NOTICE: Return or renew all Library Materialsl The Minimum Fee for each Lost Book is $50.00. The person charging this material is responsible for its return to the library from which it was withdrawn on or before the Latest Date stamped below. Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for discipli- nary action and may result in dismissal from the University. To renew call Telephone Center, 333-8400 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN L161— O-1096 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2015 https://archive.org/details/lifevoyagesofchr03irvi_0 ♦ fRVING'S COLUMBUS. VOLUME III. PEOPLE'S EDITION. F . F U T N THE LIFE AND VOYAGES OP JSTOPHER COLUMBUS; TO WHICH ARE ADDED THOSE OP HIS OOMPAi^IOITS. WASHINGTON IRVING. Venient annis Bsecula seris, quibus Oceanus Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens Pateat tfllu", Tethysque novos DetegaJ orV is, nec sit terris Ultima Tb ile. Seneca : Jfcrfaa AUTH( K'S REVISED EDITION VOL. m. NEW YORK G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 27 AND 29 West 23d Street 1887 Entered according to Act of Coni^ress, in the year 1868, by G. P. PuTNAjn AND Son, the Clerk's Ot5i«"e of the District Court for the Southern Diatriot cd New York. ^1 % > 1^ CONTENTS. . \%%^% ALONZO DE OJEDA. HIS FIRSTVOYAGE, IN WHICH HE WAS ACCOMPANIED B"I AMERIGO VESPUCCI. PAGl Chap. I. — Some Account of Ojeda — of Juan de la Cosa — of Amerigo Vespucci. — Preparations for the Voyage. — (A. D. 1499.) 17 Chap. II. — Departure from Spain. — Arrival on the Coast of Paria. — Customs of the Natives . . 23 Chap. III. — Coasting of Terra Firma. Military Ex- pedition of Ojeda 26 Chap. IV. — Discovery of the Gulf of Venezuela. — Transactions there. — Ojeda explores the Gulf. — Penetrates tc Maracaibo 29 Chap. V. — Prosecution of the Voyage. — Return to Spain 34 PEDRO A. NINO AND CHRIS. GUERRA. A, D. 1499 37 VICENTE YANEZ PINZON. A, D. 1499 43 DIEGO DE LEPE AND R. DE BASTIDES. k D 150C 59 ALONZO DE OJEDA. SECOND VOYAGE. A. D. 1502 67 367112 CONTENTS, ALONZO DE OJEDA. THIRD VOYAGE. PlOl Chap. I. — Ojeda applies for a Command. — Has a Ri- val Candidate in Diego de Nicuesa. — His Success (1509) . 68 Chap. II. — Feud between the Rival Governors Ojeda and Nicuesa. — A Challenge 71 Chap. III. — Exploits and Disasters of Ojeda on the Coast of Carthagena. — Fate of the Veteran Juan la Cosa 78 Chap. IV. — Arrival of Nicuesa. — Vengeance taken on the Indians 85 Chap. V. — Ojeda founds the Colony of San Sebastian. — Beleaguered by the Indians .... 90 Chap. VI. — Alonzo de Ojeda supposed by the Savages to have a charmed Life. — Their Experiment to try the Fact ......... 93 Chap. VII. — Arrival of a strange Ship at San Se- bastian 95 Chap. VIII. — Factions in the Colony. — A Conven- tion made 98 Chap. IX. — Disastrous Voyage of Ojeda in the Pirate Ship 100 Chap. X. — Toilsome March of Ojeda and his Com- panions through the Morasses of Cuba . . 102 Chap. XI. — Ojeda performs his Vow to the Virgin . 106 Chap. XII. — Arrival of Ojeda at Jamaica. — His Re- ception by Juan de Esquibel .... 108 Chap. XIII. — Arrival of Alonzo de Ojeda at San Domingo. — Conclusion of his Story . . • 111 DIEGO DE NICUESA. Chap. I. — Nicuesa sails to the Westward. — His Ship- wreck and subsequent Disasters .... 118 Chap. II. — Nicuesa and his Men on a desolate Island 120 Chap. III. — Arrival of a Boat. — Conduct of Lope de Olano 122 CONTENTS. vii PAGI Chap. IV. — Nicuesa rejoins his Crews . . . . 125 Chap. V. — Sufferings of Nicuesa and his Men o\l the Coast of the Isthmus 127 Chap. VI. — Expedition of the Bachelor Enciso in Search of the Seat of Government of Ojeda . . 131 Chap. VII. — The Bachelor hears unwelcome Tidings of his destined Jurisdiction 136 Chap. VIII. — Crusade of the Bachelor Enciso against the Sepulctres of Zenu . . . . . .138 Chap. IX. — The Bachelor arrives at San Sebastian. — His Disasters there, and subsequent Exploits at Darien 142 Chap. X. — The Bachelor Enciso undertakes the Com- mand. — His Downfall 145 Chap. XI. — Perplexities at the Colony. — Arrival of Colmenares 147 Chap. XII. — Colmenares goes in Quest of Nicuesa . 149 Chap. XIII. — Catastrophe of the unfortunate Nicuesa 153 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA, DISCOVERER OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. Chap. I. — Factions at Darien. — Vasco Nunez elevated to the Command 159 Chap. II. — Expedition to Coyba — Vasco Nunez re- ceives the Daughter of a Cacique as Hostage • . 162 Chap. III. — Vasco Nunez hears of a Sea beyond the Mountains 167 Ckap. IV. — Expedition of Vasco Nunez in Quest of the Golden Temple of Dobayba . . . .173 Chap. V. — Disaster on the Black River. — Indian Plot against Darien 178 Chap. VI. — Further Factions in the Colony. — A rro- gance of Alonzo Perez and the Bachelor Corral . 183 Chap. VII. — Vasco Nunez determines to seek the Sea beyond the Mountains 188 Chap. V HI. — Expedition in Quest of the Southern Sea . . . ... 190 viii CONTENTS PAGI Chap. IX. — Discovery of the Pacific Ocean . i 193 Chap. X. — Vasco Nuiiez marches to the Shores of the South Sea 195 Chap. XI. — Adventures of Vasco Nunez on the Pacific Ocean 20i Chap. XII. — Further Adventures and Exploits of Vasco Nunez 211 Chap. XIII. — Vasco Nunez sets out on his Return across the Mountains. — His Contests with the Sav- ages 21*. Chap. XIV. — Enterprise against Tubanama, the war- like Cacique of the Mountains. — Return to Darien 21> Chap. XV. — Transactions in Spain. — Pedrarias Da- vila appointed to the Command of Darien. — Tid- ings received in Spain of the Discovery of the Pa- cific Ocean 224 Chap. XVI. — Arrival and grand Entry of Don Pe- drarias Davila into Darien 232 Chap. XVII. — Perfidious Conduct of Don Pedrarias towards Vasco Nuiiez 236 Chap. XVIII. — Calamities of the Spanish Cavaliers at Darien 240 Chap. XIX. — Fruitless Expedition of Pedrarias . . 243 Chap. XX. — Second Expedition of Vasco Nuiiez in Quest of the Golden Temple of Doba^^ba . .245 Chap. XXI. — Letters from the King in Favor of Vasco Nunez. — Arrival of Garabito. — Arrest of Vasco Nuiiez 249 Chap. XXII. —Expedition of Morales and Pizarro to the Shores of the Pacific Ocean. — Their Visit to the Pearl Islands. — Their disastrous Return across the Mountains 253 Chap. XXIII. — Unfortunate Enterprises of the Officers of Pedrarias. — Matrimonial Compact between the Governor and Vasco Nunez 269 Chap. XXIV. — Vasco Nunez transports Ships across the Mountains to the Pacific Ocean .... 26€ CONTENTS. is PAOl Chap. XXV. — Cruise of Vasco Nunez in the Southern Sea. — Rumors from Ada 270 Chap. XXVI. — Reconnoitring Expedition of Garabito. — Stratagem of Pedrarias to entrap Vasco Nunez . 273 Chap. XXVII. — Vasco Nuiiez and the Astrologer. — His Return to Ada 276 Chap. XXVIII. ~ Trial of Vasco Nunez . . .279 Chap. XXIX. — Execution of Vasco Nuiiez . . .283 Valdivia and his Companions . . • • 287 MtiCEB CoDRO) the Astrologer .303 JUAN PONCE DE LEON, CCafQUEROR OF PORTO RICO, AND DISCOVERER OP FLORIDA. Chap. I. — Reconnoitring Expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon to the Island of Boriquen .... 305 Chap. II. — Juan Ponce aspires to the Government of Porto Rico . .309 Chap. III. — Juan Ponce rules with a strong Hand. — Exasperation of the Indians. — Their Experiment to prove whether the Spaniards were mortal . . 311 Chap. IV. — Conspiracy of the Caciques. — Fate of Sotomayor 314 Chap. V. — War of Juan Ponce with the Cacique Agueybana 319 Chap. VI. — Juan Ponce de Leon hears of a wonderful Country and miraculous Fountain .... 324 Chap. VII. — Cruise of Juan Ponce de Leon in Search of the Fountain of Youth . .... 327 Chap. VIII. — Expedition of Juan Ponce against the Canbs. — His Death 331 t CONTENTS. APPENDIX. N"o. 1. — Transportation of the Remains of Columbus from St. Domingo to the Havana .... &3f No. II. — Notice of the Descendants of Columbus • 314 No. III. — Fernando Columbus 367 No. IV. «— Age of Columbus 370 No. V. — Lmeage of Columbus ..... 372 No. VI. — Birthplace of Columbus . . . .376 No. VII. — The Colombos 386 N o, VIII. — Expedition of John of Anjou . . . 389 No. IX. — Capture of the Venetian Galleys by Colombo the Younger 392 N"©. X. — Amerigo Vespucci 395 No. XI. — Martin Alonzo Pinzon 418 No. XII. — Rumor of the Pilot said to have died in the House of Columbus 422 No. XIII. — Martin Behera 427 No. XIV. — Voyages of the Scandinavians . . . 432 No. XV. — Circumnavigation of Africa by the Ancients 440 No. XVI. — Of the Ships of Columbus .... 444 No. XVII. — Route of Columbus in his first Voyage . - 447 No. XVIII. — Principles upon which the Sums men- tioned in this Work have been reduced into modem Currency , 469 No. XIX. Prester John 471 No. XX. — Marco Polo 474 No. XXI. — The Work of Maivo Polo 487 No. XXII. — Sir John MandeviUe 494 No. XXIII. — The Zones 497 No. XXIV. — Of the Atalantis of Plato .... 499 Nc. XXV. — The imaginary Island of St. Brandan . 501 No. XXVI. — The Island of the Seven Cities . . 511 No. XXVII. — Discovery of the Island of Madeira 513 No. XXVIII. — Las Casas 518 No. XXIX.— Peter Martyr 529 No. XXX. — Oviedo 537 No. XXXI. — Cura de Los Palacios . . 539 CONTENTS. No. XXXII. Navigatione del Re de Castiglia delle Isole e Paese Nuovamente Kitrovate." — "Naviga- tio Christophori Colombi " . . , . . 54\ No. XXXIII. — Antonio de Herrera .... 543 No. XXXIV. — Bishop Fonseca 545 Nc XXXV. — Of the Situation of the Terrestrial Para- dise 551 No, XXXVI. — Will of Columbus ... .559 No. XXXVII. — Signature of Columbus . . .572 No. XXX VIII. — A Visit to Palos .... 574 No. XXXIX. — Manifesto of Alonzo de C jeda . 595 Index ,599 INTRODUCTION. THE first discovery of the Western Hemisphere has already been related by the Author in his History of Colum- bus. It is proposed by him, in the present work, to narrate the enterprises of certain of the com- panions and disciples of the admiral, who, enkindled by his zeal, and instructed by his example, sallied forth separately in the vast region of adventure to which he had led the way. Many of them sought merely to skirt the continent which he had partially visited ; to secure the first- fruits of the pearl fisheries of Paria and Cubaga ; or to explore the coast of Yeragua, which he had rep- resented as the Aurea Chersonesus of the ancients. Others aspired to accomplish a grand discovery which he had meditated towards the close of his career. In the course of his expeditions along the coast of Terra Firma, Columbus had repeatedly received informa- tion of the existence of a vast sea to the south. He supposed it to be the great Indian Ocean, the region of the Oriental spice islands, and that it must com municate by a strait with the Caribbean Sea. Hia last and most disastrous voyage was made for the ex- 12 INTRODUCTION. press purpose of discovering that imaginary strait, and making his way into the Southern Ocean. The il' lustrious navigator, however, was doomed to die, as it were, upon the threshokl of his discoveries. It waa reserv^ed for one of his followers, Yasco Nunez de Halboa, to obtain the first view of the promised ocean, from the lofty mountains of Darien, some years after tlie eyes of the venerable admiral had been closed in death. The expeditions here narrated, therefore, may be considered as springing immediately out of the voyages of Columbus, and fulfilling some of his grand designs. They may be compared to the at- tempts of adventurous knights-errant to achieve the enterprise left unfinished by some illustrious prede- cessor. Neither is this comparison entirely fanciful ; on the contrary, it is a curious fact, well worthy of notice, that the spirit of chivalry entered largely into the early expeditions of the Spanish discoverers, giving them a character wholly distinct from similar enterprises, undertaken by other nations. It will not, perhaps, be considered far-sought, if we trace the cause of this peculiarity to the domestic history of the Spaniards during the Middle Ages. Eight centuries of incessant warfare with the Moorish usurpers of the Peninsula, produced a deep and lasting efiect upon Spanish character and man- ners. The war being ever close at home, mingled itself with the domestic habits and concerns of the Spaniard. He was born a soldier. The wild and predatory nature of the war also made him a kind of chivalrous marauder. His delight was in roving in- cursions and extravagant exploits ; and no gain was so glorious in his eyes as the cavalgada of spoils and captives driven home in triumph from a plundered province. Religion, which has ever held great em- pire over the Spanish mind, lent its aid to sanctify INTRODUCTION. 13 these roving and ravaging propensities, and the Cas- tiUian cavalier, as he sacked the towns, and hiid waste the fields of his Moslem neighbor, piously be- lieved he was doing God service. The conquest of Granada put an end to the penin- sular wars between Christian and Infidel : the spirit of Spanish chivalry was thus suddenly deprived of its wonted sphere of action ; but it had been too long fostered and excited, to be as suddenly appeased. The youth of the nation, bred up to daring adventure and heroic achievement, could not brook the tran- quil and regular pursuits of common life, but panted for some new field of romantic enterprise. It was at this juncture that the grand project of Columbus was carried into effect. His treaty with the sovereigns was, in a manner, signed with the same pen that had subscribed the capitulation of the Moorish capital ; and his first expedition may almost be said to have departed from beneath the walls of Granada. Many of the youthful cavaliers, who had flashed their swords in that memorable war, crowded the ships of the discoverers, thinking a new career of arms was to be opened to them — a kind of cru- sade into splendid and unknown regions of infidels. The very weapons and armor that had been used against the Moors, were drawn from the arsenal to equip the heroes of these remoter adventures ; and 8omo of the most noted commanders in the New World, will be found to have made their first essay in arms, under the banner of Ferdinand and Isa,bella^ in their romantic campaigns among the mountains of Andalusia. To these circumstances may, in a great measure, be ascribed that swelling chivalrous spirit which will be found continually mingling, or rather warring; with the technical habits of the seaman and the sor« 14 INTRODUCTION. did scliemes of the mercenary adventurer, in tbesa early Spanish discoveries. Chivalry had left the land and launched upon the deep. The Spanish cavalier had embarked in the caravel of the discov- erer. He carried among the trackless wildernesses of the New World the same contempt of danger anc* fortitude under suffering ; the same restless, roaming spirit ; the same passion for inroad and ravage, and vainglorious exploit ; and the same fervent, and often bigoted zeal for the propagation of his faith, that had distinguished him during his warfare with the Moors. Instances in point will be found in the extravagant career of the daring Ojeda, particularly in his ad- ventures along the coast of Terra Firma and the wild shores of Cuba ; in the sad story of the " un- fortunate Nicuesa," graced as it is with occasional touches of high-bred courtesy; in the singular cruise of that brave but credulous old cavalier, Juan Ponce de Leon, who fell upon the flowery coast of Florida in his search after an imaginary fountain of youth ; and above all, in the checkered fortunes of Yasco Nunez de Balboa, whose discovery of the Pacific Ocean forms one of the most beautiful and striking incidents in the history of the New World, and whose fate might furnish a theme of wonderful interest for a poem or a drama. The extraordinary actions and adventures of these men, while they rival the exploits recorded in chival- ric romance, have the additional interest of verity. They leave us in admiration of the bold and heroic qualities inherent in the Spanish character, which led that, nation to so high a pitch of power and glory ; and which are still dis'.'ernible in the great mass of that gallant people, by those who have an opportunity^ of judging of them rightly. Before concluding these prefatory remarks, th« INTRODUCTION Jo A-utlior would acknowledge how mucli he has been indebted to the third volume of the invaluable His- torical Collection of Don Martin Fernandez de Nav arrete, wherein that author has exhibited his usual industry, accuracy, and critical acumen. He has likewise profited greatly by the second volume of Ovedo*s General History, which only exists in manu- Bcript, and a copy of which he found in the Colum- bian Library of the Cathedral of Seville. He has had some assistance also from the documents of the law case between Don Diego Columbus and the crown, which exist in the Archives of the Indies, and for an inspection of which he is much indebted to the permission of the government and the kind atten- tions of Don Josef de la Higuera y Lara, the intel- ligent keeper of the Archives. These, with the his- torical works of Herrera, Las Casas, Gomera, and Peter Martyr, have been his authorities for the facts contained in the following work, though he has not thought proper to refer to them continually at the bottom of his page. While his work was going through the press, he received a volume of Spanish Biography, written with great elegance and accm-acy, by Don Manuel Josef Quintana, and containing a life of Yasco Nunez de Balboa. He was gratified to find that his own arrangements of facts was generally corrobo- rated by this work ; though he was enabled to correct his dates in several instances, and to make a few other emendations from the volume of Senor Quin- tana, whose position in Spain gave him the means of attaining superior exactness on these points. VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. ALONZO DE OJEDA,! mS FIPHT VOYAGE, IN WHICH HE WAS ACCOM- PANIED BY AMERIGO VESPUCCI .2 CHAPTER 1. SOME ACCOUNT OF OJEDA. — OF JUAN DE LA COSA —OF AMERIGO VESPUCCI.— PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOY- AGE. [1499.] HOSE who have read the history of Co- lumbus will, doubtless, remember the character and exploits of Alonzo de Ojeda ; as some of the readers of the following 1 Ojeda is pronounced in Spanish Oheda, with a strong as- piration of the A. 2 Vespucci, pronounced Vespuchy. 18 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF pages, however, may not have persued that work, and as it is proposed at present to trace the sub- sequent fortunes of this youthful adventurer, a brief sketch of him may not be deemed super- 5uous. Alonzo de Ojeda was a native of Cuenca, in New Castile, and of a respectable family. He was brought up as a page or esquire, in the service of Don Luis de Cerda, Duke of Medina Cell, one of the most powerful nobles of Spain ; the same who for some time patronized Columbus during his application to the Spanish court.-^ In those warlike days, when the peninsula was distracted by contests between the Christian king- doms, by feuds between the nobles and the crown, and by incessant and marauding warfare with the Moors, the household of a Spanish nobleman was a complete school of arms, where the youth of the country were sent to be trained up in all kinds of hardy exercises, and to be led to battle under an illustrious banner. Such was especially the case with the service of the Duke of Medina Celi, who possessed princely domains, whose household was a petty court, who led legions of armed re- tainers to the field, and who appeared in splendid state and with an immense retinue, more as an ally of Ferdinand and Isabella, than as a subject. He engaged in many of the roughest expeditions of the memorable war of Granada, always insisting on leading his own troops in person, when the service was of peculiar difficulty and danger. Al- onzo de Ojeda was formed to signaUze himself in 1 Varones Ilustres, por F. Pizarro y Orellana, p. 41. IjH9 Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. 1. cap. 82. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 19 such a school. Though small of stature, he waa well made, and of wonderful force and activity, with a towering spirit that seemed to make up for deficiency of height. He was a bold and graceful horseman, an excellent foot soldier, dexterous with every weapon, and noted for his extraordinary skill and adroitness in all feats of strength and agility. He must have be^n quite young when he fol- lowed the Duke of Medina Celi, as page, to the Moorish v^ars ; for he was but about twenty-one years of age when he accompanied Columbus in his second voyage ; he had already, however, dis- tinguished himself by his enterprising spirit and headlong valor ; and his exploits during that voy- age contributed to enhance his reputation. He returned to Spain with Columbus, but did not ac- company him in his third voyage, in the spring of 1498. He was probably impatient of subordina- tion, and ambitious of a separate employment or command, which the influence of his connections gave him a great chance of obtaining. He had a cousin german of his own name, the reverend Padre Alonzo de Ojeda, a Dominican friar, one of the nrst inquisitors of Spain, and a great favor- ite with thf Catholic sovereigns.-^ This father in- quisitor ware, moreover, an intimate friend of the bishop Don Juan Rodriguez Fonseca, who had the chief management of the affairs of the Indies, under which general name were comprehended all the countries discovered in the New World. Through the good offices of his cousin inquisitor 1 Pizarro. Varon^s Ilustres. 20 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF therefore, Ojeda had been introduced to the notice of the bishop, who took him into his especial favor and patronage. Mention has already been made in the History of Columbus, of a present made by the bishop to Ojeda of a small Flemish paint- ing of the Holy Virgin. This the young adven- turer carried about with him as a protecting relic, invoking it at all times of peril, whether by sea or land ; and to the especial care of the Virgin he attributed the remarkable circumstance, that he had never been wounded in any of the innumer- able brawls and battles into which he was continu- ally betrayed by his rash and fiery temperament. While Ojeda was lingering about the court, letters were received from Columbus, giving aa account of the events of his third voyage, espec- ially of his discovery of the coast of Paria, wliich he described as abounding in drugs and spices, in gold and silver, and precious stones, and, above all, in Oriental pearls, and which he supposed to be the borders of that vast and unknown region of the East, wherein, according to certain learned theorists, was situated the terrestrial paradise. Specimens of the pearls, procured in considerable quantities from the natives, accompanied his epistle, together with charts descriptive of his route. These tidings caused a great sensation among the maritime adventurers of Spain ; but no one was more excited by them than Alonzo de Ojeda, who, loring the regions of the extreme East, the an- cient realm of fable, it is probable his imagination deceived him, and construed the formidable ac- counts given by the Indians of their cannibal neigh- bors of the islands, into something according with his recollections of classic fable. Certain it is, that the reports of subsequent voyagers proved the in- habitants of the island to be of the ordinary size. Proceeding along the coast, he arrived at a vast deep gulf, resembling a tranquil lake ; entering which, he beheld on the eastern side a village, the construction of which struck him with surprise. It consisted of twenty large houses, shaped like bells, and built on piles driven into the bottom of the lake, which, in this part, was limpid and of but little depth. Each house was provided with a draw-bridge, and with canoes by which the com- munication was carried on. From these resem- blances to the Italian city, Ojeda gave to the bay the name of the Gulf of Venice ; and it is called at the present day Venezuela, or little Venice ; the Indian name was Coquibacoa. When the inhabitants beheld the ships standing into the bay, looking like wonderful and unknown aparitions of the deep, they fled with terror to their houses, and raised the draw-bridges. The Spaniards remained for a time gazing with admi- ration at tliis amphibious village, when a squadron of canoes entered the harbor from the sea. On 1 Vespucci. — Letter to Lorenzo de Pier Francisco de Med« TEE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. o\ beholding the ships they paused in mute amaze- ment, and on the Spaniards attempting to approach them, paddled swiftly to shore, and plunged into the forest. They soon returned with sixteen young girls, whom they conveyed in their canoes to the ships, distributing four on board of each, either as peace-offerings or as tokens of amity and confidence. The best of understanding now seemed to be established ; and the inhabitants of the village came swarming about the ships in their canoes, and others swimming in great numbers from the shores. The friendship of the savages, however, was all delusive. On a sudden, several old women at the doors of the houses uttered loud shrieks, tearing their hair in fury. It appeared to be a signal for hostility. The sixteen nymphs plunged into the sea and made for shore ; the Indians in the canoes caught up their bows and discharged a flight of arrows, and even those who were swimming bran- dished darts and lances, which they had hitherto concealed beneath the water. Ojeda was for a moment surprised at seeing wai thus starting up on every side, and the very sea bristling with weapons. Manning his boats, he charged amongst the thickest of the enemy, shat- tered and sunk several of their canoes, killed twenty Indians and wounded many more, and spread such a panic among them, that most of the survivors flung themselves into the sea and swam to shore. Three of them were taken prisoners, and two of the fugitive girls, and were conveyed on board of the ships, where the men were put in 32 VOYAGJ^S AND DISCOVERIES OF irons. One of them, however, and the two girls^ succeeded in dexterously escaping the same night. Ojeda had but five men wounded m the affray ; all of whom recovered. He visited the houses^ but found them abandoned and destitute of booty. Notwithstanding the unprovoked hostility of the inhabitants, he spared the builduigs, that he might not cause useless irritf^tion along the coast. Continuing to explore this gulf, Ojeda penetra- tvd to a port or harbor, to which he gave the name of St. Bartholomew, but which is supposed to be the same at present known by the original Indian name of Maracaibo. Here, in compliance with the entreaties of the natives, he sent a detachment of twenty-seven Spaniards on a visit to the inte- rior. For nine days they were conducted from town to town, and feasted and almost idolized by the Indians, who regarded them as angelic beings, performing their national dances and games, and chanting their traditional ballads for their enter- tainment. The natives of this part were distinguished foi the symmetry of their forms ; the females in par ticular appeared to the Spaniards to surpass all they had yet beheld in the New World for grace and beauty. Neither did the men display in the least degree that jealousy which prevailed in the other parts of the coast ; but, on the contrary, permitted the most frank and intimate intercourse with their wives and daughters. By the time the Spaniards set out on their re- turn to the ship, the whole country was aroused, pouring forth its population, male and female, to THE COMPANIONS OF' COLUMBUS. 33 do them honor. Some bore them in litters or hammocks, that they might not be fatigued with the journey, and happy was the Indian who had the honor of bearing a Spaniard on his shoulders across a river. Others loaded themselves with the presents that had been bestowed on their guests consisting of rich plumes, weapons of variou kinds, and tropical birds and animals. In this way they returned in triumphant procession to the ships, the woods and shores resounding with their songs and shouts. Many of the Indians crowded into the boats which took the detachment to the ships ; others put off in canoes, or swam from shore, so that in a little while the vessels were thronged with up- wards of a thousand wondering natives. While gazmg and marveling at the strange objects round them, Ojeda ordered the cannon to be discharged, at the sound of which, says Vespucci, the Indians " plunged into the water like so many frogs from a bank." Perceiving, however, that it was done in harmless mirth, they returned on board, and passed the rest of the day in great festivity. The Spaniards brought away with them several of the beautiful and hospitable females from this place, one of whom, named by them Isabel, was much prized by Ojeda, and accompanied him in a sub- sequent voyage.-^ 1 Navarrete, torn. iii. p. 8. Idem. pp. 107, 108. [t is worth}^ of particular mention that Ojeda, in his report of his voyage to the sovereigns, informed them of his having* met with English voyagers in the vicinity of Coquibacoa, and that the Spanish government attached such importance to VOL. III. 8 34 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES' OF CHAPTER V. PROSECUTION OP THE VOYAGE. — RETURN TO SPAIN. Leaving the friendly port of Coquibacoa, Ojeda continued along the western shores of the Gulf of Venezuela, and standing out to sea, and doub- ling Cape Maracaibo, he pursued his coasting voy- age from port to port, and promontory to promon- tory, of this unknown continent, until he reached that long-stretching head-land called Cape de la Vela. There the state of his vessels, and perhaps the disappointment of his hopes at not meeting with abundant sources of immediate wealth in- duced him to abandon all further voyaging along the coast, and changing his course, he stood across the Caribbean Sea for Hispaniola. The tenor of information as to take measures to prevent any intrusion into those parts by the English. It is singular that no record should exist of this early and extensive expedition of English navigators. If it was undertaken in the service of the crown some documents might be found concerning it among the ar- chives of the reign of Henry VII. The English had already discovered the continent of North America. This had been done in 1497, by John Cabot, a Venetian, accompanied by his son Sebastian, who was born in Bristol. They sailed under a license of Henry VII., who was to have a fifth of the profits of the voyage. On the 24th June they discovered Newfound- Jand, and afterwards coasted the continent quite to Florida, bringing back to England a valuable cargo and several of the natives. This was the first discovery of the main-land of America. The success of this expedition may have prompiea the one which Ojeda encountered in the neighborhood *f Coquibacoa. TEE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 35 Lis commission forbade his visiting that island ; but Ojeda was not a man to stand upon trifles when his interest or inchnation prompted the con- trary. He trusted to excuse the infraction of his orders by the alleged necessity of touching at the island to calk and refit his vessels, and to procure provisions. His true object, however, is supposed to have been to cut dye-wood, which abounds in the western part of Hispaniola. He accordingly anchored at Yaquimo in Sep- tember, and landed with a large party of his men. Columbus at that time held command of the island, and hearing of this unlicensed intrusion, dispatched Francisco Roldan, the quondam rebel, to call Ojeda to account. The contest of stratagem and manage- ment which took place between these two adroit and daring adventurers, has been already detailed in the History of Columbus. Roldan was event- ually successful, and Ojeda, being obliged to leave Hispaniola, resumed his rambling voyage, visiting various islands, from whence he carried off numbers of the natives. He at length arrived at Cadiz in June, 1500, with his ships crowded with captives, whom he sold , as slaves. So meagre, however, was the result of this expedition, that we are told, when all the expenses were deducted, but five hundred ducats remained to be divided between fifty-five adventurers. What made this result the 'nore mortifying was, that a petty armament, which had sailed some tim.e after that of Ojeda, had re- turned two months before him, rich with the spoils of the New World. A brief account of ilA'^ latt^^y 36 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES, ETC, expedition is necessary to connect this series of minor discoveries, which will be found to lead to enterprises and transactions of moie stirring in- terest a«us hostility prevented them from taking a part in the subsequent voyages of Columbus 44 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF but the moment the door was thrown open foi individual enterprise, they pressed forward for permission to engage in it at their own risk and expense — and it was readily granted. In fact, their supposed hostility to Columbus was one of the surest recommendations to the favor of the Bishop Fonseca, by whom the license was issued for their expedition. Vicente Yanez Pinzon was the leader of this new enterprise, and he was accompanied by two nephews, Arias Perez and Diego Fernandez, sons of his late brother, Martin Alonzo Pinzon. Sev- eral of his sailors had sailed with Columbus in his recent voyage to Paria, as had also his three principal pilots, Juan Quintero, Juan de Umbria, and Juan de Jerez. Thus these minor voyages seemed all to emanate from the great expeditions of Columbus, and to aim at realizing the ideas and speculations contained in the papers trans- mitted by him to Spain. The armament consisted of four caravels, and was fitted out at the port of Palos. The funds of Vicente Yanez were completely exhausted be- fore he had fitted out his little squadron ; he was obliged, therefore, to purchase on credit the sea- stores and articles of traffic necessary for the enterprise. The merchants of Palos seem to have known how to profit by the careless nature of sailors and the sanguine spirit of discoverers. In their bargains they charged honest Pinzon eighty and a hundred per cent, above the market value of their merchandise, and in the hurry and THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 45 urgency of the moment he was obliged to submit CO the imposition.^ The squadron put to sea in the beginning of December, 1499, and after passing the Canary and Cape de Verde Islands, stood to the south- west. Having sailed about seven hundred leagues, they crossed the equator and lost sight of the north star. They had scarcely passed the equi- noctial line when they encountered a terrible tempest, which had vv^ell nigh swallowed up their slender barks. The storm passed away, and the firmament was again serene ; but the mariners remained tossing about in confusion, dismayed by the turbulence of the waves and the strange as- pect of the heavens. They looked in vain to the south for some polar star by which to shape their course, and fancied that some swelling prominence of the globe concealed it from their view. They knew nothing as yet of the firmament of that hemisphere, nor of that beautiful constellation, the southern cross, but expected to find a guiding star at the opposite pole, similar to the cynosure of the north. Pinzon, however, who was of an intrepid spirit, pursued his course resolutely to the west, and after sailing about two hundred and forty leagues, and being in the eighth degree of southern latitude, he beheld land afar off on the 28th of January, to i\4iich he gave the name of Santa Maria de la ConsoJacion. from the sight of it having consoled him in the midst of doubts and perplexities. It 1 Navarrete, vol. iii. See Doc. No. 7, where Vincente Yaiiez Pinzon petitions for redress. 4G VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF is now called Cape St. Augustine, and forms the most prominent part of the immense empire of Brazil. The sea was turbid and discolored as in riv- ers, and on sounding they had sixteen fathoms water. Pinzon landed, accompanied by a notary and witnesses, and took formal possession of tho territory for the Castilian crown ; no one appeared to dispute his pretensions, but he observed on the beach the print of footsteps, of gigantic size. At night there were fires lighted upon a neigh- boring part of the coast, which induced Pinzou on the following morning to send forty men well armed to the spot. A band of Indians, of about equal number, sallied forth to encounter them, armed with bows and arrows, and seemingly of extraordinary stature. A still greater number were seen in the distance, hastening to the support of their companions. The Indians arrayed them- selves for combat, and the two parties remained for a short time eyeing each other with mutual curiosity and distrust. The Spaniards now dis- played looking-glasses, beads, and other trinkets, and jingled strings of hawks' -bells, in general so captivating to an Indian ear ; but the haughty savages treated all their overtures with contempt, regarding these offerings carelessly for a short time, and then stalking off with stoic gravity. They were ferocious of feature, and apparently warlike in disposition, and are supposed to have been a wandering race of unusual size, who roamed about in the night, and were of the most fierce, untractable nature. By nightfall there wrvS act an Indian to be seen in the neighborhood. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 47 Discouraged by the inhospitable character of the coast, Pinzon made sail and stood to the north-west, until he came to the mouth of a river too shallow to receive his ships. Here he sent his boats on shore with a number of men well armed. They landed on the river banks, and be- held a multitude of naked Indians on a neighbor* ing hill. A single Spaniard, armed simply with sword and buckler, was sent to invite them to friendly intercourse. He approached them with signs of amity, and threw to them a hawk's-bell. They replied to him with similar signs, and threw to him a small gilded wand. The soldier stooped to pick it up, when suddenly a troop of savages rushed down to seize him ; he threw himself im- mediately upon the defensive, with sword and tar- get, and though but a smail man, and far from robust, handled his weapons with such dexterity and fierceness that he kept the savages at bay, making a clear circle around him, and wounding several who attempted to break it. His unlooked- for prowess surprised and confounded his assail- ants, and gave time for his comrades to come to his assistance. The Indians then made a general assault, with such a galling discharge of darts and arrows, that almost immediately eight or ten Spaniards were slain, and many more wounded. Tlie latter were compelled to retreat to their boats, disputing every inch of ground. The Indians pursued them even into the water, surrounding the boats and seizing hold of the oars. The Spaniards made a desperate defense, thrusting many through with their lances, and cutting dowi? 48 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF RiA ripping up others with their swords, but such was the ferocity of the survivors, that they per- sisted in their attack until they overpowered the crew of one of the boats, and bore it off in tinumph. With this they retired from the com- bat, and the Spaniards returned defeated and dis- heartened to their ships, having met with the roughest reception that the Europeans had yet experienced in the New AVorld. Pinzon now stood forty leagues to the north- west, until he^arrived in the neighborhood of the equinoctial line. Here he found the water of the sea so fresh that he was enabled to replenish his casks with it. Astonished at so singular a phe- nomenon, he stood in for the land, and arrived among a number of fresh and verdant islands, inhabited br a gentle and hospitable race of peo- ple, gayly painted, who came off to the ships with the most frank and fearless confidence. Pinzon soon found that these islands lay in the mouth of an immense river, more than thirty leagues in breadth, the water of which entered upward of forty leagues into the sea before losing its sweet- ness. It was, in fact, the renowned Maranoii, since known as the Orellana and the Amazon. While lying in the mouth of this river, there was a sudden swelling of the stream, which, being opposed by the current of the sea, and straitened by the narrow channels of the islands, rose more than five fathoms, with mountain waves, and a tremendous noise, threatening the destruction of the ships. Pinzon extricated his little squadron with great difficulty, and finding there was but THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 45 little gold, nor anything else of value to be found among the simple natives, he requited their hospi- tality, in the mode too common among the early discoverers, by carrying off thirty-six of them captive. Having regained the sight of the polar star, Pinzon pursued his course along the coast, passing the mouths of the Oronoko, and entering the Gulf of Paria, where he landed and cut brazil-wood. Sallying forth hy the Boca del Drago, he reached the island of Hispaniola about the 23d of June, whence he sailed for the Bahamas. Here, in the month of July, while at anchor, there came such a tremendous hurricane that two of the caravels were swallowed up with all their crews in the sight of their terrified companions ; a third parted her cables and was driven out to sea, while the fourth was so furiously beaten by the tempest that the crew threw themselves into the boats and made for shore. Here they found a few naked In- dians, who offered them no molestation ; but, fear- ing that they might spread the tidings of a handful of shipwrecked Spaniards being upon the coast, and thus bring the savages of the neighboring islands upon them, a council of war was held, whether it would not be a wise precaution to put these Indians to deaths Fortunately for the lat- ter, the vessel which had been driven from her anchors returned, and put an end to the alarm, and to the council of war. The other caravel also rode out the storm uninjured, and tho sea subsiding, the Spaniards returned on board, and made the best of their way to the island of His VOL. III. 4 50 ^nYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF paniola. Having repaired the damages sustained in tiie gale, they again made sail for Spain, and came to anchor in the river before Palos, about the end of . September. Thus ended one of the most checkered and dis- astrous voyages yet made to the New Worlds Yanez Pinzon had lost two of his ships, and many of his men ; what made the loss of the latter more grevious was, that they had been enlisted from among his neighbors, his friends, and rela- tives. In fact, the expeditions to the New World must have realized the terrors and apprehensions of the people of Palos by filling that little com- munity with widows and orphans. When the rich merchants, who had sold goods to Pinzon at a hundred per cent, advance, beheld him return in this sorry condition, with two shattered barks, and a handful of poor, tattered, weather-beaten seamen, they began to tremble for their money. No sooner, therefore, had he and his nephews de- parted to Granada, to give an account of their discoveries to the sovereigns, than the merchants seized upon their caravels and cargoes, and began to sell them, to repay themselves. Honest Pin- zon immediately addressed a petition to the gov- ernment, stating the imposition practised upon him, and the danger he w^as in of imprisonment and utter ruin, should his creditors be allowed to sac- rifice his goods at a public sale. He petitioned cnat they might be compelled to return the prop- erty thus seized, and that he might be enabled to sell three hundred and fifty quintals of brazil- woo Bartholomew and himself, in endeavoring te establish a colony on the hostile shores of Veragua. The admiral being dead, the person who should naturally have presented himself to the mind of the sovereign for this particular ser- vice, was Don Bartholomew ; but the w^ary and selfish monarch knew the Adelantado to be as lofty in his terms as his late brother, and pre- ferred to accomplish his purposes by cheaper agents. He was unwilling, also, to increase the consequence of a family, whose vast but just claims were already a cause of repining to his Bordid and jealous spirit. He looked round, therefore, among the crowd of adventurers who had sprung up in the school of Columbus, for some individual ready to serve him on more accommodating terms. Among those, considered by their friends as most fitted for this purpose, was Alonzo de Ojeda, for his roving voyages and daring exploits had made him famous among the voyagers ; and it was thought that an application on his part would be attended with success, aa he possessed a stanch friend at cDurt in the Bishop Fonseca. Unfortunately he was too fa? 68 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF distant to urge his suit to the bishop, and what was worse, he was destitute of money. At this juncture there happened to be at Hispaniola the veteran navigator and pilot, Juan de la Cosa, who was a kind of Nestor in all nautical affairs.-^ The hardy Biscayan had sailed with Ojeda, and had conceived a great opinion of the courage and talents of the youthful adventurer. He had con- trived, also, to fill his purse in the course of his cruising, and now, in the generous spirit of a sailor, offered to aid Ojeda with it in the prosecu- tion of his wishes. His offer was gladly accepted ; it was agreed that Juan de la Cosa should depart for Spain, to promote the appointment of Ojeda to the command of Terra Firma, and, in case of success, should fit out, with his own funds, the necessary arma- ment. La Cosa departed on his embassy ; he called on the Bishop Fonseca, who, as had been ex- pected, entered warmly into the views of his favorite Ojeda, and recommended him to the 1 Peter Martyr gives the following weighty testimony to the knowledge and skill of this excellent seamen: — "Of the Spaniards, as many as thought themselves to have any knowledge of what pertained to measure the land and sea, drew cardes (charts) on parchment as concerning these nav- igations. Of all others they most esteem them which Juan de la Cosa, the companion of Ojeda, and another pilot, called Andres Morales, had set forth, and this, as well for the great experience which hoth had, {to whom these tracks were as well \nown as the chambers of their own house^) as also that they were thought to be cunninger in that part of cosmography ivhich teacheth the description and measuring of the sea."- P. Mart'/r, decad. ii., cap. 10. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. G9 Rinbitious and bigot king, as a man well fitted to promote his empire in the wilderness, and to dis- pense the blessings of Christianity among the savages. The recommendation of the bishop was usually effectual in the affairs of the New World, and the opinion of the veteran de la Cosa had great weight even with the sovereign ; but a rival can- didate to Ojeda had presented himself, and one who had the advantages of higher connections and greater pecuniary means. Tliis was Diego de Nicuesa, an accomplished courtier of noble biith, who had filled the post of grand carver to Don Enrique Enriquez, uncle of the king. Nature, education, and habit combined to form Nicuesa a complete rival of Ojeda. Like him, he was small of stature, but remarkable for symmetry and compactness of form, and for bodily strength and activity ; like him he was master at all kinds of weapons, and skilled, not merely in feats of agility, but in those graceful and chivalrous exercises, which the Spanish cava- liers of those days inherited from the Moors ; being noted for his vigor and address in the jousts or tilting matches after the Moresco fashion. Ojeda himself could not surpass him in feats of horsemanship, and particular mention is made of a favorite mare, which he could make •japer and caracole in strict cadence to the sound of a viol ; besides all this, he was versed in ihi^ egendary ballads or romances of his country, and vvas renowned as a capital performer on tho guitar! Such were the qualifications of thia 70 VOVAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF candidate for a command in the wilderness, as enumerated by the reverend Bishop Las Casas- It is probable, however, that he had given evi- dence of qualities more adapted to the desired post ; having already been out to Hispaniola in the military train of the late Governor Ovando. Where merits were so singularly balanced aa those of Ojeda and Nicuesa, it might have been difficult to decide ; King Ferdinand avoided the dilemma by favoring both ; not indeed by fur- nishing them with ships and money, but by granting patents and dignities, which cost noth- ing, and might bring rich returns. He divided that part of the continent which lies along the Isthmus of Darien into two provinces, the bound- ary line running through the Gulf of Uraba. The eastern part, extending to Cape de la Vela, was called New Andalusia, and the government of it given to Ojeda. The other to the wes% in- cluding Yeragua, and reaching to Cape Gracias a Dios, was assigned to Nicuesa. The island of Jamaica was given to the two governors in common, as a place whence to draw supplies of provisions. Each of the governors was to erect two fortresses in his district, and to enjoy for ten years the profits of all the mines he should dis- cover, paying to the crown oine tenth part the first year, one ninth the second, one eighth the third, one seventh the fourth, and one fifth in each of the remaining years. Juan de la Cosa, who had been indefatigable In promoting the suit of Ojeda, was appointed his lieutenant in the government^ with the pos< THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 71 algiiazil mayor of the province. He imme- diately freighted a ship and two brigantines, in which he embarked with about two hundred men. It was a slender armament, but the purse of the honest voyager was not very deep, and that of Ojeda was empty. Nicuesa, having amplei means, armed four large vessels and two brigan- tines, furnished them with abundant munitions and supplies, both for the voyage and the pro- jected colony, enlisted a much greater force, and set sail in gay and vaunting style for the golden shores of Veragua, the Aurea Chersonesus of his imagination. CHAPTER 11. FEUD BETWEEN THE RIVAL GOVERNORS OJEDA AND NICUESA.— A CHALLENGE. [1509.] The two rival armaments arrived at San Do- mingo about the same time. Nicuesa had expe- rienced what was doubtless considered a pleasant little turn of fortune by the way. Touching at Santa Cruz, one of the Caribbee Islands, he had succeeded in capturing a hundred of the natives, whom he had borne off in his ships to be sold as slaves at Hispaniola. This was deemed justi- Sable in those days, even by the most scrupulous divines, from the belief that the Caribs were all Anthropophagi, or man-eaters ; fortunately the 72 VOYACrES AND DISCJVERIES CF opinion of mankind, in this more enlightened age, makes but little difference in atrocity between the cannibal and the kidnapper. Alonzo de Ojeda welcomed with joy the ar- rival of his nautical friend and future lieutenant in the government, the worthy Juan de la Cosa; still he could not but feel some mortification at the inferiority of his armament to that of his rival Nicuesa, whose stately ships rode proudly at anchor m the harbor of San Domingo. He felt, too, that his means were inadequate to the estab- lishment of his intended colony. Ojeda, how- ever, was not long at a loss for pecuniary as- sistance. Like many free-spirited men, who are careless and squandering of their own purses, he had a facility in commanding the purses of his neighbors. Among ihe motley population of San Domingo there was a lawyer of some ability, the Bachelor Martin Fernandez de Enciso, who had made two thousand castillanos by his pleading ; ^ for it would appear that the spirit of litigation was one of the first fruits of civilized life transplanted to the New World, and flour- ished surprisingly among the Spanish colonists. Alonzo de Ojeda became acquainted with the Bachelor, and finding him to be of a restless and speculative character, soon succeeded in inspiring him with a contempt for the dull but secure and profitable routine of his office in San Domingo, and imbuing him with his own passion for ad- venture. Above all, he dazzled him with the ofler to make him alcalde mayor, or chief judge A Equivalent to 10,050 dollars of the present day. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 73 of the provincial government he was about to es* tablish in the wilderness. In an evil hour the aspiring Bachelor yielded to the temptation, and agreed to invest all his money in the enterprise. It was arranged that Ojeda should depart with the armament which liad arrived from Spain, while the Bachelor should remain at Hispaniola to beat up for re cruits and provide supplies ; with these he was to embark in a ship purchased by himself, and pro- ceed to join his high-mettled friend at the seat of his intended colony. Two rival governors, so well matched as Ojeda and Nicuesa, and both possessed of swelling spirits, pent up in small but active bodies, could not remain long in a lit- tle place like San Domingo without some col- lision. The island of Jamaica, which had been assigned to them in common, furnished the first ground of contention ; the provmce of Darien furnished another, each pretending to include it withm the limits of his jurisdiction. Their dis- putes on these points ran so high that the whole place resounded with them. In talking, how- ever, Nicuesa had the advantage ; having been brought up in the court, he was more polished and ceremonious, had greater self-command, and probably perplexed his rival governor in argu- ment. Ojeda was no great casuist, but he was an excellent swordsman, and always ready to fight his way through any question of right or dignity which he could not clearly argue with the tongue ; so he proposed to settle the dispute by single combat. Nicuesa, though equajly brave, 74 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF was more a man of the world, and saw the foil}' of such arbitrament. Secretly smiling at the heat of his antagonist, he proposed as a prelim- inary to the duel, and to furnish something worth fighting for, that each should deposit five thousand castillanos, to be the prize of the victor. This, as he foresaw, was a temporary check upon the fiery valor of his rival, who did not possess a pistole in his treasury ; but probably was too proud to confess it. It is not likely, however, that the impetuous spirit of Ojeda would long have remained in check, had not the discreet Juan de la Cosa in- terposed to calm it. It is interesting to notice the great ascendency possessed by this veteran navigator over his fiery associate. Juan de la Cosa was a man whose strong natural good sense had been quickened by long and hard experi- ence ; whose courage was above all question, but tempered by time and trial. He seems to have been personally attached to Ojeda, as veterans who have outlived the rash impulse of youthful valor, are apt to love the fiery quality in their younger associates. So long as he accompanied Ojeda in his enterprises, he stood by him as a Mentor in council, and a devoted partisan in danger. In the present instance, the interference of this veteran of the seas had the most salutary effect • he prevented the impendmg duel of the rival governors, and persuaded them to agree that the river Darien should be the boundary line be- tween their respective jurisdictions. THE COMPANIONS OF lOLUMBUS. 75 The dispute relative to Jamaica was settled by tlie admiral, Don Diego Columbus, himself. He had already felt aggrieved by the distribution of these governments by the king without his con- sent or even knowledge, being contrary to the Drivileo'es inherited from his father, the discoy- erer. It was in vain to contend, however, when the matter was beyond his reach, and involved in technical disputes. But as to the island of Jamaica, it in a manner lay at his own door, and he could not brook its bemg made a matter of gift to these brawling governors. Without waiting the slow and uncertain course of making remonstrances to the king, he took the affair, as a matter of plain right, into his own hands, and offered a brave officer, Juan del Esquibel, the same who had subjugated the province of Higuey, to take possession of that island, with seventy men, and to hold it subject to his command. Ojeda did not hear of this arrangement until m w^s on the point of embarking to make sail. In the heat of the moment he loudly defied the power of the admiral, and swore that if he ever found Juan de Esquibel on the island of Jamaica, he would strike off his head. The populace present heard this menace, and had too thorough an idea of the fiery and daring character of Ojeda to doubt that he would carry it into effect. Notwithstanding his bravado, however, Juan de Esquibel proceeded according to his orders to take possession of the island of Jamaica. The squadron of Nicuesa lingered for some '>ime after the sailing of his rival. His courteous 76 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF and engaging manners, aided by the rumor rf great riches in the province of Veragiia, whera he intended to found his colony, had drawn numerous volunteers to his standard, insomuch that he had to purchase another ship to convey them. Nicuesa was more of the courtier and the cav- alier, than the man of business, and had no skill in managing his pecuniary affairs. He had ex- pended his funds with a lavish hand, and in- volved himself in debts which he had not the immediate means of paying. Many of his cred- itors knew that his expedition was regarded with an evil eye by the admiral, Don Diego Colum- bus ; to gain favor with the latter, therefore, they threw all kinds of impediments in the way of Nicuesa. Never was an unfortunate gentleman more harassed and distracted by duns and de- mands, one plucking at his skirts as soon as another was satisfied. He succeeded, however, in getting all his forces embarked. He had seven hundred men, well chosen and armed, together with six horses. He chose Lope de Olano to be his captain-general, a seemingly im- politic appointment, as this Olano had been con- cerned with the notorious Roldan in his rebellion against Columbus. The squadron sailed out of the harbor and pus to sea, excepting one ship, which, with anchor atrip and sails unfurled, waited to receive Nicuesa, who was detained on shore until the last moment by the perlexities artfully multiplied ftiound him. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 71 Just as he was on the pomt of stepping hito his boat he was arrested by the harpies of the law, and carried before iie alcalde mayor, to answer a demand for five hundred ducats, which he was ordered to pay on the spot, or prepare to go to prison. This was a thunder-stroke to the unfortunate cavalier. In vain he represented his utter in- capacity to furnish such a sum at the moment ; in vain he represented the ruin that would accrue to himself, and the vast injury to the public service, should he be prevented from joining his expedition. The alcalde mayor was inflexible, and Nicuesa was reduced to despair. At this critical moment relief came from a most unex- pected quarter. The heart of a public notary was melted by his distress ! He stepped forward in court, and declared that rather than see so gallant a gentleman reduced to extremity, he himself would pay down the money. Nicuesa gazed at him with astonishment, and could scarce believe his senses ; but when he saw him actually pay off the debt, and found himself suddenly released from this dreadful embarrassment, he embraced liis deliverer with tears of gratitude, and hastened with all speed to embark, lest some other legal spell should be laid uj on his person. 78 FOYAG£S AND DISCOVEKIES OF CHAPTER III. EXPLOITS AND DISASTERS OF OJEDA ON THE COAST 03 CARTHAGENA - FATE OF THE VETERAN JUAN DB Li COSA. [1509.] It was on the 10th of November, 1509, that Alonzo de Ojeda set sail from San Domingo with two ships, two brigantines, and three hundred men. He took with him also twelve brood mares. Among the remarkable adventurers who embarked with him was Francisco Pizarro, after- wards renowned as the conqueror of Peru.^ Hernando Cortez had likewise intended to sail hi the expedition, but was prevented by an in- flammation in one of his knees. 1 Frarx sco Pizarro was a native of Truxillo in Estre- madura. tie was the illegitimate fruit of an amour between Gonsalvo Pizarro, a veteran captain of infantr^^, and a damsel in low lif I His childhood was passed in grovelling occupations incident to the humble condition of his mother, and he is said to have been a swineherd. When he had sufficiently in- creased in years and stature, he enlisted as a soldier. His first campaigns may have been against the Moors in the war of Grenada. He certainly served in Italy under the banner of the Great Captain, Gonsalvo of Cordova. His roving spirit then induced him to join the bands of adventurers to the New World. He was of ferocious courage, and, when engaged in any enterprise, possessed an obstinate persever- ance neither to be deterred by danger, weakened by fatigue and hardship, nor checked by repeated disappointment. After having conquered the great kingdom of Peru, he was assassinated, at an advanced age, in 1541, defe Ad ing himself bravely to the last. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 79 The voyage was speedy and prosperous, and they arrived late in the autumn m the harbor of Carthagena. The veteran Juan de la Cosa was well acquainted with this place, having Bailed as pilot with Rodrigo de Bastides, at the time he discovered it in 1501. He warned Alonzo de Ojeda to be upon his guard, as the natives were a brave and warlike race, of Carib origin, far different from the soft and gentle inhabitants of the islands. They wielded great swords of palm-wood, defended themselves with osier targets, and dipped their arrows in a subtle poison. The women, as well as the men, mingled in battle, being expert in drawing the bow and throwing a species of lance called the azagay. The warning was well timed, for the Indians of these parts had been irritated by the misconduct of previous adventurers, and flew to arms on the first appearance of the ships. Juan de la Cosa now feared for the safety of the enterprise in wliich he had person, fortune, and official dignity at stake. He earnestly ad- vised Ojeda to abandon this dangerous neighbor- hood, and to commence a settlement in the Gulf of Uraba, where the people were less ferocious^ and did not use poisoned weapons. Ojeda was too proud of spirit to alter his plans through fear of a naked foe. It is thought, too, that he had no objection to a skirmish, being desirous of a pretext to make slaves, to be sent to Hispaniola in discharge of the debts he had left unpaid.^ He landed, therefore, with a considerable part of 1 Las Casas, Hist. Ind., lib. ii. cap. 57, MS. 80 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF his force, and a number of friars, who liad been Bent out to convert the Indians. His faithful lieutenant, being unable to keep liim out of danger, stood by to second him. Ojeda advanced towards the savages, an3 ordered the friars to read aloud a certain formula, recently digested by profound jurists and divines in Spain. It began in stately form " I, Alonzo de Ojeda, servant of the most high and mighty sovereigns of Castile and Leon, conquerors of barbarous nations, their messenger and captain, do notify unto you and make you know, in the best way I can, that God our Lord, one and eternal, created the heaven and the earth, and one man and one woman, from whom you and we and all the people of the earth pro- ceeded and are descendants, as well us all those who shall come hereafter." The formula then went on to declare the fundamental principles of the Catholic Faith ; the supreme power given to St. Peter over the world and all the human race, and exercised by his representative the Pope ; the donation made by a late Pope of all this part of the world and all its inhabitants to the Catholic sovereigns of Castile ; and the ready obedience already paid by many of its lands, and islands, and people, to the agents and representatives of those sovereigns. It called upon those savages present, therefore, to do the same ; to acknowl- edge the truth of the Christian doctrines, the supremacy of the Pope, and the sovereignty of the Catholic King ; but in case of refusal, de- aounced upon them all the horrors of war, the THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 81 desolation of their dwellings, the seizure of their property, and the slavery of their wives and children. Such was the extraordinary document, which, from this time forward, was read by the Spanish discoverers to the wondering savages of any newly -found countr}'^, as a prelude to sanctify the violence about to be inflicted on them.^ When the friars had read this pious manifesto, Ojeda made signs of amity to the natives, and held up glittering presents. They had already suffered, however, from the cruelties of white men, and were not to be won by kindness. On the contrary, they brandished their weapons, sounded their conchs, and prepared to make battle. Juan de la Cosa saw the rising choler of Ojeda, [and knew his fiery impatience. He again en- treated him to abandon these hostile shores, and reminded him of the venomous weapons of the enemy. It was all in vain : Ojeda confided blmd- ly in the protection of the Virgin. Putting up, as usual, a short prayer to his patroness, he drew his weapon, braced his buckler, and charged fu- riously upon the savages. Juan de la Cosa fol- lowed as heartily as if the battle had been of his own seeking. The Indians vrere soon routed, a number killed, and several taken prisoners ; on their persons were found plates of gold, but of an inferior quality. Flushed by this triumph, Ojeda took several of the prisoners as guides, and pur- sued the flying enemy four leagues into the inte- 1 The reader will find the complete form of this curioua manifesto in the Appendix. VOL HI 6 82 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF rior. lie was followed, as usual, by his faithful lieutenant, the veteran La Cosa, continually re- monstrating against this useless temerity, but hardily seconding him in the most hare-brained perils. Having penetrated far into the forest, they came to a stronghold of the enemy, where a numerous force was ready to receive them, armed with clubs, lances, arrows, and bucklers. Ojeda led his men to the charge with the old Castilian war cry, " Santiago ! " The savages soon took to flight. Eight of their bravest warriors threw themselves into a cabin, and plied their bows and arrows so vigorously, that the Spaniards were kept at bay. Ojeda cried shame upon his follow- ers to be daunted by eight naked men. Stung by this reproach, an old Castilian soldier rushed through a shower of arrows and forced the door of the cabin, but received a shaft through the heart, and fell dead on the threshold. Ojeda, fu- rious at the sight, ordered fire to be set to the combustible edifice ; in a moment it was in a blaze, and the eight warriors perished in the flames. Seventy Indians were made captive and sent to the shi23S, and Ojeda, regardless of the remon- strances of Juan de la Cosa, continued his rash pursuit of the fugitives through the forest. In the dusk of the evening they arrived at a village called Yurbaco ; the inhabitants of which had fled to the mountains with their wives and children, and principal effects. The Spaniards, imagining that the Indians were completely terrified and dis- persed, now roved in quest of booty among the THE COMPANIONS OB' C0LIMBU8, 83 deserte The eldest son of the cacique was of a lofty and generous spirit, and distinguished above the rest by his superior intelligence and sagacity. Perceiving, says old Peter Martyr, that the Spai?* THE COMPANIONS OF COLl/MBDS. 169 iards were a " wandering kind of men, living oidy by shifts and spoil," he sought to gain fa- vor for himself and family by gratifying their avarice. He gave Yasco Nunez and Colmenares, therefore, 4,000 ounces of gold, wrought into va- rious ornaments, together with sixty slaves, cap- tives taken in the wars. Yasco Nunez ordered one fifth of the gold to be weighed out and set apart for the crown, and the rest to be shared among his followers. The division of the gold took place in the porch of the dwelling of Comagre, in the presence of the youthful cacique who had made the gift. As the Spaniards were weighing it out, a vio- lent quarrel arose among them as to the size and value of the pieces which fell to their respective shares. The high-minded savage was disgusted at this sordid brawl amonor heinous whom he had regarded with such ix^verence. In the first im- pulse of his disdain he struck the scales with his fist, and scattered the glittering gold about the porch. " Why," said he, " should you quarrel for such a trifle ? If this gold is indeed so precious in your eyes, that for it alone you abandon your homes, invade the peaceful lands of others, and expose yourselves to such sufferings and perils, I will tell you of a region where you may gratify your wishes to the utmost. Behold those lofty aiountains," continued he, pointing to the south ; ^ beyond these lies a mighty sea, which may be discerned from their summit. It is navigated by jjeople who have vessels almost as large as yours, and furnished, like them, with sails and oars. 170 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF All the streams which flow clown the southern side of those mountains into that sea abound in gold ; and the kings who reign upon its borders eat and drink out of golden vessels. Gold, in fact, is as plentiful and common among those peo- ple of the south as iron is among you Spaniards." Vasco Nunez inquired eagerly as to the means of penetrating to this sea, and to the opulent re- gions on its shores. " The task," replied the prince, " is difficult and dangerous. You must pass through the territories of many powerful ca- ciques, who will oppose you with hosts of war- riors. Some parts of the mountains are infested by fierce and cruel cannibals, a wandering, law- less race : but, above all, you will have to en- counter the great cacique Tubanama, whose territories are at the distance of six days' jour- ney, and more rich in gold than any other prov- ince ; this cacique will be sure to come forth against you with a mighty force. To accom- plish your enterprise, therefore, will require at least a thousand men armed like those who fol- low you." The youthful cacique gave him further infor- mation on the subject, collected from various cap- tives taken in battle, and from one of his own nation, who had been for a long time in captivity to Tubanam^, the powerful cacique of the golden realm. He moreover offered to prove the sincer- ity of his words by accompanying Vasco Nunez, in any expedition to those parts, at the head of bis father's warriors. Such was the first intimation received by THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 171 Vasco Nunez of the Pacific Ocean and its golden realms, and it had an immediate effect upon his whole character and conduct. This hitherto wandering and desperate man had now an enter* prise opened to his ambition, which, if accom* plished, would elevate him to fame and fortune, and entitle him to rank among the great captains and discoverers of the earth. Henceforth the discovery of the sea beyond the mountains was the great object of his thoughts, and his wWe spirit seemed roused and ennobled by the idea. He hastened his return to Darien, to make the necessary preparations for this splendid enterprise. Before departing from the province of Comagre, he baptized that cacique by the name of Don Carlos, and performed the same ceremony upon his sons and several of his subjects ; — thus singularly did avarice and religion go hand in hand in the conduct of the Spanish discoverers. Scarcely had Vasco Nunez returned to Darien, when the Regidor Yaldivia arrived from Hispa- niola, but with no more provisions than could be brought in his small caravel. These were soon consumed, and the general scarcity continued. It was heightened by a violent tempest of thun- der, lightning, and rain, which brought such tor- rents from the mountains that the river swelled and overflowed its banks, laying waste all the ad- jacent fields which had been cultivated. In this extremity, Yasco Nunez dispatched Yaldivia a second time to Hispaniola for provisions. Ani- mated also by the loftier views of his present am- bition, he wrote to Don Diego Columbus, who 172 VOYAGES AND LISCOVERIES OF governed at San Domingo, informing him of the intelligence he had received of a great sea and opulent realms beyond the mountains, and en- treating him to use his influence with the king that one thousand men migiit be furnished him for the prosecutioii of so grand a discovery. He sent him also the amount of fifteen thousand crowns in gold, to be remitted to the king, as the royal fifths of what had already been collected under his jurisdiction. Many of his followers, like^vise, forwarded sums of gold to be i-emitted to their creditors in Spain. Jn the mean time, Vasco Nunez prayed the admiral to yield him prompt succor to enable him to keep his footing in the land, representing the difficulty he had in maintaining, with a mere handful of men, so vast a country in a state of subjection. CHAPTER JV iSXPEDITION OF VASCO NUNEZ IN QUEST OF THE GOLDEN TEMPLE OF DOBAYBA. [1512.] While Vasco Nunez awaited the result of tliia mission of Valdivia, his active disposition prompted foraging excursions into the surrounding countiy Among various rumors of golden realms in the .nterior of this unknown land, was one concerning a province called Dobayba, situated about forty THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 178 leagues distant, on the banks of a great river wliich emptied itself, by several mouths, into a corner of tlie Gulf of Uraba. This province derived its name, according to Indian tradition, from a mighty female of the olden time, the motlier of the god who created the suu and moon and all good things. She had power over the elements, sending thunder and lightning to lay waste the lands of those who displeased her, but showering down fertility and abundance upon the possessions of her faithful worshipers. Others described her as having been an Indian princess, who once reigned among the mountains of Dobay- ba, and was renowned throughout the land for her supernatural power and wisdom. After her death, divine honors were paid her, and a great temple was erected for her worship. Hither the natives repaired from far and near, on a kind of pilgrim- age, bearing offerings of their most valuable effects. The caciques who ruled over distant territories also sent golden tributes, at certain times of the year, to be deposited in this temple, and slaves to be sacrificed at this shrine. At one time, it was added, this worship fell into disuse, the pilgrimages were discontinued, and the caciques neglected to send their tributes ; whereupon the deity, as a punishment, inflicted a drought upon the country. The springs and fountains failed, the rivers were dried up ; the inhabitants of the mountains were obliged to descend into the plains, where they digged pits and wells, but these likewise failing, a great part of the nations perished with thirst. The remainder hastened to propitiate the deity by 174 VOYAGES AND DISCCVERJES OF tributes and sacrifices, and thus succeeded in aver^ ing her displeasure. In consequence of offerings of the kind, made for generations from all parta of the country, the temple was said to be filled with treasure, and its walls to be covered with golden gifts.i In addition to the tale of this temple, t]ie Indians gave marvelous accounts of the gen- eral wealth of this province, declaring that it abounded with mines of gold, the veins of which reached from the dwelling of the cacique to the borders of his dominions. To penetrate to this territory, and above all, to secure the treasures of the golden temple, was an enterprise suited to the adventurous spuit of the Spaniards. Vasco Nunez chose one hundred and seventy of his hardiest men for the purpose. Em- barking them in two brigantines and a number of canoes, he set sail from Darien, and, after standing about nine leagues to the east, came to the mouth of the Rio Grande de San Juan, or the Great River of St. John, also called the Atrato, which is since ascertained to be one of the branches of the river Darien. Here he detached Rodrigo Enri- quez de Colmenares with one third of his forces, to explore the stream, while he himself proceeded with the residue to another branch of the river, which he was told flowed from the province of Dobayba, and which he ascended, flushed with sanguine expectations.^ 1 Peter Mart}^, decad. iii. cap. 6. Idem, decad. vii. cap. 10. In recording this expedition, tie author has followed the old Spanish narratives, written when the face of the country was but little known, and he was much perplexed to reconcila TH^: COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 175 His old enemy Zemaco, the cacique of Darien, however, had discovered the object of his expedi- tion, and had taken measures to disappoint it ; re- pairing to the province of Dobayba, he had pre- vailed upon its cacique to retire at the approach of the Spaniards, leaving his country deserted. Vasco Nuiiez found a village situated in a marshy neighborhood, on the banks of the river, and mistook it for the residence of the cacique : it was silent and abandoned. There was not an Indian to be met with, from whom he could obtain any information about the country, or who could guide him to the golden temple. He was dis- appointed, also, in his hopes of obtaining a supply of provisions, but he found weapons of various kinds hanging in the deserted houses, and gathered jewels and pieces of gold to the value of seven thousand castellanos. Discouraged by the savage look of the surrounding wilderness, which was per- plexed by deep morasses, and having no guides to aid him in exploring it, he put all the booty he had collected into two large canoes, and made his the accounts given of numerous streams with the rivers laic' down on modern maps. By a clear and judicious explanation, given in the recent work of Don Manuel Josef Quintana, it appears that the different streams explored b,y Vasco Nunez tnd Colmenares were all branches of one grand river, which, descending from the mountains of the interior, winds about in crystal streams among the plains and morasses bordering the bottom of the great Gulf of Darien, and discharges itself by various mouths into the gulf. In fact, the stream which ran by the infant city of Santa Maria de la Antigua was tut one of its branches, a fact entirely unknown to Vasco Nunez and his companions. 