest sections of the city. From the study made of this group, it was obvious that there were thousands of women in the city who still believed that woman’s place is in the home, that women have no business in politics, that women should mind their own business and let the men attend to politics, that woman is a flower for man to worship and that she should not spoil her beauty by mingling in his affairs, that women have enough to do without bothering with politics, that women have no business voting, that the women who are determined ‘to run the world will ruin it in the long run, and that the troubles of today are caused by women departing from the ideals and traditions of yesterday. Another striking feature of the study was the large amount of disgust with politics that was discovered. . Disgust with politics accounted for the abstention of many native males of negro or foreign parentage who were old residents of poor sections of the city. Some middle-aged housewives also had grudges against the government. Poor people expressed the view that politics benefited only the rich and that the govern- ment was taking away all the liberties of the poor. Disgust with the local party situation was expressed by a large number of the registered negroes who had established political connections in the city. Some middle-aged poor people insisted that one vote counted for nothing, that the candidates were equally bad, that the ballot box was corrupted, and that the whole election system was a sham and a fraud. There were a few who disbelieved in all political action either for economic or for religious considerations. It is not maintained in this study that the non- voting of those who simply said they were indifferent SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 255 toward elections is satisfactorily explained. However, it was demonstrated that there were many kinds of indifference resulting from varied social situations. General indifference was very prevalent among the white females of foreign parentage who were not registered, who had little voting experience, who lived in poor sections of the city, and who had no occupation but housework. Indifference was less prevalent among the men but was found to some extent among the males of foreign parentage who were not registered and who were engaged in unskilled work. Indifference to the last election was found to be most common among those racial groups that were dissatisfied with the local political situation and among the native whites who were engrossed with other matters and were bored by the frequency of elections in Chicago. Similarly, neglect was common among the young registered native-born males who were experienced in voting and who lived in middle-class neighborhoods. One of the chief causes of non-registration was ignorance and timidity regarding elections. ‘This condition was very prevalent among the young colored citizens and the middle-aged foreign-born women who had acquired their American citizenship through the naturalization of their husbands. The educational opportunities of many of these people had been so limited that they did not even know how to mark a ballot, and they hesitated to go to the polls for fear of being ridiculed. Practically the only force which could move them poll- ward was an extremely active local party organization or woman’s club. Detailed studies of certain typical precincts brought to light the fact that women’s political clubs have aroused an interest in voting among a very large propor- tion of adult female citizens of native white parentage 256 NON-VOTING living in the best residential districts, and that the party organizations in working-class districts were very successful in bringing out a large proportion of the male vote, and, while less successful with the women voters, were improving in this respect. In spite of everything that was done to interest the eligible electors, there were still unduly large numbers of adult female citizens who did not vote in neighborhoods that were predomi- nately German, Polish, Scandinavian, Russian, Italian, or negro. In the particular election under discussion, the voting record of the negroes was the poorest of any of the racial groups analyzed, largely because of the inactivity of the local party workers. In other words, the amount of voting or non-voting found in a given precinct was determined by the strength or weakness of the different racial, neighborhood, and partisan influences that were at work in the community. The ways of controlling non-voting are as numerous as the situations that have been considered. Some of these are simple and others extraordinarily complex. The simpler situations, such as congestion at the polling places and inadequate hours, are readily soluble. Somewhat more difficult problems, such as those raised by absence from the city or by lack of registration, may be dealt with successfully, in the one case, by greater emphasis on the possibilities of the Absent Electors’ Law, and, in the other, by more adequate provision for