«$5s* & mmm^&m* "£3KE:~: $& w MS* m m •S5atS.«d£T JS?^?-*- ssfcj mm^ it $^ : P^TOyfP &85 -a^ 1 «; ■■■■ us ft x 4 If '''''<■!, i fe^S ''■TOW '•>'• "' w»; CHIC AR BOO i BERNARD HORWICH From Painting By John Doctor^ MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS By BERNARD HORWICH CHICAGO ARGUS BOOKS 19 3 9 COPYRIGHT 1939 By BERNARD HORWICH Printed in the United States of America In loving memory of five brothers, this volume is reverently dedicated by the sixth. "REMEMBER THE DAYS OF OLD, CONSIDER THE YEARS OF MANY GENERATIONS: ASK THY FATHER, AND HE WILL DECLARE UNTO THEE; THINE ELDERS, AND THEY WILL TELL THEE." DEUTERONOMY: XXXII, 7 INTRODUCTION European Jewry, up to a generation or so ago, was divided into two cultural groupings. Generally speaking, the Jews of Eastern Europe lived under the influence of the traditional Jewish culture and the Jews of Western Europe under the influence of the modern Western culture. The non Jewish environment in the towns and villages of Russia was at a far lower level than that of the Jews, whereas the general cultural and scientific level in Western Europe was higher than that of the Jews. This difference created a profound divergence in mood between Eastern Jews and Western Jews. The Jews of the East naturally concluded that their inherited Talmudic culture was vastly superior in content, mood and educative power to that of the world around them, and therefore, choosing the higher culture, they became intensely Jewish and lived on from generation to generation as if the outer world did not exist. They were quite right in their choice; they had selected the higher culture. The Jews of the West also chose what seemed to them to be the higher culture, which in their case was the culture of the environment. They abandoned the Talmud; they flocked to the universities and became authors of German, French, English literature. They soon grew to be more European than Jewish. The fault of the Eastern Jew was that he scorned modernity; the fault of the Western Jew was that he withdrew from history. The finest mental and spiritual types in modern Jewish life came from a combination of both tendencies. The Jews of Galicia, for example, had the old East European Talmudic culture but being part of the Austrian Empire, assimilated, likewise, modern scientific thinking. So, too, many of the Jews from Russia and Poland moved into Western environments and the choicest spirits among them, without abandoning the inherited past, added to it that which was best in the thought and mood of the modern world. Bernard Horwich represents the fine type of Eastern Jew who lives worthily in both worlds. The profound Jewishness of his Lithuanian environment became a permanent part of his pep sonality. It has never been eradicated. All his interest in intensely Jewish causes grows from the soil of his childhood. But his atti' tudes and activities have grown up in the atmosphere of America and without losing their vigor are modified in type. Like the typical Western Jew, he has a sense of discipline, order and prog' ress. He is a leader in all causes which involve new and practical understanding of the changing problems of Jewish and American life. I always was happy to see him in the congregation when I preached in Chicago. Those Talmudic and Midrashic references which a rabbi feels impelled to embody in his sermons and addresses and which are generally meaningless to the average member of the congregation, were always familiar and meaningful to him. I always felt that, Jewishly, he and I spoke the same language. Also, the new application of the old ideals to the change ing mood of present-day life never seemed unwarranted or heret- ical to him because he is profoundly a modern man. I am happy to write these few words of introduction to his memoirs. He represents to me the fine type of Jew who lives in the modern world knowing that the sources of his strength come from an older world. Bernard Horwich has won the West without losing the East. Solomon B. Freehof. May 5, 1939. PREFACE About three years ago, for the first time in my life, I had the experience of being really ill. For about seven weeks, I was laid up with pneumonia. This being a dangerous illness, especially for one of my age, it caused me to think of many things that I had pre' viously had little time to dwell upon. Through the long days and nights, as I lay helpless, knowing my recovery to be doubtful, the complete panorama of my life unrolled before my vision. It was at the age of five that I first became conscious of myself as an individual, and in my mind's eye I went over all that had happened to me in my seventyodd years of activity since then. Living over the details of my life, and taking inventory, as it were, of the entire scene, I came to this conclusion — that if all the pleas' ures and joys I had experienced were put on one side of a scale, and all the trials, sorrows and anxieties on the other side, the latter would greatly overbalance the former. It has certainly not been an easy road that I have traveled, and my chief consolation has ever been in my hope for the future. Always, when beset by difficulties, or grieving over past disap' pointments, I have raised my spirits by looking forward to a bet' ter tomorrow. Now, as I lay ill, it seemed that there might not be another tomorrow for me. I began to feel despondent, although not through fear of death. I have never been afraid of dying. When' ever I felt refreshed after a good night's sleep, I remembered the saying of the Talmud, that sleep is only the sixtieth part of death. If sleep is so wonderful a rest, being but the sixtieth part of death, how peaceful must death itself be! No, it was not fear of death that made me sad. It was that I was brought forcibly face to face with the realization of the emptiness of life. Over and over in my mind ran the sayings of Koheleth, son of David: "Vanity of vanities, all is vanity/ 1 "A man hath no pre-eminence above a beast, for all is vanity. All go unto one place. All are of the dust and all turn to dust again." "One generation passeth on — another generation cometh." Lying there, weak and ill, I felt that I was indeed of the "gen- eration that passeth on." And I began to meditate upon how long I would be remembered after I was gone, and what would be said of me. From what I had observed in the case of other men, who had preceded me — men who had been active in public life and well known in their communities — I had a fair idea of what would happen. There would be some who would praise me, and some who would find fault. Some would be sorry, and some would feel pleased because it was I and not they who had departed. But most, I knew, would be indifferent, and within a short time, like those others I had known, I would be forgotten. It was then that I determined, if I recovered, to leave some- thing behind so that my name might be remembered at least by the present and future members of my own family. I recalled that I had often been urged by various friends, at different times, to write down the experiences of my life, which they felt would be of interest to many, and I decided that, should I regain my health and strength, I would set about this task. That was the first time I gave serious consideration to the idea. As I gave the matter further thought, I began to realise that the biographies of the world have been concerned chiefly with individuals of extreme types. The accomplishments of the great and powerful, for good or bad, have been widely recorded throughout history. The greatness of a Washington or Lincoln, the tyranny of an Ivan, the Terrible, or a Hitler, have occupied the attention of the majority of writers. But neglected, as a rule, has been the vast middle class — the acknowledged backbone of civilisation — and in my book I decided to present the lives, the hopes, the dreams and aspirations of a middle-class family, believ- ing that their accomplishments, too, were of interest and value. My further purpose, I determined, would be to portray the lives of the Jews of the Old World and their adjustment to the New. The period with which I was chiefly concerned was that during which hundreds of thousands of poor immigrants, I among them, came to America to seek their fortunes, with the eager hope that here in this new land of freedom, they and their descendants might fare better than in the old lands of persecution and intolerance. I wanted to explain how this uprooting and transplanting, this imposing of one civilisation and way of living upon another, had varied effects, both serious and humorous; how some of these immigrants were bewildered by this strange new world, and how the great majority rose above the difficulties they encountered, adjusted themselves to their new environment, and not only found a place in it, but even contributed largely, in all fields of endeavor, to the upbuilding of their adopted country. The valuable con- tributions of this group as a whole should, I felt, be pointed out particularly to the American-born citizens of this country, who tend to regard their foreign-born compatriots as intruders and not entitled to the same benefits that they enjoy. I wished to explain, too, how the untrained Jewish immigrant was forced, as I was, not by choice but by necessity, into industry and business, when he found other means of employment closed to him. This is how the book came to be. I hope that others — mem- bers of middle-class Jewish families like my own, will follow my example, and record their accomplishments for posterity. Thus may the world be made aware of the contributions of this impor- tant but hitherto silent class to the progress of humanity. Having been the first to come to this country, I have been called the "Columbus" of my family, which now numbers about three hundred and fifty members in America. Among them are working men, professional men and business men. Some have done better than others, but they are all of the middle class. In all these years, among all of them, there is not one I know of who has come in conflict with the law — with the lone exception of my dear brother Harris, whose humorous experience when he was accused of keeping boxes of empty bottles on the sidewalk in front of his place of business, is related in this book. I am under no illusion that my book is a masterpiece, or that it has any great merit. It has been written chiefly from memory, and by a mind not so alert as formerly. I will be pleased if it is better received than I anticipate. It was during my above-mentioned illness, also, that I decided to have executed the oil painting of me which appears as the frontispiece of this volume. It is the work of the eminent artist, Mr. John Doctoroff, who has, I am afraid, done me more than justice. There was another ambition that possessed me at the time of my illness — one that I hope I shall live to see accomplished — and that is to witness a change of government in Nazi Germany, where the hope of our people, and of humanity at large, has been so horribly crushed. I pray that the time is not far off when the people of the world, and chiefly the leaders of the people, will at last realize that we are all children of one God — that He created us all, in the same form; when the strong will not take advantage of the weak, nor the mighty use their power to oppress and crush the defenseless; when it is acknowledged that there is room in the world for all people to live happily together. August. 1939. Bernard Horwich. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I My Boyhood in Poniemon - 1 II Starting Out in the World 51 III "The Land of Opportunity' 1 105 IV Early Chicago 130 V Family and Friends 1 56 VI Beginnings of Zionism 228 VII Communal Work 254 VIII Leading Chicago Zionists 29 3 IX War Relief 308 X My Visit to Palestine 371 XI I Draw a Few Conclusions 389 ILLUSTRATIONS Bernard Horwich Frontispiece FACING PAGE Jacob Horwich 80 Mrs. Bernard Horwich 160 Author and Family at Passover "Seder" 192 The Six Horwich Brothers 224 Zionist Leaders at Fifth Congress 256 Reception Committee for Dr. Nahum Sokolow 288 "Bread for Palestine" Committee 320 Snapshot of Harris Horwich 352 Author at Wailing Wall, Jerusalem 384 Palestinian Girls Breaking Stones 400 Cartoon Portraying Author and Dr. Chaim Weizmann 416 CHAPTER I MY BOYHOOD IN PONIEMON Lithuania, a little bit of a country, with a present population of only about two and a half million, lies wedged in between three strong and none too amicable neighbors: Communist Russia, Nasi Germany and Poland. Formerly Lithuania was a part of the Csarist Empire. The World War and the Russian Revohi' tion brought about its independence, however, so that now it paddles its own canoe. The river Niemon, the Rubicon of the 1812 Napoleonic cam' paign, passes near Kaunas (once called Kovno) . It is the capital city and metropolis of this country, and has a population of over 100,000, of which one-fourth are Jews. Kovno was and still is the seat of the greatest rabbinate of diaspora Jewry. In my time it was presided over by the then famous and even now unforgotten Rabbi Itschak Elchanan Spektor, whose vast learning and great wisdom made him the outstanding rabbinic figure of his generation. Across the river from Kovno lies the hamlet of Poniemon (in Polish it means "on the Ni^non") . Here is where my story begins. This obscure village, which never grew to more than a hundred families, was the place of my birth. Here I arrived as an unwel' come guest to my mother, for already possessing two sons, she was very anxious that I be a girl. She had prayed, had had other people pray, and had contributed to charity, all in the hope that the Almighty would send her a pretty baby girl for her third child, instead of a boy, especially one that turned out as unattrac- tive as I. It was in this hamlet that I first learned life's hardships, and the weaknesses, the intolerance and the selfishness of human beings. There I got my first taste, too, of what it means to be a Jew. There, also, my parents peacefully rest in their graves. l 2 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS Hence, little Poniemon, next to America, is dearest to my heart, and remains engraved in my memory forever. My little city had but a single street, four blocks long. This was bisected in the center by a square block of land, divided into two parts. One part was of pure sand, and was called the Sand Islet. The other part, which contained a few dosen trees and some grass, was called the Grove, or the Woods. For that reason, the people of the town considered this thoroughfare to be two streets. Each one called the place where he lived 'This Street," and the opposite end "The Other Street." The section coming from Kovno had a Jewish cemetery at its starting point, while at the extreme end on the other side was the Catholic cemetery. The street with the Jewish cemetery had a small House of Worship for daily prayer and a large Synagogue for holidays or for special festivals. The street with the Catholic cemetery had another small Jewish house of prayer, but a very sizeable Catholic Church to accommodate the peasants streaming in from miles around, for in Poniemon itself there were only four Christian families. The river Niemon starts from somewhere in Russia and runs through a part of Lithuania, through East Prussia, into the Baltic Sea. For the inhabitants of our town, the river had advantages and disadvantages the whole year round. During the summer months the people had a place in which to bathe, to catch fish and to enjoy life generally; but the disadvantage was that, since there was no bridge across the river to Kovno, they had to pay for being taken across in a rowboat. This business of taking passengers up and back from Kovno across the river was the cause of a great deal of friction. The representatives of the community had to decide who should get the contract for the privilege. An elderly man, by the name of Itziel, had a sort of monopoly on it, and as soon as spring came and the river was cleared of ice, there were a great many quarrels MY BOYHOOD IN PONIEMON 3 and arguments as to why this Itsel should be the privileged char- acter. It was quite a business, and would bring in about two hundred roubles (one hundred dollars) for the season of six months. The people were always left dissatisfied, no matter how the controversy ended. In the winter, the river would freeze, so that the people could not only walk across, but also ride across on sleds. However, the danger of the river overflowing in the spring, when the ice started to break up, would always create anxiety and fear. Often the river would rise and overflow to such a distance that many of the houses were greatly damaged. The whole town would then be cut off from Kovno, which meant from the world. Among the Jewish notables of the town was Rabbi Avremil, a man of deep piety, great learning and good common sense; also Moshe, Velvel and Abram Feinberg, of the Shatenstein family, who leased tracts of forest land from the Russian Government, felled the trees and exported the finished timber, chiefly to Ger- many. Abram, called Avremsik, was the "prince" of this family. In addition to being a good business man, he was also a perfect gentleman and scholar, not only learned in Hebrew but in world literature as well — a man highly respected for his piety, honesty and modesty. The four brothers of the Bregstone family, Selig, Shaane, Abram and Moshe, known to us as "the Bregstones of the moun- tain," were also among the outstanding men of the town. They had a farm in the hills nearby, which supplied them with their provisions. They tried their luck in business, but without great success. Though not rich, they were looked upon as "well-to-do" and good men. The brothers were partners in all their ventures, and there never was any friction or misunderstanding among them or their children. This in itself was proof of the fine temper of the family. 4 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS The other men in public life in my town, besides the Rabbi, were two teachers, a cantor, and a "shochet." A shochet is one who kills chickens, or cattle, in accordance with Jewish tradi' tions. There was also a barber, who acted as assistant to the physicians, whenever one came to town. We likewise boasted a synagogue beadle, a store keeper, two tailors, a shoemaker and a blacksmith. The remainder were what we call "windmen," or jacks of all trades. One of the interesting characters of Poniemon, whose activities shed some light on the life of my native town seventy years ago, was Yehuda Yamkeles, the Jewish night watchman. During the day the village was protected by a man appointed by the "voit," or mayor. Though not a Jew, he loved Jewish food. His appetite was always good, and his thirst great, and being an fc 'official 1 ' of the town, he managed to get all the food and drink he could stand. Since no offense against the law was ever known to have been committed in our community, this policeman had nothing to do but spend his time going from house to house, greet' ing everybody and getting something to eat or drink. At night, however, since no official protection was provided, the leaders of the town thought it important to employ a night watchman; but I am sure Yehuda Yamkeles thought differently, for in all the years he was so employed, nothing ever happened to disturb the peaceful sleep of the townspeople. Our watchman was a tall, lanky, overgrown man of about seventy, bent by ill health. A victim of asthma, his breathing was so bad that he could hardly speak. His duties were to go through the streets from one end to the other three times a night; but since this was too strenuous for him, he would walk only a little way, and then shout at the top of his voice, "Beware, I, the night watchman, am here," in order to frighten thieves away. This candidate for the grave was the guard and protector of our city from sunset to sunrise. His chief problem was how to kill MY BOYHOOD IN PONIEMON 5 time, but since he knew the Psalms by heart, he would spend the nights reciting Psalms and praying to God for the welfare of the Jewish people throughout the world. My parents' families were, from the material point of view, only a trifle above the level of the poor, but were known to be very honest. I always feel proud of the fact that character, not wealth, was the measure of a man in this little hamlet. Although seventy-five per cent of the population lived in the direst poverty, regard for one's fellowman was based not on his possessions, but on his learning, piety and honesty. My father was not a native of Poniemon. He came there as a young man to study the Talmud and acquire Jewish knowledge in general, and being poor, was supported during this period, as was their wont, by the Jewish townspeople. Seven families, who could afford it and were willing to do so, obligated themselves to provide his meals on successive days of the week. This method of providing food for poor students was customary throughout Jewry. Such students were known as guests or "dayeaters." Since many of these families were themselves very poor, it was arranged that each student should have a fair provision of food for at least three days a week. For example, if he had a poor Monday, with an impoverished family, he was compensated by having a good Tuesday, with a family better situated, and so on. It so happened that my father had one of his "eating days" at the house of Grandfather David Horwich, where my mother lived, and according to reports, she decided she would marry him. It was not a question of falling in love. God forbid! Talk of love in those days was considered wicked and immoral. No Jewish girl would dare to mention the word. She wanted to marry him because he was a good student, pious, modest and well liked by the good people of the town, especially by the Rabbi. She had her way. 6 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS Father was indeed an exceptional man in many ways. He was a scholar, with a modern tendency — religious, yet not fanatic, and well versed in all matters of Jewish knowledge. A mild, easy- going, unassuming, gentle soul, he took things as they came and never complained or quarreled, nor did he envy any man. Two incidents in his life more fully describe his fine character. One day, while returning from Kovno, where he had gone to look for a position, he found one hundred roubles (fifty dollars) in cash. In those days such a sum was a little fortune, especially to a poor man. He was at that time the father of three children, and the most he had ever earned, when he had employment, was five roubles a week. With a hundred roubles he could have brought much pleasure and comfort to his home; yet he did not bring the money home, nor did he say anything about his find to my mother. He hid the money and then told people he understood someone in Kovno or nearby had lost a large sum. For two months he spread this tale, in the hope that he would thereby learn the name of the loser. However, as no inquiry was made, he went to see Rabbi Spektor of Kovno (known even to this day as one of the great Gaonim in Israel), and telling him his story, asked for advice. The Rabbi undertook to announce the find, without stating the amount or giving information as to where it was found, and further announced that the owner could have the money by giving proof that it was his. For two months the news was spread about, yet no one responded. At the expiration of the set time, since no claimant had appeared, the Rabbi informed my father that he could keep the money as his own. When father came home and told the story to mother, and showed her the hundred roubles in cash, she almost fainted. For a while she was mute, and when she finally recovered her com' posure, she murmured these words: MY BOYHOOD IN PONIEMON 7 "Oh, God, please do not punish a feeble woman for her wicked words; but I cannot help saying, dear God, that while I thank Thee day and night for giving me a husband who is such a pious and saintly man, yet I ask, why didst Thou make him such an idiot? Why didst Thou not give him a little more sense to under- stand that poor people do not have so much money, and that when they do have it, they don't lose it — they will watch it every minute, day and night. The one who lost this money must be a very rich man — only Thou, great God, knowest how rich he is, and that he can well afford to lose it. Here we are, strug- gling and slaving in wretched poverty for our daily bread, while my husband, the saint, walks around for four months with a hundred roubles in his pocket, looking for the millionaire who lost it, without saying a word to his wife about it!" The second incident occurred as follows: There was in Ponie- mon a man known as Itsig, a very shrewd and unscrupulous individual. He managed to make money in all kinds of ventures and schemes, and was always looking for more and more business. My father came to him with a very good project, which required capital. Itsig investigated the proposition very carefully, and decided to go into it. The understanding was that it should be a "fifty 'fifty" arrangement, Itsig to furnish the money and my father to run the business, with the profits to be divided equally. Father, having complete faith in everyone, did not think to put their arrangement in writing. The business was duly started and proved to be very profitable, and father thought he would soon be a man of wealth. After two years, when he proposed they divide the profits, as the books showed a considerable sum of surplus cash on hand, Itsig answered that he never did and never would divide profits with anyone; furthermore, he did not want to have my father in business with him any longer, and he told him to leave. As compensation for the time my father had devoted to running the business, Itz,ig allowed him ten roubles a week, claim- 8 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS ing this was the highest salary father had ever made before start- ing with him. The people who knew about the deal were furious over this outrage, but my father only smiled and said: "I am glad that I was instrumental in making that man happy ." And the more money Itsig subsequently made, the happier father was, because he had been responsible for bringing him into the business. For forty years, father was employed as an expert and trusted aid by merchants in the lumber and timber industry. His salary, which was never more than fifty roubles (twenty-five dollars) a month, was in those days considered good pay; but it was far from enough for a large family to live on, and mother had to help along by earning money in various enterprises. Fortunately, how ever, when he reached the age of about sixty, he did not have to worry about earning a living, as he was provided with from eighty-five to one hundred dollars a month by his five sons in Chicago. On his deathbed, at the age of eighty-seven, as we were later informed by the Rabbi of the town, father prayed with tears in his eyes for the health and happiness of his children, their children and all good people of the world. He had one of the greatest funerals the city had ever known. The leaders of his people car- ried him to his grave, and the whole town mourned his death. Mother was by temperament just the opposite of father. She was nervous, clever, restless, obstinate, quick-tempered, and very active. She was capable of working from early morning until late at night for her husband and children, never thinking of herself, thus impairing her health. Like most Jewish women of those days, she had not been educated. Ordinary education then meant know- ing how to write and read Yiddish, and how to read the prayers in Hebrew; but even this was only for men and not for women. She knew and observed, however, in every particular, all the rules MY BOYHOOD IN PONIEMON 9 and laws pertaining to the Jewish religion and her duties as a wife and mother. Her husband was everything in the world to her. She wor' shipped the ground he trod on. He came first in everything — the best food, drink and clothes were only for him. While she ate bread and potatoes and herring, she prepared fish and meat for him. She cherished him but tried by every possible device to hide her affection for him. She would often chide and reprimand him for not being more aggressive — for being a "shlemiel" and let' ting everybody get the best of him; and then would go to some corner and pray to God that her husband would not think ill of her for being rude to him. The name of God was always on her lips. Always when she was about to start gossiping with other women, she would begin: "May God not punish me for what I am about to say," or "I hope God will not consider it a sin, the words I am about to utter," or before planning a trip — "with God's will, I shall go tomorrow to Kovno." After every meal, she would murmur, "God be praised, God be blessed for the food He provided for my children and myself; God be praised for the rain He gives us; God be praised for the heat, for the cold, for the fact that there is no sickness in the family," and so on the whole day. To her children, she was a loving despot. For the slightest offense she would curse, threaten, and quite often emphasise her indignation with slaps in the face or punches on the body, some' times using a stick or a whip to make it more effective; but soon after she would quietly ask God to forgive her for having been so brutal to her own flesh and blood. "Poor innocent lambs," she would whisper, "it is my fault, not theirs, that we are so poor and they do not get enough to eat, and have to wear torn shoes and clothes. Must I give vent to my 10 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS troubles and bitter heart by taking it out on them?" And so it would go on and on. Her household duties, and giving birth to a child every second year (once it was twins, one of whom died), would have been enough work for any woman, but not for mother. Her sense of duty to her children, her devotion to her husband, impelled her to do something in order to help carry the burden of providing for the family. So she went into the bread'baking business. She would buy flour on credit, bake the bread in large round loaves and retail it by the pound. Starting with one baking a week, she increased to two and three a week. Little by little, she added groceries, such as sugar, salt, beans, peas, herring and other goods to her stock. At first she sold for cash only, but in a short time started to sell on credit, and her memory had to do the book- keeping, which resulted in disputes galore. Then mother bought a cow. It came about very simply. A peasant who had brought a cow to sell in town stopped at our house to buy some herring and at the same time get a drink of "schnapps," which had to be done secretly. The peasant men- tioned that he had a cow to sell, and then and there the bargain was made. The Lithuanian got herring, tea, sugar, cereal and some money, and the cow remained with us. In a short time, she started to give milk, and six months later she presented us with a baby calf. This happened during the winter, and since it was dangerous for the mother cow to give birth in a cold barn, she was taken into the house, where she delivered her calf, and both animals were kept inside with us until it was safe to take them out into the barn. The "midwife" to the delivery of the calf was an old Lithu- anian woman by the name of Matulkas. She locked herself in the room with the cow, and let nobody in, and after staying there from about four o'clock in the afternoon until the next morning, she opened the door and called in mother, and later the children, MY BOYHOOD IN PONIEMON 11 to see what had happened. We saw a little creature lying on the floor, bedded with straw, and being licked by the mother cow. Matulkas occasionally strewed some salt on the little calf, to make the licking more tasty. The next day the little one was already standing on her feet, and we knew it was a calf, and the question of how the calf came into the room arose. Mother told us that Matulkas, the Lithuanian woman, was responsible for our having a calf. I remember asking my mother why she had done this, and the answer was that she got paid for it. "Well," I said, "why not pay her a little more, and have another one and another one?" Of course, to this she gave me no answer, and I repeated the question several times. My brother, Harris, who was a few years older than I, and no doubt understood the phenomenon, finally interrupted. "Do you know," he queried, "that the cat has little kittens?" "Yes," I replied. "And the dog has little puppies, and the horse has little colts." "Well," he said, "the cow has little calves. You don't expect that a cow should have kittens or dogs." Then he added, "Don't ask any more such foolish questions." And that silenced me and ended all queries as to how we had acquired the calf. Soon the calf grew up to be a good looking cow, so that we were blessed with two cows. These animals served as a lesson in good conduct, for through them I had a taste of the danger of wrongdoing. It all came about because cows must be fed, and because all the land and fields surrounding the town were owned by a German nobleman, Herr Leopold von Ashfort. The cows were fed a preparation of waste grain which mother purchased from various people, and lest they stray into Herr Ashfort's fields and cause trouble, they were kept in the barn day and night. But here the plot thickens. 12 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS A little boy, Berke, son of Zavel, was my "pal." His parents, following the example of my mother, also had bought a cow. One day Berke suggested to me that we take the cows out at night and let them feed in Herr Ashfort's hay field. Mother thought it was too dangerous, but agreed to let me take out one cow, so that if we got caught, we could say the cow had broken away from the barn and we had just found her. Well, the plan worked. We took out the cows, one at a time, and let them eat to their heart's content. This went on for about ten nights, and we grew bolder and decided on another plan. Instead of taking the cows into the field, where we had to wait around for hours until they had had enough, why not bring the grass or hay from the field to the cows at home? In this way, we could be free to go to sleep, while the cows ate at leisure. Mother strongly objected to this plan for the following rea" sons: First, if the cows ate directly from the fields, the sin against God could not be great, for a cow could eat so much and no more in an hour or so, and for a little sin like that we could drop a coin into the charity box of Rabbi Meyer, the saint. Secondly, as long as the cows committed the wrong, we were all safe; we had an alibi — the cows broke «*i* , ^^^yy? ft u 5^ ^ I I 1 - • ■ 1 * - ? 1 ■ * M ' - Ut't Mi Ni IL£ ■# 1g0m ^Mk mt 1 | : •v- Z&MM Wk ^ ^ ! , J »5 •? s£ So ~ FAMILY AND FRIENDS 225 I was introduced to Mr. Steinman, but not being able to form an adequate opinion, made inquiries concerning him. It appeared, from these, that he would never fit into the business. If the firm really required a third man, he should be a hard worker and an experienced and able business man. I warned Mr. Davis and Henry that sooner or later they would find they had made a mistake, but though I explained my attitude to Henry and rea- soned, and even argued with him, it was to no avail. Within a short time, Mr. Steinman was taken into the business, and the firm name was changed to Davis, Horwich & Steinman. Not long afterward, Mr. Davis came to me with unpleasant news. He had learned, he said, that Mr. Steinman was influencing Henry to get rid of him, and he feared they were going to "freeze him out" by making things so miserable for him that he would be compelled to leave, thus losing everything he had. His health, he said, had become impaired through worrying over this state of affairs. I could not believe that Henry would really do such a thing. Though he was of an obdurate nature, and self-willed, I knew him to be completely honest, and that he would not commit a wrong against anyone, especially against Mr. Davis, who had built up the business with him. I realised there must have been some outside influence. Determined to straighten the matter out, I reminded Henry that it was through me that Mr. Davis had joined him in the business; that he knew as well as I what a fine person Mr. Davis was, and that I was determined he should not be injured in any way. It was finally agreed, after many discus- sions and debates that Davis would leave the firm, but would receive his full share of the net assets of the concern. The larger part of this was paid to him at the time of the separation, and the balance was paid in installments, with interest. The firm subsequently was operated under the name of Horwich & Stein- man. 226 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS After leaving the company, Mr. Davis went into the real estate business. He was very successful, and became a wealthy man. Though he lost a great deal during the depression, he is still fairly well situated and getting along very nicely. To my sorrow, the firm of Horwich & Steinman started on the downgrade soon after Mr. Davis left it. Had not Mr. Steinman received considerable financial assistance from his family, the business could not have lasted more than a few years. As it was, they managed to keep it going for about twelve years, but were finally compelled to give it up. Poor Henry realised the mistake he had made, and admitted it; but it was too late. Though he had managed to salvage a little, it sustained him for only a short time. He became ill, and had to receive assistance from his close relatives. He never recovered, and died several years later, of a broken heart. However, his death could not have been considered truly tragic, in view of the fact that he was over seventy years old when he passed away, and had been for a number of years seriously ill and practically helpless. What grieved me most at the funeral, and for a long time after- ward, was that he had brought sorrow to himself and his family by permitting himself to be led astray. By nature, Henry was a good, friendly and charitable man, a hard worker and very ambi- tious, and might have continued to be successful in his business, had he followed a different course. Henry was the fifth of the six Horwich brothers to leave this world, and I remained alone. Sitting at the funeral services, sick at heart, I turned to a Rabbi who sat beside me, and quoted a passage from Exodus: "If he came in by himself, he shall go out by himself:' v - |^ Alone I came to this country, and alone I will go out. * * * Henry left six children, Minnie, Philip, Meyer, David, Louis and Frieda. His son-in-law, the late Jake Rosenberg, who was FAMILY AND FRIENDS 227 married to the older daughter, Minnie, was a prominent business man of this city, and well known in business circles of New York, Boston and Philadelphia. He was a good husband and father, and showed his fine character in his consideration for his father-in- law, assisting the latter generously, when necessary, to the time of his death. I would like to make special mention of Henry's other son-in- law, Ben Aronin, who is married to the younger daughter, Frieda. In character and personality, he is one in a million. Although American-born and raised, and possessing a wide cultural back- ground, he observes strictly the laws of Orthodox Jewry — not in a fanatical sense, but with love and understanding. He believes sincerely in the Creator and in the purposefulness of human life, and inspires others with this belief. He is an outstanding orator, and captures his hearers with his brilliance, enthusiasm and sin- cerity, and his amazing knowledge of any subject he may choose to discuss. In my opinion, he can hold his own with anyone in this city, as a scholar, in matters both religious and secular. I feel I am qualified to render such a judgment because of my contacts with all kinds and classes of people during the past fifty years, during which time I have had ample opportunity to make obser- vations and comparisons. Mr. Aronin has written several books, and has just completed a monumental work, called the "Abramiad," an epic of our people. This he wrote originally in Hebrew, and then translated into English. It has been favorably commented upon by several of the outstanding Hebrew scholars in the country. He is at home in any group, and in any situation. Above all, despite his versatile gifts, he is unusually modest, and a perfect gentleman in every respect. Mr. Aronin is a prominent figure in the Anshe Emet Syna- gogue. This synagogue has grown to great importance and influ- ence, under the spiritual leadership of Rabbi Solomon Goldman, and the sincere and devoted efforts of its president, Mr. Hyman N. Kohn. CHAPTER VI BEGINNINGS OF ZIONISM One day, in the early nineties, I received a letter inviting me to attend a meeting for the purpose of forming an organisation to be known as the Hebrew Literary Society. I showed it to Harris, and he became very enthusiastic over the project. I learned that such a group had been formed once before, under a different name, but due to lack of support, had been dissolved. I was not particularly interested in Hebrew, although I had studied it to some extent as a child, in "cheder." During the ensuing years, I had little occasion to use the language and had forgotten a good deal. I went to the meeting only at the insistence of Harris. Against my objections, I was elected an officer, and later I even served as president of the Society. The activities of the group were, of course, directed along the lines of Hebrew culture. At each meeting, a member was required to read a chapter from Graets's "History of the Jews" in Hebrew and then review it and comment upon it. When my turn came, I was permitted to read my chapter in Yiddish instead of in Hebrew, and both my reading and my comments were well re' ceived at the meeting. The Hebrew Literary Society soon became the headquarters for all social-minded Jews of the West Side. There they held various entertainments, lectures and discussions on all manner of topics. It was there that the first Zionist group in the city was organised, and when the latter grew to be a powerful and effective organisation, the Hebrew Literary Society was absorbed by it. The year 1896 was an important one in Jewish life, for it was then that Dr. Theodore Herd published his famous book, "Yuden- staat," in which he advocated the creation of a Jewish state, with its own government, in Palestine. 228 BEGINNINGS OF ZIONISM 229 Dr. Herd, the father of political Zionism, was an Austrian Jew. A brilliant young journalist, acting as Paris correspondent for the "Neue Freie Presse" (New Free Press), of Vienna, at the time of the Dreyfuss affair, he was deeply affected by the episode. He was astonished to observe how the usually liberal'minded Frenchmen became wild with hatred towards the Jews, as a result of the trial. He saw crowds marching through the streets of Paris, shouting "Down with the Jews," while all the time the guilty individuals and the persecutors of Dreyfuss knew that he was being falsely accused and condemned. Convinced of the innocence of Dreyfuss, and realising the un' fortunate man was convicted chiefly because he was a Jew, Dr. Herd decided that something must be done to alleviate the help- lessness of the Jews in such situations and strengthen their position in the world. He set forth his ideas in the book, "Yudenstaat," which created a sensation. It became at once the topic of convex sation and debate among Jews all over the world. Later Dr. Herd wrote another book along similar lines, called "Alt Neuland" (OldNewland). The idea of political Zionism, of a Jewish state, was attacked by the American Jews, of the Reformed as well as the Orthodox groups. It was approved by neither the rich nor the poor. The well'to'do Jews proclaimed that we were American citizens and this was our home; that we belonged to the American nation and therefore had no right to form a special Jewish nation; that if we did so, we would be disloyal and unpatriotic. They felt that if the movement succeeded, it would furnish anti-Semites here with an excuse to tell us to go to our own country, thus giving them an additional weapon. The Orthodox Jews, headed by their Rabbis, opposed the project from a religious standpoint, claiming that Dr. Herd was 230 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS not interested in the Jewish religion or in Jewish affairs, as such; that Palestine did not have for him a deep religious significance; that nobody had ever heard of him before, as he had taken no active part in Jewish life, and that he was not the proper person to be the leader in such a holy cause. Harris, who had been to Palestine, became wild with enthu' siasm over the project, and insisted that I get busy at once and do something about it. I told him that since I knew very little about Dr. Herd's plan, I did not feel qualified to call together a group of people to discuss so important a matter without learning more about the subject. Harris, however, was impatient for action, and succeeded in gathering together several men, among them a lawyer by the name of William Jonesi, and prevailed upon them to call a meeting to discuss the plan as outlined by Dr. Herd. The meeting was held a week later in a hall on Jefferson Street, with Mr. Jonesi acting as chairman. About fifty people attended, and the discussions lasted from two in the afternoon until six, with speakers for and against the proposition. Harris was the chief speaker in favor of forming an organic tion to further the movement, and submitted innumerable argu' ments. He employed his resources of wit and humor to cause the audience to burst into laughter. Then, changing his style, he described the tragedy of the Jews in Russia, Poland and other countries, stressing the Dreyfuss case, and moved many to tears. His brilliant efforts, however, were of no avail. When the vote was taken, it was found that those present were against the plan about five to one. But Harris did not give up. One evening he brought a few well known Hebrew scholars to my home, among them being Mr. Zolotkoff, Dr. A. P. Kadison, and Mr. Wolf Shure, publisher of a Hebrew paper in Chicago. They urged me to call another meet- ing, and would not let me rest until I had promised to do so. We BEGINNINGS OF ZIONISM 231 set ourselves to arouse interest in the matter, and within two weeks the meeting was held. Then and there was formed the first organised Zionist group in America, of which I was made presi" dent. It was called, "The Chicago Zionist Organization, No. 1." An energetic young man, Wolf Sudowsky, was elected secretary, and Elias Epstein, a cigar manufacturer, treasurer. It was our intention to form branches, as the movement grew, which would be called by their respective numbers. A lone member of the German" Jewish group was present — Dr. Bernard Felsenthal. He spoke in German. He encouraged us, and told us that though he was an old man and would not live to see the fruits of the vast undertaking, he would do every thing he could, until his last day on earth, and in the world to come, to further the cause of Zionism. His words were very impressive, and inspired the new members with enthusiasm for their work. Six months later, after our organisation was in full swing, a Zionist group was formed in New York. We had, in the mean" time, increased our membership substantially and had become strongly imbued with the spirit of Zionism. Shortly afterward, we read in the newspapers, that Dr. Herz;l was calling upon the Jews of all countries to send delegates to a Zionist Congress, to be held in Basle, Switzerland, in 1897. It goes without saying that we were very eager to send a delegate to such an epochal gathering. Not having sufficient money avail" able in our treasury for this purpose, I called upon all the mem" bers to pledge what amounts they could, and in this way we raised $100.00. We further formed a committee to go from store to store, and from house to house, to collect whatever they could get, from a dime up, so that we might be enabled to send our delegate in a proper manner. For a whole week, I spent half" days collecting, with different partners. It was a very hard and unpleasant task. For every quarter we received, we were treated 232 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS to a dollar's worth of abuse. But finally enough money was raised to defray the necessary expense. We chose as our representative, Mr. Leon Zolotkoff, consider' ing him the best man available. He knew English, German, Russian, Yiddish and Hebrew, and was well versed in the philos' ophy of Zionism. When he left for Basle, we were very happy and proud of our achievement. If I am not mistaken, he was the only American delegate to the first World Zionist Con' gress, representing the first Zionist group organised in this country. When Mr. Zolotkoff returned from Europe, I went to Buffalo to meet him, and on our way to Chicago, he described to me what had taken place at the Congress. It was all most interesting and inspiring, and his report of the proceedings was listened to eagerly by the members of our group. At that time, we decided it would be expedient to change the form of our organisation to that of a fraternal society, with a center in Chicago and branches in and around the city. Within sixty days, we had an organisation known as the Knights of Zion, our group being known as Gate No. 1, and inside of a year, we had ten branches, called "Gates," in various parts of the city and state, and even in other states. The total membership of the organisation had grown to many thousands. I continued as Pres' ident, Mr. Zolotkoff was Secretary, and Mr. Elias Epstein., Treasurer. Owing to the press of my personal affairs and my preoccupa' tion with other communal enterprises, I was unable to act as President of the Knights of Zion for more than two years. Mr. Zolotkoff succeeded me as President, with Mr. N. D. Kaplan as Secretary. Later Dr. R. L. Halperin was elected President, and he was succeeded by a young lawyer, Max Shulman, while H. L. Meites became Secretary. BEGINNINGS OF ZIONISM 233 In connection with this work, I had a somewhat provoking experience with Mr. Zolotkoff, who though a scholar, an out' standing journalist, a lovable person, and one of the best friends I had, was even worse than my brother, Harris, in practical matters. A Zionist bank had been organised in London, under the name of the Jewish Colonial Trust Bank, and every Zionist group was required to buy shares of stock at $5.00 a share. I at once ordered, for my group, if I remember correctly, 3,000 shares, and guaranteed payment for the full amount. The shares were sup' posed to arrive within four weeks after the placing of the order; but we waited two months, and three months, and they did not arrive. We wrote and cabled many times, and each time received word that the shares had been forwarded soon after the order was received, and should have reached us three months since. I was responsible for the purchase and had advertised it widely. I had spoken at meetings and secured subscriptions for the entire lot — but there were no shares. One afternoon I stopped in at the office of Mr. Zolotkoff, who was at that time practicing law and writing for the Daily Jewish Courier. As he was not in, I sat down to wait for him. My atten" tion was attracted to a big bundle lying in a corner, half "covered with old and torn papers. Upon investigating, I found there the shares for which we had been waiting so long. I was so angry that I thought it best to take the bundle with me at once, without waiting for Mr. Zolotkoff 's return, so that I might have a chance to "cool off" before I saw him. The Zionist movement rapidly grew in importance, and soon one found articles concerning Zionism in the English papers, as well as the Yiddish papers, practically every week, and frequently every day. The Chicago Daily Jewish Courier, the only source of infor- mation for thousands of newcomers in and around Chicago, was 234 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS eminently helpful to the cause. This paper, which had been started by Mr. Leon Zolotkoff before the Zionist movement began, was afterwards taken over by a Mr. Sarasohn, publisher of the "Yiddish Tageblatt" (Jewish Daily News) of New York, and finally by Mr. M. Phillip Ginzjburg, of