176 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF way back to the Gulf of Uraba. Here he waa assailed by a violent tempest, which neady wrecked his two brigantmes, and obliged him to throw a great part of their cargoes overboard. The two canoes containing the booty were swallowed up by the raging sea, and all their crews perished. Thus baffled and tempest-tost, Yasco Nunez at length succeeded in getting into what is termed the Grand River, which he ascended, and rejoined Colmenares and his detachment. They now ex- tended their excursions up a stream which emptied itself into the Grand River, and which, from the dark hue of its waters, they called Rio Negro, or the Black River. They also explored certain other tributary streams, branching from it, though not without occasional skirmishes with the natives. Ascending one of these minor rivers, with a part of his men, Vasco Nunez came to the terri- tories of a cacique named Abibeyba, who reigned over a region of marshes and shallow lakes. The habitations of the natives were built amidst the branches of immense and lofty trees. They were large enough to contain whole family connections, and were constructed partly of wood, partly of a kind of wicker-work, combining strength and plia- bility, and yielding uninjured to the motion of the branches when agitated by the wind. The in- habitants ascended to them with great agility, by light ladders, formed of great reeds split through the middle, for the reeds on this coast grow to the thickness of a man's body. These ladders they drew up after them at night, or in case of attack. These liabitations were well stocked with provis- THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 111 ions ; but the fermented beverages, of which these people had always a supply, were buried hi vessels in the earth, at the foot of the tree, lest they should be rendered turbid by the rocking of the houses. Close by, also, were the canoes with which they navigated the rivers and ponds of their marshy country, and followed their main occupa- tion of fishing. On the approach of the Spaniards, the Indians took refuge in their tree-built castles, and drew up the ladders. The former called upon them to descend, and to fear nothing. Upon this the cai^ique replied, entreating that he might not be molested, seeing he had done them no injury. They threatened, unless he came down, to fell the trees, or to set fire to them, and burn him and his wives and children. The cacique was disposed to consent, but was prevented by the entreaties of his people. Upon this the Span- iards prepared to hew down the trees, but were assailed by showers of stones. They covered themselves, however, with their bucklers, assailed the trees vigorously with their hatchets, and soou compelled the inhabitants to capitulate. The cacique descended with his wife and two of hi a children. The firat demand of the Spaniards was for gold. He assured them he had none ; for, having no need of it, he had never made it an object of his search. Being importuned, how- ever, he said that if he were permitted to repair to certain mountains at a distance, he would in a few days return and bring them what they de- fiii'ed. They permitted liim to depart, retaining VOL. III. 12 178 VOVAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF his wife and children as hostages, but they sav? no more of the cacique. After remaming here a few days, and regaling on the provisions which they found in abundance, they continued their foraging expeditions, often opposed by the bold and warlike natives, and suffering occasional los», but inflicting great havoc on their opposers. Having thus overrun a considerable extent of country, and no grand object presenting to lure him on to further enterprise, Yasco Nunez at length returned to Darien with the spoils and captives he had taken, leaving Bartolome Hur- tado, with thirty men, in an Indian village on the Rio Negro, or Black River, to hold the country in subjection. Thus terminated the first expe- dition in quest of the golden temple of Dobaybat, which, for some time, continued to be a favorite object of enterprise among the adventurers of Darien. CHAPTER V. DISASTER ON THE BLACK RIVER. — INDIAN PLOT AGAINSt DARIEN. Bartolome Hurtado, being left to his own discretion on the banks of the Black River, oc- cupied himself occasionally in hunting the scat- tered natives who straggled about the surround- ing forests. Having in this way picked up twen- ty-four captives, he put them on board of a larga canoe, like so much live stock, to be transported THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 179 to Darieii and sold as slaves. Twenty his followers, who were infirm either from wounds or the diseases of the climate, embarked also in the canoe, so that only ten men remained with Hur- tado. The great canoe, thus heavily freighted, de- scended the Black R^'^er slowly, between banks overhung with foreiyc^. Zemaco, the indefatiga- ble cacique of Darien, was on the watch, and waylaid the ark with four canoes filled with war- riors, armed with war-clubs and lances hardened in the fire. The Spaniards, being sick, coul(i make but feeble resistance ; soma were massacred, others leaped into the river and were drowned Two only escaped, by clinging to two trunks of trees that were floating down the river, and covering themselves with the branches. Reach- ing the shore in safety, they returned to Bar- tolome Hurtado with the tragical tidings of the death of his followers. Hurtado was so disheart- ened by the news, and so dismayed at his own helpless situation, in the midst of a hostile coun- try, that he resolved to abandon the fatal shores of the Black River, and return to Darien. He was quickened in this resolution by receiving in- timation of a conspiracy forming among the na- tives. The implacable Zemaco had drawn four other caciques into a secret plan to assemble their vassals and make a sudden attack upon Daiien : Flurtado hastened with the remnant of his fol- 'owers to carry tidings to the settlement of this conspiracy. Many of the inhabitants were alarmed at his intelligence ; others treated it ris a 180 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF false ruDior of the Indians, and no preparations were made against what might be a mere imag- inary danger. Fortunately for the Spaniards, among the fe- male captives owned by Vasco Nunez was an Indian damsel, named Fulvia ; to whom, in con- sequence of her beauty, he had shown great favor, and who had become strongly attached to him. She had a brother among the warriors of Zemaco, who often visited her in secret. In one of his visits he informed her that on a certain night the settlement would be attacked, and every Spaniard destroyed. He- charged her, therefore, to hide herself that night in a certain place, until he should come to her aid, lest she should be slain in the confusion of the massacre. When her brother was gone, a violent struggle took place in the bosom of the Indian girl, be- tween her feeling for her family and her people, and her affection for Vasco Nunez. The latter at length prevailed, and she revealed all that had been told to hf^r. The Spaniard prevailed on her to send for her brother, under pretense of aiding her to escape. Having him in his power, he extorted from him all that he knew of the designs of the enemy. His confession showed what imminent danger had been lurking round Vasco Nunez in his most unsuspecting moments. The prisoner informed him that he had been one of forty Indians sent some time before by the cacique Zemaco to Vasco Nunez, in seemmg friendship, to be employed by him in cultivating the fields adjacent to the settlement. They had THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 181 secret orders, however, to take an opportunity when the Spaniard should come forth to inspect their work, to set upon him in an unguarded moment, and destroy him. Fortunately, Vasce Nunez always visited the fields mounted on his war-horse, and armed with lance and target, and the Indians were so awed by his martial appear- ance, and by the terrible animal he bestrode, that they dared not attack him. Foiled in this and other attempts of the kind, Zemaco resorted to the conspiracy with which the settlement was now menaced. Five caciques had joined in the confederacy : they had prepared a hundred canoes; amassed provisions for an army ; and concerted to assemble five thousand picked warriors at a certain time and place ; with these they were to make an attack on the settlement by land and water, in the middle of the night, and to slaughter every Spaniard. Having learnt where the confederate cliiefs were to be found, and where they had deposited their provisions, Vasco Nunez chose seventy of his best men, well armed, and made a circuit by land, while Colmenares, with sixty men, sallied forth secretly in four canoes, guided by the In- dian prisoner. In this way they surprised the general of the Indian army and several of the principal confederates, and got possession of all their provisions, though they failed to capture the formidable Zemaco. The Indian general was shot to death with arrows, and the leaders of the conspiracy were hanged in presence of their cap- tive followers. The defeat of this deep-laid yiajx, 182 VOTAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF and the punishment of its devisers, spread teirof throughout the neighboring provinces, and pre vented any further hostiUties. Yasco Nunez, however, caused 'a strong fortress of wood to be immediately erected, to guard against any future assaults of the savages. CHAPTER VL FURTHER FACTIONS IN THE COLONY. — ARROGANCE 09 ALONZO PEREZ AND THE BACHELOR CORRAL. A CONSIDERABLE time had now elapsed since the departure of Valdivia for Hispaniola, yet no tidings had been received from him. Many began to fear that some disaster had befallen him ; while others insinuated that it was possible both he and Zamudio might have neglected the objects of their mission, and, having appropriated to their own use the gold with which they had been intrusted, abandoned the colony to its fate. Vasco Nunez liimself was harassed by these surmises ; and by tlie dread lest the Bachelor Enciso should succeed in prejudicing the mind of his sovereign against him. Impatient of this state of anxious suspense, he determined to repair to Spain, to communicate in person all that he had heard concerning the Southern Sea, and to ask for the troops necessary for its discovery. Every one, however, both friend and foe, ex- claimed against such a measure, representing his THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 183 presence as indispensable to the safety of the colony, from his great talents as a commander, and the fear entertained of him by the Indians. After much debate and contention, it was at length agreed that Juan de Cayzedo and Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares should go in his place instructed to make all necessary representations to the king. Letters were written also, contain- ino^ extrava^rant accounts of the riches of the country, partly dictated by the sanguine hopes of the writers, and partly by the fables of the na- tives. Tiie rumored wealth of the province of Dobayba, and the treasures of its golden temple, were not forgotten ; and an Indian was taken to Spain by the commissioners, a native of the province of Zenu, where gold was said to be gathered in nets stretched across the mountain streams. To give more weight to all these stories, every one contributed some portion of gold from his private hoard, to be presented to the king in addition to the amount arising from his fifths. But little time had elapsed after the departure of the commissioners, when new dissensions broke out in the colony. It was hardly to be expected that a fortuitous assemblage of adven- turers could remain long tranquil during a time of suffering under rulers of questionable author- ity. Vasco Nunez, it is true, had risen by his courage and abilities ; but he had risen from among their ranks ; he was in a manner of their )wn creation ; and they had not become suffi< ciently accustomed to him as a governor^ to for 184 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF get that he was recently but a mere soldier of fortune, and an absconduig debtor. Their factious discontent, however, was di- rected at first against a favorite of Vasco Nunez, rather than against iiimself. He had invested Bartolome Hurtado, the commander of the Black Rivei", with considerable autliority in the colony and the latter gave great offense by his oppres- sive conduct. Hurtado had particularly ag- grieved by his arrogance one Alonzo Perez de la Rua, a touchy cavalier, jealous of his honor, and peculiarly gifted with the sensitive punctilio of a Spaniard. Firing at some indignity, whether real or fancied, Alonzo Perez threw himself into the ranks of the disaffected, and was immediately chosen as their leader. Thus backed by faction, he clamored loudly for the punishment of Hurtado ; and, finding his de- mands unattended to, threw out threats of depos- ing Vasco Nunez. The latter, with his usual spirit and promptness, seized upon the testy Alonzo Perez, and threw him into prison, to digest his indignities and cool his passion at leisure. The conspiratoi's flew to arms to liberate their leader. The friends of Vasco Nunez were equally on the alert. The two parties drew out in battle array in the public square, and a san- guinary conflict was on the point of taking place. Fortunately, there were some cool heads left in the colony. These interfered at the critical mo- ment, representing to the angry adversaries that, if they fought among themselves, and diminished THE COMPANIONS OP' COLUMbUS. 185 their already scanty numbers, even the con- querors must eventually fall a prey to the In^ dians. Their remonstrances had elFect. A parley ensued, and, after much noisy debate, a kind of compromise was made. Alonzo Perez was lib- erated, and the mutineers dispersed quietly to their homes. The next day, however, they were again in arms, and seized upon Bartolome Hurtado ; but after a little while were prevailed upon to set him free. Their factious views seemed turned to a higher object. They broke forth into loud murmurs against Vasco Nunez, complaining that he had not made a fair division of the gold and slaves taken in the late expedi- tions, and threatening to arrest him and bring him to account. Above all, they clamored for an immediate distribution of ten thousand cas- tellanos in gold, yet unshared. Vasco Nunez understood too well the riotous nature of the people under him, and his own precarious hold on their obedience, to attempt to cope with them in this moment of turbulence He shrewdly determined, therefore, to withdraw from the sight of the multitude, and to leave them to divide the spoil among themselves, trust- ing to their own strife for his security. That very night he sallied forth into the country, under pretense of going on a hunting expedition. The next morning the mutineers found them- selves in possession of the field. Alonzo Perez, \he pragmatical ringleader, immediately assumed the command^ seconded by the Bachelor Corral, 186 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF The'r first measure was to seize upon the ten thousand castellanos, and to divide them among the multitude, by way of securing their own popularity. The event proved the sagacity and forethought of Vasco Nunez. Scarcely had these hot-headed intermeddlers entered upon the partition of the gold, than a furious strife arose. Every one was dissatisfied with his share, con- Bidering his merits entitled to peculiar recompense. Every attempt to appease the rabble only aug mented their violence, and in their rage they swore that Vasco Nunez had always shown more judgment and discrimination in his distributions to men of merit. The adherents of the latter now ventured to lift up their voices ; " Vasco Nuiiez," said they, " won the gold by his enterprise and valor, and would have shared it with the brave and the deserving ; but these men have seized upon it by factious means, and would squander it upon their minions." The multitude, who, in fact, admired the soldier - like qualities of Vasco Nunez, displayed one of the customary reverses of popular feeling. The touchy Alonzo Perez, his coadjutor the Bachelor Corral, and several other of the ringleaders, were seized, put into irons, and confined in the fortress ; and Vasco Nunez was recalled with loud acclamations to the settlement. How long this psoudo-commander might have been able to manage the unsteady populace, it is impossible to' say ; but just at this juncture two ships arrived from Hispaniola, freighted with THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 18/ pupplies, and bringing a reinforcement of one hundred and fifty men. They brought also a commission to Vasco Nunez, signed by Miguel de Pasamonte, the royal treasurer of Hispaniola, (to whom he had sent a private present of gold), constituting him captain-general of the colony. It is doubtful whether Pasamonte possessed the power to confer such a commission, though it is affirmed that the king had clothed him with it, as a kind of check upon the authority of the ad- miral Don Diego Columbus, then governor of Hispaniola, of whose extensive sway in the New World the monarch was secretly jealous. At any rate, the treasurer appears to have acted in full confidence of the ultimate approbation of his sovereign. Vasco Nunez was rejoiced at receiving a com- mission which clothed him with at least the sem- blance of royal sanction. Feeling more assured in his situation, and being naturally of a gener- ous and forgiving temper, Le was easily prevailed upon, in this moment of exultation, to release and pardon Alonzo Perez, the Bachelor Corral, and the other ringleaders of the late commo* tions ; and for a time the feuds and factions of this petty community were lulled to repose. 188 } OYAGES AND DISCOVERIES GF CHAPTER VII. VASCO NUNEZ DETERMINES TO SEEK THE SEA BBYONJ) THE MOUNTAINS. [1513.] The temporary triumph of Vasco Nunez was Boon overcast by tidings from Spain. His late colleague, the alcalde Zamudio, wrote him word, that the Bachelor Enciso had carried his com- plaints to the foot of the throne, and succeeded in rousing the indignation of the king, and had obtained a sentence in his favor, condemning Vasco Nunez in costs and damages. Zamudio informed him in addition, that he would be im- mediately summoned to repair to Spain, and an- swer in person the criminal charges advanced against him, on account of the harsh treatment and probable death of the unfortunate Nicuesa. Vasco Niiiiez was at first stunned by this inrelligence, which seemed at one blow to annihi- late all his hopes and fortunes. He was a man, however, of prompt decision and intrepid spirit. The information received from Spain was pri- vate and informal ; no order had yet arrived from the king ; he was still master of his actions, and had control over the colony. One brilliant achievement might atone for all the past, and fix him in the favor of the monarch. Such an achievement was within his reach — the discov- ery of the southern sea. It is true, a thousand Roldiers had been required for the expedition, THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 189 but were he to wait for their arrival from Spain, liis day of grace would be past. It was a des- perate thing to undertake the task with tlie hand- ful of men at his command, but the circum^ stances of the case were desperate. Fame, for- tune, life itself depended upon the successful and the prompt execution of the enterprise. To linger w^as to be lost. Vasco Nunez looked round upon the crew of daring and reckless adventurers that formed the colony, and chose one hundred and ninety of the most resolute, vigorous, and devoted to his per- son. These he armed with swords, targets, cross- bows, and arquebuses. He did not conceal from them the danger of the enterprise into which he was about to lead them ; but the spirit of these Spanish adventurers w^as always roused by the idea of perilous and extravagant exploit. To aid his slender forces, he took with him a number of bloodhounds, which had been found to be ter- rific allies in Indian warfare. The Spanish writers made particular mention of one of those animals, named Leoncico, which was a constant companion, and, as it were, body- guard of Vasco Nunez, and describe him as mi- nutely as they w^ould a favorite warrior. He was of a middle size, but immensely strong : of a dull yellow or reddish color, w^ith a black muz 2le, and his body was scarred all over with wounds received in innumerable battles with the Indians. Yasco Nunez always took him on his expeditions, and sometimes lent him to others^ receiving for his services the same share of .190 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF booty allotted to an armed man. In this way he gained by him in the course of his campaigns upwards of a thousand crowns. The Indians, it is said, had conceived such terror of this animal, that the very sight of him was sufficient to put a host of tKem to flight.^ In addition to these forces, Vasco NuSez took with him a number of the Indians of Darien, whom he had won to him by kindness, and whose services were important, from their knowl- edge of the wilderness, and of the habits and resources of savage life. Such was the motley armament that set forth from the little colony of Darien, under the guidance of a daring, if not desperate commander, in quest of the great Pacific Ocean. CHAPTER VIIL EXPEDITION IN QUEST OF THE SOUTHERN SEA. It was on the first of September that Vasco Nunez embarked with his followers in a brigan- tine, and nine large canoes or pirogues, followed by the cheers and good wishes of those who re- mained at the settlement. Standing to the north- westward, he arrived without accident at Coyba, the dominion of the cacique Careta, whose daugh- ter he had received as a pledge of amity. That Indian beauty had acquired a great influence over Vasco Nuiiez, and appears to have ce^nented hia 1 Oviedo, Hist. Ind., p. 2, cap. 3, MS THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 191 friendship with her father and her people. Ho was received by the cacique with open arms, anfj furnished with guides and warriors to aid him in his enterprise. Vasco Nuiiez left about half of his men ai Coyba, to guard the brigantine and canoes, whilt he should penetrate the wilderness with the res- idue. The importance of his present expedition, not merely as affecting his own fortunes, but, as it were, unfolding a mighty secret of nature, seems to have impressed itself upon his spirit, and to have given correspondent solemnity to his conduct. Before setting out upon his march, he caused mass to be performed, and offered up prayers to God for the success of his perilous undertaking. It was on the sixth of September, that he struck off for the mountains. The march was difficult and toilsome. The Spaniards, encum- bered with the weight of their armor and weap- ons, and oppressed by the heat of a tropical climate, were obliged to climb rocky precipices, and to struggle through close and tangled for- ests. Their Indian allies aided them by carry- ing their ammunition and provisions, and by guiding them to the most practicable paths. On the eighth of September they arrived at the village of Ponca, the ancient enemy of Careta. riie village was lifeless and abandoned ; the cacique and his people had fled to the fastnesses of the mountains. The Spaniards remained here several days, to recruit the health of some of their number who had fallen ill. It was nee* $2 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF »ssary also to procure guides acquainted with thv aiountaiu wilderness they were approaching The retreat of Ponca was at length discovered^ and he was prevailed upon, though reluctantly, to come to Vasco Nunez. The latter had a pe- culiar facility in winning the confidence and friendship of the natives. The cacique was soon so captivated by his kindness, that he revealed to him in secret all he knew of the natural riches of the country. He assured him of the truth of what had been told him of a gi^eat pechry or sea beyond the mountains, and gave him sev- eral ornaments ingeniously wrought of fine gold, w^hich had been brought from the countries upon its borders. He told him, moreover, that when he had attained the summit of a lofty ridge, to which he pointed, and which seemed to rise up to the skies, he would behold that sea spread out far below him. Animated by these accounts, Vasco Nunez procured fresh guides from the cacique, and pre- pared to ascend the mountains. Numbers of his men havingr fallen ill from fatio^ue and the heat of the climate, he ordered them to return slowly to Coyba, taking with him none but such as were in robust and vigorous health. On the 20th of September, he again set for- ward through a broken, rocky country, covered with a matted forest, and intersected by deep and turbulent streams, many of which it was neces- sary to cross upon rafts. So toilsome was the journey, that in four ays they did not advance above ten league?. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 193 and ill tlie mean time tliey suffered excessively from hunger. At the end of this time they ar- rived at the province of a warlike cacique, niuned Quaraqua, who was at war with Ponca. Heanng that a band of strangers were enter- ing his territories, guided by the subjects of his inveterate foe, the cacique took the field with a large number of warriors, some armed with bows and arrows, others with long speai-s, or with double-handed maces of palm-wood, almost as heavy and hard as iron. Seeing the incon- siderable number of the Spaniards, they set upon them with furious yells, thinking to over- come them in an instant. The first discharge of fire-arms, however, struck them with dismay. They thought they were contending with demons, who vomited forth thunder and lightning, es- pecially when they saw their companions fall bleeding and dead beside them, without i*eceiving any apparent blow. They took to headlong fiiglit, and were hotly pursued by the Spaniards and their bloodhounds. Some were transfixed with lances, others hewn down with swords, and many were torn to pieces by the dogs, so that Quarii,quk and six hundred of his warriors were left dead upon the field. A brother of the cacique and several chiefs were taken prisoners. They were clad in robes of white cotton. Either from their effeminate dress, or from the accusations of their enemies, the Spaniards, were induced to consider then? guilty of unnatural crimes, and, in their abhor- voL. III. 13 194 VOYAGED AND DliSCOVERlES OF renoe and disgust, gave them to be torn to pieces by the bloodhounds.-^ It is also affirmed, that among the prisoners were several negroes, who had been slaves to the cacique. The Spaniards, we are told, were informed by the other captives, that these black men came from a region at no great distance, where there was a people of that color, with whom they were frequently at war. " These/' adds the Spanish writer, " were the first negroes ever found in the New World, and I believe no others have since been discovered." ^ After this sanguinary triumph, the Spaniards marched to the village of Quaraqua, where they found considerable booty in gold and jewels. Of this Vasco Nunez reserved one fifth for the crown, and shared the rest liberally among his followers. The village was at the foot of the last mountain that remained for them to climb ; sev- eral of the Spaniards, however, were so disabled by wounds received in battle, so or exhausted by 1 Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. i. lib. x. cap. 1, 2 Peter Martyr, in his tliird Decade, makes mention oi these negroes in the folloAving words ; — "About two days journey distant from Quaraqua is a region inhabited only b;y black Moors, exceeding fierce and cruel. It is supposed that in time past certain black Moors sailed thither out of Ethi- opia to rob, and that by shipwreck, or some other chance, they were driven to these mountains." As Martyr lived and wrote at the time, he of course related the mere rumor of the day which all subsequent accounts have disproved. The othei historians who mentioned the circumstance, have probably repeated it from him. It must have risen frora some misrer resentation, and is not entitled to credit. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 195 the fatigue and hunger they had endured, that they were unable to proceed. They were obliged therefore reluctantly to remain in the village, [ withm sight of the mountain-top tliat commanded I the long-sought prospect. Vasco Nunez selected fresh guides from among his prisoners, who were natives of the province, and sent back the sub- jects of Ponca. Of the band of Spaniards who had set out with him in this enterprise, sixty- seven alone remained in sufficient health and spirits for this last effort. These he ordered to retire early to repose, that they might be ready to set off* at the cool and fresh hour of daybreak, so as to reach the summit of the mountain before the noontide heat. CHAPTER IX. DISCOVERY OP THE PACIFIC OCEAN. The day had scarce dawned, when Vasoa Nunez and his followers set forth from the Indian village, and began to climb the height. It was a severe and rugged toil for men so wayworn ; but they were filled with new ardor at the idea of the triumphant scene that was so soon to repay them for all their hardships. About ten o'clock in the morning they em-erged from the thick forests through which they had hitherto struggled, and arrived at a lofty and airy region of the mountain. The bald summit aloua 196 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF remained to be ascended ; and their guides pointed to a moderate eminence, from which they said the southern sea was visible. Upon this Vasco Nunez commanded his fob lowers to halt, and that no man should stir from his place. Then, with a palpitating heart, he ascended alone the bare mountain-top. On reaching the summit, the long desired prospect burst upon his view. It was as if a new world were unfolded to him, separated from all hitherto known by this mighty barrier of mountains. Below him extended a vast chaos of rock and forest, and green savannas and wandering streams, while at a distance the waters of the promised ocean glittered in the morning sun. At this glorious prospect Vasco Nunez sank upon his knees, and poured out thanks to God for being the first European to whom it was given to make that great discovery. He then called his people to ascend : " Behold, my friends,'* said he, " that glorious sight which we have so much desired. Let us give thanks to God that he has granted us this great honor and advantage. Let us pray to Him to guide and aid us to conquer the sea and land which we have discovered, and which Christian has never entered to preach the holy doctrine of the Evan- gelists. As to yourselves, be as you have hith- erto been, faithful and true to me, and by the favor of Christ you will become the richest Spaniards that have ever come to the Lidies ; you will render the greatest services to your king that ever vassal rendered to his lord ; and THE COMPANIONS OF COLL M BUS. 197 yoi; will have tlie eternal glory and advantage of all that is here discovered, conquered, and con- verted to onr holy Catholic faith." The Spaniards answ^ered this speech by em bracing Vtisco Nunez, and promising to follow^ him to death. Among them was a priest, named Andres de Vara, who lifted up his voice and chanted Te Deum laudamus — the usual anthem of Spanish discoverers. The rest, kneeling down, joined in the strain with pious enthusiasm and tears of joy ; and never did a more sincere oblation rise to the Deity from a sanctified altar, than from that mountain summit. It was indeed one of the most sublime liscoveries that had yet been tnade in the New World, and must have opened a boundless field of conjecture to the wondering Spaniards. The imagination delights to picture forth the splendid confusion of their thoughts. Was this the great Indian Ocean, studded with precious islands, abounding in gold, in gems, in spices, and bordered by the gorgeous cities and wealthy marts of the East ? or was it some lonely sea, locked up in the embraces of savage uncultivated continents, and never trav- ersed by a bark, excepting the light pirogue of the savage ? The latter could hardly be the case, for the natives had told the Spaniards of golden realms, and populous and powerful and luxurious nations upon its shores. Perhaps it ;night be bordered by various people, civilized in fact, though differing from Europe in their civili- cation ; who might have peculiar laws and cus-- toms, and arts and sciences ; who might form, aa 198 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF It were, a world of their own, intercomm lining . by this mighty sea, and ciirrying on commerce between their own islands and continents ; but who might exist in total ignorance and inde- pendence of the other hemisphere. Such may naturally have been the ideas sug- gested by the sight of this unknown ocean. It was the prevalent belief of the Spaniards, how- ever, that they were the first Christians who had made the discovery. Vasco Nuiiez, tlierefore, called upon all present to witness that he took possession of that sea, its islands, and surround- ing lands, in the name of the sovereigns of Castile, and the notary of the expedition made a testimonial of the same, to which all present, to the number of sixty - seven men, signed their names. He then caused a fair and tall tree to be cut down and wrought into a cross, which was elevated on the spot whence he had first beheld the sea. A mound of stones was likewise piled up to serve as a monument, and the names of the Castilian sovereigns were carved on the neighboring trees. The Indians beheld all these ceremonials and rejoicings in silent wonder, and while they aided to erect the cross, and piled up the mound of stones, marveled exceedingly at the meaning of these moimments, little thinking lhat they marked the subjugation of their land. The memorable event here recorded took place on the 26th of September, 1513 ; so that the Spaniards had spent twenty days in performing the journey from the province of Careta to the summit of the mountain, a distance which at THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 199 present, it is said, does not reqnii-e more than Bix iays travel. Indeed, the isthmus in this neighborhood is not more than eighteen leagues in breadth in its widest part, and in some places merely seven ; but it consists of a ridge of ex- tremeiy high and rugged mountains. When the discoverers traversed it, they had no route but the Indian paths, and often had to force their way amidst all kinds of obstacles, both from the savage country and its savage inhabitants. In fact, the details of this narrative sufficiently ac- count for the slowness of their progress, and present an array of difficulties and perils, which, as has been well observed, none but those " men of iron " could have subdued and overcome.^ CHAPTER X. VASCO NUNEZ MARCHES TO THE SHORES OF THE SOUTH SEA. [1513.] Having- taken possession of the Pacific Ocean and all its realms from the summit of the moun- tain, Yasco Nunez now descended with his little band, to seek the regions of. reputed wealth upon its shores. IJe had not proceeded far, when he came to the province of a warlike cacique, named 1 Yidas de Espaiioles C^lebres, por Don Manuel Josef ^uintaua, torn. ii. p. 40. 200 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF Chiapes, wlio, issuing forth at the head of hig warriors, looked with scorn upon the scanty nnoiber of straggling Spaniards, and forbade them to set foot within his territories. Vasco Nunez depended for safety upon his power of striking terror into the ignorant savages. Or- dering his arquebusiers to the front, he poured a volley into the enemy, and then let loose the bloodhounds. The flash and noise of the fire- arms, and the sulphurous smoke which was car- ried by the wind among the Indians, overwhelmed them with dismay. Some fell down in a panic as though they had been struck by thunderbolts, the rest betook themselves to headlono; flicrht. Vasco Nunez commanded his men to refrain from needless slaughter. He made many pris- oners, and on arriving at the village, sent some of them in search of their cacique, accompanied by several of his Indian guides. The latter informed Chiapes of the supernatural power of the Spaniards, assuring him that they extermin- ated with thunder and lightning all who dared to oppose them, but loaded all such as submitted to them with benefits. They advised him, there fore, to throw himself upon their mercy and seek their friendship. The cacique listened to their advice, and came trembling to the Spaniards, bringing with him five hundred pounds^ weight of wrought gold as a peace-offering, for he had already learnt the value they set upon that metal. Vasco Nunez received him with great kindness, and graciously accepted his gold, for which he gave him beads, niE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 20 hawks'- bells, and looking-glasses, making him in his own conceit the richest potentate on that side of the mountains. Friendship being thus established between them, Vasco Nunez remaitied at the village for a few days, sending back the guides who had ac- companied him from Quaraqua, and ordering his people whom he had left at that place to rejoin him. In the mean time he sent out three scout- ing parties of twelve men each, under Francisco Pizarro, Juan de Escaray, and Alonzo Martin de Bon Benito, to explore the surrounding country and discover the best route to the sea. Alonzo Martin was the most successful. After two days' journey, he came to a beach, where he found two large canoes lying high and dry, without any water being in sight. While the Spaniards were regarding these canoes, and wondering why they should be so far on land, the tide, which rises to a great height on that coast, came rapidly in and set them afloat; upon this, Alonzo Martin stepped into one of them, and called his compan- ions to bear witness that he was the first Euro- pean that embarked upon that sea ; his example was followed by one Bias de Etienza, who called them likewise to testify that he was the second.-^ We mention minute particulars of the kind, as being characteristic of these extraordinary enter- prises, and of the extraordinary people Avho un- dertook them. The humblest of these Spanish adventurers seemed actuated by a swelling and ambitious spirit, which rose superior at times to 1 Herrera, Hist. Ind. decad. i. lib. x, cap. 2- 202 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF mere sordid considerations, and aspired to sharp the glory of these great discoveries. The scout- ing party having thus explored a direct route to the sea-coast, returned to report their success to their commander. Vasco Nunez, being* rejoined by his men from Quaraquk, nov^ left the greater part of his follow- ers to repose and recover from their sickness and fatigues in the village of Chiapes ; and, taking with him twenty-six Spaniards, well armed, ho set out on the twenty-ninth of September, for the sea-coast, accompanied by the cacique and a num- ber of his warriors. The thick forests, which covered the mountains, descended to the very margin of the sea, surrounding and overshadow- ing the wide and beautiful bays that penetrated far into the land. The whole coast, as far as the eye could reach, was perfectly wild, the sea with- out a sail, and both seemed never to have been under the dominion of civilized man. Vasco Nunez arrived on the borders of one of those vast bays, to which he gave the name of Saint Michael, it being discovered on that saint's day. The tide was out, the water was above half a league distant, and the intervening beach was covered with mud ; he seated himself, there- fore, under the shade of the forest trees, until the tide should rise. After a while, the water came rushing in with great impetuosity, and soon reaehed nearly to the place where the Spaniards were reposing. Upon this Yasco Nunez rose and took a banner on which were painted the Virgin and Child, and under them the arms of Castilo THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 203 fliid Leon ; then drawing his sword and throwing liis buckler on his shoulder, he marched into the Bea until the water reached above his knees, and waving his banner, exclaimed with a loud voice, " Long live the high and mighty monarchs, Don Ferdinand and Donna Juana, sovereigns of Cas- tile, of Leon, and of Arragon, in whose name, and for the royal crown of Castile, I take real, and corporal, and actual possession of these seas, and lands, and coasts, and ports, and islands of the south, and all thereunto annexed ; and of the kingdoms and provinces which do or may apper- tain to them, in w^hatever manner, or by what- ever right or title, ancient or modern, in times past, present, or to come, without any contradic- tion ; and if other prince or captain, Christian or infidel, or of any law, sect, or condition whatso- ever, shall pretend any right to these lands and seas, I am ready and prepared to maintain and defend them, in the name of the Castilian sover- eigns present and future, whose is the empire and dominion over these Indian islands, and Terra Firma, northern and southern, with all their seas, both at the arctic and antarctic poles, on either side of the equinoctial line, whether within or without the tropics of Cancer and Capricorn, both now and in all times, as long as the world en- dures, and unto the final day of judgment of all mankind." This swelling declaration and defiance being uttered with a loud voice, and no one appearing to dispute his pretensions, Vasco Nunez called jpon his companions to bear witness of the fact 204 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF of his having duly taken possession. They all declared themselves ready to defend his claim to the uttermost, as became true and loyal vassala to the Castilian sovereigns ; and the notary hav- ing drawn up a document for the occasion, the} Bubscribed it with their names. This done, they advanced to the margin of the soa, and stooping down, tasted its waters. When they found that, though severed by intervening mountains and continents, they were salt like the seas of the north, they felt assured that they had indeed discovered an ocean, and again returned thanks to God. Having concluded all these ceremonies, Vasco Nunez drew a dagger from his girdle, and cut a cross on a tree which grew v/ithin the water, and made two other crosses on two adjacent trees, in honor of the Three Persons of the Trinity, and in token of possession. His followers likewise cut crosses on many of the trees of the adjacent forest, and lopped off branches with, their swords to bear away as trophies.-^ Such was the singular medley of chivalrous and religious ceremonial, with which these Span- ish adventurers took possession of the vast Pacific Ocean, and all its lands — a scene strong- ly characteristic of the nation and the age. 1 Many of the foregoing particulars are from the unpu^>>« wished volumo of Oviedo's History of the Indies. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 205 CIIAFTER XI. ADVENTURES OF VASCO NUNEZ ON THE BORDERS OF TUB PACIFIC OCEAN. [1513.] Whiie he made the village of Chiapes his head quarters, Vasco Nunez foraged the adjacent country, and obtained considerable quantities of gold from the natives. Encouraged by his suc- cess, he undertook to explore by sea the borders of a neighboring gulf of great extent, which penetrated far into the land. The cacique Chiapes warned him of the danger of venturing to sea in the stormy season, which comprises the months of October, November, and December, assuring him that he had beheld many canoes swallowed up in the mighty waves and whirl- pools, which at such time render the gulf almost unnavigable. These remonstrances were unavailing: Vasco Nunez expressed a confident belief that God would protect him, seeing that his voyage was to redound to the propagation of the faith, and the augmentation of the power of the Castilian mon- archs over the infidels ; and in truth this bigoted reliance on the immediate protection of Heaven seems to have been, in a great measure, the cause of the extravagant daring of the Spaniards in their expeditions in those days, whether against Moors »)f Indians. Finding his re presentations of no effect, Cliiapes 206 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF volunteered to take part in this perilous cruise, lest he should appear wanting in courage, or in good-will to his guest. Accompanied by the ca- cique, therefore, Vasco Nunez embarked on tho 17th of October, with sixty men in nine canoes, managed by Indians, leaving the residue of his fol- lowers to recruit their health and strength in the village of Chiapes. Scarcely however had they put forth on the broad bosom of the gulf, when the wisdom of the cacique's advice was made apparent. The wind began to blow freshly, raising a heavy and tu- multuous sea, which broke m roaring and foaming surges on the rocks and reefs, and among the numerous islets with which the gulf was studded. The light canoes were deeply laden with men un- skilled in their management. It was frightful to those in one canoe to behold their companions, one instant tossed high on the breaking crest of a wave, the next plunging out of sight, in a watery abyss. The Indians themselves, though almost amphibious in their habits, showed signs of con- sternation ; for amidst these rocks and breaker? even the skill of the expert swimmer would be of little avail. At length the Indians succeeded in tying the canoes in pairs, side by side, to pre vent their being overturned, and in this way they kept afloat, until towards evening they were en- abled to reach a small island. Here they landed, and fastening the canoes to the rocks, or to small trees that grew upon the shore, they sought an elevated dry place, and stretched themselves to take repose. They had but escaped from one THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 207 danger to encounter another. Having been for a long time accustomed to the sea on the northern Bide of the isthmus, where there is little, if any, rise or fall of the tide, they had neglected to take any precaution against such an occurrence. In a little while they were awakened by the rapid rising of the water. They shifted their situation, to a higher ground, but the waters continued to gain upon them, the breakers rushing and roaring, and foaming upon the beach, like so many monsters of the deep seeking for their prey. Nothing, it is said, can be more dismal and appalling than the sullen bellowing of the sea among the islands of that gulf, at the rising and falling of the tide. By degrees, rock after rock, and one sand-bank after another, disappeared, until the sea covered the whole island, and rose almost to the girdles of the Spaniards. Their situation was now agonizing. A little more, and the waters would overwhelm them: or, even as it was, the least surge might break over them and sweep them from their un- steady footing. Fortunately the wind had lulled, and the sea, having risen above the rocks which had fretted it, became calm. The tide had reached its height and began to subside, and after a time they heard the retiring waves beating against the rocks below them. When the day dawned, they sought their canoes ; but here a sad spectacle met their eyes. Some were broken to pieces, others yawning open in many parts. The clothing and food left in them had been washed away, and replaced by sand and wat^i The Spaniards gazed on the scene in mut,e 208 voyagjlS and bijscovebjes of des])air ; tliej were faint and weary, and needed food and repose, but famine and labor awaited them, even if they should escape with their lives. Yasco Nuiiez, however, rallied their spirits, and set them an example by his own cheerful exer- tions. Obeying his directions, they set to work to repair, in the best manner they were able, the damages of the canoes. Such as were not too much shattered they bound and braced up with their girdles, with slips of the bark of trees, or with the tough long stalks of certain sea-weeds. They then peeled off the bark from the small sea- plants, pounded it between stones, and mixed it with ^rass, and with this endeavored to calk the seamft and stop the leaks. When reembarked, their numbers weighed down the canoes almost to the water's edge, and as they rose and sank with the swelling waves there was danger of their being swallowed up. All day they labored with the sea, suffering excessively from hunger and tliirst, and at nightfall they landed in a corner of the gulf, near the abode of a cacique named Tumaco. Leav- ing a part of his men to guard the canoes, Yasco Nunez set out with the residue for the Indian town. He arrived there about midnight, but the uihabitants were on the alert to defend their habi- tations. The fire-arms and dogs soon put them to flight, and the Spaniards pursuing them with their swords, drove them howling into the woods. In the village were found provisions in abundance, beside a considerable amount of gold and a great quantity of pearls, many of them of a large size. In the house of the cacique were several huge THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 209 shells of mother-of-pearl, and four pearl oysters quite fresh, which showed that there was a pearl lisliery in the neighborhood. Eager to learn the sources of this wealth, Yasco j^uiiez sent several of the Indians of Cliiapes in search of the cacique, who traced him to a wild retreat among the rocks. By their persuasions Tumaco sent his son, a fine young savage, as a mediator. The latter returned to his father loaded with presents, and extolling the benignity of these superhuman beings, who had shown themselves so terrible in battle. By these means, and by a mutual exchange of pres- ents, a friendly intercourse was soon established. Among other things the cacique gave Yasco Nuiiez jewels of gold weighing six hundred and fourteen crowns, and two hundred pearls of great size and beauty, excepting that they were somewhat dis- colored in consequence of the oysters having been opened by fire. The cacique, seeing the value which the Span- iards set upon the pearls, sent a number of his men to fish for them at a place about ten miles distant. Certain of the Indians were trained from their youth to this purpose, so as to become ex- pert divers, and to acquire the power of remain- ing a long time beneath the water. The largest pearls are generally found in the deepest water, sometimes in three and four fathoms, and are only sought in calm weather ; the smaller sort are found at the depth of two and three feet, and the oysters containing them are often driven in quantities on the beach during violent storms. The party of pearl-divers sent by the cacique, VOL. 111. U 210 VOYAGJ^S AND DISCOVERIES OF consisted of thirty Indians, with whom Yasiio Nuilez sent six Spaniards as eye-witnesses. The Bea, however, was so furious at that stormy season, that the divers dared not venture into the deep water. Such a number of the shell-fish, however, had been driven on shore, that they collected enough to yield pearls to the value of twelve marks of gold. They were small, but exceed- ingly beautiful, being newly taken and uninjured by fire. A number of these shell-fish, and their pearls, were selected to be sent to Spain as spec- imens. In reply to the inquiries of Vasco Nunez, the cacique informed him that the coast which he saw stretching to the west continued onwards without end, and that far to the south there was a country abounding in gold, where the inhabi- tants made use of certain quadrupeds to carry burdens. He moulded a figure of clay to rep- resent these animals, which some of the Span- iards supposed to be a deer, others a camel, others a tapir ; for as yet they knew nothing of the lama, the native beast of burden of South America. This was the second intimation re- ceived by Vasco Nunez of the great empire of Peru ; and, while it confirmed all that had been ^old him by the son of Comagre, it awakened glowing anticipations of the glorious triumphs that awaited him. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 2U CHAPTER XII. fARTIIER ADVENTURES AND EXPLOITS OF VASCO NUNM ON THE BORDERS OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN [1513.] Lest any ceremonial should be wanting to Bccure his grand discovery to the crown of Spain, Yasco Nunez determined to sally from the gulf and take possession of the mainland beyond. The cacique Tumaco furnished him with a canoe of state, formed from the trunk of an enormous tree, and managed by a great number of Indians. The handles of the paddles were inlaid with small pearls, a circumstance which Vasco Nunez caused his companions to testify before the no- tary, that it might be reported to the sovereigns as a proof of the wealth of this newly discov- ered sea.^ Departing in the canoe on the 29th of Octo- ber, he w^as piloted cautiously by the Indians along the borders of the gulf, over drowned lands where the sea was fringed by inundated forests, and as still as a pool. Arrived at the point of the gulf, Vasco Nunez landed on a smooth sandy beach, laved by the waters of the broad ocean, and, with buckler on arm, sword in hand, and banner displayed, again marched into the sea and took possession of it, with like cere- monials to tiiose observed in the Gulf o) St MichaeFs. 1 Oviedo, Hist. Gen., p. 2, MS. 212 voyagilS and discoveries of The Indians now pointed to a line of land rising above the horizon about four or five leagues distant, which they described as being a great island, the principal one of an archipelago. The whole group abounded with pearls, but those taken on the coasts of this island were repre- eented as being of immense size, many of them as large as a man's eye, and found in shell-fish as big as bucklers. This island and the sur- rounding cluster of small ones, they added, were under the dominion of a tyrannical and puissant cacique, who often, during the calm seasons, made descents upon the mainland with fleets of canoes, plundering and desolating the coasts, and carrying the people into captivity. Vasco Nunez gazed with an eager and wistful eye at this land of riches, and would have imme- ately undertaken an expedition to it, had not the Indians represented the danger of venturing on such a voyage in that tempestuous season, in their frail canoes. His own recent experience con- vinced him of the wisdom of their remonstrances. He postponed his visit, therefore, to a future occasion, when, he assured his allies, he would avenge them upon this tyrant invader, and de- liver their coasts from his maraudings. In the mean time he gave to this island the name of Isla Rica, and the little archipelago surrounding it the general appellation of the Pearl Islands. On the 3d of November, he departed from the province of Tumaco, to visit other parts of the coast. He embarked with his men in the canoes, accompanied by Chiapes and his Indians, and THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 213 guided by the son of Tumaco, who had become Btrongly attached to the Spaniards. The young man piloted them along an arm of the sea, wide in some places, but in others obstructed by groves of mangrove trees, which grew within the water, and interlaced their branches from shore to shore, so that at times the Spaniards were obliged to cut a passage with their swords. At length they entered a great and turbulent river, whi.ch they ascended with difficulty, and early the next morning surprised a village on its banks, making the cacique Teaochan prisoner ; who purchased their favor and kind treatment by a quantity of gold and pearls, and an abundant supply of provisions. As it was the intention of Vasco Nuiiez to abandon the shores of the Southern Ocean at this place, and to strike across the mountains for Darien, he took leave of Chiapes and of the youthful son of Tumaco, who were to return to their houses in the canoes. He sent at the same time, a message to his men, whom he had left in the village of Chiapes, ap- pointing a place in the mountains where they were to rejoin him on his way back to Darien. The talent of Vasco Nunez for conciliating and winning the good will of the savages is often mentioned, and to such a degree had he exerted it in the present instance, that the two chieftains shed tears at parting. Their conduct had a fa- vorable effect upon the cacique Teaochan ; he entertained Vasco Nunez with the most devoted hospitality during three days that he remained m his village ; when about to depart, he fur 214 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF nished him with a stock of provisions sufficient for several days, as his route would be over rocky and sterile mountains. He sent also a numerous band of his subjects to carry the burdens of the Spaniards. These he placed under the command of his son, whom he ordered never to separate from the strangers, nor to permit any of his men to return without the consent of Vasco Nuiiez, CHAPTER XML VASCO NUNEZ SETS OUl ON HIS RETURN ACROSS THB MOUNTAINS. — HIS CONTESTS WITH THE SAVAGES. Turning their backs upon the Southern Sea, the Spaniards now began painfully to clamber the rugged mountains on their return to Darien. In the early part of their route an unlooked- for suffering awaited them : there was neither brook nor fountain nor standing pool. The burning heat, which produced intolerable thirst, had dried up all the mount^iin torrents, and they were tantalized by the sight of naked and dusty channels, where water had once flowed in abun- iance. Their sufferinof at leno^th increased to such a height, that many threw themselves, fevered and panting, upon the earth, and were ready to give up the ghost. The Indians, however, en- couraged them to proceed, by hopes of speedy relief, and after a while, turning aside from the direct course, led them into a deep and narrow glen, refreshed and cooled by a fountain which bubbled out of a cleft of the rocks. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 215 Wliile refreshing themselves at the fountaui, and reposing in the little valley, they learnt from their gnides that they were in the territories of a powerful chief named Poncra, famous for his riches. The Spaniards had already heard of the golden stores of this Croesus of the mountains and being now refreshed and invigorated, pressed forward with eagerness for his village. The cacique and most of his people fled at their ap- proach, but they found an earnest of his wealth in the deserted houses, amounting to the value of three thousand crowjis in gold. Their avarice thus whetted, they despatched Indians in search of Poncra, who found him trembling in his secret retreat, and partly by threats, partly by promises, prevailed upon him and three of his principal subjects to come to Vasco Nunez. He was a savage, it is said, so hateful of aspect, so mis- shapen in body and deformed in all his members, that he was hideous to behold. The Spaniards endeavored by gentle means to draw from him information of the places whence he procured his gold. He professed utter ignorance in the matter, declaring that the gold found in his village had been gathered by his predecessors in times long past, and that as he himself set no value on the netal, he had never troubled himself to seek it. fhe Spaniards resorted to menaces, and even, it j3 said, to tortures, to compel him to betray his reputed treasures, but with no better success. Disappointed in their expectations, and enraged at his supposed obstinacy, they listened too readily to charges advanced against him by 216 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES CF certain caciques of the neigliborhood, who repre- sented him as a monster of cruelty, and as guilty of crimes repugnant to nature ; ^ whereupon, in the heat of the moment, they gave him and his tliree companions, who were said to be equally guilty, to be torn in pieces by the dogs- — a rash and cruel sentence, issued on the evidence of avowed enemies ; and which, however it may be palliated by the alleged horror and disgust of the Spaniards at the imputed crimes of the cacique, bears visibly the stamp of haste and passion, and remains accordingly a foul blot on the characte* of Vasco Nunez. The Spaniards staid for thirty days reposing m the village of the unfortunate Poncra, during which time they were rejoined by their com- panions, who had been left behind at the village of Chiapes. They were accompanied by a cacique of the mountains, who had lodged and fed them, and made them presents of the value of two thousand crowns in gold. This hospitable savage approached Vasco Nunez with a serene counte- nance, and taking him by the hand, " Behold," said he, "most valiant and powerful chief, I bring thee thy companions safe and well, as they entered under my roof. May He who made the thunder and lightnmg, and w^ho gives us the fruits of the earth, preserve thee and thine in safety ! " So saying, he raised his eyes to the sun, as if he worshiped that as his deity and ;hii dispenser of all temporal blessings.^ 1 Peter Martyr, decad. iii. cap. 2. 2 Herrera, decad. i. lib. x. cap. 4. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUAfBUS. 217 Departing from this village, and "being &tilj accompanied by the Indians of Teaochan, the Spaniards now bent their course along the banks of the river Comagre, which descends the north- ern side of the isthmus, and flows through the territories of the cacique of the same name, Tliis wild stream, which in the course of ages had worn a channel through the deep clefts and ravines of the mountains, was bordered by preci- pices, or overhung by shagged forests ; they soon abandoned it, therefore, and wandered on without any path, but guided by the Indians. They had to climb terrible precipices, and to descend into deep valleys, darkened by thick forests and beset by treacherous morasses, where, but for their guides, they might have been smothered in the mire. In the course of this rugged journey they suffered excessively in consequence of their own avarice. They had been warned of the sterility of the country, and of the necessity of providing amply for the journey. When they came to lade the Indians, however,- who bore their burdens, their only thought was how to convey the most treasure ; and they grudged even a slender supply of provisions, as taking up the place of an equal weight of gold. The consequences were soon felt. The Indians could carry but small burdens, and at the same time assisted to con- Bume the scanty stock of food which formed part of their load. Scarcity and famine ensued, and relief was rarely to be procured, for the villages ou this elevated part of the mountains were 218 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF scattered and poor, and nearly destitute of pro- visions. They held no communication with each other; each contenting itself with the scanty produce of its own fields and forest. Some were entirely deserted ; at other places, the inhabitants, forced from their retreats, implored pardon, and declared they had hidden themselves through shame, not having the means of properly enter- taining such celestial visitors. They brought peace-oiFerings of gold, but no provisions. For once the Spaniards found that even their darling gold could fail to cheer their drooping spirits. Their sufferings from hunger became intense, and many of their Indian companions sank down and perished by the way. At length they reached a village where they were enabled to obtain supplies, and where they remained tliirty days, to recruit their wasted strength. CHAPTER XIV. ENTERPRISE AGAINST TUB AN AM A THE WARLIKE CACIQUH OF THE MOUNTAINS. — RETURN TO DARIEN. The Spaniards had now to pass through tho territories of Tubanama, the most potent and warlike cacique of the mountains. This was the same chieftain of whom a formidable character had been given by the young Indian prince, who first informed Vasco Nunez of the southern sea. He had erron ^-ously represented the dominions of THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 219 Tubanama as lying beyond the mountains ; and, while he dwelt upon the quantities of gold to bo found in them, had magnified the dangers of any attempt to pass their borders. The name of this redoubtable cacique was in fact a terror through- out the country ; and when Vasco Nunez looked rouud upon his handful of pale and emaciated followers, he doubted whether even the supe- riority of their weapons, and their military skill, would enable them to cope with Tubanama and his armies in open contest. He resolved, there- fore, upon a perilous stratagem. When he made it known to his men, every one pressed forward to engage in it. Choosing seventy of the most vigorous, he ordered the rest to maintain their post in the village. As soon as night had fallen, he departed secretly with his chosen band, and made his way with such rapidity through the forests and defiles of the mountains, that he arrived in the neighbor- hood of the residence of Tubanama by the follow- ing evening, though at the distance of two regular days' journey. There waiting until midnight, he assailed the village suddenly, and captured the cacique and liis whole family, in which were eighty females. Tubanama lost all presence of mind, and wept bitterly. The Indian allies, beholding their once dreaded enemy thus fallen and captive, urged chat he should be put to death, accusing him of s^arious crimes and cruelties. Yasco Nunez pre- tended to listen to their prayers, and gave orders that his captive should be tied hand and foot and 2-20 VOYAUES AND DISCOVERIES OF given to the dogs. The cacique approached him trembling, and laid his hand upon the pommel of his sword. " Who can pretend," said he, " to strive with one who bears this weapon, which can cleave a man asunder with a blow ? Ever since thy fame has reached among these moun- tains have I reverenced thy valor. Spare my life, and thou shalt have all the gold I can pro- cure." Vasco Nunez, whose anger was assumed, was readily pacified. As soon as the day dawned, the cacique gave him armlets and other jewels of gold to the value of three thousand crowns, and sent messengers throughout his dominions order- ing his subjects to aid in paying his ransom. The poor Indians, with their accustomed loyalty, has- tened in crowds, bringing their golden ornaments, until in the course of three days they had pro- duced an amount equal to six thousand crowns. This done, Vasco Nunez set the cacique at liber- ty, bestowing on him several European trinkets, with which he considered himself richer than he had been with all his gold. Nothing would draw from him, however, the disclosure of the mines whence tliis treasure was procured. He declared that it came from the territories of his neighbors, where gold and pearls were to be found m abun- lance ; but that his lands produced nothing of the kind. Vasco Nuiiez doubted his sincerity, and secretly caused the brooks and rivers in his dominions to be searched, where gold was found in such quantities, that he determined, at a future :iime, to found two settlements in the neigh bor- Bood. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 221 On parting with Tubanama, the cacique sent his son wi'ii the Spaniards, to learn their lan- guage and religion. It is said, also, that the Spaniards carried off his eighty women ; but of this particular fact Ovdedo, who writes with the papers of Vasco Nunez before him, says nothing. He affirms, generally, however, that the Span- iards, throughout tliis expedition, were not scru- pulous in their dealings with the wives and daugh- ters of the Indians ; and adds, that in tliis their commander set them the example.^ Havuig returned to the village where he had left the greater part of his men, Yasco Nunez re- sumed his homeward march. His people were feeble and exhausted, and several of them sick ; so that some had to be carried and others led by the arms. He himself was part of the time af- flicted by a fever, and had to be borne in a ham- mock on the shoulders of the Indians. Proceeding thus slowly and toilfully, they at length arrived on the northern sea-coast, at the territories of their ally, Comagre. The old ca- cique was dead, and had been succeeded by his son, the same intelligent youth who had first given information of the southern sea and the kingdom of Peru. The young chief, who had embraced Christianity, received them with great hospitality, making them presents . of gold. Vasco Nunez gave him trinkets in return, and a shirt and a soldier's cloak ; with which, says Peter Martyr, he thought himself half a god among his naked -countrymen. After having reposed for a few A Oviedo, Hist. Gen. Part. II. cap. 4, MS. 222 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF days, Vasco Nunez proceeded to Ponca, where he heard that a ship and caravel had arrived at Da- rien from Hispaniola, vrith reinforcements and sup- plies. Hastening, therefore, to Cojba, the terri- tories of his ally, Careta, he embarked on the 18th of January, 1514, with twenty of his men, in the brigantine which he had left there, and arrived at Santa Maria de la Antigua, in the river of Da- rien, on the following day. All the inhabitants came forth to receive him ; and when they heard the news of the great southern sea, and of his re- turning from its shores laden with pearls and gold, there were no bounds to their joy. He imme- diately despatched the ship and caravel to Coyba for the companions left behind, who brought with them the remaining booty, consisting of gold and pearls, mantles, hammocks, and other articles of cotton, and a great number of captives of both sexes. A fifth of the spoil was set apart for the crown ; the rest was shared, in just proportions, among those who had been in the expedition, and those who had remained at Darien. All were contented with their allotment, and elated with the prospect of still greater gain from future en- terprises. Thus ended one of the most remarkable expe- iitions of the early discoverers. The intrepidity >f Vasco Nunez in penetrating, with a handful )f men, far into the interior of a wild and moun- vainous country peopled by warlike tribes ; his skill in managing his band of rough adventurers, stimulating their valor, enforcing their obedience, and attaching their affections, show him to have THE COMPANIONS OF COLLMBUS. 223 possessed great qualities as a genei'al. We are told that lie was always foremost in peril, and the last to quit the field. He shared the toils and dangers of the meanest of his followers, treating them with frank affability; watching, fighting, fasting; and laboring with them ; visiting and con- soling such as were sick or infirm, and dividing all his gains with fairness and liberality. He was chargeable at times with acts of bloodshed and injustice, but it is probable that these were often called for as measures of safety and precaution ; he certainly offended less against humanity than most of the early discoverers ; and the unbounded amity and confidence reposed in him by the na- tives, when they became intimately acquainted with his character, speak strongly in favor of his kind treatment of them. The character of Yasco Nunez had, in fact, risen with his circumstances, and now assumed a nobleness and grandeur from the discovery he had made, and the important charge it had devolved upon him. He no longer felt himself a mere boldier of fortune, at the head of a band of ad- venturers, but a great commander conducting an hnmortal enterprise. "Behold," says old Peter Martyr, " Yasco Nunez de Balboa, at once trans- formed from a rash royster to a politic and dis- creet captain : " and thus it is that men are often made by their fortunes ; that is to . say, their la- tent qualities are brought out, and shaped and strengthened by events, and by the necessity of every exertioii to cope with the greatness of their destiny. 22 4 VOYAGIS AND I)[iSC OVERIES OF CHAPTER XV. TRANSACTIONS IN SPAIN. — PEDRARIAS DA VILA AP POINTED TO THE COMMAND OF DARIEN. — TIDINGS RE- CEIVED IN SPAIN OF THE DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. Yasco NuN^iz DE Balboa now flattered him- self that he had made a discovery calculated to silence all liis enemies at court, and to elevate him to the highest favor with his sovereign. He wrote letters to the king, giving a detail of his expedition, and settmg forth all that he had seen or heard of this southern sea, and of the rich countries upon its borders. Beside the royal fifths of the profits of the expedition, he prepared a present for the sovereign, in the name of himself and his companions, consisting of the largest and most precious pearls they had collected. As a trusty and intelligent envoy to bear these tidings, he chose Pedro de Arbolancha, an old and tried friend, who had accompanied him in his toils and dangers, and was well acquainted with all his transactions. The fate of Vasco Nunez furnishes a striking instance how prosperity and adversity, how even life and death, hang balanced upon a point of time, and are affected by the improvement or neg- lect of moments. Unfortunately the ship which was to convey the messenger to Spain lingered in port until the beginning of March ; a delay which had a fatal influence on the fortunes of Va&co Nunez. It is necessary here to cast an eye back THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 225 upon the events which had taken place in Spain while he was employed in his conquests and dis- coveries. The Bachelor Enciso had arrived in Castilo fiill of his wrongs and indignities. He had friends at court, who aided him in gaining a ready hear- ing, and he lost not a moment in availing himself of it. He declaimed eloquently upon the alleged usurpation of Vasco Nunez, and represented him as governing the colony by force and fraud. It was in vain that the alcalde Zamudio, the ancient colleague and the envoy of Vasco Nunez, at- tempted to speak in his defense ; he was unable to cope with the facts and arguments of the Bach- elor, who was a pleader by profession, and now pleaded his own cause. The king determined to send a new governor to Darien, with power to inquire into and remedy all abuses. For this of- fice he chose Don Pedro Arias Davila, commonly called Pedrarias.^ He was a native of Segovia, who had been brought up in the royal household, and had distinguished himself as a brave soldier, both m the war of Granada and at the takino^ of Oran and Bugia in Africa. He possessed those personal accomplishments which captivate the sol- diery, and was called el Golan ^ for his gallant ar- ray and courtly demeanor, and el Justador, or the Tilter^ for his dexterity in jousts and tournaments. These, it must be admitted, were not the qualifi- cations most adapted for the government of rude and fractious colonies in a wilderness ; but he had 1 By the English historians he has generally been called Davila. VOL. III. 15 226 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERJES OF an all-powerful friend in the Bishop FoiiSeca. The bishop was as thoroughgoing in patronage as in persecution. He assured the king that Pedra- rias had understanding equal to his valor ; that he was as capable of managing the affairs of peace as of war, and that, having been brought up in the royal household, his loyalty might be im2)licitlj relied on. Scarcely had Don Pedrarias been appointed when Cayzedo and Colmenares arrived on their mission from Darien, to communicate the intelli- gence received from the son of the cacique Coma- gre, of the southern sea beyond the mountains, and to ask one thousand men to enable Yasco Nunez to make the discovery. The avarice and ambition of Ferdinand were inflamed by the tidings. He rewarded the bear- ers of the intelligence, and, after consulting with Bishop Fonseca, resolved to despatch immediately a powerful armada, with twelve hundred men, under the command of Pedrarias, to accomplish the enterprise. Just about this time the famous Gonsalvo Her- nandez de Cordova, commonly called the Great Captain, was preparing to return to Naples, where tlie allies of Spain had experienced a signal defeat, and had craved the assistance of this renowned general to retrieve their fortunes. The chivalry of Spain thronged to enlist under the banner of Gonsalvo. The Spanish nobles, with their accus' tomed prodigality, sold or mortgaged their estates to buy gorgeous aimor, silks, brocades, and ether articles of martial pomp and luxury, that thej THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 227 might figure, with becoming magnificence, in the campaigns of Italy. The armament was on the point of sailing for Naples with this host of proud and gallant spirits, when the jealous mind of Ferdinand took offense at the enthusiasm thus shown towards his general, and he abruptly coun- termanded the expedition. The Spanish cavaliers were overwhelmed with disappointment at having their dreams of glory thus suddenly dispelled ; when, as if to console them, the enterprise of Pe- drarias was set on foot, and opened a different career of adventure. The very idea of an un- known sea and splendid empire, where never European ship had sailed nor foot had trodden, broke upon the imagination with the vague won- ders of an Arabian tale. Even the countries already known, in the vicinity of the settlement of Darien, were described in the usual terms of exaggeration. Gold was said to lie on the surface of the ground, or to be gathered with nets out of the brooks and rivers ; insomuch that the re- gion hitherto called Terra Firma, now received the pompous and delusive appellation of Castilla del Oro, or Golden Castile. Excited by these reports, many of the youtliful cavahers, who had prepared for the Italian cam- paign, now offered themselves as volunteers to 'Don Pedrarias. He accepted their services, and appointed Seville as the place of assemblage. The streets of that ancient city soon swarmed with young and noble cavaliers splendidly arrayed, fidl of spirits, and eager for the sailing of the In- iiau armada. Pedrarias, on his arrival at Seville, 228 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF made a general review of his forces, and was em« barrassed to find that the number amounted to three thousand. He had been limited in his first armament to twelve hundred ; on representing the nature of the case, however, the number was extended to fifteen hundred ; but through in- tiuence, entreaty, and stratagem, upwards of two thousand eventually embarked.^ Happy did he think himself who could in any manner, and by any means, get admitted on board of the squadron. Nor was this eagerness for the enterprise confined merely to young and buoyant and ambitious ad- venturers ; we are told that there were many cov- etous old men, who offered to go at their own expense, without seeking any pay from the king. Thus every eye was turned with desire to this squadron of modern argonauts, as it lay anchored on the bosom of the Guadalquiver. The pay and appointments of Don Pedrarias Davila were on the most liberal scale, and no ex- pense was spared in fitting out the armament ; for the objects of the expedition were both colon- ization and conquest. Artillery and powder were procured from Malaga. Beside the usual weap- ons, such as muskets, cross-bows, swords, pikes, lances, and Neapolitan targets, there was armor devised of quilted cotton, as being light and better adapted to the climate, and sufiiciently proof against the weapons of the Indians ; and wooden bucklers from the Canary Islands, to ward off the poisoned arrows of the Caribs. Santa Maria de la Antigua was, by royal ordi 1 Ovicdo, lib. ii. cap. 7, MS. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 229 nance, elevated into the metropolitan city of Golden Castile, and a Franciscan friar, named Juan de Quevedo, was appointed as bishop, with powers to decide in all cases of conscience. A number of friars were nominated to accompany him, and he was provided with the necessary fur- niture and vessels for a chapel. Among the various regulations made for the good of the infant colony, it was ordained that no lawyers should be admitted there, it having been found at Hispaniola and elsewhere, that they were detrimental to the welfare of the settlements, by fomenting disputes and litigations. The judi- cial affairs were to be entirely confided to the li- centiate Gaspar de Espinosa, who was to officiate as alcalde mayor or chief judge. Don Pedrarias had intended to leave his wife in Spain. Her name was Dona Isabella de Bobadilla ; she was niece to the Marchioness de Moya, a great favorite of the late Queen Isabella, who had been instrumental in persuading her royal mistress to patronize Columbus.^ Her niece partook of her high and generous nature. She refused to remain behind in selfish security, but declared that she would accompany her hus- band in every peril, whether by sea or land. This self-devotion is the more remarkable, when it is considered that she was past the romantic 1 This was the same Marchioness de Moya, who, during ••he war of Granada, while tlie court and royal army were encamped before Malaga, was mistaken for the queen by a 3loorish fanatic, and had nearly fallen beneath his dagger. 230 VOrAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF period of youth ; and that she left behind her in Spain, a family of four sons and four daughters. Don Pedi'arias was instructed to use great in- dulgence towards the people of Darien, who had been the followers of Nicuesa, and to remit the royal tithe of all the gold they might have col- lected previous to his arrival. Towards Vasco Nunez de Balboa alone the royal countenance was stern and severe. Pedrarias was to depose him from his assumed authority, and to call him to strict account before the alcalde mayor, Gas- par de Espinosa, for his treatment of the Bach- elor Enciso. The splendid fleet, consisting of fifteen sail, weighed anchor at St. Lucar on the 12th of April, 1514, and swept proudly out of the Gua- dalquiver, thronged with chivalrous adventurers for Golden Castile. But a short time had elapsed after its departure, when Pedro Arbolancho ar- rived with the tardy mission of Yasco Nunez. Had he arrived a few days sooner, how different might have been the fortune of his friend ! He was immediately admitted to the royal presence, where he announced the adventurous and successful expedition of Vasco Nuiiez, and laid before the king the pearls and golden orna- ments brouo^ht as the first fruits of the discov- cry. King Ferdinand listened with charmed attention to this tale of unknown seas and wealthy realms added to his empire. It filled, in fact, the imagination of the most sage and learned with golden dreams, and anticipations of un- bounded riches. Old Peter Martyr, who re- THE COMPANIONS CF COLUMBUS. 231 ceivcd letters fi'om his friends in Darien, and communicated by word of mouth with those who came from thence, writes to Leo the Tenth in exulting terms of this event. " Spain," says he, " will hereafter be able to satisfy with pearls the greedy appetite of such a^ in wanton pleasures are like unto Cleopatra and ^sopus ; so that henceforth we shall neither envy nor reverence the nice fruitfulness of Trapoban or the Red Sea. The Spaniards will not need hereafter to mine and dig far into the earth, nor to cut asunder mountains in quest of gold, but will find it plentifully, in a manner, on the upper crust of the earth, or in the sands of rivers dried up by the heats of summer. Certainly the rev- erend antiquity obtained not so great a benefit of nature, nor even aspired to the knowledge thereof, since never man before, from the known world, penetrated to these unknown regions." ^ The tidings of this discovery made all Spain resound with the praises of Vasco Nunez ; and, from being considered a lawless and desperate adventurer, he was lauded to the skies as a worthy successor to Columbus. The king re- pented of the harshness of his late measures towards him, and ordered the Bishop Fonseca to devise some mode of rewarding his transceii* dent services. * P. Martyr, decad. 3, chap. iii. Lok's translation. 232 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF CHAPTER XVI. illRIVAL AND GRAND ENTRY OF DON PEDRARIAS DAVILA INTO DARIEN. While honors and i-ewards were preparing in Europe for Yasco Nunez, that indefatigable commander, inspired by his fortunes with re- doubled zeal and loftier ambition, was exercising the paternal forethought and discretion of a patri- otic governor over the country subjected to his rule. His most strenuous exertions were di- rected to bring the neighborhood of Darien into such a state of cultivation, as might render the settlement independent of Europe for supplies. The town was situated on the banks of a river, and contained upwards of two hundred houses and cabins. Its population amounted to five hundred and fifteen Europeans, all men, and fif- teen hundred Indians, male and female. Or- chards and gardens had been laid out, where European as well as native fruits and vegetables were cultivated, and already gave promise of future abundance. Yasco Nunez devised all kinds of means to keep up the spirits of his peo- ple. On holidays they had their favorite national sports and games, and particularly tilting matches^ of which chivalrous amusement the Spaniards in those days were extravagantly fond. Sometimes he gratified their restless and roving habits by Bending them on expeditions to various parts of the country, to acquire a knowledge of its re- THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 233 sources, and to strengtlien his sway over the na- tives. He was so successful in securing the amity, or exciting the awe of the Indian tribes, that a Spaniard might go singly about the land in perfect safety ; while his own followers were zealous in their devotion to him, both from ad- miration of his past exploits and from hopes of soon being led by him to new discoveries and conquests. Peter Martyr, in his lettei to Leo the Tenth, speaks in high terms of these "old soldiers of Darien," the remnants of those well- tried adventurers who had followed the fortunes of Ojeda, Nicuesa, and Yasco Nunez. " They were hardened," says he, " to abide all soirows, and were exceedingly tolerant of labor, heat, hunger, and watching, insomuch that they mer- rily make their boast that they have observed a longer and sharper Lent than even your Holi- ness enjoined, since, for the space of four years, their food has been herbs and fruits, with now and then fish, and very seldom flesh." ^ Such were the hardy and well-seasoned vet- erans that were under the sway of Vasco Nuiiez ; and the colony gave signs of rising in prosperity under his active and fostering management, when, in the month of June, the fleet of Don J^edrarias Davila arrived in the Gulf of Uraba. The Spanish cavaliers who accompanied the Lew governor were eager to get on shore, and to behold the anticipated wonders of the land ; but Pedrarias, knowing the resolute character of Vas^-o Nunez, and the devotion of liis followers, 1 P. Mar/yr, decad. 3, cap. iii. Lok's translation. 23^ VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF appi'cnendecl some difficulty in getting possession of tiie colony. Anchoring, therefore, about a league and a half from the settlement, he sent a messeao:(>: on shore to announce his arrival. The envoy, having heard so much in Spain of the prowess and exploits of Vasco Nunez, and the riches of Golden Castile, expected, no doubt, to find a blustering warrior, maintaining barbaric state in the government which he had usurped. Great was his astonishment, therefore, to find this redoubtable hero a plain, unassuming man, clad m a cotton frock and drawers, and hempen sandals, directing and aiding the labor of several Indians who were thatchmg a cottage in which he resided. The messenger approached him respectfully, and announced the arrival of Don Pedrarias Davila as governor of the country. Whatever Yasco Nunez may have felt at this intelligence, he suppressed his emotions, and answered the messenger with great discretion ; " Tell Don Pedrarias Davila," said he, " that he is welcome, and I congratulate him on his safe arrival, and am ready, with all who are here, to obey his orders." The little community of rough and daring adventurers was in an uproar when they found a new governor had arrived. Some of the most zealous adherents of Vasco Nunez were dis- posed to sally forth, sword in hand, and repel the intruder ; b^t they were restramed by their more considerate cliieftam, who prepared to receive the new governor with all due submission. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 235 Pedrarias disembarked on tlie thirtieth of June, accompanied by his heroic wife, Dona Isabella ; who, according to old Peter Martyr, had sus- tained the roarings and rages of the ocean with no less stout courage than either her husband or the mariners who had been brought up among the surges of the sea. Pedrarias set out for the embryo city at the head of two thousand men, all well armed. He led his wife by the hand, and on the other side of him was the Bishop of Darien in his robes ; while a brilliant train of youthful cavaliers, in glittering armor and brocade, formed a kind of body-guard. All this pomp and splendor formed a striking contrast with the humble state of Yasco Nunez, who came forth unarmed, in simple attire, accom- panied by his counsellors and a handful of the " old soldiers of Darien," scarred and battered, and grown half wild in Indian warfare, but with- out weapons, and in garments much the worse for wear. Yasco Nunez saluted Don Pedrarias Davila, with profound reverence, and promised him im- pHcit obedience, both m his own name and in the name of the community. Having entered the town, he conducted his distinguished guests to his straw-thatched habitation, where he had caused a repast to be prepared of such cheer as his means afforded, consisting of roots and fruits, maize and cassava bread, with no other beverage thaii water from the river ; — a sorry palace and a meagre banquet in the eyes of the gay cavaliers, who had 236 VOVAGES AND BISCOVER/ES OF anticipated far other things from the usurper oi Golden Castile. Vasco Nunez, however, ac- quitted himself m his humble wigwam with the courtesy and hospitality of a prince, and showed that the dignity of an entertainment depends more upon the giver than the feast. In the mean time a plentiful supply of European pro- visions was landed from the fleet, and a tempo- rary abundance was dilFused through the colony. CHAPTER XVII. PERFIDIOUS CONDUCT OF DON PEDRARIAS TOWARDS VASCO NUNEZ. On the day after his entrance into Darien, Don Pedrarias held a private conference with Vasco Nunez in presence of the historian Oviedo, who had come out from Spain as public notary of the colony. The governor commenced by assuring him that he was instructed by the king to treat him with great favor and distinction, to consult him about the affairs of the colony, and to apply to him for information relative to the surrounding country. At the same time he professed the most amicable feelings on his own part, and an intention to be guided by his counsels in all public measures. Vasco Nunez was of a frank, confiding nature, and was so captivated by this unexpected courtesy and kindness, that he threw off aU THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 237 caution and reserve, and opened his whole soil) to the politic courtier. Pedrarias availed himself of tliis communicative mood to draw from him a mmute and able statement in writing, detailing the circumstances of the colony, and the infor- mation collected respecting various parts of the country; the route by which he had traversed tlie mountains ; his discovery of the South Sea ; the situation and reputed wealth of the Pearl Islands ; the rivers and ravines most productive of gold ; together with the names and territories of the various caciques with whom he had made treaties. When Pedrarias had thus beguiled the unsus- pectmg soldier of all the information necessary for his purposes, he dropped the mask, and with- in a few days proclaimed a judicial scrutiny into the conduct of Vasco Nunez and his officers. It was to be conducted by the licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, who had come as alcalde mayor, or chief judge. The licentiate was an inexperi- enced lawyer, having but recently left the univer-. sity of Salamanca. He appears to have been somewhat flexible in his opinions, and prone to be guided or governed by others. At the outset of his career he was much under the influence of Quevedo, the Bishop of Darien. Now, as Vasco Nunez knew the im.portance of this prelate in tlie •colony, he had taken care to secure him to his interests by paying him the most profound ieference and respect, and by giving him a share ai his agricultural enterprises and his schemes of traffic-. In fact the good bishop looked upon 238 VOYAGES AND D.SCOVER.tti OF him as one eminently calculated to promote hia temporal prosperity, to which he was by uo means insensible. Under the influence of the prelate, therefore, the alcalde commenced his in- vestigation in the most favorable manner. He went largely into an examination of the dis- coveries of Yasco Nunezj and of the nature and extent of his various services. The governoi was alarmed at the course which the inquiry was taking. If thus conducted, it would but serve to illustrate the merits and elevate the reputation of the man whom it was his interest and intent to ruin. To counteract it, he immediately set on foot a secret and invidious course of interroga- tories of the followers of Nicuesa and Ojeda, to draw from them testimony which might support the charge against Vasco Nunez of usurpation and tyrannical abuse of power. The bishop and the alcalde received information of the inquisition, carried on thus secretly, and without their sanc- tion. They remonstrated warmly against it, as an infringement of their rights, being coadjutors in the government ; and they spurned the testi- mony of the followers of Ojeda and Nicuesa, as dictated and discolored by ancient enmity. Vasco Nunez was therefore acquitted by them of the criminal charges made against him, though lie remained involved in difficulties from the suits brought against him by individuals, for losses and damages occasioned by his measures. Pedrarias was incensed at this acquittal, and insisted upon the guilt of Vasco Nunez, which he pretended to have established to his conviction by rnE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 239 his secret investigations ; and he even determined to send him in chains to Spain, to be tried for the death of Nicuesa, and for other imputed offenses It was not the inchnation or the interest of the bishop that Vasco Nunez should leave the colony ; he therefore managed to awaken the jealous a])- prehensions of the governor as to the effect of his proposed measure. He intimated that the ar- rival of Vasco Nunez in Spain would be signalized by triumph rather than disgrace. By that time his grand discoveries would be blazoned to the world, and would atone for all his faults. He would be received with enthusiasm by the nation, with favor by the king, and would be probably sent back to the colony clothed with new dignity and power. Pedrarias was placed in a perplexing dilemma by these suggestions ; his violent proceedings against Yasco Nunez were also in some measure restrained by the influence of his wife, Dona Is- abel de Bobadilla, who felt a great respect and sympathy for the discoverer. In his perplexity, the wily governor adopted a middle course. He re- solved to detain Vasco Nunez at Darien under a cloud of imputation, which would gradually impair }iis popularity ; while his patience and means would be silently consumed by protracted and expensive litigation.^ In the mean time, however, the pro- perty which had been sequestrated was restored to him. While Pedrarias treated Vasco Nunez with thip severity, he failed not to avail liimself of the plans of that able commander. The first of these was 240 VOYAGES AND DI^COVJiRIES OF to establish a line of posts across the nioun tains betv/ecii Darien and the South Sea. It was liis eager desire to execute this before any order should arrive from the king in favor of his pre- decessor, in order that he might have the credit of having colonized the coast, and Yasco Nunez, merely that of having discovered and visited it.^ Before he could complete these arrangements, however, unlooked-for calamities fell upon the settlement, that for a time interrupted every proj- ect, and made every one turn his thoughts merely to his own security. CHAPTER XVni. CALAMITIES OF THE SPANISH CAVALIERS AT DARIEN The town of Darien was situated in a deep \'alley, surrounded by lofty hills, which, while they kept off the breezes so grateful in a sultry climate, reflected and concentrated the rays of the sun, insomuch, that at noontide the heat was insupport- a])le ; the river which passed it was shallow, with a muddy channel and bordered by marshes ; over- hanging forests added to the general humidity, and the very soil on which the town was built was of such a nature, that on digging to the depth of a foot there would ooze forth brackish water.^ It is not matter of surprise that a situation of 1 Oviedo, Hist. Ind., page 2, cap. 8. 3 Peter Martyr, decad. iii. cap 6. TRE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 241 tliis kind, in a tropical climate, should be fatal to tlie health of Europeans. Many who had recently arrived were swept off speedily ; Pedrarias liimself fell sick, and was removed, with most of his peo- ple, to a healthier spot on the river Corobari ; the malady, however, continued to increase. The provisions brought out in the ships had been j)artly damaged by the sea, the residue grew scanty, and the people were put upon short allowance ; the debility thus produced increased the ravages of disease ; at length the provisions were ex- hausted, and the horrors of absolute famine en- sued. Every one was more or less affected by these calamities ; even the veterans of the colony quailed beneath them ; but to none were they more fatal than to the crowd of youthful cavaliers who had once glittered so gayly abont the streets of Seville, and had come out to the New World elated with the most sanguine expectations. Erom the very moment of their landing they had been disheart- ened at the savage scenes around them, and dis- gusted with the squalid life they were doomed to lead. They slirunk with disdain from the labors with which alone wealth was to be procured in this land of gold and pearls, and were impatient of the humble exertions necessary for the mainten- ance of existence. As the famine increased, their f^ase became desperate ; for they were unable to help themselves, and their rank and dignity com- manded neither deference nor aid at a time when common misery made every one selfish. Many of them, who had mortgaged estates in Spain to TOL. III. • 16 242 VOYAGi:S AND DISCOVERIES OF fit themselves out sumptuouslj for their Italian campaign, now perished for lack of food. Some would be seen bartering a robe of crimson silk or some garment of rich brocade, for a pound of Indian bread or European biscuit ; others sought to satisfy the cravings of hungei' with the herba and roots of the fieM, and one of the principal cavaliers absolutely expired of hunger in the pub- lic streets. In this wretched way, and in the short space of one month, perished seven hundred of the little army of youthful and buoyant spirits who had em- barked with Pedrarias. The bodies of some re- mained for a day or two without sepulture, their friends not having sufficient strength to bury them. Unable to remedy the evil, Pedrarias gave per- mission to his men to flee from it. A ship-load of starving adventurers departed for Cuba, where some of them joined the standard of Diego Velas- quez, who was colonizing that island ; others made their way back to Spain, where they arrived broken in health, in spirits, and in fortune. CHAPTER XIX. FRUITLESS EXPEDITION OF PEDRARIAS. The departure of so many hungry mouths was some temporary relief to the colony ; and Pedra- rias, having recovered from his malady, bestirr<3d himself to send expeditions in various directions. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 243 for the purpose of foraging the country and col- lecting treasure. These exj^editions, however, were intrusted to his own favorites and partisans ; while Yasco Nunez, the man most competent to carry theiu into effect, remained idle and neglected. A judi- cial mquiry, tardily carried on, overshadowed him, and though it substantiated nothing, served to em- barrass his actions, to cool his friends, and to give liim the air of a public delinquent. Indeed, to the other evils of the colony was now added that of excessive litigation, arising out of the disputes concernuig the government of Yasco Nunez, and which increased to such a degree, that, according to the report of the alcalde Espinosa, if the law- suits should be divided among the people, at least forty would fall to each man's share.^ This too was in a colony into which the government had commanded that no lawyer should be admitted ! Wearied and irritated by the check given to his favorite enterprises, and confident of the ulti- mate approbation of the king, Yasco Nunez de- termined to take his fortunes in his own hands, and to prosecute in secret his grand project of exploring the regions beyond the mountains. For this purpose, he privately dispatched one Andres Garabito to Cuba to enlist men, and make provisions for an expedition across the isth- aius, from Nombre de Dios, and for the founding ft colony on the shores of the Southern Ocean whence he proposed to extend his discoveries by sea and land. 1 Herrera, decad. ii. lib. i. cap. 1. 214 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF While Yasco Nunez awaited the return of Garabito, he had the mortification of beholding various of his colonizing plans pursued and marred by Pedrarias. Among other enterprises, the governor dispatched his lieutenant-general, Juan de Ayora, at the head of four hundred men, to visit the provinces of those caciques with whom Vasco Nunez had sojourned and made ti eaties on his expedition to the southern sea. Ayora par- took of the rash and domineering spirit of Pedra- rias, and harassed and devastated the countries which he pretended to explore. He was received with amity and confidence by various caciques who had formed treaties with Vasco Nunez ; but he repaid their hospitality with the basest ingrati- tude, seizing upon their property, taking from them their wives and daughters, and often tor- turing them to make them reveal their hidden or supposed treasures. Among those treated with his perfidy, we grieve to enumerate the youthful cacique who first gave Vasco Nunez information of the sea beyond the mountains. The enormities of Ayora, and of other captains of Pedrarias, produced the usual effect ; the na- tives were roused to despei*ate resistance ; ca- ciques, who had been faithful friends, were con- verted into furious enemies, and the expedition ended in disappointment and disaster. The adherents of Vasco Nunez did not fail to contrast these disastrous enterprises with those which had been conducted with so much, glory and advantage by their favorite commander ; and their sneers and reproaches had such an effect TIIF COMPANIONS OF COLUMBLS. 245 upon the jealous and irritable disposition of Pe** drarias, that he determined to employ their idol in service likely to be attended with defeat, and to impair his popularity. None seemed more fit- ting for the purpose than an expedition to Do- bayba, where he had once already attempted in vain to penetrate, and where so many of his fol- lowers had fallen victims to the stratagems and assaults of the natives. CHAPTER XX. SECOND EXPEDITION OF VASCO NUNEZ IN QUEST OF TIIB GOLDEN TEMPLE OF DOBAYBA. The rich mines of Dobayba, and the treasures of its golden temple, had continued a favorite theme with the Spanish adventurers. It was ascertained that Vasco Nunez had stopped short of the wealthy region on his former expedition, and had mistaken a frontier village for the resi- dence of the cacique. The enterprise of the temple was, therefore, still to be achieved ; and it was solicited by several of the cavaliers in the train of Pedrarias, with all the chivalrous ardor of that romantic age. Indeed, common report had invested the enterprise with difficulties and danger sufficient to stimulate the ambition of the keenest seeker of adventure. The savages who inhabited that part of the country were coura- geous and adroit. They fought by water as well 246 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF as by land, forming ambuscades with their canoes in the bays and rivers. The country was inter^ sected by dreary fens and morasses, infested by all kinds of reptiles. Clouds of gnats and mos- quitoes filled the air ; there were large bats also, supposed to have the baneful properties of the vampire ; alligators lurked in the waters, and the gloomy recesses of the fens were said to be the dens of dragons ! ^ Beside these objects of terror, both true and fabulous, the old historian, Peter Martyr, makes mention of another monstrous animal, said to in- fest this golden region, and w^hich deserves to be cited, as showing the imaginary dangers with which the active minds of the discoverers peopled the unexplored wilderness around them. According to the tales of the Indians, there had occurred, shortly before the arrival of the Spaniards, a violent tempest, or rather hurricane, in the neighborhood of Dobayba, which demol- ished houses, tore up trees by the roots, and laid waste whole forests. When the tempest had sub- sided, and the affrighted inhabitants ventured to look abroad, they found that two monstrous ani- mals had been brought into the country by the hurricane. According to their accounts they were not unlike the ancient harpies, and one being smaller than the other, was supposed to be its young. They had the faces of women, with the claws and wings of eagles, and were of such pjro- digious size, that the very boughs of the trees on which they alighted broke beneath them. They 1 P. Martyr. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 247 would swoop dowQ and carry off a man as a hawk would bear off a chicken, flying with him to the tops of the mountains, where they would tear him in pieces and devour him. For some time they were the scourge and terror of the land, until the Indians succeeded in killing the old one by stratagem, and, hanging her on their long spears, bore her through all the towns, to assuage »;he alarm of the inhabitants. The younger har- py, says the Indian tradition, was never seen af terwards.^ Such were some of the perils, true and fabu- lous, with whi^ih the land of Dobayba was said to abound ; and, in fact, the very Indians had such a dread of its dark and dismal morasses, that in their journeyings they carefully avoided them, preferring the circuitous and rugged paths of the mountains. Several of the youthful cavaliers, as has been observed, were stimulated rather than deterred by these dangers, and contended for the honor of the expedition ; but Pedrarias selected his rival for the task, hoping, as has been hinted, that it would involve him in disgrace. Vasco Nunez promptly accepted the enterprise, for his pride was concerned in its success. Two hundred reso- lute men were given to him for the purpose ; but his satisfaction was diminished when he found that Luis Carillo, an officer of Pedrarias, who had failed in a perilous enterprise, was associated with liira in the command. Few particulars remain to us of . the events of 1 P. Martyr, decad. vii. cap. 10. ^48 VOTAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF this affair. They embarked in a fleet of canoes, and traversing the gulf, arrived at the river which flowed down from the region of Dobayba. They were not destined, however, to achieve the enter- prise of tlie golden temple. As they were pro- ceeding rather confidently and unguardedly up the liver, they were surprised and surrounded by b swarm of canoes, filled with armed savages, wliich darted out from lurking places along the shores. Some of the Indians assailed them with lances, others with clouds of arrows, while some, plunging into the water, endeavored to overturn their ca- noes. In this way one half of the Spaniards were killed or drowned. Among the number fell Luis Carillo, pierced through the breast by an Indian lance. Yasco Nunez himself was wounded, and had great difficulty in escaping to the shore with the residue of his forces. The Indians pursued him, and kept up a skir- mishing attack, but he beat them off until the night, when he silently abandoned the shore of the river, and directed his retreat towards Darien, It is easier to imagine than to. describe the toils and dangers and horrors which beset him, and the remnant of his men, as they traversed rugged mountains, or struggled through the fearful mo- rasses of which they had heard such terrific tales. At length they succeeded in reaching the settle- ment of Darien. The partisans of Pedrarias exulted in seeing Vasco Nunez return thus foiled and wounded, and tamited his adherents with their previous boastings. The latter, however, laid all the blama THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 243 upon the unfortimate Carillo. " Vasco ]Nunez,"said they, " had always absolute command in his former enterprises, but in this he has been embarrassed by an associate. Had the expedition been con- fided to him alone, the event had been far differ ent," CHAPTER XXL liKTTERS FROM THE KING IN FAVOR OF VASCO NUNEZ. — ARRIVAL OF GAR ABITO. — ARREST OF VASCO NUNEZ. [1515.] About this time dispatches arrived from Spain, which promised to give a new turn to the fortunes of Vasco Nunez, and to the general af- fairs of the colony. They were written after the tidings of the discovery of the South Sea, and the subjugation of so many important provinces of the Isthmus. In a letter addressed to Vasco Nunez, the king expressed his high sense of his merits an I services, and constituted him Adelan- tado of the South Sea, and Governor of the provinces of Panama and Coyba, though subor- dinate to the general command of Pedrarias. A letter was likewise written by the king to Pedi^a- rias, informing him of this appointment, and or- dering liim to consult Vasco Nunez on all public 'affairs of importance. This was a humiliating blow to the pride and consequence of Pedrarias, 250 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF but he hoped to pai-ry it. In the mean time, as all letters from Spahi were first delivered into his hands, he withheld that intended for Vasco Nunez, until he should determine what course of conduct to adopt. The latter, however, heard of the cir- cumstance, as did his friend the Bishop of Darien. Tlie prelate made loud complaints of this inter- ruption of the royal correspondence, which he denoimced, even from the pulpit, as an outrage upon the rights of the subject, and an act of diso- bedience to the sovereign. Upon this the governor called a council of his public officers ; and, after imparting the contents of his letter, requested their opinion as to the propriety of investing Vasco Nunez with the dig- nities thus granted to him. The alcalde mayor, Espinosa, had left the party of the bishop, and was now devoted to the governor. He insisted, vehemently, that the offices ought in no wise to be given to Vasco Nunez, until the king should be informed of the result of the inquest still going on against him. In this he was warmly supported by the treasurer and the accountant. The bishop replied, indignantly, that it was pre- sumptuous and disloyal in them to dispute the commands of the king, and to interfere with the rewards conscientiously given by him to a meri- torious subject. In this way, he added, they were defeating, by their passions, the grateful intentions of their sovereign. The governor was overawed by the honest warmth of the bishop, and pro- <^essed to accoi'd with him in opinion. The coun- cil lasted until midnight ; and it was finally agreed THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 251 that the titles aud dignities should be conferred on Vasco Nunez on the following day.^ Pedrarias and his officers reflected, however, that if the jurisdiction hnplied by these titles were absolutely vested in Yasco Nunez, the government of Darien and Castilla del Oro, would virtually be reduced to a trifling matter ; they resolved, therefore, to adopt a middle course ; to grant him the empty titles, but to make him give security not to enter npon the actual government of the territories in question, until Pedrarias should give him permission. The bishop and Vasco Nunez assented to this arrange- ment ; satisfied, for the present, with securing the titles, and trusting to the course of events to get dominion over the territories.^ The new honors of Vasco Nunez were now promulgated to the world, and he was every- where addressed by the title of Adelantado. His old friends lifted up their heads with exultation, and new adherents flocked to his standard. Parties began to form for him and for Pedrarias ; for it was deemed impossible they could continue long in harmony. The jealousy of the governor was excited by these circumstances ; and he regarded the newly- created Adelantado as a dangerous rival and an insidious foe. Just at this critical juncture, 1 Oviedo, part ii. cap. 9, MS. Oviedo, the historian, wa o.^sent at this consultation, and says that he v/rote down the opinions giren on the occasion, wh'ch the parties signed with 'heir propo hands. 2 Idem. 2o2 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF Audres Garabito, the agent of Yasco Nunez, arrived on the coast in a vessel which he had procured at Cuba, and freighted with arms and ammunition, and seventy r<3solute men, for th€ secret expedition to the shores of the Pacifit Ocean. He anchored six leagues from th* harbor, and sent word privately to Vasco Nunei of his arrival. Information was immediately carried to Pedra- nas, that a mysterious vessel, full of armed men, was hovering on the coast, and holdmg secret communication with his rival. The suspicious temper of the governor immediately took the alarm. He fancied some treasonable plot againbfc his authority ; his passions mingled with his fears ; and, in the first burst of his fury, ho ordered that Vasco Nuiiez should be seized and confined in a wooden cage. The Bishop of Darien interposed in time to prevent an indignity which it might have been impossible to expiate. He prevailed upon the passionate governor, not merely to retract the order respecting the cage, but to examine the whole matter with coolness and deliberation. The result proved that his sus- picions had been erroneous; and that the arma- ment had been set on foot without any treasonable hitent. Vasco Nunez was therefore set at liberty, after having agreed to certain precautionary conditions ; but he remained cast down in spirit and impoverished in fortune, by the harass^/ig measures of Pedrarias. fEE COMPANIONS OF COL U ML OS, 253 CHAPTER XXIL A'XPEDITION OV MORALES AND PIZARRO TO THE S1I0RB8 OF THE PACIFIC OCEAN. — THEIR VISIT TO THE PEARL ISLANDS. — THEIR DISASTROUS RETURN ACROSS THE MOUNTAINS. The Bishop of Darien, encouraged by the success of his intercession, endeavored to per- suade the governor to permit the departure of Vasco Nunez on his expedition to the South Sea. The jealousy of Pedrarias, however, was too strong to allow him to listen to such counsel. He was aware of the importance of the ex- pedition, and was anxious that the Pearl Islands should be explored, which promised such abun- dant treasures ; but he feared to increase the popularity of Yasco Nunez, by adding such an enterprise to the number of his achievements. Pedrarias, therefore, set on foot an expedition, consisting of sixty men, but gave the command to one of his own relations, named Gaspar Morales. The latter was accompanied by Francisco Pizarro, who had already been to those parts in the train of Vasco Nunez, and who soon rose to impor- tance in the present enterprise by his fierce courage and domineering genius. A brief notice of the principal incidents of this txpedition is all that is necessary for the present narration. Morales and Pizarro traversed the mountains of the isthmus by a shorter and more expeditious route than that y^hich had been taken by Vasco 26 i VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF Nunez, and arrived on the shores of the South Sea at the territories of a cacique named Tutibrk, by whom they were amicably entertained. The'j* great object was to visit the Pearl Islands : tl jq cacique, however, had but four canoes, whic-ii were insufficient to contain their whole party. One half of their number, therefore, remained at the village of Tutibra, under the command of a captain named Penalosa ; the residue embarked in the canoes with Morales and Pizarro. After a stormy and perilous voyage, they landed on one of the smaller islands, where they had some skirmishing with the natives, and thence made their way to the principal island of the archi- pelago, to which, from the report of its great pearl fishery, Vasco Nunez had given the name of Isla Rica. The cacique of this island had long been the terror of the neighboring coasts, invading the mainland with fleets of canoes, and carrying the inhabitants into captivity. His reception of the Spaniards was worthy of his fame. Four times did he sally forth to defend his territory, and as often was he repulsed with great slaughter. His warriors were overwhelmed with terror at the fire-arms of the Spaniards, and at their ferocious blood-hounds. Finding all resistance unavailmg, the cacique was at length compelled to sue for peace. His prayer being granted, he received the conquerors into his habitation, which was well built and of immense size. Here he brought them as a peace-oflfering a basket curiously wrought, and filled with pearls cf great beauty. THE COMPANIONS, OF COLUMBUS. 255 Among these were two of extraordinary size and value. One weighed twenty-five carats ; the other was of the size of a Muscadine pear, weighing upwards of three drachms, and of oriental color and lustre. The cacique considered himself more than repaid by a present of hatchets, beads, and hawks' bells : and, on the Spaniards smiling at his joy, observed : " These things I can turn to useful purpose, but of what value are those pearls to me ? " Finding, however, that these baubles were pre- cious in the eyes of the Spaniards, he took Mor- ales and Pizarro to the summit of a woot^en tower, commanding an unbounded prospect. " Behold before you," said he, " the infinite sea, which ex- tends even beyond the sunbeams. As to these islands which lie to the right and left, they , are all subject to my sway. They possess but little gold, but the deep places of the sea around them are full of pearls. Continue to be my friends, and you shall have as many as you desire ; for I value your friendship more than pearls, and, as far as in me lies, will never forfeit it." He then pointed to the mainland, where it stretched away towards the east, mountain beyond mountain, until the summit of the last faded in the distance, and was scarcely seen above the watery horizon. In that direction, he said, there lay a vast country of inexhaustible riches, inhab- ited by a mighty nation. He went on to repeat the vague but wonderful rumors which the Span- iards had frequently heard about .he great king- dom of Peru. Pizarro listened greedily to his 256 VOYAGES AM) uiSCOVERIES OF words, and while his eye followed the finger of tha cacique, as it ranged along the line of shadowy coast, his daring mind kindled with the thought of seeing this golden empire beyond the waters.-^ Before leaving the island, the two captains im- pressed the cacique with so great an idea of the power of the king of Castile, that he agreed to become his vassal, and to render him an annual tribute of one hundred pounds' weight of pearls. The party having returned in safety to the main- land, though to a different place from that where they had embarked, Gaspar Morales sent his re- lation, Bernardo Morales, with ten men in quest of Penalosa and his companions, who had re- mained in the village of Tutibra. Unfortunately for the Spaniards, during the ab- sence of the commanders, this Penalosa had so exasperated the natives by liis misconduct, that a conspiracy had been formed by the caciques along the coast to massacre the whole of the strangers, when the ])arty should return from the islands. Bernardo Morales and his companions, on their way in quest of Penalosa, put up for the night in tlie village of a cacique named Chuchama, who was one of the conspirators. They were enter- tained with pretended hospitality. In the dead of the night, however, the house in which they were sleeping was wrapped in flames, and most of them were destroyed. Chuchama then pre- pared with liis confederates to attack the main body of the Spaniards who remained with Morales and Pizarro. 1 Herrera, decacl. ii. lib. i. cap. 4. Peter Martyr, decad. iii. cap. 10 THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 257 Fortunately for the latter, there was among the Indians who had accompanied them to the islands, a cacique named Chiruca, who was in secret cor- respondence with the conspirators. Some cir- cumstances in his conduct excited their suspicions ; they put him to the torture, and drew from him a relation of the massacre of their companions, and of the attack with which they were menaced. Morales and Pizarro were at lirst appalled by the overwhelming danger which surrounded them. Concealing their agitation, however, they com- pelled Chiruca to send a message to each of the con- federate caciques, inviting him to a secret confer- ence, under pretense of giving him important in- formation. The caciques came at the summons: they were thus taken one by one to the number of eighteen, and put in chains. Just at this junc- ture Peiialosa arrived with the thirty men who had remained with him at Tutibra. Their ar- rival was hailed with joy by their comrades, who had given them up for lost. Encouraged by this unexpected reinforcement, the Spaniards now at- tacked by surprise the main body of confederate Indians, who, being ignorant of the discovery of their plot, and capture of their caciques, were awaiting the return of the latter, in a state of negligent security. Pizarro led the van, and set upon the enemy at day-break, with the old Spanish war-cry of Santiago ! It was a slaughter rather than a battle, for the Indians were unprepared for resistance. Before sunrise seven hundred lay dead upon the field. Returning from the massacre, the com- VOL. III. 17 258 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF maiiders doomed tlie caciques who were in chains to be torn in pieces by the blood-hounds ; nor was even Chiruca spared from this sanguinary sentence. Notwithstanding this bloody revenge, the vmdic- tive spirit of the commanders was still unappeased, and they set off to surprise the village of a ca- cique named Biru, who dwelt on the eastern side of the Gulf of St. Michael. He was famed for valor and for cruelty : his dwelling was surrounded by the weapons and other trophies of those whom he had vanquished ; and he was said never to give quarter. The Spaniards assailed his village before day- break with fire and sword, and made dreadful havoc. Biru escaped from his burning Habitation, rallied his people, kept up a galling fight through- out the greater part of that day, anu handled the Spaniards so roughly, that, when he drew off at night, they did not venture to pursue him, but re- turned right gladly from his terri'.oiy. According to some of the Spanish writers, the kingdom of Peru derived its name from this warlike cacique through a blunder of the early discoverers ; th^ assertion, however, is believed to be erroneous. The Spaniards had pushed their bloody revenge to an extreme, and were now doomed to suffer from the recoil. In the fury of their passions, they had forgotten that they were but a handful of men surrounded by savage nations. Returning wearied and disheartened from the battle with Biru, they were waylaid and assaulted by a host of Indians led on by the son of Chiruca. A jave- lin from liis hand pierced one of Qin Spaniards THE COMPANJONS OF COLUMBUS. 259 through the breast, and came out bet-^een the fihouJ.ders; several others were wounded, and the remainder were harassed by a galling fire kept up from among rocks and bushes. Dismayed at the implacable vengeance they had aroused, the Spaniards hastened to abandon these hostile shores, and make the best of their way back to Darien. The Indians, however, were not to be appeased by the mere departure of the in- truders. They followed them perse veringly for seven days, hanging on their skirts, and harassing them by continual alarms. Morales and Pizarro, seeing the obstinacy of their pursuit, endeavored to gain a march upon them by stratagem. Mak- ing large fires, as usual, one night about the place of their encampment, they left them burning to deceive the enemy, while they made a rapid re- treat. Among their nuniber was one poor fellow named Velasquez, who was so grievously wounded that he could not walk. Unable to accompany his countrymen in their flight, and dreading to fall into the merciless hands of the savages, he determined to hang himself, nor could the prayers and even tears of his comrades dissuade him from his purpose. The stratagem of the Spaniards, however, was ' unavailing. Their retreat was perceived, and at I 'day-break, to their dismay, they found themselves i surrounded by three squadrons of savages. Un- able, in their haggai'd state, to make head against 60 many foes, they remained drawn up all day on i the defensive, some watching, while others reposed, I ki night they lit their fires, and again attempted 260 VOrJGES AND DISCOVERIES OF to make a secret retreat. The Indians, however, were as usual on their traces, and wounded several with arrows. Thus pressed and goaded, the Span- iards became desperate, and fought like madmen, rushing upon the very darts of the enemy. Morales now resorted to an inhuman and fruit- less expedient to retard his pursuers. He caused several Indian prisoners to be slain, hoping that their friends would stop to lament over them ; but the sight of their mangled bodies only in- creased the fury of the savages and the obstinacy of their pursuit. For nine days were the Spaniards hunted in this manner about the woods and mountains, the swamps and fens, wandering they knew not whither, and returning upon their steps, until, to their dismay, they found themselves in the very place where, several days previously, they had been surrounded by the three squadrons. Many now despaired of ever escaping with life from this trackless wilderness, thus teeming with deadly foes. It was with difficulty their commanders could rally their spirits, and encour- age them to persevere. Entermg a tliick forest, they were again assailed by a band of Indians, but despair and fury gave them strength ; they fought like wild beasts rather than like men, and routed the foe with dreadful carnage. They had hoped to gain a breathing time by this victory, but a new distress attended them. They got en- tangled in one of those deep and dismal marshes which abound on those coasts, and in which the v^auderer is often drowned or suffocated. For a TFIE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 2GI whole day they toiled through bmlie and bramble, and miry fen, with the water reaching to their girdles. At length they extricated themselvea from the swamp, and arrived at the sea- shore. The tide was out, but was about to return, and on this coast it rises rapidly to a great height. Fearing to be overwhelmed by the rising surf, they hastened to climb a rock out of reach of the swelling waters. Here they threw themselves cn the earth, panting with fatigue and aban doned to despair. A savage wilderness, filled with still more savage foes, was on one side ; on the other the roaring sea. How were they to extri- cate themselves from these surrounding perils ? While reflecting on their desperate situation, they heard the voices of Indians. On looking cau- tiously around, they beheld four canoes entering a neighboring creek. A party was immediately dispatched, who came upon the savages by sur- prise, drove them into the woods, and seized upon the canoes. In these frail barks the Spaniards escaped from their perilous neighborhood, and, traversing the Gulf of St. Michael, landed in a less hostile part, whence they set out a second time across the mountains. It is needless to recount the other hardships they endured, and their further conflicts with the Indians ; suffice it to say, after a series of almost incredible sufferings and disasters, they at length arrived in a battered and emaciated condition at Darien. Throughout all their toils and troubles, however, they had managed to preserve a part of the treasure gained in the islands ; especially tha 2C2 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OB pearls given them by the cacique of Isla Kica. These were objects of universal admiration. One of them was put up at auction, and bought by Pedrarias, and was afterwards presented by Ids wife Dona Isabella de Bobadilla to the empress, who, in return, gave her four thousand ducats.^ Such was the cupidity of the colonists, that the sight of these pearls, and the reputed wealth of the islands of the southern sea, and the king- doms on its borders, made far greater impres- sion on the public mind, than the tale told by the adventurers of the horrors they had passed ; and every one was eager to seek these wealthy regions beyond the mountains. CHAPTER XXIII. UNFORTUNATE ENTERPRISES OF THE OFFICERS OP PB-^ DRARTAS. — MATRIMONIAL COMPACT BETWEEN THE GOVERNOR AND VASCO NUNEZ. In narrating the preceding expedition of Mo- rales and Pizarro, we have been tempted into what may almost be deemed an episode, though it serves to place in a proper light the lurking difficulties and dangers which beset the expeditions of Yasco Nunez to the same regions, and his su- perior prudence and management in avoiding them. It is not the object of this narrative, how- ever, to record the general events of the colony 1 Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. ii. lib. i. cap. 4. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 263 ttndt3r the administration of Don Pedrarias Davila. We refrain, therefore, from detailing various ex- peditions set on foot by him to explore and sub- jugate the surrounding country ; and which, being ignorantly or rashly conducted, too often ended in misfortune and disgrace. One of these was tc the province of Zenu, where gold was supposed to be taken in the rivers in nets ; and where the Bachelor Enciso once undertook to invade the sepulchres. A captain, named Francisco Becerra, penetrated into this country at the head of one hundred and eighty men, well armed and equipped, and provided with three pieces of artillery ; but neither the commander nor any of his men re- turned. An Indian boy who accompanied them was the only one who escaped, and told the dis- mal tale of their falling victims to the assaults and stratagems and poisoned arrows of the In- dians. Another band was defeated by Tubanama, the ferocious cacique of the mountains, who bore as his banners the bloody shirts of Spaniards slam in former battles. In fine, the colony became so weakened by these repeated losses, and the sav- ages so emboldened by success, that the latter be- leaguered it with their forces, harassed it by aiisaults and ambuscades, and reduced it to great extremity. Such was the alarm in Darien, says the Bishop Las Casas, that the people feared to be burned in their houses. They kept a watch- ful eye upon the mountains, the plains, and the very branches of the trees. Their imaginations were infected by their fears. K they looked 2G4 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF towards the land, the long waving grass of the savannas appeared to them to be moving liosts of Indians. If they looked towards the sea, they fancied they beheld fleets of canoes in the dis- tance. Pedrarias endeavored to prevent all rumors from abroad that might increase this fev- ered state of alarm ; at the same time he ordered the sraelting-house to be closed, which was never done but in time of war. Tliis was done at the suggestion of the bishop, who caused prayers to be put up, and fasts proclaimed, to avert the im- pending calamities. While Pedrarias was harassed and perplexed by these complicated evils, he was haunted by continual apprehensions of the ultimate ascen- dency of Vasco Nunez. He knew him to be be- loved by the people, and befriended by the bishop ; and he had received proofs that his services were highly appreciated by the king. He knew also that representations had been sent home by him and his partisans, of the evils and abuses of the colony under the present rule, and of the necessity of a more active and efficient governor. He dreaded lest these representations should ultimate- ly succeed ; that he should be undermined in the royal favor, and Vasco Nunez be elevated upon his ruins. The politic bishop perceived the uneasy state of the governor's mind, and endeavored, by means of his apprehensions, to effect that recon- ciliation which he had sought in vain to produce through more generous motives. He represented to him that liis treatment of Vasco Nuiicz was THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 265 odious in the eyes of the people, and mn2t even tually draw on him the displeasure of his sover« eign " But why persist," added he, in driving a man to become your deadhest enemy, whom you may grapple to your side as your firmest friend? You have several daughters- — give him one in marriage ; you will then have for a son-in-law a man of merit and popularity, who is a hidalgo by birth, and a favorite of the king. You are advanced in life, and infirm ; he is in the prime and vigor of his, days, and possessed of great activity. You can make him you>^ lieuten- ant ; and while you repose from your toils, he can carry on the affairs of the colony with spirit and enterprise ; and all his achievements will redound to the advancement of your family and the splendor of your administration." The governor and his lady were won by the eloquence of the bishop, and readily listened to his suggestion ; and Yasco Nunez was but too happy to effect a recoiicihation on such flattering terms. Written articles were accordingly drawn up and exchanged, contracting a marriage between him and the eldest daughter of Pedrarias. The young lady was then in Spain, but was to be sent for, and the nuptials were to be celebrated on her arrival at Darien. Having thus fulfilled his office of peacemaker and settled, as he supposed, all feuds and jeal [)usies on the sure and permanent foundation of family alliance, the worthy bishop departed shortly afterwards for Spain. 266 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF CHAPTER XXIV. VA3C0 NUNEZ TRANSPORTS SHIPS ACROSS THE MOVN TAINS TO THE PACIiTO OCEAN [1516.] Behold Vasco Nunez once more in the high career of prosperity ! His most implacable en- emy had suddenly been converted into his dear- est friend ; for the governor, now that he looked upon him as his son-in-law, loaded him with favors. Above all, he authorized him to build brigantines, and make all the necessary prep- arations for his long-desired expedition to explore the Southern Ocean. The place appointed for these purposes was the port of Careta, situated to the west of Darien ; whence there was sup- posed to be the most convenient route across the mountains. A town called Ada had been founded at this port ; and the fortress was al- ready erected, of which Lope de Olano was alcalde ; Yasco Nunez was now empowered to continue the building of the town. Two hun- dred men were placed under his command, to aid liim in carrying his plans into execution, and a sum of money was advanced to him out of the royal treasury. His supply of funds, however, was not sufficient ; but he received assistance from a private source. There was a notary at Darien, Hernando de Arguello, a man of some consequence in the community, and vvJio had rflE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 267 been one of the most furious opponents of the unfortunate Nicuesa. He had amassed consid- erable property, and now embarked a great part of it in the proposed enterprise, on condition, no doubt, of sharing largely in its anticipated proQts. On arriving at Ada, Vasco Nunez set to work to prepare the materials of four briganiines to be launched into the South Sea. The timber was felled on the Atlantic seaboard ; and was then, with the anchors and rigging, transported across the lofty ridge of mountains to the oppo- site shores of the Isthmus. Several Spaniards, thirty Negroes, and a great number of Indians were employed for the purpose. They had no other roads but Indian paths, straggling through almost impervious forests, across torrents, and up rugged defiles broken by rocks and precipices. In this way they toiled like ants np the moun- tains, with their ponderous burdens, under the scorching rays of a tropical sun. Many of the poor Indians sank by the way, and perished under this stupendous task. The Spaniards and Negroes being of hardier constitutions, were bet- ter able to cope with the incredible hardships to which they were subjected. On the summit of the mountains a house had been provided for their temporary repose. After remaining here a little time to refresh themselves and gain new strength, they renewed their labors, descending the opposite side of the mountains, until they reached the navigable part of a river, which they called the Balsas, and which flowed into the Pacific. , 268 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF Much time and trouble and many lives were expended on this arduous undertaking, before they had transported to the river sufficient tim- ber for two brigantines ; while the timber for the other two, and the rigging and munitions for the whole, yet remained to be brought. To add to their difficulties, they had scarcely begun to work upon the timber before they discovered that it was totally useless, being subject to the ravages of the worms from having been cut in the vicinity of salt water. They were obliged, therefore, to begin anew, and fell trees on the border of the river. Vasco Nunez maintained his patience and per- severance, and displayed admirable management under these delays and difficulties. Their sup- ply of food being scanty, he divided his people, Spaniards, Negroes, and Indians, into three bands ; one was to cut and saw the wood, another to bring the rigging and iron-work from Ada, which was twenty-two leagues distant ; and the third to forage the neighboring country for provisions. Scarcely was the timber felled and shaped for use when the rains set in, and the river swelled and overflowed its banks so suddenly, that the workmen barely escaped with their lives, by clambering into trees ; while the wood on which they had been working was either buried in sand or slime, or swept away by the raging torrent. Famine was soon added to their other distresses. The foraging party did not return with food and the swelling of the river cut them off from THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 269 that part of the country whence they obtained their supplies. They were reduced, therefore, to such scarcity, as to be fain to assuage their hunger with roots gathered in the forests. In this extremity the Indians bethought them- selves of one of their rude and simple expedients. Plunging into the river, they fastened a num- ber of logs together with withes, and connected them with the opposite bank, so as to make a floating bridge. On this a party of the Span- iards crossed with great difficulty and peril, from the violence of the current, and the flexibility of the bridge, which often sank beneath them until the water rose above their girdles. On being safely landed, they foraged the neighbor- hood, and procured a supply of provisions suf- ficient for the present emergency. When t!ie river subsided the workmen again resumed their labors ; a number of recruits ar- rived from Ada, bringing various supplies, and the business of the enterprise was pressed with redoubled ardor, until, after a series of incredible toils and hardships, Yasco Nunez had the satis- faction to behold two of his brigantines floating on the river Balsas. As soon as they could be equipped for sea. he embarked in them with as many Spaniards as they could carry ; and, issuing from the river, launched triumphantly on the great ocean he had discovered. We can readily imagine the exultation of this intrepid adventurer, and how amply he was repaid for all his sufferings, when he first spread a sail on that un traversed ocean, and felt that tho range of an unknown world was open to him. 270 'voyage J AND DISCOVERIES OF Tliere are points in the history of those Spanish discoveries of the western hemisphere, which make us pause with wonder and admiration at the daring spirit of the men who conducted them, and the appalling difficulties surmounted by their courage and perseverance. We know few instances, however, more striking than this piecemeal transportation, across the mountains of Darien, of the tirst European ships that ploughed ^he waves of the Pacific ; and we can readily excuse the boast of the old Castilian writers, when they exclaim, " that none but Span- iards could ever have conceived or persisted in such an undertaking ; and no commander in the New World but Vasco Nunez could have con- ducted it to a successful issue." ^ CHAPTER XXV. CRUISE OP VASCO NUNEZ TN THE SOUTHERN SEA.— RU- MORS FROM ACL A The first cruise of Vasco Nuiiez was to the group of Pearl Islands, on the principal one of which he disembarked the greater part of his crews, and dispatched the brigantines to the main-land to bring off the remainder. It was his intention to construct the other two vessels of his proposed squadron at this island. During the absence of the brigantines he ranged the 1 Herrera, decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 11 THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 271 island with his men, to collect provisions, and to establish a complete sway over the natives. On the return of his vessels, and while preparations were making for the building of the others, he embarked with a hundred men, and departed on a reconnoitring cruise to the eastward, towards the region pointed out by the Indians as abound- ing in riches. Having passed about twenty leagues beyond the Gulf of San Miguel, the mariners were alarmed at beholding a great number of whales, which resembled a reef of rocks stretching far into the sea, and lashed by breakers. In an unknown ocean like this, every unusual object is apt to inspire alarm. The seamen feared to ap- proach these fancied dangers in the dark : Yasco Nunez anchored, therefore, for the night, under a point of land, intending to continue in the same direction on the following day. When the morn- ing dawned, however, the wind had changed, and was contrary ; whereupon he altered his course, and thus abandoned a cruise, which, if perse- vered in, might have terminated in the discovery of Peru ! Steering for the main-land, he anchored on that part of the coast governed by the cacique Chuchama, who had massacred Bernardo Morales and his companions, when reposing in his village. Here landing with his men, Vasco Nunez cane e suddenly upon the dwelling of the cacique. The Indians sallied forth to defend their homes, but were routed with great loss ; and ample ven- geance was taken upon them for their outrage upon the laws of hospitality. Having thus 272 VOFAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF uveiiged the death of his countrymen, Yaseo Nunez reeni barked and returned to Isla Rica. He now applied himself diligently to completo the building of his brigantmes, dispatching men to Ada to brhag the necessary stores and rigging across the mountams. While thus occupied, a rumor reached him that a new governor named Lope de Sosa was coming out from Spain to supersede Pedrarias. Yasco Nunez was troubled at these tidings. A new governor would be likely to adopt new measures, or to have new favorites. He feared, therefore, that some order might come to suspend or embarrass his expe- dition ; or that the command of it might be given to another. In this perplexity he held a consul- tation with several of his confidential officers. After some debate, it was agreed among them that a trusty and intelligent person should be sent as a scout to Ada, under pretense of pro- curing munitions for the ships. Should he find Pedrarias in quiet possession of the government, he was to account to him for the delay of the ex- pedition ; and request that the time allotted to it might be extended, and to request reinforcements and supplies. Should he find, however, a new governor actually arrived, he was to return im- mediately with the tidings. In such case it was resolved to put to sea before any contrary order* should arrive, trusting eventually to excuse them eelves on the plea of zeal and good intentions. VHh COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 273 CHAPTER XXVI. OEOONNOITRING EXPEDITION OF GARABITO. — STRATAGEM OF PEDRARIAS TO ENTRAP VASCO NUNEZ. The person intrusted with the reconnoitring eypedition to Ada was Andres Garabito, in whose fidelity and discretion Yasco Nunez had implicit confidence. His confidence was destined to be fatally deceived. According to the asser- tions of contemporaries, this Garabito cherished a secret and vindictive enmity against his com- mander, arising from a simple but a natural cause. Vasco Nunez had continued to have a fondness for the Indian damsel, daughter of the cacique Careta, whom he had received from her father as a pledge of amity. Some dispute arose concerning her on one occasion between him and Garabito, in the course of which he expressed him- self in severe and galling language. Garabito was deeply mortified at some of his expressions, and being of a malignant spirit, determined on a dastardly revenge. He wrote privately to Pe- drarias, assuring liim that Vasco Nunez had no intention of solemnizing his marriage with his daughter, being completely under the influence of an Indian paramour ; that he made use of the friendsliip of Pedrarias merely to further his own selfish views, intending as soon as his ships were ready, to throw ofi* all allegiance, and put 'o sea as an independent commander. This mischievous letter Garabito had writteo VOL. III. 18 274 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF immediately after the last departure of Vasco Nunez from Ada. Its effect upon the proud and jealous spirit of the governor may easily be conceived. All his former suspicions were imme- diately revived. They acquired strength during a long interval that elapsed without tidings being received from the expedition. There were de- signing and prejudiced persons at hand, who per- ceived and quickened these jealous feelings of the governor. Among these was the Bacheloi Corral, who cherished a deep grudge against Vasco Nunez for having once thrown him into prison for his fractious conduct ; and Alonzo de la Puente, the royal treasurer, whom Vasco Nunez had affronted by demanding the repay- ment of a loan. Such was the tempest gradually gathering in the factious little colony of Darien. The subsequent conduct of Garabito gives much confirmation to the charge of perfidy ad- vanced against him. When he arrived at Ada. he found that Pedrarias remained in possession of the government; for his intended successor had died in the very harbor. The conduct and conversation of Garabito was such as to arouse suspicion ; he was arrested, and his papers and letters were sent to Pedrarias. AVhen examined, he readily suffered himself to be wrought upon by threats of punishment and promises of pardon, and revealed all that he knew, and declared still more what he suspected and surmised, of the plans and intentions of Vasco Nunez. The arrest of Garabito, and the seizure of liis .etters, produced a great agitation at Darien. It THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 275 was considered a revival of the ancient animosity between the governor and Vasco Nnnez, and the friends of the latter trembled for his safety. Hernando de Arguello, especially, was in great alarm. He had embarked the most of his fortune in the expedition, alid the failure of it would be ruinous to him. He wrote to Vasco Nunez, in- forming him of the critical posture of affairs, and urging him to put co sea without delay. He would be protected at all events, he said, by the Jeronimite Fathers at San Domingo, who were at that time all powerful in the New World, and who regarded his expedition as calculated to pro- mote the glory of God as well as the dominion of the king.^ This letter fell into the hands of Pedrarias, and convinced him of the existence of a dangerous plot against liis authority. He im- mediately ordered Arguello to be arrested ; and now devised means to get Vasco Nunez within his power. While the latter remained on the shores of the South Sea with his brigan tines, and his band of hearty and devoted followers, Pedra- rias knew it would be in vain to attempt to take 1 In consequence of the eloquent representations made to the Spanish government by the venerable Las Casas, of the cruel wrongs and oppressions practiced upon the Indians in the colonies, the Cardinal Ximenes, in 1516, sent out three Jeronimite Friars, chosen for their zeal and abilities, clothed with full powers to inquire into and remedy all abuses, and to Jake all proper measures for the good government, religious instruction, and effectual protection of the natives. The ex- ercise of their powers at San Domingo made a great sensation m the New World, and, for a time, had a beneficial etfect in checking the oppressive and licentious conduct of the colo- nists. 276 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF liim by force. Dissembling his suspicions and intentions, therefore, he wrote to him in amicable terms, requesting him to repair immediately to Ada, as he wished to confer with him about the impending expedition. Fearing, however, that Vasco Nunez might suspect his motives, and refuse to comply, he at the same time ordered Francisco Pizarro to muster all the armed force he could collect, and seek and arrest his late patron and commander wherever he might be found. So great was the terror inspired by the arrest of Arguello, and by the general violence of Pe- drarias, that, though Vasco Nunez was a favorite with the great mass of the people, no one ventured to warn him of the danger that attended his return to Ada. CHAPTER XXVIL VASCO NUNEZ AND THE ASTROLOGER. — HIS RETURN TO ACLA. The old Spanish writers who have treated of the fortunes of Yasco Nunez, record an anecdote which is worthy of being cited, as characteristic of the people and the age. Among the motley crowd of adventurers lured across the ocean by the reputed \vealth and wonders of the New World, was an Italian astrologer, a native of Venice named Micer Codro. At the time that THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, Til Vasco Nunez held supreme sway at Darien, this reader of the stars had east his horoscope and pretended to foretell his destiny. Pointing oug night to a certain star, he assured him that in tho year in which he should behold that star in a part of the heavens wliich he designated, his Hfe would be in imminent jeopardy ; but should he survive this year of peril, he would become the richest and most renowned captain throughout the Indies. Several years, it is added, had elapsed since this prediction was made ; yet, that it still dwelt in the mind of Vasco Nunez, was evident from the following circumstance. While waiting the return of his messenger, Garabito, he was on the shore of Isla Rica one serene evening, in com- pany with some of liis officers, when, regarding the heavens, he beheld the fated star exactly in that part of the firmament which had been pointed out by the Italian astrologer. Turning to his companions, with a smile, " Behold," said he, " the wisdom of those who believe in sooth- sayers, and, above all, in such an astrologer as Micer Codro ! According to his prophecy, I should now be in imminent peril of my life ; yet, here I am, within reach of all my wishes ; sound in health, with four brigantines and three hundred men at my command, and on the point of explor- ing this great southern ocean." At this fated juncture, say the chroniclers, ar- rived tlie hypocritical letter of Pedrarias, inviting him to an interview at Ada ! The discreet reader iviil decide for himself what credit to give to thia anecdote, or rather, what allowance to make foi 278 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF the little traits of coincidence gratuitously added to the original fact by writers who delight in the marvelous. The tenor of this letter awakened no suspicion in the breast of Vasco Nunez, who reposed entire confidence in the amity of the gov- ernor, as his intended father-in-law, and appeals to have been unconscious of anything in his own conduct that could warrant hostility. Leaving his ships in command of Francisco Companon, he departed immediately to meet the governor at Ada, unattended by any armed force. The messengers who had brought the letter, maintained at first a cautious silence as to the events which had transpired at Darien. They were gradually won, however, by the frank and ge- nial manners of Vasco Nunez, and grieved to see so gallant a soldier hurrying into the snare. Having crossed the mountains, and drawn near to Ada, their kind feelings got the better of their caution, and they revealed the true nature of their errand, and the hostile intentions of Pedrarias. Vasco Nunez was struck with astonishment at the reci- tal ; but, being unconscious, it is said, of any evil intention, he could scarcely credit this sudden hostility in a man who had but recently promised him his daughter in marriage. He imagined the whole to be some groundless jealousy, which his own appearance would dispel, and accordingly continued on his journey. He had not proceeded far, however, when he was met by a band of armed men, led by Francisco Pizarro. The lat- ter stepped forward to arrest his ancient com« mandor. Vasco Nunez paused for a moment, and THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 279 regarded him with a look of reproachful astonish- ment. " How is this, Francisco ? " exclaimed he. " Is this the way you have been accustomed to receive me ? " Offering no further remonstrance, he suffered himself quietly to be taken prisoner by his former adherents, and conducted in chains to Ada. Here he was thrown into prison, and Bartolome Hurtado, once his favorite officer, was sent to take command of his squadron. CHAPTER XXVin. TRIAL OF VASCO NUNEZ. Don Pedr arias concealed liis exultation at the success of the stratagem by which he had en- snared his generous and confiding rival. He even visited him in prison, and pretended deep concern at being obliged to treat him with this temporary rigor, attributing it entirely to certain accusations lodged against him by the treasurer, Alonzo de la Puente, which his official situation compelled him to notice and investigate. " Be not afflicted, however, my son ! " said the hypocrite ; " an investigation will, doubtless, not merely establish your innocence, but serve to ren- der your zeal and loyalty toward your sovereign ^till more conspicuous." While Pedrarias assumed this soothing tone to- wards his prisoner, he urged the alcalde mayor, 280 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF Espinosa, to proceed against him with the utmost rigor of the law. The charge brought against him of a treason- able conspiracy to cast off all allegiance to tho crown, and to assume an independent sway on the borders of the southern sea, was principally sup* ported by the confessions of Andres Garabito. The evidence is also cited of a soldier, who stood sentinel one night near the quarters of Vasco Nunez on Isla Rica, and who, being driven to take shelter from the rain under the eaves of this house, overheard a conversation between that commander and certain of his officers, wherein they agreed to put to sea with the squadron on their own account, and set the governor at defiance. This testimony, according to Las Casas, arose from a misconstruc- tion on the part of the sentinel, who only heard a portion of their conversation, relating to their in- tention of sailing without waiting for orders, m case a new governor should arrive to supersede Pedrarias. The governor, in the mean time, informed l.irn- self from day to day, and hour to hour, of the prog- ress of the trial ; and, considering the evidence sufficiently strong to warrant his personal hostility, he now paid another visit to his prisoner, and throwing off all affectation of kindness, upbraided him in the most passionate manner. " Hitherto," said he, " I have treated you as a son, because I thought you loyal to your king, and to me as his representative ; but as I find you have meditated rebellion against the crown of Castile, I cast you off from my affection, and shall henceforth treat you as an enemy." THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 281 Vasco Nunez indignantly repelled tlie charge, and appealed to the conMing frankness of liis con duct as a proof of his innocence, " Had I been conscious of my guilt," said he, " what could have induced me to come here and put myself into your hands ? Had I meditated rebellion, what pre- vented me from carrying it into effect ? I had four ships ready to weigh anchor, three hundred brave men at my command, and an open sea before me. What had I to do but to spread sail and press forward ? There was no doubt of finding a land, whether rich or poor, sufficient for me and mine, far beyond the reach of your control. In the innocence of my heart, however, I came here promptly, at your mere request, and my reward is slander, indignity, and chains ! " The noble and ingenuous appeal of Vasco Nunez had no effect on the prejudiced feelings of the governor : on the contrary, he was but the more exasperated against his prisoner, and ordered that his irons should be doubled. The trial was now urged by him with increased eagerness. Lest the present accusation should not be sufficient to effect the ruin of his victim, the old inquest into his conduct as governor, which had remained suspended for many years, was re- vived, and he was charged anew with the wrongs infficted on the Bachelor Enciso, and with the death of the unfortunate Nicuesa. Notwithstanding all these charges, the trial went on slowly, with frequent delays, for the alcalde mayor, Gaspar de Espiuosa, seems to have had but little relish for the task assigned him, and to 282 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF have needed frequent spurring from the eager and passionate governor. He probably considered the accused as technically guilty, though innocent of all intentional rebellion, but was ordered to decide according to the strict letter of the law. He there- fore, at length, gave a reluctant verdict against Vasco Nunez, but recommended him to mercy, on account of his great services, or entreated that, at least, he might be permitted to appeal. "No," said the unrelenting Pedrarias ; " if he has merited death, let him suffer death!" He accordingly condemned him to be beheaded. The same sen- tence was passed upon several of his officers, who were implicated in his alleged conspiracy ; among these was Hernando de Arguello, who had written the letter to Vasco Nunez, informing him of the arrest of his messenger, and advising him to put to sea, vrithout heeding the hostility of Pedrarias. As to the perfidious informer Garabito, he was pardoned and set at liberty. In considering this case as far as we are enabled, from the imperfect testimony on record, we arc inclined to think it one w^here passion and self- interest interfered with the pure administration of justice. Pedrarias had always considered Vasco Nunez as a dangerous rival, and, though his jeal- ousy had been for some time lulled b}^ looking on liim as an intended son-in-law, it was revived by the suggestion that he intended to evade his alli- ance and dispute his authority. His exasperated feelings hurried him too far to retreat, and, having loaded his prisoner with chains and indignities, hia death became indispensable to his ov^ tccarity THK COMPAiVlOyS OF COLUMBUS. 283 For our owu part, we have little doubt that it was the fixed intention of Vasco Nunez, after he had once succeeded in the arduous undertaking of transporting his ships across the mountains, to euiFer no capricious order from Pedrarias, nor any other governor, to defeat the enterprise which he had so long meditated, and for which he had so laboriously prepared. It is probable he may have expressed such general determination in the hear- ing of Garabito, and of others of his companions. We can find ample excuse for such a resolution in his consciousness of his own deserts ; his ex- perience of past hinderances to this expedition, arising from the jealousy of others ; his feeling of some degree of authority, from his office of ade- lantado ; and his knowledge of the favorable dis- position and kind intentions of his sovereign to- wards him. We acquit liim entirely of the sense- less idea of rebelling against the crown ; and sug- gest these considerations in palliation of any med- itated disobedience of Pedrarias, should such a charge be supposed to have been substantiated. CHAPTER XXIX. EXECUTION OF VASCO NUNEZ. [1517.] It was a day of gloom and horror at Ada, when Vasco Nunez and his companions were led 284 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF forth to execution. The populace were moved to tears at the unhappy fate of a man, whose gallant deeds had excited their admiration, and whose generous qualities had won their hearts. Most of them regarded him as the victim of a jealous tyrant ; and even those who thought him guilty, saw something brave and brilliant in the very crime imputed to him. Such, however, was the general dread inspired by the severe measures of Pedi-arias, that no one dared to lift up his voice, either in murmur or remonstrance. The public crier walked before Vasco Nunez, proclaiming : " This is the punishment inflicted by command of the king and his lieutenant, Don Pedrarias Davila, on this man, as a traitor and an usurper of the territories of the crown." When Vasco Nunez heard these words, he ex- claimed, indignantly, " It is false ! never did such a crime enter my mind. I have ever served my king with truth and loyalty, and sought to aug- ment his dominions." These words were of no avail in his extremity, but they were fully believed by the populace. The execution took place in the public square of Ada ; and we are assured by the historian Oviedo, who was in the colony at the time, that the cruel Pedrarias was a secret witness of the bloody spectacle ; which he contemplated from between the reeds of the wall of a house, about twelve paces from the scaffold ! ^ Vasco Nunez was the first to suffer death. Having confessed himself and partaken of th^ sac* 1 Oviedo, Hist. Ind., p. 2, cap 9, MS. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 285 rament, he ascended the scaffold with a firm step and a cahn and manly demeanor ; and, laying his head upon the block, it was severed in an in- stant from his body. Three of his officers, Val- derrabano, Botello, and ITernan Munos, were iu like manner brought one by one to the block, and the day had nearly expired before the last of them was executed. One victim still remained. It was Hernando de Arguello, who had been condemned as an ac- complice, for having written the intercepted let- ter. The populace could no longer restrain their feelings. They had not dared to intercede for Vasco Nunez, knowing the implacable enmity of Pedrarias ; but they now sought the governor, and, throwing themselves at his feet, entreated that this man might be spared, as he had taken no active part in the alleged treason. The day- light, they said, was at an end, and it seemed as if God had hastened the night to prevent the ex- ecution. The stern heart of Pedrarias was not to be touched. " No," said he, " I would sooner die myself than spare one of them. " The unfortu- nate Arguello was led to the block. The brief tropical twilight was past, and in the gathering gloom of the night, the operations on the scaffold could not be distinguished. The multitude stood listening in breathless silence, until the stroke of the executioner told that all was accomplished. They then dispersed to their homes with hearts filled with grief and bitterness, and a night of limentation succeeded to this day of horrors. 286 VOYAGES AND DlSCOVEEIESy ETC. The vengeance of Pedrarias was not satis 'led with the death of his victim ; he confiscated his property and dishonored his remains, causing his head to be placed upon a pole, and exposed for several days in the public square.^ Thus perished, in his forty-second year, in the prime and vigor of his days, and the foil career of his glory, one of the most illustrious and de- serving of Spanish discoverers ; a victim to the basest and most perfidious envy. How vain are our most confident hopes, our brightest triumphs ! When Yasco Nunez from the mountains of Darien beheld the Southern Ocean revealed to his gaze, he considered its un- known realms at his disposal. When he had launched his ships upon its waters, and his sails were in a mannei^ flapping in the wind, to bear him in quest of the wealthy empire of Peru, he scoffed at the prediction of the astrologer, and de- fied the influence of the stars. Behold him in- terrupted at the very moment of his departure, betrayed into the hands of iiis most invidious foe, the very enterprise that was to have crowned him with glory wrested into a crime, and himself hurried to a bloody and ignominious grave at the foot, as it were, of the mountain whence he had made his discovery ! His fate, like that of his renowned predecessor, Columbus, proves tha it is sometimes dangerous even to deserve ti>o greatly. 1 Oviedo, ubi sup. FOETUNES OP VALDIVIA AND HIS COMPAN- IONS. T was in the year 1512 that Valdivia, the regidor of Darien, was sent to His- paniola by Vasco Nunez de Balboa, for reinforcements and supplies for the colony. He set sail in a caravel, and pursued his voyage prosperously until he arrived in sight of the island of Jamaica. Here he was encountered by one of the violent hurricanes which sweep those latitudes, and driven on the shoals and sunken rocks called the Yipers, since infamous for many a shipwreck. His vessel soon went to pieces, and Valdivia and his crew, consisting of twenty men, escaped with difficulty in a boat, without having time to secure a supply either of water or provisions. Having no sails, and their oars being scarcely fit for use, they were driven about for thirteen days, at the mercy of the currents of those unknown seas. During this time their sufferings from hunger and thirst were indescri- bable. Seven of their number perished, and the rest were nearly famished, when they were Btranded on the eastern coast of Yucatan, in a province called Maya. Here they were sot upon by the natives, who broke their boat in pieces. 288 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF and carried them ofF captive to the cacique of the pioviiice, by whose orders they were mewed up in a kind of pen. At first their situation appeared tolerable eiiough, considering the horrors from which they had escaped. They were closely confined, it is true, but they had plenty to eat and drink, and 60on began to recover flesh and vigor. In a little while, however, their enjoyment of this good cheer met with a sudden check, for the un- fortunate Valdivia, and four of his companions, were singled out by the cacique, on account of their improved condition, to be offered up to his idols. The natives of this coast, in fact, were cannibals, devouring the flesh of their enemies, and of such strangers as fell into their hands. The wretched Valdivia and his fellow victims, therefore, were sacrificed in the bloody temple of the idol, and their limbs were afterwards served up at a grand feast held by the cacique and his subjects. The horror of the survivors may be more readily imagined than described. Their hearts died within them when they heard the yells and bowlings of the savages over their victims, and the still more horrible revelry of their cannibal orgies, They turned with loathing from the food set so abundantly before them, at the idea that it was but intended to fatten them for a future banquet. Ilecovering from the first stupor of alarm, their despair lent them additional force. They succeeded in breaking in the night from the kind THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 289 oi cage in which they were confined, and fled to the depths of the forest. Here they wandered about forlorn, exposed to all the dangers and miseries of the wilderness ; famishing with hunger, yet dreading to approach the haunts of men. At length their sufferings drove them forth from th^ woods into another part of the country, where they were again taken captive. The cacique of this province, however, was an enemy to the one from whom they had escaped, and of less cruel propensities. He spared their lives, and contented himself with making them slaves, exacting from them the severest labor. They had to cut and draw wood, to procure water from a distance, and to carry enormous burdens. The cacique died soon after their capture, and was succeeded by another called Taxmar. He was a chief of some talent and sagacity, but he continued the same rigorous treatment of the captives. By degrees they sank beneath the hardships of their lot, until only two were left ; one of them, a sturdy sailor, named Gonzalo Guerrero, the other a kind of clerical adventurer, named Jeronimo de Aguilar. The sailor had the good luck to be transferred to the service of the cacique of the neighboring province of Chatemal, by w^iom he w^as treated with kindness. Beino- a thoroug^h son of the ocean, seasoned to all weathers, and ready for any chance or change, he soon accommodated himself to his new situation, followed the cacique to the wars, rose by his hardihood and prowess to be a distinguished warrior, and succeeded iu VOL. in. 19 290 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF gaining the heart and hand of an Indian prin* cess. The other survivor, Jeronimo de Aguilar, was of a different complexion. He was a native of Ecija, in Andalusia, and had been brought up to the church, and regularly ordained, and shortly afterwards had sailed in one of the expeditions to San Domingo, whence he had passed to Darien. He proceeded in a different mode from that adopted by his comrade, the sailor, in his deal- ings with the Indians, and in one more suited to his opposite calling. Instead of playing the hero among the men, and the gallant among the women, he recollected his priestly obligations to humility and chastity. Accordingly, he made himself a model of meekness and obedience to the cacique and his warriors, while he closed his eyes to the charms of the infidel women. Nay, in the latter respect, he reinforced his clerical vows by a solemn promise to God to resist all temptations of the flesh, so he might be delivered out of the hands of these Gentiles. Such were the opposite measures of the sailor and the saint, and they appear to have been equally successful. Aguilar, by his meek obe- dience to every order, however arbitrary and ca- pricious, gradually won the good will of the cacique and his family. Taxmar, however, sub- jected him to many trials before he admitted him to his entire confidence. One day when the Indians, painted and decorated in warlike style, were shooting at a mark, a warrior, who had for THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 291 Bome time fixed bis eyes on Aguilar, approached sucWenly, and seized iiim by tlie arm. " Thou seest," said be, " the certainty of these archers ; if they aim at the eye, they bit the eye — if at the mouth, they bit the mouth — what wouldst thou think, if thou wert to be placed instead of the mark, and they were to shoot at and miss thee?" Aguilar secretly trembled lest he should be the victim of some cruel caprice of the kind. Dissembling his fears, however, he replied with great submission, " I am your slave, and you may do with me as you please ; but you are too wise to destroy a slave who is so useful and obedient." His answer pleased the cacique, who had secretly sent his warrior to try his humility. Another tria,l of the worthy Jeronimo was less stern and fearful indeed, but equally perplexing. The cacique had remarked his unexampled dis- cretion with respect to the sex, but doubted his sincerity. After laying many petty temptations in his way, which Jeronimo resisted with the self-denial of a saint, he at length determined to subject him to a fiery ordeal. He accordingly sent him on a fishing expedition, accompanied by a buxom damsel of fourteen years of age : they were to pass the night by the sea-side, so as to be ready to fish at the first dawn of day, and were allowed but one hammock to sleep in. It was an embarrassing predicament — not apparently to tlie Indian beauty, but certainly to the scrupulous Jeronimo. He remembered, however, his double vow, and, suspending his hammock to two trees, 292 VOYACES AND DISCOVEkiES OF resigned it to his companion; wbile, lighting a fire on the sea-shore, he stretched hims^^lf before it on the sand. It was, as he acknowledged, a night of fearful trial, for his sandy couch was cold and cheerless, the hammock warm and tempting ; and the infidel damsel had been in- structed to assail him with all manner of blan- dishments and reproaches. His resolution, how- ever, though often shaken, was never overcome ; and the morning dawned upon him still faithful to his vow. The fishing over, he returned to the residence of the cacique, w^here his companion being closely questioned, made known the triumph of his self- denial before all the people. From that time forward he was held in great respect ; the cacique especially treated him with unlimited confidence, intrusting to him the care, not merely of his house, but of his wives, during his occa- sional absence. Aguilar now felt ambitious of rising to greater consequence among the sp.vages, but this he knew was only to be done by deeds of arms. He had the example of the sturdy seaman, Gonzalo Guerrero, before his eyes, who had become a great captain in the province in which he resided. He entreated Taxmar, therefore, to intrust him with bow and arrows, buckler and war-club, and to enroll him among his warriors. The cacique complied. Aguilar soon made himself expert at his new weapons, signalized himself repeatedly in battle, and, from his superior knowledge of the arts of war, rendered Taxmar such essentia] THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 293 service as to excite the jealousy of some of tlie neighboring caciques. One of them remonstrated with Taxmar for employing a warrior who was of a different religion, and insisted that Aguilar should be sacrificed to their gods. " No," replied TaxDiar, " I will not make so base a return for Bucb signal services : surely the gods of Aguilar mmt be good, since they aid him so effectually in TTjaintaining a just cause." The cacique was so incensed at this reply, that he assembled his warriors and marched to make war upon Taxmar. Many of the counsellors of the latter urged him to give up the stranger who was the cause of his hostility. Taxmar, however, rejected their counsel with disdain, and prepared for battle. Aguilar assured him that his faith in the Christians' God would be rewarded with vic- tory ; he, in fact, concerted a plan of battle, which was adopted. Concealing himself, with a chosen band of warriors, among thickets and her- bage, he suffered the enemy to pass by in making their attack. Taxmar and his host pretended to give way at the first onset. The foe rushed heedlessly in pursuit ; whereupon Aguilar and his ambuscade assaulted them in the rear. Tax- mar turned upon them in front; they were thrown into confusion, routed with great, slaugh- ter, and many of their chiefs taken prisoners. This victory gave Taxmar the sway over the ^and, and strengthened Aguilar more than ever m his good graces. Several years had elapsed in this manner, when uitelligence was brought to the province of the 294 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF Rrrival on the neighboring coast of great vessels of wonderful construction, filled with white and bearded men, who fought with tliunder and h'ght- ning. It was, in fact, tlie squadron of Francisco Hernandez de Cordova, then on a voyage of dis- covery. The tidings of this strange invasion spread consternation through the country, heigh- tened, if we may credit the old Spanish writers, by a prophecy current among the savages of these parts, and uttered in former times by a priest named Chilam Cambal, who foretold that a white and bearded people would come from the region of the rising sun, who would overturn their idols, and subjugate the land. The heart of Jeronimo de Aguilar beat quick with hope when he hpard of European ships at hand ; he was distant from the coast, however, and perceived that he was too closely watched by the Indians to have any chance of escape. Dissembling his feelings, therefore, he affected to hear of the ships with perfect indifference, and to have no desire to join the strangers. The ships disappeared from the coast, and he remained disconsolate at heart, but was regarded with in- creased confidence by the natives. His hopes were again revived in the course of a year or two by the arrival on the coast of other ships, which were those commanded by Juan de Grijalva, who coasted Yucatan in 1518 ; Aguilar, however, was again prevented by the jealous watchfulness of the Indians from at- tempting his escape, and when this squadron left the coast he considered all chance of deliverance at an end. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 295 Seven years bad gone by since bis capture, and be bad given up all bopes of being restored to bis country and friends, when, in 1519, tliere arrived one day at tbe vilUige tbree Indians, na- tives of tbe small island of Cozumel, wbicb lies a few leagues in tbe sea, opposite tbe eastern coast of Yucatan. Tbey brougbt tidings of another visit of white and bearded men to their shores, and one of them delivered a letter to Aguilar, which, being entirely naked, he had concealed in the long tres-es of his hair which were bound round his head. Aguilar received tbe letter with wonder and delight, and i-ead it in presence of the cacique and his warriors. It proved to be from Hernando Cortez, who was at that time on his great expe- dition, which ended in tbe conquest of Mexico. He had been obliged by stress of weather, to an- chor at the island of Cozumel, where he learned from die natives that several white men were en- tertained in captivity among the Indians on the neighboring coast of Yucatan. Finding it im- possible to approach ihe main-land with his ships, he prevailed upon three of tbe islanders, by means of gifts and promises, to venture upon an embassy among their cannibal neighbors, and to convey a letter to the captive white men. Two of the smallest caravels of the squadron were sent under tbe command of Diego de Ordas, who was ordered to land the three messengers at the point of Cotoche, and to wait there eight days for *heir return. The letter brought by these envoys informed 296 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF the Christian captives of the force and destina- tion of the squadron of Cortez, and of his hav- ing sent the caravels to wait for them tt the point of Cotoche, with a ransom for their deliv- erance, inviting them to hasten and join him at Cozumel. The transport of Aguilar on first reading the letter, was moderated when he reflected on the obstacles that might prevent him from profiting by this chance of deliverance. He had made himself too useful to the cacique to hope that he would readily give him his liberty, and he knew the jealous and irritable nature of the savages too w^ell, not to fear that even an application for leave to depart might draw upon him the sever- est treatment. He endeavored, therefore, to operate upon the cacique through his apprehen- sions. To this end he informed him that the piece of paper which he held in his hand brought him a full account of the mighty armament that had arrived on the coast. He described the number of ships and various particulars concerning the squadron, all of which were amply corroborated by the testimony of the messengers. The ca- cique and his warriors were astonished at this strange mode of conveying intelligence from a distance, and regarded the letter as something mysterious and supernatural. Aguilar went on to relate the tremendous and superhuman powers of the people in these ships, who, armed with thunder and lighlhing, wreaked destruction on all who displeased the n, while they dispensed inestimable giftb* and benefits on such as proved THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 297 themselves their friends. He, at the same time, spread before the cacique various presents brought by the messengers, as specimens of the blessings to be expected from the friendship of the stran- gers. The intimation was effectual. The ca- cique v^^as filled with awe at the recital of the terrific powers of the white men, and his eyes were dazzled by the glittering trinkets displayed before him. He entreated Aguilar, therefore, to act as his ambassador and mediator, and to se- cure him the amity of the strangers. Aguilar saw with transport the prospect of a speedy deliverance. In this moment of exulta- tion, he bethought himself of the only surviving comrade of his past fortunes, Gonzalo Guerrero, and, sending the letter of Cortez to him, invited him to accompany him in his escape. The sturdy seaman was at this time a great chieftain in his province, and his Indian bride had borne him a numerous progeny. His heart, however, yearned after his native country, and he might have been tempted to leave his honors and dignities, his infi- del wife and half-savage offspring behind him, but an insuperable, though somewhat ludicrous, obsta- cle presented itself to his wishes. Having long since given over all expectation of a return to civilized life, he had conformed to the customs of the country, and had adopted the external signs and decorations that marked him as a warrior and a man of rank. His face and hands were Indelibly painted or tattooed ; his ears and lips ivere slit to admit huge Indian ornaments, and bis nose was drawn down almost to his mouth oy a massy ring of gold, and a dangling jeweL 298 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF Thus curiously garbled and disfigured, the hon« est seaman felt, that, however he might be ad- mired in Yucatan, he should be apt to have a hooting rabble at his heels in Spain. lie made up his mind, therefore, to remain a great man among the savages, rather than run the risk of being shown as a man-monster at home. Finding that he declined accompanying him, Jeronimo de Aguilar set off for the point of Co- toche, escorted by three Indians. The time he had lost in waiting for Guerrero had nearly proved fatal to his hopes, for when he arrived at the point, the caravels sent by Cortez had de- parted, though several crosses of reeds set up in different places gave tokens of the recent presence of Christians. The only hope that remained was, that the squadron of Cortez might yet linger at the oppo- site island of Cozumel ; but how was he to get there? While wandering disconsolately along the shore, he found a canoe, half buried in sand and water, and with one side in a state of decay ; with the assistance of the Indians he cleaned it, and set it afloat, and on looking further, found the stave of a hogshead which might serve for a paddle. It was a frail embarkation in which to cross an arm of the sea, several leagues wide, but there was no alternative. Prevailing on the Indians to accompany him, he launched forth in the canoe, and coasted the main-land until he came to the narrowest part of the strait, where it was but four leagues across ; here he stood di- rectly for Cozumel, contending, as well as he waa THE COMPANIONS OF ClLUMBUS, 299 able, with a strong current, and at length suc- ceeded in reaching the island. He had scarce landed when a party of Span- iards, who had been lying in wait, rushed forth from their concealment, sword in hand. The three Indians would have fled, but Aguilar reassured them, and, calling out to the Spaniards in their own language, assured them that he was a Chris- tian. Then, throwing himself on his knees, and raising his eyes streaming with tears to heaven, he gave thanks to God for having restored him to his countrymen. The Spaniards gazed at him with astonish- ment : from his language he was evidently a Castilian, but to all appearance he was an Indian. He was perfectly naked ; wore his hair braided round his head in the manner of the country, and his complexion was burnt by the sun to a tawny color. He had a bow in his hand, a quiver at his shoulder, and a net- work pouch at his side, in which he carried his provisions. The Spaniards proved to be a reconnoitring party sent out by Cortez to watch the approach of the canoe, which had been descried coming from Yucatan. Cortez had given up all hopes of being joined by the captives, the caravel hav- ing waited the allotted time at Cotoche, and re^ turned without news of them. He had in fact made sail to prosecute his voyage, but fortunately one of his ships sprung a leak, which obliged him 'o return to the island. When Jeronimo de Aguilar and his compan- ions arrived in presence of Cortez, who was sur« 300 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF rounded by his officers, they made a profound reverence, squatted on the ground, laid their bows and arrows beside them, and touching theii right hands, wet with spittle on the ground, rubbed them about the region of the heart, such being their sign of the most devoted submis- sion. Cortez greeted Aguilar with a hearty welcome, and raising him from the earth, took from his own person a large yellow mantle lined with crimson, and threw it over his shoulders. The latter, however, had for so long a time gone entirely naked, that even this scanty covering was at first almost insupportable, and he had become so accustomed to the diet of the natives, that he found it diiiicult to reconcile his stomach to the meat and drink set before him. When he had sufficiently recovered from the agitation of his arrival among Christians^ Cortez drew from him the particulars of his story, and found that he was related to one of his own friends, the licentiate Marcos de Aguilar. He treated him, therefore, with additional kindness and respect, and retained him about his person, to aid him as an interpreter in his great Mexican expedition. The happiness of Jeronimo de Aguilar at once more being restored to his countrymen, wa3 doomed to suffer some alloy from the disasters that had happened in his family. Peter Martyr records a touching anecdote of tiie effect pro- duced upon his mother by the tidings of his mis- fortune. A vague report reached her in Spain, THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 301 that her son had fallen into the hands of canni- bals. All the horrible tales concerning the treat- ment of these savages to their prisoners rushed to her imagination, and she went distracted. Whenever she beheld roasted meat, or flesh upon the spit, she would fill the house with her out^ cries. " Oh, wretched mother ! oh, most miser- able of women ! " would she exclaim ; " behold the limbs of my murdered son ! " ^ It is to be hoped that the tidings of his deliver- ance had a favorable effect upon her intellects, and that she lived to rejoice at his after fortunes. He served Hernando Cortez with great courage and ability throughout his Mexican conquests, acting sometimes as a soldier, sometimes as inter- preter and ambassador to the Indians, and in reward of his fidelity and services, was appointed regidor, or civil governor of the city of Mexico- 1 Peter Martyr, decad. iv. cap. 6. MICEE CODEO, THE ASTEOLOGEE. HE fate of the Italian astrologer, Micen Codro, who predicted the end of Vasco Nunez, is related by the historian Oviedo, with some particulars that border upon the marvelous. It appears that, after the death of his patron, he continued for several years rambling about the New World, in the train of the Spanish discoverers ; but intent upon study- ing the secrets of its natural history, rather than searching after its treasures. In the course of his wanderings he was once coasting the shores of the Southern Ocean, in a ship commanded by one Geronimo de Valenzuela, from whom he received such cruel treatment as to cause his death, though what the nature of the treatment was, we are not precisely informed. Finding his end approaching, the unfortunate astrologer addressed Valenzuela in the most solemn manner : " Captain," said he, " you have caused my death by your cruelty ; I now summon you to appear with me, within a year, before the judgment-seat of God ! " The captain made a light and scoffing answer and treated his summons with contempt. They were then oflf the coast of Veragua, near VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES, ETC. 303 the verdant islands of Zebaco, which lie at the entrance of the Gulf of Parita or Paria. Tlie poor astrologer gazed wistfully with his dying eyes upon the green and shady groves, and entreated the pilot or mate of the caravel to land him on one of the islands, that he might die in peace. " Micer Codro," replied the pilot, " thoso are not islands, but points of land : there are no islands hereabout/' "There are, indeed," replied the astrologer, "two good and pleasant islands, well watered, and near to the coast, and within them is a great bay with a harbor. Land me, I pray you, upon one of these islands, that 1 may have comfort in iny dying hour." The pilot, whose rough nature had been touched with pity for the condition of the unfortunate astrologer, listened to his prayer, and conveyed him to the shore, where he found the opinion he had given of the character of the coast to be correct. He laid him on the herbage in the shade, where the poor w^anderer soon expired. The pilot then dug a grave at the foot of a tree, where he buried him with ail possible decency, and carved a cross on the bark to mark the grave. Some time afterwards, Oviedo, the historian, was on the island with this very pilot, who showed him the cross on the tree, and gave his honest testimony to the good character and worthy conduct of Micer Codro. Oviedo, as he regarded the nameless grave, passed the eulogium of a scholar upon the poor astrologer ; " He died," -304 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES, ETC. Bays he, " like Pliny, in the discharge of his duties, travelling about the world to explore the secrets of nature." According to "his account, the prediction of Micer Codro held good with respect to Valenzuela, as it had in the case of Vasco Nunez. — The captain died within the term in which he had summoned him to appeal before the tribunal of God ! ^ 1 Vide Oviedo, Hist. Gen., lib. iLKxix. cap. 2. JTJAN PONCE DE LEON, CONQUEROR OF PORTO RICO, AND DISCOVERER OF FLORIDA. CHAPTER 1. BECONNOITRING EXPEDITION OF JUAN PONCE DE LEON TO THE ISLAND OF BORIQUEN. [1508.] ANY years had elapsed since the dis- covery and colonization of Hayti, yet its neighboring island of Boriquen, or as the Spaniards called it, St. Juan, (since named Porto Rico,) remained unexplored. It was beau- tiful to the eye as beheld from the sea, having lofly mountains, clothed with forest trees of pro- digious size and magnificent foliage. There were broad, fertile valleys also, always fresh and green ; for the frequent showers and abundant streams, in these latitudes, and the absence of all wintry frosts, produce a perpetual verdure. Various ships had occasionally touched at the island, but their crews had never penetrated into the interior. It was evident, however, from the VOL. III. 20 306 VOYAGES AND DJSCOVERJKS OF number of hamlets and scattered houses, and the smoke rising in all directions from among the trees, that it was well peopled. The inhabitants still continued to enjoy their life of indolence and freedom, unmolested by the ills that overwhelmed the neighboring island of Hayti. The time had arrived, however, when they were to share the common lot of their fellow savages, and to sink beneath the yoke of the white man. At the time when Nicholas de Ovando, gov- ernor of Hispaniola, undertook to lay waste the great province of Higuey, which lay at the east- ern end of Hayti, he sent as commander of part of the troops, a veteran soldier, named Juan Ponce de Leon. He was a native of Leon in Spain, and in his boyhood had been page to Pedro Nunez de Guzman, Senor of Toral.^ From an early age he had been schooled to war, and had served in various campaigns against the Moors of Granada. He accompanied Columbus in his second voyage in 1493, and was afterwards, it is said, one of the partisans of Francisco Poldan, in his rebellion against the admiral. Having dis- tinguished himself in various battles with the Li- dians, and acquired a name for sagacity as well as valor, he received a command subordinate to Juan de Esquibel in the campaign against Higuey, and seconded his chief so valiantly in that sanguinary expedition, that, after the sub- jugation of the province, he was appointed to the command of it, as lieutenant of the gcvernor of Hispaniola. 1 Incas, Garcilaso de la Vega, Hist. Florida, torn. iv. cap. 37. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, SOI Juan Ponce de Leon had all the impatience (/f quiet life and the passion for exploit of a vet- eran campaigner. He had not been long in the tranquil command of his province of Higuey, before he began to cast a wistful eye towards the green mountains of Boriquen. They were directly opposite, and but twelve or fourteen leagues distant, so as to be distinctly seen in the transparent atmosphere of the tropics. The In- dians of the two islands frequently visited each other, and in this way Juan Ponce received the usual intelligence, that the mountains he had eyed so wistfully abounded with gold. He readily obtained permission from Governor Ovando to make an expedition to this island, and embarked in the year 1508 in a caravel, with a few Spaniards, and several Indian inter- preters and guides. After an easy voyage, he landed on the woody shores of the island, near to the residence of the principal cacique, Agueybana. He found the chieftain seated, in patriarchal style, under the shade of his native groves, and surrounded by his family, consisting of his mother, step-father, brother, and sister, who vied with each other in paying homage to the strangers. Juan Ponce, in fact, was received into the bosom of the fam- ily, and the cacique exchanged names with him, which is the Indian pledge of perpetual amity. Juan Ponce also gave Christian names to the mother and step-fiither of the cacique, and would ^'ain have baptized them, but they declined the ceremony, though they always took a pride ip the names thus given them. 808 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF III the zeal to gratify his guests, the cacique Look them to various parts of the ishmd. They founii the interior to correspond with the ex- ternal appearance. It was wild and mountain- ous, but magnificently wooded, with deep rich valleys fertilized by limpid streams. Juan Ponce requested the cacique to reveal to him the riches of the island. The simple Indian showed him his most productive fields of Yuca, groves laden with delicious fruit, the sweetest and purest foun- tains, and the coolest runs of water. Ponce de Leon heeded but little these real blessings, and demanded whether the island pro- duced no gold. Upon this the cacique conducted him to two rivers, the Manatuabon and the Zetuco, where the very pebbles seemed richly veined with gold, and large grains shone among the sands through the limpid water. Some of the largest of these were gathered by the In- dians, and given to the Spaniards. The quan- tity thus procured confirmed the hopes of Juan Ponce ; and leaving several of his companions in the house of the hospitable cacique, he returned to Hayti to report the success of his expedition. He presented the specimens of gold to the gov- ernor Ovando, who assayed them in a crucible. The ore was not so fine as that of Hispaniola, but, as it was supposed to exist in greater quan- tities, the governor determined on the subjuga- tion of the island, and confided the enterprise to Juan Ponce de Leon. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, 309 CHAPTER II. JUAN PONCE ASPIRES TO THE GOVERNMENT OF PORTO . RICO. [1509.] The natives of Boriquen were more warlike than those of Hispaniola; being accustomed to the use of arms from the necessity of repelling the frequent invasions of the Caribs. It was supposed, therefore, that the conquest of their island would be attended with some dirficulty ; and Juan Ponce de Leon made another, and as it were, a preparatory visit, to make himself ac- quainted with the country, and with the nature and resources of the inhabitants. He found the ccmpanions v» hom he had left there on his former visit, in good health and spirits, and full of grat- itude towards the cacique Agueybana, who had treated them with undiminished hospitality. There appeared to be no need of violence to win the island from such simple hearted and con- fiding people. Juan de Ponce flattered himself with the hopes of being appointed to its govern- ment by Ovando, and of bringing it peaceably into subjection. After remaining some time on the island, he returned to San Domingo to seek the desired appointment, but, to his surpiise, found the whole face of affairs had changed dur- ing his absence. His patron, the governor Ovandc, had been re* called to Spain, and Don Diego Columbus, son of 310 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF the renowned discoverer, appointed in his place to the command of San Domingo. To add to the perplexities of Juan Ponce, a cavalier had already arrived from Spain, empowered by the king to form a settlement and build a fortress on the isl- and of Porto Rico. His name was Christoval de Sotomayor ; he was brother to the Count of Camma, and had been secretary to Philip 1. sur- named the Handsome, King of Castile and father of Charles Y. Don Diego Columbus was highly displeased with the act of the king in granting these powers to Sotomayor, as it had been done without his knowledge and consent, and of course in disregard of his prerogative as viceroy, to be consulted as to all appointments made within his jurisdiction. He refused, therefore, to put Sotomayor in pos- session of the island. He paid as little respect to the claims of Juan Ponce de Leon, whom he regarded with an ungracious eye as a favorite of his predecessor Ovando. To settle the matter ef- fectually, he exerted what he considered his official and hereditary privilege, and chose officers to suit himself, appointing one Juan Ceron to the govern- ment of Porto Rico, and Miguel Diaz to serve as Ills lieutenant.^ Juan Ponce de Leon, and his rival candidate Christoval de Sotomayor, bore their disappoint- 1 If the reader has perused the history of Columbus, he may remember the romantic adventure of this Miguel Diaz with a female cacique, which led to the discovery of the gold mines of Hayna, and the founding of the city of San Do* iiiiogo. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS, oU neiit with a good grace. Though the command iN^as denied them, they still hoped to improve their /brtunes on the island, and accordingly joined the crowd of adventurers that accompanied the newly appointed governor. New changes soon took place in consequence of the jealousies and misunderstandings between King Ferdinand and the admiral as to points of privilege. The former still seemed disposed to maintain the right of making appointments with- out consulting Don Diego, and exerted it in the present instance ; for when Ovando, on his return to Spain, made favorable representation of the merits of Juan Ponce de Leon, and set forth his services in exploring Porto Rico, the king ap- pouited him governor of that island, and signified specifically that Don Diego Columbus should not presume to displace him. CHAPTER m. JUAN PONCE RULES WITH A STRONG HAND. — EXASPER- ATION OF THE INDIANS. — THEIR EXPERIMENT TO PROVE WHETHER THE SPANIARDS WERE MORTAL. JuAN Ponce de Leon assumed the command of the island of Boriquen in the year 1509. Being a fiery, high-handed old soldier, his first step was to quarrel with Juan Ceron and Miguel Diaz, the ex-governor and his lieutenant, and to send tJiera prisoners to Spain.^ 1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. vii. cap. 13. 312 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF He was far more favorable to his late competitor Chris to val de Soto mayor. Finding him to be a cavalier of noble blood and high connections, yet' void of pretension, and of most accommodating temper, he offered to make him his lieutenant, tmd to give him the post of alcalde mayor, an offer which whs very thankfully accepted. The pride of rank, however, which follows a man even into the wilderness, soon interfered with the quiet of Sotomayor ; he was ridiculed for de- scending so much below his birth and dignity, as to accept a subaltern situation to a simple gentle- man in the island which he had originally aspired to govern. He could not withstand these sneers, but resigned his appointment, and remained on the island as a private individual ; establishing him- self in a village where he had a large repartimiento, or allotment of Indians, assigned to him by a grant from the king. Juan Ponce fixed his seat of government m a town called Caparra, which he founded on the northern side of the island, about a league from the sea, in a neighborhood supposed to abound in gold. It was in front of the port called Rico, which subsequently gave its name to the island. The road to the town was up a mountain, through a dense forest, and so rugged and miry that it was the bane of man and beast. It cost more to (con- vey provisions and merchandise up this league of mountain, than it did to bring them from Spain. Juan Ponce, being firmly seated in his govern- ment, began to carve and portion out the island, to found towns, and to distribute the natives mto THE CO MP AN ONS OF COLUMBUS. 313 ropartimientos, for the purpose of exacting theb labor. The poor Indians soon found the difference be tween the Spaniards as guests, and the Spaniards as masters. They were driven to despair by the heavy tasks imposed upon them ; for to their free spirits and indolent habits, restraint and labor wem worse than death. Many of the most hardy and daring proposed a general insurrection, and a mas- sacre of their oppressors ; the great mass, however, were deterred by the belief that the Spaniards were supernatural beings, and could not be killed. A shrewd and skeptical cacique, named Bra- yoan, determined to put their immortality to the test. Hearing that a young Spaniard, named Sal- zedo, was passing through his lands, he sent a party of his subjects to escort him, giving them secret instructions how they were to act. On com- ing to a river, they took Salzedo on their shoulders to carry him across, but when in the midst of the stream, they let him fall, and throwing themselves upon him, pressed him under water until he was drowned. Then dragging his body to the shore, and still doubting his being dead, they wept and howled over him, making a thousand apologies for having fallen upon him, and kept him so long beneath the surface. The cacique Brayoan came to examine the body, and pronounced it lifeless ; but the Indians, still fearing it might possess lurking immortality and ultimately revive, kept watch over it for three lays, until it showed incontestable signs of pu* ^refaction. 314 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF Being now convinced that the strangers were mortal men, like themselves, they readily entered into a general conspiracy to destroy them.^ CHAPTER IV. CONSPIRACY OP THE CACIQUES. — FATE OF SOTOMAYOR. The prime mover of the conspiracy among the natives was Agueybana, brother and suc- cessor to the hospitable cacique of the same name, who had first welcomed the Spaniards to the island, and who had fortunately closed his eyes in peace, before his native groves were made the scenes of violence and oppression. The present cacique had fallen within the reparti- miento of Don Christoval de Sotomayor, and, though treated by the cavalier with kindness, could never reconcile his proud spirit to the yoke of vassalage. Agueybana held secret councils with his con- federate caciques, in which they concerted a plan of operations. As the Spaniards were scattered about in different places, it was agreed that, at a certain time, each cacique should dispatch those within his province. In arranging the massacre of those within his own dominions, Agueybana assigned to one of his inferior caciques the task of surprising the village of Sotomayor, giving bim 3000 warriors for the purpose. He was to 1 Herrera, decad. i. lib. viii. cap. 13. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 315 assail the village in the dead of night, to set fire to the houses, and to slaughter all the inhabi- tants. He proudly, however, reserved to himself the honor of killing Don Christoval with his own hand. Don Christoval had an unsuspected friend in the very midst of his enemies. Being a cavalier of gallant appearance and amiable and courteous manners, he had won the affections of an Indian princess, the sister of the cacique Agueybana. She had overheard enough of the war-council of her brother and bis warriors, to learn that Soto- mayor was in danger. The life of her lover was more precious in her eyes than the safety of her brother and her tribe ; hastening, therefore, to him, she told him all that she knew or feared, and warned him to be upon his guard. Soto- mayor appears to have been of the most easy and incautious nature, void of all evil and deceit himself, and slow to suspect anything of the kind in others. He considered the apprehension of the princess as dictated by her fond anxiety, and neglected to profit by her warning. He received, however, about the same time, in- formation from a different quarter ; tending to the same point. A Spaniard, versed in the lan- guage and customs of the natives, had observed a number gathering together one evening, painted iind decorated, as if for battle. Suspecting some lurking mischief, he stripped and painted himself in their manner, and, favored by the obscurity of Jhe night, succeeded in mingling among them un- discovered. Thoy were assembled round a fire. olG VOYAGES A.VD DISCOVERIES OF performing one of tlieir mystic war-dances, to tlie chant of an areyto or legendary ballad. The strophes and responses treated cf revenge and slaughter, and repeatedly mentioned the death of Sotomayor. The Spaniard withdrew unperceived, and has- tened to apprise Don Christoval of his danger. The latter still made light of these repeated warnings ; revolving them, however, in his mind in the stillness of the night, he began to feel some uneasiness, and determined to repair in the morning to Juan Ponce de Leon, in his strong- hold at Caparra. With his fated heedlessness, or temerity, however, he applied to Agueybana for Indians to carry his baggage, and departed slightly armed, and accompanied by but three Spaniards, although he had to pass through close and lonely forests, where he would be at the mercy of any treacherous or lurking foe. The cacique watched the departure of his in- tended victim, and set out early shortly after- wards, dogging his steps at a distance through the forest, accompanied by a few chosen warriors. Agueybana and his party had not proceeded far, when they met a Spaniard named Juan Gonzalez, who spoke the Indian language. They imme- diately assailed him, and wounded him in several places. He threw himself at the feet of the ca- cique, imploring his life in the most abject terms. The chief spared him for the moment, being eager to make sure, of Don Christoval. He ovjprtook that incautious cavalier in the very heart of the woodland, and stealing silently upon him, buidt THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 317 forth suddenly with his warriors from the covert of the thickets, giving the fatal war-whoop. Before Sotomayor could put himself upon hig guardj a blow from the war-club of the cacique felled him to the earth, when he was quickly dis- patched by repeated blows. The four Spaniards who accompanied him shared his fate, being assailed, not merely by the warriors who had come in pursuit of them, but by their own Indian guides. When Agueybana had glutted his vengeance on this unfortunate cavalier, he returned in quest of Juan Gonzalez. The latter, however, had recovered sufficiently from his wounds to leave the place where he had been assailed, and, dread- ing the return of the savages, had climbed into a tree and concealed himself among the branches. From thence, with trembling anxiety, he watched his pursuers as they searched all the surrounding forest for him. Fortunately they did not think of looking up into the trees, but, after beating the bushes for some time, gave up the search. Though he saw them depart, he did not venture from his concealment until the night had closed ; he then descended from the tree, and made the best of his way to the residence of certain. Span- iards, where his wounds were dressed. Wlien this was done he waited not to take repose, but repaired by a circuitous route to Caparra, and informed Juan Ponce de Leon of the danger he supposed to be still impending over Sotomayor, for he knew not that the enemy had accom- ^il'shed his death. Juan Ponce immediately sent 318 VOYAGES AND DISCOVERIES OF out forty men to his relief. They came to the scene of massacre, where they found the body of the unfortunate cavalier, partly buried, but with the feet out of the earth. In the mean time the savages had accomplished the destruction of the village of Sotomayor. They approached it un perceived, through the sur- rounding forest, and entering it in the dead of the night, set fire to the straw-thatched houses, and attacked the Spaniards as they endeavored to escape from the flames. Several were slain at the onset, but a brave Spaniard, named Diego de Salazar, rallied his countrymen, inspirited them to beat off the enemy, and succeeded in conducting the greater part of them, though sorely mangled and har- assed, to the stronghold of the governor of Caparra. Scarcely had these fugitives gained the fortress, when others came hurrying in from all quarters, bringing similar tales of conflagration and massacre. For once a general insurrection, so often planned in savage life against the domin- ation of the white men, was crowned with success. All the villages founded by the Spaniards had been surprised, about a hundred of their inhab- itants destroyed, and the survivors driven to take •efuge in a beleaguered fortress THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 319 CHAPTER V. WAR OF JUAN PONCE WITH THE CACIQUE AGUEYBAnX. Juan Ponce de Leon might now almost bo considered a governor without territories, and a general without soldiers. His villages were smoking ruins, and his whole force did not amount to a hundred men, several of whom were disabled by their wounds. He had an able and implacable foe in Agueybana, who took the lead of all the other caciques, and even sent envoys to the Caribs of the neighboring islands, entreat- ing them to forget all ancient animosities, and to make common cause against these strangers — the deadly enemies of the whole Indian race. In the mean time the whole of this wild island was in rebellion, and the forests around the fortress of Caparra rang with the whoops and yells of the savages, tlie blasts of their war conchs, and the stormy roaring of their drums. Juan Ponce was a stanch and wary old sol- dier, and not easily daunted. He remained grimly ensconced within his fortress, whence he dispatched messengers in all haste to Hispan- iola, imploring immediate assistance. In the mean time, he tasked his wits to divert the en- emy, and keep them at bay. He divided his little force into three bodies of about thirty men each, under the command of Diego Salazar, Miguel de Toro, and Luis de Anasco, and sent them out alternately to make surprises and as 320 VOYA GES AND DISCOVERIES OF sai:lts, to form ambuscades, and to practice the other stratagems of partisan warfare, which he had learnt in early life, in his campaigns against the Moors of Granada. - One of his most efficient warriors was a dog named Berezillo, renowned for courage, strength, and sagacity. It is said that he could distinguish those of the Indians who were allies, from those who were enemies of the Spaniards. To the former he was docile and friendly, to the latter fierce and implacable. He was the terror of the natives, who were unaccustomed to powerful and ferocious animals, and did more service in this wild warfare, than could have been rendered by several soldiers. His prowess was so highly ap- preciated, that his master received for him the pay, allowance, and share of booty, assigned to a cross-bowman, which was the highest stipend given.^ At length the stout old cavalier Juan Ponce was reinforced in his stronghold, by troops from Hispaniola, whereupon he sallied forth boldly to take revenge upon those who had thus held him in a kind of durance. His foe, Agueybana, was at that time encamped in his own territories with more than five thousand warriors, but in a neg- i This famous dog was killed some years afterwards by a poisoned arrow, as he was swimming in the sea in pursuit of ft Carib Indian. He left, however, a numerous progeny and a great name behind him ; and his merits and exploits were long a favorite theme among the Spanish colonists. He waa father to the renowned Leoncico, the faithful dog of Vasco Nunez, which resembled him in looks and equaled him in prowess. THE COMPANIONS OF COLUMBUS. 321 ligeiit and imvvatchful state, for he knew nothing of the reinforcements of the Spaniards, and sup- posed Juan Ponce shut up with his handful of men in Caparra. The old soldier, therefore, took him completely by surprise, and routed him with great slaughter. Indeed, it is said the Indians were struck with a kind of panic when they saw the Spaniards as numerous as ever, notwithstanding the number they had mas sacred. Their belief in their immortality revived, they fancied that those whom they had slain had returned to life, and they despaired of victory over beings who could thus arise with renovated vigor from the grave. Various petty actions and skirmishes afterwards took place, in which the Indians were defeated. Agueybana, however, disdained this petty warfare, and stirred up his countrymen to assemble their * forces, and by one grand assault to decide the fate of themselves and their island. Juan Ponce received secret tidings of their intent, and of the place where arsimony of the king. He found the Lous* 1 Herrera, decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 7 2 Idem, decad. i. lib. x. cap. 16. 356 APPENDIX, already too powerful ; and the Adelantado, had he discovered Mexico, was a man to make as good con- ditions as had been made by the admiral his broth- er.^ It was said, observed Herrera, that the king rather preferred to employ him in his European af- fairs, though it could only have been to divert him from other objects. On his death the king resumed to himself the island of Mona which he had given to him for life, and transferred his repartimiento of two hundred Indians to the vice-queen Dona Maria. While the admiral Don Diego was pressing for an audience in his vindication at court. King Ferdinand died on the 23d January, 1516. His grandson and Fuccessor, Prince Charles, afterwards the Emperor Charles V. was in Flanders. The government rested for a time with Cardinal Ximenes, who would not undertake to decide on the representations and claims of the admiral. It was not until 1520 that he obtained from the Emperor Charles V. a recogni- tion of his innocence of all the charges against him. The emperor finding that what Pasamonte and hia party had written were notorious calumnies, ordered Don Diego to resume his charge, although the process with the fiscal was still pending, and that Pasamonte should be written to, requesting him to forget all past passions and differences and to enter into amicable relations with Don Diego. Among other acts of in- demnification he acknowledged his right to exercise his office of viceroy and governor in the island of Jlispaniola, and in all parts discovered by his father.^ His authorit}^ was, however, much diminished by new regulations, and a supervisor appointed over him ivith the right to give information to the council against him, but with no other powers. Don Diego 1 Charlevoix, Hi«^t. St. Doming., lib. v- 2 Herrera, decad ii. lib. ix cap. 7. APPENDfX, 357 ikd in the beginning of September, 1520, and on his arrival at St. Domingo, finding that several of the governors, presuming o^j his long absence, had ar- rogated to themselves independence, and had abused their powers, he immediately sent persons to super- sede them, and demanded an account of their admin- istration. This made him a host of active and pow- erful enemies both in the colonies and in Spain. Considerable changes had taken place in the isl and of Hispaniola, during the absence of the admiral. The mines had fallen into neglect, the cultivation of the sugar-cane having been found a more certain source of wealth. It became a by-word in Spain that the magnificent palaces erected by Charles Y. at Madrid and Toledo were built of the sugar of His- paniola. Slaves had been imported in great num- bers from Africa, being found more serviceable in the culture of the cane than the feeble Indians. The treatment of the poor negroes was cruel in the ex treme, and they seem to have had no advocates even among the humane. The slavery of the Indians had been founded on the right of the strong ; but it was thought that the negroes, from their color, were born to slavery ; and that from being bought and sold in their own country, it was their natural condition. Though a patient and enduring race, the barbarities inflicted on them at length roused them to revenge, and on the 27th December, 1522, there was the first A^frican revolt in Hispaniola. It began in a sugar plantation of the admiral Don Diego, where about twenty slaves, joined by an equal number from a leighboring plantation, got possession of arms, rose vn their superintendents, massacred them, and sallied forth upon the country. It was their intention to pillage certain plantations, to kill the whites, rein- force themselves by freeing their countrymen, and 358 APPENDIX. either to possess themselves of the town of Agua, or to escape to the mountains. Don Diego set out fron; St. Domingo in search of the rebels, followed by several of the principal inhab- itants. On the second day he stopped on the banka of the river Nizao to rest his party and suffer rein- forcements to overtake him. Here one Melchor de Castro, who accompanied the admiral, learnt that the negroes had ravaged his plantation, sacked his house, killed one of his men, and carried off his Indian slaves. Without asking leave of the admiral, he de* parted in the night with two companions, visited his plantation, found all in confusion, and pursuing the negroes, sent to the admiral for aid. Eight horse- men were hastily dispatched to his assistance, armed with bucklers and lances, and having six of the in- fantry mounted behind them. De Castro had three horsemen beside this reinforcement, and at the head of this little band overtook the negroes at break of day. The insurgents put themselves in battle array, armed with stones and Indian spears, and uttering loud shouts and outcries. The Spanish horsemen braced their bucklers, couched their lances, and charged them at full speed. The negroes were soon routed, and fled to the rocks, leaving six dead and several wounded. De Castro also was wounded in the arm. The admiral coming up, assisted in the pursuit of the fugitives. As fast as they were taken they were hanged on the nearest trees, and remained suspended as spectacles of terror to their countrymen. This prompt severity checked all further attempts at revolt among the African slaves.^ In the meantime the various enemies whom Don Diego had created, both in the colonies and in Spain, were actively and successfully employed. His old 1 Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. iii. lib. iv. cap. 9. APPENDIX. 359 ftntagonist, the treasurer Pasamonte, had charged him with usurping ahnost all the powers of the royal au- dience, and with having given to the royal declara- tion, reestablishing him in his office of viceroy, an extent never intended by the sovereign. These rep- resentations had weight at court, and in 1523 Don Diego received a most severe letter from the councii of the Indies, charging him with the various abuses and excesses alleged against him, and commanding him, on pain of forfeiting all his privileges and titles, to revoke tjie innovations he had made, and restore things to their former state. To prevent any plea of ignorance of this mandate, the royal audience was enjoined to promulgate it and to call upon all persons to conform to it, and to see that it was prop- erly obeyed. The admiral received also a letter from the council, informing him that his presence was necessary in Spain, to give information of the foregoing matters, and advice relative to the reform- ation of various abcrses, and to the treatment and preservation of the Indians ; he was requested, there- fore, to repair to court without waiting for further orders.^ Don Ditjgo understood this to be a peremptory recall, and obeyed accordingly. On his arrival in Spain, he immediately presented himself before the court at Yiotoria, with the frank and fearless spirit of an upright man, and pleaded his cause so well, that the sovereign and council acknowledged his in- nocence on all the points of accusation. He con- vinced them, moreover, of the exactitude with which he had discharged his duties ; of his zeal for the public good, and the glory of the crown ; and that all the representations against him rose from the jeal- )usy and enmity of Pasamonte and other roy«i4 offi* 1 Herrera, Hist. lad. decad. lib. v. cap. 4 860 APPENDIX, cers In the colonies, who were impatient of any su« perior aiitliorlty in the island to restrain them. Having completely established his innocence, and exposed the calumnies of his enemies, Don Diego trusted that he would soon obtain justice as to all hig claims. As these, however, involved a participation in the profits of vast and richly productive provinces, he experienced the delays and difficulties usual with Buch demands, for it is only when justice costs noth- ing that it is readily rendered. His earnest solicita- tions at length obtained an order from the emperor, that a commission should be formed, composed of the grand chancellor, the friar Loyasa, confessor to the emperor, and president of the royal council of the Indies, and a number of other distinguished per- sonages. They were to inquire into the various points in dispute between the admiral and the fiscal, and into the proceedings which had taken place in the council of the Indies, with the power of deter- mining what justice required in^he case. The affair, however, was protracted to such a length, and accompanied by so many toils, vexations, and disappointments, that the unfortunate Diego, like his father, died in the pursuit. For two years he had followed the court from city to city, during its migrations from Victoria to Burgos, Yalladolid, Madrid, and Toledo. In the winter of 1525, the emperor set out from Toledo for Seville. The ad- miral undertook to follow him, though his constitu- tion was broken by fatigue and vexation, and he was wasting under the attack of a slow fever. Ovi- edo, the historian, saw him at Toledo two days before his departure, and joined with his friends in endeav- oring to dissuade him from a journey in such a state Df health, and at such a season. Their persuasions were in vain. Don Diego was not aware of the ex- APPENDIX. kenl of his malady ; he told them that he should le- pair to Seville by the church of our Lady of Gaud- aloupe, to offer up his devotions at that shrine ; and he trusted, through the intercession of the mother of God, soon to be restored to health.^ He accord- ingly left Toledo in a litter on the 21st of Februar} , 1526, having previously confessed and taken the communion, and arrived the same day at Montalvan, distant about six leagues. There his illness in- creased to such a degree that he saw his end ap- proaching. He employed the following day in ar- ranging the affairs of his conscience, and expired on February 23d, being little more than fifty years of age, his premature death having been hastened by the griefs and troubles he had experienced. " He was worn out," says Herrera, " by following up his claims, and defending himself from the calumnies of his competitors, who, with many stratagems aiid de- vices, sought to obscure the glory of the father' and the virtue of the son." ^ We have seen how the discovery of the New World rendered the residue of the life of Columbus a tissue of wrongs, hardships and afflictions, and how the jealousy and enmity he had awakened were in- herited by his son. It remains to show briefly in what degree the anticipations of perpetuity, wealth and honor to his family were fulfilled. When Don Diego Columbus died, his wife and family were at St. Domingo. He left two sons, Luis and Christopher, and three daughters, Maria, who afterwards married Don Sancho de Cardono ; Juana, who married Don Luis de Cueva ; and Isabella, who 1 Charlevoix, Hist. St. Doming., lib. vi. 2 Herrera, decad. iii. lib. viii. cap. 15. 362 APPENDIX. married Don George of Portugal, count of Gelves, He had also a natural son named Christopher.^ After the death of Don Diego, his noble spirited vice-queen, left with a number of young children, endeavored to assert and maintain the rights of the family. Understanding that, according to the priv- ileges accorded to Christopher Columbus, they had a just claim to the viceroyalty of the province of Yer- agua, as having been discovered by him, she de- manded a license from the royal audience of Hispan- iola, to recruit men and fit out an armada to colonize that country. This the audience refused, and sent information of the demand to the emperor. He re- plied, that the vice-queen should be kept in suspenses until the justice of her claim could be ascertained ; as, although he had at various times given commis- sions to different persons to examine the doubts and objections which had been opposed by the fiscal, no decision had ever been made.^ The enterprise thus contemplated by the vice-queen was never carried into elfeot. Shortly afterwards she sailed for Spain, to protect the claim of her eldest son, Don Luis, then six years of age. Charles Y. was absent, but she was most graciously received by the empress. The title of admiral of the Indies was immediately conferred on 1 ^lemorial ajustado sobre el estado de Veragua. Charlevoix mentions another son called Diego, and calla one of the daughters Phillipine. Spotorno says that the dau/J.hter Maria took the veil; confounding her with a niece. These are trivial errors, merely noticed to avoid the imputa- tion of iriaccuracy. The account of the descendants of Co- lumbus ?'^ere given, accords with a genealogical tree of the family, p oduced before the council of the Indies, in a great .awsuit f "r the estates. 2 Hen ira, decad. iv. hb. ii. cap. 6. APPENDIX. 363 her son, Don Luis, and the emperor augmented hia rev<}nues, and conferred other favors on the family. Charles V. however, could never be prevailed on to give Don Luis the title of viceroy, although that dig- nity had been decreed to his father, a few years pre- vious to his death, as an hereditary right.^ In 1538, the young admiral, Don Luis, then about eighteen years of age, was at court, having instituted proceedings before the proper tribunals, for the re- covery of the viceroyalty. Two years afterwards the suit was settled by arbitration, his uncle Don Fernando and Cardinal Loyasa, president of the council of the Indies, being umpires. By a com- promise Don Luis was declared captain-general of Hispaniola, but with such limitations that it was little better than a bare title. Don Luis sailed for Hispaniola, but did not remain there long. He found his dignities and privileges mere sources of vexation, and finally entered into a compromise, which relieved himself and gratified the emperor. He gave up all pretensions to the viceroyalty of the New World, receiving in its stead the titles of Duke of Yeragua and Marquis of Jamaica.^ He com- muted also the claim to the tenth of the produce of the Indies for a pension of one thousand doubloons of gold.3 Don Luis did not long enjoy the substitution of a certain, though moderate, revenue for a magnificent but unproductive claim. He died shortly afterwards, leaving no other male issue than an illegitimate son, named Christopher. He left two daughters D}> his tvife, Dona Maria de Mosquera, one named Phillippa, 1 Charlevoix, Hist. St. Doming., lib. vi. p. 443. 2 Cliarlevoix, Hist. St. Doming., torn. i. lib. vi. p. 446 « Spotoruo, Hist. Colom., p. 123. 864 APPENDIX, and the other Maria, which last became a nan in the convent of St. Qiiirce, at Yalladolid. Don Luis having no legitimate son, was succeeded by his nephew Diego, son to his brother Christopher. A litigation took place between this young heir and his coue^in Phillippa, daughter of the late Don Luis. The convent of St. Quirce also put in a claim, on behalf of its inmate, Dona Maria, who had taken the veil. Christopher, natural son to Don Luis, likewise became a prosecutor in the suit, but was set aside on account of his illegitimacy. Don Diego and his cousin Phillippa soon thought it better to join claims and persons in wedlock, than to pursue a tedious contest. They were married, and their union was happy, though not fruitful. Diego died without issue, in 1578, and with him the legitimate male line of Columbus became extinct. One of the most important lawsuits that the world has ever witnessed now arose for the estates and dig- nities descended from the great discoverer. Don Diego had two sisters, Francisca and Maria, the for- mer of whom, and the children of the latter, ad- vanced their several claims. To these parties was added Bernard Colombo of Cogoleto, who claimed as lineal descendant from Bartholomew Columbus, the Adelantado, brotlier to the discoverer. He was, however, pronounced ineligible, as the Adelantado had no acknowledged, and certainly no legitimate offspring. Baldassar, or Balthazar Colombo, of the house of Cuccaro and Conzano, in the dukedom of Montfer- rat, in Piedmont, was an active and persevering claimant. He came from Italy into Spain, where he devoted himself for many years to the prosecution jf this suit. He produced a genealogical tree of hig family, in which was contained one Domenico Co- APPENDIX. 365 lombo, lord of Cuccaro, whom lie maintained to be the identical father of Christopher Columbus, the ad- miral. He proved that this Domenico was living at the requisite era, and produced many witnesses who had heard that the navigator was born in the castle of Cuccaro ; whence, it was added, he and his two brothers had eloped at an early age, and had never returned.^ A monk is also mentioned among the witnesses, who made oath that Christopher and hia brothers were born in that castle of Cuccaro. This testimony was afterwards withdrawn by the prosecu- tor ; as it was found that the monk's recollection must have extended back considerably upward of a century.^ The claim of Balthazar was negatived. His proofs that Christopher Columbus was a native of Cuccaro were rejected, as only hearsay, or tradi- tionary evidence. His ancestor Domenico, it ap- peared from his own showing, died in 1456 ; whereas it was established that Domenico, the father of the admiral, was living upwards of thirty years after that date. The cause was finally decided by the council of the Indies, on the 2d December, 1608. The male line was declared to be extinct. Don Nuno or Nugno Gelves de Portugallo was put in possession, and became Duke of Veragua. He was grandson to Isabella, third daughter of Don Diego (son of the discoverer) by his vice-queen. Dona Maria de Toledo. I'he descendants of the two elder sisters of Isabella bad a prior claim, but their lines became extinct pre- vious to this decision of the suit. The Isabella just named, had married Don George of Portugal, count of Gelves. " Thus," says Charlevoix, " the dignities and wealth of Columbus passed into a branch of the 1 Bossi Hist. Colomb. Dissert, p. 67. 2 Idem, Dissert, on the country of Columbus, p. 63 366 APPENDIX. Portuguese house of Braganza, established in Spain, of which the heirs are entitled De Portugallo, Colon, Duke de Veragua^ Marques de la Jamaica, y Almir- ante de las Indias" ^ The suit of Balthazar Colombo of Cuecaro was rejected under three different forms, by the council of the Indies ; and his application for an allowance of support, under the legacy of Columbus, in favor of poor relations, was also refused ; although the other parties had assented to the demand.^ He died in Spain, where he had resided many years in pros- ecution of this suit. His son returned to Italy per- sisting in the validity of his claim : he said that it was in vain to seek justice in Spain ; they were too much interested to keep those dignities and estates among themselves ; but he gave out that he had re- ceived twelve thousand doubloons of gold in com- promise from the other parties. Spotorno, under sanc- tion of Ignazio de Giovanni, a learned canon, treats this assertion as a bravado, to cover his defeat, being contradicted by his evident poverty. The family of Cuecaro, however, still maintain their right, and ex- press great veneration for the memory of their illus- trious ancestor, the admiral ; and travellers occasion- ally visit their old castle in Piedmont with great reverence, as the birthplace of the discoverer of the New World. 1 Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo., torn. i. lib. vi. p. 447. 2 Bossi, Dissertation on the couitry of Columbiifi. . • Spotorno, p. 127. APPENDIX. 867 No. III. FERNANDO COLUMBUS. Fernando Columbus (or Colon, as he is called in Spain), the natural son and historian of the ad- miral, was born in Cordova. There is an uncer- tainty about the exact time of his birth. Accord- ing to his epitaph, it must have been on the 28th September, 1488 ; but according to his original papers preserved in the library of the cathedral of Seville, and which were examined by Don Diego Ortiz de Zuniga, historian of that city, it would ap- pear to have been on the 29th of August, 1487. His mother. Dona Beatrix Enriquez, was of a respectable family, but was never married to the admiral, as has been stated by some of his biographers. Early in 1494, Fernando was carried to court, to- gether with his elder brother Diego, by his uncle Don Bartholomew, to enter the royal household in quality of page to the prince Don Juan, son and heir to Ferdinand and Isabella. He and his brother remained in this situation until the death of the prince ; when they were taken by Queen Isabella as pages into her own service. Their education, of course, was well attended to, and Fernando in after- life gave proofs of being a learned man. In the year 1502, at the tender age of thirteen or fourteen years, Fernando accompanied his father in his fourth voyage of discovery, and encountered all its singular and varied hardships with a fortitude that is mentioned with praise and admiration by the admiral. After the death of his father, it would appear that Fernando made two voyages to the New World. 368 APPENDIX. He accompanied the Emperor Charles Y. also, M Italy, Flanders, and Germany ; and according to Zuuiga (Anales de Seville de 1539, No. 3) travelled over all Europe and a part of Africa and Asia. Possessing talents, judgment, and industry, these op- portunities were not lost upon him, and he acquired much information in geography, navigation, and nat- ural history. Being of a studious habit, and fond of books, he formed a select, yet copious library, of more than twenty thousand vobimes, in print and in manuscript. With the sanction of the Emperor Charles V. he undertook to establish an academy and college of mathematics at Seville ; and for this purpose commenced the construction of a sumptuous edifice, without the walls of the city, facing the Guadalquiver, in the place where the monastery of San Laureano is now situated. His constitution, however, had been broken by the sufferings he had experienced in his travels and voyages, and a prema^ ture death prevented the completion of his plan of the academy, and broke off other useful labors. He died in Seville on the 12th of July, 1539, at the age, according to his epitaph, of fifty years, nine months, and fourteen days. He left no issue, and was never married. His body was interred according to his re- quest, in the cathedral pf Seville. He bequeathed his valuable library to the Fame establishment. Don Fernando devoted himself much to letters. According to the inscription on his tomb, he com* posed a work in four books, or volumes, the title of which is defaced on the monument, and the work itself is lost. This is much to be regretted, as, ac- cording to Zuniga, the fragments of the inscription Bpecify it to have contained, among a variety of matter, historical, moral, and geographical notices of the countries he had visited, but especially of the APPENDIX. 369 New World, and of the voyages and discoveries of his father. His most important and permanent work, how- ever, was a history of the admiral, composed in Spanish. It was translated into Italian by Alonzo de Ulloa, and from this Italian translation have pro- ceeded the editions which have since appeared in various languages. It is singular that the work only exists in Spanish, in the form of a retranslation from that of Ulloa, and full of errors in the orthography ^f proper names, and in dates and distances. Galky, from the toub of Fernando Columbus, at Seville Don Fernando was an eye-witness of some of tho facts which he relates, particularly of the fourth voy- age wherein he accompanied his father. He had also the papers and charts of his father, and recent documents of all kinds to extract from, as well as familiar acquaintance with the principal personages who were concerned in the events which he records. He was a man of probity and discernment, and writes more dispassionately than could be expected, when treating of matters which alFected the honor, the interests, and happiness <^ his father. It is to VOI. III. 24 B70 APPENDIX. be regretted, however, that he should have suffered the whole of his father's life, previous to his discov- eries (a period of about fifty-six years), to remain in obscurity. He appears to have wished to cast a cloud over it, and only to have presented his father to the reader after he had rendered himself illustri- ous by his actions, and his history had become in a manner identified with the history of the world. His work, however, is an invaluable document, entitled to great faith, and is the corner-stone of the history of the American continent. No. IV. AGE OF COLUMBUS. As the date I have assigned for the birth of Co- lumbus, makes him about ten years older than he is generally represented, at the time of his discoveries, it is proper to state precisely my authority. In the valuable manuscript chronicle of the reign of the Catholic sovereigns, written by Andres Bernaldes, the curate of Los Palacios, there is a long tract on the subject of the discoveries of Columbus : it con- cludes with these words : Murie en ValladoHd, el afio de 1506, en el mes de Mayo, in senectute bona, de edad 70 arios, poco mas 6 menos, (He died in YalladoHd in the } ear 1506, in the month of May, in a good old age, being seventy years old, a little mere or less.) The curate of Los Palacios was a contempo rary, and an intimate friend of Columbus, who was •occasionally a guest in his house ; no one was more competent, therefore, to form a correct idea of hia age. It is singular, that, while the biographers oi APPENDIX. 371 Columbus liave been seeking to establish tlie epoch of his birth by various calculations and conjectures, this direct testimony of honest Andres Bernaldes has entirely escaped their notice, though some of them had his manuscript in their hands. It was first ob- served by my accurate friend Don Antonio Uguina in the course of his exact investigations, and has been pointed out and ably supported by Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, in the introduction to his valuable collection of voyages. Various circumstances in the life of Columbus will be found to corroborate the statement of the curate ; Buch, for example, as the increasing infirmities with which he struggled during his voyages, and which at last rendered him a cripple and confined him to his bed. The allusion to his advanced age in one of his letters to the sovereigns, wherein he relates the con solation he had received from a secret voice in the night season : Tu vejez no impedira a toda cosa grande. Abraham pasaba cien anos cuando engendro a Isaac, ( Thy old age shall be no impediment to any great undertaking. Abraham was above a hundred years old when he begat Isaac, &c.) The permission granted him by the king the year previous to his death to travel on a mule, instead of a horse, on account of his age and infirmities ; and the asser- tion of Oviedo, that at the time of his death he was quite old (em ya viejd). This fact of the advanced age of Columbus throws quite a new coloring over his character and history. How much more extraordinary is the ardent enthu- siasm which sustained him through his long career of Bolicitation, and the noble pride with which he refused to descend from his dignified demands, and to bar- gain about his proposition, though life was rapidly wasting in delays. How much more extraordinary 872 APPENDIX. is the hardihood with which he undertook repeated voyages into unknown seas, amidst all kinds of perila and hardships ; the fortitude with which he bore up ftgainst an accumulation of mental and bodily afflic- tions, enough to have disheartened and destroyed the most youthful and robust, and the irrepressible buoy- ancy of spirit with which, to the last, he still rose from under the ruined concern'^ and disappointed hopes and blasted projects of one enterprise, to launch into another, still more difficult and perilous. We have been accustomed to admire all these things in Columbus when we considered him in the full vigor of his life ; how much more are they enti- tled to our wonder as the achievements of a man, whom the weight of years and infirmities was press- ing into the grave. No. Y- LINEAGE OF COLUMBUS. The ancestry of Christopher Columbus has formed a point of zealous controversy which is not yet satis- factorily settled. Several honorable families, possess- ing domains in Placentia, Montferrat, and the differ- ent parts of the Genoese territories, claim him as belonging to their houses ; and to these has recently been added the noble family of Colombo in Modena.^ The natural desire to prove consanguinity with a man of distinguished renown has excited this rivalry; but it has been heightened, in particular instances, by the \»opc of succeeding to titles and situations of wealth 1 Spotoruo, Hist. Mem., p. 5. APPENDIX, 373 and honor, when his male line of descendants became extinct. The investigation is involved in particular obscurity, as even his immediate relatives appear to have been in ignorance on the subject. Fernando Columbus in his biography of the admi- ral, after a pompous prelude, in which he attempts to throw a vague and cloudy magnificence about the origin of his father, notices slightly the attempts of some to obscure his fame, by making him a native of various small and insignificant villages ; and dwells with more complacency upon others who make him a native of places in which there were persons of much honor of the name, and many sepulchral monuments with arms and epitaphs of the Colombos. He relates his having himself gone to the castle of Cucureo, to visit two brothers of the family of Colombo, who were rich and noble, the youngest of whom was above one hundred years of age, and who he had heard were relatives of his father ; but they could give him no information upon the subject ; whereupon he breaks forth into his professed contempt for these ad- ventitious claims, declaring, that he thinks it better to content himself with dating from the glory of the admiral, than to go about inquiring whether his father " were a merchant, or one who kept his hawks since, adds he, of persons of similar pursuits, there are thousands who die every day, whose mem- ory, even among their own neighbors and relatives, perishes immediately, without its being possible after- wards to ascertain even whether they existed. After this, and a few more expressions of similar disdain for these empty distinctions, he indulges in 1 Liternllv, in the original, Cazador de Volatei'iaf a Fal- coner. Hawking was in those days an amusement of the highest classes; and to keep hawks was ahnost a sign ot »o- !)iiity 874 APPENDIX. vehement abuse of Agostino Giustlnlani, whom be calls a false historian, an inconsiderate, partial, or ma- lignant compatriot, for having, in his psalter, traduced his father, by saying, that in his youth he had been employed in mechanical occupations. As, after all this discussion, Fernando leaves the question of his father's parentage in all its original obscurity, yet appears irritably sensitive to any de- rogatory suggestions of others, his whole evidence tends to the conviction that he really knew nothing to boast of in his ancestry. Of the nobility and antiquity of the Colombo fam- il}', of which the admiral probably was a remote de- Bcendant, we have some account in Herrera. We learn," he says, " that the Emperor Otto the Second, in 940, confirmed to the counts Pietro, Giovanni, and Alexandro Colombo, brothers, the feudatory possess- ions which they held within the jurisdiction of the cities of Ayqui, Savona, Aste, Montferrato, Turin, Viceli, Parma, Cremona, and Bergamo, and all others which they held in Italy. It appears that the Colora- bos of Caccaro, Cucureo, and Placentia, were the same, and that the emperor in the- same year, 940, made donation to the said three brothers of the cas- thjs of Cuccaro, Conzano, Rosignano, and others, and of the fourth part of Bistanio, which appertained to the empire.^ One of the boldest attempts of those biographers bent on ennobling Columbus, has been to make him Bon of the Lord of Cuccaro, a burgh of Montferrat, in Piedmont, and to prove that he was born in his father's castle at that place ; whence he and his brothers eloped at an early age, and never returned. This was asserted in the course of a process brought by a certain Baldasser or Balthazar Colombo, resi 1 Herrera decad. i. lib. 1. cap. 7. APPENDIX. dent In Genoa, but originally of Cuccaro. claiming the title ar.d estates, on the death of Diego Colon, Duke of Yeragua, in 1578, the great-grandson, and last le- gitimate male descendant of the admiral. The coun- cil of the Indies decided against this claim to rela- tionship. Some account of the lawsuit will be found in another part of the work. This romantic story, like all others of the nobility of his parentage, is at utter variance with the subse- quent events of his life, his long struggles with indi- gence and obscurity, and the difficulties he endured from the want of family connections. Ho n can it be believed, says Bossi, that this same man, who, in his most cruel adversities, was incessantly taunted by his enemies with the obscurity of his birth, should not reply to this reproach, by declaring his origin, if he were really descended from the Lords of Cuccaro, Conzano, and Roslgnano ? a circumstance which would have obtained him the highest credit with the Spanish nobility.-'- The difiereuT) families of Colombo which lay claim to the great navigator, seem to be various branches of one tree, and there is little doubt of his appertain- ing remotely to the same respectable stock. It appears evident, however, that Columbus sprang immediately from a line of humble but industrious citizens, which had existed in Genoa, even from the time of Giacomo Colombo the wool-carder, in 1311, mentioned by Spotorno ; nor is this in any wise in- compatible with the intimation of Fernando Colum- bus, that the family had been reduced from high estate to great poverty, by the wars of Lombardy. The feuds of Italy, in those ages, had broken down lUid scattered many of the noblest families ; and while some branches remained in the lordly heritage 1 Dissertation, &c. 376 APPENDIX. of castles and domains, others were confounded with the humblest population of the cities. No. VL BIRTHPLACE OF COLUMBUS. There has been much controversy about the birth place of Columbus. The greatness of his renown has induced various places to lay claim to him as a native, and from motives of laudable pride, for noth- ing reflects greater lustre upon a city than to have given birth to distinguished men. The original and long established opinion was in favor of Genoa ; but such strenuous claims were asserted by the states of Placentia, and in particular of Piedmont, that the Academy of Sciences and Letters of Genoa was in- duced, in 1812, to nominate three of its members, Signors Serra, Carrega, and Piaggio, commissioners to examine into these pretensions. The claims of Placentia had been first advanced in 1662, by Pietro Maria Campi, in the ecclesiastical history of that place, who maintained that Columbus was a natire of the village of Pradello, in that vicinity. It appeared probable, on investigation, that Bertolino Colombo, great grandfather to the ad- miral, had owned a small property in Pradello, the rent of which had been received by Domenico Co- lombo of Genoa, and after his death by his sons Christopher and Bartholomew. Admitting this as- sertion to be correct, there was no proof that either the admiral, his father, or grandfather had ever resided on that estate. The very circumstances APPENDIX. the case indicated, on the contrary, that their homo was in Genoa. The claim of Piedmont was maintained with more plausibility. It was shown that a Domenico Colombo was lord of the castle of Cuccaro in Montferrat, at the time of the birth of Christopher Columbus, who^ it was asserted, was his son, and born in his castle, Balthazar Colombo, a descendant of this person, instituted a lawsuit before the council of the Indies for the inheritance of the admiral, when his male line became extinct. The council of the Indies decided against him, as is shown in an account of that process given among the illustrations of this history. It was proved that Domenico Colombo, father of the admiral, was resident in Genoa both before and many years after the death of this lord of Cuccaro, who bore the same name. The three commissioners appointed by the Acad- emy of Sciences and Letters of Genoa to examine into these pretensions, after a long and diligent in- vestigation, gave a voluminous and circumstantial report in favor of Genoa. An ample digest of their inquest may be found in the History of Columbus by Signor Bossi, who, in an able dissertation on the question, confirms their opinion. It may be added, m farther corroboration, that Peter Martyr and Bar- tholomew Las Casas, who were contemporaries and acquaintances of Columbus, and Juan de Barros, the Portuguese historian, all make Columbus a native of the Genoese territories. There has been a question fruitful of discussion among the Genoese themselves, whether Columbus was born in the city of Genoa, or in some other part of the territory. Finale, and Oneglia, and Savona, towns on the Ligurian coast to the west, Boggiasco, Gogoleto, and several other towns and villages, claim 378 APPENDIX, Iiiiii as their own. His family possessed a small proper!/ at a village or hamlet between Quinto and Nervi, called 'J'erra Kossa ; in Latin, Terra Rubra ; which has induced some writers to assign his birth to one of those places. Bossi says that there is still a tower between Quinto and Nervi which bears the title of Torre dei Colombi.^ Bartholomew Colum- bus, brother to the admiral, styled himself of Terra Rubra, in a Latin inscription on a map which he presented to Henry VJI. of England, and Fernando Columbus states, in his history of the admiral, that he was accustomed to subscribe himself in the same manner before he attained to his dignities. Cogoleto at one time bore away the palm. The families there claim the discoverer and preserve a portrait of him. One or both of the two admirals named Colombo, with whom he sailed, are stated to have come from that place, and to have been con- founded with him so as to have given support to this idea.^ Savona, a city in the Genoese territories, has claimed the same honor, and this claim has recently been very strongly brought forward. Signor Gio- vanni Battista Belloro, an advocate of Savona, has strenuously maintained this claim in an ingenious disputation, dated May 12th, 1826, in form of a let- ter to the Baron du Zach, editor of a valuable astronomical and geographical journal, published monthly at Genoa.^ Signor Belloro claims it as an admitted fact, that Domenico Colombo was for many years a resident and citizen of Savona, in which place one Christen 1 Bossi. French Translation, Paris, 1824, p. 69. 2 Idem. 3 Correspondence Astronom. Geograph. &c. de Baron du Zach, vol. U, cahier 6, lettera 29. 1826. APPENDIX. 379 plier Columbus is shown to have signed a document in 1472. He states that a public square in that city bore the name of Platea Columbi, toward the end of tha 14th century ; that the Ligurian government gave the name of Jurisdizione di Colombi to that district of the republic, under the persuasion that the great navigator was a native of Savona ; and that Colum- bus gave the name of Saona to a little island ad- jacent to Hispaniola, among his earliest discoveries. He quotes many Savonese writers, principally poets, and various historians and poets of other cauntries, and thus establishes the point that Colum- bus was held to be a native of Savona by persons of respectable authority. He lays particular stress on the testimony of the Magnifico Francisco Spinola, as related by the learned prelate Felippo Alberto Pollero, stating that he had seen the sepulchre of Christopher Columbus in the cathedral at Seville, and that the epitaph states him expressly to be a native of Savona ; Hie jacet Christophorus Colum- bus Savonensis." ^ The proofs advanced by Signor Belloro show his zeal for the honor of his native city, but do not authenticate the fact he undertakes to establish. He shows clearly that many respectable writers be- lieved Columbus to be a native of Savona ; but a far greater number can be adduced, and many of them contemporary with the admiral, some of them his intimate friends, others his fellow-citizens, who state him to have been born in the city of Genoa. Among the Savonese writers, Giulio Salinorio, who investigated the subject, comes expressly to the same ■ Felippo Alberto Pollero, Epicherema, cio^ breve discorso iier difesa di sua persona e carrattere. Torino, per Gio Bat* »as/a Zappata. MODXCVl. (read 1696) in 4o. pag. 47. 880 APPENDIX. conclusion : " Genova, cittd nohilissima^ era la pairia de ColomhoJ* Signor Belloro appears to be correct in stating that Domenico, the father of the admiral, was several years resident in Savona. But it appears from his own dissertation, that the Christopher who witnessed the testament in 1472, styled himself of Genoa: ^' Christophorus Columbus lanerius de JanuaJ* This incident is stated by other writers, who presume this Christopher to have been the navigator on a visit to his father, in the interval of his early voyages. In as far as the circumstance bears on the point, it sup- ports the idea that he was born at Genoa. The epitaph on which Signor Belloro places his principal reliance, entirely fails. Christopher Co- lumbus was not interred in the cathedral of Seville, nor was any monument erected to him in that edi- fice. The tomb to which the learned prelate Felippo Alberto Pollero alludes, may have been that of Fer- nando Columbus, son to the admiral, who, as has been already observed, was buried in the cathedral of Seville, to which he bequeathed his noble library. The place of his sepulture is designated by a broad slab of white marble, inserted in the pavement, tvith an inscription, partly in Spanish, partly in Latin, recording the merits of Fernando, and the achieve- ments of his fither. On either side of the epitaph is engraved an ancient Spanish Galley. The in- scription quoted by Signor Belloro may have been erroneously written from memory by the Magnifico Francisco Spinola, under the mistaken idea that he had beheld the sepulchre of the great discoverer. As Fernando was born at Cordova, the term Savon- ensis must have been another error of memory in the Magnifico ; no such word is to be found ir the inscription. APPENDIX. 381 This question of birthplace has also been investi- gated with considerable minuteness, and a decision given in favor of Genoa, by D. Gio Battista Spo- torno, of the royal university in that city, in his his- torical memoir of Columbus. He shows that the family of the Colombi had long been resident in Genoa. By an extract from the notarial register, it appeared that one Giacomo Colombo, a wool-carder, resided without the gate of St. Andria, in the year 1311. An agreement, also, published by the acad- emy of Genoa, proved, that in 1489, Domenico Co- lombo possessed a house and shop, and a garden with a well, in the street of St. Andrew's gate, anciently without the walls, presumed to have been the same residence with that of Giacomo Colombo. He rented also another house from the monks of St. Stephen, in the Via Mulcento, leading from the street of St. Andrew to the Strada Giulia.-^ Signor Bossi states, that documents lately found in the archives of the monastery of St. Stephen, present the name of Domenico Colombo several times, from 1456 to 1459, and designate him as son of Giovanni Colombo, husband of Susanna Fontana- rossa, and father of Christopher, Bartholomew, and Giacomo ^ (or Diego). He states also that the re- ceipts of the canons show that the last payment of rent was made by Domenico Colombo for his dwell- ing in 1489. He surmises that the admiral was born in the before-mentioned house belonging to those monks, in Via Mulcento, and that he was baptized m the church of St. Stephen. He adds that an ancient manuscript was submitted to the commis- sioner of the Genoese academy, in the margin of wliich the notary had stated that the name of Chris- 1 Spotorno, Eng. trans, p. xi. xii. 2 BoFsi, French trans, p. 76. 382 APPENDIX. topher was on tlie register of the parish as having been baptized in that church. Andres Bernaldes, the curate of Los I^alacios, who was an intimate friend of Columbus, says that he was of Genoa.