registration. In view of the large number of voters who are disfranchised by registration require- ments, it is clear that the whole registration system is in urgent need of overhauling with a view to such changes as may facilitate voting, without, however, opening the door to fraud. More difficult problems are presented by disbelief in voting, by ignorance and timidity regarding elections, SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 957 and by general indifference and its specific forms. Disbelief in voting, in so far as it is based upon opposi- tion to woman’s suffrage, will undoubtedly die away as the community becomes habituated to woman’s voting. It is noteworthy that, although many German women do not vote here, in Germany, under the new law, practically all women exercise their franchise. In so far as disbelief in voting rests upon distrust of or disgust with democratic institutions, a far more difficult question is raised, and is such that will not readily yield to treatment. Ignorance and timidity regarding elections may be traced partly to the “jungle ballot”? which alarms many voters, partly to lack of information regarding candidates or issues, and partly to a certain timidity regarding the electoral machinery. A simpler and shorter ballot, better organization of information regarding the essential issues in campaigns, and wide publicity campaigns explaining the technique of voting would all be helpful in overcoming these obstacles to voting. General indifference is made up of many varying factors, arising from the temperament, experience, interests, aptitudes of the voter, and it varies from habitual non-voting to occasional lapses. It may be affected by a broader system of social educa- tion, especially in the secondary schools, by more careful political education of newcomers, by dramatizing more effectively the electoral privilege and the electoral process, and by more effective organization of adult political intelligence. In this direction, however, advance is tentative and experimental, as the ground has never been explored. The drastic remedy of compulsory voting, under penalty of fine or forfeiture of franchise, has been suggested and is used in Belgium and Czecho-Slovakia. While this proposal should be given careful consideration, it seems of little value 258 NON-VOTING because of the difficulty of substantial enforcement, and furthermore by reason of the dubious policy of con- scripting judgment on community policies in the case of the indifferent or the negligent. In any case, there will remain considerable groups of non-voters, such as those who are absent for long periods, those who are ill or institutionally confined, those who have just moved, those who are satisfied with either candidate or dissatisfied with both, and a mass of beings who are either bitter against society or assume no obligation for community maintenance or feel themselves superior to society or disbelieve in the utility of all political action. APPENDIX A TABULATIONS OF ORIGINAL DATA In order to avoid confusing the reader, none of the tabulations of the original data were given in the body of the text. All the tables given there were derived from the original tabulations in the TABLE XIX Reasons ror Not Votina Given By Non-Voters INTERVIEWED Reasons Given By Non-VOTERS Reasons For Not Votine Singly IER ROTS OU oe ene Puede oul ds s 4,654 Physical difficulties: | RP eg ee Le ete 604 ES eS ners an 2 Ca 539 Detained by helpless member of family . 106 Legal and administrative obstacles: Insufficient legal residence............. 389 Fear of loss of business or wages....... 226 Congestion at the polls............... 21 Poor location of polling booth......... 20 Fear of disclosure of age.............. 8 Disbelief in voting: Disbelief in woman’s voting........... 252 Objections of husband................ AT Belief that one vote counts for nothing.. 38 Disgust with politics................. 127 Disgust with own party............... 200 Belief that ballot box is corrupted...... 21 Disbelief in all political action......... 21 Inertia: General indifference. ................. 1,289 Indifference to particular election...... 130 Neglect: intended to vote but failed... . 379 Ignorance or timidity regarding elections. 216 Failure of party workers.............. 21 In Combina-]. tion with Other Reasons 1,444 166 121 951 23 298 349 96 Singly and in Combina- tion with Other Reasons 6,098 770 660 120 480 396 64 108 16 505 60 126 338 267 52 35 2 240 153 677 565 117 following manner: first, by selecting a single reason as the most important reason on each of the schedules, and second, by excluding 69 per cent of the colored non-voters from each item on each table. 259 NON-VOTING 260 < - * = = i = > + -- 2c ~ he SOF al + lop ary ar ryT epee ATT I 9 P bill pla ¢ Treeeesessessesssssroyrom Ayred Jo omMpre7 88 |" /0s | |ssaje Pf jee le IL fae tn JE fet [oor |e [°° **suorooje SurpreSor Ayr:pramy 10 souesrousy PI j0S | |LL 66 |} 9 OL |} | PP JRE JB9 [IS 18S [es | °° °° perez yng ‘30a 0} pepusqzur :yoo];%aN7 = hes ae a ee ee ee er nn Mares Ene re 3 eee ye ee ae, a) WOTpe]9 Iepnorjsied 0} soudIOTIpuy pln tL ofcclecchecls lor feet: SP |8So/66 {IT {°° "|G J6L |S |SOTILP [ST |808\— |L6 19 (6S [89 [IT |S 139 J SUSI HIPUl [e19uef) “DU40UT eee F ee ® 0 eOe-< } * 6 Fe s 6.) 