THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY From the collection of James Collins, ^ Drumccndra, Ireland. Purchased, 1918. 333 L!28?5 D CHARLES EASON~& SON " Lak W. H. SMITH & SON’S SUBSCRIPTION LIBRARY, DUBLIN AND. BELFAST. Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2016 https://archive.org/details/lettersfromdonegOOsinc LETTERS FROM DONEGAL IN 1886 . \ c i LETTERS FROM DONEGAL IN 1886 . By a Lady “FELON.” EDITED BY COLONEL MAURICE, Professor of Military History, Royal Staff College. THIRD EDITION. ^onboit ; MACMILLAN AND CO. AND NEW YORK. 1886 . Richard Clay & Sons, BREAD STREET HILL, LONDON, Bungay, Suffolk. i N y eft (ft 333 - PREFACE. In putting forth these letters at the present moment there is one subject on which I have to offer an apology, viz., the prominence which I am obliged to give to my own name. That is simply due to the reign of lawless- ness which is already set up within a portion of these realms. It is impossible to allow an Irish or Anglo- Irish lady to be subjected to what' must follow the pub- lication, with her name, of such letters as these. She herself would face any risk ; but, apart from the or- ganised terrorism established in Ireland, no Englishman could allow a lady to be exposed to the “ virulent abuse and misrepresentation ” which, as Mr. Chamberlain has most truly said, is the “ habit of controversy ” of those with whom she is at issue. But, on that very account, some one must pledge their name to the genuineness of these letters ; otherwise “ misrepresentation ” would at once assume them to be fictions. I can therefore, on being asked to do so, have no hesitation in pledging my name to the genuineness of the letters, and to the accuracy of the account which I have given in the 40 Ot) 4 VI PREFACE. Introduction of the mode in which they were written — as private letters never intended to see the light. The lady in her letters habitually speaks of herself as belonging to the class which Mr. Parnell never speaks of except as the “ felon” landlords, just as his sweet-mouthed friends speak of The Times , in consequence of its yeoman service in this matter, as the “ miscreant paper.” The title of Lady “ Felon” was chosen, partly because these Parnellite epithets are fast becoming titles of honour, and partly because the contrast between herself, as portrayed in the letters, and the accusation may, better than any argument, help to show the kind of weapons in which these gentlemen deal. They are using these very weapons against Mr. Howard Vincent and Lord Carnarvon. J. F. Maurice. June 1 6 th, 1886 . “Yes ! Eepeal the Union ! and you shall then see that majestic spirit, the spirit of 1782, the spirit of the Protestant North, that has been lying, not asleep but in watchful repose, confiding in the justice and protection of England — you shall see it arise in conscious strength, to defend itself with its own native and sufficient energies, from that vile, debasing domination which would be begotten from the foul union of religious hatred and perverse ambition.” — Sir Eobert Peel, House of Commons, April 25 tk, 1834. LETTEBS FEOM DONEGAL IN 1886. INTRODUCTION. A lady in Donegal has been, for some years past, in the habit of confidential correspondence with a near relation, an English lady. The letters have portrayed in a graphic manner her daily life. Life in Ireland having lately become a matter of absorbing interest to most of us in England, the recipient of these letters allowed me and a few others to see some extracts from them. We agree in believing that the facts contained in them ought, as soon as possible, to reach the electorate which is about to determine the fate of Ireland. On whatever points we differ, on one point all Englishmen ought, I think, to be agreed; that so tremend- ous an issue as now lies before the country ought to be determined on the fullest knowledge that can be obtained. If I mistake not, there is a graphic force in the very simplicity and naivete with which these letters are written, which will make them understood better than more elaborate statements. There are few points as to the actual condition of Ireland at this moment on which they do not throw some light. That no letter was written for any eye but that of the confidential friend to whom they are addressed, and that therefore the writer paints herself, her own anxieties, her fears, hopes and doings, as well as all that is going on round her in a way that under no other circumstances would have been possible, is what gives the letters their special value. 2 OCCUPATIONS OF A “ FELON; The constitutional and legal questions involved in the proposed changes have been perhaps more perfectly threshed out than has been the case in any former discussion. What yet remains is to know how the approach of possible Home Rule is affecting the daily life of all classes, and what coming events are thus foreshadowed. If such knowledge ought to be before every man who votes, I do not know where he can get it better than in these letters. For the lady, though she belongs to the class which, as she says, Englishmen are taught to regard as “felons,” to the class of Wellington and Burke and Wolseley and Magee ; those whom Mr. Stansfeld says that it is the great disgrace of England to have produced, whose love for Ireland leads them to love and not to hate the land of Shakespeare and of Milton — is yet throughout absorbed with thoughts and care and reports, not about her own class and its interests, but about all other classes, and especially about those whose miseries the Devon Commission described — the cotters, the labourers, the sub-tenants of the tenant farmers. It has seemed better in these hurrying hours before the great issue is decided, not to publish any of the letters that were sent prior to the end of last year. It is of circumstances as they are now that it is important to know the truth ; but the omission of all earlier correspondence has this disadvantage, that the lady is not as well known already to those who read her letters in print as she was to those even who only knew her through the earlier correspondence. Her letters, now before me, which passed during the quieter times, are simply full of details of work done for the assist- ance of her poor neighbours, reported not in the least as a record of her own work, but partly for business purposes, partly because of the interest of her correspondent in the several people concerned, and partly for practical advice and help. Almost up to the moment when these records begin, her relations with her neighbours have known no distinction of Protestant or Roman Catholic. Incidentally she gives not LOCAL GOVERNMENT. 3 a few graphic incidents of the practical difficulties of local government in Ireland under the existing conditions. On every occasion the guardians elected under a very low suffrage act under the feeling that their one duty is to prevent “ their own or their fellows’ money from being spent for the good of others. If, however, the spending of public money would benefit their family they break out in wildest extravagance. These people vote and push and intrigue every man for a road to his particular door at the general expense.” She has con- tinual difficulty in preventing specious schemes, which are in fact ruining the neighbourhood by destroying alike all pros- pect of steady trade and pauperising the people, because the English people, who could help wisely, act on sentiment, without realising what they are doing — potato schemes, for instance, that tempt the people to stay where they are starving, and only benefit the small shopkeepers, who are tempted to keep “the prevailing dead level of impotent, penniless indebted misery ” from being relieved by needful emigration, lest they should lose some of their debtors. She has to face a steady system of Land-League intrigue designed to keep the people in their misery by false reports spread among them, in order that the materials for agitation may be kept up. As a specimen, when she has the clothes half made for a family to go out all together the Land League give a ticket to the bread-winner and send him off, which, under the Government rules, effectively stops all the rest. One gets from her letters a pretty clear idea how far it is true that “ resolute government ” is the thing that has been tried and has failed in Ireland. She gets no adequate information from the Government as to the emigration rules they have made, and is referred to London for them and all other facts, though information is afforded to tenants how to go to law at every post-office, police-barrack, and public place. So that at the moment when the form of government “ resolution ” is supposed to be that of doing all they can to assist emigration, while the emigrants are hopelessly waiting for their tickets, b 2 4 HAS RESOLUTE GOVERNMENT BEEN TRIED? the hiring month in America is dying out. Fine able girls of good character are, as she reports, “ sitting here idle. Friends inviting them out there, but not able to send tickets and outfit as well as the help they are already sending which has to be used to keep off the wolf. ,, One thinks that here at least “ resolute government ” has another side besides that of “ coercive legislation.” Her more serious efforts and letters are occasionally interrupted by having “ to carry wedding- cake, with the children’s help, to a cottage a mile off, having to be back in time to give a music lesson to a humble friend ” or to watch over a rheumatic patient. Pauperising charity of course produces the ordinary fruits which all the best friends of the poor have for years preached that it does. “ A pier being built cannot get on for want of labourers, though the overseer offered to send a boat for men round the bay — wages ten shillings a week. 6,000Z. of charity has been spent over this region.” The people become regular acting beggars ; so that when tourists come round they put on the fire, as if for the family meal, the seaweed, which they give to the pigs, and never dream of eating. Steadily all who accept Government aid are persecuted by the League, and, as she expresses it, “ the hysterical Govern- ment 99 gives in on every occasion. At last after all her efforts, in order to teach the slaves of the League that they cannot disobey with impunity, by a cleverly- worked intrigue, some emigrants who have been sent out are refused landing in America, and she trembles lest hers may have been turned back. “It is odd how people think this a free country. I never saw the feeling so visible before of conscious power on the wrong side.” As she has written this, there comes “a woman whose niece was one of the emigrants ‘ Had I heard any- thing ? She had heard read terrible things. But she was sure my ladyship would not have had anything to do with it if her niece would be so knocked about.’ Her ladyship feels pleasant.” One thinks “ resolute government ” might have RESOLUTE GOVERNMENT. 5 ascertained beforehand under what conditions America would receive emigrants, and not have allowed a scheme into which earnest philanthropy had thrown itself to be wrecked for want of such knowledge. However, in the end it turns out that though, from want of this knowledge, some of the emigrants sent out have been turned back, her proteges better provided and originally sent to friends have safely reached their new homes. But, alas, thanks to the fact that all the resolution is on the side of the League and all the irresolution on the side of Government, few of the people will go, and most say “ they think the Government have forgotten them.” Another specimen of how “ resolute government” was tried during this time just before the pale shadow of the coming cloud began to lour. The Orange meetings in her locality are duly stopped on July 12th but the National leaguers “who come with undeniably worse motives are allowed, being the strongest. I can understand allowing all or allowing none, but these third courses are always difficult to primitive digestions.” As we get nearer to the present time the plot steadily thickens. “ I daresay I have said to you how evidently the population now believe themselves stronger than Eng- land, and talk more openly and naturally, without regard to morals as represented by law ; and the children being trained on the same lines will be a terrible generation. u A decent Roman Catholic confided to me the growing” contempt for authority stealing even into family life. I observed why could they not be prevented from having dangerous literature of this tendency as well as from Pro- testant literature (which they are never allowed to touch). The man said he had said the same to the priest, who replied : 4 He had to say so many disagreeable things to them to get his own money, he could not go out of his way to do more/ ” The “resoluteness” of government and its fairness at this time are illustrated by a copy of Davitt’s speech made under the protection of the Government in a town where, as she 6 HOW BELFAST BIOTS WEBE PBEPABED. says, “bear in memory the other side are not allowed to march and speechify in or through the town. So Davitt, to make things fair, is directed to hold his meeting half a mile out of town. The town being a small village makes the distinction between town and country still more subtle. The market-place would noti have held them. They were simply in the nearest convenient place of audience.” Strange as it may seem, she notes that the “primitive digestions” of the hard-fisted Orangemen around her are beginning to nauseate under this sort of treatment, and curiously enough not a few of their Eoman Catholic neigh- bours are disposed to resent the weakness with which the English Government, in and out of Parliament, have yielded to mere bullying from Land League and Catholic Bishop. This finds expression as follows in a case in which the locally elected guardians had been thus bullied by the Irish Secretary of State, under the influence of the Land League, though the guardians absolutely represented the local views in a purely local matter — a question of a certain catechist. “ At the election of guardians in March this year the Land-Leaguers were beaten to my great surprise. J. T. was made vice-chairman, vice another who had voted for catechist. We thought they would have kept on the old bed-ridden chairman — in which case “vice” would have been practically chairman ; but the old gentleman resigned, and an Orangeman was elected ! It is a curious movement altogether ; Homan Catholics in the town of Donegal voted for the Protestants, one of them had told me (it may be true), and that he and others mean to, because they being so persecuted out of free action they wish to show that they would not stand it any longer.” These illustrations of the kind of thing that has passed for “ resolute government ” hitherto in Ireland are taken chiefly from 1883, and will serve as some introduction to the letters of the current time. The people are now beginning to look forward to Home Hule as a possible event, and this is how it affects them. A ZEALOUS NATIONALIST. 7 LETTER I. Dec. 19, 1885. — Why the Grocer shouts with the League. — Our M.P. — A resource for the plucked of Maynooth. — A paying trade. — A free country. Dec. 19, 1885. — Every day I am crushed by meeting with little incidents that I know my own English friends could not conceive, and yet though trifles they are the straws that show how the wind blows. For instance, in a certain shop the owner has been looking very ill. His wife tells me he is nearly off his head because he feels he is forced to take up a dishonourable position. Later the man said plainly, “ Yes, you will judge me by your- self, and I forfeit your respect. Don’t tell it me for I know it. But I have four thousand pounds out in the country in small debts. If I join the League loudly I can get it in with little expense. If not I doubt at this stage if I’ll see half the money.” “ Why not fight it out ? ” “ Yes ! and have my children curse me for the way they’ll be persecuted, and my wife frightened out of her life. No ! I think Home Rule is coming, and I want to clear out before that. I’ll take the quickest way I can, the moment I see what Parliament will do. Our M.P. is the son of a grocer in a small way in a back street in the town of Ballyshannon. (Nothing takes visitors so much aback on coming to Ireland as to see the size of the towns that are put in big letters on maps.) Now genius may be found in such places I am sure, but this M.P. was intended for the priesthood, and failing at Maynooth, by dint of coarse and violent speeches got into Parnell’s new Civil Service with a rising salary beginning at 300L a year, and election expenses paid for him. It is quite exceptional if any of them 8 A FINE TRADE. are better than he. I fancy John Dillon, MacCarthy, and Parnell are much the best of the lot, but it is a “ paying spe- culation ” with all of them, except, I think, Davitt. The majority of them do not pretend to any merit greater than unquestioning obedience. The priests were first frightened into joining the League, and some items were added to the programme for their reward. The anti-emigration clauses and other efforts to increase population are part of their price. A few years ago an intelligent R.C. in our employment mentioned casually that this chapel “ lifts ” about fifteen hundred per annum. I suppose the rent (to landlords) paid by the congregation would be about five or six thousand per annum. As I have no Christmas tree this year I am making tea and cake for a hundred and fifty of the male tenants, and asking the late unsuccessful Loyalist candidate to dine and sleep, and thank them for their work for him. It is a sad thing not to be able to ask Roman Catholics, because it would place them in a difficulty. Some I know intimately sent to me by a Protestant neighbour to let them have the Loyalist election address in envelopes — and one added, not those grey envelopes (I commonly use), which are more noticeable here. The English of this being they dare not stop to read it at any public place where it was posted! “ marked men,” that is, moderate men, being tremendously watched. As far as my experience goes about one man in twenty are real Parnellites. The others just follow from very various motives. What I call the real Parnellites have generally some American corre- spondent who fires them. One I know of is quite convinced by United Ireland , which some one sends him regularly. But on the whole they have no idea beyond a wild hope of plenty of money and nothing to do. My cancer patient lingers, and yesterday another — a de- formed girl — died after much suffering. THE TRUE INDEPENDENT MEN. 9 LETTER II. An Orange tea-party. — Specimens of Democracy. — The singing of “No Surrender. ” — Its melancholy a surprise. Dec . 