^ Agostino Giustiniani, a contempo- rary of Columbus, likewise asserts it in his Polyglot Psalter, published in Genoa, in 1516. Antonio de Ilerrera, an author of great accuracy, who, though not a contemporary, had access to the best docu- ments, asserts decidedly that he was born in the city of Genoa. To these names may be added that of Alexander Geraldini, brother to the nuncio, and instructor tc the children of Ferdinand and Isabella, a most inti- mate friend of Columbus.^ Also Antonio Gallo,* Bar- tolomeo Senarega,^ and Uberto Foglieta,^ all contem- poraries with the admiral, and natives of Genoa, to- gether with an anonymous writer, who published an account of his voyage of discovery at Venice in 1509.' It is unnecessary to mention historians of later date agreeing in the same fact, as they must have derived their information from some of these authorities. The question in regard to the birthplace of Co- lumbus has been treated thus minutely, because it has been, and still continues to be, a point of warm controversy. It may be considered, however, as con- clusively decided by the highest authority, the evi- rlence of Columbus himself In a testament ex©» 1 Bossi, French trans, p. 88. 2 Cura de los Palacios, MS. cap. 118. 8 Alex. Geraldini, Itin. ad. Reg. sub. Aquinor. 4 Antonio Gallo, Anales of Genoa, Muratori, torn 23* 5 Senarega, Muratori, torn. 24. « Foglieta, Elog. Clar. Ligur. ^ Grineus, Nov. Orb. APPENDIX. 388 ciited In 1498, which has been admitted in evidence before the Spanish tribunals in certain lawsuits among his. descendants, he twice declares that he was a native of the city of Genoa : " Siendo yo nacido en GenovaJ' " 1 being born in Genoa." And again, he repeats the assertion, as a reason for enjoining cer- tain conditions on his heirs, which manifest the in- terest he takes in his native place. I command the said Diego, my son, or the person who inherits the said mayorazgo (or entailed estate), that he maintain always in the city of Genoa a person of our lineage, who shall have a house and a wife there, and to furnish him with an income on which he can live decently, as a person connected with our family, and hold footing and root in that city as a native of it, so that he may have aid and favor in that city in case of need, /or from thence I came and there was born." ^ In another part of his testament he expresses him- self with a filial fondness in respect to Genoa. "I command the said Don Diego, or v^hoever shall pos- sess the said mayorazgo, that he labor and strive always for the honor, and welfare, and increase of the city of Genoa, and employ all his abilities and means in defending and augmenting the welfare and honor of her republic, in all matters which are not contrary to the service of the church of God, and * ''Item. Mando el dicho Don Diego mi hijo, d la persona que heredare el dicho mayorazgo, que tenga y sostenga siem- pre en la ciudad de Grenova una persona de nuestro linage que tenga alii casa e muger, e le ordene renta con que pueda vivirlionestamente,como persona tan llegadad nuestro linage, y haga pie y raiz en la dicha ciudad como natural della por- que podra haber de la dicha ciudad ayuda e favor en las cosas del menester suyo, pues que dello aali y en ella 7iaci." 884 API LNDIX the state of the king and queen our sovereigns, and their successors." An informal codicil, executed by Columbus at Valladolid, May 4th, 1506, sixteen days before bia death, was discovered about 1785, in the Corsini library at Rome. It is termed a military codicil, from being made in the manner which the civil law allows to the soldier who executes such an instru- ment on the eve of battle, or in expectation of death. It was written on the blank page of a little breviary presented to Columbus by Pope Alexander YII. Columbus leaves the book " to his beloved country, the Republic of Genoa.** He directs the erection of a hospital in that city for the poor, with provision for its support ; and he declares that republic his successor in the admiralty of the Indies, in the event of his male line becoming extinct. The authenticity of this paper has been ques- tioned. It has been said, that there was no probabil- ity of Columbus having resort to a usage with which he was, most likely, unacquainted. The objections are not cogent. Columbus was accustomed to the peculiarities of a military life, and he repeatedly wrote letters, in critical moments, as a precaution against some fatal occurrence that seemed to impend. The present codicU, from its date, must have been written a few days previous to his death, perhaps at a moment when he imagined himself at extremity. This may account for any difference in the handwrit- ing, especially as he was, at times, so affected by the gout in his hands as not to be able to write cvcept at night. Particular stress has been laid on the sig- nature ; but it does not appear, that he was uniform in regard to that, and it is a point to which any one who attempted a forgery would be attentive. \\ APPENDIX. 385 iloes not appear, likewise, that any advantage could have been obtained hj forging the paper, or that any such was attempted, Tn 1502, when Columbus was about to depart on his fourth and last voyage, he wrote to his friend, Doctor Nicolo Oderigo, formerly ambassador from Genoa to Spain, and forwarded to him copies of all his grants and commissions from the Spanish sover- 'jigns, authenticated before the alcaldes of Seville. He, at the same time, wrote to the bank of San Giorgio, at Genoa, assigning a tenth of his revenues to be paid to that city in diminution of the duties on corn, wine, and other provisions. Why should Columbus feel this strong interest in Genoa, had he been born in any of the other Italian states which have laid claim to him ? He was under no obligation to Genoa. He had resided there but a brief portion of his early life ; and his proposition for discovery, according to some writers, had been scornfully rejected by that republic. There is noth- ing to warrant so strong an interest in Genoa, but the filial tie which links the heart of a man to his native place, however he may be separated from it by time or distance, and however little he may be indebted to it for favors. Again, had Columbus been born in any of the towns and villages of the Genoese ^oast which have claimed him for a native, why should he have made these bequests in favor of the city of Genoa, and not of his native town or village ? These bequests were evidently dictated by a min- fjled sentiment of pride and alfection, which would be without all object if not directed to his native place. He was at this time elevated above all petty pride on the subject. Plis renown was so brilliant, that it would have shed a lustre on any hamlet, how- voL. III. 25 386 APPENDIX, ever obscure ; and the strong love of country hei« manifested, would never have felt satisfied, until it had singled out the spot, and nestled down, in the very cradle of his infancy. These appear to be powerful reasons, drawn from natural feeling, for de- ciding in favor of Genoa. No. vn. THE COLOMBOS. During the early part of the life of Columbus, there were two other navigators, bearing the same name, of some rank and celebrity, with whom he occasionally sailed ; their names occurring vaguely from time to time, during the obscure part of his career, have caused much perplexity to some of his biographers, who have supposed that they designated the discoverer. Fernando Columbus affirms them to have been family connections,^ and his father says, in one of his letters, " I am not the first admiral of our family." These two were uncle and nephew : the latter be- ing termed by historians Colombo the younger (b\ the Spanish historians, Colombo el mozo). The^ were in the Genoese service, but are mentioned, oc- casionally, in old chronicles as French commanders, because Genoa, during a great part of their time, was under the protection, or rather the sovereignty of France, and her ships and captains, being engaged in the expeditions of that power, were identified with the French marine. Mention is made of the elder Colombo in Zurita's i Hist, del Almirante, cap. 1. APPENDIX. 387 Annals of Arragon, (L. xix. p. 261,) In the war be- tween Spain and Portugal, on the subject of the claim of the Princess Juana to the crown of Castile. In 1476, the king of Portugal determined to go to the Mediterranean coast of France, to incite his ally, Louis XL, to prosecute the war in the province of Guipuzcoa. The king left Toro, says Zurita, on the 13th June, and went by the river to the city of Porto, in order to await the armada of the king of France, the cap- tain of which was Colon (Colombo), who was to navigate by the Straits of Gibraltar to pass w Mar- seilles. After some delays, Colombo arrived in the latter part of July with the French armada at Bermeo^ on the coast of Biscay, where he encountered a violent Btorm, lost his principal ship, and ran to the coast of Galicia, with an intention of attacking Ribaldo, and lost a great many of his men. Thence he went to Lisbon to receive the king of Portugal, who em- barked in the fleet in August, with a number of his noblemen, and took two thousand two hundred foot soldiers, and four hundred and seventy horse, to strengthen the Portuguese garrisons along the Bar- bary coast. There were in the squadron twelve ships and five caravels. After touching at Ceuta the fleet proceeded to Colibre, where the king disembarked in the middle of September, the weather not permit- ting them to proceed to Marseilles. (Zurita, L. xix. ,Ch. 51.) This Colombo is evidently the naval commander of whom the following mention is made by Jacques George de Chaufeple, in his supplement to Bayle, (vol. 2. p. 126 of letter C.) " I do not know what dependence," says Chaufe- pie, " is to be placed on a fact reported in the Duca" 388 APPENDIX. liana (Part 1, p. 143), that Columbus was In 1474 captain of several ships for Louis XL, and that, as the Spaniards had made at that time an irruption into Roussillon, he thought that, for reprisal, and without contravening the peace between the two crowns, he could run down Spanish vessels. lie at- tacked, therefore, and took two galleys of that na- tion, freighted on the account of various individuals. On complaints of this action being made to King Ferdinand, he wrote on the subject to Louis XL ; his letter is dated the 9th December, 1474. Ferdi- nand terms Christopher Columbus a subject of Louis ; it was because, as is known, Columbus was a Geno- ese, and Louis was sovereign of Genoa ; although that city and Savona were held of him in fief by the duke of Milan." It is highly probable that it was the squadron of this same Colombo of whom the circumstance is related by Bossi, and after him by Spotorno on the authority of a letter found in the archives of Milan, and written in 1476 by two illustrious Milanese gentlemen, on their return from Jerusalem. The letter states that in the previous year 1475, as the Venetian fleet was stationed off Cyprus to guard the island, a Genoese squadron, commanded by one Colombo, sailed by them with an air of defiance, shouting Viva San Giorgia ! " As the republics were then at peace they were permitted to pass un- molested. Bossi supposes that the Colombo here mentioned was Christopher Columbus the discoverer ; but it ap- pears rather to have been the old Genoese admiral of that name, who according to Zurita was about that time cruising in the Mediterranean ; and who, in all probability, was the hero of both the preceding recurrences. APPENDIX. 389 The nephew of this Colombo, called by the Span iards Colombo el mozo, commanded a few years after- wards a squadron in the French service, as will ap- pear in a subsequent illustration, and Columbus majp at various times have held an inferior command under both uncle and nephew, and been present on the above cited occasions. No. yiii. EXPEDITION OF JOHN OF ANJOU. About the time that Columbus attained his twenty- fourth year, his native city was in a state of great alarm and peril from the threatened invasion of Al- phonso y. of Aragon, king of Naples. Finding itself too weak to contend singly with such a foe, and having in vain looked for assistance from Italy, it placed itself under the protection of Charles the Vllth of France. That monarch sent to its assist- ance John of Anjou, son of Rene or Renato, king of Naples, who had been dispossessed of his crown by Alphonso. John of Anjou, otherwise called the Duke of Calabria,-^ immediately took upon himself the command of the place, repaired its fortifications, and defended the entrance of the harbor with strong chains. In the mean time, Alphonso had prepared a large land force, and assembled an armament of twenty ships and ten galleys at Ancona, on the frontiers of Genoa. The situation of the latter was considered eminently perilous, when Alphonso sud- denly fell ill of a calenture and died ; leaving the 1 Duke of Calabria was a title of the heir apparent to th« rrown of Naples. 390 APPENDIX. kingdoms of Anjou and Sicily to his brother John, and the kingdom of Naples to his son Ferdinand. The dcatli of Alphonso, and the subsequent divis- ion of his dominions, while they relieved the fears of the Genoese, gave rise to new hopes on the part of the house of Anjou : and the Duke John, encour- aged by emissaries from various powerful partisans among the Neapolitan nobility, determined to make a bold attempt upon Naples for the recovery of the crown. The Genoese entered into his cause with spirit, furnishing him with ships, gallejs, and money. His father, Rene or Renato, fitted out twelve galleys for the expedition in the harbor of Marseilles, and sent him assurance of an abundant supply of money, and of the assistance of the king of France. The bril- liant nature of the enterprise attracted the attention of the daring and restless spirits of the times. The chivalrous nobleman, the soldier of fortune, the hardy corsair, the bold adventurer, or the military partisan enlisted under the banners of the Duke of Calabria. It is stated by historians, that Columbus served in the armament from Genoa, in a squadron commanded by one of the Colombos, his relations. The expedition sailed in October, 1459, and ar- rived at Sessa, between the mouths of the Garigli- ano and the Volturno. The news of its arrival was the signal of universal revolt ; the factious barons, and their vassals, hastened to join the standard of Anjou, and ^he duke soon saw the finest provinces of the Neapolitan dominions at his command, and with his army and squadron menaced the city of Naples itself. In the history of this expedition we meet with one hazardous action of the fleet in which Columbus had embarked. The army of John of Anjou being closely invAsted APPENDIX. 391 by a superior force was In a perilous predicament at the mouth of the Sarno. In this conjuncture, the captain of the armada landed with his men, and scoured the neighborhood, hoping to awaken in the populace their former enthusiasm for the banner of Anjou; and perhaps to take Naples by surprise. A chosen company of Neapolitan infantry was senfc against them. The troops from the fleet having lit- tle of the discipline of regular soldiery, and much of the freebooting disjDOsition of maritime rovers, had scattered themselves about the country, intent chiefly upon spoil. They were attacked by the infantry and put to rout, with the loss of many killed and wounded. Endeavoring to make their way back to the ships, they found the passes seized and blocked up by the people of Sorrento, who as- sailed them with dreadful havoc. Their flight now became desperate and headlong, many threw them- selves from rocks and precipices into the sea, and but a small portion regained the ships. The contest of John of Anjou lor the crown of Naples, lasted four years. For a time fortune favored him, and the prize seemed almost within his grasp, but reverses succeeded : he was defeated at various points ; the factious nobles, one by one, deserted him, and returned to their allegiance to Alphonso, and the duke was finally compelled to retire to the island of Ischia. Here he remained tor some time, guarded by eight galleys, which like- wise harassed the Bay of Naples.^ In this squadron, which loyally adhered to him, until he ultimately abandoned this unfortunate enterprise, Columbus is stated to have served. I Colenuccio, Hist. Nap., lib. vii. cap. 17. 892 APPENDIX No. IX. CAPTURE OF THE VENETIAN GALLEYS, BY CO* LOMBO THE YOUNGER. As the account of the sea-fight by which Fer- nando Columbus asserts that his father was first thrown upon the shores of Portugal, has been adopted by various respectable historians, it is proper to give particular reasons for discrediting it. Fernando expressly says, that it was an action mentioned by Marco Antonio Sabelico, in the eighth book of his tenth Decade ; that the squadron in which Columbus served was commanded by a famous corsair, called Columbus the younger (Colombo el mozo), and that an embassy was sent from Venice to thank the king of Portugal for the succor he afforded to the Venetian captains and crews. All this is certainly recorded in Sabellicus, but the bat- tle took place in 1485, after Colambus had left Portugal. Zurita in his Annals of Aragon, under the date of 1G85, mentions this same action. He says, *' at this time four Venetian galleys sailed from the island of Cadiz, and took the route for Flanders ; they were laden with merchandise from the Levant, especially from the island of Sicily, and passing by Cape St. Vincent, they were attacked by a French corsair, son of Captain Colon (Colombo), who had seven vessels in his armada ; and the galleys were captured the tw^enty-first of August." ^ A much fuller account is given in the life of King John 11. of Portugal, by Garcia de Resende, who likewise records it as happening in 1485. He says .he Venetian galleys were taken and robbed by the ^ Zurita, Anales de Aragon, Hb. xx. caa. 64. APPENDIX. 393 Frencli, and the captains and crews, wounded, plun- dered, and maltreated, were turned on shore at Cascoes. Here they were succored by Doiia Maria de Meneses, countess of Monsanto. When King John II. heard of the circumstance, being much grieved that such an event should have happened on his coast, and being disposed to show his friendship for the Republic of Venice, he ordered that the Venetian captains should be furnished with rich raiment of silks and costly cloths, and provided with horses and mules, that they might make their appearance before him in a style befitting themselves and their country. He received them with great kindness and distinction, expressing himself with princely courtesy, both as to themselves and the Re- public of Venice ; and having heard their account of the battle, and of their destitute situation, he assisted them with a large sum of money to ransom their galleys from the French cruisers. The latter took all the merchandises on board of their ships, but King John prohibited any of the spoil from being purchased within his dominions. Having thus gen- erously relieved and assisted the captains, and ad- ministered to the necessities of their crews, he enabled them all to return in their own galleys to Venice. The dignitaries of the republic were so highly sensible of this munificence, on the part of King John, that they sent a stately embassy to that mon- arch, with rich presents and warm expressions of gratitude. Geronimo Donate was charged with this mission, a man eminent for learning and eloquence ; he was honorably received and entertained by King John, and dismissed with royal presents, among which ^ were jenets and mules, with sumptuous trappings and caparisons, and many negro slaves richly clad.^ 1 Obras de Garcia de Resende, cap. 58, Avora, 1554. 394 APPENDIX. The following Is the account of this action as given by Sabellicus, in his history of Venice : ^ Erano andate quattro Galee delle quali Bartolom- meo Minio era capitano. Queste navigando per I'Iberico mare, Colombo il piu giovane, nipote di quel Colombo famoso corsale, fecesi incontro a' Yeniziani di notte, appresso il sacro Promontorio, che chiamasi ora capo di san Vincenzo, con sette navi guernite da combattere. Egli quantunque nel primo incontro avesse seco disposto d' opprimere le navi Yeniziane, si ritenne pero dal combattere sin al giorno : tuttavia per esser alia battaglia piu acconcio cosi le seguia, che le prode del corsale toccavano le poppe de Yen- iziani. Yenuto il giorno incontanente i Barbari diedero V assalto. Sostennero i Yeniziani allora r empito del nemico, per numero di navi e di com- battenti superiore, e duro il conflitto atroce per molte ore. Rare £ate fu combattuto contro simili nemici con tanta uccisione, perche a pena si costuma d' at- taccarsi contro di loro, se non per occasione. Affer- mano alcuni, che vi furono presenti, esser morte delle ciurme Yeniziane da trecento uomini. Altri dicono che fu meno : mori in quella zuffa Lorenzo Michele capitano d'una galera e Giovanni Delfino, d' altro capitano fratello. Era durata la zufFa dal fare del giorno fin' ad ore venti, e erano le genti Yeneziane mal trattate. Era gia la nave Delfina in 1 Marco Antonio Coccio, better known under the name of Sabillicus, a cognomen which he adopted on being crowned poet in the pedantic academy of Pomponius Laetus. He was a contemporary of Columbus, and makes brief mention of his discoveries in the eighth book of the tenth Ennead of his universal history. By some writers he is called the Livy of his time; others accuse him of being full of misrepresenta- tions in favor of Venice. The older Scaliger charges him' •vith venality, and with being swayed by Venetian gold. APPENDIX, 895 potere de' nemici quando'le altre ad una ad una si ren- derono. Narrano alcuni, die furono di quel aspro con- Hitto partecipi, aver numerate nelle loro navi da prode a poppe ottanta valorosi uomini estinti, i quali dal nemico veduti lo mossero a gemere e dire con sdegno, che cosi avevano voluto, i Veniziani. I corpi morti furono gettati nel mare, e i feriti posti nel lido. Quel che rimasero vivi seguirono con e naovi il capitaii vittorioso sin' a Lisbona e ivi furono tutti licenziati. Quivi furono i Veniziani ben- ignamente ricevuti dal Ee, gli infermi furono medi- cati, gli altri ebbero abiti e denari secondo la loro eondizione Oltre cio viet5 in tutto il Kegno, che alcuno non comprasse della preda Veniziana, portata dai corsali. La nuova delP avuta rovina non poco afflisse la citfca, erano perduti in quella mercatanzia da ducento mila ducati ; ma L danno particolare degli uomini uccisi diede maggior afflizione. Marc, Ant, Sahelico, Hist, Venet,, decad. iv. lib. iii. No. X. AMERIGO VESPUCCI. Among the earliest and most intelligent of the voyagers who followed the track of Columbus, wao Amerigo Vespucci. He has been considered by many as the first discoverer of the southern continent, and by a singular caprice of fortune, his name has been given to the whole of the New World. It has been strenuously insisted, however, that he had no •\aim to the title of a discoverer ; that he merely 396 APPENDIX. sailed in a subordinate capa'city in a squadron com- manded by others ; that the account of his first voy- age is a fabrication ; and that he did not visit the main-land until after it liad been discovered and coasted by Columbus. As this question has been made a matter of warm and voluminous controversy, it is proper to take a summary view of it in the pres- ent work. Amerigo Vespucci was born in Florence, March 9th, 1451, of a noble, but not at that time a wealthy family ; his father's name was Anastatio ; his mother's was Elizabetta Mini. He was the third of their sons, and received an excellent education under his uncle, Georgio Antonio Vespucci, a learned friar of the fraternity of San Marco, who was instructor to several illustrious personages of that period. Amerigo Vespucci visited Spain, and took up his residence in Seville, to attend to some commercial transactions on account of the family of the Medici of Florence, and to repair, by his ingenuity, the losses and misfortunes of an unskillful brother.'^ The date of his arrival in Spain is uncertain, but from comparing dates and circumstances mentioned in his letters, he must have been at Seville when Columbus returned from his first voyage. Padre Stanislaus Canovai, Professor of Mathemat- ics at Florence, who has published the life and voy- ages of Amerigo Vespucci, says that he was commis- Fsioned by King Ferdinand, and sent with Columbus in his second voyage in 1493. He states this on the authority of a passage in the Cosmography of Sebas- tian Munster, published at Basle in 1550 ;^ but Mun- ster mentions Vespucci as having accompanied Co- lumbus in his first voyage ; the reference of Canovai is 1 Bandini vita d' Amerigo Vespucci. 2 Cosna. Munst., p. 1108. APPENDIX. 397 therefore incorrect ; and the suggestion of Munster is tlisproved by the letters of Vespucci, in which he stales his having been stimulated by the accounts brought of the newly discovered regions. He never mentions such a voyage in any of his letters ; which he most probably would have done, or rather would ha.ve made it the subject of a eopious letter, had he acta- ally performed it. The first notice of a positive form which we have of Vespucci, as resident in Spain, is early in 1496. He appears, from documents in the royal archives at Seville, to have acted as agent or factor for the house of Juanoto Berardi, a rich Florentine merchant, resi- dent in Seville ; who had contracted to furnish the Spanish sovereigns with three several armaments, of four vessels each, for the service of the newly dis- covered countries. He may have been one of the principals in this affair, which was transacted in the name of this established house. Berardi died in December, 1495, and in the following January we find Amerigo Vespucci attending to the concerns of the expeditions, and settling with the masters of the ships for their pay and maintenance, according to the agreements made between them and the late Jua- noto Berardi. On the 12th January, 1496, he re- ceived on this account 10,000 maravedis from Ber- nardo Pinelo the royal treasurer. He went on pre- paring all things for the dispatch of four caravels to sail under the same contract between the sovereigns and the house of Berardi, and sent them to sea on the 3d February, 1496 ; but on the 8th they met with a storm and were wrecked ; the crews were saved with the loss of only three men.^ While thus 1 These particulars are from manuscript memoranda, ex- tracted from the royal archives, by the last accurate historian Munoz. 898 APPENDIX. employed, Amerigo Vespucci, of course, tad oc- casional opportunity of conversing with Columbus, with whom, according to the expression of the ad- miral himself, in one of his letters to his son Diego, he appears to have been always on friendly terms. From these conversations, and from his agency in these expeditions, he soon became excited to visit the newly discovered countries, and to participate in enterprises, which were the theme of every tongue. Having made himself well acquainted with geograph- ical and nautical science, he prepared to launch into the career of discovery. It was not very long before he carried this design into execution. In 1498, Columbus, in his third voyage, discovered the coast of Pari a, on Terra Firma ; which he at that time imagined to be a great island, but that a vast continent lay immediately adjacent. He sent to Spain specimens of pearls found on this coast, and gave the most sanguine accounts of the supposed riches of the country. In 1499, an expedition of four vessels under com- mand of Alonzo de Ojeda, was fitted out from Spain, and sailed for Paria, guided by charts and letters Bent to the government by Columbus. These were communicated to Ojeda, by his patron, the Bishop Fonseca, who had the superintendence of India af- fairs, and who furnished him also with a warrant to undertake the voyage. It is presumed that Vespucci aided in fitting out the armament, and sailed in a vessel belonging to the house of Berardi, and in this way was enabled to take a share in the gains and losses of the expe- dition ; for Isabella, as queen of Castile, had rigor- ously forbidden all strangers to trade with her trans- atlantic possessions, not even excepting the nativ^M of the kingdom of Aragon. APPENDIX, 399 This squadron visited Paria and several hundred miles of the coast, which they ascertained to be Terra Firma. They returned in June, 1500; and on the 18th of July, in that year, Amerigo Vespucci wrote an account of his voyage to Lorenzo de Pier Francisco de Medici of Florence, which remained concealed in manuscript, until brought to light and published by Bandini in 1745. In his account of this voyage, and in every other narrative of his different expeditions, Vespucci never mentions any other person concerned in the enter- prise. He gives the time of his sailing, and states that he went with two caravels, which were probably his share of the expedition, or rather vessels sent by the house of Berardi. He gives an interesting nar- rative of the voyage, and of the various transactions with the natives, which corresponds, in many sub- stantial points, with the accounts furnished by Ojeda and his mariners of their voyage, in a lawsuit here- after mentioned. In May, 1501, Vespucci, having suddenly left Spain, sailed in the service of Emanuel, king of Por- tugal ; in the course of which expedition he visited the coast of Brazil. He gives an account of this voyage in a second letter to Lorenzo de Pier Fran- cisco de Medici, which also remained in manuscript until published by Bartolozzi in 1789.^ No record nor notice of any such voyage under- taken by Amerigo Vespucci, at the command of Emanuel, is to be found in the archives of the Torre do Tombo, the general archives of Portugal, which have been repeatedly and diligently searched for the purpose. It is singular also that his name is not to be found in any of the Portuguese historians, who in general were very particular in naming all navigators 1 Bartolozzi, Recherche Historico. Firenze, 1789. 400 APPENDIX. who It eld any important station among them, or ren dered any distinguished services. That Yespucci did Bail along the coasts, however, is not questioned. Plis nephew, after his death, in the course of evidence on some points in dispute, gave the correct latitude of Cape St. Augustine, vv^hich he said he had extracted from his uncle's journal. In 1504, Yespucci wrote a third letter to the same Lorenzo de Medici, containing a more extended ac- count of the voyage just alluded to in the service of Portugal. This was the first of his narratives that appeared in print. It appears to have been pub- lished in Latin, at Strasburgh, as early as 1505, under thie title " Americus Yesputius de Orbe Ant- arctica per Regem Portugallise pridem inventa." ^ An edition of this letter w^as printed in Yicenza in 1507, in an anonymous collection of voyages edited by Francanzio di Monte Alboddo, an inhab- itant of Yicenza. It was reprinted in Italian in 1508, at Milan, and also in Latin, in a book entitled Itinerarium Portugalensium. In making the present illustration, the Milan edition in Italian ^ has been 1 Panzer, torn. vi. p. 33, apud Esame Critico, p. 88, Anota- zione 1. 2 This rare book, in the possession of 0. Rich, Esq., is be- lieved to be the oldest printed collection of voyages extant, It has not the pages numbered, the sheets are mereh^ marked xvith a letter of the alphabet at the foot of each eighth page. It contains the earliest account of the voyages of Columbus, from his first departure until his arrival at Cadiz in chains. The letter of Vespucci to Lorenzo de Medici occupies the fifth book of this little volume. It is stated to have been originally livTitten in Spanish, and translated into Italian by a person of the name of Jocondo. An earlier edition is stated to have been printed in Venice by Alberto Vcrcellese, in 1504. The author is said to have been Angelo Trivigiani, secretary to the Venetian ambassador in Spain. This Trivigiani nppearsi APPENDIX, 401 consulted, and also a Latin translation of it by Simon Gringeiis, in his Novus Orbis, published at Basle in 1532. It relates entirely the first voyage of Yes- pucci from Lisbon to the Brazils in 1501. It is from this voyage to the Brazils that Amerigo Vespucci was first /considered the discoverer of Terra Firma ; and his name was at* first applied to these southern regions, though afterwards extended to the whole continent. The merits of his voyage were, however, greatly exaggerated. The Brazils had been previously discovered, and formally taken possession of for Spain in 1500, by Vincente Yaiiez Pinzon; and also in the same year, by Pedro Alvarez Cabral, on the part of Portugal ; circumstances unknown however to Vespucci and his associates. The coun- try remained in possession of Portugal, in conformity to the line of demarcation agreed on between the iwo nations. Vespucci made a second voyage in the service of Portugal. He says that he commanded a caravel in a squadron of six vessels destined for the discovery of Malacca, which they had heard to be the great depot and magazine of all the trade between the Ganges and the Indian sea. Such an expedition did sail about this time, under the command of Gonzalo Coelho. The squadron sailed, according to Vespucci, on the 10th of May, 1503. It stopped at the Cape de Verd Islands for refreshments, and afterwards sailed by the coast of Sierra Leone, but was pre- vented from landing by contrary winds and a turbu- to have collected many of the particulars ot the voyages of Columbus from the manuscript decades of Peter Martyr, wh« erroneously lays the charge of the plagiarism to Aloysins Cadamosto, whose voyages are inserted in the same collection. The book was entitled " Libretto di tutta la navigazione del R0 de Espayna^ delle I sole e terreni nuovamente trovaU,*^ VOL. III. 26 402 APPENDIX. lent sea. Standing to the south-west, they ran tliree hundred Kian as old as the time of Solomon, which said, " Navigate the Medi- terranean Sea to the end of Spain and thence to- ward the setting sun, in a direction between north and south, until ninety-five degrees of longitude, and you will find the land of Cipango, fertile and abun- dant, and equal in greatness to Africa and Europe." A cop)' of this writing, he added, his father brought from Rome with an intention of going in search of that land, and frequently expressed such determina- tion ; and that, when Columbus came to Palos with his project of discovery, Martin Alonzo Pinzon showed him the manuscript, and ultimately gave it to him just before they sailed. It is extremely probable that this manuscript, of which Arias Perez gives so vague an account fi'om recollection, but which he appears to think the main thing that prompted Columbus to his undertaking, was no other than the work of Marco Polo, which, at that time, existed in manuscript in most of the Italian libraries. Martin Alonzo was evidently ac- quainted with the work of the Venetian, and it would appear, from various circumstances, that Columbus had a copy of it with him in his voyages, which may have been the manuscript above mentioned. Co- lumbus had long before, however, had a knowledge •of the work, if not by actual inspection, at least through his correspondence with Toscanelli in 1474, ^nd had derived from it all the light it was capable of furnishing, before he ever came to Palos, It is questionable, also, whether the visit of Martin Alonzo to Rome, was not after his mind had been heated by :j(mvei'sations with Columbus in the convent of La 120 APPENDIX. Rablda. The testimony of Arias Perez is so worded as to leave it in doubt whether the visit was not in the very year prior to the discovery : " Fue el dicho m padre a Roma aquel dicho aiio antes que fuese a descubrir." Arias Perez always mentions the manu* script as having been imparted to Columbus, after be had come to Palos with an intention of proceeding on the discovery. Certain witnesses who were examined on behalf of the crown, and to whom specific interrogatories were put, asserted, as has already been mentioned in a note to this work, that had it not been for Martin Alonzo Pinzon and his brothers, Columbus would have turned back for Spain, after having run seven or eight hundred leagues ; being disheartened at not finding land, and dismayed by the mutiny and menaces of his crew. This is stated by two or three as from personal knowledge, and by others from hear- say. It is said especially to have occurred on the 6th of October. On this day, according to the journal of Columbus, he had some conversation with Martin Alonzo, who was anxious that they should stand more to the south-west. The admiral refused to do BO, and it is very probable that some angry words may have passed between them. Various disputes appear to have taken place between Columbus and his colleagues respecting their route, previous to the discovery of land ; in one or two instances he ac- ceded to their wishes, and altered his course, but in roneral he was inflexible in standing to the west. The Pinzons also, in all probability, exerted their influence in quelling the murmurs of their townsmen and encouraging them to proceed, when ready to rebel against Columbus. These circumstances may have become mixed up in the vague recollections of the seamen who gave the foregoing extravagant testi- APPENDIX, 421 mony, and who were evidently disposed to exalt the merits of the ,Pinzons at the expense of Columbus They were in some measure prompted also in their replies by the written interrogatories put by order of the fiscal, which specified the conversations said to have passed between Columbus and the Pinzons, and notwithstanding these guides they diflfered widely in their statements, and ran into many absurdities. In a manuscript record in possession of the Pinzon family, I have even read the assertion of an old sea* man, that Columbus, in his eagerness to compel the Pinzons to turn back to Spain, Jired upon their ships, but, they continuing on, he was obliged to follow, and within two days afterwards discovered the island of Hispaniola. It is evident the old sailor, if he really spoke conscientiously, mingled in his cloudy remembrance the disputes in the early part of the voyage, about altering their course to the south-west, and the de- sertion of Martin Alonzo, subsequent to the discovery of the Lucayos and Cuba, when, after parting com- pany with the admiral, he made the island of Hispan- iola. The witness most to be depended upon as to these points of inquiry, is the physician of Palos, Garcia Fernandez, a man of education, who sailed with Martin Alonzo Pinzon as steward of his ship, and of course was present at all the conversations which passed between the commanders. He testifies that Martin Alonzo urged Columbus to stand more to the Bouth-west, and that the admiral at length complied, Vut, finding no land in that direction, they turned again to the west ; a statement which completely coincides vith the journal of Columbus. He adds that the xdmiral continually comforted and animated Martin 41onzo, and all others in his company. (Siempre 122 APPENDIX. los consolaba el dicho Almlrante esforzandolo3 al diclio Martin Alonzo e a todos los que en su coin- pania iban.) AVhen the physician was specifically questioned as to the conversations pretended to have passed between the commanders, in which Columbus expressed a desire to turn back to Spain, he referred to the preceding statement, as the only answer he had to make to these inlerrogatories. The extravagant testimony before mentioned ap- pears never to have had any weight with the fiscal ; and the accurate historian Munoz, who extracted all these points of evidence from the papers of the law- suit, has not deemed them worthy of mention in his work. As these matters, however, remain on record in the archives of the Indies, and in the archives of the Pinzon family, in both of which I have had a full opportunity of inspecting them, I have thought it advisable to make these few observations on the subject ; lest, in the rage for research, they might hereafter be drawn forth as a new discovery, on the strength of which to impugn the merits of Columbus. No. XIL RUMOR OF THE PILOT SAID TO HAVE DIED IK THE HOUSE OF COLUMBUS. Among the various attempts to injure Columbus by those who were envious of his fame, was one in- tended to destroy all his merit as an original discov- erer. It was said that he had received information af the existence of land in the western parts of ;he ocean from a temp est- tossed pilot who had been APPENDIX. 423 driven tliere by violent easterly winds, and who, oii Lis return to Kurope, had died in tlie house of Co- lumbus, leaving in his possession the chart and journal of his voyage, by which he was guided to his dis- covery. This story was first noticed by Oviedo, a contem- porary of Columbus, in his history of the Indies, pub lished in 1535. He mentions it as a rumor circulat- ing among the vulgar, without foundation in truth. Fernando Lopez de Gomara first brought it for- ward against Columbus. In his history of the Indies, published in 1552, he repeats the rumor in the vaguest terms, manifestly from Oviedo, but without the contradiction given to it by that author. He Bays that the name and country of the pilot were unknown, some terming him an Andalusian, sailing between the Canaries and Madeira, others a Biscay an, trading to England and France ; and others^ Portu- guese, voyaging between Lisbon and Mina, on the coast of Guinea. He expresses equal uncertainty whether the pilot brought the caravel to Portugal, to Madeira, or to one of the Azores. The only, point on which the circulators of the rumor agreed was, that he died in the house of Columbus. Gomara adds that by this event Columbus was led to undertake his voyage to the new countries.^ The other early historians who mention Columbus and his voyages, and were his contemporaries, viz. : Sabellicus, Peter Martyr, Giustiniani, Bernaldes, com- monly called the curate of Los Palacios, Las Casas, ^ ernando, the son of the admiral, and the anonymous author of a voyage of Columbus, translated from the Italian into Latin by Madrignano,'^ are all silent in regard to this report. 1 Gomara, Hist. Ind., cap. 14. 2 Navigatio Christophori Columbi, Madrignano Interpret©. 424 APPENDIX. BenzonI, whose history of the New World was published in 1565, repeats the story from Goinara, with whom he was contemporary ; but decidedly ex- presses his opinion, that Gomara had mingled up much falsehood with some truth, for the purpose of detracting from the fame of Columbus, through jeal- ousy that any one but a Spaniard should enjoy the honor of the discovery.^ Acosta notices the circumstance slightly in his Natural and Moral History of the Indies, published in 1591, and takes it evidently from Gomara.^ Mariana, in his history of Spain, published m 1592, also mentions it but expresses a doubt of its truth, and derives his information manifestly from Gomara.^ Herrera, who published his history of the Indies in 1601, takes no notice of the story. In not noticing it, he m^y be considered as rejecting it ; for he is dis- tinguished for his minuteness, and was well acquainted with Gomara's history, which he expressly contradicts on a point of considerable interest.'* Garcilaso de la Vega, a native of Cusco in Peru, revived the tale with very minute particulars, in his Commentaries of the Incas, published in 1609. He tells it smoothly and circumstantially ; fixes the date of the occurrence 1484, " one year more or less ; " It is contained in a collection of voyages called Novus Orbia Kegionum, edition of 1555, but was originally published in Italian as written by Montalbodo Francanzano (or Francapano de Montaldo), in a collection of voyages entitled Nuovo Mun- do, in Vicenza, 1507. 1 Girolamo Benzoni, Hist, del Nuevo Mundo, lib. i. fo. 1% In Venetia, 1572. 2 Padre Joseph de Acosta, Hist. Ind., lib. i. cap. 19. 3 Juan de Mariana, Hist. Espana, lib. xxvi. cap, 3. * Herrera, Hist. Ind., decad. ii. lib. iii. cap. i APPENDIX. 425 Itaies the name of the unfortunate pilot, Alonzo San- chez de Huelva ; the destination of his vessel, from the Canaries to Madeira ; and the unknown land to which they were driven, the island of Hispaniola. The pilot, he says, landed, took an altitude, and wrote an account of all he saw, and all that had occurred in the voyage. He then took in wood and water, and set out to seek his way home. He succeeded in returning, but the voyage was long and tempestuous, and twelve died of hunger and fatigue, out of seven- teen, the original number of the crew. The five sur- vivors arrived at Tercera, where they were hospitably entertained by Columbus, but all died in his house in consequence of the hardships they had sustained ; the pilot was the last that died, leaving his host heir to his papers. Columbus kept them profoundly se- cret, and by pursuing the route therein prescribed, obtained the credit of discovering the New World. Such are the material points of the circumstantial relation furnished by Garcilaso de la Yega, one hun- dred and twenty years after the event. In regard to authority, he recollects to have heard the story w^hen he was a child, as a subject of conversation between his father and the neighbors, and he refers to the his- tories of the Indies, by Acosta and Gomara, for con- firmation. As the conversations to which he listened, must have taken place sixty or seventy years after the date of the report, there had been sufficient time for the vague rumors to become arranged into a regular narrative, and thus we have not only the lame, country, and destination of the pilot, but also the name of the unknown land to which his vessel was driven. This account given by Garcilaso de la Vega, has been adopted by many old historians, who have felt 1 Commentarios de los Incas, lib. i- cap. 3. 42G APPENDIX, a confidence in the peremptory manner in wliich he relates it, and in the authorities to whom he refers.^ These have been echoed by others of more recent date ; and thus a weighty charge of fraud and im- posture has been accumulated against Columbus, apparently supported by a crowd of respectable ac- cusers. The whole charge is to be traced to Gomara, who loosely repeated a vague rumor, without noticing the pointed contradiction given to it seventeen years before, by Oviedo, an ear-witness, from whose book he appears to have actually gathered the report. It is to be remarked that Gomara bears the char- acter, among historians, of inaccuracy, and of great credulity in adopting unfounded stories.^ 1 Names of historians who either adopted this story in de- tail, or the charge against Cohimbus, drawn from it. Bernardo Aldrete, Antiguedad de Espaiia, lib. iv. cap. 17. p. 567. Roderigo Caro, Antiguedad, lib. iii. cap. 76. Juan de Solorzano, Ind. Jure, tom. 1. lib. i. cap. 5. Fernando Pizarro, Varones Illust. del Nuevo Mundo, cap. 2. Agostino Torniel, Annal. Sacr., tom. i. ann. Mund., 1931, No. 48. Pet. Damarez or De Mariz, Dial. iv. de Yar. Hist , cap. 4. Gregorio Garcia, Orig. de los Indios, lib. i. cap. 4, § 1. Juan de Torquemanda, Monarch, Tnd., lib. xviii. cap. 1. John Baptiste Riccioli, Geograf. Reform , lib. iii. 1 o this list of old authors may be added many c-hers of more recent date. 2 " Francisco Lopez de Gomara, Presbitero, Sevillano, es- ^ribio con elegante estilo acerca de las cosas de las Indies, pero dexandose llevar de falsas narraciones." Hijos de Sevilla, Kumero ii. p. 42, Let. F. The same is stated in Bibhotheca Hispana Nova, lib. i p. 437. " El Francisco Lopez de Gomara escrivio tantos bcrrones d cosas que no son verdaderas, de que ha hecho mucho dano a muchos escri tores e coronistas, que despues del Gomara haa escrito en las cosas de la Nueva Espafia . . . es porque APPENDIX. 427 It IS unnecessary to give further refutation to this charge, especially as it is clear that Columbus com- municated his idea of discovery to Paulo Toscanelli of Florence, in 1474, ten years previous to the date assigned by Garcilaso de la Vega for this occurrence. No. XIIL MARTIN BEHEM. This able geographer was born in Nuremburg, \u Germany, about the commencement of the year 1430. His ancestors were from the circle of Pilsner, in Bohemia, hence he is called by some writers Mar- tin of Bohemia, and the resemblance of his own name to that of the country of his ancestors fre- quently occasions a confusion in the appellation. It has been said by some that he studied under Philip Bervalde the elder, and by others under John Muller, otherwise called Regiomontanus, though De Murr, who has made diligent inquiry into his history, discredits both assertions. According to a corres- pondence between Behem and his uncle, discovered of late years by De Murr, it appears that the early part of his life was devoted to commerce. Som^iimstance that Job de Huertar, fathtr-in-law of Behem, c( ionized that island in 1466. He is supposed to have arrived at Portugal in 1481, while Alphonso V. was still on the throne; it is certain that shortly afterwards he was in high repute for his science in the court of Lisbon, insomuch that he was one of the council appointed by King John II. to improve the art of navigation, and by some he has received the whole credit of the memorable service rendered to commerce by that council, in the intro- duction of the astrolabe into nautical use. In 1484 King John sent an expedition under Diego Cam, as Barros calls him, Cano according to others, to prosecute discoveries along the coast of Africa. In this expedition Behem sailed as cosmographer. They crossed the equinoctial line, discovered the coast of Congo, advanced to twenty-two degrees forty- five minutes of south latitude,^ and erected two columns, on which were engraved the arms of Portu- gal, in the mouth of the river Zagra, in Africa, which thence, for some time, took the name of the River of Columns.*^ For the services rendered on this and on previous occasions, it is said that Behem was knighted by King John in 1485, though no mention is made of such a circumstance in any of the contemporary his- torians. The principal proof of his having received this mark of distinction, is his having given himself the title on his own globe of Eques Lusitanus. In 1486 he married at Fayal the daughter of Job de Huertar, and is supposed to have remained there for some few years, where he had a son named far- tin, born in 1489. During his residence at Lishon and Fayal, it is probable the acquaintance took p.* ie« 1 Vasconcelos, lib. 4. * 2 Murr. Notice sur M. Behaim. APPENDIX, 423 between him and Columbus, to which Herrera and otliers allude ; and the admiral may have heard from him some of the rumors circulating in the islands, of indications of western lands floating to their shores. In 1491 he returned to Nuremburg to see his fam- dy, and while there, in 1492, he finished a terrestrial globe, considered a masterpiece in those days, which he had undertaken at the request of the principal magistrates of his native city. In 1493 he returned to Portugal, and from thence proceeded to Fayal. In 1494 King John II., v^ho had a high opinion of him, sent him to Flanders to his natu)'al son Prince George, the intended heir of his Ct'own. In the course of his voyage Behem was capt/ured and car- ried to England, where he remained for three months detained by illness. Having recovered, he again put to sea, but was captured by a corsair and carried to France. Having ransomed himself, he proceeded to Antwerp and Bruges, but returned almost immedi- ately to Portugal. Nothing more is known of him for several years, during which time it is supposed he remained with his family in Fayal, too old to make further voyages. In 1506 he went from Fayal to Lisbon, where he died. The assertion that Behem had discovered the western world previous to Columbus, in the course of the voyage with Cam, was founded on a misinterpre- tation of a passage interpolated in the chronicle of Hartmann Schedel, a contemporary writer. This passage mentions, that when the voyagers were in the Southern Ocean not far from the coast, and had passed the line, they came into another hemisphere, where, when they looked towards the east, their shadows fell towards the south, on their right hand *hat here they discovered a new world, unknown un« 430 APPENDIX. til then, and which for many years had never been sought except by the Genoese, and by them unsuc- cessfully. "Hi duo, bono deorum auspicio, mare meridionale Bulcantes, a littore non longo evagantes, superato cir- culo equinoctial!, in altcrum orbem excepti sunt. Ubi ipsis stantibus orientem versus, umbra ad meri- diem et dextram projiciebatur. Aperuere igitur sua industria, alium orbem hactenus nobis incognitum et raultis annis, a nullis quam Januensibus, licet frustra temptatum." These lines are part of a passage which it is said is interpolated by a different hand, in the original manuscript of the chronicle of Schedel. De Murr assures us that they are not to be found in the Ger- man translation of the book by George Alt, which was finished the 5th October, 1498, But even if they were, they relate merely to the discovery which Diego Cam made of the southern hemisphere, pre- viously unknown, and of the coast of Africa beyond the equator, all which appeared like a new world, and as such was talked of at the time. The Genoese alluded to, who had made, an unsuc- cessful attempt, were Antonio de Nolle with Bartho- lomeo his brother, and Raphael de Nolie his nephew. Antonio was of a noble family, and, for some disgust^ left his country and went to Lisbon with hi.s before- mentioned relatives in two caravels ; sailing whence in the employ of Portugal, they discovered the island of St. Jago, &c.-^ This interpolated passage of Schedel was lik^^.wise 'nserted into the work De Europa sub Frederico Til., of uEneas Sllvius, afterwards Pope Pius II., who di-^d in 1464, long before the voyage in question. Tl^e misinterpretation of the passage first gave rise to tl»«J 1 Barros, decad. i. lib. ii. cap. 1. Lisbon, 1852. APPENDIX. incorrect assertion that Eehem had discovered the New World prior to Columbus ; as if it were possi- ble such a circumstance could have happened ivith- out Behem's laying claim to the glory of the dis- covery, and without the world immediately resounding with so important an event. This error had been adopted by various authors without due examination ; Bome of whom had likewise taken from Magellan the credit of having discovered the strait which goes by his name, and had given it to Behem. The error was too palpable to be generally prevalent, but was suddenly revived in the year 1786, by a French gentleman of highly respectable character of the name of Otto, then resident in New York, who ad- dressed a letter to Dr. Franklin to be submitted to the Philosophical Society of Philadelphia, in which he undertook to establish the title of Behem to the discovery of the New World. His memoir was pub- lished in the Trajnsactions of the American Philo- sophical Society, vol. ii., for 1786, article No. 35, and has been copied into the journals of most of the na- tions of Europe. The authorities cited by M. Otto in support of his assertion are generally fallacious, and for the most part given without particular specification. His as- sertion has been diligently and satisfactorily refuted by Don Christoval Cladera.^ The grand proof of M. Otto is a globe which Be- hem made during his residence in Nuremburg, in 1492, the very year that Columbus set out on his first voyage of discovery. This globe, according to M. Otto, is still preserved in the library of Nurem- burg, and on it are painted all the discoveries of Be- hem, which are so situated that they can be no other than the coast of Brazil, and the straits of Magellan 1 inv3stigaciones Historicas. Madrid, 1794. 432 APPENDIX. This authority staggered many, and, if supported, would demolish the claims of Columbus. Unluckily for M. Otto, in his description of the globe, he depended on the inspection of a corres- pondent. The globe in the library of Nuremburg was made in 1520, by John Schoener, professor of mathematics,-^ long after the discoveries and death of Columbus and Behem. The real globe of Behern, made in 1492, does not contain any of the islands or shores of the New World, and thus proves that he was totally unacquainted with them. A copy, or planisphere, of Behem's globe is given by Ciadera in his investigations. No. XIV. VOYAGES OF THE SCANDINAVIANS, Many elaborate dissertations have been written to prove that discoveries were made by the Scandina- vians on the northern coast of America long before (he era of Columbus ; but the subject appears still to be wrapped in much doubt and obscurity. It has been asserted that the Norwegians, as early as the ninth century, discovered a great tract of land to the west of Iceland, which they called Grand Ice- land; but this has been pronounced a fabulous tradi- tion. The most plausible account is one given by Snorro Sturleson, in his Saga or Chronicle of King Glaus. According to this writer, one Biorn of Ice land sailing to Greenland in search of his father, from whom he had been separated by a storm, wa« 1 Ciadera, Investig. Hist. p. 115 APPENDIX. 433 drivei. by tempestuous weather far to the south-west, until he came in sight of a low country, covered with wood, with an island in its vicinity. The weather becoming favorable, he turned to the north- east without landing, and arrived safe at Greenland. His account of the country he had beheld, it is said, excited the enterprise of Leif, son of Eric Rauda (or Redhead), the first settler of Greenland. A ves- sel was fitted out, and Leif and Biorn departed alone in quest of this unknown land. They found a rocky and sterile island, to which they gave the name of Helleland ; also a low sandy country covered with wood, to which they gave the name of Markland ; and, two days afterwards, they observed a continu- ance of the coast, with an island to the north of it. This last they described as fertile, well wooded, pro- ducing agreeable fruits, and particularly grapes, a fruit with which they were unacquainted. On being informed by one of their companions, a German, of its qualities and name, they called the country, from it, Vinland. They ascended a river, well stored with fish, particularly salmon, and came to a lake from which the river took its origin, where they passed the winter. The climate appeared to them mild and pleasant ; being accustomed to the rigorous climates of the north. On the shortest day, the sun was eight hours above the horizon. Hence it has been concluded that the country was about the 49th de- gree of north latitude, and was either Newfoundland, or some part of the coast of North America, about the Gulf of St. Lawrence.^ It is added that the relatives of Leif made several voyages to Yinland ; that they traded with the natives for furs ; and that, in 1121, a bishop named Eric went from Greenland to Vinland to convert the inhabitants to Christianity 1 Forster's Northern Voyages, book ii. chap. 2. VOL. 111. 2S APPENDIX, From this time, says Forster, we know nothing of Vinland, and there is every appearance that the tribe which still exists in the interior of iSfewfound- land, and which is so different from the other savages of North America, both in their appearance and mode of living, and always in a state of warfare witb the Esquimaux of the northern coast, are descend- ants of the ancient Normans. The author of the present work has not had the means of tracing this story to its original sources. He gives it on the authority of M. Malte-Brun, and Mr. Forster. The latter extracts it from the Saga or Chronicle of Snorro, who was born in 1179, and wrote in 1215 ; so that his account was formed long after the. event is said to have taken place. Forster says, " the facts which we report have been collected from a great number of Icelandic manuscripts, and transmitted to us by Torfseus in his two works en- titled Veteris Groenlandiae Descriptio, Hafnia, 1706, and Historia Winlandiae Antiquae, Hafnia, 1705.'* Forster appears to have no doubt of the authenticity of the facts. As far as the author of the present work has had experience in tracing these stories of early discoveries of portions of the New World, he has generally found them very confident deductions drawn from very vague and questionable facts. Learned men are too prone to give substance to mere shadows, when they assist eome preconceived theory. Most of these accounts, when divested of the erudite comments of their editors, have proved little better than the traditionary fables, noticed in another part of this work, respecting the imaginary islands of St. Borondon, and of the Seven Cities. There is no great improbability, however, that Buch enterprising and roving voyagers as the Scan- dinavians, may have wandered to the northern shores APPENDIX. 435 of America, about the coast of Labrador, or the shores of Newfoundland ; and if the Icelandic man- uscripts said to be of the thirteenth century can be relied upon as genuine, free from modern interpola- tion, and correctly quoted, they would appear to prove the fact. But granting the truth of the alleged discoveries, they led to no more result than would the interchange of communication between the na- tives of Greenland and the Esquimaux. The knowl- edge of them appears not to have extended beyond their own nation, and to have been soon neglected and forgotten by themselves. Another pretension to an early discovery of the American continent has been set up, founded on an alleged map and narrative of two brothers of the name of Zeno, of Venice ; but it seems more invalid than those just mentioned. The following is the substance of this claim. Nicolo Zeno, a noble Venetian, is said to have made a voyage to the north in 1380, in a vessel fitted out at his own cost, intending to visit England and Flanders ; but meeting with a terrible tempest, was driven for many days he knew not whither, until he was cast away upon Friseland, an island much in dis- pute among geographers, but supposed to be the archipelago of the Ferroe Islands. The shipwrecked voyagers were assailed by the natives ; but rescued by Zichmni, a prince of the islands, lying on the Bouth side of Friseland, and duke of another district lying over against Scotland. Zeno entered into the service of this prince, and aided him in conquering Friseland, and other northern islands. He was soon Joined by his brother Antonio Zeno, who remained fourteen years in those countries. During his residence in Friseland, Antonio Zeno wrote to his brother Carlo, in Venice, giving an ac- 436 APPENDIX. count of a report brought by a certain fisherman, about a land to the westward. According to the tale of this mariner, he had been one of a party who Balled from Friseland about twenty -six years before, in four fishing-boats. Being overtaken by a mighty tempest, they were driven about the sea for many days, until the boat containing himself and six com- panions was cast upon an island called Estotiland. about one thousand miles from Friseland. They were taken by the inhabitants, and carried to a fair and populous city, where the king sent for many in- terpreters to converse with them but none that they could understand, until a man was found who had likewise been cast away upon the coast, and who spoke Latin. They remained several days upon the island, which was rich and fruitful, abounding with all kinds of metals, and especially gold.-^ There was a high mountain in the centre, from which flowed four rivers which watered the whole country. The inhabitants were intelligent and acquainted with the mechanical arts of Europe. They cultivated grain, made beer, and lived in houses built of stone. There were Latin books in the king's library, though the inhabitants had no knowledge of that language. They had many cities and castles, and carried on a trade with Greenland for pitch, sulphur and peltry. Though much given to navigation, they were igno- rant of the use of the compass, and finding the Friselanders acquainted with it, held them in great esteem ; and the king sent them with twelve barks to visit a country to the south, called Drogeo. They had neai'ly perished in a storm, but were cast away 1 This account is taken from Hackluyt, vol. iii. p- 123. The passage about gold and other metals is not to be found in the original Italian of Ramusio (torn. ii. p. 23), and ii probably an interpolation. APPENDIX. 437 npon tlie coast of Drogeo. They found the people to be cannibals, and were on the point of being killed and devoured, but were spared on account of their great skill in fishing. The fishermen described this Drogeo as being a country of vast extent, or rather a new world ; that the inhabitants were naked and barbarous; but that far to the south-west there was a more civilized re- gion, and temperate climate, where the inhabitants had a knowledge of gold and silver, lived in cities, erected splendid temples to idols, and sacrificed hu- man victims to them, which they afterwards de- voured. After the fisherman had resided many years on this continent, during which time he had passed from the service of one chieftain to another, and traversed various parts of it, certain boats of Estotiland arrived on the coast of Drogeo. The fisherman went on board of them, acted as interpreter, and followed the trade between the main-land and Estotiland for some time, until he became very rich : then he fitted out a bark of his own, and with the assistance of some of the people of the island, made his way back, across the thousand intervening miles of ocean, and arrived safe at Friseland. The account he gave of these countries, determined Zichmni, the prince of Friseland, to send an expedition thither, and Anto- nio Zeno was to command it. Just before sailing, the fisherman, who was to have acted as guide, died , but certain mariners, who had accompanied him from Estotiland, were taken in his place. The expedi- tion sailed under command of Zichmni ; the Yene* tian, Zeno, merely accompanied it. It was unsuc- cessful. After having discovered an island called tcaria, where they met with a rough reception from the inhabitants, and were obliged to withdraw, the 438 APPENDIX. ihips wtre driven by a storm to Greenland. No record remains of any further prosecution of the en- terprise. The countries mentioned in the account of Zeno, were laid down on a map originally engraved on wood. The island of Estotiland has been supposed by M. Malte-Brun to be Newfoundland ; its par- tially civilized inhabitants the descendants of the Scandinavian colonists of Vinland ; and the Latin books in the king's library to be the remains of the library of the Greenland bishop, who emigrated thither in 1121. Drogeo, according to the same con- jecture, was Nova Scotia and New England. The civilized people to the south-west, who sacrificed hu- man victims in rich temples, he surmises to have have been the Mexicans, or some ancient nation of Florida or Louisiana. The premises do not appear to warrant this deduc- tion. The whole story abounds with improbabilities ; not the least of which is the civilization prevalent among the inhabitants ; their houses of stone, their European arts, the library of their king ; no traces of which were to be found on their subsequent dis- covery. Not to mention the information about Mexico penetrating through the numerous savage tribes of a vast continent. It is proper to observe that this account was not published until 1558, long after the discovery of Mexico. It was given to the world by Francisco Marcolini, a descendant of the Zeni, from the fragments of letters said to have been written by Antonio Zeno to Carlo his brother. " It l^rieves me," says the editor, " that the book, and divers other writings concerning these matters, are miserably lost ; for being but a cliild when they came to my hands, and not knowing what they were, I tore them and rent them in pieces, which now I APPENDIX, 439 cannot call to remembrance but to my exceeding great grief." ^ This garbled statement by Marcolmi, derived con- siderable authority by being introduced by Abraham Ortelins, an able geographer, in his Theatrum Orbis ; but the whole story has been condemned by able commentators as a gross fabrication. Mr. Forster re- sents this, as an instance of obstinate incredulity, saying that it is impossible to doubt the existence of the country of which Carlo, Nicolo and Antonio Zeno talk ; as original acts in the archives of Venice prove that the chevalier undertook a voyage to the north ; that his brother Antonio followed him ; that Anto- nio traced a map, which he brought back and hung up in his house, where it remained subject to public examination, until the time of Marcolini, as an in- contestable proof of the truth of what he advanced. Granting all this, it merely proves that Antonio and his brother were at Friseland and Greenland. Their letters never assert that Zeno made the voyage to Estotiland. The fleet was carried by a tempest to Greenland, after which we hear no more of him ; and his account of Estotiland and Drogeo rests sim- ply on the tale of the fisherman, after whose de- scriptions his map must have been conjecturally pro- jected. The whole story resembles much the fables circulated shortly after the discovery of Columbus, to arrogate to other nations and individuals the credit of the achievement. M. Malte-Brun intimates that the alleged discov- ery of Vinland may have been known to Columbus when he made a voyage in the North Sea in 1477,^ and that the map of Zeno, being in the national ubrary at London, in a Danish work, at the time 1 Hackluyt, Collect, vol. iii. p. 127. 5* Malte-Brun, Hist, de Geog. torn. i. lib. xvii. 440 APPENDIX, when Bartljolomew Cokimbus was in tliat city, em ployed in making maps, he may have known some-* thing of it, and have communicated it to his brother.^ Had M. Malte-Brun examined the history of Co lumbus with his usual accuracy, he would have per- ceived, that, in his correspondence with Paulo Tos- canelli in 1474, he had expressed his intention of seeking India by a route directly to the west. His voya;2,e to the north did not take place until three years afterwards. As to the residence of Barthol- omew in London, it was not until after Columbus had made his propositions of discovery to Portugal, if not to the courts of other powers. Granting, therefore, that he had subsequently heard the dubious stories of Yinland, and of the fisherman^s adven- tures, as related by Zeno, or at least by Marcolini, they evidently could not have influenced him in his great enterprise. His route had no reference to them, but was a direct western course, not toward Vinland, and Estotiland, and Drogeo, but in search of Cipango, and Cathay, and the other countries described by Marco Polo, as lying at the extremity of India. No. XY. CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF AFKICA BY THE ANCIENT^. The knowledge of the ancients with respect tc I he Atlantic coast of Africa is considered by modern investigators much less extensive than had been im- agined ; and it is doubted whether they had any 1 Idem, Geog. Universelle, torn. xiv. Note sur la dccou- verte de r'Am^rique. APPENDIX. 441 priictktal authority for the belief that Africa wa.i eir- cumnavigable. The alleged voyage of Eiidoxus of Cyzicus, from the Red Sea to Gibraltar, though re- corded by Pliny, Pomponius Mela, and others, ig given entirely on the assertion of Cornelius Nepos, who does not tell from whence he derived his infor- mation. Posidonius (cited by Strabo) gives an en- tirely different account of his voyage and j-ejects it with contempt.-'- The famous voyage of Hanno, the Carthaginian, is supposed to have taken place about a thousand years before the Christian era. The Periplus Han- nonis remains, a brief and obscure record of this expedition, and a subject of great comment and controversy. By some it has been pronounced a fictitious work, fabricated among the Greeks, but its authenticity has been ably vindicated. It appears to be satisfactorily proved, however, that the voyage of this navigator has been greatly exaggerated, and that he never circumnavigated the extreme end of Africa. Mons. de Bougainville ^ traces his route to a promontory which he named the West Horn, supposed to be Cape Palmas, about five or six de- grees north of the equinoctial line, whence he pro- ceeded to another promontory, under the same par- allel, which he called the South Horn, supposed to be Cape de Tres Puntas. Mons. Gosselin, however, in his Researches into the Geography of the An- cients, (Tom. i. p. 162, &c.) after a rigid examina- tion of the Periplus of Hanno, determines that he had not sailed farther south than Cape Non. Pliny, who makes Hanno range the whole coast of Africa, from' the straits to the confines of Arabia, had never seen 1 Gosselin, Recherches sur la Geographie des Anciens, tora I. p. 162, &c. 2 Memoirs de TAcad. des Inscript. tora. xxvi. 442 APPENDIX, his Pei-Iplus, but took his idea from the works of Xenoplion of Lampsaco. The Greeks surcharged the narration of the voyager with all kinds of fables, and on their unfaithful copies, Strabo founded many of bis assertions. According to M. Gosselin, the itineraries of Hanno, of Scylax, Poly bi us, Statins, Sebosus and Juba ; the recitals of Plato, of Aris- totle, of Pliny, of Plutarch, and the tables of Ptol- emy, all bring us to the same results, and, notwith- standing their apparent contradictions, fix the limit of southern navigation about the neighborhood of Cape Non, or Cape Bojador. The opinion that Africa was a peninsula, which existed among the Persians, the Egyptians, and per- haps the Greeks, several centuries prior to the Chris- tian era, was not, in his opinion, founded upon any known facts ; but merely on conjecture, from con- sidering the immensity and unity of the ocean ; or perhaps on more ancient traditions ; or on ideas produced by the Carthaginian discoveries, beyond the Straits of Gibraltar, and those of the Egyptains be- yond the Gulf of Arabia. He thinks that there was a very remote period, when geography was much more perfect than in the time of the Phoenicians and the Greeks, whose knowledge was but confused traces of what had previously been better known. The opinion that the Indian Sea joined the ocean was admitted among the Greeks, and in the school of Alexandria, until the time of Hipparchus. It seemed authorized by the direction which the coast of AlHca took after Cape Aromata, always tending westward, as far as it had been explored by. nav- igators. It was supposed that the western coast of Africa rounded off to m^.et the eastern, and that the whole jt^as bounded by 'ihe ocean, much to the northward APPENDIX. 443 t>f the equator. Such was the opinion of Crates, who lived in the time of Alexander ; of Aratus, of Cleanthes, of Cleomedes, of Strabo, of Pomponius Mela, of Maerobius, and many others. Hipparchus proposed a different system, and led the world into an error, which for a long time re- tarded the maritime communication of Europe and India. He supposed that the seas were separated into distinct basins, and that the eastern shores of Africa made a circuit round the Indian Sea, so as to join those of Asia beyond the mouth of the Ganges. Subsequent discoveries, instead of refuting this er- ror, only placed the junction of the continents at a greater distance. Marinus of Tyre, and Ptolemy, adopted this opinion in their works, and illustrated it in their maps, which for centuries controlled the general belief of mankind, and perpetuated the idea that Africa extended onward to the south pole, and that it was impossible to arrive by sea at the coasts of India. Still there were geographers who leaned to the more ancient idea of a communication be- tween the Indian Sea and the Atlantic Ocean. It had its advocates in Spain, and was maintained by Pomponius Mela and by Isidore of Seville. It was believed also by some of the learned in Italy, in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries ; and thus was kept alive until it was acted upon so vigor- ously by Prince Henry of Portugal, and at length triumphantly demonstrated by Vasco de Gama, in his circumnavigation of tie Cape of Good Hope. 444 APPENDIX. No. XVI. OF THE SHIPS OF COLUMBUS. In remarking on the smallness of the vessels with which Cohimbus made his first voyage, Dr. Robertson observes, that, " in the fifteenth century, the bulk and consti'uction of vessels were accommodated to the short and easy voyages along the coast, which they were accustomed to perform." We have many proofs, however, that even anterior to the fifteenth century, there were large ships employed by the Spaniards, as well as by other nations. In an edict published in Barcelona, in 1354, by Pedro lY., en- forcing various regulations for the security of com merce, mention is made of Catalonian merchant ships of two and three decks and from 8,000 to 12,000 quintals burden. In 1419, Alonzo of Aragon hired several mer- chant ships to transport artillery, horses, &c. from Barcelona to Italy, among which were two, each carrying one hundred and twenty horses, which it is computed would require a vessel of at least 600 tons. In 1463, mention is made of a Venetian ship of 700 tons which arri\ed at Barcelona from England, laden with wheat. In 1497, a Castilian vessel arrived there, being of 12,000 quintals burden. These arrivals incidentally mentioned among others of similar size, as happening at one port, show that large ships were in use in those days.^ Indeed, at the time of fitting out the second expedition of Columbus, there were prepared in the port of Bermeo, a caracca of 1,250 tons, and 1 Capmany, Questiones Criticas. Quest. 6. APPENDIX, 445 four ships, of from 150 to 450 tons burden. Their destination, however, was altered, and they were Bent to convoy Muley Boabdil, the last Moorish king of Granada, from the coast of his conquered territory to Africa.^ It was not for want of large vessels in the Spanish ports, therefore, that those of Columbus were of so small a size. He considered them best adapted to voyages of discovery, as they required but little depth of water, and therefore could more easily and safely coast unknown shores, and explore bays and rivers. Hd had some purposely constructed of a very small size for this service ; such was the caravel, which in his third voyage he dispatched to look out for an opening to the sea at the upper part of the Gulf of Pari a, when the water grew too shallow for his vessel of one hundred tons burden. The most singular circumstance with respect to the ships of Columbus is that they should be open ves- sels : for it seems difficult to believe that a voyage of such extent and peril should be attempted in barks of so frail a construction. This, however, is expressly- mentioned by Peter Martyr, in his Decades written at the time : and mention is made occasionally, in the memoirs relative to the voyages written by Co- lumbus and his son, of certain of his vessels being without decks. He sometimes speaks of the same vessel as a ship, and a caravel. There has been some discussion of late as to the precise' meaning of the term caravel. The Chevalier Bossi, in his disserta- tions on Columbus, observes, that in the Mediter- ranean, caravel designates the largest class of ships of war among the Mussulmans, and that in Portugal, it means a small vessel of from 120 to 140 tons bur- i Archives de Ind. en Sevilla. 146 APPENDIX. den ; but Columbus sometimes applies it to c* v^essel of 40 tons Du Cange, in his glossary, considers it a word of Italian origin. Bossi thinks it either Turkish or Arabic, and probably introduced into the European languages by the Moors. Mr. Edward Everett, in a note to his Plymouth oration, considers that the true origin of the word is given in " Ferrarii Origines Linguaa Italicae," as follows : " Caravela, navigii mino- ris genus. Lat. Carabus : Greece Karabron." That the word caravel was intended to signify a vessel of a small size is evident from a naval classifi- cation made by King Alonzo in the middle of the thirteenth century. In the first class he enumerates Naos^ or large ships which go only with sails, some of which have two masts, and others but one. In the second class smaller vessels as Carracas, Fustas, Belle- nares, Pinazas, CarabelaSy &c. In the third class vessels with sails and oars as Galleys, Galeots, Tar- dantes, and Saetias.-^ Bossi gives a copy of a letter written by Columbus to Don Raphael Xansis, treasurer of the King of Spain ; an edition of which exists in the public library at Milan. With this letter he gives several wood-cuts of sketches made with a pen, which accom- panied this letter, and which he supposes to have been from the hand of Columbus. In these are rep- resented vessels which are probably caravels. They have high bows and sterns, with castles on the latter. They have short masts with large square sails. Ono of them, besides sails, has benches of oars, and is pro- bably intended to represent a galley. They are all evidently vessels of small size, and light construction. In a work called " Recherches sur le Commerce,** 1 Capmany, Qnest. Grit. APPENDIX. 447 published in Amsterdam, 1779, is a plate represent- ing a vessel of the latter part of the fifteenth cen- tury. It is taken from a picture in the church of St. Giovanni e Paolo in Venice. The vessel bears much resemblance to those said to have been sketched by Columbus ; it has two masts, one of which is ex tremely small, with a latine sail. The mainmast ha# a large square sail. The vessel has a4iigh poop and prow, is decked at each end, and is open in the cen- tre. It appears to be the fact, therefore, that most of the vessels with which Columbus undertook his long and perilous voyages, were of this light and frail con- struction ; and little superior to the small craft which ply on rivers and along coasts in modern days. No. xvn. ROUTE OF COLUMBUS IN HIS FIRST VOYAGE. It has hitherto been s7ipposed that one of the Bahama Islands, at present bearing the name of San Salvador, and which is also known as Cat Island, was the first point where Columbus came in contact with the New World. Navarrete, however, in his intro- duction to the Collection of Spanish Voyages and Discoveries " recently published at Madrid, has en- ^ The author of this work is indebted for this able examin- ation of the route of Columbus to an officer of the ndV}^ of the United States, whose name he regrets the not being at liberty to mention. He has been greatly benefited, in various parts of this history, by nautical information ft'om the same intelligent source. 448 APPENDIX, deavorod to show that it must have been Turk's Island, one of the same group, situated about 100 leagues (of 20 to the degree) S. E. of San Salvador Great care has been taken to examine candidly the opinion of Navarrete, comparing it with the journal oi' Columbus, as published in the above-mentioned work, and with the personal observations of the writer of this, article, who has been much among these islands. Columbus describes Guanahani, on which he landed, and to which he gave the name of San Salvador, as being a beautiful island, and very large ; as being level, and covered with forests, many of the trees of which bore fruit ; as having abundance of fresh water, and a large lake in the centre ; that it was inhabited by a numerous population ; that he proceeded for a considerable distance in his boats along the shore, which trended to the N. N. E., and as he passed, was visited by the inhabitants of several villages. Turk's Island does not answer to this description. Turk's Island is a low key composed of sand and rocks, and lying north and south, less than two leagues in extent. It is utterly destitute of wood, and has not a single tree of native growth. It has ro fresh water, the inhabitants depending entirely on cisterns and casks in which they preserve the rciin ; neither has it any lake, but several salt ponds, which furnish the sole production of the island. Turk's Island cannot be approached on the east or north-east side, in consequence of the reef that sur- rounds it. It has no harbor, but has an open road on the west side, which vessels at anchor there have to leave and put to sea whenever the wind comes from any other quarter than that of the usual trade breeze of N. E. which blows over the island ; for the ■nore is so bold that there is no anchorage except APPENDIX. 