6 exe 8 j cee r 3 see ¢ . aoe) o> ere I we Use € 2s BS. e ane © 2 eo @ & 6) oe UWOI}0V [eortjod Il? ur Jerpeqsiq I oes e die s 2 hem: ‘t =T beth] wae eee 1Z RM ere Pad teh eked eee te eae g aveke Paks Liste |e elie 2 a enete ** **pazdniioo st xoq yoT[eq yey} Jorog = apd ae eee} os aes ee yd ee Beaks ewig Ens a Eee ley cel Tos Baek | Pog ae ee case Steeapr ana-« ‘Ayred UMO YIM YsnSstq OL |e lOL 2 SOLIS THR SS ee ST ie, rd Be bg ad Pe ea es eee Treesse sss -sorod yqt ysn3siqi a fs “lor lap le bas Mes Lee aes | see Gata | | be ak ed bad Far | a Zury}OU IO} S}UNOD 9j0A oUO 7eY} JOE = TL pace besa OS wee eer hie ek ee Oe ee ee ee eee eee ae Se ee Fe ee ee Es oO i be 2 he 8 © bie @hOiheum el @ 646.0) @ sued eee eee eee pueqsny jo suoroefqg P LS sesds ss lonale RPcte = “toy L hema) AS 5d Dena es |: 67 = eee SUTJOA SWRULOA UT Jorfoqstqy ‘buyoa ur fayagsrg oS CS aa eae | ak oss ad oe peas RSS [3 5 agent tc Om ee al Rees | Pes ena SA a a3v Jo aINsOpsIp Jo Ieay IL |Ut l#t |°° las t¢ ras Sanaa te ee ee 9¢ Dig ae ee a RE, y00q Burjod jo uorea0] Io0g I I re lc cle ed eS Ce er 6 ete Bao ae Seed [9 ee bed bes Cs ee ee he ee re sfjod 7% uorsesu0, 9 + le9 “lee ‘ste 9 ar Ea BOER pe cen Baten 0 CI wal et east at 9 rete Fist A Gunes SosvM JO SsouIsNq JO sso] Jo Iva,q - FL wl.» "189 I Cs ce ee er ie | 6 oe fee ye he cel r ha am Na ah Ooh e 6) 20a e OE ind ele Ste aw ee BeOS) ee be abe < ‘QOUSPISA [Vso] JUSTIOUNsuT /89]0D}SqQO aaynssiurupp pun pwbaT Saas SLT Sd OMe Smet Toa ey 6. oot ke am Bie ame Tens) o/cb) er kiim Goa B66 ee @ te haba @ 6. piesa ac) 6 10 al ate™elet ate ave Ajrurey Jo Jaquieur ssajdjey Aq poureyoq pt les | cles ctcclclet de dele deccleccccler ech deccle. fecceeeceettcccc ttc ereeeee aouasqy A ise oxen go os ie les ge in i lo Big la rahe tos So eens ree ee eevee e SsoulT Ea oe re eo ad sca ae ees 2 Kee es Cs Be Po 8 ees es cae isaynoyfip qwoorshiy 96 |6PS/86G|\S6 |TY6|/PL |TS |L49 |LTG/88 |El |SSs/8 {88 |Sh |OLTITG |PL |TSTI99T| oe oS ee ee “"*" [BOT ms i be ts] © ml ml OO] ml oe >| 9 Elm S es leel & pel melee © lokl SleEl>sles - oflazles| F Ey @EleS/oblsm| 6 (ag/-SleS|S jos! S loge" im tla |" FISaime) 8 | g SISEIPSIES| B ISEIO SSS] 4 15) SER lar] 2 |SS/3 SB 1 es | ° BIE8 ly |ZE| es Plas) <| 4 a] B je Ssi so jab| sie Sieolemes| =| FSS) EE ITE S| 5] SIRE] = [88 lag eS S SiS Els i: ss o ce i 2 I a sie a aoe = = a S ‘ Ze ba z 5 5 re Ss 8 1 ONILOA LON HOA SNOSVAY SSbieey’ | 3) &} S| Ss} ele 02] eB] § | &) oib2 s|\oeie™) me] Fl Bett gel Bote B) Slate Wied) S| #121 B) OS alow] Sloe fe ee 2 ee VILYEN] i DNILOA NI AGITEASICT SH TOVISHO GAILVUL SAIL TAO “SININGY GNV 'IVOd'T TVOISAHG CA MALAUELN SUELO A-NON PPP'T AM NAATD DNILOA LON YO SNOSVaY 40 SNOILLVNIGWO‘) XX ATAVo TABULATIONS OF ORIGINAL DATA 261 The original figures, as they were taken from the machines, will be of interest to those who are contemplating making studies similar to the present one. On page 259 is given Table XIX. This shows the reasons for not voting given by the 6,098 non-voters as they were found on the schedules turned in by the interviewers. Column 1 gives the frequency distribution of the reasons for not voting given singly by the non-voters interviewed; column 2 gives the frequency distribution of those reasons for not voting given by the non-voters in combination with other reasons; and column 3 gives the frequency distribution of the reasons given by the non- voters singly and in combination with other reasons. Since the last-mentioned column gives the distribution of the total number of reasons checked, whether more than one reason was checked on a schedule or not, the sum total of the items in the table is greater than 6,098—the total number of non-voters interviewed. This fact would render a percentage table, based on the items in column 3, very confusing, and accordingly such a table is not given. Table XX gives the frequency distribution of the combinations of reasons for not voting given by the non-voters interviewed who mentioned more than one reason. In other words, it is a cross- tabulation according to reasons for not voting of the items given in column 2 of Table XIX. Table XX may be read either vertically or horizontally, since each item appears twice. All the combina- tions are given in that half of the table above an imaginary diagonal line drawn from the upper left-hand corner to the bottom right- hand corner, the lower half being simply a repetition. APPENDIX B FORMS USED IN STUDY OF NON-VOTING INSTRUCTIONS TO INTERVIEWERS OF ADULT CITIZEN NON-VOTERS IN CHICAGO SoctaL ResEARCH COMMITTEE OF THE DEPARTMENTS OF POLITICAL Economy, SocioLoGy, AND PoLiTicAL SCIENCE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PURPOSE The Political Science Department of the University of Chicago as its contribution to the local community survey which is being made by the Social Research