»- ^ • ►Ut» * '♦>« - •• »• Jl * > Jt' / . . ..— . t 4 • 1,1 • *’’1 • * •■' .1 V* i ‘ *4'<' '• »•;■ ■ < » *'• • . ^ ^ T . .1^1 . ; rtl »»PI .f ^ .,.*•*. ('«Ihi . , .«4 J •<»•> • .tM-* ( ... , ■;,:'r::'. "*: inf' -'I V U4,rv -V' V ! - vr.>" - • •■'> ' Mt/* ,*• «Mpvp‘'-“f » • > »4 4 x' • ' • !^ «• •;»'»• IV*" !» •'. I .4.^4« >*f M ■• 1, t4S -•• •-• • '• • ■ :• Hi' > ■ ••''• •*-•••'' .'■NK' ■'» , M»t ■*..4 »4". N, {.»• . ... •!’ M • «'■ ’I'M. K,. ,* ..jM*"» I|9} 1 •• »4/, - ■■ • * 4*' *5» V'A' ••. "4.4' «<• vJ-.'-l-i.'. ‘ 4* .• •■»)•, I*'*’*,.. .. i:»*-.*-', i: r ■' •'«* • . , ■ • na-,. . . /tyUI- *. :t- # ' I'».4 <♦* « . « -*4 , . . ■ '■•fr • • • »-, ,I.*#•■.• !• ’ ,V -ti • ■»• - •.* '«1 " >- ■•■ . : V V - I »» ;• •, ••>»»» M r •• .‘I . «{ ■’».* ■' •» '4-1 ■•• •' *•.»'*•■.■' »•> »' ■'»«'l ' ■ ■ ►•r^ ..»tr'‘.* l ■.i-.ot ?»-■ • 'ft".',-.', . >#* I • «■ '^^iM . fk- « ♦- ■1^'' V-' ; ' ..*4.'V - *{• ' V « :*$i •• '1» ,v.. . , ., «*,..■ J4.iM#K »’•<" f*' V-I-»*!'"', )* ;1 ■,’. ,v'. I.J,’* V*»-? l ** •♦f.'#» ■ ' *■' ■"ft',**'‘.‘i**! .,r.. •"7'.4-- -i' 4M4 41 ■ 4 I .4^ ( « IWl4- , J ■•■ k' * «MH»-* if-»: f , \M- 4 .P ►» ‘ ■ ' •4»j# f‘4-* ••■■',, '»«.1- r- » #»•« ^T- #*»• - •* • - #»• »*» vw )► V * .'«ft '•• i i V-i'»*^ ^ ■**• - ,»,■ -.«ksv -rV. , . j- ,»•» , •» :4 ... ,,x\: -H»-;.. i. ;►•! • •■, . v.»4>. HllifK''*■' » ;■ .-»»»••• ‘*t* . . t , • I . ’ 4:4t» 4 ,. i,ii 1 ' r '*'■'■ '►44|> ♦ ^ . *• ji •**'• »> ■', «. '.i : ■ f-j . - tv. r • ’ ' ' ■ » >s<' . • • - - . t • •.•►-'« *!•■ ■' > ■ • » >4 .. ► ■ -‘'ti*’ .»# >»,■■'< t. , ' I -J'N >*'' . -• I» ,»<• • ■■■■■.>'', : ..'I » • t. »'» .,••■ A*'-' •.»'•■' ■ (» .-4H W •' ! ■ ’ ' '> . p.. . • I . . .... ' ^ •■i' m4- k» —■ • ^ 4".T '• !' t1«¥* v;-.. K"':' ■■>. ■- :-'.:,;y' v . ■ - , .4 Vk--* •• .I'P it ■ - . 4 . « I'* . *» • ’*.*1 ‘‘jl* ..HHr >■■ , ■' ',*•»’■ :» -4 •'!' « ^'•' V.;'-ri'4 “'"niiiii ’ 4 :» :4<’* > ;: «^4t' • 1 >h •if'ikft ;.-t^ • r^i ■♦Ml .4 ♦ 4» ‘ • ■ , .. « 4««'^ - 4, t • ■ .lit' ****^1» « ■• Mill ■ i I '' ‘7 *?•?'' ' * ' • ■■< p‘* 7.v: ^ ,■ i' u:' M.i- 7' ‘i' ■•' '■ ‘■•'.••‘i’; 'i’ -'-’,». ; . .'• ■’ iir)*»-' f ,j. . '«•-»►'’.»«•1 p' * •. • * '» I* *»' » '.'’U V‘ “v v * ,» v ■ 4><':* .'♦f*'*!'» m4..:Sh'' • lit''--.'.4 ''Vy , ' , ''■}-' ' . ' •■ '4 , I'j • • . |4.*I4' »* ■ " " ,.^«2.1.. ■ . -7vi ' /-"i'. . ‘ri, i,. . '.’tSL.;-.. 7'.. ■:,. Wt i-..* 4-' '• >''4~ • . .. - -— mmwwm, .mm: ■ ■ P- ' ♦'*'< ■'*1 , ..... j v--rr:' The person charging this material is re¬ sponsible for its return on or before the Latest Date stamped below. Theft, mutilation, and underlining of books are reasons for disciplinary action and may result In dismissal from the University. University of Illinois Library «83 ®*^M5!987 A « • 4 ^ m. AUG 13 155^0 MAYO MARI 0 9 L161—0-1096 WORKS OF TACITUS. ^Translation, grttsrb. WITH NOTES. VOL. n. THE HISTORY, GERMANY, AGRICOLA, AND DIALOGUE ON ORATORS. LONDON: bell AND DALDY, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 1872 . • ■ LONDDN: rniNTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS. g?/ T.E(r ■ , V/, 2L CONTENTS OF VOL. II. BOOK I. State of Affi iirs at Eome— Qalba\q Entry into the City—Condition of the Provinces—L^ions in Upper Germany revolt— Piso adopted by Galba Galba’s Address to Piso—Piso’s Adoption announced—Otho plots against Galba —The Soldiers corrupted—Otho proclaimed by the Soldiers—Attempts to stay the Revolt— Galba leaves tbe Palace —Otho’s Address to the Legions—End of Galba —Murder of Piso- Licence cf the Soldiery—-Titus Vinius—Origin of the Revolt under Vitellius — Vitellius, Verginius, and Cgecina—The Legions in Upper Germany revolt — Vitellius raised to the Empire—Indolence of Vitellius —Feud between Lyons and Vienne— Caecina chastises the Helvetians— Caecina advances into Italy—Vain Attempts at Accom- r modation—The Provinces declare for Otho—The Sarmatians defeated Panic among the Soldiers- Otho’s Address to the Troops—Prodigies and Omen&—Public at Rome—Otho marches from Rome' 1—67 BOOK II. Temple of the Paphian Venus — Titus arrives in the East—False Report respecting Hero—Law against Public Accusers—Disorderly rmna reduces his Troops to Order—Unsuccessful Attack on Placen¬ tia-Abortive Stratagem of Csecina—Mutinous Spirit of the Bata¬ vians Characters of Caecina and Valens —Otho’s AlFairs begin to decline— of Histori| ps—Battle near Bedriacum — Otho’s Army 'defeateT-Fidelity of the Praetorians—Death of Otho —Embarrassment of the Senate—Excesses of the Victors—Extra- \ agant Conduct of Vitellius — Dolabella murdered—Insubordination of the Army— Vitellius visits the Field of Battle—Resources of Vespasian—Address of Mucianus —Vespasian proclaimed in Judaea— Preparations for the War—Conduct of the Legions in Moesia— Pro¬ gress of Vitellius —Courts the Favour of the Mob—^Licentiousness of the Troops—Hews of the Revolt reaches Vitellius —Treachery of ^Caecina .67—134 ( . 31.5977 \1 CONTENTS. BOOK III. Deliberations of the Flavians—Chiefs of the Eevolt—The War coni’ meaced —Corxespondence between the Generals—The Fleet declares ’ for Vespasian— Antonius resoTvrrbn ' a" Battleof the I Fabian Army—Conflict in the Night—A Father slain by his Son__ Assault on Cremona—Cremona taken—Sack and Destruction of the City—Death of Junius Btesus—Indecision of Valens—Valens taken Prisoner Pontus declares for Vitellius — Antonius advances toward Rome—Letter of Antonius to Vespasian—Imbecility of Vitellius— Consternation at Rome— Antonius attempts to calm the Troops— Sabinus, Brother of Vespasian— Vitellius abdicates— Sabinus seizes the Capitol—The Capitol stormed and burnt— Sabinus taken Prisoner Sack of Tarracina — Antonius receives a Check—Conflicts before the City—Capture and Death of Vitellius .135_194 BOOK IV. Frightful Condition of Rome— Servility of the Senate—Notice of -tieividius Wiscus—Debates in the Senate—Origin of the Revolt of Civilis—Civilis harangues the Batavians—Defeat of the Roman Troops—Progress of the Revolt—Assault on the Roman Camp- Reinforcements summoned from Gaul—Engagement at Gelduba _ Civilis attacks the Old Camp—Attack on the Army under Vocula _ Vocula neglects the Pursuit—Vespasian and Titus Consuls— Domi' tian addresses the Senate—Movement against the Informers_ Muci¬ anus defends the Informers—Proposal to raise a Loan—Murder of Lucius Piso—The Capitol rebuilt—Movements of Civilis and Classi¬ cus— Courageous Conduct of Vocula— The Legions submit to the Gauls—Sad Procession of the captive Soldiers—Conduct of the Agrippinians Anxiety of Mucianus —Dissensions among the Gauls —Capital of the Treveri taken—Address of the Roman General- Deliberations of the Germans—The Agrippinians entreat Assistance —Alleged Miracles of Vespasian—Legend of Serapis— Domitian at .. 195-264 BOOK V. Fabled Ori gin o f fR e Jews^The Mosaic Institutions—Jewish Worship ! -^^ucITon'onEe’Oities'^to*PlaintVm-ibus'Ilulers of the Jews i —Fortifications of Jerusalem—Skirmish between Civilis and Cerealis j --Battle on the Banks of the Rhine—Engagements at Grinnes and i ’'’'ada— Civilis surrenders—Meeting of Civilis and Cerealis 264—285 ' CONTENTS. A TEEATISE THE MAN'NEES OF THE GERMANS Qflgi p . Q f -y—The German Hercules—Character ^ v:rciiijau xiercuies-^'iiaracter of Kinff^rReTDa -jaia-t^men-Iiu;^ —S' 2£p®^^S®KelafioiDshi£^^ ^^yanous Tribes—The Catti— Tencten ^315ru^err^^^ The Cimbri Battles against the Romans—The Suevi _The Her- munduri—The Lygian Tribes—The Suiones— Gathering Amber— The Peucini and Fenni. 286—342 THE LIFE OF CNAIUS JULIUS AGRICOLA. A^lopr for writing the Life—Retrospect—In Britain, under Suetonius Paulmus—Joins ihe Party of Vespasian—Britain—Inhabitants of Britain—Climate and Soil—First Invasion of Britain—Defeat of Boadieea—The Ordovices of North Wales—He adopts a milder obey The Firths of Clyde and Forth—Great Battle in Caledonia He reaches the Grampians—Calgacus’s Address to the Britons— Agricolas Address before the Battle—Battle of the Grampians-De- featof the Britons—His Recal from Britain—He retires from Public impending Evils—Concluding . 343-381 A DIALOGUE CONCERNING ORATORY, OR THE CAUSES OF CORRUPT ELOQUENCE .. 390-4^2 ^Andex 453 I THE HISTOEY OF TACITUS. BOOK 1. 1. My narrative commences with the second consulship of ^ Servius Galba, in which Titus Vinius was his colleague. For of the antecedent period of eight hundred and twenty years from the foundation of Home, the history has been com¬ posed by various authors; who, as long as they h*fd before them the transactions of the Foman people, wrote with as much eloquence as freedom. After the battle of Actium,' when, to close the scene of civil distraction, all power was centred in a single ruler, those noble examples of the his¬ toric character quitted the field. Truth was then yiolatfid ; first from indifference and" ignorance of public affairs, the admmistratiqii^of which had now passed ' from an extravagant propensity to flattery, or, on the other hand, from, detestation of those '-w^held the sovereign pWe™ both' parties, one cringing, the other burning with resentment, the care of posterity was lost sight of There is, however, this difference: ^ men are naturally disgusted with the time-serving historian while spleen and.calumny are received with a greedy ear : for flattery labours under the odious charge of servility, while malignity wears the imposing appearance of independence. Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, were'"neither known to me by A favours nor injuries. I will not deny that my own elevation, ' begun by Vespasian,^ was advanced by Titus, and carried to ' The battle of Actium was ia the year of Rome 723; from that time the reigns of Augustus and the succeeding emperors form a , leriod of 98 years to the end of Nero, who died a.u.C. 821. (a.d. 68.) Tacitus was probably raised to the office of quiestor by Vespasian, lind perhaps to> the senatorian rank. Under Titus he advanced, in /he regular gradation of the magistracy, to the functions either of /ribune or sedile ; and in the time of Domitian he was one of the ouin- iecemviral college, as well as praetor. See Annals, xi. 11. TAG.—VOL. II. B THE HISTOET. P. 'B. L i. a still greater extent by Domitian : but the historian who enters on his office with a profession of inviolable integrity, must not allow himself to be influenced by affection or anti¬ pathy in delineating any character. The history of the sovereignty of the deified Nerva, ^ and the reign of Trajan, eminently rich as they are in materials, and free from ^ danger, I have reserved for the evening of my days, if my life continues—times when men were blessed with the rare privilege of thinking with freedom, and uttering what they thought. 2. The period now before me is fertile in vicissitudes, / pregnant with sanguinary encounters, embroiled with intes- I tine dissensions, and, even in the intervals of peace, deformed I with horrors i four princes ^ put to death, three civil wars, with foreign enemies more j and, in some conjunctures, both at once: prosperity in the East, disasters in the West ^ Illyri¬ cum convulsed^ both the Gauls on the eve of revolt, Britain ^ ' conquered,^ and, in the moment of conquest, lost again , the Sarmatians and the Suevians rising up at once against us; the Dacians renowned for defeats given and sustained ; and even the Parthians well nigh induced to take up arms by the trick of a pretended Nero.® Italy afflicted moreover with r ^ It is evident from tkis passage th.at Tacitus publisked his History V in the reign of Trajan, since Nerva is called the deified Nerva, and the apotheosis of the emperors was always after their death. _ Nerva began In^ reign A.u.c. 819, and died in the year 851, when Trajan succeeded ^2 History included the whole time from the first of Galba to the I/ assassination of Domitian: the four princes put to the sword were, therefore, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, and Domitian. ^ 2 The three civil wars were ; 1. Otho and Vitellius ; 2. Vitellius and Vespasian ; 3. Lucius Antonius and Domitian, a. d. 94. The account of this last war is lost. All that can be collected at present is, that Antonius, who commanded the legions on the Upper Rhine, formed a league with some of the German nations, and declared war again^ Domitian. He hazarded a battle with Lucius Maximus, and met with a total overthrow. He was slain in the engagement. ^Suet. Life bf Domitian, s. 6.) The foreign wars that distracted the empire, during the rage of civil commotions, were, one in Judea, and the other with Civilis, the Batavian chief. ^ Britain was finally subdued in the reign of Domitian. bee the Life of Agricola. , mi t. 5 For more of the pretended Nero, see below, ii. 8. The Parthians, were on the point of declaring war in favour of another impostor, whej. tookthg name of Nero, in the reign of Titus, a.d. 81, and afterwards iti the reign of Domitian, a. d. 88. J C. 4.] STATE OP AFFAIRS AT ROME. , Z calamities, unheard of, or occurring again after a long series of ages; cities overwhelmed ^ or swallowed up by earthquakes ^ in the fertile country of Campania; Kome laid waste by fire; • her most ancient temples destroyed; the Capitol itself wrapt in flames by the hands of citizens the ceremonies of reli¬ gion violated; enormous adulteries; the sea crowded with exiles; rocks stained with blood of murdered citizens; Eome itself a theatre of still greater horrors: there nobility and wealth, dignities borne and declined, were alike treated as crimes : there virtue was a source of certain ruin; the guilty i acts of informers, and their wages, were alike detestable; for sorne of them having obtained priesthoods and consulates, which they regarded as spoils; others, imperial procurator- ships, and posts of greater influence wdth the prince, they carried rapine and plunder in every direction, impelled by personal hate, and armed with terror. Slaves were practised upon against their masters; freedmen betrayed their pa¬ trons ; and he who had no enemy, died by the treachery of friends. 3. And yet this period, barren as it was of virtue, pro- V duced some honourable examples. Mothers went with their ^ sons into voluntary exile; wives followed their husbands in banishment; relations stood boldly forth in the cause of their kindred; sons-in-law shrunk not; slaves, even on the rack, scorned to renounce their fidelity; eminent citizens, doomed to die, bore their lot with fortitude, and their deaths were nothing inferior to those of the applauded characters of antiquity. In addition to the misfortunes incident to_ __ humanity, the earth and skies teemed with prodigies, ter¬ rific ^ warnings by thunder and lightning, and prognostics, auspicious or disastrous, ambiguous or plain. Indeed never was it established by more terrible calamities on the Eoman V people, or by more decisive indications, that the gods are not concerned about the protection of the innocent, but the punishment of the guilty. 4. ^ Before, however, I proceed in the execution of my plan, it will be proper, I think, to inquire what was the state of affairs at Rome, what the feeling in her armies; how the The cities of Herculaneum and Pompeii were destroyed by an eruption of Mount Vesuvius, in the beginning of Titus’s reign, a,d. 79. See the conflagration of the Capitol, below, iil 67, 71. B 2 4 THE HISTORY. [b. I. provinces stood affected, wherein consisted the strength or weakness of the empire, that we may not only have a recital of events, and the issues of things which are often ascribable to chance, but may learn the plans pursued, and the causes of events. As the death of Nero, in the first burst of joy, was hailed with exultation, so the senate, the people of Rome, the praetorian guards, and the legions, wherever stationed, were variously affected by that event. A secret of empire was then let out, namely, that elsewhere than at Rome an emperor might be created. The fathers were highly pleased, as they were at once restored to their legislative indepen¬ dence, which they exercised freely, considering that the prince ^ was new to his office, and absent. The principal Roman knights were next to them the most gratified. Honest men among the people, such as were connected with families of credit; and the clients and freedmen of con¬ demned and exiled men, were animated with hope. The inferior populace, who loitered in the theatre and circus; the skives of abandoned character, and those who, having wasted their substance, were supported by the vices of Nero, were plunged in grief, and eager to learn the floating rumour. 5. The preetorian guards, by habit, and the obligation of their oath, had been always devoted to the imperial family. Their revolt, from Nero was not so much their own inclina¬ tion as the management of their leaders. They saw the promise of a donative in the name of Galba still unper¬ formed. TheyTeflected that peace affords no opportunity to gain the recompence due to valour; and that the favours of the new prince would be engrossed by the legions to whom he owed his elevation; strongly inclined of themselves to bring about a change, they were further instigated by the arts of Nymphidius Sabinus, their commanding officer, who aimed at the sovereignty. The conspiracy was crushed in the bud, and Nymphidius perished in the attempt. But the soldiers had thrown off the mask, and the sense of guilt remained. They even talked of Galba with contempt, and inveighed against his advanced age and avarice: the rigorous discipline by which he had acquired his military character,^ V ^ Galba, who was not arrived from Spain. 2 The rigour with w’hich Galba supported and enforced military dis¬ cipline is stated by Suetonius, Life of Galba, s. 6. c. 6.] galba’s entey into the city. 5 inflamed the prejudices of men, who had been trained to such habits during a long peace of fourteen years, by Nero, that they now loved the vices of the princes as much as formerly • they venerated their virtues. To this cause was added an expression of Galba, commendable for its constitutional cha¬ racter, but dangerous to himself. He said, he chose his soldiers, but did not buy them. But his other proceedings were not framed according to this model. 6. Galba, being now in the decline of life, resigned himself altogether to Titus Vinius and Cornelius Lacoj the former the rnost profligate of men, and the latter despised for his sluggish inactivity. By those pernicious ministers he was involved_in the popular hatred due to their own flagitious deeds. The wickedness of Vinius, and the incapacity ^ Laco, proved his ruin in the end. He made his approach to Borne by slow journeys, marking his way with blood. Cm- gonius Varro, consul elect, and Petronius Turpilianus, of consular rank, were put to death; the former as an accom¬ plice in the enterprise of Nymphidius, and the latter because he had been appointed general under Nero. They were con- / demned unheard and undefended; and, for that reason, thought the innocent victims of a barbarous policy. Galba’s . entry into the city of Borne, after the massacre of several i thousands of unarmed soldiers,^ formed a disastrous omen of - things to come; and even the men who executed the orders of their general had reason to fear the consequences. Borne was filled with a strange and unusual body of troops. Besides the forces drawn from the fleet,^ and left as a garrison by Nero, Galba, when he entered the city, brought with him a legion from Spain. To these must be added the several companies from Germany, from Britain, and Illyricum, which had been sent forward towards the Caspian straits to serve in the war then intended against the Albanians, and, in a short time afterwards, recalled to crush the attempts of Vindex a vast mass of materials for the effectuation of political / changes; as they were not devotedly attached to any oneb' ^ See c. 37 of this book. ^ Nero had formed a new legion, composed of men draughted from the marines. See c. 31 of this book, ^ The forces from Britain and Germany, which Nero had sent for¬ ward on a wild expedition to the straits of the Caspian Sea, were ail recalled to quell the insurrection of Vindex in Gaul. THB HISTORY. 6 s/ leader, so were they ready for the purposes cf any who had the courage to lead them on. 7. It happened at this conjuncture that an account arrived of the murders of Clodius Macer in Africa, and Fonteius Capito in Germany. Macer, beyond all doubt, was engaged in schemes of ambition, and, in the midst of his projects, was cut off by Trebonius Garutianus, the procurator of the pro- vince, who had received his orders from Galba. Capito was put to death by Cornelius Aquinus and Fabius Valens, for similar attempts. Some thought that Capito, however branded with avarice, rapacity, and other vices, had not added to his crimes the .guilt of rebellion; but that the authors of his destruc¬ tion, having first endeavoured to draw him into their own designs, combined to execute on an innocent victim the ven¬ geance due to their own iniquity. Galba with his usual facility, or, perhaps, wishing to avoid the danger of an inquiry into what could not be recalled, thought it prudent to give his sanction to the acts of his officers, however un¬ just and cruel. Both executions were, notwithstanding, the subject of public censure : the usual fate of princes who have once incurred displeasure ; their actions, whether good or evil, serve to increase the public hate. The emperor’s freedmen, domineering without control, now brought every¬ thing into the market. The slaves were eager to seize the booty suddenly presented to them, and, fearing the uncer¬ tainty of an old man’s life, hastened to enrich themselves. j The new court exhibited all the vices of Nero’s reign, without the same apology. The very age of Galba ^ was a subject of ridicule and loathing with men who were accustomed to the youth of Nero; and who, according to the custom of the’ populace, formed their estimate of their emperors according to their figure and personal graces. 8. Such was the state of feeling at Eome, as in a city where so vast a multitude was congregated. Of the provinces, Spain was governed by Cluvius Rufus,^ a man distinguished by his eloquence, and experienced in the arts of peace, but not of war. In both the Gauls ^ the name of Vindex was still held ^ Galba, at his elevation to the impei’ial dignity, was 73 years old. 2 Cluvius Rufus was a writer of history. Compare Pliny, lib. ix. opist. 19. ^ The people of Gaul who stood for Vindex were the Sequani, the COxVDlTION OF THE PROVINCES. 7 c. 9.] in veneration ; and the people, pleased with their recent ad- - mission to the freedom of Eome, and the diminution of their ^ tribute, showed no symptoms of disaffection. However, the ^ inhabitants of the cities contiguous to the German armies saw, with discontent, that they were not thought worthy of the like honour; and some of them, whose territories were encroached upon, grieved at the good extended to others as much as if it were an injury done to themselves. In Germany the soldiers, flushed with pride by their late victory,^ yet dreading the imputation of having espoused another party, were by turns inflamed with rage and overwhelmed with fear. From such a number of soldiers, who had the power of the sword in their own hands, the greatest danger was to be ap¬ prehended. They had been slow to detach themselves from Nero; nor did Verginius declare immediately for Galba : whether from his own ambitious projects, cannot now be known. The soldiers, it is agreed, made him a tender of the imperial dignity. The death of Fonteius Capito was another cause of discontent; such as could not deny its justice, ex¬ claimed against it with indignation. Galba, under a show of friendship, had recalled Verginius from his post the legions had therefore now no leader. That he was not sent back, and was even arraigned, they regarded as an imputation upon themselves, v- ^ 9. The legions on the Upper Rhine were ill retained in their duty by Hordeonius Flaccus, an officer far advanced in years, disabled in his limbs, without vigour of mind or authority. Unequal to the command even in quiet times, his feeble en¬ deavours to enforce obedience served only to irritate the minds of men disposed to mutiny. On the Lower Rhine, the army had been for some time without a general of consular rank, till Aulus Vitellius,^ son of the person of that name who had been censor and three times consul, was sent by Aldui, and the Arverni. The states that lay near the legions on the Upper and Lower Khine were the Lingones and the Eemi. ^ The German armies obtained a complete victory over Vindex at Vesontium. 2 Verginius commanded the legions on the Upper Rhine. ^ This was Vitellius, afterwards emperor of Rome. Galba sent him to command on the Lower Rhine, while Hordeonius Flaccus, a man in years, and greatly afflicted with the gout, was likely to remain inactive in the province of Upper Germany. See Suet. Life of Vitellius, s. 7. l1 8 THE HISTORY. Galba to take upon him the command. This was deemed / sufficient.^ In Britain everything was quiet. It must be admitted that, during the civil wars that followed, no legion conducted themselves more correctly; whether it was that, situated at a distance, and divided by the ocean from the rest of the world, they did not catch the frenzy of the times, or that they knew no enemies but those of their country, and were not taught by civil discord to hate one another. Illyri¬ cum remained in a state of tranquillity, though the legions drawn by Nero from that country found the means, while they loitered in Italy, of tampering with Verginius. But the armies, separated by a long interval, the best expedient to preserve the allegiance of the military, could neither com¬ municate their vices nor combine their forces. 10. The East was hitherto free from commotion. Licinius Mucianus governed the province of Syria with four legions. He was distinguished equally for his good and evil fortune. In his youth, the favour of the great was the object of his ambition, and in that pursuit he wasted his fortune. His cir¬ cumstances growing desperate, and suspecting the displeasure of Claudius, he retired into Asia, and there lived in obscurity, as little removed from the condition of an exile, as he was afterwards from that of a sovereign. He united in his cha¬ racter a mixture of repugnant qualities : he was affable, and arrogant; addicted to pleasure, and a man of business. When at leisure from affairs, he gave a loose to his luxurious pas¬ sions ; when on an expedition, he displayed qualities of a high ^ order. In his public capacities you might praise him, but as a private man he was in bad odour. With those who were under him, and with his friends and colleagues, his varied ac¬ complishments gave him a commanding influence; but he was fitter to raise others to the imperial dignity, than to obtain it for himoelf. The war against the Jews had been committed by Nero to Flavius Vespasian, at the head of three legions, tie had entertained no design, nor wish, against the interest of Galba. He sent his son Titus to Rome, as will be seen . hereafter,2 with congratulations to Galba, and assurances of fidelity. That the sovereign power was marked out by the secret counsels of heaven, and by portents and responses, for ^ In this passage, some read fatis for satis. “ The Fates ordained it.” 2 See below, ii. 1. C. 12.] LEGIONS IN UPPER GERMANY REVOLT. 9 Vespasian and his two sons, we began to believe after bis accession. 11* ^11(1 the forces appointed to keep it in awe, were, according to the system of Augustus, confided to Roman knights, with the powers of kings. DiflBcult of access, and at the same time prolific in corn; with a people, who, from superstition and insolence, were discordant and prone to change; unacquainted with laws, and unhabituated to the civil^ authority, it was the policy of Augustus to retain the administration of this country in his own hands. ^ In the present juncture, Tiberius Alexander,^ a native of the country, was entrusted with the government of the province. Africa, and the legions quartered there, were, since the murder of Clodius Macer, willing to submit to any prince, after having experienced the government of an inferior master. The two Mauritanias, Rhaetia, Noricum, and Thrace, with the places cornmitted to the care of imperial procurators, according to their proximity to each army, caught the spirit of antipathy or favour from a superior force. The ungarrisoned provinces, and Italy in particular, were open to the first invader, the ready prey of any conqueror. Such was the situation of the Roman world when Servius Galba, in his second consulship, and Titus Vinius, his colleague, began their year; to them their last, to the commonwealth all but the year of its destruction. 12. A few days after the calends of January, letters arrived at Rome from Pompeius Propinquus, the procurator of Belgic Gaul,^ with intelligence that the legions in Upper Germany, disregarding the obligation of their oath, demanded another emperor, leaving the choice to the judgment of the senate and the Roman people, that the sedition might be viewed tho more leniently. This intelligence induced Galba to hasten the adoption of a successor; a point which he had for some time revolved in his mind, and often discussed with his secret ^ Compare Annals, ii. 59 . ^ ^ Tiberius Alexander is said to be a native of Egypt ; but, to qualify him for the office of governor, he was made a Roman knight. He was probably the same person who is mentioned. Annals, xv. 28. ® Belgic Gaul began from the Scheld (L’Escaut) and extended to the nver Sequana (the Seine). The revolt of the legions on the tipper Rhine is related by Suetonius, Life of Galba, s. 16. THE HISTORY. 10 [b. I. I/ advisers. During the few months of his reign, no subject ^ bad so much engrossed the public conversation j at first from mere garrulity and passion for talking about such things, afterwards from consideration of the advanced age of the emperor. Few were able to think with judgment, and fewer had the virtue to feel for the ■ public good. Private views and party connexions suggested various candidates. Different factions were formed, and all intrigued, caballed, and cla¬ moured, as their hopes or fears directed j and even Titiis Vinius, as he grew in power every day, became, from that very cause, proportionately hated by the people. In truth, the very facility of Galba stimulated the cupidity of his friends, who were eagerly seeking advantages from his elevation, since, weak and credulous as he was, they had the less to fear, and more to gain from their rapacity. 13. The whole sovereign power was in the hands of Titus Vinius, the consul, and Cornelius Paco, the prsefect of the prsetorian guards. Nor was the influence of Icelus ^inferior to either of the former. He was one of the emperor s freed- men, lately created a Roman knight, and honoured with the ec[uestrian name of Martianus. flhe three ministers were soon at variance. In all inferior transactions they drew different waysj but in the choice of 3/ successor they were divided into two factions. Vinius declared for Marcus Otho : Laco and Icelus joined in opposition to that measure, not so much to favour a friend of their own, as to thwart Otho. Galba was not to learn the connexion between Vinius and Otho. The busy gossips settled it that they were to become ^related as father and son-in-law ", for Vinius had a daughter a widow, and Otho was unmarried, l ^think also^ that Galba ,was actuated by concern for the stateTand fh'atne saw that the sovereign power was wrested out of the hands of Nero in vain, if transferred to a man like Otho : a stranger, from his earliek days, to every fair pursuit, and in the pride of manhood distinguished by nothing but riot and debauchery. His emulation in luxury recommended him to the notice of Nero; and, in consequence of his being privy to his lusts, he became the depositary of his principal mistress Poppsea,^ till Octavia was' put away. But Otho’s fidelity in respect to this 1 For Icelus, the favoxxrite freedinan, see Pliny the elder, lib. xxxiii. 2. 2 For Otho’s connexion with Poppcea, see Anna’s, xiii. 45, 4G. PISO ADOPTED BY GALBA. 11 c. 15.] SQ.D16 Poppcpci soon bocciniG siispoctod, and. ho was SGnt to ' Lusitania, undor piotoxt of governing tliat province. Otbo !' having gained popularity in the administration of his pro- :■ vince, was the first to espouse the interest of Galba. While the war lasted, he continued an active partisan, shining con- li spicuously among those who figured in it. Hence his hopes of the_ imperial adoption, which he cherished with daily inci easing ardour j most of the soldiers favouring his views ■i and the creatures of Nero’s court zealously supporting him^ i as a congenial character. ° ^ 14. Galba saw, with deep anxiety, a storm gatherino* jti ' Germany, and where it would burst he could not foresee. ' Of Vitellius and his designs no certain account arrived! The revolt of the legions filled him with apprehensions, and i he reposed no confidence in the praetorian guards. The nomination of a successor deemed, in such a crisis, to be the best expedient; and for that purpose he held a cabinet • council. Besides Vinius and Laco, he thought proper to I summon Marius Celsus, consul elect, and Ducennius Gemi- . nils, the praefect of the city. Having prefaced the business 1 by a short speech concerning his age and infirmities, he sent 1 for Piso Licinianus;’ whether of his own free choice, or at ' the instigation of Laco, remains uncertain. That minister I had contracted an intimacy with him at the house of Eubel- 1 lius Plautus, though he now craftily recommended him as though a stranger. To this conduct the fair esteem in which ;. Piso was held gave an appearance of sincerity. Piso was I the son of Marcus Crassus and Scribonia, both of illustrious ' descent. His aspect and deportment savoured of primitive : manners. By the candid and impartial he was called strict I and severe; oy malignant judges, morose and sullen. That ) character which excited suspicion in the anxious i minds of others, recommended him to his future parent. 15. Galba, we are told, taking Piso by the hand, addressed ’ SuetoniuB^ says : “ Pisonem Licinianum, nobilem egremumque iu- venem, ac sibi olim probatissimum, testamentoque semper in bona et nomen adscitum, repente e media salutantium turba apprehendit concione adoptavit.’’ mbiJd -th’s account, Galba was deter- mined in his choice, and did not want the advice of Laco. He adopted mso trom inclination, propria electione. .Plutarch, in the Life of Galba gives the same account. v^aioa, 12 THE HISTORY. [b. I. him in the following manner : If the adoption which I am now to make, were, like the act of a private citizen, to be ^acknowledged as the law Curiata directs, in the presence of pontiffs, I should derive the highest honour to myself from an alliance with a person descended from the great Pompey and Marcus Crassus: and, in return, you would add to the nobility of your own family, the lustre of the Sulpician and Lutatian names. Called by the consent of gods and men to the sovereignty, I am now induced by your rare accomplish¬ ments, and the love I feel for my country, to present to you, without any effort on your part, that imperial dignity, for which our ancestors led armies to the field, and which I myself obtained in battle. For this proceeding I have the example of Augustus, who placed in the next degree of elevation to himself, first his sister’s son Marcellus, and then Agrippa his son-in-law, his grandsons afterwards, and, finally, Tiberius, the son of his wife. Augustus, indeed, looked for an heir in his own family; I in the bosom of the common¬ wealth. If, upon such an occasion, I could listen to private affection, I have a numerous train of relations, and I have companions in arms. But it was not from motives of ambi¬ tion that I accepted the sovereignty of the state : I^ brought with me to the seat of government an upright intention; and that I now act on the same principle may be fairly seen, when, in my present choice, I postpone not only my own relations, but even yours. You have a brother, in point of nobility your equal; by priority of birth your superior; and, if your merit did not supersede him, a man worthy of the highest elevation. You are now at the time of life at which the passions subside. Your former conduct' requires no apology. Fortune has hitherto frowned upon you:^ you must now be aware of her smiles. Prosperity tries the human heart with more powerful temptations. We struggle with adversity, but success undermines our principles. You will carry with you to the highest station, and endeavour to retain unshaken, good faith, independent spirit, constancy in friendship; the prime virtues'of the human character; but others will seek to weaken them by fawning complaisance; 1 Piso’s father, mother, and brother were put to death by Claudius. Another brother (the conspiracy against Nero being detected) opened his veins, and bled to death. See Annals, xv. 59. galba’s address to piso. 13 c. 16.] / adulation will break in upon you; flattery, the bane of all true afiection, and self-interest, will lay snares to seduce you. To-day you and I converse with perfect candour and single¬ ness of purpose : how will others deal with us? Their respect will be paid to our fortunes, not to ourselves. To guide a prince by honest counsels, is a laborious task: to humour the inclinations of any prince whatsoever, is a work which may be accomplished without the zealous afiection of the heart. 16. ‘^If the mighty fabric of this empire could subsist and balance itself without a ruler, the glory of restoring the old republic should be mine. But such has long been the state of things, and we cannot alter it, that, at my age, all that remains for me is to bequeath to the people an able successor: while your youth can give them nothing better than a vir¬ tuous prince. Under Tiberius, Caligula, and Claudius, we were all, as it were,the heir-loom of one family: that we begin to be elected will have the efiect of a return to liberty. The Julian ' and the Claudian race are both extinct, and eminent virtue will now succeed by adoption. To be born the son of a prince is the result of chance; mankind consider it in no higher light. In adoption, an unbiassed and deliberate judgment is exercised, and the public voice will serve as a guide in the choice. Let Nero be ever before your eyes : proud of his long line of ancestors, and warm with the blood of the Caesars, it was not Vindex, at the head of a province naked and disarmed, nor myself, with only one legion : his own excesses, his own cruelty, hurled him from the necks of mankind. Of a prince condemned by a public sentence there was till then no example. As to myself, raised as I was by the events of war, and called to the sovereignty by the deli¬ berate voice of the people, envy and malice will pursue me, however immaculate I may be. But after the storm that lately shook t,he empire, if two legions still waver in their your courage must not be disconcerted. My reign did not begin in a state of undisturbed peace. Old age, at present, is the objection urged against me; but when it 18 known whom I have adopted, I shall appear young in my successor. Nero will ever be regretted by the vile and pro¬ fligate : that good men may not regret him, it will be ours to provide. More than I have said the time will not admit; THE HISTORY. u if I have made a proper choice, I have achieved all I de¬ signed. In distinguishing good from evil, the most effectual' and compendious course is, to consider what you would approve or repudiate were you a subject and another the sovereign. It is not at Rome as in despotic governments, where one particular family are lords, and the rest groan in bondage. You are to reign over men who can neither endure absolute slavery, nor unqualified liberty.” To this effect*' Galba delivered himself, as though he was creating a prince; and the rest conversed with Piso as with a prince regularly ] constituted. 17. Piso, we are told, neither at the first moment, nor ! afterwards, when all eyes were fixed upon him, betrayed any | symptom of immoderate joy or discomposure. He addressed I the emperor, now his father, in terms of profound respect, | and spoke of himself with reserve and modesty. His mien I and countenance remained unaltered, as though he possessed ,! the power rather than desired it. The next consideration was, whether the adoption should be announced in the forum, the senate, or the camp. The latter was preferred : the army would feel the compliment; whose affections, though it were base to purchase them by bribery and intrigue, were to be sought by fair and honourable means. Meanwhile, the anxious populace surrounded, the palace, impatient for the important news; while those who sought to stifle the ill- suppressed rumour increased its vehemence. 18. On the fourth of the ides of January, the rain fell in torrents, while thunder and lightning, and all the terrors of heaven, produced a scene of confusion and alarm seldom wit¬ nessed. From ancient times this phenomenon was sufficient to dissolve all public assemblies P but Galba was not to be deterred from his purpose. He proceeded to the camp, re¬ gardless of prodigies, which he considered as the effect of , natural causes, or, it might be, that what was fixed by fate, ; though foreshown, could not be avoided. A vast conflux of i soldiers assembled in the camp. Galba addressed them in a short speech, such as becomes the imperial dignity. He told them that, in conformity to the example of Augustus, and * Thunder and lightning were always considered by the Romans as a warning not to transact p’.iblic business : “Jove tonante, fulgurante» comitia populi habere nefas.”—Cicero, De Divinatione, lib. ii. 18. Piso’s ADOPTION ANNOUNCED. lo c. 19.] the practice of the army, where each soldier chooses his com¬ panion in arms,‘ he had adopted Piso for his son. Fearing that his silence on the subject of the German revolt might tend to magnify the danger, he added, that the fourth and eighteenth legions were, by the artifice of a few factious leaders, incited to disorder; but their transgression went no further than words and expressions, and they w^ould soon return to their allegiance. He added no flattery, nor hopes of a donative. The tribunes, notwithstanding, with the cen¬ turions and soldiers who stood nearest to him, made an acceptable response. Through the rest of the lines a deep and sullen silence prevailed. They saw that, in war, they were deprived of those gratuities which had been always granted in time of peace, and w^ere become their indefeasible right. The emperor, beyond all doubt, had it in his power to secure the afiections of the soldiers. From a parsimonious old man the smallest mark of liberality would have made an impression. His primitive inflexibility and excessive strict¬ ness hurt his cause ; we cannot now bear the exercise of these virtues. 19. Galba then addressed the senate in a speech, like that to the soldiers, brief and unadorned. Piso delivered himself with grace and eloquence. The fathers heard him with atten¬ tion ; many with the warmth of unfeigned affection ; others, who in their hearts opposed his interest, with moderate zeal; while the greatest number made a tender of their services, with private views, and regardless of their country. In the time that followed between his adoption and his death (an interval of four days) Piso neither said nor did anything in public. As messengers upon the heels of one another now came posting to Rome, with tidings of the revolt in Germany, and as in the city men were athirst for news, and swallowed the worst with avidity, the fathers resolved to treat by their deputies with the German legions. In a secret council it was discussed whether Piso should go with the embassy, to give a more imposing effect, that the army might have before their * According to a military custom, established in an early period of the commonwealth, every Roman soldier chose his favourite comrade; and by that tie of friendship all were mutually bound to share every danger with their fellows. The consequence was, that a warlike spirit pervaded the whole army. See Livy, lib. ix. 93. 16 THE HISTORY. B. I eyes the authority of the senute in the ambassadors, and th( majesty of the empire in Piso, It was further thought advis' able that Laco, the preefect of the praetorian guards, should accompany the deputation; but he opposed the measure Nor was the choice of the ambassadors easily arranged. Th ’ whole was left to Galba’s judgment, and he executed it with shameful indecision. Men were appointed, excused, or sub¬ stituted, as fear or ambition prompted them to make interest for the service, or for permission to remain at home. 20. The means of raising money came next under consi¬ deration. Various expedients were proposed, but none ap¬ peared so just as that of making reprisals on such as by their rapacity had impoverished the commonwealth. Nero had lavished in donations two millions of great sesterces. The men who had enriched themselves by this profusion were allowed to retain a tenth part of the plunder, and were sued for the rest. * But scarcely the tenth part was left unexpended. Prodigal no less of the public money than of their own, they had squandered all in riot and debauchery. The most rapa¬ cious and profligate had neither lands nor money. The wreck of their fortunes consisted only of the instruments of vice. To enforce the resumption of the grants, a court of thirty Roman knights was appointed ; a tribunal odious on account of its novelty, and troublesome from the number that com¬ posed it, and the intrigue that prevailed. Nothing was to be seen but sales and brokers; the whole city was in a ferment with public auctions. However, it was matter of infinite joy that those on whom Nero had bestowed his I bounties were as poor as those whom he had robbed. About the same time several tribunes were discharged from the service: Antonius Taurus and Antonius Naso, both of the praetorian guards; .^milius Pacensis, from the city cohorts, and Julius Fronto from the night-watch. But this, so far I from being a remedy, served only to alarm and irritate the rest of the officers. They concluded that all were suspected, and that from timidity and cunning they were beingjexpelled one by one. | 21 . Otho, in the meantime, felt every motive that could inflame ambition. In quiet times he had nothing before him but despair; trouble and confusion were his only source of ^ See Suetonius, Life of Galba, s. 15. OTHO PLOTS AGAINST GALBA. 17 c. 22 .] hope. His luxury was too great for the revenue of a prince, and his poverty scarcely endurable in a private citizen.^ He hated Galba, and envied Piso. To these he added pretended fears, to give a colour to his ftiordinate ambition. He said, ;he had been an offence to Nero ; he must not now wait for X second Lusitania, nor another honourable banishment under pretence of friendship. The man whom the public voice has named for the succession, was sure to be suspected by the reigning prince. It was that jealousy that ruined his interest with a superannuated emperor j and would act with greater force on the mind of a young man, naturally trucu¬ lent, and in his long exile grown fierce and savage." Otho might be doomed to destruction. This was therefore the time for action, and a bold stroke while the authority of Galba was waning, and that of Piso not yet established. The convulsions of states, and the change of masters, afford the true season for courage and vigorous enterprise: when inac¬ tivity is ruin, and temerity may be crowned with success, hesitation is folly. To die is the common lot of humanity. IiL_the. grave, the on ly distinc tion is between oblivion and jenown. And" if the same end awaits the guilty and the Ihnoc^i'the man of spirit tvill earn his death.” 22. The mind of Otho was not, like his body, soft and effeminate.^ His slaves and freedmen lived in a course of ^ See in Suetonius an account of Otho’s circumstances, and his expensive luxury. Otho did not scruple to say, that nothing short of the imperial power could save him from utter ruin; and whether he died in battle, or fell a victim to his creditors, was immaterial: “ Nisi principem se stare non posse : nihilque referre, ah hoste in acie, an in foro sub creditoribus caderet.”— Suet. Life of Otho, s. 5. See also Plu¬ tarch, in the Life of Galba. ^ Piso had been by Nero ordered into exile, and might probably return^ with a mind exasperated, and deep-smothered resentment, according to the verses made against Tiberius, during his retreat in the isle of Rhodes “ Regnabit sanguine multo Ad regnum quisquis venit ab exilio.”—Suet, in Tib. s. 59 . The character of Otho, as here delineated by the unerring pencil of Tacitus, is finely copied by Corneille, in his tragedy entitled Otho. It will be sufficient to state what Corneille himself has said in the preface to his tragedy. His words are as follows : “Le sujet de cette tragedie est tird de Tacite, qui commence ses histoires par celle-ci. Lea caract^res de ceux que j’y fais parler, y sont les memes que chez cet incomparable auteur, que j’ai traduit taut qu’il m’a dte possible.” TAG.—VOL. II. C . 18 THE HISTORY. . ! luxury unknown to private families. Aware of his attach¬ ment to such pleasures, they painted to him in lively colours the joys of Nero's court; adultery without control, the choice I of wives and concubines, and all the other excesses of despotic j courts. These, if he dared nobly, they represented to him as his own; if he remained inactive, as the prize of others. The astrologers also inflamed his ardour: they announced great commotions, and to Otho a year of glory.' This is , a description of men dangerous to princes, and a falla- I cious reliance to aspiring subjects; men who will always ' be proscribed, but always harboured in our city. It was ^ with this vile crew of fortune-tellersthat Poppaea held | secret consultations when she aspired to the imperial bed. ■ One of these, a man named Ptolemy, accompanied Otho into Spain. He had there foretold that Otho would survive Nero; ; and the event giving credit to his art, he took upon him to-j ^iromise greater things. Galba was on the verge of life, and Otho in his vigour. From the current of popular rumour | grounded thereon, and his own calculations of probability, he persuaded Otho that he was destined to the imperial dig¬ nity. These bodings were welcome to the ear of Otho: he I considered them as the effect of science, and believed then whole with that natural credulity which receives the mar¬ vellous for reality. Ptolemy followed up his work: he now inspired the plan of treason, and Otho embraced it witn' avidity. The heart that has formed such a wish has no scruple , about the means. 23. Whether this bold conspiracy was then first imagined, « or prepared and settled long before, cannot now be known. It is, however, certain that Otho had been in the habit of” courting the affections of the army, either with a view to the J succession, or with a design to some bold step. On their: march, in the lines, at their quarters, he made it his business j to converse freely with all; he accosted the veterans by name,i and, reminding them of their joint service under Nero, calledl them his brother-soldiers ; he renewed his acquaintance withi some; he inquired after others, and withdiis interest and his purse was ready to be their friend. Mingling complaints,' and, with malignant insinuation glancing at Galba, he omitted , nothing that could fill the vulgar mind "with discontent.'^ Fatiguing marches, provisions ill supplied, and rigorous dis-" C. 25.] the soldiers corrupted, 19 cipline, were now regarded as the more oppressive, because, having known the times when they visited the lakes of Cam¬ pania, and sailed to the cities of Achaia, now, the Alps, the Pyrenees, and long tracts of country, were to be marched over with a load of armour. 24. While the minds of the soldiers were thus excited, Msevius Pudens, a near relation of Tigellinus, added fuel to the flame. Whoever was known to be of a light and versatile disposition, in distress for money, or fond of public commo¬ tions, this man attracted to his party. He sapped his way with a degree of dexterity, as unperceived as it was successful. As often as Galba was entertained at 0tho’s house, he distri- .buted to the cohort on duty a hundred sesterces for every man, under colour of an allowance for their entertainment. The effect of this donation, given to them as it were openly, Otho increased with individuals by more secret presentsa corruptor so bold and shameless, that, when Cocceius Proculus, a soldier of the bo‘dy guard, was engaged in a litigation with one of his neighbours about a portion of the boundaries of theii^ grounds, Otho bought the whole estate of the neigh¬ bouring party, and conveyed it to the soldier as a present. These practices gave no jealousy to the commander of the pisetorian bands : so far from , penetrating dark transactions, ^ he could not see what escaped no eye but his own. 25. Otho then chose one of his freedmen, by name Onomastus, to conduct the enterprise. He attached to him as his accom¬ plices, Barbius Proculus, whose duty it was to bear the watch¬ word to the life-guards, and one Veturius, a deputy-centurion of the same body. Otho sounded them on various topics; and finding them subtle and resolute, he loaded them both .with piesents, and dismissed them with a sum of money, to be employed in bribing the rest of the guards. In this manner two soldiers undertook to dispose of the Homan empire, and succeeded in it. A few only were made privy to t>he plot; the rest, whose minds were not made up, they stimulated by opposite arts. The soldiers of note were told, that having received favours from Hymphidius, they were suspected. The loss of the donative, so often promised, and still withheld, was the topic enforced to inflame the minds of the common men with resentment and despair. Numbers lamented the loss of Nero, and longed for the former laxity of ' 20 THE HISTORY, [b. L discipline ; and tlie idea of changing their place of service dif¬ fused a general terror. 26. The spirit of disaffection spread, as it were by contagion, ;o the legions and the auxiliary troops, already agitated by the news of the revolt in Germany. The vile and profligate were so ready for mutiny, and the upright to connive, that, on the day after the ides of January, they formed a resolution to take Otho under their care, as he returned from supper, and, without further delay, proclaim him emperor. This pro¬ ject, however, did not take effect. In the darkness of the night, and the confusion inseparable from it, no man could answer for the consequences: the city was full of soldiers; and among men inflamed with liquor, no union, no concerted measure, could be expected. The traitors desisted from their purpose, with no patriotic motive; for they had delibe¬ rately conspired to imbrue their hand in the blood of their sovereign; but they were afraid that the first who offered himself to the troops from Germany and Tannonia, might by those strangers, and in the dark, be mistaken for Otho, and saluted emperor. The plot began to transpire, and must have been by various circumstances brought to light, had not the chief conspirators suppressed them. Some facts, however, reached the ears of Galba ; but Laco explained every¬ thing away. The preefect of the guards had no knowledge of the military character, opposed every measure, however excellent, which did not originate with himself, and, by the perversity of his nature, was always at variance with those of superior talents. 27. On the eighteenth day before the calends of February, Galba assisted at a sacrifice in the temple of Apollo, when Umbricius the augur, after inspecting the entrails of the victims, announced impending treason, and an enemy within the walls of Kome. Otho, who stood near the emperor, heard this prediction, but interpreted it in his own favour, pleased with omens that promised so well to his cause. In that moment Onomastus came to inform him, that his builders and surveyors were waiting to talk with him on business. This, as had been concerted, was a signal that the conspirators were assembling, and ready to strike the decisive blow. Otho told such as wondered at his sudden departure, that, being on the point of purchasing , certain farm-houses, which from their o. C. 29.] OTHO PROCLAIMED BY THE SOLIIERS. age were thought to be out of repair, he had appointed work¬ men to examine the buildings before he concluded his bargain, and then walked off, supported by his freedman; and, passing through the palace formerly belonging to Tiberius, went to the Velabrum, and thence to the golden mile-stone near the temple of Saturn.^ At that place a party of the prietorian soldiers, in number three and twenty, saluted him emperor. The sight of such an insignificant handful of men struck him with dismay; but his partisans drew their swords, and, placing him in a litter,^ carried him off. They were joined in their way by an equal number, some of them accomplices in the treason; others, in wonder and astonishment:—some ' brandishing their swords, and shouting; others in silence, determined to see the issue before they took a decided part. 28. Julius Martialis, a military tribune, at that time com¬ manded the guard in the camp. Either amazed at a treason so daring, or imagining that it extended wider, and dreading destruction if he attempted to oppose the torrent, he created a suspicion in many of a confederacy in guilt. The rest of the ^ tribunes and centurions, in their solicitude for their imme-^ diate safety, lost all sense of honour and constancy. Such, in that alarming crisis, was the disposition of the camp': a fewV seditious incendiaries dared to attempt an act of the foulest treason ; more wished to see it, and (all were disposed to acquiesce. 29. Galba, in the meantime, ignorant of all that passetK continued in the temple, attentive to the sacred rites, and with ) his prayers fatigaiing the gods of an empire now no longer hisy Intelligence at length arrived, that a senator (whom, no man could tell) was being carried in triumph to the camp. Otho was soon after announced. At the same time the people poured in from every quarter, according as each fell in with him; some representing the danger as greater than it was, others lessening it, not even then forgetting their habitual flattery. A council was called. On deliberation, it was thought advisable to sound the dispositions of the cohort then on duty before the palace, but not by Galba in person. His authority was to be reserved ^ The place called Velabrum lay between the Forum and Mount Palatine. The Milliarium Aureum was at the upper part of the Forum. The Temple of Saturn was at the foot of the Capitoline Hill. ^ See Suetonius, Life of Otho, s. 6 THE HISTOET. 22 entire, to meet more pressing’ necessities. Piso called the men together, and, from the steps of the palace, addressed them to the following purport: “ It is now, my fellow-soldiers, the sixth day since 1 was made, by adoption, heir to this great empire. Whether the honour was to be desired or dreaded, was more than I could then foresee : with what advantage to my own family in particular, or to the commonwealth at large, it will be yours to determine : not that I fear any sadder fate personally; for, trained in the school of adversity, I now per- , ceive that even the smiles are no less perilous than the frowns of fortune. I grieve for the situation of an aged father, the senate, and the empire itself, should we fall this day by.the hands of assassins; or, which to a generous mind is no less afflicting, find ourselves obliged to shed the blood of our fellow-citizens. In the late revolution, it was matter of joy that the city was not discoloured with Roman blood, and that, without civil discord, the reins of government passed into other hands. To secure the same tranquillity after the de¬ cease of Galba was the object of the late adoption. 30. “ I will neither boast of my nobility, nor claim the merit of moderation. In contrast with Otho there is indeed no necessity to call our virtues to our aid. His vices, even when he played the friend of Hero, were the ruin of his coun¬ try ; in those he places all his glory. And can he, by a life of debauchery, that proud gait, and effeminate dress,^ earn the empire of the world ? Thpse with whom profusion passes for liberality are deceived. Otho will show that he knows how to squander, but not to bestow. The objects that even now engross his thoughts, are lawless gratifications, carousals, and the embraces of lascivious women. These with him are the privileges of sovereignty. The debauchery and pleasures will be his: it will be yours to blush and bear the disgrace. For of those who by their crimes have risen to power, there is not an instance of one who administered it with virtue. Galba was raised by the consentient voice of the world to his present situation: his inclination, and your consent, have added me to the line of the Ceesars. If the commonwealth, the senate, and the people, are mere empty names, yet, my fellow-soldiers, it concerns you that the worst and most abandoned of man- I h 'ni ;i' '11 H. ^ See an allusion to Otho’s eiTeminacy, Juvenal, Sat. ii. 90. c 31.] ATTEMnS TO STAY THE REVOLT. 23 kind should not create an emperor. The legions, it is true, have at different times mutinied against their generals: but your fidelity and character have never been questioned. Nero abandoned you ; you did not desert him. And shall less than thirty runaways and deserters, whom no man would suffer to vote in the choice of a tribune or centurion, dispose of the Roman empire at their will and pleasure? Will you allow such a precedent? and, by conniving at it, will you become accomplices in the guilt? The example will pass into the provinces. Galba and I may sufifer the consequences of trea¬ son; hut the calamities of a civil war must remain for you. By murdering your prince you may earn the wages of iniquity ; but the reward of virtue will not be less. You -will as certainly receive a donative for your innocence from us, as a largess for murder and rebellion from others.” 31. During this harangue, the soldiers belonging to the guard withdrew from the place. The rest of the cohort showed no sign of discontent; and, as usual in a disturbed state of things, displayed their colours as a matter of course, and without any preconcerted design, rather than, as was imagined afterwards, with a concealed purpose of treachery and revolt. Celsus Marius was sent to use his influence with the chosen forces from Illyricum, at that time encamped under the portico of Yipsanius.^ Orders were likewise given to Amulius Serenus and Domitius Sabinus, centurions of the first rank, to draw from the temple of Liberty the German soldiers there. The legion draughted from the marines was not to be trusted. They had seen, on Galba’s entry into Rome, tne massacre of their comrades, and the survivors, with minds exasperated, panted for revenge. At the same time, Cetrius Severus, Subrius Dexter, and Pompeius Lon¬ ginus, three military tribunes, made the best of their way to the praetorian camp, to try if the mutiny, as yet in its early stage, and not full grown, might be appeased by wholesome advice. Subrius and Cetrius were assailed with menaces. Longinus was roughly handled. The revolters took away his * A portico built by Vipsanius Agrippa in the field of Mars. Horace Bays,— “ Cum bene notum Porticus Agrippae, et Via te conspexerit Appi.” Hor. Epist. I. vi. 26. 24 THE HISTORY. B. I. weapons, unwilling to listen to a man, whom they considered j as an officer promoted out of his turn, by the favour of j Galba, and, for that reason, faithful to his prince. The j marine legion, without hesitation, joined the praetorian mal- ‘ contents. The chosen troops of the Illyrian army obliged , Celsus to retire under a shower of darts. The veterans from Germany wavered for a long time, suffering as they still were i from bodily weakness, though their minds were favourably ! disposed; for they had been sent by Nero to Alexandria; f but, being recalled, they returned to Rome, worn out by toil, | and weakened by sickness during their voyage; and Galba had been particularly attentive in recruiting their strength. J 32. The whole populace, in the meantime, with a crowd of | slaves intermixed, crowded the palace, demanding, with dis- | cordant cries, vengeance on the head of Otho and his partisans, | as though they were clamouring in the circus or amphitheatre !| for some spectacle :—without judgment or sincerity; for i before the close of the day, the same mouths were bawling as | loudly as ever for the reverse of what they desired in the . morning, but according to the established custom of courting with heedless shouts and unmeaning acclamation the reigning 1 prince, whoever he may be. Galba, in the meantime, balanced ‘ |i between two opposite opinions. Titus Vinius was for his ^ remaining in the palace. “ The slaves,” he said, “ might be armed, and all the avenues secured. The prince should by I no means expose himself to a frantic mob. Due time s'hould . be allowed for the seditious to repent, and for good men to jj form a plan of union. Crimes succeeded by sudden despatch : honest counsels gained vigour by delay. Lastly, should it i be hereafter proper to sally forth, that expedient would be r- still in reserve: but should he repent of the step once taken, li it would depend upon others whether he could retrace it.” , 33. It was argued by the rest, “ that the exigence called for vigorous measures, before the as yet powerless conspiracy of a few traitors gained strength. Otho himself would then \ be thrown into a state of trepidation and perplexity; Otho, who, having gone off by stealth, and presenting himself among men to whom he is a total stranger, is now learning i how to enact the prince through the hesitation and supine- j ness of those who allow the opportunities for action to elapse.* I They must not linger till the usurper, having settled matters GALBA LEAVES THE PALACE. 25 c. 35.] in the camp, invades the forum, and, under the eye of Galba, ascends the Capitol; while, in the meantime, our valiant emperor remains trembling in his palace with his warlike friends, barricades his house even to the door and threshold, resolved forsooth to endure a siege. Slaves too will render a precious service, if we neglect the people, now ready tg support our cause, and suffer their first impulse of indignation to subside. What is dishonourable is proportionably dan¬ gerous. If we must fall, let us bravely meet our fate. Man¬ kind will applaud our valour, and Otho, the author of our ruin, will be the object of public detestation.” Vinius main' tained his former opinion. Laco opposed him with w'armth, and even with violent menaces. In this he was prompter! by Icelus, who obstinately sought to gratify private malice, at the risk of ruin to his country. 34. Galba hesitated no longer to adopt what appeared to him the more plausible advice. Piso, notwithstanding, was sent forward to the camp, as being a young man of high expecta¬ tion, and lately called to the first honours of the state, and . also as the enemy of Vinius; whether it was that he really hated him, or that the enemies of the minister washed it; and certainly malice imputed is easily believed. Piso was hardly gone forth, when a rumour prevailed that Otho was slain in the camp. The report at first was vague and un¬ certain, but like all important lies, it was confirmed by men who averred that they were on the spot, and saw the blow given; the account gaining easy credence, what with those who rejoiced in it, and those who cared not to scrutinise it. It was afterwards thought to be a rumour, framed and encou¬ raged by Otho’s friends, who mingled in the crowd, and pub¬ lished a false report of good news, in order to entice Galba from his palace. 35. Then indeed not only the vulgar and ignorant multi¬ tude were transported beyond all bounds, but the knights and senators were hurried away with the torrent: they forgot their fears; they rushed to the emperor’s presence; broke open the doors of the palace, and complaining that the pun¬ ishment of treason was taken out of their hands, the men who, as it appeared soon after, were the most likely to shrink from danger, displayed their zeal with ostentation; lavish of word® yet cowards in their hearts. No man knew that TUB HISTOET. 2n Otho was slain, yet all averred it as a fact. In this situation, j wanting certain intelligence, but overpowered by the consen- i tient voice of mistaken men, Galba determined to go forth » from his palace. He called for his armour, and finding himself ;; too feeble from aa’e and bodilv constitution for the throng ll that gathered round him, he wus supported in a litter. Before he left the palace, Julius Atticus, a soldier of the body-guard, accosted him with a bloody sword in his hand, crying aloud, . ■ “ It was I that killed Otho.” Galba answered, Comrade, ’H who gave you orders ? ” ^ So signally was the spirit of the : man adapted to repress the licentiousness of the soldiers; by their iiifiolence undismayed, by their flattery unseduced. » 36. Meanwhile, the praetorian guards with one voice de- ; dared for Otho. They ranged themselves in a body round i his person, and, not content with that, in the ardour of their 1 zeal, placed him, amidst the standards and eagles, on the very t tribunal where, a little before, stood the golden statue of s| Galba.2 The tribunes and centurions were not suffered to : approach. The common soldiers even went so far as to give i orders to watch the motions of all in command. The whole camp resounded with shouts and tumult, and mutual exhorta¬ tions; not, as in a concourse of the people and of the lower > orders, with' varying acclamations prompted by heartless fcj adulation; but they embraced their comrades as they saw !! them advancing; clasped their hands; pressed them to |,j their bosoms with their shields; placed them by Otho’s I side; repeated the military oath,^ and administered it to all. 1 They recommended the prince of their own choice to the .’j affections of the men, and the men, in their turn, to the j favour of the prince. Otho, on his part, omitted nothing; ; he paid his court to the rabble with his hands outstretched, ‘ ^ Suetonius says, Galba put on his breastplate, observing at the same time, that it would be a poor defence against so many swords. , (Life of Galba, s. 19 ) Plutarch relates that the soldier, being asked by - Galba, Who gave him orders ? had the spirit to answer, ‘‘ My oath and ^ my duty.” , 2 In every Eoman camp the statue of the emperor was placed in the i tribunal, at the head-quarters of the general. See Annals, xv. 29. 3 The form of the military oath was as follows : “ Jurant milites, omnia se strenue facturos, quse prcBceperit imperator; nunquam de¬ serturos militiam, nec mortem recusaturos pro Romana republica.”—■ Vegetius, lib. ii. 5. G. 37.] OTHOS ADDRESS TO THE LEGIONS. 27 scattering kisses in profusion, and, in order to be emperor, crouching like a slave. After the marine legion had taken the oath of fidelity, Otho, now confident in his power, as he had hitherto incited the soldiers man by man, judged it right to animate them in a body, and, taking his station on the rampart of the camp, spoke to the follow¬ ing effect:— 37. “ In what character I now address you I am unable to declare: a private man I cannot call myself, for you have bestowed upon me the title of prince: nor can I style myself a prince, while another is still in possession of the sovereign power. In what description you yourselves are to be classed, is to me matter of doubt; and must remain so, till the question is decided. Whether you have in your camp the emperor of Rome, or a public enemy ? Hear ye how the same voice that demands vengeance on me, calls for your destruction ? so evident is it that we can neither die nor live otherwise than together. Such is the humanity of Galba, perhaps he has already pronounced our doom; since, without a request, of his own free will, he could consign to the sword so many thousand innocent soldiers. My heart recoils with horror, when I reflect on the disastrous day on which he made his public entry into the city; and on that his only victory, when, after receiving the submission of the suppliant soldiers, he ordered the whole body to be decimated in the view of the people. Under these auspices he entered the city of Rome;—and what has been since the glory of his reign’? Obultronius Sabinus and Cornelius Marcellus have been murdered in Spain; Betuus Chilo in Gaul; Fouteius Capito in Germany; and Clodius Macer in Africa. Add to these Cingonius Varro, butchered on his march, Turpilianus in the heart of the city, and Hymphidius in the camp. Is there a province, is there in any part of the empire a single camp, which he has not defiled with blood,—or, as he will tell you, reformed and amended ? What all good men call a ^leed of barbarity, passes with him for a correction of abuses; while under specious names he confounds the nature of things: calls cruelty justice, avarice economy, and massacre military discipline. Since the death of Nero not more than seven months have elapsed; and in that time, Icelus, bis treedman, has amassed by plunder more enormous wealth 28 THE HISTORY. [b. T. " than the Polycleti, the Vatinii, the Helii, ^ were able to do. Even Titus Vinius,^ if he had seized the empire, would not have oppressed us with such rapacity, such wanton barbarity. | As it is, he at once tramples upon us as his own subjects, and ; pours scorn upon us as though we were another’s. His house ; alone contains wealth sufficient to discharge the donative which is never forthcoming, and is daily cast in your teeth. 38. “ And that you might despair of improvement under ; the successor even of Galba, he has recalled from banishment ' a man, in his temper dark and gloomy, hardened in avarice, J whom he judged the counterpart of himself. You rtmember, ' my fellow-soldiers, the day on which that adoption was [ made—a day deformed with storms and tempests, when the j warring elements announced the awful displeasure of the , gods. The senate and the people are now of one mind. They [ depend upon your valour. It is your generous ardour that I must give vigour to our honourable enterprise. Without I your aid the best designs must prove abortive. It is not to a | war, nor even to danger, that I am now to conduct you : the armies of Rome are on our side. The single cohort remaining I with Galba is composed of citizens, not of soldiers; and they do not stand forth in his defence,—they detain him as their 'i] prisoner. When they see you advancing in firm array, when | my signal is given, the only struggle will be, who may charge || my gratitude with the heaviest debt. There is no place for ‘ delay in a project which cannot be applauded unless it be | gone through with successfully.” He then ordered the maga- | zine of arms to be thrown open. The soldiers seized their I weapons; they paid no regard to military rules; no dis- | tinction was observed; the prietorians, the legions, and the j auxiliaries crowded together, and shields and helmets were jl snatched up in a tumultuary manner. No tribune, no cen- .^j| turion, gave^ orders. Each man was his own commanding- 'officer and encourager; while the most abandoned drew their , principal incitement from the grief that overwhelmed the good. ''' 1 Polycletus, Vatinius, Helius, and Halotus, were favourite freed- - men, who rose to wealth and honours in the reign of Nero. For more'.; of Halotus, see Suet. Life of Galba, s, 15. Vinius alone had amassed riches enough to discharge the donative which had been promised to the soldiers by Nymphidius, in the namef i of Galba, but which was still withheld. = ) END,OF GALBA. 29 c. 40.] 39. The number of the rebels increasing every moment, and their noise and clamour reaching the city of Rome, Piso, in a state of alarm, met Galba, who had left the palace, on his way to the forum. Marius Celsus had now brought . unfa¬ vourable tidings. Some advised the emperor to return to his palace ; others were for taking possession of the Capitol; and the major part for proceeding directly to the rostra. Num¬ bers gave their advice, for no better reason than to oppose the opinions of others; and, as usually happens in unfor¬ tunate projects, those steps were deemed best the opportunity for which had elapsed. We are told that Laco, without the privity of Galba, formed a design against the life of Vinius. The murder of that minister, he thought, would appease the fury of the soldiers ; or it may be that he suspected trea¬ chery, and thought him joined in a secret league with Otho : in fine, perhaps his own malice was the motive. The incon¬ venience of the time and place made him hesitate: the sword once drawn, it is difficult to check the carnage. Messengers arriving every moment, and the desertion of friends, increased the consternation; and the zeal of all those who at first were so forward in vaunting their fidelity and courage now waxed cold. ' 40. Galba, meanwhile, was borne in various directions according as the waving multitude impelled him.' The temples, and great halls round the forum, were filled with crowds of sorrowing spectators. A deep and sullen silence prevailed: the very rabble was hushed: amazement sat on every face. Their eyes watched every motion, and their ears caught every sound. It was not a tumult—it was not the stillness of peace, but the silence of terrible anticipa¬ tion and high-wrought resentment. Otho, however, received intelligence that the populace had recourse to arms, and thereupon ordered his troops to push forward with rapidity, and prevent the impending danger. At his command the Roman soldiers, as if marching to dethrone an eastern mon¬ arch, a Vologeses, or a Pacorus, and not their own lawful sovereign, advanced with impetuous fury to imbrue .their hands in the blood of an old man, defenceless and unarmed. They entered the city—they dispersed the common people— trampled the senate under foot—with swords drawn, and horses at full speed, thej^ burst into the forum. The sight of 30 THE HISTORY. [b. I.* the Capitol, the sanctity of the temples that overhang it, the^ majesty of former princes, and of those who were to succeed, deterred them not from committing a detestable parricide; sure to be punished by the prince that succeeds to the sovereign power, be he who he may. 41. The praetorians no sooner appeared in sight, than the standard-bearer of the cohort still remaining with Galba (his' name, we are told, was Adilius Vergilio) tore off the image of Galba, and dashed it on the ground : that signal given, the soldiers, with one voice, declared for Otho. The people fled in consternation : such as hesitated were attacked sword in hand. The men who carried Galba in a litter, in their fright, let him fall to the ground near the Curtian lake.^ His last words, according as men admired or hated him, have been ■ variously reported. ‘According to some, he asked, in a sup-j pliant tone. What harm he had done ? and prayed for a few days, that he might discharge the donative due to the soldiers. Others assure us, that he promptly presented his neck to the assassin’s stroke, and said with a firm voice; “ Strike, if the good of the commonwealth requires it.” To ruffians thirsting for blood, no matter what he said. By what hand the blow was given, cannot now be known; some impute it to Terentius, a resumed veteran ; others to Leca- nius : a still more general tradition states, that Camurius, a common soldier of the fifteenth legion, killed him by cutting liis throat, with his sword pressed against it. The rest tore' his legs and arms with brutal rage, for his breast was covered with armour; and many wounds were inflicted, in a savage and ferocious spirit, upon the body as it lay headless. ; 42. Titus Vinius was the next victim. The manner ir which he met his fate is likewise left uncertain—whether, or the first assault, his utterance was suppressed by fear, oi whether he had power to call out, that Otho had given nc orders against his life. Those words, if i*eally spoken, mighi be an effort of pusillanimity to save his life, or they were th( confession of a man who was actually an accomplice in tht conspiracy. His life and manners leave no room to doubi but he was capable of joining in a parricide, of which his owr administration was the principal cause. He fell before th( * ^ This was in the forum, near the rostra. For Galba’s death anc funeral, see Suetonius, Life of Galba, s. 20. MUEDER OF PISO. 31 c. 44.] temple of Julius, by a wound in the joint of his knee; anrr as he lay, he was run through the body by Julius Carus, a legionary soldier. ’ 43. The age beheld on that day a splendid example of courage and fidelity, in the conduct of Sempronius Densus, a centurion of the pr^torian cohort. Having been ordered by Galba to join the guard that escorted Piso, he no sooner saw a band of armed assassins, than he advanced to oppose their fury, brandishing his poniard, and exclaiming against the hor¬ rible deed. By drawing the attention of the murderers upon himself at one moment with his voice, at another with his hand, he gave Piso, wounded a^s he was, an opportunity of makino- his escape. Piso reached the temple of Vesta, where a slave of the state, touched with compassion, conducted him to his own private apartment. Piso lay concealed for some time, not in¬ debted to the sanctity of the temple, nor to the rights of reh- gion, but sheltered by the obscurity of the place from the de¬ struction that threatened him. \ At length, Sulpicius Florus, who belonged to a British cohort, and had been made by Galba a citizen of Borne, and Statius Marcus, a prjetorian soldier, arrived in quest of him by Otho’s special order. By these two men he was dragged to the vestibule of the temple, where, under repeated blows, he breathed his last. 44. No murder, we are told, gave so much satisfaction to Otho,^ nor was there, among the heads cut off, one on which he gazed with such insatiable delight. Whether it was that by this event he first felt himself relieved from all appre¬ hensions, and his mind could admit sensations of joy, or that tlie fate of Galba, bringing to his thoughts an idea of majesty fallen from a state of elevation, and the death of Vinius, awaking the memory of an early friendship, had caused his heait, though ruthless, to melt at the mournful image they presented. When,Piso fell, an enemjr and a rival expired; and he thought it just and reasonable to exult in the event. Ihe three heads were fixed on poles, and carried about amidst the ensigns of the cohorts, by the side of the eagle of the legion. A band of soldiers followed, stretching forth their ^ On seeing the head of Galba, Otho cried ont, This is nothing my fellow-soldiers : bring me the head of Pifeo.” See Plutarch, Life of THE HISTORY. 32 [b. I. hands reeking with blood, and boasting aloud that they gave txie mortal wounds, or that they were present aiding and ! aoetting; all, with truth or falsehood, claiming the lionoui of | an atrocious deed. No less than one hundred and twenty i memorials, presented on this occasion, by persons who claimed ! the reward of crimes committed on that day, were afterwards found by Vitellius; and the several authors, _ after ddigent ; search made by his orders, were punished with death, not ; from motives of regard for the memory of Galba, but with , the usual policy of princes, as a security for the present, and ; as a warning of future vengeance. + Uq 45 Another senate and another people seemed now to be , in possession of Rome. All pressed forward to the camp. • Every man endeavoured to distance those near him and i strive with those before him. They reviled Galba, and ap- : plauded the judgment of the soldiers. They kissed the hand . rf Otho, and, in proportion'to their want of sinceiity, t e i I more they multiplied their compliments. Otho was not defi¬ cient in his attention to each severally; taking care, by his looks and actions, to restrain the ferocious spmt rf the soldiers, who seemed to threaten farther mischief. Marius , Celsus, the consul elect, was the object of vengeance He had been the friend of Galba, and in the last extiemity continued faithful to that unhappy prince. His talents and [ integi-ity gave offence to them, as though they were noxious i Qualities They demanded his immediate execution. Their : views were apikent. The best and ablest men m Rome were doomed to destruction by them. But Otho s authority, thoutrh sufhcient to command the perpetration of ciimes, was i not yet adequate to prohibiting them. In pretended fury he ordered Celsus to be loaded with irons, as a man reserved for heavier punishment, and by that stratagem saved mm from immediate destruction. . , . . i • xr, • 46. From this time the soldiers had everything their own : wav. The prmtorians chose their own prsefect; namely, ■ Plotius Firmus, formerly a common soldier, raised afterwar S' to the command of the night-guard, and, even dnrmg the life of Galba, a partisan of Otho’s. _ To him they added Licimus Proculus, a man who, living in intimacy with Otho, was sup¬ posed to be an accomplice in his designs. As governor of C. 47.j LICENCE OP THE SOLDIEKY. 33 I Eome they named Flavius Sabinus,^ in accordance with the judgment of Nero, who had committed to him the same charge. The majority meant it as a compliment to Vespasian^ his brother. Their next object was to abolish the fees exacted by the centurions for occasional exemptions from duty, and for leave of absence; for they were an annual tribute out of the pockets of common men. A fourth part of every com¬ pany was rambling about the country, or loitering in the very camp, provided the centurion received his perquisites. Nor was the soldier solicitous about the price: he purchased a right to be idle, and the means by which he enabled himse' to defray the expense gave him .no kind of scruple. By theft, by robbery, and by servile employments, he gained enough to purchase an exemption from military duties. Then, whoever had hoarded up a little money, was, for that reason, harassed with labour and severity, till he purchased an exemption. By these extortions the soldier was impoverished, his industry moreover relaxed, and he returned to the camp poor instead of^ rich, and lazy instead of active. And so again another and?' another had his principles corrupted by poverty and irre-^' gularities similarly induced, whence they fell rapidly into sedi¬ tion and dissension, and lastly into civil war. To remedy the mischief, and, at the same time, not to alienate the minds of the centurions, by giving up these fees as a bounty to the common soldiers, Otho undertook to pay an annual equiva¬ lent to the officers out of his own revenue. This reform was, no doubt, both wise and just. Good princes adopted it after¬ wards, and made it a settled rule in the military system. Laco, the late commander of the praetorians, was condemned to an island, there, as was given out, to pass the remainder of nis days; but a veteran soldier, whom Otho had despatched for the purpose, put an end to ' his life. Martianus Icelus, being of no higher rank than that of a manumitted slave, was publicly executed. 47. After a day spent in guilt and carnage, the joy that succeeded completed the climax of abominations. The praBtor ^ Flavius Sabinus had been appointed prefect of the city by Nero. The soldiers loved the vices of the former reign, and for that reason continued Sabinus in the same office. See below, ii. 74, 75; and Suet. Life of Vespasian, s. 1. TAG.—VOL. II. © r5r- v:^;f2 34 THE HISTORY. [b. J. j of the city summoned the senate.' The magistrates emulated each other in adulation. The fathers assembled without delay. The tribunitian power, the name of Augustus, and all imperial honours enjoyed by former princes, were by a decree granted to Otho; while all strove to obliterate the effects of reproaches and invectives, which, as they were uttered at random, were not supposed by any one to have sunk deep into his heart. Whether Otho would have passed over those reflections, or stored them in his memory for future occasions, the shortness of his reign has left undecided. He was con¬ veyed in triumph to the Capitol, and thence to the imperial palace. In his way he saw the forum discoloured with blood, and heaps of slaughtered citizens lying round him. He granted leave to remove the dead bodies, and to perform the rites of sepulture. The remains of Piso were buried by his wife, Verania,^ and Scribonianus, his brother. The last duty to Titus Vinius was performed by his daughter Crispina.3 Their heads, which the murderers had reserved for sale, were found and redeemed. 48. Piso had well-nigh completed the thirty-first year of his age; higher in the esteem of the public than in the flivour of fortune. Two of his brothers suffered a violent death; Magnus, by the command of Claudius, and Crassus, of Nero. An outlaw for some years, and four daj^s a prince; by the hurried adoption of Galba, he was raised above his elder brother, only to be murdered first. Titus Vinius had reached the age of fifty-seven; a man of unsettled principle, and various manners. His father was of a praetorian family; his grandfather, by the maternal line, was among the number proscribed by the triumvirate. His first campaign, under Calvisius Sabinus,'' was marked with disgrace. The wife of ^ The two consuls, Galba and Vinius, being cut off, the power of convening the senate devolved to the city praetor. See Cicero’s Epist. lib. X. epist. 12. 2 For Verania, see Pliny, lib. ii. epist. 20. ^ 2 Crispina bought her father’s head at a great price from the assas¬ sins. Plutarch, Life of Galba. * Calvisius Sabinus, mentioned in this place, was probably the person who, in Caligula’s reign, commanded in Pannonia, and, on his return to Rome, was compelled to end his days, a.d. 39. His wife, Cornelia, almost redeemed her character in the last act of her life, by perishing ' with her husband. ^ TITUS VINIUS. 35 c. 49.] Sabinus, prompted by vicious curiosity, went by night, in the dress of a soldier, to view the site and disposition of the camp. In her frolic, she went round to visit the sentinels, and the posts and stations of the army. Arriving at length at the place where the eagles were deposited, she did not scruple to commit the act of adultery on that sacred spot. Vinius was charged as her accomplice, and, by order of Caligula, loaded with irons. By the revolution which soon after happened, he regained his liberty, and from that time rose to honours. He discharged the ofl&ce of prsetor, and afterwards commanded a legion, free from reproach. His name, however, was soon alter branded with a crime of the meanest character. Being a guest at the table of Claudius, he was charged with pilfering a golden goblet. On the following day that emperor gave orders that he alone of the whole party should be- served with earthenware. Notwithstanding, as proconsul of Narbon Gaul, he acquitted himself in his administration with gravity and integrity. Soon after, the friendship of Galba drew himx into dangerous courses. He was at once bold and subtle, of an enterprising genius, and, according as he set his mind upon it, he could work mischief, or apply himself to honest pursuits, with equal ardour and energy. His last will, on account of his immoderate wealth, w'as declared null and void. That of Piso was confirmed by reason of his poverty. 49. Galba’s body lay neglected for a long time, and, under licence of the night, was molested by numberless indignities. It was at length conveyed by Argius, his former slave and steward, to the private gardens of his master, and there de¬ posited in an'humble manner. His mangled head was fixed on a pole by the rabble of the camp, near the tomb of Patro- bius, a slave manumitted by Nero, and by Galba put to death. There it was found the following day, and added to the ashes of the body. Such was the end of Servius Galba, in the seventy-third year of his age. He had, during the reign of five princes, enjoyed a series of prosperity, happier as a private citizen than a prince. He was descended from a long line of ancestors. His wealth was great; his talents not above niediocrity. Free from vice, he cannot be celebrated for his virtues He knew the value of fame, yet was neither arrogant nor vainglorious. Without rapacity, he was an economist of his own, and of the public treasure careful to a degree of 36 THE HISTORY. [b I. avarice. To his friends and freedmen^ when, his choice was happily made, his passive submission was unobnoxious to ^ censure; but when bad men surrounded him, his blindnes? - sbordered on criminality. The splendour of his birth, and the jdangerous character of the times, formed a pretext for giving the appellation of wisdom to what in fact was sheer indolence. In the vigour of his days, he served with honour in Germany ; /as proconsul of Africa, he governed with' moderation; and Hither Spain, when he was advanced in years, was adminis- \tered with similar equity. While a private citizen, his merit . was thought superior to his rank; and the suffrages of man- -■ kind would have pronounced him worthy of empire, had he i never made the experiment. 50. While Rome was shuddering at the late dreadful car¬ nage, and, from the well-known vices of Otho’s nature, men ■ were in dread of worse evils still to come, despatches from Germany brought an account of new calamities. Intelligence _ ; of the revolt of Vitellius arrived before the death of Galba, but was suppressed, that the sed^ition on the Upper Rhine might be thought the only mischief. Then not only the . senators and Roman knights, who had still some shadow of . authority, but the populace, mourned to see two men of the ; most pernicious characters, enervated by luxury, and aban- | doned to eveiy vice, chosen by some fatality to ruin the *!] commonwealth. The examples of atrocities committed, during ]\ the late sanguinary period of peace, were no longer the objects >1 that employed the public mind; but the civil wars were re- * called to memory: they talked of Rome, so often captured by I her own armies; Italy laid waste; the provinces plundered; J of Pharsalia, Philippi, Modena, and Perusia,* places memorable ^ for public disasters. “ When the struggle,” it was observed, “ lay between men of illustrious character, by their conten- i tions for empire the state was brought to the brink of ruin. * But even then, under Julius Caesar, the empire still survived. It survived under the victorious Augustus. Under Pompey » and Brutus, had their arms prevailed, the republic would have I been once more established. Otho and Vitellius are now the competitors: for which of them shall the people crowd the ^ The battle of Pharsalia was fought B.c. 48; that of Mutina, between Mark Antory and the consuls Hirtius and Pansa, B.c. 43; of Philippi^ * B.c. 42; ana the siege of Perusia, b.c. 40. ^ .s C. 01.] OEIGIN OF THE EEVOLT UNDER VITELLIUS. 37 temples? prayers for either were impious vows,'an abomina¬ tion, since, in a war between two detestable rivals, he who con¬ quers will be armed with power to commit still greater crimes, and prove himself the worst.” Some looked forward in a prophetic spirit to Vespasian, and the armies in the East. Vespasian, they agreed, was in every respect superior to the two chiefs who now convulsed the state, but dreaded another war, and an additional series of calamities. Vespasian’s character too was equivocal: ^ and certainly he was the only prince, down to his time, who reformed his life. 51. That the revolt under Vitellius may be seen in its true light, I will set forth its origin, and the causes that produced it. After the defeat and death of Julius Vindex, and the rout of his armies, the legions, enriched with booty and wanton with success, having without fatigue or danger closed u, lucrative war, preferred hostilities to inaction, plunder to pay. ^ They had long endured the. hardships of a rigorous ser¬ vice in a bleak climate and a desolate country, where discipline was enforced with strict severity. But that discipline which is cultivated with relentless rigour in peace, they knew would be relaxed by civil discord, where both sides encourage licen¬ tiousness, and perfidy goes unpunished. They were abun¬ dantly provided with arms and horses, both for parade and service; but before the late war in Gaul, they knew only the companies and troops of horse to which they belonged; and the boundaries of the provinces kept the several armies dis¬ tinct and separate. The legion being then drawn together to make head against Vindex, they felt their own strength, and that of Gaul; wanted to renew the war, and stir up fresh troubles. They no longer treated the Gauls as their allies and friends, but as enemies, and a vanquished people. In these sentiments they were joined by-the Gauls who dwelt on the borders of the Bhine, This peoj)le had taken up arms against Vindex and his allies, whom, since the death of that chief, they in disdain of him called the Galbian Faction; and now by every artifice they instigated a war between the Romans and their countrymen. The Sequanians, the ^Eduans, and other states, acoording to their opulence, were the chief ^ Vespasian, in the reign of Caligula, was a time-serving flatterer; and, being afterwards overwhelmed with debts, was a man of equivocal character. Suetonius, Life of Vespasian, s. 2—4. 38 THE HISTORY. • [b. 1. objects of resentment. The soldiers anticipated with eager delight towns stormed, the plunder of houses, and the desola¬ tion of the country. In addition to their arrogance and avarice, the never-failing vices of the strongest, they were ex¬ asperated by the froward insolence with which the Ganls boasted, that, in contempt of the legions, they had obtained from Galba a remission of one-fourth of their tribute, and an extension of their territory. To these incentives was added a report, artfully thrown out and readily believed, that the legions were to be decimated, and the best and bravest of j the centurions to be dismissed. Tidings of an alarming nature arrived from every quarter, and rumours of a dis¬ astrous character from the city of Eome. The people of Lyons, still faithful to the memory of Nero, and the avowed 'j enemies of Galba, formed a fertile source of rumours: but the camp was the magazine of news, where invention framed the lie of the day, and credulity stood ready to receive it; where malice and fear prevailed; and where, when they viewed their own numbers, all apprehension of danger vanished. 52. It was near the calends of December in the preceding year when Aulus Vitellius first appeared in the Lower Ger¬ many. He made it his business to review the legions in their winter-quarters; he restored several officers who had been degraded, and relieved others from disgrace and ignominy: in some instances acting with justice, in others, with a view to his own ambition. To the honour of his principles, he con¬ demned the sordid avarice with which Fonteius Capito granted or refused rank in the army. He appeared in this to -' exceed the po\ters usually vested in consular generals, and to be an officer of superior weight and authority. As reflecting men saw the baseness of his motives,^ so the profusion, which, without judgment or economy, lavished away in bounties all his own property, and squandered that of others, was by his sycophants called benevolence and generosity. Even the vices that sprung from lust of dominion were transformed into so many virtues. In both armies there were, no doubt, men' well disposed and moderate; but there were also some restless J incendiaries. Alienus Caecina and Fabius Valens, each the jf commander of a legion, were both remarkable for their avarice, and both of a daring spirit. Valens was exasperated against ^ See Suetonius, Life of Vitellius, s. 7. C. 53.] VITELLIUS, VERGINIUS, ANU CiECINA. 39 Galba, because, having exposed the dilatoriness of Verginius, and crushed the machinations of Capito, he had shown no gratitude for those services. He now, therefore, endeavoured I to rouse the ambition of Vitellius : “ The soldiers,” he said, “ were zealous in his service, and the name of Vitellius stood in high esteem throughout the world. From Hordeonius Flaccus no opposition was to be apprehended. Britain was I ready to declare against Galba, and the German auxiliaries would follow their example. The provinces wavered in their duty, and the authority of the feeble old man stood on a pre - carious footing, and would soon be transferred to other hands. He had nothing to do but to open his arms, and receive the favours of fortune. Verginius, indeed, had everything to damp his resolution. He was of an equestrian family; but his father lived and died in obscurity. A man of his cast would have proved unequal to the weight of empire, A private station was to him a post of safety. A father who had been three times consul, once in conjunction with the emperor Claudius, and who, moreover, had discharged the office of censor, imposed on Vitellius the necessity of aspiring to the imperial dignity, and denied him the security of a private station.” By this inflammatory speech the phlegmatic temper of Vitellius was moved to covet, rather than to hope for, the object set before him. 53. Meanwhile Ceecina, who served in the army on the Upper Rhine, had drawn to himself the affections of the army. He was young and handsome, tall and robust, with an air of dignity in his deportment, of winning eloquence, and bound¬ less aspirations. While a young man, discharging the office of quaestor in Baetica, he promptly went over to Galba’s interest, and the emperor, to reward his zeal, gave him the command of a legion in Germany; but finding, afterwards, that he had been guilty of embezzling the public money, he ordered him to be called to a strict account. Caecina was not of a temper to submit with patience. He resolved to embroil the state, and in the general confusion throw a veil over his private dishonour. The seeds of rebellion were ready sown in the army. In the war against Vindex they had all taken the field, and, till they heard that Nero was no more, never declared in favour of Galba. Even in that act of submission, they suffered the legions on the Lower Rhine to take the lead. M • IP 40 THE HISTORY. [b. I. The Treviri, the Lingones^ and other states, which had felt the severity of Galba’s edicts, or had seen their territory reduced to narrow limits, lay contiguous to the winter-quarters of the legions. Hence frequent seditious conferences, in which the soldiers grew more corrupt, by mixing with the peasants. Hence their zeal for Yerginius, which might be turned to account by any other leader. 