449 •?ioso to it ; and when the wind ceases to blow froD the land, vessels remaining at their anchors would be swung against the rocks, or forced high upon the Bhore, by the terrible surf that then prevails. The unfrequented road of the Hawk's Nest, at the south end of the island, is even more dangerous. Thiti island, which is not susceptible of the slightest culti- vation, furnishes a scanty subsistence to a few sheep and horses. The inhabitants draw all their consump- tion from abroad, with the exception of fish and tur- tle, which are taken in abundance, and supply the principal food of the slaves employed in the salt- works. The whole wealth of the island consists In the produce of the salt-ponds, and in the salvage and plunder of the many wrecks which take place in the neighborhood. Turk's Island, therefore, would never be inhabited in a savage state of society, where commerce does not exist, and where men are obliged to draw their subsistence from the spot which they people. Again : when about to leave GuanahanI, Columbus was at a loss to choose which to visit of a great number of islands in sight. Now there is no land visible from Turk's Island, excepting the two salt keys which lie south of it, and with it form the group known as Turk's Islands. The journal of Columbus does not tell us what course he steered in going from Guanahani to Concepcion, but he states, that it was five leagues distant from the former, and that the current was against him in sailing tc it* whereas the distance from Turk's Island to the Gran Caico, supposed by Navarrete to be the Concepcion of Columbus, is nearly double, and the current sets con- stantly to the W. N. W. among these islands, which would be favorable in going from Turk's Island to the Caicos. VOL. Ill 29 €50 APPENDIX. From Concepcion Columbus wen next io an isl and whicli he saw nine leagues off in a westerly direction, to which he gave the name of Fernandina. This Navarrete takes to be Little Inagua, distant no less than twenty-two leagues from Gran Caico. Be* sides, in going to Little Inagua, it would be neces* sary to pass quite close to three islands, each large»^ than Turk's Island, none of which are mentioned in the journal. Columbus describes Fernandina as stretching twenty-eight leagues S. E. and N. W. whereas Little Inagua has its greatest length of four leagues in a S. W. direction. In a word, the des- cription of Fernandina has nothing in common with Little Inagua. From Fernandina Columbus sailed S. E. to Isabella, which Navarrete takes to be Great Inagua ; whereas this latter bears S. W. from Little Inagua, a course differing 90*^ from the one followed by Columbus. Again : Columbus, on the 20th of November, takes occasion to say that Guanahani was distant eight leagues from Isabella : whereas Turk's Island is thirty-five leagues from Great Inagua. Leaving Isabella, Columbus stood W. S. W. for the island of Cuba, and fell in with the Islas Arenas. This course drawn from Great Inagua, would meet the coast of Cuba about Port Nipe : whereas Navar- rete supposes that Columbus next fell in with the keys south of the Jumentos, and which bear W. N. \V. from Inagua : a course differing 45° from the one steered by the ships. After sailing for some time in the neighborhood of Cuba, Columbus finds himself, on the 14th of November, in the sea of Nues- tra Senora, surrounded by so many islands that it was impossible to count them : whereas, on the same day, Navarrete places him off Cape Moa, where there is but one small island, and more than fifty leagues dis- tant from any group that can possibly answer the description. APPENDIX, Colunibus informs us that San Salvador was dis- t vnt from Port Principe forty-five leagues : whereas Turk's Island is distant from the point, supposed by Navarrete to be the same, eighty leagues. On taking leave of Cuba, Columbus remarks that he had followed its coast for an extent of 1 20 leagues. Deducting twenty leagues for his having followed its windings, there still remaiiT 100. Now, Navarrete only supposes him to have coasted this island an extent of seventy leagues. Such are the most important difficulties which the theory of Navarrete offers, and which appear insur- mountable. Let us now take up the route of Co- lumbus as recorded in his journal, and, with the best charts before us, examine how it agrees with the popular and traditional opinion, that he first landed on the island of San Salvador. We learn from the journal of Columbus, that, on the 11th of October, 1492, he continued steering W. S. W. until sunset, when he returned to his old course of west, the vessels running at the rate of three leagues an hour. At ten o'clock he and sev- eral of his crew saw a light, which seemed like a torch carried about on land. He continued run- ning on four hours longer, and had made a distance of twelve leagues farther west, when at two in the morning land was discovered ahead, distant two leagues. The twelve leagues which they ran since ten o'clock, with the two leagues distance from the land, form a total corresponding essentially with the distance and situation of Watling's Island from San Salvador ; and it is thence presumed, that the light ^een at that hour was on Watling's Islannd very incorrect Spanish translation. Having since pro- cured the work of Mr. Marsden he has made considerable al» V rations in the?e notices of Marco Polo. APPENDIX. 475 ^ id lecently Ixieii wrested from the Greeks by tlie joint arms of France and Venice. Here they disposed of their Italian merchandise, and, having purchased a stock of jewelry, departed on an adventurous expe- dition to trade with the western Tartars, who, having overrun many parts of Asia and Europe, were settling and forming cities in the vicinity of the Wolga, Af- ter traversing the Euxine to Soldaia (at present Sudak), a port in the Crimea, they continued on, by land and water, until they reached the military court, or rather camp of a Tartar prince, named Barkah, a descendant of Genghis Khan, into whose hands they confided all their merchandise. The barbaric chief- tain, while he was dazzled by their precious commod- ities, was flattered by the entire confidemje in his justice manifested by these strangers. He repaid them with princely munificence, and loaded them with favors during a year that they remained at his court. A war breaking out between their patron and his cousin Hulagu, chief of the eastern Tartars, and Barkah being defeated, the Polos were embar- rassed how to extricate themselves from the country and return home in safety. The road to Constant! nople being cut off by the enemy, they took a cir- cuitous route, round the head of the Caspian Sea, and through the deserts of Transoxiana, until they arrived in the city of Bokhara, where they resided for three years. While here there arrived a Tartar nobleman who was on an embassy from the victorious Hulagu to his brother the Grand Khan. The ambassador became acquainted with the Venetians, and finding them to Ve versed in the Tartar tongue and possessed of curious and valuable knowledge he prevailed upon them to accompany him to the court of the emperor, lituated, as they supposed, at the very extremity of the East. 47G APPENDIX, After a march of several months, being deliyed by snow-storms and inundations, they arrived at the court of Cublal, otherwise calbd the Great Khan, whfch signifies King of Kings, being the sovereign potentate of the Tartars. This magnificent prince received them with great distinction ; he made in- quiries about the countries and princes of the West, their civil and military government, and the manners and customs of the Latin nation. Above all, he was curious on the subject of the Christian religion. He was so much struck by their replies, that after holding a council with the chief persons of his king- dom, he entreated the two brothers to go on his part as ambassadors to the pope, to entreat him to send a hundred learned men well instructed in the Christian faith, to impart a knowledge of it to the sages of his empire. He also entreated them to bring him a little oil from the lamp of our Saviour, in Jerusalem, which he concluded must have mar- velous virtues. It has been supposed, and with great reason, that under this covert of religion, the shrewd Tartar sovereign veiled motives of a political nature. The influence of the pope in promoting the crusades had caused his power to be known and re- spected throughout the East ; it was of some moment, therefore, to conciliate his good will. Cublai Khan had no bigotry nor devotion to any particular faith, and probably hoped, by adopting Christianity to make it a common cause between himself and the warlike princes of Christendom, against his and their inveterate enemies, the soldan of Egypt and the Saracens. Having written letters to the pope in the Tartai language, he delivered them to the Polos, ind appointed one of the principal noblemen of hu court to accompany them in their mission. Or APPENDIX. All their Lakli g leave lie furnished them with a tablet of gold on which was engraved the rojal arms ; tliifi was to serve as a passport, at sight of which the jQ;overnors of the various provinces were to entertain them, to fui-nish them with escorts through danger- ous places, and render them all other necessary ser- vices at the expense of the Great Khan. • They had scarce proceeded twenty miles, when the nobleman who accompanied them fell ill, and they were obliged to leave him, and continue on their route. Their golden passport procured them every attention and facility throughout the dominions of the Great Khan. They arrived safely at Acre, in April, 1269. Here they received news of the recent death of pope Clement IV., at which they were much grieved, fearing it would cause delay in their n^ission. There was at that time in Acre a legate of the holy chair, Tebaldo di Vesconti, of Placentia, to whom they gave an account of thjir embassy. He heard them with great attention and interest, and advised them to await the election of a new pope, which must soon take place, before they pro- ceeded to Rome on their mission. They determined in the interim to make a visit to their families, and accordingly departed for Negropont, and thence to Venice, where great changes had taken place in their domestic concerns, during their long absence. The wife of Nicholas, whom he had left pregnant, had died, in giving birth to a son, who had been nam 3d Marco. As the contested election for the new pontiff re- mained pending for two years, they were uneasy, 'est the emperor of Tartary should grow impatient at so long a postponement of the conversion of him* self and his people ; they determined, therefore, not to wait the election of a pope, but to proceed to 478 APPENDIX, Acre, and get such dispatches and such ghofetly miL* istry for the Grand Khan, as the legate could fur^ nish. On the second journey Nicholas Polo took with him his son Marco, who afterwards wrote an account of these travels. They were again received with great favor by the legate Tebaldo, who, anxious for the success of their mission, furnished them with letters to the Grand Khan, in which the doctrines of the Christian faith were fully expounded. With these, and with a supply of the holy oil from the sepulchre, they once more set out in September, 1271, for the remote parts of Tartary. They had not long departed, when missives arrived from Rome, informing the legate of his own election to the holy chair. He took the name of Gregory X., and decreed that in future, on the death of a pope, the cardinals should be shut up in conclave until they elected a successor; a wise regulation, which has since continued, enforcing a prompt decision, and preventing intrigue. Immediately on receiving intelligence of his elec- tion, he despatched a courier to the king of Armenia, requesting that the two Venetians might be sent back to him, if they had not departed. They joy- fully returned, and were furnished with new letters to the Khan. Two eloquent friars, also, Nicholas Vincenti and Gilbert de Tripoli, were sent with tiiem, with powers to ordain priests and bishops and to grant absolution. They had presents of crystal vases, and other costly articles to deliver to the Grand Khan ; and thus well provided, they once more sot forth on their journey.^ Arriving in Armenia, they ran great risk of 'heir fives from the war which was raging, the soldsji of Babylon having invaded the country. They took 1 Ramusio, torn. iii. APPENDIX. 479 hdfugft for some time with the superior of a monas tery. Here the two reverend fathers, losing all courage to prosecute so perilous an enterprise, de- termined to remain, and the Venetians 3ontinued their journey. They were a long time on the way, and exposed to great hardships and sufferings from floods and snow-storms, it being the winter season. At length they reached a town in the dominions of the Khan. That potentate sent officers to meet them at forty days' distance from the court, and to provide quarters for them during their journey.^ He received them with great kindness, was highly gratified with the result of their mission and with the letters of the pope, and having received from them some oil from the lamp of the holy sepulchre^ he had it locked up, and guarded it as a precious treasure. The three Venetians, father, brother, and son, were treated with such distinction by the Khan, that the courtiers were filled with jealousy. Marco soon, however, made himself popular, and was particularly esteemed by the emperor. He acquired the four principal languages of the country, and was of such remarkable capacity, that, notwithstanding his youth, the Khan employed him in missions and services of importance, in various parts of his dominions, some to the distance of even six months' journey. On these expeditions he was industrious in gathering all kinds of information respecting that vast empire ; and from notes and minutes made for the satisfaction of the Grand Khan, he afterwards composed the bis tory of his travels. 1 Bergeron, by blunder in the translation from the original Latin, has stated that the Khan sent 40,000 men to escort them. This has drawn the ire of the critics upon Marco Polo, who have cited it as one of his monstrous exaggera- tions. 480 APPENDIX, After about seventeen years residence in the Tar- tar court the Venetians felt a longing to return to their native country. Their patron was advanced in age and could not survive much longer, and aftei his death, their return might be ditficult if not im- possible. They applied to the Grand Khan for per- mission to depart, but for a time met with a refusal, accompanied by friendly upbraidings. At length a Bingular train of events operated in their favor ; an embassy arrived from a Mogul Tartar prince, who ruled in Persia, and who was grand-nephew to the emperor. The object was to entreat, as a spouse, a princess of the imperial lineage. A granddaughter of Cublai Khan, seventeen years of .age, and of great beauty and accomplishments, was granted to the prayer of the prince, and departed for Persia with the ambassadors, and with a splendid retinue, but after travelling for some months, was obliged to return on a( ^ount of the distracted state of the country. The ambassador despaired of conveying the beau- tiful bride to the arms of her expecting bridegroom, when Marco Polo returned from a voyage to certain of the Indian islands. His representations of the safety of a voyage in those seas, and his private instigations, induced the ambassadors to urge the Grand Khan for permission to convey the princess by sea to the Gulf of Persia, and that the Christiana might accompany them, as being best experienced in maritime affairs. Cublai Khan consented with gieat reluctance, and a splendid fleet was fitted out and victualed for two years, consisting of four- tsen ships of four masts, some of which had crews of two hundred and fifty men. On parting with the Venetians the muiuficent Khan gave them rich presents of jewels, and made APPENDIX, 481 til em promise lo return to him after they had visited their families. He authorized them to act as his ambassadors to the principal courts of Europe^ and, as on a former occasion, furnished them with tablets of gold, to serve, not merely as passports, but as orders upon all commanders in his territories for ac commodations and supplies. They set sail therefore in the fleet with the Ori ental pi-lncess and her attendants and the Persian ambassadors. The ships swept along the coast of Cochin China, stopped for three" months at a port of the island of Sumatra near the western entrance of the Straits of Malacca, waiting for the change of the monsoon to pass the Bay of Bengal. Traversing this vast expanse they touched at the island of Ceylon and then crossed the strait to the southern part of the great peninsula of India. Thence sailing up the Pirate coast, as it is called, the fleet entered the Per- sian Gulf and arrived at the famous port of Ormuz, where it is presumed the voyage terminated, after eighteen months spent in traversing the Indian seas. Unfortunately for the royal bride who was the ob- ject of this splendid naval expedition, her bride- groom, the Mogul king, had died some time before her arrival, leaving a son named Ghazan, during whose minority the government was administered by his uncle Kai-Khatu. According to the directions of the regent, the princess was delivered to the youthful prince, son of her intended spouse. Ho was at that time at the head of an army on the bor- ders of Persia. He was of a diminutive stature but of a great soul, and, on afterwards ascending the throne, acquired renown for his talents and virtues- What became of the Eastern bride, who had trav- fjlled so far in quest of a husband, is not known ; but vol III. 31 482 APPENDIX, everything favorable is to be inferred from the chai^ acter of Ghazan. The Polos remained some time in the court of the regent, and then departed, with fresh tablets of gold given by that prince, to carry them in safety and honor through his dominions. As they had io trav- erse many countries where the traveller is exposed to extreme peril, they appeared on their journeys as Tartars of low condition, having converted all their wealth into precious stones and sewn them up in the folds and linings of their coarse garments. They had a long, difficult and perilous journey to Trebi- zond, whence they proceeded to Constantinople, thence to Negropont, and, finally, to Venice, where they arrived in 1295, in good health, and literally laden with riches. Having heard during their jour- ney of the death of their old benefactor Cublai Khan, they considered their diplomatic functions at an end, and also that they were absolved from th-eir promise to return to his dominions. Eamusio, in his preface to the narrative of Marco Polo, gives a variety of particulars concerning theii arrival, which he compares to that of Ulysses When they arrived at Venice, they were known bji nobody. So many years had elapsed since their de- parture without any tidings of them, that they were either forgotten or considered dead. Besides, their foreign garb, the influence of southern suns, and the similitude which men acquire to those among whom they reside for any length of time, had given them the look of Tartars rather than Italians. They repaired to their own house, which was a noble palace, situated in the street of St. Giovanne Chrisostomo, and was afterwards known by the name of la Corte de la Milione. They found several of their relatives still inhabiting it ; but they were sIotv APPENDIX. 483 in recollecting the travellers, not knowing of theif wealth, and probably considering them, from their coarse and foreign attire, poor adventurers returned to be a charge upon their families. The Polos, how- ever, took an effectual mode of quickening the memories of their friends, and insuring themselves a loving reception. They invited them all to a grand banquet. When their guests arrived, they received them richly dressed in garments of crimson Batin of Oriental fashion. When water had been served for the washing of hands, and the company were summoned to table, the travellers, who had re- tired, appeared again in still richer robes of crimson damask. The first dresses were cut up and distribu- ted among the servants, being of such length that they swept the ground, which, says Ramusio, was the mode in those days with dresses worn within doors. After the first course, they again retired and came in dressed in crimson velvet; the damask dresses being likewise given to the domestics, and the same was done at the end of the feast with their velvet robes, when they • appeared in the Venetian dress of the day. The guests were lost in astonishment, and could not comprehend the meaning of this masquer- ade. Having dismissed all the attendants, Marco Polo brought forth the coarse Tartar dresses in which they had arrived. Slashing them in several places with a knife, and ripping open the seams and lining, there tumbled forth rubies, sapphires, emeralds, dia- monds, and other precious stones, until the whole table glittered with inestimable wealth, acquired from the munificence of the Grand Khan, and con- veyed in this portable form through the perils of their long journey. The company, observes R-amusio, were out of theii wits with amazement, and now clearly perceived 484 APPENDIX. what tliey had at first doubted, that these in very truth were those lionored and valiant gentlemen the Polos, and, accordingly, paid them great respect and reverence. The account of this curioiis feast is 'given by Ka- niusio, on traditional authority, having heard it many times related by the illustrious Gasparo Malipiero, a very ancient gentleman, and a senator, of unques- tionable veracity, who had it from his father, who had it from his grandfather, and so on up to the foun- tain-head. When the fame of this banquet and of the wealth of the travellers came to be divulged throughout Venice, all the city, noble and simple, crowded to do honor to the extraordinary meri^ of the Polos. Maffeo, who was the eldest, was admitted to the dig- nity of the magistracy. The youth of the city came every day to visit and converse with Marco Polo, who was extremely amiable and communicative. They were insatiable in their inquiries about Cathay and the Grand Khan, which he answered with great courtesy, giving details with which they were vastly delighted, and, as he always spoke of the wealtli of the Grand Khan in round numbers, they g^ve him the name of Messer Marco Milioni. Some months after their return, Lampa Doria, commander of the Genoese navy, appeared in the vicinity of the island of Curzola with seventy galleys. Andrea Dandolo, the Venetian admiral, v^s sent against him. Marco Polo commanded a galley of the fleet. His usual good fortune deserted him. Advancing the first in the line with his galley, and not being properly seconded, he was taken prisoner, thrown in irons, and carried to Genoa. Here he was detained for a long time in prison, and all ofiers of ransom rejected. His imprisonment gave great APPEND.l. 485 aneasiness to his father and uncle, fearing that he might never return. Seeing themselves in this un happy state, with so much treasure and no heirs, they consulted together. They were both very old men ; but Nicolo, observes Ramusio, was of a gal- liard complexion : it was determined he should take a wife. He did so ; and, to the wonder of hig friends, in four years had three children. In the meanwhile, the fame of Marco Polo's trav- els had circulated in Genoa. His prison was daily crowded with nobility, and he was supplied with everything that could cheer him in his confinement. A. Genoese gentleman, who visited him every day, at length prevailed upon him to write an account of what he had seen. He had his papers and journals sent to him from Venice, and with the assistance of his friend, or, as some will have it, his fellow-prisoner, produced the work which afterwards made such noise throughout the world. The merit of Marco Polo at length procured him his liberty. He returned to Venice, where he found his father with a house full of children. He took it in good part, followed the old man's example, mar- ried, and had two daughters, Moretta and Fantina. The date of the death of Marco Polo is unknown ; he is supposed to have been, at the time, about sev- enty years of age. On his death-bed he is said to have been exhoited by his friends to retract what he had published, or, at least, to disavow those parts commonly regarded as fictions. He replied indignantly that so far from having exaggerated, he \iad not told one half of the extraordinary things pf which he had been an eye-witness. Marco Polo died without male issue. Of the three sons of his father by the second marriage, on« )uly had children, viz. : five sons and one daughter 486 APPENDIX, The sons died without leaving issue ; the daughter inherited all her father's wealth and married into the noble and distinguished house of Trevesino. Thus the male line of the Polos ceased in 1417, and the iamily name was extinguished. Such are the principal particulars known of Marco Polo ; a man whose travels for a long time made a great noise in Europe, and will be found- to have had a great effect on modern discovery. His splendid account of the extent, wealth, and population of the Tartar territories filled every one with admiration. The possibility of bringing all those regions under the dominion of the Church, and rendering the Grand Khan an obedient vassal to the holy chair, was for a long time a favorite topic among the enthusiastic missionaries of Christendom, and there were many Baints-errant who undertook to effect the conversion of this magnificent infidel. Even at the distance of two centuries, when the enterprises for the discovery of the ne w route to India had set all the warm heads of Europe mad- ding about these remote regions of the East, the con- version of the Grand Khan became again a popular theme; and it was too speculative and romantic an enterprise not to catch the vivid imagination of Columbus. In all his voyages, he will be found con- tinually to be seeking after the territories of the Grand Khan, and even after his last expedition, when nearly worn out by age, hardships, and infirm- ities, he offered, in a letter to the Spanish monarchs, written from a bed of sickness, to conduct any mis- sionary to the territories of the Tartar emperor, who would undertake his conversion. APPENDIX. 487 No. XXI. THE WORK OF MARCO POLO. The work of Marco Polo is stated by some to havf been originally written in Latin/ thou^gh the most probable opinion is that it was written in the Vene- tian dialect of the Italian. Copies of it in manu- script were multiplied and rapidly circulated ; trans- lations were made into various languages, until the invention of printing enabled it to be widely diffused throughout Europe. In the course of these transla- tions and successive editions, the original text, accord- ing to Purchas, has been much vitiated, and it is probable many extravagances in numbers and meas- urements with which Marco Polo is charged may be the errors of translators and printers. When the work first appeared, it was considered by some as made up of fictions and extravagances, and Vossius assures us that even after the death of Marco Polo he continued to be a subject of ridicule among the light and unthinking, insomuch that he was frequently personated at masquerades by some wit or droll, who, in his feigned character, related all kinds of extravagant fables and adventures. His work, however, excited great attention among think- ing men, containing evidently a fund of information concerning vast and splendid countries, before un- known to the European world. Yossius assures us that it was at one time highly esteemed by the learned. Francis Pepin, author of the Branden- burgh version, styles Polo a man commendable for his piety, prudence, and fidelity. Athanasius Kir- cher, in his account of Chin.i, says that none of the 1 Hist dea '"'oyages, torn, xxvii. lib. iv. cap. 3 Paris, 1549. 188 APPEND^ X, . ancients have described the kingdoms of the remote East with more exactness. Various other learnefl " men of past times, have borne testimony to his char- acter, and most of the substantial parts of his work have been authenticated by subsequent traveliei £♦ The most able and ample vindication of Marco Polo, however, is to be found in the English translation of his work, with copious notes and commentaries, by William Marsden, F. R. S. He has diligently dis- criminated between what Marco Polo relates from his own observation, and what he relates as gathered from others ; he points out the errors that have arisen from misinterpretations, omissions, or interpretation of translators, and he claims all proper allowance for the superstitious coloring of parts of the narrative from the belief, prevalent among the most wise and learned of his day, in miracles and magic. After perusing the work of Mr. Marsden, the character of Marco Polo rises in the estimation of the reader. It is evi- dent that his narration, as far as related from his own observations, is correct, and that he had really trav- ersed a great part of Tartary and China, and navi- gated in the Indian seas. Some of the countries and many of the islands, however, are evidently described from accounts given by others, and in these accounts are generally found the fables which have excited in- credulity and ridicule. As he composed his work after his return home, partly from memory and partly from memorandums, he was liable to confuse what he had heard with what he had seen, and thus to give undue weight to many fables and exaggerations which he had received from others. Much has been said of a map brought from Cathay by Marco Polo, which was conserved in the convent ^f San Michale de Murano in the vicinity of Venice, and in which the Cape of Good Hope, and the island APPENDIX, 489 of Madagascar were indicated ; countries ,vhich the Portuo-uese claim the merit of having; discovered two centuries afterwards. It has been suggested also that Columbus had visited the convent and examined this map, whence he derived some of his ideas concerning the coast of India. According to Ramusio, however, who had been at the convent, and was well acquainted with the prior, the map preserved there was one copied by a friar from the original one of Marco Polo, and many alterations and additions had since been made by other hands, so that for a long time it lost all credit with judicious people, until on comparing it with the work of Marco Polo it was found in the main to agree with his descriptions.-^ The Cape of Good Hope was doubtless among the additions made subsequent to the discoveries of the Portuguese.'-^ Columbus makes no mention of this map, which he most probably would have done had he seen it. He sviems to have been entirely guided by the one fur- nished by Paulo Toscanelli, and which was apparently projected after the original map, or after the descrip- tions of Marco Polo, and the maps of Ptolemy. When the attention of the world was turned towards the remote parts of Asia in the 15th century, and the Portuguese were making their attempts to circumnavigate Africa, the narration of Marco Polo again rose to notice. This, with the travels of Nicolo le Comte, the Venetian, and of Hieronimo da San 1 Ramusio, vol. ii. p. 17. 2 Mr. Marsdea, who has inspected a splendid fac-siniile cf this map preserved in the British Museum, objects even to the fundamental part of it: ''where," he observes, "situations are given to places that seem quite inconsistent with the de* fcCriptioHS in the travels and cannot be attributed to their ' uthor, although inserted on the supposed authority of hia writings." Marsden's M. Polo, Introd. p. xlii. 490 APPENDIX. Stefano, a Genoese, are said to have been the pniv L'ipal lights by which the Portuguese guided them- selves in their voyages. -"^ Above all, the influence which the work of Marco Polo had over the mind of Columbus, gives it partic- ular interest and importance. It was evidently an oracular work with him. He frequently quotes it, and on his voyages, supposing himself to be on the Asiatic coast, he is continually endeavoring to discover the islands and main-lands described in it, and to find the famous Cipango. It is proper, therefore, to specify some of those places, and the nicinner in which they are described by a Venetian traveller that the reader may more fully understand the anticipations which were haunt- ing the mind of Columbus in his voyages among the West Indian islands, and along the coast of Terra Firma. The winter residence of the Great Khan, accord- ing to Marco Polo, was in the city of Cambalu, or Kanbalu (since ascertained to be Pekin), in the province of Cathay. This city, he says, was twenty- four miles square, and admirably built. It was im- possible, according to Marco Polo, to describe the vast amount and variety of merchandise and manu- factures brought there; it would seem they were enough to furnish the universe. " Here are to be seen in wonderful abundance the precious stones, the pearls, the silks, and the diverse perfumes of the East ; miarce a day passes that there does not arrive nearly a thousand cars laden with silk, of which they make admirable stuffs in this city." The palace of the Great Khan is magnificently bailt, and four miles in circuit. It is rather a group of palaces. In the interior it is resplendent with gold 2> Hist, des Voyages, torn. xl. lib. xi. ch. 4. APPENDIX. 491 and silver ; and in it are guarded the precious vasea and jewels of the sovereign. All the appointments ol* the Khan for war, for the chase, for various festiv- ities, are described in gorgeous terms. But though Marco Polo is magnificent in his description of the provinces of Cathay, and its imperial city of Cam- balu,»he outdoes himself when he comes to describe the province of Mangi. This province is supposed to be the southern part of China. It contains, he gays, twelve hundred cities. The capital, Quinsai, (supposed to be the city of Hang-cheu), was twenty- five miles from the sea, but communicated by a river with a port situated on the sea-coast, and had great trade with India. The name Quinsai, according to Marco Polo, sig- nifies the city of heaven ; he says he has been in it and examined it dihgently, and affirms it to be the largest in the world ; and so undoubtedly it is if the measurement of the traveller is to be taken literally, for he declares that it is one hundred miles in circuit. This seeming exaggeration has been explained by supposing him to mean Chinese miles or Zi, which are to the Italian miles in the proportion of three to eight ; and Mr. Marsden observes that the walls even of the modern city, the limits of which have been considerably contracted, are estimated by travellers at sixty The ancient city has evidently been of immense extent, and as Marco Polo could not be sup- posed to have measured the walls himself, he has probably taken the loose and incorrect estimates of the inhabitants. He describes it also as built upon little islands like Yenice, and has twelve thousand Btone bridges,^ the arches of which are so high that 1 Another blunder in translation has drawn upon Marco Polo the indignation of George Hornius, who (in his Origin <>f America, iV. 3} exclaim' : " Who can believe all that h» 492 APPENDIX. the largest vessels can pass under them without lowei> ing their masts. It has, he affirms, three thousand baths, and six hundred thousand famihes, including do- mestics. It abounds with magnificent houses, and haa a lake thirty miles in circuit within its walls, on the banks of which are superb palaces of people of rank,^ The inhabitants of Qulnsai are very voluptuous, and in- dulge in all kinds of luxuries and delights, particularly the women, who are extremely beautiful. There are many merchants and artisans, but the masters do not work, they employ servants to do all their labor. The province of Mangi was conquered by the Great Khan, who divided it into nine kingdoms, appointing to each a tributary king, lie drew from it an immense revenue, for the country abounded in gold, silver, silks, sugar, spices, and perfumes. ZIPANGU, ZIPANGRI, OR CIPANGO. Fifteen hundred miles from the shores of Mangi, according to Marco Polo, lay the great island of Zipangu, by some written Zipangri, and by Colum- saj^s of the city of Quinsai? as for example, that it has stone bridges twelve thousand miles high!"&c. It is probable that many of the exaggerations in the accounts of Mai'co Polo are in fact the errors of his translators. Mandeville, speaking of this same city, which he calls Cau- sai, says it is built on the sea like Venice, and has twelve hundred bridges. A Sir George Staunton mentions this lake as being a beauti- ful sheet of water, about three or four mi.bs in diameter; ita margin ornamented M^ith houses and gardens of Mandarines, together with temples, monasteries for the priests of Fo, and %n imperial palace. A PPENDIX. 493 bus Cipango.^ Marco Polo describes It as abounding in gold which, liowever, the king seldom permits to be transported out of the Island. The king has a magnificent palace covered with plates of gohl, as in other countries the palaces are covered with sheets of lead or copper. The halls and chambers are like- wise covered with gold, the windows adorned with k, sometimes in plates of the thickness of two rin- gers. The island also produces vast quantities of the largest and finest pearls, together with a variety of precious stones ; so that, in fact, it abounds In riches. The Gre ^t Khan made several attempts to conquer this island, but in vain ; which is not to be won- dered at, if It be true what Marco Polo relates, that the inhabitants had certain stones of a charmed vir- tue inserted between the skin and flesh of their right arms, which, through the power of diabolical en- chantments, rendered them invulnerable. This island was an object of diligent search to Columbus. About the Island of Zipangu or CIpango, and be- tween It and the coast of Mangl, the sea, according to Marco Polo, Is studded with small islands to the number of seven thousand four hundred and forty, of which the greater part are inhabited. There is not one which does not produce odoriferous trees and 1 Supposed to be those islands collectively called Japan. They are named by the Chinese Ge-pen, the terminating syl- lable gu added by Marco Polo, is supposed to be the Chinese word kue, signifying kingdom, which is commonly annexed to the names of foreign countries. As the distance of the nearest part of the southern island from the coast of China pear IS'ing-po, is not more than five hundred Italian miles, Mr. M.irsden supposes Marco Polo in stating it to be 1500, moans Chinese miles or 11, which are in the proportion of lomewi lat more han one third of the former. 491 AFI ENBIX, perfumes in abundance. Columbus thouglit himself at one time in the midst of these islands. These are the principal places described by Marco Polo, which occur in the letters and journals of Co- lumbus. The island of Cipango was the first land he expect3d to make, and he intenciea to visit after- wards the province of Mangi, cind to seek the Great Khan in his city of Cambaiu, m the province of Cathay. Unless the reader can Dear in mind these sumptuous descriptions of Marco Folo, of countries teeming with wealth, ana cities where the very domes and palaces flamed with gold, he will have but a faint idea of the splendid anticipations which fdled the imagination of' Columbus when he discov- ered, as he supposed, the extremity of Asia. It was his confident expecration of soon arriving at these countries, and realizing the accounts of the Vene- tian, that induced him to hold forth those promises of immediate wealth to the sovereigns, which caused so much disappointment, and brought upon him the frequent reproach of exciting false hopes and indulg ing in willful exaggeration. No. XXIL SIR JOHN MANDEVILLE. Next to Marco Polo the travels of Sir John Mandeville, and his account of the territories of the Great Khan along the coast ^ Asia, seem to have been treasured up in the mina of Columbus. Mandeville was born in the city of St. Albans. He was devoted to study from his earliest childhood^ APPENDIX. 495 and after finishing his general educa lon, applied himself to medicine. Having a great desire to see the remotest parts of the earth, then known, that is to say, Asia and Africa, and above all, to visit the Holy Land, he left England in 1332, and passing throuo-h France embarked at Marseilles. Accordinoj to his own account, he visited Turkey, Armenia, Egypt, Upper and Lower Libya, Syria, Persia, Chal- dea, Ethiopia, Tartary, Amazonia and the Indies, re- Biding in their principal cities. But most he says he delighted in the Holy Land, where he remained fo^ a long time, examining it with the greatest minute- ness and endeavoring to follow all the traces of oui Saviour. After an absence of thirty-four years h^ returned to England, but found himself forgotten and unknown by the greater part of his countrymen, and a stranger in his native place. He wrote a his- tory of his travels in three languages, English, French and Latin, for he was master of many tongues. He addressed his work to Edward HI. His wanderings do not seem to have made him either pleased with the world at large, or contented with his home. He railed at the age, saying that there was no more virtue extant, that the church was ru- ined ; error prevalent among the clergy ; simony upon the throne ; and, in a word, that the devil reigned triumphant. He soon returned to the conti- nent, and died at Liege in 1372. He was buried in the abbey of the Gulielmltes, in the suburbs of that city, where Ortelius, in his Itinerarium Belgias, saya that he saw his monument, on which was the effigy in stonC; of a man with a forked beard and his hands raised towards his head (probably folded as in prayer, according to the manner of old tombs) and a lion at his feet. There was an inscription ^tating iais name, quality and calling (namely, professor oi 496 APPENDIX, me'IIciiie). that lie was very pious, very learned, and very chaiitable to the poor, and that after having travelled ovei he whole world he had died at Liege. The people of the convent showed also his spurs, and the housings of the horses which he had ridden in his travels. The description given by Mandeville of the Grand Khan, of the province of Cathay, and the city of Cambalu, are no less splendid than those of Marco Polo. The royal palace was more than two leagues in circumference. The grand hall had twenty-four columns of copper and gold. There were more than three hundred thousand men occupied and living in and about the palace, of which more than one hun- dred thousand were employed in taking care of ten thousand elephants and of a vast variety of other animals, birds of prey, falcons, parrots and paroquets. On days of festival there were even twice the num- ber of men employed. The title of this potentate in his letters was Khan, the son of God, exalted possessor of all the earth, master of those who are masters of others.'* On his seal was engraved, ^' God reigns in heaven, Khan upon earth." Mandeville has become proverbial for indulging in a traveller's exaggerations ; yet his accounts of the countries which he visited have been found far more veracious than had been imagined. His descriptions of Cathay, and the wealthy province of Mangi, agree- ing with those of Marco Polo, had great authority with CoiumDiB APPENDIX, 497 No. XXIII. THE ZONES. The zonts were \maginary bands or circles in the heavens producing an effect of climate on corres- ponding belts on the globe of the earth. The polar circles and the tropics mark these divisions. The central region, lying beneath the track of the eun, was termed the torrid zone ; the two regions between the tropics and the polar circles, were termed the temperate zones, and the remaining parts, between the polar circles and the poles, the frigid zones. The frozen regions near the poles were considered miinhabitabie and unnavigable on account of the extreme cold. The burning zone, or rather the central part of it, immediately about the equator, was considered uninhabitable, unproductive, and im- passable in consequence of the excessive heat. The temperate zones, lying between them, were supposed to be fertile and salubrious, and suited to the pur- poses of life. The globe was divided into two hemispheres by the equator, an i'maginary line encircling it at equal distance from the poles. The whole of the world known to the ancients was contained in the temperate zone of the northern hemisphere. It was imagined that if there should be inhab- itants in the temperate zone of the southern hem is- phere, there could still be no communication with them on account of the burning zone which inter- vened. Parmenides, according to Strabo, was the inventor of this theory of the fire zones, but he made the VOL. III. 32 498 APPENDIX, torrid zone extend on each side cf the equator Ay yond the tropics. Aristotle supported this doctrine of the zones. In his time nothing was known of the extreme northern parts of Europe and Asia, nor of interior Ethiopia and the southern part of Africa, extending beyond the tropic of Capricorn to the Cape of Good Hope. Aristotle believed that there was habitable earth in the southern hemisphere, but that it was forever divided from the part of the world already known, by the impassable zone of Bcorching heat at the equator.-^ Pliny supported the opinion of Aristotle concern- ing the burning zones. The temperature of the central region of the earth," he observes, " where the sun runs his course, is burnt up as with fire. The temperate zones which lie on either side can have no communication with each other in consequence of the fervent heat of this region." 2 Strabo, (lib. xi.,) in mentioning this theory, gives it likewise his support; and others of the ancient philosophers, as well as the poets, might be cited to show the general prevalence of the belief. It must be observed that, at the time when Co- lumbus defended his proposition before the learned board at Salamanca, the ancient theory of the burn- ing zone had not yet been totally disproved by mod- ern discovery. The Portuguese, it is true, had penetrated within the tropics; but, though the whole of the space between the tropic of Cancer and that of Capricorn, in common parlance, was termed the torrid zone ; the uninhabitable and im- passable part, strictly speaking, according to the doc« trine of the ancients, only extended a limited num- ber of degrees on each side of the equator ; forming 1 Aristot., 2 ^let. cap. 5. 2 Pliny, lib. i. cap. 61. APPENDIX. 499 about a third, or at most, the half of the zone. The proofs which Columbus endeavored to draw there- fore from the voyages made to St. George la Mina, were not conclusive with those who were bigoted to the ancient theory, and who placed this scorching region still farther southward, and immediately about the equator. No. XXIV. OF THE ATALANTIS OF PLATO. The Island Atalantis is mentioned by Plato in hia dialogue of Timajus. Solon, the Athenian lawgiver, is supposed to have travelled Into Egypt. He Is in an ancient city on the Delta, the fertile Island formed by the Nile, and is holding converse with certain learned priests on the antiquities of remote ages, when one of them gives him a description of the island of Atalantis, and of Its destruction, which he describes as having taken place before the conflagra tion of the world by Phaeton. This Island, he was told, had been situated In the Western Ocean, opposite to the Straits of Gibraltar. There was an easy passage from It to other islands, which lay adjacent to a large continent, exceeding in size all Europe and Asia. Neptune settled In this Island, from whose son Atlas its name was de- rived, and he divided It among his ten sons. His descendants reigned here In regular succession foi many ages. They made irruptions Into Europe and A^frica, subduing all Libya as far as Egypt, and Europe, to Asia Minor. They were resisted, how* ever, by the Athenians, and driven back to their Atlantic territories. Shortly after this there wai 500 APPENDIX, a tremendous, earthquake, and an overflowing of t]i6 Bea, which continued for a day and a night. In th« course of this the vast island of Atalantis, and all its splendid cities and warlike nations, were swal- lowed up, and sunk to the bottom of the sea, which, spreading its waters over the chasm, formed the At- lantic Ocean. For a long time, however, the sea was not navigable, on account of rocks and shelves, of mud and slime, and of the ruins of that drowned country. Many, in modern times, have considered this a mere fable ; others suppose that Plato, while in Egypt, had received some vague accounts of the Canary Islands, ^and on his return to Greece, finding those islands so entirely unknown to his countrymen, had made them the seat of his political and moral specu- lations. Some, however, have been disposed to give greater weight to this story of Plato. They imagine that sucli an island may really have existed, filling up a great part of the Atlantic, and that the conti- nent beyond it was America, which, in such case, was not unknown to the ancients. Kircher supposes it to have been an island extending from the Cana- ries to the Azores ; that it was really ingulfed in one of the convulsions of the globe, and that those small islands are mere shattered fragments of it. As a farther proof that the New World was not unknown to the ancients, many have cited the singu- lar passage in the Medea of Seneca, which is won- derfully apposite, and shows, at least, how nearly. the warm imagination of a poet may approach to proph- ecy. The predictions of the ancient oraclea were rarely so unequivocal. " Venient annis Saecula seris, quibus Oceanus V 'ncula rerum laxet, et iogens APPENDIX. 501 Pateat tell us, Typhisque novos Detegat orbes, nec sit terris Ultima Thule." Gosselin, in his able research into the voyages of the ancients, supposes the Atalantis of Plato to have been nothing more nor less than one of the nearest of the Canaries, viz. Fortaventura or Lancerote No. XXY. THE IMAGINARY ISLAND OF ST. BRANDAN. One of the most singular geographical illusions on record is that which for a long time haunted the imaginations of the inhabitants of the Canaries. They fancied they beheld a mountainous island about ninety leagues in length, lying far to the west- ward. It was only seen at intervals, but in perfectly clear and serene weather. To some it seemed one hundred leagues distant, to others forty, to others only fifteen or eighteen.-^ On attempting to reach it, however, it somehow or other eluded the search, and was nowhere to be found. Still there were so many eye-witnesses of credibility who concurred in testifying to their having seen it, and the testimony of the inhabitants of different islands agreed so well as to its form and position, that its existence was generally believed, and geographers inserted it in theii maps. It is laid down on the globe of Martin Behem, projected in 1492, as delineated by M. De Murr, and it will be* found in most of the maps of Ihe time of Columbus, placed commonly about two 1 Fejjoo, Theatre Critico, torn. iv. d. 10, § 29. 502 APPENDIX. hundied leagues west of the Canai'Ies. During the time that Columbus was making his proposition to the court of Portugal, an inhabitant of the Canaries applied to King John 11. for a vessel to go in search of thi-s island. In the archives of the Torre do Tombo ^ also, there is a record of a contract made by the crown of Portugal with Fernando de Ulmo, cavalier of the royal household, and captain of the island of Tercera, wherein he undertakes to go at his own expense, in quest of an island or islands, or Terra Firma, supposed to be the Island of the Seven Cities, on condition of having jurisdiction over the game for himself and his heirs, allowing one tenth of the revenues to the king. This Ulmo, finding the expedition above his capacity, associated one Juan Alfonso del Estreito in the enterprise. They were bound to be ready to sail with two caravels in the month of March, 1487.2 The fate of their en- terprise is unknown. The name of St. Brandan, or Borondon, given to this imaginary island from time immemorial, is said to be derived from a Scotch abbot, who flourished in the sixth century, and who is called sometimes by the foregoing appellations, sometimes St. Blandano, or St. Blandanus. In the Martyrology of the order of St. Augustine, he is said to have been the patri- arch of three thousand monks. About the middle of the sixth century, he accompanied his disciple, St. Maclovio, or St. Malo, in search of certain islands possessing the delights of paradise, which they were told existed in the midst of the ocean, and were in- habited by infidels. These most adventurous saints- errant wandered for a long time upon the ocean, and at length landed upon an island called Ima. Here 1 Lib. iv. de la Chancelaria del Rey Dn. Juan II. fol. 101 « r.irre do Tombo. Lib. das Ylhas, f. 119. APPENDIX. 503 fit. Malo found tlie body of a giant lying in a sep- jlchre. He resuscitated him, and had much inter esting conversation with him, the giant informing him that the inhabitants of that island had some notions of the Trinity, and, moreover, giving him a gratify- ing account of the torments which Jews and Pagans vufFered in the infernal regions. Finding the giant 80 docile and reasonable, St. Malo expounded to him the doctrines of the Christian religion, converted him, and baptized him by the name of Mildum. The giant, however, either^hrough weariness of life^ or eagerness to enjoy the benefits of his conversion, begged permission, at the end of fifteen days, to die again, which was granted him. According to another account, the giant told them he knew of an island in the ocean, defended by walls of burnished gold, so resplendent that they shone like crystal, but to which there was no entrance. At their request, he undertook to guide them to it, and taking the cable of their ship, threw himself into the sea. He had not proceeded far, however, when a tempest rose, and obliged them all to return, and shortly after the giant died.^ A third legend makes the saint pray to heaven on Easter day, that they may be permitted to find land where they may cel- ebrate the offices of religion with becoming state. An island immediately appears, on which they land, perform a solemn mass, and the sacrament of the Eucharist; after which reembarking and making Bail, they behold to their astonishment the supposed 'sland suddenly plunge to the bottom of the sea, being nothing else than a monstrous whale.^ When the rumor circulated of an island seen from the Canaries, which always eluded the search, the 1 Fr. Gregorio Garcia, Origen de los Indies, lib. i. cap. ft. ^ Sigeberto, Epist. ad Tietinar. Abbat. 504 APPENDIX. legends of St. Brandan were revived, and applied to this unapproachable land. We are told, also^ that there was an ancient Latin manuscript in the archives of the cathedral church of the Grand Canary, in which the adventures of these saints were recorded. Through carelessness, however, this manuscript has disappeared.-^ Some have main- tained that this Island was known to the ancients, and was the same mentioned by Ptolemy among the Fortunate or Canary islands, by the names of Apro- situs,^ or the Inaccessible ; and which, according to friar Diego Philipo, in his book on the Incarnation of Christ, shows that it possessed the same quality in ancient times of deluding the eye and being unattain- able to the feet of mortals.^ But whatever belief the ancients may have had on this subject, it is certain that it took a strong hold on the faith of the mod- erns during the prevalent rage for discovery ; nor did it lack abundant testimonials. Don Joseph de Viera y Clavijo says, there never was a more diffi- cult paradox nor problem in the science of geogra- phy ; since, to affirm the existence of this island, ia to trample upon sound criticism, judgment, and rea- son ; and to deny it, one must abandon tradition and experience, and suppose that many persons of credit had not the proper use of their senses."* The belief in this island has continued long since the time of Columbus. It was repeatedly seen, and by various persons at a time, always in the same place and of the same form. In 1526 an expedition pet off for the Canaries in quest of it, commanded by Fernando de Troya and Fernando Alvarez. They 1 Nuiiez de'la Pena. Conquist de la Gran Canari*, 2 Ptolemy, lib. iv. torn. iv. « Fr. D. Philipo, lib. viii. fol. 25. * Hist. Isl. Can., hb. i. cap. 28. APPENDIX. 505 cruised in tlie wonted direction, but in vain, and their fliilure ought to have undeceived the pubHc. The phantasm of the island, however," says Viera, " had such a secret enchantment for all who beheld it, that the public preferred doubting the good con duct of the explorers, than tLeir own senses." In 1570 the appearances were so repeated and clear, that there was a universal fever of curiosity awakened among the people of the Canaries, and it was deter- mined to send forth another expedition. That they might not appear to act upon light grounds, an exact investigation was previously made of all the persons of talent and credibility who had seen these apparitions of land, or who had other proofs of its existence. Alonzo de Espinosa, gov- ernor of the island of Ferro, accordingly made a report, in which m-ore than one hundred witnesses, several of them persons of the highest respectability, deposed that they had beheld the unknown island about forty leagues to the north-west of Ferro ; that they had contemplated it with calmness and certain- ty, and had seen the sun set behind one of its points. Testimonials of still greater force came from the islands of Palma and TenerilFe. There were certain Portuguese who affirmed, that, being driven about by a tempest, they had come upon the island of St. Bo- rondon. Pedro Velio, who was the pilot of the vessel, affirmed, that having anchored in a bay, he landed with several of the crew. They drank fresh water in a brook, and beheld in the sand the print of footsteps, double the size of those of an ordinary man, and the distance between them v/as in proportion They found a cross nailed to a neigh- Doring tree ; near to which were three stones placed in form of a triangle, with signs of lire having been made among them, probably to cook shell-fish. Hav ^06 APPENDIX. ng seen much cattle and sheep grazing In the neigh* borhood, two of their party armed with Lances went mto the woods in pursuit of them. The night was approaching, the heavens began to lower, and {. narsh wind arose. The people on board the ship cried out that she was diagging her anchor, where- upon Velio entered the boat and hurried on board. In an instant they lost sight of land ; being as it were swept away in the hurricane. When the storm had passed away, and the sea and iky were again serene, thej' searched in vain for the island ; not a trace of io was to be seen, and they had to pursue their voyage, lamenting the loss of their two com- panions who had been abandoned in the wood.^ A learned licentiate, Pedro Ortiz de Funez, in- quisitor of the Grand Canary, while on a visit at Teneriffe, summoned several persons before him, who fcest'fied having seen the island. Among them was one Marcos Yerde, a man well known in those parts. He stated that in returning from Barbary and ar- riving in the neighborhood of the Canaries, he beheld land, which, according to his maps and cal- culptions, could not be any of the known islands. He concluded it to be the far-famed St. Borondon. Overjoyed at having discovered this land of mystery, he coasted along its spell-bound shores, until he an- chored in a beautiful harbor formed by the mouth Df a mountain ravine. Here he landed with several of his crew. It was now, he said, the hour of the Ave Maria, or of vespers. The sun being set, the shadows began to spread over the land. The voy- agers having separated, wandered about in different directions, until out of hearing of each other's shouts. Those on board, seeing the night approaching, mada 1 Nuflez de la Pena, lib. i. cap. 1. Viera, Hist., Is/. Can. torn i. cap. 28. APPENDIX. 507 signal to summon back the wanderers to tlie ship They reembarked, intending to resume their investi- gations on the following day. Scarcely were they on board, however, when a whirlwind came rushing down the ravine, with such violence as to drag the vessel from her anchor, and hurry her out to sea ; and they never saw anything more of this hidden and inhospitable island. Another testimony remains on record in manu- script of one Abreu Galindo ; but whether taken at this time does not appear. It was that of a French adventurer, who, many years before , making a voyage among the Canaries, was overtaken by a violent Btorm which carried away his masts. At length the furious winds drove him to the shores of an unknown island covered with stately trees. Here he landed with part of his crew, and choosing a tree proper for a mast, cut it down, and began to shape it for his purpose. The guardian power of the island, how- ever, resented as usual this invasion of his forbidden shores. The heavens assumed a dark and threaten- ing aspect ; the night was approaching, and the mariners, fearing some impending evil, abandoned their labor and returned on board. They were borne away as usual from the coast, and the next day ar- rived at the island of Palma.^ The mass of testimony collected by official au- thority in 1570 seemed so satisfactory, that an- other expedition was fitted out in the same year in the island of Palma. It was commanded by Fernando de Yillabolos, regidor of the island ; but was equally fruitless with the preceding. St. Bo- ron don seemed disposed only to tantalize the world «vith distant and serene glimpses of his ideal para- dise ; or to reveal it amidst storms to tempest-tossed i Nuilez Conquista le Gran Canaria Viera, Hist., &c. 5oa APPENDIX. mariners, but to hide it completely frL.m the vIbw of all who diligently sought it. Still the people of Palma adhered to their favorite chimera. Thirty four years afterwards, in 1605, they sent another ehip on the quest, commanded by Gaspar Perez de Acosta, an accomplished pilot, accompanied by the Padre Lorenzo Pinedo, a holy Franciscan friar, skilled in natural science. St. Borondon, however, refused to reveal his island to either monk or mari- ner. After cruising about in every direction, sound- ing, observing the skies, the clouds, the winds, every- thing that could furnish indications, they returned without having seen anything to authorize a hope. Upwards of a century now elapsed without any new attempt to seek this fairy island. Every now and then, it is true, the public mind was agitated by fresh reports of its having been seen. Lemons and other fruits, and the green branches of trees which floated to the shores of Gomera and Ferro, were pro- nounced to be from the enchanted groves of St. Bo- rondon. At length, in 1721, the public infatuation again rose to such a height that a fourth expedition w^as sent, commanded by Don Gaspar Dominguez, a man of probity and talent. As this was an expedi- tion of solemn and mysterious import, he had two holy friars as apostolical chaplains. They made sail from the island of Teneriffe towards the end of Oc- tober, leaving the populace in an indescribable state of anxious curiosity mingled with superstition. The fihip, however, returned from its cruise as unsuccessful as all its predecessors. We have no account of any expedition being sinct* undertaken, though the island still continued to be a subject of speculation, and occasionally to reveal its shadowy mountains to the eyes of favored individ- uals. In a letter written from the island of Gomera, APPENDIX. 509 1751>, by a Franciscan monk, to one of his friends, he relates havino; seen it from the villa2:€ of Alaxere, at six in the morning of the third of May. It ap- peared to consist of two lofty mountains, with a deep valley between ; and on contemplating it with a tele- scope, the valley or ravine appeared to be filled with trees. He summoned the curate, Antonio Joseph Manrique, and upwards of forty other persons, all of whom beheld it plainly.'^ Nor is this island delineated merely in ancient maps of the time of Columbus. It is laid down as one of the Canary Islands in a French map published in 1 704 ; and Mons. Gautier, in a geographical chart, annexed to his Observations on Natural History, published in 1755, places it five degrees to the west of the island of Ferro, in the 29th deg. of N. lati- tude.^ Such are the principal facts existing relative to the island of St. Brandan. Its reality was for a long time a matter of firm belief It was in vain that re- peated voyages and investigations proved its non-ex- istence ; the public, after trying all kinds of sophistry, took refuge in the supernatural, to defend their favo- rite chimera. They maintained that it was rendered inaccessible to mortals by Divine Providence, or by diabolical magic. Most inclined to the former. All kinds of extravagant fancies were indulged concern- ing it ; ^ some confounded it with the fabled Island of the Seven Cities, situated somewhere in the bosom of the ocean, where in old times seven bishops and their followers had taken refuge from the Moors. Some cf the Portuguese imagined it to be the abode of their lost king Sebastian. The Spaniards pretended that Roderick, the last of their Gothic kings, had 1 Viera, Hist. Ig . Can., torn. i. cap. 28. 2 Idem. 3 Idem. 510 ArPENDlX. fled thither from the Moors after the disastrous batilei of the Guadalete. Others suggested that it might be the seat of the terrestrial paradise, the placb where Enoch and Elijah remained in a state of bless- edness until the final day ; and that it was made at times apparent to the eyes, but invisible to the searc h of mortals. Poetry, it is said, has owed to this popular belief one of its beautiful fictions ; and the garden of Armida, where Rinaldo was detained en- chanted, and which Tasso places in one of the Ca- nary Islands, has been identified with the imaginary St. Borondon.^ The learned Father Feyjoo^ has given a philosoph- ical solution to this geographical problem. He at- tributes all these appearances, which have been so numerous and so well authenticated as not to admit of doubt, to certain atmospherical deceptions, like that of the Fata Morgana, seen at times, in the Straits of Messina, where the city of Reggio and its surrounding country is reflected in the air above the neighboring sea : a phenomenon which has likewise been witnessed, in front of the city of Marseilles. As to the tales of the mariners who had landed on these forbidden shores, and been hurried thence in whirl- winds and tempests, he considers them as mere fab- rications. As the populace, however, reluctantly give up any- thing that partakes of the marvelous and mysterious, and as the same atmospherical phenomena, which first gave birth to the illusion, may still continue, it is not improbable that a belief in the Island of St. Brandan may still exist among the ignorant anc^ credulous of the Canaries, and that they at times be hold its fairy mountains rising above the distant hor zon of the Atlantic. 1 Viera, ubi sup. 2 Theatre Critico, torn. iv. d. x. APPENDIX. Ml No. XXYI THE ISLAND OF THE SEVEI^ CITIES. One of the popular traditions concerning the ocean, which wore current during the time of Co- lumbus, was that of the Island of the Seven Cities. It was recorded in an ancient legend, that at the time of the conquest of Spain and Portugal by the Moors, when the inhabitants fled in every direction to escape from slavery, seven bishops, followed by a great number of their people, took shipping and abandoned themselves to their fate, on the high seas. After tossing about for some time, they landed on an unknown island in the midst of the ocean. Here the bishops burnt the ships, to prevent the desertion of their followers, and founded seven cities. Vari- ous pilots of Portugal, it was said, had reached that island at different times, but had never returned to give any information concerning it, having been de- tained, according to subsequent accounts, by the suc- cessors of the bishops to prevent pursuit. At length, according to common report, at the time that Prince Henry of Portugal was prosecuting his discoveries, several seafaring men presented themselves one day before him, and stated that they had just returned from a voyage, in the course of which they had landed upon this island. The inhabitants, they said, spoke their language, and carried them immediately to church, to ascertain whether they were Catholics^ ftiid were rejoiced at finding them of the true faith. They then made earnest inquiries, to know whether the Moors still retained possession of Spain and Por- tugal. While part of the crew were at church, the rest gathered sand on the shore for the use of the 512 APPENDIX, kitchen, ai d found to their surprise that one third of it was gold. The islanders were anxious that the crew should remain with them a few days, until the return of their governor, who was absent ; but thf mariners, afraid of being detained, embarked and 'iiade sail. Such was the story they told to Prince Henry, hoping to receive reward for their intelligence. The prince expresse.d displeasure at their hasty de- parture from the island, and ordered them to n'turn and procure further information ; but the men, ap- prehensive, no doubt, of having the falsehood of their tale discovered, made their escape, and nothing more was heard of them.^ This story had much currency. The Island of the Seven Cities was identified with the island men- tioned by Aristotle as having been discovered by the Carthaginians, and was put down in the early maps about the time of Columbus, under the name of Antilla. At the time of the discovery of New Spain, re- ports were brought to Hispaniola of the civilization of the country; that the people wore clothing ; that their houses and temples were solid, spacious, and often magnificent ; and that crosses were occasion- ally found among them. Juan de Grivalja, being dispatched to explore the coast of Yucatan, reported that in sailing along it he beheld, with great won- der, stately and beautiful edifices of lime and stone, and many high towers that shone at a distance.^ For a time the old tradition of the Seven Cities was r8vivf;d, and many thought that they were to be found in the same part of New Spain. 1 Hist, del Aim Iran te, cap 10. 2 Torquemada Monarquia Indiana, lib. iv. cap. 4. Origes is los Indios, por Fr. Gregorio Garcia, lib. iv. cap. 20. APPENDIX, 513 No. XXYIL DISCOVERY OF THE ISLAND OF MADEIRA. The discovery of Madeira by Macham rests prin- cipally upon the authority of Francisco Alcaforado^ an es(juire of Prince Henry of Portugal, who com- posed an account of it for that prince. It does not appear to have obtained much faith among Portu- guese historians. No mention is made of it in Bar- ros ; he attributes the first discovery of the island to Juan Gonzalez and Tristram Yaz, who he said de- signed it from Porto Santo, resembling a cloud on tho horizon^. The Abbe Provost, however, in his general history of voyages, vol. 6, seems inclined to give credit to the account of Alcaforado. " It was composed," he observes, " at a time when the attention of the pub- lic would have exposed the least falsities ; and no one was more capable than Alcaforado of giving an exact detail of this event, since he was of the num- ber of those who assisted at the second discovery." The narrative, as originally written, was overcharged with ornaments and digressions. It was translated into French and published in Pai^is, in 1G71. The French translator had retrenched the ornaments, but scrupulously retained the facts. The story however is cherished in the island of Madeira, where a paint- ing in illustration of it is still to be seen. The fol- lowing is the purport of the French translation : 1 have not been able to procure the original of Alca- forado. During the reign of Edward the Third of Eng land, a young man of great courage and talent 1 Barros Asia, decad. i. lib. i. cap. 3. yoL. III. 33 614 APPENDIX, named "Robert Macham, fell in love with a youDg lady of rare beauty, of the name of Anne Dorset. She was his superior in birth, and of a proud and aristocratic family ; but the merit of Macham gained him the preference over all his rivals. The family of the young lady, to prevent her making an inferior alliance, obtained an order from the king to havft Macham arrested and confined, until by arbitrary means they married his mistress to a man of quality. As soon as the nuptials were celebrated, the noble- man conducted his beautiful and atBicted bride to his Beat near Bristol. Macham was now restored to lib- erty. Indignant at the wrongs he had suffered, and certain of the affections of his mistress, he prevailed upon several friends to assist him in a project for the gratification of his love and his revenge. They fol- lowed hard on the traces of the new married couple to Bristol. One of the friends obtained an introduc- tion into the ftimily of the nobleman in quality of a groom. He found the young bride full of tender recollections of her lover, and of dislike to the hus- band thus forced upon her. Through the means of this friend, Macham had several communications with her, and concerted means for their escape to France, ■where they might enjoy their mutual love unmo- lested. When all things were prepared, the young lady rode out one day accompanied only by the fictitious groom, under pretense of taking the air. No sooner were they out of sight of the house, than they gdl- loped to an appointed place on the shore of the channel, where a boat awaited them. They were conveyed on board a vessel, which lay with anchor atrip, and sails unfurled, ready to put to sea. Here the i:)vers were once more united. Fearful of pur- luit, the ship immediately weighed anchor ; they APPENDIX. 515 made their way rapidly along the coast of Cornwall, and Macham anticipated the triumi)h of soon land- ing with his beautiful prize on the shores of gay and gallant France. Unfortunately an adverse and Btormy wind arose in the night ; at daybreak they found themselves out of sight of land. The mari- ners were ignorant and inexperienced ; they knew nothing of the compass, and it was a time when men were unaccustomed to traverse the high seas. For thirteen days the lovers were driven about on a tem- pestuous ocean, at the mercy of wind and wave. The fugitive bride was filled with terror and re- morse, and looked upon this uproar of the elements as the anger of Heaven directed against hen All the efforts of her lover could not remove from her mind a dismal presage of some approaching catas- trophe. At length the tempest subsided. On the four- teenth day at dawn, the mariners perceived what ap- peared to be a tuft of wood rising out of the sea. They joyfully steered for it, supposing it to be an island. They were not mistaken. As they drew near, the rising sun shone upon noble forests, the trees of which were of a kind unknown to them. Flights of birds also came hovering about the ship, and perched upon the yards and rigging v^^ithout any signs of fear. The boat was sent on shore to recon- noitre, and soon returned with such accounts of the beauty of the country, that Macham determined to take his drooping companion to the land, in hopes her health and spirits might be restored by refresh- ment and repose. They were accompanied on shore by the faithful friends who had assisted in their Jight. The mariners remained on board to guard the ship. The country was indeed delightful. The forests A PPENDIX. were St \!L'ly an;l magnificent ; there were trees laden With ex •ellciit friiits, others with aromatic flowers; the waters were cool and limpid, the sky was serene, and there was a balmy sweetness in the air. The animals thej met with showed no signs of alarm or ferocity > from which they concluded that the island was uninliabited. On penetrating a little distance they found a sheltered meadow, the green bosom of which was bordered by laurels and refreshed by a mountain brook which ran sparkling over pebbles. In the centre was a majestic tree, the wide branches of which afforded shade from the rays of the sun. Here Macham had bowers constructed, and deter- mined' to pass a few days, hoping that the sweetness of the country, and the serene tranquillity of this de- lightful solitude, would recruit the drooping health and spirits of his companion. Three days, however, had scarcely passed, when a violent storm arose from the north-east, and raged all night over the island. On the succeeding morning Macham repaired to the sea-side, but nothing of his ship was to be seen, and he concluded that it had foundered in the tempest. Consternation fell upon the little band, thus left in an uninhabited island in the midst of the ocean. The blow fell most severely on the timid and repentant bride. She reproached herself with being the cause of all their misfortunes, and, from the first, had been haunted by dismal forebodings. She now considered them about to be accomplished, and her horror was BO great as to deprive her of speech ; she expired in three days without uttering a word. Macham was struck with despair at beholding the tragical end of this tender and beautiful being. He upbraided himself, in the transports of his grief, with tearing her from her home, her country, and her fi lends, to perish upon a savage coast. All the eflbrts APPENDIX, Oil of his companions to console liim were in vain. He died within five days, broken-hearted ; begging, as a last request, that his body might be mierred beside that of his mistress, at the foot of a rustic altar which they had erected under the great tree. They set up a large wooden cross on the spot, on which was placed an inscription written by Macham himself, relating in a few words his piteous adventure, and praying any Christians who might arrive there, to build a chapel in the place dedicated to Jesus the Saviour. After the death of their commander, his followers consulted about means to escape from the island. The ship's boat remained on the shore. They re- paired it and put it in a state to bear a voyage, and then made sail, intending to return to England. Ig- norant of their situation, and carried about by the winds, they were cast upon the coast of Morocco, where, their boat being shattered upon the rocks, they were captured by the Moors and thrown into prison. Here they understood that their ship had shared the same fate, having been driven from her anchorage in the tempest, and carried to the same inhospitable coast, where all her crew were made prisoners. The prisons of Morocco were in those days filled with captives of all nations, taken by their cruisers. Here the English prisoners met with an experienced pilot, a Spaniard of Seville, named Juan de Morales. He listened to their story with great interest ; in- quired into the situation and description of the island they had discovered ; and, subsequently, on his re- demption from prison, communicated the circum« stances, it is said, to Prince Henry of Portugal. There is a difficulty in the above narrative of Alcaforado in reconciling dates. The voyage is said bo have taken place during the reign of Edward in.| 518 APPENDIX. wliuli commenced in 1327 and ended in 1378. Mo- rales, to whom the English communicated their voy- age, is said to have been in the service of the Portu- guese, in the second discovery of Madeira, in 1418 and 1420. Even if the voyage and imprisonment had taken place in the last year of King Edward's reign, this leaves a space of forty years. Hackluyt gives an account of the same voyage, taken from Antonio Galvano. He varies in certain particulars. It happened, he says, in the year 1344, in the time of Peter IV. of Aragon. Macham cast anchor in a bay since called after him Machio. The lady being ill, he took her on shore, accom- panied by some of his friends, and the ships sailed without them. After the death of the lady, Mt*>cham made a canoe out of a tree, and ventured to sea in it with his companions. They were cast upon the coast of Africa, where the Moors, considering it a kind of miracle, carried him to the king of their country, who sent him to the king of Castile. In consequence of the traditional accounts remaining of this voyage, Henry 11. of Castile sent people, in 1395, to redis- cover the island. No. xxvm. LAS CASAS. Bartholomew Las Casas, Bishop of Chiapa, so often cited in all histories of the New World, was born at Seville, in 1474, and was of French ex- traction. The family name was Casaus. The first of the name who appeared in Spain, served under APPENDIX, the standa.xl of Ferdinand III., surnamed the Saint, in his wars with the Moors of Andalusia. He was at the taking of Seville from the Moors, when he was rewarded by the king, and received permission to es- tablish himself there. His descendants enjoyed the prerogatives of nobility, and suppressed the letter u in their name, to accommodate it to the Spanish tongue. Antonio, the father of Bartholomew, went to His- paniola with Columbus in 1493, and returned rich to Seville in 1498.^ It has been stated by one of the biographers of Bartholomew Las Casas, that he ac- companied Columbus in his third voyage in 1498, and returned with him in 1500.^ This, however, is in- correct. He was, during that time, completing his education at Salamanca, where he was instructed iu Latin, dialectics, logic, metaphysics, ethics, and physics, after the supposed method and system of Aristotle. While at the university, he had, as a servant, an Indian slave, given him by his father, who had re- ceived him from Columbus. When Isabella, in her transport of virtuous indignation, ordered the Indian slaves to be sent back to their country, this one was taken from Las Casas. The young man was aroused by the circumstance, and, on considering the nature of the case, became inflamed with a zeal in favor of the unhappy Indians, which never cooled throughout a long and active life. It was excited to tenfold fervor, when, at about the age of twenty-eight years, he accompanied the commander Ovando to Hispaniola in 1502, and was an eye-witness to many of the cruel scenes which took place under his administration. The whole of his future life, a space exceeding sixty rears, was devoted to vindicating the cause, and en- 1 Navarrcte, Colec. Viag., torn. i. Introd., p. Ixx. 2 T. A. Llorente, OLuvres de Las Casas, p. xi. Paris, 1822. 520 APPENDIX. deavoring to meliorate the sufferings of the natives As a missionary, he traversed the wilderness of the New World in various directions, seeking to convert and civilize them ; as a protector and champion, he made several voyages to Spain, vindicated their wrongs before courts and monarchs, wrote volumes ia their behalf, and exhibited a zeal, and constancy, and intrepidity worthy of an apostle. He died at the advanced age of ninety-two years, and was buried at Madrid, in the church of the Dominican convent of Atocha, of which fraternity he was a member. Attempts have been made to decry the consistency, and question the real philanthropy of Las Casas, in consequence of one of the expedients to which he resorted to relieve the Indians from the cruel bondage imposed upon them. This occurred in 1517, when he arrived in Spain, on one of his missions, to obtain measures in their favor from the government. On his arrival in Spain, he found Cardinal Ximenes, who had been left regent on the death of King Ferdinand, too ill to attend to his affairs. He repaired, there- fore, to Valladolid, where he awaited the coming of the new monarch Charles, Archduke of Austria, after- wards the Emperor Charles V. He had strong oppo- nents to encounter in various persons high in author- ity, who, holding estates and repartimientos in the colonies, were interested in the slavery of the Indians. Among these, and not the least animated, was the Bishop Fonseca, president of the council of the Indies. At length the youthful sovereign arrived, accom- panied by various Flemings of his court, particularly his grand chancellor, Doctor Juan de Selvagio, a learned and upright man, whom he consulted on all affairs of administration and justice. Las Casas soon became intimate with the chancellor, and stood high m his esteem ; but so much opposition arose on e rery APPENDIX, Bide that ho fou.id his various propositions for the re- lief of the natives but little attended to. Tn hi« doubt and anxiety he had now recourse to ar expe- dient which he considered as justified by the circum- stances of the case.