Committee of the University is under- taking a study of non-voting in Chicago. The varied character of the population of Chicago and the complicated nature of its government make it in many ways an ideal community for a study of non-voting. It is hoped that this study will start other surveys of non-voting and that valuable scientific results will be obtained. METHOD OF INQUIRY In making a canvass of an election precinct, each interviewer will be given a list of registered voters on which the names of those who voted at the election on April 3, 1923, will be crossed out. ‘This will enable you to reach at once one class of non-voters, those who register but do not vote or seldom vote. It will be more difficult to find the names of those adult citizens who have not — registered. In apartment areas, the name plates can be compared with the list of registered voters. Where a name appears onaname plate but not on the list of registered voters, it is a fair surmise that there is an adult non-voter in the apartment. In some cases you will be furnished with lists of non-registered adult citizens by the precinct committeeman. In house areas, the names of non-voters will have to be obtained from their neighbors or in any other way which the ingenuity of the interviewer may invent. Some names may be obtained from children. Where a house number is seen which does not appear upon the list of registered voters, the presumption is that it contains some adult non-voters. In making a canvass, 262 FORMS USED IN STUDY OF NON-VOTING 263 follow the order of addresses given upon the list of registered voters. Information about the man of the house may be obtained from the wife. PERSONS TO BE INTERVIEWED Do not fill in a schedule for any person who is not an adult citizen. It is true that many people in Chicago fail to vote because they are not naturalized, but the Fourteenth Census gives the exact number of unnaturalized adults twenty-one years of age and over in Chicago in 1920, and the interviewing of unnaturalized adults is such a difficult task that it would complicate our problem. CONFIDENTIAL CHARACTER OF THE WORK This study is of a scientific character. The persons interviewed should be impressed with its objective nature. There are no ulterior partisan ends to be served. All material will be treated as strictly confidential. You are not to show filled-in schedules to any persons other than those who are supervising the study. GENERAL COMMENTS ON THE SCHEDULE Be sure to sign your name on each schedule which you use on the line following the heading “‘Investigator.”’ The schedule is divided into two parts. The first part contains items which give a general description of the non-voter, and the second part lists some of the obvious reasons why people do not register and do not vote. This list is not complete nor does the schedule attempt to cover every situation that might come up. Show uniform courtesy to all persons interviewed, and do not antagonize them in any way. Refer doubtful points to Mr. Gosnell and the committee. Feel free to offer any suggestions to Mr. Gosnell regarding the inquiry. DETAILED INSTRUCTIONS REGARDING SCHEDULE Item 1.—“Name” . Address Enter surname first, then the given name and middle initial, if any. Item 2.—‘‘Term of residence”’ Ask some such ques- tions as, “‘How long have you been in Chicago?” “‘How long have you lived at your present address?” Enter the length of residence in Chicago over the word ‘‘County.”’ Item 3.—‘Date of naturalization.”’ One of the first things to ascertain is whether the person accosted is a citizen. In answering this question, the person interviewed is likely to disclose whether he is a native-born or naturalized citizen. If not, assume that he is a native-born citizen where that assumption is reasonable. NON-VOTING 264 [uNouq] ec ae a eT ee RE Ee ee SOCAL FOU eT F0 SROS SOM ee ees TT poprey 3g 930A 0} poptoqUI—qo9][99NV *L 81g} ou J0j SJUNOD 930A 9UO 3EY} Jolpo_ ‘OT pueqsny jo suorqalqg ysiseigns-1yu0e (SUOZI}IO B[BUTIJ IOJ) SUIJOA S UBUIOM UI Jorpaqsiq] “ST WOIJDIIP 4SV[ 9} OF SUOIZD9T2 [[B 0} eit ee eR pe ae ee eae teh oe yee ee ah Pere Se ee 4 Re OT Ug] ONC n ae (‘$ 99G) ‘adUepIser [eso] JUSTOFNsUT “ST asneo dAI3 Ayo WOT] VoUESqY “SIL ssoul[T “IL buroa you of ————— bursajsr6as you of suosvay oyep sovyd ou Jo sof ¢ WIYMOSTS Po}OA JOAV NOL OALFT ‘OL BUI}OA YsBl JO oyep ou 10 so& ¢ OSBIYD Ul P9jOA JOAV NOA BAVFT “6 yyuom Jed yer 2.1036 yeLT quomjyiedy esnoy Sujamp jo eddy, “g 100d Ivey poo poos A£19A eee ee Oa ee rg ee ae Sas SET Se ee ee ee ee POO GU SION OSC aay, JaqjOur jo IaqyeJ JO 19JO0A-00U Jo epee eee ae Sn meee ee he Reming = gs SP ee SG. Se eat ee ee oe ae Ee ee ae ee en ae IouI00Y Jepre0g Joyysneq u0g OTM peo Apturey JO pwoy 0} uOorzRpEY “¢ Cae gig pur ‘a NW Brie gre a BLO) ef a ie OD Wet ee ne ee ne PO UOT BOLO) ie ree a See age te ee ee ee syuoIe g osellIe yl [enpraipuy SO Te ee a EE Bee OL Ut] eae JO eee oe so}ye}g poyuy SION] Ayunoy SSoIppe Juesoid 7e VUIpPISAL JO WIT, *S ssoIppy oMBNT “I MCs a ee FOUL f= PEO A GAiLLINNOO HOUVASAY TVIOOS 