Chicago. Under the lafr- ter's guidance, the paper became the leading organ for the West Side Jews, and in fact, for all the Orthodox Jews throughout Chicago and surrounding towns. It was one of our greatest supports in our work for Zionism, and we had the benefit of the personal advice and cooperation of Mr. Ginsburg, one of the finest and most influential men of the community. Also helpful in furthering the movement has been the Chicago Forward, which was established in 1920 as a branch of the New York paper of that name. Although these papers, under the man' agement of the nationally known Abe Kahn, give their chief aid and support to the labor movement and are recognised as cham' pions of the laboring class, they have not forgotten other aspects of Jewish life. They rendered great and valuable service in the matter of relief for European war sufferers, and have cooperated in other communal and welfare work. The Chicago Forward is edited by Mr. Jacob Siegel, who is a fine, level-headed individual, well fitted for his task and well liked by all who know him. * * * Though encouraged by the Yiddish press, we were criticized by the early Jewish'English papers, and by Rabbis from their pulpits. We were called cheap politicians, hypocrites, Christian missionaries, unpatriotic, and false Messiahs. Quite often we were prevented by the officers of synagogues from holding meetings or speaking about Zionism there. If we tried to speak, the lights would be turned out on us. Even in other meeting places, we experienced like difficulties. One of the strongest critics of early Zionism was a man by the name of Yoel Liebling, who came to Chicago, if I am not mis' BEGINNINGS OF ZIONISM 235 taken, from Pittsburgh, and started a newspaper here called "The Yiddishe Presse." Mr. Liebling was a rather imposing-looking individual, straight and well built. He was quite intelligent — was a Talmudist and Hebraist, and a forceful writer, but extremely critical. He under- stood the psychology of the Jewish reading public and knew that criticisms and attacks on people in public life are eagerly read by the masses. Though not an anti-Zionist, actually, he was aware of the weak points of the movement, and on every occasion used his clever and sarcastic pen to expose and ridicule them. He also seemed to take joy in exposing the shortcomings of Orthodox Rabbis and criticizing and belittling some of the outworn traditions and cere- monies of Orthodox Judaism. By such tactics, he attracted subscribers and kept increasing his circulation from day to day. Although he was in turn criticised and bitterly attacked, because of his methods, by speakers at various meetings and among people generally, he was regarded as a forceful and clever man and one to be reckoned with, especially by the Jews of the West Side. One day, while in New York on business, I received from my brother, Harris, a letter enclosing a clipping from Mr. Liebling's paper. It was quite a long article, defaming in an abhorrent man- ner my father-in-law, Rabbi Anixter. I was quite shocked by it. Harris had been so aroused that he wanted me to write to my two young sons to form a group of their school friends and attack the building where the newspaper was published with gravel and other such small missiles, smashing a few windows and thus bringing the matter to the attention of the general press. Of course, I did not approve of his plan, which I knew had been suggested in the heat of his anger, and wrote to him to that effect. I did write him, however, that I felt there were three ways of dealing with this vicious attack upon Rabbi Anixter. One was to 236 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS sue Mr. Liebling for libel if, upon legal advice, it seemed war' ranted. Secondly, since he had attacked the oldest and most venerable Rabbi in Chicago, it should be left to the Rabbis of the city to decide what action to take. My third suggestion was that it might be best simply to ignore the whole matter and let the readers of his paper judge him. Being busily occupied with my affairs in New York, I soon forgot about the incident. Some ten days later, I was greatly surprised, on passing a newspaper stand, to see the headline, "Publisher of a Jewish Newspaper in Chicago Excommunicated. " There followed a long article relating why this had been done, and how the procedure had been carried out. The formal excom' munication had taken place in the largest Orthodox synagogue in Chicago. Seated on the platform were all the Orthodox Rabbis of the city, and there was a capacity audience of over a thousand, with many hundreds waiting on the outside, unable to get in. The ceremonies lasted until midnight, when it was formally announced that Mr. Liebling was thereafter to be considered "untouchable," and that according to the Jewish laws, no one was to do any business with him or have communication with him until he made a public apology to the Rabbi, when the ban would be lifted. That same evening, I received a long letter from Harris, relat' ing how the Rabbis had come to the conclusion that this "cherem" (excommunication) should be resorted to, how the people had responded, and how the matter was accomplished. The event was mentioned in the principal newspapers of the country and aroused much comment. Mr. Liebling finally had to transfer his newspaper to his son, under whose management it continued to appear for many years, with no loss in circulation. The older Mr. Liebling, however, to the day of his death, could not regain his lost power and prestige. As for myself, I never did approve of the drastic action taken, BEGINNINGS OF ZIONISM 237 and would certainly have tried to prevent it, had I been in Chi' cago at the time. * * * In spite of all the obstacles we early Zionists encountered, we succeeded in securing more members and raising more money, spreading the ideals of Zionism through the press and through speakers, and the movement continued to expand. The World Zionist Congress became a permanent institution, and a congress was held every year. We managed to send a dele- gate to practically each one. At first, it was a simple matter for anyone who wished it, to become a delegate. The difficulty was to get someone able and willing to make the trip. But this changed as the movement became larger and more important. The Zionist Congress became an epochal event, and the leaders found it neces- sary to restrict the number of delegates and choose them carefully. In 1901, I was accorded the honor of being chosen as a dele- gate. It was quite a responsible undertaking for me to go, as at that time I already had four children and a growing business, employing many workers, to look after. My father-in-law, Rabbi Anixter, and my brothers strongly advised against it, arguing that I was not well enough established financially to spare the time and assume the expense of such a trip. I was determined to pay my own way, as I did not consider it dignified or proper to go to the Congress at the expense of the Zionist Organization. There were several reasons why I was anxious to go. Among them was the fact that my parents were greatly advanced in years, and I wanted to see them before it was too late. The trip would also give me an opportunity to see again relatives and friends of my earlier days. Especially, however, was I eager to meet Dr. Herd, Dr. Nordau and other celebrities of the Congress and the Zionist movement. Those of my friends and acquaintances who were not interested in Zionism or knew very little about it, thought I was a silly 238 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS fanatic. In my heart of hearts, I could not help feeling that they were, perhaps, right. The situation of the Jews everywhere hap- pened to be, at that time, very good, comparatively speaking. Even in Russia and Poland, the Jews were getting along quite well, and here in America, the great majority of Jews were either not interested in Zionism or were opposed to it. However, the idea of attending the Congress fascinated me, and I could not give it up. I arranged my affairs as well as pos- sible, and left with the well wishes of all Chicago Zionists. When I arrived in New York, I went to see Professor Richard Gottheil, who was then the president of the New York Zionist Organisation. He gave me some instructions about the Congress, all of a general nature, however. The next day I sailed for Ham" burg, from where I would go on to Basle. My first thought, when I arrived at Hamburg, was to inquire of people there about Zionism and Dr. Herd. To my great disap- pointment, I could find no one who knew anything about the movement. I had an amusing experience in that city. Stopping in at a restaurant for lunch, with a friend, I asked for hamburger steak, but none of the waiters knew what it was. It seemed very strange to me, and I could hardly believe it. My friend, however, ex- plained that the name "hamburger' ' was used only in foreign countries, while in Hamburg proper, they called it "chopped meat." Three days later, I arrived in Basle, Switzerland. It was two days preceding the first session of the Congress, but I found that preliminary meetings of various groups were being held. While attending some of these, I met Mr. Jacob De Haas, whom I found to be a lively, energetic little Englishman, and a highly intelligent and very able young man. When he asked me whether I had any suggestion to make with respect to the Zionist movement, I replied with two words: BEGINNINGS OF ZIONISM 239 "Proper organization. " I went on to explain that idealism alone was not sufficient to attract the masses to the movement. We had to have something concrete and practical, and would have to work out ways and means of inducing large numbers of people to join. He shook hands with me and said: "This is exactly what I am working for, and in time I shall have to come to the United States.' 11 While I did not see him a great deal during the Congress, as he was kept busy behind the scenes, we remained friends. We kept in touch with each other until he passed away a few years ago, in New York. The two days before the opening of the Congress I spent chiefly in getting acquainted. I was pleasantly surprised at the type of men who had come to the Congress. I was awed at the sight of so many imposing personages and thrilled to meet men of importance from almost every country in the world. There were, among them, professors, artists, doctors, lawyers, engineers, men of wealth, learning and distinction, from Germany, Russia and Poland. And chiefly, of course, there was Dr. Herd himself, as well as such men as Dr. Max Nordau, Dr. Mandelbaum, Ussishkin, Motskin and others. I must confess that I felt rather lost among all these outstanding people. I shall neyer forget an incident that occurred at the Congress. On my way to the first session, I stopped a poorly-dressed, unat' tractivclooking young man, to inquire regarding the building where the session was to take place. Assuming that he did not understand English, I said to him in German: "I am from America, but as I believe you do not understand English, I will speak to you in German. Will you please direct me to the hall where the Zionist Congress is to be held?' 1 Taking my arm, the stranger replied: "We can talk Yiddish. I am going there, and you can come along with me." 240 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS When we entered the hall, there was great cheering and applause on all sides. At first I thought the applause was for me, because I was an American; but I immediately realized this was impossible, as very few knew me. I, therefore, responded with a faint smile, and my young friend and I sat down. Still speaking to him in German' Yiddish, I introduced myself, saying: "We might as well get better acquainted with each other. My name is B. Horwich, and I come from Chicago, in America. May I know your name?" "My name," he answered, "is Israel Zangwill, and I come from London, England." I was greatly embarrassed and confused, but managed to say: "Well, now I know for whom they applauded. I came pretty near making a darn fool of myself ." "Oh, no," he answered, "the applause was for you. They know you are an American, and they expect to get big money from the Americans." I happily had a chance to speak to Dr. Herd himself for quite a while. He graciously put me at my ease by "speaking my language." That is, he moderated his conversation in accordance with my Yiddish'German, my comparative lack of education and meager knowledge of world affairs, and my superficial understand' ing of Zionism. When I mentioned that I felt Zionism should only mean pro' viding a home for such Jews as are homeless, he patted me on the head and answered: "All Jews have homes, and yet they are all homeless." We shook hands, and he asked me to convey his greetings to our Chicago Zionists. In my report, when I returned to Chicago, I mentioned his comment about all Jews being homeless, and my brother, Harris, enlarged upon this, saying: "Indeed, we are just like orphans, for orphans have many BEGINNINGS OF ZIONISM 241 'mothers, 1 but no 'mother' — and we have many Fatherlands, but no Fatherland." Every word that Dr. Herd uttered at the Congress was the word of a diplomat. He commanded respect from everyone present. He possessed great personal charm, and his black beard, coal'black eyes and finely chiseled features made a fascinating picture. He looked like an Oriental prince. In his rulings on ques- tions of parliamentary procedure, on points of order and in the matter of recognising delegates asking to be heard, he proved him' self a master parliamentarian. Outside of the meetings, he was very democratic, and, strange to say, seemed ill at ease, nervous and impatient. Anybody could recognise, however, at first glance, that he was a person of great importance. Dr. Nordau also was of distinguished appearance. In looks and action he was the typical nobleman. When I introduced myself to him, he lifted his hat and bowed very graciously. Taking my arm, he walked along with me for about twenty minutes, asking questions about America, in which he evinced a deep interest. He spoke an English which was perfect, and far superior to mine, and I soon realised that he knew a great deal more about Amer- ica than I could tell him. When I later heard him address the Congress, speaking in German, I realised that here was a great master delivering a masterpiece. I have often been led to contrast men of the type of Hersl and Nordau with our present'day states' men. A Dr. Klee, from Berlin, an intelligent and gentle individual, was chairman of the executive committee, of which I was a member. At the first committee meeting, he asked me for my title, as practically every delegate had one. Everywhere at the Congress one heard, "Herr Fabrikant," "Herr Engineer," "Herr Kaufman," "Herr Professor," and so on. Jokingly I told Dr. Klee: "Well, I once acted as a professor, when I instructed my young brother in dancing." 242 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS "Very good," he said, "Herr Tans Professor 11 (dancing profes- sor) . And thereafter I was called "Professor 11 by all my Zionist friends. I was made a member of the committee appointed to work out plans for the National Fund, of which committee Dr. Klee was also chairman. I did not then know who was the originator of the National Fund project, but later learned that it was Professor Hermann Shapiro, of Germany. Money raised for this Fund was to be used for the purchasing of land in Palestine, to belong to the Jewish people as a whole and to be administered by the National Fund Organisation. The proposition had been made to make the raising of the money a "penny 11 affair. The committee felt that it would be easy to induce every Jew in the world to contribute, as often as pos- sible, the smallest coin current in his country, and that thus a large sum would be accumulated. In the United States, it would be one cent; in Russia, if I am not mistaken, one kopek, and so on. They wanted to follow the same system as was used in the "Peter Pence 11 collection of the Catholic world. I was strongly opposed to this, and my objection precipitated a four-hour discussion. I argued that we could not compare our- selves with the great, well-disciplined, world organisation of the Catholics, with its several hundred million adherents. My sugges- tion was to agree on a definite sum to be paid annually, for I was sure that it would be much simpler and easier, at least in the United States, to secure from an individual three to five dollars a year, or even more, rather than an accumulation of, say, one hundred pennies. I was, however, overruled. The motion for the "penny system 11 was adopted, and stamps were printed for that purpose. I sent samples of the stamps to the London branch of the Chicago Daily News, and when I arrived in London, on my return trip, I saw a copy of that paper, with a long article about the National Fund and pictures of the stamps. BEGINNINGS OF ZIONISM 243 This evidenced the interest of the general public in our activities. After several years' trial of the above plan, it was proved to be unsuccessful, and the stamps were discontinued. Instead, large sums of money have been raised for the National Fund primarily through special contributions. After I had been in Basle several days, I received a telegram from the London branch of the Chicago Daily News, asking me to wire them news about the Congress, which they would for ward to Chicago. I replied that I was not sufficient master of the English language to write a newspaper article; but they stated that all they needed was an outline. I complied with their request, and later was pleased and proud to see the accounts which they published, feeling I had had a share in them. * * * When the Congress was over, I realised my own plans, and my promise to my brothers, and went to visit my parents, who were still living in Poniemon. I had some difficulty getting into Russia. This was during the Czarist regime, and no Jews were permitted to enter without special permission. To my American passport was attached a printed leaflet, warning American Jews, especially those who came from Russia, that they might meet with difficulties should they attempt to visit that country. I had tried to secure a visa from the Russian authorities in Chicago, and from the Russian Consul in New York, without success. I now proceeded to the Russian Embassy, in Berlin, hoping to have better luck here. When I stated my request, I was asked to wait for the person in charge. While waiting, I took a cigarette out of my silver cigarette case, and was about to light it, when the official whom I was to see, who was seated at a desk at the end of the room, nodded to me to come over. I complied, and showed him my passport. He studied it, then questioned me, and suddenly asked: 244 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS "What kind of cigarettes do you smoke? Are they American?" "Yes," I replied. And taking out my case I opened it and offered him a cigarette. I noticed that he admired the fine silver case, and said to him, in German: "It would be an honor to me if you would accept this as a token from an American." He was greatly pleased and took it very eagerly, cigarettes and all, and without further ado, my passport was approved. I have often wondered whether I would have obtained the visa if I had not had the silver cigarette case. With this permission secured, I advised my parents as to when I would arrive, and asked them to meet me at Kovno, Russia. I remained in Berlin a few days longer, purchasing gifts to take with me, and then started out, making a stop first at Koenigsberg, my old beloved city. I wanted especially to pay a visit there to my former partner, Max Perlman. In order to travel in a sleeper in Europe at that time, it was necessary to make a reservation one or two days in advance. As I was not aware of this, I was unable to get a sleeper when I purchased my ticket, and had to sit up all night. It was not a comfortable trip. The second class compartments had seating capacity for six persons, there being three seats on each side, facing each other. I found myself in one of them, in the company of five aristocratic young German naval officers. As they did not deign to converse with me, I felt stiff and ill at ease. About nine o'clock in the evening, one of the young men said to his companions, "Well, it is time to go to sleep." I was greatly relieved, feeling sure that they had sleeping accommodations else where on the train and that I would now be rid of my dignified fellow travelers. But I was mistaken. One of them turned down the light to a dim flicker, they bade each other good night, and in a few minutes they were all asleep, in a sitting position. BEGINNINGS OF ZIONISM 245 With great difficulty, I extricated myself from these tight quarters, and made my way to the aisle, where I stood, leaning against a window of one of the compartments. As the train passed a sharp curve, I was suddenly thrown against the window, break' ing it. Hearing the noise, the conductor came in, and asked who was responsible. Although none of the passengers spoke up, I told him how it had happened. When we reached the next station, the conductor called in the station master and told him the story. He wrote out a report, and from then on I was questioned at every station by an official about the incident, as though I had committed some crime. Finally, I was told I must pay fourteen marks (about $3.50) for the damage done. Though I argued that it was not my fault, I was ordered to pay, or my baggage would be withheld when I arrived at Koenigsberg. One of the pas' sengers advised that I pay, and then file a claim, which I had a right to do. We arrived in Koenigsberg at ten o'clock the next morning, and I was glad to leave the train. I lost no time in looking up Mr. Perlman, and was surprised to find that he was one of the outstanding grain merchants of the city, owning half a dosen warehouses. He spent a lot of time with me, taking me with him every day to the Board of Trade, where the grain was bought and sold, and each time I was with him, he bought from fifty to sev entyfive carloads. His secretary accompanied him and made notes of all his purchases. He had a large office, employing about fifteen men and women, and it was equipped with a telephone and all the latest office appliances of that time. He would arrive at the office at eight o'clock every morning and issue instructions to each employee for the day's work. Then, at ten o'clock, he would go to inspect the warehouses, which were loaded with grain, and where husky German workmen were busily loading and unloading and doing various other tasks. 246 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS I must admit that at the moment I experienced feelings of regret, and even jealousy, for it was I who had started him in that business, as my partner. I was a little hurt that instead of both of us enjoying this prosperity and prestige together, he was now a great grain merchant, while I was just an ordinary dealer in bottles. However, I was consoled by the realization that I would never have been able to continue in business with Mr. Perlman, anyway, for it seemed that the more prosperous he became, the more arrogant and stubborn he grew. He was married to a very fine, good'looking woman, and they had lovely children. I learned, however, from others, that because of his meanness and arrogance, he was very unpopular. Though Mr. Perlman became very rich, he lost a great deal of money during the World War. He finally went to Palestine, where his sons and daughters were living, and died there. Leaving Koenigsberg, I went on to Kovno. My oldest brother, Aron, was waiting for me at the station, but we did not recognise each other at first. When we finally made ourselves known to each other, my brother was obviously surprised and disappointed. In Russia, all the men, whatever their circumstances, wore fur coats and fur caps in the winter. The wealthy, of course, wore very luxurious and expensive ones, but practically everyone had some kind of fur coat. Aron had on a very fine one, with a very large fur collar, while I was wearing just a plain overcoat, and an ordinary hat. After the handshaking and the greetings, he expressed astonishment that I had come all the way from America so lightly and simply dressed for the winter. "We will discuss the Russian and the American ways of dress- ing in the winter months later on," I told him. "Just now, we want to get away from here." I learned later that his finery had been borrowed for the occasion. BEGINNINGS OF ZIONISM 247 We went in a "droshke" to the hotel where my parents waited. I was disappointed with the appearance of the streets on the way, and with the hotel — a great deal more than my brother had been with my lightweight clothes, and I told him so. I was very sad at the sight of my mother. She was suffering greatly with rheumatism and was almost unable to move. She had aged considerably, and had changed so much that I could hardly believe it was she. My father, wearing the American clothes with which we had provided him when he visited us in Chicago, looked fairly well, and, as usual, had a happy and contented expression. Mother was sitting on a low chair, and I had to kneel on the floor in order to kiss her. She pulled me to her, and started to cry, lamenting, "Was I so sinful that I do not recognise my own child, whom I raised, nurtured and cradled!" Father and Aron stood beside us with bowed heads. It seemed up to me to say something which would brighten the atmosphere. "Mother," I said gently, "it is I, and not you, who is to be blamed for your not knowing me. You remember how you always warned us, that if we did not go in the ways of God and follow the dictates of our religion, no good person would recognize us. Now, if you do not recognise me, it must be because I have been wicked." This remark brought a change in mood, and we all started to smile. Although physically my mother was not at all the vigorous, strong, healthy and good'looking woman she had been when I last saw her, mentally she was just as keen and clever as I remembered her to be. We remained one day in Kovno, and then left for Woronowo, where Aron lived with his family. This town, which is a few hours' 1 ride from Wilno, the largest city in Lithuania, did not differ greatly from our little Poniemon and other such small Lithuanian towns. The streets were very muddy — the houses 248 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS were small and shabby. The people, with a few exceptions, were of the poorest, and spent most of their time praying and hoping for better times. Aron lived in a little frame house, with his wife and children. His oldest son, Abram Hers, who had been recently married, had brought his wife to live there, too. This was about five years preceding his coming to America. My arrival created quite a stir, especially since I had just come from the Zionist Congress. I was kept busy answering questions about Zionism, America and a hundred other things, and telling my parents and relatives about the other four brothers and their families in Chicago. Father still delighted to speak of the happy days he had spent with us in America, and on every occasion thanked God that, in his old age, he was well provided for by his children. My mother, on the other hand, was not particularly happy or satisfied. It was difficult to please her, and she even remarked that, though she had no complaints to make against her sons, she had heard of parents who had received even better treatment from their children. I tried my best to bring her a little happiness, and told her that when I returned to Chicago, I would propose to my brothers that each year one of us come to visit them, starting with Sam, who was the youngest. Father was overjoyed at this proposal and, with a big smile, exclaimed that such a plan, if it could be carried out with God's help, would cause the greatest happiness that could come to parents. "Oh, how wonderful that would be!" he cried enthusiastically, acting like a happy child. But Mother interrupted him, shaking her head morbidly. "You are still as foolish as you ever were!" she scolded. "You will never learn. Don't you know where you are? Don't you know how old you are? Don't you know what is likely to happen to people of our age any day or any minute? Then why make this BEGINNINGS OF ZIONISM 249 silly talk about the pleasure you will have in seeing one of your sons every year?" The smile left my father's face, and hanging his head like one caught committing a great wrong, he said sorrowfully, "Yes, I think you are right." I felt very miserable over that little scene, and later, when no one was around, I reprimanded Mother very gently. "Why did you make that statement?" I asked. "What harm is there for you and Father to live in the happy thought that you will see each year one of your sons? Why be so pessimistic, and talk about death and old age when everything looks so bright and sunny?" This displeased Mother, and she answered in the tone of a martyr: "Well, I suppose it is God's will that your parents should live in Russia, and have to depend upon their sons in America for support, and that you should come here to lecture your mother and give her instructions as to what to say and what not to say to your father!" I stayed on for eight days, and though I did not derive a great deal of comfort from my visit, I was very sad when the time came to leave. At the time I was there, the little community was split into two parties. It seems that one faction was dissatisfied with the Rabbi of the town and wanted to engage a new one, while the other faction sided with him and wanted him to remain. Aron, though he had practically no tangible means of support, was nevertheless one of the leaders of the town. He sided with the latter group. In spite of the fact that during my visit, he gave me most of his time and attention, he still found time to plan and maneuver in order to draw as many men as possible to his side. 250 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS When I prepared to re-cross the Russian border into Germany, I very nearly encountered serious difficulty. At that time, Jews who had previously emigrated and returned for a visit, were fre- quently forced to remain. The entire situation was a very deplor- able one. Had I not followed the advice of a fellow passenger to speak only English to the officer who examined my passport, I might have been detained and perhaps got into trouble. When at last I crossed the border, I felt greatly relieved. A few weeks later, I was safely back home. The Chicago Zionists arranged a big meeting, followed by a dinner and reception, on my return. Mr. Zolotkoff was chairman of the meeting. The hall was crowded, and my report, which lasted over an hour and a half, was greatly applauded. Both the Jewish Courier and the English press gave this affair much pub- licity. The Zionist movement was now going strong. The efforts of world famous personalities who supported the movement were a tremendous factor in its growth. * * * I attended in all eight Zionist Congresses, as a delegate. On several occasions, although I did not feel I could spare the time from my family and business affairs to make the trip, my interest in Zionism nevertheless impelled me to do so. The two Congresses which impressed me most were the one which I attended, in 1901 (which I have already described), and the one I attended in 1903. At the latter Congress, Dr. Herd, who died about eight months later, was obviously ill. Most of those present knew that he was suffering from a serious heart ail- ment, but in spite of his condition, he presided over the Congress, sitting with ice bags on his chest and back. It was apparent to all that he could not have long to live. Yet, certain opponents of his policies had no consideration whatever for the precarious state of his health and criticised and attacked him unmercifully at every session. Chief among these were several BEGINNINGS OF ZIONISM 251 of the delegates from Russia. I took it upon myself to call their attention to Dr. Herd's distressed appearance, begging them to "go easy," as it was evident his life was in danger; but their reply was: "Individuals and ideas have nothing in common. We will fight to the bitter end to gain our point, no matter what happens to one man or another." When I later heard a speaker describe the current conditions in Russia, I began to understand better the cause for the unrea' sonable attitude of the delegates. At that particular period, throughout Russia, one heard nothing but expressions of rebellion and protest. Rich and poor, he informed us, men, women and children of all classes and religions, held meetings wherever they could, and the entire population was imbued with the spirit of revolution. Rebellion against Czarism was in the air. At our Congresses we heard, too often, I am sorry to say, shouts of, "I protest !" In fact, many of the delegates seemed to think it their duty to keep shouting their opposition to all sugges' tions, in the most senseless manner. When my brother, Harris, telephoned me one morning in July, 1904, and sadly informed me of the passing of Dr. Herd, I was not greatly surprised. "I am afraid," I told him, "that some of the leaders of the Zionist movement have contributed largely to his death." That my opinion was shared by others was evident at the next Congress which I attended, when many of the delegates asserted that certain leaders, whose names I do not wish to mention, were by their bitter criticism, responsible for cutting short Herd's life. I remember the 10th Congress, held in 1911, chiefly because I visited the grave of Dr. Herd, in Vienna. I was accompanied on this trip by Isadore Goodman, the young son of Max Good- man, a well known real estate dealer of Chicago. Mr. Goodman had requested that I take the boy with me, so that the latter might have the opportunity of learning about the Jews of Europe 252 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS and especially about Zionism and the manner in which the Zionist Congresses were conducted. Although the boy was very young, I found him to be a good companion, as he was both interesting and intelligent. When the Congress adjourned, I went with Isadore to Vienna, expressly for the purpose of visiting the grave of our unforget- table Dr. Theodore Herd. What I felt there — the impression that visit made on me, I put into writing that same afternoon, in the form of a letter to the Daily Jewish Courier of Chicago. The letter, written in Yiddish, was published by them, and was later translated into English. I am reprinting it here: "I have stood in awe before the scenic splendors of nature and with keen fascination have regarded the relics of famous figures in history; I have climbed the snow-capped Alps, have wandered through old palaces like that of the late Franz; Joseph; I have viewed the bed wherein Napoleon slept and in which his son, the King of Rome, the Duke of Reichstadt, breathed his last; I have rested my hand on the chair wherein old Kaiser Wilhelm II sat as he was crowned all-highest of the Deutsches Reich; I have seen the coffins wherein lie a whole troop of German and Aus- trian royalty; I have seen a host of historical monuments and scenes of surpassing beauty, and have gone blithely on my way — until I stood before the grave of Dr. Theodore Herd. There I remained lost in deep revery. "To communicate the sacred illumination which emanates -from that simple gravestone, the quickening of the heart it engenders and the penetration it registers in the mind, one would have to be a divinely endowed poet. "One feels like winding one's arms about the whole of it, only to weep and weep. . . . Unhappy choice of destiny! Poor Herd! He had everything anyone might desire. He lived like a duke in one of the gayest, pleasure-loving and pleasure-giving capitals of Europe, honored and revered as only a personality like Herd can be, when all of a sudden, he became aware that he was a Jew . . . and now, I stand meditating before his grave . . . BEGINNINGS OF ZIONISM 253 "He sought to make provision for his people, to give them an equity among the nations, and he provided himself with heart disease as a recompense; he dreamt of a haven of peace for them, and now he dreams there where he lies in the Vienna cemetery; he wished to provide a land for a people and a people for that land, and received a gravestone for himself . . . "Tears well up in my eyes. Are they tears for a prince in Israel, or are they the tears of cowardice that flow as I turn away from the old peasant guide and from my young companion, that they may not see I shed them? No! By no means are they the tears of cowardice. Rather are they tears of shame! I feel the shame deeply that this man who had sacrificed his all that his people might dream and triumphantly win in the end, was, during his lifetime beset with so many anxieties and such discouragement by a lack of faith among his own for whom he surrendered his health and his peace of mind. Yet there were those who dreamed even as he did, else his vision would never have come to its full fruition. "I looked upon the grave and saw large wreaths of fresh flowers upon it, around the Mogen'Dovid engraved in the stone. My heart was touched to the quick, seeing that others saw joy and life where I had seen death; those others had brought their gift of flowers while I merely brought my vain gift of tears. I am a Jew and Jews have too long had nothing but tears for the memory of their great men, even for the memory of Dr. Herd. "And once more I gased at the tombstone and at the grave and I thought that in that sod beneath me there lay no dead man, for men like Dr. Herd do not die. Graves are for the dead alone, while Dr. Herd truly lives." Yes, even as I write these lines I murmur "Amen!" My witnesses are the 450,000 of our people who call Pales- tine their homeland, and the millions of others throughout the world who look upon Herd's dream as a vision no longer but as an historic fact that has come to be realised in our own day. CHAPTER VII COMMUNAL WORK As time passed I found most of my evenings occupied with community problems. I often remained up until one or two o'clock in the morning, for I found these activities absorbing and inspir- ing, and my work in this connection gave me a feeling of accom- plishment. Most important of all, however, were the Zionist meetings. All of my brothers were members of the organisation, and we were all well known. Very often, when we made our appearance we would hear the remark: "The Horwich brothers (or, the five brothers) are here. Now we can start." During the year 1902, I received an invitation to attend the annual meeting of the United Hebrew Charities, to which I was a contributor. A Board of Directors was to be chosen at that meeting, and quite unexpectedly, I was nominated (I believe it was by Judge Julian W. Mack) as a director of the board to represent the Jews of the West Side, and was elected. This came to me as a great surprise. One of the branches of the organisation was the Jewish Aid Committee, on which committee I was appointed to serve. Its duties were to receive applications for relief, to examine thor- oughly each case and decide what relief should be granted. I found my first meeting with the committee most interesting and instructive. Although it was well attended, I remember only four of those present, namely, Mr. Solomon L. Sulzberger, the chair- man, Mr. Louis C. Cahn, Mrs. Mandel and Miss Miriam Kalisky, the executive secretary. This meeting, as well as the general meet- ing of the United Hebrew Charities, afforded me an opportunity to become acquainted with a group of the so-called "South Side Americanised representative Jews." 254 COMMUNAL WORK 255 I must say that I learned a great deal from them as to how a meeting should be conducted. Mr. Sulzberger, the chairman, was a gentleman in every respect, dignified in appearance, demeanor, speech and action. He was sincere and fair, and when he spoke was brief and to the point. He knew exactly what he wanted to say, and everybody understood what he said. I was associated with him for many years afterward in charitable work, and the longer I knew him, the more I admired and respected him. At that first committee meeting I attended, Miss Kalisky, the executive secretary, gave a full report of the number of cases receiving help, the number of new cases that had come in, the cases pending, and the amount of money she thought would be required for the following month. Every pending case was then individually discussed and decided upon. There were no argu- ments and no unnecessary questions asked by anyone present. Everything ran nicely and smoothly, greatly in contrast to the meetings of West Side groups which I had attended. Being a newcomer, without much experience in mingling with this class of people, I ventured no comments, but sat quietly and listened to the proceedings. In the course of her report, the secre- tary mentioned a family that required considerable assistance. The husband had been without work for a long time, and the family had been receiving relief for over a year. When members of the committee questioned her as to the possibility of getting a job for the man, or advancing him money to start some kind of little business, Miss Kalisky replied: "There is no use trying to do anything for him in that line because he is a 'shlemieF and does not amount to much." At this I spoke up, asking how many children there were in the family, and Miss Kalisky answered, "Six." "Well," I remarked, "after all, he is not such a 'shlemiel.'' He is good for something, anyhow." 256 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS Everybody smiled at this, and Mrs. Mandel kept on giggling as long as the meeting lasted. They all seemed to enjoy my comment, and when the meeting was over, one of the members remarked to me that I must come to all of the meetings, as they needed someone like me to "liven up" the dry proceedings. Thereupon, I suggested that it might be well for the officers of the committee to attend occasionally some of our West Side meetings — that thus we might learn something from each other. I informed them that the "South Siders" had the reputation of doing charity in the same way they transacted business; that is, being too methodical and dealing only in cold figures, forgetting the sentimental human factors connected with the money paid out for relief. I had always had heated discussions on this subject with many of my West Side friends. They argued that the help rendered to the poor by the "Americanised' ' German Jews of the South Side was given without feeling or sympathy — that they placed too much emphasis on system and discipline, which should be disre' garded when it came to dispensing charity. To this I would retort that it was up to the poor to decide — did they prefer to be given shelter, food and clothing, without any display of sentiment, or did they prefer sympathy and pity, without any money to buy necessities? At that time, it was almost taken for granted that the South Siders were the ones to give charity, while we of the West Side were the ones to receive it. In later years, however, as the West Side Jews became more prosperous, they also joined the "giving" class. Today many thousands of them contribute quite liberally to philanthropic organisations, although as a whole their contribu' tions do not equal those of the South Side group. Besides the work of the Jewish Aid Committee, the United Hebrew Charities raised money, through annual subscriptions, for the maintenance of several important institutions. These were, if ^ c s ^ i- o cq o .2 ^ s ° '■O *» tj Sb-H o ^H^ « s . -~y- ' COMMUNAL WORK 257 my memory serves me right, the Michael Reese Hospital, the South Side Jewish Orphan Home and the Home for the Aged. The name was later changed to The Associated Jewish Chari' ties, and some years ago this organisation merged with the Federated Orthodox Jewish Charities of Chicago, about which I will say more later. The name was later changed again, this time to the Jewish Charities of Chicago, which is its present name. From local Jewish communal problems my attention was sud- denly drawn by a tale of horror that numbed the senses. In the year 1903, the press of the world carried the horrifying news of a terrible pogrom that had taken place at Kishinev. The butchery and the pillaging had lasted three days, and the details were so frightful and revolting that the whole world shuddered. Regarding this occurrence, Dr. Isidore Singer says, in his book, "Russia at the Bar of the American People": "What happened there was so inhuman, so horrible and so diabolical that no language can aptly describe even a part of the horrors and atrocities!" At once, upon learning of this catastrophe, I called together a few of our Zionist workers, and we formed a committee of which I was made chairman. Its purpose was to rouse public sentiment and raise money to aid the victims of the pogrom. We organised meetings to be held throughout the city on a certain day. One of the largest gatherings was that held at the Congregation Anshe Kanesses Israel (then known as the "Russische Schui"). Among the speakers at this meeting, at which I presided, were Rabbi Emil G. Hirsch and, if I remember correctly, Judge Julian W. Mack. During the proceedings, I read a letter which I had re- ceived from an eyewitness of the massacre. So deeply was the audience affected by this that several of the women fainted, and most of the people present wept. 258 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS We raised several thousand dollars, and I forwarded this money to Mr. Kahn Bernstein, who was the official representative of the Zionist Organisation at Kishinev. A larger committee, composed of South Side Jews, was later organised, among its members being Adolf Kraus and Judge Philip Stein. It was called "Ezras Nedochim" (Aid to the Refugees), its purpose being to defray the expense of bringing to this country as many of the survivors of the pogrom as pos- sible. We were quite successful, raising enough funds to bring over a considerable number of refugees. The stark horror of the calamity had aroused the interest of important personages throughout the country. It was decided that a responsible group should be formed, equipped to act in such emergencies. In consequence thereof, a call was sent out to prominent men in every large community in the country, to come to New York to attend a meeting for the purpose of organising an American Jewish Committee, having for its object the protec- tion of the civil and religious rights of Jews in any part of the world, whenever necessary. I received an invitation, and attended the meeting. The newly-formed American Jewish Committee con- sisted of representative Jews from all over the United States, with Judge Meyer Sulzberger as its first president. New York was represented by Mr. Felix Warburg, Mr. Louis Marshall, Judge Meyer Sulzberger, Cyrus Adler, and others; while Chicago chose Mr. Adolf Kraus (who later resigned), Judge Julian Mack, Mr. Julius Rosenwald, and myself. The American Jewish Committee has been in existence for about thirty-five years, and has proved to be a beneficent force, doing its work quietly, but effectively. The Committee played an important part in the abrogation of the treaty with Russia, in 1912. From about the year 1890, Jews had been barred from entering Russia, and Jews leaving that country for visits elsewhere were not permitted to re-enter. Many COMMUNAL WORK 259 of those discriminated against were American citizens. When in the year 1910, the Russian government refused to admit a promi' nent American Jewish citizen, the Committee took it upon itself to bring the matter to the attention of the United States Govern' ment, recommending abrogation of its treaty with Russia. William Howard Taft was then President. I was strongly opposed to this action of the American Jewish Committee, and so stated at the meeting at which the matter was discussed, expressing my fear that the Russian government would retaliate by taking punitive measures against the three and a half or four million Jews residing in Russia. While attending the Zionist Congress in Switzerland that year, as a delegate, I dis' cussed the matter with the Russian delegates, and found that the majority of them were opposed to the measure. Dr. Max Nordau, whose opinion was universally respected, told me that while he felt it was a very courageous undertaking on the part of the members of the American Jewish Committee, he feared that sooner or later the Jews would suffer for it. An article by him appeared in "Haint," the largest Yiddish newspaper in Warsaw, Poland, giving the same reasons for his opposition to the proposal, as those I had advanced. When I returned to this country, I reported these facts at the next meeting of the American Jewish Committee, but I was greatly criticized, and the proposal was unanimously passed, with the exception of my vote. There was now nothing for me to do but bow to the will of the majority and promise to request the United States Senator from Illinois, Hon. William H. Lorimer, to vote for the abrogation of the treaty. I invited the Senator to a meeting on the West Side, where he gave us his assurance that he would do so. When the question finally came before the Senate, it was readily passed, and the treaty with Russia remained in abrogation until the world war, when the Czarist government was overthrown. 