-^ The chancellor Selvagio and other Flemings who had accompanied the youthful sovereign, had obtained from him, before quitting Flanders, licenses to import slaves from Africa to the colonies ; a measure which had recently in 1516 been prohibited by a decree of Cardinal Ximenes while acting as regent. The chancellor, who was a humane man, reconciled it to his conscience by a popular opinion that one negro could perform, without detri- ment to his health, the labor of several Indians, and that therefore it was a great saving of human saffer- ing. So easy is it for interest to wrap itself up in plausible argument ! He might, moreover, have thought the welfare of the Africans but little affected by the change. They were accustomed to slavery in their own country, and they were said to thrive in the New World. " The Africans," observes Herrera, " prospered so much in the island of Hispaniola, that it was the opinion unless a negro should happen to be hanged, he would never die ; for as yet none had been known to perish from infirmity. Like oranges, they found their proper soil in Hispaniola, and it Beemed even more natural to them than their native Guinea." Las C isas finding all other means Ineffectual, en- 1 Herrera clearly states this as an expedient a lopted when others failed. Bartolonie de Las Casas, viendc que sus con- oeptos hallabaii en todas "partes dificultad, i que ias opiniones lue tenia, por mucha fair iliaridad que havia seguido i gran credito con el gran Canciller, no podian hal>er efecto, se volviti « otros expedientes,''' ^'C. — Decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 2. 2 Herrera, Hist. lad., lib. ii. decad. iii. cap. 4. APPENDIX, Aeavored to turn tliese interested views of the grand chancellor to the benefit of the Indians. He proposed that the Spaniards, resident in the colonies, might he permitted to procure negroes for the labor of the farms and the mines, and other severe toils, which were above the strength and destructive of the lives of the natives.-^ He evidently considered the poor 4fricans as little better than mere animals ; and he acted like others, on an arithmetical calculation of diminishing human misery, by substituting one strong man for three or four of feebler nature. He, more- over, esteemed the Indians as a nobler and more intellectual race of beings, and their preservation and welfare of higher importance to the general in- terests of humanity. It is this expedient of Las Casas which has drawn ^own severe censure upon his memory. He has been charged with gross inconsistency, and even with having originated this inhuman traffic in the New World. This last is a grievous charge ; but historical facts and dates remove the original sin from his door, and prove that the practice existed in the colonies, and was authorized by royal decree, long before he took a part in the question. Las Casas did not go to the New World until 1502. By a royal ordinance passed in 1501, negro slaves were permitted to be taken there, provided they had been born among Christians."^ By a letter written by Ovando, dated 1503, it appears that there were numbers in the island of Hispaniola at that time, and he entreats that none more might be per- mitted to be brought. In 1506 the Spanish government forbade the Introduction of negro slaves from the Levant, or 1 Herrera, Hi>t. Ind , decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 20 Idem, d. ii. lib. 51 cap. 8. APPENDIX, 523 tbosj brought up with the Moors; and stipulated tliat none slould be taken to the colonies but those from Seville, who had been instructed in the Chris- tian faith, that they might contribute to the conver- sion of the Indians.'^ In 1510, King Ferdinand^ being informed of the physical weakness of the Indians, ordered fifty Africans to be sent from Sd- ville to labor in the mines.^ In 1511, he ordered ihat a great number should be procured from Guinea, and transported to Hispaniola, understand- ing that one negro could perform the work of four Indians.^ In 1512 and '13 he signed further orders relative to the same subject. In 1516, Charles Y. granted licenses to the Flemings to import negroes to the colonies. It was not until the year 1517, that Las Casas gave his sanction of the traffic. It already existed, and he countenanced it solely with a view to having the hardy Africans substituted for the feeble Indians. It was advocated at the same time, and for the same reasons, by the Jeronimite friars, who were missionaries in the colonies. The motives of Las Casas were purely benevolent, though founded on erroneous notions of justice. He thought to per- mit evil that good might spring out of it; to choose between two existing abuses, and to eradicate tho greater by resorting to the lesser. His reasoning, however fallacious it may be, was considered satis- factory and humane by some of the most learned and benevolent men of the age, among whom was the Cardinal Adrian, afterwards elevated to the papal chair, and characterized by gentleness and humanity. Tlie traffic was permitted; inquiries were made aa wO f;he number of slaves required, which was limited 1 Herrera, Hist. Ind., d. i. lib. vi. cap. 20. 2 Idem, d. i. lib. viii. cap. 9. 8 Idem, d. i. lib. ix. cap. 5. 521 APPENDIX, to four thousand, and the Flemings obtained a mo- nopoly of the trade, which they afterwards fariced out to the Genoese. Dr. Robertson, in noticing this affair, draws a contrast between the conduct of the Cardinal Xi- menes and that of Las Casas, strongly to the disad- vantage of the latter. " The cardinal," he observes, " when solicited to encourage this commerce, per- emptorily nyected the proposition, because . he per- ceived the iniquity of reducing one race of men to slavery, when he was consulting about the means of restoring liberty to another ; but Las Casas, from the inconsistency natural to men who hurry with headlong impetuosity towards a favorite point, was incapable of making this distinction. Li the warmth of his zeal to save the Americans from the yoke, he pronounced it to be lawful and expedient to impose one still heavier on the Africans." ^ This distribution of praise and censure is not perfectly correct. Las Casas had no idea that he was imposing a heavier, nor so heavy, a yoke upon the Africans. The latter were considered more capable of labor, and less impatient of slavery. While the Indians sunk under their tasks, and perished by thousands in Hispaniola, the negroes, on the contrary, thrived there. Herrera, to whom Dr Robertson refers as his authority, assigns a diflerent motive, and one of mere finance for the measures of Cardinal Ximenes. He says that he ordered that no one should take negroes to the Indies, because, as the natives were decreasing, and it was known that one negro did more work than four of t'lem, there would probably be a great demand for African slaves, and a tribute might be imposed upon the trade, from which would result profit to the royal 1 Kobertson, Hist. America, p. 3. APPENDIX, treasury.^ This measure was presently after carried into effect, though subsequent to the death of the cardinal, and licenses were granted by the sovereign for pecuniary considerations. Flechier, in his life of Ximenes, assigns another but a mere political motive for this prohibition. The cardinal, he says, objected to the importation of negroes into the colonies, as he feared they would corrupt the natives, and by confederacies with them render them formid- able to government. De Marsolier, another biog- rapher of Ximenes, gives equally politic reasons for this prohibition. He cites a letter written by the cardinal on the subject, in which he observed that he knew the nature of the negroes ; they were a people capable, it was true, of great fatigue, but ex- tremely prolific and enterprising ; and that if they liad time to multiply in America, they would infal- libly revolt, and impose on the Spaniards the same chains which they had compelled them to wear.^ These facts, while they take from the measure of the cardinal that credit for exclusive philanthropy which has been bestowed upon it, manifest the clear foresight of that able politician ; whose predictions with respect to negro revolt have been so strikingly fulfilled in the island of Hispanlola. Cardinal Ximenes, in fact, though a wise and upright statesman, was not troubled with scruples of conscience on these questions of natural right ; nor did he possess more toleration than his contem- 1 Porque como iban faltando los Indios i se conocia que un negro trabajaba mas que quatro, por lo qual habia gran de- manda de ellos, parecia que se podia poner algim tributo en la paca, de que resultaria provecho a la RL Hacienda. Herrera, decad. ii. lib. ii. cap. 8. 2 De Marsolier, Hist, du Ministere Cardinal Ximenes, lib. r Toulcuse, 1694. 526 APPENDIX, poraries towards savage and infidel nations. lie was grand inquisitor of Spain, and was very efficient during the latter years of Ferdinand in making slaves of tlie refractory Moors of Granada. He authorized, by express instructions, expeditions to seize and enslave the Indians of the Caribbee Isl- ands, whom he termed only suited to labor, enemies of the Christians, and cannibals. Nor will it be considered a proof of gentle or tolerant policy, that he introduced the tribunal of the Inquisition into the New World. These circumstances are cited not to east reproach upon the character of Cardinal Ximenes, but to show how incorrectly he has been extolled at the expense of Las Casas. Both of them must be judged in connection with the customs and opinions of the age in which they lived. Las Casas was the author of many works, but few of which have been printed. The most important is a general history of the Indies, from the discovery to the year 1520, in three volumes. It exists only in manuscript, but is the fountain from which Her- rera, and most of the other historians of the New World, have drawn large supplies. The work^ though prolix, is valuable, as the author wSs an eye- witness of many of the facts, had others from per- sons who were concerned in the transactions re- corded, and possessed copious documents. It displays great erudition, though somewhat crudely and dif fusely introduced. His history was commenced in 1527, at fifty-three years of age, and was finished in 1559, when eighty-five. As many things are set down from memory there is occasional inar curacy, but the whole bears the stamp of sincerity and truth. The author of the present work, having had access to this valuable manuscript, has made great ase of \ drawing forth many curious facts hitherto neg- APPENDIX. 527 Iccted; but he has endeavored to consult it with caution and discrimination, collating it with other authorities, and omitting whatever appeared to bo dictated by prejudice or overheated zeal. Las Casas has been accused of high coloring and extravagant declamation in those passages which re- late to the barbarities practiced on the natives ; ncr is the charge entirely without foundation. The same zeal in the cause of the Indians is expressed in his writings that shone forth in his actions, always pure, often vehement, and occasionally unseasonable. Still, however, where he errs it is on a generous and righteous side. If one tenth part of what he says be witnessed with his own eyes " be true, and his veracity is above all doubt, he would have been wanting in the natural feelings of humanity had he not expressed himself in terms of indignation and abhorrence. In the course of his work, when Las Casas men- tions the original papers lying before him, from which he drew many of his facts, he makes one lament that they should be lost to the world. Besides the jour- nals and letters of Columbus, he says he had numbers of the letters of the Adelantado, Don Bartholomew, who wrote better than his brother, and whose writ- ings must have been full of energy. Above all, he had the map formed from study and conjecture, by which Columbus sailed on his first voyage. What a precious document would this be for the world ' Those writings may still exist, neglected and forgot- ten, among the rubbish of some convent in Spain. Little hope can be entertained of discovering them in the present state of degeneracy of the cloister. The monks of iVtocha, in a recent conversation with one of the royal princes, betrayed an ignorance that this illustrious man was buried in their convent, nof 528 APPENDIX, can any of the fraternity point out his place of scp« alture to the stranger.^ The publication of this work of Las Casas has not been permitted in Spain, where every book must ^lave tlie sanction of a censor before it is committed to the press. The horrible picture it exhibits of the cruelties inflicted on the Indians, would, it was imag- ined, excite an odium against their conquerors. Laa Casas himself seems to have doubted the expediency of publishing it ; for in 1560 he made a note with bis own hand which is preserved in the two first vol- umes of the original, mentioning that he left them in confidence to the college of the order of Predicators of St. Gregorio, in Valladolid, begging of its prel- ates that no secular person, nor even the collegians, should be permitted to read his history for the space of forty years ; and that after that term it might be printed if consistent with the good of the Indies and of Spain.^ For the foregoing reason the work has been cau- tiously used by Spanish historians, passing over in Bilence, or with brief notice, many passages of dis- graceful import. This feeling is natural, if not commendable ; for the world is not prompt to dis- criminate between individuals and the nation of whom they are but a part. The laws and regula- tions for the government of the newly discovered countries, and the decisions of the council of the Indies on all contested points, though tinctured in gome degree with the bigotry of the age, were dis- 1 In this notice the author has occasionally availed himself of the interesting memoir of Moii. J. A. Llorente, prefixed to his collection of the works of Las Casas, collating it with th| toistory of Herrera, from which its facts are principally lived. 2 IJftvarrete, Colec. de Viaoj., torn. i. p. Ixxv. APPENDIX, 529 tingnishgd for wisdom, justice, and humanity, and do honor to the Spanish nation. It was only in the abuse of them by individuals to whom the execution of the laws was intrusted, that these atrocities were committed. It should be remembered, also, that the same nation which gave birth to the sanguinary and rapacious adventurers who perpetrated these cruel- ties, gave birth likewise to the early missionaries, like Las Casas, who followed the sanguinary course of discovery, binding up the wounds inflicted by their countrymen ; men who in a truly evangelical spirit braved all kinds of perils and hardships, and even death itself, not througii a prospect of temporal gain or glory, but through a de>ire to meliorate the con- dition and save the souls of barbarous and suffering nations. The dauntless enterprises and fearful per- egrinations of many of these virtuous men, if prop- erly appreciated, would be found to vie in romantic daring with the heroic achievements of chivalry, with motives of a purer and far more exalted nature No. XXIX. PETER MARTYR. Peter Martir, or Martyr, of whose writings much use has been made in this historjr, was born at Anghierra, in the territory of Milan, in Italy, on the second of February, 1455. He is commonly termed Peter Martyr of Angleria, from the Latin name of his native place. He is one of the earliest historians that treat of Columbus, and was his contemporary and intimate acquaintance. Being at Rome in VOL. III. 34 530 APPENDIX. 1487, and having acquired a distingaished reputation for learning, he was invited by the Spanish ambassa- vior, the Count de Tendilla, to accompany him to Spain. He willingly accepted the invitation, an^?^ was presented to the sovereigns at Saragossa. Isa- bella, amidst the cares of the war with Granada, was anxious for the intellectual advancement of her king- dom, and wished to employ Martyr to instruct the young nobility of the royal household. With her peculiar delicacy, however, she first made her con- fessor, Hernando de Talavera, inquire of Martyr in what capacity he desired to serve her. Contrary to her expectation. Martyr replied, " in the profes- sion of arms." The queen complied, and he followed her in her campaigns, as one of her household and military suite, but without distinguishing himself, and perhaps without having any particular employ in a capacity so foreign to his talents. After the surrender of Granada, when the war was ended, the queen, through the medium of the grand cardinal of Spain, prevailed upon him to undertake the in- struction of the young nobles of her court. Martyr was acquainted with Columbus while making his application to the sovereigns, and was present at his triumphant reception by Ferdinand and Isabella in Barcelona, on his return from his first voyage. He was continually in the royal camp during the war with the Moors, of which his letters contain many interesting particulars. He was sent ambassador extraordinary by Ferdinand and Isabella, in 1501, to "Venice, and thence to the grand soldan of Egypt. The soldan, in 1490 or 1491, bad sent an embassy to the Spanish sovereigns, threatening that, unless they desisted from the war against Granada, he would put all the Christians in Egypt and Syria to death, overturn all their temple?, and destroy fh« APPENDIX. 531 holy sepulchre at Jerusalem. Ferdinan 1 and Tsa bella pressed the war with tenfold energy, and brought it to a triumphant conclusion in the next campaign, while the soldan was still carrying on a similar negotiation with the pope. They aftei wards Bent Peter Martyr ambassador to the soldan to ex- plain and justify their measure. Martyr discharged the duties of his embassy with great ability ; ob- tained permission from the soldan to repair the holy places at Jerusalem, and an abolition of various ex- tortions to which Christian pilgrims had been sub- jected. While on this embassy, he wrote his work De Legatioiie Babylonica, which includes a history of Egypt in those times. On his return to Spain, he was rewarded with places and pensions, and in 1524 was appointed a minister of the council of the Indies. His principal work is an account of the discoveries of the New World, in eight decades, each contaiuing ten chapters. They are styled Decades of the New World, or De- cades of the Ocean, and, like all his other works, were originally written in Latin, though since trans- lated into various languages. He had familiar ac- cess to letters, papers, journals, and narratives of the early discoverers, and was personally acquainted with many of them, gathering particulars from their con- versation. In writing his Decades, he took great pains to obtain information from Columbus himself^ and from others, his companions. In one of his epistles, (No. 153, January, 1494, to Pomponius Lastus,) he mentions having just received a letter from Columbus, by which it appears he was in correspondence with him. Las Casas says that great credit is to be given to him in regard to those voyages of Columbus, although his Decades contain 3ome inaccuracies relative to subsequent events in 532 APPENDIX, the Indies. Munoz allows him great credit, as an author contemporary with his subject, grave, well cultivated, instructed in the facts of which he treats, and of entire probity. He observes, however, that his writings being composed on the spur or excite- ment of the moment, often related circumstances which subsequently proved to be erroneous ; that they were written without method or care, often confusing dates and events, so that they must be read with some caution. Martyr was in the daily habit of writing letters to distinguished persons, relating the passing occur- rences of the busy court and age in which he lived. In several of these Columbus is mentioned, and also some of the chief events of his voyages, as promul- gated' at the very moment of his return. These let- ters not being generally known or circulated, or fre- quently cited, it may be satisfactory to the reader to have a few of the main passages which relate to Co- lumbus. They have a striking effect in carrying us back to the very time of the discoveries. In one of his epistles, dated Barcelona, May 1st, 1493, and addressed to C. Borromeo, he says : " Within these few days a certain Christopher Co- lumbus has arrived from the western antijDodes ; a man of Liguria, whom my sovereigns reluctantly in- trusted with three ships, to seek that region, for they thought that what he said was fabulous. He has re- turned and brought specimens of many precious things, but particularly gold, which those countries naturally produce." ^ In another letter, dated likewise from Barcelona, in September following, he gives a more particulai account. It is addressed to Count Tendilla, govern- or of Granada, and also to Hernando Talavera, arch 1 Cpus Epist. P. Martyris Anglerii, Fpist. 131. APPENDIX, 53a bishop of that diocese, and the same to whom the propositions of Columbus had been referred by the Spanish sovereigns. " Arouse your attention, an- cient sages," says Peter Martyr in his epistle ; " listen to a new discovery. You remember Columbus the Ligurian, appointed in the camp by our sovereigns to search for a new hemisphere of land at the west- ern antipodes. You ought to recollect, for you had some agency in the transaction ; nor would the en- terprise, as I think, have been undertaken, without your counsel. He has returned in safety, and relates the wonders he has discovered. He exhibits gold as proofs of the mines in those regions ; Gossampine cotton also, and aromatics, and pepper more pun- gent than that from Caucasus. All these things, to- gether with scarlet dye-woods, the earth produces spontaneously. Pursuing the western sun from Ga- des five thousand miles, of each a thousand paces, as he relates, he fell in with sundry islands, and took possession of one of them, of greater circuit, he as- serts, than the whole of Spain. Here he found a race of men living contented, in a state of nature, subsisting on fruits and vegetables, and bread formed from roots These people have kings, some greater than others, and they war occasionally among themselves, with bows and arrows, or lances sharpened and hardened in the fire. The desire of command prevails among them, though they are naked. They have wives also. What they worship except the divinity of heaven, is not ascertained." ^ In another letter, dated likewise in September, 1493, and addressed to the cardinal and vice-chan- xellor Ascanius Sforza, he says : " So great is my desire to give you satisfaction, il- lustrious prince, that I consider it a gratifying occup- 1 ()piis Epist. P. Martyris Anglerii, Epist. 134. 534 APPENDIX. rence in the great fluctuations of events, when any- thing takes place among us, in which you may take an interest. The wonders of this terrestrial globe, round wliich the sun makes a circuit in the space of four and twenty hours, have, until our time, as you are well aware, been known only in regard to one hemisphere, merely from the Golden Chersonesus to our Spanish Gades. The rest has been given up jis unknown by cosmographers, and if any mention of it has bejn made, it has been slight and dubious. But now, O blessed enterprise ! under the auspices of our sovereigns, what has hitherto lain hidden ^ince the first origin of things, has at length begun to be developed. The thing has thus occurred — at- tend, illustrious prince ! A certain Christopher Co- lumbus, a Ligurian, dispatched to those regions with three vessels by my sovereigns, pursuing the west- ern sun above five thousand miles from Gades, achieved his way to the antipodes. Three and thirty successive days they navigated with naught out sky and water. At length from the mast-head of the largest vessel, in which Columbus himself sailed, those on the lookout proclaimed the sight of land. He coasted along six islands, one of them, as all his followers declare, beguiled perchance by the novelty of the scene, is larger than Spain." Martyr proceeds to give the usual account of the productions of the islands, and the manners and cus- toms of the natives, particularly the wars which oc- curred among them ; " as if meum and tuum had been introduced among them as among us, and ex- pensive luxuries, and the desire of accumulating wealth ; for what, you will think, can be the wanta of naked men ? " " What farther may succeed,** be adds, I will hereafter signify. Farewell." ^ 1 Opus Epist P. Martyris Anglerii, Epist. 135. APPENDIX. 535 In Miiotlier letter, dated Yalladolid, February 1, 1494, to Hernando de Talavera, archbishop of Gra- nada, he observes, "the king and queen, on . the re- turn of Cohnnbus to Barcelona, from his honorable enterprise, appoints I him admiral of the ocean sea, and caused him, on account of his illustrious deeds, to be seated in their presence, an honor and a favor, as you know, the highest w^ith our sovereigns. They have dispatched him again to those regions, fur- nished with a fleet of eighteen ships. There is pros- pect of great discoveries at the western antarctic an- tipodes." ^ In a subsequent letter to Pomponius Laetus, dated from Alcala de Henares, December 9th, 1494, he gives the first news of the success of this expedition. " Spain," says he, is spreading her wings, aug- menting her empire, and extending her name and glory to the antipodes Of eighteen vessels dispatched by my sovereigns with the admiral Columbus, in his second voyage to the western hem- isphere, twelve have returned and have brought Gos- sampine cotton, huge trees of dye-wood, and many other articles held with us as precious, the natural productions of that hitherto hidden world ; and be- sides all other things, no small quantity of gold. O wonderful, Pomponius ! Upon the surface of that earth are found rude masses of native gold, of a weight that one is afraid to mention. Some weigh two hundred and fifty ounces, and they hope to dis- cover others of a much larger size, fi:-om what the naked natives intimate, when they extol their gold to our people. Nor are the Lestrigonians nor Poly- phemi, who feed on human flesh, any longer doubtful. Mtend — I;iit beware ! lest they rise in horror be- fore thee 1 When he proceeded from the Fortunate 1 Opus Epis. P. Martyris Anglerii, Epist. 141. 536 APPENDIX. Islands, now termed the Canaries, to Hlspaniola, the island on which he first set foot, turning his prow a little toward the south, he arrived at innumerable isl- ands of savage men, whom they call cannibals, or Caribbees ; and these, though naked, are courageous warriors. Tiiey fight skillfully with bows and clubs, and have boats hollowed from a single tree, yet ver} capacious, in which they make fierce descents on neighboring islands, inhabited by milder people. They attack their villages, from which they carry off the men and devour them," &c.^ Another letter to Pomponius Laetus, on the same subject, has been cited at large in the body of this work. It is true these extracts give nothing that has not been stated more at large in the Decades of the same author, but they are curious, as the very first announcements of the discoveries of Columbus, and as showing the first stamp of these extraordinary events upon the mind of one of the most learned and liberal men of the age. A collection of the letters of Peter Martyr was published in 1530, under the title of Opus Episto- larum, Petri Martyris Anglerii ; it is divided into thirty-eight books, each containing the letters of one year. The same objections have been made to his letters as to his Decades, but they bear the same stamp of candor, probity, and great information. They possess peculiar value froui being written at the moment, before the facts they record were distorted or discolored by prejudice or misrepresentaticn. Ilia works abound in interesting particulars not to be found in any contemporary historian. They are rich in thought, but still richer in fact, and are full of ur- banity, and of the liberal feeling of a scholar who has mingled with the world. He is a fountain from which 1 Opus Epist. P. Martyris Anglerii, Epist. 147. APPENDIX. 537 othei-s draw, and from which, with a little precaution, they may draw securely. He died in Valladolid. in 1526 No. XXX. OVIEDO. GoNZALO Fernandez de Oviedo y Yaldeh, commonly known as Oviedo, was born in Madrid in 1478, and died in Valladolid in 1557, aged seventy- nine years. He was of a noble Asturian family and in his boyhood (in 1490) was appointed one of the pages to Prince Juan, heir apparent of Spain, the only son of Ferdinand and Isabella. He was in this situation at the time of the siege and surrender of Granada, was consequently at court at the time that Columbus made his agreement with the Catholic sov- ereigns, and was in the same capacity at Barcelona, and witnessed the triumphant entrance of the dis- coverer, attended by a number of the natives of the newly found countries. In 1513, he was sent out to the New World by Ferdinand, to superintend the gold foundries. For many years he served there in various offices of trust and dignity, both under Ferdinand, and his grandson And successor Charles Y. In 1535, he was made al- ca}'de of the fortress of St. Domingo in Hispaniola, and afterwards was appointed historiographer of the indies. At the time of his death, he had served the crown upwards of forty years, thirty-four of which were passed in the colonies, and he had crossed the ocean eight times, as he mentions in various parts of his writings He wrote several works ; the most ini« 538 APPENDIX. portant is a chronicle of the Indies In fifty books, divided into three- parts. The first part, containing nineteen books, was printed at Seville in 1585, and reprinted in 3 547 at Salamanca, augmented by a twentieth book containing shipwrecks. The remain- der of the work exists in manuscript. The printing of it was commenced at Valladolid in 1557, but was dif^continued in consequence of his death. It is one of the unpublished treasures of Spanish colonial his- tory. He was an indefatigable writer, laborious in col- lecting and recording facts, and composed a multitude of volumes which are scattered through the Spanish libraries. His writings are full of events which hap- pened under his own eye, or were communicated to him by eye-witnesses; but he was deficient in judg- ment and discrimination. He took his facts without caution, and often from sources unworthy of credit. In his account of the first voyage of Columbus, he falls into several egregious errors, in consequence of taking the verbal information of a pilot named Her- nan Perez Matteo, who was in the interest of the Pinzons, and adverse to the admiral. His work is not much to be depended upon in matters relative to Columbus. When he treats of a more advanced period of the New World, from his own actual obser- vation, he is much more satisfactory, though he is accused of listening too readily to popular fables and misrepresentations. His account of the natural pro- ductions of the New World, and of the customs of its inhabitants, is full of curious particulars ; and the best narratives of some of the minor voyages which succeeded those of Columbus, are to be found in tha nnpublished pait of his work. APPENDIX. 539 No. XXXI. CURA DE LOS PALACIOS. AxDRES Bernaldes, or Bernal, generally knowc by the title of the curate of Los Palacios, from hav« ing been curate of the town of Los Palacios, from about 1488 to 1513, was born in the town of Fuentes, and was for some time chaplain to Diego Deza, arch- bishop of Seville, one of the greatest friends to the application of Columbus. Bernaldes was well ac- quainted with the admiral, who was occasionally his guest, and in 1496, left many of his manuscripts and journals with him, which the curate made use of in a history of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, in which he introduced an account of the voyages of Columbus. In his narrative of the admiraFs coasting along the southern side of Cuba, the curate is more jainute and accurate than any other historian. His work exists only in manuscript, but is well known to historians, who have made frequent use of it. Noth- ing can be more simple and artless than the account which the honest curate gives of his being first moved to undertake his chronicle. I who wrote these chapters of memoirs," he says, " being for twelve years in the habit of reading a register of my de- ceased grandfather, who was notary public of the town of Fuentes, where I was born, I found therein several chapters recording certain events and achieve- ments, which had taken place in his time ; and my grandmother his widow, who was very old, hearing me read them said to me, * And thou, my son, since thou art not slothful in writing, why dost thou not iv^rite, in this manner, the good things which are hap- Dening jt present in thy own day, that those v/ho 540 APPENDIX, come liereafter may know them, and marvding at what they read may render thanks to God.' " From that time," continues he, " I proposed to do so, and as I considered the matter, I said often to myself, ' if God gives me hfe and health I will con- tinue to write until I behold the kingdom of Granada gained by the Christians ; ' and I always entertained a hope of seeing it, and did see it : great thanks and praises be given to our Saviour Jesus Christ ! And because it was impossible to write a complete and connected account of all things that happened in Spain, during the matrimonial union of the King Don Ferdinand, and the Queen Dona Isabella, I wrote only about certain of the most striking and remarkable events, of which I had correct informa- tion, and of those which I saw or which were public and notorious to all men." ^ The work of the worthy curate, as may be inferred from the foregoing statement, is deficient in regular- ity of plan ; the style is artless and often inelegant, but it abounds in facts not to be met with elsewhere, often given in a very graphical manner, and strongly characteristic of the times. As he was contemporary with the events and familiar with many of the per- sons of his history, and as he was a man of probity and void of all pretension, his manuscript is a docu- ment of high authenticity. He was much respected in the limited sphere in which he moved, " yet," says one of his admirers, who wrote a short preface to his chronicle, " he had no other reward than that of the curacy of Los Palacios, and the place of chaplain to the Archbishop Don Diego Deza." In the possession of O. Rich, Esq., of Aladrid, is a very curious manuscript chronicle of the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella already quoted in this woik 1 Cura de Los Palacios, cap. 7. APPENDIX. 5U made up froiu this liistory of the curate of Los Pa- lacios, and from various other historians of the times, by some contemporary writer. In his account of the voyage of Columbus, lie differs in some trivial partic- ulars from the regular copy of the manuscript of the curate. These variations have been carefully exam- ined by the author of this work, and wherever they appear to be for the better, have been adopted. No. XXXII. " NAVIOATIONE DEL RE DE CASTIGLIA BELLE ISOLE E PAESE NUOVAMENTE RITROVATE." " NAVIGATIO CHRISTOPHORI COLOMBI." Tn^T, above are the titles, in Italian and in Latin, of the earliest narratives of the first and second voy- ages of Columbus that appeared in print. It was anonymous ; and there are some curious particulars in regard to it. It was originally written in Italian by Montalbodo Fracanzo, or Fracanzano, or by Fra^capano de Montabaldo, (for writers differ in re- gard to the name,) and was published in Yicenza, in 1507, in a collection of voyages, entitled Mondo Novo, 8 Paese Nuovamente Ritrovate. The collec- tion was republished at Milan, in 1508, both in Italian., and in a Latin translation made by Archan- gel© Madrignano, under the title of Itinerarium Por- tugallensium ; this title being given, because the work related chiefly to the voyages of Luigi Cada- mosto, a Venetian in the service of Portugal. The collection was afterwards augmented by 542 APPENL.X, Simon Grinseus with other travels, and printed in Latin at Basle, in 1533,^ by Hervagio, <.ntitled Noviis Orbis Eegionum, &c. The edition of Basle, 1555, and the Italian edition of Milan, 1508, have been consulted in the course of this work. Peter Martyr (Decad. 2, Cap. 7) alludes to this publication, under the first Latin title of the book, Itinerarium Portugallensium, and accuses the author, whom by mistake he terms Cadamosto, of having stolen the materials of his book from the three first chapters of his first Decade of the Ocean, of which, he says, he granted copies in manuscript to several persons, and in particular to certain Venetian am- bassadors. Martyr's Decades were not published until 1516, excepting the first three, which were pub lished in 1511, at Seville. This narrative of the voyages of Columbus is re- ferred to by Gio. Batista Spotorno, in his historical memoir of Columbus, as having been written by a companion of Columbus. It is manifest, from a perusal of the narrative, that though the author may have helped himself freely from the manuscript of Martyr, he must have had other sources of information. His description of the person of Columbus as a man tall of stature and large of frame, of a ruddy complexion and oblong visage, is not copied from Martyr, nor from any other writer. No historian had, indeed, preceded him, except Sabellicus, in 1504 ; and the portrait agrees with that subsequently given of Columbus in the biography written by his son. It is probable that this narrative, which appeared only a year after the death of Columbus, was a piece of literary job-work, written fcr the collciits, at present known as the i5laA(^ of Ceylon or in the Ishind of Sumatra ; or in the Fortunate or Canary Islands ; or in one of the islands of Sunda ; or in some fovored spot under the equinoctial line. Great difficulty was encountered by these specula- tors to reconcile the allotted place with the descrip- tion given in Genesis of the garden of Eden ; partic- ularly of the great fountain which watered it, and which afterwards divided itself into four rivers, the Pison or Phison, the Gihon, the Euphrates, and the Hiddekel. Those who were in favor of the Holy Land supposed that the Jordan was the great river which afterwards divided itself into the Phison, Gihon, Tigris, and Euphrates, but that the sands have choked up the ancient beds by which these streams were sup- plied ; that originally the Phison traversed Arabia Deserta and Arabia Felix, whence it pursued its course to the Gulf of Persia ; that the Gihon bathed northern or stony Arabia and fell into the Arabian Gulf or the Ked Sea ; that the Euphrates and the Tigris passed by Eden to Assyria and Chaldea, whence they discharged themselves into the Persian Gulf By most of the early commentators the river Gihon is supposed to be the Nile. The source of this river was unknown, but was evidently far distant from the spots whence the Tigris and the Euphrates arose. This difficulty, however, was ingeniously overcome, by giv* ing it a subterranean course of some hundreds of leagues from the common fountain, until it issued forth to daylight in Abyssinia.-^ In like manner, sub- terranean courses were given to the Tigris and the Euphrates, passing under the Red Sea, until they sprang forth in Armenia, as if just issuing from one common source. So also those who placed the ter 1 Feyjoo, Theatro Critico, lib. vii. § 2. 554 APPENDIX, restrlal paradise in islands, supposed that the rivera whicli issued from it, and formed those heretofore named, either traversed the surface of the sea, as fresh water, by its greater lightness, may float above the salt ; or that they flowed through deep veins and channels of the earth, as the fountain of Arethusa was said to sink into the ground in Greece, and rise in the island of Sicily, while the river Alpheus pur- suing it, but with less perseverance, rose somewhat short of it in the sea. Some contended that the deluge had destroyed the garden of Eden, and altered the whole face of the earth ; so that the rivers had changed their beds, and had taken difl!erent directions from those mentioned in Genesis ; others, however, amongst whom was St. Augustine, in his commentary upon the book of Genesis, maintained that the terrestrial paradise still exists, with its original beauty and delights, but that it was inaccessible to mortals, being on the summit of a mountain of stupendous height, reaching into the third region of the air, and approaching the moon ; being thus protected by its elevation from the ravages of the deluge. By some this mountain was placed under the equi- noctial line ; or under that band of the heavens meta- phorically called by the ancients the table of the sun," ^ comprising the space between the tropics of Cancer and Capricorn, beyond which the sun never passed in his annual course. Here would reign a uniformity of nights and days and seasons, and the elevation of the mountain would raise it above the heats and storms .of the lower regions. Others trans- ported the garden beyond the equinoctial line and placed it in the southern hemisphere ; supposing that the torrid zone might be the flaming sword appointed Herodot. lib. iii. Virg. G. i. Pomp. Mela, lib. iii. cap. 10. APPENDIX. 553 io lefciid its entrance against mortals. They had a thnclfiil train of argument to support their theory. They observed that the terrestrial paradise musr be in the noblest and happiest part of the globe ; that part must be under the noblest part of the heavens ; as the merits of a place do not so much depend upoa the virtues of the earth, as upon the happy influences of the stars and the favorable and benign aspect of the heavens. Now, according to philosophers, the world was divided into two hemispheres. The soutliern they considered the head, and the northern the feet, or under part ; the right hand the east wlience commenced the movement of the primum mobile, and the left the west, towards which it moved. This supposed, they observed that as it was manifest that the head of all things, natural and arti- ficial, is always the best and noblest part, governing the other parts of the body, so the south, being the head of the earth, ought to be superior and nobler than either east, or west, or north ; and in accordance with this, they cited the opinion of various philoso- phers among the ancients, and more especially that of Ptolemy, that the stars of the southern hemisphere were larger, more resplendent, more perfect, and of course of greater virtue and efficacy than those of the northern : an error universally prevalent until dis- proved by modern discovery. Hence they concluded that in this southern hemisphere, in this head of the earth, under this purer and brighter sky, and these more potent and benignant stars, was placed the ter- restrial paradise. Various ideas were entertained as to the magni- tude of this blissful region. As Adam and all his progeny were to have lived there, had he not sinned, and as there would have been no such thing as death to thin the number of mankind, it was inferred thai 556 APPENDIX, the terrestrial paradise must be of grtat extent to contain them. Some gave it a size equal to Europe or Africa ; others gave it the whole southern hemi- sphere. St. Augustine supposed that as mankind multiplied, numbers would be translated without death to heaven ; the parents, perhaps, when their children had arrived at mature age ; or portions of the human race at (he end of certain periods and when the population of the terrestrial paradise had attained a certain amount.-^ Others supposed that mankind, remaining in a state of primitive innocence, would not have required so much space as at present. Having no need of rearing animals for subsistence, no land would have been required for pasturage ; and the earth not being cursed with sterility there would have been no need of extensive tracts of country to permit of fallow land and the alternation of crops required in husbandry. The spontaneous and never-failing fruits of the garden would have been abundant ibr the simple wants of man. Still, that the human race might not be crowded, but might have ample space for recreation and enjoyment, and the charms of variety and change, some allowed at least a hundred leagues of circumference to the garden. St. Basilius in his eloquent discourse on paradise ^ expatiates with rapture on the joys of this sacred abode, elevated to the third region of the air, and under the happiest skies. There a pure and never-failing pleasure is furnished to every sense The eye delights in the admirable clearness of tho 1 St. August. lib. ix. cap. 6. Sup. Genesis. 2 St. Basilius was called the Great. His works were read end admired by all the world, even by Pagans. They are ffritten in an elevated and majestic style, with great splendof »f idea, and vast erudition. APPENDIX. 557 tttmosplicre, in the verdure and beauty of the trees, and the never-withering bloom of the flowers. The ear is regaled with the singing of the birds, the smell with the aromatie odors of the land. In like mai ner the other senses have each their peculiar enjoy- ments. There the vicissitudes of the seasons are un- known and the climate unites the fruitfulness of sum- mer, the joyful abundance of autumn, and the sweet freshness and quietude of spring. There the earth is always green, the flowers are ever blooming, the waters limpid and delicate, not rushing in rude and turbid torrents, but swelling up in crystal fountains, and winding in peaceful and silver streams. There no harsh and boisterous winds are permitted to shake and disturb the air, and ravage the beauty of the groves ; there prevails no melancholy, nor darksome weather, no drowning rain, nor pelting hail ; no forked lightning, nor rending and resounding thun- der ; no wintry pinching cold, nor withering and panting summer heat ; nor anything else that can give pain or sorrow or annoyance, but all is bland and gentle and serene; a perpetual youth and joy reigns throughout all nature, and nothing decays and dies. The same idea is given by St. Ambrosius, in his book on Paradise,-^ an author likewise consulted and cited by Columbus. He wrote in the fourth century, and his touching eloquence, and graceful yet vigor- ous style, insured great popularity to his writings. Many of these opinions are cited by Glanville, usual- ly called Bartholomeus Anglicus, in his work De Pro- prietatibus Kerum ; a work with which Columbus was evidently acquainted. It was a species of ency- clopedia of the general knowledge current at the time, and was likely to recommend itself to a curious I St. Ambros. Opera. Edit. Coignard. Parisiis MDOXQ 558 APPENDIX. and inquiring voyager. This author cites an asser- tion as made by St. Basilius and St. Ambrosius that the water of tlie fountain which proceeds from the garden of Eden falls into a great lake with such a tremendous noise that the inhabitants of the neigh- borhood are born deaf ; and that fi-om this lake pro- ceed the four chief rivers mentioned in Genesis.^ This passage, however, is not to be found in the Hexameron of either Basilius or Ambrosius, from which it is quoted ; neither is it in the oration on Paradise by the former, nor in the letter on the same subject written by Ambrosius to Ambrosius Sabinus. It must be a misquotation by Glanville. Columbus, however, appears to have been struck with it, and Las Casas is of opinion that he derived thence his idea that the vast body of fresh water which filled the Gulf of La Ballena or Paria, flowed from the fountain of Paradise, though from a remote distance ; and that in this gulf, which he supposed in the ex treme part of Asia, originated the Nile, the Tigris, the Euphrates, and the Ganges, which might be con- ducted under the land and sea by subterranean channels, to the places where they spring forth on the earth and assume their proper names. I forbear to enter into various other of the volumi- nous speculations which have been formed relative to 1 Paradisus autem in Oriente, in altissimo monte, de cujus cacuniine cadentes aquce, maximum faciunt lacum, qui in suo casu tantum faciunt strepitum et fragorem, quod omnes iii- colae, juxta priedictum lacum, nascuntur surdi, ex immoderate Bonitu seu fragore sensum auditus in parvulis corrumpente. Ut dicit Basilius in Hexameron^ similiter et Ambros. Ex illo »acu, velut ex uno fonte, procedunt ilia flumina quatuor, Phi- Bon, qui et Ganges, Gyon, qui et Nilus dicitur, et Tigris ac Euphrates. Bart. Angl. de Proprieta! ibus Rerum, lib. 15, cap. U2. Francofurti, 1540. APPENDIX, bb9 kbe terrestrial paradise, and perha^)S It nia}* be thought that I have already said too much on so fan- ciful a subject ; but to illustrate clearly the character of Columbus, it is necessary to elucidate those veins of thought passing through his mind while consider- ing the singular phenomena of the. unknown regions he was exploring, and which are often but slightly and vaguely developed in his journals and letters These speculations, likewise, like those concerning fancied islands in the ocean, carry us back to the time, and make us feel the mystery and conjectural charm which reigned over the greatest part of the world, and have since been completely dispelled by modern discovery. Enough has been cited to show, that, in his observations concerning the terrestrial paradise, Columbus was not indulging in any fanciful and pre- sumptuous chimeras, the offspring of a heated and disordered brain. However visionary his conjectures may seem, they w^ere all grounded on written opin- ions held little less than oracular in his day ; and they will be found on examination to be far exceeded by the speculations and theories of sages held illus- trious for their wisdom and erudition in the school and cloister. No. XXXVI. WILL OF COLUMBUS. In the name of the Most Holy Trinity, who in Bpired me with the idea, and afterwards made it per- fectly clear to me, that I could navigate and go to the Indies from Spain, by traversing the ocean west- wardly ; which I communicated to the king, Doa APPENDIX. Ferdinand, and to the queen, Dona Isabella, oui sovereigns ; and they were pleased to furnish me the necessary equipment of men and ships, and to make me their admiral over the said ocean, in all parts lying to the west of an imaginary line, drawn Iroin pole to pole, a hundred leagues west of tlie Cape de Verd and Azore islands; also appointing me their viceroy and governor over all continents and islands that I might discover beyond the said line west- wardly ; with the right of being succeeded in the paid offices by my eldest son and his heirs forever ; and a grant of the tenth part of all things found in the said jurisdiction and of all rents and revenues arising from it ; and the eighth of all the lands and everything else, together with the salary correspond- ing to my rank of admiral, viceroy, and governor, and all other emoluments accruing thereto, as is more fully expressed in the title and agreement . sanc- tioned by their highnesses. And it pleased the Lord Almighty, that in the year one thousand four hundred and ninety-two, I should discover the continent of the Indies and many islands, ' among them Hispaniola, which the Indians call Ayte, and the Monicongos, Cipango. I then returned to Castile to their highnesses, who ap- proved of my undertaking a second enterprise for farther discoveries and settlements; and the Lord gave me victory over the island of Hispaniola, which extends six hundred leagues, and I conquered it and made it tributary ; and I discovered many islands inhabited by cannibals, and seven hundred to the west of Hispaniola, among which is Jamaica, which we call Santiago ; and three hundred and thirty-three leagues of continent from south to west, besides a hundred and seven to the north, which I discovered in my first voyage, together with manj APPENDIX, 561 islands, as may more clearly be seen by my letters, memorials, and maritime charts. And as we hope in God that before long a good and great revenue will be derived from the above islands and continent, of which, for the reasons aforesaid belong to me the tenth and the eigbth, with the salaries and emolu- ments specified above ; and considering that we are mortal, and that it is proper for every one to settle bis affairs, and to leave declared to his heirs and suc- cessors the property he possesses or may have a right to : Wherefore 1 have concluded to create an en- tailed estate (mayorazgo) out of the said eighth of the lands, places, and revenues, in the manner which I now proceed to state. In the first place, I am to be succeeded by Don Diego, my son, who in case of death without chil- dren is to be succeeded by my other son Ferdinand ; and should God dispose of him also without leaving children and without my having any other son, then my brother Don Bartholomew is to succeed ; and after him his eldest son ; and if God should dispose of him without heirs, he shall be succeeded by his sons from one to another forever ; or, in the failure of a son, to be succeeded by Don Ferdinand, after the same manner, from son to son successively ; or in their place by my brothers Bartholomew and Diego. And should it please the Lord that the estate, after having continued for some time in the line of any of the above successors, should stand in need of an immediate and lawful male heir, the succession shall then devolve to the nearest relation, being a man of legitimate birth, and bearing the name of Columbus derived from his father and his ancestors. This en- tailed estate shall in nowise be inherited by a woman, except in case that no male is to be found, either in this or any other quarter of the world, of vol. III. 36 562 APPENDIX. my real lineage, whose name, as well as that of hii ancestors, shall have always been Columbus. In Buch an event, (which may God forefend,) then the female of legitimate birth, most nearly related to the preceding possessor of the estate, shall succeed to it; and this is to be under the conditions herein stipu- lated at foot, which must be understood to extend as well to Don Diego, my son, as to the aforesaid and their heirs, every one of them, to be fulfilled by them ; and failing to do so, they are to be deprived of the succession, for not having complied with wdiat shall herein be expressed ; and the estate to pass to the person most nearly related to the one who held the right : and the person thus succeeding shall in like manner forfeit the estate, should he also fail to comply with said conditions ; and another per- son, the nearest of my lineage, shall succeed, pro- vided he abide by them, so that they may be ob- served forever in the form prescribed. This forfeit- ure is not to be incurred for trifling matters, origi- nating in lawsuits, but in important cases, when the glory of God, or my own, or that of my family, may be concerned, which supposes a perfect fulfill- ment of all the things hereby ordained ; all which I recommend to the courts of justice. And I suppli- cate his Holiness, who now is, and those that may succeed in the holy church, that if it should happen fchat this my will and testament has need of his holy order and command for its fulfillment, that such order be issued in virtue of obedience, and under penalty of excommunication, and that it shall not be in anywise disfigured. And I also pray the king and queen, our sovereigns, and their eldest-born, Prince Don Juan, our lord, and their successors, for the sake of the services I have done them, and be- cause it is just, that it may please them not to permit APPENDIX, 5G3 this my will and constitution of my entailed estate to be any way altered, but to leave it in the form and manner which I have ordained, forever, for the greater glory of the Almighty, and that it may be the root and basis of my lineage, and a memento of the services I have rendered their highnesses; that, being born in Genoa, I came over to serve them in Castile, and discovered to the west of Terra Fitraa, the Indies and islands before mentioned. 1 aceordingiy pray their highnesses to order that this my privilege and testament be held valid, and be executed summarily and without any opposition or demur, according to the letter. I also pray the grandees of the realm and the lords of the council, and all others having administration of justice, to be pleased not to suffer this my will and testament to be of no avail, but to cause it to be fulfilled as by me ordained ; it being just that a noble, who has served the king and queen, and the kingdom, should be respected in the disposition of his estate by will, testament, institution of entail or inheritance, and that the same be not infringed either in whole or in part. In the first place, my son Don Diego, and all my successors and descendants, as well as my brothers Bartholomew and Diego, shall bear my arms, such as I shall leave them after my days, without inserting anything else in them ; and they shall be their seal to seal withal. Don Diego my son, or any other who may inherit this estate, on coming into posses- sion of the inheritance, shall sign with the signature which I now make use of, which is an X w^ith an S over it, and an M with a Roman A over it, and over that an S, and then a Greek Y, with an S over •t, with its lines and points as is my custom, as may be seen by my signatures, of which there are many, and it will be seen by the present one. 561 APPENDIX. He oliall only write the Admiral/' whatever other titles the kin^ may have conferred on him* This is to be understood as respects his signature, but not the enumeration of his titles, which he can make at full length if agreeable, only the signature is to be the Admiral." The said Don Diego, or any other inheritor of this estate, shall posses the offices of admiral of the ocean, which is to the west of an imaginary line which his highness ordered to be drawn, running from pole to pole a hundred leagues beyond the Azores, and as many more beyond the Cape de Verd Islands, over all which I was made, by their order, their admiral of the sea, with all the preeminences held by Don Henrique in the admiralty of Castile, and they made me their governor and viceroy perpetually and for- ever, over all the islands and main-land discovered, or to be discovered, for myself and heirs, as is more fully shown by my treaty and privilege as above mentioned. Item : The said Don Diego, or any other inheritor of this estate, shall distribute the revenue which it may please our Lord to grant him, in the following manner^ under the above penalty. First — Of the whole income of this estate, now and at all times, and of whatever may be had or collected from it, he shall give the fourth part annu- ally to my brother Don Bartholomew Columbus, Ade- lantado of the Indies ; and this is to continue till he shall have acquired an income of a million of maravadises, for his support, and for the services he has rendered and will continue to render to this en tailed estate ; which million he is to receive, as stated, every year, if the said fourth amount to so much, and that he have nothing else ; but if he possess a part or the whole of that amount in rents, that APPENDIX. 565 fclKiiicefo'th be shall not enjoy the said million, nor any part of it, except that he sliall have in the said fourth part unto the said quantity of a million, If it should amount to so much ; and as much as he shall have of revenue beside this fourth part, whatever Bum of maravadises of known rent from property or perpetual offices, the said quantity of rent or revenue from property or offices shall be discounted ; and from the said million shall be reserved whatever marriage portion he may receive with any female he may espouse ; so that whatever he may receive in marriage with his wife, no deduction shall be made on that account from said million, but only for what- ever he may acquire, or may have, over and above his wife's dowry ; and when it shall please God that he or his heirs and descendants shall derive from their property and offices a revenue of a million arising from rents, neither he nor his heirs shall en- joy any longer anything from the said fourth part of the entailed estate, which shall remain with Don Diego, or whoever may inherit it. Item : From the revenues of the said estate, or from any other fourth part of it, (should its amount be adequate to it,) shall be paid every year to my son Ferdinand two millions, till such time as his rev- enue shall amount to two millions, in the same form and manner as in the case of Bartholomew, who, as well as his heirs, are to have the million or the part that may be wanting. Item : The said Don Diego or Don Bartholomew shall make, out of the said estate, for my brother Diego, su(3h provision as may enable him to live de- eently, as he is my brother, to whom I assign no par- ticular sum as he has attached himself to the church, ind that will be given him which is right : and this to be given him in a mass, and before anything sh^ 566 APPENDIX, have been received by Ferdinand my son, or Bar« tholonievv my brother, or their heirs, and also accord- ing to the amount of the income of the estate. And in case of discord, the case is to be referred to two of our relations, or other men of honor ; and should they disagree among themselves, they will choose a third person as arbitrator, being virtuous and not dis- trusted by either party. Item : All this revenue which I bequeath to Bar- tholomew, to Ferdinand, and to Diego, shall be de- livered to and received by them as prescribed under the obligation of being faithful and loyal to Diego my son, or his heirs, they as well as their children : and should it appear that they, or any of them, had proceeded against him in anything touching his honor, or the prosperity of the family, or of the es- tate, either in word or deed, whereby might come a scandal and debasement to my family, and a detri- ment to my estate ; in that case, nothing farther shall be given to them or him, from that time forward, in asmuch as they are always to be faithful to Diego and to his successors. Item : As it was my intention, when I first insti- tuted this entailed estate, to dispose, or that my son Diego should dispose for me, of the tenth part of the income in favor of necessitous persons, as a tithe, and in commemoration of the Almighty and Eternal God ; and persisting still in this opinion, and hoping that His High Majesty will assist me, and those who may inherit it, in this or the New World, I have re- solved that the said tithe shall be paid in the man- ner following : First — It is to be understood that the fourth part of the revenue of the estate which I have ordained and directed to be given to Don Bartholomew, till he have an income of one million, includes the tenth APPENDIX. 567 of the wliole revenue of the estate ; and that as in proportion as the income of my brother Don Bar- tholomew shall increase, as it has to be dlscountevl from the revenue of the fourth part of the entailed estate, that the said revenue shall be calculated, to know how much the tenth part amounts to ; and the part which exceeds what is necessary to make up the million for Don Bartholomew shall be received by Buch of my family as may most stand in need of it, discounting it from said tenth, if their income do not amount to fifty thousand maravadises; and should any of these come to have an income to this amount, such a part shall be awarded them as two persons, chosen for the purpose, may determine along with Don Diego, or his heirs. Thus, it is to be un- derstood that the million which I leave to Don Bar- tholomew comprehends the tenth of the whole rev- enue of the estate ; which revenue is to be distrib- uted among my nearest and 'most needy relations in the manner I have directed; and when Don Bar- tholomew have an income of one million, and that nothing more shall be due to him on account of said fourth part, then, Don Diego my son, or the person who may be in possession of the estate, along with the two other persons which I shall herein point out, shall inspect the accounts, and so direct, that the tenth of the revenue shall still continue to be paid to the most necessitous members of my family that may be found in this or any other quarter of the ^rorld, who shall be diligently sought out ; and they are to be paid out of the fourth part from which Don Bartholomew is to derive his million ; which Bums are to be taken into account, and deducted from the said tenth, which, should it amount to more, the overplus, as it arises from the fourth part, shall be given to the most necessitous persons as aforesaid 568 APPENDIX, and should it not be sufficient, that Don B..rtholo mew shall have it until his own estate goes on in- creasing, leaving the said million in part or in the whole. Item : The said Don Diego my son, or whoev er may be the inheritor, shall appoint two persons of conscience and authority, and most nearly related to the family, who are to examine the revenue and its amount carefully, and to cause the said tenth to be paid out of the fourth from which Don Bartholomew is to receive his million, to the most necessitated members of my family that m.ay be found here or elsewhere, whom they shall look for diligently upon their consciences ; and as it might happen that said Don Diego, or others after him, for reasons which may concern their own welfare, or the credit and support of the estate, may be unwilling to make known the full amount of the income ; nevertheless I charge him, on his conscience, to pay the sum afore- said ; and I charge them, on their souls and con- sciences, not to denounce or make it known, except with the consent of Don Diego, or the person that may succeed him ; but let the above tithe be paid in the manner I have directed. Item : In order to avoid all disputes in the choice of the two nearest relations who are to act with Don Diego or his heirs, I hereby elect Don Bartholomew my brother for one, and Don Fernando my son for the Gther ; and when these two shall enter upon the busi- ness, they shall choose two other persons among the most trusty, and most nearly related, and these again shall elect two others when it shall be question of commencing the examination ; and thus it shall be managed with diligence from one to the other, as wel] in this as in the other of government, for the service and glory of God, and the benefit of the said entailed estate. APPENDIX. 539 Item : I also ciijohi Diego, or any one that may inherit the estate, to have and maintain in the city of Genoa, one person of our lineage to reside there with his wife, and appoint him a sufficient revenue to enable him to live decently, as a person closely con- nected with the family, of which he is to be the root and basis in that city ; from which great good may accrue to him, inasmuch as I was born there, and came from thence. Item : The said Don Diego, or whoever shall in herit the estate, must remit in bills, or in any other way, all such sums as he may be able to save out of the revenue of the estate, and direct purchases to be made in his name, or that of his heirs, in a stock in the Bank of St. George, which gives an interest of six per cent, and in secure money ; and this shall be devoted to the purpose I am about to explain. Item : As it becomes every man of property to serve God, either personally or by means of his wealth, and as all moneys deposited with St. George are quite safe, and Genoa is a noble city, and powerful by sea, and as at the time that I undertook to set out upon the discovery of the Indies, it was with the intention of supplicating the king and queen, our lords, that whatever moneys should be derived from the said Indies, should be invested in the conquest of Jerusalem ; and as I did so supplicate them ; if they do this, it will be w^ell ; if not, at all events, the said Diego, or such person as may succeed him in this trust, to collect together all the money he can, and accompany the king our lord, should he go to the conquest of Jerusalem, or else go there himself with Jill the force he can command ; and in pursuing this intention, it will please the Lord to assist towards the ciccomplishment of the plan ; and shouhl ho not be able to effect the conquest of the whole, no doubt he 570 APPENDIX, will achieve it in part. Let him therefore collect and maki a fund of all his wealth in St. George of Genoa, and let it multiply there till such time as it may ap- pear to him that something of consequence may be effected as respects the project on Jerusalem ; for I believe that when their highnesses shall see that this is contemplated, they will wish to realize it them- selves, or will aiFord him, as their servant and vassal, the means of doing it for them. Item : I charge my son Diego and my descendants, especially whoever may inherit this estate, which con- sists, as aforesaid, of the tenth of whatsoever may be had or found in the Indies, and the eighth part of the lands and rents, all which, together with my rights and emoluments as admiral, viceroy, and governor, amount to more than twenty-five per cent. ; I say, that I require of him to employ all this revenue, as well as his person and all the means in his power, in well and faithfully serving and supporting their high- nesses, or their successors, even to the loss of life and property ; since it was their highnesses, next to God, who first gave me the means of getting and achieving this property, although it is true, I came over to these realms to invite them to the enterprise, and that a long time elapsed before any provision was made for carrying it into execution ; which, however, is not surprising, as this was an undertaking of which all the world was ignorant, and no one had any faith in it ; wherefore I am by so much the more indebted to them, as well as because they have since also much favored and promoted me. Item : I also require of Diego, or whomsoever may be in possession of the estate, that in the case of any gchism taking place in the church of God, or that any person of whatever class or condition should at- tempt to despoil i*: of its property and honors, thej APPENDIX. 571 hasten to ofTer at the feet of his holiness, that is, if the}' are not heretics (which God forbid ! ) their per- sons, power, and wealth, for the purpose of suppress- ing such schism, and preventing any spoliation of the honor and property of the church. Item : I command the said Diego, or whoever may possess the said estate, to labor and strive for the honor, welfare, and aggrandizement of the city of Genoa, and to make use of all his power and means in defending and enhancing the good and credit of that republic, in all things not contrary to the service of the church of God, or the high dignity of our king and queen, our lords, and their successors. Item : The said Diego, or whoever may possess or succeed to the estate, out of the fourth part of the whole revenue, from which, as aforesaid, is to be taken the tenth, when Don Bartholomew or his heirs shall have saved the two millions, or part of them, and when the time shall come of making a distribu- tion among our relations, shall apply and invest the said tenth in providing marriages for such daughters of our lineage as may require it, and in doing all the good in their power. Item : When a suitable time shall arrive, he shall order a church to be built in the island of Hispaniola, and in the most convenient spot, to be called Santa Maria de la Concepcion ; to which is to be annexed an hospital, upon the best possible plan, like those of Italy and Castile, and a chapel erected to say mass in for the good of my soul, and those of my ancestors and successors with great devotion, since no doubt it will please the Lord to give us a sufficient revenue 6)r this and the aforementioned purposes. Item : I also order Diego my son, or whomsoever may inherit after him, to spare no pains in having and maintaining in the island of Hispaniola, four 572 iPPENDlX good professors of theology, to the end and aim of their studying and laboring to convert to our holv faith the inhabitants of the Indies ; and in proportion as, by God's will, the revenue of the estate shall in- crease, in the same degree shall the number of teachers and devout increase, who are to strive to make Christians of the natives ; in attaining which no expense should be thought too great. And in commemoration of all that I hereby ordain, and of the foregoing, a monument of marble shall be erected in the said church of la Concepcion, in the most con- spicuous place, to serve as a record of what I here enjoin on the said Diego, as well as to other persona who may look upon it ; which marble shall contain an inscription to the same effect. Item : I also require of Diego my son, and whom- soever may succeed him in the estate, that every time, and as often as he confesses, he first show this obligation, or a copy of it, to the confessor, praying him to read it through, that he may be enabled to inquire respecting its fulfillment ; from which will re- dound great good and happiness to his soul. S. S. A. S. X. M. Y. EL ALMIRANTK No. xxxvn. SIGNATURE OF COLUMBUS. As everything respecting Columbus is full of in* te'^st, his signature has been a matter of some dis- APPENDIX. ciisslon. It partook of the pedantic and bigoted character of the age, and perhaps of the peculiar character of the man, who, considering himself mys- teriously elected and set apart from among men for certain great purposes, adopted a correspondent for- mality and solemnity in all his concerns. His signa ture was as follows : S. S. A. S. X. M. y. XPO FERENS. The first half of the signature, XPO, (for CHRIS- TO,) is in Greek letters ; the second, FERENS, is in Latin. Such was the usage of those days ; and even at present both Greek and Roman letters are used in signatures and inscriptions in Spain. The ciphers or initials above the signature are supposed to represent a pious ejaculation. To read .hem one must begin with the lower letters, and connect them with those above. Signor Gio. Batista Spotorno conjectures them to mean either Xristus (Christus), Sancta Maria, Yosephus, or, Salve me, Xristus, Maria, Yosephus. The North American Review, for April, 1827, suggests the substitution of Jesus for Josephus, but the suggestion of Spotorno is most probably correct, as a common Spanish ejacu- lation is Jesus, Maria, y Jose.'* It was an ancient usage in Spain, and it has not entirely gone by, to accompany the signature with some words of religious purport. One object of this practice was to show the writer to be a Christian. This was of some importance in a country in which Jews and Mahonretans were proscribed and perse- ^iuted APPENDIX. Don Fernando, son of Columbus, says that 'Ai% father, when he took his pen in hand, usually com- menced by writing " Jesus cum Maria sit nobis in via ; " and the book which the admiral prepared and nent to the sovereigns, containing the prophecies which he considered as referring to his discoveries, and to the rescue of the holy sepulchre, begins with the same words. This practice is akin to that of placing the initials of pious words above his signa- ture, and gives great probability to the mode in which they have been deciphered. No. xxxvm. A VISIT TO PALOS. [The following narrative was actually commenced, by the author of this work, as a letter to a friend, but unexpectedly swelled to its present size. He has been induced to insert it here from the idea, that many will feel the same curiosity to know something of the present state of Palos and its inhabi- tants that led him to make the journey.] Seville, 1828. Since I last wrote to you, I have made what I may term an American pilgrimage, to visit the little port of Palos, in Andalusia, where Columbus fitted out his ships, and whence he sailed for the discovery of the New World. Need I tell you how deeply interesting and gratifying it has been to me ? I had long meditated this excursion, as a kind of pious, and, if 1 may so say, filial duty of an American, and my intention was quickened when I learnt that many of the edifices, mentioned in the History of APPENDIX. 575 Columbus, still remained in nearly the same state in which they existed at the time of his sojourn at Palos, and that the descendants of the intrepid Pin- zons, who aided him with ships and money, and sailed with him in the great voyage of discovery, still flourished in the neighborhood. The very evening before my departure from Se- ville on the excursion, I heard that there was a young gentleman of the Pinzon family studying law in the city. I got introduced to him, and found him of most prepossessing appearance and manners. He gave me a letter of introduction to his father, Don Juan Fernandez Pinzon, resident of Moguer, and the present head of the family. As it was in the middle of August, and the weather intensely hot, I hired a calesa for the jour- ney. This is a two-wheeled carriage, resembling a cabriolet, but of the most primitive and rude con- struction ; the harness is profusely ornamented with brass, and the horse's head decorated with tufts and tassels and dangling bobs of scarlet and yellow worsted. I had for calasero, a tall, long-legged Andalusian, in short jacket, little round-crowned hat, breeches decorated with buttons from the hip to the knees, and a pair of russet leather bottinas or spatterdashes. He was an active fellow, though uncommonly taciturn for an Andalusian, and strode along beside his horse, rousing him occasionally to greater speed by a loud malediction or a hearty thwack of his cudgel. In this style, I set off late in the day to avoid the noontide heat, and, after ascending the lofty range of hills which borders the great valley of the Guadalquiver, and having a rough ride among their heights, I descended about twilight into one of those vast, silent, melancholy plains, frequent in Spaiiij 57G APPENDlA. where 1 beheld no other signs of life than a roam* ing ilook of bustards, and a distant herd of cattle, guarded by a solitary herdsman, who, with a long pike planted in the earth, stood motionh., ^s in the midst of the dreary landscape, resembling an Arab of the desert. The night had somewhat advanced when we stopped to repose for a few hours at a soli- tary venta or inn, if it might so be called, being nothing more than a vast low-roofed stable, divided into several compartments for the reception of the troops of mules and arrieros (or carriers) who carry on the internal trade of Spain. Accommodalion for the traveller there was none — not even for a traveller so easily accommodated as myself. The landlord had no food to give me, and as to a bed, he had none but a horse-cloth, on which his only child, a boy of eight years old, lay naked on the earthen floor. Indeed the heat of the weather and the fumes from the stables made the interior of the hovel insupportable ; so I was fain to bivouac, on my cloak, on the pavement, at the door of the venta, where, on waking, after two or three hours of sound sleep, I found a contrabandista (or smug- gler) snoring beside me, with his blunderbuss on his arm. I resumed my journey before break of day, and had made several leagues by ten o'clock, when we Btopped to breakfast, and to pass the sultry hours of mid-day in a large village; whence we departed about four o'clock, and after passing through the game kind of solitary country, arrived just after sunset at Moguer. This little city (for at present it is a city) is situated about .a league from Palos, of which place it has gradually absorbed all the respect- able inhabitants, and, among the number, the whole familv of the Pinzons. APPENDIX, 80 remote is this little place from the stir and bustle of travel, and so destitute of the show and vainglory of Ihis world, that m}^ calesa, as it rattle^ and jingled along the narrow and ill-paved streets caused a great sensation ; the children shouted anc scampered along by its side, admiring its spkndid trappings of brass and woi-sted, and gazing with reverence at the important stranger who came in so gorgeous an equipage. I drove up to the principal posada, the landlord of which was at the door. He was one of the very civilest men in the world, and disposed to do every- thing in his power to make me comfortable ; there was only one difficulty, he had neither bed nor bed- room in his house. In fact it was a mere venta for muleteers, who are accustomed to sleep on the ground, with their mule-cloths for beds and pack- saddles for pillows. It was a hard case, but there was no better posada in the place. Few people travel for pleasure or curiosity in these out-of-the- way parts of Spain, and those of any note are gen- erally received into private houses. I had travelled sufficiently in Spain to find out that a bed, after all, is not an article of indispensable necessity, and was about to bespeak some quiet corner where I might spread my cloak, when fortunately the landlord's wife came forth. She could not have a more ol lig- ing disposition than her husband, but then — God bless the women ! — they always know how to carry their good wishes into effect. In a little whde a small room, about ten feet square, which had formed a thoroughfare between the stables and a kind of shop or bar-room, was cleared of a variety of lum- ber, and I ^vas assured that a bed should be put up there for me. From the consultations I saw my host€;ss holding with some of her neighbor gossips VOL. HI. 3r 578 APPENDhK. I fancied the bed was to be a kind Df pieceuieal 30iitribnti3n among tliem for the credit of the house. As soon as I could change my dress, I commenced the historical researches which were the object of my journey, and inquired for the abode of Don Juan Fernandez Pinzon. My obliging landlord himself volunteered to conduct me thither, and I set off full of animation at the thoughts of meeting with the lineal representative of one of the coadjutors of Co- lumbus. A short walk brought us to the house, which was most respectable in its appearance, indicating easy, if not affluent, circumstances. The door, as is cus- tomary in Spanish villages, during summer, stood wide open. We entered with the usual salutation or rather summons, " Ave Maria ! " A trim An- dalusian handmaid answered to the call, and, on our inquiring for the master of the house, led the way across a little patio or court, in the centre of the edifice, cooled by a fountain surrounded by shrubs and flowers, to a back court or terrace, likewise set out with flowers, where Don Juan Fernandez was seated with his family, enjoying the serene evening in the open air. I was much pleased with his appearance. He was a venerable old gentleman, tall, and somewhat thin, with fair complexion and gray hair. He re- ceived me with great urbanity, and on reading the letter from his son, appeared struck with surprise to find I had come quite to Moguer merely to visit the scene of the embarkation of Columbus , and still more so on my telling him that one of my leading objects of curiosity was his own family connection for it would seem that the worthy cavalier had troubled his head but Uttle about the enterprises of his ancestors. APPENDIX. 573 I now took my seat in the domestic circle, and foon felt myself quite at home, for there generally a frankness in the hospitality of Spaniards, tliat soon puts a stranger at liis ease beneath their roof Th^ wife of Don Juan Fernandez was extremely amiable and affable, possessing much of that natural aptness for which the Spanish women are remarkable. In the course of conversation with them I learnt that Don Juan Fernandez, who is seventy-two years of age, is the eldest of five brothers, all of whom are married, have numerous offspring, and live in Mo- guer and its vicinity, in nearly the same condition and rank of life as at the time of the discovery. This agreed with what I had previously heard re- specting the families of the discoverers. Of Colum- bus no lineal and direct descendant exists ; his was an exotic stock which never took deep and lasting root in the country ; but the race of the Pinzons continues to thrive and multiply in its native soil. While I was yet conversing, a gentleman entered, who was introduced to me as Don Luis Fernandez Pinzon, the youngest of the brothers. He appeared between fifty and sixty years of age, somewhat ro- bust, with fair complexion, gray hair, and a frank and manly deportment. He is the only one of the pres- ent generation that has followed the ancient profes- Bion of the family ; having served with great ap- plause as an officer of the royal navy, from which he retired, on his marriage, about twenty-two years fince. He is the one, also,, who takes the greatest interest and pride in the historical honors of his house, carefully preserving all the legends and doc- uments of the achievements and distinctions of his family, a manuscript volume of which he lent to me S)r my inspection. Don Juan now expressed a wish that, during my 580 APPENDIX. residence in Moguer, I would make his house my home. I endeavored to excuse myself, alleging, that the good people at the posada had been at such extraordinary trouble in preparing quarters for me, that I did not like to disappoint them. The worthy old gentleman undertook to arrange all this, and, while supper was preparing, we walked together to the posada. I found that my obliging host and host- ess had indeed exerted themselves to an uncommon degree. An old rickety table had been spread out in a corner of the little room as a bedstead, on top of which was propped up a grand cama de luxo, or state bed, which appeared to be the admiration of the house. I could not, for the soul of me, appear to undervalue what the poor people had prepared with such hearty good-will, and considered such a triumph of art and luxury ; so I again entreated Don Juan to dispense with my sleeping at his house, promising most faithfully to take my meals there whilst I should stay at Moguer, and as the old gen- tleman understood my motives for declining his in- vitation, and felt a good-humored sympathy in them, we readily arranged the matter. I returned there fore with Don Juan to his house and supped with bis family. During the repast a plan was agreed upon for my visit to Palos, and to the convent La Rabida, in which Don Juan volunteered to accompany me and be my guide, and the following day was allotted to the expedition. We were to breakfast at a haci- enda, or country-seat, which he possessed in the vi- cinity of Palos, in the midst of his vineyards, and were to dine there on our return from the convent. These arrangements being made, we parted for the night ; I returned to the posada highly gratified with my visit, and slept soundly in the extraordinary bed which, I may almost say, had been invented for my accommodation. APPENDIX. 