54. The Lingones, in token of friendship, had sent presents to the legions, and, in conformity to their ancient usage, the symbolical figure of two right hands clasping one another. Their deputies appeared with the mien and garb of affliction. They went round the camp, in the tents, and the place for the standards and eagles, seeing forth now their own wrongs, and now the favour and the protection of Galba enjoyed by neighbouring states. Finding that they were heard with avidity, they inflamed the minds of the soldiers by sympathis¬ ing in the dangers that hung over them, and the hardships under which they laboured. The flame of sedition was ready to break out, when Hordeonius Flaccus ordered the deputies to depart, and in the night, that it might be less observed. A report soon prevailed that they were all treacherously mur¬ dered, and that, if the soldiers did not instantly provide for their own safety, the bravest of the army, and those who had complained of the present state of things, would be butchered, under cover of the night, and without the knowledge of their friends. A secret combination was immediately formed The auxiliaries entered into the league; at first they were suspected of a design to surround the legions with the cohorts and horse, and put them to the sword, but afterwards they eagerly en¬ gaged in the project. Such is the nature of abandoned minds; in peace and profound tranquillity, they seldom agree; but for seditious purposes a coalition is easily formed. 55. The legions on the Lower Khine, on the calends of January, went through the usual form of swearing fidelity to Galba; but little alacrity was displayed. In the foremost ranks but few voices were heard, while the rest remained in silence, each man expecting the bold example of his comrades; such is the inherent weakness of human nature, men are ready to second what they are slow to begin. A leaven of discordant humours pervaded the whole mass of the army. The first and fifth legions were so outrageous, that some pelted the images ■ 41 C. 56.] THE LEGIONS IN UPPER GERMANY REVOLT. of Galba Mith stones. The fifteenth and sixteenth abstained from acts of violence, but were clamorous and menacing; waiting for ringleaders to begin the fray. In the Upper Ger¬ many, on the same calends of January, the fourth and eighteenth legions, quartered together in one winter-camp, dashed the images of Galba into fragments. The fourth legion led the way; and the eighteenth, after balancing for some time, fol¬ lowed their example. Unwilling, however, to incur the imputation of a rebellion against their country, they agreed to revive the antiquated names of the Senate and Koman People in the oath of fidelity. Not one commander of a legion, nor tribune, appeared in favour of Galba; on the con¬ trary, many of them, as often happens in cases of public confu¬ sion, distinguished themselves in the tumult. No man, however, took upon him to harangue the multitude from the stage; nor could the incendiaries, as yet, tell in whose service their eloquence was to be employed. 56. Hordeonius Flaccus beheld this scene of confusion, and, though a Consular commander, never once interposed to restrain the violent, to secure the wavering, or to animate the well-affected. He looked on tamely and timorously; and if he avoided the imputation of guilt, it was because he had not spirit enough to act at all. Four centurions of the eighteenth legion, namely. Nonius Keceptus, Donatius Yalens, Romilius Marcellus, and Calpurnius Repentinus, attempted to defend the images of Galba; but the soldiers attacked them with impetuosity, and loaded them with fetters. From that moment all fidelity was at an end. The obligation of the former oath was no longer respected. It happened in this, as in all seditions, the whole herd followed the majority. The night after the calends of January, the eagle-bearer of the fourth legion arrived at the Agrippinian colony,' where Vitel¬ lius was engaged at a banquet, with intelligence that the fourth and eighteenth legions, having destroyed the images of Galba, had taken a new form of oath to the senate and Roman people. That oath was deemed a nullity. It was judged proper to seize the opportunity that fortune offered, and, by the nomination of an emperor, fix the wavering temper of the legions. Despatches were accordingly sent to inform the army and its commanders in the Lower Germany, ^ The modern Cologne. See Annals, xii. 27, note. r 42 THE HISTORY. that the soldiers on the Upper Rhine had revolted from Galba, and that, by consequence, it remained for them either ; to march against the rebels, or, for the sake of peace and j mutual concord, to create another emperor. In choosing for ' themselves they would hazard little; but indecision might be dangerous. 57. The winter-quarters ^ of the first legion were the near¬ est : it was commanded by Fabius Valens, the most jDrompt and daring of all the generals. On the following day, he put himself at the head of the cavalry belonging to his own ■ legion, and, with a party of the auxiliaries, entering the : Agrippinian colony, saluted Vitellius by the title of emperor. The legions of the province, with extraordinary ardour, fol¬ lowed his example; and three days before the nones of January, the legions in Upper Germany declared for Vitellius, j abandoning the plausible names of the senate and the Roman j people. It now was plain that they were never in their hearts I devoted to a republic. The Agrippinian people, the Treveri, 9 and Lingones were not behind the armies in demonstrations ^ of zeal. They offered a supply of arms and horses, of men « and money, in proportion to their respective abilities. Not J only the leading chiefs, as well in the colonies as in the camp, ,1 who had already enriched themselves by the spoils of war, 1 and looked forward to an accumulation of wealth when the -I victory v/as obtained, but the body of the army, the common fl soldiers, in the place of money, made a tender of their travel-' 1 ling subsistence, their belts, their accoutrements, and the 9 silver ornaments of their armour; all actuated by one irn- || pulse, by blind enthusiasm, and a thirst for gain. X 58. Vitellius, after praising the alacrity of the soldiers, « proceeded to regulate the various departments of public busi- I . ness. He transferred the offices, hitherto granted to the j imperial freedmen, to the Roman knights ; and the fees a claimed by the centurions for exemption from duty, he 9 defrayed out of the revenue of the prince. . The fury of the ■ ' soldiers, demanding vengeance on a number of persons, was not to be repressed. He yielded in many instances, and in 9 others eluded their resentment under colour of reserving the .9 obnoxious parties in chains. Pompeius Propinquus, the pro- '■ curator of Belgic Gaul, was put to death on the spot; but-9 ^ The first legion was probably stationed at Bonna, now Bonn. C. 60.] VITELLIUS RAISED TO THE EMPIRE. 43 Julius Burdo, who commanded the German fleet, he saved by stratagem. The resentment of the army had been kindled against that officer as the accuser first, and afterwards as the murderer, of Fonteius Capito, whose memory was still held in respect. To pardon openly was not in the power of Vitellius ; he could execute in open day; but to be merciful, he was obliged to deceive. Burdo remained in prison till the victory obtained by Vitellius appeased the wrath of the soldiers : he then was set at liberty. In the meantime, Centurio Cris- pinus, who with his own hand had shed the blood of Capito, was presented to them as an expiation of that deed. His guilt was manifest; the soldiers demanded his blood, and Vitellius thought a man of that description no kind of loss. 59. Julius Civilis was the next whom the army doomed to destruction ; but, being of high rank and consequence among the Batavians, fear of a rupture with that fierce and warlike people saved his life. There were, at that time, in the terri¬ tory of the Lingones, eight Batavian cohorts, annexed at first as auxiliaries to the fourteenth legion, but separated in the distraction of the times; a body of men, in that juncture, of the greatest moment. It was in their power to turn the scale in favour of whatever party they espoused. Nonius, Donatius, Eomilius, and Calpurnius, the four centurions already mentioned, were, by order of Vitellius, hurried to execution. They had remained steady in their duty to their prince,—a crime wffiich men in open rebellion never pardon. Valerius Asiaticus, the governor of Belgic Gaul, to whom, in a short time after, Vitellius gave his daughter in marriage; and Junius Blsesus, who presided in the province of Lyons, and had under his command the Italic legion,^ and the body of horse called the Taurinian cavalry,^ went over to the party of the new emperor. The forces in Bhsetia were not long in suspense, and the legions in Britain declared without hesita¬ tion in favour of Vitellius. • 60, Britain was at that time governed by Trebellius Maxi¬ mus,^—a man, for his avarice and sordid, practices, despised and hated by the army. Between him and Roscius Cselius, ^ This was the first Italic legion, raised by Nero. ^ The Taurinian squadron was so called from the Taurini, or people of Turin. ® For this man, see Life of Agricola, c. 16 . 44 THE HISTORY. lB.T. who commanded the twentieth legion, there had been a long- subsisting quarrel, renewed of late with keener acrimony, on ■' occasion of a civil war. Caelius was charged by Trebellius with sedition, and the violation of the established discipline : Caelius recriminated that Trebellius plundered the legions, and left the soldiers to languish in distress and poverty. From this dissension between their officers, all discipline was at an end in the army; and the tumult rose at length to such a height, that Trebellius, insulted openly by the auxili- ’ aries, deserted by the cavalry, and betrayed by the cohorts, ^ fled for refuge to Vitellius. The province, however, notwith- 1 standing the flight of a consular governor, remained in tran- | quillity. The commanders of the legions held the reins of government, by their commissions equal in authority, but ** the enterprising genius of Cselius had given him a superior influence. w 61. The arrival of the forces from Britain was an accession 1 of strength; and thereupon Vitellius, abounding in resources, 1 and strong in numbers, resolved to carry the war into Italy M by two different routes, under the conduct of two com- 1 manders. Fabius Valens was sent forward, with instructions jS to draw to his interest the people of Gaul, and, if he found ■ them obstinate, to lay waste their country : then, passing a over the Cottian Alps,^ make an irruption into Italy. Cmcina, a the other general, was ordered to take a nearer way, over « the Penine mountains,^ and make his descent on that side. A The flower of the army from the Lower Bhine, with the eagle of the fifth legion, and the cohorts and cavalry, amounting to forty thousand men, were put under the command of Valens. 9 Caecina advanced from the Upper Germany with no less than m thirty thousand, of which the one-and-twentieth legion was « the main strength. Each commander had a reinforcement of German auxiliaries. From these, too, Vitellius recruited his S own forces; and was himself to follow with the whole weight 9 of the war. 9 62. The new emperor and his army presented a striking 9 contrast: the soldiers burned with impatience, and with one voice demanded to be led against the enemy. “ It was time,’’ W > The passage of the Alps, now known as the Pass of Brian 9 on. 9 ^ The Penine Alps, (from the Celtic Pen, “ head,”) now the Pass of B Great St. Bernard. H! c. 63.J INDOLENCE OF VITELLIUS. 45 they said, “ to push on the war with vigour, while the two Gauls are in commotion, and Spain is yet undecided. The winter season was no obstacle; nor should idle negotiations to bring on a compromise detain them. Italy must be invaded, and Rome seized at once. In civil dissensions, expedition was the safest policy. They called for vigour; and debate was out of season.” Yitellius loitered in indolent repose, drunk at noon-day, and overwhelmed with gluttony.^ The imperial dignity, he thought, consisted in riot and pro¬ fusion, and he resolved to anticipate the privileges of a prince. The spirit of the soldiers, however, supplied the defects of their prince : they neither wanted him in their ranks to animate the brave, nor to rouse the tardy and inactive. Already formed, and straining upon the start, they demanded the signal for march. They saluted Vitellius by the name of Germanicus ; 2 that of Caesar he chose to decline, even after his victory. Valens began his march : on that very day an omen of happy import to'himself and the army he led presented itself—an eagle, at the head of the lines, measuring his flight by the movement of the soldiers, as if to guide them on their way. Such were the shouts of joy, while the bird proceeded in the same regular course undismayed by the uproar, and still seeming to direct their march, that the phenomenon was considered as a sure prognostic of a signal victory. 63. The army advanced in good order towards the state of the Treveri, as their friends and allies. At Divodurum (a city of the Mediomatrici) they received every mark of kindness, but were seized with a sudden panic, so extraordinary, that the soldiers fell upon the innocent inhabitants sword in hand. . In this dreadful outrage the love of plunder had no share ; a sudden frenzy possessed every mind; and, as the cause was unknown, no remedy could be applied. No less^ than four thousand men were massacred; and, if the entreaties of the general had not at length prevailed, the whole city had been laid in blood. The rest of Gaul was alarmed to such a degree, that, wherever the army approached, whole cities, with the magistrates at their head, went forth in a suppliant ^ For the numerous vices of Vitellius, see Suetonius, Life of Vitel* lius, s. 17. 2 Suetoniu.s, Life of Vitellius, a. 8. 4G THE HISTORY. [b. I. manner to sue for mercy. Women and children were pro- ' strated along,the ways, and every other means of appeasing | hostile rage offered to them, not because they were at war, | but for the preservation of peace. : 64.^ At the capital city of the Leucians, Valens received ij intelligence of the murder of Galba, and the accession of Otho, ■] The news made no imjjression on the soldiers : unmoved by joy or fear, they thought of nothing but the spoils of war. The i Gauls had now no motive for hesitation : Otho and Vitellius were equally objects of their detestation; but they also feared the latter. The Lingones, a people well disposed towards Vitellius, were the next they came to: they met with a i fiiendly reception, and sought to outdo each other in good ^ conduct. But this delightful intercourse was interrupted by a the intemperance of the cohort which had been separated, as fl already mentioned, from the fourteenth legion,^ and by H Valens incoiporated with his army. Opprobrious language m passed between the legionaries and the Batavians; from words I contention arose: the soldiers entered into the dispute, and joined the different parties. The quarrel rose to such a pitch, 1 that, if Valens had not interposed, and by making a few ex- '3 amples recalled the Batavians to,a sense of their duty, a J bloody^ battle must have been the consequence. A pretext 3 for falling on the yEduans was sought in vain by the army; 3 but that people not only complied with the demand of money j and arms, but added a voluntary supply of provisions. What 1 was thus done by the iduans through motives of fear, the S people of Lyons performed with joy. From that city the I Italic legion and the Taurinian cavalry were ordered to join I the army. The eighteenth cohort, which had been used to I winter there,^ was left in garrison. Manlius Valens at that I time commanded the Italic legion: he had rendered good S service to the cause, but he was not held in esteem by Vitel- S Hus. ^ The fact was, Fabius Valens, the commander-in-chief, J had given a secret stab to his reputation, and, that he might 9 be the less disposed to suspect his deception, he praised IHm S in public. S 65. The late war had kindled afresh the deadly feud which S had long subsisted between the people of Lyons and the in- ^ See above, c. 59. 2 Tiiia cohort was usually quartered at Lyons. Se'e Annals, hi. 4l. C. 66.] FEUD BETWEEN LYONS AND VIENNE. 47 habitants of Vienne. In the various battles, which they had fought with alternate success, and prodigious slaughter, it was visible that so much animosity was not the mere effect of party rage in a contest between Nero and Galba. Galba, taking occasion from his displeasure,^ had WTested their revenues out of the hands of the people of Lyons, and con¬ fiscated them to the imperial treasury, while their enemies enjoyed the favours of the emperor. Hence a new source of jealousy and complaint, and the natural boundary of a single river^ was insufficient to prevent their mingling in strife. Accordingly the citizens of Lyons excited the legions against their rivals; they talked with the soldiers, man by man, and urged them to the destruction of Vienne. “ Lyons,” they said, “had been besieged by them; they had taken up arms in the cause of Vindex, and lately raised recruits to complete the legions in the service of Galba.” And when they had laid these grounds for hatred, they showed them that there was abundance of booty. They now no longer depended on secret practices, but openly preferred their petition, imploring the army to march forth, the redressers of wrong, and rase to the ground a city that had been the nursery of war, a nucleus of foreigners and foes. “ Lyons,” they said, “ was a confede¬ rate colony, a portion of the army, sharers in the good or evil fortune of the empire.” They implored the legions not to leave them, in the event of a failure in the expedition, at th’e mercy of their implacable enemies. 66. These means, and more of the same kind, had their effect; and the flame rose to such a height, that the com¬ manders and other officers despaired of being able to extin¬ guish it; when the inhabitants of Vienne, having notice of their danger, came forth, bearing the suppliant vestments and fillets.^ They met the Homans on their march, and, clasping their weapons, their knees, and feet, turned the soldiers from their purpose. Fabius Valens added a gift of three hundred The people of Lyons waged war against Vindex, and on that account Galba made them feel his resentment. ^ The cities of Lyons and Vienne were separated by the river Rho¬ danus, now the Rhone. ^ Olive branches and sacred vestments were usually displayed in cases of distress, when the conquered sued for mercy. Compare, “ Ra¬ mos oleae ac velamenta supplicum porrigentes, orare, ut reciperent sese, receptosque tutarentur.”—Livy, lib. xxiv. 30. 4« THE HISTORY. [b. I. ■ sesterces to each man. Then the colony was respected for its „ worth and ancient dignity. The general pleaded for the safety : * and preservation of the inhabitants, and was heard with | attention. The state, however, was obliged to furnish a supply of arms. Individuals assisted the soldiers from their private and ordinary resources. The uniform report, however, was, that the people purchased the protection of the commander- in-chief with a large sum of money. This much is certain, that, after being for a long time depressed with poverty, he ; grew suddenly rich, but ill concealed his affluence. His • appetites had been whetted by protracted indigence, and now, ] when fortune smiled, he knew no bounds. A beggar in his youth, he was, in old age, a voluptuous prodigal. The army , proceeded by slow marches through the territory of the Allo- brogians, and thence to the Vocontians; the general, during a the whole progress, making his market at every place, and selling his favours for a suin of money. For a bribe he fixed the length of each day’s march, and shifted his camp for a . price, driving disgraceful bargains with the owners of the lands and the magistrates of the several cities; and that with such cruelty, that firebrands were prepared to burn the muni- ’ cipal town of Lucus, in the territory of the Vocontians; but he was softened by the payment of a sum of money. 'Where jbhe means of giving money were wanting, prostitutions and adulteries were required to appease him. In this manner Valens arrived at the Alps. 67. Csecina, in his progress, obtained a greater quantity of booty and shed more blood. The Helvetians^ provoked his ferocious spirit. Originally a Gallic nation, they were re¬ nowned in former times for their valour and exploits in war. Of late years the history of their ancestors was their only glory. Not having heard of the death of Galba, they were ' unwilling to acknowledge Vitellius. Occasion of quarrel was - afibrded by the rapacity and eagerness of the twenty-first legion, who seized the money sent to pay the troops in a fort, ^ ^ The territory of the Helvetii was a part of Celtic Gaul, more 9 extensive than what is now called Switzerland. The people are cele- .9 hrated by J alius Caesar for their military Vxidue, and constant warfare J with the Germans : “ Helvetii reliquos Gallos virtute praecedunt, quod w fere quotidianis praeliis cum Germanis contendant, cum aut suis finibus eos prohibent, aut ipsi in eorum finibus bellum gerunt.”—BeU. GalL Ab. i. 1. Air *i. 49 C. d8.J cicina chastises the HELVETIANS. where the Helvetians had immemorially maintained a gar¬ rison. The indignant people intercepted a small party on their way to Pannonia, with letters from the German army to the legions stationed in that country, and detained in custody a centurion with some of his soldiers. Csecina, who thirsted for war, proceeded to punish each offence as it oc- cun*ed, without allowing time for repentance. He marched eagerly against the Helvetians, and, having laid waste the country, sacked a place, built, during the leisure of a lono- peace, in the form of a municipal town, and, from-the attract tion of its salubrious waters, much frequented.' He also sent despatches to the Khsetian auxiliaries, with orders to fall upon the rear of the Helvetians, while their attention was occupied by the legion. ^ 68. The spirit of the Helvetians, fierce while the danger «vas at a distance, began to droop when it was present. In ^^he beginning of these hostilities they had chosen Claudius severus to command their forces; but they neither knew the ise of their arms nor the methods of discipline, nor were they ible to act in concert with their united force. The contest, ;hey now perceived, must he destruction, with a veteran army; ind their fortifications being everywhere in decay, to stand a -lege was hopeless. On one side, Caecina advanced at the lead of a powerful army; on the other, were the cavalry and .uxihary forces from Ehastia, with the youth of that country, nured to arms, and trained in habits of war. The country pas laid waste on all sides, and its inhabitants put to the word. The Helvetians betook themselves to flight; and, fter shifting about between the two forces, many of them pounded and straggling, they threw down their arms, and fled or refuge to the mountain named Vocetius. Forthwith a •and of Thracians was sent, which dislodged them; when the xermans and Rhaetians, closely pursuing them, slew them as ' ey found them in the woods, and in their very hiding places, 'everal thousands were put to the sword, and as many sold 0 slavery. And when, having spread desolation through the ount^, the army marched to the siege of Aventicum, the ipital city of the Helvetians, the inhabitants sent deputies to Brotier says, this place was called in ancient inscriptions, “ Hes- ablica Aqnensis, ’ on account of the salubrity of the waters. He sup- ises it to be the modern Baden. TAG. —VOL. 11. E 50 THE HISTORY. [b. I. suiTonder at discretion. Their submission was accepted. Julius Alpinus, one of the leading chiefs, charged with being the author of the war, was by order of Caecina publicly executed., The rest were left to the mercy or resentment of Vitellius. 69. The Helvetians sent their ambassadors to the new emperor; but which was most implacable, he or his army, it is difficult to decide. The soldiers clamoured for the utter destruction of the whole race. They brandished their arms in the face of the ambassadors, and threatened violence. Vitel¬ lius himself refrained not . from abuse and menaces. At length Claudius Corsus, one of the deputies, a remarkably eloquent man, but concealing his oratorical artifices under a well-acted trepidation, which made him the more effective, melted the hearts of the soldiery, liable as they are, like those of the common people generally, to be diverted from their purpose by occurrences of the moment, and as prone to compassion as they were before extravagant in their rage. After torrents of tears, and by importunately soliciting milder treatment, they obtained impunity, and saved their city from destruction. ; 70. Csecina, waiting for further instructions from Vitellius,! and, at the same time, making arrangements for his passage; over the Alps, halted for a few days in the territory of the Helvetians. In that situation, he received intelligence that; the squadron of horse called Sylla’s squadron, at that timej quartered on the banks of the P^o, had sworn fidelity to Vitel¬ lius. They had formerly served under Vitellius, when he was the proconsular governor of Africa.^ Nero, when he projected an expedition into Egypt, ordered them to sail for that coun¬ try ; but, being soon after alarmed by the commotions stirred up by Vindex, he called them back to Italy, where they re¬ mained from that time. 'Their officers, unacquainted with Otho, and closely connected with Vitellius, espoused the interest of the latter. By representing to the men the strength of the legions then on their march to the invasion of Italy, and by extolling the valour of the German armies, they drew tlie whole squadron into their party. As some proof of their zeal for their new prince, they attracted to his interest the chief municipal towns on the other side of the Po, namely, ^ Vitellius had administered the affairs of this province Avith an unblemished reputation. Suetonius, Life of Vitellius, s. 5. < ^'J CICINA ADVANCES INTO ITALY. /II Mediolanum, Novaria, Eporedia, and Vercell^. Of this fact Caecina was apprised by despatches from the officers. But a single squadron, he knew, was not sufficient to defend so laro-e a tract of country. In order to reinforce them, he sent fo'i- ward the cohorts of Gaul, Lusitania, and Britain, with the Germany, and the squadron of horse called the Ala Petrina.^ How he himself should pass into Italy, was his u^t consideration. His first plan was to march over the Khsetian mountains, in order to make a descent into Noricum where Petronius Urbicus, the governor of the province, sup¬ posed to be a partisan in Otho’s service, was busy in collectinc)* forces, and destroying the bridges over the rivers. But this enteiprise was soon relinquished. The detachment already sent forward might be cut oft; and, after all, the secure pos¬ session of Italy was the important object. The issue of the war, wherever decided, would draw after it all inferior places, and Noricum would fall, by consequence, into the hands of the conqueror. He therefore ordered the reserves to proceed over the Penine heights, and marched the heavy-armed legions over the Alps, through all the rigours of the winter season. 71. Otho, in the meantime, to the surprise of all, ceased to loiter in voluptuousness and inglorious easej he postponed his pleasures, suppressed his luxury, and framed his whole deportment suitably to the dignity of empire And yet the change created increased terror : men knew that his virtues were counterfeited, and they dreaded a return of his former vices. He ordered Marius Celsus, the consul elect, whom he had put in irons in order to rescue him from the soldiers ^ to appear before him in the Capitol. To acquire the fame of clemency, by releasing a man of illustrious character, and "vrell known to be an enemy to Otho and .his party, was the object of his ambition. Celsus, with unshaken constancy confessed the crime of adhering ftiithfully to Galba, and chal¬ lenged his gratitude for the example he had set. Otho, not because he forgave him, but_ lest his enemy should suspect the sincerity of his reconciliation, at once received Celsus among his intimate friends, and, in a short time afterwards, » The squadron of horse called Ala Petrina had been stationed in appears by an inscription given in Camden’s Britannia. ^ Utho, to appease the fury of the soldiers, had thrown Marius Celsv mto prison. See c. 45 of this book. E 2 THE HISTORY. fCO appointed him one of his generals to conduct the war j and Celsus, as it were by a fatality, continued strictly faithful to Otho, and thus brought ruin upon himself. The clemency of the prince gave great satisfaction to the leading men at Rome : the populace applauded, and even by the soldiers, who admired the virtue which had excited their anger, it was not ill received. 72. The joy excited on this occasion was followed by an event no less acceptable, but for reasons of a different nature. Sophonius Tigellinus,^ a man of low parentage, stained in his youth with the worst impurities, and in his advanced years ai andoned to lechery, having been rapidly elevated, by the help of his vices, to the command, first of the city cohorts, afterwards of the praetorian guards, and other offices due to virtue only, soon gave way to cruelty, then to avarice and the enormities of maturer years. Having gained an entire ascendant over the affections of Nero, he was, in some in¬ stances, the adviser of the horrors committed by that prince, and in others the chief actor, without the knowledge of his master, whom, in the end, he deserted and betrayed. Hence it was that the blood of none was ever demanded with such, -importunate clamour by the men who detested the memory of Nero, and those who regretted him, though under opposite feelings. During the short reign of Galba, he lived secure under the protection of Titus Vinius, who alleged that he had saved the life of his daughter : and so he undoubtedly had: but humanity could not have been his motive, so much inno- . cent blood as he had shed; but to secure a refuge thereafter. Such, at all times, is the policy of the worst of men placing no trust in the continuance of their present prosperity, they dread a reverse of fortune, and lay up for themselves in pri¬ vate gratitude a refuge against public odium. The conse¬ quence is, that they are wholly unconcerned about innocence, and look only to the reciprocation of impunity. But the friendship of Vinius, who was still remembered with detesta¬ tion, was an additional spur to the populace. They crowded together from all quarters; they surrounded the palace; they filled the forum; and in the circus and the theatre, where licentiousness is most apt to show itself, they clamoured, with a degree of violence little short of sedition, for the punish- ^ Tigellinus has heen often mentioned. See Annals, xiv. 57; xv 37 VAIN ATTEMPTS AT ACCOMMODATION. 53 c. 74.] ment of a vile malefactor. Tigellinus was then at the baths » of Sinuessa.^ Orders were sent to him to put a period to his life. He received the fatal news in a circle of his concubines: he took leave with tenderness; and, after mutual embraces, and other unseemly delays, he cut his throat with a razor,— by the pusillanimity of his last moments aggravating even the infamy of his former life. 73. About the same time, the execution of Calvia Cris- pinilla ^ was demanded by the public voice ; but by various artifices, in which the duplicity of the prince covered him with dishonour, she was saved from danger. She had been, in the reign of Hero, the professed teacher of lascivious plea¬ sures, and, in the various scenes of that emperor, the caterer for his appetites. She passed afterwards into Africa, and, having instigated Clodius Macer ^ to revolt, was known to have been an accomplice in the plot to cause a famine in the city of Kome, But being married soon after to a man of consular rank, and, by that connexion, gaining a powerful interest, during the reigns of Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, she lived in perfect security. In the following reign, her riches and her want of children placed her in a flourishing state: two circumstances which, in good as well as evil times, are sure to have weight. ' 74. Otho, in the meantime, sent frequent letters to Vitel¬ lius, in the alluring style of female persuasion; he offered him money, favour, and whatever retreat he chose for his voluptuous enjoyments. Vitellius offered similar terms; at first in a soothing strain : and both displaying the most absurd and degrading hypocrisy. Then, in a tone of angry altercation, they charged each other with criminal pleasures and flagitious deeds : both with truth. Otho recalled the deputies who had been sent by Galba, and, in their room, despatched others to the German army, to the Italic legion, and the troops quartered at Lyons, with instructions to nego¬ tiate in the name of the senate. The men employed in this embassy tarried with Vitellius, and, by their prompt com¬ pliance, left little room to think that they were detained by force. Under pretence of doing honour to the embassy, Otho ^ For Sinuessa, see Annals, xii. 66, note. 2 For Calvia Crispinilla, see Plutarch’s Life of Galba. ® Compare c. 7 of this book. 54 THE HISTORY. [b. I. had sent a detachment of the praetorian guards. Not suffer¬ ing them to mix with the soldiers, Vitellius ordered them to return without delay. Fabius Valens took the opportunity to write, in the name of the German army, to the praetorian guards. His letters, in a style of magnificence, set forth the strength of the party, and, at the same time, offered terms of i accord. He condemned the forward zeal with which they presumed to transfer to Otho an empire which had been so long before assigned to Vitellius. 75. He so mingled promises with threats as to treat the praetorians as men unequal in the war, while assuring them that they would lose nothing by peace. These letters, how¬ ever, were without effect. The praetorians continued firm in their duty. But secret emissaries were sent by Otho into Germany, and others by Vitellius to Rome. Both parties missed their aim. Those of Vitellius escaped unhurt amidst so vast a concourse of people, where all were strangers to each other; 'while, on the other hand, in a camp where all were known to each other, the men employed by Otho were soon discovered by the novelty of their faces. Vitellius sent letters to Titianus, the brother of Otho, threatening, if any violence was offered to his mother or his children,' to make reprisals, and put both him and his son to death. Both families remained unhurt. As long as Otho lived, fear might be the motive : Vitellius, as conqueror, obtained the praise of acting from clemency. 76. The first occurrence that inspired Otho with confi¬ dence in his cause, was an account from Illyricum, that the legions of Dalmatia, of Pannonia, and Moesia, had declared in his favour. Advices from Spain brought the like intelligence; and in a public edict, honourable mention was made of Clu¬ vius Rufus, the governor of the province; but immediately after, it was ascertained that Spain had gone over to Vitel¬ lius. Not even the people of Aquitaine, though, under the influence of Julius Cordus, they had sworn obedience to Otho, continued long firm. Everywhere affection and truth were banished. Fear, and the necessity of the times, compelled men to shift from side to side. The same principle of fear attached Narbon Gaul to Vitellius. A party in force, and near at hand, found no difficulty in bringing them over ' See Suetonius, Life of Vitellius, s. 6. THE PROVINCES DECLARE FOR OTHO. 55 c. j r.J The distant provinces, and all places separated by the sea, adhered to Otho, not from regard for his party, but because there was vast weight in the name of the city, and in the assumption of the authority of the senate. Besides this, Otho, being the first announced in foreign parts, had pre¬ occupied their minds. The army in Judea under Vespasian, and that in Syria under Mucianus, swore fidelity to Otho. Egypt, and all the provinces eastward, acknowledged his authority. The same submission prevailed in Africa, the people of Carthage having set the example. Without waiting for the authority of Vipsanius Apronianus, the proconsul, a public treat was given by Crescens, one of Nero’s freedmen, (for it is usual in evil times for such characters as Crescens to put themselves forward in public affairs,) in testimony of their joy at the recent succession; and many other things were done by the populace in a premature and intemperate manner. The rest of Africa followed the example of Carthage. 77. In this posture of affairs, while the armies and the several provinces embraced opposite interests, it was evident that Vitellius, to secure his title, had nothing left but the decision of the sword. Otho, in the meantime, remained at Borne, discharging all the functions of the sovereign power, as if he was established in profound tranquillity. His con¬ duct, in some instances, was such as became the dignity of' the state; but his measures, for the most part, were hastily adopted, the mere expedients of the day. He named himself and his brother Titianus joint consuls,^ to continue in office ^ The number of consuls in the course of this eventful year was so great, that it will be well to place the list in one view before the eye of the reader:— A.U.C, 823. (a.d. 70.) On the Cal. of Jan. (Hist. L 1.) On the Cal. of March (Hist. i. 77.) On the Cal. of May (Hist. i. 77.) . On the Cal. of July (Hist. i. 77.) . On the Cab of Sept. (Hist. i. 77.) . On the Cal. of Nov. (Hist. ii. 1.) . CONSULS. ( Galba, \Vinius. /Salvius Otho, (Titianus Otho. /Verginius Rufus, (Pompeius Vopiscus. /Cselius Sabinus, (Flavius Sabinus. /Arrius Antoninus, (Marius Celsus. /Fabius Valens, (Alienus Ctecina. Caecina being pronounced a traitor by the senate, on the last day of the year, the consul for that siogle day was Rosius Regulus. His'*- ib' -^7. \ 56 THE HISTOEY. [b. I, till the calends of March. For the two following months, i with a'view to conciliate the German army, he appointed ; Verginius, and gave him for his colleague Pompeius Vopiscus. - S For the nomination of the latter he pretended motives of r friendship ; but, as men of penetration thought, his real view ; was to pay court to the people of Vienne. With regard to. future consuls, no alteration was made in the arrangement settled by Nero or by Galba. Caelius Sabinus and his brother i Flavius were to succeed for the months of May and June. From the first of July to September, Arrius Antoninus^ and Marius Celsus were to be in office. Nor did even Vitellius, after his victory, disturb this order of succession. Otho 1: thought proper to grant the augural and pontifical dignities, - as the summit of civil honours, to senators grown grey in public stations; and, as a solace to the young patricians ^ lately recalled from banishment, he recompensed them with the sacerdotal honours which had been enjoyed by their ancestors. Cadius Eufus, Pedius Bltesus,^ and Sjevinus Pom¬ tinus, who Under Claudius or Nero had been charged with ' extortion, and expelled the senate, w^ere restored to their rank. In pardoning them, it was thought proper to give the name of treason to what was, in fact, avarice; for such was the odium that attached to the law of treason at that time, ,i that even good laws were defeated under it. i 78. Otho, by similar acts of liberality, essayed to work upon the minds of men in the cities and provinces. To the colonies of Hispalis and Emerita,^ he added a number of families : the Lingones were honoured with the privileges of, Roman citizens, and to the province of Bsetica all the Moorish i cities were annexed. The new codes of laws given to ' Cap- \ padocia and Africa, were rather the visions of a moment than i lasting possessions. Even while occupied in these measures, for which an apology might be found in the force of present | circumstances, and considerations of urgent importance, he was not forgetful of his amours, but procured the restoration of Poppaea’s statues by a decree of the senate. There is , reason to think, that, wdth a view to popularity, he intended, j ^ Arrius Antoninus was grandfather to Antoninus Pius, the upright and virtuous emperor. See Pliny’s letters to him. iv. 3, 18 ; v. 10. 2 For Cadius Rufus, see Annals, xii. 22. For Pedius Bleesus, see. Annals, xiv. 18. 3 These places are now respectively Seville in Andalusia, and Merida I in Estremadura. the sarmatians defeated. 57 to celebrate the memory of Nero with public honours. Many were for erecting the statues of that emperor,^ and even pro¬ posed it as a public measure. The populace and the soldiers, as if they meant to decorate their emperor with additional splendour, saluted him by the title of Nero Otho. He himself held the honour in abeyance,—perhaps unwilling to reject it, perhaps ashamed to accept it. 79. The public mind being now intent on a civil war, foreign aifairs were neglected. Emboldened by this state of things, the Rhoxolanians,^ a people of Sarmatia, who in the preceding wintei had-cut off two entire cohorts, and thence conceived high hopes, made an irruption into Moesia, ® with nine thousand horse. Naturally presumptuous, and elated with ^eir success, they were more intent on plunder than fighting. They prowled about in quest of prey, without order, or appre¬ hension of an enemy, when, on a sudden, they found them- selves hemmed in by the third legion and their auxiliaries. 1 he Homans advanced in order of battle. The Sarmatians, overloaded with booty, were taken by surprise. On a damp and slippery soil, the swiftness of their horses was of no use. Unable ^ to retreat, they were cut to pieces, more like men bound in fetters, than soldiers armed for the field of battle It may seem strange, but it is not less true, that the courage ot the Sarmatians has no inward principle, but depends alto¬ gether upon external circumstances. In an engagement with the infantry, nothing can be more dastardly; in an onset of the cavalry, they are almost irresistible. But on this occasion, the day being rainy, and there being a thaw, neither their weapons, long spears, nor sabres of an enormous size, which they wield with both hands, were of any service, from the slipping of their horses and the weight of their coats of mail • lor their chiefs wear coats of mail, formed with plates of iron^ or the tough hides of animals, impenetrable to the enemy,' but to themselves an incumbrance so unwieldy, that he who tails in battle is never able to rise again. They were also overwhelmed by the depth and softness of the snow. The Homans, unencumbered by their breastplates, and galling their ^ See Suetonius, Life of Otho, s. 7. _ * A people inhabiting the country between the Dnieper and the Doil in the south of Eussia. ^ The modern Servia and Bulgaria. 58 THE HISTORY. enorny witli tliGir missivG wGapons or tlioir lancGS, andj wbeii occasion served, coming to close quarters, smote the defence¬ less Sarmatians with their light swords, for the Sarmatians are not accustomed to ijrotect themselves with shields. The few who escaped from the slaughter fled for refuge to their fens and marshes, and there died of their wounds, or perished under the inclemency of the season. An account of this transaction being received at Rome, a triumphal statue was decreed to Marcus Aponius, then governor of Moesia. Ful¬ vius Aurelius, Julianus Titius, and Numisius Lupus, all three commanders of legions, obtained the consular orna¬ ments : while Otho was delighted with the occurrence, and assumed'the merit of the victory, boasting that he too was fortunate in war, and that, by his generals and his armies, he had aggrandised the commonwealth. 80. Meanwhile, from a cause of a trifling ^ nature, and threatening no kind of danger, a violent sedition well-nigh involved the city in ruin. The seventeenth cohort, then quartered at Ostia, had orders to remove to Rome. The care of providing them with arms was committed to Varius Crispinus, a tribune of the praetorian bands. That officer, to execute his orders with the less noise, opened the maga.zine of arms, and ordered the waggons of the cohort to be loaded at the close of day. The lateness of the hour filled the men with suspicion: the intention seemed dark and dangerous, and the affectation of secrecy had the effect of producing tumult. The soldiers were in liquor, and the sight of their arms suggested a desire to use them. They murmured, they complained; they charged the tribiines and centurions with treachery, de¬ claring aloud, that a dark conspiracy was formed, with inten¬ tion to arm the slaves and domestics of the senators against the life of Otho. Some were stupified with liquor, and com¬ prehended nothing : the profligate availed themselves of the opportunity to commit plunder; and the multitude, as usual, were ready to mix in any sudden commotion. ^ Those who reo-arded discipline and good order were undistinguished in; the dark. The tribune who attempted to restrain their fury,j and the strictest of the centurions, were murdered on the spot. The soldiers seized their arms; they mounted then horses, and, entering the city sword in hand, rushed in a body to tho imperial palace. I C. 82.] PANIC AMONG THE SOLDIERS. 59 81. Otho was engaged at a grand entertainment, to which he had invited the most distinguished of both sexes. A sudden terror seized the whole company. Was it an accidental fray among the soldiers, or the perfidy of the emperor ? would it be more dangerous to stay and be taken; or fly and disperse 'i Now they made a show of resolution; now' their fears showed themselves: at the same time fixing their eyes on Otho. As usual when suspicion is awakened in the mind, they w'ere afraid of Otho, while he stood trembling for himself j alarmed as much on account of the danger which threatened the senate as his own, he ordered the two praetorian commanders to go forth, in older to appease the tumult, and advised his guests to depart as quickly as possible. Then indeed the magistrates thiew aside the ensigns of their office, on all hands, and dis¬ pensed with their friends and their attendants. Old men and women of distinction wandered about in the dark, they knew not whither. Few dared to venture towards their own habi¬ tations. The greatest part sought precarious shelter at the houses of their friends and the meanest of their dependents. 82. The madness of the soldiers was not to be controlled. They burst the palace gates, and rushed forward to the ban- queting-room, demanding a sight of Otho. Julius Martialis, one of the tribunes, and Vitellius Saturninus, the praefect of the legion, in opposing the torrent were both wounded. Nothing was to be seen but arms, and nothing heard but threats, now against the centurions, and at times against the whole body of the senate : the soldiers, in a state of frantic alarm, of which they knew not the cause, having no particular victim in view, demanded liberty to slaughter indiscriminately. At length Otho, forgetting the majesty of empire, stood upon his couch, and by teai^e and supplications succeeded, but with great difficulty, in restraining them. The men retired to the camp with a sullen spirit, and not without guilt. On the fol¬ lowing day Rome had the appearance of a city taken by assault. The houses were shut, the streets deserted, the populace in a general panic. The soldiers wandered about with eyes fixed on the earth, discontented rather than repent¬ ant. The two praefects, Licinius Proculus and Plotius Firmus, went round to the several companies, and harangued the men, each according to his own peculiar temper, in soothing terms, or in a style of reproach. A distribution of five thousand 60 THE HISTORY. [b. I. I sesterces to each man concluded the business. The tumult over, Otho ventured to enter the camp. The tribunes and cen- | turions gathered round him, but without the military orna- | ments of their rank, praying to be dismissed from the service, j that they might live in ease and safety. The soldiers felt the request as a reproach. They expressed their willingness to ^ return to their duty, and, of their own motion, desired to i; see the authors of the insurrection brought to punishment.^ 'J 83. In this conjuncture, when the times were big with l: danger, and a discordant soldiery heightened the distraction; j; when all the best men called for a reform of the present dis- || orders, but the common herd and the majority, who liked 1 nothing so well as tumult and insurrections, under the | conduct of an ambitious leader, might be more easily impelled ^ to a civil war, in a scene of tumult and rapine j Otho, reflecting i that power obtained by guilt is not to be maintained by a sudden transition to order and the rigour of ancient manners,» and yet distressed at the danger that hung over the city and! the Roman senate, after weighing the matter in all its bear-1 ings, delivered himself to the following effect: “ I come J now, my fellow-soldiers, to excite your zeal for me, nor to add new ardour to your courage by exhortation; of both, to your» honour be it spoken, you have enough, and to spare. But 13 come to request that you would moderate the impetuosity of your courage, and put limits to your affection for me. In the late tumult, it was not the love of plunder, nor ill-will, that impelled you: motives from which discord and mutiny have \ broken out in various armies. Nor was it the fear of danger, or so much as a wish to shrink from your duty. It was your excessive regard for me, which gave you up to the impulse of | passion, rather than to prudence: for where judgment does '] not direct, it often happens that the most honourable motives ^ of action produce fatal results.- We are going forth to a war. ; And must all intelligence be communicated to the army? - Must every secret be disclosed? And must councils of war || be held in a public assembly of the soldiers? Does the reason | of things, and the opportunity, which must be seized at once ■ or lost for ever, allow such a mode of proceeding ? It is as fitting that the soldier should be ignorant of some things, as that he should know others. The authority of generals, and the strictness of discipline, are such, that even the tribune^ S4-.J OTHO’S ADDRESS TO THE TROOPS. 61 and the centurions must often receive tlieir orders without a . reason assigned. If every subaltern may discuss the reasons of his orders, discipline is at an end, and the authority of the commander falls to the ground. And shall the soldier, even ■ at such a juncture, seize his arms in the dead of the night? I fehall one or two drunken men (in last night’s frenzy I do not believe there were more) imbrue their hands in the blood of ► a centurion and a tribune, and rush into the pavilion of their general? 84. ‘‘You, my fellow-soldiers, have transgressed thus in your zeal for me. But amidst that general hurry and confu¬ sion, and in the gloom of midnight darkness, an opportunity might have been given for an attack on me. Give Vitellius , and his satellites the power of choosing, and what greater curse could they invoke? what calamity could they call down upon us, so much to be dreaded, as a turbulent and factious spirit, and all the evils of discord and sedition?—that the soldier should refuse to obey his centurion; the centurion his tribune; and that hence the cavalry and the foot soldiers, ' without order or distinction, should rush into destruction? It is implicit obedience rather^ than wrangling about orders, that gives to military operations their energy.^ The armv that shows itself in time of peace the most quiet and orderly, is sure to be the most formidable in the day of battle. Let I it be yours to arm in the cause of your country, and to face : the enemy with heroic valour; and leave to me the direction I and guidance of your courage. The guilt of last night extends to a few only; two only shall expiate the offence. And you, the rest, bury in oblivion the horrors of that shameful tumult; and may no other army hear those dreadful imprecations uttered against a Homan senate. That vene¬ rable body, the head of the empire, and the ornaments of all I the provinces, not even those Germans, whom, above all I -others, Vitellius is exciting against us, would dare to demand for punishment. And could any of the sons of Italy, and the genuine youth of Home, demand for blood and slaughter, ^ * Compare a speech of Paulus ^milius to the same effect: “ Unum I iL.peratorem in exercitu providere et consulere, quid agendum sit, debere, nunc per se, nunc cum iis quos advocaverit in consilium. In quo exercitu, milites, consul, et imperator, rumoribus vulgi circuma- ' guntur, ibi nihil salutare esse.”—Livy, lib. xliv. 34. THE HISTOKY. 6-2 THE HISTOKY. [b. an order, whose splendour and renown we dazzle the low- and obscure party of Vitellius? Some states, it is true, have been induced to join his standard; he has the appearance of an army; but the senate is on our side. The commonwealth is with us; our enemies are the enemies of Rome. And when I mention Rome, do you imagine that it consists in walls, and buildings, and a pile of stones? Those mute and senseless edifices may moulder away, and rise again; but the stability, of empire, the peace of nations, your fate and mine, are esta¬ blished on the safety of the senate. Romulus, the father and founder of the city, instituted, with solemn auspices, that sacred order. From -that time till the establishment of the Ciesars, it has been preserved inviolate; and as we received it from our ancestors, let us transmit it to our posterity: for as from the people at large the senate is supplied, so from the senate you derive your princes.” 85. This speech, adapted as it was to rebuke and soothe the irritated soldiery, as well as the moderation of the prince, who punished only two of the mutineers, gave general satisfaction; and those who were too fierce to be controlled, were quieted for the present. Rome, however, was not in a state of tran¬ quillity. A constant din of arms was heard, and warlike preparations were seen in every quarter. The soldiers did not, as before, riot in tumultuous bodies ; but, being dispersed throughout the city, they insinuated themselves into houses in disguise, where they watched, with malignant purpose, the motions of all who by their nobility, their wealth, or their talents, were eminent enough to be objects of calumny. A report prevailed at the same time, that Vitellius had a number of emissaries dispersed among the populace, to act as spies, and observe the state of parties. Hence jealousy, mis¬ trust, and fear. No man thought himsQlf safe under his own roof. Abroad and under the eye of the public the alarm was still greater. Whatever was the rumour of the day, all were obliged to set their faces for the occasion: if bad, they were afraid of seeming to despond; and if propitious, unwilling to be thought backward in demonstrations of joy. The fathers assembled in the senate-house had a hard task to observe the due mean under all circumstances, lest their silence might be thought sullen discontent, and liberty of speech excite jealousy. Otho, too, so lately a subject and a flatterer himself, was PRODIGIES AND OMENS. C. 86.] 63 acquainted with the arts of adulation. The fathers, there¬ fore, tortured their expressions, and diversified them in all manner of ways, while calling Vitellius a public enemy and a parricide. Men who looked forward to their own security, were content with hackneyed declamation; others poured out well-merited invectives, but in the midst of noise and clamour, and when a number were speaking at once, or they rendered themselves unintelligible by a confused torrent of words. 86. A number of prodigies, announced from different quar¬ ters,^ aggravated the panic. The Goddess of Victory, in the vestibule of the Capitol, let the reins of two horses, harnessed to her chariot, fall from her hand. A form of more than human size was seen to issue from the chapel of Juno. In an island in the Tiber,^ the statue of Julius Caesar, without any apparent cause, on a day perfectly serene and calm, turned round from the west to the east. In Etruria an ox was said to have spoken; animals brought forth monstrous births, and to these were added a variety of preternatural appearances, such as in rude and barbarous ages were observed even in profound peace, though of late years they are only heard of in a time of public distress. But the great source of alarm, was an inundation of the Tiber, coupling as it did a present calamity with an omen of future ill. The "waters swelled above their banks, and overflowed the adjacent country; the Sublician bridge ^ was carried away by the flood; and the ruins that fell in, obstructing the'course of the river^ the torrent was thrown back, so that not only the level parts of the city, but even tiie higher grounds, where no such casualty was apprehended, were covered with water. The people in the streets were carried away, and numbers were cut off in their shops, and in their beds. The common people were exposed to famine, want of emj)loyment, and scarcity of tlie materials of subsistence. The stagnant waters sapped the foundations of the plebeians’ houses, and when the flood returned into its channel, they fell. The sensation produced by this disaster wras no sooner over, than a new occurience 2 in the Tiber, now called Isola di St. Bartolomeo. The Sublician Bridge, so called, because built on wooden piles. A foundation of solid marble was laid afterwards : nothing remains at present but the ruins. ni C4 THE EISTOKT. [b. 1. spread a general terror. Otho was preparing to set out on ais expedition: his way was over the field of Mars, and the Flaminian road; but both places were impassable. This circumstance, though accidental, or the effect of natural causes, was magnified into a prodigy, by which the gods denounced the slaughter of armies, and a train of public calamities. 87. Having purified the city, and weighed the various plans for the conduct of the war, as the Penine and the Cottian Alps, with all the passes into the Gauls, were in the posses¬ sion of Vitellius and his armies, Otho resolved to make a ;i descent on Narbon Gaul, with a fleet well manned, and firmly “ attached to his party; for having formed into a legion all who 5 survived the massacre at the Milvian bridge, and had been, by Galba’s orders, thrown into prison, he had inspired all the ^ others with the like hopes of preferment. To his fleet he i added the city cohorts, and a considerable detachment from , the praetorian guards, the strength and flower of his army; and adapted to assist the counsels, and keep an eye upon the j fidelity of the generals themselves. The conduct of the expe¬ dition was committed to Antonins Novellus and Suedius j Clemens, centurions of principal rank, and JEmilius Pacensis, i a tribune degraded by Galba, whom he had restored to his j rank. A freedman, Oscus, directed the operations of the ij fleet, having been solicited to act as a spy on better men than j himself. The horse and infantry were put under the command i of Suetonius Paulinus, Marius Celsus, and Annius Gallus, j But in Licinius Proculus, praefect of the praetorians, Otho .1 reposed his chief confidence. This officer, in time of peace, ; discharged his duties with ability, but he had seen no service; ^ and by placing in an invidious light the several talents of the generals, the authority of Paulinus, the ardour of Celsus, and the judgment of Gallus, this depraved and crafty character ■ rose superior to men of unassuming worth; a task very easy . to be performed. 88. About that time Cornelius Dolabella was, by his order, : conveyed under a guard to the Aquinian colony, to be kept out of the way in undisguised but not close confinement. His only crime was the antiquity of his family, and his afl&nity to ^ Galba. Several magistrates, and others of consular rank, had it in command to attend Otho on his expedition, not to assist in the war by their counsels or their valour, but to swell the ' PUBLIC FEELING AT ROME. C. 89.J 65 pomp of the emperor’s retinue. In the number was Lucius Vitellius, who was suffered to mix with the rest of the train, undistinguished either as the brother of one emperor, or the enemy of another. During these preparations, Rome pre¬ sented a scene of solicitude and confusion. No order of men was exempt from fear or anger The principal senators, enfeebled by age, or enervated by a long peace; the nobility, sunk in sloth and unwarlike habits j the Roman knights, without any military experience—the more they assumed an air of confidence, the more clearly their fears were seen. Some, on the contrary, bought with vain and senseless osten¬ tation the most splendid armour, horses for parade, all the conveniences of a luxurious table, and incentives to inordinate appetite, ^ if such implements were a necessary part of their camp-equipage. The wise and moderate thought of nothing but their own safety and the public welfare; while the vain and heartless, whose views did not extend to remote conse¬ quences, filled their minds with chimerical expectations; and all who were bankrupts both in fame and fortune, hoped to find in the distractions of their country that security, which in quiet times they had never known. 89. The lower orders and the people, though from their vast numbers exempt from public cares, began, however^to feel the ill effects of war. They saw the whole revenue exhausted in the service of the army; they laboured under a scarcity of provisions, whereas in the troubles stirred up by Vindex, those inconveniences had not extended to the people, as the city was tranquil, and that commotion was in the remote parts of Gaul, a foreign affair between the legions and the provincial insurgents. For from the time when Augustus ^tablished the power of the Caesars, the wars which the Roman people carried on, brought honour and solicitude to one person only. Under Tiberius and Caligula, the evils of ‘ peace were the dreaded calamities. The attempt of Scri- bonianus^ to shake the authority of Claudius was crushed as \ Furius Camillus Scribonianus commanded in Dalmatia, a.d. 42 . eing S man of enterprise and bold ambition, he induced the soldiers to swear fidelity to himself, and went into open rebellion. His letters 0 e emperor Claudius were written in a tone of menace, requiring mm to abdicate, and live a private citizen. In the meantime, the rebel . legions returned to their duty; Scribonianus fled to a small island of ae Adriatic, on the coast of Illyricum, and there was seized and put TAG.-VOL. IT. j. 66 THE HISTORY. [b. I. I soon as discovered. Nero was undone by rumours and vague intelligence, not by force of arms. In the present juncture the pressure was felt at home. The fleets and legions, and, contrary to the usual practice, the praetorian bands and city cohorts, were obliged to take the field. The east and west, i| and the provinces in rear of the leading chiefs, were up in | arms; and, under better generals, there were ample materials for a long and difficult war. When Otho was setting out, a ,, scruple was started to deter him from proceeding, till the , ceremony of depositing the sacred shields' was performed. He : repudiated all idea of delay, which had been the ruin of Nero, | and would be so to himself. Csecina by this time had passed j the Alps; a motive which stimulated him irresistibly to i exertion. ; 90. On the day preceding the ides of March, Otho com- , mended the care of the commonwealth to the wisdom of the fathers, and ordered the property of such as had been recalled i from banishment, since the death of Nero, to be restored * to the respective owners; an act in strict conformity with justice, in appearance munificent, but of little use, as the public officers had long since seized the whole. Otho then harangued the people; he talked in a pompous style of the consent of the senate and people in his favour, and of the i majesty of the Roman citizens; but mentioned the adverse I party in terms of mitigated censure, imputing to the legions error in judgment rather than a turbulent spirit. Of Vitel¬ lius he made no mention; perhaps from motives of delicacy, or perhaps the writer of the speech, looking forward to his own safety, abstained from invective against Vitellius. | as in all military operations Suetonius Paulinus and Marius ‘ Celsus were Otho’s advisers; so in matters of civil adminis- to death Volaginius, a common soldier, on the fifth day of his revolt, Suetonius, Life of Claudius, s. 35; and see below, ii, 75. ^ Numa, the founder of religious ceremonies, taught the Romans that as long as they preserved the Ancilia, or sacred shields, Rome would prove invincible, and triumph over all her enemies. Accord-' ingly we read in'Livy of the procession of the Salian priests, on stated days, attending the Ancilia with song and dance through the streets of Rome: “Salios coelestia ai’ma, quae Ancilia appellantur, ferre, ac vper urbem ire sanentes carmina cum tripudiis solemnique saltatu jusserat Numa.”—Livy, lib, i. 20. This institution was neglected by Otho, Suetonius, Life of Otho, s, 8. OTHO MARCHES FROM ROME. G7 trcitiorij liG RYtiilcd. liiniSGlf of tliG tRlGnts of GcilGrius TrJicli&lu.s. ' ThGTG WGTG too soiHG who TGCognisod tho pGculiar stylo of foronsic oloquonco, much in voguo at tho bar, and calculatod to fill tho Gar from its copious and high-sounding character. In conformity with _ the prevailing spirit of adulation, the populace received him with acclamations, and expressions of extravagant and hollow applause. They vied with each other in demonstrations of zeal and invocation of blessings, as though Caesar the dictator, or Augustus the emperor, were the object of their attentions: nor were they influenced by fear or love of him, but by an inordinate passion for slavery j and, after the manner of domestic slaves, each was stimulated by. selfish motives, and no longer felt any concern for the honour of the community. Otho, on his departure, left the preservation of the peace of the city, and the administration of the government, to the discretion of his brother, Salvius Titianus.2 BOOK II. 1. In a distant part of the world fortune was now concertino- the commencement of that series of events that originated^ a dynasty, under which the commonwealth experienced the extreme vicissitudes of the highest happiness and the direst affliction and the princes of which enjoyed supreme felicity, or met with a disastrous fate. While Galba still possessed the sovereign power, Titus Vespasian, by order of his father,) set out from Judsea, for the purpose, as he stated, of paying 2 Trachalus was joint consul with Silius Italicus, a.d. 68. Utho left the city of Rome on the 24th day of March, as appears irom Suetonius, who mentions^ his neglect of the institutions relating +1 inauspicious beginning of the war. Suetonius acids, that he set out on the day when all who paid their worship to he mother of the gods began the usual ceremonies. That day was the th of the calends of April, which answers to the 24th of March. See Suetonius, Life of Otho, s. 8. Titus, Rome was happy; but the govern- 1.1 ^®mitian, in whom the Flavian line terminated, was in¬ tolerable. ' F 2 68 THE HISTORY. resDOot to the emperor, and because he was arrived at years to begin th® honours: but the common peopif who delight in surmises, believed he came to be adopted heir to the empire, and circulated the rumour. The advanced age of Galba, his want of issue, and the busy spirit of t nopulace in fixing upon a number of persons, as long as no one was selected, added to the probability of the j-eport i ^ derived additional credibility from the genius of Titus him self which was adequate to the highest elevation ; from the in-ace and maiestic style of his person; the flourishing state of Vespasian; prophetic responses f and even casual circum- Inces! which ^regarded^s omens of an -ent which the mind is previously inclined to believe. In ^ , Calba in Achaia, Titus received intelligence of the deat , and assurances from persons who had come hus was in motion at the head of an army. He carefully revolved the matter in his mind, and summoning a council of his most confidential friends, weighed all the circumstanoes of his predicament on either supposition. ‘ If he P™“eded to Rome, the homage intended for a prince now no more would have no merit with his successor; and to remain a hcstege in the custody of Otho, or Vitellms, would, most probably, be his lot. On the other hand, if he returned, he must inevitably give umbrage to the conqueror; and yet, as Tharoered wWle the issue of the war was uncertain and cspecfally if Vespasian should join the party, his son would be recused. But if Vespasian should put in a claim for the government, he must cease to think of offences amidst the After'oscillating for some time between hope and fear, in consequence of these and similar reflections, he y‘eWed to hope. A change so sudden was by some imputed to his ^ of Queen Berenice.’ It is true he was not indifferent to he , 1 Titus at this time, was in his twenty-eighth year. By te® ^vour ef nISu:! t‘^h„m Vespasian paid his court he had been educated “ Vortune-teller about ^tSTurifS” tw he was born to the imperial dignity. dSVo Wall., and wife of Herod, king of Chalcis, in Syria. I TEMPLE OP THE PAPHIAN VENUS. C. 3.1 69 but it interfered not with his duties. Titus in his youth indulged in pleasures, and was more distinguished for self- control in his own than in his father’s reign. He set sail for Corinth, and after steering along the coast of Achaia and Asia, which lay to the left, he directed his course towards Rhodes and Cyprus. From those islands he went across the open sea^ to the coast of Syria. At Cyprus curiosity led him to visit the temple of the Paphian Venus, famous for the worship paid by the inhabitants, and the conflux of strangers to it. It will not perhaps be tedious to trace the origin of its worship, to describe the situation of the temple, and the form of the goddess, differing as it does entirely from what is seen in any other place. 3. The founder of the temple, if we believe ancient tradi- / tion, was king Aerias a name ascribed by some writers to the goddess herself. According to a more recent opinion, the temple was built and dedicated by king Cinyras,^ on the spot where the goddess, after emerging from her native waves, was gently wafted to the shore : the science and practice of divina¬ tion were imported by Thamyras, the Cilician, and it was settled by mutual compact, between the priest and Cinyras, the king of the island, that the sacerdotal function should be held by the descendants of their respective families. In pro¬ cess of time, the race of Thamyras, willing that the sovereign should be distinguished by a superior prerogative, resigned the conduct of the mysteries, of which their ancestors were ^e founders. A priest of the royal line only is consulted. For victims, animals of every species are allowed, at the option of the votarist, provided he chooses from the male kind only. The fibres of kids are deemed to afford the surest prognostics. The altar is never stained with blood, and, though exposed to the open air, never moistened by rain.‘‘ Supplications and the pure ffame of fire are the only offerings. The statue The use of the compass being not yet known, men did not like to lose sight of the shore; whence the expression, audmtioribus spatiu. .^rias has been mentioned in another place as the founder of the Uaphian temple; Annals, iii. 63. AssynA^^^ Apollodorus to have been one of the kings of “ rJh'® circumstance is mentioned by Pliny, in his Natural History: -7 0 THE HISTORY. of the goddess bears noesemblance to the human form: it is round throughout, broad at one end, and gradually taper¬ ing to a narrow span at the other, like a goal. The reason of this is unascertained. i u 4. Titus having viewed the wealth of the temple, the presents of kings, and the other rarities, which the genius of the Greeks, fond of antiquity, affects to refer to remote and obscure times, first consulted the oracle about his future voyao-e. A calm sea and a safe passage were promised. He then'^slew a number of victims, and, in circuitous terms, inquired into his own destiny. The priest, whose nanie w^ Sostratus, finding the entrails of several animals agreeing in favourable prognostics, and that the goddess was propitious, answered briefly for the present in high aspirations, but- afterwards, at a private interview, laid open the secrets ol futurity. Titus, swelling with vast anticipations, proceeded on his voyage, and joined his father, while the armies and provinces of the East were undecided, and contributed im¬ mensely to turn the scale. Vespasian^ had almost brought the Jewish war to a conclusion. Nothing remained but the siege of Jerusalem; an arduous enterprise, not so ^ch on account of the resources of the enemy to endure the difficulties of a siege, as by reason of the hill, and their stubborn super¬ stition. Vespasian, as already mentioned, had three legions under his command, all inured to the service. Mucianus, in a province at peace, was at the head of four legions; emula¬ tion, and the gallant exertions of the army under Vespasian, had stimulated them into activity: they were not made soldiers in the field; but being unimpaired by fatigue, they were as efficient as those whom dangers and toils had invigorated. Both had an auxiliary force of horse and foot, , besides ships and the support of the kings; and both were m high repute, but for different reasons, and, for qualities peculiar to each. . . . 5. Vespasian was prompt and zealous in the service; he ' was often seen at the head of a march: he went in person to mark out the ground of his camp, and, by night as well day, thwarting the plans of his enemies by his counsels, and, if need were, by active operations. ^ In his diet, content with whatever came before him; in his apparel, scarce distin- \ guished from the common men; and if he were free from TITUS AREIVES IN THE EAST. 71 c. 6.] avarice, quite equal to the generals of antiquity. The pride and riches of Mucianus, on .the contrary, lifted him in every¬ thing above the rank of a private citizen. He was a more accomplished speaker, and clever in the ordering and forecast of civil affairs,—^an admirable compound of princely qualities, if, deducting their vices, their virtues only were combined. Situated as they were in contiguous provinces, Vespasian in Judaea, and Mucianus in Syria, they beheld each other, for some time, with the jealousy of rivals. The death of Nero put an end to their dissensions: from that time they began to act in concert. Their mutual friends made the first ad¬ vances towards a reconciliation; afterwards Titus formed the great bond of union between them, and made them sink their criminal jealousies in the common interest. Nature and art had qualified Titus to win the attachment of all characters, even of Mucianus. The tribunes, the centurions, and the common men, were brought over by various means. The diligent met with encouragement, the licentious with indul¬ gence, and, according to the bent of each man’s disposition, all were secured by their virtues or their vices. 6. Before the arrival of Titus, both armies Iiad sworn fidelity to Otho,—with such speed, as is usual, had they received intelligence of what passed at Rome; while the pre¬ parations for a civil war are in their nature slow and difficult. The East, which had long reposed in peace, now, for the first time, began to think of mixing in the feuds that shook the empire. Heretofore the most important civil contests arose in Gaul or Italy, and were decided by the forces of the West. It is true that Pompey, Cassius, Brutus, and Antony, carried the war across the Mediterranean, and had reason to repent. Syria and Judaea heard of the Caesars, but seldom saw them. The legions were undisturbed by sedition. Embroiled at different times with the Parthians, they had a few slight con¬ flicts, with varying success. In the late civil war,^ when every part of the empire w^as agitated, the East was unmoved. Galba obtained the sovereignty, and the oriental legions acquiesced; but it was no sooner known that Otho and Vitel¬ lius were engaged in an impious war against their country than they began to murmur, and calculate their resources, lest while others obtained the rewards of conferring the * The last civil war was that between Vindex and Nero. 72 THE HISTOET. [b. II. sovereignty, all they would have to do would be to receive the yoke. Forthwith Syria and Judaea reckoned seven legions, with a large body of auxiliaries : contiguous to these was Egypt, with two legions; in another part, Cappadocia and Pontus, and the forces that lined the frontier of Armenia: Asia, and the rest of the provinces, were provided with men and money. All the islands, and the sea itself, propitious and safe for the transport of the materials of the war; and the Mediterranean, which afforded them facilities for making hostile preparations in security.^ ^ It will be proper, in this place, to state the names of the Roinan legions, and the places where they were stationed, as given by Brotier. The names of the several legions were as follow :—1. Legio Prima, the first legion.—2. Legio Prima Italica, the first Italic legion, raised by Nero, as appears in Dio, lib. Iv.—3. Legio Prima Adjutrix, an ad¬ ditional legion, according to Dio raised by Nero from the marines, and for that reason called Legio Prima Adjutrix Classicorum.—4. Legio Secunda, the second legion. —5. Legio Secunda Adjutrix, raised by Vespasian during the war with Vitellius. —6. Legio Tertia, the third legion; stationed in Syria. — 7. Legio Tertia; another, called also the third, in Egypt.—8. Legio Tertia; another, stationed in Africa.—9. Legio Quarta, the fourth legion, called, to distinguish it from another fourth legion. Legio Quarta Macedonica. —10. Legio Quarta, another fourth legion, called, for the sake of distinction, Legio Quarta Scythica. —11. Legio Quinta, the fifth legion.—12. Legio Quinta Macedonica, the fifth legion, called the Macedonian.—13. Legio Sexta, the sixth legion, sometimes called Legio Sexta Victrix. —14. Legio Sexta Ferrata, another sixth legion, with the addition of Ferx’atf^ to distinguish it from the former.—15. Legio Septima Claudiana, the seventh, called also the Claudian.—16. Legio Septima Galbiana, the seventh, called the Galbian.—17. Legio Octava, the eighth legion, sometimes called Invicta. —18. Legio Nona, the ninth legion; sometimes called Gemina, because it was one legion formed out of two.—19. Legio Decima, the- tenth legion, quartered in Spain.—20. Legio Decima, another tenth legion, qxiartered in Judaea.—21. Legio Undecima, the eleventh legion, sometimes with the additional title of Claudiana. —22. Legio Duode¬ cima, the twelfth legion, sometimes called Legio Duodecima Fulminea. —23. Legio Tertia Decima, the thirteenth legion ; called also Gemina, because composed of two united into one. Legio Quarta Decima, the fourteenth legion.—24. Legio Quinta Decima, the fifteenth legion, sta¬ tioned in the Ijower Germany.—25. Legio Quinta Decima, another fifteenth legion, quartered in Judsea; sometimes called Legio Quinta Decima Apollinaris. —26. Legio Sexta Decima, the sixteenth legion.— 27. Legio Septima Decima, the seventeenth legion; thought to be one of those that suffered in the slaughter of Varus.—28. Legio Duodevi¬ cesima, the eighteenth legion, another of the legions under Varus.— 29. Legio Undevicesima, the nineteenth legion, another legion under Varus.—30. Legio Vicesima, the twentieth legion, called by Dio, Va- V FAISE REPORT RESPECTING NERO. 73 • c. 8.] . s 7. The zeal of the soldiers was no secret to the com- r manders-in-chief; but they judged it best to wait the issue of the war in Europe,—aware that, between the victor and ; the vanquished a sincere coalition never can succeed, and ^ whether fortune favoured the arms of Otho or Vitellius, the I consequence would be the same. The pride of victory is apt t to corrupt even the ablest generals. Discord, sloth, and 1' luxury would be the ruin of both. their own vices would destroy them—one in the course of the war, the other in ■ victory. For these reasons they postponed operations till an c opportunity arose. Vespasian and Mucianus, lately recon- D ciled to each other, concurred in this opinion, which had I) been beforehand adopted by their friends. Men of principle ] I acted with a view to the public good; many were impelled h by the allurements of plunder, others by the precarious con- .. dition of their domestic affairs. Good and evil, from different r. motives, but with uniform zeal, were all eager for war. 8. About this time, a report that Nero was still alive, and ■ on his way to the East, excited a false alarm through Achaia i and Asia. The accounts of his death had been various, which caused the more to assert that he was alive, and to believe t it. In the course of this work the reader will hear of the I attempts of various pretenders, and the fate that attended » leria Victrix. — 31. .Legio Una-et- vicesima, the twenty-first legion, sometimes with the addition of Rapax. —32. Legio Duo-et-vicesima, I' the twenty-second legion, stationed in Germany.—33. Legio Duo-et- : vicesima, another twenty-second legion, quartered in Egypt.—34. Legio i e Classicis, a legion formedyut of the marine soldiers by Vitellius, in his u last distress, but soon received into Vespasian’s paidy, and never more 1 distinguished. Such were the na/nes of the legions that occur in Tacitus. If, from 1. the whole number, we deduct the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nine- Mteenth, which were all cut off under Varus, and also the last, formed ii of the marines by Vitellius, and heard of no more, it will appear r that, in the beginning of the ensuing wars, the military establishment, r exclusive of the forces in Italy, consisted of thirty legions. Their sta- ; loys were as follows :—In Britain; the second, ninth, twentieth;—in I'bpain: the first Adjutrix, the sixth, the tenth;—in Gaul: the first ; Lo’^er Germany : the first, fifth, fifteenth, sixteenth;—in i Upper Germany: the fourth, twenty-first, twenty-second; —in Pannonia : ** ® Galbian, the thirteenth;—in Dalmatia : the eleventh, the ' Mmsia : the seventh Claudian, the eighth;—in Syria : e tmrd, fourth, sixth, twelfth;—in Judaea: the fifth, tenth, fifteenth; I" m Egypt: the third, the twenty-second;—in Africa: the third. 74 THE HISTORY. [b it. them.' The impostor, in this case, was a slave from Pontus, = or, according to some writers, a freedman from Italy, who j played with skill on the harp, and had a musical voice. With those talents, and a countenance that resembled Nero i superadded, he was the nearer succeeding in the imposture. ' By immense promises, he drew to his party a number of deserters, whom their poverty compelled to lead a vagrant life. With this crew he put to sea, but was thrown by adverse winds on the isle of Cythnus. At that place he fell in with a party of soldiers on their return from the East. Some of these he enlisted; and such as refused, he ordered to be put to death. Having plundered the merchants, and ! armed the stoutest of their slaves, he endeavoured to seduce; Sisenna, a centurion from Syria, who happened 'to land on^ the'island of Cythnus, on his way to greet the praetorian" bands in the name of the Syrian army, and, in token of friendship, to present two right hands clasping each other. Apprehending danger from so bold an adventurer, Sisenna made his escape from the island. A general panic seized the inhabitants. Numbers were elated to find the name of; Nero so rife, hating the existing system, and wishing for al revolution. 9. The fame of this pretended Nero gained strength every, day, when by a sudden accident the illusion vanished. It happened that Calpurnius Asprenas, whom Galba had ap-^ pointed governor of Galatia and Pamphylia, arrived at the* isle of Cythnus, with two galleys that escorted him, from the* fleet at Misenum. The commanders of the ships were sum-» moned, in the name of Nero, to attend their lawful prince. The impostor, witli an air of dejection, implored their assist-^ ance, by the duty which they owed him, and prayed for safeW conduct either to Syria or to Egypt. The masters of the^ galleys, either wavering or intending to deceive, desired time’ to speak to their sailors, and promised to return when they, had prepared their minds. But Asprenas was duly informed - of all that passed, and, at his instance, the ship was seized,- . and.tfie pretended emperor, whoever he was, put to death.,*! The person of the man, his eyes, his hair, and the ferocity of '! ’ A number of impostors, at different times, assumed the name of< Nero. See Suetonius, Life of Nero, s, 57. C. 11.] LAW AGAINST PUBLIC ACCUSERS. 75 his countenance, were remarkable. His body was conveyed to Asia, and afterwards sent to Kome. 10. In a city distracted by internal discord, and, amid so many revolutions, fluctuating between liberty and anarchy, even trivial transactions excited violent commotions. Vibius Crispus, a man, for his wealth, his power, and his talents, accounted an eminent rather than a good citizen, cited to the bar of the senate Annius Faustus, a Roman knight, and, in the reign of Nero, an informer by profession. In the begin¬ ning of Galba’s reign, it was ordained by a decree, that all causes against the race of public accusers should be fairly heard. This law, however salutary, was enforced or relaxed as the person accused happened to be of weight and con¬ sequence, or poor and friendless: it was, notwithstanding, still in force; and Crispus, availing himself of it, exerted all his influence to ruin the man who had been the prosecutor of his brother.^ In the senate his party was strong and powerful. Without hearing the criminal, the fathers were for condemning him to immediate execution. With others, on the contrary, nothing served the cause of the accused so much as the overwhelming influence of the prosecutor. They insisted that the specific charge should be exhibited, and a day fixed, when the defendant, however guilty, should be allowed the common right of being heard in his defence. They prevailed in the first instance, and the hearing of the cause was adjourned for a few days. The trial at length came on, and Faustus was condemned, but not with that universal assent of the people, which a life of iniquity might have warranted. The accuser, it was well known, had been concerned in similar prosecutions, and received the profits of his trade. Men rejoiced to see the punishment of a crime so dangerous and detestable; but the triumph of a notorious ofiender gave disgust. 11. Meanwhile, the affairs of Otho, at the outset, wore a favourable aspect. The armies in Dalmatia and Pannonia were on their march to join him. A detachment of two thousand advanced by rapid marches, while the main body followed at moderate distances. The legions that composed this force were the seventh, which had been raised by Galba; the eleventh, the thirteenth, and fourteenth; all veterans in ^ His brother was Vibius Secundus, a man convicted of extortion; Annals, xiv. 28. THE HISTOET. 76 [b. II. the service, and the last in great renown for the vigour with which they quelled the insurrection in Britain,^ and still more famous for the choice made by Nero, who had selected that corps as the best in the empire: whence they remained to the last faithful to that emperor, and, after his death, declared with equal zeal in favour of Otho. Knowing their own strength, they were inspired with confidence; but that confidence made them proceed on their march by slow jour¬ neys. The cavalry and auxiliary cohorts outstripped the body of the legions. The troops that marched from Rome were a formidable body : they consisted of five prietorian cohorts, several squadrons of horse, and the first legion. To these were added two thousand gladiators—a degrading re¬ source, but in civil commotions often employed, even by strict generals. Annius Gallus and Vestricius Spurinna^ were sent at the head of this whole force, with orders to take post on the banks of the Po, as the first project had proved abor¬ tive, Csecina having already passed the Alps; whereas Otho had hoped that he might be prevented from advancing out (| of Gaul. Otho followed with a select detachment of body-v^ guards, and the rest of the praetorian cohorts, and veterans of - J that corps, and a prodigious number of marines. On the march he betrayed no symptom of sloth, nor violated dis¬ cipline by luxurious indulgence : he advanced on foot, at the head of the colours, with an iron breastplate, fierce-looking and rough ; a contrast to his former character.^ ’ See Annals, xiv. 29; Suetonius, Life of Nero, s. 39, 40. ^ For the excellent character of Vestricius Spurinna, see Pliny, lib. ii. epist. 7; and lib. iii. epist. 1 and 10. ® Juvenal has given a different description of Otho on his march, Sat. ii. 99 “ Ille tenet speculum pathici gestamen Othonis, Actoris Aurunci spolium, quo se ille videbat Armatum, cum jam tolli vexilla juberet. Res memoranda novis annalibus, atque recenti Historia, speculum civilis sarcina belli! Nimirum summi ducis est occidere Galbam, Et curare cutem summi constantia civis; Bebriaci campo spolium affectare Palati, Et pressum in facie digitis extendere panem. Quod nec in Assyrio pharetrata Semiramis orbe, Moesta nec Actiaca fecit Cleopatra carina.” The severity of Juvenal’s language in this passage may perhaps be accounted for by the fact that Otho was favourably regarded by the Flavian party, to whom the satirist was opposed. t C. 13.] DISORDERLY CONDUCT OF OTHO’s ARMY. 77 12. Fortune seemed to open a flattering prospect, as he vras master of the greatest part of Italy, and by means of his fleets had the command of the sea, even to the foot of the maritime Alps. To pass over those mountains, and make a descent on Narbon Gaul, he committed to the conduct of Suedius Clemens, Antonius Novellus, and Aemilius Pacencis. The last was loaded with irons by his own soldiers; Antonius Novellus lost all influence; and Suedius Clemens, in the exercise of his authority, yielded tco much to the humours of his men—at once allowing himself to be worked upon, against the propriety of discipline, and over-eager for action. It seemed as if the parts they came to did not belong to Italy, nor the lands and habitations to their native country: they burned, destroyed, and plundered, as if the war had been in a foreign realm, against the enemies of their country; and the effects were the more deplorable, because the people, having entertained no fear, had prepared no defence. The fields were covered with grain and cattle; the houses were open; and the owners, who, with their wives and children by their side, went forth to meet the army in the security of peace, were involved in all the calamities of war. Marius Maturus was at that time governor of the maritime Alps. He resolved to dispute the passage with Otho’s troops, and, for that pur¬ pose, armed the youth of the country. In the first encounter, the mountaineers were either cut to pieces or put to the rout, as might be expected; since, having been assembled hastily, and unacquainted with military duties or their gene¬ ral, they had no honour to gain by victory, no disgrace to incur by flight. 13. An opposition so rash and feeble served only to exaspe¬ rate the Othonian soldiers, and they vented their fury upon Albium Intemelium, a municipal town; for the late victory was a fruitless advantage, affording neither spoil nor plunder. The peasants had no property, and their arms were of no value. Even prisoners of war could not be made; for they knew the course of the country, and were swift of foot. The soldiers, therefore, glutted their a\’urice with the effects of harmless men. The odium attaching to this conduct was aggravated by the noble example of a Ligurian woman. She had concealed her child; and the soldiers, persuaded that she had deposited her treasure in the same place, pressing her by 78 THE HISTORY. [b. II. torture to tell where she had deposited him, she pointed to r her womb, and said, “ Here my child is sheltered.” Nor by l any subsequent horrors, or death itself, could she be induced ^ to deviate from that magnanimous reply. 14. Messengers came in breathless haste and alarm toV; inform Fabius Valens that Otho’s fleet was hovering on the ' coast of Narbon Gaul, which had already embraced the | interest of Vitellius. The adjacent colonies, by their deputies, j were come to sue for protection. Valens despatched two 3 Tungrian cohorts, four squadrons of horse, with the whole =jj cavalry of the Treviri, under the command of Julius Clas- j sicus ; a detachment from those forces being retained to ji garrison the port of Forojulium, that the colony might not, t while the troops marched up the country, lie exposed to an | immediate descent from the fleet. Classicus marched against the enemy with twelve troops of horse, and a select body from the cohorts. To these were added the Ligurian cohort, which j had been usually quartered at Forojulium, and five hundred ! men from Pannonia, not yet formed into companies. Neither, j side declined an engagement. The line of battle was thus ^ arranged: a body of marines, intermixed with the peasantry, ^ extended up the heights near the sea. The level space be -1 tween the hills and the coast was occupied by the prcetorian j soldiers; and, to support them, the fleet stood in close to theM shore, drawn up in order of battle, and presenting a formid¬ able front. The Vitellians, consisting of cavalry rather than infantry, stationed their Alpine mountaineers on the ridge of ^ the neighbouring hills, and their cohorts in close array behind ■ the cavalry. The Trevirian squadrons began the attack incautiously. The veterans of Otho’s army received them in front, while the peasants, from the high grounds, discharged ^ a volley of stones, and, being expert slingers, annoyed the ] enemy in flank. They mixed in the lines with the regular j soldiers, and, in the hour of victory, the coward and the \ brave pursued their advantage with equal ardour. The Vitel- j lians, thrown into disorder, were further terrified by an attack on the rear fro m the fleet. Thus hemmed in on every side, - they must have been cut off to a man, if the night had not , afforded them a pretext for retreat, and restrained the ' victorious army from pursuing them. 15. The Vitellians, though defeated, did not remain in- C. 1C'.] A BATTLE FOUGHT IN NABBON GAUL. 79 active. With a reinforcement, drawn together in haste, they returned to the charge; and, finding the enemy elate with joy, and by success lulled into security, they assaulted the outposts, put the advanced guard to the sword, forced their way into the camp, and, at the fleet, all was tumult and disorder. The surprise, however, gradually subsiding, the Othonians betook themselves to an adjacent hill, whence, after a little time, they rushed down with great fury. A dreadful slaughter followed. The Tungrian cohorts stood the brunt of |,he action, till their commanding ofiicers fell under a shower of darts. The Othonians conquered, but their victory was dearly bought. Some of them pursued the flying enemy incautiously, when the Trevirian cavalry wheeled round and cut them off. From this time the two armies remained inactive. As if a truce had taken place, and both sides had agreed that the fleet of one party, and the cavalry of the other, should not make any sudden incursions, the Vitellians retired to Antipolis, a municipal town of Narbon Gaul, and the Othonians to Albigaunum, in the inland part of Liguria. 16. Corsica, Sardinia, and the rest of the islands in those seas, were kept in subjection to Otho by the fame of the t victorious fleet. Corsica, indeed, was well nigh ruined by a/ wild scheme of the governor, Decimus Pecarius, which, in war carried on by such powerful adversaries, could be of no advantage, and ended in his own destruction. For, from antipathy to Otho, he determined to aid Vitellius with the forces of Corsica, which would have rendered little service if he had succeeded. He summoned a council of the leading men, and communicated his design. Claudius Phirricus, who com¬ manded the galleys on that station, and Quinctius Certus, a Roman knight, objected to the measure, and were put to instant death. The rest of the assembly, who were terrified bv this act of violence, as well as the populace, blind and ignorant, Out catching the fears of the others, swore fidelity to Vitel¬ lius. But when Pacarius began to muster, and train to the use of arms, a race of rude peasants, having no relish for the fatigue of military discipline, fhey began to consider their inability to support a war. They were islanders, remote from Germany and the aid of the legions. The fleets of Otho had lately ravaged the maritime countries, though defended by the cohorts and cavalry of Vitellius.” This reflection 80 TIIE HISTORY. [l. IL I produced a sudden change in every mind. They resolved to act, however, not with open force, but by covert stratagem. When Pacarius, his train of visitors having left him, retired to his bath, the conspirators fell upon him, naked and dis¬ armed, and put him and his attendants to death. Their heads, like those of traitors, were conveyed to Otho by the assassins themselves, who were neither rewarded by that prince, nor punished by Vitellius. Such was the mass of abominations that deformed the times, that they were lost sight of amongst atrocities of greater importance. , 17. The cavalry called the Syllanian squadron^ had, as already mentioned, forced their way into Italy, and there fixed the seat of war; not from favour which any one felt for Otho, nor from preference for Vitellius: but by a long peace, their minds had been debased, and prepared for slavery in any shape; ready to support the first who solicited them, and careless about the merits of competitors. The fairest portion of Italy,^ extending from the Po to the Alps, with all its fertile plains and flourishing cities, was in the possession of Vitellius; the forces sent forward by Csecina having already penetrated into that quarter. At Cremona a Pannoiiian cohort laid down their arms; and between Placentia and Ticinum a party of a hundred horse, with a thousand marines, were made prisoners. In this tide of success, the Po opposed its stream and its banks in vain. Nay, to the Ba¬ tavians, and the troops from beyond the Ehine, the river was no more than a motive to inflame their ardour. They passed over it suddenly under the walls of Placentia, and, inter¬ cepting some of the enemy’s scouts, spread such a panic among the rest, that in their alarm they reported, falsely,, that Csecina and his whole army were there. 18. Spurinna, who commanded at Placentia, was well informed that Csecina was still at a distance; and, if he should approach, he was determined to keep his men within their works, and not oppose three prsetorian cohorts and a thousand vexillaries, with a small body of horse, to a veteran army. But his soldiery, unruly and unskilled in military 1 ^ See above, i. 70. ^ The country between the Po and the Alps, comprising Piedmont^ Montferrat, the Milanese: the principal cities were, Mediolanum, No- varja, Eporodia, Yercellae. See above, i. 70 81 C. 20.] SPUEINNA REDUCES HIS TROOPS TO ORDER. operations, seized the standards and colours, and sallied forth in a body. The general endeavoured in vain to check their vio¬ lence ; they pointed their weapons at his breast, when holding them back, and spurned at the tribunes and centurions; nay, they even clamoured that Otho was assailed by treason, and that Csecina was invited to come. Spurinna became a partaker of the rashness which originated with others, at first perforce, but afterwards with a show of approbation, in hopes, if the sedition subsided, that he might have the greater weight. 19. The Po appearing in sight, and night coming on, it was judged necessary to fortify a camp. This labour, new to men who had only served in the city, abated their ferocity; all the oldest soldiers censured their own credulity, communicated their fears, and pointed out their imminent danger, if Csecina with a regular army had surrounded their cohorts in a wide champaign country. Throughout the ranks nothing was now heard but respectful language; and the tribunes and centu¬ rions mixing with them, all lauded the sagacity of their general, who had chosen a strong and powerful colony for the seat and centre of the war. At length Spurinna, choosing rather to convince by reason than to initate by reproof, leaving some scouts there, marched back to Placentia with the troops, now less excited, and disposed to obey his orders. The walls of the place were repaired; new works were added; the towers were increased; the soldiers were provided with arms; and, what was of greater moment, a spirit of discipline and prompt obedience was diffused through the army. This was the only desideratum: want of courage could not be imputed to Otho’s party. 20. On the other hand, Ceecina advanced through Italy with every attention to discipline, as if he had left his cruelty and love of plunder on the other side of the Alps. His own dress gave offence to the municipalities and colonies, who construed it as indicating arrogance. They felt it as an affront, that, arrayed in a particoloured mantle and drawers,^ used only by savage nations, he should converse with men habited in the toga. Besides this, the splendid appearance of ^ Caecina wore the sagum, which was the German, dress (see the Manners of the Germans, s. 17), and the braccae, or breeches, which distinguished the Gauls. The southern part of Gaul was called Gallia Narbonensis, and also Braccata. TAG.