260 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS After the meeting of the American Jewish Committee, at which I had expressed my opposition, Judge Meyer Sulzberger, the president, called me over, and told me, in the presence of several others, that he considered it impudent of me to have stood up against the opinion of all the other members. "What did you do for the Jewish people,' ' he asked rather angrily, "that you should take it upon yourself to disagree with the opinion of all?" I said nothing, but when he repeated his question later, in the presence of another group, I answered: "Well, I have a wife and five children." The men around us burst out laughing. I thought at first they might be laughing at me, for making such an inadequate reply, but later I learned that the Judge was a bachelor, and these men had thought I knew this, and that my reply was particularly appropriate. In the early 1900^, Chicago Jewry was electrified by the news that the famous Schmarya Levin, who had been a member of the short-lived Russian "Duma" (parliament), was to visit this city. The story of the formation of this "Duma" had created world' wide interest. It seems that after the year 1900 there was con' siderable unrest in Russia, as more and more of the Russian people were drawn into the Revolutionary movement. About three fourths of the population, as we were later told by Mr. Levin, became involved, and meetings were held by men, women and children anywhere and everywhere — in gardens, in private homes, in the woods, and even in churches and synagogues. So strong did the movement become that the Czar was finally induced to grant to the Russian people some measure of freedom, and some degree of representation in the government. He granted the people the privilege of forming a "Duma," or parliament, and one of our foremost Zionists, Mr. Schmarya Levin, was elected as a member COMMUNAL WORK 261 of that body. After about a year, however, it seems the Csar relented of his liberality, and the "Duma" was dissolved. All its members, especially those who had spoken freely against the Csarist regime, had to leave the country, and Mr. Schmarya Levin was one of those who had to flee for their lives. I received advance notice from New York that he was planning to come to Chicago, and consulted with Mr. Ginsburg, of the Courier, and Mr. Adolf Kraus, one of our leading Jews, as to how to entertain him and take care of him while here. A great deal of publicity in the general press, as well as in the Jewish newspapers, greeted his coming, which was considered front-page news and created quite a stir. The fact that Russia had gone so far as to permit the formation of a "Duma," and had permitted a Jew to serve thereon, had astonished the world, and everyone was anxious to see and hear Mr. Levin. Mr. Kraus, who was at that time, I believe, president of the B'nai B'rith, was kind enough to offer him, on behalf of that organisation, lodging at the Congress Hotel during the time of his stay. He was with us for about two weeks, and every other day we arranged for him to attend a different meeting or gathering. On the first Saturday, I took him to the Anshe Kanesses Israel, which was at that time and I believe still is the largest Orthodox Synagogue in Chicago. Of course, everyone eagerly looked fop ward to hearing him, but I am sorry to relate that on that occa' sion, his speech was a disappointment. I introduced him as one of the outstanding Jewish and Zionist leaders in the world, and expected that he would tell us about his experiences in Russia and something about the progress of the Zionist movement. How ever, his talk lasted only about fifteen minutes, and he spoke in Hebrew, which hardly anyone present understood. He made a far better impression at a meeting which the South Side Jews arranged for him at the Standard Club, where he spoke 262 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS in German. Dr. Hirsch also spoke at that meeting, likewise in German. All in all, his visit here was not a happy one. Of the true Russian intelligentsia, he was of a highly nervous temperament and, like most men of that type, was rather self-centered and felt himself superior to the average person. He did not like the well' to-do Jews of the South Side, nor did he have much use for the poor Orthodox Jews of the West Side. I, as chairman of the committee in charge of arrangements, had it "hot and heavy" from him. He did not like the idea of being taken to a "schul," or of being tendered a banquet in a poor Jewish restaurant, or being taken to other places that were strange to him. What he had expected was to encounter here a group of Russian intel- ligentsia like himself, and that he did not find. However, he did infuse new life into the Zionist movement, which gained greatly by his presence. Subsequently, Mr. Levin came to this country and to Chicago quite often, and in time he gained the respect and admiration of Zionists and non-Zionists alike. He even succeeded in changing the attitude of Mr. Julius Rosenwald, who was a strong anti- Zionist. Although the latter did not become a Zionist, he did contribute considerable sums for Palestine. It is of interest that at the banquet we gave for Mr. Levin on Roosevelt Road, during his first visit to Chicago, there were many South Side Jews. It was the first time in the history of the city that wealthy Jews of the South Side had deigned to come to an ordinary, second-floor Jewish restaurant. My nephew, Abram Hers, who operated the restaurant, soon demonstrated that good food and good service are not confined to swanky dining halls. In the beginning of the year, 1908, the newspapers announced in screaming headlines that a young Jewish boy, by the name of COMMUNAL WORK 263 Harry Auerbach, had been killed by the Chief of Police of Chi' cago. According to the reports, this boy was an anarchist and had made an attempt to assassinate the Chief of Police, George Shippey, who had killed the boy in self defense. I was in New York at the time, and at once telegraphed my brother, Harris, to give me all the information possible, which he did. He informed me that there was great excitement everywhere, especially among the Jews, many of whom were of the opinion that it was a "frame-up. M If possible, he told me, I should come back to Chicago at once, to help in solving the case, and two days later I returned. I found that the boy had a sister by the name of Olga, who refused to talk to anyone. Many newspaper men and representa- tives of various societies had been to see her, but she would not say anything except that her brother had been murdered. She would collapse whenever she started talking to anyone. I formed a committee of five and started an investigation. The first step was to secure an interview with Olga Auerbach, and it took me days before I succeeded in convincing her that it was best for her and for the memory of her brother, as well as for the welfare of the Jewish people, to discover the truth and the whole truth. She finally promised to give me all the information she had on the following afternoon. This was her story: She and her brother were born and reared in Kishinev. There they lived through the bloody pogroms that took place in the year 1903. Soon after this calamity, which hor- rified the Jews everywhere, they left Russia and came to Chicago. Young Auerbach lived with his sister and a friend in three small rooms. For days and weeks he looked for employment, but could find none. During his search for a job, he became acquainted with a boy, who advised him to go to California, as living was much cheaper there and it would be easier for him to get work. He did not have the fare to California, however, and his friend 264 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS thought that if he would go to someone with political influence and tell him of his predicament, he might obtain free transporta' tion to Los Angeles. Auerbach accordingly made inquiries as to who would be the most influential person for him to see, and was advised by some' one to see Chief of Police Shippey. Instead of going to the latter's office, where he would be busy and would not be able to talk to him, Auerbach went straight to the Chief's house, arriving early in the morning, before Mr. Shippey left for downtown. There he was killed. His sister insisted that he was not an anarchist, that he knew nothing about political matters, that he did not have any weapon with him at any time, and that he was a frail, nineteen' year'old boy who would not harm a fly. Our committee, with the aid of many persons interested in social justice, made further investigation and found that what the sister had told us was true — that the poor, innocent boy had been killed through a terrible error. The newspapers gave wide publicity to the sister's story, and expressed doubt as to the word of the Chief of Police that his life had been in danger and he had killed the boy in self defense. Olga, who was by that time much calmer, asked me to attend the inquest and do everything possible to prove that her brother was innocent of any wrong. With this intention, I engaged a lawyer, who investigated the evidence and found that the Chief of Police had several witnesses ready to testify for him, while there were no witnesses at all for the other side. He advised me, accordingly, to let the matter go and forget about it. When the inquest was held, Mr. Shippey was exonerated. Interest now centered in the funeral. The people were excited. The newspaper men, of course, were eager to know when and where the funeral would take place. With the assistance of men from the Daily Jewish Courier, I managed to elude reporters and COMMUNAL WORK 265 detectives, and we buried the body in the cemetery known as the Jewish Free Burial Ground. Although the coroner's jury found that the Chief of Police was justified in the killing, the general belief was that the boy was innocent, and this feeling was strengthened when Chief Shippey became ill a short time later, and died in a sanitarium. During this time, my oldest brother, Aron, was here on a visit. He was amazed at the uproar and excitement that the case had created. He could not understand it. A Chief of Police of a Rus' sian city of over three million inhabitants, like Chicago, he said, had almost unlimited power. The killing of a man suspected of being an anarchist would mean nothing, especially if it was a Jewish boy and the chief claimed his life had been in danger. "Why," he exclaimed, "in Russia the Chief of Police would have been decorated for his bravery, and no one would dare to say a word about it. Here," he said, "the press had headlines as if it were a national problem." He could not get over it and kept advising me to keep out of the case, not to be active in it and not to be in the limelight. He thought my life was in danger. When it was all over, he said he now realised the meaning of the saying: "America is a free country," which he had heard so often. Aron came twice to this country, to visit us and his children. His first visit was on the occasion of Philip's marriage, and the second time was when the latter's son, Irving, was confirmed. During his second trip, in 1922, I was acting as chairman of the Chicago branch of the Central Relief Committee of New York, organised to raise funds for the war sufferers of Europe. A national conference was then being held in Chicago, of dele' gates representing all branches in the country, to determine the quota for the coming year and ways and means of raising it, as well as the different allotments for each country. 266 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS I took Aron to several sessions and introduced him to several of the leading participants — men who were personally contribut- ing large amounts and were giving a great deal of time and effort toward helping to raise additional sums, the quota amounting to millions of dollars. Aron was a husky, good-looking individual, and when I intro- duced him to Mr. and Mrs. Rosenwald as one of the war suf- ferers from Poland, they were rather surprised at his fine, healthy appearance. "If that is the way they look, after experiencing the trials and tribulations of the war," remarked Mr. Rosenwald, "they do not need any help. 1 ' To this Aron's son, Philip, who was with us, quickly answered: "He looks well, because his brothers and his sons have already taken care of him." At the next session of the conference, Mr. Rosenwald spied us, and brought over several of his friends and co-workers to show them how wonderful a Polish war sufferer looked, again remark- ing that if they all looked like my brother, they did not need help. I answered, as had Philip: "They only look like this after they have been helped — and this man has already been helped by his relatives and friends/ ' This diplomatic statement made them all smile, and one of the group said: "We ought to have him appear at our meetings, as an example of what our fund raising work is accomplishing." When my brother left, several months later, I accompanied him to New York, so that I could both see him off and attend a special meeting being held in that city, called for the purpose of hearing the report of a commission which had been sent to Pales- tine by the so-called "non-Zionist" group. The meeting was held the day after we reached New York, and I took Aron with me. The well known figure, Louis Marshall, acted as chairman. Each member of the commission, of whom I believe there were COMMUNAL WORK 267 five, submitted a report on a different subject, one speaking about the climate and environment of Palestine, another about the agri- cultural possibilities and the area of the country, another about the relationship between the Jews and the Arabs, and so on. The reports were all very interesting and well received. During the afternoon session, the question arose: "What is the difference between Zionists and non-Zionists?" Though there must have been half a dozjen speakers discussing the subject, none gave a plausible explanation. When the meeting was over, I introduced my brother to Mr. Marshall, and Aron complimented him on being a second "Moishe Rabenu" (Moses, our leader and teacher) . He added, "I am going home, and I will tell our people there what great men you have in America, and that you, Mr. Marshall, are the greatest of them all." Louis Marshall was truly a great man and was considered the foremost Jew in America for many years preceding his death. A lawyer of national prominence, a scholar and a gentleman, and above all, a statesman, he was loved and respected by all. Mr. Marshall invited us to tea, and in the course of our con" versation, he asked me how I would explain the difference be- tween a Zionist and a non-Zionist. I told him that some years ago a reader of a Jewish news- paper in New York wrote to the paper, asking that they explain the difference between a speaker and a lecturer. Mr. Leon Zolot- koff, who was writing for the paper at the time, replied to the query that they are both the same, except that a lecturer does not "holler so" when he speaks. Thus my reply to Mr. Marshall's question was that the only difference between the Zionist and the non-Zionist is that the Zionist shouts louder. I drew an illustration from the meeting that had just ended. The members of the commission who had gone to Palestine, all of whom were non-Zionists, spoke like lee- 268 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS turers. They were distinct, brief, calm and to the point. Then Reverend Masliansky, whom everyone knows, admires and re' spects, spoke as a Zionist. He agreed with everything that was reported by the commission, but instead of talking, like them, in a calm, quiet manner, he displayed deep feeling, became excited, and shouted at the top of his voice to Mr. Marshall: "You are not a non'Zionist, but a Zionist, a Zionist, and for the third time, a Zionist!" That, I said, was the only real difference. As long as we were all interested in and working for Palestine, in whatever aspect, it did not matter what we were called. Mr. Marshall had a good laugh over this. He liked my explana' tion so much that he made a note of it, saying that he would use this story the first chance he had. Up to the time the Zionist movement became a real factor in the Orthodox Jewish community, the leaders of the community had concentrated on but two kinds of organizations — the syna' gogues and the lodges. The growth of the Zionist movement, however, with its informative meetings, its propaganda and the widespread newspaper publicity, seemed to give these men a wider outlook and an impetus toward new endeavors. It is my opinion that Zionism was responsible for a greater interest in general communal needs, and a desire to do something about them. Among the men who were thus inspired to serve the immediate needs of their fellow Jews was a Mr. Jacob Cantor. Mr. Cantor, who is now deceased, was a ' 'kosher 1 , butcher on Canal Street. In a letter which was published in the Daily Jewish Courier, he called attention to the situation of the helpless, aged Jews of the city. He deplored the fact that a good many of them, too old to earn a living and unable to obtain help, were destitute and often without food and shelter. He urged that they be taken COMMUNAL WORK 269 care of by the Jewish community, and suggested that a movement be started for the building of a home where these old people could spend the rest of their lives in comfort. Mr. David Shapiro, who died a few years ago in Palestine, responded to that call. He organised a committee of able speakers to bring this project before the people. He and his committee went from synagogue to synagogue, and from one place to another, explaining their purpose and appealing to the community for help. The response was splendid, and within two years, one of the finest institutions in the country was built for the care and shelter of aged Jews. It was named "Beth Moshav Zekenim," which is Hebrew for "Home for Old People," but it is generally called affectionately merely by the initials, "B. M. Z." In recent years, some clever individual humorously explained that in Yid' dish "B. M. Z." stood for "Bobes mit Zeides" (Grandmothers and Grandfathers), and that expression is frequently used. The Home stands on Fifteenth Street and Albany Avenue, facing Douglas Park, and is famous for its fine living quarters, culinary and hospital equipment and facilities, and the manner of its supervision. The care of the aged in the "B. M. Z." is a delight to the beholder, and the residents manifest their happiness in many ways. The present executive director is Mr. Julius Savit. This was the very first philanthropic institution to be erected on the West Side. Among the men and women who gave their labor and devotion to this worthy cause were: August Turner, Abraham Margolis, Mrs. Benjamin Davis, Israel Cowen, Isador Segal, Mrs. Julius Stone, Mrs. Joshua Ginsburg, Harris Cohn, Paul N. Lackrits, N. Baumgarten, S. B. Komaiko, George Pines and Maurice Burr. My oldest son, Arthur, has been one of the directors of the institution for many years. While I served on the Board of Directors, I was not active in its affairs, but did my share through financial assistance. 270 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS Another worthy communal movement which was soon ini- tiated was the building of a home for Jewish orphans. The idea was conceived by Mr. Jacob Levy and with the aid of a few others, including myself, the "Marks Nathan Jewish Orphan Home" was founded. For several years the orphans were housed in a small place on the Northwest Side, but later a large building was erected on Albany Avenue, near the Old People's Home, facing Douglas Park. I was a member of the building committee and one of the signers of the $50,000.00 mortgage that was assumed. The Home was named for the Mr. Nathan for whose firm I had worked for several weeks when I first came to Chicago, load' ing and unloading scrap iron at $1.20 a day. Mr. Nathan, who died, leaving no children, had placed $15,000.00 in trust, to be used for any institution that might be built for the good of the people of the community — and it was decided to apply this money toward the building of the orphan home. Of course, the cost of the present building far exceeded that amount, but in those days, Mr. Nathan's benefaction was considered a very large sum by the Jews of the West Side, and they, therefore, deemed it only right that the building should bear his name. The Marks Nathan Home is another institution of which the Jews of Chicago may justly be proud. Mr. Levy served as president of the Home for many years, and devoted a good part of his life to its interests. Mr. Charles Herron, who was then secretary, later became president, and for twentyfive years was head of the institution, which he served faithfully and efficiently, devoting to it a great deal of his time and energy. Both he and Mr. Elias L. Trotskey, executive direc tor, who has made a specialty of child care, deserve much credit for their fine work in this connection. The well known Mr. Maurice Goldblatt, of Goldblatt Bros., is now president of the Home, and is carrying on the splendid COMMUNAL WORK 271 task. Both he and his brother, Nathan, are known for their generosity on behalf of every philanthropic enterprise. Their rise from poor immigrant boys to prominent merchants of the city has been little short of phenomenal. A wonderful contribution to the Home was made by Mr. Morris Kats, a friend of mine for many years. He created a $100,000.00 trust fund, its purpose being to provide a higher education for those children of the Home who are qualified and desire to study further. This is the largest single contribution in the history of the Orthodox Jewish community of this city. While conversing with Mr. Kats, a few years after he had made this magnificent gift, we happened to touch upon the sub- ject, and I remarked that since he had done so much for the Orphan Home, he ought to do something for the Old People's Home. I pointed out that these two institutions, which stood on the same street, within a block of each other, represented the rising sun of life, and the setting sun. It would be most fitting and proper, therefore, that since he had extended a helping hand to the young, he should likewise do something to comfort the old in their last days. He replied, to my pleased surprise, that he had had it in mind, and that he wanted me to go with him some day to the Old People's Home and see what might be needed. About ten days later, Mr. Kats and I went to visit the institu- tion. As we walked about the premises, Mr. Katz; noticed a large piece of ground adjoining the building, which was strewn with rubbish and was quite unsightly. It struck him that this plot could be utilised for a good purpose, and right then and there he in- formed the superintendent, Mr. Savit, that he would contribute enough money to create there a garden, with trees, grass and flowers, for the old people, and would make a yearly contribution for its upkeep. If I remember, it was in the spring that we made that visit, and when I returned, a comparatively short time later, the 272 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS grounds were already a pleasant sight to behold. The old people, men and women, were promenading about or sitting on comfort' able chairs and benches, in a beautiful garden, containing trees, walks and fountains. The garden was dedicated soon afterward, and quite a festive affair was arranged for the official opening. There was a large crowd present, and several prominent speakers had been invited — among them Rabbis, judges and other public personages. Mr. Kats insisted that I also say a few words on this occasion. I opened my remarks by reminding the audience that the story of mankind had started in a garden. In that ancient garden, man' kind had been created — while in this present garden, comfort and pleasure had been created by Mr. Katz, for our old men and women. My little speech was haled as the best, and one of the prominent Rabbis, who also spoke there, told me that he was envious because it had not occurred to him to draw that analogy. Since that time, a garden festival has been held there every year, which is always a beautiful and joyous event. Great praise is certainly due Mr. Kats for the splendid thing he has done here. * * * Another great community enterprise was the establishment of the Hebrew Institute. This had its inception through the efforts of the early Zionist group, which in Chicago expanded its activi' ties to the stimulation and encouragement of Jewish culture, education and philanthropy. At one of the meetings, during the administration of Dr. Halperin, a plan was proposed to erect a center for the boys and girls of the West Side, where they could spend their leisure time in wholesome activities. This was prompted largely by the fact that many of the youngsters were frequenting pool rooms and other such undesirable places. Mr. N. D. Kaplan was appointed chairman of the committee created for this purpose. A suite of offices was rented in a build' COMMUNAL WORK 273 ing on the corner of Blue Island Avenue and Roosevelt Road, and activities were initiated with very satisfactory results. We were, however, greatly in need of financial assistance. Mr. Julius Rosenwald, who was then recognised as one of the most prominent business men in the city, and who contributed generously to many worthy causes, was visited by the committee, headed by Mr. Kaplan. They explained to him the aims and objects of the organization, and told him what had been accom' plished up to that time. He seemed impressed, and one Sunday afternoon came to visit the center, which we had named the "Chicago Hebrew Institute." He saw what we were attempting to do, and expressed gratification and a willingness to help. Mr. Rosenwald was not satisfied with the quarters, and felt the project should be conducted on a larger scale. We set about trying to find a more suitable place, and soon learned that a convent, located on Taylor Street, and covering a square block of ground, with several buildings thereon, was for sale for the sum of $80,000.00. We brought Mr. Rosenwald to see the place, and after looking it over, he made a proposition that if we would raise $10,000.00 he would advance $80,000.00, in the form of a mortgage on the property, without interest. "So get busy," he said to us, "and raise the $10,000.00; and as soon as you turn that amount over to the treasurer, you will receive a check for $80,000.00." The $10,000.00 was to be used for remodeling and for other urgent expenses. Mr. Rosenwald said we must start raising the money at once, and wanted to know how much I would subscribe personally. My friend, Mr. Kaplan, and I exchanged bewildered glances. I could not imagine what amount I could offer, when he was ready to write a check for $80,000.00. "Mr. Rosenwald," I said, "your proposition is that you will take a mortgage and not charge any interest. If you would say 274 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS that you won't charge the principal either," I added jokingly, "then I would have to do a whole lot better than I really can afford. " "Well," said Mr. Rosenwald, "how much would that be?" My friend, Mr. Kaplan, whispered to me: "Make it $500.00." Mr. Rosenwald heard this, and said: "I accept. That is fine." I was in for it. At that time $500.00 was much more than I could afford. It was, in fact, the largest contribution for charitable or benevolent purposes that any man among the West Side Jews had up to that time been called upon to make. When Mr. Charles Schaffner and I later went out asking people for donations of equal amount, for the Institute, no one could believe that I had really contributed so much. We finally convinced Mr. Samuel Philipson and Mr. B. J. Schiff, and they each gave us a check for $500.00. We then interested such men as James Davis, Dr. A. E. Fishkin and Max Klee. The property was purchased, Dr. Fishkin was elected president, and I was elected chairman of the House Committee. Mrs. Goldie Stone, one of our most prominent and active communal workers, became the recording secretary, and still serves in that capacity. The Chicago Hebrew Institute became the intellectual and social center for Jewish and non-Jewish boys and girls of the neighborhood, as well as for adults. In those days there were no movie houses or other places of amusement where youngsters could go, and the Institute afforded them entertainment of various kinds, as well as educational opportunities. There were play- grounds, with swings, see-saws, slides and other such equipment, as well as sand boxes and play yards for the little ones. The buildings housed a gymnasium, swimming pool, recreation rooms, a branch of the Chicago Public Library, and Sabbath schools. We engaged efficient instructors, who taught the Bible and the read- ing and writing of Hebrew. We had a fine synagogue, where services were conducted in a modern way by Rabbi Levine, a COMMUNAL WORK 275 young American-educated Rabbi whom we brought from New York. There were classes in art and music and various other sub- jects, to suit the needs and desires of boys and girls of all ages. The Institute proved a godsend for the people of the neighbor- hood, especially the young men and women. Some years later, as the neighborhood changed, the institution was moved to its present location at Douglas Boulevard and St. Louis Avenue, in the large, modern building erected for the purpose. Under its new name, the Jewish People's Institute, it has continued to play an important role in Jewish communal life. Mr. Philip L. Seman, who has been superintendent for over twenty-five years, has been tireless in his efforts to provide a large and stimulating schedule of activities, and has achieved splendid success. * * * It might be interesting to relate here some of the experiences we had in educating our people on the West Side to contribute to the early Hebrew Institute larger amounts of money than they were accustomed to subscribe for communal purposes. As a rule, collectors would march from house to house, asking for nickels, dimes or quarters. Our institution, however, had to have "big money,' ' and we could not afford to think or deal in small amounts. Besides being chairman of the House and Grounds Committee, I was also a member of the Fund Raising Committee, and I had my hands full. The work kept me busy almost every evening, and two or three days a week. I had to go out at least two days a week to try to get new subscribers and substantial contributions. One day, while walking on Madison Street, near La Salle, I met Dr. Emil G. Hirsch. I greeted him and walked on, but he stopped me and asked me in Hebrew: "Whence comest thou?" To this I responded, also in Hebrew: "From going to and fro on the earth, and from walking up and down on it." 276 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS These are two quotations from the Book of Job — the ques' tion of God to Satan, and Satan's reply. Dr. Hirsch expressed delight in the readiness of my answer, and taking my arm, asked me to walk along with him for a few minutes. I told him that I would be greatly honored to do so, and he replied: "I assure you, I would rather walk and talk with you than with a good many members of my congregation." Of course, I thanked him for the compliment. I then referred to the subject of the Hebrew Institute, and said, jestingly, "I know you are prejudiced against the West Side Orthodox Jews, not knowing them very well. If you would like to get better acquainted with them, why not take a half "day off and go with me out in the Canal Street district to raise money for the Institute." "A very good suggestion," he replied quite seriously. "I shall gladly do so." The next day I made an appointment with him, and three days later we were driving around together in a carriage on the West Side, trying to raise money. The first stop we made was on Twelfth Street (now known as Roosevelt Road). A friend of mine and his wife ran a grocery store there. Entering the little store, we found the wife weighing some herring. "Where is your husband?" I asked. "I want to introduce him to Rabbi Hirsch." She dropped the herring and looked at me and my companion in astonishment. "You mean that this gentleman is the great Dr. Hirsch, from the South Side?" "Yes," I replied. She ran to the rear and called her husband, Reuben, and when he appeared, I introduced Dr. Hirsch to him and told him that COMMUNAL WORK 277 we wanted to get some money from him. I began to explain what we wanted it for, but he stopped me, saying: "You don't have to make any explanations. If you come with such a big man, I don't need any explanations. The only question is, 4 How much?' " I told him $25.00. At this, his wife came running up, and exclaimed: "For heaven's sake, how can we afford that much money ?" She said it in such a pitiful tone of voice that Dr. Hirsch interposed: "The woman is right. Let them give us as much as they think they can afford.'" Knowing that she was a very sensible woman and that she had a great deal to say about the family finances, I said to her: "I know you very well, Rosie, and that you will do the right thing. I will leave it to you." "Well," she replied, "had you come alone, I would have given you three dollars, but since you have come with Dr. Hirsch, I must give you ten dollars." "My dear, good-hearted woman," said Dr. Hirsch, "I am not worth more than our friend, Horwich. Indeed, I am worth less. So we will only take six dollars from you, to make it even." But she insisted and handed us a ten dollar bill. We next stopped to see a small manufacturer on Canal Street, whose name I prefer not to mention. He is now dead, and his relatives have succeeded in developing that little factory into a great concern. I introduced Dr. Hirsch and told him our mission. It was obvious that he was not very happy over our visit. In a somewhat embarrassed manner, he said to me: "When you come here, it is always for money, but when you have any business in my line, you go somewhere else." "Very well," I answered, "I will give you an order right now, with the understanding that thirty per cent of the amount of the 278 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS order will go for the purpose for which we came here, namely, the Institute." Our man started to brighten up, and offered ten per cent. Dr. Hirsch settled with him for fifteen per cent. The amount of the contribution came to $19.50. We went to three other places, where we received small amounts, and then called to see Selig Morris, who was well known on the West Side and was considered one of the large scrap iron dealers of the city. He and I knew each other well. On the way there, I described him to Dr. Hirsch. I told him that he could not read or write and signed his name with dif' ficulty; that he was very blunt and outspoken and sometimes too forward, but was very honest, straightforward, charitable and religious. He would contribute only to such charities as appealed to him, however, and to no others. I warned Dr. Hirsch that he should not feel offended at anything Mr. Morris might say. Arriving at his place of business, on Canal Street, we entered his small, uninviting office. There was no place to sit down, and we had to stand until he was through talking to some visitors. When I introduced him to Dr. Hirsch, I said: "Mr. Morris, you ought to remember this day as one of the great days of your life/"* and I mentioned what day and date it was. "You have the honor of being visited by Dr. Emil G. Hirsch, the most outstanding Rabbi in the United States. " "Is that so?" he blurted out. "I know you, you smart aleck, and you know me, so no monkey business!" (Mr. Morris was always using the phrase, "monkey business"). "Dr. Hirsch," he said knowingly, "did not come here to honor me nor anyone else. You brought him here for a purpose, which I know means money. You had better come out with it. What is it you want? But," he interrupted, "before anything else, I will treat you to a drink of French brandy." COMMUNAL WORK 279 He asked the bookkeeper to hand him, through the cashier's window, a bottle of brandy and two glasses. After we all drank, I remarked to Dr. Hirsch: "Don't for a minute think that Mr. Morris is as bad as he wants us to believe he is. You explain what we are here for, and I am sure that he will not let us go without a check for five hundred dollars." At this, Mr. Morris jumped up, and shouted: "Is that so! Even if Dr. Hirsch would bring here his entire Reformed Congre- gation, they could not get five hundred dollars from me!" In a very pleasant way, Dr. Hirsch explained the significance of the Hebrew Institute — what it stood for and what it in- tended to accomplish. "Look here, Dr. Hirsch," said Mr. Morris, when he had fin- ished. "You are supposed to be a Rabbi, but you are not the kind of Rabbi that a Jewish Rabbi should be. Your praying and your preaching are only monkey business. You hold services on Sun- days instead of on Saturdays. The men and women sit together. The men sit with uncovered heads, and instead of praying to God, they amuse themselves by listening to the singing of good- looking girls and to your godless preaching. "If you were asking me for money for a temple, I wouldn't talk to you. I would not even offer you the drink which you just had. But you ask me for something else, to help the boys and girls of the West Side. That sounds reasonable, and although I know nothing about it, I will take your word for it. I know that if I should come to ask you for something, you would not talk to me — so before I give you any money, I want to ask you this — if I do what you ask and give you some money, what can you do for me, or for my synagogue, to which I just have ad- vanced twenty-five thousand dollars?" To this Dr. Hirsch replied: "As you know, I am not in busi- ness, and I haven't any money in banks. I live on my salary, 280 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS and cannot contribute large sums of money. The only thing I can do for you is to preach, pray or make a speech. If it is agree' able to you, and you wish me to do so, I will come to your synagogue and make a speech, or preach a sermon, or even try to collect money for the synagogue." "All right," said Mr. Morris, "if you promise to come to our synagogue, and wear a hat and a 'talis,' and make a real speech about religion, about God and His Torah, and no monkey busi' ness, I will give you a check." Dr. Hirsch grasped his hand and said, "I accept." Thereupon, Mr. Morris took out a little checkbook from his pocket and handed it to me, saying: "Here, you devil, make a check for three hundred dollars." "Oh, no," I answered, using his phraseology. "No monkey business. It will be five hundred bucks." He signed the check. Before taking Dr. Hirsch home, I told him that I would like to stop off for a moment at my brother's place, which was nearby. "Oh," said he, "your brother is in business here? I will go with you and see what kind of a business man he is." When we stopped in, we found Harris, as usual, reading a book, this time a volume of Heinrich Heine, in German. After greeting him and shaking hands, Harris showed Dr. Hirsch what he was reading, and told him of the comment Heine had once made about Reformed Judaism. He had been asked for his opinion after attending, for the first time, services in a Reformed Temple, whose Rabbi, if I am not mistaken, was Samuel Holdheim. "The prayers and the singing and the ceremonies and every thing else," said Heine, "were exactly as in the Christian German churches. The only thing that sounded Yiddish was Rabbi Hold" heim's German." Dr. Hirsch had a good laugh over this story, and wondered how it happened that he had not heard it before. COMMUNAL WORK 281 They then started on a lengthy discussion regarding Reformed Judaism. Harris insisted that no religion can survive unless one has sincere faith and believes in it with all his heart. "I am not speaking of fanatics," he said. "They are the excep- tions. But Reformed Judaism is not a religion to which its fol- lowers can strongly adhere, or in which they can have deep faith." Dr. Hirsch asked him for some proof of this statement, and Harris was quick to cite an example. "You know," he said, "that among Orthodox Jews, the Bible or prayer book, or any other book pertaining to the Jewish re- ligion, and printed in Hebrew, is considered sacred. An Orthodox Jew will always kiss the page of such a book before he closes it and puts it away. If an Orthodox Jew should find a loose page of such a book lying around, he will pick it up carefully, treating it as something that is holy, and put it in a proper place. But that is not the case with you Reformed Jews." "How do you know that is true?" asked Dr. Hirsch. "I will prove it to you one hundred and fifty times right now," said Harris. "You see over there," he continued, pointing out of the window, "a junk shop owned by a man named Satavsky. He makes a specialty of buying all kinds of paper and old books, and I have an agreement with him that whenever he has any old books, to let me know. I have bought from him a great many books in this way. Of course, most of them have been quite badly torn and in poor condition. But last week, I was surprised to have him tell me that he had a large number of new books, and I bought them for but a little more than he would get for them as waste paper. They cost me about two cents each. If you will please come into the other room, I will show them to you." Dr. Hirsch followed him, and was greatly surprised to see there a hundred and fifty Jewish Union Prayer Books, such as are used in all the Jewish Reformed Temples. 282 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS "There you see the difference," said Harris. "You couldn't find an Orthodox prayer book in a junk shop anywhere in the United States." I thought Dr. Hirsch might feel offended, but he laughed good- naturedly and said: "Next Sunday I will preach a sermon on this." * * * Gradually the Jews of the West Side became more and more interested in politics, until one heard everywhere political matters discussed in Yiddish, as well as in English. The majority were strongly sympathetic towards the Republican Party. Several of the West Side Jews entered into active political work and held office successfully. A Democratic leader and the representative of the Bohemian and Jewish voters of several of the wards of the West Side, was a Bohemian Jew by the name of William Loeffler. His chief assistant in this work was another Bohemian Jew — Adolph J. Sabath. Both were greatly liked, and became very popular in their district. Mr. Sabath was subsequently elected to the Municipal Court, and some time later was elected Congressman of his dis- trict, being continuously re-elected to the present time. A brother of Congressman Sabath, Joseph Sabath, was also elected to the Municipal Court and later to the Circuit Court, to which he was re-elected and over which he is still presiding. I am happy to say that these two brothers are considered to be among the best public officials in this city. During their entire career, no fault has been found with them, and they are admired and respected by all who know them. I cannot continue without mentioning the two outstanding Chicago Jews in public life — Judge Samuel Altschuler and Governor Henry Horner. The former served with high honor on the Federal bench for over twenty years. When he resigned, be- COMMUNAL WORK 283 cause of advancing age, it was to the regret of all who knew him, and his resignation was accepted with reluctance. It is rarely that one finds a man so honorable, wise and just, and so greatly beloved, as Judge Altschuler. Our popular Governor Horner is another man of whom we are justly proud. As Judge of the Probate Court of Cook County for about twenty years, he served with great credit to himself and to the community. His candidacy for the governorship was received with great applause by people in all walks of life, and he was elected by a large majority. During the campaign for his second term, in 1936, he had formidable political opposition, but so generally was his merit recognised that he was victorious in spite of this obstacle. He is generally conceded to be one of the finest governors Illinois has ever had, and there have been very few to find fault with his administration. I am particularly grati" fied by his success, since I have earnestly worked for him from the very beginning of his political career. Both Judge Altschuler and Governor Horner have always iden- tified themselves with every movement concerning the public welfare. The strongest Republican leader in the early days was Mr. William Lorimer. Assisting him was Mr. A. J. Harris, a Russian Jew, who was just assuming leadership over the Jewish Repub' lican voters of the West Side. Mr. Harris was several times elected alderman of his ward, and later was elected Clerk of the Criminal Court. William Lorimer, who was a clever politician and straight' forward individual of attractive appearance, had great influence over the Jewish voters of the West Side. He was liked by all who knew him, and was considered very reliable. However, he was a strong fighter against any opponents, and he made his greatest mistake when he undertook to fight the Chicago Tribune. The 284 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS controversy lasted for years, until the Tribune proved victorious. As a consequence, Mr. Lorimer lost his seat in the Senate. Mr. Lorimer had some time previously opened two banks — one in the downtown section, on LaSalle near Monroe; and the other on the West Side, on the corner of 12th Street (now Roosevelt Road) and Ashland, which was then one of the most desirable locations in that vicinity. Because of his great political following and his many friends and admirers, Senator Lorimer did a fine business from the day he opened. Unhappily, his ouster from the Senate affected his banks, which immediately went into a decline, and within a few months were closed. The depositors of the West Side bank called a meeting and decided to apply to the courts for the appointment of a receiver, naming me as their choice. I was then the owner of a small pri' vate bank on the corner of Roosevelt Road and Blue Island Avenue, which was managed by my son'in4aw, Mr. Bernard Jadwin. My appointment as receiver of Lorimer's Ashland & 12th Street Bank took place in October, 1915. I immediately checked over the books. When I saw the names and the small individual deposits, I did not feel it right to charge these people any re' ceiver's fees, and though many of my friends thought I was foolish to do so, I insisted on giving my services gratis. My legal representative was Mr. LeRoy Brown, of the firm of Brown, Fox ii Blumberg, whom I found to be one of the finest and most honorable lawyers I have known. He took care of every detail, having always the interest of the depositors in mind. The deposits totaled close to a million dollars, and when the receiver" ship was wound up, the depositors were paid over seventy cents on the dollar. This, I was informed, was a record for bank receiverships. * * * A few years after this experience, I was surprised to receive a visit from Judge Thomas F. Scully (then judge of the County COMMUNAL WORK 285 Court), and Dennis Egan, Secretary of the Board of Election Commissioners. They had come to ask me to serve as the Repub- lican member of that Board, which was composed of three mem- bers. Since Judge Scully was a Democrat, he had the right to appoint two Democrats, but the third member had to be a Republican. I accepted the appointment, and was afterward in- formed that Judge Scully had considered three different Jews for that office, but upon consulting with several of the leading Jews of the city, it was decided that I should be chosen. I served on the Board of Election Commissioners from December, 1914, to December, 1920. The other two members of the Board, two Democrats, were August Lueders, a German, and Frank Rydsewsky, a Pole. They were both fair and honorable, and we seldom disagreed. When a disagreement did occur, we called in Judge Scully to decide the matter, but he generally told us that it was his rule not to inter- fere with the Board, and that we would have to fight it out among ourselves. In 1927 I was appointed by Mayor Thompson as a member of the board of trustees of the Policemen's Annuity and Benefit Fund of Chicago, and served until July, 1931. When I left, the incoming board voted a resolution, expressing its thanks and appreciation for the "splendid services rendered conscientiously and generously" by me as trustee of that board. Shortly after this time, a serious difficulty arose in the West Side community, and as usual, I was called upon for advice and assistance. It was during the prohibition era, and some irrespon- sible parties had taken advantage of the laws permitting the sale of sacramental wines. The entire Orthodox Jewish community was aroused. After working on the problem for several weeks, a compromise was reached. It was agreed that no sacramental wine was to be 286 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS handled at all, by anyone, thereafter, and that what had happened should be forgotten. * * * On the way home from the 10th Zionist Congress, during the ocean crossing, I turned my thoughts to the communal problems that would await me on my return to Chicago. I pondered chiefly the situation of the various philanthropic institutions and organ- isations of the West Side, and arrived at the opinion that it would be best to follow the methods used by the South Side Jews, who had adopted an excellent system. Instead of having each separate enterprise raise its own funds, they had an organ' isation which took it upon itself to raise all the money needed by all their institutions and philanthropic groups. This organize tion secured the required funds through annual subscriptions of its members, who pledged certain amounts. As already related, we, on the West Side, had an Old People's Home, an Orphan Home, and a "Kosher" Hospital (The Mai" monides Hospital) , as well as several "immediate 1 ' relief societies and a number of Hebrew Schools. Each individual group raised money by sending collectors from house to house, receiving con' tributions from five cents up. This system was very unsatisfactory, and the collection and distribution of money was in a chaotic state. I came to the conclusion that in the interest of efficiency, we, too, ought to form a single organisation, which would be responsible for raising all the funds required for all of our philan' thropic organisations and the maintenance of all the charitable institutions on the West Side. I realised that any attempt to change the existing system wouli meet with a great deal of opposition, especially from the officers of the various groups and from the men who went around col' lecting. In order to make a living from the nickels and dimes they gathered every day, these collectors had to retain between thirty and forty per cent of the intake. Thus the expense of raising the COMMUNAL WORK 287 funds was out of all proportion. Another evil of the system was the competition between the officers of the various groups, each of which wished to retain its independence. I anticipated trouble from these sources, but never imagined I would encounter as much opposition as I did. I lost no time, but shortly after returning home called a meet' ing of those of our active communal workers who I thought would be interested in my plan, for the purpose of laying it before them, and acting upon it. Among those present were Messrs. Samuel Philipson, A. S. Roe, Harry M. Fisher, H. A. Lipsky, of the Daily Jewish Courier, S. J. Rosenblatt and Max Shulman. We decided at that meeting that an organisation such as I proposed should be formed. It was to be called the Federated Orthodox Jewish Charities of Chicago, its aim and object being to raise enough money to support all of its affiliated institutions and philanthropic groups. During my varied experience in business, social work, politics and other endeavors, I had encountered plenty of trouble and hardships and disagreeable incidents; but the year and a half during which, in conjunction with others, I endeavored to induce the several philanthropic organizations of the West Side to become members of the Federated Orthodox Jewish Charities of Chicago, was a most unpleasant period. It was the most thankless and most difficult task I had ever had to tackle. There were about fifty collectors who made their living gath' ering funds, and these men were naturally enough strongly opposed to my plan. Some of the officers of the institutions also were very inimical toward me, as they were afraid of losing their leadership and independence of action through the proposed change. I was criticised and abused on all sides. But I kept on arguing and debating, attending meetings almost daily, until we finally succeeded in completing the organisation. Among others, we had the support of Mr. Julius Rosenwald and Mr. A. G. 288 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS Becker, and, of course, the support of the Jewish Courier. Even the English press often commented favorably on what we were trying to accomplish. Our first year's subscriptions amounted to around a hundred and twenty thousand dollars, of which we collected about eightynve per cent. I was president of the organisation for two years, during which time Mr. David P. Pollack was executive secretary. I then in' duced Mr. James Davis, who had served as a director of the organisation since its inception, to become president. This was in accordance with the policy I always pursued in such matters. After I had started an organisation or movement and had placed it on a sound foundation, I would relinquish the leadership to some responsible member, continuing my interest in the work of the group as a member of the Board of Directors and a contrib' uting member. The Federated Orthodox Jewish Charities of Chicago con" tinued for ten years. Then, by agreement of the leaders of each section, the West Side and South Side organisations amalgamated, under the name of the Jewish Charities of Chicago, which took over the responsibility of raising money for all the charitable institutions of the city. I believe Chicago was the first city to introduce this method of financing philanthropic enterprises. The Jewish Charities of Chicago has become a model for Jewish and non' Jewish organisations throughout the country, and its method of raising and distributing funds has been put into practice in New York and many other cities. The Jewish Charities of Chi' cago now raises about one and a half million dollars every year. The cost of raising this money amounts to only about three per cent, whereas under the former system the cost was about thirty five per cent of the sum collected. The similar organisation in New York City, I understand, raises between five and six million dollars a year. < 3 o o o § m Z o o o -J o o C/3 1*8 si O 3 3 ° £ < < CQ 2 f COMMUNAL WORK 289 In this connection, I must mention Mr. Samuel A. Goldsmith, Executive Director of the Jewish Charities of Chicago, who came here from New York in 1930. No one envied him his job, as he took charge soon after the beginning of the "depression/ ' but he managed the affairs of the organisation with commendable efficiency during the trying years that followed. He introduced many worthy reforms and increased the number of affiliated insti- tutions. He is well liked and well thought of by all those connected with the organisation, and has established a reputation for himself as a forceful and convincing orator. Deserving special mention, also, is Miss Augusta Shapiro, office manager of the Jewish Charities. She entered communal work in Chicago during the time I was acting as chairman of the Central Relief Committee for War Sufferers. Soon afterward she was offered a position in the office of the Jewish Charities of Chicago and has been with that organisation ever since. Miss Shapiro is an outstanding personality in community work in this city. She knows almost everyone, and everyone knows her. Anyone seeking information about any phase of communal activity applies to her. Among the many people whom we called on for contributions were Mr. and Mrs. Meyer Schuman, and Mr. Meyer Berry. I mention them here, not so much because of the size: of their con' tributions, which were in proportion to what they could afford to give, but because, in contrast to most others, their reception of us was always pleasant and cordial. They never turned us away empty-handed . Of invaluable help to the Jewish Charities over a long period of years has been Mr. Ludwig Stein. Disregarding his own com- fort and convenience, he has devoted almost all his time to inter- esting new members and raising funds for the organisation. He is ever the gentleman, and I have always enjoyed working with him in this field. Throughout all these years, and during all its changes, from the United Hebrew Charities to the Jewish Charities of Chicago, I 290 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS have been a member of the Board of Directors and active in its affairs. However, about two years ago, feeling that I was advanc ing in years, and since my health was not of the best, I thought it expedient to resign and make room for a "y° un g er and better man.' 1 Accordingly I sent my resignation to the president, who accepted it reluctantly. I was very pleased when, in order that I remain connected with the organisation, the Jewish Charities passed a special provision, electing me Honorary Vice President for life. In my files I find the following letters that passed between Mr. Frank L. Sulzberger and myself on that occasion: November 16, 1937. Mr. Frank L. Sulzberger, President, The Jewish Charities of Chicago 130 N. Wells Street, Chicago, 111. Dear Mr. Sulzberger: Owing to advanced age and failing health, I cannot properly perform my duties to the Jewish Charities of Chicago and feel that a younger and more active man, who can accomplish better results, should take my place. I, therefore, respectfully tender my resignation as vice-president and director, which resignation you may accept at your pleasure. Should the office of the Charities at any time feel that I can be helpful by calling on some people, I shall be glad to do so, if at all possible. With my highest regards to your good self, our executive director and board of directors, I am, with my best wishes for the continued success of our worthy organization, Respectfully yours, Bernard Horwich COMMUNAL WORK 291 November 23, 1937 Dear Mr. Horwich: I was quite unhappy when I received your letter of November 16 saying you wanted to resign from the Jewish Charities Board, because I knew the reason for it was you felt you were not able to be as active as you would like to be and you thought you ought to make way for somebody who could be more active. Understanding your wishes in the matter, I read your letter to the Board last night. The Board was unanimous in feeling that the Jewish community could not afford to have you disassociated with the Charities, that your standing in the community, your many years of active work in the Charities could not be spared. At the same time they wanted you to feel that your member' ship on the Board should not seem to you a burden, but that you should be able to come to meetings or stay away as your health and your pleasure permitted, and you were unanimously elected an Honorary Director and Vice-President by Board action last evening. I think I can say to you that you would have been more than pleased to have heard the expressions of deep and genuine affec tion and esteem from the various members of the Board on which you have sat for so many years. I want you to know that I concur fully in the opinion of the Board that you cannot be spared from its councils, and that at the same time you should be spared from its obligations, and I hope you will agree to accept this honorary appointment. With my own best wishes, I remain, Sincerely yours, Frank L. Sulzberger President * * * I cannot refrain from saying a few words about the men with whom I have been associated in this work for many years. 