581 On the folio v/ing morning, bright and early, Don Juan Fernandez and myself set off in the calesa for Pal OS. I felt a[)prehensive at first, that the kind- hearted old gentleman, in his anxiety to oblige, had left his bed at too early an hour, and was exposing himself to fatigues unsuited to his age. He laughed at the idea, and assured me that he was an early riser, and accustomed to all kinds of exercise on horse and foot, being a keen sportsman, and fre- quently passing days together among the mountains on shooting expeditions, taking with him servants, horses, and provisions, and living in a tent. He ap- peared, in fact, to be of an active habit, and to pos- sess a youthful vivacity of spirit. His cheerful dis- position rendered our morning drive extremely agreeable ; his urbanity was shown to every one whom we met on the road ; even the common peasant was saluted by him with the appellation of caballero^ a mark of respect ever gratifying to the poor but proud Spaniard, when yielded by a superior. As the tide was out we drove along the flat grounds bordering the Tinto. The river was on our right, while on our left was a range of hills, jut- ting out into promontories, one beyond the other, and covered with vineyards and fig-trees. The weather was serene, the air soft and balmy, and the land- scape of that gentle kind calculated to put one in a quiet and happy humor. We passed close by the skirts of Palos, and drove to the hacienda, which ia situated at some little distance from the village be- tween it and the river. The house is a low stone building, well whitewashed, and of great length ; one end being fitted up as a summer residence, with saloons, bed-rooms, and a domestic chapel ; and the other as a bodega or magazine for the reception of •^be wine produced on the estate. 582 APPENDIX. The bouse stands on a hill, amidst vineyards, wbich are supposed to cover a part of the site of the ancient town of Palos, now shrunk to a miserable village-. Beyond these vineyards, on the crest of a distant hill, are seen the white walls of the convent ^f La Rabida rising above a dark wood of pine- trees. Below the hacienda flows the river Tinto, on which Columbus embarked. It is divided by a low tongue of land, or rather the sand-bar of Saltes, from the river Odiel, with which it soon mingles its waters, and flows on to the ocean. Beside this sand-bar, where the channel of the river runs deep, the squadron of Columbus was anchored, and thence he made sail on the morning of his departure. The soft breeze that was blowing scarcely ruffled the surface of this beautiful river ; two or three pic- turesque barks, called mystics, with long latine sails, were gliding down it. A little aid of the imagina- tion might suffice to picture them as the light cara- vels of Columbus, sallying forth on their eventful expedition, while the distant bells of the town of Huelva, which were ringing melodiously, might be supposed as cheering the voyagers with a farewell peal. I cannot express to you what were my feelings on treading the shore which had once been animated with the bustle of departure, and whose sands had been printed by the last footstep of Columbus. The solemn and sublime nature of the event that had fol- lowed, together with the fate and fortunes of those concerned in it, filled the mind with vague yet mel- ancholy ideas. It was like viewing the silent and empty stage of some great drama when all the actors had departed. The very aspect of the landscape, BO tranquilly beautiful, had an effect upon me ; and APPENDIX, 583 AS I paced the deserted shores by the side of a de- ecendant of one of the discoverers, I felt my hear* swelling with emotions and my eyes filling with tears. What surprised me was, to find no semblance of a Bea-port ; there was neither wharf nor landing-place — nothing but a naked river bank, with the hulk of a ferry-boat, which I was told carried passengers to Huelva, lying high and dry on the sands, deserted by the tide. Palos, though it has doubtless dwindled away from its former size, can never have been im- portant as to extent and population. If it possessed warehouses on the beach, they have disappeared. It is at present a "mere village of the poorest kind, and lies nearly a quarter of a mile from the river, in a hollow among hills. It contains a few hundred in- habitants, who subsist principally by laboring in the fields and vineyards. Its race of merchants and mariners is extinct. There are no vessels belonging to the place, nor any show of traffic, excepting at the season of fruit and wine, when a few mystics and other light barks anchor in the river to collect the produce of the neighborhood. The people are to- tally ignorant, and it is probable that the greater part of them scarce know even the name of America. Such is the place whence sallied forth the enterprise for the discovery of the western world ! We were now summoned to breakfast in a little saloon of the hacienda. The table was covered with natural luxuries produced upon the spot — fine pur- ple and muscatel grapes from the adjacent vineyard, delicious melons from the garden, and generous wines made on the estate. The repast was height- ened by the genial manners of my hospitable host, who appeared to possess the most enviable cheerful- aess of spirit and simplicity of heart. 584 APPENDIX. After breakfast we set off in the calesa to visit the convent of La Rabida, about half a league distant. The road, for a part of the way, lay through the vineyards, and was deep and sandy. The calasero had been at his wit's end to conceive what motive a stranger like myself, apparently travelling for mere amusement, could have in coming so far to see .?o miserable a place as Palos, which he set down as one of the very poorest places in the whole world ; but this additional toil and struggle through deep sand to visit the old convent of La Rabida completed his confas'on — " Hombre ! " exclaimed he, " es una ru- ina ! no hay mas que dos frailes ! " — " Zounds ! why it 's a ruin ! there are only two friars- there ! " Don Juan laughed, and told him that I had come all the way from Seville precisely to see that old ruin and those two friars. The calasero made the Spaniard's last reply when he is perplexed — he shrugged his shoulders and crossed himself. After ascending a hill and passing through the skirts of a straggling pine wood, we arrived in front of the convent. It stands in a bleak and solitary situation, on the brow of a rocky height or promontory, overlooking to the west a wide range of sea and land, bounded by the frontier mountains of Portugal, about eight leagues distant. The convent is shut out from a view of the vineyard of Palos by the gloomy forest of pines al- ready mentioned, which cover the promontory to the east, and darken the whole landscape in that direc- tion. There Is nothing remarkable in the architecture of the convent; part of it is Gothic, but the edifice, having been frequently repaired, and being white- washed, according to a universal custom in Andalu- sia inherited from the Moors, has not that venerable aspect which might be expected from its antiquity. APPENDIX. 58^ W*5 nligbted at the gate where Columbus, wher a poor pedestrian, a stranger in the land, asked bread and water for his child ! As long as the convent Btands, this must be a spot calculated to awaken the most thrilling interest. The gate remains apparently in nearly the same state as at the time of his visits but there is no longer a porter at hand to administer to the wants of the wayfarer. The door stood wide open, and admitted us into a small court-yard. Thence we passed through a Gothic portal into the chapel, without seeing a human being. We then traversed two interior cloisters, equally vacant and silent, and bearing a look of neglect and dilapida- tion. From an -open window we had a peep at what had once been a garden, but that had also gone to ruin ; the walls were broken and thrown down ; a few shrubs, and a scattered fig-tree or two, were ail the traces of cultivation that remained. We passed through the long dormitories, but the cells were shut up and abandoned ; we saw no living thing except a solitary cat stealing across a distant corridor, which fled in a panic at the unusual sight of strangers. At length, after patrolling nearly the whole of the empty building to the echo of our own footsteps, we came to where the door of a cell, being partly open, gave us the sight of a monk within, seated at a table writing. He rose, and received us with much civility, and con- ducted us to the superior, who was reading in an ad- jacent cell. They were both rather young men, and, together with a novitiate and a lay-brother, who ofB dated as cook, formed the whole community of the convent. Don Juan Fernandez communicated to them the object of my visit, and my desire also to inspect the archives of the convent, to find if there was any record of the sojourn of Columbus. The/ nfcrmed 586 APPENDIX. us that the archives had been entirely destroyed by the French. The younger monk, however, who had perused them, had a vague recollection of various particulars concerning the transactions of Columbug at Palos, his visit to the convent, and the sailing of his expedition. From all that he cited, however, it appeared to me that all the information on "^lie sub- ject contained in the archives had been extracted from Herrera and other well known authors. The monk was talkative and eloquent, and soon diverged from the subject of Columbus, to one v^^hich he con- sidered of infinitely greater importance — the mi- raculous image of the Virgin possessed by their convent, and known by the name of " Our Lady of La Rabida." He gave us a history of the wonderful way in which the image had been found buried in the earth, where it had lain hidden for ages, since the time of the conquest of Spain by the Moors ; the disputes between the convent and different places in the neighborhood for the possession of it ; the mar- velous protection it extended to the adjacent country, especially in preventing all madness, either in man or dog, for this malady was anciently so prevalent in this place as to gain it the appellation of La Rabia, by which it w^as originally called ; a name which, thanks to the beneficent influence of the Virgin, it no longer •jierited nor retained. Such are the legends and lelics with which every convent in Spain is enriched, which are zealously cried up by the monks, and de- voutly credited by the populace. Twice a year on the festival of our Lady of La Kabida, and on that of the patron saint of the order, the solitude and silence of the convent are inter- rupted by the intrusion of a swarming multitude, composed of the inhabitants of Moguer, of Huelva, and the neighboring plains and mountains. The APPENDIX, 587 open esplanade in front of the edifice resembles a fair, the adjacent forest teems with the motley throng, and the image of our Lady of La Rabida is borne forth in triumphant procession. While the friar was thus dilating upon the merits and renown of the image, I amused myself with those day dreams, or conjurings of the imagination, to which I am a little given. As the internal arrange- ments of convents are apt to be the same from age to age, I pictured to myself this chamber as the same inhabited by the guardian, Juan Perez de Marchena, at the time of the visit of Columbus. Why might not the old and ponderous table before me be the very one on which he displayed his conjectural maps, and expounded his theory of a western route to In- dia ? It required but another stretch of the imagi- nation to assemble the little conclave around the table ; Juan Perez the friar, Garci Fernandez the physician, and Martin Alonzo Pinzon the bold navi- gator, all listening with rapt attention to Columbus, or to the tale of some old seaman of Palos, about islands seen in the western parts of the ocean. The friars, as far as their poor means and scanty knowledge extended, were disposed to do everything to promote the object of my visit. They showed us all parts of the convent, which however, has little to boast of, excepting the historical associations con- nected with it. The library was reduced to a few volumes, chiefly on ecclesiastical subjects, piled pro- miscuously in the corner of a vaulted chamber, and covered with dust. The chamber itself was curious, • being the most ancient part of the edifice, and sup- posed to have formed part of a temple in the time of the Romans. We ascended to the roof of the convent to en- joy the extensive prospect it commands. Immedi* 588 APPENDIX, ately below the promontory on which it is s'tuaiad runs a narrow but tolerably deep river, called the Domingo Rublo, which empties itself into the Tinto. It is the opinion of Don Luis Fernandez Pinzon, that the ships of Cokunbus were careened and fitted out in this river, as it affords better shelter than the Tinto, and its shores are not so shallow. A lonely bark of a fisherman was lying in this stream, and not far off, on a sandy point, were the ruins of an ancient watch-tower. From the roof of the convent, all the windings of the Odlel and the Tinto were to be seen, and their junction into the main stream, by which Columbus sallied forth to sea. In fact the convent serves as a landmark, being, from its lofty and solitary situation, visible for a considerable dis- tance to vessels coming on the coast. On the oppo- site side I looked down upon the lonely road, through the wood of pine-trees, by which the zealous guar- dian of the convent, Fray Juan Perez, departed at midnight on his mule, when he sought the camp ot Ferdinand and Isabella in the Vega of Granada, to plead the project of Columbus before the queen. Having finished our inspection of the convent, we prepared to depart, and were accompanied to the outward portal by the two friars. Our calasero brought his rattling and rickety vehicle for us to mount ; at sight of which one of the monks ex- claimed, with a smile, " Santa Maria ! only to think 1 A calesa before the gate of the convent of La Ra- bida ! " And, indeed, so solitary and remote is this • ancient edifice, and so simple is the mode of living of the people in this by-corner of Spain, that the ap- pearance of even a sorry calesa might well cause Hstonishment. It is only singular that in such a by- corner the scheme of Columbus should have found intelligent listeners and coadjutors, after it had bepn APPENDIX, 589 discarded, almost witli scoffing and contempt, from learned universities and splendid courts. Ou our way back to tlie hacienda, we met Don Rafael, a younger son of Don Juan Fernandez, g fuie young man, about twenty-one years of age, and who, his father informed me, was at present study- ing French and mathematics. He was well mounted on a spirited gray horse, and dressed in the Anda- lusian style, with the little round hat and jacket. He sat his horse gracefully, and managed him well. I was pleased with the frank and easy terms on which Don Juan appeared to live with his children. This I was inclined to think his favorite son, as I understood he was the only one that partook of the old gentleman's fondness for the chase, and that ac- companied him in his hunting excursions. A dinner had been prepared for us at the hacienda, by the wife of the capitaz, or overseer, who, with her husband, seemed to be well pleased with this visit from Don Juan, and to be confident of receiving a pleasant answer from the good-humored old gentle- man whenever they addressed him. The dinner was served up about two o'clock, and was a most agree- able meal. The fruits and wines were from the estate, and were excellent ; the rest of the provisions were from Moguer, for the adjacent village of Palos is too poor to furnish anything. A gentle breeze from the sea played through the hall, and tempered the summer heat. Indeed I do not know when I have seen a more enviable spot than this country retreat of the Pinzons. Its situation on a breezy hill, at no great distance from the sea, and in a southern climate, produces a happy temperature, neither hot in summer nor cold in winter. It com- mands a beautiful prospect, and is surrounded by natural luxuries. The country abounds with game, 690 APPENDIX. tlie adjacent river affords abundant sport in fishing, both by day and night, and delightful excursions tor those fond of sailing. During the busy seasons of rural life, and especially at the joyous period of vintage, the family pass some tiuie here, accompanied by numerous guests, at which times, Don Juan as- sured me, there was no lack of amusements, both by land and water. When we had dined, and taken the siesta, or after- noon nap, according to the Spanish custom in sum- mer time, we set out on our return to Moguer, vis- iting the village of Palos in the way. Don Gabriel had been sent in advance to procure the keys of the village church, and to apprise the curate of our wish to inspect the archives. The village consists prin- cipally of two streets of low whitewashed houses. Many of the inhabitants have very dark complexions, betraying a mixture of African blood. On entering the village, we repaired to the lowly mansion of the curate. I had hoped to find him some such personage as the curate in Don Quixote, possessed of shrewdness and information in his lim- ited sphere, and that I might gain some anecdotes from him concerning his parish, its worthies, its antiquities^ and its historical events. Perhaps I might have done so at any other time, but, unfor fcunately, the curate was something of a sportsman, and had heard of some game among the neighboring hills. We met him just sallying forth from his house, and, I must confess, his appearance was pic- turesque. He was a short, broad, sturdy little man, and kad doffed his cassock and broad clerical beaver, for a short jacket and a little round Andalusian hat he had his gun in hand, and was on the point of mounting a donkey which had been led forth by an ancient withered handmaid. Fearful of being de APPP.ND/X. 591 tamed from Iiis foray, lie accosted my companion tlie moment he came in sight. " God preserve you, Senor Don Juan ! I have received your message, and have but one answer to make. The archives have all been destroyed. We have no trace of any- thing you seek for — nothing — nothing. Don lia- fael has the keys of the church. You can examine it at your leisure — Adios, caballero ! " With these words the galliard little curate mounted his donkey, thumped his ribs with the butt end of his gun, and trotted off to the hills. In our way to the church we passed by the ruins of what had once been a fair and spacious dwelling, greatly superior to the other houses of the village. This, Don Juan informed me, was an old family pos- session, but since they had removed from Palos it had fallen to decay for want of a tenant. It was prob- ably the family residence of Martin Alonzo or Vicente Yanez Pinzon, in the time of Columbus. We now arrived at the Church of St. George, in the porch of which Columbus first proclaimed to the inhabitants of Palos the order of the sovereigns, that they should furnish him with ships for his great voy- age of discovery. This edifice has lately been thor- oughly repaired, and, being of solid mason-work, promises to stand for ages, a monument of the dis- coverers. It stands outside of the village, on the brow of a hill, looking along a little valley toward the river. The remains of a Moorish arch prove it to have been a mosque in former times ; just above it, on the crest of the hill, is the ruin of a Moorish castle. I paused in the porch, and endeavored to recall the interesting scene that had taken place there, when Columbus, accompanied by the zealous friar Juan Terez, caused the public notary to read the royal or- APPENDIX, der in presence of the astonished alcaldes, regidors and algiiazlls ; tut it is difficult to conceive the con- Eternation that must have been struck into so remote a little community, by this sudden apparition of an entire stranger among them, bearing a command that they should put their persons and ships at his disposal, and sail with him away into the unknown wilderness of the ocean. The interior of the church has nothing remarkable, excepting a wooden image of St. George vanquish- ing the Dragon, which is erected over the high altar, and is the admiration of the good people of Palos, who bear it about the streets in grand procession on the anniversary of the saint. This group existed in the time of Columbus, and now flourishes in reno- vated youth and splendor, having been newly painted and gihled, and the countenance of the saint rendered peculiarly blooming and lustrous. Having finished the examination of the church, we resumed our sccits in the calesa and returned to Mo- guer. One thing only remained to fulfill the object of my pilgrimage. This was to visit the chapel of the Convent of Sant.w Clara. When Columbus was in dan- ger of being losl in a tempest on his way home from liis great voyage of discovery, he made a vow, that, should he be spared, he would watch and pray one whole night in this chapel ; a vow which he doubtless fulfilled inmiediately after his arrival. My kind and attentive friend, Don Juan, conducted me to the convent. It is the wealthiest in Moguer, and belongs to a sisterhood of Franciscan nuns. The chapel is large, and ornamented with some degree of richness, particularl}' the part about the high altar, which is embellished by magnificent monuments of the brave family of the Puerto Carreros, the ancient lords of Moguer, auf^ renowned in Moorish warfare. APPENDIX. 593 The alabaster effigies of distinguished warriors of that house, and of their wives and sisters, lie side by side, with folded hands, on tombs immediately before the altar, while others recline in deep niches on either side. The night had closed in by the time I entered the church, which made the scene more impressive. A few votive lamps shed a dim light about the in- terior ; their beams were feebly reflected by the gilded work of the high altar, and the frames of the surrounding paintings, and rested upon the marble figures of the warriors and dames lying in the monu- mental repose of ages. The solemn pile must have presented much the same appearance when the pious discoverer performed his vigil, kneeling before this very altar, and praying and watching throughout the night, and pouring forth heartfelt praises for having been spared to accomplish his sublime discovery. 1 had now completed the main purpose of my journey, having visited the various places connected with the story of Columbus. It was highly gratify- ing to find some of them so little changed though so great a space of time had intervened ; but in this quiet nook of Spain, so far removed from the main thoroughfares, the lapse of time produces but few vio- lent revolutions. Nothing, however, had surprised and gratified me more than the continued stability of the Pinzon family. On the morning after my excursion to Palos, chance gave me an opportunity of seeing something of the interior of most of their households. Having a curiosity to visit the remains of a Moorish castle, once the citadel of Moguer, Don Fernandez un- dertook to show me a tower which served as a mag- azine of wine to one of the Pinzon family. In seeking for the key we were sent from house to house of nearly the whole connection. All appeared to be living in that golden mean equally removed from the VOL. III. 38 594 APPENDIX. wants and superfluities of life, and all to be happily interwoven by kind and cordial habits of intimacy. AVe found the females of the family generally seated in the patios, or central courts of their dwellings, beneath the shade of awnings and among shrubs and flowers. Here the Andalusian ladies are accustomed to pa?-!; their mornings at work, surrounded by their handmaids, in the primitive, or rather, Oriental style. ]n the porches of some of the houses I observed the coat of arms granted to the family by Charles V., hung up like a picture in a frame. Over the door of Don Luis, the naval officer, it was carved on an escutcheon of stone, and colored. I had gathered many particulars of the family also from conversa- tion with Don Juan, and from the family legend lent me by Don Luis. From all that I could learn, it would appear that the lapse of nearly three cen- turies and a half has made but little change in the condition of the Pinzons. From generation to gen- eration they have retained the same fair standing and reputable name throughout the neighborhood, filling offices of public trust and dignity, and possessing great influence over their fellow-citizens by their good sense and good conduct. How rare is it to see such an instance of stability of fortune in this fluctuating world, and how truly honorable is this hereditary respectability, which has been secured by no title? nor entails, but perpetuated merely by the innate worth of the race ! I declare to you that the most illustrious descents of mere titled rank could never command the sincere respect and cordial regard with which I contemplated this stanch and enduring family which for three centuries and a half has stood merely upon its virtues. As I was to set off on my return to Seville before two o'clock, I partook of a farewell repast at the APPENDIX, 595 house of Don Jlhii, between twelve and one, and then took leave of his household with sincere regret. The good old gentleman, with the courtesy, or rather the cordiality of a true Spaniard, accompanied mo to the posada, to sjc me off. I had' dispensed but little money in the posada — thanks to the hospitality of the Pinzons — yet the Spanish pride of my host and hostess seemed pleased that I had preferred their humble chamber, and the scanty bed they had pro- vided me, to the spacious mansion of Don Juan ; and when I expressed my thanks for their kindness and attention, and regaled mine host with a few choice segars, the heart of the poor man was overcome. He seized me by both hands and gave me a parting ben- ediction, and then ran after the calasero, to enjoin him to take particular care of me during my journey. Taking a hearty leave of my excellent friend Don Juan, who had been unremitting in his attentions to me to the last moment, I now set off on my way- faring, gratified to the utmost with my visit, and full of kind and grateful feelings towards Moguer and its hospitable inhabitants. No. XXXIX. MANIFESTO OF ALONZO DE OJEDA. The following curious formula, composed by learned divines in Spain, was first read aloud by the friars in the train of Alonzo de Ojedo, as a prelude to his attack on the savages of Carthagena, and was sub- sequently adopted by tlie Spanish discoverers in gen- eral, in their invasions of Indian countries. APPENDIX, I, Aloiizo cle Ojeda, servant of the high aii stopped by discovering a conspirac}^ of the natives, ii. 404 ; sends his brother to sur- prise Quibian, ii. 405 ; who ii seized, ii. 406; and afterwards escapes, ii. 408 ; disasters at th« settlement stop his sailing, ii. 612 INDEX, 410; some of his prisoners escape, and others destroy themselves, ii. 418; his anxiety produces dehrium, ii. 421; is comforted by a vision, ih. ; the settlement is abandoned, and the Spaniards embark for Spain, li. 424; departure from the coast of Yeragua, ii. 426 ; sails for Hispaniola, ih. ; arrives at Puerto Bello, ii. 427; at the entrance of the Gulf of Darien, ii. 428 ; at the Queen's Gardens, lb. ; encounters another violent tempest, ii. 429; arrives at Cape Cruz, ii. 430 ; at Jamaica, lb. ; runs his ships on shore, ib, ; arranges with the natives for supphes of provision, ii. 432 ; his conversation with Diego Mendez to induce him to go in a canoe to St. Domingo, ii. 433 ; Mendez offers to go, ib. ; Colum- bus writes to Ovando for a ship to take I im and his crew to Hispaniola, ii. 438 ; writes to the sovereigns, ib. ; Mendez em- barks, ii. 440 ; the Porras en- gage in a mutiny, ii. 443; the mutiny becomes general, ii. 447 ; is confined by the gout, ib. ; rushes out to quell the mutiny, but is borne back to the cabin by the few who renuun faithful, ii. 449 ; the mutineers embark on board ten Indian canoes, ii. 450 ; provisions become exceed- ingly scarce, ii. 454 ; employs a stratagem to obtain supplies from the natives, ii. 457 ; an- other conspiracy is formed, ii. 460 ; arrival of Diego de Esco- bar from Hispaniola on a mis- sion from the governor, prom- ising that a sliip shall soon be sent to his relief, ii. 461; over- tures of the admiral to the mu- tineers, ii. 473 ; not accepted, ii. 474 ; they send a petition for pardon, ii. 480 ; it is granted, ii. 481 ; two ships arrive from Hispaniola, ib. ; departure of Columbus, ii. 517 ; arrives at Beata, ii. 518; anchors in the harbor of St. Domingo, ii. 519 ; is enthusiastic'illy received by ihe people, ib ; *.s grieved at the desolation he sees every where around him, ii. 521 ; finda that his interests iiad been dis- regarded, ii. 522; sets sail fo2 Spain, ii. 524; encounters sev- eral tempests, ib. ; anchors in the harbor of St. Lncar, ii. 525 ; finds all his affairs in confusion, ii 526; is compelled to live by borrowing, ii. 527 ; writes to King Ferdinand, ii. 528; but, receiving unsatisfactory replies would have set out from Seville, but is prevented by his infirm- ities, ii. 529; death of Queen Isabella, ii. 533 ; is left to the justice of Ferdinand, ii. 536 ; employs Yespucci, ii. 537 ; goes with his brother to court, then held at Segovia, ii. 539 ; is re- ceived in a very cold manner ii. 540 ; Don Diego de Daza is appointed arbitrator between the king and the admiral, ii. 541 ; his claims are referred to the Junta de Descargos, ii. 543 ; is confined with a violent attack of the gout, ii. 544 ; petitions the king that his son Diego may be appointed, in his place, to the government of which .he had been so long deprived, ib. ; his petition remains unattended to, ib. ; writes to the new King and Queen of Castile, ii. 546 ; who promise a speedy and pros- perous termination to his suit, ii. 547 ; his last illness, ib. ; writes a testamentary codicil on the blank page of a little bre- viary, ii. 548; MTites a final codicil, ii. 549 ; receives the sacrament, ii. 551 ; dies, ih. j his burial , ii. 552 ; his remains removed to Hispaniola, ih. ; disinterred and conveyed to the llavai^a, ib. ; epitaph, ib. ; ob- servations on his character, ii. 554 ; his remains removed with great ceremony to Cuba, iii. 339; reflections thereon, iii. 344; historical account of his descendants, ib. ; an important lawsuit relative to the heirship (in the female line) to the family titles and property, iii. 364 j decided in favor of Don Nun» INDEX. 613 Oelres de Portugallo, iii. 335 ; an account of his lineage, iii. 372 ; an account of his birth- place, iii. 376 ; an account of the ships lie used, iii. 444 ; an exaniiuation of his route in the first voj'age, iii. 447; the effect of the travels of Marco Polo on his mind, iii. 474 ; his belief in the imaginary island of St. Brandan, iii. 501; an account of the earliest narratives of his first and second voyages, iii. 541 ; his ideas relative to the situfitinn of the terrestrial par- adise, iii. 557 : his will, iii. 559 ; his signature, iii. 572. Jolunibus, Don Diego, character of, i. 401 ; intrusted with the command of the ships during the expedition of Columbus to the mountains of Cibao, ib. ; made president of the junta, i. 443 ; reproves Pedro Margarite for his irregularities, ii. 12 ; the Hidalgos form a faction against him during the absence of his brother, ii. 13; returns to Isa- bella, ii. 65 ; a conspiracy formed against him by Roldan, ii. 179; left in command at St. Domingo, during the tour of Columbus, ii 234 ; his conduct on the arrival of Bobadilla, ii. 283 ; seized by order of Bobadilla, thrown in irons, and confined on board of a caravel, ii. 295 ; settles the dispute relative to Jamaica, iii. 75; appointed governor of St. Domingo, iii. 310; refuses to put Sotomayor in possession of Boriquen, ib.] appoints Juan Ceron, ib. , Don Diego, (son to Chris- topher, )appointed page to Queen Isabella, ii. 107; embarks with his father on his second expedi- tion, i. 339 ; left in charge of his father's interests in Spain, ii. 346 ; his ingratitude to Mendez, and falsification of his promise, ii. 482 ; his character, iii. 344 ; succeeds to the rights of his father, as viceroy and governor of the New World, ib. ; urges the king to give him those rights, iii. 345 ; commences a process against the king before the counci. of the Indies, iii. 346; tlie defense set up, ib.] the suit lasts several years, iii. 347; becomes enamored of Dona Maria Toledo, ib. ; a decision in respect to part of his claim, raises him to great wealth, ib. ; marries Dona Maria, niece to the Duke of Alva, ib. ; through this con- nection he obtains the dig- nities and powers enjoyed by Nicholas de Ovando, iii. 348; embarks for Hispaniola, iii. 349 ; keeps up great state, ib. ; be- comes embroiled with some of his father-s enemies, iii. 351 ; the court, of royal audience established as a check upon him, iii. 352 ; opposes the repar- timientos. ib. ; his virtues make him unpopular, ib. ; subju- gates and settles the island of Cuba without the loss of a single man, iii. 352; sails for Spain to vindicate his con- duct, iii. 354 ; is well received, ib. ; the death of Ferdinand, iii. 356 ; obtains a recognition of his innocence of all charges against him from Charles V., ib. ; and has his right ac- knowledged to exercise the office of viceroy and governor in all places discovered by his father, ib. ; sails for St. Do- mingo, where he arrives, iii 357; difficulties he has to en encounter, ib. ; African slaves having been introduced and most cruelly used, they revolt, ib. ; are subdued, iii. 358 ; is accused of usurping too much power, iii. 359 ; receives in con- sequence a severe letter from the council of the Indies, ib. ; and is desired to repair to court to vindicate himself, ib. ; sails, lands, and appears before the court at Victoria, ib. ; clears himself, iii. 360 ; prosecutes his claims, ib. ; follows the court from city to city , ; is attacked by a slow fever, dies, iii 361 ; his family, it 614 INDEX. uolurabua, Fernanao, (son to Christopher,) accompanies his father on his fourth voyage, ii. 849; his father's encomium on him, ii. 536; embarks for Ilis- paniola with Don Diego, iii. 349 ; an account of him, iii. 367; writes a history' of his father, iii. 359 — - — , Don Luis, (son to Don Diego), prosecutes the claims of his father and grandfather, iii. ; compromises all claims for two titles and a pension, ib. ; dies, ib Comargre, Cacique of, his dwell- ing, iii, 187; advice of to the Spaniards on their quarrel about the gold, iii. 169; baptized as Don Carlos, iii. 171 ; gives Nunez 4000 ounces of gold and sixty slaves, iii. 169 ; beverage made from maize, &c., iii. 168; pre- served bodies, ib. Commerce, despotic influence of the Spanish crown in respect to, i. 317, ii. 317. Compass, the, brought into more general use, i. 29. Conception, Santa Maria de la, discovery of, i. 179. , Fort, erected by Colum- bus, ii. 27 ; present state of, ii. 186; Contradictions, the coast of, ii. 392. Convicts who had accompanied Columbus, conduct of, in His- paniola, ii. 325. vopper hatchets seen among the Iiidians of Guanaca, ii. 360. Coral found in Veraguay ii. 380. Cormorants, large flights of, seen on the south coast of Cuba. i. 474. Coronel, Pedro Fernandez, sails for Ilayti with two ships, ii. 107; arrives at St. Domingo with supplies, ii. 196 ; is sent to persuade lloldan to return to his duty, ib. Oorral, Bachelor, overhears threats made by Nicuesa and hastens back to Darieu, iii. 150; takes part in the faction at Darien, and assumes -command with Perez, iii. 186 Correo, Pedro, a navigator of nc t4 with whom Columbus becomei acquainted, i. 37. Cortez, Hernando, conduct of Fonseca to, iii. 550. Costa Rica, Columbus sails along the, ii. 375. Cotabanama, Cacique of Higuey, ii. 11 ; massacres eight Span- iards, ii. 502 ; Ovando marches against him, ib. ; sues for peace, ii. 503 ; visits the Span- ish camp, ii. 504 ; another war ensues, io. ; cruelty to his tribe, ii. 510; takes shelter with his wife and children in a large cavern, ii. 512 ; his rencounter with Juan Lopez, ib. ; is over- powered and chained, ii. 513; sent to St. Domingo and hanged, ii. 514. Cotton, where first seen in the western hemisphere, i. 174 ; seen in large quantities in Cuba, i. 203; tribute of, ii. 48. Cranes, flocks of large, seen in Cuba, i. 471. Creation, ideas in respect to the, entertained by the Haytiens, i. 421. Crocodiles found at El Retrete similar to those of the Nile, ii. 384. Crosses erected by Columbus to denote his discoveries, i. 483. Crusade to recover the holy sepul chre proposed by Columbus, ii 334. Cruz, Cabo de la, so named by Columbus, i. 458. , Santa, settled, iii. 61. Cuba, island of, Columbus hears of, i. 186 ; sails in quest of it, i. 188; discovery of, i. 189; de- scription of its appearance, ib. ; hurricanes seldom known in, i. 193; belief of the inhabi- tants in a future state, i. 206; Columbus revisits the coasts of, i. 458 ; natives of, i. 461 ; Co- lumbus coasts along the south- ern side, i. 465 ; natives, ib. ; subjugated and settled by Don Diego Columbus, iii. 354; the remains of Columbus removed to, iii. 339. Cubagua. Isle of, discovery of, U. INDEX. 615 137; natives, ib. ; pearl fisheries oil tbie coast of, established, iii. 354. Cubiga, a village in Veragua where the country of gold was supported to terminate, ii. 379. Cucuaib3rs first seen in Hayti, i. 431. Cueybas, Cacique of Cuba, anec- dote of, iii. 107. durrency, principles on which the sums mentioned in this work have been reduced to modern currency, iii. 380. D. Dances of the Ilaytiens, i. 425. Darien, gold taken at, iii. 145; name of, changed to Santa Maria, ib.\ faction at, iii. 146 ; Zemaco, Cacique of, iii. 144 ; further factions at, iii, 159, 184 ; plot of Zemaco to destroy, iii. 180; lawyers not admitted in the colony, iii. 229 ; Martyr's account of, iii. 231; malady at, iii. 241 ; famine at, ib. ; .700 perish, iii. 242 ; alarm at, con- cerning the Indians, iii. 263. Da Vila, Arias Don Pedro, sent as new governor to the Colony of Darieu, iii. 225; his character, ib. ; advocated by Fonseca, iii. 226; arrives at Darien, iii. 234; sends messengers to Nunez, ib. ; falls sick, iii. 241 ; jealousy of, iii. 250; the daughter of, offered in marriage to Nunez, iii. 265; Sosa sent from Spain to supersede, iii. 272 ; difficulties between Nunez and Davila re- newed, iii. 274; Arguello, friend of Nunez, arrested, iii. 275 ; hy- pocrisy of, iii. 279 ; orders Nunez to be executed, iii. 282. Dead and dying, manner of ti-eat- iug the, by the Ilaytiens, i. 423. Delphin, island of, ii. 135. Deluge, universal, ideas enter- tained by the Haytiens in respect to, i. 422. Deza, Diego de, character of, i. 92 ; coincides with Columbus at the council of Salamanca, i. 92 ; assists him with liis purse, i. 101; made archbishop of Se- ville, ii. 537; is chosen arbitra- tor between the king and Co- lumbus, ii. 541. Diaz, Bartholomew, account of hi^t discoveries, ii. 2. , Miguel, his romantic history, ii. 73, discovers the gold mines of Hayna, ii. 74 ; comniand3 the fortress of St. Domingo at the time Bobadilla arrives, ii. 286; his conduct on being desired to give up his prisoners, ii. 286. , de Pisa, mutiny of, i. 397; confined on board of one of the ships, i. 399. Disaster, river of, ii. 338. Discovery, progress of, under prince Henry of Portugal, i. 25. Dobayba, account of the golden temple at, iii. 173, 183. Dogs, dumb, found at Sant? Marta, i. 461. Domingo, San, foundation of the city of, ii. 155. Dominica, island of, discovered, i. 344. Doves, stock, presented to Co- lumbus by the natives of Cuba, i. 463. Drogeo, a vast country, fabled to have been discovered by some fishermen of Friseland, iii. 437. Drum, a species of, used by the Ilaytiens, i. 420. Dying, manner of treating the, i. 423. E. Ear, coast of the, ii. 364. Eden, garden of, speculation of Columbus in respect to, iii. 443. Egg, anecdote of the, i. 307. Egypt, soldan of, his message to Ferdinand, i. 99. Elmo, St., electrical light seen by Columbus, i. 342 Enchanters, the natives of CariaH taken to be, ii. 372. Enciso, Martin Fernandez de, ap« pointed alcalde by Ojeda, iii, 72; expedition of, iii. 131 J 616 INDEX. touches at Oarthagena, iii. 133 ; magnanimous conduct of the Indians, iii. 135 ; crusade against the sepulchres of Zenu, iii 138 ; sacks them for gold, iii. 139; his landing opposed ; reads formula to the natives, ib.] attacks them, iii. 140; returns to San Sebastian, iii. 142; vessel strikes on a Tock, ib.] vow made by, iii. 144; es- tablishes the seat of government at Darien, iii. 145; difficulty with Nunez iii. 159; im- prisoned, iii. 160; returns to Spain, represents Nunez as governing the colony by force and fraud, iii. 225. English voyagers, Ojeda's mention of, iii. 33. Enriquez, Beatrix, her connection with Columbus, i. 80 ; Colum- bus's legacy to, ii. 550. Escobar, Diego de, arrives at Ja- maica on a mission to Colum- bus from the governor of Ilis- paniola, ii. 460; returns to his ship immediately, ii. 461. , Rodrigo de, chief notary to Columbus's first expedition, i. 130. Escobebo, Rodrigo de, his conduct after the departure of Colum- bus, i. 369 ; death of, 370. Espinal, Antonio de, the first prelate sent to the New World, ii. 328. Espinosa, Gaspar de, judicial affairs of the colony of Darien confided to, iii. 229 ; takes part against Nunez in his contro- Tersy with Davilla, iii. 250; gives verdict against Nunez, iii. 282. Esquibel, Juan de, employed against the natives of lliguey, ii. 504; his atrocious conduct to his prisoners, ii. 509, 511, causes the natives to be hunted like wild beasts, ib. ; sent to Ja- maica to take command, iii. 75 ; difficulty with Ojeda, ib. Estotiland, a supposed island on the coast of North America, said to have been discovered by eome fishermen of Friseland, iii. 407. Eudoxus, remarks cn his voyage, iii. 440. Evangelista , island of, discovered by Columbus, i. 480. Exuma, discovery of, i. 182 j named Fernandina by Colum- bus, i. 181. F Famine at Darien, in which 700 perish, iii. 242. Farol, Cape, at Jamaica, i. 492. Ferdinand, lung of Aragon and Castile, character of, i. 73 ; en- gagements of, on the arrival of Columbus at Cordova, i. 78; lays seige to the city of Loxa, i 79-; grants an audience to Co- lumbus, i. 81 ; desires the prioi of Prado to assemble men of science to consider his plan, i. 82; attempt to assassinate him, i. 96; takes Malaga, ib.\ forma an alliance with Henry VII. of England, i. 97 ; one of the rival kings of Grenada surrenders his pretensions, i. 99; receives a message from the soldan of Egypt, ib. ; his message to Co- lumbus on learning the un- favorable decision of the council, i. 103 ; refers his plan to persons of confidence, i. 112 ; his reluc- tance to the plan after the queen has consented, i. 118 ; his joy on learning the success of Columbus, i. 296; his reception of him, i. 298; prepares a second expedition, i. 315 ; his negotiations with John II. in respect to the new discoveries, i. 322 ; listens to the chargea against Columbus, ii. 57; his conduct, ib. ; his reception of Columbus on his second return, ii. 92 ; lays the foundation of the power of Charles V., ii. 93; promises Columbus to fu?nish him with ships for a third voy- age, ib. ; disappointed that hia newly discovered possessions have not become a source of profit, ii. 272; assaulted by thu clamors of ruffians who had returned from Ilispaniola, ih. ; his ingratitude to Colnmbui INDEX. Decomes evident, ii. 273 ; listens to the rebels who had been per- Diitted to return to Spain, ii. 275 ; Trends out a commission to inquire into the conduct of Co- lumbus, ii. 27G ; reprobates the conduct pursued against (;!o- lumbus, and invites him to court, ii. 299 ; promises to restore him to all his riglits and privileges, ii. 306; his jealousy awakened at the discoveries of the English and Portuguese, ii. 320; his ingratitude to Colum- bus, ii. 321 ; listens to the project of Columbus for a fourth voyage, ii. 341; his in- gratitude more evinced on the return of Columbus from his last voyage, ii. 533, 540, 544 ; erects a monument over Colum- bus, ii. 552 ; cupidity of, iii. 66 ; favors the projects of both Nicuesa and Ojeda, iii. 69; receives Cayzedo and Colmen- ares, iii. 226; orders an expe- dition to scour the islands of the Caribs, iii. 332; his conduct to Don Diego, Columbus's son, iii. 345; consents that Don Diego should commence a process against him before the council of the Indies, iii. 347 ; the delense set up, ih. ; sepa- rates the Isthmus of Darien into two great provinces, iii. 350; death, iii. 360. Hernandez, Gracia, physician of ^ Palos, his account of Columbus at the gate of the convent on his first arrival in Spain, i. 104 ; testimony of, relative to Pinzon, iii. 421. Ferrer, Jayme, an eminent lap- idary, substance of his letter to Columbus, ii. 339. Festival, religious, of a Haytien Cacique, description of, i. 425. fevers, the aborigines' mode of treating, iii. 26. fiesco, Bartholomew, embarks with Mendez from Jamaica to Hispaniola, ii. 441 ; attends the last moments of Columbus, ii. 551. Fish, curious, i. 494. ^'ishing, curious method of. i. 462. Florida discovered, iii. 328. Fonseca, Juan Kodrigaez Je, appointed supiniiitoudcut of Indian airairs, i 315; his char- ac er, /6. ; his (liiTei eiice with Columbus, i. 333; impedes the affairs of Columbus, ii. 107 ; writes a cold letter to Colum- bus, by order of the sovereigns^ ii. 236; sliows Columbus'i? letter to Alonzo de Ojeda, ii. 251 ; his baseness full3> dis played, ib. ; supposed to have instigated the violent measures of Bobadilla. ii. 302; throws impediments in the way of Co* lum bus's fourth voyage, ii, 345; recommends the projecfc of Ojeda to Ferdinand, iii. 68; supposed to have been the cause of Ovando's disgrace, iii. 849 ; by order of Ferdinand, establishes a court, called the Royal Audience, iii. 352; be- comes interested in continuing the slave tnide, iii. 520 ; his opposition to Las Casas, iii. 416 ; an account of, iii. 545 ; character of, iii. 546 ; his con- duct to Cortez, iii. 548 ; accused of having fomented a conspi- racy to assassinate Cortez, iii. 550. Fountain of pure water in the sea, ii. 469. Fountain, rejuvenating w^aters of a, at Bimini, iii. 325. Franciscans, the order first intro- duced into the New World, ii. 328. Friars, Jeronimite, sent to the colonies to remedy abuses, iii 275. Fuego, del, island of, seen by Co- lumbus, ii. 116. Fulvia, reveals the plot of Zemact to Nuinez, iii. 180. G. Galleys, Venetian, capture of, by Colombo the younger, iii. 392. Gama Vasquez de, doubles the Cape of Good Hope, and opens a new road for the trade of tbf East ii. 316. 618 INDEX, Garabito Andres, sent by Nunez to Cuba, to enlist men for an ex- pedition, iii. 243; arrives from, iii. 252; sent to Ada to recon- noitre, iii. 273; his difficulty with Nunez, ib. ; seizure of, iii. 274; trial of, iii. 282; set at liberty, ih. Garcia de Barrantes, his conduct during the conspiracy of llol- dan, ii. 185. Qardeus, the, coast so called, ii. 129. J Kii.g's islands, i. 209. , Queen's islands of, i. 240. , the Hesperian, observa- tions in respect to, iii. 553. Gato Paulo, a species of n;onkey, ii. 135. Genoa, Columbus shows great re- spect to, ii. 101. Gentlemen, the pass of, a road so •jailed, i.'403. 9eraldini, Alexandria and An- tonio, warmly enter into the views of Columbus, i. 80 ; they introduce him to the archbishop of Toledo, ib. Gnats, clouds of, seen by Nunez in his expedition to Dobayba, iii. 246. 3;ld (Western), discovered first in St. Salvador, i. 174; speci- Snens of virgin ore found in the interior of Ilispaniola, i. 389 ; particles found in the streams, i. 409; and pieces, i. 412. Gold, of the temple, procured by Solomon, iii. 66; spoils found at Carthagena, in the moun- tains and rivers of Zenu, iii. 188 ; taken in nets, ib. ; taken at Darien, iii. 143. — — , tribute of, ii. 49. — mine discovered in Hayti, ii. 74 ; a solid mass of, which weighed 3600 castellanos, ii. 352; superstitious notions in tespect to, ii. 393; gathered from the roots of the trees in Veraguay, ii. 396. Golden Castile, iii. 227. Q olden River, arrival at, in second voyage, i. 381, 407. Gods of the Ilaytiens, i. 418. Uomara, Fernando Lope^. de, ex- amination of his charge relative to a pilot's having died Sn fehi house of Columbus, iii. 423. Gonzalez, Juan, attacked by tha Indians and escapes, iii. 317 Gorvalan explores part of the in- terior of Ilispaniola, i. 391 ; returns to Spain, ib. Gourds introduced into Hayti, i. 431. Gracias a Dios, cape of, ii. 366. . colony cf, assigned to Nicuesa,'iii, 70.' Grenada, discovery of, ii. 137 Grape-vines, very luxuriant, found in Cuba, i. 471. Greenland, assertions relative to its discovery by the Scandina- vians, iii. 432. Grenada, surrender of, i. 110. Guadaloupe, island of, discovered, i. 344; houses, furniture, &c., of the natives, i. 346 ; supposed to be cannibals, i. 347 ; descrip- tion of the island, ib. ; Columbua revisits it, ii. 81; women of, ii. 82, 83. Guacanagari, Cacique of Ilispan- iola, sends a message to CoJ^m- bus, i. 227; receives the Span- iards with great courtesy, i. 228 ; sheds tears on learning the shipwreck of Columbus, i. 233 ; his assistance, ib. ; and kindness, i. 235 ; invites Colum- bus to his residence, i. 236; manners of, i. 237; hospitality, i. 246; procures a great quan- tity of gold for the admiral previous to his departure for Spain, i. 247 ; sends his cousin to greet Columbus on hia second arrival, i.363; his sus- picious conduct during the dis- aster at La Navidad, i. 370; visits Columbus's ships, i. 376; admires a captive Carib woman, i. 377 ; his flight into the in- terior, i. 380 : his mysterious conduct continued, i. 447; refuses to partake in the plan formed by Caonabo, of exter- minating the Spaniards, ii. 22; incurs the hostility of hia fellow Caciques, ib. ; visits Co lunibus during his sickness and informs him of a leaguf formed against bim, ii. 24; INDEX. 619 asHists Colmnbu? in his expe- dition against the Jndiany of the Vega, ii. 42; is prcjsent at a battle, ii. 45 ; incurs the hatred of all the Caciques, ib, ; is never- theless compelled to pay tribute, ii 45 ; takes refuge in the moun- tains and dies in misery, ii. 54 ; his character, ib. 3 aana, regarded with disgust by the Spaniards, i. 449; they conquer their prejudice, ii. 159. 3uanaja, discovery of, ii. 359, 8uaora, Cacique, hunted like a wild beast and afterwards hanged, ii. 499. Quarionex, Cacique of the royal Vega, ii. 9 ; visits Columbus, and is prevailed on to give his daughter to Diego Colon, the interpreter, ii. 26; permits Co- lumbus to build a fortress, ii. 27; character of, ii. 46; submits to the domination of the Span- iards, ii. 47 ; compelled to pay tribute, ii. 48 ; offers to cultivate grain, ii. 49 ; refused, ii. 54 ; learns the Paternoster, Ave- Maria, &c., ii. 167; relapses, and the cause of it, ib. ; becomes incensed at several Indians being burnt for destroying some images, ib. ; takes arms, ii. 168 ; conspires to assassinate the Spaniards, ii. 169; is seized, ii. 171 ; is pardoned, ib. ; enters into a conspiracy with Roldan against the Adelantado, ii. 198 ; puts a Cacique to death, ib. ; flies to the mountains of Ciguay, ii. 199; is compelled to retire into the most desolate places, ii. 202; is seized and taken in chains to Fort Con- ception, ii. 208 : lost in a hurri- cane, ii. 857. Euatiquana, a Cacique of Ilayti, puts ten Spaniards to death, and sets fire to a house, ii. 17. ^uerra (Christoval), expedition of, iii. 37; lands at the Gulf of Paria, iii. 38; fights with the Caribs, iii. 39 ; visits Margarita, ib.\ returns to Spain, iii. 41; imprisoned, iii. 42. Qu'?rrero, Gonzalo, taken prisoner and marries an Indian princeES. iii. 289 ; adopts the customs oi the Indians, and is tattooed, iii. 297. Guevara, Don Hernando de, falh in love with Iliguamota, ii. 262 ; is seized in the dwelling of An- acaona, ii. 263; and sent to San Domingo, ii. 264. Gulf Stream, ii. 139. Gutierrez, Pedro, his ccnduot after the departure of Column bus, i. 369 : death of, i. 370 H. Hamacs, used by the natives of Exuma, i. 182. Ilanno, remarks on the Periplus of, iii. 441. Haro, Bernaldo de, his evidence relative to the discovery of the coast of Paria by Columbus, iii. 410. Harpies, seen near Dobayba, iii 246. Hatchets of iron , said to be found at Guadaloupe,.ii. 82. Hawk's bells, delight of the Hay- tiens on wearing, i. 236, 240. Hayna, mines of, discovered, ii. 73. Henry, prince of Portugal, prog- ress of discovery under, i. 24; account of, i. 25 ; considers Africa to be circumnavigable. i. 26 ; conceives the idea ot turning the trade of the East, i. 27 ; establishes a naval col- lege at Sagres, i. 29; death, i. 30. Henry VII. of England, writes 9 favorable letter to Columbus, i, 97. Herbs, European, introduced ib Hispaniola, i. 431. Herrera, Antouia de, a short ac count of his life and writings iii. 543; Vossius's eulogium on iii. 544. IIerr.era, Don Lepo de,. his mia. sion to the court of Lisbon, i 328. Hayti (see Hispaniola) disco 7erJ of, i. 215. Haytiens, description of thefl 620 INDEX. manners, customs, religion, &c., i. 420 ; their character, i. 427 ; defeated in the battle of the Vega,ii. 43-45 : subjugated, ii. 46; a tribute imposed upon them, ii. 48 ; their despair, ii. 51 ; they enter into an associa- tion to destroy the crops, ii. 52 ; the evils fall upon themselves, ii. 53. Hidalgos, compelled at Ilayti to share the common labors of the settlement, i. 435; character of the, ib. ; form a faction against Diego Columbus, during the ab- sence of his brother, ii. 13. Uiguamota, daughter of Caonabo, falls in love with Don Hernando de Guevara, ii. 262. Higuanama, a female Cacique, hanged by order of Ovando, ii. 603. Higuey, domain of, ii. 10 ; char- acter of its inhabitants, ii. 11 ; Ovando's war with the natives, ii. 501 ; martial character of the people, ib, ; multitudes of them destroyed, ii. 503 ; sue for peace, i^. ; again revolt, ii. 504: and slaughter their tyrants, ib. ; sit- uation of their towns, ii. 505 ; are defeated and .compelled to conceal ihemselves in the fast- nesses, ii. 506; are hunted like wild beasts, ii. 507. Ilipparchus, error of, in respect of Africa and India, iii. 443. Uispaniola, discovery of, i. 214 ; cause of its being so called, i. 216 ; description of the inhab- itants, 1. 218 ; of the country, i. 223 ; transactions with the natives, i. 235 ; form of govern- ment, i. 237 ; alarm created by a discharge of cannon, i. 238 ; general description of, i. 417- 430 ; domains into which it was divided, ii. 9 ; made the me- tropolis of the New World, ii. 16 ; thought to have been the ancient Ophir, ii. 77 ; an ac- count of the numbers of the natives who perished, victims to the avarice of the whites, ii. 489 : ceded to the French, iii. 339. Sonduras, Cape of, discovered by Columbus, ii 363 , inhabitants ib. Honey and wax found at Guada* loupe, i. 350 ; ii. 83. Horses, fear of the llaytiens of, i. 432, 443; terror inspired by them at the battle of the Vega, ii. 44 ; a remarkable one which moved in curvets to the music of a viol, ii. 495; killed and salted for sea stores, iii. 137 j a horse drawn into the river by an alligator, iii. 91. Houses built in the trees, iii. 176. Huelva. Alonzo Sanchez de, the pilot, fabled to have died in the house of Columbus, iii. 422. Iluerta, La, delightful island ol ii. 338 ; inhabitants of, ii. 369. Humboldt, his account of tiie present condition of the south- ern side of Cuba, i. 466 ; ac- count of the route of Colum- bus, iii. 468. Ilurtado, Bartolome, disaster of, at the Black Rivei, iii. 179 ; sent to take the place of Nunez, in the expedition to the South Seas, iii. 279. Hurricanes, seldom known in Cuba, i. 193 ; a violent one in Hayti, ii. 70 ; reflections of tha Haytiens previous to it, ii. 69; severe one at Dobayba, iii. 246. I. Iceland, Columbus supposed to have visited, i. 56 : assertions relative to its discovery by the Scandinavians, iii. 432. Impressment resorted to on Co lumbus's third voyage, ii. 105. Indians, six taken from the New World ; arrival of in Spain, i. 282 ; are baptized, i. 319 ; killed by a foraging party, iii. 60; cabins set on tire by the Span- iards, females captured, ib. ; 100 captured, and sent to Hispan- iola to be sold, iii. 71 ; 70 made captives, iii. 82; Spaniards at- tacked by, iii. 83; ambuscade of, iii. 92 ; dances of, in honol of the Virgin, iii. 107; captiwi sold as slAves by Nicuesa, iii INDEX, 621 153 , preserved bodies at Coma- gre, iii. 168: ordered to be torn to pieces by bloodhounds, iii. 194; the sun supposed to be worshipped 1)\ , iii. 21;! ; pr.iycr of f the natives of Ilispaniola i. 220 ; sent to tlie soldan of Egypt to make arrangemeuta for the conservation of the holy sepulchre, ii 345 ; short ac- count of his life and writings, iii. 423 ; passages from his let- ters relative to Columbus, iii. 424 ; his character of Amerigo Vespucci, iii. 395. Marigalante, island of, discovery of, i. 344. Martin, Alonzo, the first Europe- an on the Pacific, in a vessel, iii. 201. Mateo, .luan, a Haytien convert- ed to Christianity, ii. 166. Mauro, constructs a celebrated map, i. 36. Maya, province of Yucatan, na- tives of, cannibals, iii. 287. Mayobauex, Cacique of the Ci- guayens, i. 263 ; Guarionex flies to him for refuge, ii, 199 ; his answer to the Adelantado, when desired to give up Guarionex ii. 203 ; is deserted in his need ii. 204; compelled to fly, ib. . is seized with his wife and chil- dren, ii. 206. Medina Celi, duke of, enterfcaint Columbus, i. 70; application of Columbus to,i. 71 ; writes to the queen, ib. ; account of, iii. 18. , Sidonia, duke of, applica tion of Columbus to, i. 70 plan rejected, ib. Melons introduced into Hayti, i 431. Mendez, Diego, his bold conduct at Veragua, ii. 402 ; his reward, ii. 425 ; his meritorious conduct at Jamaica, ii. 434 ; his conver- sation with Columbus, ii 436; undertakes to go in a ca. *e to St. Domingo, ib. ; departs witfe one Spaniard and six Indians ii, 437 ; narrowly escapes being murdered by the Indians o! flu 624 INDEX. coast, and returns, ii. 441 ; ac- count of his voyage, ii. 465 ; sails for Spain, "ii. 482; his subsequent history, ii. and note. Mendoza, Pedro Gonzales de, — see Toledo, Archbishop of. Meneses, Don Pedro de, his an- swer to the Bishop of Ceuta in respect to the propriety of mar- itime discoveries, i. 68. Mermaids, three supposed, seen by (Johunbus, i. 258. Blexiatrillo, Rodrigo, commands the soldiery at the massacre of Xaragua, ii. 493. Misa, Rio de la, so called from mass performed on its banks, i. 486. Monis de Pahstrello, Dona Feiipa, her marriage with Columbus, i. o4. Monte Christi, description of, i. 383 ; Columbus founds the citv of Isabella, i. 384. Montserrat, di^^covery of, 1. 352. Moors, war against the, i. 78. , none permitted to estab- lish themselves in the colonies or go on voyages of discovery, ii. 327. Morales, Caspar, expedition of, to the Pacific, iii. 253. , Francisco, his evidence relative to the discovery of the coast of Paria by Columbus, iii. 411. Mother-of-pearl found on the coast of Paria, ii. 130. Moxica, Adrian de, conspiracy of, ii. 260 ; meditates the death of the Admiral and of Roldan, ii. 265; is seized, ih.] and flung headlong from the battlements of Fort Conception, ii. 266. iloya, march iouess of, becomes a friend to Columbus, i. 06 ; and recommends his suit to the queeo, ib. ; also, 108-116. Blulatas, island of, discovered, ii. 127. Mules, the employment of, under the saddle, prohibited in Spain, ii. 588. Music of the Ilaytiens, i. 425. Husicians sent to Ilayti to enliven the spirits of the ;olony, ii. 103. N. Names, exchangin}?, an Indiai league of fraternity, ii. 504. Navarre te, his opinion relative td the island first discovered by Columbus, iii. 450. Navasa, island of, ii. 467 ; foun- tain near, ii. 469. Navidad, La., or the Nativity, construction of the fortress of, i. 249 ; disasters at the fortress i. 363-366; abandoned by Co- lumbus, i. 381. Needle varies a whole point, ii. 145 ; Columbus's speculation in respect to, ii. 146. Negroes of Africa introduced into Hispaniola, iii. 357 ; their first revolt, ib. Negotiations, diplomatic, between the courts of Spain and Portu- gal, with respect to the new dis- coveries, i. 322. Newfoundland, assertions relative to the discovery of, by the Scan- dinavians, iii. 435. Nicholas, St., harbor of, i. 215. Nicuesa, Diego de, rival of Ojeda at the court of Ferdinand, iii. 69; character of, /ft. ; Gracios Dios assigned to him by Ferdi- nand, iii. 70 ; captures 100 slaves and sends them to His- paniola to be sold, iii. 71 ; feud with Ojeda, iii. 72 ; evades the offer of Ojeda to settle by com- bat, iii. 73; harassed by duns, iii. 76; arrested, iii. 77; re- lieved by a stranger, ib. ; ar rives at coast of Carthagena, iii 85 ; reconciled with Ojeda, iii 88 ; destroys Carthagena, iii 89; sails for the Gulf of Uraba, iii. 90 ; arrives off the coast of Veragua, iii. il6 ; vessel grounded, iii. 117; hardships of crew, iii. 118 . page killed by an Indian, iii. 119 ; on a deso- late island, iii. 120 ; causes Olano to be seized, iii. 126 ; 300 of his armament who left with him on the expedition hav« perished, iii. 126 ; sutTerings of his men on the coast of thi INDEX, 625 IgthuiuR, iii. 127 ; reaches Puer- to Hello — takes possession of Puerto de Bastirnientos, iii. 129 ; sent for to govern Darien, iii. 150 ; Ills threats, iii. 151 ; slaves sold hy^ iii. 152 ; appears off Darien, iii. 153 ; threatened wi/h violence if he should land, ih. • lauds, iii. 154 ; sets sail for Ili^paniola, and never heard of after, iii. 157; appointed governor of Golden Castle, iii. 354. fVino Pedro Alonzo, sails for Hayti, ii. 90 ; arrives at Cadiz from Hispaniola, with a number of Indian prisoners, ii. 98 : expedi- tion of, iii. 37 ; lands at the Gulf of Paria, iii. 38 ; fights with the Caribs, iii. 39; visit Mar- garita, ib. ; returns to Spain, iii. 41 ; imprisoned, iii. 42. Kombre de Dios, iii. 129. Noya, Juan de, his escape by diving, ii. 413. Nunez, Alonzo, remains at the Isthmus, iii. 128 ; character of, iii. 132 ; advice to Enciso, iii. 143 ; takes part in the faction at Darien, iii. 146 ; Nicuesa is threatened with violence if he should land, iii. 154 ; interposes between the people and Ni- cuesa, iii. 155 ; visits the Cacique Careta, his humanity yields to the address of the Indians, iii. 165 ; marries the daughter of Careta, iii. 166 ; invades the territories of Ponca, iii. 167; receives gold from the Cacique Comargro, iii. 169 ; sends Valdi- via to Hispaniola for provisions, iii. 171 ; expedition of, to the golden temple of Dobayba, iii. 172 ; returns to Uraba, iii. 175; to Darien, iii. 178 ; discovers the plot of Zemaco, iii. 180 ; sur- prises the Indians, iii. 181 ; faction directed against, iii. 185 ; his conduct, iii. 186 ; is recalled, ib. ; made Captain General of the colony, iii. 187 ; receives unfavorable news from Spam, Iii. 188 ; account of his expedi- tion to the Pacific, iii. 190 ; his cruelty to the Indians, iii. 193 ; discovers the Pacifir, iii. 198 j VOL. HI. 40 erects a cross, iii 198 ; takes possession, iii. 203 advei.tur«« on the borders, ii 205 ; ven- tures out in cano s, iii. 206; difficulties occur, iii. 208 ; finds abundance of pearls, iii. 2('9; sufferings of, iii. 217 ; gold brought to him instead of pro- visions, iii. 218 ; stratagem of, against Tubanama, iii. 219 ; the Cacique refuses to discover the mines, iii. 220 ; searches the rivers for gold, ib. ; is taken sick, iii. 221 ; his character, iii. 223 ; writes letters to the king, iii. 224 ; sends a messenger to Spain to defend him, iii. 224: finds an advocate in Zamudio, iii. 225 ; is superseded by Davila, ■ib. ; ordered to be deposed, iii. 230 ; considered a worthy successor of Columbus, iii. 231 ; judicial inquiry concerning, iii. 243 ; second expedition to Dobayba, iii. 245; made Ad- elantado of the South Sea and governor of Panama and Coyba, iii. 249 ; is imprisoned, iii. 252 ; offered the daughter of Davila in marriage, iii. 265 ; transports ships across the Isthmus, iii. 267 ; cruise of, on the Pacific, iii. 270 ; finds whales in great numbers, iii. 271 ; lands on the coast, ib. ; hears that Sosa is to supersede Pedrarias, iii. 272 ; his action, ib. ; difficulty be- tween, and Pedrarias Davila re- newed, iii. 275 ; prophecy of an astrologer concerning, iii. 276; returns to Ada, iii. 278 ; arrested and imprisoned by Davila, iii. 279 ; hypocrisy of Davila, iii, 279 ; reply of Nunez, iii. 281 ; verdict against — condemned to be executed, iii. 282 ; is executed wit 1 three of his officers, iii. 284; property confiscated, and his head placed on a pole, iii 286 ; reflections, ih. 0. Ocampo, associate of Ojeda, III 62. Ocean, line of demarkation of 626 INDEX. the, between Spain and Portu- gal, i. 336. Oderigo, documents in the posses- sion of the family of, relative to Columbus, ii. 347. Ojeda, Don Alonso de, account of, iii. 17; goes in search of Diego Marque, at Guadaloupe, i. 344; his expedition to explore the interior of Ilispaniola, i. 387; sallies from Isabella, i. 442; character of, ib. ; his conduct in respect to some Haytien thieves, ib. ; character of, ii. 18 ; is besieged by Caonabo, ii. 19 ; anecdote of, ii. 20; undertakes to seize Caonabo, and deliver him alive into the hands of Co- lumbus, ii. 27; visits him, ii. 28 ; offers him the bell of Isa- bel la, ib. ; his stratagem to take him off, ii. 29 ; conquers in an engagement with a brother of Caonabo, ii. 33; his conduct at the battle of the Vega, ii. 44 ; arrives at the western part of Hispaniola on a voyage of dis- covery, ii. 248 ; cause of his voyage, ii. 251 ; liis manoeuvres with Roldan, ii. 257 ; leaves the island with a threat, ii. 259; returns to Spain with a drove of slaves, ih. ; conceives projects of a voyage, iii. 20; obtains permission to make the voyage, iii. 21 ; assisted by the m.erchants of Seville, iii. 22; discovers Surinam, iii. 24 ; lands at Mar- acapana, iii. 27 ; sails against the cannibals, ib. ; battle with the CaribSjiii. 28; discovers the Gulf of Venezuela, iii. 30; attacked by the Indians, iii. 31; at Maracaibo, iii. 32; abandons his voyage and sails for Hispaniola, iii. 34 ; is obliged to leave by Columbus, iii. 35; returns to Spain, ?6. ; second voyage of, iii. 57 ; made gover- not of Coquibacoa, ib. ; instruc- tions to, relative to the English, iii. 58 ; forages upon the natives, iii. 59 ; a plan laid to en trap him, Iii. 63; attempts an escape, iii 64; verdict concerning strong- box given against, iii. 65; acquitted, i6. ; makes another voyage to Coquibacoa, iii 60 chosen by Ferdinand toesta61ish colonies in Veragua, iii. 67 ; offered assistance by Cosa, iii. 68 ; Nicuesa becomes his rivaj — Ferdinand favors both, iii, 70 ; New Andalusia assigned to him, ib. ; feud with Nicuesa, iii 71 ; proposes to settle the dis • pute by combat, iii. 74 ; Cosa interposes, ib. ; exploits of, on the coast of Carthagena, iii. 78 ; attacks the natives, iii. 81 ; cabins of, set on fire by his order, iii. 82 : valor of, iii. 83 ; escape of, iii. 86 ; reconciled with Nicuesa, iii. 88 ; San Sebas- tian settled by, iii. 91 ; natives of, iii. 92 ; supposed by the Indians to have a charmed life, iii. 93 ; severely wounded, iii. 94; his remedy, ib.\ supersti- tion of, iii. 97 ; put in irons by Talavera, iii. 101 ; march of, through Cuba, iii. 103 : vow of — performs his vow, iii. 106 ; perilous voyage in a canoe, iii. 109 ; arrives at Jamaica, iii. 110 ; entertains fears of Enciso'g safety, iii. Ill ; waylaid, iii. 113 ; defends himself against a number, ib. ; turns monk and dies, ib. ; character of, iii. 114 ; appointed governor of New Andalusia, iii. 354 ; fails in hia undertaking to colonize that country, iii. 354 ; his evidence relative to the discovery of the coast of Paria by Columbus, iii. 412 ; manifesto of, iii. 595. Ojeda, Padre Alonzo de, iii. 19. Olano, Lope de, commands one of the squadrons of Nicuesa,- iii. 116; fears entertained of his safety, iii. 117 ; conduct of, iii. 123 ; Nicuesa, causes him to be seized, iii. 125 ; his advice to th6 colonists, iii. 152. Oro, Rio del, or Santiago, dis- covered, i. 258. Otto, Mons., remarks on his letter to Dr. Franklin relative to Martin Behem, iii. 431. Ovando, Don Nicholas de, chosen to supersede Bobadilla, ii. 322 { character of, ih. ; great privileges granted to, ii. 327 ; his fleet, ii INDEX. 627 830 ; allowed to wear silk, precious stoues, &c., ii. 330; Bails, ii. 331 ; reaches St. Do- mingo and assumes the govern- ment, ii. 351 ; refuses to let Co- lumbus take shelter, ii. 353 ; his mysterious conduct to Co- lumbus in his distress at Ja- maica, ii. 471; au account of his administration and oppres- sion, ii. 486; sufferings of the natives under the civil policy of, ii. 487 ; view of the military operations of, ii. 491 ; visits Anacaona, ii. 493 ; takes it into his head that she intends to massacre him and all his at- tendants, ii. 494 ; seizes Anac- aona ; and burns all the Ca- ciques, ii. 496; massacres the populace, ii. 497 ; and causes Anacaona to be ignomin- iously hanged, ii. 498 ; his further atrocious conduct to the unfortunate Indians, ii. 499 ; founds Santa Maria in commemoration of his atroci- ties, ii. 500 ; wages war against the natives of Iliguey, ii. 501 ; causes many of them to be slaughtered, and their chief- tains to be burned, ii. 503 ; hangs a female Cacique of dis- tinction, ib. ; causes 600 Indians of Saona to be imprisoned in one dwelling and put to the sword, ih.; receives Columbus on his arrival at St. Domingo with an hypocritical politeness, ii. 521 ; is superseded by Don Diego Columbus, but permitted to retain possession of all his property, iii. 348. Oviedo, Gonzalo Fernandez de, a short account of his life and writings, iii. 428. Oysters, in the Gulf of Paria, round the roots of the man- grove trees, ii. 135. 0»ema, river of, and the country through which it flows, ii. 154. P. Pftclfic Ocean, discoyery of by Nunez, 'ii 196. Pascua, Florida, discovered, iii 328. Palos, the port, whence Columbul sailed on his first expedition, i 124; present state of, i. 295; visit to, iii. 454. Palms, Cape of, discovered, i. 194. Pane, Roman, labors to convert the Haytiens, ii. 165. Paradise, observations on the sit- uation of the terrestrial, iii. 551 ; of the Haytiens, i. 424. Paria, Gulf of, Columbus's voy- age through the, ii. 126; de- scription of the coast of, ii. 120 ; manners of the natives, ii. 122 ; current of the sea, ii. 124. Parrots, first seen in the west- ern hemisphere, i. 173; large flights of, seen, i. 184; found on the coast of Paria, ii. 131. Partition, papal bull of, i. 314; line of removed, i. 336. Passauionte, Miguel, becom.es an enemy to Don Diego Columbus, iii. 351. Pearls, the Gulf of, ii. 134. of Cubagua, ii. 131. , abundance of on the coast of the Pacific, iii. 209; paddles of a canoe inlaid with, iii. 211; pearl islands, iii. 255; tribute of, iii. 256; of great value found, iii. 255; a Ca- cique's remark about, ib. Pedrarias, see Davila. Pelicans, iii. 329. Pepper, Agi, i. 265. Perez, Alonzo, discovers land in Columbus's third voyage, ii. 119 ; joins the faction at Darien, iii. 184; thrown into prison, ib. ; liberated, iii. 185 ; again assumes command of the faction, ib. Juan, sent by Ponce on dis- coveries, iii. 330; 'returns to Porto Rico, ib. ; finds Bimini, ib. ; see note, iii. 331. Fray Juan, prior of the convent of La Rabida, enter- tains Columbus on his first entry into Spain, i. 104; givef him letters of introduction to the queen's confessor, and 628 INDEX. educates his son, i. 106; recep- tion of Columbus, i. 104 ; writes to queen Isabella, i. 107; in- vited to court, i. 109 ; pleads the cause of Columbus, i. 108 ; receives a visit from Columbus after his success, i. 124. rhilip, king of Castile, listens to the request of Columbus, and promises a prosperous termi- nation to his suit, ii. 546. pigeons, wood, vast number seen on the south side of Cuba, i. 474. Pilgrimages, lots for, drawing of, i. 268. Pilot, observations on the rumor of a pilot having died in the house of Columbus, iii. 422. Pine-apple first met with, i. 346. Pines, island of, discovered by- Columbus, i. 480. Pinos, Isla de, discovery of, ii. 359. Pinta, desertion of, i. 209. Pinzons, family of, they enable Co- lumbus to offer to bear one- eighth of the charge of the ex- pedition, and to add a third ship to the armament, i. 119; their activity and interest in the voy- age, i. 127 ; furnish Columbus with money to defray the eighth share of the expense, i. 128 ; account of their family, i. 294, note. Pinzon, Martin Alonzo, offers to bear the expenses of Columbus in a renewed application to the court, i. 106 ; his opinion rela- tive to the nearness of land, i. 157 ; begins to lose confidence in the course they are pursuing, i. 159 ; crediting accounts of the Indians in respect to a very rich island, deserts and goes in search of it, i. 210 ; Colum- bus meets him , i. 256 ; his apology, ih. ; account of his proceedings, ib. ; his duplicity becomes more evident, i. 258 ; his arrival at Palos, i. 292 ; effect of his treacherous con- duct, ih ; his death, i. 293 ; re- flections on, i. 293 ; observations relative to the supposed idea of Columbus owing to him the success of his great enterprise iii. 80 ; his character, iii. ^1. , Vicente Yanez, obtain! a license for voyages of dis- covery, ii. 59 ; sails on a voyaga of discovery, ii. 313; diseoverl the Brazils, ii. 314 ; discovers the river of Amazons, ib. ; iii. 48 ; is allowed, as a reward, to col onize and govern the lands which he had discovered, ii. 315 ; armament of, iii. 44 ; sails, iii. 45 ; combat with the Indians, iii. 47 ; loses two ships in a hurricane, iii. 49 : returns to Spain, iii. 60; ships seized by his creditors, ib. Pizarro Francisca, sails for Car- thagena, iii. 78 ; account of, ib. ; lieutenant of the colony of San Sebastian, iii. 100; arrives at Carthagena, iii. 135 ; sent to the province of Coyba for gold, iii. 162 ; is attacked by the Indians, iii. 163. Planisphere of Martin Behem, i. 135. Pliny, his notice of electrical lights on the masts of ships, i. 342. Poetry of the Haytiens, i. 426. Polo, Nicholas and Matteo, an account of their travels into the east, iii. 474 ; their first journey, ib. ; return, iii. 477 ; their second journey, iii. 478 ; their return, iii. 481; invite their relatives to a splendid banquet, iii. 483. Polo, Marco, influence of his tray- els upon the mind of Columbus, i. 56, iii. 474 ; short account of his travels, /i>. ; his return, iii. 477 ; commands a galley at th« battle of Cuzzola, iii. 484; ia taken prisoner and sent in chains to Genoa, ik. ; writes an account of his travt Is, iii. 485 ; is liberated and returns to Venice, iii. 485 : an account of his work, iii. 486.' Ponca, Cacique of, his territories and villages ravaged and sacked by Nunez, iii. 167. Ponce, Juan de Leon, sent by Ovando to Higuey, iii. 306 ; a. ; tigers, panthers, and large venomous serpents found at, iii. 91 ; arrival of Tal- avera at, iii. 96; faction in the colony, iii. 99 ; Pizarro first lieutenant of, iii. 100. Sanchez, Juan, takes charge of Quibian, ii. 407 ; who escapes^ ii. 408 ; killed in battle by ch% Adelantado, iii. 417. Sande, Don Ruy de, his mission to the Spanish court, i. 322. Santa Marta, island of, discovered i. 461. Santa, La Isla, discovery ii 121. Santa Cruz, island of disuoTerj of, i. 352 INDEX. 631 Banta Gloria (St. Ann's Bay), dis- covered by Columbus, i. 452. Santa Maria, seat of government established at, iii. 145 ; faction at, iii. 146. Santiago. See Jamaica ; letter of Ileneken, i. 404. — ■ , river of, discovered, i. 258. Saoraeta, discovery of, i. 183. 8aona, island of, discovered, i. 494 ; difference of longitude be- tween, and Cadiz, i. 495. Scandinavians, an essay relative to the voyages of, iii. 356. Schedel, remarks on an interpola- tion in his chronicle, iii. 430. Sea wolves, killed, iii. 329. Seneca, his notice of electrical lights on the masts of ships, i. 342. Serafin Point, i. 468. Sharks, a multitude of, seen on the coast of Veragua, ii. 390 ; curious method of taking them, ii. 391 ; sufierstition concern- ing, ib. Ships, observations relative to the size of those employed by Columbus, iii. 364. transported in pieces across the mountains at the Isthmus, iii. 230. Slaves, five hundred are sent to Spain, ii. 38 ; three hundred sent by Bartholomew Colum- bus, ii. 154 ; arrival in Spain, ii. 63 ; Queen Isabella interests herself in their favor, ib. ; or- ders them to be sent back to Ilayti, ii. 64; negroes first in- troduced to the New World, ii. 329; revolt of, iii. 303; His- paniola the first island to ex- hibit an awful retribution, ib. ; regulations in respect to, iii. 304. Slaves, one hundred captured and sent to Hispaniola, iii. 71. Solomon, the gold used in the temple of, ii. 77. ?oria, Juan de, his insolence to Columbus, i. 333. Sosa, sent to supersede Pedrarias Davila, iii. 272; dies in the har- bor, iii. 274. Rotomayor, ChvistovaJ de, arrives from Spain at Porto Rico, iii 310 ; builds a fortress, ib. ; Co lumbus refuses to put him iy possession, appoints Ceron anq Diaz lieutenants, ib. ; a con- spiracy formed against him by the natives, iii. 314 ; revealed to him by an Indian princess, iii. 315 ; he refuses to believe it, is attacked in the forest and killed, iii. 317 , village of, destroyed, iii. 318. Soul, ideas of the Haytiens in re- spect to the, i. 424 ; the after state of, believed by the natives of Cuba, i. 484. Spain and Portugal, diplomatic negotiations between the courts of, with respect to the new dis« coveries, i. 322. Spotorno, Gio, publishes docu- ments relative to Columbus, ii 347. Sugar-cane introduced into Hayti, i. 431. Sun, supposed to be worshipped by the Indians, iii. 216. Superstition of St. Elmo lights i. 342. Swallow, a, encircles the ships of Columbus, i. 341. T. Talavera, Fernando de, prior of Prado and confessor to Queen Isabella, i. 98 ; esteems Colum- bus's plan impossible, i. 102 ; he is desired by the king to assemble men of science to con- sider the matter, ib. ; reports to the king that the council had pronounced the plan vain and impossible, ib ; takes a message from the king, i. 103 ; disgusted at the high termi insisted on by Columbus, i. 113. Talavero, Bernardino, pirates the ship of a Genoese, iii. 97 ; char- acter of his crew, ib. ; arrives at San Sebastian in time to saT€ the colony, ib. ; returns to His- paniola, iii. 100; puts Ojeda in irons, iii. 101 ; is hanged by th« 632 INDEX, order of Don Diego Columbus, iii. 112. Taxmar, Cacique of Yucatan, iii. 289 ; his treatment of the Span- iards, iii. 290 : vessels appear off the coast 294. TenerifTe, fears of tlie crew at be- holding Mount, i. 137. Territory, question of, how set- tled, i. 335. Thomas, St., fortress of, erected, i. 410 ; see note, 411 ; conduct of the colonists there, i. 432 ; at- tacks of, ii. 18. Tigers and panthers at San Sebas- tian, iii. 91. Tobacco, first seen in the island of Cuba, i. 202. Tobago, discovery of, ii. 137 Toledo, archbishop of, his charac- ter, i. 80 ; gives Columbus an attentive hearing, i. 81 ; and procures him an audience of the king, i. 81. Toledo, Dona Maria de, Don Diego Columbus becomes enamored of, iii. 347 ; their marriage, iii. 348 ; and embarkation for His- paniola, iii. 349 ; is left as vice- queen at St. Domingo on the sailing of Don Diego for Spain, iii. 354; becomes a widow, iii. 361. Torre, Dona Juan a de la, receives a letter from Columbus with an account of his treatment, ii. 306. Torres, Antonio de, dispatched from Hispaniola, with twelve ships, to Spain, i. 390 ; arrives at Cadiz, ii. 60 ; dismissed from office, ii. 106. , Luis de, sent up the isl- and of Cuba by Columbus, i. 197 , an account of his journey, i. 200. Tortoises, sea covered with, on the southern coast of Cuba, i. 474 ; curious method of taking, i. 462 ; a living one taken out of the maw of a shark, ii. 391. Tortugas, beautiful island of, dis- covery of, i. 223, iii. 329. Toscanelli, Paulo, his correspon- dence with Columbus, i. 54. Trade of the colonies monopolized by the crown of Spain, ii. 327 ; ' the Spanish system tl e scoff of modern times, ib. Trasierra, Juan de, ii. 292. Triaha, Rodrigo de, first sees the land of the western world, i. 165 ; account of, i. 306. Tribute imposed upon the Ilayti- ens, ii. 48. Trinidad, island of, discovered, ii, 119 ; description of its appear- ance, i6. ; curious accouut of the natives, ii. 122. Tristan, Diego, ii. 410 ; is killed, ii. 414. Tubanami, Cacique, his appeal to Nunez, iii. 220; refuses to dis close where the mines lie, iii 220. Tudela, Benjamin, travels of, i. 59. Tumaco, Cacique, encounter with Nunez, iii. 208. Turk's Island, observations rela- tive to, iii. 448. U. Uraba, gulf of, settlement at com- menced, iii. 79. Ursula, Santa, island of, dis- covered, i. 354. Y. Valdivia, fortunes of, iii. 287; sent to Hispaniola for provis- ions, iii. 171. Valenzuela, vessel of, founders at sea, iii. 137. Valfermosa, coast of, discovered, iii. 59. "Vassals, natives of Hispaniola re- duced to the condition of, ii. 241. Vega, Garcilaso de la, his tale relative to a pilot having died in the house of Columbus, iii 424. , river, i. 407 ; calleu by th« natives Yagui, ih. Velasco, Francisco, ii. 292 Velasquez, Diego, (Jommands tht soldiery at the massacre of Xaragua, ii. 496. INDEX 633 Venezuela, gulf of, discovered, iii. 30. Veragua, coast of, discovery of, ii. 377 ; warlike spirit of the in- habitants, ib. ; soil appears to be impregnated with gold, ii. 398 ; Gioiden Castile, iii. 350. Veraguas, duke of, consents to have the remains of Columbus removed to Cuba, iii. 342. — — • , the heirship to Columbus decided in his favor, hi. 365. Verde, Cape de, discovery of, i. 30. Vergara forages for supplies, iii. 60 ; caravel dispatched in search of, iii. 62. Vespucci, Amerigo, first notice of his expedition, ii. 252; employed by Columbus at court, ii. 537 ; accompanies Ojeda, iii. 23 ; his description of the aborigines, iii. 24; his account of the in- habitants of Curacoa, iii. 29; an account of, iii. 395 ; a sum- mary view of his claim to the title of a discoverer, iii. 397 ; the voyage whence his name was given to the American con- tinent, iii. 401 ; Columbus's letter to his son relative to the merit and misfortunes of, iii. 403 ; Peter Martyr's character of, iii. 416 ; his letter to Rene, duke of Lorraine, iii. 406 , ob- servations relative to the points in controversy, ih. ; author's conclusion, that the voyage as- serted to have been made by Amerigo Vespucci never took place, iii. 416. Vessel, stern-post of a, found in one of the houses at Guada- i6£ipe, i. 346. Vieja La, or Old Woman's group, discovered, iii. 329 ; sibyl of, ib. Villains, natives of Hispaniola reduced to the condition of, ii. 241. Villejo, Alonzo de, appointed to carry Columbus to Spain, ii. 802 ; character of, ib. ; his col- loquy with Columbus previous to their sailing, ii. 303. Vines introduced into Hayti, i. 431. Vinland, a supposed discovery, iii. Vipers, rocks of, iii. 287. Virgin, dances of the Indians ii honor of, iii. 107; anecdotes o* Cueybas, ib. Virgins, the eleven thousand islands of, discovered, i. 354. Vows made by Ojtida, iii. 104. made by Erisiso, iii. 144. made in a storm by Col .im bus and hia crew, i. 269, tempt at fulfilment, i. 275. W. Waterspout, a remarkable, seef on the coast of Veragua, ii 389. Wax, cake of, presented to the sovereign by Columbus, i. 212. Wheat introduced into Hayti, i 431. Wolves, sea, several killed on th* coast of Hispaniola, i. 493. Woman, account of a very strong, of Guadaloupe, ii. 83 ; taken to Columbus's «Mp, ii. 84 ; falls in love with otionabo, and refuses to return on shore, ii. 84. Women, ongin of,' according to the Haytiens, i. 421. Writing, fear of the J^diians of Cariari at seeing th»» Spaniards write, ii. 371. X. Xagua, gulf of, i. 466 Xaragua, domain of, an account of, ii. 10 ; description of its in- habitants, ib. ; Ro^an takci possession of, ii. 213 : massacre at, ii. 492. Xerif al Edrizi, his des