—VOL. II. G r 82 THE HISTORY. , iB. II. , ' . ! his wife, Salonina, mounted on a superb horse, adorned with purple, though in itself a matter of no importance, and | certainly injurious to no person whatever, was held to be a ; public insult. Such is the nature of the human mind, [ disposed at all times to behold with jealousy the sudden ji elevation of other men, and to demand especially, that he who has been seen in a humble station should know how to rise in the world with moderation. Ciecina passed the Po, and by negotiation and artful promises endeavoured to seduce ^ the leaders of Otho’s party. The like insidious game was , played against himself. Both sides talked of peace and con- i cord, but they amused each other with words of specious sound, importing nothing. At length Csecina directed his , counsels and cares to the object of assaulting Placentia, in ^ such a manner as should fill his enemies with alarms well | knowing that the influence of his reputation, through the ? remainder of the war, would depend upon the success which ,j attended his first efforts. , 21. The first day, however, exhibited the bravery, rather . than the skill, of a veteran army. The soldiers, oppressed j with gluttony and intoxicated, advanced to the foot of the walls, without shelter or precaution. In this attack, a mag¬ nificent amphitheatre, which stood on the outside of the fortifications, was burnt to the ground. Whether this was | occasioned by the brands, hot balls, and other combustibles j thrown in by the besiegers, or by the same hurled back from > the works, cannot now be ascertained. The common people 1 of the town, prone to suspicions, believed that combustibles .1 had been basely introduced by some of the neighbouring colonists, who saw with envy and jealousy a structure more capacious than any in Italy. The sense of this misfortune, i howsoever begun, was lost in the fear of greater afifiictions^ but, security restored, the inhabitants lamented it as the worst calamity that could befal them. Csecina was repulsed .i with considerable loss. The night, on both sides, was em¬ ployed in preparing works. The Vitellians provided^ them¬ selves with penthouses, sheds, and mantlets, for sapping the foundation of the walls, and protecting them in the attack. ■ The besieged were busy in preparing stakes and rafts of timber, with huge heaps of stone, and lead, and brass, in order to break through the works, and overwhelm the assail- 4 C. 22.] UNSUCCESSFUL ATTACK ON PLACENTIA. ^^3 ants. On both sides were the love of glory, and the fear of shame j and various were the tojiics of exhortation. On one side, they magnified the vigour of the legions and the German armies; on the other, the honour of serving in the city, and of the praetorian bands. The Vitellians held up their foes to contempt, as a spiritless and supine soldiery, corrupted by the circus and theatres; the Othonians spoke of their ene¬ mies as foreigners and aliens: at the same time, lauding and vituperating Otho and Vitellius, their mutual incitements found a more exuberant resource in their censures than in their praises. 22. The day had scarce dawned, when the walls and ramparts were covered with soldiers, and the fields gleamed with arms and men. ^ The legions in close array, and, the auxiliaries in separate divisions, began the attack with stones and darts, aimed at the higher parts of the fortifications; and where the V orks were either imjDaired by time or thinly manned, the Vitellians attempted a scalade. The German auxiliaries' with their savage war-songs, and, according to the custom of their country, waving their shields over their shoulders, while their bodies were exposed, advancing with impetuous fury, the garrison, with more deliberate aim, discharged their darts. The legionary soldiers, under their penthouses and sheds, battered the foundation of the walls, threw up a mound, and attempted to force the gates. Massy mill-stones, prepared for that very purpose by the besieged, were rolled down with a loud crash, and some of them who had come up to the walls were thus crushed under the weight; others transfixed and expiring, or dreadfully mangled :• the confusion and alarm increasing the havoc, and the efforts of the besieged in consequence augmented, the Vitellians retreated with a mani¬ fest loss of credit to the party; and Csecina, feeling ashamed of an enterprise rashly undertaken, resolved to raise the siege, and leave a camp where he had nothing to expect but ridicule, and could not hope to do any good. He repassed the Po, and bent his march towards Cremona. He had not proceeded far, Nvhen he was joined by Turullius Cerealis, a principal cen¬ turion, who had headed the ranks under him in Germany^, and also by Julius Briganticus, a Batavian by birth ; the . former deserted with a strong body of marine soldiers, and the latter with a small party of horse. G 2 84 THE HISTORY. 1 I -i . u [b. it. ') 23. Spurinna, as soon as he was informed of the move¬ ments of the enemy, sent despatches to Annius Gallus, with . the particulars of the siege, the gallant defence of Placentia, and the measures concerting by Caecina. Gallus was then on.- j his march, at the head of the first legion, to relieve Placentia, | ! little imagining that a few cohorts would be able to hold out I j against the strength and valour of the German army. When, || I however, it 'was known that Caecina had abandoned his enter- i * prise, and was then proceeding to Cremona, the legion burned I to be led against the enemy. Their impatience rose to a | pitch little short of sedition. It was with difficulty that | ' Gallus appeased the tumult, and made them halt at Bedria- | ’ cum,^ a village situated between Verona and Cremona, and^ unhappily famous for the slaughter of two Roman armies, j About the same time Martius Macer fought with success near > \ Cremona. With the spirit of enterprise that distinguished j him, he embarked the gladiators on the Po, and, making a i sudden descent on the opposite bank, fell with fury on the ^ ' auxiliaries of Vitellius. All who attempted to make head J against him were put to the sword j the rest fled with pre- ^ cfpitation to Cremona. Macer was not willing to lose by rashness the fruit of his victory. He knew that, by the j arrival of fresh forces, the fortune of the day might be ,, i' changed, and, for that reason, checked the impetuosity of the ; victorious troops. This excited suspicion amongst Otho’s j j soldiers, who were in the habit of putting the worst con- . I struction upon every act whatsoever: according as each man . : was craven in heart and petulant of tongue, they vied with j each other in defaming, by various charges, Annius Gallus, Suetonius Paulinus, and Marius Celsus ; for these were put in | 1 command by Otho also. But the murderers of Galba were ^ the worst incendiaries. Frantic with conscious guilt and fear, ; they made it their business to embroil, to distract, and throw ! everything into confusion. They gave vent to their seditious desia’ns with open insolence, and by clandestine letters in- i fused their venom into the mind of Otho, who was in a state ! of alarm and agitation, disposed to rely on every abject instru- • 1 village, which, according to Cluverins, stood at the distance I of twenty miles from Cremona, and is now called Caneto, has been rendered famous by the defeat of Otho, and afterwards, as will be seen ] in the third book of this History, by that of Vitellius. t C. 25] ABORTIVE STRATAGEM OP C^CINA. 85 meiit, and dreading men of worth and honour : in prosperity weak and irresolute, but appearing in a better light when in distress. In his present situation, he sent to Eome for his brother Titianus, and committed to him the conduct of the war. The interval was filled by Celsus and Paulinus with active enterprise and brilliant success. 24. Csecina felt deeply the failure of all his undertakings, and. saw with anxiety the fame of his army mouldering away. Repulsed at Placentia, his auxiliaries lately cut to pieces, and worsted even in collisions of scouts,—encounters frequent, rather than worth mentioning,—lest Valens, who was ad¬ vancing, should reap all the laurels of the war, he hastened, with more avidity than judgment, to redeem his honour. With this intent, at a village called Castorum,^ twelve miles from Cremona, in a wood that overhangs the road, he sta¬ tioned the flower of his auxiliaries in ambuscade. His cavalry had orders to advance further than ordinary, and, provoking an engagement, to give ground voluntarily, and entice their pursuers to quicken their speed, till the troops in ambuscade should pounce upon them. The stratagem was betrayed to the generals of Otho’s army. Paulinus took the command of the infantry, while Celsus led on the cavalry. In the left wing were placed the vexillaries of the thirteenth legion, four auxiliary cohorts, and five hundred horse. The high road was occupied by three praetorian cohorts, in deep rank. In the right wing marched the first legion, with two auxiliary co- * horts, and five hundred horse. Besides these, a thousand of the cavalry, selected from the praetorian and auxiliary bands, were taken to support the broken ranks, or, if the enemy gave way, to complete the victory. 25. Before the two armies came to action, the Vitellians feigned a flight. Aware of the stratagem, Celsus held back ais men. The Vitellians rose from their ambuscade without sffect, and Celsus retiring gradually, they pursued him too ar, and fell themselves into a snare. The legions attacked :hem on both wings; the cohorts in front; and the cavalry, wheeling round rapidly, charged them in the rear. Suetonius ^ Compare, “Otho tribus quidem, verum mediocribus pr£eliis, apud vlpes, cii-oaque Placentiam, et ad Castoris (Templum sc.) quod loco lomen est, vicit.”—Suetonius, Life of Otho, s. 9. This place was about welve miles from Cremona, between the Po and the Addua (now Adda). THE HI510RY. 86 [b. II. Paulinus still kept his infantry out of the engagement. By his natural temper slow and deliberate, and choosing to take his measures with reason and precaution, rather than owe his success to the chance of war, he ordered the hollows to be filled up, the ground to be cleared, and his ranks to be , extended; judging that it would be time to begin the work of victory, when he had taken care not to be defeated. By this delay, the Vitellians seized the opportunity to shift their ground. They betook themselves to the adjacent vineyards, thick with interwoven branches. A small wood, too, lay contiguous; wherein having recovered their courage, they sallied out, and slew the best and bravest of the praetorian cavalry. Epiphanes,' the eastern king, who, in Otho’s cause, urged on the battle with great spirit, was wounded. 26. At length the infantry, under the command of Pauli¬ nus, rushed forward. The line of the enemy was trampled under foot, and the parties that came to support them were .^ put to the rout; for Csecina had brought up his cohorts singly, not all at once, which increased the confusion in the! eno’ao’ement; for, coming forward in succession, and nowhere g stroiig enough, they were carried along in the panic of the” flying troops. A tumult also broke out in Csecina s camp. The 'soldiers were enraged that the whole army was not- drawn out. Julius Gratus, the prsefect of the camp, they^ loaded with irons, on a suspicion that he held treasonable| intercourse with his brother Julius Fronto, at that time a tribune in Otho’s army, and, under a similar accusation, then confined in prison by the adverse party. Nothing now could equal the disorder and consternation that involved the whole Vitellian army. In the camp, in the field of battle, in the flioht, and amongst the parties that came to^ support the ’ fugitives, the confusion was such, that, if Paulinus had not sounded a retreat, it was the opinion of both parties that Ca 3 cina, with his whole army, might have been cut to pieces. Paulinus alleged that, seeing how much toil and labour still remained, he was afraid to expose his men, already spent with the fatigue of the day, to fresh forces kept in reserve, and ready to issue from the adverse camp; and, if once broken,: no post, no station, remained behind. With this reasoning 1 Epiphanes was the son of Antiochus IV. king of Conunagene, a district of Syria. C. 28.] MUTINOUS SPIRIT OF THE BATAVIANS. 87 ' the judicious few were satisfied, but in the lower ranks dis¬ satisfaction prevailed. 27. This loss had less effect in alarming the Vitellians, than in reducing their turbulent spirit to a sense of duty. Nor was this the case with the troops of Caecina only, v/ho threw the whole blame upon the army, at all times more dis¬ posed to mutiny than to face the enemy. The same reforma¬ tion showed itself in the camp of Fabius Valens, who was now advanced as far as Ticinum.’ His soldiers no longer despised the enemy, but, eager to retrieve the honour of the army, submitted more respectfully and uniformly to their general. Among them, too, the spirit of mutiny had flamed forth with grievous violence; which I will now return to, tracing its origin from more remote transactions, for it would have been inconvenient to interrupt the narrative of Cmcina’s < acts. The cohorts of the Batavian nation, which, in the war between Nero and Vindex, separated from the fourteenth legion, then on its way to Britain, and, having heard, in the city of the Lingones, of commotions in favour of Vitellius, went over, as I have related, to Fabius Valens, conducted themselves wdth great insolence; making it their boast, when they came to the tents of each legion, “ that by them the fourteenth legion had been overawed; by them Italy was wrested out of the hands of Nero; and upon their swords the issue of the war depended.” The soldiers heard these speeches with indignation—the general with wounded feel¬ ings : disputes and quarrels put an end to discipline; and at length Valens suspected that they would proceed from clamour to actual mutiny. 28. Valens, therefore, having received advice that the Tun- grians and Trevirians had met wdth a defeat, and that Otho’s fleet was hovering on the coast of Narbon Gaul, ordered a detachment of the Batavians to march to the relief of the province; intending, at the same time, by a stroke of policy, to^ divide the mutinous troops, who, in a body, were too for¬ midable to be managed. When this measure was heard of, and generally known, the auxiliaries murmured, and the legions complained aloud, that they were now to lose the bravest troops in the service; that, when the enemy was near at hand, those experienced soldiers, who had so often fought ’ Ticinum, a city built by the Transalpine Gauls on the river Ticinus. THE HISTORY. 88 1 and returned with victory, were withdrawn, as it were, from the line of battle. If a single province is of more moment than the city of Rome and the salvation of the empire, all ^ should follow them thither; but if the soundness, the sup- . ‘port, the pillar of their hopes of success, rested on the efforts ^ made in Italy, the most efficient members should not be thus severed, as it were, from the body.” 29. While giving vent to this insolence, Valens, sending his lictors among them, was proceeding to repress the mutiny, when they pelted the general himself with stones, forced him i to flee, and pursued him, accusing him of having embezzled ^ the spoils of Gaul, the gold of Vienne,' and the recompense due to the soldiers for all their toils; they pillaged his camp-'i equipage, rummaged his pavilion, and searched the ground ; itself with their spears and javelins. Valens, in the mean- ■ time, disguised like a slave, lay concealed in the tent of an officer of the cavalry. In this juncture, Alphenus Varus, the ;i praefect of the camp, the frenzy gradually subsiding, called in 'j the aid of stratagem: ordering the centurions not to visit the : night-watch, and omitting the sound of the trumpet, I which the soldiers are summoned to the offices of war. Thus | everything was at a standstill. The mutineers surveyed each I other with amazement, terrified beyond measure for this very cause, that there was no one at the helm. By silence and | resignation, in the end by supplications and tears, they were ( seeking to obtain forgiveness, when Valens came forth. As ' soon as the soldiers saw him beyond expectation safe, in unseemly apparel, and in tears, joy and sorrow and affection ensued. With the quick transition from one extreme of pas¬ sion to the other, common with the multitude, they poured forth their congratulations; and, with shouts of applause, placed their general amidst the eagles and standards, on his tribunal. Valens' acted with well-timed moderation. No man was singled out for punishment. Afraid, however, that, by passing it over altogether, he might make them suspect some deep design, he laid the blame on a few; knowing that in civil wars soldiers may do more than their generals may notice. 30. While Valens employed his army in throwing up in- ^ The people of Vienne were obliged to purchase the protection of Valena. See above, i. 6b. C. 31.] CHARACTERS OF C^CINA AND VALENS. 89 trenchments at Ticinum, an account of Csecina’s defeat reached the camp, when the sedition nearly broke out again: it seemed that by the treachery and delays of Valens they had been detained from the field of battle. They resolved to linger no longer; nor to wait for their com¬ mander: they marched before the colours, and, ordering the standard-bearers to push on, after a rapid march, joined Csecina’s army. In that camp Valens was in no kind of credit. The vanquished soldiers complained, that with so inferior a force they were exposed to the entire strength of the enemy; and, at the same time that they urged this as their apology, they flattered the troops who came to them by magnifying their valour, lest they should be looked down upon as beaten and cowards. Though Valens was at the head of an army which exceeded that of Csecina, having almost double the number, yet the latter was the favourite of the men. Besides his superior liberality of spirit, he was recommended by the vigour of youth, a graceful figure, and those qualities which, though of no solid value, conciliate favour. Hence a spirit of emulation between the two com¬ manders. Csecina represented Valens as horribly vicious and impure; and, in return, Valens ridiculed Csecina as empty and vainglorious. And yet, suppressing their animosities, they zealously promoted the common cause, giving vent to reproaches against Otho in their many letters, in a manner that showed they were reckless of reconciliation. Whereas the ofiicers in the opposite army spoke of Vitellius with reserve, though his manners afibrded ample materials for invective. 31. It must be admitted, that, before the deaths of these two persons, though Otho fell with glory, and Vitellius with disgrace and infamy, yet men dreaded greater mischief from the furious passions of Otho, than from the sluggish de¬ bauchery of Vitellius. Besides, the murder of Galba made the former an object of detestation and alarm; while the latter was never charged with being the author of the war. Vitellius, by his voracity and gluttony, was his own enemy; Otho, by his profusion, his cruelty, and his daring spirit, was the enemy of his country. As soon as the forces under Csecina and Valens had formed a junction, the Vitellian party no longer declined a decisive action. Otho took 90 THE HISTORY. [b. II. > 11 counsel whether a speedy engagement or a lingering war seemed best, when Suetonius Paulinus, an officer surpassed by no man of that age, judging it consistent with his high military character to give his opinion on the entire com¬ plexion of the war, contended that to bring the dispute to an immediate issue was advantageous to Vitellius; to pro¬ tract the war was the game for Otho to play. 32. “ The whole collected force of Vitellius,” he said, “ is now in Italy: the resources which he has left behind him are nconsiderable; since Gaul is teeming with disaffection, and with hostile nations ready to invade the Roman provinces, T the banks of the Rhine cannot be left defenceless. The J legions in Britain have an enemy on their hands, and are 1 divided by the sea. Spain is not so overflowing with V troops. The province of Narbon Gaul has been thrown into ■ dismay by the incursion of Otho’s fleet, and a defeat. Italy, m beyond the Po, is shut in by the Alps, deprived of all relief m by se^, and the armies that passed that way have exhausted I the country. There is no place from which Vitellius can s hope to be supplied with grain; and, without provisions, he !■ cannot maintain his army. Moreover the Germans, the fl most warlike portion of the Vitellian party, if the war be fl protracted till summer, will be unable to bear the change of soil and climate with their infirm constitutions. Many wars, formidable in the first impetuous effort, have come to « nothing through the effects of delay and suspense. On the « other hand, Otho’s party are rich in supplies, and their friends are firm. They have Pannonia, Moesia, Dalmatia, 9 and the East, with their entire armies; Italy; and Rome, the capital of the empire : the senate and the Roman people, 9 always of considerable importance, though their glory in fl some conjunctures has been eclipsed: a store of wealth, both ■ public and private, and boundless riches; in public dissen- 9 sions more powerful than the sword: their soldiers inured " to Italy, or seasoned to the heat in warmer climates. In j their front the river Po is a barrier, and cities fortified and garrisoned; of which the defence of Placentia is a proof that none will surrender. For these reasons, he should protract 9| the war. In a few days, the fourteenth legion, famous for>jK its bravery, will arrive with reinforcements from Moesia. A m council of war may then be called; and should it be thought k C. 34,] OTHO’s AFFAIRS BEGIN TO DECLINE. 91 advisable to hazard a battle, Otho may then take the field with augmented force.” 33. Marius Celsus concurred in this opinion. Annins Gallus, who had been thrown by the falling of his horse a few days before, being consulted by persons sent for the purpose, also concurred. Otho was eager for the issue of a battle.. His brother Titianus, and Proculus, the preefect of the praetorian guards, both disposed to hasty measures from inexperience, averred that the' gods, and the tutelar genius ot Otho, were present in council, and would stand by them j in their enterj^rises j and that no one might venture to j oppose their sentence, they had adopted the tone of flattery. I To ’offer battle was the result of the debate; but whether the I emperor should command in person, or withdraw to a place I of safety, w^as a question still to be discussed. Celsus and Paulinus now made no opposition. To expose the prince to the dangers of the field, was more than they chose to take upon themselves; and the authors of the pernicious counsel already given, carried it, that Otho should retire to Brixellum, I there, removed from the hazards of battle, to reserve himself for the chief administration of affairs and 'of empire. From this day the ruin of Otho’s party may be dated. He took wdth him a considerable detachment of the prsetorian cohorts, the _ body-guard, and cavalry. After their departure, the spirit of the army began to droop; for they suspected their officers; and the prince, on whom alone the soldiers relied, for he confided in none but them, had left them under the command of generals of dubious authority. 34. Nothing of all that passed was a secret in the camp of Vitellius. From the deserters, who in civil wars are alw^ays numerous, and also from the spies, whose genius it is, while they pry into the secrets of others, to betray their own, everything transpired. Csecina and Valens lay quiet on tJie watch for the opportunity when the enemy should rush on unwarily, and waiting to avail themselves of the folly of others, a good substitute for wisdom, commenced a bridge, as though they meditated crossing the Po, to attack the gladiators * on the opposite bank; and that their own soldiers might not pass their time in listless inactivity. They ranged ^ It has been already mentioned, that Otho had in his army two thousand gladiators. See c. 11 of this book. 92 THE HISTORY. [b. II. at equal distances a number of boats, united at each end by- strong timbers, with their prows turned against the current, and resting upon their anchors, to hold the bridge firmly together; the cables however were not tense, but played in the water, in order, when the stream increased, that the row - of vessels might be lifted up without disturbance. Standing upon the bridge, and raised up on the last ship, was a turret, which closed the passage, and gave the men a station, whence they might, with their battering engines, prevent the ap¬ proach of the enemy. 35. The Othonians also raised a tower on the opposite bank, whence they threw stones and brands. A small island stood in the middle of the water. The gladiators attempted to pass over in boats; but the Germans, expert in swimming, outstripped them. Several, as it happened, crossed over; and in order to dislodge them, Macer put off with a strong party of gladiators on board his galleys: but the gladiators were not able to cope with regular soldiers; and the motion of the vessels not allowing them a firm footing, they could not discharge their weapons with the same certainty as men standing steadily on land; and since from the jarring move¬ ments of men in a state of alarm, the rowers and combatants, intermixed, obstructed each other, the Germans became the assailants, and plunging into the river from the bank, held back the boats, boarded them, or sunk them by manual force. The whole passed under the eye of both armies. The Vitellians looked on with joy proportioned to the abhorrence in which the Othonians held Macer, the cause and the author of their disgrace. 36. The gladiators, in such vessels as they could save, retreated from the island, and thus an end was put to the engagement. The soldiers clamoured for the blood of Macer. One of them darted his lance, and wounded him; when the rest rushed on, sword in hand, and would have killed him on the spot, if the tribunes and centurions had not interposed to save him. Shortly after, Yestricius Spurinna, having, by order of Otho, left a moderate garrison at Placentia, came up to the main body with his cohorts. Flavius Sabinus, consul elect, was immediately afterwards sent by Otho to command the troops Macer had headed; to the great joy of the common men, who saw with pleasure every change of their officer’s; I C. 38.] CONFLICTING VIEWS OF HISTORIANS. 93 while the commanders were disgusted with a service rendered so perilous from the frequency of sedition. 37. 1 find it asserted by some authors, that the two armies, dreading a war, or detesting both- princes, whose flagitious deeds grew every day more notorious, had doubted whether in laying down their arms they should either themselves deliberate upon the matter with a view to the common good, or commit to the senate the choice of an emperor; and that from this consideration Otho’s generals proposed to protract and delay the war; the prospects of Paulinus being the most promising, as he was the oldest of consular rank, of high military reputation, and his conduct in Britain^ had given .superior lustre to his name. But as I would admit that a few in their hearts wished for repose instead of discord, and to see the most base and abandoned of mankind postponed to a virtuous and inoffensive prince; so I cannot suppose that Paulinus, a man of understanding, could, in an age so corrupt, hope for such an effort of moderation in the masses, as that those who had unsettled a state of peace from a passion for war, would lay down war from an attachment to peace; nor that the armies, dissonant in language and manners, could be brought to coalesce in this opinion; or that the leading chiefs, immersed in luxury, overwhelmed with debt, and conscious of enormous crimes, would submit to any master who was not stained with guilt, and bound to them by the services they had rendered him. 38. The love of domination, an inveterate and deep-seated propensity of the human heart,^ waxed strong as the empire gi-ew in greatness, and at length threw off all restraints; for while the republic was limited in" its extent, the equality of conditions was easily preserved. But when the world was subjugated, and, rival kings and rival cities being overthrown, men were at leisure to covet wealth which they might enjoy in repose, contentions arose, first, between the senate and the people. Factious tribunes prevailed at one time, and ambi¬ tious consuls at another; and in the city, and the forum, For the conduct of Suetonius Paulinus, and the brilliant success of his arms in Britain, see Annals, xiv. 29-40. ^ Compare Sallust: “Natura mortalium avida imperii, et praeceps ad explendam animi cupidinem.”—De Bell. Jugurth. s. 6. The sequel of this section has some resemblance to a passage in Lucan, PharsaL. 1. 160. 94 THE HISTORY. were exhibited the first essays of civil war. Soon after, Cains I Marius, a man sprung from the dregs of the populace, and Lucius Sylla, the fiercest of the nobles, vanquished liberty by !i force of arms, and erected absolutism on its ruins. Pompe'y j came after, with passions more disguised, but no way better. ; From that time, the struggle has been for supreme dominion alone. The legions that filled the plains of Pharsalia, and afterwards met at Philippi, though composed of Roman citi¬ zens, never once thought of disbanding; much less would the armies of Otho and Vitellius sheath the sword, of their own mere motion; the same wrath of the gods, the same ■ popular frenzy, the same motives, derived from enormities committed, urged them on to mutual slaughter. Their wars, it is true, were ended by, as it were, single blows; but that was owing to the abject spirit of the princes. But these i| reflections on the spirit of ancient and modern times have J betrayed me into too long a digression. I now come to the 1 series of transactions as they occurred. I 39. From the time when Otho-withdrew to Brixellum, his ‘1 brother Titianus assumed the pomp of command, but the J power and real authority were with Proculus. Celsus and J Paulinus were no more than nominal generals. No man '1 sought their advice ; they did but bear the blame of blunders .1 not their own. The tribunes and centurions were in doubt a and perplexity, seeing the worst characters ^preferred, and a real talents neglected. The common men were in good spi- a rits, but more disposed to scan than to execute their generals’ -3 orders. It was resolved to advance the camp to within four '9 miles of Bedriacum;^ which they did with such want of skill, a that, though it was then the spring of the year, and the ■ country around abounded with rivers, the army was distressed 9 for want of water. The expediency of hazarding a battle ■ became a,gain the subject of debate. Otho, in frequent de- m spatches, insisted on the most vigorous measures: the soldiers S demanded that the emperor should be present on the day of M battle. Many were of opinion, that the forces beyond the Po 9 should be called in; nor is it so easy to decide what would X have been the most prudent measure, as that they chose the X most pernicious. 9 ^ Brotier observes, that the place to which the Othonians advanced 9 is now called Tor Anzolini, between the rivers Ohio and Dermona. H BATTLE NEAE BEDEIACUM. C. 41.] 95 40. They set out for the conflux of the Po and the Addua/ at the distance of sixteen miles^ as if going to open a cam¬ paign, not to decide it. Celsus and Paulinus represented the danger of exposing the soldiers/fatigued by their march, and bending under the weight of their baggage, to the attack of an enemy unencumbered, and fresh from a march of four miles only; who would not commit such a blunder as not to assault them before they could form the line of battle, or while dispersed and employed at the entrenchments. Titianus and Proculus, when overcome by argument, resorted to their oiders, and the will of the prince. And it is true that a Nu- midian hoiseman,^ at full speed, arrived with letters from Otho, in a style of sharp reproof condemning the dilatoriness of the generals, and commanding that a decisive action should be hazarded, foi he was heartsick with suspense, and impa- i tient to realize his anticipations. j. . same day, while Csecina was employed inthrow- I ing a biidge over the Po, two prsetorian tribunes arrived to I demand an interview. He was on the point of hearing their I terms and replying, when the scouts announced with headlong I haste that the enemy was at hand. The business broke off ^ abruptly, and therefore what their design was, whether to i betray their own party, to lay a snare for the Vitellians, or ' : to make some honourable proposal, cannot now be known. Caecina dismissed the tribunes, and rode back to the camp* : where he found that Valens had given the signal for battle, and the men under arms. While the legions were settling by lot , their respective stations, the cavalry advanced to charge the I enemy, and, strange to say, an inferior number of the Otho- niaus would have driven them into their intrenchments, had The Addua (now Adda) falls into the Po, about six miles to the west of Cremona. 2 The taste for show and splendour was so great, that none who, in that age, had any pretensions to be considered people of fashion, chose to appear on the Appian or Flaminian road, or to make an excursion to their villas, without a train' of PTumidians, mounted on the horses of I country, to ride before their carriages, and give notice, by a cloud of dust, that a great man was on the road. For this fact we are in- ^bted to Seneca, who says ,—“ Omnes jam sic peregrinantur, ut illos A umidarum praicurrat equitatus, atque ut agmen cursorem antecedat -. turpe est, nullos esse, Cj[ui occurrentes via dejiciant; qui honestum hominem venire magno pulvere ostendant.”—Seneca, Epist. 123 96 THE HISTORY. [b, II. I not the Italic legion opposed the runawaj^s, and sword in i hand compelled them to return to the charge. Meanwhile, , the rest of the army, without hurry or confusion, drew up in : order of battle, unmolested by the enemy, and, in fact, without being seen: as a thick coppice, that stood between both par- ] ties, intercepted their view. In Otho’s army the chiefs were j in dismay ^ the men mistrusted the officers j the baggage i wagons and the followers of the camp mixed with the ranks; ' and the road was rendered so narrow by a deep ditch on each j side as to be difficult of passage, even though no enemy were | at hand ; some were crowding about their colours, others look- | ing for their proper post; nothing w^as heard but a confused j clamour of men calling to their comrades, and answering to \ their names; wffiile some advanced to the front line, others | fell into the rear, as fear or courage prompted them. i 42. The Othonians, thus amazed with sudden alarm, were , lulled into a state of languor by the joy inspired by cer- . tain persons who falsely stated that the army had aban- i doned Vitellius.^ From what source it took its origin, wffie- j ther design or chance, from the emissaries of the Vitellians, |i or the adverse party, has never been explained. The Otho- ^ nians, no longer burning for battle, went so far as to salute the opposite army, but being received with hostile murmurs, most of their own party, not knowing the cause of the salu- j tation, w'ere induced to apprehend treason. In that moment the Vitellians began the attack: their army was in regular | order, their strength and numbers superior. The Othonians,, still in disorder, and fatigued by their march, nevertheless fell | to with vigour. The place of the action being entangled with I trees and vineyards, the aspect of the combat was varied. [ They fought man to man, and at a distance in separate bat- ^ talions, and in the form of a wedge. On the high road they t fought hand to hand, foot to foot, and buckler against buckler: , they ceased to throw their javelins, and with their swords and l axes cut through helmets and breastplates. They knew one , another; each individual was conspicuous to his friends and ' 1 Suetonius expressly says, that Otho, in the last engagement at ^ Bedriacum, was defeated by a stratagem. His soldiers were called out to be present at a general pacification, and, in the very act of saluting the Vitellian army, were suddenly attacked. Suetonius, Liff of Otho, s. 9. i I( 0. 44.] OTHO’s ARMY DEFEATED. 97 ■ enemies; and every man fought as if the issue of the war i! depended upon his single arm. 43. Upon an open plain, between the Po and the high ■■ road, two legions happened to encounter each other; on the part of Vitellius, the one-and-twentieth, famed for its valour, and named Eapaxon the side of Otho, the first legion, en- i titled Adjutrix, which had never been in action, but of despe- ' I rate courage, and eager for the acquisition of honour. They broke through the foremost rank of the one-and-twentieth, I and carried off their eagle. Eoused by this disgrace, the Vi- tellians in their turn drove back the first, killing Orphidius ; Benignus, who commanded Otho’s, legion, and carrying off several standards and flags. In another part of the field, the thirteenth legion was routed by the fifth, and the fourteenth ' was hemmed in by superior numbers. Otho’s generals had long since fled the field, while Ciecina and Valens supported their ranks in every quarter. Fresh forces came to their 1 assistance. The Batavians, under Varus Alphenus, having cut to pieces the gladiators attempting in boats to cross the Po, came into the field flushed with success, and charged the enemy in flank. 44. The centre of Otho’s army gave. way, and fled with precipitation towards Bedriacum. A long space lay before them; the road was obstructed with heaps of slain: the slaughter, therefore, was the more dreadful.^ In civil wars, indeed, no prisoners are reserved for sale. Suetonius PaulinuJ: and Licinius Proculus fled different ways, both avoiding the camp. Vedius Aquila, who commanded the thirteenth legion, by his own indiscreet fears exposed himself to the fury of the soldiers. He entered the camp, while it was yet broad day¬ light ; and those who are ever ready to rebel against their ofl&cers, and run away from their enemies, crowded round him with loud clamourings, abusing him, and even offering vio- ‘ lence to him. They charged him with treachery and desertion, not because he was guilty of any crime, but, in the true spirit of vulgar minds, transferring to others their own guilt and infamy. Titianus and Celsus owed their safety to the night; the watch being now stationed, and the soldiers appeased by ^ See note above on c. 6 of this book. ^ Plutarch, in his account of this battle, describes a most dreadful carnage. See his Life of Otho. TAG.—VOL. II. H 98 THE HISTORY. [b. T1. ^ the entreaties, the advice, and authority of Annius Gallus, who' had the address to make the men sensible of “the folly of. adding to the havoc of the field by turning their swords upon! themselves.” Whether the war was at an end, or to be oncej more renewed with vigour, he represented that the one great remedy for the vanquished was in their union. The spirits of ,i the rest were completely broken; but the praetorians com-i plained that they were defeated by treachery, not by the; valour of the enemy. “The Vitellians,” they said, “could: not boast of a bloodless victory. Their cavalry were routed, j and one of their legions lost their eagle. Otho and the troops ; beyond the Po were still left; the legions from Moesia were; on their march ; and a considerable part of the army, detained ] at Bedriacum, had no share in the action. These certainlv^ were not yet conquered ; and if that was to be their lot, they would fall with more glory in the field of battle.” From these | reflections, the prsetorians, inflamed with anger or depressed; with fear, were rather stimulated by resentment, than dis¬ heartened by their desperate predicament. 45. The army of Vitellius halted at the distance of five miles from Bedriacum, the generals not thinking it advisable on the same day to attempt the enemy’s camp. A voluntary surrender was at the same time anticipated. But the soldiers,,] having gone forth prepared only as for battle, and unencum-j bered, their arms and their victory were their only defence. On the following day the inclination of the Othonians showing itself unequivocally, and even those who had been! the fiercest being now disposed to relent, they sent a deputa-! tion to the enemy. The Vitellian leaders were willing to- hearken to terms of acconamodation. The deputies not: returning immediately, the doubt whether they had suc-j ceeded somewhat checked their resolution: but the embassy] soon returning, the intrenchments were thrown open. The , conquerors and the conquered burst into tears, and, with; mingled joy and sorrow, deprecated the horrors of civil; war. In the same tents, relations, friends, and brothers, dressed each other’s wounds. They now perceived that their hopes and rewards were dubious; while deaths and mournings were their certain lot. Nor w^as there a person so fortunate as not to have some death to lament. The body of Orphidius, the commander of a legion, after diligent search, was found,. c. 47.1 FIDELITY OP THE PE^TORIANS. 99 and burned with the usual solemnities. A few of the common men were buried by their friends: the rest were left above ground. 46. Otho, in the meantime, having taken his resolution, waited, without trepidation, for an account of the event. First, rumours of a melancholy character reached his ears; soon after, fugitives, who escaped from the field, brought sure intelligence that all was lost. The fervour of the soldiers stayed not for the voice of the emperor; they bade him summon up his best resolution: there were forces still in reserve, and in their prince’s cause they were ready to suffer and dare the utmost. Nor was this the language of flattery; impelled by a kind of frenzy, and like men possessed, they were all on fire to go to the field and restore the state of their party. The_ men who stood at a distance stretched forth their hands in token of their assent, while such as gathered round the prince clasped his knees; Plotius Firmus being the' most zealous. This officer commanded the prmtorian guards. He implored his master not to abandon an army devoted to his interest; a soldiery who had undergone so much in his cause. “ It was more magnanimous,” they said, « to bear up against adversity, than to shrink from it: the brave and strenuous sustained themselves upon hope, even against the current of fortune; the timorous and abject only allowed their fears to plunge them into despair.” While uttering these words accordingly as Otho relaxed or stiffened the muscles of his face, they shouted or groaned. Nor was this spirit confined to the preetorians, the peculiar soldiers of Otho; the detach¬ ment seut forward by the Moesian legions brought word that t^he same zeal pervaded the coming army, and that the legions had entered Aquileia.. Whence it is evident that a fierce and bloody war, the issue of which could not have been foreseen by the victors or the vanquished, might have been still carried on. 47. Otho himself was averse to any plans of prosecutino- he w'ar, and said:^ “To expose to further perils such spirit and such virtue as you now display, would, I deem, be pay¬ ing too costly a price for my life. The more brilliant the prospects which you hold out to me, were I disposed to live, , This speech of Otho’s confirms the observation of Tacitus in the corpori similia ammus. See also Suetonius, Life of Otho, s. 10 H 2 i 100 THE HISTORY. [b. II. i *■ f the more glorious will be my death. I and Fortune have made trial of each other j for what length of time is not 1 material: but the felicity which does not promise to last, it s is more difficult to enjoy with moderation. Vitellius began the civil war ^ and he originated our contest for the prince¬ dom. It shall be mine to establish a precedent, by preventing a second battle for it. By this let posterity judge of Otho. Vitellius shall be blest with his brother, his wife, and children. I want no revenge, nor consolations. Others have held the |] sovereign power longer; none has resigned it with equal fortitude. Shall I again suffer so many of the Koman youth, so many gallant armies, to be laid low, and cut off from the commonwealth? Let this resolution of yours to die for me, should it be necessary, attend me in my departure; but live on yourselves. Neither let me long obstruct your safety, nor do you retard the proof of my constancy. To descant laro-ely upon our last moments is the act of a dastard spirit. Hold it as an eminent proof of the fixedness of my purpose, that I complain of no man: for to arraign or gods or men is the part of one^ who fain would live.” 48. Having thus declared his sentiments, he talked with his friends, addressing each in courteous terms, according to his rank, his age, or dignity, and endeavoured to induce all, the young in an authoritative tone, the old by entreaties, to depart without loss of time, and not aggravate the resent- m'ent of the conqueror by remaining with him. His coun¬ tenance serene, his voice firm, and endeavouring to repress | the tears of his friends as uncalled for, he ordered boats or ; carriages for those who were willing to depart. Papers and i letter^ containing strong expressions of duty towards himself, I or ill-will towards Vitellius, he committed to the flames. He ‘ I distributed money in presents, but not with the profusion of a man quitting the world. Then, observing his brother’s son. Salvius Cocceianus, in the bloom of youth, and dis¬ tressed and weeping, he even comforted him, commending his duty, but rebuking his fears: Could it be supposed that Vitellius, finding his own family safe, would refuse, in- i humanly, to return the generosity shown to himself? By i hastening his death,” he said, ^^he should establish a claim upon his clemency; since, not in the extremity of despair, but at - a time when the army was clamouring for another battle, he A-si f C. 49.] DEATH OF OTHO. 101 had made his death an offering to his country. For himself, he had gained ample renown, and left to his family enough of lustre. After the Julian race, the Claudian, and the Servian,^ he was the first who carried the sovereignty into a new family. Wherefore he should cling to life with lofty aspirations, and neither forget at any time that Otho was his uncle, nor remember it overmuch.” 49. After this, his friends having all withdrawn, he reposed awhile. When lo! while his mind was occupied with the last act of his life, he was diverted from his purpose by a sudden uproar. The soldiers, he was told, were in a state of frenzy and riot, threatening destruction to all who offered to depart, and directing their fury particularly against Ver¬ ginius,^ whom they kept besieged in his house, which he had barricaded. Having reproved the authors of the disturbance, he returned, and devoted himself to bidding adieu to those who were going away, until they had all departed in security. Towards the close of day he quenched his thirst with a draught of cold water, and then ordered two poniards* to be brought to him. He tried the points of both, and laid one under his head. Having ascertained that his friends were safe on their way, he passed the night in quiet, and, as we are assured, even slept. At the dawn of day, he applied the weapon to his breast, and fell upon it. On hearing his dying groans, his freedmen and slaves, and wdth them Plotius Firmus, the praetorian praefect, found that with one wound he had dispatched himself. His funeral obsequies were per¬ formed without delay. This had been his earnest request, lest his head should be cut off and be made a public spec¬ tacle.^ He was borne on the shoulders of the praetorian soldiers, who kissed his hands and his w^ound, amidst tears and praises. Some of the soldiers slew themselves at the ^ Augustus, Tiberius, and Caligula were of tbe Julian line; Claudius and Nero (by adoption) were of the Claudian; Galba was of the house of Servius ; Otho, of the Salvian family. ^ This was Verginius Eufus, who conquered Vindex in Gaul, and had the moderation to decline the imperial dignity when offered to him by the legions. ® Nero, in his last distress, fearing that his head would be exhibited as a public spectacle, gave directions for his funeral. Otho did the same; though tainted with Nero’s vices, he closed the scene with dignity. 102 THE HISTORY. [b. II. funeral pile: not Yrom any consciousness of guilt, nor from '^fear; but in emulation of the bright example of their prince, and to show their affection. At Bedriacum, Placentia, and other camps, numbers of every rank adopted that mode of death, A sepulchre was raised to the memory of Otho, of ordinary structure, but likely to endure.^ 50. Such was the end of Otho, in the thirty-seventh year of his age. He was born in the municipal city of Ferentum. His father was of consular rank; his grandfather of praetorian. By the maternal line his descent was respectable, though not equally illustrious. The features of his character, as well in his earliest days as in the progress of his youth, have been already delineated.^ By two actions, one atrocious and detestable, the other great and magnanimous, he earned an equal degree of honour and infamy among posterity. As I should regard it as unbecoming the gravity of my under¬ taking to hunt up fabulous accounts, and amuse my readers with fictions, so I would not presume to impugn the credi¬ bility of those statements which have been generally received, and regularly handed down. The inhabitants relate, that, on the day when the battle was fought at Bedriacum, a bird of unusual appearance perched in a frequented place near Regium Lepidum,^ and, notwithstanding the great concourse of people, and a numerous flight of other birds, never moved from its place till Otho put an end to his life, and then vanished out of sight; and that, on comparing the times, the appearance and disappearance of this phenomenon tallied with the circumstances of the prince’s death.-* * Plutai'ch tells us, that he himself visited Otho’s tomb at Brixellum. Those perishable materials have long since mouldered away; but the epitaph, written by Martial, will never die. The poet admits that Otho led a dissolute life; but adds, that in his end he was no way inferior to Cato :— “ Quum dubitaret adhuc belli civilis Enyo, Forsitan et posset vincere mollis Otho; Damnavit multo statmmm sanguine Martem, Et fodit certa pectora nuda manu. Sit Cato dum vivit, sane vel Csesare major; Dum moritur, numquid major Othone fuit.”—Lib. vi. 32. 2 See Annals, xiii. 46 ; Hist. i. 13 ; and Suetonius and Plutarch. ® Regium was about fifteen miles from Brixellum, where Otho breathed his last. ^ See Suetonius, Life of Vespasian, s. 5. C. 53.] EMBAERASSMENT OF THE SENATE. 103 51. The grief and anguish of the soldiers at the funeral drove them to another mutiny. ISTor was there any one to restrain it. They turned their thoughts to Verginius; one moment calling upon him to accept the sovereignty, and the next, with menaces, pressing him to undertake an embassy to Val'ens and Csecina. Verginius, while they were forcing his house, disappointed them by stealing off the back way. The cohorts that lay encamped at Brixellum deputed Eubrius Gallus with terms of submission; and pardon was immediately obtained, the troops under Flavius Sabinus going over to the conqueror, through the negotiation of their commander. 52. Though the war in every quarter was now at an end, a great part of the senate, who accompanied Otho from Eome, and by him were left at Mutina, were involved in the utmost danger. They received an account of the defeat at Bedriacum ; but the soldiers treating it as a false alarm, as they suspected that the senate were hostile to Otho, they observed their lan¬ guage, and put a malignant construction upon their looks and demeanour. They proceeded, lastly, to -reproaches and insults, hoping to find a pretence and occasion for bloodshed, when the senators saw another cloud gathering over their heads: the Vitellian party was now superior; and they feared lest they should be thought to entertain the intelligence of the victory coldly. Thus alarmed, and painfully perplexed, they met; no one suggesting any plan of his own, as he felt more secure as one of many who participated in the same fault. The magistracy of Mutina increased the anxiety of the terror- stricken senators, by offering them arms and money, and, with ill-timed courtesy, giving them the appellation of conscript fathers. 53. After this a notable dispute arose between Licinius Caecina and Eprius Marcellus the former vehemently charg¬ ing Marcellus with speaking in ambiguous terms. Nor did any of the others express their sentiments frankly; but the name of Marcellus, detested from the recollection of his infor¬ mations, had stimulated Caecina, a new man, and lately ad¬ mitted into the senate, to seek popularity by encountering powerful enmities. The dispute was ended by the interpo¬ sition of worthier men, and the senate returned to Bononia, ^ Eprius Marcellus was the hiveterate enemy of Psetus Thrasea. Annals, xvi. 22, 28. 104 * THE HISTORY. [b. II. i there to deliberate again, and, in the meantime, they hoped si to have more intelligence. There they stationed persons on j the several roads to interrogate all who could give the latest | intelligence. One of Otho’s freedmen being asked why he i had left his master, he made answer, “I bear his last di- j rections; he is still alive, but he renounces all the joys of ‘ life : his thoughts are fixed upon posterity alone.” This i account excited their admiration; they felt a delicacy in making further inquiries : and the consequence was, that all transferred their attachment to Vitellius. 54. Lucius Vitellius, brother of the new emperor, attended the meeting of the senate, and was now presenting himself to j receive the court of the senators, when Caenus, a freedman of | Nero’s, by a bold and impudent falsehood, threw the assembly | into consternation. He affirmed it as a fact, that, by the ■ coming up of the fourteenth legion, and the junction of the " forces from Brixellum, the victors had been cut to pieces, and the fortune of the party retrieved. The motive of this fiction was, that Otho’s passports,^ now slighted, might revive, j under more favourable news. By this stratagem he gained a quick conveyance to Rome, and in a few days was put to death by order of Vitellius. But the danger of the senators was increased, as the Othonian soldiers gave credit to the fiction; and it gave intensity to their fears, that they seemed to have quitted Mutina on public grounds, and to have aban¬ doned their party. From this time the senate was convened | no more. Every man acted on his own private views, till j letters from Fabius Valens put an end to their fears. Besides, . ' the death of Otho was known the sooner, in proportion as it ! 7fas meritorious. | 55. At Rome a general calm prevailed. The games sacred i to Ceres ^ were exhibited as usual. When intelligence arrived that Otho was no more, and that all the military then in the city had, at the requisition of Flavius Sabinus, sworn fidelity to Vitellius, the spectators signified their applause. The people, - with laurel and flowers, carried the images of Galba to the several temples, and piled their chaplets in the form of a ! ' , j ^ The passports, called diplomata Othonis, were granted for the pro¬ tection of travellers and messengers. See Pliny, lib. x. epist. 14, 54. ! 2 The festival of Ceres began on the 19th of April. See Amiala, XV. 53. EXCESSES OF THE VICTORS, 105 c. 57.] tomb, on the spot near the lake of Curtins, which he had dyed with his life-blood. All the honours invented during the long reigns of other princes were forthwith decreed in the senate. They moreover passed a vote of thanjis and applause to the German armies, and despatched a deputation to perform the office of congratulation. A letter from Fabius Yalens to the consuls was read: it was not arrogant in its style, but the modesty of Ciecina, in not writing at all, gave greater satisfaction. 56. The sufferings of Italy, however, were more severe and terrible than under the war. The Vitellian soldiers, quartered in the colonies and municipal cities, were bent on spoil and rapine. They committed the most horrible outrages, deflour- ing the women, and trampling on all laws, human and divine; either from lust or with a view to be bought off, they spared nothing sacred or profane. Some were murdered by their private enemies under pretence of their being soldiers of Otho. The soldiers who knew the country, plundered without con¬ trol the opulent farmers and lands well stocked; while all who resisted were doomed to the sword, the officers not daring to check them, and obliged to truckle to them. Caecina ex¬ hibited less avarice, but more servility. Yalens had made himself infamous by his avarice and rapacity, and was there¬ fore obliged to connive at the crimes of others. Italy was long since exhausted, and could ill endure to maintain so many foot and horse, together with outrage, losses, and op¬ pression. 57. Yitellius, in the meantime, advanced towards Italy with the remainder of the German armies, ignorant of his victory, and supposing that not a blow had been struck. A few of the veteran soldiers were left behind in winter-quarters; and to recruit the remaining legions, which were mere ske¬ letons, hasty levies were made in Gaul. On the frontiers bor¬ dering on the Rhine the command was given to Hordeonius Flaccus. To his own army Yitellius added eight thousand men from Britain. Having marched a few days, he received intelligence of the victory at Bedriacum, and the conclusion of the war by the death of Otho. He called an assembly, and highly extolled the valour of the troops. The army wished to see his freedman Asiaticus^ raised to the dignity of a ^ For more of Asiaticus, see Suetonius, Life of Yitellius, s. 12. 1 106 the history. [b. ii. j Roman knight, but Vitellius restrained the disgi’aceful adu¬ lation ; but such was his natural levity, that what he refused in public, he granted in private over his bottle. And thus a despicable slave, who was goaded on by ambition, and had nothins: to recommend him but his vices, was honoured with | the equestrian ring. | 58. About the same time Vitellius received advices that ! the two Mauritanias had acceded to his party, Lucceius : Albinus, the governor of that country, having been murdered. The province which was called Csesariensis had been by Nero committed'to Albinus; and the other, called Tingitana, being : afterwards added by Galba, the governor was master of a con- ; siderable force; not less than nineteen cohorts, five squadrons i of horse, and a numerous body of Moors, accustomed to live ! by depredation and rapine, and therefore available for war. , Albinus, on the death of Galba, declared at once for Otho, | and, not content with Africa, began to form plans against | Spain, which was separated by a narrow channel.^ Cluvius | Rufus, who presided in Spain, alarmed at this, ordered the I tenth legion to march to the sea-coast, with a design, as he gave out, to cross the sea; and chosen centurions were sent | forward to draw the Moors over to Vitellius. This was not a difficult task; the fame of the German armies resounded through all the provinces. A report prevailed, at the same j time, that Albinus, disdaining the title of procurator, had j usurped the regal diadem, and the name of Juba. ! 59. Thus a change taking place in the minds of the people, j Asinius Pollio, who commanded a squadron of horse, and one j of the most firm friends of Albinus, was surprised and put to | death, with Festus and Scipio, praefects of cohorts. Albinus j himself, after sailing from the province of Tingitana to that , of Ccesariensis, was put to death as soon as he landed. His ■' wife, who presented herself to the assassins, perished with her ^ | husband. These transactions passed without the notice of Vitellius : even to matters of high importance the attention of a moment was all that . he gave, unequal as he was to i concerns of magnitude. He ordered his army to proceed by I land into Italy, while he himself sailed down the Arar not with any of the pomp of a prince, but exhibiting in a striking I ^ The Straits of Gibraltar. j 2 Now the Saone. See Annals, xiii. 53. | C. GO.] EXTRAVAGANT CONDUCT OP VITELLIUS. 107 manner the poverty of his former condition.^ At length Junius Bla3sus, at that time governor of the Lyonese Gaul, a man of illustrious descent, of liberal mind, and corresponding wealth, supplied Vitellius with a train, and attended him in person, sparing no expense. But this very conduct excited the displeasure of Vitellius, w^ho, however, concealed his aver¬ sion with servile caresses. At Lyons, the generals of both parties, as well the vanquished as the victorious, attended. Vitellius in a public speech lauded Valens and Csecina, whom he placed on each side of his curule chair. He then ordered out the whole army to receive his. son, an infant of tender years. The child was brought forward ; the father took him in his arms, adorned as he was with a purple robe ; saluted him by the title of Germanicus ; and arrayed him with all the insignia of princely state. This extravagant honour shown in prosperity, formed a source of consolation in the reverse of fortune which followed. 60. The centurions who had signalized themselves in Otho’s service were then put to death. By this, more than any¬ thing, he lost the affections of the forces from Illyricum. The rest of the legions caught the infection, and, being already on bad terms with the German soldiery, began to meditate a revolt. Suetonius Paulinus and Licinius Proculus were kept for some time in a wretched state of suspense. Being at length admitted to an audience, they made a defence wLich nothing but 'the necessity of the times ‘could excuse. They made a merit with Vitellius of their treachery to Otho, and to their own sinister designs ascribed the march of the army on the day of battle, the fatigue of the troops, and the con¬ fusion in the ranks, occasioned by not removing the baggage, with many other accidental circumstances. Vitellius gave them credit for their perfidy, and pardoned their attachment to his enemy. Salvius Titianus, the brother of Otho, was screened from danger on the score of natural affection, and his imbecile character. Marius Celsus, consul elect, was suffered to succeed to his honours, though Csecilius Simplex, as was generally believed, and the charge was afterwards brought against him in the senate, endeavoured by bribery to supplant him; ‘meditating also the destruction of Celsus. y* For the extreme poverty of Vitellius, see Suetonius, Life of Vitel¬ lius, s. 7. THE HISTORY. lOS [b. II, t The emperor, however, withstood him, but in time raised him to that office,^ without the guilt of bribery or muider. Tra- chalus was shielded from his accusers by Galeria, the wife of Vitellius. 61. Amidst the dangers that involved the first men of the age, shameful to relate, one Mariccus, a plebeian of the Boii, had the presumption to mix up his name with the great events of the time, and provoke the Roman arms by a pretence to supernatural lights^ and already as deliverer of Gaul, and as a god, for such was the title he assumed, having mustered eight thousand men, he made an attempt on the adjacent villages of the ,zEduans, when that powerful state, with a chosen band of their youth, and with a reinforcement of co¬ horts from Vitellius, put the fanatic multitude to the rout. Mariccus was taken prisoner, and soon after given to wild beasts. The populace, astonished to see that he was not im¬ mediately torn to pieces, believed him to be sacred and invio¬ lable, till he was put to death under the eye of Vitellius. 62. From this time the partisans of Otho were no longer persecuted : the effects of all remained inviolable. The last wills of such as fell fighting for Otho were allowed to be valid, and, where no will was made, the law of intestacy took , its course. In fact, if Vitellius had moderated his luxuries, one needed not fear his avarice. His appetite for feasting was shocking, and knew no bounds.^ From Rome and Italy incentives to gluttony were conveyed^ the roads frorn both the seas ringing with the din of carriages. To entertain him on his march, the principal men of every city were obliged to lavish all their wkltli, and the cities themselves were ex¬ hausted. The soldiers lost all energy and virtue, from being habituated to pleasure and contempt of their general. Vi¬ tellius, by an edict sent forward to Rome, signified his plea¬ sure to postpone for the present the title of Augustus, and decline that of Cgesar; but did not forego any portion of the princely power. He ordered the mathematicians to be ban¬ ished out of Italy, and, under heavy penalties, restrained the Roman knights from disgracing themselves by public games ^ Csecilius Simplex was consul when Vitellius, finding his affairs utterly ruined, was willing to abdicate. (Hist. iii. 68.) For an account of the consuls in the course of this year, see above, i. 77, note. “ Compare Suetonius, Life of Vitellius, s. 10. DOLABELLA MURDERED. 109 c. 64] and the prize ring. Former princes had not scrupled to allure men to that practice by money, and still oftener by force. Many of the municipal towns and colonies'emulated the city in alluring all the most profligate to engage in these practices by means of rewards. 63. Vitellius, on the arrival of his brother,’ and other adepts in tyrannic arts gaining an ascendency over him, became more haughty and sanguinary. He gave orders for the execution of Dolabella, who, as already stated, was removed by Otho to the colony of Aquinum. Being there informed of that em¬ peror’s death, he ventured to return to Eome. That step was objected to him as a crime by his intimate friend, Plancius Varus, who had been prsetor, before Flavius Sabinus, the preefect of the city. He pretended that Dolabella broke from his place of confinement to offer himself as a leader to the vanquished party, and added, that he had endeavoured to seduce to his interest the cohort stationed at Ostia. He could bring no proof of these serious charges; and, visited with remorse, which proved too late to be of any service, he implored forgiveness for the accused, after incurring the hor¬ rible guilt. Flavius Sabinus hesitated in a matter of such magnitude, till Triaria, the wfife of Lucius Vitellius, a w'oman furious beyond her sex, w^arned him not to seek the fame of clemency at the peril of the prince. Sabinus, naturally hu¬ mane, but when danger threatened himself infirm of purpose, and feeling his own life hazarded in another’s peril, preci¬ pitated the fall of a man whom he dared not appear to help. 64. Vitellius, from motives of fear and hatred, (for Pe¬ tronia,^ his former wife, was no sooner divorced than Dolabella married her,) by letters despatched to Ptome invited him to his presence, advising him, at the same time, to shun the pub¬ licity of the Flaminian road, and come by the way of Inte¬ ramnium. At that place, he ordered him to be put to death. The assassin thought he should lose too much time, and attacked Dolabella at an inn on the road, while stretched on the ground, and cut his throat; a transaction which brought into great odium the new reign, the future character of which ^ This was Lucius Vitellius, whom we have seen with the senators at Bononia, See above, c. 54. ^ Petronia was the first wife of Vitellius. Suetonius, Life of Vitel¬ lius, s. 6. 110 THE HISTORY. [b. II. was understood from this incipient specimen. The daring spirit of Triaria was the more detested, as it stood in imme¬ diate contrast to the mild character of Galeria, the emperor’s wife, and also to that of Sextilia,^ his mother : a woman of equal excellence, and formed on the model of ancient man- ,j ners. On receipt of the first letters from her son, she is said ;! to have declared that his name was not Germanicus but Vi- ; tellius ; and never afterwards, either elated by the allure- i ments of fortune, or deceived by the voice of flattery, was she ‘ won to cheerfulness, but was alive only to the calamities of i her family. r ' 65. Vhellius having set out.fpom Lyons, was met by l Marcus Cluvius Rufus, who had left his government in I Spain for the purpose. He appeared with joy and gratula- j tion in his countenance, and anxiety in his heart. He : knew that an accusation had been prepared against him by ■ Hilarius, one of the emperors freedmen, importing that, | durino; the war between Otho and Vitellius, Rufus intended ; to set up for himself, and seize the provinces of Spam; and | that, with this view, he had issued various edicts, without i inserting the name of any prince whatever. He also put a ! construction upon some of his public harangues, tending to ! blacken the character of Vitellius, and recommend himself to | popular favour. The interest of Rufus was too powerful, j and his freedman was even condemned to punishment by j Vitellius. Rufus was enrolled among the emperor’s intimate j friends, and, at the same time, retained his government of j Spain during his absence, after the example of Lucius Arrun¬ tius,^ whom Tiberius, from suspicion, never suffered to depart from Rome. But Vitellius entertained no fear of Cluvms. Trebellius Maximus did not meet with equal favour: he j had fled from Britain on account of the angry feeling of the soldiers.^ Vetti us ‘Bolanus, then a follower of the court, was sent to succeed him.^ 66. Vitellius heard, with deep anxiety, that the spirit of | ^ For Sextilia, the mother of Vitellius, see Suetonius, Life of Vitek j lius, s. 3. . ! 2 Lucius Arruntius was appointed governor of Spain by Tiberius, I and for ten years after detained at Rome. Annals, vi. 27. \ 2 See above, i. 60. j * For Vettius Bolanus, see the Life of Agi’icola, c. 8, 16. C- C7.] INSUBOEDINATION OP THE ARMY. Ill the vanquished legions was far from being subdued, Dis- Ijersed through Italy, and intermixed with the victorious troops, they talked of vengeance. Foremost in insolence was the fouiteenth legion, who denied that they were conquered; and that, because at Bedriacum the vexillaries only were defeated, but the strength of the legion was not engaged. It was judged proper to send them back into Britain, whence they had been recalled by Nero; and the Batavian cohorts were ordered in the meantime to camp with them, as an old animosity subsisted between them and the soldiers of the fourteenth. Between armed men so inflamed with hatred, a quarrel soon broke out. At Augusta, the capital of the Turinians, a Batavian soldier had words with an artisan, whom he charged with fraud. A man of the legion took the part of his host; their comrades joining each of them, from abusive language they proceeded to blows; and, if two pr^- torian cohorts, taking part with the fourteenth, had not awed the Batavians, and inspired confidence in the legionaries, a bloody conflict had _ ensued. Yitellius, satisfied with the fidelity of the Batavians, incorporated them with his army. The legion had orders to proceed over the Graian Alps,^ that by this circuitous route they might avoid Vienne, whose inhabitants were suspected. The night the legion marched, ^ey left fires burning in all quarters, by which a part of the urinian city was destroyed. This loss, like many other calamities of war, was thrown into the shade by the greater disasters of other cities. After the soldiers had descended from the Alps, all the most disaffected of them marched to Vienne. They were, however, reduced to order by the unanimity of the better disposed, and the legion was trans¬ ported into Britain. 67. The praetorian cohorts formed the next source of disquietude to Vitellius. They were separated first, and afterwards, this step being followed by an honourable dis¬ charge to soften their resentment, they delivered up their arms to their tribunes; but at length, when the war com¬ menced by Vespasian assumed consistency, they assembled again, and proved the best support of the Flavian cause. The first legion of marines was ordered into Spain, that in repose ^ The modern Turin. 2 Now known as the Little St. Bernard. THE HISTORY. 112, [b. II. and indolence their spirit might evaporate. The seventh and eleventh were sent back to their old winter-quarters. The thirteenth was ordered to build apaphitheatres j for Caecina, at Cremona, and Valens, at Bononia, were preparing to exhibit a spectacle of gladiators, Vitellius being at no time so intent upon business as to forget his amusements. '68. And certainly he had in a quiet way broken up the party; but a mutiny arose among the victors, in its com¬ mencement ridiculous, had not the numbers slain brought the war into increased odium. Vitellius had sat down at a banquet at Ticinum, and Verginius was of the party. Ac¬ cording to the manners of the chiefs, the tribunes and centu¬ rions emulate their strictness or delight in noon-day feasts, and the soldiers equally are either orderly or riotous. In the army of Vitellius, all was confusion and drunkenness, resembling wakes and bacchanalian _ routs, rather than a camp, or a disciplined army. Accordingly, two soldiers, one of the fifth legion, the other an auxiliary Gaul, under the excitement of revelry, proceeded to a trial of skill in wrest¬ ling. The Homan v^as thrown: his antagonist exulted over him; and the spectators, who had gathered round them, were soon divided into parties. The consequence was, that the legions fell upon the auxiliaries sword in hand, and two cohorts were cut to pieces. Another alarm ^ put an end to this fray. A cloud of dust was seen at a distance, and the glittering of arms. A shout was suddenly raised, that the fourteenth legion was returning to offer battle; but it was the men who brought up the rear of the army, and when recognised, all anxiety subsided. Meanwhile, a slave of Vermnius was observed by the soldiers, who charged him with a design to assassinate Vitellius, and rushed directly to the banquetin^-room, demanding the execution of Verginius. The emperor "himself, though tremblingly alive to every suspicion, doubted not the innocence of Verginius, but with difficulty restrained the men, who thirsted for the blood of a consular man, at one time their own general. It had ever been the face of Verginius, more than of any other officer, to encounter the seditious spirit of the army. Their admiration of the man, and their estimation of his character, remained unaltered, but they hated him as having been treated with contempt by him. i 1 i I 113 r. 70.] VITELLIUS VISITS THE FIELD OP BATTLE. 69. The next dav, the deputies from the senate having been admitted to an audience, Vitellius visited the camp, and actually lauded the zeal of the soldiers, while the auxiliaries murmured at the extent of impunity now enjoyed by the legionaries, and the insolence they manifested. The Batavian cohorts had been ordered back to Germany, lest they should make any desperate attempts: the Fates even then preparing the seeds of a foreign and a civil war.‘ The allies from Gaul were restored to their respective states: a vast unwieldy multitude, employed in the beginning of the revolt merely to make up an appearance. For the rest, that the imperial I revenues, now well nigh exhausted by largesses, might hold ( out, Vitellius ordered the complement of the legions and auxiliaries to be reduced, and no new levies to be made. Dismissions from the service were offered indiscriminately. The policy was of the worst consequence to the common¬ wealth, and unacceptable to the soldiers, who had the same duties to perform with reduced numbers, and more frequent returns of danger and toil. Their energies, too, were wasted by luxury: so different from the ancient system of discipline, ^ and the institutions of their ancestors, with whom virtue proved a better support of Roman power than money. 70. Vitellius, quitting this place, turned out of his way to go to Cremona. Having there attended the spectacle ex¬ hibited by Csecina, he earnestly desired to tread the field of Bedriacum, and survey the vestiges of his recent victoiy. Shocking and terrible was the spectacle. Forty days^ had not elapsed since the battle: there lay bodies, hideously mangled; limbs dissevered; the decaying forms of men and horses; the ground tainted with gore: one scene of dire devastation, where trees and the fruits of the earth were trampled under foot. No less shocking to humanity was that portion of the road which the people of Cremona had strown with roses and laurels, with altars raised and victims slain, after the custom observed towards despots. But these acts of momentary exultation in a short time after brought destruction on their authors. Valens and Csecina attended, and pointed to the local circumstances of the battle: “ From _ ^ The foi’eign war was with the Batavians, under Civilis ; the domes¬ tic, with Vespasian. ^ This was the 24th of May. TAG.—VOL. II. 1 THE HISTORY.' 114 THE HISTORY.' [b. U. this spot the legions rushed on to the attack; thence the cavalry charged in a body; from that quarter the auxiliaries wheeled about and surrounded the enemy.” And now, the tribunes and prsefects, each extolling his own achievements, gave a medley of facts and falsehoods, or facts magnified by exaggeration. The common soldiers, with shouts and exulta¬ tion, quitted the road, retraced the scene of their struggles, and surveyed the heaps of arms and piles of dead bodies with delight and wonder. Some, too, reflecting on the sudden transitions of fortune, shed tears, and were touched with commiseration. But Vitellius looked on with unaveited eyes, nor shuddered to behold so many thousand bodies of Boman citizens unburied; nay, with feelings of preposterous joy, and little thinking that his catastrophe was so near, he offered solemn sacrifice to the genii of the place. 71. Next, at Bononia, Fabius Valens exhibited a show of gladiators, with decorations brought from Ptome. In pro¬ portion as the emperor advanced towards the capital, the greater the licentiousness that marked his progress: players and bands of eunuchs mixing with the soldiers, and all the other characteristic abominations of Nero’s court. For Vitellius was in the habit of showing his admiration of Nero, and used to attend him when he went about singing, not by compulsion, as was the case with all men of integrity, but enslaved by luxury and gluttony, and finding his reward in them. In order to open for Valens and Cjecina' unoccupied mouths o.f of&ce, the consulates of others were abridged. Martius Macer,^ as having been a general of Otho’s party, was passed over; and Valerius Marinus, who had been put in nomination by Galba, was also set aside, not for any offence, but as being a man of mild temper, and likely to bear the wrong tamely. Pedanius Oosta was omitted, being odious to the prince for having taken an active part against Nero, and excited the ambition of Verginius. But he pretended other reasons. To crown all, thanks were given to Vitellius, in conformity with the inveterate habit of servility. 72. A fraud, which made vigorous progress at its com- 1 y alens and Csecina entered on their joint consulship on the Calends of November. See above, i. 77, and note. i ^ ’v 2 Martius Macer commanded Otho’s gladiators on the banks of the Po. See above, c. 33 of this book. RESOURCES OF VESPASIAN. 115 0. 74.] mencement, passed current for not more than a few days. There started up a man who pretended to be Scribonianus ^ Camerinus/ and that, through fear of the Neronian times, he had lain concealed in Istria, as the followers and the lands of the ancient Crassi, and partiality to that illustrious house, still continued there. The impostor, having engaged all the most profligate to support the fiction, the credulous vulgar, and certain of the soldiers, either led into error or from love of innovation, eagerly joined in the plot. Being brought before Vitellius, and asked who in the world he was, when it was found that no reliance was to be placed on what he stated, and he was recognised by his master as being in condition a runaway slave, named Geta, he was put to death after the manner of slaves.^ 73. When intelligence was brought by his chosen men from Syria and Judaea that the East had sworn allegiance to him, it would hardly be believed if I were to relate how much the insolence and heartlessness of Vitellius increased; for - thougii as yet he had been only the subject of vague and ' unauthenticated rumours, still Vespasian was in the mouths . of men, and his fame had gone forth, so that Vitellius was frequently startled at the name of Vespasian. Now that a rival was no longer dreaded, the emperor and his army plunged into every excess of foreign manners, giving loose to cruelty, lust, and rapine. 74. Meanwhile Vespasian was considering the war, and revolving the means of conducting it. He surveyed his resources at a distance, as well as those at hand. His troops were so devoted to his interest, that, when he set them the example of swearing fidelity to Vitellius, and prayed for the entire prosperity of his reign, the soldiers heard him in pro¬ found silence. Mucianus was zealously attached to Titus, and not averse to Vespasian. Alexander, the preefect of Egypt, shared his counsels. The- third legion, which had been removed from Syria to Moesia, he considered as his own, and had hopes that all the other legions in Illyricum would follow its example. In fact, all the armies were in a flame at the insolence of the soldiers that came among them from ^ Sulpicius Camerinus and his son were put to death by order of Helius, Nero’s freedmau, a. d. 67. ' ^ The slaves wei'e condemned to suffer death on a cross. I 2 116 the histoky. \b. ti. Vitellius; terrific in person, and uncouth in their language, they treated all others with contempt. But, in an enterprise of such importance, it was natural to hesitate; and Vespasian, one while elate with hope, at other times reflected upon the counteracting motives. “ What a day woula that be,^ when he should commit himself, at the age of sixty, with his two youthful sons,' to a civil war! In undertakings of a private nature, men may retreat, and draw more or less upon fortune as they please; but when sovereign power is the object sought, there is no middle ground between the highest eleva- tion and the abyss of destruction. ^ j. 75 The valour of the German armies, well known to mm as an experienced soldier, continually recuired to his imagma- tion. “ The legions under his command had not been tned in a civil war, while those of the Yitellians had conquered in one. The vanquished would exhibit more of discontent than vigour. In civil discord the fidelity of the soldiery is an unstable reliance; and danger is to from each individual. For of what avail would be cohorts of foot, and squadrons of horse, if one or two see , by a deed of daring villany, the reward ever h^eld out by an adverse party Such was the fate of Scribonianus m the reio-n of Claudius;' he was murdered by Vologinius, a common soldier, and the highest posts in the seiwice were the wages of an assassin. It was an easier task to incite whole armies to action, than to escape the attacks o ■ A* * 1C3 76 While wavering under the effect of these timorous anticipations, his resolution was confirmed by other delegates and friends, and among the rest by Mucianus, who, afer many conversations in private, now m public also thus addressed him : “ All who meditate the accomplishment of great enterprises ought to weigh carefully whether that which is being undertaken is beneficial to the commonweMth, honourable to themselves, and either easy to be achieve , or certainly not attended with arduous difficulties. At the same time, the character of the man who advises the measure should be considered; whether he hazard himself m the 1 Vespasian’s two sons, Titus and Domitian. ^ -n iVe 2 Furius Camillus Scribonianus raised a rebellion in Dalmatia, in tue reign of Claudius, and was soon after slam, a.d. 42. ADDRESS OF MUCIANUS. 117 c. 76.] enterprisGj and, if fortune favour the undertaking, who is to reap the chief glory ? I am the person, Vespasian, who invite you to empire, as much for the good of the common¬ wealth, as for your own glory: next after the gods, the issue depends on your own exertions. ISlor should you he deterred by apprehensions that I am imposing upon you by flattery: to be elected emperor after Vitellius is rather a disgrace than an honour. It is not against the vigorous mind^ of Augustus, nor the consummate craft of the aged Tiberius; nor against the house of Caligula, or Claudius, or Nero, firmly established by the long possession of imperial power, that we rise up. Even Galba’s illustrious line of ancestors commanded your submission. But longer to remain inactive, and leave the commonwealth a prey to vice and infamy, would seem sheer lethargy and cowardice, even if to serve were as free from danger to you as it is replete with dishonour. The time is departed and gone by, when you might appear to have desired the empire : you must flee to the sovereignty as your only refuge. Have we forgotten the butchered Corbulo?^ The splendour of his birth was superior, it must be confessed, to ours: but Nero too sur¬ passed Vitellius in the lustre of his ancestry. In the eyes of the person who lives in fear, the man who makes himself dreaded is illustrious enough, be he who he may. And that the armies can create an emperor, Vitellius furnishes the proof: a man of no experience as a soldier, no military re¬ nown, but owing his elevation to Galba’s disrepute. Otho, whom he has caused to be regretted and regarded as a great prince, was conquered, not by his skill as a general, or the valour of his army, but by his own precipitate despair of success. While Vitellius, in the interval, is disbanding his legions, disarming the cohorts, and every day furnishing the seeds for war, whatever of spirit and fire his soldiery pos¬ sessed is wasting away in taverns and drunken revelry, and in aping the habits of the prince. On the other hand, you have from Syria, Judsea, and Egypt, nine legions, unim¬ paired by battles, and undebauched by dissensions: an army mured to the operations of war, and crowned with victory over the enemies of their country; the prime of fleets, of See H jealousy at his suc^^esses. 118 THE HISTORY. [b. II. cavalry and cohorts; kings devoted to your cause; and your own experience, superior to all of them. , „ rtmio-Vit 77 “ For myself, I claim nothing but not to be thoUj,ht inferior to Valens or Ciecina. If in Mucianus you do not find a rival, do not therefore despise him, as I count myself superior to Vitellius, but inferior to you. Your house liM beL distinguished by triumphal honours; you have two sons, one of them* already equal to the weight of an who acquired fame even with the German armies in the early neriod of his service. Had I myself the sovereign power, I Loiild adopt your son; it were absurd, therefore, not to yie to you the claim of empire. However, the distribution o the rewards of success, and the consequences of failure, be¬ tween us, will not be one and the same; for if ™ shall have such honour as you may please to bestow but the hazard and danger we shall share equally; nay rather, as is the better course, do you rule these armies, and consign me the war, and the casualties of hostile encounters. In t vanquished party there is stricter discipline than in the vic¬ torious : anger, indignation, and a desire for revenge, fan the flame of valour. The former have lost all sense of virtue, through disdain and frowardness. The war itself wiU discover and reonen the concealed and angry wounds of the victorious nartv *Nor is my confidence excited more by your vigilance, Lonomy, and wisdom, than by the torpor, ignorance, and cruelty of Vitellius. But our case is better if we take up , arms, than if we continue in peace; for those who deliberate about revolting have revolted already. ^ •■i, • 78 After this speech of Mucianus, all the rest, with m-. creased confidence, pressed round Vespasian, recounting the responses of seers the motions of the stars.^ Vespasian untinctured with that superstition, for afterwa , when possessed of'the supreme authority he openly retained a mathematiciau named Seleucus, to guide and wani lum by his predictions. Former prognostics again presented them- 1 In the reiim of Claudius, Vespasian had ohtaihed triumphal orna¬ ments for Ids induct in Britain. Suetonius, Life of Vespasian s 4 2 Titus had served with distinction in the f 7 in Britain as well as Germany. Suetonius, Life of Titi , . . 3 For a number of oracles and. prodigies, see Suetonius, paaian, ss. 5, 7. C. 79.] VESPASIAN PROCLAIMED IN JUD^A. 119 selves to his mind: a cypress-tree of conspicuous height, on his own estate, had fallen suddenly to the ground, and, on the following day, rose again on the same spot, and resumed its verdure, increased in height and breadth. This, in the unanimous opinion of the soothsayers, was an omen of grandeur and prosperity; and the prospect of the highest renown was held out to Vespasian in his early youth. But at first, triumphal honours, the consulship, and the glory of conquering Judaea, seemed to have fulfilled the prediction; when he had acquired these, he began to cherish the con¬ viction that the imperial dignity was foreshown to him. Between Syria and Judaea stands mount Carmel, such is the name given to the mountain and the deity; nor is there any representation of the deity or temple; according to ancient usage, there is only an altar and worship. While Vespasian was offering sacrifice there, and was meditating on his secret aspirations, Basilides, the priest, having examined the entrails of the victims diligently, said to Vespasian, “ Whatever are your designs, whether to build a house, to enlarge the bound¬ aries of your lands, or increase your slaves, a mighty seat, immense borders, a multitude of men, are given to you.” This mysterious prediction was forthwith spread abroad, and now received an interpretation. Nor was there any more frequent topic of discourse among the populace: still more frequent were the conversations upon it in the presence of Vespasian himself, in proportion as more things are said to those who ehtertain hopes. 79. Mucianus and Vespasian, with minds thoroughly made up, parted, and went, the former to Antioch, the capital of Syria, the latter to Caesarea, the capital of Judaea. The first public step towards creating Vespasian emperor of Rome was taken at Alexandria in Egypt: Tiberius Alexander, the prae- fect of the province, eager to show his zeal, administered the oath to the legions under his command, on the calends of July; and that day was ever after celebrated as the first of Vespasian’s reign, though the army in Judaea swore fidelity on the fifth before the nones of the same month to Vespasian himself, with,such zeal that they would not wait for the return of his son Titus from Syria, who bore despatches relative to the plans between his father and Mucianus. The whole transaction was hurried on by the impetuosity of the THE HISTORY. 120 soldiery, without any public harangue, and without a union of the legions. . , 80. While they were looking out for a proper time and j place, and, that which forms the chief difficulty in such affairs, who should first declare,—while hope and fear, the ^ calculations of reason and the uncertainties of fortune, pre- ! sented themselves to the mind,—a small number of solders, who were stationed near him in the usual form to salute him | as lieutenant-general, w’hen he came forth from his chamber, ^ saluted him by the title of emperor. The whole body then | pressed forward, and loaded him with the name of Csesar, ; Augustus, and every other title of imperial grandeur. In a moment his fears subsided, and he resolved to pursue the j road of ambition. In his own conduct there was no mani- j festation of vanity, or insolence, or affectation of mannas | suited to his altered position. The instant he dissipated the ■ film which so great a change had spread over his vision, he ! addressed them in the spirit of a soldier, and received with courtesy the congratulations of all, and the troops that came flocking to him. And now Mucianus, who waited for this opportunity, administered the oath of allegiance to Vespasian to the soldiers, who took it with alacrity. ^ Mucianus then went into the theatre at Antioch, where the inhabitants were used to hold their public debates, and harangued the^ multi- j tude that crowded round him, and poured forth their com- | pliments in profusion, as he could speak with considerable j grace and eloquence, even in the Greek language, and p<^- ^ sessed a peculiar talent of producing effect in whatever he ; said or did. Nothing inflamed the passions of the army and the province so much as his assurance, “ that it was a fixed ^ point with Vitellius, to transfer the German troops to Syria, j to serve in a rich and peaceful province ^ while, in exchange, j the barracks in Germany, where the climate was severe and | the service arduous, should be occupied by the legions of | Syriafor both the natives of the province, by the force of j habit, took a pleasure in the society of the soldiers, and rnany ' were united with them by close relationships and connexions ^ j and their camp, so familiar and natural to them, from the I long time they had served in it, was regarded by the soldiers with the affection felt for the domestic hearth. 81. Before the ides of July, the whole province of Syria ; i PREPARATIONS FOR THE WAR. 121 c. 82.] had taken the same oath. His party was further strengthened by Sohemus/ with his kingdom, no contemptible accession; and also by Antiochus, who inherited immense treasures from his ancestors, and was the richest of all the kings who sub¬ mitted to the authority of Rome. Soon after, Agrippa, re¬ ceiving private expresses from the East, summoning him from Rome, departed before Vitellius had any intelligence, and by a quick navigation passed over into Asia. Queen Berenice, at that time in the bloom of youth and beauty, with no less zeal espoused the interest of Vespasian, to whom, notwithstanding his advanced age, she had made herself agreeable by magnificent presents. The several maritime provinces, including Asia and Achaia, and the whole inland country between Pontus and the two Armenias, entered into the confederacy; but the governors of those provinces had no forces, as no legions were as yet stationed in Cappadocia. A council was held at Berytus, on the general state of affairs. Mucianus attended, with the generals and tribunes, and all the most distinguished of the centurions and soldiers, and a chosen band of the most eminent of the army in Judaea. An assembly consisting of such- a numerous train of horse and foot, and of eastern kings, who vied with each other in splen¬ dour and magnificence, presented a spectacle worthy of the imperial dignity. 82. The first object in the prosecution of the war was to raise recruits, and recall the veterans to the service. The strong cities were fixed upon to ply the manufacture of arms, and a mint for gold and silver coin was established at An¬ tioch. The whole was carried on with diligence, each in its appointed place, by persons qualified for the service. Vespa¬ sian in person visited every quarter,—encouraged the indus¬ trious by commendations,—roused the inactive by his exr ample, more frequently than by rebuke; shutting his eyes to the failings of his friends, rather than their merits. He advanced many to the administration of provinces, and others to the rank of senators,—all men of distinguished character, who rose afterwards to the highest honours in the state. ^ Sohemus, king of the country called Sophene. (Annals, xiii. 7.) Antiochus, king of Commagene. (Annals, xii. 55.) Agrippa II., king of part of Judaea. (Annals, xiii. 7.) Berenice, sister to Agrippa, famous for her love of Titus. 122 THE HISTORY. [b. II. There were some whose good fortune supplied the place of virtues. Neither did Mucianus, in his first harangue, hola | out hopes of a donative, except upon a moderate scale; nor j did even Vespasian, though engaged in a civil war, offer more ! tlian others in times of peace; setting a bright example of firmness against corrupting the soldiery by largess; and to that firmness he owed the superiority of his army. Ambas¬ sadors v^ere sent to Parthia and Armenia, and arrangements proposed that, when the legions marched to the civil war, the country in their rear should not be left defenceless. Titus was to follow up the war in Judaea, while Vespasian held the passes into Egypt. To make head against Vitellius, part of the army was deemed sufficient, under the conduct of Mucia¬ nus, with Vespasian’s name, and the resistless power of destiny. Letters were despatched to the several armies, and the officers , in command, with instructions to conciliate the pr^torian soldiers, who were exasperated against Vitellius, by the allure¬ ment of reinstating them in the service. 83. Mucianus, with the appearance.rather of an associate in the sovereign power, than an officer, advanced at the head of a light-armed detachment, never lingering in the course of his progress, that he might not be thought irresolute, and yet not proceeding rapidly; by the very time he consumed, he , afforded an opportunity for rumour to gather strength; well aware that his forces were none of the greatest, and that i exaggerated notions are formed of things at a distance. But he was followed by the sixth legion, and thirteen thousand vexillaries, forming together a vast body. The fleet at Pon¬ tus had orders to assemble at Byzantium, as he had not determined whether he should not avoid Moesia, and beset Dyrrhachium with his foot and horse, while his men-of-war commanded the sea towards Italy; thus protecting Achaia and Asia in his rear, .which would be exposed to the mercy of i Vitellius, unless they were strengthened by forces; and, on the other hand, Vitellius himself would not know what part of Italy to guard, if Brundisium and Tarentum, and the coasts of Lucania and Calabria, were menaced by his fleets. 84. The provinces, therefore, resounded with the bustle of warlike preparations, soldiers, ships, and arms. How to raise money was the chief difficulty, Mucianus, whose constant plea was, that funds were the sinews of war, in all questi .‘'ns 123 G. 85.] CONDUCT OP THE LEGIONS IN MCESIA. regarded neither truth nor justice, but merely the extent of means possessed. Informations followed without number, and all the richest men were plundered without mercy. Oppressive and intolerable as these proceedings were, the pressing exigencies of the war furnished an excuse; but the practice continued even in peace. Vespasian himself, in the beginning of his reign, was not so urgent in enforcing op¬ pressions ; but at length, corrupted by the smiles of fortune, and evil instructors, he learnedi the arts of rapacity, and dared to practise them.^ Mucianus, even from his own funds, contributed to the war; expending his private means that he might plunder the public the more, under pretext of indemnifying himself. The rest followed his example in con¬ tributing money, but few were they who enjoyed the same uncontrolled power of reimbursement. 85. In the meantime, the project of Vespasian was acce¬ lerated by the army in Illyricum coming over to his interest. In Moesia the third legion revolted, and drew after them the eighth, and also the seventh, called the Claudian; both favourably disposed to Otho, though not engaged in the action at Bedriacum. They had advanced as far as Aquileia, when, being informed of Otho’s overthrow, they spurned and assaulted the messengers,—tore the colours that displayed the name of Vitellius, —and lastly, having plundered the military chests, and divided the spoil, conducted themselves as open enemies. Whence their fears, which prompted them to take counsel: they considered that what required pardon from Vitellius, might be made a merit of with Vespasian. Accordingly they sent despatches to the army in Pannonia, in¬ viting them to join the league; and made ready, if they did not comply, to compel them. In this commotion, Aponius Saturninus,^ governor of Moesia, conceived a most iniquitous design. Under colour of public zeal, but to gratify private malice, he despatched a centurion to murder Tertius Julianus, who commanded the seventh legion. That officer had timely notice, and providing himself with guides who knew the ^ Vespasian, in the height of his power, did not scruple to raise large sums of money hy severe exactions; but the apology for hia avarice was the liberal spirit with which he adorned Rome and Italy with grand and useful works. See Suetonius, Life of Vespasian, s. 16. * For Aponius Saturninus and Tertius Julianus, see above, i. 79. 124 THE HISTORY. [b. II. country, escaped through devious tracts to the region beyond Mount Hsemus. From that time he took no part in the civil war; affected often to be on the point of setting out to join Vespasian; but delayed his journey on various pretences, and according to the intelligence he received, either studiously dallying, or quickening his motions. 86. On the other hand, in Pannonia, the thirteenth legion, and the seventh, called the Galbian, still feeling with indig¬ nation their defeat at Bedriacum, unhesitatingly joined the party of Vespasian, principally at the persuasion of Antonius Primus, convicted of forgery ^ in the reign of Nero, and ob¬ noxious to the laws: among the other evils of civil dissension, he recovered the senatorian rank. Advanced by Galba to the command of the seventh legion, according to report, he wrote several letters to Otho, offering himself as general of the party. Otho paid no attention to the proposal, and he was not employed in the Othonian war. When the cause of Vitellius began to decline, he veered round to Vespasian, and became a grand support to the party; for he was a man of great personal courage; a fluent speaker; had the art of drawing down odium upon others; a great man in civil broils and mutinies; rapacious; profuse; a pest in peace, but no contemptible character in war. The armies of Moesia and Pannonia thus formed a junction, and drew the forces of Dalmatia after them, though the consular governors remained neutral. Titus Ampius Flavianus ruled in Pannonia, and Poppaeus Silvanus in Dalmatia; both rich, and advanced in years; but Cornelius Fuscus, descended from illustrious an¬ cestors, and then in the vigour of life, was there as imperiM procurator. In his youth he had resigned his senatorian rank, from love of retirement. In behalf of Galba he com¬ manded his own colony, and for the service obtained the post of procurator; and now taking part with Vespasian, he carried, as it were, a flaming firebrand in the van of the movement; glorying not so much in the reward of dangers, as in dangers themselves. He preferred a life of enterprise, uncertainty, and peril, to security and the enjoyment of his previous acquisitions. Wherever they believed that there existed a discontented spirit, they set about exciting and ^ Primus Antonius, now the leader of Vespasian’s armies, was for¬ merly conrieted of extortion. See Annals, xiv. 18. 