30, 1885. — Our weather has turned out very vicious and changeable, so that I have had to take care of myself, and I think I did not write to you since the tea and entertain- ment business. It was altogething refreshing. I confess to having quite a British dread of what china may be broken in any Orangeman’s zeal. I was grieved at not being able to have any Roman Catholics for fear they might “ receive offence,” and get abused for coming. Our unsuccess- ful candidate’s genuine horror at finding I had had this dread reassured me, and from first to last not an uncivil word was said of anybody. Only “ Barney Kelly,” our member’s name, was received with hearty real and infectious laughter that lasted a minute. I am greatly struck by the good specimens of democracy my friends are. The host who tried to blarney or patronise them would soon feel very small. But their inborn good manners are a study. The majority had never been in a house like this. (My Christmas parties are always of the lowest orders, Roman Catholics chiefly). But quite naturally those who knew us well made themselves stewards, and a hundred and forty took tea and cake in relays of about fifteen in a small room, without the least hitch or difficulty. As they finished tea they moved into the drawing-room, and presently sent an ambassador to know might they sing while they were waiting. A few had brought books in their pockets ; and very agreeable if not perfect music began to fill the house. In the drawing-room was this singing. In the school-room great chaff and merriment at tea. The land steward received them at the back door, and they waited their turn at the servants’ hall which is close to that door. 10 . A SAD DETERMINATION. Amongst many surprises to me was a song they sung. The general tone so plaintive I went nearer to hear what it was, and found it was 44 No Surrender,” which I had imagined would have been a very different melody. But I perceive now the drift of the ditty is that a maiden, assailed by disre- putable men, counts on her brothers and their friends to protect her, and they accept the task with a certain sad determination that is very striking. The maiden seemed so real to them, one might easily not have known it meant Derry City. Our purity as a nation was very visible through- out, perhaps most in a certain modesty in the singing. There were about twenty Orangemen in the lot, and their enthusiasm for their county grandmaster must have been gratifying to him. He showed us a sample of the way they manage their affairs, badly written by some small farmer — a note as follows : “ Dear sir and brother. We have settled to have a soiree here to-morrow. You will come if you can and take the chair. I do hope you are not over fatigued with all recent work. Yours obediently — Blank.” The soiree was many miles off, but he had duly taken the chair the night before he came to us. Our friend spoke with a clear gentle- manly pronunciation for over two hours without a halt — on liberty and its obligations. At one moment he was so pious all the Methodists began to groan and show signs of fearful contrition, I was afraid we were going to have a revival — but it passed off in a moment. Of course we had all on our best clothes to do the guests honour who had done likewise. They all shook hands with the missus as they passed out, and generally made some such little speech as one expects of gentlemen. We contemplate trying to stir up each parish to do likewise, so kept within narrow bounds. But when it is fine enough weather I daresay we shall do something bigger out of doors ourselves. W. E. FORSTER. “ MERIKY-MEN . 5 11 LETTER III. W. E. Forster. Jan . 7, 1886. — I have been utterly discouraged by the illness of W. E. Forster. I suppose tbis may seem odd, but for the man himself we have a respectful and grateful feeling that I suppose should not be called affection, as we know him not in the flesh, but it certainly makes him very important to our happiness ; and every man in his too uncommon position — a trusty truthful person who knows England and Ireland — is of gigantic importance to our future prospects ; just now I confess I have many near relations whom I could easier spare, . . . From what little I do know of the history of Austro- Hungary I fail to see the likeness to the Irish present position — except that a Deak may arise from among my dear Northern Democrats ; — I do not think they have been heard yet. LETTER IY Meriky-Men and their rewards. Local arrangements are being made for distributing anew the various houses of the neighbourhood as soon as Home Rule is granted, and she writes : — Jan. 10, 1886. — I am amused to learn that there is not such a demand for this house as for some of our humbler neigh- bour abodes. It is thought best to hold it over for some of the “ Meriky men ” who have served the Cause. You are, I suppose, aware all is being arranged for redistribution. A 12 LOCAL MANAGEMENT NOW ELECTIVE. Meriky man ” means one who has made money in America. However, an old gentleman near here is reported to say : * 6 He would do rightly in it, that Mr. K.’s room is no way grand, and very convanient.” LETTER Y. Lord Cowper’s knowledge of the country he governed. — Is Home Rule or more knowledge the remedy for the like ? — Local Government in Ireland as it is now. Jan. 18, 1886. — I am curious to know what you understand by Lord Cowper’s letter in the Times of January 6. We were astounded by the paragraph beginning : “ In Ireland all local matters are really managed through the instrumentality of the resident magistrate,” for it seems to us it must convey to outsiders that these Government-appointed magistrates rule Ireland as India is ruled. To contradict a man who has been Lord-Lieutenant is a delicate business. But if he conveys to others this impression we must do something in the way of getting him to explain. A resident magistrate — or in plain English, paid magistrate — has no more to do with the fiscal part of an ordinary magistrate’s business than you have. There are two in large counties like this, and they sit with or without other magis- trates at Petty Sessions, and show themselves at any gathering where a J.P. may be needed. I suppose being Government officers the Castle would be more likely to apply to them than to another for local in- formation required ; in fact it is their business to report on the state of the country. But they have absolutely no influence nor interest in local affairs beyond sitting on the Petty Sessions bench, and in some cases they cannot there act without a quorum of other J.P.s. This is chiefly important because I believe local affairs are THE ONE CHECK ON JOBS. 13 in fact more instead of less locally managed here than in England. For instance, all who pay taxes for roads can make themselves felt in Ireland, and it is just this that makes a friction. The ex-officios go for laying out most on the great — I may say — arterial roads. The peasants appointed by the grand jury, who vote with them on those questions, invariably go for a better lane to their own particular doors or to their friends’ doors, and I think they honestly believe there exists no higher duty. The “ Road-Sessions ” meets twice a year in each barony, of which there are six in County Donegal. At these meetings applications are put in for roads, contracts, &c., and those ap- proved there go to the grand jury for confirmation as a check on local jobbery. It is a common practice for local tradesmen to try to get contracts on so as to secure the money earned for themselves ; the local Land League chief, who keeps a small shop, makes it his business to be present in order to ascertain what security these contracts give to him — that is, how much he may advance to certain customers. The ex officio members at these Road-Sessions and the grand jury are of course a dis- agreeable check. In fact they are the same persons whose duties are somewhat taken on the Bench by the paid magis- trates, because a clamour was raised against their justice. This clamour was met formerly by sending “ officials ” (such as paid magistrates), and in emigration business it was dis- covered that paid (that is official) independent poor-law guardians had to supersede the local ones ; but this was tem- porary, and while stray Englishmen working in Ireland saw and told how the local elected did his duty. The clamour is now likely to be met by throwing all into the clamouring mouths. It would not surprise us if Lord Cowper did not know details of local government, for we have constantly seen the like in English officials. Hence, indeed, any part of the cry for Home Rule that is not mere greed fed by extravagant expectations ; but we Loyalists reply that the remedy is for Englishmen to learn. 14 WHY IRELAND IS POOR. I see Sir James Caird says that an argument against peasant-proprietary is that it would turn an average five- hundred in each county — of the landlord class — out of Ireland. I can’t see why I should leave Ireland because I have no longer rent-wars ; and moreover I never saw any county in Ireland that had five hundred resident landlords. I suppose including towns and “ sisters and cousins and aunts ” brings up this average, but it is misleading ; the difficulty being there are too few to do their business well in rural districts. In South Donegal (a quarter of county Donegal) there are actually only a dozen residences of land- lords, and these not always occupied. To increase the number of magistrates and to please P.C.s a very low qualification is now required for J.P. So there again comes in a more “ popular ” element than the J.P. conveys to English ears. Such new magistrates are ex-officio in road- session business as well as the old ones. Only at the assizes they are generally out in the cold, for there are always enough without them, and they have scarcely the qualifica- tions to get on the grand juries ; hence, “ ‘ grand juries ’ must be abolished. : ” Yerily the other side have an advantage in having nothing to do but agitate. We poor idiots that ordinarily spend our time in other ways are no match for their trained and intelli- gent leisure, and when we are shaken to the roots our every- day affairs suffer. Conceive your general election lasting for ever, and you can perceive why the Irish populace do not make their fortunes in ordinary daily life, as that is their normal condition. Jan. 18, 1886. — On Saturday last C. showed Lord Cowper’s letter to a resident magistrate, who read it several times and said candidly he could have believed no one, had he not seen it for himself. He was a Castle official in Lord Cowper’s time, and is greatly bewildered. It is so directly misleading. A “CHARLEY” SERMON. 15 LETTER, YI. The real lack of Union. — A “ charity” sermon. Jan. 23, 1886. — I know how sadly true it is that no real Union (between England and Ireland) exists — there's the rub. Our faces are always turning towards England. Every business, and pleasure, and education, and, in short, necessity, takes us there ; but this is not mutual. We are met with dislike more or less disguised— from different motives — from a sense of duty we are entertained (on -cold shoulder). I feel convinced Gladstone knows this by his powerful instinct, and his theory that “ everybody ” must be right will lead him to crush us nobodies unless we can show strength — numerical strength, of course — as quality is not valued. I believe in Ireland the proportion of worthy to unworthy is really large ; but the worthy know not how to express themselves, the others make all the running. They have nothing else to do that pays so well. I send you an announcement of a charity sermon to raise money to pay for a school house which has been built to cut out a landlord's school near. Though there is a Roman Catholic teacher in the landlord's school, he is not a subser- vient man, and had to be — in short — boycotted. You know salary depends on attendance, so it is easy to snuff him out. LETTER VII. Jan. 30, 1886. — “No money spent” on a movement which depends for power on a huge bribe and on intimidation. — Who are the noble men ? Those who have resisted tempting bribes or ? — On which side does conscience lie ? — Resolute government again. — The wise and foolish mother. — Landlords. —A bit of family history. — Can a land- lord rightly desert those he is bound to ? — A mother’s duty. Jan. 30, 1886 — Parnell says, “ Upon the present movement not a penny has been spent " — as to not giving money the 16 FREE IRELAND AND HER MASTER ! ! managers (of the Parnellite movement) give the required bribe out of landlords’ rents, and enormous outdoor relief, and I inclose you a cutting as to their law and order : — Intimidation in the South. To the Editor of the Daily Express. Sir — In reply to a circular emanating from the registered vestrymen of this parish calling upon the vestries of the Church of Ireland to declare their views on the subject of any form of Home Rule, and to take such steps as they may deem necessary for the protection of the loyal minority, the rector of an important parish in a southern county writes — “ No respectable farmer, tradesman, or shopkeeper hereabouts dare attend a meeting got up for such a purpose.’ 7 This statement speaks for itself. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, Lewis Richards. The Rectory, Dungannon, Co. Tyrone, Jan . 22, 1886. Of course where authority is established, outrages are no longer needful. The law of the League is perfectly established in every part of Ireland where it had any chance, and over every individual that will ever willingly succumb to it. The only thing that would increase its power now would be crowning Parnell with the authority of Parliament ; then of course the poorest of the Loyalists who are now living on vestiges of hope must all give in. The men who have resisted all bribes up to this are really fine fellows — the temptation is immense, and nothing but conscience on their side. For as a matter of fact landlords do not say, “ Behave, and you will get fifty per cent.” I am sure no one of any ology living here could doubt that the League’s demand for reduction (of rent) and their giving out of public money where they have control of it, is used as bribery most barefacedly. We ourselves would willingly give up nearly everything to escape — THE ACTUAL LANDLORD AND THE PAINTED. 17 not heroically, but “ for a quiet life ” — but our position is that it would hasten ruin to the country. Just as well let a wilful child have its own way — a happy profitable citizen it would be by and bye ; it would be at present very little trouble to quiet it with giving in and sweeties, but as to its future ? Our neighbours are just children — not savages as some think — but children. Landlords are often cross, worried, and stupid, but I never myself knew one of the type Parnellites quote as normal ; I fancy there are some who serve him as models, chiefly attorneys or other speculators in land, but as a matter of fact even their behaviour (as far as any cases go that I have ever inquired into) would be perfectly within their “ right ” but not expedient ; and no one hates them like the ordinary careless parent type of Irish landlords. It is not “nice” to talk of oneself, but it brings things plainer to the eye than generalizing. It struck me as private memoirs throw so much light on contemporary history, to study one’s family records with that view would not be waste of time. And thus I perceived that few people pay as dear for their possessions as we who are to sell them at prairie value. I have seen this often, and my ancestors are quite a fair illustration. When to go to Ireland was worse than to go to New British Burmah would be to-day, H. K. and seven others went to Ulster, fought at fearful odds, and received as pay hostile territory of about the comparative value of the cash that would be given an officer now who did likewise ; but in this transaction there was no cash supplied, except by that officer on the graft t he got. H. K. had to keep for one grant eight soldiers — for another twelve soldiers — those soldiers were poor men from England who followed his fortunes. The descendants on both sides know this from old tradition. I remember well my father having delicate difficulties with a half doatingold man who always said his forefathers held to giving back their possessions to the K.’s when their direct heirs failed. He used to tell us children that H. K. nearly lost his life saving this retainer’s ancestor. Well ! it may be un 18 THE JOBS OF ELECTIVE UNIONS. reasonable, but it is bred in my bone. I feel that to leave the descendants of those Englishmen to the mercies of the “mere Irish” is what I can never do. If I cannot help them I can share their fate. This feeling is alive in many a prosaic looking landlord. Living in an enemy’s country keeps it alive — like a persecuted religion. No one knows of it better than Parnell. If he could sow dissension between us it would be triumph. I fancy our ancestors must have lived through as bad times, and that if we are patient and plucky we have a surer footing perhaps than many a man in England now who has never known the adverse tide. I may most truly say that even in this darkest hour the great object of every effort for my children is that Ireland will want them, and they must be trained for it my very best ; and I am quite sure such is the feeling of average landlords, of whom Parnell’s