292 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS Since the membership of the various succeeding Boards of Directors kept changing, it is difficult to recall the names of all the splendid workers in this cause, but I do at least want to list those outstanding men who served as presidents of the organize tion, after the merging of the West Side and South Side groups. First among these was Mr. Julius Rosenwald, who was nation" ally known for his philanthropy and lifelong interest in social welfare. Succeeding him as president was Mr. Charles Rubin, who was an excellent worker and a fine gentleman. Mr. Rubin was followed by Mr. Samuel Deutsch, who did out- standing work as president of the organisation . These three men, alas, are no longer among the living. Next to serve as president was young Alfred K. Foreman, who was a member of the well known^firm of Foreman Brothers Banking Company. Succeeding him as president, was Mr. Sol Kline, one of the finest and most sensible men with whom I have ever come in contact. The next president was Mr. Frank L. Sulzberger, the son of Mr. Sol Sulzberger, whom I have mentioned before in my narra- tive. The saying, "like sire, like son," certainly applies in this case. Frank L. Sulzberger resembles his late father in every respect, even in physical appearance. He is unassuming and a sincere and unremitting worker, and in his speech is always brief and to the point. He is poised and cultured and is well liked by all who know him. I do not have the privilege of knowing well the present presi' dent, Mr. Lester N. Selig, but from the few times I have met him and from the little correspondence I have had with him on matters concerning the Jewish Charities, I am fully convinced that he is a worthy successor to those worthy men who came before him. CHAPTER VIII LEADING CHICAGO ZIONISTS Since Chicago was the first city in the United States actively to embrace Zionism and to send a delegate to the First Zionist Congress, it seems proper to mention here those Chicagoans who were most active in this work — men who gave unstintingly of time, effort and money and helped to build the organisation to its present standing. Several of these pioneers and pillars of the movement are, alas, no longer among the living. Among these men was my own beloved brother, Harris. I have written a great deal about him, I know, and it may not seem modest on my part to take up so much of my story with him. But all those who knew him will agree with me that no amount of praise would be too much. Harris Horwich, I can say, was the foremost exponent of Zionism in this country. With regard to the Jewish people, he was interested in two matters. The first was Zionism, in all its phases — religious, cultural, political, economic or national" istic. His second consideration was the ethical life of the Jew. Harris desired that every Jew should lead such a clean, moral and ethical life that our critics would have no fault to find. He would assert that the Jews in Palestine were the first to abolish idolatry and adopt the idea of one God. It was in Pales- tine, he proclaimed, that the religions of Judaism and Christianity were born, and the ideal of brotherly love and humanitarianism was developed, taking the place of barbarism and brutality. Palestine, he preached, was the first place in the world where people were taught a humane attitude toward slaves and thus was started the idea of abolishing slavery. He reminded the people that the religion which gave the command to work "six days in the week — but the seventh should be a day of rest for man and beast" originated in Palestine. If it were not for the Jews and 293 294 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS the Bible and Palestine, Harris claimed, people would still live like barbarians and have no concept of a finer way of life. "For all this," he said, "the Jews have suffered for the last two thousand years and have been oppressed by an ungrateful world." Now, therefore, since we have a chance to regain that country, he would argue, it is our sacred duty to do all in our power to restore Zion to the Jewish people. Harris never overlooked an opportunity to talk Zionism, in season and out of season, in places where he was welcome, or in places where his hearers were hostile. Once he and I were invited by a friend to attend a political meeting held in a Jewish neighborhood. We listened to several speakers, one of whom shouted at the audience: "I see that most of you have come here from countries where you were oppressed and persecuted by the monarchs of those countries — but here you have no kings and no queens. Here you are the kings and your wives are the queens!" When he finished, Harris asked for the floor, and before the chairman could speak, my brother was on the platform. "The last speaker told us," he exclaimed, "that here we are kings and our wives are queens — but the trouble is, we are kings to the extent that anyone who feels like it can declare war on us. "It is true," he explained, "that here we are equal before the law and are supposed to be protected, yet any hoodlum on the street can molest us when he thinks we are not strong enough to defend ourselves." Harris went on for a while in that strain, and ended with the statement: "When the Jews shall have a country and a govern' ment of their own, in Palestine, we shall have an organised power to speak for us and command the world's respect." Another time, when we attended a Socialist meeting on the West Side, Harris took the floor and boldly told the audience that they were wasting their time and money in those activities. LEADING CHICAGO ZIONISTS 295 'This country," he admonished them, "is strongly democratic and will never adopt Socialism. Why not instead," he queried, "advocate and preach Palestine and Zionism? When we have our own land, our own people and our own government, we can try out Socialism, and if it works well in Palestine, then other coun- tries may follow our example. " The next man I should like to mention in this connection was Leon Zolotkoff. Conservative in his thinking and writing, he tried to prove through reasonable arguments, why Palestine be- longs to the Jews. "It is true," he said, "that they lost it two thousand years ago, through no fault of their own, but because they were robbed of it. The Jews have never given it up. They have continued to claim it, praying to God and to all the nations of the world to return Palestine to them. "Jews have always been there," he argued, "in larger or smaller numbers. They have never abandoned it, and if they have it restored to them and become an independent nation, they will prove to the world that the accusations against them are all untrue. "If the Jews are largely traders and shopkeepers," Mr. Zolot- koff asserted, "it is because these occupations have been forced upon them, all other fields being closed to them. Not permitted to own land, and driven from one country to another, they could not become agriculturists, but had to make a living by whatever means they could. Once they are established in their own coun- try," he prophesied, "they will prove to the world that they can be farmers and till the soil, just as any other people." His predictions have come to pass, as is evidenced by the won- derful work the pioneers have done in Palestine in reclaiming and tilling the once barren land. The third devoted worker for Zionism in this city was Mr. M. Phillip Ginzjburg, who was one of the early group of Russian "intelligentsia." Though strictly Orthodox, he had a modern out- 296 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS look. The cause of Zionism was to him of paramount importance. As the publisher of the Daily Jewish Courier, he gave invaluable publicity to help further Zionism in Chicago, and many mid' western states. Fourth on my list I place the well known Max Shulman. He joined the Zionist Organisation about seven or eight years after it was started. He was then a young lawyer, with a great deal of enthusiasm for Zionism and an interest in many other community problems. Mr. Shulman served as Secretary of the Zionist Organ' isation for several years and then became President, serving as head of the movement, off and on, for nearly thirty years. During the period of his activity, the movement spread to other mid' western states, including Michigan, Indiana and Wisconsin. Our well known American Zionist leader, Mr. Louis Lipsky, wrote of Mr. Shulman as follows: "For many years, when Zionism was a seed that had to be nurtured with personal devc tion, Shulman was the most ardent personality in the Midwestern scene. He advocated Zionism under all circumstances and at all times, and this made him one of the outstanding Zionist per' sonalities in Chicago. ... He was a sticker and worker and stayed on the job until the day of his death. " Next among the pioneer workers for Zionism was Elias Epstein, a cigar manufacturer. Possessing good common sense, sincere and systematic in everything he did, he was an asset to the movement, and should be remembered as one of our best workers. Another devoted Zionist was Mr. M. Sider, who was a Talmudist and Hebrew scholar. An enthusiastic worker, he was prompt to perform every duty assigned to him with great energy and love for what he was doing. He was active in the movement for about thirty years before his death. One of the very first persons to attend Zionist meetings, and a man who gave sound advice with regard to organising the work and expanding it, was Mr. B. A. Antonow. LEADING CHICAGO ZIONISTS 297 I would like to make special mention here of a man who was loved and admired by all who knew him, namely, Mr. Samuel Philipson. Starting out as a clerk in the dry goods business, he worked himself up until he became an important wholesale mer- chant. He was always known for his honest and straightforward business dealings. Although Mr. Philipson attended almost every Zionist meet- ing, he was quiet and unassuming and seldom participated in the debates and discussions, giving his opinion only when asked for it. He was very charitable and was a large contributor, not only to the Zionist cause, but to almost all philanthropic institutions and organisations in the city. Before the "depression," he was a wealthy man, but when he passed away a few years ago, there was very little left of his fortune. So honorable a man was he that though he might have settled with his creditors for a great deal less than his liabilities, and kept something for himself, he refused to do so. There is not a man in the city who lost a dollar through him, and there is hardly a Jew in Chicago who did not know him and who does not respect his memory. It was in the year 1912, I believe, that we were happy to re ceive in our midst Judge Hugo Pam, a jurist and orator of note. He was one of the most forceful speakers for Zionism, and when he addressed a meeting, his audience was with him from begin- ning to end. Every word he uttered was spoken with sincerity, force and conviction. He was indeed a great help to the movement. Just when the World War broke out, there came to Chicago a young man who was known here before his arrival, namely, Dr. S. M. Melamed, a brilliant journalist, author and philosopher. He had edited a paper in London, and had then come to New York. Shortly afterward, he became editor of the Daily Jewish Courier of Chicago. 298 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS An accomplished linguist, he wrote and spoke French, English, German, Hebrew and Russian, and he was considered one of the most forceful writers of our time. His articles and editorials on Palestine were unique. He wrote many books of note, among the best known being his book entitled "Spinosa and Buddha," pub' lished by the University of Chicago press. Dr. Melamed remained in Chicago for some sixteen or seven' teen years, before moving to New York. Associated with him here as creditor was a Mr. Peter Bayarsky, and through their paper, these two men kept Zionism before the public day in and day out, maintaining their interest as long as they lived. Another fine man who helped to spread Zionism was Philip P. Bregstone, who was, intellectually, a "jack'of'all'trades." He was a lawyer and assistant judge of the Probate Court, and a lecturer, journalist and author. His book entitled, "Chicago and Its Jews," was his last literary effort before his death. Soon after the book was published, a banquet was given in his honor by some of the well'known Jews of the West Side. Among the speakers were Rabbi Gerson B. Levi and Rabbi Solomon B. Freehof. Mr. Bregstone gave all the time and energy he could spare to the cause of Zionism. It was to the great sorrow of his many friends that he suddenly passed away in middle life. Mr. H. Levin, a member of Levin Brothers Wholesale Grocers, was also an important figure in Zionism. He and I were called the "dry, practical men" of the movement. Mr. Levin, who had a fine mind and was quite a scholar, proved his practical faith in Pales' tine by giving up his business and moving there with his family. This was, I believe, about fifteen years ago. He purchased land there, built a house, and embarked in the finance business, helping poor farmers in Palestine to become self 'sustaining by advancing money to them as needed. He died a few years ago, and his widow and son are still there. LEADING CHICAGO ZIONISTS 299 Most of these whom I have mentioned were also ardent work- ers with me in various philanthropic enterprises, as I have indi- cated in other parts of this book. I am now pleased to mention several men who happily are still here and still active, and who are very much interested in Zionism, as well as all other causes involving the welfare of the community. Among them is Mr. H. L. Meites, who started out in Chicago as an apprentice in a printing shop. A few years later, he had established himself in that business, and later founded the Chicago Jewish Chronicle, which is considered to be one of the best weekly Jewish publications in the city. Mr. Meites is known as a man of original ideas and plans. As a worker for Zionism or any other community enterprise, he always has something new to propose. His jottings in the Chronicle, and his opinions expressed in that paper on any subject, always give the reader something to think and talk about. His book, "The History of the Jews of Chicago," is considered a masterpiece, and anyone interested in the history of the city should read it. About six years ago, Mr. Meites was appointed Superintendent of the Water Department of Chicago. In this connection, he has become known to almost every municipality in the United States. He has effected such improvements as to enable the water depart- ment to save annually between two and three hundred thousand dollars. Very often he is invited to other cities that seek his advice on how to systematize and simplify the administration of their water departments. Not long ago, a luncheon was given in his honor, in recogni- tion of the very able services he has rendered the Zionist move- ment, as well as all other philanthropic undertakings in this city, during the last forty years. It was attended by many persons of prominence, each of whom praised Mr. Meites for the good work he has done. 300 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS Judge Harry M. Fisher, another of our prominent Jews, started out in Chicago as a young boy working in a factory. He studied law in the evenings, was admitted to the Bar, and became a judge. He is said to possess one of the best legal minds on the bench, in this city. There is not a movement or undertaking of any kind concerning the welfare of the Jewish community in which his name does not appear among the first. With his keen mind and brilliant oratory, he might indeed have been the leader of the Jewish people in this city had he abided by one of the sayings of our Jewish sages: "Ye wise men, be heedful of your words." I must not forget to mention a man who has given more time and energy to community problems than to his own affairs. I refer to Mr. S. B. Komaiko. Coming to Chicago as a boy he at once interested himself in Zionism and all other movements relating to Jewish welfare. After a few years, he went into the insur- ance business, and has become quite prominent in that line. Although it is a business that requires all one's time, Mr. Komaiko manages to spend many hours in writing articles and short stories for various newspapers and publications, such as the New York Morning Journal, the Chicago Daily Courier and The Advocate. He always was and is still a devoted Zionist and ardent worker for everything Jewish. Mr. Komaiko's fine personality, his enthu' siasm and his ability to say the proper word at the proper time, make him a valuable asset to the Jewish community. Mr. Komaiko has a large acquaintanceship among non-Jews, and he takes advantage of every opportunity to bring about a better understanding between Jew and Gentile. It was due to a large extent to his efforts that Lithuania (which is his native country, and mine), became an independent state. The Lithuanian government has on several occasions acknowl- edged the services Mr. Komaiko rendered in this connection, which have redounded to the benefit of the Jews in that country. LEADING CHICAGO ZIONISTS 301 Mr. N. D. Kaplan became interested in Zionism and in other communal work when still a boy. He became a lawyer, and demonstrated his fine character, common sense and sincerity in everything he did. After working here for the cause of Palestine for a great many years, he left for that country with his wife and two children, who are still there. It was he who interested Mr. Julius Rosenwald in the Hebrew Institute, which is one of the outstanding institutions of Chicago. One of the most important acquisitions of the Zionist move ment was Judge Julian W. Mack, with whom I did not become personally acquainted until about 1902 or 1903, although I had often heard of him prior to that time. A fine young man, Ameri' can'born, of Germanjewish extraction, he was a lawyer and a university graduate, and was interested in welfare work. He was connected with a committee for social welfare on the West Side and was one of the organisers of a society known at that time as the Maxwell Street Settlement. He became interested in the Zionist movement about the time that Justice Brandeis made known his interest in this movement. I was introduced to him after his nomination as Judge of the Circuit Court and was asked by his friends to support his can" didacy, to help secure his election. There was at that time, if I am not mistaken, already a Jewish judge on the bench, by the name of Philip Stein, who was a native of Germany. He was a well known lawyer, a member of the firm of Kraus and Stein. I was pleased at the prospect of having another Jew on the bench, one who was a loyal and idealistic American citizen, and who understood the West Side Jews. Though Mr. Mack was very young for such a responsible office, he impressed everyone as being in every respect reliable, sincere and trustworthy. What- ever he said was clear and to the point, and it was apparent that he meant exactly what he said. 302 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS As I have stated before, the Zionist leaders in those days were accused of many offenses, among them that our motives were chiefly political and that we were "cheap politicians. " I was, therefore, in doubt as to whether it would be advisable for me, as the President of the Knights of Zion, to sponsor the candidacy of Mr. Mack. I took the matter up with some of our officials and leading members, and we had a long discussion about it. After considering the question from all angles, however, and satisfying ourselves as to his qualifications for the office, we decided to give him our full support. Brother Harris remarked that if we helped him to become a judge, we should be able to call upon him to help us in the cause of Zionism; and that, in any event, it would reflect credit upon the Jews of Chicago to have such an able man on the bench. We conducted a strong campaign among organisations and congregations. I spoke at several meetings in his behalf, as did Harris. I went one Saturday, with Mr. Mack, to the largest syna' gogue on the West Side, known as the Anshe Kanesses Israel, where I appealed to the congregation to support his candidacy. Mr. Mack also made a very forceful speech on that occasion. He was successful in the campaign, and up to this day, I am proud that I did my share in helping him win the election. He is now a Judge of the Federal Court, and in his entire career on the bench, Judge Mack has been considered one of our best jurists. In addition, Harris' prophecy was more than realised, for Judge Mack eventually joined the Zionist movement and is now one of its important leaders. He is recognised as one of the prominent Jews of this country. Zionism acquired an influential supporter in the person of Justice Louis D. Brandeis, who became interested in the move- ment prior to his elevation to the Supreme Court bench. At one time it devolved upon Mr. Max Shulman and myself to escort him from his hotel to a local Zionist meeting. While riding to the LEADING CHICAGO ZIONISTS 303 place of meeting in a carriage, we talked about Zionism in general. Mr. Brandeis asked us for our opinions as to how the movement was progressing. "Tell me something," he said, "good, bad or indifferent." I pointed out that Zionism did not have one central organ- isation, but too many separate little branches; that we had to make too many excuses and explanations to every little group as to how it was connected with the Zionist movement and how the funds raised were being distributed, and mentioned other flaws due to lack of centralisation. I was flattered when he readily agreed with me. Mr. Samuel Ginsberg is another who has done his share in the growth of Zionism. He is known to be one of the most sincere, faithful and reliable workers for the cause, and can be credited with helping to bring the movement to its present standing. Mr. Hyman Steinberg is often described as the "brains" of the National Fund, a branch of the Zionist Organisation, which has as its object the raising of funds to buy land in Palestine. He is known to have given more to this cause than he could well afford. A very enthusiastic and forceful speaker, Mr. Steinberg has never failed to emphasise the importance of the National Fund at any gathering he has addressed, and has achieved splendid results. Mr. John Rissman is also one of the well known workers for Zionism and other good causes. He is quite a liberal contributor to the Zionist Organisation of Chicago, of which he has been Treasurer for many years. Judge J. M. Braude joined the Zionist movement about ten years ago. He served as President of the local group for several years and is now chairman of the National Fund Committee. Under his administration as President of the Chicago Zionist Organisation, two big affairs were given here which attracted nationwide attention. One, known as "The Purim Festival," was given at the Chicago Stadium before an audience of about 25,000. 304 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS The second was a tremendous undertaking called, "The Romance of a People." It was given at Soldier's Field, and over 125,000 people attended. Judge Fisher was chairman of the affair. Both pageants were initiated by Mr. Meyer Weisgall of New York. Judge Braude is considered one of the ablest judges on the bench, and is admired for his knowledge of the law, for his sin' cerity and for his fair judgment. Mr. Harry Lipsky, general manager of the Daily Jewish Courier, and a man of high intellect, has rendered considerable and valuable service to the Zionist movement. Among other things, he was chiefly responsible for having one of the finest schools in Chicago named after Theodore Herd, thus perpetuat- ing the memory of that great leader in this city. James Loebner and M. Indrits, well known writers in the Jewish field, were connected with the Jewish Daily Courier for a number of years while Zionism was in process of development. They deserve a great deal of credit for having used their talented pens to further the cause. The present editor of the Courier, Dr. Mordecai Katz, has devoted, and still devotes, his splendid literary abilities to aid Zionism. Our popular Orthodox Rabbi, Benjamin A. Daskal, has not permitted his many rabbinical duties to interfere with his interest in Palestine. He has responded to every call made upon him. It is not possible to mention here all the men and women who have given of their time and energy to Zionism and other com" munity endeavors, but there are some names that come to my mind repeatedly. These are I. T. Feingold, Mr. Ribback, B. J. Schiff, Morris Augustus, J. Miller, Capt. H. Waiss, Dr. Robert L. Halperin, B. L. Sloan, Mr. Meyer Abrams, a well known Chi' cago lawyer, and Mr. Bernard Shulman, who is now taking the place of his departed brother, Max Shulman; also Rabbis Morris Teller, A. E. Abramowitzi, Samuel M. Blumenfield, David Grau' LEADING CHICAGO ZIONISTS 305 bart, B. H. Birnbaum, Charles Schulman and Felix Mendelsohn. There are other names that ought to be mentioned here, among the early Zionists, but my memory does not serve me as well as I should like, and so I hope an oversight will not be judged too harshly. It is of interest to note that practically all the men I have named here came to Chicago as poor immigrants, without friends or money, and unfamiliar with the language. Yet each managed, through hard and honest work, to become a good citizen, bene' fiting the city as a whole and the Jewish community as well. A few years ago, the older Zionists realised that younger blood was desirable in the movement. This suggestion was particularly advanced by Rabbi Solomon Goldman. It was consequently de' cided that the old administration, under Mr. Max Shulman, should delegate their main activities to younger men. Mr. William Katz, a well-known business man, was elected president, and with Col. A. H. Rosenberg, a prominent financier and very able organ' iser, Dr. A. K. Epstein, a well'known chemist, and several others, took over the leadership in 1935, under the direction of Rabbi Goldman. Mr. Kats is serving his third term as president of the Chicago Zionist Organisation. He has proved to be a hard and earnest worker, well fitted for his task. Dr. Epstein, a man of high intellect and ideals, devotes a great deal of his time and money to the cause of Zionism. He is of the old'time "Russian intelligentsia,'' ' of which a fellowchemist, Dr. Wolf Kritchewski, is another fine example. Colonel Rosenberg has proved himself, in connection with his work in Zionism, a man of unusual energy, earnest and conscien' tious, and possessed of good common sense. He contributes most liberally to the cause. At the time these men came into office, the Zionist movement had been under way for about forty years, and had spread to every 306 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS part of the world. A great deal was expected from the new ad- a ministration — but many unforeseen developments have since occurred, and considering these factors the new leadership has functioned to the best of its ability. In 1938, because of his zeal and particular qualifications, Rabbi Goldman was elected president of the Zionist Organisation of America. The Zionists of Chicago can be proud of having contributed more than their share to the development of Palestine, the people I have mentioned being largely responsible for what has been accomplished. We have raised many millions of dollars, having given as much as $200,000.00 in a single year. We have helped large numbers of homeless refugees to settle in Palestine and start life over again. At present Palestine contains about 450,000 Jews, the all' Jewish city, Tel Aviv, containing more than 1 50,000 Jews. Some 125,000 are living in 200 settlements on the land. It is indeed a splendid piece of work that has been done there — and a privi' lege to have shared in that task. In the front rank of those who labored for Zionism were Chi' cago women of outstanding ability. "Hadassah," the women's branch of the Zionist organisation, has grown to great strength. National in scope, it is composed of girls and women in all walks of life. Its chief purpose has been the maintaining of hospitals in Palestine, giving medical aid to both Jews and non'Jews, in that country. An extremely active and ambitious group, the women of "Hadassah" raise hundreds of thousands of dollars each year to carry on their splendid task. In the last few years, they have done wonderful work in connec tion with the "Youth Aliyah," which movement has concerned itself with taking Jewish children out of Germany and resettling them in Palestine. LEADING CHICAGO ZIONISTS 307 Among the women most active in "Hadassah" and Zionism in Chicago are the following: Mrs. Benjamin Davis, Esther Wein' shenker Natkin, Hannah Shulman Sager, Pearl Franklin, Bertha Read Rissman, Jennie Perlstein, Mrs. Belle Friedlander, Mrs. Bertha Berkman, Mrs. Goldie Stone, Mrs. Harry M. Fisher and Mrs. S. H. Soboroff. Mrs. Davis and Mrs. Stone have always worked closely together. They have not confined their interest to Zionism but have been active in every project looking to the welfare of the Jewish community. All of these women have a fine understanding of the history and ideals of Zionism and each of them has a long record of unselfish service and unswerving devotion in that cause so vital to the spirit of Israel. CHAPTER IX WAR RELIEF About a year after the outbreak of the World War, we re- ceived information concerning the suffering of the people in Poland and Russia, especially among the Jews of those countries. My brother, Harris, insisted that something must be done to help these poor people. I thereupon took up the matter with a few of our Zionist leaders, and we at once decided to organise a movement to raise money for this purpose. I consulted with Dr. Emil G. Hirsch, and asked him to prevail upon Mr. Julius Rosenwald to lend his assistance to the undertaking, and he complied with my request. It was suggested to him, however, by Mr. Rosenwald that it was not proper for us to raise money for Jews only, but that we should raise money for all people. With this Dr. Hirsch did not agree, reasoning that the Jews were the greatest sufferers, and the first victims whenever the Russians entered enemy country. Jews, he said, were fighting on the battlefields of every nation, and were thus actually compelled to fight against each other. He felt we should come to the aid of the Jews first, and then, if a general movement was started, we should all participate and contribute as much as we could thereto. I called another meeting, and we worked out a program. At our first mass meeting, Dr. Hirsch was one of the principal speakers, and we raised several thousand dollars. Soon afterward, similar organizations were formed in various cities throughout the United States, and a great deal of money was raised during the war for the sufferers in Europe. Among the calls for assistance was an urgent appeal from Palestine. Several cables were received informing us that due to war conditions, there was a great scarcity of food, and the Jews 308 WAR RELIEF 309 in Palestine were on the verge of starvation. We were urged to send food at once. A group of us Zionists immediately organised a committee for the purpose of securing contributions of food. As chairman of the meeting, I suggested the slogan, "Bread for Palestine," which was unanimously accepted. Within a comparatively short time, we managed to obtain donations of several carloads of flour, cereal and other groceries, and shipped them to Palestine. We continued this work for quite a while, until the situation changed for the better. In the meantime, the leading Jews of New York had organised the Jewish Relief Joint Distribution Committee. This had three branches, one being known as the American Jewish Relief Com- mittee, the other as the Central Relief Committee, and the third as the Peoples Relief Committee. I was a member of the Chicago group, which joined as a branch of the Central Relief Committee. The above-mentioned relief organisations prevailed upon Presi- dent Wilson to designate a certain day to be devoted to raising funds to buy food for Jewish war sufferers, and the President accordingly designated January 17, 1916, as "Jewish Day." On that day, meetings were held throughout the country. As chairman of the Central Relief Committee of Chicago, I arranged that meetings be held by all local synagogues and Jewish organisations. I was called upon to preside at a meeting that evening at the Anshe Kanesses Israel. In my opening remarks, I drew a com- parison between an experience of my youth and the current situa- tion. I recalled the custom of providing "eating days" for poor Talmudic students. "When, as a lad of thirteen," I related, "I was a student of the Talmud in Wilno, I remember how the beadle of the synagogue took me by the hand and appealed to the generosity of the con- gregation to provide me with an 'eating day.' 310 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS "Now this day," I continued, "has been set aside by the Presi- dent of the United States as an 'eating day, 1 not for a single individual, but for all the hungry Jews of Europe." A visiting speaker from New York liked my analogy so well that he later reported it to the Executive Committee in that city. When I concluded my appeal, Judge Hugo Pam rose to address the congregation. Remarking that he had no money with him, he took out his watch, which was a very valuable one, and handed it to the secretary, as his contribution for the cause. Others fol- lowed his example, and we collected a large amount of jewelry, which was later auctioned back to the owners. In addition, we raised at the synagogue that evening over $10,000.00 in cash contributions. The total raised throughout the country on that day amounted to several million dollars. Since the above-named organisations were formed, they have raised and distributed about a hundred and twenty-five million dollars for the relief of European Jewry. * * * Soon after the war ended, I was called upon to act as one of three commissioners delegated to go to Poland to distribute food and money to the needy. I received a telephone call from New York, and then a letter, instructing me to be ready on a certain date, if I accepted, and was informed that a shipload of food would be en route to Poland, so that when we arrived we could at once proceed to distribute the food and organise relief stations wherever necessary. The letter contained specific instructions. We were supposed to sail within three weeks from the date men- tioned, going first to Copenhagen, Denmark. Our passports and letters of credit, we were informed, would be ready for us, so that we would not have to waste time in New York. Dr. Boris Bogan, who was a professional community worker and a graduate of a school of social service, left about two weeks ahead of the rest of us, to arrange for an office and living quarters. WAR RELIEF 311 He was to act as the general secretary for the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee and the three branch organisations. My fellow members of the commission were Mr. Isadore Hersh' field, an attorney, representing the American Jewish Relief Com' mittee, which consisted chiefly of well'to'do Jews of the country; and Mr. Baruch Zuckerman, who represented the People's Relief Committee, composed mainly of representatives of the laboring class. I represented the Central Relief Committee, composed chiefly of middle class Orthodox Jews. It was shortly after the Armistice was declared that all these arrangements were made. Conditions in Europe were still very chaotic. Communication and travel, both by rail and water, were uncertain and difficult. My relatives and friends urged me not to go on this mission, because of the many dangers involved; but my mind was made up, and I made the necessary preparations for the journey. About twelve days before I was to leave Chicago, I was sud' denly informed that I would have to obtain my passport myself. I at once put in a long distance call to Mr. Lucas, who was in charge of the New York office, and kept him on the telephone for ten minutes, in an effort to learn the reason for this, since their letter had definitely stated that they would make all such arrange ments, and that my passport would be ready for me on my arrival in New York. Mr. Lucas, however, answered me evasively, and simply repeated: "You will have to get your passport yourself, or you cannot go." I was greatly disturbed by this unexpected development. The Jewish press, and many other papers, had already announced that I was to serve on the Relief Commission, under the Hoover Food Administration, and I had gone to a great deal of trouble to prepare myself for the journey. I immediately started negotiations with the proper authorities in Chicago and New York. Shortly afterward, I was called in 312 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS by Federal officials for questioning. They amazed me by telling me point-blank that I was listed in the government records as having been disloyal in my expressed attitude toward the war, and asked for an explanation. I requested that they give me the particulars of any complaints that had been lodged against me, but they refused to give me any details, and stated only that their granting of the passport would depend on what explanation I could offer. I thereupon stated my case, as follows: "When our government declared war," I said, "and the citizens were called upon to obey all its orders, I, as a citizen of the United States, did obey all the laws, orders and regulations issued in connection therewith. I bought all the Liberty bonds that I could, and advised many young men to enlist and not wait to be drafted. I have three nephews, who enlisted on my advice. As to what I have in my own mind, concerning whether it was proper to enter the war, that, I believe, is my own affair. As an American citizen for the last thirty-eight years, I have always understood that I was entitled to my own opinion so long as it did not inter' fere with the laws of the country. "Regarding my loyalty and good citizenship,' ' I added, "let me give you a brief summary of my activities since I came here. When I came to this country, I brought with me about a hundred and fifty dollars, which was a great deal more than was brought by any other immigrant I know of. I worked for every cent I earned here, and did my share in helping to build the country. Starting out as a common laborer, I afterward became a manu" facturer and erected factory buildings. I now employ many people, and at the same time am interested in community affairs, doing all I can for those who are in need. For the past five years I have been serving on the Board of Election Commissioners of Chicago. "Now I have been called upon to go to war-stricken Europe on a mission of mercy, to help feed and clothe the wives, children and relatives of men here in America, who are American citizens, WAR RELIEF 313 and to aid other victims of the war. I have accepted the call and am ready to go, though I do so at a great sacrifice to my business, and perhaps to my health. I can furnish you with letters from prominent Chicagoans, some of whom are known throughout the United States, which will tell you whether or not I am entitled to a passport." My little speech seemed to make the desired impression upon the three men who were questioning me. "We will take this up with the passport authorities in Wash' ington at once," said one of them; and another added: "If you want to go, you had better be ready. The chances are that you will get your passport." Before leaving Chicago, I wrote to Miss Bella Jay (now Mrs. Friedlander) , who was then in Washington, in the employ of the government. She had been secretary of the relief office in Chicago during the time I was chairman of the organisation. I asked her to secure the passport for me, and send it to New York, in care of the Astor Hotel. There I received it the day after I arrived in New York. Although I now had my passport, as well as letters of recom' mendation from several of the most prominent men in Chicago, I was anxious to find out just what the government had against me, and requested one of my trusted friends to do everything he could to discover the nature of the charges during my absence. Six months later, when I returned from Europe, I was informed that the records in Washington showed, under the letter "H," the names of two men who had not been one hundred per cent loyal in their attitude toward the war. One of the names was that of Dr. Emil G. Hirsch, and next to his name, was mine. On being told of this, I felt no shame at all. In fact, I often remarked about it to my friends, asserting that if there was any blemish on my name, it was worth it, if it placed me in the same category 314 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS with a man like Dr. Hirsch, one of the most prominent orators, scholars and thinkers in the United States. The specific charges, I discovered, were these: During the period of the war, President M. Salk and Rabbi Ephraim Epstein had requested me to speak one Friday evening in their synagogue, Anshe Kanesses Israel, on which occasion Judge Harry M. Fisher was also to speak. I accepted the invitation with the understanding that I would be allowed to choose my own subject. In the course of my talk, I severely criticised the officers and directors of the congregation for inviting or permitting men to deliver speeches concerned with war propaganda, especially during the services. A week before, I had attended holiday services in that synagogue, during which I listened to a speech by a prominent lawyer, Levy Mayer, who is now deceased. Mr. Mayer had a national reputation as a lawyer and a man of great influence. "Here you are free citizens," he told the congregation. "You can worship the way you want to; you are free to send your children to school, and are free to engage in any business you wish to. In short, you are American citizens, with the same rights as any other American. Now, since this country is at war, you should support the war with heart, soul and mind. If not, you may suffer the same pogroms, oppression and persecution that you did in Russia!" In my talk before the congregation, I stated that Mr. Mayer had been right and had performed his duty when he told the people to be loyal to the United States in every way and all the time, especially in wartime. "However," I added, "war means killing and maiming, shed' ding human blood and visiting unspeakable agony upon human beings. Therefore, a synagogue, which is a house of worship, is not the proper place for advocating the killing and maiming of human beings and preaching inhumanity. When we pray to God, WAR RELIEF 315 whom we claim to be the Father of all mankind, and ask His for- giveness and that He be merciful toward everyone, no matter who or where he may be, we should not at the same time think of murdering and shedding the blood of hundreds of thousands of human beings. "Here in this holy place, we should pray to God that the war be ended soon, and by some kind of compromise. Our President Wilson has often used the expression, Teace without victory/ Of all the phrases he has coined, I like this one the best. May the war be ended with a peace without malice or revenge. "Certainly this is not the place to preach hatred against our German neighbors, because their government is at war with our government. They are Americans, like ourselves. They live near us, and have been our friends. Why should we preach hatred against friends and good neighbors? "We are doing our duty in obeying the orders of the govern- ment, in buying war bonds, paying our taxes and sending our sons and relatives thousands of miles away, possibly to be maimed or killed. What more can we do?" My greatest objection was to Mr. Mayer's statement about pogroms and persecutions. I showed how inconsistent he was. "First," I said, "he tells us that we have equal rights and are just as good as any other American, and in the next breath he says that we may suffer pogroms. If we are free citizens, we are entitled to every privilege and protection enjoyed by all other American citizens. If that is so, why should he suggest that they may make pogroms against us?" Someone in the congregation (I afterwards learned who it was) reported what I had said to the authorities here, and it was for that reason that my name had been placed on the list, as being disloyal to the government in my attitude toward the war. After completing arrangements in New York pertaining to finances, passports and other details, Mr. Hershfield and I de- 316 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS parted for Copenhagen. We sailed on a very small steamer, and the voyage took nearly four weeks. We found the trip quite thrilling and dangerous, as it was necessary for the ship to traverse long stretches of ocean that contained nests of mines which had been planted by the warring countries. Though a great many of the mines had been removed, quite a number still remained; some of them had broken away and could be seen floating about. There were several hundred passengers on the boat. For some time, none of us were aware of the situation. We only knew that we were sailing along very slowly, and at times would even stop for hours. Frequently we were at a complete standstill all night. When the passengers became restless, and began complaining, the captain, who was a Dane and spoke English rather quaintly, ex' plained the matter in a humorous way. "If it takes me a whole lot longer than it should,'' he said, "to take you to your destination, then the only thing you can say about me is that Fm a slow captain; but if I should run into a mine and drown you all, your families and the whole world will not say that Fm a slow captain, but a murderous captain. There fore, I choose to be a slow captain." We arrived safely in Copenhagen, where we found Mr. Zuckerman, who had preceded us. We settled down to wait for the food boat. A week after our arrival, we were invited to a reception to be given in our honor by the Rabbi and prominent Jewish citizens of Copenhagen. On that occasion, we were naturally called upon to speak. Mr. Hershfield, who spoke first, explained about the work his committee was doing and intended to do for the war sufferers, and made a very good impression upon his audience. Mr. Zuckerman then spoke, telling about the poor working people, and how they suffered both in war and in peace. Though a very forceful, convincing and fiery speaker, I noticed that his WAR RELIEF 317 talk had a depressing effect upon his hearers, and I therefore decided, when my turn came, to speak in a lighter vein. I began by stating that only twice in my life had I heard about Denmark — the first time was when I read Shakespeare's play, "Hamlet, Prince of Denmark," and the second time was when we were informed, in New York, that our destination would be Denmark. Although this comment might have been taken as an insult, the audience seemed to enjoy it, and laughed graciously. I went on to describe what I had observed during the twelve days of my visit. "You should be proud of your city," I told them. "It is like London, in almost every respect, although it isn't so large or so noisy. But the weather is the same, as it rains from morning to night. The only difference is that in London, the people carry umbrellas or wear raincoats, while here they go out in the rain without either, and don't even get wet. God must have taken care of you good Copenhagen people, when you can go out in the rain without umbrellas and not get wet." I congratulated them upon the appearance and courteous behavior of the police officials, and of the people in general, and concluded with a joke about London. After a certain man had been there for two weeks, during which time it rained steadily, he asked the hotelkeeper whether it rained in London all the year 'round. "Well," the latter replied, "it doesn't rain all the time — sometimes it snows." As we had as yet received no word concerning our food ship, which was known as "Westward Ho," we took the matter up with the American authorities. We were informed that the ship was en route to Poland, where it was due to arrive within a few days. As we prepared to leave for Poland, we were advised to provide ourselves with sufficient food for the trip, as we would have to pass through Germany, where food could not be secured at any price. 