4 PROGRESS OP VITELLIUS. 125 c. 88.] stirring it into action. They sent despatches to the four¬ teenth legion in Britain, and to the first in Spain, knowing that both had favoured the cause of Otho against Vitellius. Their letters were spread all over Gaul, and in a moment a war of vast extent blazed forth; the forces in Illyricum declaring openly for Vespasian, and all the others ready to follow where the prospect of success invited. 87. While Vespasian and the leaders of his party were thus employed throughout the provinces, Vitellius, growing daily more insignificant and supine, advanced by slow marches towards the city of Rome, stopping for every gratification that presented itself in the villas ^and municipal towns. He was followed by sixty thousand men in arms, all corrupted by excessive indulgence. The number of drudges was still greater; while sutlers, the most froward characters in exist¬ ence, were mingledMvith the slaves. There was also a train of officers and courtiers, whom it would have been difficult to keep in subjection, even though their ruler had exhibited the most exemplary self-command. The crowd was rendered still more cumbrous by senators and Roman knights, who came from Rome to meet the prince; some impelled by fear, many to pay their court, others, (and gradually all came under this denomination,) that they might not stay behind while others went. A multitude of the populace, known to Vitellius as the servile ministers of his vices, joined the throng; such as players, buffoons, and charioteers, characters that are a disgrace to the name of friends, but in which Vitellius wonderfully delighted. In furnishing such a mass of provisions, not the colonies and municipal cities alone were exhausted, but the fruits of the earth being then ripe, the husbandmen and the land, as if it were an enemy’s country, were stripped. 88. The animosity between the legions and the auxiliaries, which followed the mutiny at Ticinum, still continuing, fre¬ quent and dreadful butcheries occurred among-the soldiery; but when they had to contend with the peasants they were unanimous. The most extensive carnage happened seven miles from Rome. At that place Vitellius ordered victuals, ready dressed, to be distributed among the soldiers, as if it were a feast to pamper a band of gladiators, and the common people, who had come in crowds from Rome, were dispersed 1 126 THE HISTORY. [b. II. through the camp. In sport, as they considered, such as is usual among slaves, some of them made free with the soldiers who were sauntering about, slyly cutting off their belts, and then teased them by asking if they were girt with their arms. Their spirit, intolerant of any indignity, would not brook the jest: they fell sword in hand on the defenceless multitude. Among the slain was the father of one of the soldiers, as he accompanied his son. He was soon after re¬ cognised, and his death being made known, it put a stop to the slaughter of unoffending persons. Rome, however, was thrown into consternation, a number of soldiers hurrying forward into the city. They made chiefly for the forum, impatient to see the spot where Galba had fallen. Covered with the skins of savage beasts, and wielding large and massive spears, the spectacle which they exhibited to the Roman citizens was no less hideous, when, from stupidity, they ran against the crowded people, or when, falling down from the slipperiness of the street, or from encountering some one, they resorted to abuse, from which, anon, they proceeded to blows and the sword. Nay, even the tribunes and centurions, at the head of their troops of cavalry, scoured through the streets, spreading terror as they went. 89. Vitellius himself, in his military robe, girt with his sword, and mounted on *a superb horse, advanced from the Milvian bridge, driving the senate and the people before him. His friends, however, by their advice deterred him from .entering the city as though it were taken by storm: he therefore put on his senatorian robe, and made his entiy in a pacific manner. The eagles of four legions led the way, with an equal number of standards from other legions on each side. Then the colours of twelve squadrons of horse. The files of infantry followed, and after them the cavalry. Next in order were four-and-thirty cohorts, distinguished according to their several nations, or the description of their arms. The preefects of the camp, the tribunes, and principal cen¬ turions, arrayed in white, preceded their several eagles; the rest of the officers marched at the head of their companies, t I I i I I all gleaming with their arms and honours. The collars of the common men, and the trappings of the horses, had a glittering appearance: an imposing spectacle, and an army worthy of a better prince than Vitellius. Thus he proceeded I C. 91.] COURTS THE FAVOUR OF THE MOB. 127 to the Capitol, and there embracing his mother,’ saluted her by the name of Augusta. 90. Next day Vitellius delivered an harangue, and spoke of himself in laudatory terms, as if he addressed the senate and people of another city; magnifying his industry and temperance, though in the presence of men privy to his vices, as well as all Italy, in passing through which he had made the most shameful exhibition of sloth and luxury. The populace, however, careless, and thoroughly versed in flattery, without discrimination between truth or falsehood, gave many tokens of approbation by shouts and exclamations; and on his declining to accept the title of Augustus^ they obliged him to receive it; but his compliance was as nugatory as his refusal. 91. In a city which gave a meaning to everything, it was considered as an unfavourable omen that Vitellius, who had obtained the office of chief pontiff, had issued an edict con¬ cerning the rites and ceremonies of religion, dated the fifteenth before the calends of August, a day rendered in¬ auspicious by the disasters of Cremera and Allia. 2 Profoundly ignorant of law, human and divine, and his freedmen and courtiers as doltish as himself, he seemed like one of a 2 )arty where all were fuddled. But Vitellius, attending the assembly for the election of consuls^ with the other candidates, as a mere citizen, sought to catch every breath of applause from the lowest of the people, both as a spectator in the theatre, and as a partisan in the circus; arts, it must be admitted, calculated to please, and pojDular if they were based upon good qualities; but from the recollection of his past life,* ^ Sextilia. See c. 64 of this book. 2 The defeat at Cremera, a river in Tuscany, (now La Varca,) took place in the year 477 B. c. At Allia (now Torrenti di Catino) the Homan army was put to the sword by the Gauls, under Brennus, B. c. 390. The slaughter was so great, that the day on which it happened (Dies Alliensis) was marked as unlucky in the calendar, and, according to Cicero, thought more fatal than that on which the city of Rome was taken. 2 The assemblies in which the consuls were created are rpentioned by Suetonius, Life of Vitellius, s. 11. For the manner in which that business was conducted by the emperor Trajan, see Pliny’s Panegyi’ic, ^ Vitellius, in the time of Nero, passed his time among pantomime- actors, charioteers, and wrestlers. Suetonius, Life of Vitellius, ss. 12 THE HISTORY. 128 [b. II. tlioy wcrG r6gcird.G(i ns tliG Gfforts of n low cind nbjGct spiiit. Hg WGnt frGquGntly to tho sonato, gvgh whon tho subjoct of dobatG was of small momont; and on ono occasion Hel¬ vidius Priscus, 1 prsetor elect, happening to give an opinion opposed to the emperor’s inclination, Vitellius, incensed at the moment, went no further than to call upon the tribunes of the people to support his slighted authority. Upon this his friends, apprehending his more settled displeasure, endeavoured to soften him. His answer w^as. Nothing new has happened in two senators of a free state differing in opinion j he himself too used to oppose Thrasea. Many ridiculed the insolence of the comparison; others derived satisfaction from the very circumstance of his having selected, as a model of true glory, not one of the men of overgrown power, but Thrasea. 92. Publius Sabinus, from being preefect of a cohort, and Julius Priscus, a centurion, were advanced to the command of the praetorian guards. The former owed his elevation to the friendship of Valens, and the latter to that of Caecina. By those two ministers, though at variance, the authority of the emperor was rendered a nullity. Valens and Caecina administered all the functions of empiretheir mutual ani¬ mosity, which had been ill suppressed during the war and in the camp, the malignity of their friends, and the various factions that for ever distract the city of Rome, had inflamed; while they vied with each other in influence, in their train of followers and their crowded levees, and were brought into comparison by others; Vitellius showing a preference now for one of them, and now for the other. Nor indeed does it ever happen that dependence is to be placed upon power where it is immoderate. At the same time they alternately despised and feared Vitellius himself, who was liable to shift his affections upon any unpremeditated offence, or blandish¬ ments addressed to him when not in the humour to receive them. They were not, however, the less prompt in seizing houses, gardens, and the wealth of the empire; while a piteous and indigent throng of illustrious men, whom Galba had recalled from banishment, received no help from the ^ Helvidius Priscus : often mentioned. Annals, xii. xiii. xvi.; and Life of Agricola, c. 2, 2 Pffitus Thrasea ; Annals, xiv. 12; xvi, 21. C. 93.] LICENTIOUSNESS OP THE TROOPS. 129 compassion of the prince. That he restored to those who weie recalled from exile their rights over their freed- men, was acceptable to the grandees of the city, and even gained the applause of^ the populace; though this boon was marred in every conceivable way by the low cunning that marks the genius of slaves, who deposited their money with others, either with the mere object of concealing it, or with ambitious views; and some of them were translated into the imperial family, and there acquired more influence than their masters. 93. But the soldiers, as the camp was crowded, and their numbers overflowed, being left to go where they pleased, in the public porticoes, the temples, and every part of the city, took no notice of the.ir head quarters, neglected the watches,^ omitted all invigorating exercises. Abandoning themselves to the temptations of the city, and vices shocking to relate, they impaired the vigour of their bodies by sloth, and of their minds by lewdness. At length, negligent even of health, many of them pitched their tents in the abhorred regions of the Vaticanwhence frequent deaths among the soldiers- in general; and, as the Tiber was near, their eagerness for water, and their impatience of heat, broke up the sickly constitu¬ tions of the Germans and Gauls. Moreover, the established system of the service was violated through erroneous judg¬ ment or intrigue: sixteen cohorts ^ for the praetorian camp, and four for the city, were raised, each to consist of a thou¬ sand men. Valens arrogated to himself the chief direction in this levy, on the ground that he had rescued Caecina him¬ self from danger. And it must be admitted that the arrival of Valens had given life and vigour to the cause; and he had turned the current of adverse fame, in consequence of the slowness of his march, by a successful battle. The soldiers from the Lower Germany were to a man devoted to his interest; on which account the fidelity of Caecina is believed to have begun to waver. j l^^ds round the Vatican were covered with stagnated water, and the air, of course, was unwholesome. St. Peter’s church stands there at present ; but Brotier says the cardinals never reside in that quarter. ^ ^ Before the augmentation, the praetorian cohorts (that is, those that were encamped near Rome) were only nine; the city-guard consisted 01 three, called Cohortes Urbanae. Annals, iv. 5. TAG.—VOL. II. K THE HISTORY. 130 [b, II. 94. The indulgence shown by Vitellius to his principal officers, still fell short of the licence given to the common soldiers. Each man chose his own station ; though unfit ^ for it, if it was his choice, he was appointed to the city service t then, again, others well adapted were suffered to remain in . the legions, or the cavalry, as they pleased, and there were many who wished it, worn out as they were with diseases, and dissatisfied with the temperature of the climate. The flower of the legions and auxiliary cavalry was however with¬ drawn from them. The beauty of the camp was totally destroyed: twenty thousand men being taken promiscuously, rather than selected out of the whole army. While Vitellius was holding an' harangue, Ascalicus Flavius and Kufinus, who had commanded in Gaul, were required to be given up to punishment, as they had served in the cause of Vindex. Nor did Vitellius restrain such demands. Besides the natural supineness of his disposition, he knew that the time for dis¬ charging the promised donative was drawing near; and having no funds to answer the expectation of the soldiers, he granted whatever else they required. In order to raise supplies, a tax was imposed on all the freedmen of former emperors, to be collected in proportion to the number of their slaves. Vitellius himself, whose sole anxiety was how to spend money, built a set of stables for the charioteers, kept in the circus a constant spectacle of gladiators and wild beasts, and fooled away his money as if his treasury overflowed with wealth. 95. Nay, Ceecina and Valens even, celebrated the birthday of Vitellius' by exhibiting shows of gladiators in every quarter of the city, with prodigious pomp, and theretofore rarely paralleled. It was a source of delight to the vile and profligate, but of disgust to all men of principle and of virtue, that he erected altars in the Campus Martius, and, paid funeral honours to Nero. Victims were slain and burnt, in the name of the state, and the torch was applied by the Augustan priesfs; a priesthood dedicated by Tiberius to the Julian family, in imitation of that consecrated by Komulus to Tatius, the Sabine king." From the victory at Bedriacum 1 The birthday of Vitellius is left uncertain. Suetonius (Vitell. 3) says it was the eighth of the calends of October, or, according to others, the seventh of the ides of September, in the consulship of Drusus Ceesar and Norbanus Flaccus, a.d. 15. 2 See Annals, i. 54. C. 97.] NEWS OP THE EEVOLT REACHES VITELLIUS. 131 four months had not elapsed, and yet, in that short time Asiaticus, the manumitted slave of the emperor, rivalled the ^ Polycleti, the Patrobii, and other names, long consigned to execration. No man endeavoured to rise by his virtue or his talents in that court. The only road to preferment was by sumptuous banquets, profusion and debauchery to pander to the ever-craving appetites of Vitellius. As for Vitellius himself; satisfied with consuming all within his reach, and with¬ out a thought for anything beyond the moment, he is bftlieved to have squandered nine hundred thousand great sesterces^ in indeed. This great, but hapless city, afllicted with an Otho and a Vitellius in the same year between the Vinii, Fabii, Iceli, and Asiatici, experienced every variety of distress and degradation, only to fall into the hands of Mucianus and Marcellus,^ different men but with the same vices. ’ 96. The first intelligence of ,a revolt that reached the ear of Vitellius, was that of the third legion, in Illyricum, and conveyed in a letter sent by Aponius Saturninus, before he too joined the party of Vespasian. But his despatches, as he wrote m the first tumult of surprise, did not, state the whole of the mischief; and his friends, in the spirit of adula- “tion, endeavoured to put the most favourable construction upon it. They called it a mutiny of one legion only, while every other army preserved its allegiance unshaken. Vitellius addressed the soldiers to the same effect, inveighing ao-ainst the praetorians, lately disbanded, by whom, he maintained, false reports had been disseminated, and that there was no reason to fear a civil war; not mentioning the name of Ves¬ pasian: and, to suppress all talk among the populace, soldiers were dispersed throughout the city; a proceeding which con- tnbuted more than anything to spread the news. 97. Notwithstanding, he summoned auxiliaries from Ger¬ many, both Spains, and Britain, not in an urgent manner, but studiously concealing the pressing nature of the occasion • and, accordingly, the governors of the provinces were in no^ ^ About 7,500,000?. ^ Mucianus was the active partisan of Vespasian (c. 76 of this book). Cipnus Marcellus, a man who raised himself by his flagitious deeds ,Annals, xvi. 28), was the favourite minister under Vespasian. See the dialogue concerning Oratory, c. 8. K 2 THE HISTOKT. 132 [b. II. haste to obey. Hordeonius Flaccus,^ at that time suspecting the designs of the Batavians, was occupied with the thoughts of a war upon his own hands in Britain, Vettius Bolanus was kept in a constant alarm by the restless genius of the natives; and both were on the balance between Vitellius and Vespasian. Spain showed no alacrity in sending troops, as she was then without a governor of consular rank; the com¬ manders of the three legions, equal in authority, and, ^ as Vitellius prospered, disposed to contend which should be the most submissive, equally declined all connexion with him in adversity. In Africa, the legion and cohorts levied there by Clodius Macer, and disbanded by Galba, were again em¬ bodied by order of Vitellius; at the same time the rest of the youth promptly enlisted. The fact was, Vitellius had governed Africa as proconsul with uprightness and conde¬ scension; but Vespasian with disrepute and odium: the allies formed their ideas of what they had to expect under^ the reio'n of each accordingly; but the proof showed otherwise. 98 At first, Valerius Festus, the governor of the province, cooperated with the zeal of the people, but in a short time be<^an to waver; in his letters and public edicts warmly sup¬ porting Vitellius, but in his secret correspondence Vespasian ; determining to maintain the cause which proved the strongest. In Kheetia and the Gauls, certain soldiers and centurions, seized with letters and proclamations of Vespasian, were sent to Vitellius, and put to death. More, by their own address, or the protection of their friends, escaped detection, ihe consequence was, that .the measures of Vitellius transpired, while most of those of Vespasian remained a secret, owing first to the stupidity of Vitellius ; but afterwards, the Panno- nian Alps,^ secured by a chain of posts, obstructed the trans¬ mission of intelligence; and the sea, which, from the blowing of the Etesian winds, favoured the navigation to the East, was adverse to the homeward voyage. 1 Hordeonius Flaccus was appointed by Galba to the command on the Upper Khine, in the room of Verginius Rufus. 2 For the war in which Flaccus was engaged with Civilis, the Rata- vian chief, see Hist. iv. 18. _ i • • j. x* 3 Suetonius gives a different account of Vespasian s admmistration in Africa. Life of Vespasian, s, 4. • n- v t • 4 These, also called Julise, are now known as the Alpi Giuli, lying oeiween Cariskthia and Carniola. TREACIIEliy OF CICINA. 133 0 . 100 .] 99. At length, the enemy having made an irruption into Italy, and news big with danger arriving from every quarter, Vitellius, in the greatest alarm, gave orders to his generals to take the field. Csecina w^as sent in advance, while Valens, who was just recovering from a severe illness, was detained by w^eakness. Far different was the appearance of the German forces, marching out of the city; their strength wasted; their vigour of mind depressed ; their motions slow, and ranks thin; their arms inefficient; their horses spiritless ; the men overpowered by the heat, the dust, and the weather, and prompt to mutiny in proportion as they wanted the energy to encounter toil. In addition, there was the habitual ambi¬ tion of Caecina, and his indolence, newly contracted, dissolved in luxury as he was, from the excessive indulgence of fortune ; or perhaps meditating perfidy even then, it was part of his plan to impair the vigour of the army. Most men believed that the constancy of Caecina was undermined by the arts of 'Flavius Sabinus, Rubrius Gallus being the bearer of his mes¬ sages; who assured him, that the terms on which it was stipulated that he should come over to the party, would be fulfilled by Vespasian. At the same time, when he recol¬ lected the hatred and jealousy subsisting between himself and Valens, it occurred to him that, as he had less weight with Vitellius than his rival, he ought to lay the foundation of interest and influence with his successor. 100. Caecina on quitting the embrace of Vitellius, who treated him with much respect, sent forward a detachment of the cavalry to take possession of Cremona. The vexillaries of the fourteenth’ and sixteenth legions followed, and after them the fifth and twenty-second. The rear was closed by- the twenty-first, named Rapax, and the first legion, called the Italic, with the vexillaries of three British legions, and the flower of the auxiliary forces. Caecina having set out, Valens wrote to the army, which he had conducted into Italy, to wait for him on their march; such, he said, was his under¬ standing with Caecina. But the latter, being on the spot, and, by consequence, having greater weight, pretended that Brotier tliinks that there is a mistake in the text. The fourteenth legion, he^ observes, stood firm for Otho, and for that reason was sent into Britain. But perhaps the veterans, who had served their time, and were still retained in the service, were left in Italy. that plan had been altered, to the end that they might meet ■ the formidable approach of the enemy with their united forces. Thus he ordered the legions to proceed by rapid marches to Cremona, and a detachment 4o make for Hos¬ tilia.^ He himself turned off towards Kavenna, under a pre¬ tence of conferring with the officers of the fleet; soon after, he went to Patavium,^ that in that retired spot he might settle the plan of betraying the cause. For Lucilius Bassus, a man who, from a squadron of horse, had been raised by Vitellius to the command of two fleets, one at Ravenna, and the other at Misenum, because he did not immediately obtain the command of the preetorian guards, sought to gratify his unjust resentment by the most flagitious perfidy: nor can it be ascertained whether he corrupted Csecina, or, as is often the case with bad men, namely, that they also resemble each other in their conduct, the same depraved motives actuated house possessed the sovereign power,^ recorded the transac¬ tions of this war, have corrupted the truth, from motives of flattery, in stating that this transaction is attributable to an anxiety to preserve peace, and true patriotism. For myself, I think that, in addition to his inherent inconstancy and contempt for principle, after his treachery to Galba, he was induced to ruin the cause of Vitellius from rivalry and jea-, lousy, lest others should surpass him in influence with that prince. Csecina, having overtaken the legions, endeavoured by all kinds of artifices to work upon the minds of the centurions and soldiery who were devoted to the cause of Vitellius. Bassus, in playing the same game, experienced less difficulty, as the mariners were predisposed to throw off their allegiance, from the impressions existing in their minda in consequence of having served in the cause of Otho. 1 The modem Ostiglia, in the duchy of Mantua. ^ Padua. 3 That is, dining the reigns of Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian, the last cf the Ilavian line. , c. 2.1 DELIBERATIONS OF THE FLAVIANS. 135 BOOK III. 1. The leaders of the Flavian party conducted their delibe¬ rations on the prosecution of the war with greater success, and in better faith. They met at Pcetovio,^ the winter quar¬ ters of the thirteenth legion. There they discussed the question, whether it was most advisable to secure the passes over the Pannonian Alps, till the forces in their rear should all be prepared to cooperate with them, or whether it would be the more valorous course to push on and battle for Italy. Those who proposed to wait for aids, and protract the w^ar, referred to “ the high fame and valour of the German legions, and to the fact, that Vitellius had been reinforced by the flower of the army in Britain, while their own legions were inferior in number, and had been lately conquered. They talked indeed with ferocity; but the spirit of vanquished men invariably drooped. If the Alps were occupied by them for awhile, Mucianus would come up with the strength of the East, and Vespasian would still have the command of the sea, fleets, and provinces in his favour, through which he might collect a mass of forces, for, as it were, another war. From delay thus salutary new succours would be derived, while their present force would continue undiminished.” , 2. Antonius Primus, the grand promoter of the war, re¬ plied that “ speed would be advantageous to themselves, and ruinous to Vitellius. The conquerors had grown in slothful¬ ness, more than they had gained in confidence; for they were not kept under arms and in the camp, but, dispersed through all the municipal towns of Italy, had lost their martial spirit: objects of terror to their landlords only. The more savage and uncouth their former mode of living, the greater the avidity with which they plunged into unwonted pleasures. They were enervated by the circus, the theatres, and the delights of Home, or disabled by disease; but allow them ^ In Pannonia ; now Pettau, in Hungary. The summer station of the thirteenth legion was at Vindobona, now Vienna, as we learn from numerous bricks found there, with the inscription, LEG. XIII. GEM. POETO. 136 Tiliii nlSTOUT. [b. III. ! time and even they would recover their energy, having their thoughts fixed on war. Germany was near at hand, whence they might obtain succours; Britain was separated by a narrow channel; Spain and Gaul were contiguous, and from both ; they might draw supplies of men, and horses, and money. All Italy was at their command, and the wealth of Rome. If they chose to act on the ofiensive, they had two fleets, and the Illyrian sea open to them. Then what would be the use of shutting up the mountain passes, and of protracting the war till another summer 1 whence, in the meantime, are we to find money and provisions 1 Nay, rather should they take advantage of the very fact, that the legions of Pannonia, : beguiled rather than conquered, were eager to rise up and i vindicate their honour, while the Moesian armies came with ' forces entire and undefeated.* If the number of men, and j not of legions, be reckoned, on the side of Vespasian, there i was superior force, and no licentiousness; while a sense of I shame had promoted discipline. In the last action the cavalry ; suffered no disgrace; on the contrary, though the event of ’ the day was adverse, they threw the enemy into disorder. -1 Two squadrons of horse, one from Pannonia, the other from Moesia, broke through the line of their opponents: now, the joint forces of sixteen squadrons, hy the impetuosity of their onset, their shouts, the clangour of their arms, and the very ■ dust raised by them, will confound and overwhelm the horses and their riders, both having lost what they knew of battles. ' What I advise, I will execute, if allowed. You, who have | not taken a decided part, keep the legions with you: the ' light-armed cohorts will be sufficient for me. Presently you i will hear that I have forced a passage into Italy; that the , affairs of Vitellius have sustained a shock; you will then be delighted to follow, and tread in the steps of the conqueror.” ; 3. He poured forth these and similar remarks, in such a .j manner, his eyes flashing fire, and with tones of thunder, to ' make himself heard the further,—for the centurions and sol¬ diers had pressed into the council,—that even the wary and the prudent were carried away by the torrent of his eloquence. The crowd extolled him, despising the common soldiers and ; the other officers for their want of spirit, as the only man of ^ The forces from Moesia were not in the action at Bedriacum. See Hist. ii. 44. d CHIEFS OF THE EETOLT. C. 5 .] 137 enterprise and worthy of command. In a former council of war, where Vespasian’s letters were read to the meeting, An¬ tonius had at once made a favourable impression on his hearers, when he appeared fairly and openly to grapple with the matter; not, as many do, using equivocal terms, which might afterwards receive the construction that suited the views of the speaker; and thus the soldiers the more admired a general, whom they saw ready to be their partner in the censure or glorj^ of the enterprise. 4. Cornelius Fuscus, the procurator of the province, was the next in credit. He too, as he was used ta inveigh against Vitellius unsparingly, had left himself nothing to hope for if the cause failed. Titus Ampins Flavianus, his natural slow¬ ness increased by years, provoked the suspicion of the soldiers, who thought him influenced by his connexion with Vitellius and also, as, in the first commotion of the legions, he fled from his post, and shortly afterwards returned to the pro¬ vince, he was believed to have sought an occasion of treachery. For he had quitted Pannonia, entered Italy, and was clear of danger; but was induced to return to resume his authority, and mix himself up in the troubles of a civil war, by his thirst for innovation. To this he was incited by the advice of Cornelius Fuscus, not with a view of deriving advantage from his talents, but that the name of a consular officer ' might give an air of credit and respectability to the party which was just then springing up. ^ 5. But, to march the troops into Italy safely, and with advantage to the cause, letters were sent to Aponius Satur¬ ninus,^ ordering him to advamce, by rapid marches, with his army from Moesia. At the same time, that the provinces thus evacuated might not lie open to the incursions of barbarians, the chiefs of the Jazyges, a people of Sarmatia, who' hold the chief rule among those states, were engaged to cooperate. They offered to bring into the field a body of the natives, and also their cavalry, in which consists the sole strength of the country. Their service, however, was not accepted, lest they should learn to interfere with the affairs of other coun¬ tries in the distractions that convulsed the empire, or for better pay from the opposite party break faith and desert, ^ Ampius Flavianus was related to Vitellius. See c. 10 of this book. ^ Aponius Satiirninus was governor of Moesia. Hist. ii. 95. 96. THE HISTORY. 138 [b. Ill The Suevian nation had, at all times, given proofs of attach¬ ment to the Romans; and, as they were remarkably tena¬ cious of engagements entered into, their two kings, Sido and Italicus,^ were admitted into the league. As Rhsetia, where Fortius Septimius, the procurator, remained firm to Vitellius, was' hostile, auxiliaries were stationed in flank. With this view, Sextilius Felix was sent with a squadron of horse called the Aurian,^ eight cohorts, and the militia of Noricum, with orders to line the banks of the river JEnus, which divides Rhsetia from Noricum. But neither the latter nor the former sought to bring on a battle. The fate of the parties was elsewhere decided. j ' 6. Antonius Primus pressed on to invade Italy at the head of a body of vexillarios drafted from the cohorts, and a de¬ tachment of the cavalry. He was accompanied by Arius Varus, an officer of distinguished valour, who had served under Corbulo,^ from whose character and successes in Ar¬ menia he derived all his reputation. He was also said to have disparaged the virtues of Corbulo by secret insinuations poured into the ear of Nero, whence, by favour thus infa¬ mously acquired, he rose to the rank of principal centurion, but his ill-gotten advancement, though highly gratifying at the time, proved his ruin in the end. To proceed, Antonius and Varus took possession of all the parts adjacent to Aqui- leia. At Opitergium and Altinum'^ they were received with feelings of joy. At Altinum a garrison was left to check the fleet at Ravenna, not then known to have revolted. They then united Patavium and Ateste^ to their party.^ The generals there learnt that three Vitellian cohorts, with the squadron of horse called Scriboniana, had taken post at Forum Allienum,® after throwing up a bridge. Tiie opportunity seemed fair to attack them, for they were also reported to be remiss and negligent. At the dawn of day they surprised ^ Sido has been mentioned, Annals, xii. 29, 30. Of Italicus nothing is known with certainty : he was probably the son of Sido. ^ A squadron of horse, most probably from the city of Auria in ^^?^For Corbulo’s conduct in Armenia, see Annals, xiii. 35; and for his death by order of Nero, see Dio, lib. Ixiii. ^ Odezzo and Altino, in the States of Venice. ® N ow Aste, in the States of Venice. ® Now Ferro, on the Po. THE "WAR COMMENCED. 139 ' c 8.] and overpowered the greater part, while unarmed. It had been previously ordered that they should kill a few, and ter¬ rify the rest into an abandonment of their party; and several surrendered at discretion: but the greater part broke down the bridge, and thus obstructed their enemy, who pressed close upon them. 7. The news of this victory spreading, when the first events of the war were found to be favourable to Vespasian, two legions, the seventh, called Galbiana, and the thirteenth, named Gemina,^ with Vedius Aquila, who commanded them, came promptly to Padua. A few days were spent at that place to refresh the men; and Minucius Justus, prsefect of the camp to the seventh legion, who enforced his orders with more severity than was consistent with civil war, was with¬ drawn from the fury of the soldiers, and sent to Vespasian. After that, Antonius ordered the statues of Galba, which the rage of civil discord had thrown down, to be again set up in all the municipal towns. This act, the want of which had been long and painfully felt, was interpreted as redounding to the honour-K)f the party more than one might have antici¬ pated. His conclusion was, that it would be honourable to the cause, if the government of Galba ^ was believed to meet with his approbation, and that his party were beginning to revive. 8. Where to fix the seat of war was now the question. Verona seemed the better place, the surrounding plains being adapted to the operations of cavalry, which was their strength; and to wrest from Vitellius an important colony seemed useful and glorious. The army, in their very march, became masters of Vicetia,^ a municipality of no great consideration, ' but regarded as the birthplace of Csecina, and, reflecting that the general of the enemy was thus stripped of his fatherland, it assumed a very important character. The reduction of Verona brought an accession of wealth, and gave an example to other cities. Moreover, as it lies between Ehsetia and the Julian Alps,^ it was a post of importance, where an army in force might command the pass into Italy, and render it im¬ pervious to the German armies. Of these operations Vespasian ^ See note on Hist. ii. 6. * After the calamities occasioned by Otho and Vitellius, the memory of Galba was held in high respect by the people. ^ The modern Vicenza. * See note 4, p. 132. I'iO the history, [b. hi. had either no knowledge, or they were such as he had for¬ bidden; for his orders were, that the troops should halt at Aquileia till Mucianus arrived. Vespasian also explained the motives of his counsels. While he was master of Egypt,^ had the power of stoppiirg the supplies of provisions, and com¬ manded the revenues of the most opulent provinces, the Vitellian army, for want of pay and provisions, might be forced to capitulate. Mucianus, in all his letters, recom¬ mended the same measure,—disguising his designs under a desire for a victory without blood and mourning, and other similar pretences; but, insatiably ambitious, he wished to engross the whole honour of the war. However, before their advices could arrive from a distant part of the world, the blow^was struck. 9. Antonius, therefore, by a sudden movement, attacked the picquets of the enemy; but, after trying each other’s mettle in a slight encounter, they parted without advantage on either side. In a short time Csecina fortified a camp near Verona, between the village Hostilia and the marshes of the river Tartarus: a well-protected position, with the river covering his rear, and the fens securing his flanks. Had he not wanted fidelity, he certainly might, with the whole strength of his army, have crushed the two legions, not yet joined by the Moesian army,—or, at least, forced to retreat and abandon Italy, they would have incurred the disgrace and humiliation of flight. But, by all kinds of delays, he suffered the first precious opportunities to elapse, content with writing vituperative letters to those whom he might have conquered; till, by his messengers, he settled the terms of perfidy. Aponius Saturninus, meanwhile, arrived at Verona with the seventh legion, called the Claudian, under the com- ' naand of Vipstanus Messala, the tribune, a man of illustrious birth and the highest character: of all who entered into that war, the only person who carried with him fair and honour¬ able motives. With this reinforcement the army amounted to no more than three legions; and yet to that inferior force ^ Csecina despatched a letter, condemning the rashness ^ Egypt was the Roman granary. Pliny says that the people of that country were proud to find that the conquerors of the world depended ^ on them for their daily maintenance: “ Superbiebat ventosa et insolens natio, quod victorem populum pasceret: quodque in suo flumine, in SUIS manibus, vel abundantia nostra vel fames esset,”—Paneg. s. 31. 2 The forces under Vitellius are enumerated, Hist, ii. 100. c. 10.] CORRESFONDENCE BETWEEN THE GENERALS. 141 of men, who, after their late defeat, took up arms again. At the same time he magnified the bravery of the German soldiers, making slight and ordinary mention of Vitellius, and abstaining from all abuse of Vespasian,—nothing whatever that could seduce or intimidate the enemy. Vespasian’s gene¬ rals in their answer, entering into no defence of their former conduct, bestowed the highest praise on Vespasian, confi¬ dently anticipated the success of their cause, showed no fear about their army, and spoke in a hostile tone of Vitellius. To the tribunes and centurions they promised the same favours as they had received from Vitellius, and in explicit terms invited Caecina to join them. The letters, which were read publicly to the army, increased the confidence of the troops; for Caecina had written in a subdued spirit, as fearing to exasperate Vespasian, while the manner of their own generals was contemptuous, and that of men who scorned Vitellius. 10. After this, being reinforced by the arrival of two legions, the third, commanded by Dillius Aponianus, and the eighth, by Numisius Lupus, it was resolved to display their strength, and inclose Verona with lines of circum vallation. It happened that the Galbian legion was employed in an ad¬ vanced part of the trenches, fronting the enemy. Some of the cavalry of their allies, descried at a distance and mistaken for enemies, excited a false alarm; and, thinking themselves betrayed, they seized their arms, and the resentment of the soldiers fell upon Ampius Flavianus,^ as the author'of the plot. They had no kind of proof; iDut they had long hated the man, and in the tempest of their rage demanded his blood; vociferating that he was the kinsman of Vitellius, tho betrayer of Otho, and had embezzled their donative. Nor would they allow him to clear himself, though he stretched forth his hands in supplication, prostrated himself continually before them, rent his garments, his breast heaving, and his countenance convulsed with sobbing; nay, these very things stimulated their angry prejudices, as they looked upon his excessive alarm as j)roof of conscious guilt. Aponius Sa¬ turninus attempted to speak, but was overpowered by the soldiers’ clamour. The rest were contemptuously treated with murmurs and shouts. Antonius was the only person whom they would hear. To autliority and eloquence he * See above, c. 4; and Hist. ii. 86, 142 THE HISTORY. [b. III. united the art of managing the temper of the soldiers; when the disturbance began to assume a sanguinary character, and from foul abuse they proceeded to violence and arms, the general ordered Flavianus to be thrown into irons. This deception was seen through by the soldiers, who dispersed the soldiers that guarded the tribunal, and threatened imme¬ diate execution. Antonius opposed his bosom to their fury, and, drawing his sword, solemnly declared that he would fall by their hands or his own. He looked around, invoking the assistance of all whom he either knew, or saw distinguished by any kind of military decoration; anon he directed his eyes to the eagles and standards, those gods of the camp, and implored them rather to infuse that frenzy and dissentious spirit into the breasts of the enemy.^ At length the sedition began to abate, and day closing apace, the men slunk off to their respective tents. The same night Flavianus left the camp, and, receiving letters from Vespasian on his way, was relieved from all apprehension. 11. The legions, as if infected by a contagion, fell with still more violence on Aponius Saturninus, the commander of the Moesiaii forces, because their fury broke out in the middle of the day, and not, as before, whon overpowered with toil and working. The disturbance arose from the publication of let¬ ters which Saturninus was believed to have written to Vitel¬ lius. As under the old republic there was an emulation in sobriety and valour, so now there was a contest for pre¬ eminence in frowardness and insolence, resolved as they were to demand the blood of Aponius as fiercely as they had clamoured for that of Flavianus. The fact was, the Mcesian legions making it a merit with the Pannonian army that in the late insurrection they had lent their assistance, and the Pannonians being under the notion that they would be absolved by the mutiny of others, they were glad to repeat their crime. They rushed to the gardens, where Saturninus was walking for recreation, and though Antonius, Messala, and Aponianus exerted their best endeavours, they were not so effectual in saving Saturninus as the obscurity of the retreat in which he was secreted, having concealed himself in * This prayer of Antonius resembles the line in Virgil:—■ “ Dii meliora piis, erroremque hostibus illum.” Georg, iii. 513. C. 13.] THE FLEET DECLAEES FOE VESPASIAN. 143 the furnace of a bath that happened to be out of use. • Soon after, he dismissed his lictors, and went to Patavium. There being now no officer of consular rank left, the whole com¬ mand devolved upon Antonius. The soldiers were willing to submit to his authority; the other officers declined all com¬ petition ; nor were there wanting those who believed that Antonius, by secret practices, excited the two seditions, that he alone might reap the honour of the war without a rival. 12 . During these transactions, the camp of Vitellius* was not free from disturbance. The discord there did not ori¬ ginate in the suspicions of the soldiers, but the perfidy of the generals. Lucilius Bassus,^ who commanded the fleet at Ravenna, had drawn over to the party of Vespasian the wavering inclinations of the marines, natives principally of Dalmatia and Pannonia, provinces which had declared for Vespasian. Night was chosen as the time for carrying the tieason into effect, when, all the rest being in ignorance of the proceeding, the conspirators alone might meet in the head- (][uaiters. Bassus remained in his own house, either from shame or alarm, waiting the issue. The masters of the gal¬ leys attacked the images of Vitellius in the most tumultuous manner, and p^t to the sword the few who attempted to resist. The common herd, with their usual love of innova¬ tion, went over to Vespasian. Bassus then came forth, avow¬ ing himself the author of the treason. The fleet immediately chose another commander, Cornelius Fuscus, who eagerly joined them. Bassus, under guard, but honourably treated, was conveyed by some light barks to Atria,^ where he was thrown into fetters by Mennius Rufiuus, who commanded the garrison; but he w’^as soon released at the desire of Hormus, one of Vespasian s freedmen, who was also looked upon as one of the general officers. 13. When the defection of the fleet was known, Ceecina, halving dispersed the best part of his army, under pretexts of military duty, from a desire to have the camp more to them¬ selves, called a meeting of the principal centurions, and a select party of soldiers, in the place assigned for the eagles.*'' ^ For Lucilius Bassus, see Hist. ii. 100. * ffow Adria, near Rovigo. ® The part of the camp called Principia. So Statius:— **- Concilii penetrale, domumque verendam Signorum.”—Theh. x. 120. 144 THE HISTORY. [b. III. He there magnified the valour of Vespasian, and the strength of his party. The fleet, he said, had revolted ; Italy would be distressed for provisions; the Spains and Gauls were against them; at Rome the minds of men were wavering; and spoke of everything relating to Vitellius in terms of dis¬ paragement. The men whom Antonius had engaged in the plot setting the example, the rest, confounded at the sudden¬ ness of the affair, were induced to take the oath of fidelity to Vespasian. The images of Vitellius were torn from the ensigns, and despatches were sent off to Antonins. When this betrayal was known throughout the camp, the soldiers, rush¬ ing back to the head-quarters, saw the name of Vespasian written up, and the images of Vitellius thrown upon the ground. A deep and sullen silence followed. Soon with one voice the men exclaimed,—“ Have the German armies come to this, that without a battle, without a wound, they must lay down their arms, and deliver themselves to the enemy in chains % And what is the character of the legions brought against them ? -Forsooth, defeated legions; nay, the peculiar strength of Otho’s forces, the first and fourteenth, are not with the army, whom, nevertheless, they had routed and made havoc of. Is it come to this, that so many thousand gallant soldiers should now, like a drove of slaves, be deli¬ vered to the exile Antonins % ^ The fleet, we are told, has revolted; and shall eight legions be transferred as an ap¬ pendage to their treachery ? Bassus, it seems, will have it so ; and such is the pleasure of Caecina. They have despoiled the prince of his houses, his gardens, and his treasure, and they want now to rob him of his soldiers ; who, with vigour unim¬ paired, are to yield without an engagement, objects of scorn even to Vespasian’s party. But to soldiers who may hereafter desire an account of battles fought, and dangers encountered, what answer shall we make ? ” 14. Such were the remonstrances, not of individuals, but of the whole body, each man giving clamorous vent to his feelings; and the fifth legion taking the lead, they restored the images of Vitellius, and loaded Csecina with fetters. Fa¬ bius Fabullus, commander of the fifth legion, and Cassius Longus, the priefect of the camp, were declared commanders ^ Antonius liad been convicted of extoidion, and for that offence sent into banishment. Annals, xiv. 40. c. 16.] ANTONIUS RESOLVES ON A BATTLE. 145 in chief. The marines belonging to three light galleys fell into the hands of the enraged soldiery, and though ignorant of all that passed, and guiltless, were put to the sword. Having broken up their camp, and demolished the bridge, they marched back to Hostilia, and thence to Cremona, to join the first legion, called Italica, and the one-and-twuntieth, known by the name of Eapax, which had been sent by Caecina, with a party of horse, to occupy Cremona. 15. Apprised of these transactions, Antonius resolved to attack the enemy while he was still distracted and dispersed, and not to wait till the Vitellians returned to submission, the generals recovered their authority, and the united legions their confidence. He concluded that Valens had set out from Home, and that C^cina’s treachery would make him push forward. The fidelity of Valens, and his military skill, were undoubted. Besides, a vast body of Germans was expected to force their way through Eheetia into Italy, and Vitellius had sent for succours into Britain, Gaul, and Spain; a count¬ less ^ armament, which would have spread destruction as a pestilence, had not Antonius, apprehending this very circum¬ stance, hastened to bring on a battle, and snatched a victory beforehand. He moved with his whole army from Verona, and in two days arrived at Bedriacum. On the following morning he kept back the legions to work at the intrench- ments, and under colour of foraging, to give the men a relish for civil plunder, sent the auxiliary cohorts into the lands near Cremona. To support them in this expedition, he him¬ self, at the head of four thousand horse, advanced within eight miles of Bedriacum; while his scouts took a wider range to discover the motions of the enemy. 16. About the fifth hour of the day, a trooper at full speed brought intelligence that the enemy was approaching. Their advance parties were in sight, and the tramp and bustle of the whole army were distinctly heard. Antonius began to prepare for action. While he was deliberating, Arnus Varus, eager to distinguish himself, advanced at the head of a party of horse, and drove in the Vitellians with trifling slaughter; for a party of the enemy advancing to support the broken ranks, changed the fortune of the day, and they who had pursued with the greatest eagerness were now in the rear of the retreat. In this rash action Antonius had no share; TAG.—VOL. II. L 146 THE IJISTOBT. \ I [b. III. indeed he foresaw the consequence of it. Having exhorted his men to go to work fearlessly, he ordered the cavalry to draw off in two divisions towards the flanks, leaving a way for Varus and his horsemen. The legions were called out, and, in the country round, the signal was given to the foraging cohorts to abandon their booty, and repair, each the shortest way he could, to meet the battle. Varus, in the meantime, himself dismayed, and a source of alarm to others, together with his disordered band, formed one confused mass: over¬ powered by the enemy, the able and the wounded together were borne down through their own mere fears, and the diffi¬ culties of the ways. 17. In this state of alarm Antonius omitted nothing that was to be expected from the calm and collected general, or the most gallant soldier. He threw himself in the way of those who were overpowered by fear, held back those who were giving ground wherever the battle was hottest, wherever a gleam of hope appeared, there was he, planning, doing, speaking, a signal object to the enemy, and conspicuous to his friends. At length he rose to such a height of enthusiasm, that he transfixed with his spear a standard-bearer in the act of flying, and instantly seizing the colours, advanced against the enemy. Not more than a hundred of the cavalry felt the disgrace, and stood their ground. The nature of the ground favoured Antonius; the causeway was narrowest in that part, and the bridge over the river ^ that flowed in the rear being broken down, the men could not pursue their flight, as the banks were steep, and the depth dangerous. Whether it were a fatality or an accident, the now fallen fortune of the party was thus restored. The soldiers, forming a dense and compact array, received the Vitellians, who rushed on without order, and in a short time were put to the rout. Antonins pressed on the rear of such as fled, and trampled upon all who resisted. The rest of Vespasian’s army acted as the impulse of individuals prompted; despoiled, made prisoners, and seized both arms and horses. Those who erewhile had fled, and were straggling about the fields, summoned by the triumphant shouts of their comrades, came up and took part in the work of victory. 18. At the distance of four miles from Cremona appeared ^ Now the Dermona. c. 19.] SUCCESSES OF THE FABIAN ARIHY. 147 glittering banners of the two legions, Eapax and Italicad The advantage gained by the Vitellian cavalry in the beo-in- iiing of the day, was their motive for advancing so far* but seeing a reverse of fortune, they neither opened their ranks’ nor received their routed friends, nor dared to advance and fall upon an enemy exhausted “with so long a chase and with fighting It happened that, having sustained a defeat, they leit in their adversity the absence of a general whom they did not regret so much in their prosperity. The victorious cavalry charged the vacillating line, and Vipstanus Messala supported them with the Moesian auxiliaries, whom, thouo-h hurried into the engagement, the soldiers considered to have rendered as much service as legionary troops. Thus the foot and cavalry united bore down the mass of legions, and the Vitelhans, the more they hoped to find within the’ walls of C.remona a safe shelter, were the less inclined to maintain the conflict. 19. Antonius did not think it prudent to pursue his ad- \antage, in consideration of the fatigues and wounds which men and horses had encountered in a battle so obstinate and fluctuating, though ultimately successful. As the shades of evening came on, the whole force of Vespasian’s army joined im. Haymg marched over the heaps of slain, and the prints o± teet still reeking with blood, they concluded that the war was over and demanded to be led on to Cremona, either to receive the submission of the vanquished, or to storm tlie place. Such were their public professions,—plausible to the I ear, but in their hearts the men had selfish and personal views. « Cremona,” they said, « was situated in an open plain, and might be taken by assault. The darkness of the K I night would not abate their courage, and afforded greater/ I latitude for rapine. If they waited for the return of day/ I terms of peace would be proposed, entreaties would be resorted 0 , and, in that case, for all their toil and wounds, the prai^ of humanity and glory, those profitless acquisitions, would be their only recompense, while the wealth of the citizens would go into the laps of the praefects and generals. When a town IS carried by storm, the booty belongs to the soldiers: but if surrendered, it goes to the generals.” They set at nought the 1 The twenty-first legion, called Eapax, and the first, called Italic, fought on the side of-Vitellius. See Hist. ii. 100. ^ L 2 THE HISTORY. 148 [b. III. tribunes and centurions, and with the clangour of their arms drowned the voice of reason, determined, if not led on to the attack, to shake off all authority. 20. Upon this, Antonius made his way through the ranks, and‘by his look and authority having obtained silence, pro¬ tested that “ he was not the man to deprive them of the gloi'y or the recompense due to their valour j but the general, and the men under his command, had distinct provinces. Ardour for the conflict became the soldier; but generals more frequently succeeded by forecast, deliberation, and cau¬ tion, than inconsiderate action. As he had manfully contii- buted his share to the victory by his sword and^ bodily exertion, so would he advance the cause by deliberation and counsel, the appropriate functions of a general. The question at present did not admit of a doubt. They had the night before them,—a town, the peculiarities of whose situation are unknown to us,—an enemy within its walls, with every facility for stratagem. Not if the gates were thrown open, without reconnoitring, without daylight, ought they to march in. Would they hazard an assault without the power of ascertaining a single particular,—where the ground was even, what the height of the walls, whether they^ought to employ engines and darts, or works and mantelets?” Then, address¬ ing himself to them severally, he asked them, whether they had brought with them hatchets, pickaxes, and the various tools a siege requires ? ” And on their replying in the nega¬ tive, he asked, “ where were the hands that with swords and javelins could break through and undermine walls ? If it should be necessary to throw up ramparts, and with sheds and penthouses to cover our approach, shall we stand baffled and impotent like the thoughtless vulgar, wondering at the lofty towers and fortifications of the enemy ? Why not rather wait one night, and, advancing our engines and instruments of war, carry with us strength and victory ? At the close of this harangue he sent the sutlers and followers of the camp, ' with a party of the freshest of the cavalry, to Bedriacum, to bring a supply of provisions, and all necessaries for the use of the army. 21. The soldiers were still dissatisfied, and a mutiny was ready to break out, when a party of horse that advanced as far as the walls of Cremona learnt, from stragglers who had CONFLICT IN THE NIGHT. c. 22.] 149 fallen into their hands, that six Yitellian legions, and the whole army encamped at Hostilia, haying heard of the defeat, had marched thirty miles that day, were prepared for battle’ and would soon be upon them. In this alarm, the soldiers were willing to listen to their general. Antonius ordered the thirteenth legion to take post on the Posthumian causeway; contiguous to them, on the open plain, towards the left, stood the seventh, called the Galbian; and next to them the seventh, named the Claudian, defended by a country ditch, just as they found it. On the right he placed the eighth legion, along the roadside; and the third behind a thick copse, at a short distance. Such was the arrangement of the eagles and standards : the soldiers took their post as chance directed them, in the dark. The praetorian banner stood next the third legion; the auxiliary cohorts were in the wings; the cavalry covered the flanks and the rear. The two Suevian kings, Sido and Italicus, with the best troops of their nation, took post in the front of the lines. 22. The Vitellian army, on the other hand, whose plan should have been to halt that night at Cremona, and the next day, refreshed by food and sleep, to rout and drive before them an enemy exhausted wdth cold and hunger; yet, having no commander, nor settled plan of action, about the third hour of the night dashed forward upon the Flavian arniy, now drawn up in regular order of battle. Of the dis¬ position of the Vitellians, disordered as they were from the effects of their own impetuosity and the night, I would not venture to speak positively: we are told, however, that the fourth legion, called Macedonica, was stationed in the right wing; the fifth and fifteenth, supported by the vexillaries ol three British legions, the ninth, the second, and the twentieth, in the centre: the left wing was formed by the first, the sixteenth, and two-and-twentieth. The soldiers of the two legions called Rapax and Italica were scattered throughout all the companies. The cavalry and auxiliaries chose their own station. The battle, which lasted through the night, was various, obstinate, and bloody; threatening annihilation now to one side and then again to the other; courage or strength gave no superiority; even sight itself was powerless to discern the approach of danger. The weapons on both sides were the same: the watch-word, frequently asked and repeated, was THE HISTORY. 150 [b. iil known to both armies. The colours, according as they were taken by different parties, and borne to one side or the other, were mixed in wild confusion. The seventh legion, lately raised by Galba, suffered the most. Six of their principal centurions were killed on the spot, and some of their colours taken: the eagle itself was only preserved by Atilius Verus, the principal centurion, after a great carnage of the enemy, and at last with the sacrifice of his life. 23. Vespasian’s army was giving way, when Antonius brought the praetorian cohorts to its support: Taking upon , themselves the brunt of the action, they routed the enemy, and in their turn were forced to retreat: for the Vitellians had conveyed their engines to the high road, that their mis¬ siles might be discharged without obstruction or impediment, whereas*^at first they were scattered.at random, and struck the shrubs without harming the enemy. The fifteenth legion had a balista ^ of enormous size, which, by discharging massy stones, was demolishing the opposing line, and would have dealt destruction far, and wide, if two soldiers had not sig¬ nalized themselves by a brave exploit. Covering themselves with the shields of the enemy, which they found among the slain, they advanced undiscovered, and cut off the ropes and w^eights. They both instantly fell, covered with wounds, and therefore their names are lost: of the fact there is no ques¬ tion. The battle was hitherto fought with doubtful success, when, night being far advanced, the rising moon discovered the contending armies, and deceived them. But she was more favourable to the Flavians, as they had their backs to the light. Hence the shadows of men and horses were elongated, and the weapons of the Vitellians, aimed at them as if they were substances, were thrown away, and fell short of their enemies; while the Vitellians, exposed to view by the light in front of them; formed, without knowing it, a distinct mark for their enemies, who discharged their javelins as it were from a hiding-place. 24. Antonius, when he could distinguish his troops, and be distinguished by them, did everything to rouse the courage of his men—upbraiding some, applauding others, he made ample promises, and gave hopes to all. He asked the Pannonian ‘ legions, what was their motive for taking up arms 1 “ Here,” 1 The Balista is described by Vegetius, iv. 22. A FATHER SLAIN BY HIS SON. 151 c. 25.] he said, here is the spot where you may efface the memory of your former defeat: in this field you may redeem your honour.” Then, turning to the Moesians, he called upon them as the chief, the first movers of the war;—“ in vain were the Vitellians challenged with menaces and boasts, if they shrunk from their swords and looks.” This was his language as he came up to each. To the third legion he spoke more at large: he called to their minds their former and recent exploits : “ how, under Mark Antony, they had defeated the Parthians;! and the Armenians, under Corbulo. In a late campaign, the Sarmatians fled before them.” Then he ad¬ dressed the praetorians in sharper terms : “If you do not conquer now, you band of peasants, what other general, or what camp will receive you ? Your ensigns and your colours are in the hands of the enemy, and death is all that is left you, if you are vanquished; for you have drained infamy to the dreg’s.” A general shout arose; and the third legion, according to the custom observed in Syria, paid their adora¬ tion to the rising sun. 25. This circumstance, either by chance, or by the con-_^.- trivance of Antonius, gave rise to a report that Mucianus was arrived, and that the armies exchanged salutations. Vespasian’s soldiers, as if strengthened by fresh reinforcements, bore down upon the enemy; the Vitellian ranks being now less compact, for, without a chief to conduct them, they ex¬ tended or condensed their lines as fear or corn-age prompted. Antonius, seeing them give way, threw them into disorder by charging them in close array; their ranks were thus dis¬ solved and broken through, and the carriages and engines made it impossible to restore the order of the battle. The victors, in their eagerness to pursue their advantage, spread themselves along the road-side. The slaughter on this occasion was rendered the more remarkable from the fact, that a father was killed by his own son. The fact and the names I will state, on the authority of Vipstanus Messala. Julius Man¬ suetus, a native of Spain, enlisting in the legion Rapax, left behind him a son, then of tender years. The youth, grown ' up to manhood, entered the seventh legion raised by Galba. It happened that he met his father in the battle, and with a ^ Mark Antony gained a victory over the Parthians, B. c. 36. (Dio, lib. xlix.) For Corbulo, see Annals, xv. 26. 152 THE HISTOKY. [B. III. 1 mortal wound stretched him on the ground; while rifling J his expiring victim, he recognised and was recognised by his j father, when he clasped him in his arms, and in piteous tones i implored forgiveness of his father’s manes, and prayed that they would not persecute him as a parricide. “ The guilt of this deed was common to all; and how small a portion,” he said, “ was one soldier of those engaged in civil war.” He then lifted up the body, opened a grave, and discharged the last melancholy duty to his father. He attracted the observation first of those nearest him, then more came up. Hence horror, . grief, and execration of this inhuman kind of war, ran through i the whole army. And yet, with no less avidity, they plun- J dered their friends, relations, and brothers, whom they had i slaughtered. Their tongues declare that a deed of horror has j been done, and yet they do the same. 26. When they came to Cremona, they found a new and | enormous difficulty. In the war with Otho, the German legions had formed a camp round the walls of the town, and i fortified it with lines of circumvallation. New works were added afterwards. The victors stood astonished at the sight, and even the generals were at a stand, undecided what orders to give. AVith troops harassed by exertions through the night and day, to carry the place by storm was difficult, and, without succours at hand, might be dangerous; but if they marched to Bedriacum, the fatigue would be insupportable, and the victory would end in nothing. To throw up in- trenchments was dangerous, in the face of an enemy, who might suddenly sally forth and put them to the rout, while employed on the work in detached parties. A difficulty still greater than all arose from the temper of the men, more, patient of danger than delay: inasmuch as a state of security afforded no excitement, while hope grew out of enterprise, however perilous; and carnage, wounds, and blood, to what¬ ever extent, were counterbalanced by the insatiable desire of plunder. 27. Antonius determined upon the latter course, and ordered the rampart to be invested. The attack began at a distance with a volley of stones and darts, with the greater loss to the Flavians, on whom the enemy’s weapons were thrown with advantage from above. Antonius presently assigned portions of the rampart and the gates to the legions, ASSAULT ON CREMONA. 153 c. 29.] that by this mode of attack in different quarters, valour and cowardice might be distinguished, and a spirit of emulation in honour animate the army. The third and seventh legions took their station nearest the road to Bedriacum ; the seventh and eighth Claudian, a portion more to the right hand of the rampart j the thirteenth were carried by their own impetuosity to the gate that looked towards Brixia.^ Some delay then took place while they supplied themselves from the neigh¬ bouring villages Avith pickaxes, spades, and hooks, and scaling-ladders. They then formed a close military shell with their shields raised above their heads, and under that cover advanced to the ramparts. The Roman art of war was seen on both sides. The Yitellians rolled down massy stones, with which having disjoined and shaken the shell, they in¬ serted their long poles and spears; till at last, the whole frame and texture of the shields being dissolved, they strewed the ground with numbers of the crushed and mangled assailants. 28. The assault now flagged, and must have failed, had not the generals, who saw that their exhortations were without effect upon the exhausted soldiery, pointed to Cremona as the reward of victory. Whether this expedient was, as Mes¬ sala informs us, suggested by Hormus, or, on the authority of Caius Plinius,^ must be laid to the account of Antonius, I have little means of determining. All I can say is, that neither of those officers can be said to have degenerated from his former principles by an act of such atrocity. Now,^ braving wounds and danger, and death itself, they began to sap the foundation of the walls; they battered the gates; standing on the shoulders of their comrades, and forming a second shell, they scaled the walls, and grasped the weapons and arms of the besieged. The unhurt, the wounded, the half dead, and the dying, were tumbled down; while every diversity of appearance was exhibited by the sufferers, and an image of death in all its varied horrors. 29. Severe in the extreme was the conflict maintained by the third and the seventh legions. Antonius in person led on a select body of auxiliaries to the same quarter. The ^ The modern Brescia. 2 The author of the Histories, as we learn from Pliny the younger, Ep. iii. 5. 154 THE HISTORY. [b. hi 5 Vitellians were no longer able to sustain the shock of men , all bent on victory, and seeing their darts fall on the militaiy ; shell; and glide off without effect, at last they rolled down ^ their battering-engine on the heads of the besiegers. For ■ the moment, it dispersed and overwhelmed the party among j which it fell; but-it also drew after it, in its fall, the battle- | ments and upper parts of the rampart. An adjoining tower, < at the same time, yielded to the effect of the stones which | struck it, and left a breach, at which the seventh legion, in j the form of a wedge, endeavoured to force their way, while the third hewed down the gate with axes and swoids. The | first man that entered, according to all historians, was Caius | Volusius, a common soldier of the third legion. He gained . the summit of the rampart, and, bearing down all resistance, | in the view of all beckoned with his hand, and cried aloud >1 that the camp was captured. The rest of the legion followed ^ him with resistless fury, the Vitellians being panic-struck, and | throwing themselves headlong from the works. The whole space between the camp and the walls of Cremona was filled 1 with slain.^ 30. And now a new form of difficulty was presented by , the high walls of the city, and towers of stone, the gates secured by iron bars, and troops brandishing their arms; the , inhabitants, a large and numerous body, all devoted to Vitel- lius; and a conflux of people from all parts of Italy at the 1 stated fair which was then held. The latter was regarded jl bv the garrison as an aid, from the increase of numbers; A but inflamed the ardour of the besiegers on the score of J booty. Antonins ordered his men to take combustibles, 'J and set fire to the most elegant edifices without the city; if, peradventure, the inhabitants, seeing their mansions de- a stroyed, would be induced to abandon the adverse cause. In 1 the houses that stood near the walls, of a height to overlook » the works, he placed the bravest of his troops; and from a those stations beams, tiles and fire-brands were thrown down ^ to drive the defenders of the wails from their posts. jl 1 The military shell was so condensed, that the darts of the enemy J could make no impression. For the form of the Testudo, and other « warlike engines employed in sieges, consult Lucan, iii. 474. * 2 Josephus says, that above thirty thousand of the Vitellians were J put to the sword, and of Vespasian’s army about four thousand five w hundred. De Bello Jud. iv. 11. CREMONA TAKEN. 155 c 32.] 31. The legions under Antonins now formed a military shell, while the rest poured in a volley of stones and darts; when the spirit of the besieged gradually gave way. The men highest in rank were willing to make terms for them¬ selves, lest, if Cremona was taken by storm, they should receive no quarter, and the conquerors, disdaining vulgar lives, should fall on the tribunes and centurions, from whom the largest booty was to be expected. The common men, as usual, careless about future events, and safe in their obscurity, still held out. Roaming about the streets, or lurking in private houses, they did not sue for peace even when they had given up the contest. The principal officers took down the name and images of Vitellius. Caecina, for he was still in confinement, they released from his fetters, and desired his aid in pleading their cause with the conqueror. He heard their petition with disdain, swelling with insolence, while they importune him with tears; the last stage of human misery, when so many brave and gallant men were obliged to sue to a traitor for protection ! They then hung out from the walls the fillets and badges of supplicants.* When An¬ tonius ordered a cessation of hostilities, the garrison brought out their eagles and standards; a mournful train of soldiers without their arms, their eyes riveted to the ground, fol¬ lowed them. The conquerors gathered round them, and first heaped reproaches upon them, and threatened violence to their persons; but afterwards, when they saw the passiveness with which they received the insults, and that the vanquished, abandoning all their former pride, submitted to every indig¬ nity, the thought occurred that these very men lately con¬ quered at Bedriacum, and used their victory with moderation. But when Caecina came forth, decorated with his robes, and preceded by his lictors, who opened a way for him through the crowd, the indignation of the victors burst into a flame. They reproached him for his pride, his cruelty, and even for bis treachery: so detested is villany. Antonius opposed the fury of his men, and sent him under escort to Vespasian. 32. Meanwhile, the common people of Cremona, in the midst of so many soldiers, were subjected to grievous oppres¬ sions, and were in danger of being all put to the sword, if the ^ The display of clothes and sacerdotal vestments in the act of suing for peace has been mentioned, Hist. i. 66. 156 THE HISTORY. [b. III. mge of the soldiery had not been assuaged by the entreaties of their leaders. Antonius called them to an assemblv, when J he spoke of the conquerors in lofty terms, and of the van- quished with humanity; of Cremona he said nothing either way. But the army, adding to their love of plunder an inveterate aversion to the people, were bent on the extirpation of the inhabitants. In the war against Otho they were deemed the abettors of Vitellius ; and afterwards, when the thirteenth legion was left among them to build an amphitheatre, with the usual insolence of the lower orders in towns, they had assailed them with offensive ribaldry. The spectacle of gla¬ diators exhibited there by Csecina inflamed- the animosity against the people. Their city, too, was now for the second time the seat of war; and, in the heat of the last engagement, the Vitellians were thence supplied with refreshments; and some of their women, led into the field of battle by their zeal for the cause, were slain. The period, too, of the fair had given to a colony otherwise affluent an imposing appear¬ ance of accumulated wealth. Antonius, by his fame and : brilliant success, eclipsed all the other commanders: the i attention of all was fixed oh him alone. He hastened to the ■ baths to wash off the blood; and on observing that the ^ water was not hot enough, he said that they would soon grow hotter. The expression was caught up: a casual word " among slaves had the effect of throwing upon him the whole ’ odium of having given a signal for setting fire to Cremona, ■ which was already in flames. 33. Forty thousand armed men had poured into it. The number of drudges and camp-followers was still greater, and fl more abandoned to lust and cruelty. Neither age nor dignity « served as a protection; deeds of lust were perpetrated amidst m scenes of carnage, and murder was added to mpe. Aged men 9 and women that had passed their prime, and who were useless I as booty, were made the objects of brutal sport. If a ma- 9 ture maiden, or any one of comely appearance, fell in their ■ way, after being torn piecemeal by the rude hands of con- S tending rufflans, they at last were the occasion of their turning their swords against each other. While eagerly car- '9 rying off money or massy gold from the temples, they were 9 butchered by others stronger than themselves. Not content 9 with the treasures that lay open to their view, some forced 9 C. 35.] SACK AND DESTRUCTION OF THE CITY. 157 the owners to discover their hidden wealth, and dig up their buried riches. Numbers carried flaming torches, and, as soon as they had brought forth their booty, in their wanton sport set the gutted houses and plundered temples on fire. In an army differing in language and manners, composed of Koman citizens, ^allies, and foreign auxiliaries, all the diver¬ sities of passions were exhibited. Each had his separate notions of right and wrong; nor was anything unlawful. Four days did Cremona minister to their rapacity. When everything else, sacred and profane, was levelled in the con¬ flagration, the temple of Mephitis^ alone remained standing, outside of the walls; saved either by its situation, or the influence of the deity. 34. Such was the fate of Cremona, two hundred and eighty-six years from its foundation. It was built during the consulship of Tiberius Sempronius and Publius Cornelius, at the time when Hannibal threatened an irruption into Italy, as a bulwark against the Gauls inhabiting beyond the Po, or any other power that might break in over the Alps. The colony, as might be expected, grew and flourished in the number of its settlers, from the contiguity of rivers,^ the fer¬ tility of its soil, from alliances and intermarriages with the neighbouring people; never having suffered from foreign wars, but a sad sufferer from civil dissensions. Antonins, shrinking from the infamy of this horrible transaction, (for the detesta¬ tion it excited was increasing,) issued an edict, forbidding all manner of persons to detain the citizens of Cremona as pri¬ soners of war. At the same time the booty was rendered valueless by a resolution adopted throughout Italy, not to purchase the captives taken on that occasion. The soldiers then began to murder them. However, when this was known, the prisoners were eagerly ransomed by their friends and relations. The survivors in a short time returned to Cremona. The temples and public places were rebuilt, at the recom¬ mendation of Vespasian, by the munificence of the burgesses. 35. But the unwholesome state of the soil, from the de¬ composed bodies, soon obliged the army to quit its position near the remains of the entombed city: they encamped at ^ Mephitis was the goddess worshipped in all places that sent forth noxious exhalations. ^ The Po, the Addua, and the Oglio, with others of less importance 158 THE HISTORY. [b. III. the distance of three miles. The Vitellian soldiers, who in their panic had fled in all directions, were brought back, and j severally enrolled in their proper companies; and, lest the I vanquished legions should meditate hostile designs, the civil i war being not yet extinguished, they we^^e sent into diffefent parts of Illyricum. To spread the fkme of Vespasian’s arms, messengers were despatched into Britain and both the Spains. Julius Calenus, one of the tribunes, was sent into Gaul, and Alpinus Montanus, the prasfect of a cohort, into Germany. The former was by birth an ^^Eduan, and the latter a native of Treves, both partisans of Vitellius, and for that reason chosen, as palpable evidences of his defeat. Care vras also taken to secure by a chain of posts the passes over the Alps, as Germany was supposed to be arming in aid of Vitellius. 36. Vitellius, in a few days after Csecina set out from j Rome, having prevailed on Fabius Valens to proceed with ! the war, buried all sense and appearance of alarm in excess ! and revelry. He made no preparation for the field, neglected i to cheer and invigorate the soldiers by addressing them and | l)y military exercise, nor kept himself before the eyes of the * public; but, hid in the recess of his gardens, dismissed from his thoughts equally the past, the present, and the future; like those cold-blooded animals which, while they are supplied with food, lie torpid and insensible. While thus sunk in, , sloth, and wasting his energies in the grove of Aricinum, the | treachery of Lucilius Bassus, and the revolt of the fleet at i Ravenna, smote upon his ear. In a short time after arrived other despatches, by which he learned, with mixed emotions of grief and joy, the perfidy of Csecina, and his imprisonment : by the soldiers. In a mind incapable of reflection, the joy absorbed all ideas of danger. He returned to Rome in the highest exultation; and having extolled, before an assembly of the people, the zeal and ardour of the army, he ordered Publius Sabinus, the prscfect of the praetorian guards and the intimate friend of Caecina, to be taken into custody. Alphe- nus Varus succeeded to the command. 37. Vitellius next addressed the senate in a speech of studied pomp; and the fathers extolled him in a strain of refined adulation. Lucius Vitellius took the initiative in pro¬ nouncing a vehement censure upon Caecina. After him the rest of the senate, with well-acted indignation that a consul DEATH OF JUNIUS BLiESUS. C. 38.] 159 should have abandoned the commonwealth, a general betrayed his prince, and a friend, loaded with honours and emolu¬ ments, should have turned upon his benefactor, affecting to lament the lot of Vitellius, in fact gave utterance to the angi’ish they felt on their own accounts. Not a word was said by any one against the leaders of Vespasian’s party: the conduct of the armies was blamed as a mistake and indis¬ cretion ; while the name of Vespasian was evaded with cau¬ tious and studied circumlocution. To complete the consul¬ ship of Csecina, one day remained, and a man was found who, with abject servility, sought and obtained the of&ce, w'hile the public looked with infinite contempt and derision both upon the giver and receiver. On the day before the calends of November, Rosius Regulus entered upon the office and re¬ signed it. It was observed by men versed in the history of their country, that no instance had ever occurred of a new consul created before the office was declared vacant in due course of law. Caninius Rebilus, it is true, had been consul for one day when Julius Csesar was dictator, and when every¬ thing was done to expedite the reward of services rendered in the civil war.^ 38. The death of Junius Blsesus became at this time pub¬ licly known, and engrossed the conversation of all ranks of men. It happened that Vitellius, confined by serious illness in the gardens of Servilius, saw, in the night-time, a tower in the neighbourhood gaily illuminated. He inquired the reason, and was told that Caecina Tuscus gave an entertainment to a party of his friends, amongst whom Junius Blsesus was the most distinguished. The sumptuous preparations, and the mirth of the company, were described with every circum¬ stance of exaggeration. The creatures of the court did not ' ^ The consulship in the time of the republic was an annual office; but Julius Csesar shortened the duration of the appointment, and advanced several to the dignity within the year. He was himself sole consul, B c. 45 : he resigned in favour of Fabius Maximus and Caius Trebonius Nepos. The former dying on the very last day of the year, he appointed Caninius Rebilus to fill the remaining space. Cicero laughs at the short-lived dignity. In that consulship, he says, no man had time to dine, and no kind of mischief happened. The consul was a man of so much vigilance, that he did not allow himself a wink of sleep : “ Cani¬ nio consule, scito neminem prandisse; nihil tamen, eo consule, mali factum est. Fuit enim mirifica vigilantia, qui suo consulatu somnum non viderit.”—Cicero ad Familiares, vii. 30. 160 .THE HISTORY. [r. hi. fail to impute it as a crime to Tuscus and his guests, but to Bleesus with peculiar virulence, that they chose their time for revelling when the prince was indisposed. When the men who make it their business to pry into the humours of princes perceived that Vitellius was offended, and that the ruin of Blaesus might be easily accomplished, the task of managing the information was assigned to Lucius Vitellius. Being him¬ self stained with every vice, in the spirit of unprincipled rivalry he hated Blaesus because of the superiority which his unblemished character gave him; and, clasping the emperor’s son in his arms, he entered the prince’s chamber, and fell down at his knees. Vitellius asked him the cause of his per¬ turbation. “ It is not from any fears for myself,” he replied, “ nor from anxiety on my own account, but in behalf of a brother, and the children of a brother, that I come with prayers and tears. From Vespasian we have nothing to fear: the numerous German legions and provinces, by their valour and fidelity, and vast tracts of sea and land, prevent his approach. The enemy to be dreaded is in the city of Rome— in your bosom. Proud of his descent from Mark Antony and the Junian family, he affects to be connected with the imperial line, and, by caresses and a style of magnificence, endeavours to conciliate to himself the affections of the soldiers. Upon this man all eyes are fixed. Vitellius, in the meantime, neglecting at once his enemies and his friends, cherishes in his bosom a treacherous rival, who from the banqueting-table beheld with joy the sufferings of his sove¬ reign. But for his ill-timed mirth he must be repaid with a night of mourning and sorrow; that he may know that Vitellius lives and reigns, and, if anything should happen to him, that he has a son.” 39. Vitellius balanced for some time, with nervous agi¬ tation, between the horrible deed and his apprehensions for himself. By deferring the death of Blaesus he might accele¬ rate his own ruin, and to give public orders for it would bring upon him a storm of indignation. He resolved, there¬ fore, to despatch him by poison.’ He added to the evidence that he was the author of that execrable villany, by the satisfaction he so conspicuously displayed in going to see Blaesus ; nay, Vitellius was heard to utter an expression of ’ Compare Suetonius, Life of Vitellius, s. 14. INDECISION OF VALENS. c. 41.] 161 the most ferocious character, in which, for I will relate the very words, he gloried in having feasted his eyes with the sight of an expiring enemy. Bltcsns, to dignity of birth, and elegance of manner, united unshaken fidelity; and even be¬ fore a blow had been struck, when Cseciiia and other chiefs of the party, beginning to despise Vitellius, endeavoured to seduce him, he was proof against all temptation; incorruptible, unambitious, seeking no sudden elevation whatever, much less aiming at the sovereignty, he hardly escaped being deemed worthy of the succession. 40. Meanwhile Fabius Valens, proceeding with a numerous and effeminate train of concubines and eunuchs, with little of the spirit of a general going to a war, received intelligence of the treachery of Lucilius Bassus, and the defection of the fleet at Eavenlia. Had he then pushed' on with vigour, he might have joined Caecina, while still undecided; or have put himself at the head of the legions before they came to a decisive action; and there were some who advised him that, with a few faithful attendants, avoiding the road to Ravenna, he should, through private ways, go direct to Hostilia, or Cremona. Others pressed him to bring into the field the praetorian bands from Rome, and force his way to the Vitellian army. But the time was lost in fruitless deliberation. The posture of affairs called for vigour, but Valens remained irresolute and inactive. In the end, rejecting both plans, he chose a middle course,—in pressing emergencies always the most pernicious; neither acting with the degree of courage or caution which the occasion required. 41. He sent despatches to Vitellius for aid, and was soon after joined by three cohorts and a squadron of horse from Britain; a number too great to steal a march, and too weak t(,^ open a passage through an enemy’s country. Not even in this perilous juncture was the character of Valens unstained with the infamy of rushing perforce into forbidden pleasures and polluting the houses of his hosts with adulteries and rapes. He was backed by power, had money at command, and was impelled by that recklessness of irregulai' a|>petite which marks the last stage of falling fortune. He was no sooner joined by the foot and cavalry sent by Vitellius, than he saw, too late, the folly of his measures ; for with so small a force, supposing the men devoted to Vitellius, he TAP, -VOL. IT 6.1 162 THE HISTORY. [b. III. could not hope to penetrate through the adverse army; nor had they brought with them a fidelity unimpeached. Shame^ however, and respect for the general under whose eye they were, deterred them for awhile ; but those restraints could not long act upon men fired with the love of daring enter¬ prise, and reckless of character. Valens, alarmed at this f-tate of things, ordered the cohorts to advance to Ariminum, and the allied cavalry to bring up the rear; himself, with a few adherents whom adversity had not seduced, directing his course to Umbria, and thence to Etruria; where, hearing for the first time of the defeat at Cremona, he conceived a de¬ sign of a bold character, and which, had it been carried out, must have produced the most serious results; it was to seize the ships on the coast, and bear away to some part or other of Narbon Gaul,—rouse the provinces of Gaul, the armies stationed there, and the various German nations, and thus kindle a new war. 42. The departure of Valens throwing the garrison of Ariminum into consternation, Cornelius Fuscus advanced his army to the place, and stationing his light galleys at the nearest point of the shores, invested it by sea and land. His forces spread themselves over the plains of Umbria, and the territory of Picenum, where it is washed by the Adriatic; and all Italy was now divided between Vespasian and Vitellius by the Apennine mountains. Valens embarked at the port of Pisa,^ but being becalmed, or meeting with contrary winds, was compelled to put in at the port of Hercules Monsecus.^ Marius Maturus, the governor of the maritime Alps, was then in the neighbourhood; a man attached to Vitellius, and who, though the country round espoused the opposite interest, had not yet renounced his oath of allegiance to him. He received Valens courteously, and by his advice deterred him from rashly making an attempt on the coast of Narbon Gaul; he also considered that the fidelity of his followers was weakened by their fears; for Valerius Paulinus, the procurator, an active and experienced officer, and before his elevation de¬ voted to Vespasian, had brought the surrounding states to Bwear allegiance to him. 43. Paulinus having gathered round him all those who ^ Sinus Pisanus, now the Gulf of Pisa. ^ Portus Herculis Monseci. called Monaco. !. 45 .] VALENS TAKEN PRISONER. 163 having been disbanded by Vitellius zealously entered upon the war, secured with a garrison the colony of Foroiulium which commanded the sea, having the greater weigit and nfiuence as he was a native of the colony, and honoured by the preetorian bands, of which he had formerly been a tribun J e inhabitants themselves, too, from a natural partiality for their townsman, and the hope of future advancement, enrolled themselves in favour of the cause. When these proceedings now placed upon a secure footing, and magnified by the voice of fame, were currently reported among the VitelliLs, whose mmds were already unsettled, Fabius Valens returned to his ships, taking with him four select praetorians, three friends and as many centurions, leaving Maturus and the rest free But though _ the open sea was safer than the shore or the adjacent cities, yet perplexed as to his future course, and ather seeing what was to be avoided than where he could epose confidence, he was thrown by adverse winds on the Stiechades, near Marseilles, where some h^^t-armed galleys, sent by Paulinus, surprised and took U. Valens being captured, the whole force of the empire wns transferred to mjec^e the resources of the victor. In Spain, the first legion, called Adjutrix, which, from respect for the memory ot Utho was incensed against Vitellius, led the way and was followed by the tenth and sixth legions. The Gauls hesitated manded t^r' '^“7? partiality to Vespasian, who had com- aiiT bid “T f appointment of Claudius, d had acquired fame in the war in that quarter, had the au*'effo”Vo*^“b“^ interest, though not without rid» ^bf of tte legions, in which a con- siderable number of centurions and soldiers, who had been promoted by Vitellius, felt reluctant to desert a prince to whom they were bound by ties of gratitude. 45. In consequence of this dissension, and the frequent mmours of civil war, the Britons conceived ideas of indepen- ence at the instance of Venutius, who, in addition to his own antipathy to the Roman name, was stimulated by the motives of personal hostility to Cartisman- Brigantes, who possessed great influence irom her high descent, and which grew still greater when, after M 2 THE HISTORY. 164 [ b . III. Caractacus^ had been treacherously seized, she was thought to have embellished the triumph of Claudius Caesar. Ihis led to wealth and the dissipation that waits upon prosperity. ■Shunning Venutius her husband, she made Vellocatus, his armour-bearer, the partner of her throne and bed.^ By that flaoitious act the power of her house was shaken to its founda¬ tion. The discarded husband had the people on his side, while the adulterer was supported by the unchaste passion and the ferocious disposition of the queen. Venutius, there¬ fore having drawn together a body of auxiliaries, and being aided by the defection of the Brigantians themselves, reduced Cartismandua to the last extremity. She then invoked the protection of the Romans, who sent some cohorts and squad¬ rons of horse to her relief. Several battles ensued, with various success. The queen, however, was rescued fiom im¬ pending danger. The kingdom was restored to Venutius, and the Romans found themselves involved in a war. 46. About the same time, Germany was up in arms, from the seditious spirit of the legions, and the sluggish inactivity of the commanders. By the treachery of the states in al¬ liance, and the strength of the enemy, the interests of the empire were brought to the brink of ruin. Of this war, with its causes and issues, I shall hereafter give an account,^ for it ran out to a considerable length. Commotions about the same time broke out amongst the Dacians, a people never to be relied on • and, since the legions were withdrawn from Moesia, there was no force to awe them. They, however, watched in silence the first movements of affairs. But when they heard that Italy was in a blaze of war, and that all the inhabitants were in arms against each other, they stormed the winter-quarters of the cohorts and the cavalry, and made themselves masters of both banks of the Danube. They then prepared to raze the camp of the legions, when Mucianus sent the sixth legion to check them, having heard of the victory at Cremona, and lest a formidable foreign force should invade Italy on both sides, the Dacians and the Germans making eruptions in opposite quarters. On this, as on many other occasions, fortune favoured the Romans in bringing Mucianus and the 1 For Caractacus, and Cartismandua, queen of the Brigantes, see Annals, xii. 32 to 36. _ tt- i. • i o 2 The war with Civilis, the Batavian • for which see Hist. iv. 1-. PONTUS DECLARES FOR VITELLIUS. 165 c. 47.] forces of the East into that quarter, and also in that we had settled matters at Cremona in the very nick of time. Fonteius Agrippa, 1 from Asia, where he had governed for a year with proconsular authority, was now appointed to command in Moesia, with the addition of some Vitellian soldiers, whom it was politic and desirable, with a view to peace, to disperse through the provinces, and occupy with foreign wars. 47. The rest of the provinces were by no means free from commotion. A barbarian slave, who had formerly com¬ manded the royal fleet, had suddenly kindled the flame of war in Pontus. His name was Anicetus, a freed-man of Polemon,*'^ high in power at one time, but now that the king¬ dom was turned into a Pornan province, impatient of the change. Having, therefore, in the name of Vitellius pre¬ vailed upon the nations bordering on Pontus to join him, and by the hope of plunder attracted to his standard all who were plunged in poverty, he found himself at the head of a force not to be despised, with which he made a sudden assault upon Trapezus,^ a city celebrated from of old, and founded by Grecians at the extremity of the Pontic coast. A cohort, formerly a royal garrison, was put to the sword there. They had subsequently received the privilege of Poman citizens, and, from that time, used the arms and banners of Pome, still retaining the indolent and dissolute habits of the Greeks. He also set fire to the fleet, as he had it all his own way by sea, the best of the light galleys, and all his troops, by order of Mucianus, being stationed at Byzantium. Nay, even the barbarians scoured the sea with perfect composure, in vessels constructed in an offhand manner, which they call camaree, the sides of which are brought near together, with broad bottoms, and joined together without fastenings of brass or iron."* In a tempestuous sea, they raise the sides with addi- ^ AccordiBg to Josephus, Fonteius Agrippa was afterwards murdered by the Sarmatians. Bell. Jud. viL 4. * Polemon was made king of Pontus by Caligula, and, after his death, the kingdom was changed by Nero into a Roman province. Suetonius, Life of Nero, s. 18. ^ Now Trebizonde. * The use of these was very ancient, and is mentioned by Strabo (xi. p. 496), who also calls them Kafxdpas. They were so light, that the barbarians could carry them on their shoulders, and traverse woods and forests without being fatigued with their load. The Indians o£ 166 THE HISTORY. \ [b. hi, tional planks in proportion to the swell of the waves, till the vessel is covered over like a roof; thus they roll about amidst the billows, since having a prow at either extremity alike, and the steerage convertible, it makes no difference to them, and is unattended with danger to row in one direction or the other. 48. Vespasian thought the affair of sufficient moment to send a detachment of the legions under the command of Virdius Geminus, an officer of undoubted experience. . He came up with the barbarians as they were roaming in disorder on the shore from their eager pursuit of prey, and forced them to fly to their boats. Having rapidly constructed a number of galleys, he overtook Anicetus in the mouth of the river Cohibus,^ now shielded by the aid of the king of the Sedochezans, having, by money and presents, purchased the friendship of that prince. The king at first protected him by threats and arms; but finding that he must choose between the price of treason or war, with the usual treachery of bar¬ barians, having struck a bargain for the blood of Anicetus, he surrendered his suppliants, and thus ended the Servile War. Rejoiced at this success, and while everything was prospering beyond his hopes, an account of the victory at Cremona reached him in Egypt. He proceeded with the greater speed to Alexandria, that, as Vitellius could no longer keep the field, he might distress the capital, dependent as it was on foreign supplies, by famine. With this view he also purposed by land and sea to invade Africa, which lay on the same side, in order to cause famine and dissensions by stopping the supplies of provisions. 49. While the imperial dignity was passing into other hands by this revolution in every part of the world, Antonius conducted himself after the affair of Cremona with anything but his wonted honesty; whether it was that he considered that he had done the business of the war, and that what re¬ mained required no effort, or that prosperity called forth the pride, avarice, and other latent vices of his ffature. He America, and the Greenlanders, have boats hound together with twigs and osiers, without the use of brass or iron. ^ The river Cohibus, Brotier says, ought to be called Cobum, being the same mentioned by the elder Pliny, lib. vi. 4 : “ Flumen Cobum e Caucaso per Suanos fluers.” It discharges itself into the Euxine. ANTONIUS ADVANCES TOWAED ROME. 167 c. 50.] ramped over Italy as a conquered country; caressed the soldiers, as if they were his own; by all his words and actions sought to build up his own power; and, to tincture the soldiers with a spirit of insubordination, gave to the legions the disposal of slain centurions’ commissions. The conse¬ quence was, that the most turbulent were elected; the soldiers were no longer under the control of the generals, but the generals were carried away by the violence of the soldieiy. This spirit, destructive of all subordination and discipline, he soon made instrumental to purposes of plunder, not enter¬ taining the least awe of Mucianus, who was approaching; a conduct more disastrous in its consequences, than to have slighted Vespasian. 50. To proceed : the winter coming on, and the country being inundated by the Po, the army was obliged to march lightly equipped. The eagles and banners of the victorious legions, with the old, the wounded, and numbers even in full vigour, were left at Verona. The cohorts and cavalry, with a select detachment fr6m the legions, were thought sufficient for a war already extinguished. The eleventh legion, at first hesitating, but since the turn 'of affairs regretting that they had no share in the victory, had joined them, accompanied by six thousand Dalmatians, newly levied; the whole led by Poppseus Silvanus, a man of consular rank, but virtually commanded by Annius Bassus, general of the legion. Silva¬ nus, a supine and spiritless character, who wasted in talking the time that called for enterprise, was ruled by Bassus, under the semblance of submission, and wherever there was anything to be done, Bassus aided with unostentatious energy. To this body of forces was added the flower of the marines from the fleet at Ravenna, who desired to act as legionary soldiers. The Dalmatians supplied their place in the fleet. The army and generals halted at the temple of Fortune,^ being undetermined about their plan of operations; as they had heard that the praetorian cohorts were on their march from Rome, and the passes over the Apennine were supposed to be occupied. They were also themselves alarmed at the scarcity of provisions, in a country laid waste by war; and at the fierce clamours of the soldiers demanding the donative * Fanuni Fortunae, now Fano, a port town of Urbino, on the Adriatic. 