M.P.s naturally know only as much as shopmen generally know of their customers. I notice Parnell says the reason there are not more Protestants among his members is that they would not have time to spare. Comic admission from him ! The auditor being at the Donegal Workhouse lately told them there that their position of some hundreds pounds to credit at bank is exceptional in Ireland. Heavy debts are on all the “popular” unions. Take notice that there is already the power — wherever there is the will — to have this taxing body purely popular, and from the result I venture to prophesy that the man who can sell to his tenants now, and hold on quietly in his demesne , will be able to speculate on their early bankruptcy with tolerable security ! But this prospect I do not find cheering. The result of the charity sermon last week was two hundred and thirty pounds 1 And a few days previously an old woman died whose family I knew well, and eleven pounds fifteen was the amount of “offerings” at her wake. As this sort of thing goes on continually it is no wonder that it eats into provision for a rainy or rent day. NORTHERN WORKING MEN. 19 I have been thinking that, though you must know, you perhaps don’t realise how antagonistic Romanism is to the laws of Pro- testantism. I remember getting into disgrace with a faithful and trusty Roman Catholic cook because in correcting a girl who came in to scrub, &c., I said, “In stealing those oranges you did me little harm, but surely you will feel sorry for yourself when you have to confess it.” My cook enlightened me : such thefts are not sin, therefore I should have only con- fined myself to my opinion, which the cook explained they submit to, though they know it to be mistaken. LETTER VIII. Feb. 6, 1886. — The loyalist Democracy and English working men. What cuts our Democracy (Loyalist) here sorest of all is working men’s M.P.s going against them who are “their own kind,” and for the foreign and idle element which agitators represent. Our people cannot conceive why Englishmen think it a landlord question. You can fancy how hard it is to grasp when we here know there were not a dozen gentlemen among the 1,369 who voted against Parnell in S. Donegal. I should not wonder if they got up some sort of address to working men in England. It has given such heart to see Mr. Hughes thanking the Irish deputation at Chester. I wish he could persuade Mr. Arch — or any other working man — to come here and see for himself. He would get a welcome that would astonish him. I don’t mean for him to come to a landlord’s house, but a hundred farm-houses would make him an honoured guest. It ougjit not to be done with a flourish of trumpets ; but let a man come quietly, and keep his eyes open. When they come 20 WHO ENSLAVES IRELAND NOW ? as interviewers everybody poses, and the pot of seaweed is put on at once. I enclose a cutting from a newspaper about Gweedore, as I expect they will be appealing for charity. 1 LETTER IX. Peasant farmers of the North and their views. — A carpenter. — Pear of spies prevents their writing letters for working men in England. — League Raffles. A poor man was with me last night “ after dark ; ” a sturdy middle-aged person who made some money in America, and is the reverse of sentimental or even Conservative. He came to tell us of the despair that is seizing his helpless neighbours : in his own words — “ I see men who have no courage to put on their decent clothes nor leave their own door, Sunday or Monday. Some say the Lord is coming, some say it’s the DeviPs reign and nothing is no use.” This man said farther — -“I don’t believe parsons did much according to their pay, nor yet the landlords ; but what have we done or left undone to deserve to be handed over to a mob ? ” In truth they are honest, energetic, and faithful, poor men ; they all hold such small farms as it is proposed to create in England ; rent from 5s. a year upwards ; our largest tenant pays 151., and we have very few who pay the half of it. These men know not how to cope with their enemies ; they look to England and hardly know how to make their fellows hear them. A carpenter told me the same. I said if they would put their heads together and write letters I would try to get them brought to the notice of English workmen. They con- sulted and agreed the risk is too great as spies are everywhere, and now that “ these chaps will be our masters we dare not risk revenge which will be in their power.” I heard to-day of a small farm for sale, i.e. the tenant- right of it (they give twenty seven to thirty years’ purchase 1 For this extract see Postscript. A PROMISE OF FUTURE FREEDOM ! ! 21 for tenant-right on this estate). A man in America wrote to his brother, who is already a tenant, to buy it for him. He settled it with the owner (tenant, I mean), but when about to pay down the money got orders “no Englisher” is to be allowed to have farms in the future. As this was a friendly hint — he has left it alone. I asked the man who told me this, Would he be glad to become the proprietor (fee simple) of his present farm % He answered bitterly, “It’s bought over my head for 2 s. 6d. Why would /give anything for it^ I gave all my savings for the tenant-right. All the good paying more would do me would be to give me more taxes, to pay, even if the League would allow me to keep it after another man of their own winning it in the raffle.” For a long time I did not believe the raffles were real. They certainly do take ])lace. The excuse my informant gave was “ Och ! it’s only fun l 7 ’ But the more crafty try to hide or deny it. LETTER X. S. Donegal. Landlords in Ireland. — Tlieir numbers. — A land of small allotments. — How do they answer here ? — Suspense. — The period of “inquiry.” Feb. 18, 1886. — I walk every day somewhere to instil a little hope, and it quite keeps me alive and well, though it may be little good to anybody else. No erroneous announcement has ever made me feel so cynical as Sir J. Caird talking of the civilising influences of 500 resident landlords in each Irish county ! He meant it kindly, and it shows such total misconception of the case : — Peradventure if there were ten in the city it might be saved. 22 AN UNKNOWN LAND. There are not and never have been sufficient quantity (let alone quality) to perform what every squire does easily in England. Then as to money : just the sums that would support clubs, reading-rooms, libraries, &c., in England all go to the priest here : he, for obvious reasons, discourages all such institutions — and the money given to him is seen no more. I believe even that small current of ready money is a factor in the Protestant prosperity which is so difficult to explain — for the Protestants have decidedly no “ protection ” to account for it now-a-days : but they spend this little surplus in “ tidying up,” and they take advantage of Queen’s Colleges, &c., more than Poman Catholics are allowed to do. Perhaps they are too scattered and too domestic to take to any kind of “club” machinery. It strikes me as odd that the Chamberlain group try to establish small “allotments” in England, and never come to look at Ireland where the system prevails. It has certainly kept the population from forming towns in Ireland, but then was ever a country so constantly regarded as mendicant ] Once in a way you have “ cotton famine” or “ depression ” (as now) in England ; it is our normal condition — according to some people. Is their tale true ? I can’t tell ; but surely it would be worth inquiry. You see we have here very small proportion of town population, in the country very few houses without a little bit of land. We have always thought these little bits the very nurses of pauperism — just because the people stick to them naked and starved. It is very common here for a farmer to be paid by his “ cottier ” by two, three, or four days work, no money passing between them. I fancy Jesse Collings has never seen the result , for if in England the labourer is worse off under the opposite system — I am a Dutchman. The untutored savage within me wonders “ would any of our critics come and change places with us for a while?” We are in a very damaging condition of suspense here. PROTESTANT” = INDEPENDENT VOTER. 23 Honest men have hardly courage to plough lest the roughs reap ! I had hoped Mr. Gladstone’s new attitude of 44 enquiry ” would reassure, but I find nobody believes his word on any subject , of any party over here. A few loyal followers pretend they do, but quite evidently hesitate ! I feel however, personally, that however bad the delay, it is preparing us all for the worse if the future should bring no amendment. She repeatedly insists, in her letters, on a point which needs to be attended to if the true bearing of coming events in the north of Ireland is to be understood, viz. that in the north of Ireland the word “ Protestant is not used exclusively in our sense of the word by the mass of the people. It is not taken only (or solely 1) to distinguish a certain foim of religion from that of the Church of Pome. It signifies also any one who 44 protests 5; against the current view, on the ground of con- science, on any subject, nctably how any one. even a Roman Catholic priest, who resists the League is called a 44 protestant.” Thus, 44 By the way there is one great piece of news. In succession to the old priest in a parish ten miles off they have got a 4 protestant priest ’ ! This everybody tells everybody and please notice the expression as it confirms my contention that to protest makes a 4 protestant ’ even of a priest ! ” 44 He announced on his first Sunday 4 he would not countenance the Land League ’ ! ! I believe consternation fell on rising youngsters working up for new civil service as Parnellite M.P.s,” Apropos to the common assertion that, while very few loyalist voters were illiterate, the priests insisted upon any of their flock, of whom they were uncertain, declaring himself illiterate in order that they might mark his papeis as they pleased she writes : — 24 THE FREE AND INDEPENDENT AGAIN. LETTER XI. The power of the Priests. — The ruin entailed hy the loose ideas as to con- tract instilled by recent messages of peace. — Priests. — Whisky. — Rain as factors of Irish problem. March 9, 1886. — I believe the more ignorant among the Roman Catholics would have obeyed the priests without special precautions. No other reason ever occurs to the lower class of Irish Romanists than “ the priest told us.” This is a power for good as well as for bad. I am sure I told you years ago I came home from abroad and found everybody “ teetotalling.” “Why?” I asked, “have lectures been given? ” “Augh naw ! the Bishop preached one sermont, and min- tioned he was going round ordering it to be done, so 1,500 took the pledge in this parish. He sed they were doing it everywhere.” I never had a Roman Catholic servant who knew why they fasted, and in ordering dinner, if cook had not been to chapel, she always asked some one who had, “What days are we to fast this week?” simply depending on what the priest said. J don’t believe the lower orders dream of questioning his authority on any such small matter as “ how to vote.” Per contra , I think employers might easily control some votes, but it is perfectly well known here they are milder, and so more safe to risk offending than the priests and Co. I cannot fathom the ignorance about Ireland that has existed through eighty years of nominal “union” and dis- putings ! The few facts undoubtedly known seem to teach no lessons; for instance, I could “guess and calculate” certain results as almost inevitable from j^riests, whisky , and rain — yet it is looked on as offensive to name these factors in the problem, though their action is recognised wherever else they exist. I feel shy about speaking of the Roman Catholic Church IRRESOLUTE GOVERNMENT. 25 for it is not confined to Ireland. Every one is supposed to know all those general principles admitting of abuse, protests against w T hieh formed “ Protestants ” — but if we name them we are howled at as bigots. The south of Ireland has just the blight of Spain, but men who deplore Spain and know Ulster prosperity draw no conclusions ! I always find foreigners understand the value of that fundamental British error in Ireland. I mean the error of placing and treating priests as if they were “ the party of progress ” — but what can con- vince an Englishman? They have “ Moses and the Pro- phets ” and won t draw the lessons history teaches on the priest matter. The recent discussion on “ fiscal unity 11 may perhaps impress on some thinking persons the extravagance of Ireland in whisky and tobacco. I have heard tenants acknowledge that there are plenty of “ comfortable-sized farms on Lord C ’s property rented no higher than ’baccy money ; ” that is, that the holder’s rent was not more than his tobacco bill, and I have known whisky ordered for a christening equal to amount of a year’s rent. As I write this I mention it to J. who remarks I might have said “ twice a year’s rent ” in many cases, and we remember one occasion when we helped to pay the bill. The man had “ plunged” even exceptionally high on the strength of holding a certain contract that fell in his reach, but he fulfilled his bargain so “ evasively ” that his contract came to an end by the withdrawal of the Scotchmen who were employing him and others with the view of developing “a new industry.” They just gave it up in disgust and applied their capital and energy elsewhere. This is a common experience. “ Cheap labour ” and “ undeveloped resources ” induce ex- periments. ... A short experience proves that some cheap things are too dear at any price ! I think this immorality is in a great measure the cause of the collapse of the “ sprigging ” business, by which at one time a good embroidertss could earn Is. 6d. a day. There 26 .AS TO CONTE ACTS CAUSES EUIN. were many honest, and thoroughly good workers, but the great majority, even including those who could work well, never dreamed of doing their best when it was “ just a piece for the agent.” Anything was good enough. The agents used fines and rewards, but if they were severely enforced they lost their customers. I have seen when a new-fashioned article was given out and printed on it : “ — extra if returned within — days,” this had so little effect that the fashion had gone by before the Glasgow house were able to get back the work and prepare it for “shop windows.” Then again, most of the agents of these Glasgow houses are small shopkeepers who sell “finery” to the workers to the full amount of their credit on the work undertaken ; so gaudy millinery, “ shoddy ” cloth, and “ shop boots ” gradually super- seded sensible and durable garments and produced a taste for finery that endured after the means of paying had evaporated. In the north of France I met and conversed with the manager of an American depot of such work, and I said how strange it seemed to me that he could pay double prices there for what we could do as well here, but he said plainly that he found it better to pay double for good work than disappoint customers, and I knew but too sadly well that what he said of Irish experience was perfectly true and deplorable. Thinking of the “finery” brings me back to the climate, to which it is so unsuited ! The peasant abroad has his wooden shoes, serviceable umbrella, and washing “ over- alls.” In this country where wet, mud, and consequent damp make all three more needful, the poorest would not condescend to use them. It seems to me the difficulty of keeping things clean and neat in this climate is much greater than elsewhere, and that failure rather produces despondency than sustained efforts ! Of course the weather has a great effect on harvests, but of late years landlords are held re- sponsible for all that! You may have observed that “ England ” and these “felons” caused the famine according to Parnellite FACT AND FICTION. 27 teaching. No one, I think, has recalled the noble sacrifices they made to help at that crisis. On our side it seemed no more than duty and not worth mentioning. LETTER XI L The manufacture of facts. — Mr. Parnell and Mr. Morley. — How can trutli be made known? — The English garrison. — Why are English sympathies crimes in English eyes ? March , 1886. — It seems to me worthy of remark and not sufficiently dwelt on that the great difference of party views on the Irish question at this crisis is not so much grounded on traditional opinions as on matters of fact. For instance : — 1. The most striking argument put forward by Parnell and his sympathisers is that the Loyalists in Ireland are in a minority of 1 to 5. The votes at the last general election were 147,106 against Parnell ; 293,895 for Parnell. In face of these figures publicly registered outside the region of controversy, despair- ing Loyalists ask, “ What chance have we in arguing with people who say 147 is one sixth of 293 1 ” 2. Mr. John Morley has described the loyal minority as composed of landlords, officialdom and parsons. Now I live in an electoral division where 5,055 votes were given for Parnell and 1,369 for the Loyalist candidate. If Mr. John Morley can show me that 200 among these Loyalists were such as he describes all Loyalists to be, I am open to conviction. They do not appear so on the registered lists of voters, nor to the eyes of residents. I find there are only 270 persons rated at 2 51. per annum or over amongst 7,805 electors! About 70 of these probably voted for Parnell and 100 were absent, therefore the bulk of the Loyalist voters 28 OUTRAGE AND RESOLUTE GOVERNMENT/ here were poor men. Why should their existence be ignored ] Even denied 1 ? How can Loyalists bring forward the truth convincingly] We can’t resort to outrages. Parnellites taunt the Loyalists as the “ British garrison ” — implying that they are a small body of enemies who may be removed. The English majority (in England) repudiates their voice because they are only “ the English garrison.” Loyalists know them- selves to be the English garrison, and the defenders of all that is weakest in the country : they have homes, women and children at stake; are they cowards because they have to consider what conditions they can make with enemies about to be armed with authority over them h The wonder to me is that notwithstanding Irish- American bribery so many are the English garrison still. You cannot expect every one to have the courage of Gordon. But is it a disgrace to follow at a distance his loyalty to England ? Is England always going to abandon the garrisons sent by herself % As well as the American-Irish influence of various kinds held as a terror or encouragement over electors, there was another power, the Homan Catholic Church, which at this crisis has been acting up to its principles : how much those principles are opposed to British laws is not generally known ; the subject is avoided as delicate and difficult to approach without appearance of religious fanaticism. But residents of Ireland know it every day of their lives. Adam Smith the economist, Blackstone the jurist, W. E. Gladstone the great, have all dealt with the subject to show that a loyal subject of these realms cannot be a loyal Romanist. The priests acted up to their rights (at the election), and those of their own body who objected became ijiso facto “ excommuni- cated,” which is but the parent form of boycotting. In reply to a letter pointing out how little English people realise various matters that require to be plainly explained, she writes : THE RULE OF CONTRADICTIONS. 