318 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS When we arrived in Warsaw, a few days later, we found Dr. Boris Bogan, the general secretary of all the Committees, waiting for us. Dr. Bogan, who has since passed away, was a person of high intelligence. He was well read, spoke Russian, Yiddish and some Polish, and was quite a statesman. However, after working with him for a week, I found that he possessed a fault common to most men who like himself were professional social workers. He wanted to handle everything, from beginning to end, and did not want any of his associates to initiate anything, or make any plans or advise him what to do. This naturally gave rise to misunder- standings between us from the start. As to the characteristics of Mr. Zuckerman, I found him to be very conscientious and very able, and a forceful, interesting and convincing speaker. However, he possessed a fault in that every thing he said or did was colored by his uncompromising and almost fanatical attitude toward the labor question. He was con- cerned first, last and always with the working man, and could see in only one direction, no matter what was involved. Mr. Hershfield, who is a man of good common sense and also speaks well, I found to be a very easy-going individual. In the course of our activities, he never insisted on anything, nor would he try to initiate any plans. He just went along, carefully avoid- ing controversies. It is only fair, I suppose, that I should also mention here my own faults, and I shall try to give a true picture by imagining that I am talking about someone else. Outside of a few years at "cheder" (Hebrew school), I have had no schooling, since from the time I left "cheder," at the age of thirteen, I had the responsibility of earning a livelihood. I worked hard and had very little time to spend in reading or study. Thus, whatever knowledge I have acquired, has been grasped here and there, wherever I could get it. Whenever I find myself WAR RELIEF 319 among people who are superior intellectually, whether I know them or not, I suffer from a feeling of inferiority. By nature, I am very nervous. Though I have always tried to control this, I have forgotten myself at times and let my nerves get the best of me. In these cases, I have to make a great effort to "calm down," and this explains my sometimes displaying a harsh temper. In spite of these drawbacks, however, when I have time to think things over, I generally know what I want, and can distinguish between common sense and mere foolishness. From the above descriptions, it is obvious that we four men did not make the best possible team. However, Dr. Bogan, in his report afterwards to the Joint Distribution Committee, to whom we were answerable, gave me a good deal of credit for my work on the commission. I later had the further satisfaction of hearing Mr. Felix Warburg, president of the Joint Distribution Com' mittee, state at a meeting that I had been most fit for the work, and he added that if my advice had been followed, much of the trouble we encountered could have been avoided, and many lives have been saved. Our first misunderstanding occurred two days after our arrival in Warsaw, when we four met to map out our program. Dr. Bogan, who presided, asked what we thought should be done first. My two colleagues wanted an expression from him, but he said he wanted to hear my opinion before stating his. I told him that it seemed to me our first duty was to see Prime Minister Ignas Paderewski, then the recognised head of the Polish govern" ment, since we had come on a mission which concerned Polish citizens, both Jews and non-Jews. I believed that we should report first to Premier Paderewski, extending to him the courtesy he de- served, after which our next step would be to make arrangements for the proper division of the shipload of food between the Jews and the nonjews. 320 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS Mr. Zuckerman objected strenuously to my suggestions. He stated that his conscience and his policy, from the proletarian point of view, would not permit him to visit a representative of the bourgeois class and the so-called nobility. A heated argument ensued between Mr. Zuckerman and myself, as Dr. Bogan and Mr. Hershfield did not take part in the discussion. I tried to impress upon Mr. Zuckerman the fact that we were in a strange land, with a newly formed government, and that for our own protection, it was essential that we make ourselves and our mis- sion known to them. Besides, we were semi-official representatives of the Hoover Food Administration of the United States, and it was therefore our duty to show courtesy to the head of the Polish government. All these arguments were of no avail. It was then I realised what a strong force Mr. Zuckerman was to deal with. Shouting at the top of his voice and emphasising his remarks by hammering his fist heavily on the table, he insisted that if we decided to go and see the Prime Minister, he would leave the Committee and have nothing to do with us. Influenced by his excited arguments, the other two men agreed to follow Mr. Zuckerman's advice, and make no official report to the government. Three days later, we each received a letter from His Excellency, Ignas Paderewski, asking that we meet with him on a certain day, at a specified place, to discuss methods and plans for dis- posing of our shipload of food, which had by this time arrived. My colleagues felt that this was as it should be — that Mr. Zuckerman was right. We had not had to go to the government, but had made the government come to us. I, however, still felt our procedure had been wrong. When we assembled at the appointed time, there were present, besides the Prime Minister, several officials of the Polish govern- ment, and Rabbi Perlmutter, a well known Orthodox Rabbi whom WAR RELIEF 321 the Prime Minister had invited. The latter's remarks, upon open' ing the conference, made us all blush. "You found it important enough," said Paderewski, "to make statements to the press, and to see a good many private people about your being here; but you did not think it was proper to report to the officials of the government of Poland as to your arrival and the mission you have to perform. " My three com" panions looked very abashed, and I was the only one who could hold up my head. In discussing the unloading and division of the food, it was suggested that a committee be appointed to handle the matter. I proposed, however, that since the cargo had been under the jurisdiction of the Polish government from the start, and since we could not obtain it without their authority, we should only be considered as consignees of that portion intended for distribution among the Jewish population; that we accordingly secure permis' sion to remove our portion, leaving the rest in the hands of the Polish government. The Polish officials still felt it would be best that a joint committee be appointed, and my colleagues agreed with them. Further discussion ensued, and it was decided the matter be held in abeyance. That afternoon, when we four met alone, I was reproached for the stand I had taken. The others felt I had been impolite and undiplomatic and had acted as though I did not trust the Polish government with our part of the cargo. Even Mr. Zuckerman, who had opposed our going to see the Prime Minister, thought that I had been unwise and even impertinent, in making the proposition I did. Though I felt hurt by their manner, I remained outwardly calm. A few days later I informed Dr. Bogan that I would like to take full charge of the immediate unloading of our part of the cargo. To my great surprise, he agreed to let me handle the matter. 322 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS I at once engaged a man who was recommended to me as being reliable and intelligent, and who knew how to deal with the government officials. Although I had a statement showing what food belonged to us, it took me six days of trotting around from one office to another, using all the influence I could, before we finally received permission to start unloading our portion. When this was accomplished, we rented a warehouse, engaged wagons and trucks, and in a comparatively short time had all our allotted foodstuff under our own jurisdiction. This food consisted of flour, condensed milk, vegetable oil and cheese. About six weeks later the Polish government issued a claim against us for nearly $200,000.00, asserting that food to that amount had been stolen from the boat before we unloaded our allotment. Fortunately we had official documents proving that we had withdrawn only what belonged to us, and though we had numerous arguments and discussions with officials of the government, we ended up without paying them anything. The difficult question of distribution now arose. In that re spect, we considered Dr. Bogan an authority, and decided to leave that phase of our activities in his hands. His plan was that we first publish in all the local papers the fact that we had food to distribute among all in dire need thereof, and requesting that these people come to our office and register their names and addresses, and other necessary information. Upon the completion of these registrations, we were to investigate as to which were worthy cases. We would then set up stations in various parts of the city, and all those having proof that they were entitled to the food, would receive supplies according to their needs. These elaborate arrangements did not appeal to me, as it was obvious that it would be a tremendous undertaking to register and investigate over a hundred thousand people. During the time it would take to do all this, hundreds might perish for lack of food. However, Dr. Bogan assured me that he knew what he was WAR RELIEF 323 doing, and that he could handle this part of our work better than I. Since I had no better plan to offer at the moment, I said nothing. Our office was instructed to call in the newspaper men and make announcement of our procedure. I learned, at this time, that there were about three hundred and fifty thousand Jews in Warsaw. Before the war, there had been an organisation to take care of the sick and the needy, and making inquiries on my own initiative, I discovered that this organisation was still in existence. My daily contacts with the representative Jews of Poland showed them to be understanding and highly intelligent. Almost all of them spoke a fine German, as well as Polish and Yiddish, and most of them were well read and well versed as to world con' ditions. From my observations, it appeared that the better'situated class of people were serious and reliable, although it must be said that the poorer people, those to whom procuring bread and milk was the problem of the day, could not be believed in every instance. My colleagues did not quite agree with my findings. Mr. Zuckerman felt that the only people we should deal with were the representatives of union labor while Dr. Bogan was of the opinion that one could not rely too greatly on the word of any of the Polish Jews. However, I took it upon myself to go to see the president of the relief organisation of which I had learned. He was a promi' nent banker of the city. He told me he was glad that I had come to him, since he had already seen Dr. Bogan, who had stated he would have nothing to do with that group. He informed me that their organisation had seven branches in Warsaw; that they had the names of all those who needed help, and could be of real service to us. The organisation comprised leading citisens of the town, and the officers and directors were 324 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS responsible and reliable. However, when I suggested to Dr. Bogan that we use their facilities, he would not consent. "You don't know the people here as well as I do," he said. "Anything that is to be done must be done by ourselves, and not through them." And so the registration took place, as planned. We had to rent a large office for the purpose, and employ a good many people. Everybody was kept busy with the registration, looking for desip able places in various parts of the city, setting up stations, and distributing the food. After the distribution began, I took a tour around the stations, and when I saw what the people were receiving, I was convinced the matter was not being handled properly. At the first branch I visited, I met a woman coming out with two pounds of flour, a few cans of condensed milk and some vegetable oil. I asked her opinion about it, and she said: "If they would give me a whole sack of flour, I could have it for a few weeks; I could bake bread and could use it for soup with the milk. I could make cake and use a little of the oil for it. But what can I do with two pounds of flour, except to make a little soup with it?" I learned also that the flour that was handed out was wrapped in loose pieces of paper, so that by the time the people brought it home, most of it was lost. Many of the people, I discovered, would take their ration of flour into a bakery shop and trade it for a loaf or half a loaf of bread. This, of course, we could not control. All in all, considering the expense involved in parcelling out rations in such small amounts, the undertaking, at the begin" ning, did not prove successful. Gradually, however, the various difficulties were overcome, and the distribution then proceeded smoothly. While this work was going on, we decided, at one of our meetings, that all of us need not stay in Warsaw, and that our WAR RELIEF 325 activities should be divided among various sections of Poland. Mr. Hershfield was delegated to take a large sum of money and distribute it in the small communities of one district, while Mr. Zuckerman was to go in another direction, distributing foodstuff. Dr. Bogan arranged to visit the larger cities in Poland and Lithuania. It devolved upon me to remain in Warsaw and super' vise the distribution of our food there. Since it was now close to Passover, I was also to make arrangements for the baking of matsos for those listed in our registry. Poland was at that time having border difficulties with Russia, which had just come under the control of the "Bolsheviks." I accordingly advised my colleagues to see the authorities in Warsaw before starting out, so that they might know what places to avoid. I also suggested that they secure civil and military credentials, to be on the safe side, especially in the case of Mr. Hershfield, who was to carry large sums of money. On this matter, we also disagreed. Mr. Zuckerman argued that these precautions were unnecessary, since we were American citizens and had passports and therefore no one had any right to interfere with us. He went on to say that, as a representative of the working class, he would not humiliate himself by going to the bourgeois government to ask for favors. "How will you get along without knowing the language," I asked, "and what will you do if the official is unable to read your English passport?" "Let him go and learn the language," he replied, "so that he can speak to me instead of me speaking to him." My suggestions were all overruled, and they left for their respective territories. At that time, the decisions and activities of the Committee were published in both the Jewish and Polish press. I now turned to my assigned tasks and began to make inquiries about matso baking, of which I knew very little. As a lad of ten 32o MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS or twelve, I had played near the shop of my uncle, Chaim Eleasei, who was a matso baker, and all I knew was what I had gathered from watching him. To aid me with this difficult problem, I went to see a well known Jew of Warsaw, Mr. Levin Epstein, whose brother, Mr. E. W. Levin Epstein, I knew in America. The latter was known throughout the Zionist world as the founder of Rishon L'Zion, one of the very oldest colonies in Palestine. He also was the man who had established branches all over the world for the sale of carmel wine, produced in Palestine, in which venture Baron Rothschild was interested, having invested the necessary funds. Mr. Levin Epstein arranged for me to see him at his home. On my arrival, at the appointed time, I found several prominent men, among them two Rabbis. These men explained to me the difficult ties I would encounter in trying to bake matzos for distribution. First of all, they said, the pious people would raise the question of whether the flour, having come from a foreign country, was kosher; that they would want to know whether the flour was produced for the purpose of making matsos. Secondly, they told me that there were enough matso bakers in Warsaw to supply more than was needed for the Jewish population of the city. A third objection was that the minute we started, we would have strikes, instigated by the regular matso bakers, and we would have trouble with the labor unions. Fourthly, they assured me that a great many families were receiving matsos from their relatives in other countries. The general conclusion was that it would be foolish for me to attempt such an undertaking. We talked the matter over for about three hours, although I realised from the beginning that they were right. I decided then to confer with the president of the relief organ' isation whom I had previously interviewed. Upon stating my problem, he assured me that he would place their list of needy families at my disposal. WAR RELIEF 327 "If you have confidence in what I tell you," he said, "and if you want to take my advice, this is what you ought to do. We will furnish you with an estimate of how much it will cost to supply all the poor with matsos. If you will then give us the money, we will use our seven branch offices to distribute the cash to the needy. With this they can buy meat, fish or shoes, or any" thing else, in case they are supplied with matzjos through some other source." I at once agreed to this plan, and he advised me that he would call a meeting of the directors of his organisation and let me know their reaction. When I returned to the office, I was surprised to find Mr. Zuckerman, back from his trip. He seemed disturbed and distressed. "What is the matter, friend Zuckerman?" I asked. "Nothing," he replied, and springing up, said, "Don't bother me." I assumed he had had some difficulty with the officials, and asking no more, went about my business. When I came out again into the street, I heard people talking excitedly, mentioning something about a great tragedy that had occurred in the town of Pinsk. I soon learned the details. Pinsk lies not far from the Russian frontier, where border fighting was in progress between Russia and Poland at that time. When Mr. Zuckerman arrived in that town, in the course of his trip, he neglected to report to the authorities to inform them of his mis- sion, namely, that he had come to inquire, as representative of an American Relief Organisation, how many people were in need of food and clothing, and that it would be necessary for him to call a meeting of some of the townspeople for that purpose. He merely notified the representatives of the working people that they should come to see him, to decide upon how much food should be sent in. 328 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS After meeting with these representatives, and discussing the matter with them, Mr. Zuckerman left. That evening, the men with whom he had conferred called a meeting of about forty of their union members. While this was in progress, someone re ported to the Polish military authorities stationed in the town that a Jewish radical and sympathiser of Soviet Russia had been there, and had advised the local labor leaders to call a meeting to discuss rendering help to the Russian army, in their attacks on the Poles. The clever and patriotic Polish official to whom this was reported succeeded in accomplishing a very heroic act. His men surrounded the place where the forty boys and girls were meeting to decide upon the distribution of the food, marched them all out to a field near the town, and executed them like dogs, without any question or consideration. Upon hearing this story, I hurried back to the office and con' fronted Mr. Zuckerman. "I want you to speak to me like a man," I said, "and forget about the bourgeois, and political questions. What happened there?" He was obviously greatly distressed. "I am sorry that I didn't tell you about it before," he said. "All I know is that they were all killed." This calamity, of course, created a scandal, and the Jewish and Polish papers carried headlines about it for several days. The Jewish papers called it a plain and simple massacre of innocent boys and girls; while the Polish papers insisted it was a proper penalty paid to a group of "Bolsheviks" who were conspiring against Poland. It was a very regrettable and unfortunate occur' rence, which could have been avoided. Proceeding with my own work, I secured from the secretary of the Jewish relief organisation in Warsaw an estimate of how much would be needed to provide the poor with matsos, and WAR RELIEF 329 other necessities. I gave him a check for the specified amount, with the understanding that if it did not prove sufficient, I would give him additional funds. On the other hand, if there was a surplus, it was to be returned to us. When these arrangements were made, and I was again free, I decided to carry out my plan upon which I had determined a few weeks before; that is, to travel independently outside of Warsaw, without the knowledge of the other members of the committee, and see for myself what was going on, since it was so difficult for us to work in co-operation. I had already previously secured proper credentials from the authorities, and had taken with me a Jewish young man, a native of Warsaw, who was to accompany me, procuring for him a special passport. We set out, and visited first several small towns situated three or four hours' ride from Warsaw. In some of these villages, we found that about two-thirds of the houses had been wrecked by bombardment during the war; that food was so scarce that in some places it could not be purchased at all, and if any was available, exorbitant prices had to be paid. Many of the people were living in rude shelters, practically exposed to the elements. Most of them were ill, because of insufficient nourishment and unsanitary conditions. In one of the towns, called Ostrolenko, a soup kitchen had been established. Here the starving inhabitants were able to secure one plate of soup a day. I happened to pass the place as the plates were being handed out through a wicket. A long line waited in front. Noticing that the wicket was about to be closed, some of the women in the rear of the line cried out desperately: "Please keep the door open, and do not close it while we are still waiting for our food!" I was reminded, by this scene, of the traditional prayer chanted during the "Neilah" services on Yom Kippur, toward evening, 330 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS when the congregation prays to God to keep the gate of heaven open and not to close it while their prayers are still ascending. On my return home, I related this incident to Dr. Hirsch, and he was so taken with my apt comparison, that he repeated it in several of his speeches. Afterward, when the Hitler regime caused thousands of Ger man Jews to look to Palestine as their only refuge, I had occasion to use this same illustration at a Zionist gathering. "As in the 'Neilah 1 prayer," I said, "these poor German refu' gees are praying that the gates of Palestine be kept open, as they are about to be closed, so that they may enter that sanctuary." In that same village of Ostrolenko, I found a woman and four children living in part of an old barn. One of the children had been stricken with pneumonia and was dying. It turned out that they were Americans, who had left New York before the war to visit the "old country," and had been stranded during the war. The woman told me her name was Bertha Grossman. I gave them what help I could, and when I returned to New York, made in' quiries as to the whereabouts of the husband and father. My daughter'in'law, Lee, accompanied me on this quest. We found that he had suffered a nervous breakdown as a result of anxiety over his wife and children, from whom he had not heard in many years, and was confined to an institution. His family was brought to America, and when he was made to realize that they were safe and sound, and they were brought to see him, he gradually re covered, and was soon returned to health. Some time later I received a letter from Mrs. Grossman, saying that she would be very happy if I would come to see her and her family the next time I was in New York. I made it a point to do so on one of my trips to that city. When I arrived at the address she gave me, I sent word up that a Mr. Horwich wanted to see her. What was my embarrassment when she came out to greet me, and threw her arms around me, crying, "My saviour! My WAR RELIEF 331 saviour!" oblivious to the crowd that gathered in the street about us. * * * I spent several days in Bialystok, a large city with a numerous Jewish population. One evening, while there, I went to visit the brother of a man I knew in Chicago, and hired a Jewish cabman to drive me back to the hotel. I did not know, and the man did not tell me, that because of the existing unstable conditions, there was a curfew law in effect, prohibiting riding in the streets after ten o'clock in the evening. While driving along, I suddenly heard shouting, and looking out I saw two uniformed men on each side of the cab, with revolvers in their hands. They were calling to the cabman to stop. I told him to do so, but he refused and went right on, until they caught up with him. They took hold of the horse and dragged the driver from his seat. One of the men put a revolver to his face, and asked his companion, "Shall I fire?" I rapidly spoke to them in English, begging them not to shoot. They conferred for a moment in Polish, and I was able to under' stand part of what they said. It seems that the driver insisted that his passenger, an American, had instructed him not to stop, but to go on. They turned to me, and I told them, in German, that I had not been aware of the curfew law, apologised and gave them some cigarettes. They came along with us to the hotel, where they released me, but started to take the cabman with them. It was only through the intercession of the manager of the hotel, who was a responsible appearing woman, that they agreed to let him go. She persuaded them with the aid of some drinks and sandwiches. When I first came to Bialystok, I went at once to police head' quarters, showed them my passport and my papers, and told them my mission. I must say that they treated me in a most courteous manner, and even offered to send a man along with me, if neces' sary, assuring me of their help and co-operation. 332 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS A few days later, I received a visit from a committee of four Rabbis, regarding some trouble which had occurred in Wilno, one of the largest cities in what was then Lithuania. A violent dis' pute, it seems, was then in progress between Poland and Lithu- ania as to which country the city of Wilno belonged to, and because of this disturbed state of affairs, the Polish authorities had arrested about thirtysix of the most prominent Jews of Wilno. The arrests had been made at midnight, and some of the men were taken from their beds, brought to Bialystok and placed in jail. The Rabbis wanted to know if I could do anything to help them. Our instructions, which we had from New York, were that we were to concern ourselves only with helping the poor and the hungry, and were not to interfere in any political matters. I there' fore informed my visitors that since this was a political matter, I was not permitted to interfere, but assured them that I would, nevertheless, see if anything could be done. I asked the Rabbis to give me the names of the imprisoned men, and taking this list with me, I went to see the same authorities to whom I had reported on my arrival in Bialystok. I asked them to allow me to talk to the prisoners, but this they politely refused to do. However, they promised to examine into the matter at once, and stated that if they found the men had been arrested without grounds, they would be released. I explained that the prisoners were all responsible business and professional men; that the arrest had been a bad mistake, since Poland could not afford to have the American papers play it up, and they, therefore, ought to take action at once. I especially stressed the importance of their seeing to it that the men were treated well and provided with proper food and clothing, as some of them had been taken from their homes half 'dressed. The officials assured me that this would be done. WAR RELIEF 333 I then communicated with one of the representatives of the United States Government in Warsaw, whose name, if I remem- ber correctly, was Lieutenant Foster, and urged him to intercede. The result of my endeavors was that the men were released two days later, and I received a letter of thanks from the committee of Rabbis who had sought my aid. During this trip, I discovered that the majority of the dis- tressed people had friends or relatives in America, from whom help would be forthcoming if they could communicate with them. Communication, at that time, between Poland and other eastern European countries and the United States was most difficult and unreliable. It took even cables five or six days to be delivered, and in many instances they were not delivered at all. After considering the problem from all angles, I decided tc insert a notice in the local Jewish papers, advising that all those who had relatives or friends in the United States, who might help them, should publish the names and addresses of the latter in either of two Jewish papers in Warsaw, which I specified. I stated that I would remain in Bialystok for two days, for the purpose of receiving the names and addresses of those desiring help and the names and addresses of those they wished to contact, in America, and would try to prevail upon the American Gov- ernment to assist in delivering letters and notifying relatives. During those two days, hundreds of people came to me, with their stories, and their addresses. Among them was a man who told me that he had a daughter in America, who was a singer. He did not know by what name she was known there, but stated that her first name was "Raisel." I realised at once that he was referring to Rosa Raisa. When I told him how famous she was, he was the proudest and happiest man I met during all my travels. I went to visit him at his home, where I saw pictures of his daughter, and left him some money. Through the Jewish press in Chicago, Rosa Raisa was notified, and she immediately 334 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS arranged to send her father a considerable sum of money, later bringing her family over to New York. About a week later, when I returned to Warsaw, I found that Dr. Bogan and the others had also returned from their respective trips. Upon telling Dr. Bogan how I had handled the "mat^o" situation, he almost went wild and criticised me severely. He contended that the money I gave to the organization would be lost; that no matter how much money they might have left over, I would never receive a cent back. It turned out he was wrong. We found that all the people entitled thereto had received money and were well satisfied; and after all expenses of distribution were deducted, I received a check for a substantial amount that was left over. During my stay in Poland, I observed that there was a good deal of friction between the Poles and the Jews. One of the rea' sons for this, it seemed to me, was the continuous preaching about democracy and self-determination of the people and about minority rights, a great deal of which was misunderstood and mis-used. The newspapers especially took advantage of their opportunity to express themselves freely, and on the slightest provocation, the Polish and Yiddish newspapers carried screaming headlines, denouncing each other. When Germany occupied Poland, during the war, she showed preference to the Jews, largely because they were able to speak or understand German. Most of the political offices created by the occupation were given to Jews. This caused a great deal of jealousy and unfriendliness towards the Jews on the part of the Poles. Soon after the war, when the Germans left and Poland became an independent country with its own government, the Jews lost their prestige, and the new Polish bureaucracy assumed an unfriendly attitude toward them. WAR RELIEF ^ 335 A few weeks before I left Warsaw, I had occasion to attend a meeting of Jewish newspapermen, and expressed my opinion as to how they might avoid some of these difficulties. I suggested that they stop magnifying and exaggerating small wrongs, and write strong articles advising the Jews, especially Jewish represent tatives of labor unions, that they should acknowledge the fact that they now had a Polish government, and do their utmost to create harmony and friendship between them, instead of fostering enmity and encouraging friction. I was especially outspoken, on this occasion, against the leaders of labor unions and the radical element, and mentioned in this connection the attitude of my friend, Mr. Zuckerman. I related how when he saw me stop to talk or give money to some poor, hungry person, Jew or non-Jew, he would quarrel with me and upbraid me, illustrating my point with a specific case. I related how one morning Mr. Zuckerman and I encountered a wretched, starved'looking woman, with a child in her arms, both shivering from cold, and crying. I stopped and gave the woman a clean handkerchief to wipe their tears, gave her enough money for two days' food, insisting that she go at once to a restaurant nearby and procure a good, warm breakfast for herself and her baby, and took her address for our office files. Mr. Zuckerman strongly disapproved of all this, and reproached me angrily, shouting: "You capitalists! You create the poor people — you are respon' sible for the condition of the poor, and in order to ease your conscience, you give some unfortunate a little nothing on the street and think you are doing your duty." When I asked him what else he would do in such a case, he argued that we were not dealing with individuals, but with prin- ciples. "You have to do away with capitalism and with profit so that there will be no poor and no millionaires," he would say. Months later, when I spoke at a massmeeting in Chicago, held on behalf of the war sufferers, I mentioned Mr. Zuckerman's 336 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS charges against me and remarked, jokingly, that his accusation was unfounded, since I was a capitalist without capital. My above-mentioned talk to the newspapermen of Warsaw on loyalty to the Polish government made a deep impression upon them. Dr. Bogan, who usually disagreed with me, this time came over and congratulated me. He apologized for having misunder- stood me, and said he now realised that what I was trying to do was right. * * * Among the interesting experiences I had in Warsaw, was one that was particularly striking. Early one morning, I was awakened at my hotel with the information that a little boy was waiting downstairs and insisted on seeing me. The hotel employees had tried to chase him away, but he refused to go, and they did not know what to do with him. I instructed them to send him up in about half an hour. When he came up, I saw that he was about fourteen years old. He told me his name was Abram Leshovitsky, and that it had taken him eight days, walking and hitch-hiking, to get to Warsaw from his town. There were four other children at home, he said, three boys and a girl. His mother had died of starvation, and his father was somewhere in New York. Having heard that we were there to help the poor, he had come to report himself as one of them, and wanted to know what we could do for them. I inquired as to where he had spent the night, and he said he had slept in a Jewish home about five miles outside of Warsaw, and had risen about four o'clock that morning, and come directly to my hotel. Before questioning him any further, I invited him to have breakfast with me, and asked him what he would like. "Bread and tea," he replied. When I suggested eggs or oatmeal, he opened his eyes in wide surprise. I took him to breakfast and ordered cereal, eggs, tea, sugar and cream for him, and when the food was brought, and he began to eat, I had to turn my head away to WAR RELIEF 337 hide my tears at the sight. He ate like a hungry little animal that had not had food for a long time. When he finished, I talked things over with him. I suggested that instead of his asking me what we could do for him, he should tell me what he would like us to do. "First of all," he said, "I have a letter addressed to my father, written by me, in Yiddish. I want you to see that it reaches him as soon as possible." If mailing it was impractical, he said, he would like me to keep it with me until I returned to New York. He gave me the letter to read, and called my attention to the part where he had written, "Mother took sick and died." He did not want to mention that her death was caused by starvation, as it would be too great a shock for his father, and cautioned me against telling his father the truth. The boy's second request was that we give him food rather than money. "I understand," he said, "that you have flour and milk, and that is what I want." "Why not money?" I asked. "No matter how much money you give us," he replied wisely, "it will not last very long, and the children will again have nothing to eat. If you give me enough flour and milk and oil, and have it sent to my home, I will start a little business with it. One of the girls has to have shoes, so I will sell something and buy her shoes. The other one has to have a coat — she can't go out, as she is half'dressed. I will do the same for her. Whatever I sell will make me a little money, and in that way I will try to keep up." His sense of responsibility, for one so young, surprised me. I made a note of everything he said, and instructed him to come to our office, where his wants would be taken care of. It was sweet and amusing to hear the child refer to his brothers and sisters as "my children," never using the term, "brothers" or 338 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS 4 sisters." We bought the boy some clothes and saw to it that he was sent home properly and was taken care of. As the mails were uncertain, I kept his letter to his father with me, intending to deliver it personally on my return to New York. On the day I returned, a luncheon was given for me by the board of directors of the Central Relief Committee. It was a semi-public affair, to which anyone interested was welcome to come. In relating my experiences abroad, I spoke about this boy, and even read the letter addressed to his father. Suddenly a voice in the audience shouted: "That is my child!" The man who had thus cried out had risen excitedly to his feet, then he swayed for a moment, and fell back weakly into his chair. One of the newspapermen present told me later that no one would believe such a thing could happen in real life. It was exactly like a scene on the stage. My daughter-in-law was present when this dramatic incident occurred, and she felt the same way about it, as did many others. Three months later, in October, 1919, Abram and "his chil- dren" arrived in New York to join their father. Their pictures and an article describing the episode appeared in a New York newspaper on October 28, 1919, and many other papers carried accounts of this unusual case. Several other experiences I had in Warsaw might prove inter- esting. One evening, while eating in a restaurant, I saw the face of a little child, her nose pressed against the window. Hearing one of the waiters tell another, "Go and chase that beggar away," I rose and went with him. When the child saw us coming, she began to run, and cried: "I only wanted to ask for a piece of bread!" I spoke to her in Yiddish, and asked her to come back with me and I would give her something to eat. She was a little girl about eight years of age, and she was shaking with fear, cold and hunger. I took her inside, and asked the proprietor to build a little fire in the stove so that she might WAR RELIEF 339 warm herself. He refused, however, saying he could not spare the wood. I thereupon took a chair that was standing in the corner, broke it up and demanded he use it to start a fire, advising him that I would pay for the chair. I said nothing more to the child, but just gave her food. It is painful to describe how she ate it. After finishing her meal, she told me that she lived with her grandmother in a cellar, and all they had was what she got from begging. Her grandmother could not go out, she told me, being too old and sick. I hired a cab and took the child home. I was horrified at sight of the place. They lived in a deep cellar, without air, heat or light, except for a flickering little candle. I saw to it that the old woman and child were placed where they could receive medical attention and other care. Another experience, in a lighter vein, took place one day while I was out riding in a cab. I might remark here that the horses in Poland were then just as hungry as the people, and could not go very fast, but dragged along slowly. As we were proceeding at this pace, a little girl about nine years old jumped up on the step of the cab and greeted me in Yiddish. When I asked her what she wanted, she said: "Well, I see you are an American, so I think you ought to give me a dollar. " (She pronounced it "doolar") I lifted her into the cab, and said to her, in Yiddish: "You made a mistake. I am not an American, and therefore I cannot give you a 'dcclarY' She looked at me doubtfully, then took hold of my coat lapel and felt the quality of the cloth. "This cloth is not Polish," she said. "You are an American, and you ought to give me a dollar. " She insisted that was all she wanted, and I would make her happy by giving it to her. I thereupon gave her a dollar in paper money, and a half dollar in silver. At this, she looked at me with her prettiest smile, and pleaded: 340 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS "Why split it? Why do you make it a dollar and a half? Make it two whole dollars, and this will be a great day for me and my mother." I added another dollar, making it two and a half dollars in all, and just to see what she would say, asked her for the return of the first half dollar, as change. Grabbing my hand and kissing it, she retorted: "You rich American want to take money back from me? I know you do not mean it!" And she jumped out and ran off, calling back, "God should bless you!" I received one day a visit from a unique individual, a well known Chassidic Rabbi of that region, whose appearance was quite astonishing. He stood about six and a half feet tall, and was very erect and well proportioned. He wore a blond beard that reached down to his waist, his blond hair flowed over his shoul' ders, and his sideburns hung down like ropes, almost to his knees. He had blue eyes and well chiselled features. His appearance was actually awe-inspiring, and I was told that when he entered the hotel, the boys at the desk were frightened — they thought it was Jesus. They had been instructed not to permit anyone to come up to my room without announcing him, but when they saw this amazing person, they asked no questions. They simply bowed, and showed him the way to my room. When I opened my door in answer to their knock, I was so surprised and taken aback at the unexpected sight, that it was several seconds before I re' covered sufficiently to greet the Rabbi and ask him to enter. He shook hands with me, and informed me that he was a Chassidic Rabbi and had come to see me to secure money to provide kosher food and matsos for the Jewish Polish soldiers for the Passover. I asked him to be seated, so that we could dis' cuss the matter. There were two chairs in my room, one of which was too small for him. The other, though wide enough, was very WAR RELIEF 341 low. I suggested that he make his choice of the chairs or the bed, and he chose the low chair. We had been talking about twenty minutes, trying to deter' mine how much money would be needed for his purpose, when an American newspaperman of my acquaintance, Mr. Tobias Tobankin, came in. I introduced him to the Rabbi, and he entered into our discussion concerning kosher food for the Jewish soldiers. It was his opinion, he said, that since the Jewish soldiers were being fed by the government, it would be unjust to supply them with kosher food, at the expense of the poor people, who had no government food; that the soldiers could get along on "Pesach" with the same food they had every day. At this, the Rabbi looked Mr. Tobankin straight in the eyes for a few seconds, and then started slowly to rise. Mr. Tobankin was a very short fellow, and as he watched the Rabbi rising slowly from his very low chair, he thought, as he afterwards told me, that there would be no end to the Rabbi. Towering over the little newspaperman, the Rabbi shouted at him dramatically: "You advise that Jews should eat leavened bread and 'traife' food on Pesach! Do you know what that means, according to the Jewish religion? It means death for you!" I saw poor Mr. Tobankin tremble under the stare of that huge figure, and I came to his defense by explaining to the Rabbi that American young men were not aware of the strictness of the Jewish laws, and that he should forgive him, which he did. Mr. Tobankin later whispered to me that if it were possible to get a picture of the Rabbi, it would be of great interest and wonder to the Jews in America. After he left, I made this sug- gestion to the Rabbi, but after a moment of silence, he shook his head. I then offered him fifty dollars, to be donated to any charity he chose, if he would consent to being photographed, but again he shook his head. I raised my offer to one hundred dollars, but he answered: 342 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS "My friend, I know you mean well, and God bless you for it, but neither you nor anyone else can buy a picture of me, for the purpose of displaying it." With that we parted, and I made the necessary arrangements to furnish kosher food and matsos to the Jewish soldiers. * * * While walking along the street one day, I met a Jewish army doctor whom I knew, wearing his official uniform. I told him I was on my way to confer with a committee of Rabbis concerning a certain district of Warsaw which they felt was not receiving sufficient aid, and invited him to come with me. We found six Rabbis at the appointed place, all of whom had fine faces, but were heavily bearded and wore long garments and funny looking hats. I introduced my friend, and we began to talk about the matter in hand. The doctor, however, interrupted us, to deliver a little lecture to the Rabbis. The Jews of the world, he said, were suffering because of the people among them who dressed and acted as they did. "You do not belong in a civilised world," he cried, "and it is no wonder that Jews are being mistreated and degraded when they have representatives like you. You ought to be ashamed of yourselves. You ought to throw away these rags, and appear like men. Now you look like wild animals." I was greatly embarrassed at this outburst, but the Rabbis merely smiled, and one of them said: "My dear doctor, you are a Jew and I am a Jew. Clothes and appearance are not going to change that fact. In America, doctors wear clothes of your type, while in Poland the Rabbis wear clothes like those we have on. It is apparent from your outburst that you are not only angry with us, but also with yourself. I know you are sorry that you are a Jew. But that won't help you. WAR RELIEF 343 "Remember that the Jewish people are like the earth — you trample on it, you spit on it, you kick it! But do you know what the earth contains? It contains all kinds of gold and silver, all kinds of minerals, and all kinds of food. Everything that a human being has comes from the earth. Without it, you could not live. All that is good in the world comes from the earth. The civilize tion that you speak of comes from the Jews. Wherever you turn, you will find that to become a doctor or a philosopher, you have to seek your sources of learning from the Jews. "And now, my dear doctor, I thank you for the lecture you have given us, and we would like to continue our talk with this gentleman about securing food and clothing for the hungry and the poor." The embarrassed doctor left without saying a word. I tried to explain that it was really not his fault — that he had been brought up in a different environment and a different country. "I believe that he is an exceptional person," said one of the Rabbis. "A man of that type is very seldom found." "In what respect do you mean? 1 ' 1 I asked. "Well," said he, "it is very seldom that you find a doctor, an educated man, an American, wearing a uniform, and a Jew, who is yet such a 'shayteh' (idiot)." One of the Rabbis then turned to me, and said: "I want you to know, you Americans are running a race here with the Angel of Death. We can tell by our records which of you is ahead. When you continue to send us food and money, you are in the lead, and there are fewer funerals among us. But when you slacken in this work, the Dread Destroyer outdistances you, as is evidenced by the increase in funerals." In my report later, at a meeting in New York, I repeated the Rabbi's words. Thereafter, the story of the race between Amer- 344 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS ican money and the Angel of Death was frequently used in soliciting funds. While in New York, before I left for Europe, I had received a letter from a business acquaintance, Mr. David Friedlander, informing me that he had a sister by the name of Marila Fried' lander, somewhere in Warsaw. He asked me to try to find her, and if possible, bring her with me on my return to America. I made inquiries and located the girl. She was living in a small, cold room, with her stepmother, and was trying to earn a living by giving piano lessons. She was happy to hear from her brother, and arrangements were made for her to accompany me on my return journey. Through Miss Friedlander, I became acquainted with her step' brother, Max Grundhand, a highly intelligent young man, though very poor. In order to help him out, I asked him to act as my interpreter and as my companion, whenever necessary. I also assigned to him the task of making inquiries about my oldest brother and his family, who lived in Woronowo. We had not heard from them during the war, and though we sent them money at various times, we never knew whether or not it reached them. I assured him that I would see he was well taken care of, if he could arrange to get through to them. After some consideration, he informed me that he was willing to undertake the journey to Woronowo, and would either bring my brother back with him to Warsaw, or bring word from him. I cautioned young Grundhand to be careful to secure the proper documents from the civil and military authorities, and aided him in securing his passport and traveling permit. However, since I was not acquainted with conditions in the section to which he was going, I had to inform him that I could assume no responsibility, and he would have to go at his own risk. He was willing to do so, and left shortly afterward. WAR RELIEF 345 Some three weeks later, I received one of the greatest surprises of my life. Answering a knock on my door about six o'clock one morning, I opened it, to find standing before me young Grund' hand, my brother Aron, and his daughter, Rhea. All three were haggard, pale and hungry-looking, and their clothes were wrinkled and shabby. The only words Grundhand could say were: "Here are your brother and his daughter. I have to leave. I will see you tomorrow." My brother was so weak that he could hardly speak. I at once took him and his daughter to a nearby hotel, as there was no room for them where I stayed. I ordered a substantial breakfast for them, consisting of cereal, eggs, rolls and butter. When he saw the food, the tears rolled down my brother's face, and he said he had not seen such food for years. He felt he ought not to sit there eating it, when his wife and children at home were living on synthetic bread and oatmeal, and tea without sugar or milk. He described how, without actually being on the battlefield, he and his family had suffered all the horrors of war. Before the Russians entered their town, he related, he had hidden all his metal dishes, his cdpper and brass utensils and silverware, in a pit which he dug in the rear of his house. It seems that someone saw him, and when the Russians marched into the town, the com- mander of the troops was informed. They opened the pit, took everything they found there, and arrested him, and took him with them. He was informed that he would be given a trial the next day, and would be shot. He was charged with hiding these precious metals for the use of the Germans. As luck would have it, the German troops were then advancing toward the town, and the Russians retreated before them, leaving my brother to be taken over by the Germans, who released him. Aron attributed this fortunate occurrence to our father in heaven, and insisted that he had interceded for him. 346 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS For the next three days, he and his daughter told me of their experiences during the four and a half years of the war. Under the German occupation, they said, they were treated quite well, and their chief trouble was getting food. What small quantities they were able to secure was of the poorest kind. They had just barely enough to keep alive. It was difficult, too, for the townspeople to become accustomed to the discipline imposed by the Germans, and their amazing efficiency. Every few days, inspectors would go through the houses to see that the floors were scrubbed, the windows cleaned, and everything in order. My brother did not have it so bad, at that time, as two officers were quartered in his house, and most of the necessary work was done by the soldiers. From the first day they came until they left, he said, the Ger" mans were busy making improvements in the town. The streets were paved, the houses supplied with running water, telephones and electric lights were installed, and schools opened for the purpose of teaching German to the children. Every few weeks, the officials would give parties that were free to all, and at these affairs they would speak to the townspeople, in an effort to win them over. They urged friendship toward the Germans, stating that they intended to remain there for good, and that everybody would be happy. They looked after the health of the people, and gave them medical care. Still, the inhabitants suffered through lack of sufficient nourishment. After a few days, when young Grundhand had recuperated from his experience, he gave me details concerning his trip. It had taken him a couple of weeks to make the journey from War" saw to Woronowo, which should ordinarily have taken only about twentyfour hours, and at one time he came near being shot. He described how my brother and his family had started to cry with happiness when he had appeared at their door and told them he was sent by me, and that I was in Warsaw. They had been WAR RELIEF 347 sitting around the table, wondering how they would procure food for the coming Passover, and feeling very hopeless. They could hardly believe that what Mr. Grundhand told them was true, until he showed them a letter from me. My brother and his daughter remained with me for three months, until they had fully recovered from the experiences they had undergone during the war. I then secured the necessary docu' ments to enable them to make their return trip safely, and sent them back home with the assurance that they would be well taken care of. * * * I now made preparations for my return to America, experienc- ing some difficulty in securing the necessary papers for Miss Marila Friedlander, who was to come with me. However, this was finally arranged, and we left as planned. On the way, we stopped for a few days in Paris. The Versailles Treaty was then being negotiated, and several times I saw Presi' dent Wilson riding through the streets, with escorts preceding and following him. I also met the committee of Jews that had been sent to plead in the interests of Jewish minority rights in all countries, among the members of this committee being Louis Marshall, Dr. Cyrus Adler and Judge Julian W. Mack. I had several conversations with Mr. Marshall, in which I told him what I had learned of the plight of the Jews in Poland, and urged the importance of raising money for relief. He, on the other hand, described what his committee was accomplishing in securing minority rights for Jews in European countries. During my stay in Paris, I visited one of the cemeteries, where World War soldiers were buried. I counted six Jewish names among seventy-five graves, and these names were engraved on crosses, like the others. I took this matter up as soon as I arrived in New York, and several weeks later received the information that the crosses had been replaced by "Mogen Dovids." 