168 THE HISTOEY. 4 • [b. Ill for nails.^ They had made no provision for money or food; while.the imprudence and greediness of the soldiers, who seized and devoured what might have served if dealt out to them, precluded all management. 51. I find from historians of the highest note, that the I victorious army exhibited such an indifference to the distinc- I tion between what is permitted and what is forbidden, that a common horse-soldier made a merit of having killed his brother in the late battle, and solicited a reward from the \ u generals. And while the law of nature forbade them to give \ lionorarjT- rewards to that act of blood, the policy of the war i I they were engaged in prevented their punishing it. Under a I I pretence that he had earned ampler rewards than they could I bestow on the moment, they adjourned the business, and ‘ history has not recorded anything more. In former civil j wars, however, a similar horror had occurred. In the battle with Cinna at the Janiculum,^ a man of Pompey’s party (as Sisenna relates) slew his brother, and forthwith, on discovering 'J the dire fact, dispatched himself: so true it is, that in ancient times men not only were more prompt in honouring virtue, | but also felt a keener remorse for crimes than now. But 5 these and other transactions, fetched from the records of past ages, we shall call to mind whenever opportunities, circum- '■ stances, and situations require examples of virtue, or solace under instances of turpitude. f j 52. Antonius and the principal officers judged it prudent ' ! to send forward the cavalry, and explore every part of Um- ! bria, to find, if possible, a place of moderate acclivity over the Apennine. In the meantime, the troops left behind at ' Verona were ordered to advance with the eagles and stand- ^ ards. Measures were also taken to have a plentiful supply of provision-ships on the sea and on the Po. Some of the chiefs sought occasions for delay from time to time : for An¬ tonius had now become insupportable; and they had more * Clavarium was a donative granted to the soldiers, to enable them to purchase nails for their shoes. In like manner, the donative for shoes was called calcearium. Suetonius, Life of Vespasian, s. 8. 2 A hill at Rome, but not one of the seven; now called Monte Giani- colo, and more commonly Montorio. The story of a soldier killing his brother in battle, and o i the discovery dispatching himself, is told by Valerius Maximus, v. 5. 4, but atti'ibuted to a soldier under Sertorius, See Livy’s Epitome, lib. Ixxix. C. 53.] LETTER OP ANTONIUS TO VESPASIAN. 109 reason to hope from Mucianus, who saw with a jealous eye the rapid success of Antonius, and concluded that if he did not arrive in time to enter Kome with the victorious army, he would have no share in the operations or glory of the war. He therefore wrote to Varus and Antonius in dark, ambio-uous terms; sometimes descanting on the necessity of despatch, and then on the advantages of caution ; and with such studied art, that according to events he might assume the merit of success, and throw the blame of failure on others. To his intimate friends, and in particular Plotius Griphus,^ lately raised by Vespasian to the rank of senator, and the command of a legion, he gave less equivocal instructions. The answers which he received from all these were accommodated to his wishes, and reflected on the rashness of Varus and Antonius. These letters Mucianus forwarded to Vespasian, and in con¬ sequence the measures and achievements of Antonius were not estimated as he had hoped. ^ 53. Antonins was indignant, and imputed to Mucianus the guilt of causing his heroic acts to be lightly deemed of by his calumnies; nor did he refrain from speaking his mind, for he had no control over his tongue, and had no idea of submis¬ sion. He wrote a letter to Vespasian, in a style more arro¬ gant than became one addressing a prince, and not without disparaging insinuations against Mucianus. “ It was by An¬ tonius that the legions in Pannonia were excited to a revolt; by him the leaders in Moesia were inspirited; by his firmness the Alps were forced, Italy seized, and the succours from Germany and Phsetia cut off. That his having discomfited the legions of Vitellius, when separated and disunited among themselves, by a storm of horse, and then pressed them with the foot-force for a night and day, was an exploit of the most brilliant kind, and accomplished by him. The calamity of Cremona was attributable to the nature of the war: that former civil dissensions had stood the state in greater losses— the razing of more cities. That he served his emperor in war, not by messages and epistles, but by his arm and his sword. Nor did he mean to detract from the merit of those who in the meantime managed matters in Asia: they had the task of maintaining tranquillity in Moesia, he of preserving and ^ Plotiua Griphus wa^ one of the friends of,Statius the poet, as appears from a poem in the Sylvae (lib. iv.), inscribed to him. THE HISTORY. 170 [B. Ill protecting Italy. Spain and Gaul, the most potent force in the world, were by his influence drawn over to Vespasian. But his efforts had been vain, if those only who partook not in the danger obtained its rewards.” These proceedings did not escape Mucianus : and thence a deadly feud between them y on the part of Antonius, carried on with openness; on that of Mucianus, covertly, and, for that reason, the more implacably. 54. Vitellius, after the overthrow of his aTmy at Cremona, suppressing the news, by that shallow attempt to conceal the fact delayed the remedy rather than postponed the disease. For unquestionably, had he admitted the mischief and taken counsel upon it, he had resources and means in abundance, when, on the contrary, he pretended that all was prosperous, his case grew worse from the disguise. A marvellous silence about the war w^as observed in his presence , the citizens of Home were forbid to talk about it, and for that reason the more did soj and those who, had there been no restraint, would have stated only the truth, circulated exaggerated accounts because they were commanded to keep silence. Nor did' the chiefs of the adverse party omit anything that could extend the fame of their victory. The spies that fell into their hands were led round the camp, and, after seeing ^ the strength of the conquerors, sent back. Vitellius examined them all in private, and then ordered them to be put to death. A singular proof of magnanimity was given by a cen¬ turion, named Julius Agrestis, who having in several inter¬ views tried in vain to rouse Vitellius to exertion, obtained leave to go in person to view the strength of the enemy, and see the real condition of Cremona. Nor did he try to escape the notice of Antonins by secret observation, but avowed the emperoFs orders and his own resolution, and requested to see everything. Persons were sent to show him the field of battle, the ruins of Cremona, and the legions that had laid down their arms. He returned to Vitellius. The emperor, denying the truth of his intelligence, and actually charging him with treachery, he said, “ Since some great and decisive proof is necessary, and since neither my life nor death can now be of any use, I will give you convincing evidence.” And having thus spoken, retired and sealed his assertions by voluntary death. Some historians say he was slain by order of Vitellius, agreeing in the account of his fidelity and magnanimity. IMBECILITY OF VITELLIUS. 171 (c. 56.] 55. Vitellius, as though roused from sleep, ordered Julius 1 Priscus and Alphenus Varus, with fourteen praetorian cohorts, and all the squadrons of cavalry, to guard the passes of the . Apennines. A legion of marines followed. So many thou- i sand chosen horse and foot, under any other general, would 1 have been sufficient even for offensive operations. The ( cohorts that remained were put under the command of Lucius Vitellius, the emperor’s brother, for the defence of the ( city. The emperor abated nothing of his habitual luxury, : and with the precipitation of one who felt himself falling, 1 hurried on the elections, at which he appointed a succession ( of consuls for several years; he concluded treaties with the I allies; invested foreigners with the Latin privileges: he granted to some exemption from all tribute, others he assisted with immunities; in short, utterly regardless of posterity, he tore the empire to tatters. But the populace were swayed by the extent of his bounties. Simpletons gave their money for favours, while men of reflection looked upon those grants as nugatory, which could neither be made nor accepted with¬ out ruining the state. At length Vitellius, urged by the importunity of the army, which lay encamped at Mevania,^ marched out of the city, attended by a numerous train^ of senators; some to pay their court, many through fear, haying no settled plan, and entirely dependent upon advice of dubious sincerity. 56. While haranguing the army, a circumstance occu^ed which may well be called portentous. So numerous a flight of ill-omened birds hovered over his head, that forming a dense cloud they obscured the day. This was followed by another prognostic of an alarming nature. A bull broke loose from the altar, and trampling under foot the preparations for sacri¬ fice, fled to a distant place, and there, on a spot where victims were never slain, was felled. But Vitellius himself was the great portent after all: without a particle of experience or capacity to direct; obliged to ask others how to put the troops in array; what provision was to be made for ,recon- noitring; how to regulate proceedings with the view of urging on or protracting the war; and even changing countenance, and in his step betraying the alarm he felt at every breath of intelligence; and then stupifying himself with drink. Weary I The modern Bevagna, in the duchy of Spoleto. 172 THE HISTORY. [b. hi. . i at length of the camp, and hearing of the revolt of the fleet I at Misenum, he went back to Rome, where each adverse event j as it occurred terrified him most because it was the latest; ! but not a thought did he bestow upon the issue of the ge- { neral contest. For when it was open to him to pass over the Apenniiie with his whole force unimpaired, and attack an li enemy distressed by cold and scarcity, by dividing his troops i he exposed to be cut to pieces and captured by the enemy a i' gallant soldiery, and devoted to him to the death, though the t most experienced of the centurions condemned his measures, and if consulted would have given him sound advice. The si creatures immediately about the person of Vitellius prevented i their access to him; the ears of the prince being brought to « such a state that wholesome counsels grated harshly upon them, and he would listen only to what was gratifying at the )j moment, though pernicious in its consequences. /. 57. The revolt of the fleet at Misenum was occasioned by j the fraud of Claudius Faventinus; so much in civil commo¬ tions depends on the boldness of one man. He had been ' a centurion under Galba, who cashiered him with ignominy. He forged letters from Vespasian, promising ample rewards to | such as went over. Claudius Apollinaris commanded the ' fleet; a man inconstant in his attachments and irresolute in perfidy. It happened that Apinius Tiro, who had discharged the office of prmtor, was then at Minturnae.' He oflered to head the revolters. They drew the neighbouring colonies s\ and municipal towns into the confederacy. The inhabitants 1 of Puteoli 2 declared with alacrity for Vespasian, while Capua ^ adhered to Vitellius: and thus with the rage of civil war the J jealousies of rival municipalities were blended. Vitellius^ fixed on Claudius Julianus, who as praefect of the fleet at«' Misenum lately had exercised his authority mildly, to endea-g vour to reclaim the soldiers by soothing means. He was* supported by a city-cohort, and a band of gladiators whom® he had commanded. When the two camps were pitched in 'Hj view of each other, Julianus, without much hesitation, went a j over to Vespasian, and they took possession of Tarracina, aS| ^ Mintumge, formerly at the mouth of the Liris (now the Garigliano), S no longer exists. _ ,3 2 N -w Pozzuolo. For its attachment to Vespasian, this colony, was* reestablished or enlarged, and called “ Colonia Flavia.” C. 59.] CONSTERNATION- AT ROME. 173 place better protected by its walls and situation than the character of its inhabitants. 58. Vitellius, informed of these transactions, left part of his army at Narnia,^ with the praetorian praefects, and sent Ids brother Lucius Vitellius with six cohorts and five hundred horse to check the force which was coming upon him by way of Campania. He himself, heart-sick and desponding, was revived by the ardour of the soldiers and the clamours of the populace demanding to be armed; while, deceived by the hol¬ low semblance, he gave the name of army, and legions, to a spiritless rabble, bold only in tongue. At the instance of his freedmen,—for as to his friends, the higher they ranked the less confidence he reposed in them,—he ordered the people to be assembled in their tribes, and as they gave their names, he administered the oath of fidelity; but the crowd pressing too thick upon him, he divided the task of completing the levy between the consuls. The senators were required to bring in a certain weight of silver, and a certain number of slaves. The Roman knights made a voluntary offer to serve with their persons and fortunes; and even the descendants of freedmen, without solicitation, pressed to do the same. This affectation of zeal, which had its origin in fear, issued in a favourable feeling; and very many were touched with com¬ passion, not so much for Vitellius as for the unfortunate state and degradation of the sovereignty. Vitellius, on his part, omitted not to invite commiseration by a dejected air, a pathetic tone of voice, and by tears; making ample promises, nay, as is usual with men in distress, generous beyond all bounds. He even now was willing to accept the title of Csesar; having repudiated it theretofore; but then, from the superstitious veneration in which it was held, and because in cases of extreme danger the voice of the rabble is equal to the wisest counsels, he acquiesced. However, as all undertakings originating in blind impulse, though vigorous at first, lan¬ guish under the effect of time, the senators and knights fell off by degrees; at first slowly, and in the absence of the prince, but soon boldly and indifferently; till at last Vitellius, ashamed of his defeated efforts, granted a remission of those services which were withheld. 59. As by taking possession of Mevania Italy was stricken * Still called Nai’ni, in the duchy of Spoleto. 174 THE HISTORY. [b. III. with terror, and the war seemed to be revived, so Vitellius, i by his dastardly departure, gave a manifest impulse to the | feeling in favour of the Flavian party. The Samnites, the Pelignians, and the Marsians,^ stung with envy at the alacrity [ with which Campania had taken the lead in the revolt, were I roused into action ; and applied themselves to all the duties i of the war with the energy usually exhibited in the service of i a new master; but the army, in passing over the Apennine, | suffered extremely from the rigour of the winter; and the j difficulty with which, though unmolested by the enemy, they i; laboured through the snow, plainly showed the dangers they i must have encountered if fortune, to which the Flavian gene- if rals were often indebted no less than to the wisdom of their < counsels, had not drawn Vitellius from his post. During the I march they met with Petilius Cerealis, who in the habit of a 1 peasant, and from his acquaintance with the country, had ,i eluded the guards of Vitellius. As he was closely allied to i Vespasian, and himself an officer of no mean repute, he was ^ ranked with the commanders in chief. Many writers have j stated that not only he, but Flavius Sabinus, and Domi- ; tian, had it in their power to escape out of Rome; and mes- sengers sent by Antonius, who had made their way through the i enemy’s lines by all sorts of disguises, pointed out to them a M refuge, and promised them safe conduct; but Sabinus pleaded 1 his ill state of health as unfitting him for the fatigue and danger of the attempt. Domitian was not deficient in in- ,i clination: but the guards appointed by Vitellius to watch his motions, though they offered to join his flight, he suspected of a design to draw him into a snare. In reality, Vitellius, from regard for his own connexions, meditated no severity towards Domitian. 60. Arrived at Carsulae,’^ the generals thought fit to halt there for some days, as well to rest the troops, as to wait the arrival of the eagles and standards of the legions. It also appeared an eligible spot for their camp, commanding, as it did, a view of the country on every side, with the opportu¬ nity of bringing in provisions in security; having several municipalities of the greatest affluence in their rear. Being ^ The Samnites and Pelignians inhabited part of Hither Abruzzo; the Marsians, part of Further Abruzzo, near the lake of Celano., 2 The ruins of this place still remain near Santo Gemini, in Umbria. 175 C. 61 .] ANTONIUS ATTEMPTS TO CALM THE TROOra. ten miles distant from the Vitellian forces, they hoped, by intrigue and secret negotiations, to induce the whole party to lay down their arms. But the soldiers were impatient of delay. They wished to end the war by victory, not by com¬ promise. They did not even desire to wait the arrival of their own legions, regarding them rather as sharers in the booty than the dangers of the battle. Antonius called the men together, and, in a public harangue, informed them, “ That Vitellius had still numerous forces in reserve, who might come over if left to their own reflection, but deter¬ mined adversaries if precluded from hope. In the first move¬ ments of a civil ' war, much must be left to chance. To complete the conquest, is the province of wisdom and delibe¬ rate counsels. The fleet at Misenum, with the whole region of Campania, the fairest part of Italy, had already declared for Vespasian. Of the whole Roman world, the tract that lies between Narnia and Tarracina was all that remained in the hands of Vitellius. By the victory at Cremona enough Df glory had been gained, and by the demolition of that city too much disgrace. He implored them not to desire to cap¬ ture rather than to preserve the cityof Rome. They would reap ampler rewards, and their fame would stand higher, if they sought the safety of the senate and people of Rome without effusion of blood.” 61. By these and similar reasonings the impetuosity of the soldiers was calmed. The legions arrived soon after, and, by the terror and fame of the augmented force, the Vitellian cohorts oscillated, there being no one to incite them to go on with the war, but many to change sides, who strove with each other in going over to the enemy with their companies of foot, or their troops of horse, thereby to confer a benefit on the victor, and lay up a fund of favour to be enjoyed thereafter. Information was received through these that four hundred of the enemy’s cavalry were stationed in the neighbourhood, in garrison at Interamna.* Varus was instantly despatched at the head of a detached party against them. A few who re¬ sisted were put to the sword; the greater part laid down their arms, and begged forgiveness. Some fled back to the camp at Narnia, which they filled wdth consternation, by magnify¬ ing the numbers and courage of the enemy, to palliate the ^ The modem Terni. See Annals, i. 79. 176 THE HISTORY. [b. hi. disgrace of evacuating the garrison. In the Vitellian army defection and treachery went unpunished; allegiance was un¬ dermined by the rewards of the revolter; and the only con¬ test now was, who should be first in perfidy. The tribunes and centurions deserted in shoals; not so the common soldiers, who had contracted a firm attachment to Vitel¬ lius; but at last Priscus and Alphenus/ by abandoning the camp, relieved them all from any misgivings on the score of treason. 62. During these transactions, Fabius Valens was put to death while under restraint at Urbinum.^ His head was shown in triumph to the Vitellian cohorts, to cut off all ho])e from him ; for a belief prevailed that he had made his escape into Germany, and was there employed in raising an army of veterans to renew the war. Seeing that he was slain, they resigned themselves to despair. The effect of the death of Valens, in producing an impression on the mind of the Vi¬ tellian army that the war was at an end, was incalculable. Fabius Valens was a native of Anagnia,® of an equestrian family. Of profligate manners, but not destitute of genius, he aimed at the reputation of urbanity in libertine excesses. In the interludes, called Juvenalia,^ in the reign of Nero, he appeared often among the pantomime performers, at first with seeming reluctance, but afterwards of his own choice, with more talent than decency. As commander of a legion under Verginius, he encouraged his designs, and blackened him to the world. He murdered Fonteius Capito,^ after undermining his principles, or because he failed in the at¬ tempt. False to Galba,® he continued faithful to Vitellius, deriving lustre from the perfidy of others. 63. The Vitellians, seeing all hopes cut off, determined to submit to the conqueror, and, even in this act paying regard to character, descended into the plains overlooked by Narnia, with their banners and colours displayed. Vespasian’s army, fully expecting a battle, and equipped for it, formed their lines in close array on each side of the road. In the interval * Juliiis Priscus and Alphenus Varus, sent by Vitellius to take pos Bession of the Apennine mountains. See c. 55 of this book. 2 Urbino, the bii’th-place of Raphael. ® Anayni, near Rome. ^ See Annals, xiv. 15; xvi. 21. * See Hist. i. 7. ® Ibid. i. 52. C. 65.] SABINUS, BROTHER OF VESPASIAN. 177 they received the Vitellians. Thus surrounded, Antonius addressed them in the language of humanity. One division was ordered to stay at Narnia, and the other at Interamna. Some of the victorious legions were left with them, not to annoy them if they remained quiet, but strong enough to - check any violation of order. Antonius and Varus, in the maantime, did not omit to send frequent messages to Vitel¬ lius, offering him money, and a safe retreat in Campania, upon condition that he should lay down his arms, and sur¬ render himself and his children at discretion to Vespasian. Letters to the same effect w^ere also wudtten to him by Mu¬ cianus. Vitellius not unfrequently listened to these pro¬ posals, and talked about the number of his train, and the spot on the coast he should choose. Such a torpor had come over his mind, that if others had not remembered that he was a prince, he himself had forgotten it. 64. On the other hand, the leading men of the state endea< voured, by secret exhortations, to incite Flavius Sabinus, th& prsefect of the city, to earn a share in the success and glory of the revolution. “ The cit}^ cohorts,” they said, “ were pecu¬ liarly his own; the cohorts of the night-watch would join him; there were their own slaves, the name of a successful party, and the strong and universal tendency of things in favour of the victors. He should not yield to Varus and Antonius the whole glory of the war. Vitellius had but a few cohorts left, and those perplexed and alarmed at the dis¬ heartening news from every quarter. The minds of the populace were prone to change. Let Sabinus show himself, and the acclamations now given to Vitellius would be as loud for Vespasian. As to Vitellius, prosperity overpowered him; much more must his energies be enfeebled in the ruin of his fortune. The merit of concluding the war would be his who first got possession of the city. It became Sabinus to secure the sovereign power for his brother; and it com¬ ported with the dignity of Vespasian that Sabinus should earn the first place among his subjects.” 65. Sabinus, enfeebled by old age, received these expostu¬ lations in anything but a spirit of alacrity. Some there were wLo whisp' red their suspicions, that he wished to retard the elevation of his brother from motives of envy and jealousy. Sabinus was the elder, and, while both remained in a private TAG.—VOL. II. N 178 THE HISTORY. [b. hi. station, always took the lead, superior in fortune and in¬ fluence; and when Vespasian’s credit was giving way, Sabinus is said to have propped it up, by taking a mortgage on his brother’s house and lands. ^ Whence, though they preserved the exterior of friendship, a smothered animosity was sup¬ posed to exist. The fairer construction is, that Sabinus, a man of a meek disposition, was averse to carnage, and, with that intent, held frequent conferences with Vitellius on the subject of a pacification and the settlement of terms for a cessation of hostilities. Having frequently met in private, they, as the report went, at last concluded a treaty in the temple of Apollo,^ when Cluvius Rufus ^ and Silius Italicus ^ witnessed their expressions and exclamations : the looks of the contracting parties were observed by spectators at a distance. The countenance of Vitellius was downcast, and indicative of a broken spirit; while Sabinus exhibited no signs of triumph, but had more the air of commiseration. 66. And if Vitellius could have influenced the minds of his followers with the facility he himself displayed in giving up the contest, Vespasian’s army might have taken possession of the city of Rome unstained with blood. But in proportion as his friends were firm in his interest, they rejected all terms of accommodation, representing “ the danger and disgrace of it, and that their security for its fulfilment depended on the caprice of the conqueror. Vespasian had not the magnani¬ mity to suffer Vitellius to live in a private station; even the vanquished would not bear it. Thus danger would grow out of the commiseration of his friends. Grant that he is himself an aged man, and wearied with the alternations of prosperity and adversity: but what name, what rank would be bestowed on his son Germanicus ? Promises of a supply of money, a retinue of slaves, and a retreat in the delightful regions of ^ See Suetonius, Life of Vespasian, s. 4. 2 The temple of Apollo was on Mount Palatine, where Augustus formed a library. Horace says— % “ Scripta Palatinus qusecumque recepit Apollo.”—Epist. I. iii. 17. * That an agreement was made between Vitellius and Flavius Sa¬ binus, the brother of Vespasian, appears in Suetonius (Vitell. s. 15). Cluvius Rufus had been governor of a province in Spain; a man of eloquence, but void of military talents. See Hist. i. 8. * Silius Italicus, the poet, was consul a.d. 68. VITELLIUS ABDICATES. 0. 67.] 17D Campania were now held out; but when Vespasian had seized the imperial dignity, neither he, nor his friends, nor even his armies, would think themselves secure, save in the annihila¬ tion of the rival interest. Even Fabius Valens, though a pri¬ soner, and, while they feared a reverse of fortune, reserved as a pledge in the hands of the enemy, was thought too for¬ midable to live; much less ■would Antonius, and Fuscus, or Mucianus, who might be regarded as embodying the charac¬ teristic principles of the party, be content with any extent of power over Vitellius, unless it included that of killing him. Pompey was pursued to death by Julius Csesar, and Mark Antony by Augustus. Unless, perhaps, nobler sentiments are to be expected from Vespasian, the client of Vitellius,' who was the colleague of Claudius. Nay, as became the censor¬ ship of his father, three consulships, the numerous honours of his illustrious house, they urged Vitellius to gird himself up for acts of daring, from desperation at least, if from no other impulse. The soldiers were inflexible in their attachment, and the affections of the people were still with him. To sum up all, nothing so calamitous could befal them as that into which they were rushing voluntarily. If vanquished, they must perish; if they surrendered, they must perish. All they had ^ to consider was, whether they would pour oat their parting breath amidst scorn and contumely, or with the honour due to valour.” 67. Vitellius was deaf to vigorous counsels. His whole soul was absorbed in commiseration and anxiety, lest by per¬ tinacious resistance the conqueror should be inexorable to his wife and children when he was gone. He had also a mother ^ worn out with age; she, however, died a few days before, happily anticipating the downfall of her family. From the elevation of her son she derived nothing but sorrow, and an extended reputation for virtue. Omthe fifteenth before the ' calends of January,'' the defection of the legions and cohorts that surrendered at Narnia reaching the ears of Vitellius, he came down from his palace in mourning apparel, surrounded by his afflicted family. His infant son was carried in a small litter, exhibiting the appearance of a funeral procession. The ^ See Suetonius, Life of Vespasian, s. 4. ^ Sextilia. * Vitellius abdicated on the 18th of December, a.d. 69. ’2 THE Hlf-TORY. 180 [b. Ill, voices of the people were sweet, but out of season; the soldiery wrapt in sullen, silence ‘ 68. Nor was there a man so dead to human sympathies as not to be touched by the scene before him. A Koman emperor, but a little before lord of mankind, abandoning the habitation of his greatness, and going forth from empire, through the midst of citizens, through the streets of the capital!—they had never beheld such a spectacle; they had heard of nothing like it. Caesar the dictator fell by sudden violence; Caligula perished by a dark conspiracy. The shades of night and rural solitudes had thrown a veil over the flight of Nero; Piso and Galba may be said to have died in battle. Vitellius, before an assembly of the people called by himself, in the midst of his own soldiers, and in the view even, of women, after declaring in brief terms, but such as assorted with the mournful circumstances, that he retired for the sake of peace and the good of the commonwealth; that all he desired was that they would retain him still in their memory, and look with pity on the misfortunes of his brother, his wife, and unoffending children; at the same time raising his son in his arms, and commending him now to individuals, now to the whole body, at length, suffocated with grief, took the dagger from his side, and offered it, as the symbol of the power of life and death over citizens, to Csecilius Simplex, the consul,^ who stood near him. The consul refusing to accept it, and the people loudly opposing his resignation, Vitellius left the place, to lay down the ensigns of sovereignty in the temple of Concord,^ and seek a retreat in his brother’s house. Here a still louder cry arose. They objected to the house of a private citizen, and insisted on his returning to the palace. ^ Suetonius gives a much fuller account. See Life of Vitellius, ss. 14, 15. We have seen that Caecilius Simplex was impatient to arrive at the consular dignity, insomuch that he was accused in the senate of a design to purchase it, in the room of Marius Celsus. He did not suc¬ ceed ; but Vitellius afterwards gratified his ambition v,nth out a bribe. Hist, ii. 60. See the list of consuls for this year. Hist, i. 77. ^ The temple of Concord, on the Capitoline, was burnt to the ground in the fire of the capitol, related in c. 71 of this book. Brotier says, it was afterwards rebuilt, as appears by an inscription M'dl to be seen among the ruins :— Senatus Populusque Romanus Incendio consumptum restituit. C. 69.] SABINUS SEIZES THE CAPITOL. JSl' Every other way they obstructed, and none was left open, except that which led into the Sacred Way. Then, having no alternative, he returned to the palace. The abdication of the prince was already rumoured through the city, and Flavius Sabinus had written to the tribunes of the cohorts, to restrain the violence of the soldiers. 69. Accordingly, as if the whole power of the state had fallen into the lap of Vespasian, the leading members of the senate, with a numerous band of the equestrian order, and all the city-soldiers, and the nighWatch, crowded the house of Flavius Sabinus. They were there informed of the zeal of the people for Vitellius, and the menaces thrown out by the German cohorts, Sabinus had gone too far ,to think of retreat. Individuals trembling for themselves, lest, if they dispersed, and thus diminished their strength, the Vitellians should come upon them, induced Sabinus, though reluctant, to take up arms. But, as often happens in cases of this kind, all were ready to advise, and few to share the danger. Near the Fundane lake,^ a desperate band of the Vitellians met the armed citizens who were going forth in attendance on Sabi¬ nus. A slight encounter, in the surprise and confusion of the moment, ensued, but was favourable to the Vitellians. Sabi¬ nus, in the alarm and perplexity of the occasion, retreated to the fort of the capitol, which he garrisoned with the soldiers, and a small party of senators and Roman knights, judging this the safest course open to him. Their names cannot be given easily, as numbers afterwards, in the reign of Vespasian, assumed the merit of this service to his party. There were even women who braved a siege: among these the most dis¬ tinguished was Verulana Gratilla, who had neither children nor relations to attract her, but followed in the course of war. The Vitellians invested the citadel with so much negligence, that Sabinus, in the dead of night, was able to receive into the place his own children, and Domitian, his brother’s son; sending also, through the unguarded quarters, intbrmation to the Flavian generals that they were themselves besieged, and that without relief they would be reduced to a state of dis¬ tress. Sabinus experienced so little molestation during the * A Fundane lake, now called Lago di Fundi, is mentioned by Pliny, lib. iii. 5; but the lake now in question was in the city of Rome, near the Mons Quirinalis. 182 THE HISTORY. [b. III. night that he might have safely made his escape; for the soldiery of Vitellius, resolute in facing danger, paid little attention to laborious duties and night-watches; besides that a winter storm of rain obstructed the sight and hearing. V 70. At the dawn of day, before mutual hostilities com¬ menced, Sabinus despatched Cornelius Martialis, a principal centurion, with instructions and complaints to Vitellius, that the treaty was violated. “ That it was a mere pretence and semblance of abdication, to deceive so many illustrious citizens. For, why did he go from the rostra to his brother’s house, which overlooked the forum, and was calculated to offend the eyes of the citizens, rather than to the Aventine and the man¬ sion of his wife ? Such a course became a private character, and one who avoided all appearance of sovereign power. Vitellius, on the contrary, returned to his palace, the very citadel of empire; thence a military force was sent forth, and the most frequented part of the city was strewed with the corses of unoffending citizens. The capitol itself was not spared. Surely he had himself continued in a civil capacity, and as one of the senators, while the contest between Vitellius and Vespasian was carrying on by encounters of the legions, the capture of cities, the surrender of cohorts; when both the Spains, the Upper and Lower Germany, and all Britain, had revolted; though the brother of Vespasian, he had not swerved from his allegiance; and when at length he entered into a negotiation, Vitellius invited him to it. The pacifica¬ tion and agreement were advantageous to the vanquished; and to the victors brought nothing but honour. If he repented of the convention, he should not' point his arms against Sabi¬ nus, whom he duped by perfidy; nor the son of Vespasian, scarcely arrived at puberty.^ By the murder of one old man and one stripling, what advantage could be gained? He should make head against the legions, and decide the contest with them. Everything would be determined by the issue of the battle.” Vitellius, who was in a state of the utmost agita¬ tion, in his reply endeavoured briefly to clear himself, laying the blame upon the soldiers, whose intemperate zeal was more than a match for his mild control. He advised Martialis to depart through a private part of the house, lest the soldiers in ^ Doraitian, who was born on the 24th of October, a. d. 61. (Sueto¬ nius, Life'o Domitian, s, 1.) C. 71.] THE CAPITOL STORMED AND BURNT. 183 their fury should destroy the negotiator of a peace which they abhorred. He was himself unable to command or to prohibit any measure; no longer emperor, but merely the cause of war. 71. Martialis had scarcely re-entered the capitol, when the furious soldiers appeared before it, without a general, and each man acting on his own sugg'estions. Having rapidly passed the forum, and the temples that overlook it,^ they marched up the opposite hill, as far as the first gates of the citadel. On the right side of the ascent, a range of porticoes had been built in ancient times. Going out upon the roof of those, the besieged threw a shower of stones and tiles. The assailants had no weapons but their swords, and to fetch engines and missiles seemed a tedious delay. They threw brands into the portico that jutted near them. They followed up the fire, and would have forced their way through the gate of the capitol,2 which the fire had laid hold of, if Sabinus had not placed as a barrier in the very approach, in lieu of a wall, the statues, those honourable monuments of our ancestors, which were pulled down wherever they could be found. They then assaulted the capitol in two different quarters ; near the grove of the asylum,^ and where the Tarpeian rock is ascended by a hundred steps.^ Both attacks were unforeseen. That by the asylum was the nearer and most vigorous. Hor could thev be stopped from climbing up the contiguous buildings, which being raised high under the idea of undisturbed peace, reach the basement of the capitol. Here a doubt exists whether the fire was thrown upon the roofs by the storming party or the besieged,® the latter being more generally supposed to ^ The forum was surrounded by a number of temples; as, the temple of Fortune, of Jupiter Tonans, of Saturn, the temple of Con¬ cord, and several others, ^The citadel of the capitol, in which was the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, stood near the Tarpeian rock. ® The Lucus Asyli was so called because it was made a sanctuary by Eomulus to invite a conflux of foreigners to his new state. It stood between the two rocks of the Capitoline hill, on one of which was built the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus ; on the other the temple of keretrian Jove. Brotier says, that in the place of the grove there is now erected the Piazza del Campidoglio. ^ The Tarpeian. rock, with its hundred steps, was on the west side of the Capitoline hill, and from that eminence malefactors were thrown headlong into the Tiber. Annals, vi. 19. ^ Pliny the elder says, the capitol was set on fire by the Vitellians (lib. xxxiv. 7). Josephus gives the same account (Bell. Jud. iv. 11); and Dio agrees with them both (lib. Ixv.). ’ 184 THE HISTORY. [b. tit. have done it, to repulse those who were climbing up, and had advanced some way. The fire extended itself thence to the porticoes adjoining the temples; soon the eagles that sup¬ ported the cupola caught fire, and as the timber was old they fed the flame. Thus the capitol, with its gates shut, neither stormed nor defended, was burned to the ground. 72. From the foundation of the city to that hour, the Koman republic had felt no calamity so deplorable, so shock¬ ing, as that, unassailed by a foreign enemy, and, wei’e it not for the vices of the age, with the deities propitious, the temple of Jupiter supremely good and great, built by our ancestors with solemn auspices, the pledge of empire,^ which neither Porsena,^ when Kome surrendered to his arms, nor the Gauls,'^ when they captured the city, were permitted to violate, should be now demolished by the madness of the rulers of the state. The capitol was once before destroyed by fire during a civil war;'^ but it was from the guilty machinations of pri¬ vate individuals. Now it was besieged publicly, publicly set fire to; and what were the motives for the war? what was the object to be gained, that so severe a calamity was incurred? Warred we in our country’s cause?-— Tarquinius Priscus, during the war with the Sabines, built it in fulfilment of a vow, and laid the foundations more in conformity with his anticipations of the future grandeur of the empire, than the limited extent of the floman means at that time. Servius Tullius, assisted by the zeal of the allies of Rome, and after him Tarquin the Proud, with the spoils of Suessa Pometia,^ added to the building. But the glory of completing the design was reserved for the era of liberty. When tyrants were swept away, Horatius Pulvillus,^ in his second consulship, dedicated the temple, finished with such magnificence that the wealth of after ages graced it with new embellishments, ^ See Florus, lib. i. 7. . 2 It is not strictly true that Porsena became master of the city. He was at the gates, but, instead of advancing, received hostages, and raised the siege. Florus, lib. i. 10. ^ The city was taken by the Gauls, B. c. 390. See Annals, xi. 24. * In the civil war between SyUa and Marius, the capitol was destroyed by fire, B. c. 83. The Sibylline books perished in the flames. See Appian, Bell. Civ. lib. i. ^ A city of ancient Latium, about fifty miles from Rome, on the Appian road. The very ruins have perished. ® Horatius Pulvillus was consul with Valerius Publicola, B. 0 . 507» about three years after the expnlsiop of Tarquin. SABINUS TAKEN PRISONER. 185 : c. 73.] but added nothing to its dimensions. Four hundred and fifteen Years afterwards, in the consulship of Lucius Scipio and Cains Norbanus,^ it was burnt to the ground, and again rebuilt on the old foundation. Sjlla having now triumphed oyer his opponents, undertook to build it, but nevertheless did not dedicate it j the only thing wanting to crown his felicity. That honour was reserved for Lutatius Catulus, - whose name, amidst so many works of the Ctesars, remained legible till the days of Vitellius. Such was the sacred build¬ ing which was at this time reduced to ashes. 73. But the fire occasioned gTeater consternation among the besieged than among the besiegers, inasmuch as the Vitel- lian soldiers, in the moment of difficulty, wanted neither skill nor courage. In the opposite party the men were seized with panic, and the commander had neither spirit nor presence of mind; he lost all power of speech and hearing. Deaf to the advice of others, he was unable to devise any plan himself. Driven about in all directions according to the shouts of the enemy, he ordered what he had forbidden, and countermanded what he had ordered. Soon, as usually happens in desperate emergencies, all directed, and none obeyed. At length they threw down their arms, and each man looked about for a way of escape, and how to conceal himself; the Vitelliaus burst in, and in a moment all was one scene of fire, and swords, and blood. A few gallant spirits made a brave resistance, and perished in the attempt. The most distinguished were Cor¬ nelius Martialis, yLmilius Pacensis, Casperius Niger, and Didius ScEeva. Flavius Sabinus, without his sword, and not so much as attempting flight, was surrounded; as was also Quinctius Atticus, the consul,^ who was marked out by the shadowy ensigns of his magistracy, and his own vainglory, as he had put forth edicts to the people laudatory of Vespasian, and reflecting harshly upon Vitellius. The rest by various ^ Lucius Scipio and Cains Norbanus were consuls, B. c. 83. The Capitol was then consumed by fire, not, however, occasioned by an open act of violence, but rather by the hands of clandestine incen¬ diaries. Sylla undertook to rebuild the capitol, but did not dedicata it: “ Hoc felicitati suae defuisse confessus est, quod Capitolium non dedicavisset.” —Pliny, lib. vii. 43. 2 Lutatius Catulus was consul with Aemilius Lepidus, B. c 78, ^ Quinctius Atticus and Alienus Caecina were consuls from the fiiret of November to the end of the year. See Hist, i 77. 186 THE HISTORY. [b. III. stratagems made their escape; some in the disguise of slaves; others protected by the fidelity of their friends, and concealed amidst the baggage. A few, who had caught the signal by which the Vitellians knew each other, by boldly asking it and giving it in reply, found security in their daring. 74. Domitian, on the first irruption, was secreted in the apartments of the warden, and then by the contrivance of his freedman, having been clad in a linen vestment, and put among the band of the sacrificers without being recognised, he remained in concealment in the neighbourhood of Vela¬ brum, at the house of Cornelius Primus, a client of Vespasian’s. During the reign of his father, he threw down the warden’s lodge, and built a chapel' to Jupiter Conservator, with an altar, having the story of his vicissitudes engraven on a marble tablet. Afterwards, on his accession, he dedicated a magnifi¬ cent temple to Jupiter the Guardian, and a statue representing the god with himself in his arms. Sabinus and Quinctius Atticus were conducted in fetters to the presence of Vitellius. He received them without an angry word or look, though the soldiers indignantly insisted on their right to murder both, and to reap the rewards of their service. A shout arising from those nearest him, the meaner portion of the populace called for vengeance on Sabinus, mingling menaces with adu¬ lation. Vitellius, who endeavoured to address them from the stairs of the palace, was forced by their importunity to with¬ draw. The mob then fell- upon Sabinus, stabbed him in many places, mangled him horribly, and cutting off his head, (r dragged his mutilated trunk to Gemonias. 75. Such was the end of a man who, it must be admitted, was entitled to respect. He had carried arms five-and-thirty years in the service of his country, distinguished both in his civil and military capacities. His integrity and love of jus- ^ tice were unimpeachable. His fault was that of talking too much. In the course of seven years, during which he ad¬ ministered the province of Moesia, and twelve more, while he was governor of Horne, malice itself could find no other ble¬ mish in his character. In the close of his life some condemned him for want of spirit; many regarded him as a man of mo-* deration, and sparing of Homan blood. Before the elevation of Vespasian, all agree that he was the ornament of his family. It is recorded that his fall was matter of joy to Mucianus. c. 77.] SACK OF TARE ACINA. 187 In general, his death was considered as an event of public utility, by putting an end to a contention between two rivals, one of whom would consider that he was the emperors brother, and the other that he was a claimant for a share of the imperial power. The consul. Quinctius Atticus, was the next victim demanded by the populace, but Vitellius opposed their fury; being now reconciled to him, and as it were making a requital, because being interrogated as to the de¬ struction of the Capitol, he avowed himself the author, and by that confession, or perhaps well-timed falsehood, he seemed to take upon himself the odium and guilt, exonerating the Vitellian party. 76. During these transactions, Lucius Vitellius, having pitched his camp in the neighbourhood of Feronia,^ menaced the destruction of Tarracina, where the marines and gladia¬ tors were shut up, not daring to sally out and face the enemy in the open field. The gladiators, as has been mentioned, were under the command of Julianus, and the marines under that of Apollinaris; two men immersed in sloth and luxury, from their vices more like gladiators than generals. They kept no night-watch, nor guarded the insecure parts of the walls. Day and night abandoned to excess, they made the voluptuous haunts of the coast resound with revelry, sending the soldiers in all directions to provide luxuries, and talked of war only while feasting. Apinius Tiro, who had left the place a few days before, by unfeelingly exacting presents and contributions from the municipal towns, brought a greater accession of ill-will than of strength to the party. 77. In the meantime a slave of Verginius Capito deserted to Lucius Vitellius, with an offer, if placed at the head of a detachment, to put the citadel, loosely guarded as it was, into their hands. In the dead of night he stationed a party of light-armed cohorts on the topmost ridges of the hill, over the heads of the enemy. Thence the soldiers poured down to slaughter rather than fight. They mowed them down unarmed or arming, others scarce awake, and all thrown into consternation by the general uproar, the darkness, the clangour of trumpets, and the shouts of the enemy. A few of the gladiators made resistance, and sold their lives dearly. ^ This was a town of Latium, distinguished by the worship of the goddess Feronia. See Strabo, v. 157; and Dion. Hal. ii. 49. 188 THE HISTOET. [b. III. The re^ mander of the fleet. The rest were either taken, or by the ; overweight of those that rushed on board were sunk. Julia¬ nus was conducted to Lucius Vitellius, and, in his presence, | first ignominiously scourged, and then put to death. Some j persons charged Triaria, the wife of Lucius the commanding | officer, with having appeared girt with a soldier’s sword, and ! behaving in a tyrannical and cruel manner amidst the afflic¬ tions and calamities of the sacking of Tarracina. The gene- > ral sent a letter wreathed witli laurel to his brother, with 1 intelligence of the victory, desiring, at the same time, to know i whether he should march directly forward to Rome, or stay to finish the entire reduction of Campania; a delay which j was of real benefit, not only to Vespasian’s party, but the i commonwealth; for if a soldiery, flushed with success, and to their natural hardihood adding the insolence of victory, had been led to Rome, there would have been a conflict of no trifling magnitude, and not without the destruction of the , city. For Lucius Vitellius, though his character was bad, ^ wanted not vigour of mind. He had raised himself to emi- nence, not by his virtues, as is the case with good men, but by his vices, like the most profligate of mankind. 7 8. While these transactions were going on with the party j of Vitellius, the army of Vespasian, quitting Narnia, were . | passing the Saturnalian holidays^ at Ocriculum,^ quite at their t ease. To wait for the arrival of Mucianus, was the ostensi- - ble reason for this ill-timed delay. Motives of a different >] nature were imputed to Antonins. There were those who j suspected him of having lingered there with a fraudulent in- 1 tent, in consequence of letters of Vitellius, in which he offered j him the consulship, his daughter, who was marriageable, and | a rich dowry. Others treated it as mere invention, a con- .j trivance to gratify Mucianus. Some were of opinion that t it was the deliberate plan of all the generals to alarm the city with the appearance of war, rather than to carry it into 'j ^ The Saturnalian festival began on the 17th of December. / * Otricoli, in the duchy of Spoleto. ANTONIUS NECEIVES A CHECK. 189 c. 79.] Home; since the strongest cohorts had abandoned Vitellius, and as all his resources were cut off, it was thought he would abdicate. But all was defeated, at first by the temerity, and in the end by the irresolution, of Sabinus, who, having rashly taken up arms, was not able, against so small a force as three cohorts, to defend the capitol, a fortress of unequalled strength, and capable of resisting the shock of powerful armies. Where all were guilty of misconduct, the blame cannot well be fixed on any one in particular; for both Muci¬ anus, by the ambiguity of his letters, checked the progress of the victorious army; and Antonius, by ill-timed compliances, or perhaps to retort odium upon Mucianus, committed an error; and the rest of the officers, concluding that the war was ended, occasioned the disasters that signalized its close. Even Petilius Cerealis, who had been sent forward at the head of a thousand horse, that cutting across through the Sabine country he might enter Rome by the Salarian road,^ did not push on with the requisite vigour; but at last the news that the capitol was besieged put them on the alert. 7 9. Antonius, in the night time, moved along the Flaminian road, and arrived at the Red Rocks ^ when the mischief was done. There he heard that Sabinus was murdered; that the I capitol was burnt; that the city was in consternation; in fact, nothing but bad news. Word was also brought that the populace, joined by the slaves, had taken up arms for Vitel¬ lius. At the same time the cavalry, under Petilius Cerealis, 1 met with a defeat. Advancing incautiously, and with preci¬ pitation, as against vanquished troops, they were received by a body of infantry and cavalry intermixed. The battle was fought at a small distance from Rome, amidst houses, and gardens, and zig-zag ways, well known to the Vitellians, but creating alarm and confusion in men unacquainted with them. Nor did now the cavalry under Cerealis act with unanimity. They had among them a party of those who laid down their arms at Narnia, who waited to see the issue of the battle. Tullius Flavianus, who commanded a squadron of Vespasian’s horse, was taken prisoner. The rest fled with scandalous * This road began at the Porta Collina, also called Salaria, now the ] Porta Salara. Pliny (xxxi. 7. 41) gives the origin of the name : “ Quo¬ niam illa salem in Sabinos portavi convenerat.” 2 About thx’ee miles from Pome. THE history. 190 [b. III. precipitation; the conquering troops pursuing them only as iar as Fidense.^ 80. The success of the Vitellians in this engagement in¬ spired the partisans at Rcnie with new courage. The popu¬ lace had recourse to arms. A few were provided with regular shields; the rest snatched up whatever weapons fell in their way, and with one voice demanded the signal for the attack. Vitellius thanked them, and bade them press forward in defence of the city. He then convened the senate; when ambassadors to the armies were chosen, to propose, in the name of the commonwealth, an agreement and pacification. They were variously treated. In the camp of Petilius Cere¬ alis they were in danger of their lives: the soldiers disdaining all terms of accommodation. The praetor Arulenus Pusticus" was wounded. In addition to the violation of the rights of ambassadors, the personal dignity of the man increased the odium of the proceedings. His attendants were dispersed. The lictor that preceded him, presuming to clear the way, was murdered; and if the guard appointed by Cerealis had not interposed in time, the privilege of ambassadors, respected even by barbarous nations, had been trampled under foot, in the frenzy of civil discord, under the very walls of Pome. The deputies who went to the camp of Antonius met with a milder reception; not because the soldiers had more self- control, but the general more authority. 81. Musonius Pufus,^ a Poman knight, had followed in the train of the ambassadors. He professed himself devoted to the study of philosophy, and the doctrines of the Stoic sect. He mixed among the soldiers, and began to lecture armed men by a dissertation on the blessings of peace, and the cala¬ mities of war. Many treated him with derision; more were disgusted; and some were going to beat him off and trample upon him, had he not, by the advice of the more orderly, and the menaces of others, ceased from his ill-timed lessons of wis¬ dom. The vestal virgins went out with letters from Vitellius addressed to Antonius. He requested a postponement of tlie contest for a single day. If he allowed an interval for ^ The modem Castel Giubileo, six miles from Rome. ^ For Arulenus Rusticus, see Annals, xvi. 26 ; and Lift of Agricoia, c. 2 . * Musonius Rufus has been mentioned, Annals, xiv. 59; and xt. 71 C- S3.] CONFLICTS BEFOKE THE CITY. 191 reflection, it would afford facilities for settling matters. The viigins were permitted to depart with every mark of honour. An answer in writing was sent to Vitellius, informing him* that by the murder of Sabinus, and the destruction of the capitol, negotiations for the settlement of the war were put out of the question.* ^ 82. Antonius, however, called an psembly of the soldiers, and in a soothing speech endeavoured to induce them to en- ^mp at the Milvian bridge,” and enter Rome the next day. His reason for delay was, lest the soldiery, with feelings excited by the late battle, should give no quarter to the people or the senate, nor respect the temples and shrines of the gods. But they looked with suspicion on every postponement of their , victory, as proceeding from hostility to them. At the same time colours glittering on the hills, though followed by an undisciplined rabble, gave the appearance of a hostile army, forming into three divisions, the first proceeded by the Flaminian road; the second, along the banks of the Tiber; and the third approached the gate Collina,^ by the Salarian way. The mob was put to flight by the charge of the cavalry; and the Vitellian soldiers, themselves also ranged in three columns, came on. Many engagements took j^lace before the walls, with various success, but for the most part favourable to Vespasian’s men, who had the advantage in the talent of their leaders. That party only that had wheeled round to the left of the city, through slippery and narrow passes, towards the Sallustian gardens," were roughly handled. 1 he Vitellians, standing on the walls of the gardens, repulsed them with stones and javelins as they approached, for the best part of the day; but at length Vespasian’s cavalry forced theii way through the Collinian gate, and took them in the rear. A fierce battle was also fought in the field of Mars. Their good fortune and reiterated success gave the Flavians the victory. The Vitellians fought under the impulse of despair alone; and though dispersed, they rallied again within the walls of the city. 83. The people were present as spectators of the com- ‘ This procession is mentioned by Suetonius, Life of Vitellius 8. 16. ’ ^ See Annals, xiii. 47, and note. 3 ggg note h p. 189. * See Annals, xiii. 47, and note. 192 THE HISTORY. [b. Ill batants; and, as in a theatrical contest, encouraged now this side, and, when a change took place, the other, with shouts and plaudits. Whenever one or other side gave way, and the men took shelter in shops, or ran for refuge into any houses, by demanding to have them dragged forth, and put to death, they secured to themselves a larger share of plunder; for while the soldiers were intent on blood and slaughter, the plunder fell to the rabble. The city exhibited one entire scene of ferocity and abomination; in one place, battle and wounds; in another, bathing and revelry. Rivers of blood and heaps of bodies at the same time; and by the side of them harlots, and women that differed not from harlots—all that' unbridled passion can suggest in the wantonness of ease—all the enormities that are committed when a city is sacked by its relentless foes—so that you would positively suppose that Rome was at one and the same time frantic with rage and dissolved in sensuality. Before this period regular bodies of armed men had met in conflict within. the city, twice when Sylla, and once when Cinna conquered.‘ Nor was there less of cruelty on those occasions; but now there prevailed a reckless indifference alien from human nature; nay, even pleasures were not intermitted, no, not for an instant. As if the occurrence formed an accession to the delight of the festive season, they romped, they enjoyed them¬ selves, without a thought about the success of their party, and rejoicing amidst the afflictions of their country. 84. The greatest exertions were required in storming the camp,^ which the bravest of the Vitellians still clung to as their last hope; and therefore, with the more diligent heed the conquerors, and with especial zeal the old praetorian cohorts, applied at once whatever means had been discovered in the capture of the strongest cities; shells, engines, mounds, and firebrands; exclaiming that all the fatigues and dangers they had undergone in so many battles were consummated in that effort, that their city was restored to the senate and ^ Speaking of these wars, Florus writes : “ Hoc deerat unum populi Romani malis, jam ut ipse intra se parricidale bellum domi stidngeret, et in urbe media, ac foro, quasi arena, cives cum civibus suis, gladia¬ torio more, concurrerent.”—Florus, lib. iii. 21. 2 The camp of the praetorian guards, a little way out of the city, first devised by Sejanus, in the time of Tiberius. Annals, iv. 2. ■ ' / c. 84.] CAPTURE AND DEATH OF VITELLIUS. 193 : people of Rome, and to the gods their temples; that the camp was the peculiar glory of the soldier—there was his country, there his household gods. They must either carry it forth- wjth, or pass the night under arms. * Oil the other hand the * Vitellians, though inferior in numbers, and less favoured by I foi tune, sought to mar the victory, to delay the pacification, stained their hearths and altars with their blood, clung to j I those endearing objects which the vanquished might never I more behold. Many, exhausted, breathed their last upon the [ttoweis and battlements; the few that remained toi'e open the gates, in a solid mass rushed in upon the victors, and fell, to a rnan, with honourable wounds, facing the enemy; such was t theii anxiety, even in death, to finish their course with credit. Vitellius, seeing the city conquered, was conveyed in a litter, by a private way at the back of the palace, to his wife’s house on Alount Aventine, with intent, if he could lie concealed duiing the day, to fly for refuge to his brother and the (cohorts at Tarracina. Straightway, from his inherent fickle- mess, and the natural effects of fright, since, as he dreaded eveiything, whatever course he adopted was the least satis- ffactory, he returned to his palace, and found it empty and desolate even his meanest slaves having made their escape, or shunning the presence of their master. The solitude and silence of the scene alarmed him; he opened the doors of the apaitments, and was horror-struck to see all void and empty. Exliausted witli this agonizing state of doubt and ])erplexity, iiand concealing himself in a wretched hiding-place,* he was dragged forth by Placidus, the tribune of a cohort. With his ■ hands tied behind him, and his garment torn, he was con¬ ducted, a revolting spectacle, through crowds insulting his ildistiess. without a friend to shed a tear over his misfortunes. ■The unseemliness of his end banished all sympathy. Whether one of the Germanic soldiers who met him intended for him the stioke lie made, and if he did, whether from rage or to 'lesciie him the quicker from the mockery to which he was xposed; or whether he aimed at the tribune, is uncertain: he ov-t off the ear of the tribune, and was immediately dispatched.*^ ■> porter’s lodge. ^ See Suetonius, Life of Vitellius, ss. 16, 17. Dio relates this incident with a little variation. According to him ■ the German soldier said, “I will give you the best assistance in my power; and thereupon he stabbed Vitellius, and dispatched himself Uio, lib. Ixv. TAC. —VOL. II. O 194 THE HlfciTORY. [b. III. 85. Vitellius was pushed along, and with swords pointed at his throat, forced to raise his head, and expose his counte¬ nance to insults *. one while they made him look at his statues tumbling to the ground; frequently to the rostrum, or the spot where Galba perished; and lastly they drove him to Gemonise,' where the body of Flavius Sabinus had been thrown. One expression of his was heard, that spoke a spirit not utterly fallen, when to a tribune who insulted him in his misery he observed, that nevertheless he had been his emperor. He died soon after under repeated wounds. The populace, with the same perversity of judgment that had prompted them to honour him while living, assailed him with indignities when dead. 86. He was born at Luceria. He had completed his fifty- seventh year. He rose to the consulship, to pontifical digni¬ ties, and a name and rank amongst the most eminent citizens, without any personal merit; but obtained all from the splendid reputation of his father.^ The men who conferred the imperial dignity upon him did not so much as know him. By impotence and sloth he gained the affections of the army, to a degree in which few have attained them by worthy means. Frankness and generosity, however, he possessed; qualities which, unless duly regulated, become the occasions of ruin. He imagined that friendships could be cemented, not by an uniform course of virtue, but by profuse liberality, and there¬ fore earned th’em rather than cultivated them. Doubtless the interest of the commonwealth required the fall of Vitellius; but those who betrayed Vitellius to Vespasian can claim no merit for their perfidy, since they had broken faith with Galba. The day now verging i-apidly towards sunset, on account of the consternation of the magistrates and senators who secreted themselves by withdrawing from the city, or in the several houses of their clients, the senate could not be convened. When all apprehension of hostile violence had subsided, Domi- tian came forth to tlie generals of his party, was unanimously saluted with the title of Caesar, and escorted by a numerous body of soldiers, armed as they were, to his father’s house. 1 See Suetonius, Life of Vitellius, s. 17. 2 Vitellius owed much to the illustrious name of his father; but it appears that he advanced himself by the obsequious arts which he practised under Caligula, Claudius, and Nero. See Suetonius, Life of Vitellius, s. 4. 0. 2.1 FRIGHTFUL CONDITION OP ROME. 195 BOOK IV. f]>on ^ of Vitellms, the war was suspended rather an peace established. The victors, armed, hunted the van- qiiished through the city with inexorable rancour. The streets were choked with carnage, the forum and the temples mundated wuth blood, all who fell in the way of the conque! lore being butchered without distinction. And in a little time, their audacity increasing, they searched for and dragged to light those who had concealed themselves; any person they saw who was tall in stature, and in the vigour of life ■ ey butchered; making no distinction between citizen and soldier. Their cruelty satiated itself with blood in the first heat of resentment, and then it assumed the form of lapacitV. JNothing was suffered to remain concealed, nothing unviolated under colour of detecting the partisans of Vitellius; hence tiiey took occasion to begin breaking open houses, or if resist¬ ance were made, it formed an excuse for shedding blood. All e vile and indigent joined in the fray; abandoned slaves came forward and betrayed their rich masters; others were pointed out by their friends. Lamentations were heard in every quarter, and Kome was filled with the cries of despair ; and the horrors of a city taken by storm; insomuch that the ' people regretted the licentiousness of the Othonian and Vitellian sold^iers, which before excited their indignation. he chiefs, who had succeeded so well in kindling the flame ' of civil war, were unable to check the insolence of victorv: for, to stir up tumult and public distraction, the most pro- igate have the greatest power; but peace and order are the work of virtue and ability. 2. Domitian fixed his residence in the imperial palace, with the name of C^^sar, but as yet paid no attention to affairs of government. However, in riot and debauchery, he played the part of the emperor’s son. The command of the toriau bands was assigned to Arrius Varus, while the supreme I stature, and in the prime of life were attached to Vitellius See c. 4 of the Germania. ^ * O 2 195 THE HISTORY. [b. IV. authority rested with Antonius, who eagerly appropriated treasure and slaves from the house of the prince, as if they w'ere the spoils of Cremona. The other officers, as from their ! moderation or obscurity they were undistinguished during the j war, so were they unrewarded. The people, still in conster- i nation, and ready to crouch in servitude, demanded that |: Lucius Vitellius, then advancing with the cohorts from Tar- 'i racina, might be intercepted, and the remainder of the war annihilated. The cavalry was sent forward to Aricia, and j the legions halted on this side of Bovillse; but Lucius Vitei- ' ■ lius, without hesitation, surrendered himself and his cohorts • to be dealt wdth as the victor chose; and the soldiers, aban- ' doning an unfortunate cause, laid down their arms, as much i from indignation as fear. The captives marched through the city in a long procession, guarded on each side by a file of ] troops; not one with the mien of a suppliant, but all gloomy and sullen, not moving a muscle at the shouts and insolence j of the jeering rabble. A few, who ventured to rush out | upon them, were overpowered by those that hemmed them in: the rest were secured in prison. Not a word escaped , from any of them unworthy of their warlike character; and though under the frowns of fortune, they preserved their ■ reputation for valour. Lucius Vitellius was forthwith put to death. In vice equal to his brother, he surpassed him in i activity while he was at the head of affairs; not so much a i sharer in his good fortune, as involved in the consequences | of his fall. , 3. About the same time, Lucilius Bassus * was despatched , with a party of light-armed cavalry, to restore tranquillity in Campania; where the municipalities,were agitated with dis¬ sensions among themselves, rather than by a spirit of disaffec¬ tion towards the prince. On the first appearance of a militaiy force, all was hushed: and the cities of inferior note were j treated with indulgence. The third legion was stationed in j winter-quarters at Capua,'^ and its principal families were i exposed to severe suffering; whereas, on the otlier hand, to the people of Tarracina no relief was extended; so true it is, that men are more willing to retaliate an injury than to requite an obligation: because gratitude imposes a burden, ^ For Lucilius Bassus, see Hist. ii. 100 ; and iii. 12. j 2 'PKc' ris m C. 4.1 SERVILITY OF THE SENATE. 197 gain.' It was some solace to the people of Tarracina to see the slave of Verginius Canito who as already mentioned ,2 betrayed, them, hanging o^n a gibbet, with the identical rings on his fino-ers whfph h received from Vitellius. At Rmne, the senate, in wfglee' and confident as to the result of things, decreed to Vespasian all the honours usually granted to their princes • for tfio m* 1 2'wWch first broket. Spain and "hnUnvobt Ge"' F^vnt after having swep? over oyP ) udeea, Syria, and all the provinces and armies of the empire, seemed at length to have come to a dose when the whole world had been, as it were, purged from its pollutions Their zeal was heightened by letters from Vespasian written on the supposition that the war continued. Such was their character, on a cursory view of them; but, notwUhsrndW he spoke as emperor; though concerning himself his lanaua^e a paramount concern fo^ the public interest. Nor was the senate backward in demonstra and his soSs consulship to Vespasian auUiorit™» ^ Domitian was made praitor with consular 4. Mucianus had also sent letters to the senate which citizen, why should he speak on the afiairs of the state? r aTnator^’^y-'^™ ^ - *'4^ce came 70^ ^» mveotive, too, against Vitellius, rame too late, and gave no proof of independent spirit in hil lT'® fT*’ sovereign power mdiL to tb^" ’ on Vespasian, was de- grading to the commonwealth, and insulting to the prince ” 4 Tacitus, when’ he say^LtSShr tion perpetual°th^“dom,'S™is^Su^■“’ ™*’e tellians, who, as has been mentioned, surrendered at Bovillse, I with all that could be found either at Rome or in the neigh- 1 bpurhood, were brought forward almost in a state of nudity. '■ These Mucianus directed to be placed apart, and the German 'm and the British soldiery, and if there were any belonging to a other armies, to stand near in separate bodies. The Vitellians 9 were at once paralyzed with fear at the first view, since they J beheld, as it were, a hostile army, exhibiting a terrific appear- fl ance with javelins and arms, while they themselves were M enclosed, unarmed, and disfigured by neglect. But when they began to be haled hither and thither, an universal panic 9 seized them, and great above all was the alarm of the German 9 soldiers, who thought, from this separation, that they were 9 marked out for slaughter. They embraced their companions, 9 clung round their necks, bade them give a last kiss, begged that they might not be left to perish alone, nor, their cause 9 being one, that they would allow them to suffer a different fate. One while they appealed to Mucianus, then invoked their PROPOSAL TO RAISE A LOAN. 231 c. 48.] absent sovereign, and lastly summoned heaven and the gods to witness; till at length Mucianus, calling to them in the name of soldiers bound by the same oath, and serving the same emperor, proceeded to obviate their groundless fears; for the victorious army also aided their tears by clamours; and so ended matters that day. A few days after, when Domitian addressed them, having now recovered their firmness, they replied in a tone of confidence. They spurned the lands otFered, requested to serve, and receive their arrears of pay. Their request was in a supplicatory style, but it was not to be resisted. They were accordingly incorporated with the prae¬ torian guards. The superannuated, and such as had served out their time, were then discharged with honour from the service. Some were cashiered for misbehaviour; but gradu¬ ally and singly, the safest expedient for destroying a combina¬ tion of numbers. 47. For the rest, whether it arose from real poverty, or a wish to seem poor, a scheme was proposed in the senate for raising, by a loan from private persons, the sum of sixty mil¬ lions sesterces.^ The management of the business was com¬ mitted to Poppaeus Silvanus; but, soon after, the necessity was removed, or perhaps the pretence was dropped. On the proposal of Domitian, the several appointments to the consulship, by Vitellius, were declared null and void. A censorian_ funeral was performed in honour of Flavius Sabi¬ nus;^ signal instances these of the instability of fortune, exhibiting the extremes of elevation and depression in the same persons. 48. About this time Lucius Piso,l;he proconsul, was mur¬ dered. I shall be enabled to exhibit this sanguinary deed in the most perfect light, after having retraced a few circum¬ stances already related, and which are not unconnected with the cause and origin of this class of atrocities. In the time of Augustus and Tiberius, the legion quartered in Africa, with the auxiliaries employed to defend the frontier of the pro¬ vince, were subject to the proconsul. Caligula, whose mind was of a wild unsettled character, suspecting Marcus Silanus, then governor of Africa, transferred the command of the ^ Rather more than 500,000^. 2 Flavius Sabinus, the brother of Vespasian, was murdered by the Vitellians. Hist, iii 74. 232 THE HISTORY. [b. IV legion to an imperial lieutenant, whom he sent for the pur- li; pose. The power of granting military preferment was divided | between the two; and the orders of both clashing with each I other, a disagreement arose, which was aggravated by an I improper feeling of rivalry. The authority of the lieutenants ! gained the ascendant, either from the long continuance of the office, or because inferiors are naturally more diligent in a contest for preeminence; while the most illustrious of the 1 proconsuls were more solicitous about personal security than ' the preservation of their authority. 49. But at that time Valerius Festus had the command of the legion; a young man of lavish expenditure and immode¬ rate ambition. He also felt uncomfortable on account of his alliance with Vitellius. Whether it be true, that, in private ! conferences, he endeavoured to incite Piso to a revolt, or ! withstood the solicitations of Piso, is uncertain, as no man was ^ admitted to their privacy; and after the death of Piso the generality were inclined by views of interest towards the murderer. The natives of the province, as well as the soldiers, ■ were undoubtedly disaffected to Vespasian. It is likewise certain, that partisans of Vitellius, coming from Borne, repre¬ sented to Piso that Gaul was on the eve of a revolt; the Ger- ; mans ready to take up arms; the dangerous situation in which he stood; and the greater security afforded by open war than doubtful peace. In that juncture, Claudius Sagitta, who commanded the squadron of horse called Petrina, fa¬ voured by a quick passage, arrived in Africa before Papirius, a centurion, despatched by Mucianus, and asserted that the centurion was charged to assassinate Piso; that Galerianus,^ his cousin-german and son-in-law, had already fallen: his only hope of safety was in taking a bold step; two courses were open to him; he might, if he preferred it, forthwith summon the province to arms; or, passing over into Gaul, offer to : head the Vitellian party. Piso remained deaf to these re- ' monstrances. The centurion sent by Mucianus had no sooner ■ landed at Carthage, than with a loud voice, and without .9 intermission, he cried, “ All prosperity to Piso ! ” as though he I were prince, and urged all he met, thunderstruck as they I were at an event so strange and unexpected, to echo his ■ huzzas. The credulous multitude rushed to the forum, and 1 ^ Calpurnius Galerianus, see above, c. 11. M c. 50.] MUKDER OF LUCIUS PISO. 233 insisted on Piso’s making his appearance. They made the whole place ring with shouts of joy, from an inherent supineness in ascertaining truth, and a propensity to adulation. Piso, from the information of Sagitta, or his natural modesty, went not out of his house, nor committed himself to the intemperate zeal of the people; but interrogated the centurion; and find¬ ing that the object was to lay a ground of charge against him as a pretext for his murder, he ordered his officers to put him to death, not so much from the hope of saving his life, as indig¬ nation at the assassin, because, being also one of the mur¬ derers of Clodius Macer, he had come with hands reeking with the blood of a legate to assassinate a proconsul. Hence¬ forth, having rebuked the Carthaginians in an edict indicating the anxiety he felt, he discontinued the duties of his station, and confined himself to his house, lest any occasion of fresh disturbance should arise even by accident. 50. But when Festus was apprised of the excitement of the populace, the punishment of the centurion, and other matters true and false, magnified, as usual, by the voice of fame, he despatched a party of horse to kill Piso. The assassins, who performed the journey at full speed, rushed, sword in hand, into Piso’s house, at the dim hour when the light is still but beginning to apj)ear; and being chosen from the Carthaginian auxiliaries and Moors, many of them were ignorant of the person of Piso. Near his chamber-door they met one of the slaves, and asked him who he was, and where was Piso. The slave replied, with a noble falsehood, that he was Piso, and was butchered on the spot. Piso in a short time after met his fate ; for there was one among them who knew him, Bebius Massa, ^ one of the imperial procurators in Africa, even then the bane of every worthy character, and whose name will often recur hereafter as a prime mover in the calamities of our country. Festus proceeded from Adru¬ metum,^ where he had stopped, anxiously looking out for the result, to the legion, and ordered Cetronius Pisanus, prsefect of the camp, to be put in bonds, from personal animosity; but ^ For more of Bebius Massa, see Life of Agricola, c. 45. He is men tioned by Juvenal as a noted informer :— “-Quern Massa timet, quern munere palpat Carus.” * See Annals, xi. 21. 234 THE HISTORY. [b. IV. he called him a satellite of Piso. He also punished some of the soldiers, and rewarded others, with no good reason for either, but to acquire the reputation of having suppressed a war. He then adjusted a quarrel between the ffiensians ^ and the people of Leptis; which, from the seizure of fruits and cattle by rustics one among another, an affair of no such magnitude, was now carried on by arms and regular battles. For the (Eensians were inferior in number to their adversaries; but they had formed a league with the Garamantes, a fierce and savage race, and a prolific source of depredations among their neighbours. Hence the people of Leptis were reduced to the last extremity. Their lands were laid waste, and they were trembling within their walls, till, by the intervention of the Eoman cohorts and cavalry, the Garamantes were routed, and all their booty was retaken, except what some of them, going about from one to another of their inaccessible huts, had sold to the inhabitants of more remote districts. . 51. Vespasian having received intelligence of the victory at Cremona, and the success of his arms in every quarter, the death of Vitellius was announced to him by men of all ranks, who, with equal courage and good fortune, ventured to tra¬ verse the sea at that tempestuous season. Vologeses, the Parthian king, offered by his ambassadors to assist him with forty thousand of his cavalry. It was a proud and gratifying circumstance to him to be solicited to accept such powerful auxiliaries, and not to want them. He returned thanks to Vologeses, and told him to send ambassadors to the senate, apprising him also that the war was concluded. Vespasian, whose thoughts were anxiously fixed on Italy and the affairs of the city, heard the unfavourable rumour of the conduct of Domitian, according to which it seemed that he was outstep¬ ping the limits that belonged to his time of life, and assuming more than could be conceded to a son. Vespasian, therefore, consigned to Titus the main strength of his forces, to accom¬ plish the remains of the Jewish war. 52. Titus, we are told, before he parted from his father, entreated him, in a lengthened conversation, not to allow himself to be excited too easily by the statements of the accusers of his son ; and that in dealing with him, he would show a mind unprejudiced and placable. Fleets and armies ^ “ (Eensis civitas,” between the two Syrtes, is mentioned by Pliny. THE lOAPITOL EEBUILT. 235 c. 53.] were not such impregnable bulwarks of empire, as a nume¬ rous family; for friends may be cut off by the effects of time, transfer their attachment in a change of fortune, or fail under the influence either of inordinate desires or erroneous views; but it was a difficult task to detach from men those who are connected with them by the ties of blood : but especially in the case of princes, in whose prosperity others participate, whilst their misfortunes pressed peculiarly upon their nearest relatives. Even between brothers, unanimity would not be lasting, if the parent did not set the example. Vespasian, more charmed with the filial piety of Titus than softened towards Domitian, desired him to banish all anxiety, and proceed in the great work of aggrandizing his country by vigorous prosecution of the war. His own business should be to cultivate the arts of peace, and secure the welfare of his family. Vespasian then committed to the still tempestuous sea some of the swiftest of his ships, laden with corn; and well it was he did, for the city was then tottering under a state of things so critical that the corn in the granaries was sufficient for no more than ten days’ supply, when the stores from Vespasian came in to their aid. 53. The care of rebuilding the capitol he committed to Lucius Vestinus,^ a man of equestrian rank, but in credit and dignity among the first men in Rome. The soothsayers, who were convened by him, advised that the ruins of the former shrine should be removed to the marshes, and a temple raised on the old foundation; 'for the gods would not permit a change of the ancient form. On the eleventh day before the calends of July, the sky being remarkably serene, the whole space devoted to the sacred structure was encom¬ passed with chaplets and garlands. Such of the soldiers as had names of auspicious import,^ entered within the enclosure, with branches from trees erhblematical of good fortune. Then the vestal virgins in procession, with a band of boys and girls, whose parents, male and female, were still living, sprinkled the whole place with water drawn from living foun¬ tains and rivers. Helvidius Priscus, the praetor, preceded by ' Plautius .^lianus, the pontiff, after purifying the area by , ^ Lucius Vestinus was a native of Vienne, a city near Lyons. ^ Upon all solemn occasions the Romans made choice of men whose names they thought auspicious. See Cicero, De Divinatione, lib. L 102. >1 236 THE HISTORY. [b, IV. sacrificing a swine, a sheej), and a bull, and replacing the entrails upon the turf, invoked Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva, and the tutelar deities of the empire, praying that they would prosper the undertaking, and, with divine power, carry to perfection a work begun by the piety of man; and then Hel¬ vidius laid his hand upon the wreaths that bound the founda¬ tion-stone and were twined about the cords; at the same time, the magistrates, the priests, the senators, the knights, and a number of citizens, with simultaneous efforts, prompted by zeal and exultation, haled the ponderous stone along. Con¬ tributions of gold and silver, and pieces of other metals, the first that were taken from the mines, that had never been melted in the furnace, but in their native state, were thrown upon the foundations on all hands. The soothsayers enjoined that neither stone nor gold which had been applied to other uses, should profane the building. Additional height was given to the edifice; this was the only variation conceded by religion; and in point of magnificence it was considered to be inferior to the former temple. ^ 54. Meanwhile, the news of Vitellius’s death, spreading through Gaul and Germany, gave rise to two wars at once: for Civilis, throwing off his mask, declared open hostility against the Romans; and the Vitellian soldiers, rather than acknowledge Vespasian, were ready to submit to slavery under a foreign yoke. The Gauls had assumed a tone of confidence, concluding that the same fate had attended the Roman armies wherever stationed; a rumour being current among them that the Dacians and Sarmatians had laid siege to the encampments in Moesia and Pannonia. Affairs in Britain were supposed to be in no better situation. Above all, the destruction of the capitol impressed them with a conviction that the dissolution of the Roman empire was at hand; the city, they said, had been captured formerly by the Gauls, but the abode of Jupiter being untouched, the empire had survived. The Druids,^ in their wild enthusiasm, declared in prophetic strains that now a sign of the wrath of heaven ^ The splendour and magnificence of the capitol and the temple of Jupiter are described by Plutarch, Life of Poplicola. 2 The order of Druids had been suppressed in Gaul by Tiberius (Pliny, lib. xsx. 4); and the emperor Claudius extinguished their reli¬ gion (Suetonius, Life of Claudius, s. 25). It is probable, therefore, that a race of Druids was sent from Britain. a 56.] MOVEMENTS OF CIVILIS AND CLASSICUS. 237 had been given by the appointed fire, and that the transfer of the empire of the world to the transalpine nations was por¬ tended. A report prevailed, at the same time, that the chief- v-f employed by Otho against Vitellius, bound themselves in a compact not to neglect the opportunity for regaining their liberty, should the power of the Eoman people be broken in a succession of civil wars and iiitcriicil cnylsjinitiGS, 55. Before the murder of Hordeonius Flaccus, Dothius, “ a king.” LEGEND OF SERAPIS. 261 c. 84] him ho send some of his most trusty friends into Pontus to bring from that place his effigy; that it would be a source of prosperity to his kingdom, and great and glorious would be the country that gave reception to it. In that instant the youth was seen mounting to heaven in a column of fire. Ptolemy, struck with the omen and the marvellous event, laid his visions of the night before the Egyptian priests, the usual interpreters of such things. And as they had no knowledge of Pontus, nor of foreign matters, he asked Timotheus the Athenian, one of the race of the Eumolpidae,^ whom he had invited from Eleusis, to preside over the mysteries of religion what were those rites and ceremonies, and who was the deity alluded to? Timotheus, upon inquiry of such as had travelled mto Pontus, learned that there was in those parts a city called binope, and near it a temple celebrated from of old among the neighbouring people, sacred to the infernal Jupiter; for there also stood near him a female effigy, which many called Pro¬ serpina. But Ptolemy, such is the character of despotic kings, easily alarmed, but when his fears had subsided more eager in pursuit of his pleasures than concerned about reli¬ gious matters, came by degrees to think nothing about it, and devoted his attention to other objects; till at length the same rorm, now more terrific in aspect, and more urgent in his manner, denounced destruction to himself and his kingdom unless his behests were fulfilled. He then ordered ambas¬ sadors and presents to be despatched to Scydrothemis the king, who then ruled over the Sinopians, and enjoined them when about to sail, to repair to the Pythian Apollo. They sailed with favourable winds, and had a quick passage. The answer of the oracle was in explicit terms: “That they should go and bring back the statue of his father, and leave unmoved that of his sister.” 84.^ Having reached Sinope, they delivered the presents applications, and instructions of their king to Scydrothemis’ fluctuating m his resolves, one while he dreaded the dis¬ pleasure of the deity; again, he was alarmed by the menaces of the people, who opposed the request; ofttimes the gifts and presents of the ambassadors moved him; and after three years had been spent, while these proceedings were going on, «iaL desceiwlants of Eumolpus were the priests of Ceres, and pre» sided over the Eleusinian mysteries. ^ 262 THE HISTOKY. [b. it. Ptolemy omitted no efforts of zeal, no methods of supplication; he added to the dignity of his ambassadors, increased the number of ships, and augmented the weight of gold. A threatening vision then appeared to Scydrothemis, warning him no longer to impede the appointment of a god. The king still hesitating, was harassed by a variety of disasters, diseases, tokens of divine vengeance which could not be mis¬ taken, and daily increasing in severity. He called an assem¬ bly of the people, and laid before them the orders of the god, the visions of Ptolemy and himself, and the miseries that threatened them. The populace turned away in disgust from their sovereign; envied the Egyptian monarch, trembled for themselves, and beset the temple. Hence a more marvellous report states that the god, of his own motion, quitted the temple, and embarked on board the fleet that lay at the shore; and, wonderful to relate, they came to land at Alex¬ andria, on the third day from that time, after measuring so great an expanse of sea. A temple, such as suited a great and opulent city, was built at a place called Rhacotis, where, in ancient times, a chapel had been dedicated to Serapis and Isis. Such is the most generally received history of the god Serapis, and his conveyance into Egypt. I am aware that i there are those who state that he was brought from Seleucia,y a city of Syria, in the reign of that Ptolemy whom the third generation produced; others assert that he was brought from Memphis, formerly a celebrated city and the pillar of ancient Egypt, by the same Ptolemy. The god himself, on account of his healing art, is by many called ^sculapius; by others, Osiris, the most ancient deity of the country; and many give him the name of Jupiter, as lord of the universe. But the most maintain that he is Pluto; either from tokens which are discernible in the deity himself, or by a circuitous process J probable reasoning. 85. As for Domitian and Mucianus, before they reached the foot of the Alps, they received advices of the victory gained in the country of the Treverians. Of this victory the best evidence was afforded by the presence of Valentinus,^ the general of the enemy, who appeared by no means cast dovvn, but exhibited in his looks the determined spirit that had uuimated him in the field. He was heard in his defence, for ^ Valentinus, mentioned in c. 71 of this book. DOMITIAN AT LYONS. C. 86.] 263 the mere object of ascertaining the character of his mind, and was condemned. While under the hands of the executioner, some one remarked insultingly, that his country was reduced to subjection j when he replied, that that circumstance con¬ soled him in his death. ' But Mucianus now declared, as an idea which occurred to him at the time, what he had long harboured in his breast: that as by the blessing of the gods the power of the enemy was crushed, it would be hardly be¬ coming in Domitian, now that the war was brought to the verge of a successful termination, to step in and seize the glory which belonged to another. If the repose of the empire, or the safety of the Gauls, were in jeopardy, then Csesar ought to appear in the field j but the Canninefates and Batavians should be delegated to inferior generals. Domitian himself should remain at Lyons, and, at a short distance from the seat of war, dazzle the enemy with the power and auspicious for¬ tune of the princedom: neither condescending to engage iji affairs of minor importance, nor wanting when great occasions occurred. 86. His artifices were seen through, but the respect due to his station required that they should not be exposed. Thus they arrived at Lyons, from which place Domitian is believed to have sent secret messengers to sound Cerealis as to whether on his appearance he would place the army and the command in his hands.^ Whether Domitian had it in contemplation, when he thought of this proceeding, to levy war against his father, or to support and strengthen himself against his brother Titus, remains uncertain; for Cerealis, by a judicious middle course, evaded his question, as proceeding from one who in the inexperience of youth desired what was ridiculous. Domitian, seeing himself slighted by older officers, ceased^ to discharge even those functions of empire which were of limited importance, and which he had been in the habit of exercising; burying himself in the depths of his own reflections, while he exhibited externally a semblance of ^ Domitian is praised by Silius Italicus for the ability and conduct with which he ended the Batavian war :— “ At tu transcendens, Germanice, facta tuorum, Jam puer auricomo performidate Batavo.” —Lib. iii. 607. But Silius Italicus offered the incense of a poet to the reigning princa Cerealis was the general that conquered the Batavian chief. I simplicity and modesty, affecting the pursuit of letters and a passion for poetry^ to veil his real purposes and withdraw himself from the jealousy of his brother, whose dissimilar and milder nature he mistook for its opposite. 1. In the beginning of the same year, Titus, who was ap¬ pointed by his father to complete the subjugation of Judsea, , and who, when both were no higher than subjects, had gained : a reputation for military talents,^ now exercised a more extended influence, and shone with augmented lustre; the provinces and armies emulating each other in their zeal and ; attachment to him. Titus, on his part, that he might be ] thought deserving of still higher distinctions, appeared in all J the splendour of external embellishments, and showed himself ] a prompt and resolute soldier, challenging respect by courtesy 1 and affability; mixing with the common soldiers when en- j gaged ill the works and on their march, without impairing 1 the dignity of the general. He succeeded to the command 1 of three legions in Judaea, the fifth, the tenth, and the J fifteenth;® who had long served under Vespasian. To these J he added the twelfth, from Syria, and the third and twenty- J second, withdrawn from Alexandria. He was attended, besides, | by twenty cohorts of the allies, and eight squadrons of horse, • with the two kings Agrippa and Sohemus,'^ and auxiliaries ' from Antiochus. He had also a band of Arabs, formidable in •' themselves, and harbouring towards the Jews the bitter j animosity usually subsisting between neighbouring nations. ^ Many persons had come from Kome and Italy, each impelled j ^ Domitian is highly praised by Quintilian for his love of literature, lib. X. 1 ; and also by Silius Italicus, lib. hi. 618. Suetonius agrees ' with Tacitus: “ Simulavit et ipse modestiam, imprimisque poeticjB i studium, tam insuetum antea sibi, quam postea spretum et abjectum.” * —Suetonius, Life of Domitian, s. 2. S 2 Titus served with his father in Britain, in Germany, and Judsea. | Suetonius, Life of Vespasian, s. 4 ; and Titus, s. 4. I ^ See an account of the army under Titus; Josephus, Bell. Jud, | FABLED ORIGIN OF THE JEWS. jf 265 by the hopes he had of preoccupying the favour of a prince who had not yet chosen his friends. With this force Titus, advancing into the enemy’s country in order of battle, by his scouts dili¬ gently exploring the motions of the enemy, and prepared for action, formed a camp a short distance from Jerusalem. 2. Being now about to relate the catastrophe of that cele¬ brated city, it seems fitting that I should unfold the particu¬ lars of its origin. The Jews,^ we are told, escaping from the island of Crete, at the time when Saturn was driven from his throne by the violence of Jupiter, settled in the extreme parts of Libya. Their name is adduced as a proof. Ida, it is alleged, is a well-known mountain in Crete: the neighbouring Idacans, by an addition to the name to adapt it to the lan¬ guage of barbarians, are ordinarily called Judeeans.^ Some say that the population, overflowing throughout Egypt, in the reign of Isis, was relieved by emigration into the neigh¬ bouring countries, under the conduct of Hierosolymus and « uda. Many state that they are the progeny of the /E thiopians,^ who were impelled by fear and detestation to change their abode in the reign of king Cepheus. There are those who report that they are a heterogeneous band from Assyria,^ a ^ ^ This account of the origin of the Jewish nation has been the sub¬ ject of much criticism. The commentators are surprised that the historian should not have thought it worth his while to gain the most exact information'concernmg a people whose final ruin he was to relate.^ That neglect is still more surprising when it is considered that, in the reign of Trajan, when Tacitus published his work, the page of Jewish history was fully disclosed, and accessible to the curiosity m eveiy Eoman. Josephus lived at Eome, under Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian; and imder the last of those emperors his Histoiw of the War in Judaea was published. ^ This was the fabulous tradition of the Greeks, who deduced all things from Jupiter and Saturn, as the Eomans afterwards from Troy and the Trojans. 3 The Ethiopians, according to Pliny the elder (lib. vi. 29), were in remote ages a great and powerful people. They held Egypt in sub- ject:on._and were the founders of an empire in Syria. Josephus, in his Antiquities, has a tradition, that Moses commanded armies in .Ethiopia. Hence^ the Jews were said to have issued from Ethiopia. ^ We have in this passage something that borders on the truth. Abraham went forth from Ur of the Chaldees. (Gen. xi. 31.) He went into Egypt to sojourn there. (Gen. xii. 10.) The history of his posterity m Egypt, and the journey into Syria and the land of Canaan, clearly pTOve the descent of the J ews from Abraham, and throw a light upon what oui author says of their Assyrian origin. 266 THE HISTORY. [b. V. people who, being destitute of a country, made themselves masters of a ‘portion of Egypt, and subsequently settled in cities of their own in the Hebrew territories, and the parts bordering on Syria. Others, ascribing to the Jews an illus¬ trious origin, say that the Solymi,^ a nation celebrated in the poetry of Homer, called the city which they built Hierosolyma, from their own name. 3. Very many authors agree in recording that a pestilential disease, which disfigured the body in a loathsome manner,^ spreading over Egypt, Bocchoris, at that time king, repairing to the oracle of Jupiter Hamnaon,^ in quest of a remedy, was directed to purify his kingdorn, and exterminate that race of men as being detested by the gods: that a mass of people thus searched out and collected together were in a wild and barren desert^ abandoned to their misery, when, all the rest being bathed in tears and torpid with despair, Moses, one^f the exiles, admonished them not to look for any aid from gods or men, being deserted of both, but to trust themselves to _ him as a heaven-commissioned guide, by whose aid already they had warded off the miseries that beset them. They"" assented, and commenced a venturous journey, not knowing whither they went. But nothing distressed them so much as want of water and now they lay stretched through all the plains, ready to expire, when a herd of wild asses, returning from pasture, went up a rock shaded with a grove. Moses followed them, and forming his conjecture by the herbage that grew upon the ground, opened copious springs of water^ ^ Bomer speaks of the Solymi; but these were a people of Pisidia, or rather of Ethiopia, and quite distinct from the Jews. 2 Justin mentions this epidemic distemper, and calls it “ scabiem ac vitiliginem that is, the leprosy. (Justin, lib. xxxvi. 