10}VS1]SOAUT ODVOIH) AO ALISUTAIN AH, OOVOIHOD NI SYALOA-NON NAZILIO LTAGV SNIMATAYALINI YO ATAGHHOS 265 FORMS USED IN STUDY OF NON-VOTING [mov] S}UOUIUIOD § 10} eSI]SOAUT J9j0A-uou Aq UdAIF suOT}eUL[dxa po[rejop JO SUOSvad [BUOTTIPpPy Ayturey Jo Jaquiou ssajdjay Aq poureyoq, s]jod oy} 0} uoryezs10dsuesy YsTUINy 07 Tl? 38 [vo 04 sioyiom Ajred Jo ample sojdurexe SAIS. rie TON i ec we en eg oy te oe ee a ee nee gee ee Pa OO SI xOq JO]]Bq 94} 7eY} Jolpg SUOI}OI]9 SuIpiesar AVIPTUITy 10 voUvIOUST oyepipuvs Ajred Jay}O JOJ 930A 0} UOTDefqo pue ayepIpuRo AjIed UMO 0} TOTQe[GG [eioedg [e19uay sorptjod YA ysnsstq7 ie eee ee ee ee eee POOR SUT JOG JO. 001) G00], 1004 Ss BOC OUT 1a UOT eesUO >} uoryeuvldxy Sie mie ere saree ee Gao enka er ea ae ae ep EATS Poatg OCT] es OL ore en(T ase JO dINSOpSIP JO Ivaq Aynp Ainl Jo re9aq °*O% OOVOIHOD NI SHYALOA-NON NAZILIO LINGV ONIMAIAYALINI YOA ATACAHOS “IS ‘0S “66 83 “L6 96 “96 “V6 "66 “TS 6L 266 NON-VOTING Item 4.—‘‘Sex’’ Put a check-mark directly over the “MM” or the “F” ‘“‘Occupation”’ If possible, get at this indirectly. Do not try to find out the person’s occupation at the beginning of the interview. He may give his occupation inciden- tally in answering some of the other questions. If, toward the end of the interview, you have not obtained any clue as to occupation, then ask directly. In entering the occupation use the census classi- fication and in addition the classification ““H. W.’ (Housewife). “Age” Do not ask the person’s age directly. Toward the end of the interview, you might feel out the person’s sensitiveness on this subject by some such remark as, “‘You have no objection to disclosing your age to the election officials?” In most cases, it will probably be necessary to estimate the age of the person inter- viewed. When the age is estimated, put a question mark (?) after your estimate. ‘‘Color” Put a check-mark directly over the word “‘White”’ or “Colored” or write in “Yellow” if an American-born Chinese is interviewed. Item 5.—‘‘Relation to head of family” Do not ask directly for information on this point at the beginning of your inter- view. ‘Try to find the information indirectly. The list of rela- tionships to the head of the family given below the line is not com- plete. If the person interviewed is an uncle, an aunt, a servant, or bears some other relation to the head of the family, write the appropriate term upon the line. Otherwise, simply check the proper description. Item 6.— ‘Place of birth” This item can be filled in when finding out how the person interviewed acquired his citizen- ship. Do not raise any race issues at the beginning of your inter- view. It may be necessary to guess at the nativity of the non-voter and his parents. In case of native Americans, write “U.S.,” and also enter the state where this can be obtained. Item 7.—“Type of neighborhood” This is not to be filled in by the investigator. The classification of the Telephone Company for the commercial survey will be put in later. Item 8.—‘‘Type of dwelling” Ascertain the rent per month toward the end of the interview. Where the person inter- viewed seems disinclined to give any information about himself, it may be wiser to estimate the amount of the rent. If you guess at the rent put a question mark (?) after your estimate. Over the word ‘‘Condition”’ enter a “G,” an-“‘F,” a “P,” or a “‘B,” standing for good, fair, poor, or bad, respectively. FORMS USED IN STUDY OF NON-VOTING = 267 Item 9.—‘Have you ever voted in Chicago ?” This ques- tion or its equivalent should always be asked of persons whose names do not appear on the lists of registered voters. Make a special note of adult citizens who have not registered even in presidential years. In the case of a registered voter who failed to vote in the election last April, try to find out at what kind of elections he has voted. Item 10.—‘*Have you ever voted elsewhere ?”’ This question should bring out the political experiences of the non-voter before he came to Chicago. Citizens in Chicago who came from rural communities may find nothing in the impersonal politics of the city to arouse their sense of civic responsibility. Naturalized foreigners, especially the women, may never have had any voting experience in their old home communities. Colored citizens, who came from the South recently, are also likely to be unaccustomed to the exercise of the voting privilege. ** Reasons for not registering for not voting”’ .—When starting an interview with a person who has not registered, make a check-mark on the line following “reasons for not registering.” If the person interviewed is registered but did not vote at the election last April make a check on the line following “‘for not voting.” Items 11-21, inclusive, cover some of the common causes why people do not register, and items 22-29, inclusive, give some of the common causes why registered citizens fail to vote. The distinction between these two types of causes is not elear cut. Do not ask leading questions. Explain your general purpose and let the non-voter do as much of the talking as possible. Item 11.