29 LETTER XIII. Do 2 + 2 + 2 make 6 in Ireland, or is it a bit of the moon ? March 14^, 1886. — Yours shocks and enlightens me ! I am sure you are right, but it never struck me before that English people are so ignorant of accurate trifling (?) facts lying nearest to them : this accounts to me for several things. 1 fear “cute ” persons easily impose on “ honest ” folk : one thinks of “ cuteness ” as only dangerous when opposed to innocence or simplicity that is not armed with knowledge. Now in my experience not only are some ignorant, but those who know do not apply their knowledge in the ordinary rational way. I mean it seems to me that if 2 and 2 and 2 equal 6 in England or France, when you find the same 2 and 2 and 2 in Timbuctoo or elsewhere, it is to say the least probable that 6 will be the result there also. Well, behold W. E. G., a man of such learning that you may feel sure he knows the “twos” everywhere. Let us take as “twos” in the Irish problem A. The common laws of political economy as bearing on land, and on capital, &c., otherwise the economical and financial points of the case. B. The Romish Church. C. The “ Homeric ” (ancient) mythical traditions of Ireland on which the “ national ” theory is founded. — I suppose he would be admitted as one of the greatest authorities on these subjects? I think any Loyalist in Ireland would accept his description of these things in the abstract — but the really absurd conclusion he preaches is that — A (the laws of political economy) are good everywhere “but not suited to Ireland” ( i.e . bad in Ireland). B is a scheming, political, reactionary anti-educational giant — everywhere except in Ireland where it is liberal, enlightened, down-trodden by a minority. 30 THE TRUE IRISH HEROES. C The Irish traditions simply repeat themselres in the present struggle : Ulster heroes in a minority always con- tended against scheming treachery and foreign elements in the other three provinces : W. E. G. knowing how few people know this simply passes it over and acts as though it were not. I fancy Justin McCarthy was chosen to contest Derry because he would know and meet this fact, that not only since England ruled, but since prehistoric ages Ulster has chosen the part she is actually playing now. It is a curious coinci- dence that “ Emain Macha,” the very district that held out against “ Queen Meave ” who led the rabble majority against Ulster is the same district that Parnell cannot get hold of now. This is rather a long paragraph on my C clause, but you see what I mean is that we are oppressed, first, with the want of knowledge, secondly, with the amazing application of knowledge by those who have it, as if Ireland were a portion of the moon and not of the known earth. Seeing the existence of this readiness to believe the improbable rather than the probable, Yankee Irish adven- turers, laughing in their sleeves, administer to its nourish- ment ! and W. E. G. who admires Greek heroes and has opposed Romish priestcraft in a masterly way — joins with the priests to crush the heroes ! People seem to forget the Church of Rome is no more Irish than English rule is Irish. All the old Irish writings show a contempt for priestcraft as now seen here— i.e. as introduced and nourished by England. The real Irish “ Prophets ” — Columba, Patrick, &c., were just simply sublime and fought the Popes. We have been wont, in these kingdoms, to look with horror upon the conditions of continental nations when, in times of especial tyranny, daily life is interfered with by the multitude of spies. We are now asked to hand over the government of Ireland to a body of men whose manner of rule, as already shown in Ireland, carries spies into every SPIES IN ENGLISH LAND. 31 family. Would any man till these last few years believe that the following could have been written of a state of things pre- vailing in this kingdom ? If this is not one of the worst features of the most tyrannical form of “ coercion ” known to the Continent, what is ? “ C. writes cheerfully from. Assizes and has found out for me much that I wanted to know, but was afraid to write further on the subject ; this I mention to give you an idea of the net- work of ‘ cute ’ spies we are conscious of ! ” Her correspondent had written to complain of the mischief done to the cause of loyalty by the violence of expression employed in some of the Loyalist pamphlets, and she replies. LETTER XIY. Violent expressions of North are due to rough speaking of earnest labouring men. — Smooth speeches of Parnellites just now part of deception policy, fully owned by Nationalist local papers — Blunt truth characteristic of North Ireland democrat. — Sore temptations offered by Government to loud-voiced agitation. March 16, 1886. — You exactly express my feeling as to Maguire’s pamphlet and violent tirades in general. At the same time recollect we must face whole facts as they exist. All this violent talk is ouly giving voice to a fact : silence would not alter that fact. Let us not delude ourselves into supposing Loyalists have quite unlimited patience. This has been too much counted on, they are supposed to be all “ gentlemen,” and as such above certain follies ; but they are not all self-contained and self-disciplined ; formerly the landlords and the democratic interest seemed opposed in some ways — on this point of Home Rule they are united ; this gives a situation of much greater seriousness. Smooth speech is admirable and righteous if it represents smooth thoughts, or even an honest attempt to smooth down, 32 TRUTH v. ACTING. but if it is only used to gain the ear of certain people it is — a venal lie — I think. Parnell has “ given out the word” as we say here, to speak smooth at present (that being his agreement with the Ministry). In every Irish Nationalist local paper, &c., it is explained with what object, and this object gets him obedience through the Homan Church, Distinctly it would seem move politic for ’tother side to play the same game, but it would be equally misleading ; it is not the true representation of feeling here now. I regret the wild talk because I regret the wild feeling, but the virtue of our Northerners is truths which is not always pleasant alas ! They show best when in good humour ; very savage at bay. I must venture to say that the encouragement given to loud shouting now-a-days is very great as seen from a Loyalist point of view : Loyalists feel bitterly they are deprived of all because they were crimeless and industrious instead of violent and agitating. In the matter of abusing individual members of the Government I think it is generally meant as the readiest way of all uding to certain theories expressed by them and not against them personally. I often hear most violent abusers say that the great fault of people like Gladstone and Morley is that they legislate as if every one were as “ superior” as themselves. I was struck last night by a passage in Kinglake’s Eothen , where his Arabs pretend to have no bread in order to get his and save their own. It is precisely what happens in Ireland and Corsica , and I know by experience their admiration is unbounded if they cannot succeed in playing on your good nature and credulity ; and vice versd. In a whole series of cases 1 evidence is given that in propor- tion as a man is a good landlord, he becomes at once the object of attack by the priests who are now leading the League. It is widely known in England that no landlord could have done more to improve his property and to endeavour to help his tenantry than Lord Palmerston did, and that his work has 1 For a few of these see Postscript. A WHOLESALE MURDERER. 33 been carried on down to our own time as a religious duty by his heirs Lord and Lady Mount-Temple. The story told in the following letter of what is greedily believed of Lord Palmerston will give some idea of the way in which hatred of landlords and of England is kept up. “ Resolute government ” one thinks might tackle such slanders. In no continental Catholic state would they pass unpunished. LETTER XY. Deceptive claim for “ colonial ” independence. — Hatred of England and total separation openly advocated when in Ireland by Healy. — Lord Palmerston as a felon landlord and wholesale murderer. March 25, 1886. — I feel that in England one must con- stantly remind people it is really total separation and hatred of England that is at work, so I inclose extract from Healy. 1 I also want to add that when they ask for such independence as colonies have it is another blind ” — our colonies are ruled by the settlers , not by the aborigines. We Loyalists are the settlers in Ireland ; the Nationalists claim to be aborigines — albeit since legendary days, and all through history, they were as “ miscellaneous ” and “ broken” as the geological formation of the island. I am reminded of two instances how everything one does is turned wrong. ’Tother day I had to break some sad news to a bitter leaguer. After a quiet confidential talk, wishing to say something pleasant, I said — “ Oh, we read in a book this winter how your son-in-law got the Victoria Cross in Africa.” Scornful answer — “ Augh ! it was only because he saved an officer among ’em.” 1 The iu closure was the widely circulated leaflet containing the extract from Healy’s speech in which he avowed that the entire object of the attack on landlords was to get rid of all English influence and to attain entire separation from hated England. 1 ) 34 , THE METHODS OF AGITATION. ! One day out boating a fisherman was entertaining me, and gradually getting confidential, explained how some of his relations had a narrow escape of having been amongst those the English gentry murdered — rather recently. This was interesting, so proceeding cautiously I found it was the belief that Lord Palmerston had heavily insured and then got a hole made in a ship full of emigrants off his property. “ For fear of him catching us we settled this side of the Bay.” “Who told you this? the newspapers'? ” “ Oc naw; we didn’t read much those days ; it was the priests found it out and warned the people.” LETTEB XVI. The Jesuit invasion. — Either England or hostile forces must occupy the position. — The coming landlord. My idea of the Jesuit invasion we may expect under Home Buie fits in with Maguire’s statement that all the chief teachers in Boman Catholic educational places in Ireland are foreigners now ; ergo, as berths disposable for them increase, they will increase : this prospect will strike only those Englishers wdio have personal knowledge of their ways. What I mean by bringing American rivalry to England’s door is this : Ireland will be as American as one of the actual “ States ” after five years of Home Buie (i.e. American rule), and realise a moment, the real difficulty lies in those thousands who cannot live on their present “ land ” even if rent free ; whoever possesses them body and soul must become master of the situation. The “Loyalist ” position is : — “ strengthen law and order so that British money and men will come to Ireland and possess themselves of this power, as has been done in Ulster ; do not hand over this class (i.e. power) to foreign influence.” KENT AND TENANT PURCHASE-MONEY. 35 I believe the new rents in Ireland are roughly speaking on this basis r 1 — take gross value and divide in three parts, two parts go to tenant for labour and profit, the third is paid for the use of the land = rent. The tenant has the right to sell his goodwill on leaving to the incoming man ; this on our property averages twenty-seven years’ rent. The hitch is — In “bad years” who is to bear the loss'? There’s the fight now. Formerly the landlord gave largely in exceptional cases ; this tided the recipient over his difficulties, but roused a jealousy which was the root of many falsehoods against landlords’ injustice, &c. Now landlords give a fixed percentage, costing them perhaps more, hardly doing so much good, as their former position was really that of a provident fund. Bemember, practically all farmers don’t lose equally the same year. Some land is good for hay ; if it is unsaleable or spoilt the owner of that land suffers say ten per cent. ; but his neighbour with very little meadow may only suffer one per cent. As to the rent we charge. A man died recently, and I went to inquire of his sister “ if the widow was in need of ‘help’?” She said there was “ no money going,” but they had an ample supply of potatoes and oats (for meal) to last till the new ones came in, a good cow , and a young beast coming on, and straw to sell, and grass enough, and plenty of firing. By accident I happen to know the' rent is 2 1. per annum, and in Ireland when the rent is under M. the land- lord pays the taxes for the tenant. Of course a house is included. If this widow wants to go to America now she can sell her “good-will” for about 5(F. or 6 0£. hard cash; landlord would get nothing, but he did not build, the house or hovel. In reference to the firing, the “ bog ” is the landlord’s, but he allows each tenant to “ cut ” enough for his own use : a 1 Calculated by cattle only, counting one cow to produce £7 10s. per annum, potatoe ground “ thrown into the bargain ” to the tenant. D 2 36 A GOOD SECURITY FOR ENGLAND. “ Royalty ” is charged as are minerals in England and else- where. He sells this right to tenants not his own in case the property they live on does not include bog. One of the “ grievances ” is this reservation, without which tenants would soon “ cut out ” bogs. Now bog once 4 4 cut out ” does not grow again, and the fuel value is permanently lost to the land, whoever has it. Neighbours are very glad to deal with the landlord at a fixed moderate price. LETTER XVII. The sense of the inequity of our statesmen a new thing. — A series of character sketches in Donegal. April 1, 1886. — Do you see W. E. G. refuses to see the Ulster Liberal deputation again ] Before his excuse was that he was not in office. Then observe how they refuse to enfranchise the Constabulary because Parnell objects , and how seriously J. Morley takes it when an Orangeman’s son pre- tended to be a moonlighter in the North, though it is a “holy national aspiration” when ’tother side does the real thing with violence. All this seems to me such a falling off ; we could have said formerly that our leading men of any party would be just. I should have liked an Englishman hid behind the curtain yesterday to have heard our visitors talk freely. First came a “ cess collector” with about fifty or sixty. summonses to be signed for small sums averaging about £1 : he says most of ’em will pay up without going to the bench, but these sum- monses will be Is. 6d. extra each ! A propos , we sell hay “on the foot ” (i.e. growing) in summer, and give five per cent, for payment before November : only about half the customers pay till we take out summonses — every year. When they get the summonses they come whining as victims— with the cash . A CRUEL RENT ! ! 