348 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS At that time Paris was the happiest place in the world. France went wild with joy of victory, and was preparing to join her allies in the division of the spoils from the defeated Germany. There was happiness on the face of every Frenchman. Happy, too, were the American soldiers, who had come to Paris from the battlefields, eager to enjoy themselves to the full after their harrowing experiences. As I later told my audiences in America, if they wanted to see truly representative Americans, they could have found them among these American soldiers in Paris. The Frenchmen, as a nation, are rather dark and short. In strong contrast to them were our American soldiers, especially those who came from the farms and small towns. Like the English soldiers, they were tall and erect, most of them good'looking, and all very courteous. It was a great pleasure to me, while in Paris, to meet and speak to them, and spend time with them. Quite often I would stop an American soldier or officer on the street and ask for a cigaret, just to make conversation. If he had one, he never hesitated a second in offering it. After obtaining the necessary papers, Miss Friedlander and I proceeded to Vienna. If I thought I had seen misery in Poland, I really saw it in Vienna, the city that had once been such a pleasant place to visit. The people had no proper food of any kind, living on synthetic bread and coffee. They had no fats, no meats, and no sweets except saccharine. An American Colonel whom I met at the hotel remarked to me that if ever a people had reached the highest state of civilisation and were deserving of friendliness and kindness, it was those poor people of Austria, and especially of Vienna. I had taken enough food with me from Paris to last us for a few days, but disposed of most of it to people who were starving. One day I went into a restaurant and ordered coffee. All they could give me, they said, was black, imitation coffee, and nothing WAR RELIEF 349 else. I was interested to see how this synthetic coffee tasted, and ordered a cup. An important-looking man came in and sat down at my table. Also ordering coffee, he took out of his pocket and unwrapped two sandwiches, which proved to be bread and cheese. When he saw me drinking the coffee, with nothing to accompany it, he offered me one of his sandwiches. Of course, I refused to take it, informing him that I had food at home. I learned to my surprise, upon conversing further with him, that he was a Jew, although he did not appear to be one. He told me his story, how he had been a dealer and exporter of silks, but now, of course, was ruined. I learned that there were thousands of Jewish refugees in and around Vienna, without home or country. The Vienna branch of the American Joint Distribution Committee of the United States, headed by Mrs. Anita Miller, was caring for them as best they could. Most of the people were living in freight cars. I went out to see them, and counted one string of fifteen cars with eighteen or twenty people huddled in each one. Mrs. Miller and her sister had arranged to feed these unfortunate souls with bread, soup and potatoes once or twice a day. My attention was drawn to a man with a long beard, who was sitting in mourning for his wife, who had died the day before. He was trying to teach the Kaddish (prayer in memory of the dead) to a little boy beside him. I approached him, and inquired how he had come to be there, and he replied, in both sorrow and anger: "While the great nations are dividing the world among them' selves, they have forgotten about us. First we were Austrians, then we were Poles. Now the Poles say that we belong to Slovakia, and Slovakia says that we belong to Poland. So we have to live here and wait until your great president and the other leaders of the world decide what is to become of us." 350 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS It was sad for me to realise from these experiences of what little value are human beings in time of war, and what little interest nations have in the sufferings of individuals. What a terrible crime it is for people to wage war, one against the other, and have less regard for human suffering than for that of wild beasts! When we prepared to embark on our steamer, the S. S. La Savoy, for America, we found that her crew had declared a strike, and we had to wait around at the port for several days. When we finally sailed, we found that about six hundred American soldiers were also returning on that boat. They made things quite lively, and the trip was not bad. However, my ward, who was a very intelligent and accom' plished young girl, was very discontented, and was often difficult to deal with. Among other things, she complained at having to share her stateroom with another woman, wishing to be by hep self; and was always late in coming to meals. Two days before landing, the captain gave a dinner and arranged a gala evening of entertainment. Some of the ship's officers had heard Miss Friedlander play the piano, upon which instrument she was an accomplished performer, and asked me to get her to play for them on that evening. She consented to do so, but when the time arrived, she changed her mind and refused to perform. I had to use all my powers of persuasion to get her to come up and play for the waiting guests. She played so brilliantly that the audience applauded her for many minutes when she finished. The Polish Consul, who was present, afterward made a speech in which he extolled her performance, boasting about the talent to be found in Poland. As she did not look Jewish, it was taken for granted that she was a Polish girl. In spite of her tempera' WAR RELIEF 351 mental behavior, Marila was good company and very attractive, and was much sought after. Upon arriving in New York, I was greeted by newspapermen and several friends, who were eager to hear of my experiences, several of which I related to them. Among those waiting for us at the pier were Marila's father, brothers and sisters. Their meet' ing, which was marked by much kissing and crying, was very touching. They came over and thanked me for taking care of their girl, and I replied good-humoredly: "All I want of you is a receipt that I have delivered the goods as per instructions." Upon returning to Chicago, I was informed that a meeting and reception had been arranged for me, to be held that very after' noon. Instead of going home from the railroad station, as I would have liked to do, I had to go directly to the large hall in the Chi' cago Hebrew Institute, where the meeting was being held. The place was filled to capacity. Presiding was Mr. S. J. Rosenblatt, viccpresident of the Chicago Jewish Relief Committee, and the acting chairman during my absence. I spoke for almost an hour, relating my experiences while abroad. Mr. Rosenblatt then handed me a check for $100,000.00, which was part of the amount that had been raised for the war sufferers while I was away. This I immediately turned over to a representative of the American Joint Distribution Committee who had accompanied me from New York. An additional check, in the amount of $150,000.00, was later also turned over to the Committee. I have in my files photographs of both of these checks. For several months after my return, I was called upon to travel about and give talks about the situation in Europe, as I had found it. Other speakers on these programs were men like Judge Harry M. Fisher and Mr. James Becker. The West Side and South Side Jews ccoperated in this work, and together raised literally mil' lions of dollars for the war sufferers. 352 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS It gave me great pleasure to learn that my report on conditions in Poland was favorably commented upon by Israel Zangwill, in his book, "Voice of Jerusalem," which was published a year or two later. * * * In the midst of these exciting times, I was grief'Stricken and bowed down by the illness and death of my beloved brother, Harris. I was aware that his health was not very good at this period, but I had no conception of how seriously ill he was until I saw him on my return from this trip. As I remarked to my friends, Harris looked as bad as some of the unfortunate, starving people I had seen in Europe, and I was distressed and appalled. Harris realized what I felt, and exerted his best efforts to smile and appear optimistic; but I knew he was a "candidate for the grave." Several months afterward, he was confined to his bed, and on October 5, 1920, he left this world. Up to about three weeks before his death, he never thought or talked about dying, but always spoke of how long it would be before he got well. When he later realized there was no hope, he began to talk to me about it, but always spoke as though I, and not he, were the sick one, whose feelings had to be spared. One day he said to me: "You know, there is an end to every- thing — there is an end to sickness and to man's life, and I have reached the stage when I will have to depart from this world. I have no regrets nor complaints to make. I have a fine family. While I have not been a rich man, I have never been poor, and I have had most of the comforts that the average man can expect. Though not rich materially, I have enjoyed all the pleasure that one can have intellectually ." I could not bear such talk, and was so deeply affected that I went out to wash my face so that he might not notice my tears. When I returned, he spoke to me again, saying: Snapshot of Harris Horwich Ta\en Shortly Before He Passed Aw WAR RELIEF 353 "I have something on my mind to discuss with you, but before I do so, I want to tell you a story I read some time ago. A dying man instructed his lawyer to prepare a will for him, and during the procedure, the lawyer interrupted the man frequently to give him advice on various matters. Finally the sick man lost patience and said to his attorney, 'See here, Mr. Lawyer, who is going to die, I would like to know — you or IT "Now," continued Harris, "I am the interested party in this case, so don't interrupt me while I tell you what I want to say." My poor brother laughed appreciatively at the conclusion of his story, but, alas, I could not laugh. "What makes you think," I asked him, "that you cannot get well, and why do you talk like this?" "You can believe me," he replied, "when I say that I know — even though the doctor did not tell me." "How?" I asked. With a despairing expression on his face, he replied: "I cannot read any more — I cannot concentrate my mind on reading — and this is a sign of death." Then he added: "I have but one complaint against my fate." And he quoted from Lamentations, " 'They that are slain with the sword are better than they that are slain with hunger/ " For many months he had not been able to swallow any food. He was dying inch by inch of starvation, and he looked it. I sat speechless beside him, trying to think of something to say, but could find no words. But Harris kept speaking, and now he told me about a discus' sion that two professors had had. They were arguing, he said, as to which experienced the greatest intensity of feeling in the case of a wild beast attacking and tearing to pieces a tame animal. Which emotion was the stronger — the joy of the hungry beast in getting something to eat, or the fright and pain of the poor lamb that was being devoured? 354 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS "Do you think," I said, "that this is the proper time to think about such things and tell them to me?" He answered, somewhat apologetically: "All these months, when you came to visit me every night, this question came to my mind, and I wondered whether your feeling of distress for my condition was more intense than the happiness I enjoyed in having you with me." A week before he died, he was removed to the hospital. When he closed his eyes forever, his family and those about him could not help but feel relieved that he was thus healed of his suffering, knowing the untold agony he had endured in the last months of his illness. As I gazed upon the body of my brother, I meditated upon how amazing it was that this shrunken, empty shell could have contained so much wisdom, humor and intellect. To the mourning family, I promised: "Not a day of my life will pass that I will not speak his name, tell of his greatness, or remember what he was to me." Harris left a widow and six children: Morris, Anna (who married H. L. Friedlen), Bessie (who married Bert Margolis), Florence (who married Robert Cohen), David (who married Sally Brownstein), and Edna. A few years after Harris passed away, his widow died, and within the next several years Bessie, Anna and Morris followed them. Morris was wounded during the war, and after much suf' fering, died in a government hospital. Harris' children reflected the good looks and intelligence of their parents. An outstanding personality is his son, David, who has inherited the high intellect of his father and the modesty and unassuming gentility of his mother. He has been, for some years, vice president of the well known firm of Lord 6? Thomas. I was proud and happy to learn from one of the heads of that organic WAR RELIEF 355 nation that they regard him very highly and consider him a valuable asset to the firm. * * * The thousands of addresses I had secured in Poland from people wishing to contact relatives and friends in the United States, I turned over to the office of the Chicago Relief Com' mittee. I assisted them in the tremendous task of notifying people and answering letters of inquiry, which kept me busy for months. I discovered that while the people here were anxious and willing to help their relatives abroad, they were unable to transmit money through reliable sources. Regular communication had not yet been established, and local banks refused to assume the response bility of delivering funds to people in the war-stricken countries. I was besieged with requests to arrange for transmitting such funds. I took the matter up with several interested people, and after some discussion it was decided that the best thing to do would be to gather together the money offered for that purpose, and that someone be delegated to take it with him to Europe and distribute it personally. Although this was aside from the work of the relief committee, we managed to gather together a large sum, running into tens of thousands of dollars, and it fell upon me to take these funds to Europe and distribute them as specified. It proved to be a rather difficult and thankless task, but I managed to do a fair job. When I arrived in Warsaw, on this second journey, I wrote to all those for whom I had funds, asking them to come and identify themselves, upon which they would receive their money. These funds were represented by letters of credit for Polish marks, in the value of the American dollars. However, the state of the Polish mark, which was the current unit of exchange, was very unstable, and was dropping steadily in value. I encountered a great deal of difficulty in this regard, and had to watch the mar" 356 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS ket closely. I finally decided it would be more expedient to pay in American dollars, rather than in marks, but there were no dollars available for me. After considering the problem and attempting various plans, I was able to make arrangements with the American Consul, who was then receiving American dollars in large numbers in his office, to pay me dollars against my letters of credit. Thus I managed to pay the people in American money. This was con- sidered quite a feat on my part, and was a boon to the people, as American money was regarded as something sacred during this turbulent period. I had many interesting experiences in connection with this work, one of which I particularly remember. Among those who came to collect their funds, were a certain woman and her daughter, who identified themselves through their passports and a letter from the Rabbi of their town. After she had answered all questions satisfactorily, I informed the woman that I had $400.00 for her. She was so surprised and overjoyed at this news, that she began to tremble, and her daughter actually had to hold her up to keep her from fainting. For several moments she stood mur- muring over and over again, "Four hundred dollars! Four hun- dred dollars !" When she had recovered a little, she said: "So much money! That is a fortune. My good husband sent it to me. How can I ever be thankful enough to God for such a miracle?" Upon her request, I advised her carefully how to handle this money, explaining how she could place it in a bank and withdraw small amounts as needed, and arranged to send someone with her to see that she got to the bank safely. As they were about to leave, the mother turned back to me and said: "There is one favor I would like you to do for me." "What is that?" I asked. "I would like to have the honor of kissing your hand," she replied. WAR RELIEF 357 With that she tried to grasp my hand, but I told her laugh' ingly, not wanting to hurt her feelings: "Now I see you are a woman of understanding. What pleasure do you think it is for a man to have a sad'faced, hungry-looking woman kiss his hand? If you really want to please me, why don't you have your young daughter kiss my face, instead of you kiss' ing my hand?" The mother immediately turned to her daughter and exclaimed: "You heard what this gentleman said! Why do you stand there like a fool?" The girl blushingly lifted her face to me, but I smiled and said: "Never mind, I was just joking. Go home, and be blessed, and God will help you, and I will tell your father how nice you both are. * * * Before leaving, I arranged that in the future the money sent from Chicago to Poland should be distributed by a Mr. H. Farbstein, a deputy of the Polish Parliament, who agreed to undertake this task, opening an office in Warsaw for the purpose. I also engaged a Mr. William Zuckerman, a newspaperman whom I had known in Chicago, to go to Danzig and open an office there, for the distribution of funds. He later opened an office in Berlin, and money was sent continuously to both places. In the meantime, we were receiving demands for the distribu' tion of funds in Roumania, and I engaged Mr. Max Grundhand, whom I have mentioned previously, to establish an office in Bucharest. All these arrangements were made through the Public State Bank of Chicago, of which I was the president. Although we made a small charge for our work in transferring and delivering money to the proper parties, we found, after three years, that we were suffering considerable losses, and finally had to give it up. The three men I engaged to open branch offices were the only 358 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS ones to benefit from the venture. Mr. Farbstein is now in Pales' tine, Mr. Grundhand is living in Bucharest and is a well known business man, and Mr. Zuckerman is now an outstanding jour' nalist, living in London. The American Joint Distribution Committee had also opened a branch in Poland, for the purpose of transmitting funds from America, but it soon became a tremendous task, and they also had to give it up. During that time they handled millions of dollars, which had to be changed into the currency of the country and distributed to the proper individuals. They encountered untold difficulties and were besieged with complaints. The greatest problems were those caused by the fluctuating rates of exchange. For example, a man would deposit $100.00 to be paid to his wife through the Committee in the equivalent value in marks as of that date. According to the rate of exchange at that time, the wife would be entitled to receive, say, 15 marks for each dollar, or 1500 marks. By the time the remittance reached the office of the Committee in Poland, however, the exchange rate of the mark had depreciated to, say, 20 marks per dollar, so that the original $100.00 was now equivalent to 2,000 marks. But as the transac tion had already been completed and the Committee had pur' chased the marks for the woman in question at the rate of 15 marks per dollar, all they could pay her, naturally, was 1500 marks. The recipient would complain that she had not received full value, regardless of the fact that the Committee could do nothing about this state of affairs. Although the claimants, most of whom were women, had the situation carefully explained to them and were aware of the fact that the Committee could not possibly be held responsible, they conducted themselves in an exceedingly unpleasant manner. A few marks more or less meant a great deal to them, and they were loud and persistent in their attempts to collect what they insisted WAR RELIEF 359 they were entitled to. They made the Committee a great deal of trouble, going so far as to protest to the Rabbis, interrupting Sabbath services in the synagogues, and hanging around the office of the Committee, arguing and threatening. Incidents of this type were numerous, and hampered the work of distribution badly. I afterward learned, from reliable sources, that Mr. Felix Warburg, the president of the American Joint Distribution Committee, had personally put up half a million dollars, to cover a large percentage of these claims, although the Committee was in no way responsible. On my way home from my second trip to Poland, I stopped off for a few weeks in Germany. The Versailles Treaty had been signed and peace reigned — but Germany was a ruined country. Everywhere was desolation and despair. It was bad enough in Poland, with people hungry and starving, but at least in that country there was some life and activity. Business was being transacted, and one could see people in the restaurants, eating and drinking. The nation was beginning to recover from its wounds. But how different in Germany! Here was an entire people, sad, disheartened, disappointed — weary and ill from lack of nourish- ment. Everywhere were sallow, cheerless faces, without hope. It was a pitiful thing to behold. I had taken some food with me from Warsaw, but on the way to Berlin gave most of it up to half- starved people. I assumed that when I reached Berlin I would be able to secure other provisions. What was my surprise to find, when I arrived, that there was simply no food to be had! It was impossible to obtain either bread, butter, eggs, sugar or meat. All that they had at the hotel where I stayed was imitation coffee and saccharine, and black bread in which had been mixed some kind of grass. I was afraid to eat it, and during the three days I spent in Berlin I lived on almost nothing. I had planned to stay 360 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS for at least two weeks, but under those conditions, simply had to leave. I felt that it would take a generation for those despairing, starving people to recuperate. The city looked neglected and deserted, and everything was shabby and dirty, so unlike the Germany I had known. There were no automobiles to be seen in Berlin. Cabs were used, but these were old and broken, and the horses that drew them could hardly stand up, from hunger. It was all very depressing. Even Mr. Baruch Zuckerman, who hated Germany almost as much as he hated capitalists, had been greatly distressed by what he saw there, when he passed through. He admitted that the sight had brought tears to his eyes. It was hard to imagine, he said, that a whole nation — men, women and children — could look so yellow and show so much evidence of suffering on their faces. It is very, very bad to see such sights. From Berlin, I went to Hamburg, which I was told was the only place I could get some food. I found things much better there, as they were beginning to receive a little food from other countries, by boat. But the onccbusy port of Hamburg, that had been like a beehive, with a constant flow of incoming and out' going ships and ceaseless activity, was now quiet and practically deserted. I came there during the wintertime, and the hotels were very cold. I had contracted a bad cold during my trip, and was hardly able to speak. When I wanted some hot water with which to gargle, to relieve my sore throat, during the night, I could not get any, but had to make a small fire in my room, with paper and straw, in order to heat some. During my stay, the hotelkeeper discussed the situation in Germany with me, and complained bitterly of President Wilson. He contended that while Wilson proclaimed to the world the principle of self-determination of a people, that every people had WAR RELIEF 361 a right to choose its own government, he did not grant that right to the Germans. Furthermore, he added, if Germany had not been forced to change its form of government to a democracy, and if they still had the kaiser there, conditions would be a whole lot better. Apparently this was the attitude of the majority. I had occasion to return to Germany two years later. Expect' ing to find the situation unchanged, I planned to stay only a few days. What was my astonishment to find things amazingly dif' ferent! It was as though the German people had experienced a resurrection. They looked more like themselves. All kinds of food were available. The streets were clean, and busy with traffic. Automobiles had reappeared. Things were almost normal again. It seems that during this period, the sympathy of the world had been aroused in favor of the defeated nation. There was a flood of visitors from other countries, who had come for the express purpose of helping the unfortunate people re-establish themselves. And Germany was again busy. Streets were being paved, houses built, railroads repaired, and manufacturing of all kinds of articles renewed. People were working and eating again. The realization that Germany had been most unjustly dealt with in the Versailles treaty was dawning upon the world. Many Americans were beginning to feel that it had been wrong for the United States to enter the war and participate in drawing up so unjust a peace treaty. Book upon book began to appear, some even written by Englishmen, proving that Germany was not alone responsible for the war. Thus the German people gained the good will, compassion and assistance of the world. Through the sale of German bonds, billions of dollars poured into the country to aid in its rehabilitation. Before Hitler came into power, Germany was on the way to becoming again one of the finest countries in the world. Her people were comparatively pros- 362 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS perous, happy and free. Tourists began to arrive, by the tens of thousands, and the outlook was very favorable. * * * The supervision of the four branches that the Public State Bank had established for the distribution of funds in European countries, necessitated frequent trips to Europe on my part. On each of these, I was instrumental in sending over people to their relatives in America, and thus helped to re-unite several hundred families. I felt largely compensated for my efforts in this connection when I received a letter from the New York Central Committee for the Relief of Jews Suffering Through the War, commenting upon the services I had rendered. I quote from it, in part, as follows: "Several times during the last few years, you have had occa- sion to be abroad and each time that you were there, by virtue of your presence, much has been accomplished that might have been left undone but for the wisdom that you have displayed in calling our attention to matters that required correction. . . . Every one of your trips brought to us a revelation of conditions that reflected your sensitiveness and compassion for the strug- gling masses of Jewry. "Your description of the refugees, as imparted in a letter sent to us last year, has made it possible for us, through its circulari- nation, to bring thousands upon thousands of dollars to us, be- cause it awakened American Israel as never before to realise that the work yet to be done is vaster than all its accomplishments until now." On my return from one of these trips, it was suggested that a dinner be held in New York, to be attended by all the people who had come over through my assistance, and that each one relate some experience in this connection that might be interesting. The affair was to have been held at the Broadway Central Hotel, and WAR RELIEF 363 several well known men, including Mr. Warburg, Mr. Marshall and Mr. Rosenwald, had been invited to attend. But an unfor' tunate occurrence made it necessary to cancel our plans. While the arrangements were in progress, we received news that the noted Professor Israel Friedlander had been killed while on a mission in Europe. Professor Friedlander, who was a native of Poland, was a man of great learning and talent. He was an instructor at the Jewish Theological Seminary, in New York, was the author of several books and had translated Dubnow's "History of the Jews." He had been asked to go to Poland, and if possible, to Russia, as one of a committee of three, to study conditions there, distribute funds and bring back reports. The other two members of the committee, Judge Harry M. Fisher, and Mr. Max Pine, a well' known labor leader of New York, had been assigned to different sections of those countries. While traveling from Poland to Russia, Professor Friedlander, and a companion, whom he had engaged to accompany him, were stopped by Russian soldiers and killed. In the course of the several trips I made to Europe during this period, I took the time, on one of them, to visit my native Ponie' mon, which I had not seen for over forty years. I was anxious to view again the scenes of my childhood. On arriving, I decided to go first to the home of the Rabbi of the town, although I did not know him. I found the door of his house open, and saw the Rabbi inside, sitting behind a big book which completely screened his face. Only his skull cap was visible behind it. I entered and knocked on a chair to draw his atten' tion, upon which he raised his eyes above the rim of the book. At my "Good morning, Rabbi," he nodded his head somewhat vaguely, and disappeared again behind his book. 364 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS "Rabbi," I said, "I am a stranger from America. I want to have the pleasure of talking to you." The man lifted his head, murmured something, and again dis- appeared from view. "I see that you are engaged in the hard study of God's Torah," I commented, thinking this remark might draw him into convex sation. But he only murmured something unintelligible and con- tinued with his reading, paying no attention to me at all. Finally, I said: "If you do not want to listen to me, I will have to leave. All I wanted to know is whether you knew my father, Yankel Horwich." "Ah!" he exclaimed, putting the book down, and jumping up. "Yankel! Sholom! Sholom! Peace to you! You are the son of our unforgettable Reb Yankel! May he rest in peace! Why didn't you say so in the first place?" "Well," I answered, "I had quite a time getting to the first place." The Rabbi immediately became very attached to me, to such an extent, indeed, that it made me rather uncomfortable. He told me all he knew about my family, and talked especially about my father. Apparently, he considered my coming quite an event. The news spread, and soon the whole town was out on the street, surrounding me and greeting me, and asking me about their relatives in the United States. I knew none of the townspeople, with the exception of two men and a woman. These were Chaim Hersh Bregstone and his wife, Reva, and a man by the name of Abe Meyer, "son of Moishe." The first-named was a brother of Joseph and Ike Break- stone of New York, whom I have previously mentioned. Abe Meyer was an old man, of about ninety years, and blind, and a terrible hater of "Columbus and America." He held on to my arm for nearly half an hour, telling me what America had done to his two sons. They had forgotten all about the Jewish WAR RELIEF 365 religion, he had learned. They never went to "schul," did not pray and did not eat "kosher" food, and were just like "Goyim." He told me he was busy day and night praying to God to have mercy on them. I remained in Poniemon for a day and a half, and found my town very much the same as I had left it. I noticed, however, that while, in my time, the houses had been on a level with, or higher than, the street — the street now seemed to have risen considerably, and looked higher than the houses. This, no doubt, was due to the accumulation of dust for over forty years. The Rabbi took me to see the old synagogue, which they still used. As a child, this synagogue was to me the greatest building and most important place I had ever seen. Now I found it to be a dilapidated wooden shanty. As I entered, memories of my childhood appeared before me. There were the same benches where I had stood beside my father, often for three or four hours at a time, hungry and miserable, beating my breast and praying and crying to God to forgive me for a multitude of sins which I had never committed — as well as for the sin I actually did commit with regard to Herr Ashfort, as related in the early pages of this book. At my request, the Rabbi next took me to see the house where I was born. It had changed hands twice, and the rooms were somewhat altered. At the time of my visit, it was owned and occupied by a young couple, and I was pleased to see that it was being kept in rather nice condition. I asked to see the barn in the rear of the house, which caused some surprise, until I explained why. When I was about thirteen years old, the other members of my family all went away one summer afternoon, leaving me and several of my young playmates at home. We decided to have a little private party and dug some potatoes from the garden with the intention of baking them. We found, however, that we had 366 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS no wood for our fire. Undaunted, I hit upon a way of securing some, by chopping out the threshold of the barn, which I con' sidered a nuisance and only in the way. I got a hatchet, and each of us chopped a little until we had chopped out the threshold. We built a fire, baked our potatoes, and were enjoying them, with sour milk, when my uncle, Chaim Eleaser, suddenly arrived on the scene. When he discovered how we had secured the wood for our fire, my troubles started. Although my uncle was generally good-natured, he had a quick temper. He ordered us to at once take the cows out of the barn, as it was likely to collapse, claiming that the threshold was what kept the barn from falling down. He did not explain this to us calmly, but became very excited and shouted at us at the top of his voice. We forgot our potatoes and sour milk, as he chased us around with a whip, which he wielded right and left, until he became tired. "Well," he remarked as he stopped, "I have done my duty. The rest I will leave to your mother." When my mother came home, there was more scolding, beating and excitement. Later we talked about engaging someone to put in a new threshold, but as that would cost money, it was delayed from day to day, until the matter was forgotten. Since this had been one of the major misdeeds of my youth, I had always had it on my .conscience, and wondered whether any thing had happened; so on this visit I was most anxious to see how the barn looked. To my great surprise and delight, I found that there was still no threshold in the barn, and that it was still standing, just as I had left it. I then went to visit the grave of my father. Standing beside it with the Rabbi, who accompanied me, reciting the "kaddish," I lived over again my childhood days, and there rose again before me the image of my father, with the beautiful expression on his WAR RELIEF 367 face which denoted his character, his piety and the loveliness of his spirit, which I shall never forget. As we turned to go, I remarked to my companion: "I wonder when and where I will meet my father next." "If you are as good as your father was," replied the Rabbi solemnly, "you will meet him in heaven." "And what if I am not as good?" I could not help but ask. Raising his eyes upward, the Rabbi replied: "I hope that you are at any rate good enough so that the great virtues of your father will protect you from going to the other place!" While visiting at the home of the Bregstones, it was decided that a young girl of the family, by the name of Lea, should join her uncles and cousins in New York, and it was agreed that she meet me in Danzig, where I would make the necessary arrange' ments for her trip to America. I had to overcome many difficulties to accomplish this, but after spending almost two weeks on the matter, the required documents were finally secured, and Lea left for New York. An intelligent, good-looking and very clever girl, she quickly became Americanized, and after a time became asso- ciated with her uncle, Ike Breakstone, in the dairy business. I have recently received a letter from Lea stating that she is married to a man by the name of Fred Wolf, is living in Port Chester, New York, and is very happy. During the above-mentioned trip, I took part in a rather ex- citing episode. While I was occupied with my affairs in Warsaw, word was received that the Bolshevik soldiers, commanded by Trotsky, were approaching the city, and might take it within the next forty-eight hours. The war between Russia and Poland was then raging. I received a notice from the American Consul in Warsaw to leave at once, as no one could tell what might happen. I made 368 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS the necessary preparations during the night and the next morning set out for the railroad station, to take a train to Danzig. I was surprised to find the street for a block around the station packed with people and baggage — panic-stricken men, women and chil- dren pushing and elbowing each other to get to the trains. I was afraid I would not be able to get through, but by showing my special credentials, and handing out money right and left, I managed to find my way to a third class coach, although I had paid for first class accommodations. In the confusion, I lost two of my four pieces of baggage. The train was so terribly crowded that, with the exception of the fortunate few who had come first and secured seats, we stood, packed so closely together that we could not move. After riding thus for about two hours, I heard a woman moan: "I am dying. I am going under. Please help me. ,, Although I heard her voice, I could not locate her because of all the people jammed against me. When the train stopped at the next station, I asked that someone find out what was the matter with the woman, but no one paid any attention. I was standing near a window, and opening it, I crawled out, with the intention of buying her something to drink at the station. No sooner had I touched the ground, than a railroad official seized me and told me I had committed an offense in doing this. I tried to explain to him that I had not been able to push my way to the door of the train, and that I only wanted to get a drink for a fainting woman. He would not listen, but took me to the station office and brought me before the stationmaster. When we had both told our stories, the stationmaster observed: "Though your inten- tions may have been all right, you have committed an offense; but I will be lenient." He fined me fifty marks. After I paid the fine, I took out my passport and credentials, one of which was from the Secretary of the Polish Legation in Washington. The man thereupon offered to return the fifty WAR RELIEF 369 marks, and apologized. I told him, however, that he could keep the money — that he could give it to the poor; but I wanted him to send a man with me so that I could buy something and get back to my car in safety. This was done, and on returning to the car, it took the guard fifteen or twenty minutes to clear a way for me to push through to where I had been before. When I finally came to the woman I was seeking, I found her lying on the floor, and helped her to a sitting position. I offered her a glass of the lemonade I had bought, but she looked at me and cried rudely in a sharp, shrill voice: "Finally someone woke up to help a sick, fainting woman!" It was obvious then that she was neither sick nor fainting, but had merely wanted to attract attention, and the people in the car had a good laugh at my expense for all the trouble I had gone to. In between these several trips to Europe, I was visited in Chicago by a committee headed by Mr. Max Korshak, who wanted me to accept the receivership of the 16th Street State Bank, which had been closed. He told me the depositors of the Lorimer Bank, of which I had acted as receiver, were very pleased with the way they had been taken care of. The 16th Street Bank also was located in a poor neighborhood, and the depositors were small shopkeepers and working people for the most part. After hesitating a few days, I accepted. Several dividends were paid to the depositors, who then decided to reorganize the closed bank. The new enterprise was called the Superior State Bank, of which I was made president. For about seven years thereafter this bank did a fair business. When the depression came along, in order to protect the depositors, we turned it over to another bank, where the depositors received a hundred cents on the dollar, although I had to stand quite a loss, personally, in order to accom' plish this. I do not believe it is out of order to state that I 370 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS received no salary whatsoever while acting as receiver or as presi' dent of the bank. Mr. J. Logan Fox was attorney for the bank during this period. He was a member of the firm of Brown, Fox & Blumberg. Mr. Brown, the senior member of that firm, had acted as my attorney when I was receiver of Lorimer's Bank. I was later appointed receiver of the West Central State Bank, located on the corner of Ogden Avenue and Roosevelt Road. Deposits amounted to about $600,000.00, and there were several real estate holdings. The majority of the depositors were non' Jews. The bank was found to be in very bad condition, but mat' ters were straightened out to everyone's satisfaction. CHAPTER X MY VISIT TO PALESTINE During all these years, I was busy every day, and often until late at night, with activities relating to Zionism, the Jewish Charities, war relief, carrying my share of the responsibilities of operating our manufacturing plant, employing several hundred people, holding public office and directing the affairs of two banks. Finally the press of these manifold duties reacted upon me, and I became very nervous. The peculiar thing was that although I felt ill and discouraged and had no desire for food or rest, every doctor I consulted assured me that my health was good. After a good deal of doctoring, which afforded me no relief, I decided to shake off my business responsibilities to a large extent, concern myself with only one bank, the Public State Bank, and occupy the major portion of my time with communal affairs. I resolved to continue in the manufacturing business only in an advisory capacity, with my sons in active charge, and to draw out therefrom a certain amount of money to be invested in mort' gages. The income therefrom, plus dividends from the bank, would be sufficient for my needs. My sons acceded to this plan, and I invested what I withdrew in 5 and 6 per cent mortgage bonds from my own bank. Since that time, I have participated less actively in the management of the business, although I still go to the office every day. Here I want to say that I was fortunate, as a whole, in the sort of people associated with me in business. Most of them have been loyal and cooperative and have remained with us for years. Mr. Vitkin, with his thirtyfive years of association, has been with us the longest. Then there was Robert Hutner, now deceased, who was with us for twenty-seven years. David Friedlander was associated with our firm for over twentyfive years, and the fol' lowing have been with us for ten years or more: Paul Kraemer, 371 372 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS Herman Broeker, I. Ziskind, Louis Krueger, Emma Miller, Mary Bressler, who is now Mrs. Savler, Ann Kaplan, who is now Mrs. Musinger, Mrs. C. B. Seal, Miss Helen Chykowska, Herman Nachmann, Mary Gonser, Winnie Mason, Frank Brych, Hyman Waxman, Ben Siegal, Alfred Toma, Paul Weiner, Augusta Kaplan, Helen Klanca and Frank Miller. We also have in our employ Joe and Harry Horwich, the sons of my oldest brother, Aron, who have proved themselves to be very able and efficient. I would like to make special mention of Jake Yoselovich, who was with us for about twenty years, until he was killed in a rail' road accident, about fifteen years ago. He was very efficient and reliable and an "all around" man. A clever buyer, he did special work in buying raw materials for us. His tragic death was a shock to us, and we felt his loss almost as keenly as did his family. Of course, some of the people we employed were not altogether satisfactory, but the majority were, and those above-named have been as fine a group of business associates as any man could wish for. I am proud to say that all of the three hundred and fifty persons now in our employ are our friends — and we are their friends, and we get along very nicely. About two years after I started in the hair business, I took my oldest son, Arthur, in with me, and a year or so later, my second son, Philip, joined us. Both started on a salary. Then I let them become stockholders. Soon after I permitted them to sign checks, and soon they were next to me in authority. When my third son, Theodore, grew up and finished his schooling, he came quite often to the office, visiting, looking around, and sometimes helping on the books or answering letters, until little by little he also good-humoredly elbowed himself into the business. He, too, had to get stock, and likewise became a member of the firm. MY VISIT TO PALESTINE 373 As time went on, my sons grew in experience and practical business knowledge, taking over more and more responsibilities, while I kept stepping aside. In this connection, I am reminded of a clever article I read about thirtyfive years ago, in the Jewish Morning Journal of New York, by a writer who used the pseudonym of "Tashrak." He de' scribed a scene he had witnessed on a street car late one after' noon, when people were hurrying home