—“‘Illness”’ If possible, try to ascertain the seriousness of the illness or the physical defect. Item 12.—‘‘ Absence from city” If it can be done in a tactful manner, find out the importance of the mission which took the person out of the city. Item 13.—‘‘Insufficient legal residence”’ Try to find out how far the person is from his old residence. Item 14.—‘‘ General indifference” The kind of indiffer- ence here meant is due to apathy, drift, sluggishness, civic sloth- fulness, and indifference to social obligations. Other interests crowd out the political interests. Item 15.—‘‘ Disbelief in woman’s voting (for female citizens)” If you think that the objections of the husband are based in part upon a religious conception of woman’s place in society, write in “R. C.” 268 NON-VOTING Item 16.—‘Belief that one vote counts for nothing” . The fatalistic citizen. Item 17.—‘‘ Neglect—intended to vote but failed” This is a form of indifference to elections. Item 18.—‘Fear of loss of business or wages”’ Persons paid on a wage basis may not be given time off to vote. Small merchants may hesitate to leave their shops or they may try to avoid political pressure from their customers by abstaining from all politics. Item 19.—‘Fear of disclosure of age”’ This applies to men as well as to women. Men who are getting on in years may lose their jobs if their age is known. Item 20.—‘Fear of jury duty” The jury panels are drawn from the lists of registered voters, those failing to vote being taken first. Item 21.—‘‘ Disbelief in all political action” If it can be found out that the person interviewed is an anarchist, a syndical- ist, a direct actionist, or some other kind of a disbeliever in a present political organization of society, write this in. Item 22.—‘‘Congestion at the polls” Ask how many times an effort was made to vote. Item 23.—*‘ Poor location of polling booth”’ The polling booth may be five or six blocks away in one of the sparsely settled precincts. The polling place may be in a repulsive building. Item 24.—*‘ Belief that the candidates are equally good” In the last mayoralty campaign there were many satisfied voters who took their clue from some of the newspapers. Non-voters will also be found who think that the difference between the candidates of the two major parties is never very great. Item 25.—“‘Disgust with politics” There are many disgusted voters who think that all politicians are crooks. Item 26.—‘‘Objection to own party candidate and objection to vote for other party candidate”’ The loyal Republican or Democrat who is disgusted with his own party candidate may refuse to vote the opposition ticket but punish his party’s managers by staying away from the polls. Item 27.—‘Ignorance or timidity regarding elections”’ : The conscientious citizen may throw up his arms in despair when asked to discriminate between long lists of aspirants for relatively unimportant positions. Distrust of the newspapers may also be a contributing cause of non-voting. There are many women who FORMS USED IN STUDY OF NON-VOTING 269 fail to vote because they do not understand the election process and they are ashamed to show their ignorance. There are also in foreign wards many women who cannot speak English and who are therefore ashamed to appear before the election officials. There are some men who have just reached the age of 21 who feel somewhat timid about registering and voting. Also put in this class those who feel that they should not vote except when they understand the issues involved and when they know something about the candidates who are running. Item 28.—‘Belief that the ballot box is corrupted.” This reason may be differentiated from Item 25 by confining it to actual eases of manipulation of the election machinery. Where the person interviewed feels that the election returns are fixed, or that votes are bought and sold, or that they have been unjustly deprived of their right to vote, put a check following this item, and give full explanation after Item 30. (Item 31 on the new schedule.) Item 29.—*‘Failure of party workers.’ If the person inter- viewed does not of his own accord state that he failed to vote because the party workers did not come around, you may, toward the end of the interview, ask directly whether the party workers came around at the last election. This item will give us a check on the efficiency of the party organization. Item 30.—On the new schedule ‘‘ Detained by helpless member of the family.” In putting a check directly over the word “‘Infant”’ make sure that it is a young infant and in putting a check over the words, “‘Sick Relative,” try to find out the seriousness of the sickness and the usefulness of the person interviewed to the sick person. Item 31.—‘‘ Additional reasons or detailed explanations given by non-voter”’ In some ways, this is the most important part of the schedule. No general schedule can cover every situation. Among the reasons for non-voting omitted from the schedule is sickness in the family. The investigator has the opportunity of discovering new and significant points of view. If you are unable to write this part up while interviewing the non-voter, do so immedi- ately after, before your next interview. Put down everything that the person says which has any bearing upon his political attitudes. Item 32.