37 I am told formerly people were ashamed of being summoned — certainly of late they seem rather proud of it L than other- wise. I said to the cess collector, “ tell H. ” (H. is sheriffs bailiff and gets 1 s. each for serving summonses, &c.) “with my love, the only good thing I see about it is the 50s. for him ! ” “ Faith, I will tell him, for he sez you’re the greatest lady at all ! ” Now I must explain H. is a character, a tenant of Mr. X’s, clever, handsome, dare-'devil, with a gift of the gab that would convince an attorney. He would get on anywhere. He is always trying to cheat, and respects nobody who can’t find him out and tell him so — my “ ladyship ” does this pretty freely at times. Some years ago he came to consult me about going into the Land Court for reduction : he has a horse and cart, cows, sheep, pig, and fowl, and pays something about 31. per annum to Mr. X. I replied solemnly, “ that’s (the rack rent) “enough to make you a Fenian” (of course he is one), “ If I were you I would sell and go to A merica, where there is freedom, &c.,&c.” He looked at me closely, but I did not blink so he continued — “Well, you see it’s convanient for me, and 6 the boys’ knock 50 1. per annum out of the quarry and I have a chance of road contracts, &c.” “ Yes ! but if you pay too high for lodgings % ” “ Ogh well ! in Ameriky, to tell the truth, we would not get one room for the money.” So I mildly remarked I thought so — but was not sure — till he said it. Then it dawned on him. I asked him long afterwards if his rent had been reduced, but he' did not reply and I never heard — for of course his visit was confidential, and I did not allude to the subject to Mr. X. This is friend LI., a very industrious and thriving man. I regret to use the word “ cheat,” but no other would 38 A SCHOOL ABOVE AVERAGE. be so true. People who make bargains with their consciences on principle from earliest youth arrive at such skill in bar- gaining that the result can scarcely be conveyed by a milder word in describing their dealings with those who are un- trained in this art. K. said to the cess collector, “Well, as sure as a gun you will be murdered on the mountains some night,” (chaffing). He answered, “Well, I do be thinking of that sometimes. I mind one night I went to secure sheep (they hunt the dogs on me and chase the sheep if I go in daylight) and the mist came down and I had just to lie where I stood till morning — it was quare and lonesome like” After this visitor departed came a National schoolmaster on business about his son in hospital. This man, a Homan Catholic, is the teacher of the school I told you of which the priest boycotted, I believe because he was not made patron instead of the agent of the landlord. I said, “ I am afraid to ask can you keep up your average 1 ?” (if he can’t, pay is with- held). Brilliant grin: “ O dear, yes ! My wife is one of the Blanks, and they have big families and stick to me, they drive them all in, and I have five higher average than ever.” I could not help laughing : these Blanks are a clan of semi-wild and totally unmanageable worthies. My third visitor was my French pupil, and brought a note from her father, a good old man, calling upon me to explain Mr. Gladstone’s course ! My fourth visitor bore a message from a handsome Irish woman, who keeps a public house some miles from here. She combines cheating (or “ outwitting ”) the Excise, and reading the Scriptures in Irish, which she looks on as about equally benefiting to herself and country ; she is Homan Catholic. Some years ago races being held in the neighbourhood, the nearer magistrate would not give licence for a stall, so she walked over to K. about it : I set her up on the occasion with a temperance drink stall, by which, she told me, she made 51. ; so, to show gratitude, she sent me a present of two geese ; a tourist had sent her the eggs, and they were beauties. Her SERVING THE LEAGUE. 39 stock has run out, and now she asks for more. When she came about the licence she noticed in my book-shelf some Irish books, and said, 44 Wouldn’t you like me to read to you? It’s such a beautiful language even if you don’t understand.” I think it is quite logical for all those ministers who think there are no Loyalists but landlords to buy them out and then give the Nationalists their own way. But does not paying landlords tacitly admit that Home Eulers are not to be trusted ? and if they would not have credit for that, how will they get money for the 44 developing ” of everything we hear of, dimly foreshadowed ? — for I do not know of any definite Home Eule programme, except to enrich followers by farms and situations now held by the minority. April 6, 1886. — As to 44 Patron of School” I think you would be repaid for reading the few pages that contain the 44 Eules of the Irish National Education Board ” for it is all quite different from the English system. Meantime, the 44 patron ” is generally the man who gives the site and all or part of the cost of erection ; he can act as or appoint a “manager,” this manager is not very unlike the same functionary in England. As to the schoolmasters serving the priests as clerks or secretaries. Political work of any kind requires a lot of writing : the priests are the 44 local agents ” of tlie Parnell policy and they absolutely require secretaries, the schoolmaster is generally best qualified ; hence the object of having one who is 44 serviceable to the cause.” . . . I presume you can infer that to a dweller in Ireland 44 ’cute- ness ” is — the devil ; versus righteousness, which is apt to be im’cute. To-day we are sorrowing for W. E. Forster beyond any reasonable limit. It would touch your heart how the poor men here know and follow the doings of any trustworthy Englishman. A youngster was with me last night about a situation as 40 PROTESTANT ” INDEPENDENCE. seller of milk — 10s. a week (I mention this to indicate his status). Going out he said— ^ / “We are well pleased with the Guildhall meeting.’ ’ 44 Which speech did you like ] ” 4 4 Oh ! Sir John Lubbock’s. We always think him one of the reasonable men ; and he spoke out right Protestant, not to let any other man make up your mind for you.” Now when you consider that Sir John Lubbock illustrated — even I might say conveyed — this impression by an allusion to the Heptarchy which this youngster could not have under- stood, it shows wonderfully how they sympathise. In this connection I inclose you a paper a man wrote some years ago (on Temperance versus Teetotallism) ; it will illus- trate the point I repeat ad nauseam to my friends, that 44 independent judgment ” is synonymous with Protestantism in the north. The Protestants of Ulster can never be counted on for a 44 one-man” scheme, whether the 44 one ” were Gladstone, Parnell, or anybody else. This contempt for what they call 44 Romishness ” has made them underestimate the powers and merits of the system ; and they use names taken from it as a short way of conveying what they mean. I thought of this lately when I heard them abused for saying 44 to hell with the Pope ” — the phrase conveys to their audience their hatred of the 44 one-man ” system plainer than other words would : this hatred is engrained in their very being. It is a pity they cannot put it more politely, but this would require skill and cultivation more than they have leisure for. Did I tell you Thursday evenings now we are 44 at home ” to 44 working men ” ? Last Thursday was great fun. Out of eleven who wanted to know about the 44 Loyal and Patriotic Union,” one only declined to join ; encouraged to give his reasons, he said he was so badly treated under present circum- stances that any change could not be for the worse, and might be for the better. He is (for Ireland) a large farmer, <£19 15s. per annum. A REAL GRIEVANCE ! ! 41 He was master of a local Orange Lodge and went into the Land Court. I regret to say that many landlords said : “ Well, when you were friendly so. was I. Now if it is a question of law for ‘ rights ’ I will insist on mine.” (The tenants on that particular estate are remarkably low- rented.) When this leading tenant went to law he made little or nothing in the way of reduction — nothing I think — but the landlord said: “Now as to my rights,” and withdrew permission to cut turf at the former nominal charge. I must explain that while this farmer had his “ bit of bog ” nearly free, liis neighbour Lazarus wanted some, and the farmer let to him at a highish figure. When the landlord cut off the right the farmer could not do without turf, so the landlord said : “You can have your share at whatever rate you charged your ‘ cottier ’ for his share.” “ Now when landlords do the like of that and give it to a beggarly fellow and a Homan Catholic, shure it’s no wonder the likes of me would wish a change ? ” (Of course landlords are not guided by tenant’s religion ; though it is so often said to be the case.) This appeal met the following among other jeers from the other men. “Hid they charge you 1 1. and would you be a Loyalist if it was only 5s. ] ” “ Is it 15s. then you value your vote at % ” “ Raise a subscription for him ! ” “ Will Home Rule give it you cheap ? ” “Then you’d be dear buying at 15s. to any side.” I hear when they were going home “ they could not see him on the road.” This man constantly goes to and fro to America, and some think him a paid Parnellite, which of course he repudiates, saying he would never vote for Parnell, but never against him, Next Thursday I believe there is to be a “ big meet,” they heard it was such fun ! 42 A “ LIBERAL/ It is so unlike “ Hodge/ 7 Every one can and does “ speak out/’ and sometimes so shrewdly. “ I have no laming , only a wee thing I read in the Bible ; but I see two sortings (sic) of Liberals and the Parnells there too/ 7 “ Well, spake out, man ! 77 “ Well, I reckon the Almighty was a Liberal when he gave his Son for the good and the bad ; and Satan was a Liberal when he offered the kingdoms of the worruld — sliure they were none of his’n % And Ananias — was own father to Parnell liberality. 77 — Applause ! LETTER XVIII. The Separation Bill No. I. Those who fly are what ? — Those who remain must do what ? — Liberty will depend on what ? — The bribe to landlords. — What ought they to do ? — Mr. Morley’s fright lest violence should be too strong unless it is legalised. — Will giving tyrants all power make them able to do less mischief ? — Necessity of a reign of terror to maintain Parnell rule when established. — The sham clause about Catholic endowment which leaves the education question untouched. — Does Ulster talk more than she means ? April 15, 1886. — I take for granted you are feeling anxiety on our account. On the whole we have still hopes that English common sense will prevail. If not, what then h that’s what you will wonder about. 1st. As it appears to me — every one of the minority who flies from the wrath to come is a contemptible creature. 2nd. Those intending to stay must study self-defence in a PRACTICAL WAY. 3rd. On the extent to which they can themselves secure their own personal safety will their liberty depend. Well, on the first point there is the bribe offered of buying out the landlords. Parnell of course is anxious for this, but A REASONABLE FRIGHT (?) 43 wants to do it as cheap as may be (for which he employs Davitt), and to pose as generous (which he does in person.) I fancy this will hoodwink many Britishers as “ good- natured ” and “ just,” but it is really .the contrary, and should be strenuously opposed for everybody's sake. Remember when I say this I know life would be easier if the rent friction were removed ; but also you must remember that the law as it stands offers great inducement to the transformation into “ peasant proprietary," and the two things that prevent its acting are : — 1st. Tenants know how little they would gain, their tenure as it is being so nearly freehold and their “ hardships" so few ! 2nd. The dissatisfied ones are ready to wait “ to get it for nothing." They don’t want to pay for it any more than the well-disposed. On some estates the compulsory sale would be in landlord's favour to the extent of a bribe. I don't believe in forcing, where a hardy plant is wanted. Then as to the second point of self-defence, it is most difficult where weak families are scattered among the majority, who though not actually moonlighters would never side with the weak on principle. I am cynically amused at the Morley fright. “ What would happen if England does not give in to " whom ? The people whom he thinks fit to trust with the lives and liberties of a defenceless minority ! Suppose this Bill is refused and there is a rising (utterly unlikely). We have England on our side and are not the least afraid. I speak as a person living where Loyalists are in a minority of less than one to two. We could take care of ourselves, the law being on our side. Suppose, however, the law was expressly framed to exter- minate us — as it is openly said that it would be under Home Rule (and only doubted by Utopians). Would not such law be more dangerous than the same system while acting unlawfully ? Of course cases of oppression will be brought to Westminster 44 A EE I GIST OF TEEEOE. by some English M.P. ; but what will the life of the person (in Ireland) be worth who thus complains % Parnell and Co. abuse us all. Has a shot ever been fired at any one of his party (except by the Curtin girl’s defence against his auxiliary forces) or any of their property injured % 1 But if the law-abiding complain even now, are they safe 1 ? Yes, comparatively — comparatively just in proportion as their neighbourhood is Parnellite or Loyal. Loyalists are afraid to come to our Thursday gatherings, except in groups. But as it is still possible to come in groups they do come. Those who are isolated don’t and can’t “ annoy their neighbours ” — such is the intolerance of the majority ! Ho doubt such meetings would be declared illegal under Parnell ; in fact, they would be, as against “ powers that be ” ; the more so as a weak Government is bound to be stringent. If Parnell had five to one with him (on which fallacy the new Act stands) he might give the one great liberty. As it is parties will be very evenly balanced — I should say nearer than Conservatives and* Liberals at last General Election for Westminster Parliament. On one side will be the whole of the class who are miserable, and must be so for many a day ; on the other their natural employers — ranged as their enemies. But you see Parnell in power will have against him a majority probably of the upper chamber or order, and the one- third who voted Loyalist at last election all over Ireland. How can he rule them 2 Only by a reign of terror on the weaker members, and priestly influence on the Homan Catholic Loyalists. Just what we have now — only legalized. You will bear in mind that the one-third Loyalists will not be fully represented in Parliament any more than they are now, being in each place in smaller minority; with the few present ex- 1 Written of course before the Belfast riots — the outcome, as she else- where predicts, among the rowdy element of the feeling that our “resolute ” Government has always yielded to riot what it would not concede to orderly labour. A WELL-ENDOWED C HUECH. 45 ceptions (where the Loyalists are in majority). It is only then by 44 agitation ” they will be able to make themselves heard and felt. Thus what would be the defence for a small minority, will strengthen the really large minority into a “ dangerous element ” that Parnell is almost bound to coerce. Thus also with the ridiculous 4 4 protection clause” against endowing the Homan Catholic Church. Everybody in Ireland knows that the Homan Catholic Church does not want to be endowed. The chief reason for not doing it long ago was that the priests would not accept low wages, preferring 44 voluntary contributions/ ’ They want education to be endowed — and placed in their hands. A.ny government that allows this will stifle education in the real meaning of the word and reduce liberty in Ireland. It is difficult to get at exact figures about the 44 voluntary contributions ” levied by the Homan Catholic Church, as they never publish accounts, but one can arrive pretty near the facts by comparing their regulations with ordinary statistics — first remembering the payments are practically compulsory, for though they may be left long unpaid in health, in time of sickness or death they must be paid to the full, or the priest threatens not to administer to their spiritual wants, and this is to poor pious Homan Catholics the worst of terrors. The women will do anything to get the money in these circum- stances. Every house pays a tax — the lowest being 2s. per annum. Christenings the same, marriages 2 5s., then special offerings for the 44 Month of Mary,” festivals and sundry collections and prayers for the dead, and blessings for th e living — all bring money from every house. At funerals the 44 offerings ” are surprising. This winter at the burial of three poor neighbours, the sums were respectively 43 l., 111., and 3 1. It would be thought very mean of the poorest man attending a funeral to give less than 2s. (Protestants attending their neighbours’ funerals used to conform to this custom till recently.) On the whole I am sure it is a safe and 46 A COMIC POSITION. very low estimate to say that in this parish the Church receives about 11. for every 4:1. 10s. the landlord pockets. In my researches in this matter 1 find that in Armagh, a very Protestant county, Mother Church does not venture on the same taxes as here. I suppose her flock would kick seeing neighbours untaxed. This is a sample of the reasons why the Roman hierarchy want to get rid of our pernicious example. On Saturday week my husband was one of three guardians inspecting the workhouse. They ordered a motion on the books censuring the master for allowing pictures from United Ireland on the wall of the boys 7 playroom. (These pictures are always to impress English cruelty and depravity on the minds of those who can’t read.) Now considering the editor is to be one of our Ministers (of Education % or Morals ?), K. expected a snub from the Local Government Board (J. Morley being ex-officio chief of it). Instead comes an order to take the pictures down ! So they will be down as immoral till the editor is in a position to declare them moral by law ! In revenge I see the Parnellite M.P. drew attention to the old sins of the Donegal board (in not obeying the Roman Catholic Bishop), and J ohn Morley says he deplores their sins. (As they are within the law, former Chief Secretary deplored but left them alone — what John Morley may do remains to be seen ; as the champion of a Roman Catholic bishop trying to bully an elected body , his position is to my profane mind a little comic !) The boards of guardians that are in the hands of the Nationalists show a deplorable specimen of their in- capacity to govern. They administer with flagrant partiality, and get over head and ears in debt in so doing. Lord R. Churchill came to see if Ulster ranting meant any- thing ; beneath the ranting is more dangerous dismal growl- ing, and, I fear, a spreading despair that will make all things possible : this terror grows on me — I cannot convey it to another ; signs are so small and various and idiomatic — it is A FICTITIOUS OFFER. 