2.) This would seem to be the murrain spoken of Exod. ix. 1—3,10. That the passage through the Red Sea should be omitted by Tacitus, Brotier observes cannot be a matter of wonder, since it is related even by Josephus in a manner that adds no authenticity to the miracle. ^ The oracle of Jupiter Hammon is mentioned by Pliny, lib. v. 9 : “ In Cyrenaica Hammonis oraculum, fidei inclitae.” See also Pomponius Mela, lib. i. 8. ^ In the plains of Arabia. ® “ And they went three days in the wilderness, and found no water.” Exod. XV. 22. This discovery of springs in a shady grove calls to mind what Moses tells us : ‘‘ And they came to Elim, where were twelve wells of water, and threescore and ten palm-trees.” (Exod. xv. 27.) Where THE MOSAIC INSTITUTIONS. 267 This was a relief; and pursuing their journey for six days without intermission, on the seventh, having expelled the natives, they took possession of a country where they built their city, and dedicated their temple.^ 4. In order to bind the people to him for the time to come, Moses prescribed to them a new form of worship, and opposed to those of all the world beside. Whatever is held sacred by the Romans, with the Jews is profane: and what in other nations is unlawful and impure, with them is permitted. The figure of the animal through whose guidance they slaked their I thirst, and weie enabled to terminate their wanderings, is consecrated in the sanctuary of thnir temple;^ while in con¬ tempt of Jupiter Hammon,^ they sacrifice a ram. The ox, ; woi shipped in kgypt for the god Apis, is slain as a victim by 1 the Jews. They abstain from the flesh of swine, from the i recollection of the loathsome affliction which they had for- ! merly suffered from leprosy,^ to which that animal is subject. | The famine, with which they were for a long time distressed, 1 is still commemorated by frequent fastings;^ and the Jewish | bread, made without leaven,® is a standing evidence of their Tacitus found the incident of the troop of wild asses does not appearj but see Gen. xxxvi. 24. The story was probably adopted in the nar¬ rative, to prepare the reader for the consecration of the animal, as" mentioned in the following chapter. 1 Brotier observes, that a journey into Palestine, through the deserts of Ara,bia, could not be performed in six days, as it appears, in the Memoirs of the French Missionaries in the Levant, that Father Sicard went over that whole tract of country, and did not reach Mount Sinai till the thirtieth day._ Brotier adds, that in what Tacitus relates, some- truth is still to be found, since we are told that Joshua and the children of Israel went round the city of Jericho once, and continued so to do days, and on the seventh day, which was the sabbath, entered the city; and, having extirpated the inhabitants, be¬ came masters of the country, where David built a city, and Solomon dedicated a temple. See Josh. vi. 3, 20, 21. ^This fable is refuted by Tacitus himself, who says in the following section, “ISTulla simulacra urbibus suis, nedum templis sinunt.” See also c. 9 of this book. The horned head of Jupiter Hammon is often found on coins of the Cyrenaeans. ^ Described in Levit, xiii. xiv. ® There was scarce a month in the Jewish calendar without fast- days; but they were instituted to record signal events, not in com¬ memoration of the famine in the desert. The unleavened bread, mentioned in Exod. xii. 8. It was not as / THE HISTORY. 2G8 seizure of corn. They say that they instituted a rest on the seventh day because that day brought them rest from their ^oils; but afterwards, charmed with the pleasures of idleness, the seventh year^ also was devoted to sloth. Others allega that this is an honour rendered to Saturn, either because their religious institutes were handed down by the Idseans, who, we are informed, were expelled from their country with Saturn, and were the founders of the nation; or else because, of the seven stars by which men are governed, the star of Saturn moves in the highest orbit, and exercises the greatest influence; and most of the heavenly bodies complete their effects and course by. the umber seven. 5. These rites and ceremonies, howsoever introduced, have the support of antiquity. Their other institutions, which have been extensively adopted, are tainted with execrable knavery; for the scum and refuse of other nations, renouncing the religion of their country, were in the habit of bring¬ ing gifts and offerings to Jerusalem,—hence the wealth and grandeur of the state; and also because faith is inviolably observed, and compassion is cheerfully shown towards each other, while the bitterest animosity is harboured against all others. They eat and lodge with one another only; and though a people of unbridled lust, they admit no intercourse with women from other nations. Among themselves no restraints are imposed.^ That they may be known by a dis¬ tinctive mark, they have established the practice of circum¬ cision.^ All who embrace their faith submit to the same operation. The first thing instilled into their proselytes is to despise the gods, to abjure their country, to set at nought Tacitus insinuates, their common food: it was, as we read in Deut. xvi., the bread of affliction, which they were to eat for seven days in me¬ mory of the day when they came forth out of the land of Egypt. ^ The seventh year was also a year of rest, not for the sake of slug¬ gish inactivity, but in consequence of an express command. Levit. XXV. 3, 4. There was still another sabbath of more importance, the Jubilee; see Levit, xxv. 8,10,12. Josephus says that Julius Caesar, when he imposed an annual tribute on the Jewish nation, made an exception of the seventh year, which was called the sabbath, when the people neither reaped nor sowed. See Caesar's decree, Josephus, Ant. xiv. 10. 2 The falseness of this statement is evident from the strictness of the enactments of the Jewish law. ^ Circumcision is called a token of the covenant. Gen. xvii. 2. % 269 c. 5.] parents, children for the increase of th^i|^p any of their brethren in battle, or by be immortal. Hence tempt of death. The rather to bury than -Iwn^wjijMvhom they al?^ »eir persuasion jhem in their nd ^p^tl»0^orship various the Jews ackncj^' o£4itmi by the mind^lojsl K'v iiQttohberishable malfteri; IS ^^how con:-ern, however, T it is forbidden to put phe souls of such as die .tioner, are thought to irocreation, and con- eceased they choose the Egyptian cus- r attention to the ps below,^ but are (Stial things. The ges, the work of only, and con- ^:^,kQ,pkais,.a]l rra'n t representatiorSiB''of /^k^tbofve all, and ever__^_ ^ :^iiAbject to deca^. r _ ' of him in their -'^jflliiattitMil rdjsss they do not flatter le Caesars. But because tlieir priests periormeCtllL' the pipe and timbrels, were crowded with ivy, and le^ was found in the temple, some have supposed is, the conqueror of the East, was the object of Ition; but the Jewish institutions have no con- l^ever to the rites of Bacchus. For Bacchus has i j.ns had power of life and death ovet their own children, willing to be encumbered With a numerous issue. |in that the Hebrews interred their dead, since Abraham’s '•is_ frequently mentioned in Scripture. That the Egyp- ' ' jn dead, is plain from their usage of embalming them. practice of burning the bodies of the deceased bngi^lly from a design to prevent any outrage to the bodies «mies. Sylla, among the Romans, was the first of his ^dered his body to be burned, lest the barbarities which »8d on the remains of Marius should be retaliated on his isays : “ Proculdubio cremandi ritus a Grsecis venit, nam IUS Humam ad Anienis fontem, totique genti Corneliae sepulchrum usque ad Syllam, qui primus ex ea gente —De Legibus, lib. 2. Wians believed in a state of future rewards and punish- Diodorus Siculus, lib. i. 51. ^n is made in any part of the Bible of Jewish priests wrought in gold, of prodigious weight, is ^^^iMIHBfly^osephus as a magnificent ornament. See Ant. xv. 11. 270 i' ' ordained festive and are dull and repulsive. 6. Their land is the east by Arabia the west Phoenicia an range northward on and patient of labou rich and fertile. T' are usually found balm tree flourish usages of the Jews orders are formed on ^ ^ -confine lies Egypt; on the^jbommand an extended The natives are robust, om seen, and the #of beautiful and loj^ branches success^ii^ iSii the earth feide» them nee. The imiilfi of moderate s '"n apply the ,aius on Virgil, ^n. xi. 626. ^ Scandinavia and Finland, of which the Romans had a very slight knowledge, were supposed to be islands. The mountains of the Grisons. That in which the Rhine rises is at present called Vogelberg. C. 2.] ORIGIN OF THE PEOPLE OF GERMANY, 287 bends gently to the west, and falls into the Northern Ocean. The Danube, poured from the easy and gently-raised ridge of Mount Abnoba,! visits several nations in its course, till at length it bursts out ^ by six channels ^ into the Pontic sea; a seventh is lost in marshes. 2. The people of Germany ajDpear to me indigenous,^ and free from intermixture with foreigners, either as settlers or casual visitants. For the emigrants of former ages per¬ formed their expeditions not by land, but by water and that immense, and, if I may so call it, hostile ocean, is rarely navigated by ships from our world.^ Then, besides the dan¬ gers of a boisterous and unknown sea, who would relinquish Asia, Africa, or Italy, for Germany, a land rude in its surface, rigorous in its climate, cheerless to every beholder and culti¬ vator, except a native ? In their ancient songs,^ which are their only records or annals, they celebrate the god Tuisto,^ ■ ^ Now called Schwartz-wald, or the Black Forest. The name Da¬ nubius was given to that portion of the river which is included between its source and Vindobona (Vienna); throughout the rest of its course it was called Ister. 2 I>onec erumpat. The term eriimpat is most correctly and graphi- ca,lly employed; for the Danube discharges its waters into the Euxine with so great force, that its course may be distinctly traced for miles out to sea, ^ There are now but five. ^ The ancient writers called all nations indigena {i. e. inde geniti), or dvTSxQov^s, “sprung from the soil,” of whose origin they were ignorant. ^ It is, however, well established that the ancestors of the Germans migrated by land from Asia. Tacitus here falls into a very common kind of error, in assuming a local fact (viz, the manner in which migra¬ tions took place in the basin of the Mediterranean) to be the expression of a general law.— Ed. Drusus, father of the emperor Claudius, was the first Roman ge¬ neral who navigated the German Ocean. The difficulties and dangers which Germanicus met with from the storms of this sea are related in the Annals, ii. 23. 7 All^ barbarous nations, in all ages, have applied verse to the same use, as is still found to be the case among the North American Indians. Charlemagne, as we are told by Eginhart, “wrote out and committed to memory barbarous verses of great antiquity, in which the actions and wars of ancient kings were recorded.” ® The learned Leibnitz supposes this Tuisto to have been the Teut or Teutates so famous throughout Gaul and Spain, who was a Celto- Scythian king or hero, and subdued and civilized a great part of Europe and Asia. Various other conjectures have been foi-med concerning him and his son Mannus, but most of them extx’emely vague and improbable. Among 288 MANNERS OF THE GERMANS. [c. 2. ^ sprung from the earth, and his son Mannas, as the fathers and founders of their race. To Mannus they ascribe three sons, from whose names ^ the people bordering on the ocean are called Ingaevones; those inhabiting the central parts, Herminones; the rest, Istaevones. Some,^ however, assuming the licence of antiquity, affirm that there were more descen¬ dants of the god, from whom more appellations were derived; as those of the Marsi,^ Gambrivii,'^ Suevi,^ and Vandali;® and that these are the genuine and original names.That Among the rest, it has been thought that in Mannus and his three sons an obscure tradition is preserved of Adam, and his sons Cain, Abel, and Seth; or of Noah, and his sons Shem, Ham, and Japhet. ^ Conringius interprets the names of the sons of Mannus into Ingaff, Istaf, and Hermin. 2 Pliny, iv. 14, erpbraces ^ middle opinion between thes§, and men¬ tions five capital tribes. The Vindili, to whom belong the Burgun¬ diones, Varini, Carini, and Guttones; the Ingaevones, including the Cimbri, Teutoni, and Chauci ; the Istaevones, near the Khine, part of whom are the midland Cimbri; the Hermiones, containing the Suevi, Hermunduri, Catti, and Cherusci ; and the Peucini and Bastarnae, bor¬ dering upon the Dacians. ^ The Marsi appear to have occupied various portions of the north¬ west part of Germany at various times. In the time of Tiberius (a. d. 14) they sustained a great slaughter from the forces of Germanicus, who ravaged their country for fifty miles with fire and sword, sparing neither age nor sex, neither things profane nor sacred. (See Ann. i. 51.) At this period they were occupying the country in the neighbourhood of the Rura (Ruhr), a tributary of the Rhine. Probably this slaughter was the destruction of them as a separate people; and by the tune that Trajan succeeded to the imperial power they seem to have been blotted out from amongst the Germanic tribes. Hence their name will not b© found in the following account of Germany. ^ These people are mentioned by Strabo, vii. 1, 3. Their locality is not very easy to determine. ® See note, c. 38. ® The Vandals are said to have derived their name from the German word wendeln, “to wander.” They began to be troublesome to the Romans a, D. 160, in the reigns of Aurelius and Verus. In A.D. 410 they made themselves masters of Spain in conjunction with the Alans and Suevi, and received for their share what from them was termed Vandalusia (Andalusia). In A.D. 429 they crossed into Africa under Genseric, who not only made himself master of Byzacium, Gsetulia, and part of Numidia, but also crossed over into Italy, A.n. 455, and plun¬ dered Rome. After the death of Genseric the Vandal power declined. 7 TTiat is, those of the Marsi, Gambrivii, &c. Those of Ingaevones, Istaevones, and Hermiones, were not so much names of the people, as terms expressing their situation. For, according to the most learned Germans, the Ingaevones are die Inwdkncv, those dwelling inwards. c C. 3.] ' THE GERMAN HERCULES. 289 - of Germany, on the other hand, they assert to be a modern addition for that the people who first crossed the Ehine, and expelled the Gauls, and are now called Tungri, were then named Germans; which appellation of a particular tribe, not of a whole people, gradually prevailed; so that the title of Germans, first assumed by the victors in order to excite terror, was afterwards adopted by the nation in general.^ They have likewise the tradition of a Hercules ^ of their country, whose < praises they sing before those of all other heroes as they advance to battle. 3. A peculiar kind of verses is also current among them, by the recital of which, termed “ barding,” ^ they stimulate towards the sea; the Istsevones, die Westwohner, the inhabitants of the western parts; and the Hermiones, die Herumwohner, the midland inha¬ bitants. 1 It is however found in an inscription so far back as the year of Rome 531, before Christ 222, recording the victory of Claudius Mar¬ cellus over the Galli Insubres and their allies the Germans, at Clasti¬ dium, now Chiastezzo in the Milanese. 2 This is illustrated by a passage in Caesar, Bell. Gall. ii. 4, where, after mentioning that several of the Belgae were descended from the Germans who had formerly crossed the Rhine and expelled the Gauls, he says, “ the first of these emigrants were the Condrusii, Eburones, Caeresi, and Paemani, who were called by the common name of Ger¬ mans.”.- The derivation of German is Wehr mann, a warrior, or-man of war. This appellation was first used by the victorious Cisrhenane tribes, but not by the whole Transrhenane nation, till they gradually adopted it, as equally due to them on account of their military repu¬ tation. The Tungri were formerly a people of great name, the relics of which still exist in the extent of the district now termed the ancient diocese of Tongres. ^ Under this name Tacitus speaks of some German deity, whose attributes corresponded in the main with those of the Greek and Roman Hercules. What he was called by the Germans is a matter of doubt.— White. ^^ Quern harditum vocant. The word harditus is of Gallic origin, being derived from hardi, “bards;” it being a custom with the Gauls for bards to accompany the army, and celebrate the heroic deeds of their great warriors; so that harditum would thus signify “the fulfilment of the bard’s office.” Hence it is clear that harditum could not be used correctly here, inasmuch as amongst the Germans not any particular, appointed, body of men, but the whole army chanted forth the war- Bong. Some editions have haritum, which is said to be derived from the German word heren, or haeren, “to shout;” and hence it is trans¬ lated in some dictionaries as, “ the German war-song.” From the fol¬ lowing passage extracted from Facciolati, it would seem, however, that German critics repudiate this idea: “De harito, clamore bellico, seu, ut qusedam habent exemplaria, hardito, nihil audiuimufl nunc in Germania: TAG. — VOL. II. U 290 MANNERS OF THE GERMANS. lc.S, their courage; while the sound itself serves as an augury of the event of the impending combat. For, according to the nature of the cry proceeding from the line, terror is inspired or felt: nor does it seem so much an articulate song, as the wild chorus of valour. A harsh, piercing note, and a broken roar, are the favourite tones; which they render more full and sonorous by applying their mouths to their shields.^ Some conjecture that Ulysses, in the course of his long and fabulous wanderingSj was driven into this ocean, and landed in Germany; and that Asciburgium,^ a place situated on the Rhine, and at this day inhabited, was founded by him, and x named ’AorKnrvpyLov. They pretend that an altar was for¬ merly discovered here^ consecrated to Ulysses, with the name of his father Laertes subjoined; and that certain monuments nisi hoc dixerimus, qu6d hracht, vel hrecht^ milites Germani appellare consueverunt; concursum videlicet certantium, et clamorem ad pugnam descendentium; quem har, har, bar, sonuisse nonniilli affirmant.”— (Andr, Althameri, Schol. in C. Tacit. De Germanis.) Ritter, himself a German, affirms that baritus is a reading worth nothing; and that barritus was not the name of the ancient German war-song, but of the shout raised by the Romans in later ages when on the point of engaging; and that it was derived “ a clamore barrorum, i. e. elephantorum.” The same learned editor considers that the words “ quem barditum vocant” have been originally the marginal annotation of some unsound scholar, and have been incorporated by some transcriber into the text of his MS. copy, whence the error has spreads He therefore encloses them between brackets, to show that, in his judgment, they are not the genuine production of the pen of Tacitus.— White. ^ A very curious coincidence with the ancient German opinion com cerning the prophetic nature of the war-cry or song, appears in the fol¬ lowing passage of the Life of Sir Ewen Cameron, in “ Pennant’s Tour,” . 1769, Append, p. 363. At the battle of Killicrankie, just before the fight began, “ he (Sir Ewen) commanded such of the Camerons as were posted near him to make a great shout, which being seconded by those who stood on the right and left, ran quickly through the whole army, and was returned by the enemy. But the noise of the muskets and cannon, with the echoing of the hills, made the Highlanders fancy that their shouts were mhch louder and brisker than those of the enemy, and Lochiel cried out, ‘ Gentlemen, take courage, the day is ours: I am the oldest commander in the army, and have always observed something ominous and fatal in such a dull, hollow, and feeble noise as the enemy made in their shout, which prognosticates that they are all doomed to die by our hands this night; whereas ours was brisk, lively, and strong, and shows we have vigour and courage.’ These words, spreading quickly through the army, animated the troops in a strange manner. The event justified the prediction; the Highlanders obtained a complete victory.** ^ Now Asburg in the county of Meurs. i* / C- S>-j CHARACTER OP THE COUNTRY. 291 and tombs, inscribed with Greek characters,^ are still extant upon the confines of Germany and Rhsetia. These allegations 1 shall neither attempt to confirm nor to refute; let every one believe concerning them as he is disposed. 4. I concur in opinion with those who deem the Germans never to have intermarried with other nations; but to be a race, pure, unmixed, and stamped with a distinct character. Hence a family likeness pervades the whole, though their numbers are so great: eyes stern and blue; ruddy hair; largo bodies,2 powerful in sudden exertions, but impatient of toil and labour, least of all capable of sustaining thirst and heat. Cold and hunger they are accustomed by their climate and soil to endure. 5. The land, though varied to a considerable extent in its aspect, is yet universally shagged with forests, or deformed by marshesmoister on the side of Gaul, more bleak on the side of Noricum and Pannonia.^ It is productive of grain, but unkindly to fruit-trees.^ It abounds in flocks and herds, but in general of a small breed. Even the b'eeve kind are destitute of their usual stateliness and dignity of head: ^ they are, however, numerous, and form the most esteemed, and, indeed, the only species of wealth. Silver and gold the gods, . The Greeks, by means of their colony at Marseilles, introduced their letters into Gaul, and the old Gallic coins have many Greek cha¬ racters in their inscriptions. The Helvetians also, as we are informed by CsBsar, used Greek letters. Thence they might easily pass by means of commercial intercourse to the neighbouring Germans, Count Mar- sili and others have found monuments with Greek inscriptions in Ger¬ many, but not of so early an age. 2 The large bodies of the Germans are elsewhere taken notice of by Tacitus, and also by other authors It would appear as if most of them were at that time at least six feet high. They are stiU accounted some of the tallest people in Europe. ® Bavaria and Austria. ^ The greater degree of cold when the country was overspread with woods and marshes, made this observation more applicable than at present. The same change of temperature from clearing and draining the land has taken place in North America. It may be added, that the Germans, as we are afterwards informed, paid attention to no kind of culture but that of corn. ® The cattle of some parts ofi Germany are at present remarkably large, so that tbeir former smallness must bave ratber been owing tc want of care in feeding them and protecting them from the inclemencies of winter, and in improving the breed by mixtures, than to the nature of the climate. u 2 202 MANNERS OP THE GERMANS. [c. 6. I know not whether in their favour or anger, have denied to tliis country.^ Not that I would assert that no veins of these metals are generated in Germany; for who has made , the search ? The possession of them is not coveted by these people as it is by us. Vessels of silver are indeed to be seen among them, which have been presented to their ambassadors •and ijchiefs; but they are held in no higher estimation than earthenware. The borderers, however, set a value on gold and silver for the purposes of commerce, and have learned to distinguish several kinds of our coin, some of which they prefer to others: the remoter inhabitants continue the more simple and ancient usage of bartering commodities. The money preferred by the Germans is the old and well-known species, such as the Serrati and Bigati.^ They are also better pleased with silver than gold; ^ not on account of any fond¬ ness for that metal, but because the smaller money is more convenient in their common and petty merchandise. 6. Even iron is not plentiful^ among them; as may be inferred from the nature of their weapons. Swords or broad ^ Mines both of gold and silver have since been discovered in Ger- niany; the former, indeed, inconsiderable; but the latter, valuable. ^ As vice and corruption advanced among the Romans, their money became debased and adulterated. Thus Pliny, xxxiii. 3, relates, that “ Livius Drusus during his tribuneship mixed an eighth part of brass with the silver coin:” and ibid. 9, “that Antony the triumvir mixed iron with the denarius: that some coined base metal, others diminished the'^pieces, and hence it became an art to prove the goodness of the denarii.” One precaution for this purpose was cutting the edges like the teeth of a saw, by which means it was seen whether the metal was the same quite through, or was only plated. These were the Serrati^ or serrated Denarii. The Bigati were those stamped with* the figure of a chariot drawn by two horses, as were the Quadrigati with a chariot and four horses. These were old coin, of purer silver than those of the emperors. Hence the preference of the Germans for certain kinds of species was founded on their apprehension of being cheated with false money. 3 The Romans had the same predilection for silver coin, and probably on the same account originally. Pliny, in the place above cited, ex¬ presses his surprise that “the Roman people had always imposed a tribute in silver on conquered nations; as at the end of the second Punic war, when they demanded an annual payment in silver for fifty years, without any gold.” ♦ ^ Iron was in great abundance in the bowels of the earth; but this barbarous people had neither patience, skill, nor industry to dig and work it. Besides, they made use of weapons of stone, great numbers of which are found in ancient tombs and barrows. 295 C. 6.] DESCRIPTION OF ARMOUR. lances are seldom used j but they generally carry a spear, (called in their language framea}) which has an iron blade] short and narrow, but so sharp and manageable, that, as occasion requires, they employ it either in close or distant fighting.2 This spear and a shield are all the armour of the cavalry. The foot have, besides, missile weapons, several to each man, which they hurl to an immense distance.^ They are either naked,^ or lightly covered with a small mantle; and have no pride in equipage: their shields only are orna¬ mented with the choicest colours.® Few are provided with a coat of mail;® and scarcely here and there one with a casque or helmet.^ Their horses are neither remarkable for ^ This is supposed to take its name from 'pfriem or pnem, the point of a weapon. Afterwards, when iron grew more plentiful, the Germans chiefly used swords. 2 It appears, however, from Tacitus’s Annals, ii. 14, that the length of these spears rendered them unmanageable in an engagement among trees and bushes. ^ ^ Notwithstanding tho manner of fighting is so much changed in modem times, the arms of the ancients are still in use. We, as well as they, have two kinds of swords, the sharp-pointed, and edged (small sword and sabre). The broad lance subsisted till lately in the halberd; the spear and framea in the long pike and spontoon j the missile weapons in the war hatchet, or North American tomahawk. There are, besides, found in the old German barrows, perforated'stone balls, which they threw by means of thongs passed through them. ^ Nudi. The Latin nudus, like the Greek yvfxvus, does not point out a person devoid of all clothing, but merely one without an i^per garment—clad merely in a vest or tunic, and that perhaps a short one. — White. ® This decoration at first denoted the valour, afterwards the nobility, of the bearer; and in process of time gave origin to the armorial ensigns so famous in the ages of chivalry. The shields of the private men were simply coloured; those of the chieftains had the figures of animals painted on them. ® Plutarch, in his Life of Marius, describes somewhat differently the arms and equipage of the Cimbri. « They wore (says he) helmets representing the heads of wild beasts, and other unusual figures, and crowned with a winged crest, to make them appear taller. They were covered with iron coats of mail, and carried white glittering shields. Each had a battle-axe; and in close fight they used large heavy swords.” But the learned Eccard justly observes, that they had pro¬ cured these arms in their march; for the Holsatian barrows of that age contain few weapons of brass, and none of iron; but stone spear¬ heads, and instead of swords, the wedgelike bodies vulgarly called thunderbolts. ^ Casques (cassis) are of metal; helmets (galea) of leather.— /sicZoJTJS. 294 MANNERS OF THE GERMANS. ' [c. O’, beauty nor swiftness, nor are they taught the various evo¬ lutions practised with us. The cavalry either bear down straight forwards, or wheel once to the right, in so compact a body that none is left behind the rest. Their principal strength, on the whole, consists in their infantry: hence in an engagement these are intermixed with the cavalry;^ so well accordant with the nature of equestrian combats is the agility of those foot soldiers, whom they select from the whole body of their youth, and place in the front of the line. Their number, too, is determined; a hundred from each canton and they are distinguished at home by a name expressive of this circumstance; so that what at first was only an appella¬ tion of number, becomes thenceforth a title of honour. Their line of battle is disposed in wedges.^ To give ground, pro¬ vided they rally again, is considered rather as a prudent stratagem, than cowardice. They carry off their slain even while the battle remains undecided. The greatest disgrace ^ This mode of fighting is admirably described by Csesar. “The Germans engaged after the following manner:—There were 6,000 horse, and an equal number of the swiftest and bravest foot; who were chosen, man by man, by the cavalry, for their protection. By these they were attended in battle; to these they retreated; and these, if they were hard pressed, joined them in the combat. If any fell wounded from their horses, by these they were covered. If it were necessary to advance or retreat to any considerable distance, such agility had they acquired by exercise, that, supporting themselves by the horses’ manes, they kept pace with them.”—Bell. Gall. i. 48. ^ To understand this, it is to be remarked, that the Germans were divided into nations or tribes,—these into cantons, and these into dis¬ tricts or townships. The cantons (jpagi in Latin) were called by them¬ selves gaum. The districts or townships (wa) were called hunderte^ whence the English hundreds. The name given to these select youth, according to the learned Dithmar, was die hunderte, hundred men. From the following passage in Caesar, it appears that in the more powerful tribes a greater number was selected from each canton. “ The nation of the Suevi is by far the greatest and most warlike of the Germans. They are said to inhabit a hundred cantons; from each of which a thousand men are sent annually to make war out of their own territories. Thus neither the employments of agriculture, nor the use of arms are interrupted.”—Bell. Gall. iv. 1. The warriors were summoned by the heribannum, or army-edict; whence is derived the French arriere-ban. 3 A wedge is described by Vegetius (iii. 19,) as a body of infantry, narrow in front, and widening towards the rear; by which disposition they were enabled to break the enemy’s ranks, as all their 'weapons were dhected to one spot. The soldiers called it a boar’s head. ELECTION OP KINGS. 295 C. 7.] that can befal them is to have abandoned their shields.^ A person branded with this ignominy is not permitted to join in their religious rites, or enter their assemblies; so that many, after escaping from battle, have put an end to their infamy by the halter. 7. In the election of kings they have regard to birth; in that of generals,^ to valour. Their kings have not an abso¬ lute or unlimited power and their generals command less tlirough the force of authority, than of example. If they are daring, adventurous, and conspicuous in action, they pro¬ cure obedience from the admiration they inspire. None, however, but the priests^ are permitted to judge offenders, to inflict bonds or stripes; so that chastisement appears not as an act of military discipline, but as the instigation of the god whom they suppose present with warriors. They also carry with them to battle certain images and standards taken from the sacred groves.^ It is a principal incentive to their ^ It was also considered as the height of injury to charge a person with this unjustly. Thus, by the Salic law, tit. xxxiii. 6, a fine of 600 denarii (about 9Z.) is imposed upon “ every free man who shall accuse another of throwing down his shield, and running away, without being able to prove it.” 2 Vertot (Mem. de I’Acad. des. Inscrip.) supposes that the French maires du palais had their origin from these German military leaders. If the kings were equally conspicuous for valour as for, birth, they united the regal with the military command. Usually, however, severa,! kings and generals were assembled in their wars. In this case, the most eminent commanded, and obtained a common jurisdiction in war, which did not subsist in time of peace. Thus Caesar (Bell. Gall, vi.) says, “ In peace they have no common magistracy.” A general was elected by placing him on a shield, and lifting him on the shoulders of the bystanders. The same ceremonial was observed ip the election of kings. ^ Hence Ambiorix, king of the Eburones, declp,red that the nature of his authority was such, that the people had no less power over him, than he over the people.”—Cassar, Bell. Gall. v. The authority of the North American chiefs is almost exactly similar, ^ The power of life and death, however, was in the hands of magis¬ trates. Thus Cassar : “ When a state engages either in an offensive or defensive war, magistrates are chosen to preside over it, an4 exercise power of life and death.”—Bell. Gall. vi. The infliction of punish¬ ments was committed to the priests, in order to give them more solemnity, and render them less invidious. ^ Effigiesque et signa queedam. That efiSgies does not mpan the images of their deities is proved by what is stated at chap, ix., viz. that they deemed \t derogatory to their deities to represent them in human MANNEES OP THE GERMANS. [c. 8. courage, that their squadrons and battalions are not formed by men fortuitously collected, but by the assemblage of families and clans. Their pledges also are near at hand; they have within hearing the yells of their women, and the cries of their children. These, too, are the most revered witnesses of each man’s conduct, these his most liberal ap- J plauders. To their mothers and their wives they bring their wounds for relief, nor do these dread to count or to search out the gashes. The women also administer food and encourage- ■ ment to those who are fighting. j 8. Tradition relates, that armies beginning to give way i have been rallied by the females, through the earnestness of • their supplications, the interposition of their bodies,^ and the pictures they have drawn of impending slavery,^ a calamity which these people bear with more impatience for their women than themselves; so that those states who have been obliged to give among* their hostages the daughters of noble families, are the most effectually bound to fidelity.^ They even suppose somewhat of sanctity and prescience to be inhe¬ rent in the female sex; and therefore neither despise their counsels,^ nor disregard their responses.^ We have beheld, form ; and, if in human form, we may argue, & fortiori, in the form of the lower animals. The interpretation of the passage will he best derived from Hist. iv. 22, where Tacitus says:— “Depromptae silvis lucisve ferarum imagines, ut cuique genti inire praelium mos est.” It - would hence appear that these effigies and signa were images of wild animals, and were national standards preserved with religious care in sacred woods and groves, whence they were brought forth when the clan or tribe was about to take the field.— White. ^ They not only interposed to prevent the flight of their husbands ^d sons, but, in desperate emergencies, themselves engaged in battle. This happened on Marius’s defeat of the Cimbri (hereafter to be men¬ tioned) ; and Dio relates, that when Marcus Aurelius overthrew the Marcomanni, Quadi, and other German allies, the bodies of women in armour were found among the slain. ^ Thus, in the army of Ariovistus, the women, with their hair dis¬ hevelled, and weeping, besought the soldiers not to deliver them captives to the Eomans.—Caesar, Bell. Gall. i. ^ ® Eelative to this, perhaps, is a circumstance mentioned by Suetonius in his Life of Augustus. “ From some nations he attempted to exact a new kind of hostages, women; because he observed that those of the male sex were disregarded.”—Aug. xxi. ^ See the same observation with regard to the Celtic women, in Plutarch, on the virtues of women. The North Americans pay a similar regard to their females. ^ A remarkable instance of this is given by Ceesar. “When he C. 9.] RESPECT PAID TO WOMEN. 297 in the reign of Vespasian, Veleda/ long reverenced by many as a deity. ^ Aurima, moreover, and several others,^ were for- merly held in e(][ual veneration, but not with a servile flattery, nor as though they made them goddesses.^ * ’ 9. Of the gods, Mercury^ is the principal object of their inquired of the captives the reason why Ariovistus did not engage, he learned, that it was because the matrons, who among the Germans are accustorned to pronounce, from their divinations, whether or not a battle_ will be favourable, had declared that'they would not prove victorious, if they should fight before the new moon,”—Bell. Gall. i. The cruel manner in which the Cimbrian women performed their divi¬ nations is thus related by Strabo : “ The women who follow the Cimbri to war, are accompanied by grey-haired prophetesses, in white vest¬ ments, with canvas mantles fastened by clasps, a brazen girdle, and naked feet. These go with drawn swords through the camp, and, striking down those of the prisoners that they meet, drag them to a brazen kettle, holding aboiit twenty amphora. This has a kind of stage above it, ascending on which, the priestess cuts the throat of the victim, and, from the manner in which the blood fiows into the vessel, judges of event. Others tear open the bodies of the captives thus butchered, and, from inspection of the entrails, presage victory to their own party.”—Lib. vii. ^ She was afterwards taken prisoner by Eutilius Gallicus, Statius. SylvBe, i. 4, refers to this event. Tacitus has more concerning her in his History, iv. 61. ^ 2 Viradesthis was a goddess of the Tungri ; Harimella, another pro¬ vincial deity; whose names were found by Mr, Pennant inscribed on altars at the Eoman station at Burrens. These were erected by the German auxiliaries.—Vide Tour in Scotland, 1772, part ii. p. 406. 2 Eitter considers that here is a reference to the servile flattery of the senate as exhibited in the time of Hero, by the deification of Poppsea’s infant daughter, and afterwards of herself. (See Ann. xv. 23, Dion. Ixiii., Ann, xiv. 3.) There is no contradiction in the present passage to ,that found at Hist. iv. 61, where Tacitus says, “ plerasque feminarum fatidicas et, augescente superstitione, arbiti-antur deas i.e. they deem {arlitrantur) very many of their women possessed of pro¬ phetic powers, and, as their religious feeling increases, they deem \arhitrantur) them goddesses, i. e. possessed of a superhuman nature ; they do not, however, make them goddesses and worship them, as the Eomans did Poppgea and her infant, which is covertly implied in facerent deas . — White. ^ Mercury, i. e. a god whom Tacitus thus names, because his attri¬ butes resembled those of the Eoman Mercury. According to Paulus Diaconus (de Gestis Langobardorum, i. 9), this deity was Wodun, or Gwodan, called also Odin, Mallet (Horth, Ant. ch. v.) says, that in the Icelandic mythology he is called “the tenable and severe God, the Father of Slaughter, he who giveth victory and receiveth courage in the conflict, who nameth those that are to be slain.” “ The Germans V 298 MANNERS OP THE GERMANS. [c. 9. adoration; whom, on certain days,^ they think it lawful to propitiate even with 'human victims. To Hercules and Mars 2 they offer the animals usually allotted for sacrifice.^ drew their gods by theip own character, who Joved nothing so much themselves as to display their strength and power in battle, and to signalize their vengeance upon their enemies by slaughter and desola-" tion.” There remain to this day some traces of the worship paid to Odin in the name given by almost all the people of the north to the fourth day of the week, which was formerly consecrated to him. It is called by a name which signifies “ Odin’s dayOld Norse, Odinsdagr; Swedish and Danish, Onsdag; Anglo-Saxon, Wodenesdcp.g, WodnesdcBg; Dutch, Woensdag; English, Wednesday. As Odin or Wodun was sup¬ posed to correspond to the Mercury of the Greeks and Romans, the name of this day was expressed in Latin Dies MercwriV.' — White. * “ The appointed time for these sacrifices,” says Mallet (North. Ant. ch. vi.), “ was always determined by a superstitious opinion which made the northern nations regard the number ‘ three ’ as sacred and particularly dear to the gods. Thus, in every ninth month they renewed the bloody ceremony, which was to last nine days, and every day they offered up nine living victims, whether men or animals. But the most solemn sacrifices were those which were offered up at Upsal in Sweden every ninth year.” After stating the compulsory nature of attendance at this festival. Mallet -adds, *• Then they chose among the captives in time of war, and among the slaves in time of peace, nine persons to be sacrificed. In whatever manner they immo¬ lated men, the priest always took care in consecrating the victim to pronounce certain words, as ‘ I devote thee to Odin,’ ‘ I send thee to Odin.’ ” See Lucan i. 444. “ Et (|uibu3 immitis placatur sanguipe diro Teutates, horrensque feris altaribus Hesus.” Teutates is Mercury, Hesus, Mars. So also at iii. 399, &c. “ Lucus erat longo nunquam violatus ab aevo. . . . . . Barbara ritu Sacra Deum, structae diris altaribus arae, Omnis et humanis lustrata cruoribus arbor.” 2 That is, as in the preceding case, a deity whose attributes cor¬ responded to those of the Roman Mars, This appears to have been not Thor, who is rather the representative of the Roman Jupiter, but Tyr, “ a warrior god, and the protector of champions and brave men ! ” “ From Tyr is derived the name given to the third day of the week in most of the Teutonic languages, and which has been rendered into Latin by Dies Martis. Old Norse, Tirsdagr, Tisdagr; Swedish, Tisdag; Danish, Tirsdag; German, Dienstag; Dutch, Dingsdag; Anglo-Saxon, Tyrsdceg, Tyvesdesg, Tivesdceg; English, Tuesday.” — Mallet’s North. Ant. ch. V.) — White. ^ The Suevi appear to have been the Germanic tribes, and this also the worship spoken of at chap. xl. Signum in modum liburnce figwratum DIVINATION. C. 10.] 299 Some of the Suevi also perform sacred rites to Isis. What was the cause and origin of this foreign worship, I have not been able to discover j further than that her being represented with^ the symbol of a galley, seems to indicate an imported religion. 1 They conceive it unworthy the grandeur of celes¬ tial beings to confine their deities within walls, or to repre¬ sent them under a human similitude i ^ woods and groves are their temples; and they affix names of divinity to that secret power, which they behold with the eye of adoration alone. 10. No people are more addicted to divination by omens and lots. Tne latter is performed in the following simple manner. They cut a twig ^ from a fruit-tree, and divide it into small pieces, which, distinguished by certain marks, are thrown promiscuously upon a white garment. Then,’ the priest of the canton, if the occasion be public; if private, the master of the family; after an invocation of the gods’ with his eyes lifted up to heaven, thrice takes out each piece, and, as they come up, interprets their signification according .to the marks fixed upon them. If the result prove unfavour¬ able, there is no more consultation on the same affair that day; if propitious, a confirmation by omens is still required. In common with other nations, the Germans are acquainted with the practice of auguring from the notes and flight of corresponds with the vehiculum, there spoken of; the real thin? hein? accordmg to Eitter’s view, a pinnace placed on wheels. That sianum zpsum i, the very symbol”) does not mean any image of the goddess, may be gathered also from chap, xl., where the goddess herself, si credere velxs, is spoken of as being washed in the sacred lake. As the Romans in their ancient coins, many of which are now extant, recorded the arrival of Saturn by the stern of a ship; so other nations have frequently denoted the importation of a foreign religious rite by the figure of a galley on their medals. 2 Tacitus elsewhere speaks of temples of German divinities (e. < 7 . 40 : Templum Nerthae, Ann. i. 51; Templum Tanfanae) ; but a consecrated any other sacred place, was called templum by the Romans. Ihe Scythians are mentioned by Herodotus, and the Alans by Ammianus ^arcellinus, as making use of these divining rods. The German method of divination with them is illustrated by what is said by Saxo-Grammaticus (Hist. Dan. xiv. 288) of the inhabitants of the Isle of Rugen in the Baltic Sea: - Throwing, by way of lots, three pieces of wood, white in one part, and black in another, into their laps, of thfblack'^’^^^^ fortune by the coming up of the white; bad by that V V' 300 MANNERS OF THE GERMANS. [o. 11. j birds; but it is peculiar to them to derive admonitions and presages from horses also.^ Certain of these animals, milk-white, and untouched by earthly labour, are pastured at the public expense in the sacred woods and groves. These, yoked to a consecrated chariot, are accompanied by the priest, and king, or chief person of the community, who atten¬ tively observe their manner of neighing and snorting; and no kind of augury is more credited, not only among the popu¬ lace, but among the nobles and priests. For the latter | consider themselves as the , ministers of the gods, and the 1 horses, as privy to the divine will. Another kind of divina- ' tion, by which they explore the event of momentous wars, is to oblige a prisoner, taken by any means whatsoever from I the nation with whom they are at variance, to fight with a picked man of their own, each with his own country’s arms; and, according as the victory falls, they presage success to the one or to the other party.^ 11. On affairs of smaller moment, the chiefs consult; on those of greater importance, the whole community; yet with this circumstance, that what is referred to the decision of the people, is first maturely discussed by the chiefs.^ They assemble, unless upon some sudden emergency, on stated , days, either at the new or full moon, which they account the , most auspicious season for beginning any entei-prise. Nor , do they, in their computation of time, reckon, like us, by the number of days, but of nights. In this way they arrange ; their business; in this way they fix their appointments; so ; ^ The same practice obtained among the Persians, from whom the ■ Germans appear to be sprung. Darius was elected king by the neighing ' of a horse; sacred white horses were in the army of Cyrus; and Xerxes, retreating after his defeat, was preceded by the sacred horses 9 and consecrated chariot. Justin (i. 10) mentions the cause of this 9 superstition, viz. that “the Persians believed the Sun to be the only 9 God, and horses to be peculiarly consecrated to him.” The priest of 9 the Isle of Eugen also took auspices from a white horse, as may be 9 seen in Saxo-Grammaticus. 9 ^ Montesquieu finds in this custom the origin of the duel, and of 9 knight-errantry. 9 ® This remarkable passage, so curious in political history, is com- mented on by Montesquieu, in his Spirit of Laws, vi. 11. That ^9 celebrated author expresses his surprise at the existence of such a* balance between liberty and authority in the forests of Germany; and traces the origin of the English constitution from this source. Tacittis 9 again mentions the German form of government in his Annals,, iv. 33. - 9 PUBLIC ASSEMBLIES. 301 a 12.] that, with them, the night seems to lead the day.^ An incon¬ venience produced by their liberty is, that they do not all - assemble at a stated time, as if it were in obedience to a command; but two or three days are lost in the delays of convening. When they all think fit,2 they sit down armed.3 Silence is proclaimed by the priests, who have on this occa¬ sion a coercive power. Then the king, or chief, and such others as are conspicuous for age, birth, military renown, or eloquence, are heard; and gain attention rather from their ability to persuade, than their authority to command. If a proposal displease, the assembly reject it by an inarticulate murmur; if it prove agreeable, they clash their javelins for the most honourable expression of assent among them is the sound of arms. 12. Before this council, it .is likewise allowed to exhibit accusations, and to prosecute capital offences. Punishments are varied according to the nature of the crime. Traitors and deserters are hung upon trees cowards, dastards,® and those * The high antiquity of this mode of reckoning appears from the Book of Genesis. “ The evening and the morning were the first day.” The Gauls, we are informed by Csesar, “assert that, according to the tradition of their Druids, they are all sprung from Father Dis • on which account they reckon every period of time according to^ the number of nights, not of days; and observe birthdays and the begin¬ nings of months and years in such a manner, that the day seems to ' follow the night.” (Bell. Gall. vi. 18.) The vestiges of this method of computation still appear in the English language, in the terms se’nniaht and fort’night. 2 IJt turhcB 'placuit. Doederlein interprets this passage as representing the confused way in which the people took their seats in the national assembly, without reference to order, rank, age, &c. It rather repre¬ sents, however, that the people, not the chieftains, determined when the business of the council should begin.— White. And in an open plain. Vast heaps of stone still remaining, denote the scenes of these national councils. (See Mallet's Introduct. to Hist. English Stonehenge has been supposed a relic of this kmd. In these assemblies are seen the origin of those which, under the Merovingian race of French kings, were called the Fields of March ; under the Carlovingian, the Fields of May; then, the Plenary Courts of Christmas and Easter j and lastly, the States General. The speech of Civilis was received with this expression of applause. Tacitus, Hist, iv, 15. ^ G^beted alive. Heavy penalties were denounced against those ' who should take them down, alive or dead. These are particularised i m the Salic law. ® By cowards and dastards, in this passage, are probably meant those 302 MANNEES OP THE GERMANS. [c. 12. j guilty of unnatural practices.^ are suffocated in mud under a hurdle.^ This difference of punishment has in view the prin- i ciple, that villainy should be exposed while it is punished, but turpitude concealed. The penalties annexed to slighter offences^ are also proportioned to the delinquency. The con¬ victs are fined in horses and cattle part of the mulct® goes to the king or state; part to the injured person, or his rela¬ tions. In the same assemblies chiefs® are also elected, to who, being summbned to war, refused or neglected to go. Caesar (Bell. Gall. vi. 22) mentions, that those who refused to follow their chiefs to war were considered as deserters and traitors. And, after¬ wards, the emperor Clothaire made the following edict, preserved in the Lombard law: “ Whatever freeman, summoned to the defence of his country by his Count, or his‘officers, shall neglect to go, and the enemy enter the country to lay it waste, or otherwise damage our liege subjects, he shall incur a capital punishment.” As the crimes of cowardice, treachery, and desertion were so odious and ignominious among the Germans, we find by the; Salic law, that penalties were annexed to the unjust imputation of them. ^ These were so rare and so infamous among the Germans, that barely calling a person by a name significant of them was severely punished. 2 Incestuous people were buried alive in bogs in Scotland. Pennant’s Tour in Scotland, 1772 ; part i. p. 351; and part ii. p. 421. ® Among these slighter offences, however, were reckoned homicide, adultery, theft, and many others of a similar kind. This appears from the laws of the Germans, and from a subsequent passage of Tacitus himself. ^ These were at that time the only riches of the country, as was already observed in this treatise. Afterwards gold and silver became plentiful: hence all the mulcts required by the Salic law are pectmiary. '1 Money, however, still bore a fix;ed proportion to cattle; as appears a from the Saxon law (Tit. xviii.) : “ The Solidus is of two kinds; one ,1 contains two tremisses, that is, a beeve of twelve months, or a sheep’ g with its lamb; the other, three tremisses, or a beeve of sixteen months. .a| Homicide is compounded for by the lesser solidus; other crimes by 4 the greater.” The Saxons had their Weregeld,—the Scotch theii* Cro, Gaines, and Kelchin,—and the Welsh their Gwerth, and Galanus, or compensations for injuries; and cattle were likewise the usual fine. A Vide Pennant’s Tour in Wales of 1773, pp. 273, 274. J ® This mulct is frequently in the Salic law called “ fred,” that is, X peace; because it was paid to the king or state, as guardians of the S public peace. S ® A brief account of the civil economy of the Germans will here be »| useful. They were divided into nations; of which some were under a S' regal government, others a republican. The former had kings, the B! latter chiefs. Both in kingdoms and republics, military afiairs were jB under the conduct of the generals. The nations were divided intO' 9 C. 13.] YOUTHS INVESTED WITH AEMS. 303 administer justice through the cantons and districts. A hundred companions, chosen from the people, attend upon each of them, to assist them as well with their advice as their authority. 13. The Germans transact no business, public or private, without being armed but it is not customary for any person to assume arms till the state has approved his ability to use them. Then, in the midst of the assembly, either one of the chiefs, or the father, or a relation, equips the youth with a shield and javelin.^ These are to them the manly gown this is the first honour conferred on youth : before this they are considered as part of a household; afterwards, of the state. The dignity of chieftain is bestowed even on mere lads, whose descent is eminently illustrious, or whose fathers have per¬ formed signal services to the public; they are associated, cantons; each of which was superintended by a chief, or count, who administered justice in it. The cantons were divided into districts or hundreds, so called because they contained a hundred vills or town¬ ships. In each hundred was a companion, or centenary, chosen from the people, before whom small causes were tried. Before the count, all causes, as well great as small, were amenable. The centenaries are called companions by Tacitus, after the custom of the Eomans; among whom the titles of honour were, Caesar, the Legatus or Lieutenant of Caesar, and his comites, or companions. The courts of justice were held in the open air, on a rising ground, beneath the shade of an oak, elm, or some other large tree. . . 1 Even judges were armed on the seat of justice. The Romans, on the contrary, never went armed but when actually engaged in mihtary 2 These are the rtldiinents of the famous institution of chivalry. The sons of kings appear to have received arms from foreign princes. Hence, when Audoin, after overcoming the Gepidae, was requested by the Lombards to dine with his son Alboin, his partner in the victory, he refused; for, says he, “ you know it is not customary with us for a king s son to dine with his father, until he has received arms frotn the king of another country”—Warnefrid, De gestis Langobardorum, i. 23. An allusion to tliG togct vivilis of tlie Romans. Th.G German youth, were presented with the shield and spear probably at twelve or fifteen early mitiation into the business of arms gave them that warlike character for which they were so celebrated. Thus Seneca (Epist. 46) says, “A native of Germany btandishes, while yet a slender javelin. And again, (in his book on Anger, i. 11) “ Who are braver than the Germans ?—wbo more impetuous in the charge ?—-who fonder of arms, in the use of which they are born and nourished, which are their only care ?—who more inured to hardships msomUch that for the most part they provide no covering for their bodies, no retreat against the perpetui severity of the climate ? ’ 304 MANNERS OF THE GERMANS. [c. 14. however, with those of mature strength, w^ho have already 'f been declared capable of service; nor do they blush to be - i seen in the rank of companions.^ For the state of com- *| panionship itself has its several degrees, determined by the judgment of him whom they follow; and there is a great emulation among the companions, which shall possess the | highest place in the favour of their chief; and among the I chiefs, which shall excel in the number and valour of his com- i panions. It is their dignity, their strength, to be always sur- ’ rounded with a large body of select youth, an ornament in peace, a bulwark in war.' And not in his own country alone, but among the neighbouring states, the fame and glory of each chief consists in being distinguished for the number and |; bravery of his companions. Such chiefs are courted by em- | bassies; distinguished by presents; and often by their repu- J tation alone decide a war. I 14. In the field of battle, it is disgraceful for the chief to I be surpassed in valour; it is disgraceful for the companions I not to equal their chief; but it is reproach and infamy during I a whole succeeding life to retreat from the field surviving J him.2 To aid, to protect him; to place their own gallant '1 actions to the account of his glory, is their first and most I sacred engagement. The chiefs fight for victory; the com- « panions for their chief. If their native country be long sunk ■ in peace and inaction, many of the young nobles repair to ^9 some other state then engaged in war. For, besides that J repose is unwelcome to their race, and toils and perils afford 9 them a better opportunity of distinguishing themselves; they 9 are unable, without war and violence, to maintain a large 9 train of followers. The companion requires from the liberality of his chief, the warlike steed, the bloody and conquering '■ spear: and in place of pay, he expects to be supplied with a ■ ^ Hence it seems these noble lads were deemed principes in rank, * I yet had their position among the comites only. The German word 8 Gesell is peculiarly appropriated to these comrades in arms. So highly 8 were they esteemed in Germany, that for killing or hurting them a fine 8 was exacted treble to that for other freemen. 8 ^ Hence, when Chonodomarus, king of the Alamanni, was taken pri- soner by the Eomans, “ his companions, two hundred in number, and three friends peculiarly attached to him, thinking it infamous to sur- vive their prince, or not to die for him, surrendered themselves to be put in bonds.”— ^Ammianus Marcellinus, xvi. 13. ]H THEIR INDOLENCE. c. 15.] 305 table,^ homely indeed, but plentifiil.i The funds for this munincence must be found in war and rapine* nor are they so easily persuaded to cultivate the earth, and await the produce of the seasons, as to challenge the foe, and expose themselves to wounds; nay, they even think it base and spirit¬ less to earn by sweat what they might purchase with blood. ^ 15. During the intervals of war, they pass their time less in hunting than in a sluggish repose,^ divided between sleep and the table. All the bravest of the warriors, committing the care of the house, the family affairs, and the lands, to the women, old men, and weaker part of the domestics, stupify themselves in inaction: so wonderful is the contrast presented by nature, that the same persons love indolence, and hate tranquillity! ^ It is customary for the several states to pre¬ sent, by voluntary and individual contributions,^ cattle or gram to their chiefs; which are accepted as honorary o-ifts, while they serve as necessary supplies.® They are pecuharly _ Hence Montesquieu (Spirit of Laws, xxx. 3) justly derives the origin of vassalage. At first, the prince gave to his nobles arms and provision: as avarice advanced, money, and then lands, were required, TaU became at length hereditary possessions, and were called fiefs. Hence the establishment of the feudal system. nvo • T’ precision, says, “ The Germans pass their whole lives in hunting and military exercises.” (Bell. Gall. vi. 21.) The pic¬ ture drawn by Tacitus is more consonant to the genius of a barbarous hunting being the employment but of a few months of the year, a greater part must necessarily be passed in indo- anT^hZ.P^^°ff occupation. In this circumstance, apparent contradiction is, however, perfectly agreeable to the punciples of human nature. Among people governed by impulse more than reason, everything is in the extreme : war and peaL; motion and *^^ 4 ^ hatred; none are pursued with moderation hpr. if? rudiments of tributes ; though the contributions here spoken of were voluntary, and without compulsion. The origin IS pointed out above, where “part of the mulct” is said bvthe king or state.” Taxation was taught the Germans by^the Romans, who levied taxes upon them. ® So, in after-tinaes, when tributes were customary, 500 oxen or cows were required^ annually from the Saxons by the French kings Eccard, tom. i. pp. 84, 480.) Honey, com, (Ilrid^^p ^39^)°^^°*^ likewise received in tribute. 1 excuses of war, and other necessities of state, and parti¬ cularly the public entertainments. Hence, besides the Steora, or annual TAG.—VOL. II. X 30G MANNERS OF THE GERMANS. '[c. 16. ' I pleased with presents from neighbouring nations, offered not 1 only by individuals, but by the community at large; such as \ fine horses, heavy armour, rich housings, and gold chains. , | We have now taught them also to accept of money. ^ i 16. It is well known that none of the German nations in- I habit cities or even admit of contiguous settlements. Tliey | dwell scattered and separate, as a spring, a meadow, or a grove may chance to invite them. Their villages are laid out, not like ours in rows of adjoining buildings; but every one surrounds his house with a vacant space,-'^ either by way of ^ security against fire,^ or through ignorance of the art of building. For, indeed, they are unacquainted with the use of mortar and tiles; and for every purpose employ rude un- shapen timber, fashioned with no regard to pleasing the eye. They bestow more than ordinary pains in coating certain parts of their buildings with a kind of earth, so pure and shining that it gives the appearance of painting. They also dig subterraneous caves,^ and cover them over with a great tribute, the Osterstuopha, or Easter cup, previous to the public assem¬ bly of the Field of March, was paid to the French kings. ^ This was a dangerous lesson, and in the end proved ruinous to the Roman empire. Herodian says of the Germans in his time, “ They are chiefly to be prevailed upon by bribes ; being fond of money, and ^ continually selling peace to the Romans for gold.”—Lib. vi. 139. ^ ^ This custom was of long duration ; for there is not the mention of £ a single city in Ammianus Marcellinus, who wrote on the wars of the jj Romans in Germany. The names of places in Ptolemy (ii. 11) are not, S therefore, those of cities, but of scattered villages. The Germans had ■ not even what we should call towns, notwithstanding Cscsar assei’ts the , ' contrary. _ ^ ^ The space surrounding the house, and fenced in by hedges, was ’ that celebrated Salic land, which descended to the male line, exclu¬ sively of the female. ^ The danger of fire was particularly \irgent in time of war; for, as j Caesar informs us, these people Were acquainted with a method of ‘ throwing red-hot clay bullets from slings, and burning javelins, on the 1 thatch of houses. (Bell. Gall. v. 42.) 5 Thus likewise Mela (ii. 1), concerning the Sarmatians: “ On account ■ « of the length and severity of their winters, they dwell under ground, » either in natural or artificial caverns.” At the time that Germany was .‘S laid waste by a forty years’ war, Kircher saw many of the natives who, 'yt with their flocks, herds, and other possessions, took refuge in the caverns of the highest mountains. For many other curious particular» concerning these and other subterranean caves, see his Mundus Subter- i raneus, viii. 3, p. 100. In Hungary, at this day, corn is commonly stored in subteiTanean chambers. THEIR CLOTHING. C. 17.] 307 quantity of dung. These they use as winter-retreats, and granaries; for they preserve a moderate temperature; and upon an invasion, when the open country is plundered, these recesses remain unviolated, either because the enemy is ignorant of them, or because he will not trouble himself with the search.^ 17. The clothing common to all is a sagum ^ fastened by a clasp, or, in want of that, a thorn. With no other covering, they pass whole days on the hearth, before the fire. The more wealthy are distinguished by a vest, not flowing loose, like those of the Sarmatians and Parthians, but girt close, and exhibiting the shape of every liinb. They also wear the skins of beasts, which the people hear the bordeTs are less curfous in selecting or preparing than the more remote inhabitants, who cannot by commerce procure other clothing. These make choice of particular skins, which they varieo-ate with spots, and strips of the furs of marine animals,^ the pro¬ duce of the exterior ocean, and seas to us unknown.^ The dress of the women does not differ from that of the men; ex¬ cept that they more frequently wear linen,^ which they stain with purple;® and do not lengthen their upper garment into ‘ Near Newbottle, the seat of the Marquis of Lothian, are some sub¬ terraneous apartments and passages cut out of the live rock, which had probably served for the same purposes of winter-retreats and granaries as those dug by the ancient Germans. Pennant’s Tour in 1769, 4to, p. 63. 2 This was a kind of mantle of a square form, called also rheno. Thus Caesar (Bell. Gall. vi. 21): “ They use skins for clothing, or the short rhenones, arid leave the greatest part of the body naked.” Isidore (xix. 23) describes the rhenones as “ garments covering the shoulders and breast, as low as the navel, so rough and shaggy that they are impenetrable to rain.” Mela (iii. 3), speaking of the Germans, says, ‘‘ The men are clothed only with the siigum, or the bark of trees, even in the depth of winter.” ^ All savages are fond of variety of colours* hence the Germans spotted their ftll-s with the skins of other animals, of Which those here mentioned were probably of the seal kind. This practice is still con¬ tinued with regard to the ermine, which is .spotted with black lamb’s- skin. ^ The Northern Sea, and Frozen Oceah. ® Pliny testifies the same thing; and adds, that “the women beyond the Rhine are not acquainted with any more elegant kind of clothing.” —xix. 1. ® Not that rich and costly purple in which the Roman nobility shone, but some ordinary material, such as the vaccinhvm which Pliny X 2 \ I 308 MANNERS OF THE GERMANS. [c. 18. sleeves, but leave exposed the whole arm, and part of the breast. 18. The matrimonial bond is, nevertheless, strict and severe among them; nor is there anything in their manners more com¬ mendable than this.^ Almost singly among the barbarians, they content themselves with one wife; a very few of them excepted, who, not through incontinence, but because their alliance is solicited on account of their rank,^ practise poly¬ gamy. The wife does not bring a dowry to her husband, but receives one from him.^ The parents and relations assemble, and pass their approbation on the presents—presents not adapted to please a female taste, or decorate the bride; but oxen, a caparisoned steed, a shield, spear, and sword. By virtue of these, the wife is espoused; and she in her turn makes a present of some arms to her husband. This they consider as the firmest bond of union; these, the sacred mysteries, the conjugal deities. That the woman may not think herself excused from exertions of fortitude, or exempt from the casualties of war, she is admonished by the very ceremonial of her marriage, that she comes to her husband as a partner in toils and dangers; to suffer and to dare equally with him, in peace and in war: this is indicated by the yoked oxen, the harnessed steed, the offered arms. Thus she is to live; thus to die. She receives what she is to return invio- says was used by the Gauls as a purple dye for the garments of the slaves, (xvi. 18.) 1 The chastity of the Germans, and their strict regard to the laws of marriage, are witnessed by all their ancient codes of law. The purity of their manners in this respect afforded a striking contrast to the licentiousness of the Eomans in the decline of the empire, and is exhibited in this light by Salvian, in his treatise De Gubernatione Dei, lib. vii. 2 Thus we find in Caesar (Bell. Gall. i. 53), that Ariovistus had two wives. Others had more. This indulgence proved more difficult to abolish, as it was considered as a mark of opulence, and an appendage of nobility. 3 The Germans purchased their wives, as appears from the following clauses in the Saxon law concerning marriage; “ A person who espouses a wife shall pay to her parents 300 solidi (about 180Z. sterling); but if the marriage be without the consent of the parents, the damsel, how¬ ever, consenting, he shall pay 600 solidi. If neither the parents nor damsel consent, that is, if she be carried off by violence, he shall pay 300 solidi to the parents,* and 340 to the damsel, and restore her to her parents.” c* 19-j CHASTITY OF BOTH SEXES. 309 late^ and honoured to her children; what her daughters-in- law are to receive, and again transmit to her grandchildren. 19. They live, therefore, fenced around with chastity;^ cor¬ rupted by no seductive spectacles,^ no convivial incitements. Men and women are alike unacquainted with clandestine cor¬ respondence. Adultery is extremely rare among so numerous a people. Its punishment is instant, and at the pleasure of the husband. He cuts off the hair ^ of the offender, strips her, and 111 presence of her relations expels her from his house, and pur¬ sues her with stripes through the whole village.^ Nor is any indulgence shown to a prostitute. Neither beauty, youth, nor riches can procure her a husband: for none there looks on vice with a smile, or calls mutual seduction the way of the world, fetill more exemplary is the practice of those states® in which n Saxon law, concerning dowries, it is said: “ The Ostfaln and Angrarii determine, that if a woman have male issue, she IS to possess the dower she received in marriage during her life, and transmit it to her sons. , 2 Ergo septcB pu(hcitid agunf. Some editions have septd pudicitid. This would imply, however, rather the result of the care and watchful- ness ^ their husbands; whereas it seems the object of Tacitus to show that this their chastity was the effect of innate virtue, and this is rather expressed by septcB pudicitid, which is the reading of the Arundelian MS Seneca speaks with great force and warmth on this subiect: “ ISTo- thmg IS so destructive to morals as loitering at public entertainments • for vice more easily insinuates itself into the heart when softened by pleasure. What shall I say ! I return from them more covetous, ambitious, and luxurious. ’—Epist. vii. ^ad a great regard for the hair, and looked upon cuttmg it off as a heavy disgrace; so that this was made a punishment for certain cnmes, and was resented as an injury if practised upon an innocent person. x r 5 From an epistle of St. Boniface, archbishop of Mentz, to Ethelbald, king ot_ England, we learn that among the Saxons the women them¬ selves inflicted the punishment for violated chastity: ‘‘ In ancient Saxony (now Westphalia), if a virgin pollute her father’s house, or a married woman prove false to her vows, sometimes she is forced to put j halter, and over the ashes of her burned body her seducer is hanged: sometimes a troop of females assem¬ bling lead her through the circumjacent villages, lacerating her body, stnpped to the girdle, with rods and knives; and thus, bloody and full of minute wounds, she is continually met by new tormentors, who in heir zeal for chastity do not quit her till she is dead, or scarcely alive, m order to inspire a dread of such offences.” See Michael Alford’s Annales Ecclesise Anglo-Saxon., and Eccard. f A passage in Valerius Maximus renders it probable that the Cim- brian states were of this number: “ The wives of the Teutones besought 310 MAN^S^ERS OF THE GERMANS. [c. 20. none but virgins marry, and the expectations and wishes of a wife are at once brought to a period. Thus, they take one husband as one body and one life; that no thought, no desire, may extend beyond him; and he may be loved not only as their husband, but as their marriage.^ To limit the increase of children,^ or put to death any of the later progeny,^ is ac¬ counted infamous: and good habits have there more influence than good laws elsewhere.^ 20. In every house the children grow up, thinly and meanly clad,^ to that bulk of body and limb which we behold with wonder. Every mother suckles her own children, and does not deliver them into the hands of servants and nurses. No indulgence distinguishes the young master from the slave. They lie together amidst the same cattle, upon the same ground, till age ^ separates, and valour ijiarks out, the free- Maritis, after his victory, that he would deliver them as a present to the Vestal virgins; affirming that they should henceforth, equally with themselves, abstain from the embraces of the other sex. This request not being granted, they all strangled themselves the ensuing night.”— Lib. vi. 1. 3. ^ Among the Heruli, the wife was expected to hang herself at once at the grave of her husband, if she would not live in perpetual infamy. ^ This expression may signify as well the murder of young children, as the procurement of abortion; both which crimes were severely punished by the German laws. ^ Quemquam ex agnatis. By agnati generally in Eoman law were meant relations by the father’s side; hei'e it signifies children boi*n after there was already an heir to the name and proj^erty of the father. ^ Justin has a similar thought concerning the Scythians: “ Justice is cultivated by the dispositions of the people, not by the laws.” (ii. 2.) How inefficacious the good laws here alluded to by Tacitus were in preventing enormities among the Eomans, appears from the frequent complaints of the senators, and particularly of Minucius Felix: “ I behold you, exposing your babes to the wild beasts and birds, or strangling the unhappy wretches with your own hands. Some of you, by means of drugs, extinguish the newly-formed man within your bowels, and thus commit parricide on your offspring before you bring them into the world,” (Octavius, c. 30.) So familiar was this practice grown at Eome, that the virtuous Pliny apologises for it, alleging that “ the great fertility of some women may require such a licence.”— xxix. 4. 37. ® Nudi ac sordidi does not mean “ in nakedness and filth,” as most translators have supposed. Personal filth is inconsistent with the daily jiractice of bathing mentioned c. 22; and nudus does not necessarily imply absolute nakedness (see note 4, p. 293). ® This ago appears at first to have been twelve years; for then a youth became liable to the penalties of law. Thus in the Salic law it- TIES OF RELATIONSHIP. C. 21.] 311 born. The youths partake late of the pleasures of love,^ and hence pass the age of puberty unexhausted: nor are the vir¬ gins hurried into marriage; the same maturity, the same full growth, is required: the sexes, unite equally matched,^ and robust; and the children inherit the vigour of their parents. Children are regarded with equal affection by their maternal uncles ^ as by their fathei’S: some even consider this as the more sacred bond of consanguinity, and prefer it in the requi¬ sition of hostages, as if it held the mind by a firmer tie, and the familjT- by a more extensive obligation. A person’s own children, however, are his heirs and successors; and no wills are made. If there be no children, the next in order of inheritance are brothers, paternal and maternal uncles. The more numerous are a man’s relations and kinsmen, the more comfortable is his old age; nor is it here any advantage to be childless.^ 21. It is an indispensable duty to adopt the enmities'*’ of a father or relation, as well as their friendships: these, how¬ ls said, “ If a child under twelve commit a fault, ‘ fred,’ or a mulct, shall not he required of him.” Afterwards the term was fifteen years of age. _ Thus in the Ripuary law, “ A child under fifteen shall not he responsible.” Again, “If a man die, or he killed, and leave a son; before he have completed his fifteenth year, he shall neither prosecute a cause, nor be called upon to answer in a suit: hut at this term, he must either answer himself, or choose an advocate. In like manner with regard to the female sex.” The Burgundian law provides to the same effect. This then was the term of majority, which in later times, when heavier armour was used, was still longer delayed. 1 This is illustrated by a passage in Caesar (Bell. Gall. vi. 21) : “They who are the latest in proving their virility are most commended. By this delay they imagine the stature is increased, the strength improved, and the nerves fortified. To have knowledge of the other sex before twenty years of age, is accounted in the highest degi'ee scandalous.” 2 Equal not only in age and constitution, but in condition. Many of the German codes of law annex penalties to those of both sexes who marry persons of inferior rank. ^ Hence, in the history of the Merovingian kings of France, so many instances of regard to sisters and their children appear, and so many wars undertaken on their account. ^ dhe court paid at Rome to rich persons without children, by the Hseredipetse, or legacy-hunters, is a frequent subject of censure and ridicule with the Roman writers. 5 Avengers of blood are mentioned in the law of Moses, Numb. XXXV. 19. In the Roman law also, under the head of “those who on account of unworthiness are deprived of their inheritance,” it is pro> nounced, that such heirs as are proved to have neglected revenging the testator’s death, shall be obliged to restore the entire profits ” 312 MANNERS OF THE GERMANS. ever, are not irreconcilable or perpetual. Even homicide is atoned ^ by a certain fine in cattle and sheep; and the whole family accepts the satisfaction, to the advantage of the public weal, since quarrels are most dangerous in a free state. No people are more addicted to social entertainments, or more liberal in the exercise of hospitality.^ To refuse any person whatever admittance under their roof, is accounted flagitious.^ Every one according to his ability feasts his guest: when his provisions are exhausted, he who was late the host, is now the guide and companion to another hospitable board. They enter the next house uninvited, and are received with equal cordiality. No one makes a distinction with respect to the rights of hospitality, between a stranger and an acquaintance. The departing guest is presented with whatever he may ask for; and with the same freedom a boon is desired in return. They are pleased witli presents; but think no obligation incurred either when they give or receive. 22. ^ [Their manner of living with their guests is easy and affable.] As soon as they arise from sleep, which they gene¬ rally protract till late in the day, they bathe, usually in warm water,^ as cold weather chiefly prevails there. After bathing they take their meal, each on a distinct seat, and at 1 It was a wise provision, that among this fierce and warlike people, revenge should be commuted for a payment. That this intention might not be frustrated by the poverty of the offender, his whole family were conjointly bound to make compensation. 2 All uncivilized nations agree in this property, which becomes less necessary as a nation improves in the arts of civil life. ® Convictibus et hospitiis. “ Festivities and entertainments.” The former word applies to friends and fellow-countrymen; the latter, to those not of the same tribe, and foreigners. Cassar (Bell. Gall. vi. 23) says, “ They think it unlawful to offer violence to their guests, who, on whatever occasion they corne to them, are protected from injury, and considered as sacred. Every house is open to them, and provision everywhere set before them.” Mela (iii. 3) says of the Germans, “ They make right consist in force, so that they are not ashamed of robbery: they are only kind to their guests, and merciful to suppli- ‘ ants. The Burgundian law lays a fine of three solidi on every man who refuses his roof or hearth to the coming guest.” The Salic law, however, rightly forbids the exercise of hospitality to atrocious crimi¬ nals ; laying a penalty on the person who shall harbour one who has dug up or despoiled the dead, till he has made satisfaction to the relations. The clause here put within brackets is probably misplaced; since it does not connect well either with what goes before, or what follows. ^ The Russians are at present the most remarkable among the northern nations for the use of warm bathing. Some of the Noidh American tribes also have their hypocausts, or stoves. DRUNKENNESS. C. 23.] 313 a separate table.^ Then they proceed, armed, to business; and not less frequently to convivial parties, in which it is no , disgrace to pass days and nights, without intermission, in drinking. The frequent quarrels that arise amongst them, when intoxicated, seldom terminate in abusive language, but more frequently in blood.^ In their feasts, they generally deliberate on the reconcilement of enemies, on family alliances, on the appointment of chiefs, and finally on peace and war; conceiving that at no time the soul is more opened to sincerity, or warmed to heroism. These people, naturally void of artifice or disguise, disclose the most secret emotions of their hearts in the freedom of festivity. The minds of all being thus displayed without reserve, the subjects of their deliberation are again' canvassed the next day;^ and each time has its advantages. They consult when unable to dis¬ semble ; they determine when not liable to mistake. 23. Their drink is a liquor prepared from barley or wheat^ brought by fermentation to a certain resemblance of wine. Those who border on the Rhine also purchase wine. Their food is simple; wild fruits, fresh venison,^ or coagulated milk.® ^ ^ Eating^ at separate tables is generally an indication of voracity. Traces of it may be found in Homer, and other writers who have de- sciibed ancient manners. The same practice has also been observed among the people of Otaheite; who occasionally devour vast quantities of food. ^ The following article in the Salic law shows at once the frequency of these bloody quarrels, and the laudable endeavours of the legisla- tuie to restrain them ! **If at a feast where there are four or five men in company, one of them be killed, the rest shall either convict one as the offender, or shall jointly pay the composition for his death. And this law shall extend to seven persons present at an entertainment.” ^ The same custom is related by Herodotusj i. p. 63, as prevailing among the Persians. « ^ liquor, beer or ale, Pliny speaks in the following passage: “ The western nations have their intoxicating liquor, made of steeped grain. The Egyptians also- invented drinks of the same kind. Thus drunkenness is a stranger in no part of the world; for these liquors are taken pure, and not diluted as wine is. Yet, surely, the Earth thought she was producing corn. Oh, the wonderful sagacity of our vices! We have discovered how to render even water intoxicating.’'—xiv. 22. ® Mela says, “ Their manner of living is so rude and savage, that they eat even raw flesh j either fresh killed, or softened by working with their hands and feet, after it has grown stiff in the hides of tame or wild animals.” (hi. 3.) Florus relates that the ferocity of the Cimbri was mitigated by their feeding on bread and dressed meat, and drink¬ ing wine, in the softest tract of Italy.—hi. 3. ® This must not be understood to have been cheese; although Ccesar f, 314 MANNERS OF THE GERMANS. [C. 24. They satisfy hunger without seeking the elegances and deli¬ cacies of the table. Their thirst for liquor is not quenched with equal moderation. If their propensity to drunkenness be gratified to the extent of their wishes, intemperance proves as effectual in subduing them as the force of arms.^ 24. The}' have only one kind of public spectacle, which is exhibited in every company. Young men, who make it their diversion, dance naked amidst drawn swords and presented spears. Practice has conferred skill at this exercise, and skill has given grace; but they do not exhibit for hire or gain: the only reward of this pastime, though a hazardous one, is the I)leasure of the spectators. What is extraordinary, they play at dice, when sober, as a serious business: and that with such a desperate venture of gain or loss, that, when everything else is gone, they set their liberties and persons on the last throw. The loser goes into voluntary servitude; and, though the youngest and strongest, patiently suffers himself to be bound and sold.2 Such is their obstinacy in a bad practice—they pays of the Germans, “ Their diet chiefly consists of milk, cheese and flesh.” (Bell. Gall. vi. 22.) Pliny, who was thoroughly acquainted with the German manners, says, more accurately, “ It is surprising that the barbarous nations who live on milk should for so many ages have been ignorant of, or have rejected, the preparation of cheese; especially since they thicken their milk into a pleasant tart substance, and a fat butter; this is the scum of milk, of a thicker consistence than what is called the whey. It must not be omitted that it has the properties of oil, and is used as an unguent by all the barbarians, and by us for children.”—xi. 41. 1 This policy has been practised by the Europeans with regard to the North American savages, some tribes of which have been almost totally extirpated by it. 2 St. Ambrose has a remarkable passage concerning this spirit of gaming among a barbarous people:—“ It is said that the Huns, who continually make war upon other nations, are themselves subject to usurers, with whom they run in debt at play; and that, while they live without laws, they obey the laws of the dice alone; playing when drawn up in line of battle; carrying dice along with their arms and perishing more by each others’ hands than by the enemy. In the midst of victory they submit to become captives, and sufier plunder from their own countrymen, which they know not how to bear from the foe. On this account they never lay aside the business of war, because, when they have lost all their booty by the dice, they hav-e no means of acquiring fresh supplies for play, but by the sword. They are frequently borne away with such a desperate ardour, that, when the loser has given up his arms, the only part of his property which he greatly values, he sets the power over his life at a single cast to the winner or usurer. It is a fact, that a person, known to the Eoman SI.AVERY. 315 c. 2G.] themselves call it honour. The slaves thus acquired are exchanged away in commerce, that the winner may get rid of the scandal of his victory. 25 . The rest of their slaves have not, like ours, particular employments in the family allotted them. Each is the master of a habitation and household of his own. The lord requires from him a certain quantity of grain, cattle, or cloth, as from a tenant; and so far only the subjection of the slave extends.^ His domestic offices are performed by his own wife _ and children. It is usual to scourge a slave, or punish him with chains or hard labour. They are sometimes killed by their masters; not through severity of chastisement, but in the heat of passion, like an enemy; with this difference, that it is done wdth impunity.^ Freedmen are little superior to slaves; seldom filling'any important office in the family; never in the state, except in those tribes which are under regal government.^ There, they rise above the free-born, and even the nobles: in the rest, the subordinate condition of the freedmen is a proof of freedom. 26. Lending money upon interest, and increasing it by usury,^ is unknown amongst them: and this ignorahce more effectually prevents the practice than a prohibition would do. The lands are occupied by townships,^ in allotments propor- emperor, paid the price of a servitude which he had by this means brought upon himself, by suffering death at the command of his master.” ^ The condition of these slaves was the same as that of the vassals, or serfs, who a few centuries ago made the great body of the people in every country in Europe. The Germans, in after times, imitating the Eomans, had slaves of inferior condition, to whom the name of slave became appropriated j "while those in the state of rural vassalage were called lidi. 2 A private enemy could not be slain with impunity, since a fine was affixed to homicide; but a man might kill his own slave without any punishment.^ If, however, he killed another person’s slave, he was obliged to pay his price to the owner. The amazing height of power and insolence to which freedmen arrived by making themselves subservient to the vices of the prince, is a striking characteristic of ^ the reigns of some of the worst of the Eoman emperors. ^ In Rome, on the other hand, the practice of usury was, as our author terms it, “ an ancient evil, and a perpetual source of sedition and discord.”—Annals, vi. 16. ® All the copies rea.d. per vices, “by turns,” or alternately; but the connexion seems evidently to require the easy alteration of 2 >er vicos, 316 MANNERS OP THE GERMANS. [c. 27. tional to the number of cultivators; and are afterwards par¬ celled out among the individuals of the district, in shares according to the rank and condition of each person.^ The wide extent of plain facilitates this partition. The arable lands are annually changed, and a part left fallow; nor do they attempt to make the most of the fertility and plenty of the soil, by their own industry in planting orchards, inclosing meadows, and watering gardens. Cora is the only product required from the earth: hence their year is not divided into so many seasons as ours; for, while they know and distinguish by name Winter, Spring, and Summer, they are unacquainted equally with the appellation and bounty of Autumn. ^ 27. Their funerals are without parade.^ The only circum¬ stance to which they attend, is to burn the bodies of eminent persons with some particular kinds of wood. Neither vest- which has been approved by many learned commentators, and is there¬ fore adopted in this translation. ^ Caesar has several particulars concerning this part of German polity.^ “They are not studious of agriculture, the greater part of their diet consisting of milk, cheese, and flesh j nor has any one a deter¬ minate portion of land, his own peculiar property; but the magistrates and chiefs allot every year to tribes and clanships forming communi¬ ties, as much land, and in such situations, as they think proper, and oblige them to remove the succeeding year. For this practice they assign several reasons : as, lest they should be led, by being accustomed to one spot, to exchange the toils of war for the business of agricul- . ture; ^ lest they should acquire a passion for possessing extensive domains, and the more powerful should be tempted to dispossess the weaker; lest they should construct buildings with more art than was necessary to protect them from the inclemencies of the weather; lest the love of money should arise amongst them, the source of faction and dissensions; and in order that the people, beholding their own possessions equal to those of the most powerful, might be retained by the bonds of equity and moderation.”—Bell. Gall. vi. 21. 2 The Germans, not planting fruit-trees, were ignorant of the proper products of autumn. They have now all the autumnal fruits of their cliniate; yet their language still retains a memorial of their ancient deficiencies, in having no term for this season of the year, but one denoting the gathering in of corn alone— Berbst, Harvest. ^ In this respect, as well as many others, the manners of the Ger¬ mans were a direct contrast to those of the Romans. Pliny mentions a private person, C. Caecilius Claudius Isidorus, who ordered the sum of about 10,000?. sterling to be expended in his Rmeral: and in another place he says, “Intelligent persons asserted that Arabia did not produce such a quantity of spices in a year as Hero burned at the obsequies of his Poppaea.” —^xxxiii. 10, and xii. 18. 28.J FUNERAL RITES. 317 ments nor perfumes are heaped upon the pile d the arms of the deceased, and sometimes his horse,^ are given to the flames, The tomb is a mound of turf. They contemn the elaborate and costly honours of monumental structures, as mere bur¬ thens to the dead. They soon dismiss tears and lamentations j slowly, sorrow and regret. They think it the women’s part to bewail their friends, the men’s to remember them. 28. This is the sum of what I have been able to learn concerning the origin and manners of the Germans in general. 1 now proceed to mention those particulars in which they differ from each other j and likewise to relate what nations have mi^ated from Germany into Gaul. That great writer, the deified Julius, asserts that the Gauls were formerly the superior people;^ whence it is probable that some Gallic colonies passed over into. Germany: for how small an obstacle would a river be to prevent any nation, as it increased in ^ The following lines of Lucan, describing the last honours paid by Cornelia to the body of Pompey the Great, happily illustrate the customs here referred to:— Collegit vestes, miserique insignia Magni, Armaque, et impressas auro, quas gesserat olim Exuvias, pictasque togas, velamina summo Ter conspecta Jovi, funestoque intulit igni.—Lib. ix. 175. There shone his arms, with antique gold iplaid, There the rich robes which she herself had made. Robes to imperial Jove in triumph thrice displayed i The relics of his past victorious days, JiTow this his latest trophy serve to raise, And in one common flame together blaze.”— I^OWE. 2 Thus in the tomb of Childeric, king of the Franks, were found his spear and sword, and also his horse’s head, with a shoe, and gold buckles and housings. A human skull was likewise discovered, which perhaps, was that of his groom. ’ ® CsesBXB account is as follows;—“There was formerly a time when the Gauls surpassed the Geriqans in bravery, and made war upon them- and, on account of their multitude of people and scarcity oPland, sent colonies beyond the Rhine. The most fertile parts of Germany, adjoin- mg to the Hercynian forest, (which, I observe, was known by report to Eratosthenes and others of the Greeks, and called by them Orcinia) were ac^rdingly occupied by the Volcae and Tectosages, who settled there. These people still continue in the same settlements, and have a high character as well for the administration of justice as military prowess: and they now remain in the same state of penury and content as the Germans, whose manner of life they have adopted.”_BelL GalL vL 24. 318 MANNERS OF THE GERMANS. [C. 2 ^ . strength, from occupying or changing settlements as yet lying in common, and unappropriated by the power of monarchies! Accordingly,' the tract betwixt the Hercynian forest and the rivers Ehine and Mayne was possessed by the Helvetii 0 - and that beyond, by the Boii ^ both Gallic tribes. The name of Boiemum still remains, a memorial of the ancient settlement, though its inhabitants are now changed.^ But whether the Aravisci^ migrated into Pannonia from the Osi,^ a German nation; or the Osi into Germany from the Aravisci; the language, institutions, and manners of both being still the same, is a matter of uncertainty; for, in their pristine state of equal indigence and equal liberty, the same advantages and disadvantages were common to both sides of the river. The Treveri® and Nervii^ are ambitious of being thought ofGer-, man origin; as if the reputation of this descent would distin¬ guish them from the Gauls, whom they resemble in person and effeminacy. The Vangiones, Triboci, and Nemetes,® who inhabit the bank of the Rhine, are without doubt German 1 The inhabitants of Switzerland, then extending further than at present, towards Lyons. 2 A nation of Gauls, bordering on the Helvetii, as appears^ from Strabo and Csesar. After being conquered by Csesar, the .^dui gave them a settlement in the country now called the Bourbonnois. The name of their German colony, Boiemum, is still extant in Bohemia. The aera at which the Helvetii and Boii penetrated into Germany is not ascertained. It seems probable, however, that it was in the reign of Tarquinius Priscus; for at that time, as we are told by Livy, Anibigatus, king of the Bituriges (people of Berry), sent his sister’s son Sigovesus into the Hercynian forest, with a colony, in order to exonerate his king¬ dom which was overpeopled. (Livy, v. S3, et seq.) * In the time of Augustus, the Boii, driven from Boiemum by the Marcomanni, retired to Noricum, which from them was called Boioaria, now Bavaria. * This people inhabited that part of Lower Hiingary now called the Palatinate of Pilis. 5 Towards the end of this treatise, Tacitus seems himself to decide this point, observing that their use of the Pannonian language, and acquiescence in paying tribute, prove the Osi not to be a German nation. They were settled beyond the Marcomanni and Quadi, and occupied the northern part of Transdanubian Hungary; perhaps ex¬ tending to Silesia, where is a place called Ossen in the duchy of Gels, famous for salt and glass works. The learned Pelloutier, however, contends that the Osi were Germans; but with less probability. ® The inhabitEtnts of the modern diocese of Treves. ^ Those of Cambresis and Hainault. * Those of the dioceses of Worms, Strasburg, and Spires. c. 29.] VARIOUS TRIBES. 319 tribes. Nor do the Ubii,^ although they have been thought worthy of being made a Roman colony, and are pleased in bearing the name of Agrippinenses from their founder, blush to acknowledge their origin from Germany; from whence they formerly migrated, and for their approved fidelity were settled on the bank of the Rhine, not that they might be guarded themselves, but that they might serve as a guard ■ gainst invaders, ^ 29. Of all these people, the most famed for valour are the Batavi; whose territories comprise but a small part of the banks of the Rhine, but consist chiefly of an island within it.^ These were formerly a tribe of the Catti, who, on account of an intestine division, removed to their present settlements, in order to become a part of the Roman empire. They still retain this honour, together with a memorial of their ancient alliance;^ for they are neither insulted by taxes, nor oppressed by farmers of the revenue. Exempt from fiscal burthens and extraordinary contributions, and kept apart for military use alone, they are reserved, like a magazine of arms, for the pur¬ poses of war. The nation of the Mattiaci^ is under a degree of subjection of the same kind: for the greatness of the Roman people has carried a reverence for the empire beyond the Rhine and the ancient limits. The Mattiaci, therefore, ^ though occupying a settlement and borders^ on the opposite ^ Those of the diocese of Cologne. The Ubii, tnigrating from Ger¬ many to Gaul, on account of the enmity of the Catti, and their own attachment to the Eoman interest, were received under the protection of Marcus Agrippa, in the year of Eome 717. (Strabo, iv. p. 194.) Agrippina, the wife of Claudius and mother of Nero, who was born among them, obtained the settlement of a colony there, which was called after her name, 2 Now the Betuwe, part of the provinces of Holland and Guelder- land. ^ Hence the Batavi are termed^ in an ancient inscription,“the brothers and friends of the Roman people/’ ^ This nation inhabited part of the countries now called the Weteraw, Hesse, Isenburg, and Fulda; In this territory was Mattium, now Marpurg, and the Fontes Mattiaci, now Wisbaden, near Mentz. ® The several people of Germany had their respective borders, called marks or marches, which they defended by preserving them in a desert and uncultivated state. Thus Caesar, Bell. Gall. iv. 3 :—“ They think it the greatest honour to a nation, to have as Wide an extent of vacant land around their dominions as possible; by which it is indi¬ cated, that a great number of neighbouring communities are unable to withstand them. Qu this account, the Suevi are said to have, on one 320 MANNERS OP THE GERMANS. [c. 30. side of the river, from sentiment and attachment act with us; resembling the Batavi in every respect, except that they are animated with a more vigorous spirit by the soil and air of their own country.^ I do not reckon among the people of Germany those who occupy the Decumate lands,^ although inhabiting between the Khine and Danube. Some of the most fickle of the Gauls, rendered daring through indigence, seized upon this district of uncertain property. Afterwards, our boundary line being advanced, and a chain of fortified posts established, it became a skirt of the empire, and part of the Koman province.