from their day's labor. An elderly Jew, he wrote, got on the car, which was very crowded. The poor man carried bundles under both arms, holding the nickel for carfare in his mouth. Because both of his arms were occupied, he could not hand the nickel to the conductor, and because his face was heavily bewhiskered, the conductor did not see the nickel. When the conductor shouted, "Fares, please!" the hard-pressed fellow was afraid to reply, lest he lose the nickel when he opened his mouth. All he could do was to make a noise through his nose, until the conductor understood him, and pulled the nickel from his mouth. When this was accomplished, the heavily'loaded passenger had a terrible struggle to push his way into the car. When he finally got in, he stood in the crowd, swaying to the right and to the left, and backward and forward. Not being able to use his arms, he bumped against one passenger and another, and each one made some unpleasant remark. At last a small boy in front of him got up to leave the car, and the old man sat down. The space being very narrow, he could only sit on the edge of the seat. In that unpleasant position, he remained for a while, until he gathered courage and started to move back a little. The passenger next to him, noticing his predicament, pushed a little to the side. He asked the passenger on his other side to do likewise, and now the much'tried man had enough room to sit comfortably. He started to breathe easier, put some of his bundles on his lap, and took out a handkerchief to wipe the sweat from his face. He then 374 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS looked around on all sides, as though he wished to do something that was not proper but could not make up his mind to it. Finally, after much apparent hesitation, he gathered courage, took out a Jewish newspaper, and started to read it. The passenger next to him now got up and left, and the old fellow immediately put some of his bundles on the seat. Then he stretched his legs and felt quite comfortable. In a few minutes, the passenger on the other side of him also left, and immediately he placed the rest of his bundles on that seat. So there he was, sitting and reading his paper, with bundles on both sides of him, retaining control of the three seats until he reached his destination. I write this without any reflection upon my sons. I have all the confidence in the world in them and know that they are well thought of by others. It makes me happy to feel that they were properly raised, properly taken care of and are in business with me, and as long as I am still here in this world, I will always try to be of some help to them. Two of my grandsons, Leonard (Arthur's son), and Nat Newman (the son of my daughter, Rhea) , are now in the busi' ness. Although they have been with us a comparatively short time, they show indications of developing into able and progress sive young men in the operating of our factories. I have no doubt that my sons will follow my procedure — in which case my grandsons will eventually be in the same position in which my sons are now, while my sons will be in the same position as I am now. This seems to be a law of life — that the older generation must give way to the vitality of youth. I am not at all sorry that things have worked out as they have. On the contrary, I am happy to have been able to relinquish to my sons the active management of our enterprise. For one thing, it has taken a great deal of worry from my mind and hard work from my shoulders. It has given me more freedom to interest MY VISIT TO PALESTINE 375 myself in communal work, which I have always intensely enjoyed. Last, but not least, it has provided me with the necessary leisure to undertake what has turned out to be one of the hardest tasks of my life — the writing of this book. Quite often people tell me that I have fine children. My own opinion of my children, among whom I include my three daugh- ters-in-law and one son-in-law, is that seven of them are above the average, while two of them are quite exceptional. I leave it to each of them to guess in which category he or she belongs. My four oldest children married at an early age. Arthur mar- ried Lee Sacks, and they have two grown children, Leonard and Jane. Philip married Beatrice Bomash, and they also have two grown children, Franklin and Loretta. Adeline married Bernard Jadwin, and they have two children: David, who is married to Lorraine Weil; and Betty. Rhea married Sam Newman, who passed away a few years ago. She has two boys, Nat and Edward. Theodore, the youngest, married Gertrude Oppenheim, and they have an infant son, James. It gives me great satisfaction to know that my grandchildren are all fine youngsters. Our relationship is not the usual one of American-born grandchildren toward an old foreign-born grand- father. We understand each other. My regard for their American background and schooling is balanced by their regard for my experience and knowledge of life. Helping my family has always been my greatest pleasure. Although I left my parents when I was very young, I began to send them funds within a short time afterward. Two years after I left home, when I was in Germany and my mother came to visit me, I managed to make her a present of a hundred roubles, which was a lot of money at that time. Since then, and until they died, at an advanced age, my parents received help from me, as well as from my brothers, so that they were able to live in com- 376 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS fort to the end of their days. My oldest brother, Aron, also received financial assistance from me until he died. It was in the year 1927 that I partially retired from busi- ness, and my first thought was to visit Palestine and then proceed to Europe in search of a remedy for my nerves. I was anxious to see what had been accomplished in Palestine during the thirty years of effort that my fellow Zionists and I had given to its pre motion and development. Three days before I left, while walking in the Loop, I stepped on a small object while crossing a street. Looking down, I saw that it was a diamond bracelet, dropped by someone in the hur- rying crowd. I picked it up and took it in to a jeweler, to deter- mine whether it was genuine, or just a bauble, and to my surprise, he evaluated it at about $2500.00. I at once inserted an ad in the Tribune, and left the bracelet with my wife, with instructions that if the properly-identified owner called for it, she should request he pay for the ad, which amounted to $2.90. When I returned from Palestine, I found that the rightful owners, a Mr. and Mrs. Mendelsohn, had claimed the bracelet, and that the insurance company had insisted on leaving a check for $140.00, as a reward, over my wife's objec- tions. This check I used for charitable purposes. I was reminded by this incident of the time my father had found a hundred roubles, and had "advertised" it through the Rabbi of the town. My first and only visit to Palestine did not impress me very favorably, so far as the material aspect of the country was con- cerned. It so happened, unfortunately, that I was there during the year when they were experiencing what we call a l 'depres- sion. " Work was scarce, business was bad, and hundreds of young men were walking the streets with nothing to do, living on the one meal a day they received from a free kitchen. I found, MY VISIT TO PALESTINE 377 also, that though the soil, after cultivation, produces from two to three crops a year, the process of cultivating it is very tedious, difficult and expensive. Most of it is sand, which has to be cov ered with black earth, that must be brought from various places. The tropical climate, too, is difficult to accustom oneself to, and it did not seem to me to be particularly healthful. However, my experience is no criterion, as it may be that my age, the state of my health and my general makeup did not permit me to adjust myself easily to the sudden change. After all, there are now in Palestine over 450,000 Jews from European countries and from the United States who seem to get along very well. From the idealistic standpoint, however, Palestine exerts a strong appeal. There is a certain magnetic charm about it that arouses one's pride and inspiration. I have learned that this feeling is experienced by every Jew on beholding this land. To see the hills of Zion, the River Jordan and the wailing wall! To see in actuality the scenes that one studied about in "cheder" — to visit the graves of the patriarchs of Israel! To behold Mt. Sinai, from which Moses preached the Ten Commandments! To set foot on the Land of the Prophets"! One feels himself exalted by all this, and in the presence of something that is holy. One of the most impressive sights is that presented by the hills of Zion. An almost straight row of hills, of varying heights, their white summits gleaming in the sun, they look like a row of "Kohanim" (Hebrew priests), with prayer shawls over their bowed heads, blessing the congregation. The young Jews of Palestine, I found, were of a different caliber from any I had known in Europe or America. There is a spirit of independence and comradeship that is unique. Through' out Palestine are settlements called "Kvutsot," or cooperative colonies, where young people live and work together on land they had purchased in common, or leased from the National Fund Organisation. 378 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS I visited quite a few of these, and found the people to be of a very fine type, independent and fearless, and highly intelligent for the most part. A great many speak three or four languages and are well versed in all phases of human endeavor, have a knowledge of politics, community welfare, progressive education, health and hygiene, and so forth. In some of the colonies, as many as a hundred men, women and children live and work together like one family. They have a big dining room, where they all eat. Some of the women are assigned to the kitchen, others take care of all the children, and the rest work on the land, along with the men. A common characteristic is their dislike of being shown sympathy or being praised, or being regarded in any way but as friends and equals. We encountered an example of this at the first colony we visited. After making myself known to the man who met us, through our guide and interpreter, we were asked to wait, and in about twenty minutes, the head of the colony, who had been busy milking cows, came to greet us. He asked me in Yiddish what language I preferred to speak, and I told him either Yiddish or English, but inquired as to how many he spoke. He replied that besides those mentioned, he knew German, Hebrew and Russian. During our conversation, in which he gave me various infop mation about the colony, I took out a cigarette, and he asked for one. It was my habit, on my travels, always to have with me several boxes of American cigarettes to give away, so I offered him a box. This he refused to take, however, saying: "I only want one, because I know I can return one, whereas I cannot return a box, not being in a position to give away boxes of cigar' ettes." Thus he showed his desire to be strictly on an equal basis with everyone. I inquired as to his attitude in the matter of religion, and he stated that that was something every man had to decide for him' MY VISIT TO PALESTINE * 379 self. "As for myself," he added, "I believe in the Jewish people and in the Jewish land, in the Jewish language and the Jewish moral standard, which is comprised in the statement, 'Do not do to others what you do not want them to do to you\" Replying to my question as to whether they kept the Sabbath and other holidays, he said: "On all such days we do not work; but all the other things proscribed by our Orthodox Rabbis we do not believe in. We drive, we ride horseback, dance, swim, smoke, play, and enjoy the c Oneg Shabat' (pleasure of the Sab- bath) r Incidentally, he told me, regarding the condescending attitude of many of their visitors, of something that had occurred the day before. He and his wife were conversing with an American who had come from Massachusetts, and the latter mentioned that he was a manufacturer of ladies' dresses, and would like to send the colonist's wife half a dozen dresses, if she would tell him her size, and the colors she preferred. While mentioning this, he patroniz- ingly patted the woman on the shoulder, as though to indicate that he, a well-to-do American, was willing to be nice to this poorly dressed Palestinian colonist. "I do not want any dresses, nor any favors from you," said the woman, "but I do want something else." "What is that?" inquired the American pleasantly. "A little more respect," she informed him, and saying goodbye, left him standing there. * * * Among the many sights I saw in my travels through Palestine, I was especially impressed when I came across some twenty or more girls sitting in the hot sun, breaking stones. Most of them were nice-looking, healthy appearing girls, and they were singing Hebrew songs while engaged in that terribly hard work. I waited for nearly half an hour, trying to get to speak to the girl in charge. When she was free to talk to me, I asked her: 380 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS "Do you consider this splitting of stones in the hot sun the proper work for girls?" "This is the kind of work we are doing now," she replied. "We feel well and we are doing it well, and we do not like to talk about it." When I asked whether there was anything that I could do for them, she replied: "At the moment, I cannot say; but if you will come tomorrow, I will let you know." I was accompanied on this trip by Mr. David Shapiro, whose son, Jack, is married to a niece of mine. Mr. Shapiro, who was quite a scholar and spoke Hebrew well, had come from Chicago to make his home in Palestine. He suggested, when we left the above-mentioned group, that I go with him to a certain candy factory and order a special candy made there, which is the best to be had, very wholesome, and a favorite with the women of Palestine, and give it to these girls when we returned the next day. It seemed a good idea, and we ordered thirtyfive boxes of this rather expensive confection. When we returned to the group, on the following day, with our cab filled with this candy, we were pained to find that the girls would not even look at it. I tried to persuade them to take it, explaining that purchases of this kind brought money into the country and should be encouraged; also that the candy had been specially ordered for them; that it was healthful food, and that girls in the United States were in the habit of accepting candy from anyone, whether they were rich or poor. My arguments were of no avail. They would not even discuss it. I finally gave up, and said: "Well, I brought the candy for you, and will leave it here, and you can do with it as you please. If you do not want it, give it away to the children in the school." On that they all agreed — "for the children in the school." I then asked the girl to whom I had spoken the day before whether she had decided what I could do for the group, and she handed MY VISIT TO PALESTINE 381 me a letter written in Hebrew. It was an invitation to attend a meeting of the organisation composed of some hundred and twenty girls who were engaged in the breaking of stones, stating that they would give me there all the information I wanted; that I could speak to them if I wanted to, and could make some kind of contribution to their organisation. I made the contribution, but did not go to the meeting, partly because I was not particularly pleased with their attitude, and partly because I could not spare the time. However, I made them a counter proposition, saying that if they selected twentyfive girls from among them, I would give them and their escorts a dinnerdance at the hotel. This they also refused. While I realised that these girls were anxious to assert their independence, I did feel that they were carrying it a little too far. * # * One day, while walking along Allenby Road, in Tel Aviv, in the busiest section of the city, I observed an amusing scene. Two rather distinguished looking Jews, with long beards, crossed the street from opposite sides, and on meeting in the middle, stopped right then and there and started a conversation. Traffic is very heavy at this point, and the automobiles, cabs and carriages travel' ing in both directions had to turn out for these two men, as they stood talking. I watched them nervously, as it seemed certain they would be hit. Soon a Jewish policeman came up to them and explained that they ought to continue their discussion on the sidewalk, and not in the street. They made some remark I could not hear, and the policeman came over to where I was standing, and waited for a moment to see that they moved. When they gave no evidence of following his advice, he went up to them again, and in a louder voice told them in Yiddish: "This is dangerous for you and for others. I must insist that you kindly remove yourselves. There is plenty of room on the 382 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS sidewalk, and you can converse there undisturbed as long as you like.^ One of the men, who had a red beard, spoke to the policeman rather curtly, saying: "Listen, you, I am here thirty'five years, and you have been here only a short time; but you think, because you have that little tin toy attached to your lapel that you can order me around as you please. You are mistaken. Just go and mind your own business." I expected the young officer to lose his temper at this, but he merely smiled and said: "Rabbi, I am terribly sorry, but you will have to come along with me to the station, and we will find out who is right and who is wrong.'" Taking him by the arm, he led him away, though I tried to intercede. I explained to the policeman that he looked honest and respectable, and was no doubt a Talmudic scholar; that people of that type considered themselves very important, and that he should merely give him a lecture and let him go. But the officer took him away. On the following afternoon, I happened to meet the same man near my hotel. I spoke to him, asking him what had been the outcome of his dispute with the policeman. He excitedly started to relate how unjustly these policemen were behaving towards the people; that they wanted to treat them here as they had been treated in Russia. He had been taken to the station, he said, and fined twenty piasters, which was equal to one dollar in American money. Not having it with him, he had to telephone someone to bring it, and was then released. "I am afraid," I said, when he had concluded his story, "that you are exaggerating the situation. After all, it seems to me that the policeman was right. You were standing in the center of the busiest street, and it was for your own good and the good of MY VISIT TO PALESTINE 383 others that the officer told you to get up on the sidewalk to continue your discussion. Why did you not do as he suggested?" "You mean I should obey a young radical, an ignoramous who has been here only a few years, and we should interrupt our very important discussion because of him?" he cried in' dignantly. "What was your discussion about?" I asked. "Well," he explained, "I told my friend that the principle of a league of nations, which is called in Yiddish, Toelker Bund,' is mentioned in the Talmud, and he denied my statement, and I wanted to prove that he was wrong." As he started to leave, I called the man back and said to him: "I have a confession to make to you. I am as guilty as you, because I called the attention of the policeman to you two stand' ing there and talking." "You thought it was all right for me to be arrested?" he asked. "No," I said, "I did not want you to be arrested, but I was afraid you would be hurt. However, I am willing to make good." I thereupon took out a five dollar bill and offered it to him. "Twenty piasters is only one dollar," he said, "so why do you give me five?" I tried to think of some reason to give him, and said: "Well, you paid a fine of one dollar. During the time you lost, you might have earned some money, perhaps another dollar. That makes two. And the humiliation of being arrested, and your worry over it, is worth three dollars." What do you suppose he replied to that? "One dollar for the fine I paid," he said, "is all right. One dollar for the time I lost is all right, too. But three dollars for my aggravation and for my disgrace is no money at all." With due apologies, I said: "That is all I think it was worth to you." 384 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS He accepted the five dollars, and we parted good friends. * * * In traveling from one colony to another, we frequently met Arabs, singly or in groups, walking along or driving their sheep or goats. When we stopped one day at a well, to get some fresh water, we had occasion to observe the sharp contrast in the life led by Oriental and American women. We came upon an Arab family, consisting of husband, wife and baby. The man was sitting on a donkey, smoking a cigarette and holding a little parasol over his head for protection from the hot sun, while his wife, balancing a jug of water on one shoulder and her child on the other, was compelled to walk alongside. At the well, also, were a young American Jewish tourist and his wife, who were on their honeymoon. The young woman was obviously very irritated with the Palestinian trip. She refused to drink the water offered her, even refused to get out of the auto' mobile, and complained bitterly of the fact that her husband had taken her there. Two of the men in my party were Americans, and one of them proposed that we drag the Arab off his donkey, set his wife on it, and make the man carry the jug of water and the child. They made a move to do this, but I called them back, explaining that this was the wrong way to accomplish their purpose. As soon as they were out of sight, I told them, the man would get back on the donkey, and the chances were that he would give his wife a good beating after they got home. I suggested that our guide talk to the husband and tell him how wrong it was to ride along comfortably, while his wife had to walk beside him with her burdens. It was agreed to try this, and the guide went over and spoke to the Arab, but he paid no attention to what he said, and told everybody to mind their own business. N \ \ < * MY VISIT TO PALESTINE 385 I then proposed that the three of us each give the Arab woman fifty cents, making a dollar and a half in all. We instructed her to give this to her husband if he would allow her to ride home; but if he refused, she could keep the money for herself. The husband did not get off the donkey, but he did take the child and the water jug, and they went off with the woman trudging alongside. What happened when they got home, of course, we do not know. While we were discussing this episode, several Palestinian girls arrived with a wagonload of hay drawn by two horses. I engaged them in conversation and said to them: "You no doubt have noticed the difference between the treat' ment of women in America and in Palestine. What is your opinion about this?" "From what I have noticed," observed one of them, "it seems that in America the man is the slave of the woman, while with the Arabs, the women are the slaves of the men. With us, how ever, the true Palestinians, neither is the slave of the other. We are just as good as the men, and the men are just as good as we are. We do the same work, and want to be treated alike — as human beings — with no difference between us." One day, while we were driving along, we met three Arabs coming down the road with a herd of sheep. Instead of stopping to let them pass, our driver continued on his way, frightening the sheep so that they ran in all directions. A heated argument ensued between the Arabs and the driver, which we settled by giving them some cigarettes and a few coins. The basis of the argument was that the Arabs claimed they had as much right to the public road as the driver had, and that it was the duty of the latter to stop and let them go by. I used this story as an illustration in a report I later made, when I mentioned how in other countries the Jews claim that they are just as good as the non-Jews. This, of course, is a vain 386 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS claim, since the non'Jews do not accept it. To be impelled to make the statement that one is "as good as" another is evidence of a feeling of inferiority on the part of the claimant. Thus, if a wife says that her "strudel" is as sweet as honey, it is obvious that she realises honey is sweeter; or when a young man boasts that he loves his sweetheart as much as he loves his life, it means that he loves his life better. In Palestine, the usual attitude is reversed. Here it is the Arabs who claim that they are just "as good as" the Jews, for the creative achievements of the Jews awaken in the Arabs a sense of inadequacy. I had spent three weeks in Egypt before coming to Palestine. My first stop was in Alexandria. We drove around the city for about half an hour, and everything was very strange, yet vaguely familiar, through having read about these things in the Bible. The oriental costumes, the veiled women, the market places, were all out of the past. I visited an ancient synagogue, and although it was a week' day, the synagogue was open. A few men and women were seated outside, on benches. They looked, talked and conducted themselves like Egyptians — there was no trace of anything Jew ish about them. I said to them in Hebrew, "Ivrim Atem," mean' ing, "Are you Hebrews?" At this they all looked up surprised, and started talking to me in Arabic, interspersed with a few Hebrew words. Outside, everything seemed strange and foreign, but when we all entered the synagogue, I felt at home. There I saw the same prayer books, the same Bible, the same Scrolls and the same kind of Ark as those I was familiar with. My next stop was Cairo. Here my experience was similar to that in Alexandria. Everything in Cairo was strange, until I en' tered a synagogue there. As with the Jews of Alexandria, there MY VISIT TO PALESTINE 387 was nothing about the Jews of Cairo that made them recognize able as such. It was then I realised, more than ever, that what keeps the scattered Jews of the world together is the Bible, the synagogue, the prayer books; in other words, their religion. I found little to interest me in Alexandria, but Cairo proved most fascinating, especially in its contrast between modern and ancient modes of living. It abounds in historical associations. I was shown the very spot in the Nile river where Pharoah's daughter was supposed to have found the infant Moses, and this was one of the greatest thrills of the Egyptian trip. When I later visited Mt. Sinai, I remarked to a companion: "I have seen where the child Moses was drawn from the water, and now I see where he stood when he gave the eternal Ten Commandments to the world." I viewed the Pyramids, and was carried back thousands of years. I was reminded of Napoleon's remark to his soldiers, when he stood before them. "Four thousand years of history are looking down upon you," he said. One of the things that interested me greatly was being shown the place where until comparatively recent years, human sacrifices were thrown into the Nile to prevent it from overflowing. I was told that at the time Napoleon entered Egypt, he was accorded the honor of performing the sacrifice. A young girl, dressed as a bride, was to be thrown into the river. The story goes that he substituted a life-like doll for the girl at the crucial moment. As it happened, the Nile did not overflow that year, and Napoleon was thus able to convince the Egyptians that human sacrifice was not necessary — a likeness of a human being would just as effectively propitiate the river god. The museum at Cairo, under the control of both England and Egypt, was also most interesting. Excavations carried on by the 388 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS museum had uncovered, among others, the tomb of the Egyptian Pharoah, Rameses II, who had enslaved the Jews. I saw his mummified form, and the heavy, solid gold coffin in which he had been buried. As I gased upon what was left of him, I could not prevent the vagrant thought stealing through my mind that had Moses left the Jews alone, he might have saved himself a great deal of trouble, as well as the Jews throughout the centuries, and mil" lions of Jews today. We would not now be faced with the rather difficult task of trying to convince the world that it should repay us with gratitude, and not unkindness, for the new humanitarian- ism that Moses taught mankind. CHAPTER XI I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS When I partially withdrew from my business, leaving its active conduct to my sons and continuing chiefly in an advisory capacity, I was very happy in anticipation of the time I would devote to communal work and public affairs, and made memoranda of vari' ous plans in this connection. My hopes were bitterly disappointed when the "depression" suddenly came upon us, altering the course of many lives. Like thousands of others, I was horrified to learn that my "secure" investments were little by little melting away, like ice on a warm day. I had started to work when I was fourteen years old. From that time on, I managed to save at least a little almost every year. Although some years I just came out even, I never fell behind. It was one of my invariable rules always to have some money to fall back on in case of emergency, and I believed I had pro' vided sufficient security for myself and those who might be dc pendent upon me. Now, when I was reaching the age at which most people began counting their days, I was suddenly confronted with the prospect of losing everything I had saved and worked for all my life, and being left penniless. Besides myself, I had two married sons and two married daughters with families to think of. My son-in-law, Sam Newman, who was married to my youngest daughter, Rhea, had been considered well-to-do. He had a fortune in real estate; but during the first years of the depression he lost everything, and his wife and children remained with me. He tried his luck in other cities, where he "knocked about," doing all kinds of hard work, which was too much for him. These difficulties, and worry over his wife and children and the losses he had suffered, under- mined his health, and he died not long afterward. 389 390 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS So rapidly did business everywhere begin to decline, and so serious did the general situation become, that I spent many a sleeps less and restless night. I became aware, through my own distress, of how desperate and miserable were those poor men who com- mitted suicide under the terrible strain. I had never been given to speculation, and had always been conservative in financial matters. I had thought that my invest- ments in first mortgage real estate, at less than the current interest rates, about the safest investment possible. Now, day by day, I found my savings slipping away by the thousands of dollars. Real estate and mortgages were becoming almost worthless. The banks of which I was president were losing more and more money each day. The manufacturing business which supplied a living for my sons and their families was slipping downward at a high speed. Up to that time, my sons and I had worked together, but we were reaching a point where we were about to decide to leave the sinking ship and say, "Each one for himself." It was certainly a terrible time, and I can recall no more agonising hours than those I spent during those worst years of the "depression." But as fate decreed, we were able to survive. During my absence from the city, my sons managed to turn over the two banks to a larger bank, with no loss to the depositors. They also began manufacturing a new and different product, distantly connected with our hair business, and this proved successful enough to stop the enormous losses and eventually to make both ends meet. Here I must say, to the glory of the Jewish bankers in and around Chicago, that with the exception of one very small bank, every Jewish bank liquidated without resorting to a receivership, and paid its depositors one hundred cents on the dollar. Chief among these was the Foreman Brothers Banking Co., which had been in existence for eighty-five years. When they realised the situation, they turned over their huge bank, with I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 391 many hundreds of millions of dollars in deposits, to another big national bank, and at the same time, the Foremans turned over their personal fortunes, which amounted to many millions of dollars, in order to protect the depositors from any loss. They themselves — the four members of the firm — were left with absolutely nothing. When the eldest member of the firm, Oscar Foreman, was leaving the bank for the last time, he picked up his hat and cane and remarked: "This is all I take with me. 11 But the depositors were paid in full. Preceding Mr. Foreman from the conference chambers, where final arrangements had been made, was a prominent, nationally known individual. Questioned as to what had transpired, this man replied: "The drama, The Merchant of Venice,' has just been re enacted here — but Shylock was not a Jew." Oscar Foreman died soon after of a broken heart, and the other members of the family had to find other means of earning a livelihood. Another noteworthy example was the SchifF State Bank, of which B. J. SchifT was president. It had been in existence, I be lieve, over thirty years. Mr. Schiff could have saved enough assets from the bank at least to keep his family and himself in comfort for the rest of their lives; but he did not do so. He turned over his personal property, and everything he had, to pro- tect the depositors from losing anything. And so with other Jew- ish bankers. The Hitlerites and their followers ought to take note of this. * * * Those people who understand the situation at all know that the "depression," from which we have not yet emerged, was an aftermath of the World War, and that the whole world was affected in the same way, some countries more so than others. Nevertheless, the blame for our troubles was placed on the shoul' 392 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS ders of the much-misunderstood Herbert Hoover, who was then president. People are still afraid to mention his name; yet before he became president, he was considered to be a statesman, diplo- mat and great organizer, and a truly great man. As food admin- istrator for the war-stricken countries, Mr. Hoover was lauded for having done marvelous work. I had always, in general, looked upon national leaders as highly superior men. Impressed with what I had read and heard about the greatness of Bismarck, Disraeli, Gladstone and other such famous leaders and statesmen, I had come to believe that the heads of nations or others holding high national office were neces- sarily men of exceptional intelligence and education, possessed of extraordinary ability. I had the utmost admiration and respect for them. But I was sadly disillusioned during the astonishing develop- ments of the World War period. Watching the turn of events, I came to the painful realization that these men were no different from the everyday run of men. Many of them, I now saw, rated below a good business man, an able industrialist, a professional man, or anyone of fair intelligence. I was particularly conscious of this fact when, about this time, I listened to an address delivered not by a statesman or a diplomat or one who speaks for a nation — but by one of our rabbis, whose name is Solomon B. Freehof. His address was devoted to an analysis of the political, economic and religious changes that had taken place in Russia. In short, striking phrases, he so brilliantly described each important change that the audience followed him spellbound. By his clear and lucid explanation, he drew for us so vivid a picture of the new Russia, that everyone understood the situation perfectly. Following the Rabbi's talk, which took but forty minutes, I joined a group enthusiastically discussing his remarkable and com- prehensive address. Among them was the late Mr. Leo F. I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 393 Wormser, who was acknowledged to possess a brilliant mind and was one of the outstanding lawyers of Chicago. In commenting on the lecture we had just heard, he remarked to us, and all pres- ent agreed with him, that no statesman anywhere could possibly have presented the new Russia one-tenth so well in hours as Rabbi Freehof had done in a brief forty minutes. Ever since my arrival in this country, about sixty years ago, I have always felt that the national leaders of the Republican party were superior to the leaders of the Democratic party, and I am now more fully convinced than ever of this fact. During this time, we have had eleven presidents, eight of whom were Republicans and three of whom have been Democrats. All the Republican administrations, with the exception of that of Hoover, were marked by no untoward event. As a whole, they ran along smoothly, some a little better than others. We can really look upon them as representing the Golden Age of the United States. Under them, the country grew in population, pros' perity and contentment. On the other hand, under the three Democratic administrations of two terms each, these normal con- ditions were disturbed. Each Democratic president had some new plan or idea to carry out, which I am sorry to say, was not for the better, but for the worse. I have come to the realisation that the people in general have been led by the Democratic leaders to believe that the Republican party is composed of the rich; that it caters to the rich and rep- resents the rich, while the Democratic party comprises and represents the poor people, especially the working class. The national leaders of the Democratic party have always posed as the representatives and the protectors of the workers and the poor against their enemies, the people of wealth. Up to the time of the present administration, it is a fact that all classes of people in the 394 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS country prospered more greatly and were much happier under Republican rule than under the Democratic regime. About three years after I came to this country, Grover Cleve' land was elected president. Though he was considered an able man and utterly sincere, he advocated the philosophy of free trade, under which various goods and materials, with some exceptions, are permitted to enter the country free of duty. No sooner was he fairly settled in the White House, than he began to carry this free trade policy into effect, and thus brought on hard times, manifested in what was then called a "panic." I had a small business at that time, and people came to me looking for jobs for from sixty to seventy-five cents a day. There were strikes and troubles of all kinds, and the hard times con' tinued until the end of Cleveland's term. He ran again, against Benjamin Harrison, a Republican, and was defeated. For four years, everything ran smoothly; but as luck would have it, Cleve' land was then elected for another term, and we had four more years of hard times. Though not comparable to our current "dc pression," there was a large number of unemployed, and wages were the lowest that I can remember. When that term was ended, it was the general opinion that the National Democratic party could take a long rest. For the next sixteen years, under Republican administration, the country was in a healthy, prosperous condition; but unfortunately, in 1912, because of a split in the Republican party, and through sheer luck, Woodrow Wilson, a Democrat, was elected president. Mr. Wilson was then considered to be one of the great intel' lects and great statesmen of the world. Though he also pursued the policy of free trade, the World War broke out before the country could be affected by his policies one way or the other, and because of the war, we got along very well as far as business and financial conditions were concerned, for the time being. It is my opinion, and I venture to say, the opinion of the majority, I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 395 that because President Wilson led this country to participate in the war, the Democratic party can be considered responsible for many of the ills from which we now suffer as a result. When the World War first broke out, the opinion of the Jews in America was rather indefinite. The Jews had suffered so much under the Csarist government of Russia, that they could not wish to see it win. Their attitude toward the Allies, as a rule, was neutral, and the majority hoped that the war would end in some kind of compromise, with Russia greatly weakened. From the very first, I had my doubts about the philosophy and policy of President Wilson in this connection, and by reason of his speeches and acts before the United States entered the war, I lost all confidence in him. Mr. Wilson embarked on a speaking tour, toward the end of his first term, advocating preparedness, because "the sparks of the European fire were settling on our roofs." That statement, for which there was no sound basis, made many of us suspicious that he was going to lead us into war. The slogan on which he won his re-election was, "He kept us out of the war." I wanted to know why no promise was made by him or one of his responsible representatives that he would continue to keep us out of the war. I argued that we were not interested in what he had done, but in what he was going to do. We heard no assurance of that kind. During his campaign for re-election, I had occasion to speak in public several times, and often repeated my fear that Mr. Wilson would involve us in the European conflict. I stated that I could not trust him unless he came out with an open promise that he would do nothing to implicate us. Upon being elected to his second term, Mr. Wilson gave notice to Germany that unless she ceased her submarine attacks, the United States would be forced to take steps to stop her. I was then practically convinced that we would be involved in the war, and so asserted to my friends. 396 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS I remember one occasion, about six weeks after Mr. Wilson's re-election, when I made this prophecy. I had occasion to visit the home of a Mr. I. Lurya, on Douglas Boulevard, and found there Mr. S. J. Rosenblatt, Mr. Max Korshak, Judge Fisher, and a few others. We talked for a while about community affairs, especially about the Maimonides Hospital, in which we were all very much interested, and finally began discussing politics and the presidential election. The prevailing opinion in the group was the familiar one that only with Wilson in office could we surely avoid being in' volved in the war, while anyone else would undoubtedly draw us in. However, I was of the opposite opinion, and insisted that President Wilson had acted for a long time as though he would like to see this country take part in the conflict; that now that he was re-elected, I was sure he would drag us in. Everyone present criticised my remarks in a very unfriendly manner, and Mr. Lurya, who was very excitable, shouted at the top of his voice that it was because I was such a fanatic Repub- lican that I dared make these fantastic, untrue statements. At this point, Mr. Lurya's daughter came over to me and whispered that I should not continue the argument, as her father was a sick man and it was dangerous for him to become excited. I thereupon smilingly admonished Mr. Lurya to "cool off," and said we would not talk any more about the matter. While writing this book, I made it a point to ask Judge Fisher whether he remembered the incident, and he told me that he did. I do not dwell upon this for the purpose of boasting, but merely to prove how an entire nation can be swayed by one clever man, who knows what to say, and how to say it, at the proper time. The Democratic spellbinders continued to hammer away that Wilson must be re-elected, or we would be dragged into the war. It seemed that fate decreed it so. Because of a slight error made by his opponent, Wilson captured the state of California by several hundred votes, and this won him the election. A short time I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 397 afterward, the United States joined the Allies, and thereupon conducted itself as though it were surrounded by enemies and was in imminent danger of being wiped out of existence. This excited attitude was assumed in spite of the fact that Germany had already been at war for over three years; that she was fighting against some eighteen nations, among them the greatest powers in the world; and that she was so completely encircled that she could secure no food from outside sources, and the whole nation was starving. Immediately our country was flooded with tens of thousands of government spies; orators by the thousands were let loose to preach propaganda against Germany. The "Four Minute Men" exerted their imaginations to the utmost to spread hatred against that country. In restaurants, in theaters, in moving picture houses, everywhere, these men advocated the destruction of Ger' man militarism — if not, "America is lost." Willingly or unwil' lingly, these men were granted a hearing wherever and whenever they appeared. I remember one evening, in a "movie" theater, the picture was suddenly interrupted, and a little fellow with a shrill voice got up on the stage and faced us arrogantly. "People of America," he cried, "here you are, enjoying life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness — but on the other side of the ocean there is a man with an army behind him, who is trying to conquer the world and destroy us!" He belabored the Kaiser, his generals and his army, and then began to describe how innc cent old men, women and children were being slaughtered in the most inhuman manner, by the invading soldiers. I could not imagine how presumably sensible people and liberal men could tell such brutal stories, which they knew were not true. I used to cover my ears, so as not to listen to this vicious propaganda. 398 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS This sort of thing kept up until the war was won, victory was ours, and our American war leaders were proclaimed as great heroes. What was their magnificent accomplishment? With 125,000,000 people behind them, with enormous wealth of mate' rial at their command, and unlimited supplies of food, they had helped some eighteen other nations, with a population totaling around 500,000,000, conquer an already exhausted Germany and Austria, with a population of about 100,000,000. But that is not all. When victory had been achieved, the gov ernments of all these nations were busy for nine months devising plans for squeezing the last drop of blood out of a conquered, prostrated, starving, helpless people. All the assertions that had been made by our government, that "we are not after the German people, only after the Kaiser and the military clique," and that "we want peace without victory," were forgotten and ceased to be mentioned. But as fate decreed, the saying of the Talmud, "If you want to grasp too much, then you grasp little," applied here. The rep' resentatives of the various nations, sitting in judgment on Ger' many and Austria, overreached themselves in their harsh treat' ment — so much so, that by the end of the following year, the sympathy of the people of all countries had turned in favor of Germany, as a result of the unforgivable peace treaty that was signed at Versailles. How different had been Germany's conduct in a like situation! These people, whom the propagandists had called "Huns and barbarians" knew how to deal humanely with a vanquished foe. In 1871, Germany had won a war with France, which had been declared by France. When the peace treaty was drawn up, rep' resentatives of both sides assembled. It took them a comparatively short time, perhaps a few weeks, to agree on terms. It was pre vided that France pay war indemnities, and the sum of five billion francs, or one billion dollars, was determined upon. Though at I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 399 that time this was, of course, a tremendous sum of money, it nevertheless could not have been too burdensome upon the French people, as they managed to pay it in less than two years — and then they were through. As soon as France had capitulated, the German "barbarians" despatched train-loads of food to Paris and other large centers of France. They also offered to help the French government bring order out of the chaotic condition resulting from the war, although France did not accept this offer. At the drawing up of the Versailles treaty, on the other hand, although the German army had surrendered and was dissolved and was helpless, the Kaiser had abdicated and fled to Holland and a democratic form of government was organised as dictated by President Wilson, the blockade of Germany was continued and during the nine months the powers were negotiating, the Germans could not receive food from the neutral countries. As a result, starvation conditions prevailed throughout most of the country. Austria-Hungary, Bohemia, Slovakia, and a few other nation' alities had lived together in peace and harmony for some two hundred and fifty years. They were joined under a mild mon- archical form of government, with a parliament, the members of which were chosen from among all the different nationalities. The seat of the government was in Vienna. Upon this harmonious group was forced "self-determination," with the aid of a few interested officeholders, and without ascer- taining whether the people themselves wanted it or not. This phrase, coined by President Wilson, provided that each group of people had the right to form its own national government. In this instance, this action, as dictated by the Versailles Treaty, without recourse to a referendum, was comparable to tearing apart the members of a happy family and leaving each one to its own fate. The Munich scandal, whereby Bohemia, Slovakia, Moravia and other small countries were swallowed by Hitler, and which out- 400 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS raged the world, was an outcome of that disastrous treaty, a further result of which was that about 350,000 Jews were thus added to the 500,000 in Germany, to undergo the same terrible persecutions. Had it not been for the Versailles Treaty, we would not now be faced with the fact that a nation of slaves and barbarians is being reared in Germany — constituting a threat to the entire civilized world. In drafting the peace treaty, none of the representatives of either Germany or Austria were called in; but after everything was ready, they were notified to come and sign, and were given a few days' time to say "yes" or "no." When the people of the world realized what had been done, a reaction set in, and offers of assistance poured in, even from the countries that had been at war with Germany. The result was that Germany received, from these sources, enough money not only to pay most of its reparations to the various governments, but to enable it to build itself up again almost to a better status than had been the case before the war — that is, from a material point of view. From the political viewpoint, however, the democratic form of government that was foisted upon them, contrary to their wishes, to "make the world safe for democracy," defeated its purpose, and enabled Hitler, with his party, to capture control of the German nation. Now, instead of a Kaiser, under whom the German nation, Jews and non-Jews, prospered and was considered to be one of the most cultured countries in the world, with the type of govern' ment best suited to the needs of the German people, they are ruled by one man, before whom the whole world cringes in fear. Contrary to general opinion, the Kaiser was not an autocrat, as we now understand the term. His decisions and requests for any appropriations whatsoever were subject to approval by the Reichstag, which was a representative body at that time, and he •St t „2 - : I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 401 could not declare war without the consent of the heads of the various German states. Representative Germans today, among whom are scientists, scholars, professors, and other men of prominence, Jews and non- Jews alike, give us to understand that the great majority of the German people would be only too happy to see the Kaiser re' stored, with the same form of government they had before the war, and in my opinion this is the general attitude of world leaders today. Most of the social problems with which our government is struggling today were satisfactorily worked out in Germany long before the war. They had instituted all the social reforms which have just recently been adopted by our government, such as old age pensions, unemployment relief, sick benefits, etc. The rights of the workers, of the so-called under-privileged and of the "for- gotten man" had been established in Germany under the Kaiser, without any hullabaloo. If I am not mistaken, the first labor union in Europe was organized in that country. The strongest organisation of labor in the world existed in Germany, under the Kaiser, with a membership of about ten million workers. The Socialist party in the Reichstag was one of the strongest in the country. Open preaching of class hatred, or racial or religious intolerance, was unknown. The most influential group of Jews in the world were the Jews of Germany. When the Duke of Windsor, the former King of England, visited Germany, he was surprised to find that there were no slums there, and a few years before the war, Lloyd George, war premier, spoke about following the example of Germany in social welfare. In forcing Germany to accept a republican form of government, democracy has not only not been made "safe," but the countries with democratic forms of government have been made most unsafe, and the world is now experiencing the greatest flood of 402 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS dangerous propaganda in its history, a flood which is spreading the dogmas of Fascism, Nazism and Communism in every country on earth, including the United States. It is regrettable that due to Hitler's outrages against Jews and others, the German people as a whole are held responsible by many for his brutality, and have come to be looked upon as hate- ful and vicious. So firmly is this unjust opinion held by a great number, that any defense of the German people in general is viewed with scorn and contempt. How sad it is that the great majority of well meaning Germans should be bitterly maligned because of a wicked government, whose ringleaders and henchmen are comparatively small in number, and in no way represent the fine qualities of the German people. Strangely analagous is the situation of the Jews of the world. Because here and there a few of us may be objectionable, a hue and cry is raised against all of us, and we are all made to suffer thereby. We, of all people, should understand the plight of those among the Germans who are innocent of evil. Instead of blaming them, we should sympathise with them, that they have to put up with such a cruel and vicious government. * * * During the time of the World War, the Zionist organisation all over the world languished and almost ceased to function, except in the United States. Here a Provisional Committee consisting of about forty prominent men was organised by Louis D. Brandeis and Judge Julian W. Mack, with Judge Mack at the head, to keep the movement alive. This committee bore all the expense of carrying on the work of the organisation during this time. When Mr. Brandeis was appointed a member of the Supreme Court of the United States, he could not attend public meetings of the Zionist organisation or take too active a part in its work. It was known, nevertheless, that he was the backbone of the Provisional Committee. I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 403 If not for him, the chances are that the Balfour Declaration would not have been proclaimed. I received this information from reliable sources while in Europe. It seems that after the Balfour Declaration had been framed and approved at a meeting of the cabinet of the British Government, one of the members made a motion to postpone the matter for the present. That meant that it would never see the light again. On the same day word of this was transmitted to Justice Brandeis, he prevailed upon President Wilson to insist that the proclamation be issued at once; and a few days later his famous letter, containing the Balfour Declara' tion, was delivered to Baron Rothschild and was published. Soon after the Armistice, a special conference was called by the Zionist Organisation, in Europe, at which were present Justice Brandeis, Dr. Chaim Weiz,mann, Mr. Ussishkin and other lead' ing Zionists. What actually happened there is not definitely known, but this much is known: Before the meeting opened, Judge Brandeis conferred with Dr. Weismann and other leading European Zionists and submitted to them a full program of future activities that he felt should be taken up at the meeting, to which they all agreed. But when the meeting was held, with Dr. Weismann presiding, the entire pre gram of Brandeis was disregarded and was not even mentioned. Later, I believe it was in June, 1921, a convention of the Zionist Organisation was held at Cleveland, Ohio, and was attended by three leading European Zionists, Dr. Weismann, Mr. Ussishkin and Dr. Schmarya Levin. From what transpired, I learned that from the beginning the purpose of this convention had been to oust Brandeis and his group, and this was accomplished in a very crude manner. He and the other members of the Provisional Com' mittee were represented to the convention as not being the type of Jews that fitted in with national or political Zionism, as, it was asserted, they did not practice traditional Judaism, did not know Hebrew, and leaned toward assimilation. 