47 untranslatable : but I begin to share a certain shadowy belief that the thundercloud must break before the air is cleared, for good men are despairing. In that breaking must be destruction — of what, who, where, one can scarcely think definitely. I don't expect assassination and cruelty, but I do believe overstrained loyalty will break unless moderate and wise men now step up bravely and give a lead on a plain path free of party obstacles. LETTER XIX. The Land Purchase Bill. — Its practical effect as seen on the spot. — The hour-glass running for what ? — The large tenants and the cottiers. April 29, 1886. — I am so utterly absorbed by the awful prospects of my poor neighbours, that I am afraid I have quite forgotten to say anything about ourselves, and you will be most anxious on that point, I have no doubt : so I have just been reading over the Land Purchase proposals. They must be the work of the Parnellites — they are so cunningly framed to deceive Britain. There is no twenty years’ purchase whatever in it, in any fair sense of the words. This is, of course, why a comparatively small number of millions would achieve it. I mean this : if I agree to sell you my Tenant Right of this place at twenty years’ purchase, I mean you are to give me twenty times one year’s rent : rent 100L= price 2,000£. But according to this bill, if I wanted to buy the freehold from our landlord at twenty years’ purchase it would only cost me about 1,600£., because all estate expenses, rates, bad debts, &c., are to be excluded : in fact the net and not gross value is taken. Thus it should honestly be called sixteen years’ purchase that is offered to the landlords ; and by all that’s comical we are to take the year ending November, 1885, as a basis of value ! Now just then was the election 48 THE FATE OF THE COTTIER. and, by some legal quibble, in any place where there was a contested election, rent-taking was put off till after the election : also, the year being considered specially bad, landlords gave “time” as well as percentage; so that in November, 1885, I question if one-third of anybody’s rents when due w T ere paid : but apart from this, and yet welded into it, is the fact that the “Land Commissioners” under Parnellite Government are to be the judges of every claim ! Therefore it is of very little consequence what is passed at Westminster; it would be “modified in the working ” (by judges who will hold their places during good behaviour) down to “ prairie value.” 1 Quite nine- tenths of all the landlords we know will be utterly bankrupt. I have not read (yet) Gladstone’s speech on their sins, but I hear he “ coloured it up ” to prepare public opinion for their annihilation : it is, conveniently forgotten who gave Ulster tenant-right without pressure. 2 However, as I have said one hundred times to you, they won’t starve probably. The Irish problem is as to those who are on the very verge of starving. To save these unfortunate creatures I would willingly give all that is now claimed, but their ease is absolutely left in a worse state than now : no glimmer of help or hope comes to them. The well-to-do (already much better off than English tenants) will be benefited at landlords’ expense, but those miserable multitudes “under M. per annum ” are to be merely changed over to an impersonal landlord, “ the receiver general ” and his machinery : who could be so idiotic as to conceive that they will be consoled by being under Irish made laws ? oh, it is too supremely tragic, too awful a punishment for their sins. You see all the well-to do tenants were at heart against Home Rule. So this is a tremendous bribe to them, as they 1 Mr. Gladstone since this letter was written has endeavoured to explain away this clause. But as a part of the issue which goes to the country it stands as it did. J As to the value of the concession see postscript. THE COMING RUIN. 49 alone are to have the spoils (of the landlords), and a starving 4 4 cottier ” always means to the better-off farmers cheap labour and to the priest and agitator a disposable force. I see now why Parnell 44 consented ” to that part of the scheme. Then every detail is planned to benefit 44 hard ” landlords, who are generally either Englishmen or attorneys. Things are made to fit them (to reconcile them), as they would be the strongest enemies. All along the chief sin of Irish landlords has been carelessness , but this is all impossible to prove. An agent told me the other day that a certain man here who 44 took the chair ” at a very threatening meeting of tenants held lately, owes nine years rent. Now this will not only be lost, but it will serve to swell the 44 bad debts ” that are to reduce the nominal twenty years’ purchase his landlord should get ; whereas if the man had been ejected ages ago his landlord would have been better off by the amount of the rent and what would not be deducted from the capital on account of it. Notwithstanding I see this owner’s name down on a list of 44 felons ” published by National press. I am much puzzled to know what the ruined gentry families will do. You remember when rent was stopped by vio- lence subscriptions were got up for the 44 distressed ladies,” children’s schooling, &c. — now this compulsory selling will leave them nearly all without resources : at no time, formerly, did all the tenants on any estate, I think, refuse to pay. 1 Take an example of what we have to expect. Say a pro- perty of 1,000£. a year is worth (as I suppose) 16s. in the 11. net ; 16 x 20 = 16,000Z. would be paid for it. This at Govern- ment 3 per cent, will mean 160 x 3 = 480Z. per annum: as against the present net about 800Z. : out of this 480Z. probably there would be about 700£. per annum charges to meet : sup- pose the owner had nothing else to live on (the majority have nothing else) this would be bankruptcy at about 12s. to 1 Perhaps not, but numbers of ladies have been actually reduced to the workhouses in Dublin by literal starvation due to the refusal to pay just debts. E 50 CHAOS. Us. in the 11. : no refusal of rent amounted to such ruin as that. England lends the money to accomplish this coup : will she ever be paid ? Would not half the money develop industries and railways and facilitate emigration, Ac., for the pauper population left absolutely unhelped by this measure ? I can understand the idea that when great wealth has been achieved by a country redivision becomes a duty, but if England thinks so why begin here? we are only just beginning to make wealth in Ireland, divided it is too little to benefit the many though it ruins the few, and behind all remains the Irish problem, “ What is to be done with the population that there is no land for ? ” Of course Parnell will tell them, “you must get the demesnes and all the property of people who are not of our nation, colonists, traitors, &c.” If Mr. Chamberlain holds to the “members at Westminster/’ I will swear by him for the rest of my life. I don’t flatter myself landlords would benefit, but chaos may be averted if his common sense ballasts the sentimentalists. It is not bankruptcy, but chaos I dread. You may wonder that I put charges at so high a figure, but remember that a low-rented estate used to be reckoned a safe and rising concern, and a wife’s fortune was often expended for the good of the property directly or indirectly, and these charges represent interest due to her heirs. LETTER XX. The ambition of a felon-minded lady and her despair. April 21, 1886. — I am sure you know the sensation of watch- ing a person through a long illness, absorbed in nursing and plans for the patient — then death comes, and for ever so long “FELONIOUS ” SCHEMES. 51 it is impossible to rid oneself of the idea that the responsibility is still a necessary part of life — and so I feel about Ireland. I find I never had any ambition but to be a useful “citizen,” and rear the babes with the same cares and hopes and loves. Nothing in my position has been so trying as not having the means of doing what I felt ought to be done ; I never looked forward to having money except as a means of remedy- ing some glaring wants that have to be met by degrees and in their turns on landed property. I think I never went out of our demesne without thinking of the forge J. wants, where it joins the road. (We stopped Z. building a gate-house for us that the ground might be free for a complete plan.) Then my coffee-shop and reading-room grew beside the forge (in my mind’s eye), and the labourers’ cottages, instead of being scattered hovels, were to be somewhat grouped near by ; recent legislation had made it so easy for us to do all this — our only doubt was that the coming railway to connect two harbours and join the part already made might drain away the great cart traffic for which we dreamed of providing. All these prospects are of course ended by the English loan. Then there were dreams of improving the breed of hardy native ponies. A “tenant” would have managed the affair : “ tenants ” were to have all the advantages. Another “ tenant ” would have set up a “ creamery ” on our capital. Never shall I be able to get out of my head that a tender tie existed between landlord and tenants, because I know it lingers still and was strong until recently. For example, if somebody wants to see me. I am busy and say to wait. The servant says, “ She says ” (or “he says”) he is one of Mr. S.’s, Mr. M.’s, or Mrs. B.’s tenants.” Then I take it exactly as if they had sent in an introduction and go to them at once. Well, the passing-bell is ringing, and now I know no one will come to the door with that claim for evermore. e 2 52 A DUTY TO ALL, NOT SOME. The railway will never run in my day; it is “ felonious landlords ” who have floated railways, and the commercial class with which they are linked. No amount of interest will tempt money into Ireland for such undertakings now, since security is represented by the eighty-six adventurers, too well known to be trusted as financiers. You may be aware a railway crosses the drive to Blank Place. My father thought another line would have been better, and opposed it. When he was beaten he declined compensation foi his property (of course the company paid necessary expenses of walls, &c.). only allowing the tenant's claim wherever it passed over his property. More recently extensive drainage works required the sacrifice of land worth a few hundreds near there, the land- lord gave his share free, the tenant was paid. There is no record of these “ felonies / 7 but “ all the world ” knows nobody else but the landlords improved or subscribed for improvement, though nothing is so hard of proof as obvious facts if people shut their eyes to them : the im- provements are there — who made them? There seems no object in doing anything when there are no tenants to do for. A link of race and creed would still bind us to some of them, but we have never thought of doing anything for “ some of them ” — it was for all. Even if we had money to build our forge under the new regime , would it not be taxed, boycotted, burnt down % The judges, who will hold office during good behaviour, dare hardly award damages, if there were police or any officials to enforce them. Shall we be allowed to employ what labourers we choose ] How long shall we be allowed the demesne ? Worst of all, when the miserable paupers fly to us for help, how can we save them from their new masters ? All one’s clocks seem to have stopped. What is the good of anything when civilisation is the mark for destruction ? THE COMING DEGRADATION OF TASTE. 53 Till the end comes I feel one must be the diligent nurse, hut the end looms so near — such blackness of darkness beyond. I am too old to shake the habits of nearly 300 years in Ireland, and I feel I could never start afresh, as something strange to all the traditions, and affections, and faults, and merits of my caste. The new and improved Land League lady will suit her generation better, but . I see Parnellites never love Ireland as I do. The wisdom of Solomon is out of fashion, or some would remember his judgment at this crisis. Those who wish to degrade Ireland for their own ambition and spite show themselves to be unworthy of her. The Belleek factory (china) was bought in cheap by a Nationalist Company. I can’t find out if it pays, but 1 see the types changing ; those delicate shells are lined now with a “ good, strong colour”; a certain pattern of jewelled jug has a strong blue handle and a pinkish body now “ to bring out ” the design : “ every institution must be popularised.” We get occasionally such very precious grains of sympathy. Fancy to-day for instance. In writing to a furrier, with whom our custom is not enormous, I had inclosed “ Patriotic ” leaflets without remark, as pious folk do tracts : from the receipt fell out a 11. cheque, with a very kind note from the clerk “ wishing it was more, for me to use to the best advan- tage,” from his employers. 1 hope my blessing will do the good man no harm. Please notice W. E. G.’s quotation from the “Devon report.” He appropriates for the tenants the words used for the tenants tenants — call them labourers, cottiers, or whatever he likes. They are there still untouched by his legislation, only their claims a little heavier, their hopes a little fewer, their masters armed with more power. [It will be well to remind readers of the next letter of its date. It will be seen that residents in the North and there- fore, it is to be presumed, the government of Ireland had very good knowledge of what was brewing in Belfast, a clear 54 THE ENGLISH AEMY month before those riots broke out, which we have lately seen, and that there was therefore ample time to select the agents who should be employed to suppress riot. If the purpose of the present “ resolute ” government was to prevent bloodshed, and to prevent also the breaking into shops and stores, and robbery, at a moment when religious animosity was fiercely aroused, one would have supposed that constabu- lary might have been prepared beforehand, who would not tend to excite religious animosity to the utmost : and that, a month’s notice having been given, certainly to the responsible minister, presumably, under any proper organisation, to the Cabinet, steps would have been taken to prevent collision between a specially Homan Catholic body of constabulary and a Protestant mob, and that the same principle would have been applied on the other side. The cue just now of all decent people on both sides being to preserve order, if only for the sake of the effect on England, there need then have been no fear that the robbing scoundrels, who hang on any mob, actuated by passionate, religious, or party excitement, would have escaped punishment. If any member of the Cabinet did not in May know what was coming in June, one thinks “ resolute” government admits of some improvement in organisation, which need not be very tyrannically coercive to anything but robbery and murder. There is another very serious question raised by this letter on which it is necessary to say a few words. The lady assumes that if the Government of Mr. Parnell is to be established in Ireland, it will be necessary to employ the English army to put down those men who claim the right to remain subjects of the country, to which they think that all their loyalty is due, men who regard Mr. Parnell as their enemy because, from the many speeches they have read of his, and from all they know of his work, they believe him to be an avowed enemy of England. It is natural that she should look at the question from the point of view of what she sees around her. In putting forth her words it is im- USED AS A MURDERING MACHINE. 55 possible for me not to look at the question from another side. In most foreign countries it is looked upon as one of the most absolute necessities in the education of a statesman that he should be trained to understand something of the consti- tution of those bodies which Bacon declared to be the “ prin- cipal point of greatnesse in any State.” In our country no such training is required, and men may well have the ordering of the actions of armies who look upon them as mere machines, men who understand nothing of those moral influences which deter- mine efficiency for fighting purposes. Burke has been referred to very often in the course of recent discussion. I wish that all who now think of employing the English army in a cause of which it is certain that almost unanimously that army will believe that it is a directly wicked and immoral one, would read Burke’s description of' the state of the French army during the Revolutionary period, and the effect that that state of the army had upon the French nation. If there is one fact more certain than another, it is that that corruption of the French army dated in a steady course downwards from its employment in the devilries of the Dragonades. Now of course no one supposes that in modern times the horrible details of those frightful crimes would be re-enacted in any attempt to hold down Ulster under the heel of Mr. Parnell. But the English army is a body much more sensitive to moral influences than was the army which trusting its conscience absolutely to the French priests, was taught to do evil under the mandate of Heaven. You have been expending for years every agency you could bring to bear that can improve, and therefore render more sensitive the moral standard of the English army. There never has been, with perhaps the exception of the modern German army, any force whose practical fighting efficiency so much depended on its own conviction, right or wrong, that it is engaged in a worthy cause. I could cite, with the full support of those whose evidence is the best on such a subject, 56 A FATAL RESULT. cases from modern fighting where the English fighting power has actually collapsed because officers and men believed that they were being employed in useless and wrongful butchery. The English army is happily free from all party taint. As long as they are fighting for what they feel to be a worthy cause, and in behalf of England, they care very little for the party criticism which is directed against every war that is forced upon a world-wide empire, whichever party may be in power. But their employment in making men who claim to be loyal English subjects obey one whom they look upon as something worse than a Fenian leader, would seem to them to be the result of nothing but the intrigues of statesmen of the same kind as the coups d'etat of France. Their feelings about the Fenian movement were happily expressed to me once by an old sergeant, himself an Irishman. “ Well, sir, I think I