^ 30. Beyond these dwell the Catti,^ whose settlements, beginning from the Hercynian forest, are in a tract of country less open and marshy than those which overspread the other states of Germany; for it consists of a continued range of hills, which gradually become more scattered; and the Hercynian forest^ both accompanies and leaves behind, its Catti. This / side, a tjpact of 600 (some learned men think we should read 60) miles desert for their boundaries.” In another place Caesar mentions, as an additional reason for this policy, that they think themselves thereby rendered secure from the danger of sudden incursions. (Bell. GalL vi. 13,) ^ The difference between the low situation and moist air of Batavia, and the high and dry country of the Mattiaci, will sufi&ciently justify this remark, in the opinion of those who allow anything to the influ¬ ence of climate. 2 Now Swabia. When the Marcomanni, towards the end of the reign of Augustus, quitting their settlements near the Rhine, migrated to Bohemia, the lands they left vacant were occupied by some unsettled Gauls among the Rauraci and Sequani. They seem to have been called Decumates (Decimated), because the inhabitants, liable to the incursions of the Germans, paid a tithe of their products to be received under the protection of the Romans. Adrian defended them by a rampart, which extended from Neustadt, a town on the Danube near the mouth of the river Altmiihl, to the Neckar near Wimpfen; a space of sixty French leagues. ^ Of Upper Germany. * The Catti possessed a large territory between the Rhine, Mayne, and Sala, and the Hartz forest on this side the Weser; where are now the countries of Hesse, Thuringia, part of Paderbom, of Fulda, and of Franconia. Learned writers have frequently noted, that what Caesar, Florus, and Ptolemy have said of the Suevi, is to be understood of the Catti. Leibnitz supposes the Catti were so called from the active animal which they resemble in name, the German for cat being Catte, or Hessen. ® Pliny, who was well acquainted with Germany, gives a very striking 321 C. 31.] THE CATTI. nation is distinguished by hardier frames,^ compactness of limb, fierceness of countenance, and superior vigour of mind. For Germans, they have a considerable share of understanding and sagacity: they choose able persons to command, and obey them when chosen; keep their ranks; seize opportunities; restrain impetuous motions ; distribute properly the business of the day; intrench themselves against the night; account fortune dubious, and valour only certain; and, what is ex¬ tremely rare, and only a consequence of discipline, depend more upon the general than the army.^ Their force consists entirely in infantry; who, besides their arms, are obliged to carry tools and provisions. Other nations appear to go to a battle; the Catti, to war. Excursions and casual encounters are rare amongst them. It is, indeed, peculiar to cavalry soon to obtain, and soon to yield, the victory. Speed borders upon timidity; slow movements are more akin to steady valour. 31. A custom followed among the other German nations only by a few individuals, of more daring spirit than the rest, is adopted by general consent among the Catti. From the time they arrive at years of maturity they let their hair and beard grow; ^ and do not divest themselves of this votive .. description of the Hercynian forest:—“ The vast trees of the Hercynian forest, untouched for ages, and as old as the world, by their almost immortal destiny exceed common wonders. Not to mention circum¬ stances which would not be credited, it is certain that hills are raised by the repercussion of their meeting roots; and where the earth does not follow them, arches are formed as high as the branches, which, struggling, as it were, with each other, are bent into the form of open gates, so wide, that troops of horse may ride under them.”—xvi. 2. ^ Duriora corpora. “Hardier frames;” i.e. than the rest of the Germans. At Hist. ii. 32, the Germans, in general, are said to have fiuxa corpora; while in c. 4 of this treatise they are described as tan¬ tum ad impetum ralida. 2 Florus, ii. 18, well expresses this thought by the sentence “ Tanti exercitus, quanti imperator.” “An army is worth so much as its general is.” ^ Thus Civilis is said by our author (Hist. iv. 61), to have let his hair and beard grow in consequence of a private vow. Thus too, in Paul Wamefrid’s “History of the Lombards,” iii. 7, it is related, that “six thousand Saxons who survived the war, vowed that they would never cut their hair, nor shave their beards, till they had been revenged of their enemies, the Suevi.” A later instance of this custom is mentioned by Strada (Bell. Belg. vii. p. 344), of William Lume, one of the Counts of Mark, “ who bound himself by a vow not to cut his hair till he had revenged the deaths of Egmont and Horn.” TAG.—VOL. II. Y 322 MANNERS OP THE GERMANS. [c. 32. badge, the promise of valour, till they have slain an enemy. Over blood and spoils they unveil the countenance, and pro¬ claim that they have at length paid the debt of existence, and have proved themselves worthy of their country and parents. The cowardly and effeminate continue in their squalid disguise. The'bravest among them wear also an iron ring ^ (a mark of ignominy in that nation) as a kind of chain, till they have released themselves by the slaughter of a foe. Many of the Catti assume this distinction, and grow hoary under the mark, conspicuous both to foes and friends. By these, in every engagement, the attack is begun: they com¬ pose the front line, presenting a new spectacle of terror. Even in peace they do not relax the sternness of their aspect. They have no house, land^ or domestic cares : they are maintained by whomsoever they visit: lavish of another’s property, re¬ gardless of their own; till the debility of age renders them unequal to such a rigid course of military virtue.^ 32. Next to the Catti, on the banks of the Rhine, where, now settled in its channel, it is become a sufficient boundary, dwell the Usipii and Tencteri.^ The latter people, in addition to the usual military reputation, are famed for the discipline of their cavalry; nor is the infantry of the Catti in higher estimation than the horse of the Tencteri. Their ancestors ^ The iron ring seems to have been a badge of slavery. This custom was revived in later times, btit rather with a gallant than a military intention. Thus, in the year 1414, John duke of Bourbon, in order to ingratiate* himself with his mistress, vowed, together with sixteen knights and gentlemen, that they would wear, he and the knights a gold ring, the gentlemen a silver one, round their left legs, eveiy Sunday for two years, till they had met with an equal number of knights and gentlemen to contend with them in a tournament. (Vertot, Mem. de I’Acad. des Inser. tom.- ii. p. 596.) ^ It was this nation of Catti, which, about , 150 years afterwards, uniting with the remains of the Cherusci on this side the Weser, the Attuai'ii, Sicambri, Chamavi,- Bructeri, and Chauci, entered into the Francic league, and, conquering the Eomans, seized upon Gaul. From them are derived the name, manners, and laws of the French. ^ These two tribes, united by a community of wars and misfortunes, had forinerly been driven from the settlements on the Rhine a little below Mentz. ' They then, according to Csesar, (Bell. Gall. iv. 1, et «eg.) occupied the territories of the Menapii on both sides the Rhine. Still proving unfortunate, they obtained the lands of the Sicambri, who, in the reign o-f Augustus, were removed on this side the Rhine by Tiberius: these were the present counties of Berg, Mark, Lippe, and Waldeck; and the bishopric of Paderborn. c. 33.] TENCTERI AND BRUCTERI. 323 established it, and are imitated by posterity. Horsemanship IS the sport of their children, the point of emulation of their youth, and the exercise in which they persevere to old ao^e Horses are bequeathed along with the domestics, the house¬ hold gods, and the rights of inheritance: they do not, how¬ ever, like other things, go to the eldest son- but to the bravest and most warlike. 33. Contiguous to the Tencteri were formerly the Bruc- teri but report now says that the Chamavi and Angrivarii ^ rnigrating into their country, have expelled and entirely ex¬ tirpated them,^ with the concurrence of the neighbouring nations, induced either by hatred of their arrogance,^ love of plunder, or the favour of the gods towards the Komans. For they even gratified us with the spectacle of a battle, in which above sixty thousand Germans were slain, not by Roman arms, but, what was still grander, by mutual hostilities, as it were for our pleasure and entertainment.^ May the nations between the rivers Rhine, Lippe (Luppia), province of Friesland'; now Me countries of Westphalia and Over-Issel. Alting (Notif. German. Infer, p. 20) supposes they derived their name from Broehen, or Bri^cTien, marshes, frequency in that tract of country. Before this migration, the Chfamavi were settled on the Ems, where at present are Lingen and Osnaburg; the Angrivarii, on the Weser ( isurgis) where are Mmden and Schawenburg. A more ancient mi- A the Chamavi to the banks of the Rhine is cursorily men- A ^ Tacitus Annal. xni. 55. The Angrivarii were afterwards 3 became part of the Saxon nation. • entirely extirpated that no relics of them re- mained. They were even a conspicuous part of the Francic league, as before related. Claudian also, in his panegyric oU the fourth consulate oi Honorius, v. 450, mentions them. Venit accola sylvae Lructerus Hercyniae. Tfucterian, borderer on the Hercyniah forest, came.” Alter their ^pulsion, they settled, according to Eccard, between Cologne and Hesse. ’ * The Bructeri were under regal government, and maintained many wars against the Romans. Hence theif arrogance and power. Before they were destroyed by their countrymeh, Vestricius Spurinna terrified thern into submission without an action, and had on that account a tri- b^kfi^epkt^y^^^^^^^ younger mentions this fact, gladiatorial spectacles. This slaughter happened near the canal of Hrusus, where the Roman guard on the Rhine could ®^-® - the 324 MANNERS OP THE GERMANS. [c. 34, retain and perpetuate, if not an affection for us, at least an animosity against each other 1 since, while the fate of the empire is thus urgent,^ fortune can bestow no higher benefit upon us, than the discord of our enemies. 34. Contiguous to the Angrivarii and Chamavi backwards lie the Dulgibini, Chasauri,^ and other nations less known.^ In front, the Frisii^ succeed; who are distinguished by the appellations of Greater and Lesser, from their proportional power. The settlements of both stretch along the border of the Rhine to the ocean; and include, besides, vast lakes,® which have been navigated by Roman fleets. We have even explored the ocean itself on that side; and fame reports that columns of Hercules® are still remaining on that coast; whether it be that Hercules was ever there in reality, or that 1 As tliis treatise was written in the rei^ of Trajan, when the affairs of the Romans appeared unusually prosperous, some critics have ima¬ gined that Tacitus wrote vigentibus, “flourishing,” instead of urgentibmy “ urgent.” But it is sufficiently evident, from other passages, that the • causes which were operating gradually, but surely, to the destruction of the Roman empire, did not escape the penetration of Tacitus, even when disguised by the most flattering appearances. The common reading is therefore, probably, right.— Aikin. 2 These people flrst resided near the head of the Lippe; and then removed to the settlements of the Chamavi and Angrivai-ii, who had expelled the Bructeri. They appear to have been the same with those whom Velleius Paterculus, ii. 105, calls the Attuarii, and by that name they entered into the Francic league. Strabo calls them Chattuarii. 3 Namely, the Ansibarii and Tubantes. The Ansibarii or Amsibarii are thought by Alting to have derived their name from their neighbour¬ hood to the river Ems (Amisia) ; and the Tubantes, from their frequent change of habitation, to have been called Tho Benten, or the wan¬ dering troops, and to have dwelt where now is Drente in Over-Issel. Among these nations, Furstenburg (Monum. Paderbom.) enumerates the Ambrones, borderers upon the river Ambrus, now Emmeren. ^ The Frieslanders. The lesser Frisii were settled on this side, the greater, on the other, of the Flevum (Zuyder-zee). 5 In the time of the Romans this country was covered by vast meres, or lakes; which were made still larger by frequent inundations of the sea. Of these, one so late as 1530 overwhelmed seventy-two villages; and another, still more terrible, in 1569, laid under water great part of tile sea-coast of Holland, and almost all Friesland, in which alone 20,000 persons were drowned. 6 Wherever the land seemed to terminate, and it appeared impossible to proceed further, maritime nations have feigned pillars of Hercules. Those celebrated by the Frisians must have been at the extremity of Friesland, and not in Sweden and the Cimmerian promontory, as Rud* beck supposes. THE CHAUCI. C. 35.] 325 whatever great and magnificent is anywhere met with is, by common consent, ascribed to his renowned name. The attempt of Drusus Germanicus^ to make discoveries in these parts was sufficiently daring; but the ocean opposed any further inquiry into itself and Hercules. After a while no one renewed the attempt; and it was thought more pious and reverential to believe the actions of the gods, than to investigate them. 35. Hitherto we have traced the western side of Germany. It turns from thence with a vast sweep to the north: and first occurs the country of the Chauci,^ which, though it ^ Drusus, the brother of Tiberius, and father of Germanicus, im¬ posed a tribute on the Frisians, as mentioned in the Annals, iv. 72, and performed other eminent services in Germany; whence he was himself styled Germanicus. 2 The Chauci extended a^ong the sea-coast from the Ems to the Elbe (Albis) ; whence they bordered on all the fore-mentioned nations, be¬ tween which and the Cherusci they came round to the Catti. The Chauci were distinguished into Greater and Lesser. The Greater, accord¬ ing to Ptolemy, inhabited the country between the Weser and the Elbe; the Lesser, that between the Weser and Ems; but Tacitus (Annals, xi. 19)_ seems to reverse this order. Alting supposes the Chauci had their name from Kaulcen, signifying persons eminent for valour and fidelity, which agrees with the character Tacitus gives them. Others derive it from Kaulc, an owl, with a reference to the enmity of that animal to cats {Catti). Others, from Kaiten, daws, of which there are great numbers on their coast. Pliny has admirably described the country and manners of the maritime Chauci, in his account of people who live without any trees or fruit-bearing vegetables:—“In the North are the nations of Chauci, who are divided into Greater and Lesser. Here, the ocean, having a prodigious flux and reflux twice in the space of every day and night, rolls over an immense tract, leaving it a matter of perpetual doubt whether it is part of the land or sea. In this spot, the wretched natives, occupying either the tops of hills, or artificial mounds of turf, raised out of reach of the highest tides, build their small cottages; which appear like sailing vessels when the water covers the circumjacent ground, and like wrecks when it has retired. Here from^their huts they pursue the fish, continually flying from them with the waves. They do not, like their neighbours, possess cattle, and feed on milk; nor have they a warfare to maintain against wild beasts; for every fruit of the earth is far removed from them. With flags and sea-weed they twist cordage for their fishing-nets. For fuel they use a kind of mud, taken up by hand, and dried, rather in the wind than the sun: with this earth they heat their food, and warm their bodies, stiffened by the rigorous north. Their only drink is rain-water collected in ditches at the thresholds of their doors. Yet this miserable people, if conquered to-day by the Roman arms, would call themselves slaves. Thus it is that fortune spares many to their own punishment.”—Hist. Nat. xvi. 1. 326 MANNERS OF THE GERMANS. [c. 36, begins immediately from Frisia, and occupies part of the sea-shore, yet stretches so far as to border on all the nations before mentioned, till it winds round so as to meet the terri¬ tories of the Catti. This immense tract is not only possessed, but filled by the Chauci ; a people the noblest of the Germans, who choose to maintain their greatness by justice rather than violence. Without ambition, without ungoverned desires, quiet and retired, they provoke no wars, they are guilty of no rapine or plunder; and it is a principal proof of their power and bravery, that the superiority they possess has not been acquired by unjust means. Yet all have arms in readiness;^ and, if necessary, an army is soon raised: for they abound in men and horses, and maintain their military reputation even ’ in inaction. 36. Bordering on the Chauci and Catti are the Cherusci who, for want of an enemy, long cherished a too lasting and enfeebling peace: a state more flattering than secure; since the repose enjoyed amidst ambitious and powerful neighbours is treacherous; and when an appeal is made to the sword, moderation and probity are names appropriated by the victors. Thus, the Cherusci, who formerly bore the titles of just and upright, are now charged with cowardice and folly; and the good fortune of the Catti, who subdued them, has grown into wisdom. The ruin of the Cherusci involved that of the Fosi,^ a neighbouring tribe, equal partakers of their adver- ^ On this accoiint, fortified posts were established by the Romans to restrain the Chauci; who by Lucan are called Cayci in the following passage * Et VOS crinigeros bellis arcere Caycos Oppositi. Phars. i. 463. “ You too, tow’rds Rome advance, ye warlike band. That wont the shaggy Cauci to withstand.” —Rowe. 2 The Cherusci, at that time, dwelt between the Weser and the Elbe, where now are Luneburg, Brunswick, and part of the Marche of Branden¬ burg on this side the Elbe. In the reign of Augustus they occupied a more extensive tract; reaching even this side the Weser, as appears from the ac¬ counts of the expedition of Drusus given by Dio and Velleius Paterculus: unless, as Dithmar observes, what is said of the Cherusci on this side the Weser relates to the Dulgibini, their dependents. For, according to Strabo, Varus was cut off by the Cherusci, and the people subject to them. The brave actions of Arminius, the celebrated chief of the Cherusci, are related by Tacitus in the 1st and 2d books of his Annals. ^ Cluver, and several others, suppose the Fosi to have been the same With the ancient Saxons; but, since they bordered on the Cherusci, the 1 THE CIMBRI. 327 c. 37.] sity, although they had enjoyed an inferior share of their prosperity. 37. In the same quarter of Germany, adjacent to the ocean dwell the Cimbri a small 2 state at present, but great in renown.3 Of their past grandeur extensive vestiges still remain, in encampments and lines on either shore,^ from the compass of which the strength and numbers of the nation may still be computed, and credit derived to the account of so prodigious an army. It was in the 640th year of Rome that the arms of the Cimbri were first heard of, under the consulate of Cge.cilius Metellus and Papirius Carbo; from which era to the second consulate of the emperor Trajan^ is a period of nearly 210 years. So long has Germany with¬ stood the arms of Rome. During this long interval many mutual wounds haye been inflicted. Not the Samnite, the opinion of Leibnitz is nearer the truth, that they inhabited the banks ot the river Fusa, which enters the Aller (Allera) at Cell»: and were a sort of appendage to the Cherusci, as Hildesheim now is to Brunswick. Ihe name of Saxons is later than Tacitus, and was not known till the reign ot Antoninus Pius, at which period they poured forth from the Uimbric Chersonesus, and afterwards, in conjunction with the Andes seized upon Britain. ° * • ^ people still exists; and the country they inhabited is called the Cimbric Chersonesus, or Peninsula; comprehending Jutland, bleswig, and Holstein. The renown and various fortune of the Cimbri IS briefly, but accurately, related by Mallet in the Introduction” to the History of Denmark,” • ^ Though at this time they were greatly reduced by migrations, inundations and wars, they afterwards revived; and from this store- Franks, Saxons, Hormans, and various brought all Europe under Germanic sway. Their fame spread through Germany, Gaul, Spain, Britain, Italy, and as far as the Sea of Azoph (Palus Mseotis), whither, according to Posidonius, they penetrated, and called the Cimmerian or Cimbrian Bosphorus after their own name. This is usually, and probably rightly, explained as relating to both snores ot the Cimbric Chersonesus. Cluver and Dithmar, however suppose that these encampments are to be sought for either in Italy! upon the river Athesis (Adige), or in Harbonnensian Gaul near Aqu» Sexti» (Aix in Provence), where Florus (iii. 3) mentions that the Teu- toni defeated by Marius took post in. a valley with a river running through it. Of the prodigious numbers of the Cimbri who made this terrible irruption we have an account in Plutarch, who relates that ^ fighting men were 300,000, with a much greater number of women and children. (Plut. Marius, p. 411.) 5 Nerva was consul the fourth time, and Trajan the second, in the 801 st year ot Home; in which Tacitus composed this treatise. 328 MANNERS OF THE GERMANS. [c, 37. Carthaginian, Spain, Gaul, or Parthia, have given more fre¬ quent alarms; for the liberty of the Germans is more vigorous than the monarchy of the Arsacidae. What has the East, which has itself lost Pacorus, and suffered an overthrow from Ventidius,^ to boast against us, but the slaughter of Crassus? But the Germans, by the defeat or capture of Carbo, ^ Cassius,^ Scaurus Aurelius,^ Servilius Caepio, and Cneius Manlius, ^ deprived the Roman people of five consular ^ After the defeat of P. Decidius Saxa, lieutenant of Syria, by the Parthians, and the seizure of Syria by Pacorus, son of king Orodes, P. Ventidius Bassus was sent there, and vanquished the Parthians, killed Pacorus, and entirely restored the Roman affairs. ^ The Epitome of Livy informs us, that ‘•'in the year of Rome 640, the Cimbri, a wandering tribe, made a predatory incursion into Illyricum, where they routed the consul Papirius Carbo with his army.” According to Strabo, it was at Noreia, a town of the Taurisci, near Aquileia, that Carbo was defeated. In the succeeding years, the Cimbri and Teutonia ravaged Gaul, and brought great calamities on that country; but at length, deterred by the unshaken bravery of the Gauls, they turned another way; as appears from Csesar, Bell. Gal. vii. 17. They then came into Italy, and sent ambassadors to the Senate, de¬ manding lands to settle on. This was refused; and the consul M. Junius Silanus fought an unsuccessful battle with them, in the year of Rome 645. (Epitome of Livy, Ixv.) ® “ L. Cassius the consul, in the year of Rome 647, was cut off with his army in the confines of the Allobroges, by the Tigurine Gauls, a’ canton of the Helvetians (now the cantons of Zurich, Appenzell, Schaflfhausen, &c.), who had migrated from their settlements. The soldiers who survived the slaughter gave hostages for the payment of half they were worth, to be dismissed with safety.” (Ibid.) Csesar further relates that the Roman army was passed under the yoke by the Tigurini :—“ This single canton, migrating from home, within the me¬ mory of our fathers, slew the consul L. Cassius, and passed his army under the yoke.”—Bell. Gall. i. 12. ^ M. Aurelius Scaurus, the consul's lieutenant (or rather consul, as he appears to have served that office in the year of Rome 646), was de¬ feated and taken by the Cimbri; and when, being asked his advice, he dissuaded them from passing the Alps into Italy, assuring them the Romans were invincible, he was slain by a furious youth, named Boiorix. (Epit. Livy, Ixvii.) ^ Florus, in like manner, considers these two affairs separately:—“Nei¬ ther could Silanus sustain the first onset of the barbarians; nor Manlius, the second; nor Cfepio, the third.” (iii. 3.) Livy joins them together: — “By the same enfemy (the Cimbri) Cn. Manlius the consul, and Q. Ser¬ vilius Caepio the proconsul, were defeated in an engagement, and both dispossessed of their camps.” (Epit. Ixvii.) Paulus Orosius relates the affair more particularly:—“Manlius the consul, and Q. Caepio, proconsul, being sent against the Cimbri, Teutones, Tigurini, and Ambronae, c. 37.] BATTLES AGAINST THE ROMANS. , 329 armies and afterwards took from Augustus himself Varus with three legions.^ Nor did Caius Marius ^ in Italy, the deified Julius^ in Gaul, or Drusus,^ Nero,^ or Germanicus^ in Gaulish and German nations, who had conspired to extinguish the Roman empire, divided their respective provinces by the river Rhone. Here, the most violent dissensions prevailing between them, they were both overcome, to the great disgrace and danger of the Roman name. According to Antias, 80,000 Romans and allies were slaughtered. Csepio, by whose rashness this misfortune was occasioned, was con¬ demned, and his property confiscated by order of the Romam people.” (Lib. V. 16.) This happened in the year of Rome 649; and the anni¬ versary was reckoned among the unlucky days. ^ The Republic; in opposition to Rome when governed by emperors. 2 This tragical catastrophe so deeply affected Augustus, that, as Suetonius informs us, “ he was said to have let his beard and hair grow for several months; during which he at times struck his head against the doors, crying out, ‘Varus, restore my legions!’ and ever after kept the anniversary as a day of mourning.” (Aug, s. 23.) The finest history piece, perhaps, ever drawn by a writer, is Tacitus’s description of the army of Germanicus visiting the field of battle, six years after, and performing funeral obsequies to the scattered remains of their slaughtered countrymen. ( Ann als, i, 61.) ^ “ After so many misfortunes, the Roman people thought no general so capable of repelling such formidable enemies, as Marius,” ISTor was the public opinion falsified. In his fourth consulate, in the year of Rome 652, ‘‘Marius engaged the Teutoni beyond the Alps ne.ar Aquse Sextise (Aix in Provence), killing, on the day of battle and the following day, above 150,000 of the enemy, and entirely cutting off the Teutonic nation.” (Velleius Paterculus, ii. 12.) ' Livy says there were 200,000 slain, and 90,000 taken prisoners. The succeeding yegr he defeated the Cimbn, who had penetrated into Italy and crossed the Adige, in the Raudian plain, where now is Rubio, killing and taking prisoners upwards of 100,000 men. That he did not, however, obtain an unbought victory over this warlike people, may be conjectured from the resistance he met with even from their women. We are told by Florus (iii. 3) that “he was obliged to sustain an engagement with their wives, as well as themselves; who, entrenching themselves on all sides with waggons and cars, fought from them, as from towers, with lances and poles. Their death was no less glorious than their resistance. For, when they could not obtain from Marius what they requested by an embassy, their liberty, and admission into the vestal priesthood (which, indeed, could not lawfully be granted); after strangling their infants, they either fell by mutual wounds, or hung themselves on trees or the poles of their carriages in ropes made of their own hair. King Boiorix was slain, not unrevenged, fighting bravely in the field.” On account of these great victories, Marius, in the year of Rome 652, triumphed over the Teutoni, Ambroni, and Cimbri. ^ In the 596th year of Rome, Julius Caesar defeated Ariovistus, a German king, near Dampierre in the Franche-Comt^, and pursued his % 330 MANNERS OF THE GERjVIANS. [c. 38. their own country, defeat them without loss. The subse¬ quent mighty threats of Caligula terminated in ridicule. Then succeeded tranquillitytill, seizing the occasion of our discords and civil wars, they forced the winter-quarters of the legions,^ and even aimed at the possession of Gaul; and, again expelled thence, they have in latter times been rather triumphed ov^r ^ than vanquished. 38. We have now to.speak of the Suevi who do not com¬ pose a single state, like the Catti or Tencteri, but occupy the greatest part of Germany, and are still distributed into dif¬ ferent names and nations, although all bearing the common appellation of Suevi. It is a characteristic of this people to turn their hair sideways, and tie it beneath the poll in a knot. By this mark the Suevi are distinguished from the rest of the Germans; and the freemen of the Suevi from the slaves.'^ Among other nations, this mode, either on account of some relationship with the Suevi, or from the usual propensity to imitation, is sometimes adopted; but rarely, and only during 'the period of youth. The Suevi, even till they are hoary, continue to have their hair growing stiffly backwards, and often it is fastened on the very crown of the head. The chiefs roiited troops with great slaughter thirty miles towards the Rhine, filling all that space with spoils and dead bodies. (Bell. Gall, i, 33 and 52.) He had before chastised the Tigurini, who, as already men¬ tioned, had defeated and killed L. Cassius. Drusus : This was the son of Livia, and brother of the emperor Tiberius. He was in Germany B. c. 12, 11. His loss was principally from shipwreck on the coast of the Chauci. See Lynam’s Roman Emperors, i. 37, 45. Nero; i.e. Tiberius, afterwards emperor. His names were Tiberius Claudius Drusus Nero. See Lynam’s Roman Emperors, i. 51, 53, 62, 78. Germanicus : H« , was the son of Drusus, and so nephew of Tiberius. His victories in Ger¬ many took place a. d. 14—16. He too, like his father, was shipwrecked, and nearly at the same spot. See Lynam’s Roman Emperors, i. 103 —118. ^ In the war of Civilis, related by Tacitus, Hist. iv. and v. 2 By Domitian,,as is more particularly mentioned in the Life of Agricola. ® The Suevi possessed that extensive tract of country lying between the Elbe, the Vistula, the Baltic Sea, and the Danube. They formerly had spread still further, reaching even to the Rhine. Hence Strabo, Caesar, Florus, and others, have referred to the Suevi, what related to the Catti. * Among the Suevi, and also the rest of the Germans, the slaves seem to have been shaven; or at least cropped so short that they could not twist or tie up their hair in a knot. THE SUEVI. c. 40.] the suevi. 33 i dress it with still gi'eater care: and in this respect they study ornament, though of an undebasing kind. For their desio-n IS not to make love, or inspire it: they decorate themselv'ea in this manner as they proceed to war, in order to seem taller and more terrible; and dress for the eyes of their enemies. 39. The Semnones^ assert themselves to be the most ancient and noble of the Suevi ; and their pretensions are confirmed by religion. At a stated time, all the people of the same lineage assemble by their delegates in a wood, consecrated y the auguries pf fheir forefathers and ancient terror, and there by the public slaughter of a human victim celebrate the horrid origin of their barbarou3 rites. Another kind of reverence is paid to the grove. No person enters it without being bound with a chain, as an acknowledgment of his inferior nature, and the power of che deity residing there. If he acci¬ dentally fall, it is not lawful for him to be lifted or to rise up * they roll themselves out along the ground. The whole of their superstition has this import: that from this spot the nation derives its origin; that here is the residence of the Deity, the Governor of all, and that everything else is subject and subordinate to him. These opinions receive additional authority from the power of the Semnones, who inhabit a hundred cantons, and, from the great body they compose consider themselves as the head of the Suevl ' 40. The Langobairdi,^ on the other hand, are ennobled by the smallness of their numbers; since, though surrounded by many powerful nations, they derive security, not from obse- ^ The Semnonea inhabited both bapks of the Viadrus (Oder)- the country which is now part of Pomerapia, of the Marche of Branden- DU.r^j 3/Ilci 01 v-u! \ of Augustus, the Langobardi dwelt on this side the Elbe, between Luneburg and Magdeburg. When conquered and driven beyond the Elbe by Tibenus, they occupied that part of the country where are now Pngnitz, Euppin, and part of the Middle Marche. They aftemards founded the Lombard kingdom in Italy; which, in the year of Christ 774, was destroyed by Charlemagne, who took their king Desidenus, and subdued all Italy. The laws of the Langobardi are still extant, and may be met with in Lindenbrog. The Burgun¬ dians are not mentioned by Tacitus, probably because they were then an mconsiderable p^ple. Afterwards, joining with the Langobardi, they settled on the Decuman lands and the Eoman boundary. They from thence made an irruption into Gaul, and seized that country which IS still named from them-Burgundy. Their laws are likewise 332 MANNERS OF THE GERMANS. [o. 40. quiousness, but from their martial enterprise. The neigh¬ bouring Reudigni,^ and the Aviones,^ Angli,^ Varini, Eudoses, Suardones, and Nuithones,^ are defended by rivers or forests. Nothing remarkable occurs in any of these; except that they unite in the worship of Hertha,^ or Mother Earth; and suppose her to‘interfere in the affairs of men, and to visit the different nations. In an island ® of the ocean stands a sacred and un¬ violated grove, in which is a consecrated chariot, covered with a veil, which the priest alone is permitted to touch. He becomes conscious of the entrance of the goddess into this secret recess; and with profound veneration attends the vehicle, which is drawn by yoked cows. At this season'^ all 1 From Tacitus’s description, the Reudigni must have dwelt in part of the present duchy of Mecklenburg, and of Lauenburg. They had formerly been settled on this side the Elbe, on the sands of Luneburg. 2 Perhaps the same people with those called by Mamertinus, in his Panegyric on Maximian, the Chaibones. From their vicinity to the fore-mentioned nations, they must have inhabited part of the duchy of Mecklenburg. They had formerly dwelt on this side the Elbe, on the banks of the river Ilmenavia in Luneburg; which is now called Ava; whence, probably, the name of the people. ^ Inhabitants of what is now part of Holstein and Sleswig; in which tract is still a district called Angeln, between Flensborg and Sleswig. In the fifth century, the Angles, in conjunction with the Saxons, migrated into Britain, and perpetuated their name by giving appellation to England. * From the enumeration of Tacitus, and the situation of the other tribes, it appears that the Eudoses must have occupied the modem Wismar and Rostock; the Suardones, Stralsund, Swedish Pomerania, and part of the Hither Pomerania, and of the Uckerane Marche. Eccard, however, supposes these nations were much more widely ex¬ tended; and that the Eudoses dwelt upon the Oder; the Suardones, upon the Warte; the Huithones, upon the Netze. ^ The ancient name of the goddess Herth still subsists in the Ger¬ man Erde, and in the English Earth. ® Many suppose this island to have been the isle of Rugen in the Baltic sea. It is more probable, however, that it was an island near the mouth of the Elbe, now called the isle of Helgoland, or Hedigeland (Holy Island). Besides the proof arising from the name, the situation agrees better with that of the nations before enumerated. ^ Olaus Rudbeck contends that this festival was celebrated in winter, and still continues in Scandinavia under the appellation of Julifred, the peace of Juul. (Yule is the term used for Christmas season in the old English and Scottish dialects.) But this feast was solemnized not in honour of the Earth, but of the Sun, called by them Thor or Taranim. The festival of Herth was held later, in the month of February; as may be seen in Mallet’s “ Introduction to the History of Denmark.” THE HEEMUNDURI. 333 c. 41.] is joy; and every place which the goddess deigns to visit is a scene of festivity. No wars are undertaken; arms are un¬ touched; and every hostile weapon is shut up. Peace abroad and at home are then only known; then only loved: till at length the same priest reconducts the goddess, satiated with mortal intercourse, to her temple.^ The chariot, with its curtain, and, if we may believe it, the goddess herself, then undergo ablution in a secret lake. This office is performed by slaves, whom the same lake instantly swallows up. Hence ^ proceeds a mysterious horror; and a holy ignorance of what that can be, which is beheld only by those who are about to perish. This part of the Suevian nation extends to the most remote recesses of Germany. 41. If we now follow the com’se of the Danube, as we before did that of the Rhine, we first meet with the Hermun¬ duri f a people faithful to the Romans,^ and on that account the only Germans who are admitted to commerce, not on the bank alone, but within our territories, and in the flourishing colony^ established in the province of Rhsetia. They pass and repass at pleasure, without being attended by a guard; and while we exhibit to other nations our arms and camps alone, to these we lay open our houses and country seats, which they behold without coveting. In the country of the Hermunduri rises the Elbe a river formerly celebrated and known among us, now only heard of by name. ^ Temjilo here means merely the consecrated place,” i. e. the grove before mentioned, for according to c. 9 the Germans built no temples. 2 It is supposed that this people, on account of their valour, were called Heermanner; corrupted by the Romans into Hermunduri. They were first settled between the Elbe, the Sala, and Bohemia; where now are Anhalt, Voightland, Saxony, part of Misnia, and of Franconia. Afterwards, when the Marcomanni took possession of Bohemia, from which the Boii had been expelled by Maroboduus, the Hermunduri added their settlements to their own, and planted in them the Suevian name, whence is derived the modern appellation of that country, Suabia. ^ They were so at that time; but afterwards joined with the Marco¬ manni and other Germans against the Romans in the time of Marcus Aurelius, who overcame them. ^ Augusta Vindelicorum, now Augsburg; a famous Roman colony in the province of Rhsetia, of which Vindelica was then a part. ^ Tacitus is ^eatly mistaken if he confounds the source of the Egra, which is in the country of the Hermunduri, with that of the Ellbe, which rises in Bohemia. The Elbe had been formerly, as Tacitus 1 334 MANNERS OF THE GERMANS. [c. 42. 42. Contiguous to the Hermunduri are the Narisci;^ and next to them, the Marcomanni ^ and Quadi.^ Of these, the Marcomanni are the most powerful and renowned; and have even acquired the country which they inhabit, by their valour in expelling the Bbii.^ Nor are the Narisci and Quadi infe¬ rior in bravery; ^ and this is, as it were, the van of Germany as far as it is bordered by the Danube. W^ithin our memory the Marcomanni and Quadi were governed by kings of their own nation, of the noble line of Maroboduus ® and Tudrus. They now submit even to foreigners; but all the power of their kings depends upon the authority of the Bomans.'^ We seldom assist them with our arms, but frequently with our money; nor are they the less potent on that account. observes, well known to the Romans by the victories of Drusus, Tibe¬ rius, and Domitius ; but afterwards, when the increasing jjower of the Germans kept the Roman arrOs alt a distance, it was only indistinctly heard of. Hence its source was probably inaccurately laid down in the Roman geographical tables. Perhaps, however, the Hermunduri, when they had served in the army of Maroboduus, received lands in that part of Bohemia in which the Elbe rises; in which case there would be no' mistake in Tacitus’s account. ^ Inhabitants' of that part of Bavaria which lies between Bohemia and the Danube. ^ Inhabitants of Bohemia. 3 Inhabitants of Moravia, and the’ part of Austria between it and the DanUbb, Of this people, Ammianus Marcellinus, in his account of the reign of Valentinian and Valens, thus speaks:—“A sudden com¬ motion arose among the Quadi; a nation at present of little conse¬ quence, but which was formerly extremely warlike and potent, as their exploits sufficiently evince.”—xxix. 15. ^ Their expulsion of the Boii, who had given name to Bohemia, has been already mentioned. Before this period, the Marcomanni dwelt near the sources of the Danube, where now is the duchy of Wirtem- burg; and, as Dithmar supposes, on account of their inhabiting the borders of Germany, were called Marcmanner, from Marc (the same wdth the old English March), a border, or boundary. 5 These people justified their military reputation by the daUgerous war which, in conjunction with the Marcomanni, they excited against the Romans, in the reign of Marcus Aurelius. Of this prince, and his alliance with the Romans' against Armi¬ nius, mention is made by Tacitus, Annals, ii. 7 Thus Vannius was made king of the Quadi by Tiberius. (See Annals, ii. 63.) At a later period, Antoninus Pius* (as appears from a medal preserved in Spanheim) gave them FUrtius for their king. And when they had expelled him, and set Ariogsesus on the throne, Marcus Aurelius, to whom he was obnoxious, refused to confirm the ekcti-oai (Dio, ixxi.) \ THE LYGIAN TRIBES. C. 43.] 335 43. Behind these are the Marsigni/ Gothini,^ Osi,^ and Burii,^ who close the rear of the Marcomanni and Quadi. Of these, the Marsigni and Burii in language ^ and dress resemble the Suevi. The Gothini and Osi prove themselves not to be Germans; the first, ?jy their use of the Gallic, the second, of the Pannonian tongue; and both, by their submitting to pay tribute; which is levied on them, as aliens, partly by the Sarmatians, partly by the Quadi. The Gothini, to their additional disgrace, work iron mines.® All these people in¬ habit but a small proportion of champaign country; their settlements are chiefly amongst forests, and on the sides and summits of mountains; for a continued ridge of mountains^ separates Suevia from various remoter tribes. Of these, the Lygian ^ is the most extensive, and diffuses its name throuo-h several communities. It will be sufficient to name the most powerful of them—the Arii, Helvecones, Manimi, Elysii, and Naharvali.® ^ In the country of the latter is a grove, conse¬ crated to religious rites of great antiquity. A priest presides over them, dressed in woman’s apparel; but the gods wor¬ shipped there are said, according to the Roman interpretation, of people inhabited what is now Gaktz, Jagerndorf, and part 2 Inhabitants of part of Silesia, and of Hungary. Inhabitants of part of Hungary to the Danube. These were settled about the Carpathian mountains, and the sources of the Vistula. probable that the Suevi were distinguished from the rest of the Germans by a peculiar dialect, as well as by their dress and T I mentions iron mines in or near the country of the Quadi. I should ima^ne that the expression “additional disgrace” (or, more literally which might make them more ashamed ”) does not refer merely to the slavery of working in mines, but to the circumstance of them digging up iron, the substance by means of which they might acquire freedom and independence. This is quite in the manner of lacitus. The word zron was figuratively used by the ancients to signify military force in general. Thus Solon, in hie well-known answer to Croesus, observed to him, that the nation which possessed more iron would be master of all his gold.—AiMn. 8 mountains between Moravia, Hungary,. Silesia, and Bohemia. TIT inhabited what is now part of Silesia, of the New Marche, of Prussia and Poland on this side tfie Vistula These tnbes were settled between the Oder and Vistula, where noware part of Silesia, of-Brandenburg, and of Poland. The Eivsii are supposed to have given name to Silesia. ^ 336 MANNERS OP THE GERMANS. [a 43 to be Castor and Pollux. Their attributes are the same, their name, Alcis. ^ No images, indeed, or vestiges of foreign superstition, appear in their worship; but they are revered under the character of young men and brothers. The Arii, fierce beyond the superiority of strength they possess over the other just-enumerated people, improve their natural ferocity of aspect by artificial helps. Their shields are black; their bodies paintedthey choose the darkest nights for an attack; and strike terror by the funereal gloom of their sable bands— no enemy being able to sustain their singular, and, as it were, infernal appearance; since in every combat the eyes are the first part subdued. Beyond the Lygii are the Gothones,^ who live under a monarchy, somewhat more strict than that of the other German nations, yet not to a degree incompatible with liberty. Adjoining to these are the Bugii^ and Lemovii,^ situated on the sea-coast:—all these tribes are distinguished by round shields, short swords, and submission to regal authority. ^ The Greeks and Eomans, under the name of the Dioscuri, or Castor and Pollux, worshipped those meteorous exhalations whieh, during a storm, appear on the masts of ships, and are supposed to denote an approaching calm. A kind of religious veneration is still paid to this phenomenon by the Roman Catholics, under the appellation of the fire of St. Elmo. The Naharvah seem to have affixed the same character of divinity on the ignis fatuus ; and the name Alcis is proba¬ bly the same with that of Alff or Alp, which the northern nations still apply to the fancied Genii of the movmtains. The Sarmatian deities Lebus and Polebus, the memory of whom still subsists in the Polish festivals, had, perhaps, the same origin. ^ No custom has been more universal among uncivilized people than painting the body, either for the purpose of ornament, or that of inspiring terror. ^ Inhabitants of what is now Further Pomerania, the New Marche and the Western part of Poland, between the Oder and Vistula. They were a different people from the Goths, though, perhaps, in alliance with them. ^ These people were settled on the shore of the Baltic, where now are Colburg, Cassubia, and Further Pomerania. Their name is still preserved in the town of Rugenwald and Isle of Rugen. 5 These were also settlers on the Baltic, about the modem Stolpe, Dantzig, and Lauenburg. The Heruli appear afterwards to have occupied the settlements of the Lemovii. Of these last no further mention occurs; but the Heruli made themselves famous throughout Europe and Asia, and were the first of the Germans who founded a kingdom in Italy under Odoacer. TUE SUIONES. C. 44.] 337 44. Next occur the communities of the Suiones,^ seated in the very Ocean,^ who, besides their strength in men and arms, also possess a naval force.^ The form of their vessels differs from ours in having a prow at each end,^ so that they are always ready to advance. They make no use of sails, nor have regular benches of oars at the sides: they row, as is practised in some rivers, without order, sometimes on one side, sometimes on the other, as occasion requires. These people honour wealth; ® for which reason they are subject to monarchical government, without any limitations,® or pre¬ carious conditions of allegiance. Nor are arms allowed to be kept promiscuously, as among the other German nations: but are committed to the charge of a keeper, and he, too, a ^ The Suiones inhabited* Sweden, and the Danish isles of Funen, Langland, Zeeland, Laland, &c. From them and the Cimbri were derived the Normans, who, after spreading terror through various parts of the empire, at last seized upon the fertile province of Nor¬ mandy in f^rance. The names of Goths, Visigoths, and Ostrogoths, became still more famous, they being the nations who accomplished the ruin of the Eoman empire. The laws of the Visigoths are still extant; but they depart much from the usual simplicity of the German laws. * The Romans, who had but an imperfect knowledge of this part of .the world, imagined here those “vast insular tracts” mentioned in the beginning of this treatise. Hence Pliny, also, says of the Baltic sea (Cqdanus sinus), that “ it is filled with islands, the most famous of which, Scandinavia, (now Sweden and Norway,) is of an vmdisco- vered magnitude; that part of it only being known which is occupied by the Hilleviones, a nation inhabiting five hundred cantons ; who call this country another globe.” (Lib. iv. 13.) The memory of the Hille¬ viones is still preserved in the part of Sweden named Halland. 3 Their naval power continued so great, that they had the glory of framing the nautical code, the laws of which were first written at Wisby, the capital of the isle of Gothland, in the eleventh century. * This is exactly the form of the Indian canoes, which, however, are generally worked with sails as well as oars. * The great opulence of a temple of the Suiones, as described by Adam of Bremen, (Eccl. Hist, ch, 233,) is a proof of the wealth that at all times has attended naval dominion. “ This nation,” says he, “ pos¬ sesses a temple of great renown, called Ubsola (now Upsal), not far from the cities Sictona and Birca (now Sigtuna and Bioerkoe). In this temple, which is entirely ornamented with gold, the people wor¬ ship the statues of three gods; the most powerful of whom, Thor, is seated on a couch in the middle; with Woden on one side, and Fricca on the other.” From the ruins of the towns Sictona and Birca arose the present capital of Sweden, Stockholm. ® Hence Spener (Notit. German. Antiq.) rightly concludes that the crown was hereditary, and not elective, among the Suioues. TAO.—VOL. II. Z 338 MANNERS OF THE GERMANS. [c. 45. slave. The pretext is, that the Ocean defends them from any sudden incursions; and men unemployed, with arms in their hands, readily become licentious. In fact, it is for the king’s interest not to entrust a noble, a freeman, or even an eman¬ cipated slave, with the custody of arms. 45. Beyond the Suiones is another sea, sluggish and almost stagnant,^ by which the whole globe is imagined to be girt and enclosed, from this circumstance, that the last light of the setting sun continues so vivid till its rising, as to obscure the stars.^ Popular belief adds, that the sound of his emerging ^ from the ocean is also heard; and the forms of deities,^ with the rays beaming from his head, are beheld. Only thus far, report says truly, does nature extend.^ On the right shore of the Suevic sea ® dwell the tribes of the .^stii,'^ whose dress and customs are the same with those of the Suevi, but their lan¬ guage more resembles the British.^ They worship the mother of the gods;^ and as the symbol of their superstition, they carry about them the figures of wild boars.^*^ This serves 1 It is uncertain whether what is now called the Frozen Ocean is here meant, or the northern extremities of the Baltic Sea, the Gulfs of Bothnia and Finland, which are so frozen every winter as to be unnavigable. 2 The true principles of astronomy have now taught us the reason why, at a certain latitude, the sun, at the summer solstice, appears never to set; and at a lower latitude, the evening twilight continues till morning. ® The true reading here is, probably, “immerging;” since it was a common notion at that period, that the descent of the sun into the ocean was attended with a kind of hissing noise, like red hot iron dipped into watef. Thus Juvenal, Sat. xiv. 280 ;— Audiet Herculeo stridentem gurgite solem. “ Hear the sun hiss in the Herculean gulf.” . * Instead of formas deorum, “ forms of deities,” some, with more probability, read equorum, “of the horses,” which are feigned to draw the chariot of the sun. ® Thus Quintus Curtius, speaking of the Indian Ocean, says, “ Nature itself can proceed no further.” ® The Baltic Sea. ^ Now, the kingdom of Prussia, the duchies of Samogitia and Cour- land, the palatinates of Livonia and Esthonia, in the name of which last the ancient appellation of these people is preserved. ® Because the inhabitants of this extreme part of Germany retained the Scythico-Celtic language, which long prevailed in Britain, • ® A deity of Scythian origin, called Frea or Fricca. See Mallet’s Intro duct, to Hist, of Denmark. Many vestiges of this superstition remain to this day in Sweden. GATHERING AMBER. C. 45.] 339 them in place of armour and every other defence: it renders the votary of the goddess safe even in the midst of foes. Their weapons are chiefly clubs, iron being little used among them. They cultivate corn and other fruits of the earth with more industry than German indolence commonly exerts.^ They even explore the sea; and are the only people who gather amber, which by them is called Glese^ and is collected among the shallows and upon the shore.^ With the usual indifference of barbarians, they have not inquired or ascer¬ tained from what natural object or by what means it is pro¬ duced. It long lay disregarded ^ amidst other things thrown up by the sea, till our luxury ^ gave it a name. Useless to them, they gather it in the rough; bring it unwrought; and wonder at the price they receive. It would appear, however, to be an exudation from certain trees; since reptiles, and even winged animals, are often seen shining through it, which, en¬ tangled in it while in a liquid state, became enclosed as it hardened.® I should therefore imagine that, as the luxuriant The peasants, in the month of February, the season formerly sacred to Frea, make little images of boars in paste, which they apply to various superstitious uses. (See Eccard.) A figure of a Mater Detim, with the boar, is given by Mr. Pennant, in his Tour in Scotland, 1769, p. 268, engraven from a stone found at the great station at E^etherby in Cumberland. The cause of this was, probably, their confined situation, which did not permit them to wander in hunting and plundering parties, like the rest of the Germans. 2 This name was transferred to glass when it came into use. Pliny speaks of the production of amber in this country as follows :_“ It is certain that amber is produced in the islands of pilianus was put to death by Galba, a. d. 68. 362 THE LIFE OF AGRICOLA. [c. 17. former quiet state, he delivered the command to Trebellius Maximus.^ Trebellius, indolent, and inexperienced in military affairs, maintained the tranquillity of the province by popular manners; for even the barbarians had now learned to pardon under the seductive influence of vices; and the intervention of the civil wars afforded a legitimate excuse for his inactivity. Sedition however infected the soldiers, who, instead of their usual military services, were rioting in idleness. Trebellius, after escaping the fury of his army by flight and concealment, dishonoured and abased, regained a precarious authority; and a kind of tacit compact took place, of safety to the general, and licentiousness to the army. This mutiny was not attended with bloodshed. Vettius Bolanus, ^ succeeding during the con¬ tinuance of the civil wars, was unable to introduce disciplinev^ into Britain. The same inaction towards the enemy, and the same insolence in the camp, continued; except that Bolanus, unblemished in his character, and not obnoxious by any crime, in some measure substituted affection in the place of authority. 17.^ At length, when Vespasian received the possession of Britain together with the rest of the world, the great com¬ manders and well-appointed armies which were sent over abated the confidence of the enemy; and Petilius Cerealis struck terror by an attack upon the Brigantes,^ who are reputed to compose the most populous state in the whole province. Many battles were fought, some of them attended with much bloodshed; and the greater part of the Brigantes were either brought into subjection, or involved in the ravages of war. The conduct and reputation of Cerealis were so brilliant that they might have eclipsed the splendour of a successor; yet Julius Frontinus,^ a truly great man, supported the arduous competition, as far as circumstances would per¬ mit.® He subdued the strong and warlike nation of the ‘ The date of his arrival is uncertain. 2 He was sent to Britain by Vespasian, a. n. 69. 3 The Brigantes inhabited Yorkshire, Lancashire, Westmoreland, Cumberland, and Durham. * The date of his arrival in Britain is uncertain. This Frontinus is the author of the work on “Stratagems,” and, at the time of his g)pointment to the lieutenancy of Britain, he was curator aquarum at Rome. This, probably, it was that induced him to write his other work on the aqueducts of Rome. This seems to relate to his having been curtailed in his military C. 18.] THE ORDOVICES OP NORTH WALES. 363 Siliires,^ in which expedition, besides the valonr of the enemy, he had the difficulties of the country to struggle with. ^ 18. Such was the state of Britain, and such had been the vicissitudes of warfare, when Agricola arrived in the middle of summer; ^ at a time when the Roman soldiers, supposing the expeditions of the year were concluded, were thinking of enjoying themselves without care, and the natives, of seizing the opportunity thus afforded them. Not long before his arrival, the Ordovices^ had cut off almost an entire corps of cavalry stationed on their frontiers; and the inhabitants of the province being thrown into a state of anxious suspense by this beginning, inasmuch as war was what they wished for, either approved of the example, or waited to discover the disposition of the new governor.^ The season was now far advanced, the troops dispersed through the country, and possessed with the idea of being suffered to remain inactive during the rest of the year; circumstances which tended to retard and discourage any military enterprise; so that it was generally thought most advisable to be contented with defending the suspected posts: yet Agricola determined to march out and meet the approaching danger. For this purpose, he drew together the detachments from the legions,^ and a small body of auxili¬ aries ; and when he perceived that the Ordovices would not venture to descend into the plain, he led an advanced party in person to the attack, in order to inspire the rest of his troops with equal ardour. The result of the action was almost the total extirpation of the Ordovices; when Agricola, sen¬ sible that renown must be followed up, and that the future operations by tbe parsimony of Vespasian, who refused him permission to attack other people than the Silures, See c. 11. ^ Where these people inhabited is mentioned in p. 355, note s. 2 This was in the year of Rome 831, of Christ 78, 3 Inhabitants of North Wales, exclusive of the Isle of Anglesey. ^ t. e. Some were for immediate action, others for delay. Instead of et quibus, we read with Dr. Smith’s edition (London, 1850), ut quibus. ^ Vexilla is here used for vexillarii. “Under the Empire the name of Vexillarii was given to a distinct body of soldiers supposed to have been composed of veterans, who were released from the military oath and regular service, but kept embodied under a separate flag {vexillum)^ to render assistance to the army if required, guard the frontier, and garrison recently conquered provinces; a certain number of these supernumeraries being attached to each legion. (Tac. Hist. ii. 83,100; Ann. L 36.)”—Rich, Comp, to Diet, and Lex. s. v. Vexillum. 364 THE LIFE. OP AGEICOLA. (c. 19. 4 . events of the war would be determined by the first success, resolved to make an attempt upon the island Mona, from the occupation of which Paullinus had been summoned by the general rebellion of'Britain, as before related.^ The usual deficiency of an unforeseen expedition appearing in the want of transport vessels, the ability and resolution of the general were exerted to supply this defect. A select body of auxi¬ liaries, disencumbered of their baggage, who were well ac¬ quainted with the fords, and accustomed, after the manner of their country, to direct their horses and manage theii arms while swimming,^ were ordered suddenly to plunge into the channel; by which movement, the enemy, who expected the arrival of a fleet, and a formal invasion by sea, were struck with terror and astonishment, conceiving nothing arduous or insuperable to troops who thus advanced to the attack. They were therefore induced to sue for peace, and make a surrender of the island;'an event which threw lustre on the name of Agricola, who, on the very entrance upon his province, had employed in toils and dangers that time which is usually devoted to ostentatious parade, and the compliments of office. Nor was he tempted, in the pride of success, to term that an expedition or a victory, which was only bridling the vanquished; nor even to announce his success in laureate despatches.^ But this concealment of his glory served to augment it; since men were led to entertain a high idea of the grandeur of his future views, when such important ser¬ vices were passed over in silence. 19. Well acquainted with the temper of the province, and taught by the experience of former governors how little pro¬ ficiency had been made by arms, when success was followed by injuries, he next undertook to eradicate the causes of war. And beginning with himself, and those next him, he first laid 1 A pass into the vale of Clwyd, in the parish of Llanarmon, is still called Bwlch Agrikle, probably from having been occupied by Agricola, in his road to Mona.— Mr. Pennant. 2 From this circumstance it would appear that these auxiliaries were Batavians, whose skill in this practice is related by Tacitus, Hist, iv. 12. ® It was customary for the Roman generals to decorate with sprigs of laurel the letters in which they sent home the news of any remark¬ able success. Thus Pliny, xv. 30 : “ The laurel, the principal messenger of joy and victory among the Romans, is affixed to letters, and to the spears and javelins of the soldiers.” The laurus of the ancients was probably the bay-tree, and not what we now call laurel. HE ADOPTS A MILDER POLICY. 365 c. 20.]' restrictions upon his own household, a task no less arduous to most governors than the administration of the province. He suffered no public business to pass through the hands of his slaves or ffeedmen. In admitting soldiers into regular ser¬ vice,^ to attendance about his person, he was not influenced ' by private favour, or the recommendation or solicitation of the centurions, but considered the best men as likely to prove the most faithful. He would know everything; but was content to let some things pass unnoticed.^ He could pardon small faults, and use severity fo great ones; yet did not always punish, but was frequently satisfied with penitence. He chose rather to confer offices and employments upon such as would not offend, than to condemn those who had offended. The augmentation ^ of tributes and contributions he mitigated by a just and equal assessment, abolishing those private exactions which were more grievous to be borne than the taxes themselves. For the inhabitants had been compelled in mockery to sit by their own locked-up granaries, to buy com needlessly, and to sell it again at a stated price. Long and difficult journeys had also been imposed upon them; for the several districts, instead of being allowed to supply the nearest winter quarters, were forced to carry their corn to remote and devious places; by which means, what was easy to be procured by all, was converted into an article of gain to a few. 20. By suppressing these abuses in the first year of his administration, he established a favourable idea of peace, which, through the negligence or oppression of his prede- ^ Asdre, al. accire. “ To receive into regular service.” The refei’ence is to the transfer of soldiers from the supernumeraries to the legions. So Walch, followed by Dronke, hoth, and Walther. The next clause implies, that he took care to receive into the service none but the best men {optimum, quemque), who, he was confident, would prove faithful (fidelissimum). 2 In like manner Suetonius says of .Julius Csesar, “He neither noticed nor punished every crime ; but while he strictly inquired into and rigorously punished desertion and mutiny, he connived at other delinquencies.”—Life of Julius Caesar, s. 67. ^ Many commentators propose reading “ exaction,” instead of “ aug¬ mentation.” But the latter may be suffered to remain, especially as 'Suetonius informs us that “Vespasian, not contented with renewing some taxes remitted under Galba, added new and heavy ones; and augmented the tributes paid by the provinces, even doubling some.”^ Life of Vesp. s. 19. 366 r-''. THE LIFE OF AGRICOLA. [c* 22 . CGssors, had be6n no Igss droaded than war. At the return of summer^ he assembled his army. On their march, he com¬ mended the regular and orderly, and restrained the stragglers; he marked out the encampments,^ and explored in person the estuaries and forests. At the same time he perpetually harassed the enemy by sudden incursions; and after suffi¬ ciently alarming them, by an interval of forbearance he held to their view the allurements of peace. By this man¬ agement, many states, which till that time had asserted their independence, were now induced to lay aside their animosity, ^^d to deliver hostages. These districts were surrounded with castles and forts, disposed with so much attention and judgment, that no part of Britain, hitherto new to the Roman arms, escaped unmolested. 21. The succeeding winter was employed in the most salu¬ tary measures. In order, by a taste of pleasures, to reclaim the natives from that rude and unsettled state which prompted them to war, and reconcile them to quiet and tranquillity, he incited them, by private instigations and public encourage¬ ments, to erect temples, courts of justice, and dwelling- nouses- He bestowed commendations upon those who were prompc in complying with his intentions, and reprimanded ^such as were dilatory; thus promoting a spirit of emulation which had all the force of necessity. He was also attentive to provide a liberal education for the sons of their chieftains, preferring the natural genius of the Britons to the attain¬ ments of the Gauls; and his attempts were attended with such success, that they who lately disdained to make use of Roman lan-^ua^e, were now ambitious of becoming elo¬ quent. Hence the Roman habit began to be held in honour, .and the t,jga was frequently worn. At length they gradually deviated into a taste for those luxuries which stimulate to \ice, porticos, and baths, and the elegances of the table; and this, from their inexperience, they termed politeness, whilst, in reality, it constituted a part of their slavery. ’ 22. The military expeditions of the third year^ discovered * In the year of Rome 832, a.d. 79. 2 Many vestiges of these or other Roman camps yet remain in different parts of Great Britain. Two principal ones, in the county ol Annandale in Scotland, called Burnswork and Middleby, are described at large by Gordon in his Itiner. Septentrion. pp. 16, 18,. 2 The year of Rome 833, a.d. 80. C. 23. THE FIRTHS OF CLYDE AND FORTH. 367 new nations to the Komans, and their ravages extended as far as the estuary of the Tay.^ The enemies were thereby struck with such terror that they did not venture to molest the army, though harassed by violent tempests; so that they had sufficient opportunity for the erection of fortresses.^ Persons of experience remarked, that no general had ever shown greater skill in the choice of advantageous situations than Agricola; for not one of his fortified posts was either taken by storm, or surrendered by capitulation. The garri¬ sons made frequent sallies; for they were secured against a blockade by a year’s provision in their stores. Thus the winter passed without alarm, and each garrison proved suffi¬ cient for its own defence; while the enemy, who were gene¬ rally accustomed to repair the losses of the summer by the successes of the winter, now equally unfortunate in both seasons,.were baffled and driven to despair. In these trans¬ actions, .Agricola never attempted to arrogate'to himself the glory of others; but always bore an impartial testimony to the meritorious actions of his officers, from the centurion to the commander of a legion. He was represented by some as rather harsh in reproof; as if the same disposition which made him affable to the deserving, had inclined him to auste¬ rity towards the worthless. But his anger left no relics behind; his silence and reserve were not to be dreaded; and he esteemed it more honourable to show mai'ks of open dis¬ pleasure, than to entertain secret hatred. 23. The fourth summer^ was spent in securing the country which had been overrun; and if the valour of the army and the glory of the Koman name had permitted it, our conquests would have found a limit within Britain itself. For the tides of the opposite seas, flowing veiy far up the estuaries of Clota and Bodotria,^ almost intersect the country; leaving only a narrow, neck of land, which was then defended by a chain of forts.^ Thus all the territory on this side was held in sub- 1 Now the Firth of Tay. 2 The principal of these was at Ardoch, seated so as to command the entrance into two valleys, Strathallan and Strathearn. A description and plan of its remains, still in good preservation, are given by Mr , Pennant in his Tour in Scotland in 1772, part ii. p. 101. 3 The year of Eome 834, a.d. 81. ^ The Firths of Clyde and Forth. " The neck of land between these opposite arms of the sea is only 368 THE LIFE OP AGRICOLA. [c. 25. jection, and the remaining enemies were removed, as it were, into another island. 24. In the fifth campaign,^ Agricola, crossing over in the first ship,2 subdued, by frequent and successful engagements, several nations till then unknown; and stationed troops in that part of Britain which is opposite to Ireland, rather with a view to future advantage, than from any apprehension of danger from that quarter. For the possession of Ireland, situated between Britain and Spain, and lying commodiously to the Gallic sea,^ would have formed a very beneficial con¬ nexion between the most powerful parts of the empire. This island is less than Britain, but larger than those of our sea.^ Its soil, climate, and the manners and dispositions of its inhabitants, are little different from those of Britain. Its ports and harbours are better known, from the concourse of merchants for the purposes of commerce. Agricola had re¬ ceived into his protection one of its petty kings, who had been expelled by a domestic sedition; and detained him, under the semblance of friendship, till an occasion should offer of making use of hira. I have frequently heard him assert, that a single legion and a few auxiliaries would dDe sufficient entirely to conquer Ireland and keep it in sub¬ jection; and that such an event would also have contributed to restrain the Britons, by awing them with the prospect of the Roman arms all round them, and, as it were, banishing liberty from their sight. 25. In the summer which began the sixth year ^ of Agri¬ cola’s administration, extending his views to the countries situated beyond Bodotria,® as a general insurrection of the about thirty miles over. About fifty-five years after Agricola had left the island, Lollius Urbicus, governor of Britain under Antoninus Pius, erected a vast wall or rampart, extending from Old Kirkpatrick on the Clyde, to Caeridden, two miles west of Abercorn, on the Forth, a space of near thirty-seven miles, defended by twelve or thirteen forts. These are supposed to have been on the site of those" of Agricola. This wall is usually called Graham’s dike; and some parts of it are now subsisting. ^ The year of Rome 835, A. D. 82. - Crossing the Firth of Clyde, or Dumbarton Bay, and turning to the western coast of Argyleshire, or the Isles of Arran and Bute. ^ The Bay of Biscay. ^ The Mediterranean. ® The year of Rome 836, a. d. 83. ® The eastern parts of Scotland, north of the Firth of Forth, where now are the counties of Fife, Kinross, Perth, Angus, &c. C. 26.] GREAT BATTLE IN CALEDONIA. 369 remoter nations was apprehended, and the enemy’s army ren¬ dered marching unsafe, he caused the harbours to be explored 1 by his fleet, which, now first acting in aid of the land-forces, gave the formidable spectacle of war at once pushed on by sea and land. The cavalry, infantry, and marines w^ere fre- ( quently mingled in the same camp, and recounted with I rfiutual pleasure their several exploits and adventures; com- ] paring, in the boastful language of military men, the dark I recesses of woods and mountains, with the horrors of waves and tempests; and the land and enemy subdued, with the conquered ocean. It w^as also discovered from the captives, I that the Britons had been struck with consternation at the ' view of the fleet, conceiving the last refuge of the vanquished tto be cut off, now the secret retreats of their seas were dis- (closed. ^ The various inhabitants of Caledonia immediately t took up arms, wdth gTeat preparations, magnified, however, by rreport, as usual where the truth is unknown; and by begin¬ ning hostilities, and attacking our fortresses, they inspired terror as daring to act offensively; insomuch that some per¬ sons, disguising their timidity under the mask of prudence, were for instantly retreating on this side the firth, and relin¬ quishing the country rather than waiting to be driven out. 'Agricola, in the meantime, being informed that the enemy [intended to bear down in several bodies, distributed his army into three divisions, that his inferiority of numbers, and ignorance of^the country, might not give them an opportunity of surroundmo; him. 26. When this was known to the enemy, they suddenly changed their design; and making a general attack in the night upon the ninth legion, which was the weakest,^ in the confusion of sleep and consternation they slaughtered the sentinels, and burst through the intrenchments. They were now fighting within the camp, when Agricola, who had received informa¬ tion of their march from his scouts, and followed close upon their track, gave orders for the swiftest of his horse and foot to charge the enemy’s rear. Presently the whole army ^ This legion, which had been weakened by many engagements, fv^as afterwards recruited, and then called Gemina. Its station at this iffair is supposed by Gordon to have been Lochore in Fifeshire. Mr. Pennant rather imagines the place of the attack to have been Comeria n Perthshire. TAG.—VOL. II. C B I 370 THE LIFE OF AGRICOLA. rc. 28. raised a general shout ; and the standards now glittered at the approach of day. The Britons were distracted by op¬ posite dangers; whilst the Romans in the camp resumed their courage, and, secure of safety, began to contend for glory. They now in their turns rushed forwards to the attack, and a furious engagement ensued in the gates of the camp; till by the emulous efforts of both Roman armies, one to give assistance, the other to appear not to need it, the enemy was routed: and had not the woods and marshes sheltered the fugitives, that day would have terminated the war. 27. The soldiers, inspirited by the steadfastness which cha¬ racterised and the fame which attended this victory, cried out that “nothing could resist their valour; now was the time to penetrate into the heart of Caledonia, and in a con¬ tinued series of engagements at length to discover the utmost limits of Britain.” Those even who had before recommended caution and prudence, were now rendered rash and boastful by success. It is the hard condition of military command, that a share in prosperous events is claimed by all, but mis¬ fortunes are imputed to one alone. The Britons meantime, attributing their defeat not to the superior bravery of their adversaries, but To chance, and the skill of the general, re¬ mitted nothing of their confidence; but proceeded to arm their youth, to send their wives and children to places of safety, and to ratify the confederacy of their several states by solemn assemblies and sacrifices. Thus the parties separated with minds mutually irritated. 28. During the same summer, a cohort of Usipii,^ which had been levied in Germany, and sent over into Britain, _ performed an extremely daring and memorable action. After murdering a centurion and some soldiers who had been in¬ corporated with them for the purpose of instructing them in military discipline, they seized upon three light vessels, and compelled the masters to go on board with them. One of these, however, escaping to shore, they killed the other two upon suspicion; and before the affair was publicly known, they sailed away, as it were by miracle. They were presently driven at the mercy of the waves; and had frequent convicts, with various success, with the Britons, defending their pro- ^ For an account of these people see Manners of the Germans, c. 32. i f c. 29.] HE EEACHES THE GEAMPIANS. 371 perty from plunder.^ At length they were reduced to siicli extremity, of distress as to be obliged to feed upon each other; the weakest being first sacrificed, and then such as were taken by lot. In this manner having sailed round the island, they lost their ships through want of skill; and, being regarded as pirates, were intercepted, first by the Suevi, then by the Frisii. Some of them, after being sold for slaves, bv the change of masters were brought to the Roman side of the river,2 and became notorious from the relation of their ex traordinary adventures.^ 29. In the beginning of the next summer,^ Agricola re¬ ceived a severe domestic wound in the loss of a son, about a year old. He bore this calamity, not with the ostentatious firmness which many have affected, nor yet with the tears and lamentations of feminine sorrow; and war was one of the remedies of his grief. Having sent forwards his fleet to spread its ravages through various parts of the coast, in order to excite an extensive and dubious alarm, he marched with an army equipped for expedition, to which he had joined the bravest of the Britons whose fidelity had been approved by a long allegiance, and arrived at the Grampian hills, where the enemy was already encamped.^ For the Britons, undismayed by the event of the former action, expecting revenge or slavery, and at length taught that the common danger was to be repelled by union alone, had assembled the strength of all their tribes by embassies and confederacies. Upwards of ‘ Mr. Pennant had a present made him in Skye, of a brass sword and a denarius found in that island. Might they not have been lost by some of these people in one of their landings ? ^ The Khine. 3 This extraordinary expedition, according to Dio, set out from the western side of the island. They therefore must have coasted all that part of Scotland, must have passed the intricate navigation through the Hebrides, and the dangerous strait of Pentland Firth, and, after coming round to the eastern side, must have been driven to the mouth of the Baltic Sea. Here they lost their ships; and, in their attempt to proceed homeward by land, were seized as j)irates, part by the Suevi, and the rest by the Frisii. * The year of Rome 837, a. d. 84. ° The scene of this celebrated engagement is by Gordon (Itin. Septent.) siipposed ^to be in Strathern, near a place now called the Kirk of Comerie, where are the remains of two Roman camps Mr Pennant, however, in his Tour in 1772, part ii. p. 96, gives reasons Vihich appear well founded for dissenting from Gordon’s opinion. thirty thousand men in arms were now descried; and the . youth, together with those of a hale and vigorous age, re¬ nowned in war, and bearing their several honorary decora¬ tions, were still flocking in; when Calgacus,^ the most distinguished for birth and valour among the chieftains, is said to have harangued the multitude, gathering round, and eager for battle, after the following manner:— 30. “ When I reflect on the causes of the war, and the ! circumstances of our situation, I feel a strong persuasion that our united efforts on the present day will prove the beginning of universal liberty to Britain. For we are .aU undebased by slavery; and there is no land behind us, nor does even the sea aflbrd a refuge, whilst the Roman fleet 1 hovers around. Thus the use of arms, which is at all times ' honourable to the brave, now offers the only safety even to cowards. In all the battles which have yet been fought, with } various success, against the Romans, our countrymen may be | deemed to have reposed their final hopes and resources in us: ^ ^ for we, the noblest sons of Britain, and therefore stationed in 1 its last recesses, far from the view of servile shores, have pre¬ served even our eyes unpolluted by the contact of subjection. , We, at the furthest limits both of land and liberty, have been ; defended to this day by the remoteness of our situation and of our fame. The extremity of Britain is now disclosed; and ; whatever is unknown becomes an object of magnitude. But j there is no nation beyond us; nothing but waves and rocks, and the still more hostile Romans, whose arrogance we cannot escape by obsequiousness and submission. These plunderers • of the world, after exhausting the land by their devastations, are rifling the ocean: stimulated by avarice, if their enemy be v rich; by ambition, if poor: unsatiated by the East and by the . West: the only people who behold wealth and indigence with ; equal avidity. To ravage, to slaughter, to usurp under fixlse titles, they call empire; and where they make a desert, they . call it peace.^ 31. ‘‘Our children and relations are bv the annointment ' 1 C. 32.] CALGACUS’ ADDRESS TO THE BRITONS. 373 away by levies to serve in foreign lands.^ Our wives and sisters, though they should escape the violation of hostile force, are polluted under names of friendship and hospitality. Our estates and possessions are consumed in tributes; our grain in contributions. Even our bodies are worn down amidst stripes and insults in clearing woods and draining marshes. Wretches born to slavery are once bought, and afterwards maintained by their masters: Britain every day buys, every day feeds, her own servitude.^ And as among domestic slaves every new comer serves for the scorn and derision of his fellows; so, in this ancient household of the world, we, as the newest and vilest, are sought out to destruc¬ tion. For we have neither cultivated lands, nor mines, nor harbours, which can induce them to preserve us for our labours. The valour too and unsubmitting spirit of subjects only render them more obnoxious to their masters; while remoteness and secrecy of situation itself, in proportion as it conduces to security, tends to inspire suspicion. Since then all hopes of mercy are vain, at length assume courage, both you to whom safety and you to whom glory is dear. The Trinobantes, even under a female leader, had force enough to burn a colony, to storm camps, and, if success had not damped their vigour, would have been able entirely to throw off' the yoke; and shall not we, untouched, unsubdued, and struggling not for the acquisition but the security of liberty, show at the very first onset what men Caledonia has reserved for her defence ? , 32. “Can you imagine that the Homans are as brave in war as they are licentious in peace ? Acquiring renown from I our discords and dissensions, they convert the faults of their enemies to the glory of their own army; an army compounded of the most different nations, which success alone has kept together, and which misfortune will as certainly dissipate. ^ It was the Roman policy to send the recruits raised in the provinces to some distant country, for fear of their desertion or revolt. 2 How much this was the fate of the Romans themselves, when, in the decline of the empire, they were obliged to pay tribute to the sur¬ rounding barbarians, is shown in lively colours by Salvian:—“We call that a gift which is a purchase, and a purchase of a condition the most hard and misei'able. For all caj^tives, when they are once redeemed, enjoy their liberty: we are continually paying a ransom, yet are never free."—De Gubern. Dei, vi. 374 THE LIFE OF AGRICOLA. [c. 33. Unless, indeed, you can sujipose that Gauls, and Germans, and (I blush to say it) even Britons, who, though they expend their blood to establish a foreign dominion, have been longer its foes than its subjects, will be retained by loyalty and atfection 1 Terror and dread alone are the weak bonds of attachment; which once broken, they who cease to fear will begin to hate. Every incitement to victory is on our side. The Romans have no wives to animate them; no parents to upbraid their flight. Most of them have either no home, or a distant one. Few in number, ignorant of the country, looking around in silent horror at woods, seas, and a heaven itself unknown to them, they are delivered by the gods, as it were imprisoned and bound, into our hands. Be not terrified with an idle show, and the glitter of silver and gold, which can neither protect nor wound. In the very ranks of the enemy we shall find our own bands. The Britons will acknowledge their own cause. The Gauls will recollect their former liberty. The rest of the Germans will desert them, as the Usipii have lately done. Nor is there anything formidable behind them: ungarrisoned forts; colonies of old men; municipal towns distempered and distracted between unjust masters and ill- obeying subjects. Here is a general; here an army. There, tributes, mines, and all the train of punishments inflicted on slaves; which whether to bear eternally, or instantly to re¬ venge, this field must determine. March then to battle, and think of your ancestors and your posterity.” 33. They received this harangue with alacrity, and testified their applause after the barbarian manner, with songs, and yells, and dissonant shouts. And now the several divisions were in motion, the glittering of arms was beheld, while the most daring and impetuous were hurrying to the front, and the line of battle was forming; when Agricola, although his soldiers were in high spirits, and scarcely to be kept with¬ in their intrenchments, kindled additional ardour by these words:— “ It is now the eighth year, my fellow-soldiers, in which, under the high auspices of the Roman empire, by your valour and perseverance you have been conquering Britain. In so many expeditions, in so many battles, whether you have been required to exert your courage against the enemy, or your patient labours against the very nature of the country, neither HIS ADDRESS BEFORE THE BATTLE. 375 34.] have I ever been dissatisfied with my soldiers, nor you with your general. In this mutual confidence, we have proceeded beyond the limits of former commanders and former armies; and are now become acquainted with the extremity of the island, not by uncertain rumour, but by actual possession with our arms and encampments. Britain is discovered and subdued. How often, on a march, when embarrassed with mountains, bogs, and rivers, have I heard the bravest among you exclaim, ‘ When shall we descry the enemy ? when shall we be led to the field of battle V At length they are unhar¬ boured from their retreats; your wishes and your valour have now free scope; and every circumstance is equally propitious to the victor, and ruinous to the vanquished. For, the greater our glory in having marched over vast tracts of land, penetrated forests, and crossed arms of the sea, while ad¬ vancing towards the foe, the greater will be our danger and difiiculty if we should attempt a retreat. We are inferior to our enemies in knowledge of the country, and less able to command supplies of provision; but we have arms in our hands, and in these we have everything. For myself, it has long been my principle, that a retiring general or army is never safe. Not only, then, are we to reflect that death with honour is preferable to life with ignominy, but to remember that security and glory are seated in the same place. Even to fall in this extremest verge of earth and of nature cannot be thought an inglorious fate. 34. “ If unknown nations or untried troops were drawn up against you, I would exhort you from the example of other armies. At present, recollect your own honours, question your own eyes. These are they, who, the last year, attacking by surprise a single legion in the obscurity of the night, were put to flight by a shout: the greatest fugitives of all the Britons, and therefore the longest survivors. As in pene¬ trating woods and thickets the fiercest animals boldly rush on the hunters, while the weak and timorous fly at their very noise; so the bravest of the Britons have long since fallen: the remaining number consists solely of the cowardly and ‘spiritless; whom you see at length within your reach, not because they have stood their ground, but because they are overtaken. Torpid with fear, their bodies are fixed and chained down in yonder field, which to vou will speedily be 376 THE LIFE OP AGRICOLA. [C. 35 . the scene of a glorious and memorable victory. Here brino- your toils and services to a conclusion; close a stniggle of fifty years ^ with one great day; and convince your country¬ men, that to the army ought not to be imputed either the protraction of the war, or the causes of rebellion.” 35. Whilst Agricola was yet speaking, the ardour of the soldiei*s declared itself; and as soon as he had finished, they burst forth into cheerful acclamations, and instantly flew to arms. Thus eager and impetuous, he formed them so that the centre was occupied by the auxiliary infantry, in number eight thousand, and three thousand horse were spread in the wings. The legions were stationed in the rear, before the intrenchments; a disposition which would render the victory signally glorious, if it were obtained without the expense of Roman blood; and would ensure support if the rest of the army were repulsed. The British troops, for the greater display of their numbers, and more formidable appearance, were ranged upon the rising grounds, so that the first bine stood upon the plain, the rest, as if linked together, rose above one another upon the ascent. The charioteers^ and horse¬ men filled the middle of the field wdth their tumult and careering. Then Agricola, fearing from the superior number of the enemy lest he should be obliged to fight as well on his ^ The expedition of Claudius into Britain was in the year of Eome /96, from which to the period of this engagement only forty-two years were elapsed. The number fifty therefore is given oratorically rather than accurately. ^ The Latin word used here, covinarius, signifies the driver of a covinus,^ or chariot, the axle of which was bent into the form of a scythe. The.British manner of fighting from chariots is particularly described by Ccesar, who gives them the name of esseda ; —“ The following is the manner of fighting from the essedce; They first drive round with them to all parts of the line, throwing their javelins, and generally disorder¬ ing the ranks by the very alarm occasioned by the horses, and the rattling of the wheels : then, as soon as they have insinuated them¬ selves between the troops of horse, they leap from their chariots and fight on foot. The drivers then withdraw a little from the battle, in order that, if their friends are overpowered by numbers, they may have a secure retreat to the chariots. Thus they act with the celerit of horse, and the stability of foot; and by daily use and exercise they acquire the power of holding up their horses at full speed down a steep declivity, of stopping them suddenly, and turning in a short compass; and they accustom themselves to run upon the pole, and stand on the cross-tree, and from thence with great agility to recover their place in the chariot.”—Bell. Gall. iv. 33. 1 I i BATTLE OF THE GRAMPIANS. 377 c. 36.J flanks as in front, extended his ranks; and although this ren¬ dered his line of battle less firm, and several of his officers advised him to bring up the legions, yet, filled with hope, and resolute in danger, he dismissed his horse, and took his station on foot before the colours, 36. At first the action was carried on at a distance. The Britons, armed with long swords and short targets,^ with steadiness and dexterity avoided or struck down our missile weapons, and at the same time poured in a torrent of their own. Agricola then encouraged three Batavian and two Tungrian ^ cohorts to fall in and come to close quarters; a method of fighting familiar to these veteran soldiers, but embarrassing to the enemy from the nature of their armour; for the enormous British swords, blunt at the point, are unfit for close grappling, and engaging in a confined space. When the Batavians, therefore, began to redouble their blows, to strike with the bosses of their shields, and mangle the faces of the enemy; and, bearing down all those who resisted them on the plain, were advancing their line up the ascent; the other cohorts, fired with ardour and emulation, ‘joined in the charge, and overthrew all who came in their way: and so great was their impetuosity in the pursuit of victory, that they left many of their foes half dead or unhurt behind them. In the meantime the troops of cavalry took to flight, and the armed chariots mingled in the engagement of the in¬ fantry; but although their first shock occasioned some con¬ sternation, they were soon entangled among the close ranks of the cohorts, and the inequalities of the ground. Not the least appearance was left of an engagement of cavalry; since the men, long keeping their ground with difficulty, were forced along with the bodies of the horses; and frequently, straggling chariots, and affrighted horses without their riders, flying variously as terror impelled them,'rushed obliquely athwart or directly through the lines. ^ ^ These targets, called cetrcB in the Latin, were made of leather. The broad sword and target were till very lately the peculiar arms of the Highlanders. 2 Several inscriptions have been found in Britain commemorating the Tungrian cohorts. ^ The great conciseness of Tacitus has rendered the description of this battle somewhat obscure. The following, however, seems to have been the general course of occurrences in it:—The foot on both sides 378 THE LIFE OF AGRICOLA. [c. 37. 37. Those of the Britons who, yet disengaged from the fight, sat on the summits of the hills, and looked with care¬ less contempt on the smallness of our numbers, now began gradually to descend; and would have fallen on the rear of the conquering troops, had not Agricola, apprehending this very event,'opposed four reserved squadrons of horse to their attack, which, the more furiously they had advanced, drove them back with the greater celerity. Their project was thus turned against themselves; and the squadrons were ordered to wheel from the front of the battle and fall upon the enemy’s rear. A striking and hideous spectacle now appeared on the plain: some pursuing; some striking; some making prisoners, whom they slaughtered as others came in their w’ay. Now, as their several dispositions prompted, crowds of armed Britons fled before inferior numbers, or a few, even unarmed, rushed upon their foes, and offered themselves to a voluntary death. Arms, and ^.arcases, and mangled limbs, were promiscuously strewed, and the field was dyed in blood. Even among the vanquished were seen instances of rage and valour. When the fugitives approached the woods, they collected, and surrounded the foremost of the pursuers, advancing incautiously, and unacquainted with the country; and had not Agricola, who was everywhere present, caused some strong and lightly-equipped cohorts to encompass the ground, while part of the cavalry dismounted made way through the thickets, and part on horseback scoured the open w^oods, some disaster would have proceeded from the excess of confidence. But when the enemy saw their pursuers again formed in compact order, they renewed their flight, not in bodies as before, or waiting for their companions, but scattered began the engagement. The first line of the Britons which was formed on the plain being broken, the Roman auxiliaries advanced up the hill after them. In the meantime the Roman horse in the wings, unable to withstand the shock of the chariots, gave way, and were pursued by the British chariots and horse, which then fell in among the Roman infantry. These, who at first had relaxed their files to prevent their being out-fronted, now closed, in order better to resist the enemy, who by this means were unable to penetrate them. The chariots and horse, therefore,, became entangled amidst the inequalities of the ground, and the thick ranks of the Romans; and, no longer able to wheel and career as upon the open plain, gave not the least appearance of an equestrian skirmish: but, keeping their footing with difficulty on the declivity, were pushed off, and scattered in disorder over the field. DEFEAT OF THE BRITONS. 379 c. 38.] and mutually avoiding each other; and thus took their way to the most distant and devious retreats. Night and satiety of slaughter put an end to the pursuit. Of the enemy ten thousand were slain: on our part three hundred and sixty fell; among whom was Aulus Atticus, the prsefect of a cohort, who, by his juvenile ardour, and the fire of his horse, was borne into the midst of the enemy. 38. Success and plunder contributed to render the night joyful to the victors; whilst the Britons, wandering and for¬ lorn, amid the promiscuous lamentations of men and women, were dragging along the wounded; calling out to the unhurt; aoandoning their habitations, and in the rage of despair setting them on fire; choosing places of concealment, and then deserting them; consulting together, and then separating. Sometimes, on beholding the dear pledges of kindred and affection, they were melted into tenderness, or more frequently roused into fury; insomuch that several, according to au¬ thentic information, instigated by a savage compassion, laid violent hands upon their own wives and children. On the succeeding day, a vast silence all around, desolate hills, the distant smoke of burning houses, and not a living soul de¬ scried by the scouts, displayed more amply the face of victory. After parties had been detached to all quarters without dis¬ covering any certain tracks of the enemy’s flight, or any bodies of-them still in arms, as the lateness of the season rendered it impracticable to spread the war through the country, Agvi- cola led his army to the confines of the Horesti.^ Having received hostages from this people, he ordered the commander of the fleet to sail round the island; for which expedition he was furnished with sufficient force, and preceded by the terror of the Homan name. He himself then led back the cavalry and infantry, marching slowly, that he might impress a deeper awe on the newly conquered nations; and at length distributed his troops into their winter-quarters. The fleet, about the same time, with prosperous gales and renown, entered the Trutulensian ^ harbour, whence, coasting all the ^ People of Fifeshire. ^ Where this was does not appear. Brotier calls it Sandwich, making it the same as Rutupium: others Plymonth or Portsmouth. It is clear, however, this cannot be the case, from the subsequent words.— White. ■ THE LIFE OF AGRICOLA. 380 [c. 39. hither shore of Britain, it returned entire to its former stati ond 39. The account of these transactions, although unadorned with the pomp of words in the letters of Agricola, was re¬ ceived by Domitian, as was customary with that prince, with outward expressions of joy, but inward anxiety. He was conscious that his late mock-triumph over Germany,^ in which he had exhibited purchased slaves, whose habits and hair ^ were contrived to give them the resemblance of cap¬ tives, was a subject of derision; whereas here, a real and important victory, in which so many thousands of the enemy were slain, was celebrated with universal applause. His greatest dread was that the name of a private man should be exalted above that of the prince. In vain had he silenced the eloquence of the forum, and cast a shade upon all civil honours, if military glory were still in possession of another. Other accomplishments might more easily be connived at, but the talents of a great general were truly imperial. Tortured with such anxious thoughts, and brooding over them in secret,^ a certain indication of some malignant intention, he judged it most prudent for the present to suspend his ran¬ cour, till the first burst of glory and the affections of the army should remit: for Agricola still possessed the command in Britain. 40. He therefore caused the senate to decree him triumphal ornaments,^—a statue crowned with laurel, and all the other ^ This circumnavigation was in a contrary direction to that of the Usipian deserters, the fleet setting out from the Firth of Tay on the eastern coast, and sailing round the northern, western, and southern coasts, till it arrived at the port of Sandwich in Kent. ^ After staying here some time to refit, it went to its former station, in the Firth of Forth, or Tay. 2 It was in this same year that Domitian made his pompous expe¬ dition into Germany, from whence heconsul, and which he himself had granted to others; either taking offence that it was not requested, or feeling a consciousness that it would seem a bribe for what he had in reality extorted by his authority. It is a principle of human nature to hate those whom we have injured;^ and { Domitian was constitutionally inclined to anger, which was the more difficult to be averted, in proportion as it was the ^ more disguised. Yet he was softened by the temper and prudence of Agricola; who did not think it necessary, by ^ a contumacious spirit, or a vain ostentation of liberty, to challenge fame or urge his fate.^ Let those be apprised, who are accustomed to admire every opposition to control, that 1 Suetonius relates that Civica Cerealis was put to death in his pro¬ consulate of Asia, on the charge of meditating a revolt. (Life of Domi- tiaii, s. 10.) ^ Obliging persons to return thanks for an injury was a refinement in tyranny frequently practised by. the worst of the Roman emperors. Thus Seneca informs us, that “ Caligula was thanked by those whose children had been put to death, and whose property had been confis¬ cated.” (De Tranquil, xiv.) And again:—‘‘The reply of a person who had grown old in his attendance on kings, when he was asked how he had attained a thing so uncommon in courts as old age ? is well known. It was, said he, by receiving injuries,and returning thanks.”