404 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS When the report of the President of the Provisional Committee, Judge Julian W. Mack, was presented, one of the leading Ameri- can Zionists of the Weismann group took the platform and de' nounced it, paraphrasing in this connection a sentence from the prophets: "From foot to head there is not a sound or healthy part — everything is unsound and decayed." For several days the discussions and arguments continued. At one of the sessions, I remember, Prof. Felix Frankfurter took the platform, but did not have a chance to speak his mind. He was interrupted every few minutes by irrelevant questions that could not be answered, such as "What did you say in 19 19?" or "What was your policy three years ago?" He did not have the oppor- tunity to state his case properly. The result of all this was that a motion of "No confidence in the Provisional Committee" was carried. The entire Committee of about forty members, including among them some of the best known men in the United States, who had kept the movement alive during the trying days of the war, had to resign. They all left the organisation, and the leadership was thereupon taken over by the Weizmann group. The Brandeis group then formed the Palestine Economic Corporation, which acts independently, and takes little part in the political aspects of Zionism. From the Cleveland convention, Dr. Weismann, Mr. Ussishkin and Dr. Schmarya Levin came to Chicago. I was chairman of the reception committee, and we arranged in their honor a parade of various organizations, with music and flags. The aldermanic coun- cil passed a resolution giving the freedom of the city to Dr. Weiv mann and his associates. William Hale Thompson, who was then mayor, accepted an invitation to speak at a reception to be given for them, after the parade. This parade, I remember, lasted so long that the Mayor had to wait for over an hour before we arrived at the special platform erected for the purpose on Douglas Boulc vard, facing the park. I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 405 In opening the program, I introduced Dr. Weismann as the "King of Schnorrers," explaining that he went around "schnor- ring" (begging) not from individuals, but from governments, and that he did not "scrmonr" for individuals, but for the Jewish people. I added that he had been well received by all nations of Europe; that the only people who had not so far responded whole" heartedly were the Jewish people. I was a little afraid, after I made this remark, that it might not have been diplomatic, but was reassured when at the banquet which followed, Dr. Wei2j' mann used these same words. It was a great mistake, I feel, that was made at the Cleveland convention, in "reading out" the members of the Provisional Committee. Had the leadership remained in their hands, or had there been true cooperation between the two factions, the situa- tion in Palestine, I am sure, would have been a great deal better than it now is. Among the members of that committee were practical men, men possessing great understanding of world affairs, and also men of great learning. Now the Jewish press of the United States expresses itself as proud and happy that Frank- furter was appointed to the Supreme Court, extolling his great' ness, and at every birthday of Justice Brandeis, the entire press of the country, especially the Jewish press, does homage to this great man. I felt very disappointed that such men as Louis Lipsky, Abe Goldberg and Jacob Fishman (of the New York Jewish Morning Journal) should have joined in forcing out the Brandeis-Mack group. In spite of this unexplainable action on their part, how- ever, I consider them to be among the most able, sensible and best qualified men in the movement today. At the subsequent Zionist Congress, held at Carlsbad, wishing to bring about a better feeling between the two opposing factions, I drew up a resolution. It embodied a vote of thanks for the fine work the Mack'Brandeis group had done during the war. Before 406 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS introducing it, I notified Dr. Weizmann of my intention, but he vetoed the suggestion on the grounds that my resolution "would be misunderstood. " Under the direction of men of the caliber of Brandeis and Mack, events would surely have shaped themselves differently, and the Zionist Organization would have undoubtedly functioned more efficiently. Soon after the Balfour Declaration was proclaimed, for example, there was an influx of Jews into Palestine from all parts of the world. This took place without system or control. No one checked as to who the newcomers were, or what they intended to do there. It did not seem to dawn upon the Zionist leaders that European Jews on coming to Palestine found themselves in a strange land, with a strange people — a strange environment, with a different climate and different civilisation from what they had known, and therefore needed advice and guidance. People simply came, and acclimated themselves as best they could. It was every one for himself. All they knew was the propaganda they were fed — that "this is our land, which has been promised to us," "this is our Home," "this belongs to us." The leaders might have taken advice and instruction from the English Colonization Bureau on how to settle people in foreign countries with a different civilization. They would have learned that the first thing to do was to gain the friendship of the native inhabitants and win their confidence. Thus a great deal of the ensuing friction could have been avoided. To the comments that may be made that this is "hindsight" on my part, I wish to affirm that as long as twelve years ago, on my return from my trip to Palestine, I called the attention of Mr. Louis Lipsky, then and still one of the leaders of World Zionism, to these matters. I suggested to him that a special branch of the Zionist Organization be opened in Palestine, whose function it would be to bring about a better understanding between the Jews I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 407 and the Arabs. I proposed to several active Zionists that leaflets be issued, and a newspaper published, in the language of the Arabs, explaining to the Arab masses that we were their friends, and not their enemies — that their true enemies were to be found among their own — among the Arab land barons who wished to exploit them; that the Jews were bringing wealth into the country, which would result in more comforts and higher wages and better living conditions for them. I admitted that the cost of thus educating the native population would come to about forty or fifty thousand dollars a year, but argued that since we were raising millions every year for the Keren Hayesod, it would be worth while to spend forty or fifty thousand a year for this purpose. But the only reply I received was: "It's too bad, but we haven't got money for it." I also mentioned the matter to Mr. Sokolow, one of the finest and most sensible of men, and one of the greatest intellects of our times. "This plan has to originate from the head of the organisation," he advised me. "If someone else proposes it, it will not be listened to." Judge Harry M. Fisher, who was in Palestine the year preced- ing my visit, informed me that he felt the same way about the situation as I did and had spoken about it to Dr. Weismann, but had received an evasive answer. The same tactics were employed when the proposal of the parti- tion of Palestine was made by England to the Zionist leaders. I feel that an important matter of that sort should have been handled with the utmost care, and full consideration given it before any public statement was made by those speaking with authority. But this was not done. No sooner had England made the offer of a certain part of Palestine to be allotted to the Jews, with the privilege of forming their own state, under the protec- tion of England, than a flood of insults was hurled against her. 408 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS Some termed it "the great betrayal"; some shouted, "We were sold out," and many addressed England in harsh terms. I considered these methods wrong at the time, and am still of that opinion. During this period, I wrote a long article on the subject, setting forth my views, which was subsequently published. In proposing partition, England committed herself to the state' ment that "Jewish National Home" meant a self-governing Jewish state. As a matter of fact, the term, "Jewish National Home" had never been clearly defined by any of our leaders. Every Zionist leader explained it in a different way, usually very vaguely. Even Mr. Norman Bentwich, for many years attorney general for the English government in Palestine, and who should certainly have been able to do so, could not give us a proper definition. Five or six years ago, he visited Chicago and was given a dinner by the Zionist Organisation of this city, at which he spoke. He after" ward called for questions, upon which I rose and asked him the meaning of the phrase, "Jewish National Home." "You can ascertain that," he replied evasively, "if you read my book." I could not help but comment that if it was necessary to read a book of several hundred pages in order to secure the desired in- formation, there was something wrong with the writer, with the definition or with the phrase. I was never able to get a satisfactory answer on this point. The only man who clearly declared that the Jewish State meant a full'fledged political state, with its own government, its own laws and its own defense force, was Vladimir Jabotinsky, whom the leaders of Zionism ignored and refused to take seriously. When the question of partition was taken up at the next World Zionist Congress, it was debated for many days, after which a conclusion was reached which still left the matter open. If I am I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 409 not mistaken, the English government was informed that the offer in the form in which it was made was unacceptable. I believe that had the Zionist Organization, representing the Zionists throughout the world, accepted England's proposition then, even with some reservations, we would now have a real and positive claim, because of England's commitment, and I doubt whether England would have acted, as she has now, regarding the Jewish situation in Palestine. * * * It is to my great regret that some among our Jewish leaders in this country likewise acted very unwisely when the Hitler regime suddenly and unexpectedly fell upon the Jews like wild beasts. Since my childhood, I was aware that we Jews were liable to be mistreated, in one way or another. At home I very often heard about "burlakes," which term was applied to the Russian rabble, and about the Cossacks, and listened to accounts of how they sometimes fell upon Jews and robbed and mistreated them. In fact, every night, before we went to sleep, we would barricade our doors heavily, both summer and winter, for fear of assault. Later on, when I had gone to Germany, I heard of special anti' Jewish laws which existed in Russia, and the German Jews would call conferences to discuss means of remedying the situation. Then, when I came to America, we heard of pogroms in Russia, upon which the American Jews, the English Jews and the German Jews held conferences and used what influence they could, through their business connections and the assistance of their several gov ernments, to alleviate the situation. The worst pogrom was the one in Kishinev, and later on we heard of other pogroms in many of the cities of Russia, which lasted for several days. Occasionally, we heard of outbreaks in other countries, but these were compara' tively of little consequence. At the conferences called on these occasions by our Jewish leaders, many of which I attended, in both Chicago and New 410 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS York, discussions were carried on as to the best means of helping the Jews in Russia, and these discussions were concerned chiefly with what influence could be exerted through diplomatic channels and other peaceful means. Nothing was decided without calm and careful deliberation. Upon the intervention of foreign governments, as urged by the Jewish citizens of those governments, Russia usually expressed her regret, explained that the outrages had been committed by uncon' trolled mobs, without the knowledge of the authorities; that the government had intervened to subdue these mobs, and promised to punish the ringleaders. Thus, by talking things over calmly, when such an emergency arose, and exerting their influence through diplomatic channels, instead of through direct action, our Jewish leaders were, as a rule, able to secure relief and assurances that these things would not happen again. Under Hitler, it was no longer an irresponsible mob that could be called to account, but the government itself which let loose its fury upon helpless, innocent Jews. The fact that the authority came directly from the government, and that it was the govern' ment of a nation which had been extolled as one of the most cultured and enlightened nations of the world, fell like a thunder' bolt, not only upon the Jews of Germany themselves, but on Jews and nonjews everywhere. The press of the world was aroused at this calamity, the like of which had not occurred for hundreds of years. It was to be expected that in this distressing situation, the leaders of the Jews in this country, or those who considered them' selves the leaders, should have carefully discussed the matter from every possible angle, and conferred with other leaders, to deter' mine upon the wisest way to proceed. Unfortunately, several of these so'called leaders, acting without proper authority, or due consideration, became excited and made I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 411 use of demonstrations, mass meetings, abuse and slander, and finally the boycott. There appeared on the scene our "brave" American Jews, our band of Davids, who unafraid and unaided would slay the Nasi giant. The vocal fire-eaters began their barrage of noise, which has continued all these years, with incredible endurance — and with infinite injury to our people. With threats and defiance, with parade and protest, with frenzy and clamor, these dauntless heroes sharpened and swung in all directions that two-edged sword, the boycott. They gave no heed to the frantic implorings of the German Jews, nor to the discreet advice of persons high in the councils of government. Neither did they consult responsible Jewish organizations which had been in existence for many decades. "We Jews of America must do something," they shouted, through loud-speakers and headlines. "We must not be 'sha-sha' men, 'mayofesnicks/ cowards, like the assimilators. We must fight to the bitter end." It did not seem to occur to these shouters that there are dif- ferent ways of fighting — of gaining one's object. An example of a better method is the one used in connection with the dra- matic episode of which we have recently been reading in the news- papers — the tragic predicament of the 907 Jewish men, women and children, fleeing the Nazi inferno, marooned on a ship which carried them from port to port, all refusing them refuge. So desperately hopeless was the situation that several hundred of the passengers formed a secret suicide pact, while several hundred more patrolled the decks to avert any self-destruction . For five weeks this boatload of human beings was tossed about on the high seas, with no hope of haven anywhere. Who was it that finally persuaded four nations of the world to accept the wanderers, and furnished the necessary funds? Was it these noisy boycotters — the self-styled "fighters for Jewish 412 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS rights throughout the world"? No! It was the very persons they maligned — those whom they called "Yahudim," cowards, "sha' sha" men. Quietly and without fanfare, the latter went about the business of rescue. I quote here the cable received from the passengers of the S.S. St. Louis by the American Joint Distribution Committee, express' ing their heartfelt appreciation and gratitude to that committee for effecting their deliverance: June, 1939. "Morris C. Troper European Chairman American Joint Distribution Committee Paris (France) "The 907 passengers of St. Louis dangling for last thirteen days between hope and despair received today your liberating message of the 13 th June that final arrangements for all passen' gers have at last been reached. Our gratitude is as immense as the ocean, on which we are now floating since May 13 th, first full of hope for a good future and afterwards in the deepest despair. Accept Mr. Chairman for you and for the American Joint Distribution Committee, and last but not least, for the governments of Belgium, Holland, France and England, the deepest and eternal thanks of men, women and children united by the same fate on board the St. Louis. Committee of Passengers Joseph, Chairman. ,, This is an example of accomplishment that should cause the demagogues among us to resolve to mend their ways and heed the advice of these wiser men. Indeed, it is easy to show heroism from a distance of several thousand miles. The "war" against Hitler was waged with loud campaigns in the largest centers of Jewish population, with mass I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 413 meetings, street demonstrations, and the public launching of the boycott. In Chicago, for instance, instead of calling together a dozen outstanding communal leaders for careful planning of action (as had been advised) a "committee" hastily organized a mass meet' ing. As a spectacle, of a kind, it was a success. By acclamation it was decided to stage a procession through the principal streets, with mass meetings to follow in various sections of the city. Anyone advising caution was shouted down. The excited people would not listen. I tried to tell the audience at that first meeting that we had positive information from the American Jewish Committee that the Jews in Germany were bitterly opposed to public demonstrations. I tried to explain that the Jewish leaders in Paris, specifically authorized to speak for German Jewry, had telephoned to New York, begging American Jews to refrain from such expressions, since they would only incite the Nazis to greater outrages. But the audience, egged on by its demagogic leaders, would not hear me. Demonstrations took place in Chicago, New York and many other large cities, and a thrilling time was had by all. By all, that is, except the German Jews. The boycott, publicly pro' claimed and promoted, aggravated the crisis many fold. Whereas, the demonstrations as such were only affronts to the sensitive "Fuehrer" and his aides, the boycott threatened material injury. "Judah has declared war against Germany," shrieked Goebbels. "From now on it is war against all Jews, everywhere." Goering also early issued a warning. He proclaimed to the German Jews that they would be held responsible for the actions of the American Jews — that if the demonstrations and other measures continued, the Jews in Germany would pay dearly for it. The political effects of the boycott within the Reich are trace able by all those who will take the trouble to examine the matter. On May 20, 1933, the editor of the New York "Staats-Zeitung," 414 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS Bernard H. Ridder, a man friendly to the Jews, published in his paper an interview he had with Hitler, during which the latter said: "We seised only some Jews who were identified with Com' munist, Marxist, or atheistic movements, but the Jews of America have declared a boycott against Germany and now we shall make them pay for it." Not only the German Jews, but Jews all over the world have been jeopardised. We know that Germany is pouring out millions of dollars for Nasi propaganda in the United States alone. We can only imagine the vast fortune spent in spreading race hatred in other parts of the world since Hitler declared war on the Jews, "because of the boycott," as he and his lieutenant, Goebbels, have more than once stated. While our "leaders" have been concentrating on Germany, and heroically attacking Hitler verbally from America, they have shown themselves helpless against the poisonous anti-Semitic propaganda spread by the hundreds of Nasi organisations in this country which have rapidly been springing up. What have they done to stop the spread of the myriads of anti- Jewish leaflets and pamphlets which are being circulated freely in the large popula- tion centers of the country, especially in New York City, the stronghold of the boycotters? What did they do about the recent mass meeting of 20,000 Nasis in New York City, where race hatred was openly preached — and what are they doing about Father Coughlin? These Nasi activities have been strengthened by many Ameri- can Germans who might have been at least noncommital but who, because of the publicly-declared boycott against their Fatherland, have joined the enemy camp by the thousands. Many million Americans of German blood, whether anti-Hitler or not, know that through the boycott the Fatherland is menaced and the suf- ferings of its people, their relatives, increased. To expect German- Americans to condone the boycott is therefore to expect the I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 415 unnatural. Thus, in America, we have millions of Germans, formerly neutral, who are now retaliating against the Jews. Make no mistake about it — whether openly or secretly, directly or indirectly, the "counter-boy cott" goes on! What is particularly sad, is that all the hullabaloo was unneces- sary. In reality, a boycott already existed before our "machers," our notoriety seekers, shouted it from the housetops. Most Jews and many non-Jews were spontaneous in their refusal to buy Ger- man products. What would have been the wiser course would have been to have helped the non-Jews organize the boycott care- fully among those interested and concerned, and not to have blazoned forth and flaunted our leadership. Signs had not been wanting that world public opinion had been aroused and was having its effect on the Nazi brutes. The press described with horror the outrages committed against the Jews, and the liberal non-Jewish elements condemned the Hitler terror and called for help for its victims. The widespread concern manifested by governments and peo- ples, together with the strong stand taken by Cabinet Minister Dr. Schacht, plainly had a restraining effect in this early period. For awhile, a moderation in policy was noticeable. The troubles of German Jewry, though far from over, seemed to be steadily decreasing. There was ground for hoping that in time the hound- ing and baiting of Jews would die out in the Reich. All observa- tion and reliable information supported this hope. And everyone interested began to feel relieved and encouraged. In our own country, the Secretary of State, Cordell Hull, fol- lowing representations made to him by Dr. Cyrus Adler, head of the American Jewish Committee, had instructed the American embassy in Berlin to have the consulates in the principal cities of Germany investigate and report to him with a view to extending aid. Later Mr. Hull stated in a letter to Dr. Adler that his reports indicated that the German Government had ordered physical 416 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS attacks upon Jews stopped, that Hitler and Minister von Papen had appealed to their followers to halt the "hooligan" persecution, on the ground that it was bringing down discredit upon the new regime and seriously embarrassing it in its relations with other countries. It might be well to mention here, for the information of the reader, some facts about the American Jewish Committee, which has indicated its opposition to the boycott. This organisation has been in existence for thirty-odd years, and has been composed of Jews of the finest type — men of high stand' ing and great influence, men of learning, men prominent in in- dustry and in the professions — men of great responsibility. The present head of the organisation, Dr. Cyrus Adler, is president of Dropsie College, of Philadelphia, president of the Jewish Theological Seminary of New York, and one of the leaders of the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, which raised about $125,000,000 to relieve the distress of the war suf- ferers, following the World War. He is a man whose voice carries weight with our government and with the leading Jews through' out the world. Preceding him in the presidency of the American Jewish Committee was the well-known late Louis Marshall. This Committee, which was organised after the Kishinev pogrom, has for its purpose the protection of the civil and re- ligious rights of Jews throughout the world, and has direct connec- tions with similar organisations in other countries. The B'nai BVith, the oldest Jewish organisation in the world, and the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, also did not approve of the boycott. Many other responsible and promi- nent groups and individuals, have expressed themselves at one time or another as strongly against the boycott. Among the latter is the well-known scholar and author, Rabbi Solomon Gold- man, who is now president of the Zionist Organisation of America, and Judge Harry M. Fisher, who had argued that Cartoon appearing in a Chicago newspaper, on the occasion of Dr. Ch< Weizmann's visit to this city in the summer of 1921. I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 417 through the boycott we were playing into the hands of the Nasis, since this gave them justification for continued persecutions. From various reliable sources, we had information that the majority of the Germans in Germany were at first opposed to the anti-Semitic policy of the Hitler government; but after the boycott was declared, there was a change of attitude, and these same Germans were led to believe that now the Hitler regime was justified in its program. Since Hitler's accession to power, several Zionist World Con- gresses have been held, representing practically all the countries in the world, especially the European countries. At none of these Congresses was any mention made of the boycott, and there was never any indication that the World Zionist Organisation was in favor of it. Further, although it was known that Palestine was transacting business with Germany to the extent of about five million dollars a year, no criticism was ever made of these activities at any of the Congresses. In an article published in the April, 1939, issue of the Cosmo- politan magazine, Karl H. Von Wiegand, famous American for- eign correspondent who has known Hitler intimately, writes as follows, concerning interviews he had with him in connection with the Jewish situation: "Adolph Hitler considers himself at war with World Jewry. Jews, he holds, have attempted to frustrate some of his plans. He maintains that they are responsible for a far-reaching boycott of German goods. It has affected the German export trade. That is striking at him. "There is no 'turning the other cheek' about Hitler. He strikes back. He can strike the sixteen million Jews in the world only through the half million in Germany, so he hits them. Women, children, aged — it matters not. To him there are none innocent if they are Jews. Out of the Reich! Hitler's curse is on them. 418 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS "It has been difficult to approach him on the subject of modify ing the decrees against the Jews. He becomes infuriated. A large section of opinion in the army is against the persecution of the Jews — not out of love of the Jews but for the very practical rea- son that it has brought the world down on Germany; that only twenty years after the war Germany is again facing an outraged world. That means nothing to Hitler. Defiance simply steels his determination, his will, an uncontrollable will that is in process of becoming his master. "Large sections of the German people of all classes from the lowest to the highest, even high functionaries in the Nasi party, have been shocked by some of the decrees against the Jews and by the methods of persecution. The vast majority of Germans want to live at peace and in friendly relations with the world. They desire the world's respect. To those sections, the Jewish persecution is something counterfeit German." Through personal experience, I am aware of the attitude of the Jews in Germany toward the methods adopted by the Jews in America. I was in Germany in 1933, six months after Hitler had come into power. It happened to be during the High Holidays, and I attended Yom Kippur services at the Orianenburg Synagogue, in Berlin, which I understand is the largest synagogue in Germany. It holds about thirty-five hundred people. Contrary to the general opinion that all German Jews are Reformed, it is surprising to discover that the services in this great synagogue are conducted along strictly Orthodox lines. The only "Reformed" note is that an organ is used. The prayer books are exactly like those we use in our Orthodox services here, except that they are printed in Ger- man on one side and in Hebrew on the other. The men and women do not sit together, the women sitting in the balcony. Both wear head coverings, and the men wear prayer shawls. Dur- ing the Yom Kippur services, no one leaves his place, but remains I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 419 the entire day, fasting and praying. I, too, as a visitor, was pro- vided with prayer book and prayer shawl. I want to emphasise that these were the usual services, as I had witnessed them several times previously in the same synagogue. On this occasion, Rabbi Warshauer officiated, and the scene was a most sad and impressive one. "Alas," he said, "many of us are not here to pray with us. Many are missing, innocent victims of untrue accusations. We are charged with all kinds of crimes, which our accusers know to be not true. But it must be the will of Providence, as it is writ- ten." And as the entire congregation wept with him, he intoned the age-old chant: "On the first day of the year it is inscribed, and on the day of atonement the decree is sealed, who shall live and who shall die, who shall perish by fire, and who by water, who by wild beasts and who by the sword, who by hunger and who by thirst, who by strangling and who by stoning, who shall have rest and who shall go wandering." When he concluded, the floor was actually wet with the silent tears of those gathered there. So deeply was I affected that I did not sleep that night, and the memory of this heart-rending scene has remained vividly with me. After the fast and the services, I went to visit the office of the Central Verein in Berlin, which organisation represents and speaks for all the Jews in Germany. I wished to discuss with the leaders of the organisation the possibilities of help for them from the American Jews. To my queries, they gave but one answer: "Let the Jews of America send us financial help for our unem- ployed and starving. Any other help we do not want — otherwise they cannot help, they can only harm us!" 420 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS I urged that there must be some additional way in which we could assist them, but at this, they exclaimed: "For God's sake, tell the American Jews that if they cannot help us financially, they should leave us alone!" I was amazed at the change that had come over Germany during the six months since Hitler's accession to power. On my previous visit, some nine months before, I had seen happy-looking people moving freely and undisturbed about the streets, busily occupied with their affairs. Now I beheld faces that bore the imprint of anxiety and bewilderment. The people moved about as though in a daze, as though not yet entirely able to grasp the calamity that had befallen them. They spoke to each other in whispers, and regarded their fellows with distrust. This, I may add, was true, not of the Jews only, but of the vast populace of native Germans. There was no gaiety anywhere — the music had been stilled in restaurants and cafes — and over everything had settled a deadly pall. A definite feeling of tension was in the air, and every one went about as though dreading what the next moment might bring. Above all, one sound filled the streets — the sound of march' ing men. They seemed to be everywhere — always marching, marching. During my stay of ten days, I was nervous and uneasy, and anxious to get away. Two days before I left Germany, however, a rather pleasant incident occurred, which cheered me a little. I had stopped over in Wuerzburg on business, and finishing around five o'clock, I paused for tea in a cafe. A young man in Nazi uniform suddenly approached my table, and gave the Nazi salute. He asked whether I knew him, and I informed him that I did not. Though not exactly frightened, I must confess I was rather disturbed. I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 421 The young man thereupon reminded me that about two years before, he had been standing before the door of that very cafe, one evening, during a heavy rainstorm, when I entered. He had asked my permission to go inside with me, as though accompany ing me, so that he might sit for a while in the warm room. I had assented and allowed him to sit with me at my table. Upon heap ing his story, that he was penniless, hungry, cold and out of work, and had a sick mother at home, I had ordered food for him and given him two marks with which to buy some food for his mother. As the youth talked, I recalled the incident. I complimented him on how he had grown since that time, and how manly he now looked. The young man then called over three of his companions, recounted the incident to them, and thanked me, in their presence, for the kindness I had shown him. They all saluted me graciously as they left. The friendliness of these young fellows relieved to some extent the dreariness I experienced during those ten miserable days in Germany. I could not help but realise, however, what a terrible thing the new regime was doing in taking such decent, friendly youngsters and gradually turning them into brutes, destroying in them all humane feeling. The proponents of direct action will protest that the Nazi leadership would have pursued the same murderous course against us no matter what we did or left undone. That is mere specula' tion. We cannot guess what might have been. But even assuming that the Hitler program could not have been swerved, the question is still whether our boycott has been beneficial or harmful to the Jewish people. I submit that on its record the fcfc Jewish-led^ "* boycott has hurt our people a thousand times more than it has hurt our enemies. Wherever the Nazis have seized power, as in Austria, Czechoslovakia, etc., the Jews are suffering torture and death. 422 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS Their evil influence has penetrated into other countries, and even into Palestine. I have termed it a fc fc Jewish-led" 1 "* boycott. We know that the American Federation of Labor and other groups have at various times declared for an anti-Nazi boycott, and we also know that on the basis of numbers, the Jews cannot be responsible for more than a minor fraction of the resulting reduction in German export trade. But because of the hue and cry raised by the Jewish boycott' leaders, our people have been "credited" with all the economic difficulties resulting, and in reprisal, ever more fiendish schemes have been launched against Germany's Jews. The boycotters retort, "What would you have us do — take it 'lying down 1 — allow them to trample on us?" The answer is that it is not "us" but the Jews of Germany who are prostrate and being trampled on. Why were not they consulted? They were con' sistently, frantically opposed, not only to the boycott, but even to protest meetings. What do we do when a loved one is in the hands of kid' nappers? Or when we are held up at the point of a gun? What would you think of the advice to "make a fight of it?" What would you think of the person giving such advice from a safe distance? Yes, the boycott is a grandiose gesture — but the odds are hopeless. The results are closely analagous to those in the case of a kidnapping or holdup. Let those who urged heroics against our barbaric persecutors consider that the population of Germany is seventy million, with thirty million more Germans in other coun' tries, with a strong, ruthless government behind them, while we Jews total sixteen million, scattered about, disunited, and without government backing. Let our magniloquent defi'hurlers consider another simple fact: England, France, Russia and other powers have repeatedly suffered injury and humiliation from the Nazis. I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 423 But because they felt they could not afford a fight, they have not struck back, nor even "talked back." It is of interest to know that the Catholics did not officially declare a boycott, although they likewise have suffered perseoi' tion by Hitler and his followers. Hundreds of nuns and priests were imprisoned, church property confiscated and Catholic schools closed, yet no boycott was advocated. We can surmise what the effect of such a declaration by the Pope would have been on the Hitler regime. I think it can be taken for granted that the reason the Pope refrained from taking such a step was that he feared that by doing so, the welfare of the twenty or twenty-five million Catholics in Germany would be seriously endangered. The heroics which these great powers cannot afford, we Jews apparently can! There are those who will say it is easy to be wise after the event — that no one could have foreseen developments. Yet it is not a case of "hindsight." The consequences of the boycott were predicted by those of us who tried to prevent this dangerous blunder. The boycott leaders would not listen and the masses could not hear us because of the din raised by those leaders. I remember stepping into a boycott meeting over five years ago, where a supply of boycott stamps was being passed out. These were of a violent and ugly character, and I felt it would be a grave mistake to circulate them. I pleaded that they be destroyed and that new stamps be printed merely bearing the words, "For the benefit of German refugees. " I offered to pay the cost, amount- ing to several hundred dollars. But I was overruled. The unsightly stamps, with their aggressive legend and offensive illustration, were widely distributed. I am sure they did incalculable damage. Oh well, some may say, the boycott leaders meant well. So did the bear who flattened his master's face when he killed a bee on the master's nose. 424 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS Why wouldn't they — why won't they — be guided by those who know intimately the situation in Germany, the condition of the German Jews, the make-up of the Nasi overlords and masses? What is to be done now? Can anything be done? At this writing, of course, it may be too late for anything to help. Yet the situation, in my opinion, might have been alleviated if, earlier, there had been a complete reversal of policy and the boycott and its leaders utterly and entirely repudiated. Whether this would have been of any consequence is problematical. However, we still have nothing to lose, and perhaps much to gain, by even now repudiating the boycott and its instigators. At any rate, at present, we ought to concentrate on raising money for the needy and oppressed abroad. In addition, constant and untiring effort is necessary to induce governments and groups to intercede for us, to ameliorate conditions wherever possible. Our policy should be one of defending and not offending. We must regain a demeanor and conduct that will unceasingly appeal to the conscience of the world. We must drop all aggressiveness and restore, in its place, our age-old policy of "dignified endur- ance." An aggressive policy on our part can only serve to immobilise and even alienate our non- Jewish friends, who might otherwise help through economic, political or educational channels. If we insist on taking things into our own hands, we undo the efforts at "wire-pulling" or diplomatic pressure by "friends at court" — by statesmen or diplomats of nations wielding incomparably greater power and influence than our mistaken leaders can aspire to in the world's affairs. There is also involved here a factor affecting the masses at large. Though intangible, this factor is of transcendent importance, be- cause in our struggle, the attitude of the world's millions will in the long run prove decisive. When one who is attacked strikes back aggressively, he somehow forfeits the sympathy and aid I DRAW A FEW CONCLUSIONS 425 offered by onlookers to the weak and helpless. Witness the quick proffer of assistance to the child, the aged, the crippled, just because they cannot fight back. In the history of the last two thousand years, the Jew has never before fought back. His only defense has been prayer and resigna- tion. In that role, against the background of his history and his service to civilisation, the Jew has aroused compassion in the finer spirits of mankind, and even among the meaner he commanded a certain respect. That is how he has been enabled to survive. But now, as the self-sufficient and even arrogant killer of giants, he has stepped out of character, and his would-be helpers are constrained to let him find his own salvation. Our aim is not to destroy Hitlerism, but to survive it. We cannot destroy Nazism. That is the world's job, and let us hope it will be accomplished soon. Alone, as a small fragment of the world's population, we are lost in battle. One of our vital aims must be to reawaken the con- science of others, and in the meantime exercise self-control and silent endurance. However, there is one weapon we can use — and that is the weapon of propaganda. With all our strength, we should utilize every means to make the accomplishments of the Jews throughout history known to the world, especially their achievements in Ger- many, in science, music, medicine, literature, etc. And these are legion. For example, it was a non-Jew who said recently, referring to pre-Hitler Germany, that if the Jewish contributions were taken away from Germany, little of its greatness would be left. That is the sort of fight to which we must devote our energies — a fight for ourselves, and not against someone else. Therein con- sists the difference between our present course and the program I am proposing. The latter is the surest road to victory. The spirit underlying this program is indicated in two little anecdotes with which I shall conclude. 426 MY FIRST EIGHTY YEARS When in January of last year, the Orthodox Rabbis, convened in Atlantic City, publicly wept and prayed for the Jews of Ger' many, they were far wiser and more practical than those who disdain such "empty words." The impressive proceedings, if earnestly publicised, would accomplish more good than boycott ballyhoo. In Berlin, on a Jewish holiday, Nasi officials invaded a syna' gogue and demanded hidden arms. Pointing to the Ark holding the Holy Scrolls, the Rabbi answered, "There you will find our hidden arms, the only weapons the Jews possess." The verdict of the centuries is with these Rabbis. "They that live by the sword shall perish by the sword." Prayer, patience, endurance, education, are our only effective weapons. THE END I close these memoirs with the sincere hope that the readers of this boo\ have enjoyed accompanying me in these pages through "my first eighty years." Especially do I hope that the present members of my family and their descendants, in reading of these trials and anxieties, of the joys and sorrows of their ancestors, may come to better understand them, and themselves. I shall be greatly pleased if from these recorded experiences they glean something that shall be of value to them in their own lives in the years to come. ERRATA (Author deeply regrets the following omissions and errors) : Page 354. In listing the names of Harris 1 children, the name of his son, Louis, was inadvertently omitted. Harris left seven children, not six. Louis Horwich is a worthy son of his brilliant father. By profession he is an architect., although at present he is in the manufacturing business. He is an earnest Hebrew scholar, and in spite of the many demands upon his time, continues his studies. He married Celia Friedlen, a very fine woman, and they have four children. * * * In the chapter on Zionism, the author neglected to mention the well known affiliated youth organization, Avukah. This group has branches in universities throughout the country and has a farTeaching cultural program. * * * Among the first women active in Zionism was Miss Emilia Jerusalim' sky. When but a young girl, she acted as secretary of the original group, the Knights of Zion, and subsequently became president of Clara de Hirsch branch. * * * In the chapter on Leading Chicago Zionists, the name of A. Z. Hah perin was regrettably omitted. For many years he was an active and valued member of the Zionist Organization, and at one time was chairman of a drive for the Keren Hayesod, raising a large amount of money. He himself has been a liberal contributor to the cause. * * * The author neglected to mention Mrs. Minnie Specter, a distant rek' tive, who was also related to the Rabbi Ishaya mentioned in the early part of the book. She is particularly worthy of mention for her fine character, as indicated in her return recently to the author of the sum of $100.00, which he had given to her over twentyfive years ago, when she was in need of assistance. He had neither expected its return, nor did he remember the incident until she recalled it to him. * * * The name of Judge Hugo M. Friend, one of our outstanding jurists, should have been included among Chicagoans active in public welfare work. * * * Page 113. Itze Note is survived by two fine daughters, Hulda David' son and Minnie Breakstone, both of whom reside in New York. Itze Note had a brother, named Moishe Chaim, who became a prominent dress manu' f acturer. Those of his children known to the author are : Mrs. Jacob Lunitz, Mrs. Rosa Epstein, and Max Horowitz, of New York. * * * Page 223. The name, "Abe Klonek" (in the second line from the top) is incorrectly spelled. It should read, "A. J. Clonick. ,, * * * Page 234. The name, "Abe Kahn," in the 15th line from the top, should be "Ab Cahan." * * * Page 352. The date of Harris 1 death should be April 5, 1920. JB£*:Sk Sfm w 188 y r» v < <4IMbJ X* :' mmm «E ^tViJt. «f- *V*