should like to see about tin thousand of them Fenians coming over that hill. I think we could just about dispose of them nicely.” We had at that time, perhaps, 800 men available for the purpose, but I do not doubt that, with that feeliug, the old sergeant was right. But to change sides and fight, as almost every officer and most of the men will feel that he is doing, against England, will, 1 am certain, result in the feeling that every man they should so shoot would be murdered. Under those circumstances, assuming that such orders were given and carried out, I am certain that a moral collapse would issue from which the English army would recover as little as the French army did from the Dragonades. I am aware that there are those who say that the feeling in the English army would be such that the orders would not be obeyed ; that the officers in a body would ask leave to resign, and that the mo^ if they were brought to the point would fire in the air. That is a question which I should be sorry to discuss. The discipline of the army is as yet very strong, and I do not know whether many might say u we must do as we are told.” I have heard the opinions of many officers on those subjects, but I have never yet heard doubt expressed THE WORKING MEN. 57 that any men who did obey would believe that they were committing murder. Moreover they are aware that the law of England has been always such that every man is respon- sible for criminal acts, and is, in their execution, not covered by any order he may receive ; so that any man of such a force would be liable to a jury verdict, which would entirely be confirmed by his own conscience, and by the feeling of all those whose judgment he values, of Wilful Murder. I am, of course, not speaking of any course that has been actually proposed by any English statesman. I am only referring to the horrible vision which is raised before the eyes of any one who knows anything of the English army, by the suggestion contained in the lady’s letter.] LETTER XXI. Mr. Arch and the working-men of North Ireland. — Strong Coercion needed to suppress English Loyalty in Ireland. — The Alleviations of Boycott- ing. — The coming storm in Belfast. — North and South. April 1886. — It seems a life of Arch appeared in some pious paper, and it has dawned on Methodists especially that they will address him to get their views aired : if he won’t receive them they would try Chamberlain, and make it public that they did so because Arch would not listen. I think I told you that of the Ulster M.P.s Johnston and de Cobain are really working men’s members, chosen greatly against the wishes of the upper classes who counselled moderation : they are hot Orange. The movement I am interested in is chiefly Liberal and Protestant in a milder sense, but it is an affair of bona-fide working men who are at their wit’s end at the impending ruin, and know not how to make themselves heard. I think I have told you I have noticed that they grudge Parnell the support of Arch more than any other he gets, and to Arch they are determined to go. The ‘‘situation” here 58 SEETHING BELFAST. (Londonderry) is very bad, and I hear Belfast is worse ; but I presume Government will hardly thrust Parnell on them without troops at his back to keep order. It is madness if they do : strong coercion will be needed against the Loyalists. I have met here some southern boys at school in Derry, and their experiences convey a worse impression than any thing I have seen in print— worse because they convey it quite unconsciously. “ Boycotting is not so bad ” said one “ where it is well understood : if your inside servants do not interfere and help you outside you are allowed to keep them. (If they help you “ outside ” they must go.)” This youth’s father had no land dispute, and believes the head office of the League did not promote their persecution, but the weapon being in the people’s hand they use it “ a little indiscriminately ” and they know well now how just to steer clear of the law. I see even hereabouts that the unwritten law is creeping into every arrangement in life. April 2dth, 1886. I got back from Derry yesterday ; this is a calm atmosphere after it, and there I am told it is nothing compared to Belfast, Seething is the only word for it. Ulster is only kept in check now by the popular delusion that if the bill passes the second reading Ulster can be “ amended ” out of it in committee. About Ulster is one of the points where I quite see Chamberlain’s argument. Sentiment is all very well, but Ulster has no right to impose her wishes on three provinces, whereas she has every right to separate from them at this juncture, and it seems very likely Parnell would not accept the dictatorship without Ulster ;ffiut the aristocratic element, lay and clerical, in Ulster do not wish to forsake their southern kinsfolk, hence the democracy are getting, I fear, beyond control. I see when the Orangemen “ speak out ” they are not believed as meaning to act, but Chamberlain has the wit to see that Orangemen are democratic : their leaders can control resolutions ” but the resolutions are passed by men who DIVIDED ULSTER. 59 certainly will go far further than the resolutions — J. Morley would be right to disarm them — if he could . I heard from a southern gentleman that the prospect of being “ forsaken by England” is gradually hardening the southern aristocracy to join Parnell as England's bitterest enemies. I fancy many Loyalists may be driven to this course by temper, ruin, disgust, and despair. I always saw in Parnell’s speeches it was counted on as a probability . He would very likely meet them half way, his want of “ officers ” is so great. In the north there is far more chance of Parnellites becoming loyal . To put it in figures again. Vou see, though there are sixteen Parnellite members for Ulster, they are elected by only half the number of votes that the fifteen Loyalists represent ; but according to last census Roman Catholics and Protestants are nearly balanced in Ulster, so that the fact of Loyalists getting twice as many votes as Parnellites, shows that many Roman Catholics voted with them in Ulster. I am convinced that a mere handful of our neighbours realise what Home Rule means, and of these the majority do not wish for it, but, like their betters would prefer to throw their weight on the winning side (whichever it were). LETTER XXII. The beginning of the working-men’s delegation. — The British security for getting rates paid. — Eor whom English workmen are to be taxed. May 1, 1886. — About half the working-men M.P.s are known something of — through Methodist papers — as they are nearly all of that persuasion : some of their fellows in these parts are determined to knock at these M.P.s’ doors and ask a hearing in the names of a few hundred working men who will sign their “ petition.” They say bravely if nothing comes of it at least they will have done their best. 60 POWER OF THE SCREW. The aspect of the case that absolutely paralyses us is the unaccountable infatuation that believes in the eighty-six (Parnellite M.P.s), whether as to their antecedents or their ability ! If any six of them had shown constructive statesman- ship one might be hopeful. Recollect they are the pick of Parnellites : conceive what the rank and file of office holders will be. How can sensible English M.P.s look at them and listen to them, and believe they are capable of ruling where calm, firm justice and truth is the greatest necessity? The “ cess collector/ 7 whom I spoke of before, was here again yesterday, and laughing at the prospects of the British tax-payer who is assured by Lord Spencer that Irishmen “ pay up 77 Government rates. He had another enormous bundle of summonses to be signed. It is true they do pay when the present available screw is put on — it is just this screw that is the grievance to be removed ! Of hundreds he summoned the majority paid without going “ to the bench, 77 because they know very well they will be obliged to do so as things are , but they said with one voice : — “ Wait about five months, and see if there’s a magistrate who will dare summon us to pay ! 77 Their sole idea of Home Buie is freedom to follow their own wills absolutely, and paying is no part of their wills. You have heard me speak of the Blanks of Blank Castle, a lovely place. Old couple spent all their income on it ; built a fine house and offices, with gas and every modern improve- ment. The building cost about 12,000/. There is lovely scenery ; beautiful, priceless old shrubberies and garden in good order every year improved and improving. It is a mile from a railway ; has fishing, shooting and 700 acres in hand of good “ home farm, 77 besides over 400/. per annum let to thriving tenants. After waiting in hopes of Irish property being made more secure, the trustees (old people dead) put it up to auction at Belfast this week. 7,000/. was the highest bid, so it was withdrawn. NATURE OF THE NORTHERN DEMOCRAT. 61 You will observe 44 demesnes” left to Irish landlords will not be worth much when life and tenure will be insecure ! If the 4 ‘Queen's writ ran ” in Ireland I suppose a company would risk buying it on 44 spec.” But we all know we are approaching chaos and the reign of dynamite. A tenant of Lord C/s told me yesterday that his property is rented fully one-third under Griffith's valuation : that he himself has thirty Irish acres (bigger than English acres) from Lord C. at 81. per annum good grazing land : Griffith’s valua- tion 14L per annum. I saw recently in a published list that this landlord was quoted as one of the robbers, and the proof given that rent was reduced 17 per cent, in the land court cases he has had ! It is to 44 better the condition ” of such as these tenants the British workman is to pay ! LETTER XXIII. The working delegates. — The appeal to Londoners. —How met. May 4, 1886. — The northern democrat is a pretty stiff customer, when he has really decided something must be done, he goes at it — kill or cure. The men from here (dele- gates) (I do not personally know the men going with them from other places) are attracted to Arch because he is 44 one of themselves ” and to Arch they mean to go : they believe that because the working men M.P.s are not gentlemen they cannot be hedged in by any 44 old-fashioned forms.” As far as lean gather they mean to send a cab full to Arch’s door and just produce their credentials. A great object is to get their mission quietly at work and to feel the way : then if they secured openings they would get special men to follow them up — probably professionals ; but as a first step they want to show themselves in the flesh, saying — 44 We are unlearned and simple, but behold not myths, but specimens of hundreds who cannot make themselves heard, 62 DOES RESOLUTE RULE FAIL ? but exist nevertheless. Our want of eloquence is our infirmity, and we want the help of our fellows against pro- fessional agitators.” I am perfectly sure they could never hold their own against a gathering of experts, but I am equally sure that in any private interview their real excellence could not fail to im- press, and that their actual presence would convey the reality of the Loyalist difficulty in Ireland : this inarticulate element. 1 believe the Presbyterian from Donegal (city !) is a tenant's valuator under the Land Act, so his words should have some weight. I am afraid one of the men is sadly wanting in venom, for I hear he said his notion of a “ felon ” was “ the chaps that murders and robs ” — (as distinguished from landlords) this is quite unorthodox. His father was a land-leaguer perforce in the old times when you had to take a ticket for a quiet life — perhaps not quite unwillingly. There is no doubt things have never been so bad since the reign of W. E. Forster, as during and before it. A very small show of determination keeps Paddy in order. Every- body agrees he is excellent when kept in order (as soldier, sailor, police, &c.), but no conclusion is drawn ....!!.. in favour of firm rule. In every direction I see good slowly growing up through all difficulties ; it is heart-breaking to think it must be cut short to please ambitious fanatics. I heard to-day the lower order of Loyalists think in some places that the surely coming lawlessness of a weak and con- sequently tyrannical rule will be “ fine fun.” N.B. this is where they are in a majority ! In “ desolate places ” we are arming steadily for self-defence on a good principle carefully laid down by “ experts.” Nobody seems afraid, as the alternative life would not be worth having, and death comes but once. Pound Belfast there is loud talk ; elsewhere action — quiet, spreading, and steady. “ THAT FELLOW GLADSTONE. 63 “ As in the days of Noah, &c.” It would take a wiser council than the eighty-six to manago what they wish to undertake. An old man was here yesterday who had money from his son at sea, and had to get paper signed. He told us he had three sons “ serving the Queen,” and that “ if they ran away when the trumpet sounded he would die of a broken heart ; and that is my position, and I won’t disgrace them.” He is in some danger as an active Loyalist, a fine old fellow of few words. May 7, 1886. — I heard yesterday one man went round a wild district getting names on the kind of “ commission ” the delegates took. a We the undersigned send a small depu- tation hoping, &c.” ; the distances are great, you know, in this wild part. My informant saith to companion as they slither on slippery rocks (sea-shore — a short cut) it being already dark, and miles from home — “ Well, that fellah Gladstone ” (always pronounced with accent on second syllable) “ puts quare bother on decent people.” Pious companion, slithering dangerously, answers : (i Praise the Lord always ! he might get a parTtic stroke yet.” Peter, not being particularly pious, told me this with a delighted chuckle. LETTER XXIV. Facts and the manifesto. — The loyal democracy . — Views of Ulster Parnellites of the Separation Bill. May 9, 1886. — They f (working men delegates) have the two Unions — “ Liberal ” and “ Loyal and Patriotic ” now at their back, and a fund of common-sense in their heads, so I am pretty sure about them : they are very clear-headed, and so perfectly truthful — “ there is no drede.” 64 “PALL MALL” FALSEHOODS. It seems to me Gladstone’s manifesto has extended the range of the mischief — putting the Bill as a test class question. It is the fact of the democracy in Ulster being loyal that seems to me to be the best hope of victory, when I observe how every calculation of Gladstone is founded on the contrary assumption. On the point of a “ separate Ulster,” we almost think Ulster Parnellites would rally together against the South : I see various little evidences of revolt already. 1st. They don’t like to lose Imperial influence of M.P.s at Westminster (as they have their country’s dignity more at heart than the hirelings have). 2nd. Then tenants would have to pay more than the landlords receive. This seems to tenants unprofitable inter- ference ! These two points are greatly against the Bills among the Parnellites I have heard speaking of them. And I think, also, there is no real bond between English Socialists and Ulster men, but that Mr. Chamberlain seems to measure them with great insight. As a matter of fact Irish “gentry” are much less removed from the lower class than English do. do., and the whole aspect of Ulster is compara- tively democratic — but not Socialistic. A correspondent wrote to Pall Mall Gazette some time ago : “ Perhaps you are not aware that the landlords whose land touches the sea on the coast of Ireland claim power over the fish in the sea and the seaweed that is thrown up upon the shore. I can give you two instances of this despotic power. Lord Meath, whose land touches the sea, prevents the fishermen at Bray from fishing within several miles of the coast, and when they waited on him some time ago to crave his permission to pull their nets on the shore he refused.” Lord Meath’s solicitors say that no proceedings have been taken at any time or place against any fishermen by him , either for fishing in his waters or drawing nets on his shore. In fact they say he is FORETASTES OF HOME RULE. 65 not possessed of any fisheries in the tideway. He charges people Is. per load for removing gravel from the sea-shore. This is the only “ offence ” which can he brought against him. The other “ instance ” is the interference of Mr. Smyth of Bray Head with sale of seaweed. As to this I have no information. You cannot persuade landlords that barefaced lies are worth contradicting, so they pass in England as well founded. LETTER XX Y. The poverty of Irish landlords. — Irish peasant proprietors. — The delegates’ experience of London caucuses. — Home- Rule treatment of honest labour a foretaste of the coming rule. May 17, 1886. — I am sure English people seldom recognise how poor Irish landlords are compared to English landlords ; because the Irish landlords known in England are the “ picked ” rich exceptions, “ gentry,” in fact ; there are hundreds of landowners of lower class. Of course the establishment of peasant properties in England would be a revolution visible to the naked eye of any tourist. In Ireland it would be hardly perceptible, the existing con- dition so much more here resembles that arrangement than in England, and recent laws leave tenants just as free as if they were proprietors, and minus taxes they must share if they become owners. Lady Yerney compares France to England ; it is no wonder her impressions are different from those made on my Irish- trained eyes, used to an equally poor and scattered peasantry. She seems to me to put down to the “ peasant properties ,J troubles that really come from the law as to the subdivision of every inheritance. The “ delegates” are very tired of London, and amazed at English roughs and want of police ; orderly people having F 66 A N UNSCRUPULOUS ENEMY. actually to fly for their lives from London meetings. 