—*‘Investigator’s comments”’ Does the non- voter appear to be well educated? Does he speak English with facility ? Does he seem to take the election process seriously, looking upon voting as a duty which in theory he should perform ? i.) & e ~) = re So = i Oo = a —_ f— nN Oo ie) ro) ro suoRsayy pelaysidoy 8/8/8/s8is 8 syuaed jo |T> 10%] 6£]Ec] ze oelce se [celazclIs o 62|azlzzjoz.se $e.es cate O2/ 61 SI] ZT OT et BIlET st 6 |6|6/6 6/6/6|G/6:6 6:6 6/6 6/6 6/6 6 6 G6 6 s 8|3/e/8 8|s/s/e/sis ee e/e ale sje ee ees ealelele cielelelziz az cle cle cle@2 de 9 9|9/9/9 9/9/9/919@ 9:9 91@ ol@ 919 9@ a19 9 s sisis}s sj|sis sig sis alg cle clogs slog velvloleovlrlylylyir vir vie vip vlo py ole > e elelele@lelcle cle ewe ecle clece@ec z\zz | i tig 27/2 @|z@lz zz ez 2 Lfefefeiv@ee fe tf ie eettckrt 230 won }o ‘al ‘sag | eM | “ON ITId WaOd GaVO-HONNd HLTAATIOH FORMS USED IN STUDY OF NON-VOTING 271 QUESTIONNAIRE SENT TO PERSONS PROMINENT IN THE CITY Tue UNIvErRsITy or CHICAGO A STUDY OF NON-VOTING Purpose—All information given will be regarded as strictly confidential and will be used only in connection with the scientific study of non-voting. We ask your co-operation in filling out this questionnaire. Please examine the following list of reasons why people do not register and do not vote. Mark with a cross (X) those which you have found common and mark with a double cross (XX) those which you have found most common. This list is merely suggestive. Kindly indicate any other reasons that you regard as important. ——_____IIlness —_____Absence from city —____Insufficient legal residence General indifference —____—_Disbelief in woman’s voting (for women citizens only) Home-nursing duties (for women citizens only) Belief that one vote counts for nothing ______Neglect—intended to vote but failed ——____Fear of loss of business or wages —__—_Fear of disclosure of age —____Disbelief in all political action —____Poor voting facilities ——__—_Disgust with politics —___—Disgust with own party —____Ignorance or timidity regarding elections ______Belief that the ballot box is corrupted Other reasons why people do not register and do not vote (Please sign your name) Q72 NON-VOTING [Front oF BLANK] QUESTIONNAIRE SENT TO PRECINCT COMMITTEEMEN SoctaL ResEARCH COMMITTEE OF THE DEPARTMENTS OF POLITICAL Economy, SocioLoGy, AND PoLiTICcAL SCIENCE OF Tue UNIveRsITY oF CHICAGO ADDRESS: FACULTY EXCHANGE, THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO A STUDY OF NON-VOTING Purpose—All information given will be regarded as strictly confidential and will be used only in connection with the scientific study of non-voting. We ask your co-operation in filling out this questionnaire and in finding the names and addresses of adult citizens who do not register and who do not vote. Approximately how many adult citizens in your precinct are not registered ?. Please examine the following list of reasons why people do not register and mark with a cross (X) those which you have found common in your precinct and mark with a double cross (X X) those which you have found most common. This list is merely suggestive. Kindly indicate any other reasons that you regard as important. Unnaturalized ____—LIllness —___Absence ______Lack of residence qualifications General indifference to elections —_____Disbelief in woman’s voting Belief that one vote counts for nothing ______Neglect— intended to register but failed, etc. _____Fear of loss of business or wages ____Fear of disclosure of age Fear of jury duty —___—Disbelief in all political action Other reasons why people do not register FORMS USED IN STUDY OF NON-VOTING 273 [Back or BLANK] Kindly examine the following list of reasons why persons who are regis- tered do not vote or mark with a cross (X) those which you have found common in your precinct and with a double cross (X X) those which you have found most common. Please indicate any additional reasons that occur to you. Illness Absence Congestion at the polls General indifference Belief that one vote counts for nothing Belief that the candidates are equally good ——___Belief that the candidates are equally bad —___Neglect—intended to vote but failed _____Fear of loss of business or wages Objection to own party candidate and objection to vote for other party candidate —____No positive information about the candidates Additional reasons why people who are registered fail to vote If possible, please furnish a check-list showing the registered voters who did not vote last April. Kindly give below the names and addresses of at least ten adult citizens in your precinct who have not registered: (Signed) Committeeman ____ Ward ________ Precinct NON-VOTING 274 uorjery | Sgst 21001 S98T Aue y2T}S Para iene -SIZ01 SINT ‘SL PO | SoA | -yeq | ‘TL Apne] sex | sre9f gz] sueahg | sreakg | sivakg | svat g | ‘our g “Jax | °C fsaNyIsuy] HALe[D IS esst ‘Tudy onnesy “722118 | 9881 ae srreee ces sismrepy'M O68 [SSL°POLON [otto pt ot] sxead Tp] sxv0d [pH] stvVA g | suvatg | skep g | skep g |BIS1004) jaZ1004 ‘usny| -dv9q OST sqyuom % | ¢ggt ‘udy PENS ‘onueaAy | 8st TL8s1 hg | PENS O1181UQO LIS YYW 009% | “F “PO | SAX [°° °°" |'LG ABA] SOX | stv9A gg} suv9k y | suvakg | suvakg}| ‘our g |skep 0% -3u] ugor ‘aalTy| OeUKO 90S ssi ‘THdy PIS | L8sl ‘AUN Ses PINS ne EE oak OO OFS | *E “CO | SAX |‘1oLIedNg}*** ****]}"* "| srvad gg] SIvaA GZ] stBaA QI] SIBVAA ZY] ‘OULg |} ‘OUT g | -esseyT | pf ‘UIA, ‘SouTY OO OFS 4 n Q rg > peel ¢ BS pie ee |e oe = ela aauaisiony | 25 5 E Non-voting: 286 causes of, 25 ff.; methods of studying, 1 ff. See also Causes of non-voting; Non- voters; Reasons for not voting Objections of husband, a reason for not voting, 116-22 Occupations of non-voters, relation of, to reasons given for not voting, 48-50, 128, 150, 163, 178 Party experts on non-voting, 4-6, 63; questionnaires sent to, 271- 73, 279-80. See also Precinct committeemen People v. C. M. & St. P. R.R. Co., 87 n. Philadelphia, registration frauds in, 239 Physical difficulties, as causes of non-voting, 52 ff., 253 Polish non-voters, reasons for not voting given by, 41-43, 55-56, 90, 93, 97, 126-27, 176, 222-24 Polish precinct, non-voters in, 222- 24, 256 Polling places, poor location of, a cause of non-voting, 95-102 Precinct committeemen, on non- voting, 79, 124, 135, 194-95, 202- 7, 210-12, 217-18, 226-27 Precinct studies, 17-19, 202-31, 255-56 Primary election, February, 1923, viii Professional workers, reasons for not voting given by, 48-50, 70, 164, 181 Prohibition, attitude of non-voters toward, 124, 129-30 Publicity pamphlets, 237-38 Questionnaire forms used, 271-73 Ray, P. O., 234 n. Reasons for not registering, 38-39, 196. See also Reasons for not voting Reasons for not voting given by non- voters, 9-10, 32-51, 52 ff., 251— 55, 259-61; combinations of, 32- 35, 259-61; relation of: to age of non-voters, 39-43; to economic status of non-voters as shown by NON-VOTING rent, 46-48; nationality of non- voters, 39-43; to occupation of non-voters, 49-50; to registra- tion status of non-voters, 38-39; to sex of non-voters, 36-38; validity of, 13-17 Registered vote cast, proportion of, 174; in typical precincts, 209, 213-14, 217, 222, 227-28 Registration, official, use of, in foreign countries, 239-41 Registration system, in Chicago, vii—viii, 103, 153-54, 168; need of reform of, 238-41, 256 Religious objections to voting, 156 Rents paid by non-voters, relation of, to non-voting, 46-48, 56, 67, 118-19, 127, 186, 196 Republican party, in Chicago, 135 Residence of non-voters, relation of term of, to non-voting, 43-46, 90, 162-63, 165-66, 185-86, 191-93 Residence qualifications, lack of, a reason for not voting, 79-86 Russian non-voters, reasons for not voting given by, 41-43, 55-56, 65-66, 90, 97-98, 170, 198. See also Jewish non-voters Scandinavian non-voters, reasons for not voting given by, 41-43, 56-57, 65-66, 73, 89-91, 162, 220- 21. See also Swedish non-voters Scandinavian precinct, non-voters in, 220-21, 256 Schedule for interviewing non-voters, 264-65; revised form, 277-78 Schwartz, U.S., 159 n. School Board, attitude of non-voters toward, 124, 131 Shopkeepers, reasons for not voting given by, 48-50, 91-92 Short ballot, need of, 244, 257 Skilled workers, reasons for not voting given by, 48-50, 68-69 Slavic non-voters, 89, 113-14, 126—- 27, 161, 176, 199. See also Bohemian, Czech, Jugo-Slav, and Polish non-voters Slocum, R. W., 238 n. Socialists, reasons for not voting given by, 143, 147, 153, 157, 205 INDEX Stimulation of voting, 246-47 Stockyards district, non-voters in, 99-100, 120, 222-24, 227-98. See Irish and Polish districts Students, non-voting among, 180-81 Snedden, D., 245 n. Swedish non-voters, reasons for not voting given by, 41-43. See also Scandinavian non-voters Taxation system, hostile attitude of non-voters toward, 205 Telephone Company, Chicago, rent survey made by, 11 Thompson, William Hale, ex-mayor of Chicago, attitude of non-voters toward, 138-41, 203-7, 215 Timidity regarding elections, a rea- son for not voting, 183, 187-94, methods of treating, 235-38 287 Transport workers, reasons for not voting given by, 48-50, 68-69 Traveling salesman, reasons for not voting given by, 48-50, 68-70, 163-64 Unskilled workers, reasons for not voting given by, 48-50, 163 Voters, sample of, compared with non-voters, 12, 29-32 Voting facilities, inadequacy of, in Chicago, 95-102 Woman suffrage, in Chicago, ix, 110; in foreign countries, 121, 257 Woodlawn district, non-voters in, 94 Workingmen, reasons for not voting given by, 48-50, 98, 179-80. See also Laborers; Skilled work- ers; Unskilled workers PRINTED IN THE U.S.A. T 4 Te { Leg R be 4 ‘ Ves ay PAs, bi¥t ‘| ae yaya tytr '* i} Hi Oy, v -% , X ae i AS war 4} : ' \ hi 4 rf .f \ say 4 Ve i) rg i ‘ : ‘ ' ’ na | i - = ‘ : ui 2 f } St & ’ * r } . 4 i war. f ¥ u } . 4 AN t Sy ¢ } st = = (7) Cc tu = = = SSS ——>= ————————— —————————— —— oo =—=—=——== === —EEEEe Il | |