1 On the other hand their kind reception by M.P.’s makes them value “ Union ” more than ever. Their expenses have been paid by their fellows, and they are very stiff and decided to take no other money. No words of mine can convey to you our fearful anxiety from day to day. The enemy is so unscrupulous. Our stake so great and theirs so little. Good folks are really heart-broken, and strong men watch- ing it are growing wild. Noblesse oblige , and the upper class are trying to hide their ruin till all hope is exhausted. In order to starve our Loyalist shopkeepers the Roman Catholics are ordered to withdraw their custom, but not to pay their bills. The expense and worry of law proceedings make many victims wait a little longer in hopes of “ better times ! ” I know one shop where they used to go to Glasgow for goods several times a year, and they have not sold “ one stock” this year. There is 1,000L owing to this little firm, which represents a life’s honest economies, earned by constant industry. I cannot blame English people for not feeling for us in- tensely, for I know that even here the inconceivable meanness 1 It should be remembered that, by deliberately placarded notices, the Gladstonian caucuses arranged for mobs, chiefly composed of anti-English Irish residents, breaking up the meetings in which these men came to try to tell their tale to their fellow- workmen. One thinks that if, as these placards alleged, these working men were bigoted and intolerant fellows, it would have answered capitally for election purposes to allow them to show themselves in those colours. As, in fact, the caucuses knew well that, if the clear-headed common-sense and perfect truthfulness, of which the lady speaks, could be brought to bear on the London working men, the caucus game would have been ruined ; the caucuses were no doubt wise in their generation. But if London working men allow in one in- stance the mere statement of facts to be kept from them by organised riot, to what tyranny over themselves are they not paving the way ? Surely they themselves are fit to be trusted to judge of what is said. Who has the right to keep any evidence of fact from them ? In America, when once a game of this kind is detected, the caucus has a bad time. THE STRUGGLE OF GOOD AND EVIL. 67 and depravity of the Parnellite persecution seem incredible except for the fresh incidents that daily come under our notice and force it anew on our understandings. I find it myself hard to bear in mind how different the moral teaching is that these people get, how totally opposed to English ideas of plain right and wrong, but I 'know that whenever natural instiuct prompted me to advise pool- neighbours to consult 4 4 their clergy ” I have been horrified to find the utterly low and unworthy standard of action laid down for them, in, I think, perfectly good faith. People here simply do not believe that there is any morality worth more than its money value, and they cannot conceive that others are actuated by higher or different motives. I do not hold they have 44 a double dose of original sin," but I do maintain they have lower moral training than any other peasants I am acquainted with, except the Spaniards. As they are naturally kind-hearted and well disposed, they rapidly improve under good influences : this is observed by everybody, and, as usual, no conclusions drawn ! What I call the 44 good influence ” of the outer world would in time free them from much that holds them back at present : against this good the eighty-six archangels are contending to reduce the whole country to their own miserable level. F - 68 DISTRESS IN DONEGAL. POSTSCRIPT. Among the inclosures of the letters the two following local letters are of value, because they show on some of the best evidence, that of philanthropists eagerly seeking for a remedy for wrongs, that the lie about Lord Palmerston’s murdering action is only a specimen of a regular habit of slander about any one who is supposed to be a link to England, such as good landlords everywhere are. DISTRESS IN DONEGAL IN 1883. The following letter from a member of the committee of the Society of Friends has been addressed to Dr. and Mrs. Hart, London : — Will you allow me to address a few remarks to you in reference to your letters and appeals which have lately appeared in the newspapers I have long been acquainted with Donegal. I have visited it in summer and winter — in good times and bad. Last January another gentleman and I were requested by the Society of Friends to investigate the alleged distress ; we came to the conclusion that, though the reports were greatly exaggerated in many respects, there was likely to be a great want felt for seed potatoes. Our society was successful in raising a fund sufficient to enable us to distribute 270 tons of seed potatoes. I spent several weeks assisting in the distribution, so had the opportunity of seeing and hearing a good deal. What struck me very forcibly was that the greatest cry came from Gweedore and Glencolumbkille, THE ONLY REMEDY. 69 two districts by no means the poorest ; and here, too, the landlords were most abused, though in no other parts had the owners of the land done so much for the people. In Gweedore the late Lord George Hill, as is well known, devoted his life and means to the improvement of the locality, making roads, consolidating farms, making a little port, building stores, and a hotel, &c., besides introducing improved customs and giving inducements for the encouragement of industry, intelligence, and cleanliness. It would have been well for the people had they profited more by what was done for them, and it is to be regretted that so much ingratitude has been displayed. In Glencolumbkille, the principal landlords (wealthy Belfast merchants) have expended very large sums in improvements, making roads, piers, &c., and reclaiming land. Here too, though the benefits conferred are great, the gratitude is small, and very little encouragement has been given to the proprietors for the expenditure of capital. With the exception perhaps of the Bloody Foreland, by far the poorest portion of Donegal is the district known as the Rosses. Here the land is much more rocky, and the people have less cattle than in any other part of Donegal — little has been heard of this thickly-populated district. The clergy are very averse to begging, being so thoroughly disgusted with the demoralisation caused by the relief given in 1880. They have strongly urged the men to seek work in Scotland, where those who took their advice have done well, and a lesson has been taught to those who had not the willingness to go. I should be very sorry to say anything to discourage a helping hand being extended towards Donegal. The people surely need assistance, for thousands are endeavouring to live where it was never intended that a dense population should exist, and it is a cruel and baneful charity that would help to keep them there. The only remedy is to get the people away from the crowded districts into other and more profitable fields of labour, if possible at home, if not abroad. At present there is neither industry nor desire for improvement. When seasons do not fail the people 70 THE CURSES OF DONEGAL. can exist, and are happy, and do not care for settled work. They have their warm cabins, and all the winter the men lounge about doing nothing. At Teelin sufficient men could not be obtained to work at the pier ; in the same neighbour- hood men refused Is. per day, and a penny per pound on the salmon caught ; further North, in a little fishing venture in which I was concerned, we had difficulty in getting men at 23s. per week. Thousands of girls could find employment in the factories of Belfast and vicinity, but as long as meal can be had for the asking, the people will not exert themselves. In one part of the county men said, “ Pay me, and I will work on my own farm.” You speak of the inefficacy of the poor- law — I suppose you mean that outdoor relief should be given- If this was done the population of the West of Ireland would be one hopeless mass of pauperism ; for if one received relief, all would claim an equal right. What the people and some of the clergy of the West of Ireland require to learn is that they should rely on their own industry and efforts, instead of becoming public beggars, or beseeching Government to help them — in other words, requesting Government to hand over to them the result of other people’s labours. If a healthier tone could be infused, and the people roused from their old indolent ways, Donegal’s great curses — misrepresentations, begging, and laziness — would vanish, and we should hear no more of these pitiable appeals. Doling out meal, abusing landlords, and blaming Government can never cure the evils from which the congested districts suffer. Meantime I greatly fear that there is more misery and want among the Irish in the slums of London than there is in the whole of Donegal. P.S. — I omitted to mention that rent has very little to do with the alleged distress. On one estate to which you refer the average rent is only 15s. for each tenant, the rent of many being only a few shillings per annum, so that if they had their holdings for nothing it would make very little difference- I was also astonished at the enormous amount they paid each HOW PAUPERISING MONEY GOES. 71 other for tenant-right, amounting sometimes to a hundred years’ purchase. This helps to impoverish the people. This was written in 1883, during the effort at emigration, which failed through the blunders of an irresolute Government and the hostility of the Parnellites. “ LIFE IN WEST DONEGAL.” To the Editor of The “Sentinel.” Dear Sir, — The “ special commissioner ” of the Freeman has been to Gweedore — I suspect this “ special commissioner ” is never far away from Gweedore — and another cry is raised of the “ squalid poverty ” of the “ crimeless people ” of this primitive district, and the way is being paved for another appeal “to the humane and benevolent” to contribute of their means towards the alleviation of the “ dire distress ” which prevails among the peasantry. The peasantry of Gwee- dore are lauded as the most virtuous in the world, and the patriot priest is held up, and justly so, as “ their guide, philo- sopher, and friend — their pastor, doctor, and lawyer.” The “special commissioner” might have added that he was also an auctioneer, and as good an one as ever wielded a hammer, and if he had given an account of the amount of money realised for pew-rents in the Catholic church at Gweedore at the “pews auction” held there on the lstinst. it would be exceedingly interesting. Ah, no. The objects are to strike a blow at “ felonious landlordism,” to stop evictions, and, above all, that the charitable public may unloose their purse-strings and con- tribute of their means to the support of the sturdy mendicants of “ poor Gweedore ” ; to contribute to the support of the dash- ing men and brave women who in the majesty of their strength and prowess routed a force of police, nearly a hundred strong, and thereby prevented the free execution of the Queen’s writ in the month of May last ; to contribute to the support of “ the 72 WHY GWEEDORE IS POOR. children ” who attacked James Gallagher, himself a Gweedore man at Crolly, in the month of September last, and nearly killed him because, forsooth, he would earn a half-a-crown a day from the poor-rate collector for serving seed-rate notices on defaulters ; to contribute to the support of the denizens of Bloody Foreland, who about two months ago made a desperate raid on the summons-server of the Bunbeg district and his escort of constabulary, wounding some, intimidating others, and chasing the whole party like a flock of sheep ; to con- tribute to the support of the Amazons of Arduns, who a few weeks ago attacked, beat, and stoned three peasants because they would sell their oats to Mr. Robertson, of the Gweedore Hotel. Yes, surely to contribute to the support of the proud Pharisees of the congregation who love the uppermost seats on pews in the synagogue, and who would pay down 3/. a year for one of them before they would allow a Royal Irish con- stable to have it. These are the “ virtuous, moral, patient ” people that the “ special commissioner” of the Freeman rants and raves about. These are the “ pious Catholics ” who have boycotted, during the past year, almost every Protestant and “ colonist ” in their district, rendering their lives miserable and unhappy. These are the “ starving people ” who would not take 11. a week last summer when it was offered to a number of them for fishing salmon in the Bunbeg waters, because the lessees of the fishery and the superintendent thereof were “ colonists/’ These are the innocent lambs that would not cart turf to certain “ colonists ,J last summer and autumn, or even now, although they could earn high wages for doing so ; and that would not, during this winter, sell either straw or oats to the man- ager of the Gweedore Hotel, although offered high prices for it. What does the special (resident) commissioner say of the knitting industry h Nothing ; not a word. He does not, as he should, tell the readers of the Freeman that the women have stopped knitting altogether, because they would not be allowed to take away yarn from the agent, a colonist. Hundreds upon hundreds of pounds sterling have been lost to PAUPER ARTS. 73 the people of Gweedore in this way. He does not inform the public that there is a general strike in Gweedore against the payments of rent and seed rate ; that the people of this “ primitive’ 7 district are determined, unless strong measures be taken by the Government, to pay no rent, and that they hope in a short time to crush and extinguish both the landlords and the “ colonists ” — to “get rid ” of them, in fact, as their “ patriot leader ” once suggested — and he does not say that when a number of the Gweedore people are imprisoned for intimidation or other crimes that a collection is made in the district for them, and on their libera- tion a handsome present in the shape of money is made to each of them. So much for the poverty of Gweedore and the sym- pathy that exists for criminals. It is well known that the people of Gweedore are as well off as either the inhabitants of Cloughaneely on the one side, or those of Rosses on the other. The rents, too, are very low in Gweedore, varying from fifteen shillings to thirty shillings per annum for each holding. It is not at all an uncommon thing for a peasant whose yearly rent is 11. to have a horse, seven or eight head of cows, young and old, a couple of pigs, and from twenty -five to thirty sheep. The shopkeepers have 10,00(R. of outstanding debts in the district. So we are informed by the Freeman' s “ special.” In the month of June last it was stated in a letter from the “ patriot priest ” to the Derry Journal that the amount of out- standing debts in the district did not reach 1,500?., and Mr. Daniel Keown, in the Sentinel , confirmed that state- ment. The people of Gweedore eat seaweed, he says. Yes, they always do — whenever there be a Special Commissioner, Reporter, or Poor-law Inspector in the district — no doubt of it Whenever a distinguished visitor, a Government Inspector, or Pressman comes to the district and visits the houses, seaweed surely forms part of the family meal, but at no other time. How have the large sums of money which have been collected off the public for years past to alleviate distress been ex- pended h In the payment of rents ] Ho ; but in carrying on 74 WHO RAISES £1 RENT TO £6 ? opposition to the landlords, and in boycotting the merchants. Numbers of small holders whose rents on the average did not exceed 11. refused to pay. Proceedings were taken by the landlords, and when evictions took # place the small rent of 1/. was supplemented by a bill of costs in every case of from M. to bl. No matter ; it was cheap sport when fighting the “ felonious landlords.” In the summer of ’84 some thirty or forty families were evicted from their holdings for non-pay- ment of rent, and they were marched off, sorely against their wills, to the Dunfanaghy Workhouse, for the purpose of increasing taxation on the landlords. These people were all able and willing to pay their rents, but would not be allowed to do so. After spending a month in the work- house they all came out and redeemed their holdings, paying as much for costs as would pay their respective rents for four or five years. The total gross rental of the Gweedore dis- trict does not exceed 800£. per annum, and out of this must be deducted poor-rate and income-tax, none of the tenants having to pay poor-rates, as their valuation in no case comes up to M. The poor-rates for the present year are 4 d. in the 11 . , and the income-tax 8 d. } so that the net rental of Gweedore, even if paid, barely exceeds 600Z. a year. The “patriotic priest ” alone has a greater income from the people of Gweedore than the landlords have. It is calculated that from pew-rents, house-rents, offerings, masses, offices, marriages, and christenings, he has an income of about 700£. a year, and the people of Gweedore, with all their u poverty,” have built him with their money the best and neatest parochial house in the diocese. It is all bosh this talk of poverty. It is the height of bosh this prating about rack rents. A poor man whose rent is 11. won’t be allowed to pay it until legal proceedings are taken and the sheriff comes to his door to evict him, when he will have to pay 6£ instead of 11. No matter ; the money is forthcoming, and another nail, as they say, is driven into the coffin of “ felo- nious landlordism.” The patriots of Gweedore deem it cheap TO THE HUMANE AND THE BENEVOLENT. 75 sport fighting landlordism, no matter how much it costs. I am sorry to have trespassed so much on your space. I give the foregoing facts to your readers and the public with the hope that neither the ‘‘humane” or “ benevolent ” will be induced to contribute one penny to the demoralised denizens of Gweedore. — Yours truly, A Colonist . 1 1 “ Colonist ” generally means an old coastguard settled down. The lady ascertained that this particular man was to be depended on. 28 th January , 1886. THE END. LONDON : RICHARD CLAY & SONS, PRINTERS.