—De Ira, ii.33. ^ Pi’om a passage in Dio, Ixxviii. p. 899, this sum appears to have been decies sestertium, about 9,000Z. sterling. ^ Thus Seneca : “ Little souls rendered insolent by prosperity have this worst property, that they hate those whom they have injured.”— De Ira, ii. 33. 5 Several who suflfered under Nero and Domitian erred, though nobly, in this respect. ii: ‘it' ■■ ;i even under a bad prince men may be truly great; that sub¬ mission and modesty, if accompanied with vigour and in¬ dustry, will elevate a character to a height of public esteem equal to that which many, through abrupt and dangerous paths, have attained, without benefit to their country, by an ambitious death. 43. His decease was a severe aflSiction to his family, a grief to his friends, and a subject of regret even to foreigners, and those who had no personal knowledge of hirn.^ The common people too, and the class who little interest, themselves about' public concerns, were frequent in their inquiries at his house during his sickness, and made him the subject of conversation at the forum and in private circles; nor did any person either rejoice at the news of his death, or speedily forget it. Their - commiseration was aggravated by a prevailing report that he ■ was taken off by poison. I cannot venture to affirm any¬ thing certain of this matteryet, during the whole course of his illness, the .principal of the imperial freedmen and the n^st confidential of the physicians was sent much more fro^- quently than was customary with a court whose visits were chiefly paid by messages; whether that was done out of real solicitude, or for the purposes of state inquisition. On the day of his decease, it is certain that accounts of his approach¬ ing dissolution were every instant transmitted to the emperor by couriers stationed for the purpose; and,no one believed that the information, which so much pains was taken to accelerate, could be received with regret. He put on, how¬ ever, in his countenance and demeanour, the semblance of grief: fcr he was now secured from an object of hatred, and could more easily conceahhis joy than his fear. It was well known that on reading the will, in which he was nominated co-heir 2 with the excellent wife and most dutiful daughter of 1 A Greek epigram still extant of Antipliilus a Byzantine, to the memory of a certain Agricola, is supposed by the learned to refer to ' the great man who is the subject of this work. It is in the Antho- ‘ logia, lib. i. tit. 37. 2 Dio absolutely affirms it; but from the manner in which Tacitus who had better means of information, speaks of it, the story was pro¬ bably false. ^ 2 It appears that the custom of making the emperor co-heir with the children of the testator was not by any means uncommon. It was done in order to secure the remainder to the family. Thus Prasutagus, king niS DEATH. 385 ! c. 44.] I Agricola, he expressed great satisfaction, as if it had been a voluntary testimony of honour and esteem: so blind and corrupt had his mind been rendered by continual adulation, that he was ignorant none but a bad prince could be nomi¬ nated heir to a good father. 44. Agricola was born in the ides of June, during the third consulate of Caius Caesar: ^ he died in his fifty-sixth year, on the tenth of the calends of September, when Collega and Priscus were consuls.^ Posterity may wnsh to form an idea of his person. His figure was comely rather than majestic. In his countenance there was nothing to inspire awe; its character was gracious and engaging. You would readily have believed him a good man, and willingly a great one. And indeed, although he was snatched away in the midst of a vigorous age, yet if his life be measured by his glory, it was a period of the greatest extent. For after the full enjoyment of all that is truly good, which is found in virtuous pursuits alone, decorated with consular and triumphal orna¬ ments, what more could fortune contribute to his elevation ? Immoderate wealth did not fall to his share, yet he possessed a decent affluence.^ His wife and dauglHer surviving, his dignity unimpaired, his reputation flourishing, and his kin¬ dred and friends yet in safety, it may even be thought an additional felicity that he was thus withdrawn from impend¬ ing evils. For, as we have heard him express his wishes of continuing to the dawn of the present auspicious day, and of the Iceni in Britain, made Hero co-heir with his two daughters. Thus, when Lucius Vetus was put to death by Hero, his friends urged him to leave part of his property to the emperor, that his grandsons might enjoy the rest. (Ann. svi. 11.) Suetonius (viiL 17) mentions that Domitian used to seize the estates of persons the most unknown to him, if any one could be found to assert that the deceased had expressed an intention to make the emperor his heir.— White. ’ Caligula. This was a.d. 40, when he was sole consul. ^ According to this account, the birth of Agricola was on June 13th, in the year of Rome 793, A.D. 40; and his death on August 23d, in the year of Rome 846, a. d. 93: for this appears by the Fasti Consulares to have been the year of the consulate of Collega and Priscus. He was I therefore only in his fifty-fourth year when he died; so that the copyists ji must probably have written by mistake lvi. instead of Liv. ® From this representation, Dio appears to have been mistaken in asserting that Agricola passed the latter part of his life in dishonour and penuiy. TAG.—VOL. II. C C J 386 ^ THE LIFE OP AGRICOLA. [c, 45. V beholding Trajan in the imperial seat,—wishes in which he. formed a certain presage of the event; so it is a great con¬ solation, that by his untimely end he escaped that latter period, in which Domitian, not by intervals and remissions, but by a continued, and, as it were, a single act, aimed at the destruction of the commonwealth.^ 45. Agricola did not behold the senate-house besieged, and the senators enclosed by a circle of arms;^ and in one havoc the massacre of so many consular men, the flight and ban¬ ishment of so many honourable women. As yet, Carus Metius^ was distinguished only by a single victory; the counsels of Messalinus ^ resounded only through the Albanian ^ Juvenal breaks out in a noble strain of indignation against this savage cruelty, which distinguished the latter part of Domitiau’s reign: Atque utinam his potius nugis tota illa dedisset Tempora saevitiae: claras quibus abstulit Urbi Illustresque animas impune, et vindice nullo. Sed periit, postquam cerdonibus esse timendus Coeperat: hoc nocuit Lamiarum caede madenti.— Sat. iv. 150. “ What folly this ! but oh! that all the rest Of his dire reign had thus been spent in jest! And all that time such trifles had employ’d In which so many nobles he destroy’d! He safe, they unrevenged, to the disgrace Of the surviving, tame, patrician race! But when he dreadful to the rabble grew, Him, who so many lords had slain, they slew.”— Duke. 2 This happened in the year of Rome 848. ^ Carus and Massa, who were proverbially infamous as informers, are represented by Juvenal as dreading a still more dangerous villain, Heliodorus. - Quem Massa timet, quem munex’e palpat Carus. Sat. i. 35. “Whom Massa dreads, whom Carus soothes with bribes.” Carus is also mentioned with deserved infamy by Pliny and Martial. He was a mimic by profession. ^ Of this odious instrument of tyranny, Pliny the younger thus speaks: “The conversation turned upon Catullus Messalinus, whose loss of sight added the evils of blindness to a cruel disposition. He was irreverent, unblushing, unpitying. Like a weapon, of itself blind and unconscious, he was frequently hurled by Domitian against every man of worth.” (iv. 22.) Juvenal launches the thunder of invective against him in the Allowing lines:— Et cum mortifero pmdens Vejento Catullo, Qui numquam visse flagrabat amore puellaD, C. 45.] WITHDRAWN FROM IMPENDING EVILS. 387 citadeland Massa Baebius^ was himself among the accused. Soon after, our’own hands^ dragged Helvidius^ to prison; ourselves were tortured with the spectacle of Mauricus and Busticus,^ and sprinkled with the innocent blood of Senecio.® Even Nero withdrew his eyes from the cruelties he commanded. Under Domitian, it was the principal part of our miseries to Grande, et conspicuum nostro quoque tempore monstrum, Caecus adulator, dirusque a ponte satelles, Dignus Aricinos qui mendicaret ad axes, Blandaque devexae jactaret basia rhedse.—Sat. iv. 113. “Cunning Vejento next, and by bis side Bloody Catullus leaning on his guide ; Decrepit, yet a furious lover he. And deeply smit with charms he could not see, A monster, that ev’n this worst age outvies, Conspicuous and above the common size. A blind base flatterer; from some bridge or gate, Raised to a murd’ring minister of state. Deserving still to beg upon the road. And bless each passing waggon and its load.”— Duke. ^ This was a famous villa of Domitian’s, near the site of the ancient Alba, about twelve miles from Rome. The place is now called Albano, and vast ruins of its magniflcent edifices still remain. 2 Tacitus, in his History, mentions this Massa Baebius as a person most destructive to all men of worth, and constantly engaged on the side of villains. From a letter of Pliny’s to Tacitus, it appears that Herennius Senecio and himself were joined as counsel for the province of Boetica in a prosecution of Massa Baebius; and that Massa after his condemnation petitioned the consuls for liberty to prosecute Senecio for treason. ® By “our own hands,” Tacitus means one of our own body, a senator. As Publicius Certus had seized upon Helvidius and led him to prison, Tacitus imputes the crime to the whole senatorian order. To the same purpose Pliny observes : “Amidst the numerous villanies of numerous persons, nothing appeared more atrocious than that in the senate-house one senator should lay hands on another, a praetorian on a consular man, a judge on a criminal.”—B. ix. ep. 13. * Helvidius Priscus, a friend of Pliny the younger, who did not suffer his death to remain unrevenged. See the Epistle above referred to. “ There is in this place some defect in the manuscripts, which critics have endeavoured to supply in different manners. Brotier seems to prefei’, though he does not adopt in the text, “nos Mauricum Rusti- ctimque divisimus,” “we parted Mauricus and Rusticus,” by the death of one and the banishment of the other. The prosecution and crime of Rusticus (Arulenus) is mentioned at the beginning of this piece, c. 2. Mauricus was his brother. ® Herennius Senecio. See c. 2. cc 2 388 THE lilFE OF AGRK.LA. [C. 46, behold and to be beheld: when our sighs were registered; and that stern countenance, with its settled redness,^ his defence against shame, was employed in noting the pallid horror of sc many spectators. Happy, 0 Agricola! not only in the splen- ; dour of your life, but in the seasonableness of your death. i With, resignation and cheerfulness, from the testimony of ^ those who were present in your last moments, did you meet your fate, as if striving to the utmost of youi* power to make the emperor appear guiltless. But to myself and your daughter, besides the anguish of losing a parent, the aggra¬ vating affliction remains, that it was not our lot to watch over your sick-bed, to support you when languishing, and to satiate ourselves with beholding and embracing you. With what attention should we have received your last instructions, and engraven them on our hearts! This is our sorrow; this is our wound; to us you were lost four years before by a te- j dious absence. Everything, doubtless, 0 best of parents! was i administered for your comfort and honour, while a most affectionate wife sat beside you; yet fewer tears were shed upon your bier, and in the last light which your eyes beheld, something was still wanting. 46. If there be any habitation for the shades of the vir¬ tuous ; if, as philosophers suppose, exalted souls do not perish with the body; may you repose in peace, and call us, your household, from vain regret and feminine lamentations, to the contemplation of your virtues, which allow no place for > mourning or complaining! Let us. rather adorn your memory ; by our admiration, by our short-lived praised, and, as far as ’ our natures will permit, by an imitation of your example. ' Thi^ is truly to honour the dead; this is the piety of every jf, near relation. I would also recommend it to the wife and 'f daughter of this great man, to show their veneration of a / husband’s and a father’s memory by revolving his actions and C words in their breasts, and endeavouring to retain an idea of \ the form and features of his mind, rather than of his person. ’ Thus Pliny, in his Panegyr. on Trajan, xlviii.: “Domitian was ^ terrible even to behold; pride in his brow, anger in his eyes, a fenainine ^ paleness in the rest of his body, in his face shamelessness suffused in a glowing red.” Seneca, in Epist. xi. remarks, that some are never >,[ more to be dreaded than when they blush; as if they had effused all ^ their modesty. Sylla was always most furious when the blood had M mounted into his cheeks,” 9 I C. 46.J COISCLUDING REFLECTIONS. 389 Not that I would reject those resemblances of the human figure which are engraven in brass or marble: but as their originals are frail and perishable, so likewise are they: while the form of the mind is eternal, and not to be retained or expressed by any foreign matter, or the artist’s skill, but by the manners of the survivors. Whatever in Agricola was the object of our love, of our admiration, remains, and will remain in the minds of men, transmitted in the records of fame, through an eternity of years. For, while many great personages of antiquity will be involved in a common obli¬ vion with the mean and inglorious. Agricola shall survive, represented and consigned to future ages. I T A DIALOGUE CONCEKNING ORATOKY, - OR THE CAUSES OF COERUPT ELOQUENCE.! 1. You have often inquired of me, Justus Fabius,^ why it is, that while ancient times display a race of great and splendid orators, the present age, divested of all claim to the praise of oratory, has scarcely .retained even the name. By the appel¬ lation of orator we now distinguish none but those who flourished in a former period; while the eminent speakers of the present day are_styled pleaders, advocates, patrons, in short, everything but orators. The inquiry is in its nature delicate; tending, if we are not able to vie with antiquity, to impeach our genius, and if we are not willing, to arraign our judgment. An answer to so nice a question is more than I should venture to undertake, were I to rely altogether upon myself: but it happens, that I am able to state the sentiments of men distinguished by their eloquence, such as it is in modern times; having, in the early part of my life, been present at their conversation on the very subject now before us. What I have to offer, w ill not be the result ofjny own thinking: it is the work of memory only; a mere recital of what fell from the most celebrated orators of their time: men who thought with subtlety, and expressed themselves with energy and precision; each, in his turn, assigning different but probable causes, at times insisting on the same, and, in the course of the debate, maintaining his ! The scene of the following Dialogue is laid in the sixth year of Vespasian, a. u.c. 828, a.d. 75. ^ Justus Fabius was consul A. u.c. 864, A.D. 111. But as he did not begin the year, his name does not appear in the Fasti Consulares. A DIALOGUE CONCERNING ORATORY. 391 C. 2.] own proper character, and the peculiar cast of his mind. What they said upon the occasion, I shall relate, as nearly as may be, in the style and manner of the several speakers, ob¬ serving always the regular course and order of the controversy. For a controversy it certainly was, where the speakers of the present age did not want an advocate, who supported their cause with zeal, and, after treating antiquity with severity, and even derision, assigned the palm of eloquence to modern times. 2. Curiatius Ma ternus^ gave a public reading of his tra¬ gedy of Cato. On the following day a report prevailed, that the piece had given umbrage to the men in power. The au¬ thor, it was said, had laboured only to enhance the character of his hero, regardless of himself. This soon became the topic of public conversation. Maternus received a visit from Marcus Aper^ and Julius S ecundus,^ then the first ornaments ’ Concerning Maternus, nothing is known with any kind of cer¬ tainty. Dio relates that a sophist of that name was put to death by Domitian, for a school declaimation against tyrants; but not one of the commentators ventures to assert that he was the Curiatius Maternus who makes so conspicuous a figure in the Dialogue before us. 2 No mention is made of Marcus Aper, either by Quintilian or Pliny. It is supposed that he was father of Marcus Flavius Aper, who was substituted consul a.u.c. 883, a.d. 130. His oratorical character, and that of Secundus, as we find them drawn in this section, are not unlike what we are told by Cicero of Crassus and Antonius. Crassus, he says, was not willing to be thought destitute of literature, but he wished to have it said of him, that he despised it, and preferred the good sense of the Komans to the refinements of Greece. Antonins, on the other hand, was of opinion that his fame would rise to greater magnitude, if he was considered as a man wholly illiterate, and void of education. In this manner they both expected to increase their popu¬ larity ; the former by despising the Greeks, and the latter by not ' knowing them. Cicero, De Orat. ii. 1. ^ Quintilian makes honourable mention of Julius Secundus, who, if he" had not been prematurely cut off, would have transmitted his name to posterity among the most celebrated orators. He would have added, and he was daily doing it, whatever was requisite to complete his oratorical genius: and all that could be desired was more vigour in argument, and more attention to matter and sentiment than to the choice of words. But he died too soon, and his fame was, in some degree, intercepted. (Quintii, x. 1.) It is remarkable that Quin¬ tilian, in his list of Roman orators, has neither mentioned Maternus nor Marcus Aper. The Dialogue, for that reason, cannot properly be ascribed to him: men who figure so much in the inquiry concerning oratory, would not have been omitted by the critic who thought their conversation worth recording. 292 A DIALOGUE [c. 3. of the fomm. I was, at that, time, a constant attendant on those eminent men; I heard them, not only in their courts of judicature, but, feeling an inclination to the same studies, I followed them with youthful ardour, in public and in private, to hear their familiar talk, their discussions, and the most intimate expression of their sentiments. True it is that by many it was captiously objected to Secundus, that he had no command of words, no flow of language; and to Aper, that he was indebted for his fame, not to art or literature, but to the natural powers of a vigorous understanding. The truth is, the style of the former was remarkable for its purity; concise, yet sufficiently free and copious: and the latter was well versed in general erudition.^ It might be said of him, that he de¬ spised literature, not that he wanted it. He thought, perhaps, that, by scorning the aid of letters, and by drawing altogether from his own fund, his fame would stand on a more solid foundation. \ 3. We went together to pay our visit to Maternus. Upon \ , entering his study, we found him with the tragedy, which he ' ! had read on the preceding day, lying before him. Secundu s I began:—Are you then so little affected by the censure of ! malignant critics, as to persist in cherishing this obnoxious ' tragedy of yours? Perhaps you are revising the piece, and, after retrenching certain passages, intend to send your Cato into the world, in, I will not say an improved, but certainly a safer form.—There lies the poem, said Maternus ; you may peruse it, if you think proper; you will find it just the same as when you heard it read. If Cato has omitted anything, Thyestes,^ at my next reading, shall supply the deficiency. I have formed the fable of a tragedy on that subject; the plan is warm in my imagination, and, that I may give my whole time to it, I now am eager to despatch an edition of Cato.— Marcus Aper interp osed: Are you, indeed, so enamoured of your dramatic muse, as to renounce your oratorical character, and your forensic pursuits, in order to sacrifice all your time to—Medea, I think it was lately, and now to Thyestes? though, meanwhile, the causes of so many friends, and the interests of so many colonies and municipal cities, call you to the forum.2 Surely these would give you more than sufficient ^ Thyestes was a common and popular subject of ancient tragedy. ® It was the custom of the colonies and municipal towns to pay CONCERNING ORATORY. 393 5.] employment, though you had not imposed upon yourself this new task, labouring to add Domitius^ and Cato, that is to say, the incidents and characters of Roman story, to the fables of Greece. 4. The sharpness of that reproof, replied Maternus, would perhaps have disconcerted me, if, by frequent repetition, it had not lost its sting. To differ on this subject is gi’own familiar to us both. For you wage an incessant war against the poets; and I, who am charged with deserting my clients, have yet every day the cause of poetry to defend. I rejoice the more, therefore, that we have a person present, of ability to decide between us: a judge, who will either lay me under an injunction to write no more verses, or, as I rather hope, encourage me, by his authority, to renounce for ever the dry employment of forensic causes (in which I have had my share of drudgery), that I may, for the future, be at leisure to cultivate the more august and sacred eloquence of the tragic muse. 5. But I, said Secundus, before A per refuses me as an umpire, will follow the example of all fair and upright judges, who, in particular cases, when they feel a partiality for one of the contending parties, desire to be excused from hearing the cause. The friendship and habitual intercourse which I have ever cultivated with Saleius Bassus,^ that excellent man, their -court to some great orator at Rome, in order to obtain his patronage whenever they should have occasion to apply to the senate for a redress of grievances. ^ Domitius was another subject of tragedy, taken from the Roman story. Who he was, does not clearly appear. Brotier thinks it was Domitius, the avowed enemy of Julius Caesar, who moved in the senate for a law to recall that general from the command of the army in Gaul, and afterwards, on the breaking out of the civil war, fell bravely at the battle of Pharsalia. See Suetonius, Life of Nero, s. 2. 2 Saleius Bassus is mentioned by Juvenal as an eminent poet in distress :— At Serrano tenuique Saleio . Gloria quantalibet quid erit, si gloria tantum est ? ■ Sat. vii. 80. “ But to poor Bassus what avails a name. To starve on compliments and empty fame !”— Drydejt. Quintilian says, he possessed a poetic genius, but so warm and vehe¬ ment, that, even in an advanced age, his spirit was not under the control of sober judgment. This passage affords an insuperable argu¬ ment against Lipsiua and the rest of the critics, who named Quintilian 394 A DIALOGUE [c. 5.‘ and no less excellent poet, are well known: and let me add, if poetry is to be arraigned, I know no client that can offer such handsome bribes. ^ My business, replie d Aper, i s not with Saleius Bassns: let him, and all of his description, who, without talents for the .bar, devote their time to the Muses, pursue their favourite amusement without interruption. But, since we are now before a competent judge, Maternus must not think to escape in the crowd. I single him out from the rest. I call upon him to answer, how it happens, that a man of his talents, formed by nature to reach the heights of manly eloquence, whereby he might at once both acquire friendships and sup¬ port them, and have the glory to see whole provinces and nations rank themselves under his patronage, does yet thus re¬ nounce a pursuit of all others the most advantageous, whether considered with respect to interest or to honours; a pursuit that affords the most illustrious means of propagating a repu-» tation, not only within our own walls, but throughout the whole compass of the Roman empire, and indeed to the most distant nations of the globe? If utility ought to be the governing motive of every action and every design of our lives; can we possibly be employed to better purpose, than in the exercise of an art which en¬ ables a man, upon all occasions, to support the interest of his friend, to protect the rights of the stranger, to defend the cause of the injured, to strike with terror and dismay his open and secret adversaries, himself secure the while, and guarded, as it were, by an imperishable potency? In the calm seasons of life, the true use of oratory is dis¬ cerned in the protection of others. Have we reason to be alarmed for ourselves?—the sword and breastplate are not a better defence in the heat of battle. It is at once a.buckler to cover yourself, and a weapon to brandish against your enemy. Armed with this, you may appear with courage before the tribunals of justice, in the senate, and even in the presence of the prince. What had Eprius Marcellus ^ to as a candidate for the honour of this elegant composition. Can it be imagined that a writer of fair integrity would in his great work speak of Bassus as he deserved, and in the Dialogue overrate him beyond all proportion ? Duplicity was not a part of Quintilian’s character. ^ Eprius Marcellus is often a conspicuous figure in the Annals and c. 6.] CONCERNING ORATORY. 395 oppose to the miited resentment of the whole senate but his eloquence ? Collected in himself, and looking terror to his enemies, he foiled Helvidius Priscus ; a man, no doubt, of consummate wisdom, but unpractised and inexpert in contests of that kind. Such is the advantage of oratory: to enlarge upon it were superfluous. My friend Maternus will not dis¬ pute the point. 6. I proceed to the pleasure arising from the exercise of eloquence; a pleasure which does not consist in the mere sensation of the moment, but is repeated every day, and almost every hour. For let me ask, to a man of an inge¬ nuous and liberal mind, who knows the relish of elegant enjoyments, what can yield such true delight, as to see his house alw’ays thronged by a concourse of the most distin¬ guished persons; and to know that the honour is not paid to his money, or to his heirless condition,^ or to his posses¬ sion of a public office, but to his very self? The rich who have no issue, and the men in high rank and power, are his followers. Though he is still young, and probably destitute of fortune, all concur in paying their court to solicit his patronage for themselves, or to recommend their friends to his protection. In the most splendid fortune, in all the dignity and pride of power, is there anything that can equal the satisfaction of seeing the most illustrious citizens, men History of Tacitus. To a bad heart he united the gift of eloquence. In the Annals (xvi. 28) he makes a vehement speech against Paetus Thrasea, and afterwards wrought the destruction of that excellent man. For that exploit he was attacked, in the beginning of Vespa¬ sian’s reign, by Helvidius Priscus. In the History (iv. 7, 8) we see them both engaged in a violent contention. In the following year (823), Helvidius in the senate opened an accusation in form : but Mar¬ cellus, by using his eloquence as his buckler and his offensive weapon, was able to ward off the blow. He rose from his seat, and, “ I leave . you,” he said, “ I leave you to give the law to the senate : reign if you will, even in the presence of the prince.” See Hist. iv. 43. ^ To be rich and have no issue, gave to the person so circumstanced the highest consequence at Rome. All ranks of men paid their court to him. To discourage a life of celibacy, and promote population, Augustus passed a law, called Papia Poppcea, whereby bachelors were subjected to penalties. But marriage was not brought into fashion. In proportion to the rapid degeneracy of the manners under the emperors, celibacy grew into respect; insomuch that we find (Annals, xii. 52) a man too strong for his prosecutors, because he was rich, old, and childless : “ Valuitque pecuniosa orbitate et senecta.” 396 A DIALOGUE [c. 7. - respected for their years, and flourishing in the opinion of the public, yet courting your assistance, and, in the midst of wealth and grandeur, fairly owning, that they still want some¬ thing superior to all their possessions? Then think, too, of the honoimable crowd of clients con¬ ducting the orator from hri house, and attending him in his return; what a glprmus appearance he makes in public! what distinguishing respect is paid to him in the courts of judica¬ ture ! with what exultation of heart he rises up before a full audience, hushed in solemn silence, and fixed attention, press¬ ing round the admired speaker, and receiving every passion I he deems proper to raise! Yet these are but the ordinary joys of eloquence, and visible to every common observer. There are others, and those far superior, of a more concealed and delicate kind, and of which the orator himself can alone be sensible. Does he stand forth prepared with a studied harangue? As the composition, so the pleasure, in this in¬ stance, is more solid and equal. Does he, on the other hand, rise not without a certain fluttering of spirit, in a new and unexpected debate? The very solicitude he has felt, enhances the pleasure of his success. Indeed the most exquisite satis¬ faction of this kind is, when he boldly hazards an unpreme¬ ditated speech. For it is in the productions of genius, as in the fruits of the earth; many things are sown and brought to maturity with toil and care, but those which spring up spon¬ taneously are ever the most agreeable. 7. As to myself, if I may allude to my own feelings, the day on which I obtained the laticlave, and even the days when I, an obscure man, born in a city that did not favour my pretensions,^ entered upon the offices of quaestor, tribune, and praetor, were not so joyful to me as those on which it befals me, with such little power of speech as I possess, to defend the accused; to argue successfully before the centum¬ viri,? or, in the presence of the prince, to plead for his freed- ^ Marcus Aper, Julius SecunduS, and Curiatius Maternus, according to Brotier and others, were natives of Gaul. Aper (c. 10) mentions the Gauls as their common countrymen. 2 All causes of a private nature were heard before the centumviri Three were chosen out of every tribe, and the tribes amounted to five* and-thirty; so that, in fact, 105 were chosen: but, for the sake of $ round number, they were called centumviri. The causes that wera heard before that jurisdio'iion are enximerated by Cicero, De Orat, lib. i. 38. CONCERNING ORATORY. 397 c. «■] men, and the procurators appointed by himself. Upon those occasions I seem to rise abo^re the dignities of tribune, preetor, and consul; and feel within myself a grandeur that springs from no external cause, that is not conferred by patent, nor obtained by favour. Where is the art or science, the renown of which can vie with the , celebrity of a great orator ? His fame does not depend on the opinion of thinking men, who attend to busi¬ ness and watch the administration of affairs; he is applauded by the youth of Rome, at least by such of them as are of a laudable disposition, and hope to rise by honourable means. Whose example do parents more recommend to their sons? Whom do the ignorant common people ^ oftener name, and point at as he passes by ? The strangers, too, who arrive from all parts, are eager to behold the man of whom they have heard so much in their towns and colonies. 8. I will be bold to say that Eprius Marcellus, whom I have already mentioned, and Crispus Vibius,^ (I cite living examples, in preference to the names of a former day,) are not less known in the remotest parts of the empire, than they are at Capua, or Vercellae,^ where, we are told, they were born; nor does either of them owe this extensive fame to his tliree hundred thousand sesterces, (though their eloquence may be ^ The common people are called in the original, tunicatus populus, that is, as we should say, “ the men in their shirt-sleeves,” those who appeared in the streets in their under-garments (tunica) and without a toga. 2 The character of Eprius Marcellus has been already stated, c. 5, note. Crispus Vibius is mentioned as a man of weight and influence, Annals, xiv. 28. Quintilian has mentioned him to his advantage: he calls him (v. 13) a man of agreeable and elegant talents, “vir ingenii jucundi et elegantis;” and again, Vibius Crispus was distin¬ guished by the elegance of his composition, and the sweetness of his manner; a man born to please, but fitter for private suits than for the importance of public causes, (x. 1.) 3 Which of these two men was born at Capua, and which at Vercella?, is not clearly expressed in the original. Eprius Marcellus, who has been described of a prompt and daring spirit, ready to embark in every mischief, and by his eloquence able to give colour to the worst cause, must at this time have become a new man, since we find him men¬ tioned in this Dialogue with unbounded praise. He, it seems, and Vibius Crispus were the favourites at Vespasian’s court. Vercelise, now Verceil, was situated in the eastern part of Piedmont. Capua, rendered famous by Hannibal, was a city in Campania, always deemed the seat of pleasure. 398 A DIALOGUE / [c. 9. said to have built up their fortunes;) and, indeed, such is the divine power of eloquence, that in every age we have exam¬ ples of men, who by their talents raised themselves to the summit of their ambition. But these, as I have already said, are recent instances; nor are we to glean an imperfect knowledge of them from tradition; they are every day before our eyes. The more abject the origin of these two men, and the more sordid the poverty in which they set out, the more brilliant illustration and proof do they afford of the advan¬ tages of oratory; since it is apparent, that, without birth or fortune, neither of them recommended by his moral charac¬ ter, and one of them deformed in his person, they have made themselves, for a series of years, the first men in the state. They were the first men in the forum as long as they chose to be so; now they are the first in Caesar’s friendship; they direct and govern all things, and the favour with which the prince regards them is little short of veneration. In fact, Vespasian, that venerable old prince, always open to the voice of truth, clearly sees that the rest of his favourites derive all their lustre from the favours which his munificence has bestowed: but with Marcellus and Crispus the case is different; they carry with them, as their recommendations, what no prince can give, and no subject can receive. Com¬ pared with the advantages which those men possess, what are family pictures, statues, busts, and titles of honour? Not that these things are without their value; it is with them as with wealth and honours, advantages against which you will easily find men who declaim, but none who in their hearts despise them. Hence it is, that in the houses of all who have distinguished themselves in the career of eloquence, we see titles, statues, and splendid ornaments, the reward of talents, and, at all times, the decorations of the great and powerful orator. 9. But to come to the point from which we started; poetry, to which my friend Maternus wishes to dedicate all his time, has none of jthese advantages._It confers no dignity, nor does it serve any useful purpose. It is attended with some pleasure, but it is the pleasure of a moment springing from vain applause, and bringing with it no solid advantage. What I have said, and am going to add, may probably, my good friend Maternus, be unwelcome to your ear; and yet I must f CONCEENING ORATOEY. C. 9.] 399 take the liberty to ask you, if Agamemnon^ or Jason speaks in your piece with dignity of language, what useful conse¬ quence follows from it? What client has been defended? Who returns to his own house with a grateful heart? Our friend Saleius Bassus is, beyond all question, a poet of emi¬ nence, or, to use a warmer expression, he has the god within him: but who attends his levee? who seeks his patronage, or follows in his train? Should he himself, or his intimate friend, or his near relation, happen to be involved in a trou¬ blesome litigation, he would of course apply to his friend Secundus; or to you. Maternus ; not because you are a poet, nor yet to obtain a copy of verses from you; of those he has a sufficient stock at home, elegant, it must be owned, and exquisite in their kind. But after all his labour and waste of genius, what is his reward ? When in the course of a year, after toiling day and night, he has brought a single poem to perfection, he is obliged to- solicit his friends, and exert his interest, in order to bring together an audience^ so obliging as to hear a recital of the ^ Agamemnon and Jason were two favourite dramatic subjects with the Roman poets. 2 Before the invention of printing, copies were not easily multiplied. Authors were eager to enjoy their fame, and the pen of the transcriber was slow and tedious. Public rehearsals were the road to fame. But an audience was to be drawn together by interest, by solicitation, and public advertisements. Pliny, in one of his letters, has given a lively description of the difficulties which the author had to surmount. “ This year,” he says, “ has produced poets in great abundance. Scarce a day has passed in the month of April without the recital of a poem. But the greater part of the audience comes with reluctance; they loiter in the lobbies, and there enter into* idle chat, occasionally desiring to know, whether the poet is in his pulpit? has he begun? is his preface' over ? has he almost finished ? They condescended at last to enter the room; they looked round with an air of indifference, and soon retired, some by stealth, and others with open contempt. Hence the greater praise is due to those authors who do not suffer their genius to droop, but, on the contrary, amidst the most discouraging circumstances, still persist to cultivate the liberal arts.” Pliny adds, that he himself at¬ tended all the public readings, and, for that purpose, stayed longer in the city than was usual with him. Being at length released, he in¬ tended, in his rural retreat, to finish a work of his own, but not to read it in public, lest he should be thought to claim a return of the civility which he had shown to others. He was a hearer, and not a creditor. The favour conferred, if re-demanded, ceases to be a favour. (Pliny, lib. i. epist. 13.) Such was the state of literature under the worst of the emperors. The Augustan age was over. In the reigns of Tiberius 4-00 A DIALOGUE [c. 9. piece. Nor can this be done without expense. A room must be hired, a stage or pulpit must be erected; benches must be arranged, and tickets distributed throughout the city. What if the reading succeeds to the height of his wishes ? Pass but a day or two, and the whole harvest of praise and admiration fades away, like a flower that withers in its bloom, and never ripens into fruit. By the event, how¬ ever flattering, he gains no friend, he obtains no patronage, nor does a single person go away impressed with the idea of an obligation conferred upon him. The poet has been heard with applause; he has been received with acclamations; and he has enjoyed a short-lived transport. We lately lauded it as an uncommon instance of generosity in Vespasian, that he made Saleius Bassus a present of fifty thousand sesterces. To deserve so distinguished a proof of the sovereign’s esteem is, no doubt, highly honourable; but is it not still more honour¬ able, if your circumstances require it, to serve yourself, to be your own benefactor, and to be the object of your own ' liberality^ It must not be forgotten, that the poet who would produce anything excellent, must bid farewell to the conversation of his friends; he must renounce, not only the pleasures of Rome, but also the duties of social Ijfe; he must and Caligula learning drooped, but in some degree revived under the dull and stupid Claudius. Pliny, in the letter above cited, says of that emperor, that, one day hearing a noise in his palace, he inquired what was the cause, and being informed that Nonianus was reciting in pub¬ lic, went immediately to the place, and became one of the audience. - After that time letters met with no encouragement from the great. The poets who could not hope to procure an audience, haunted the baths and public walks, in order to fasten on their friends, and, at any I’ate, obtain a hearing for their works. Juvenal says, the plantations and marble columns of Julius Fronto resounded with the vociferation of reciting poets. (Sat. i. 12.) The same author observes, that the poet who aspired to literary fame might borrow a house for the purpose of a public reading; and the great man who accommodated the writer, might arrange his friends and freedmen on the back seats, with direc¬ tion not to be sparing of their applause; but still a stage or pulpit, with convenient benches, was to be procured, and that expense the patrons of letters would not supply. (Sat. vii. 39.) Statius, in Juvenal’s time, was a favourite poet. If he announced a reading, his auditors went in crowds. He delighted all degrees, all ranks of men; but, when the hour of applause was over, the author was obliged to sell a tragedy to Paris, the famous actor, in order to procure a dinner. (Sat. vii. 82.) This was the hard lot of poetry, and this the state of public reading, which Aper describes to his friend Maternus. ^ > c. 10.1 CONCERNING ORATORY". 401 wotS: to confess to'h! tr“’ *'^'’3' worship, and which they pets m the same degree as orators. The indifferent noet a ppm by the ablest master of his art; will the fame of his prformpce reap all quarters, I will not say of the empire SnLn^ fr°“® 4 °^^ * strangers who arrive from Spam, from Asia, or fi-om our Gaul, who inquires i afto fllrofT“V“7‘ happen that thereTone, who content with“ aoo" satisfied; he passes on, ^ pve advanced, let me not be misunderstood: I blessed with the gift of favourite art, if it serves . amuse their leisure, and gain them a degree of reputation I am an admirer of all eloquence ;2 i hold it vener^le and even sacred, m all its departments; in solemn tragedy of winch you. Maternus, are so great a master; in the mafestv tL ‘'ro f ‘ha wanton elegy^ c^rms anTw’ ‘he pointed epigram; all have thS arms, and Eloquence, whatever may be the subject which the''consul''tw'r^''r reputation, wo know from Pliny TAG.-VOL. II. J3 402 A DIALOGUE ' [C. 10 . II I IT I she chooses to adorn, is in my mind to be preferred to all ^ other arts. But this, Maternus, is no apology for you, who, formed by nature to reach the summit of perfection,^ yet j choose to wander into devious paths, and rest contented with . ji a humble station in the vale beneath. ^ ^ ' Were you a native of Greece, where to exhibit in the public games^ is an honourable employment j and if the gods had bestowed upon you the force and sinew of the athletic Nico- stratus,^ do you imagine that I could tamely look on, and see 1 The original has, “ the citadel of eloquence,” which calls to mind an admired passage in Lucretius :— Sed nil dulcius est bene quam munita tenere Edita doctrina sapientum templa serena, i ' Despicere unde queas alios, passimque videre _ _ Errare, atque viam palantes qussrere vitse. Lib. ii. 7. 'i 2 It is a fact well known, that in Greece the most illustrious of botli | sexes thought it honourable to exercise themselves in the exhibition? of the theatre, and even to appear in the athletic games. Plutarch, ib j is true, will have it, that all scenic arts were prohibited at Sparta by j the laws of Lycurgus; and yet Cornelius Nepos assures us, that no Lacedemonian matron, however high her quality, was ashamed to act for hire on the public stage. He adds, that throughout Greece, it was deemed the highest honour to obtain the prize in the Olympic games; ; and no man blushed to be a performer in plays and. pantomimes, and i give himself a spectacle to the people. (Cor. Nep. in Preefat.) It ap¬ pears, however, from a story told by .^lian, that the Greek women were by law excluded from the Olympic games. Whoever was found I to transgress, or even to cross the river Alpheus, during the celebration of that great spectacle, was liable to be thrown from a rock. ^ The con¬ sequence was, that not one female was detected, except Callipatria, or, ; as others called her, Pherenice. This woman, disguised in the habit of a teacher of gymnastic exercises, introduced her son, Pisidorus, to con- k tend for the victor’s prize. Her son succeeded. Transported with joy at a sight so glorious, the mother overleaped the fence which enclosed the magistrates, and, in the violence of that exertion, let fall her gar- ; ment. She was by consequence known to be a woman, but absolved from all criminality. For that mild and equitable sentence she was - j indebted to the merit of her father, her brothers, and her son, who all | obtained the victor’s crown. The incident, however, gave birth^ to a new law, whereby it was enacted that the masters of the gymnastic art should, for the future, come naked to the Olympic games, ^lian, lib. X. 1; and see Pausanias, lib. v. 6. _ _ 2 Nicostratus is praised by Pausanias (lib. v. 20) as a great master oi the athletic arts. Quintilian has also recorded his prowess : ‘‘ Nicos¬ tratus, whom in our youth we saw advanced in years, would instruct his pupil in eveiy branch of his art, and make him, what he was him¬ self, an invincible champion. Invincible he was, since, on one and' C. ll.J CONCERNING ORATORY. 403 that amazing vigour waste itself away in nothing better than the frivolous art of darting the javelin, or throwing the quoit? With the same^ feeling I summon you now from the theatre and public recitals to the business of the forum, to the tri¬ bunals of justice, to scenes of real contention, to a conflict worthy of your abilities; especially since you cannot fall back upon the excuse alleged by many, that poetry is safer than oratory, less liable to give offence j for the ardour of your fine genius has already blazed forth, and you have given offence, not for sake of a friend—that would be far less dangerous— but on behalf of Cato! Nor can you offer in excuse, either the duty of your profession, justice to your client, or the unguarded heat of debate. It is manifest that you fixed upon a great historical personage with deliberate design, and as a character that would give weight and authority to your sentiments. You will reply, I am aware, it was that very circumstance which gained you such universal applause, and rendered you the general topic of discourse. Talk no more then, I beseech you, of security and repose, whilst you thus industriously raise up to yourself so potent an adversary. For my own part, at least, I am contented with engaging in questions of a more modern and private nature; wherein, if in defence of a friend I am under a necessity of taking liberties, unacceptable, perhaps, to my superiors, the honest freedom of my zeal will, I trust, not only be excused, but applauded. 11. Aper having delivered this with his usual warmth and e^estness, Maternus replied in a milder tone, and with an air of pleasantry: Prepared,as I was to prefer against the orators an indictment no less copious than my friend’s pane¬ gyric in their behalf, (for I expected that he would proceed to decry the poets, and confound their art,) he has some¬ what ingeniously softened my asperity by certain concessions he is pleased to make in their favour. He is willing to allow those whose genius does not point to oratory, to apply thenaselves to poetry; but I, who might do something, and obtain some distinction as a pleader, have chosen, never¬ theless, to build my reputation on dramatic poetry. [The first attempt I made for this purpose, Vas by exposing the the same day, he entered the lists as a wrestler and a boxer, and was proclaimed conqueror in both.”—Quint, lib. ii. 8. B D 2 404 A DIALOGUE [c. 12. dangerous power of Yatinius a power which even Nero him¬ self disapproved, and which that infamous favourite abused to the profanation of the sacred Muses.] ^ And I am per¬ suaded, if I enjoy any share of fame, it is to poetry rather than to oratory that I am indebted for the acquisition. It is my fixed purpose, therefore, entirely to withdraw myself from the fatigue of the bar. The homage of visitors, the train of attendants, and the multitude of clients, which Aper has represented m such pompous colours, have no charms for me; no more have those sculptured honours which he mentioned; though they too have made their way into my house, not¬ withstanding my inclinations to the contrary. Hitherto I find my condition and my peace of mind better secured by innocence than by eloquence; and I am under no apprehen¬ sion I shall ever have occasion to open my lips in the senate, unless, perhaps, in defence of a friend. 12. But woods, and groves, and. solitude itself, the objects of Aper’s invective, to. me afford such delight, that I reckon it among the chief blessings of poetry that it is cultivated far from the noise and bu^le of the world, without a client to besiege my doors, or a criminal to distress me wdth his tears and squalor. Free from those distractions, the poet retires to scenes of solitude, where peace and innocence reside, and there he treads on consecrated ground. It was t here that Eloquence first grew up, and there she reared her temple. In such retreats she first adorned herself with those graces which have made mankind enamoured of her charms; and there she inspired the hearts of the blameless and the good. ^ Vatinius was a favourite at the court of Nero. Tacitus calls him the spawn of a cook’s-shop and a tippling-house: “ sutrinas et tabernae alumnus.” He recommended himself to the favour of the prince by his scurrility and vulgar humour. Being, by those arts, raised above him¬ self, he became the declared enemy of all good men, and acted a dis¬ tinguished part among the vilest instruments of that pernicious court. See his character. Annals, xv. 34. When an illiberal and low buffoon basks in the sunshine of a court, and enjoys exorbitant power, the cause of literature can have nothing to expect. The liberal arts must, by consequence, be degraded by a corrupt taste, and learning will be left to run wild and grow to seed. 2 This whole passage is hopelessly unintelligible in the original: such is the sentence upon it with which Orelli (ed. 1846) sums up an ela¬ borate excursus, in which the most notable suggestions of preceding commentators are severally discussed. CONCERNING ORATORY. C. 405 Oracles first spoke in woods and sacred groves. As to the species of oratory which practises for lucre, or with views of ambitionj that sanguinary eloquence^ now so much in vogue j it is of modern growth, the offspring of corrupt manners, and degenerate times; and as you, Aper, expressed it, it is adopted as a deadly weapon. The early and more happy period of the world, or, as we poets call it, the golden age, free alike from orators and from Climes, abounded with inspired poets, who exerted their noble talents, not in defending the guilty, but in celebrating the good. Accordingly, no character was ever more eminently distinguished, or more augustly honoured: first by the gods themselves, by whom the poets were supposed to be admitted to their feasts, and employed as messengers of their high behests; and afterwards by that sacred offspring of the gods, the first venerable race of legislators. In that glorious list we read the names, not of orators indeed, but of Orpheus,^ and Linus, or, if we are inclined to trace the illustrious roll still higher, even of Apollo himself. ^ ^ The phrase in the original is full and expressive, “lucrosae hu¬ jus et sanguinantis eloquentiae,”— that gainful and blood-thirsty elo¬ quence. The immoderate wealth acquired by Eprius Marcellus has been mentioned in this Dialogue, c, 8. Pliny gives us an idea of the vast acquisitions gained by Regulus, the notorious informer. From a state of indigence, he rose, by a train of villanous actions, to such mmense riches, that he once conculted the omens, to know how soon he should be worth sixty millions of sesterces, and found them so favourable, that he had no doubt of being worth double that sum. ^ib. 11 . epist. 20.) In another epistle, the same author relates that Regulus, havmg lost his son, was visited upon that occasion by multi¬ tudes of people, who all in secret detested him, yet paid their court with_ as much assiduity as if they esteemed and loved him. They retaliated upon this man his own insidious arts: to gain the friendship of Regulus, they played the game of Regulus himself. He in the meantime dwells in his villa on the other side of the Tiber, where he has covered a large tract of ground with magnificent porticos, and lined the banks of the river with elegant statues; profuse, with all his avarice, and, in the depth of infamy, proud and vainglorious. (Lib. iv. ep. 2.) All this splendour in which Regulus lived was the fruit of a blood-thirsty eloquence; if that may be called eloquence, which, Pliny says, was nothing more than a crazed imagination : “ nihil praeter ingenium insanum.” (Lib. iv. ep. 7.) story, was the son of Calliope; and Linus boasted of Apollo for his father. Orpheus embarked in the Argonautic expe¬ dition. His history of it, together with his hymns, is still extant; but whether genuine, is much doubted. I 406 A DIALOGUE -y T , i* [c. 12. f But these things, perhaps, will be treated by Apei as fables, * and inventions of fancy. He cannot, however, ceuy that ' Homer has received as signal honours from posterity as Demosthenes; or that the fame of Sophocles or Euripides is jas extensive as that of Lysias^ or Hyperides; that Cicero’s merit is less universally confessed than Virgil’s; or that not one of the orations of Asinius or Messala ^ is in so much request as the Medea of Ovid, or the Thyestes of Varius. ^ Lysias, the celebrated orator, was a native of Syracuse, the chief town in Sicily. He lived about four hundred years before the Christian era. Cicero says, that he did not addict himself to the practice of the bar; but his compositions were so judicious, so pure and elegant, that you might venture to pronounce him a perfect orator. (Cicero,^ De Claris Orat. s. 35.) Quintilian gives the same opinion. “ Lysias,” he says, “ preceded Demosthenes ; he is acute and elegant, and if to teach the art of speaking were the only business of an orator, nothing more perfect can be found. He has no redundancy,_ nothing superfluous, nothing too refined or foreign to his purpose : his style is flowing, but more like a pure fountain than a noble river.” (Quint, lib. x. 1.) ^ A considerable number of his orations is still extant, all written with exquisite taste and inexpressible sweetness. (See a very pleasing trans¬ lation by Dr. Gillies.) Hyperides flourished at Athens in the time of Demosthenes, yEschines, Lycurgus, and other famous orators. “ That age,” says Cicero, ‘‘ poured forth a torrent of eloquence of the best and purest kind, without the false glitter of affected ornament, in a style of noble simplicity, which lasted to the end of that period,” (De Claris Orat. s. 36.) Quintilian allows to Hyperides a keen discernment, and great sweetness of style; but he pronounces him an orator designed by nature to shine in causes of no great moment. (Lib. x. 1.) Whatever might be the case when this dialogue happened, it is certain at present that the fame of Sophocles and Euripides has eclipsed the two Greek orators. 2 For an account of Asinius Pollio and Coiwinus Messala, see Annals, xi. 6. The two great poets of the Augustan age have transmitted the name of Asinius Pollio to the latest posterity. Virgil has celebrated him as a poet, and a commander of armies, in the Illyrican and Dalmatic wars : and Horace, as an orator and statesman. ^ But after all, the question put by Maternus is. Can any of their orations be compared to the Medea of Ovid, or the Thyestes of Varius ? Those two tragedies are so often praised by the critics of antiquity, that the republic of letters has reason to lament the loss, Quintilian says that the Medea of Ovid was a specimen of genius that showed to what heights the poet could have risen, had he thought fit rather to curb than give the rein to his imagination. (Lib. x. 1.) The works of Varius, if we except a few fragments, are wholly lost. Horace, in his journey to Brundu- sium, met him and Virgil, and he mentions the incident with the rap¬ ture of a friend that loved them both. Horace also celebrates Varius as a poet of sublime genius. (Lib. i. ode 6.) A few fragments only of I c. 13.] _ OONCERNIIsG ORATORY. 407 13. By no means do I shrink from comparing the fortune ■ and the happy communion of poets, witti the restless and anxious life of the orator ' even though the hazardous con¬ tentions of the latter may possibly raise him to the consular dignity. Far more desirable, in my estimation, was the calm retreat of Virgil: ^ where yet he lived not unhonoured by his prince, nor unregarded by the Roman people: witness the letters of Augustus; witness the conduct of the people itself, who, when some of Virgil’s verses were repeated in the theatre, where he happened to be present, rose up to a man, and saluted him with the same respect that they would have •paid to Augustus.^ his works have reached posterity. His tragedy of Thyestes is highly praised hy Quintilian. That judicious critic does not hesitate to say that it may be opposed to the best productions of the Greek stage. » Varius lived in high favour at the court of Augustus. After the death of Virgil, he was joined with Plotius and Tucca to revise the works of that admirable poet. The Varius of Virgil, so often celebrated in the Pastorals, was, notwithstanding what some of the commentators have said, a different person from Varius, the author of Thyestes. ^ The rural delight of Virgil is described by himself:— Rura mihi et rigui placeant in vallibus amnes ; Flumina amem, sylvasque inglorius. 0 ubi campi, Sperchiusque, et virginibus bacchata Lacsenis Taygeta ! 0 quis me gelidis sub montibus Hsemi Sistat, et ingenti ramorum protegat umbra ? Georg, ii. 485. “ Me may the lowly vales and woodland please And winding rivers and inglorious ease; O that I wander’d by Sperchius’ flood, Or on Taygetus’ sacred top I stood ! Who in cool Hsemus’ vales my limbs will lay, And in the darkest thicket hide from day ? ” Wharton’s Virgil. Besides this poetical retreat, which his imagination could command at any time, Virgil had a real .and delightful villa near Naples, where he composed his Georgies, and wrote great part of the yF ueid, ^ When Augustus, or any eminent citizen distinguished by his public merit, appeared in the theatre, the people testified their joy by acclama¬ tions and unbounded applause. It is recorded by Horace, that Msecenaa received that public honour :— •- Datus in theatro Cum tibi plausus. Care Maecenas eques, ut paterni Fluminis ripae, simul et jocosa Redderet laudes tibi Vaticani Montis imago.—Lib. i. oae 20. ' [When II 408 A DIALOGUE [C. 13, Even in cmr own times, will any man say that Secundns Pomponius/ in point of dignity or extent of fame, is inferior ^ to Domitius Afer ? ^ for Crispus and Marcellus, who have been cited as bright examples, what is there in their elevation to be coveted ? Is it that they are feared by numbers, and • live in fear themselves ? That they are daily courted for their favours, and the men who obtain their suit hate them ? That they are bound to such a degree of adulation, as never to be J| thought by their masters sufficiently servile, nor by the 1 people sufficiently free ? And after all, what is the amount of this boasted power of theirs ? The emperor’s freedmen commonly enjoy as much. But as Virgil sings, “ Me let the sweet Muses lead to their soft retreats, their living fountains, and melodious groves, where I may dwell remote from care, master of myself, and under no necessity of doing every dav what my heart condemns. Let me no more be seen in the I wu'angling forum, a pale and anxious candidate for preca- J rious fame; and let neither the tumult of visitors crowding | to my levee, nor the eager haste of officious freedmen, disturb | my morning rest. Let me live free from solicitude, a stranger | to the art of promising legacies,iin order to buy the friend- When Virgil appeared, the audience paid the same compliment to a man whose poetry adorned the Roman story. The letters from Au- •- gustus, which are mentioned in this passage, have perished in the ruins of ancient literature. ' * Pomponius Secundus was of consular rank, and an eminent writer 9 of tragedy. See Annals, ii. 13. 1 ^ Quintilian makes honourable mention of Domitius Afer. He says, 9 when he was a boy, the speeches of that orator for Volusenus Catuhia 4 were held in high estimation. (Lib. x. 1.) He adds, in another part of the 9 same chapter, that Domitius ^Afer and Julius Africanus were, of all n the orators who flourished in his time, without comparison the best. V But Afer stands distinguished by the splendour of his diction, and the H rhetorical art which he has displayed in all his compositions. You would not scruple to rank him among the ancient orators. Afer died 9 in the reign of Hero, A. u. c. 812, a. d. 59. In relating his death, Tacitus 3 observes, thar he raised himself by his eloquence to the first civil honours; but he does not dismiss him without condemning his morals. « (Annals, xiv. 19.) 9 _ 3 We find in the Annals and the History of Tacitus a number of '9 instances to justify the sentiments of Maternus. The rich found it 9 necessary to bequeath part of their substance to the prince, in order to ^ secure the remainder for their families. For the same reason, Agricola ' made Domitian ioint-heir with his wife and doncrVif.Ar Arr^. CONCERNING ORATORY. C. 14.] 409 ship of the grea,t; and when'nature shall give the signal to retire, may I possess no more than I may bequeath to whom I will. At my funeral let no token of sorrow be seen, no pompous mockery of woe. Crown me with chaplets; strew flowers on my grave, and let my friends erect no vain memo¬ rial, to tell where my remains are lodged.” 14. Maternus _ finished with an air of enthusiasm, that seemed to lift him above himself. In that moment, Vipsta- '.nus Messala ^ entered the room. From the attentimi that appeared in every countenance, he concluded that some im¬ portant business was the subject of debate. I am afraid, said he, that I break in upon you at an unseasonable time. You have some secret to discuss, or, perhaps, a consultation upon your hands. Far from it, replied fecundus ; I wish you had come sooner. You would have had the pleasure of hearing an eloquent discourse from our friend Aper, who has been endeavouring to persuade Maternus to dedicate the whole strength of his genius and his studies to the business of the forum; and an animated reply from Maternus, wherein, as became one who was defending his favourite art, he delivered himself with a boldness and elevation of style more akin to the poetical than the oratorical character. It would have afforded me infinite pleasure, replied Mes¬ sala, to have been present at a debate of this kind. And I cannot but express my satisfaction, in finding the most emi¬ nent orators of our times,, not confining their genius to points relating to their profession, but canvassing in their conver¬ sation such other questions of taste and literature as give a very advantageous exercise to their faculties, at the same time that they furnish an entertainment of the most agreeable kind, not only to themselves, but to those who hear them. ^ Vipstanus Messala commanded a legion, and at the head of it went over to Vespasian’s party, in the contention with Vitellius. He was a man of illustrious birth, and equal merit; the only one, says Tacitus, who entered into that war from motives of virtue. (Hist. iii. 9.) He was^ brother to Regulus, the vile informer. Messala, we are told by Tacitus, before he had attained the senatorian age, acquired great famo by pleading the cause of his profligate brother with extraordinary eloquence and family affection. (Hist. iv. 42.) Since Messala has now joined the company, the Dialogue takes a new turn, and, by an easy and natural transition, slides into the question concerning the causes of the dechne of eloquence. 410 A DIALOGUE [C. 15 ‘A And believe me, Secundus, the world received with much I approbation your history of J. Asiaticus,^ as an earnest that | you intend to publish more pieces of the same nature. On the other side, it is observed with equal satisfaction, that Aper j has not yet bid adieu to the questions of the schools,^ but j employs his leisure rather after the example of the modern j rhetoricians, than of the ancient orators.^ ! 15. I perceive, returne^Ap^i^hat you continue to treat the moderns with your usual derision and contempt; while the ancients alone are in full possession of your esteem. It i is a maxim, indeed, I have frequently heard you advance, '{ (and, allow me to say, with much injustice to yourself and j to your brother,) that there is no such thing in the present | age as an orator. This you are the less scrupulous to main- j tain, as you imagine it cannot be imputed to a spirit of envy; | since you deny yourself a distinction which everybody con- i cedes to you. , ^ 1 have hitherto, replied Messala, found no reason to change my opinion: and I am persuaded, that neither Secundus, nor Maternus, nor yourself, Aper, (whatever you may sometimes affect to the contrary,) think differently from me. I should, ; indeed, be glad, if I could prevail on any of you to investigate and expound the causes of so remarkable a disparity, which I ^ often seek to explore in my own thoughts. What to some appears a satisfactory solution of this phenomenon, to me, I 'j confess, heightens the difficulty: for I find the very same • difference prevails among the Grecian orators; and that the j ^ This is probably the same Asiaticus, who, in the revolt of the pro- A vinces of Gaul, fought on the side of Vindex. (See Hist. ii. 94.) Bio- ■ graphy was, in that evil period, a tribute paid by the friends of s departed merit, and the only kind of writing in which inen_ could dare ^ J faintly to utter a sentiment'in favour of virtue and public liberty. 3 2 In the declamations of Seneca and Quintilian we have abundant g examples of these scholastic exercises, which Juvenal has placed in a ridiculous light:— Id Et nos ergo manum ferulse subduximus, et nos 5 Consilium dedimus Syllse, privatus ut altum S Dormiret. —Sat. i. 15. ■J “ Provoked by these incorrigible fools, I left declaiming in pedantic schools; ^ Where, with men-boys, I strove to get renown, Advising Sylla to a private gown.”—Dryden’s Juvenal. S * This is said ironically. • 'w CONCERNING ORATORY. ; C. 16.] 411 j priest Nicetes/ together with others of the Ephesian and Mitylenean^ schools, who content themselves with raising the acclamations of their tasteless auditors, deviate much further from .^schines or Demosthenes, than Afer and Africanus,^ or , you, my friends, from Tully or Asinius. 16.^ The question you have started, said Secundu s, is a ’ very important one, and well worthy of consideration. But who so capable of doing justice to it as yourself'? who, besides I the advantages of a fine genius and great literature, have j given, it seems, particular attention to this inquiry.—I am very willing, answered Messala, to lay before you my thoughts upon the subject, provided you will assist me with yours as T I go along.—I will engage ,for two of us, replied ^Maternus : ! Secundus and myself will speak to such points as you ^allTt do not say omit, but think proper to leave to us. As for Aper, you just now informed us that it is usual with him to dissent 1 from you in this matter: and, indeed, I see he is already pre¬ paring to oppose us, and will not tamely bear to see us thus leagued in support of the ancients. Undoubtedly, returned .Aper, I shall not suffer the moderns ' to be condemned, unheard and undefended, by this conspiracy ( of yours. But first let me ask, who it is you call ancients ? What age of orators do you distinguish by that designation'?'* ' The word always suggests to me a Nestor, or a Ulysses, men who lived about twelve hundred years since; whereas you seem to apply it to Demosthenes and Hyperides, who, it is ^ Nicetes was a native of Smyrna, and a rhetorician in great cele- I.brity. Seneca says (Controversiarum, lib. iv. 25), that his scholars, ( content with hearing their master, had no ambition to be heard them¬ selves. Pliny the younger, among the commendations which he be¬ stows on a friend, mentions, as a praiseworthy part of his character, that I he^ attended the lectures of Quintilian and Nicetes Sacerdos, of whom Pliny himself was at that time a constant follower. (Lib. vi. ep. 6.) ^ Mitylene was the chief city of the isle of Lesbos, in the TRge an i Sea, near the coast of Asia. The place at this day is called Metelin, subject to the Turkish dominion. Ephesus was a city of Ionia, in the Lesser Asia, now called Ajaloue by the Turks, who are masters of the 1 place. ® Domitius Afer and Julius Africanus have been already mentioned, ( c. 13, note. Both are highly praised by Quintilian. For Asinius Pollio, f see c. 12, note. * Quintilian puts the same question; and, according to him, Demo¬ sthenes is the last of the ancients among the Greeks, as Cicero is among ‘ the Eomans. See Quintilian, lib. viii. 5. 412 A DIALOGUE [C. 17. . I agreed, flourished so late as the times of Philip and Alexan¬ der, and, indeed, survived them. It appears from hence, that there is not much above four hundred years’ distance between | our age and that of Demosthenes: an interval which, con- | sidered with respect to human duration, appears, I acknow- | ledge, extremely long j but if compared with that immense space of time which includes the several ages of the world, is , exceedingly contracted, and seems almost but of yesterday, j For if it be true, what Cicero observes in his treatise inscribed i to Hortensius, that the great and genuine year is that period | in which the heavenly bodies return to the same position, I wherein they were placed when they first began their re- | spective orbits; and this revolution contains 12,954 of our ; solar years; then Demosthenes, this ancient Demosthenes of | yours, lived in the same year, or rather I might say, in the J same month,^ with ourselves. ^ ^ 1 17. But to mention the Roman orators: I presume, it is| not Menenius Agrippa^ (who may with some propriety, indeed,f be called an ancient,) you prefer to the men of eloquence among the moderns; but Cicero, Csesar,^ Cselius,^ Calvus, ^ The argument is this; If the great year is the measure of time ; then, as it consists, according to Cicero, of 12,954 solar years, the whole being divided by twelve, every month of the gi'eat year would be clearly 1080 years. According to that calculation, Demosthenes not only lived in the same year with the persons engaged in the Dialoge, but within a month of them. These are the months to which Virgil alludes in the fourth Eclogue ;— Incipient magni procedere menses. 2 Menenius Agrippa was consul A. U. c. 251. ® Ccesar the dictator was, as the poet expresses it, graced with both Minervas. Quintilian is of opinion, that if he had devoted his whole time to the profession of eloquence, he would have been the great rival of Cicero. The energy of his language, his strength of conception, and his power over the passions, were so striking, that he may be said to have harangued with the same spirit that he fought. (Lib. x. 1.) ^ Marcus Cselius Rufus, in the judgment of Quintilian, was an orator of considerable genius. In the conduct of a prosecution he was re¬ markable for a certain urbanity, that gave a secret charm to his whole speech. It is to be regretted that he was not a man of better conduct and longer life. (Quint, lib. x. 1.) His letters to Cicero make the eighth book of the “ Epistolae ad Familiares.” Velleius Paterculus says of him, that his style of eloquence and his cast of mind bore a resem¬ blance to Curio, but raised him above that factious orator. His genius for mischief and evil deeds was not inferior to Curio s, and his motives CONCERNING ORATORY. C. 17.] 413' BrutuSj A.siniu.Sj Riid. !Mgssci1cIj to wlioni you ^ivg this honour” able prGCGdGncy: though why thosG should bo doGmod ancients ratliGi than modeins, I am at a loss to know. To instance in ' Cicero: he was killed, as his freedman Tiro informs us, on the :26th of December, in the consulship of Hirtius and'Pansa,^ uin which year Augustus and Pedius succeeded them in that ddignity. Now, if we take fifty-six years for the reign of ^Augustus, and add twenty-three for that of Tiberius, about iifour for that of Caius, fourteen a-piece for Claudius and Nero, were strong and urgent, since his fortune was worse than even his fiframe of mind. (Veil. Paterc. lib. ii. 68.) Licinius Macer Calvus, we ■are told by Seneca, maintained a long but unjust contention with (Cicero himself for the palm of «eloquence. He was a warm and vehe¬ ment accuser, insomuch that Vatinius, though defended by Cicero uinterrupted (^alvus in the middle of his speech, and said to the jud^^es, Though this man is eloquent, does it follow that I must be con- ddemned?” (Sen. Controv. iii. 19.) 1 This was the famous Marcus Junius Brutus, who stood forth in the cause of liberty, and delivered his country from the usurpation of Julius Caesar. Cicero describes him in that great tragic scene, bran- ddishing his bloody dagger, and calling on Cicero by name, to tell him tthat his country was free. (Philipp, ii. 28.) Akenside has retouched : this passage wdth all the colours of a sublime imagination :_ “ Look then abroad through nature, through the range Of planets, suns, and adamantine spheres, Wheeling unshaken through the void immense, And speak, 0 man ! does this capacious scene With half that kindling majesty dilate Thy strong conception^ as when Brutus rose Eefulgent from the stroke of Csesar’s fate, Amid the crowd of patriots, and his arm Aloft extending, like eternal Jove When guilt brings down the thunder, call’d aloud On Tully’s name, and shook his crimson steel. And bade the Father of his Country hail! For, lo ! the tyrant prostrate in the dust. And Rome again is free.”—Pleasures of Imag. b. i. 487, According to Quintilian, Brutus was fitter for philosophical specula- tions, and books of moral theory, than for the career of public oratory. In the former he was equal to the weight and dignity of his subject' you clearly saw that he believed what he said. (Quintii, lib. x. 1.) 2 Hirtius and Pansa were consuls a. u.c. 711; before the Christian era, 43. In this year, the famous triple league, called the Triumvirate was formed between Augustus, Lepidus, and Antony. The proscrip¬ tion, or the list of those who were doomed to die for the crime of adhering to the cause of liberty, was also settled, and Cicero was one of the number. one for Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, together with the six that J our present excellent prince has enjoyed the empire, we shall j have about one hundred and twenty years ^ from the death ] of Cicero to these times: a period to which it is not impos¬ sible that a man’s life may extend. I remember, when I was in Britain, to have met with an old soldier, who assured me, he had taken part in the battle in which his countrymen ij opposed Cmsar’s descent upon that island.^ If we suppose 1 this person, by being taken prisoner, or by any other means, -j to have been brought to Rome, he might have heard Csesar and Cicero, and likewise any of our contemporaries. At the ' last public donative,^ you yourselves saw several of the popu-. 3 ^ Between the consulship of Augustus, which began immediately 1 after the destruction of Hirtius and Pansa, a.u.c. 711, and the death of ^ that emperor, which was A,u. c. 767, fifty-six years intervened, and to : the sixth of Vespasian (a. u. c. 828), about 118 years. For the sake of a round number, it is called in the Dialogue a space of 120 years. 2 Julius Csesar landed in Britain in the years of Rome 699 and 700. It does not appear when Aper was in Britain; it could not be till the year of Rome 796, when Aulus Plautius, by order of the emperor Claudius, undertook the conquest of the island. At that time, the Briton who fought against Caesar must have been far advanced in j years. 3 A largess was given to the people in the fourth year of Vespasian, when Domitian entered on his second consulship This, Brotier says, * appears on a medal, with this inscription : CoNG. ii. Cos. ii. “ Congia- •' rium alterum, Domitiano consule secundum.” The custom of giving large distributions to the people was for many ages established at ' Rome. Brotier traces it from Ancus Martius, the fourth king of Rome, , when the poverty of the people called for relief. The like bounty was t distributed by the generals who returned in triumph. Lucullus and * Julius Caesar displayed on those occasions great pomp and magni- . ficence. ^ Corn, wine, and oil were plentifully distributed, and the ■; popularity acquired by those means was, perhaps, the ruin of the com- ' monwealth. Caesar lavished money, Augiistus followed the example, ^ 1 and Tiberius did the same, but prodigality was not his practice: his || politic genius taught him all the arts of governing. The bounties thus : distributed were called, when given to the people, congiaria, and, to /' the soldiers, donativa. Whoever desires to form an idea of the number % of Roman citizens who, at different times, received largesses, and the prodigious expense attending them, may see an account drawn up^ with diligent attention by Brotier, in an elaborate note on this passage. 'I Ho begins with Julius Caesar, and pursues the inquiry through the 1 several successive emperors, fixing the date and expense at every ' period, as low down as the consulship of Constantius and Galerius^, CONCERNING ORATORY. 415 c. 18.] lace who acknowledged they had received the same bounty more than once from the hands of Augustus. It is evident, therefore, that these people might have been present at the pleadings both of Corvinus^ and Asinius : for Corvinus lived to the middle of the reign of Augustus, and Asinius nearly to its close. Surely, then, you will not split a century, and call one orator an ancient, and another a modern, when the very same person might be an auditor of both; and thus, as it were, render them contemporaries. 18. I have made these preliminary remarks to show that the glory, whatever it be, that accrued to the age in which those orators lived, is not confined to that particular period, but reaches down to the present time, and may more jDroperly be said to belong to us, than to Servius Galba,^ or to Carbo,^ and others whom with good reason we call ancients. Of that whole race of orators I may freely say, that their manner cannot now be relished. The language of these last is coarse, and their composition rough, uncouth, and harsh; and I could wish that your Calvus,^ your Ceelius, and even Cicero himself, had not thought such models worthy of imitation. I mean to speak my mind with freedom; but I must premise thatV eloquence changes its form and style ,with the manners and ‘ The person here called Corvinus was Corvinus Messala, who flou¬ rished in the reign of Augustus, at the same time with Asinius Pollio. 2 Servius Sulpicius Galba was consul a. u. c. 610, before the Christian era 144. Cicero says of him, that he was, in his day, an orator of eminence. When he spoke in public, the natural energy of his mind supported him, and the warmth of his imagination made him vehement and pathetic : his language was animated, bold, and rapid; but when he afterwards took his pen in hand to correct and polish, the fit of enthusiasm was over; his passions ebbed away, and the composition was cold and languid. (De Claris Orat. s. 93.) Suetonius says, that the person here intended was of consular dignity, and by his eloquence, gave weight and lustre to his family. (Life of Galba, s. 3.) ^ Caius Papirius Carbo was consul a. u. c. 634. Cicero wishes that he had proved himself as good a citizen as he was an orator. Being impeached for his turbulent and seditious conduct, he did not choose to stand the event of a trial, but escaped the judgment of the senate by a voluntary death. His life was spent in forensic causes. Men of sense who heard him have reported that he was a fluent, animated, ' and harmonious speaker; at times pathetic, always pleasing, and abounding with wit. (De Claris Orat. s. 105.) * Calvus and Cselius have been mentioned already. See c. 17, note. 416 A DIALOGUE [c. 18. the taste of the age. Thus we find, that Gracchus,^ compared with the elder Cato,^ is full and copious; but, in his turn, yields to Ci’assus,^ an orator more polished and ornate. Cicero rises superior to both; more pointed, more harmonious and sublime. Corvinus^ is considerably more smooth and harmonious in his periods, as well as more correct in his language, than Cicero. I am not considering which of them is most eloquent: all I endeavour to prove at present is, that oratory does not manifest itself in one uniform figure, but is exhibited by those whom you call ancients under a variety of aspects. However, it is by no means a just way of rea¬ soning, to, infer, that one thing must necessarily be worse than another, merely because it is not the same. Yet such is the unaccountable perversity of human nature, tliat whatever has antiquity to boast, is sure to be admired, and everything novel is certainly disapproved. Can we doubt that there have been critics who were' better pleased with Appius Caecus^ than with Cato ? Cicero had his censu rers, who objected that his style was redundant, turgid. ^ Caius Gracchus was tribune of the people a.u. c. 633. In that character he took the popular side against the patricians; and, pur¬ suing the plan of the Agrarian law laid down by his brother, Tiberius Gracchus, he was able by his eloquence to keep the city of Rome in violent agitation. Amidst the tumult, the senate, by a decree, ordered the consul, Lucius Opimius, “to take care that the commonwealth received no injuryand, says Cicero, not a single night intervened, before ^hat magistrate put Gracchus to death. ^ This is the celebrated Marcus Portius Cato, eommonly known by the name of Cato the Censor. ® Lucius Licinius Crassus is often mentioned, and always to his advantage, by Cicero, De Claris Oratoribus. He was born, as appears in that treatise (s. 161), during the consulship of Lselius and Csepio, A.u. c. 614: he was contemporary with Antonius, the celebrated orator and father of Antony the triumvir. Crassus was about four-and-thirty years older than Cicero. When Philippus the consul showed himself disposed to encroach on the privileges of the senate, and in the pre¬ sence of that body offered indignities to Licinius Crassus, the orator, as Cicero informs us, broke out in a blaze of eloquence against that violent outrage, concluding with that remarkable sentence—“ He shall not be a consul to me, to whom I am not a senator” ^ Messala Corvinus is often in this Dialogue called Corvinus only. ® Appius Claudius was censor in the year of Rome 442; dictator, 465; and having at a very advanced age lost his sight, he became better known by the name of Appius Cascus, CONCERNING ORATORY. C. 19.] 417 never compressed, immoderately self-complacent, and desti¬ tute of Attic elegance. We all have read the letters of Calvus and Brutus to your famous orator. In the course of that coirespondence, we plainly see what was Cicero’s opinion of those eminent men. The former appeared to him cold and languid j the latter, disjointed, loose, and negligent. On the other hand, we know what they thought in return: Calvus I did not hesitate to say, that Cicero was diffuse, luxuriant to a fault, and florid without vigour. Brutus, in express terms, I Be was lengthened out into weakness, and wanted sinew. If you ask my opinion, each of them had reason on his side. But I shall hereafter examine them separately. At present, I speak of them in general terms. 19. The admirers of antiquity are agreed, I think, in ex¬ tending the area of the ancients as far as Cassius Severus,^ whom they assert to have been the first that struck out from the plain and simple manner, which till then prevailed. Now II affirm that he did so, not from any deficiency in point of genius or learning, but from his superior judgment and good sense. He saw it was necessary to accommodate oratory, as I observed before, to the different times and tastes of the audience. In early times, the people, rude and unpolished, might well be contented with the tedious length of unskilful ' speeches; and, indeed, to be able to harangue for a whole day together, was itself looked upon, at that illiterate period, as a C^sius Severus lived in the latter end of the reign of Augustus and through a considerable part of that of Tiberius. We read in Suetonius (Life of Octavius, s. 56), that Cassius had the hardi¬ ness to institute a prosecution for the crime of poisoning against Asprenas Nonius, who was, at the time, linked in the closest friend¬ ship with Augustus. Not content with accusations against the farst men in Rome, he chose to vent his malevolence in lampoons and detamatory libels, against the most distinguished of both sexes. It / 1 -V Provoked Horace to declare war against Cassius, in an ode (ub. V. ode 6), which begins, “ Quid immerentes hospites vexas, cams. bee an account of his malevolent spirit. Annals, i. 72. He was at length condemned for his indiscriminate abuse, and banished y ugustus to the Isle of Crete. But his satirical rage was not to be controlled. He continued in exile to discharge his malignity, till at last, at the end of ten years, the senate took cognisance of his guilt, ind Tiberius ordered him to be removed from Crete to the Rock of seriphos, where he languished in old age and misery. (See Annals, y- -l* -^Be period of ancient oratory ended about the time when .^assius began his career. He was the first of the new school. TAG.-VOL. II. E E % 418 A DIALOGUE [C. 20. •- • |i talent worthy of admiration. The prolix exordium, the cir- j cumstantial detail, the ostentatious division of the argument j under different heads, the endless degrees of logical deduction, | with whatever else you may find laid down among the pre- [ cepts of those driest of all writers, Hermagoras and Apollo- * j dorus,^ were then held in supreme honour. And, to complete i all, if the orator had just dipped into philosophy, and could j sprinkle his harangue with some of the trite maxims of that ;; science, he was extolled to the skies. And no wonder; for these were new and uncommon topics to them; indeed veiy few of the orators themselves had any acquaintance with the ,! writings either of the philosophers or the rhetoricians. | In the present age, the tenets of philosophy and t he pre- « cepts of rhetoric are no longer a secret. The lowest of our i' popular assemblies are,.qip^ I will nq^say fully instructed, 1 but qertainly acquainte with the elements of literature. The | orator, by consequence, finds himself obliged to seek new and ^ more subtle avenues to the heart, that he may not offend fastidious ears, especially before a tribunal where the judge is ,1 no longer bound by precedent, but determines according to j his will and pleasure; not, as formerly, observing the mea- j sure of time allowed to the advocate, but taking upon him¬ self to prescribe the limits. Nor is this all: the judge, at , present, will not condescend to wait till the orator, in his own way, opens his case; but, of his own authority, reminds him of the point in question, and, if he wanders, calls him back from his digression, not without a hint that the court wishes to despatch. 20. Who at this time would bear to hear an advocate in- j troducing himself with a tedious preface about the infirmities of his constitution ? Yet that is the usual exordium of Corvi- | nus. We have five books against Verres.^ Who now could ! ^ These two rhetoricians flourished in the time of Augustus. Apol- i 1 odorus, we are told by Quintilian (iii. 1), was the preceptor of Augus¬ tus. He taught in opposition to Theodorus Gadareus, who read lectures at Rhodes, and was attended by Tiberius during his retreat in that island. The two contending masters were the founders of opposite | sects, called the Apollodorean and Theodorian. 2 Doctor Middleton says, “ Of the seven excellent orations which now remain on the subject of Verres, the first two only were spoken; the one called, ‘ The Divination the other, ‘ The first Action, which is nothing more than a general preface to the whole cause. The other five were published afterwards, as they were prepared and intended to 2*^-] CONCERNING ORATORY. 4] 9 endure that vast redundance 1 Who could listen to those end¬ less arguments upon points of form, and cavilling exceptions,^ which we find in the orations of the same celebrated advocate for Marcus Tullius2 and Aulus Cicina ? Our modern judo-es are able to anticipate the argument. Their quickness goes before the speaker. If not allured and biassed by the vivacity of his manner, the elegance of his sentiments, and the glowing colours of his descriptions, they soon grow weary of the flat insipid discourse. Even the populace that come to hear have now a taste that requires the gay, the florid, and the brilliant. The dull uncouth style of antiquity would now succeed as ill at the bar, as the modern actor who should attempt to copy the deportment of Roscius,^ or Ambivius Turpio. Even the young men who are preparing for the career of eloquence, and for that purpose attend the forum and the tribunals of justice, expect not merely to hear, but to carry home some bright illustration, some splendid passage, that deserves to be remembeied. What has struck their fancy, they communi~ be spoken, if Verres Lad made a regular defence: for as this was the only cause in which Cicero had yet been engaged, or ever designed tc be engaged, as an accuser, so he was wilhng to leave those orations as a specimen of his abilities in that way, and the pattern of a just and diligent impeachment of a great and corrupt magistrate.”—Life of Cicero, vol._ i. p. 86. 4to edit. ^ The Digest enumerates a multitude of rules concerning ‘‘ excep¬ tions, ’ to persons, things, the form of the action, the niceties of plead¬ ing, and, as the phrase is, motions in arrest of judgment. “ Formula” was the set of words necessary to be used in the pleadings. See the r tit. 1, “ De Exceptionibus, Praescriptionibus, et Piae- judiciis.’ See also Cujacius, Observat, xxiii. 2 The oration' for Marcus Tullius is highly praised by Macrobius, but IS not to be found in Cicero’s works. The oration for Aulus Caecina is still extant. The cause was about the right of succession to a private estate, which depended on a subtle point of law, arising from the interpretation of the praetor’s interdict. It shows Cicero’s exact knowledge and skill in the civil law, and that his public character and employment gave no interruption to his usual diligence in pleadimr causes. (Middleton’s Life of Cicero, vol. i. p. 116. 4to edit.) J Roscius, in the last period of the republic, was the comedian, whom all Rome admired for his talents. The great esteemed and Amorals. .lEsop the tragedian was his contemporary. Ambivius Turpio acted in most of Terence’s plays, and seems to have been^ a manager of the theatre. Cicero, in the treatise “ De Senectute, says : “ He, who sat near him in the first rows, received the ^eatest pleasure; but still, those who were at the further end of the theatre, were delighted with him.” E E 2 420 A DIALOGUE [0. 21. ' I cate to each other: and in their letters, the glittering thought, given with sententious brevity, the poetical allusion that en¬ livened the discourse, and the dazzling imagery, are sure to be transmitted to their respective colonies and provinces.. The ornaments of poetic dictipn are now required, not indeed copied from the rude obsolete style of Accius and Pacuvius,^ but embellished with the graces of Horace, Virgil, and Lucan. In compliance with the taste of the age, our orators grow every day more polished and adorned. Let it not be said that their speeches are less effective, because they fall pleasingly on the ears of the judges. Are the temples, raised by our modem architects, of a weaker structure, because they are not formed with shapeless stones, but with polished marble, and lustrous gilding ? 21. Shall I fairly own to you the impression which I gene¬ rally receive from the ancient orators ? They make me laugh, or lull me to sleep. Nor is this the case only when I read the orations of Canutius,^ Arrius, Furnius, Torianus, and others of the same school, or rather, the same infirmary;^ a lean and bloodless sickly race of orators, without sinew, colour, or pro¬ portion. But what shall be said of your admired Calvus 1 ^ ^ Accius and Pacuvius flourisked at Kome about the middle of the sixth century from the foundation of the city. 2 There is in this place a blunder of the copyists, which almost makes the sentence unintelligible. Canutius may be the person men¬ tioned by Suetonius, De Claris Ehetoribus. Cicero says of Arrius, that he was a striking proof of what consequence it was at Rome to be useful to others, and always ready to be subservient to their honour, or to ward off danger. For, by that assiduity, Arrius raised himself from a low beginning to wealth and honours, and was even ranked in the number of orators, though void of learning, and without genius or abilities. (De Claris Oral s. 243.) Furnius may be supposed, not without probability, to be the person with whom Cicero corresponded. jEpist. ad Familiares, lib. x. ep. 25, 26.) With regard to Torianus we are left in the dark. The commentators offer various conjectures; but CONCERNING ORATORY. 0. 21.] 421 He, I think, has left no less than one-and-twenty volumes: in the whole collection, there is not more than one or two short orations with which I am satisfied. Upon this point there is no difference of opinion. Who now reads his declamations against Asitius or Drusus ? His speeches against Vatinius are in the hands of the curious, particularly the second: for the language is elegant; the sentiments are striking, and the ear is satisfied with the roundness of the periods. In this speci¬ men we see that he had an idea of just composition, but his genius was not equal to his judgment. What of the orations of Cselius ? Though upon the whole defective, they are not without their beauties. Some passages are highly finished. In those we acknowledge the nice touches of modern ele¬ gance. In general, however, the coarse expression, the halting period, and the vulgarity of the sentiments, have too much of the leaven of antiquity; nor do I think there is any one so enamoured of the ancients as to admire him in that part of his character. With regard to Julius Caesar,^ engaged as he was in vast designs and enterprises, we may forgive him the want of that^ perfection which might, otherwise, be expected from so sublime a genius. Brutus, in like manner, may be excused on account of his philosophical speculations. Both he and Caesar, in their oratorical attempts, fell short of themselves. Their warmest admirers acknowledge the fact, nor is there an instance to the contrary, unless there be here and there a reader of Caesar’s speech for Decius the Samnite,^ and that of Brutus for king Deiotarus,^ and others of the same languid and lukewarm character; or some one to admire their verses; for verses they both made, and published too, I will not say, with more merit than Cicero, but certainly with better fortune, for fewer know of their existence. Asinius too, though he lived nearer to our own times, gives ^ Here again Quintilian, that candid and able judge, has given a different opinion. Cicero tells us, that of all the eminent orator.**, Csesar was the^ person who spoke the Latin language in the greatest purity, and arrived at that consummate perfection by study, by dili¬ gent application, and his thorough knowledge of all polite literature (De Claris Orat. s. 252.) _ 2 Caesar’s speech for* Decius the Samnite, and all his other produc¬ tions (except the Commentaries), are totally lost. ^ This speech of Brutus is also lost with his other works. 422 A DIALOGUE • - .» ■ ■■ [c. 22. me the idea of one who had studied among the Menenii and Appii ; he certainly imitated Pacuvius and Accius, not only in his tragedies, hut also in his orations, so cold and dry he is. But the beauty of an oration, like that of the human body, is then perfect, when the veins do not project, nor can the bones be counted; but a wholesome blood fills the limbs, rises up through the flesh, and mantles over the thews and sinews with the comely hue of health. I am not willing to disturb the memory of Corvinus Messala. If he did not reach the graces of modern composition, the defect does not seem to have sprung from choice. The vigour of his genius was not equal to his judgment. 22. I now come to Cicero, who had the same contest with those of his own times, as mine, my friends, with you. They, it seems, were favourers of the ancients; whilst he preferred the eloquence of his contemporaries: and, in truth, he excels the orators of his own age in nothing more remarkably than in the solidity»of his judgment. He was the first who set a polish upon oratory; the first who cultivated delicacy of ex¬ pression, and the art of composition. He introduced into his discourses passages of lively colouring, and phrases of pregnant brevity; particularly in his later performances, when much practice and experience had taught him a more improved manner. But his earlier compositions are not without the blemishes of antiquity. He is tedious in his exordiums, too circumstantial in his narrations, and careless in retrenching luxuriances. He seems not easily affected, and is but rarely fired; his periods^ are seldom either properly rounded, or ^ The words sententia and sensus were technical terms with the critics of antiquity. Quintilian gives the distinct meaning of each, with his usual precision. According to the established usage, the word sensus signified our ideas or conceptions, as they rise in the mind; by sententia was intended a proposition, in the close of a period, so expressed, as to dart a sudden brilliancy, for that reason called lumen orationis. He says, these artificial ornaments, which the ancients used but sparingly, were the constant practice of the modern orators, “ Consuetudo jam tenuit, ut mente concepta, sensus vocaremus; lumina autem, praecipueque in clausulis posita, sententias. Quse minus crebra apud antiquos, nostris temporibus modo carent.” (Lib. viii. 5.) These luminous sentences, Quintilian says, may be called the eyes of an oration; but eyes are not to be placed in every part, lest the other members should lose their function. (Ibid.) As Cowley says,— “Jewels at nose and lips but ill appear; Kather than all things wit, let none be there.’^ ( C. 23,] COXCEKNING ORATORY. 423 happily pointed: he has nothing, in fine, you would wish to make your own. His speeches, like a rude edifice, have strength, indeed, and permanency; but are destitute of that elegance and splendour which are necessary to render them perfectly agreeable. Now I would have the orator be like the man of wealth and station, for whom it is not enough that his house will keep out the wind and the rain; it must strike the eye, and present a pleasing object. Nor will it suffice that the furni¬ ture may answer all domestic purposes; it should have gold and gems so curiously wrought, that they will bear examina¬ tion, often viewed, and always admired. The common uten¬ sils, which are either mean or sordid, should be carefully removed out of sight. In like manner, the true orator should avoid the trite and vulgar. Let him reject the antiquated phrase, and whatever is covered with the rust of time; let his sentiments be expressed with spirit, not in clumsy, ill-con¬ structed periods, like those of a dull writer of annals; let him banish low, insipid raillery, and let him know how to vary the structure of his periods, so as not to end every sentence with the same unvaried cadence.^ 23. I will not expose the meanness of Cicero’s conceits, such as his wheel of Fortune,”^ and his punning on the word ^ In order to form a good style, the sentence should always be closed with variety, strength, and harmony. The ancient rhetoricians held this to be so essentially requisite, that Quintilian has given it a full discussion. That, he says, which offends the ear, will not easily gain admission to the mind. Words should be fitted to their places, so that they may aptly coalesce with one another. In building, the most ill-shapen stones may be conveniently fixed; and in like manner, a good style must have proper words in proper places, all arranged in order, and closing the sentence with grace and harmony. CQuintil. lib. ix. 4.) 2 The remark in this place alludes to a passage in the oration against Piso, where’we find a frivolous stroke of false wit. Cicero reproaches Piso for his dissolute manners, and his scandalous debauchery. “Who,” he says, “ in all that time, saw you sober? Who beheld you doing any one thing, worthy of a liberal mind ? Did you once appear in public ? The house of your colleague resounded with songs and minstrels: he himself danced naked in the midst of his wanton company; and while he wheeled about with alacrity in the circular motion of the dance, he never once thought of the wheel of fortwne” “Quis te illis diebus sobrium, quis agentem aliquid, quod esset libero dignum? Quis deni¬ que in publico vidit? Cum collegae tui domus cantu et cymbalis per¬ sonaret : cumque ipse nudus in convivio saltaret, in quo ne tum quidem, m A DIALOGUE [c. 23. <( y erres,” ^ nor his affectation of concluding almost every other I period with, as it should seem,”^ instead of pointing them I with some luminous and sententious turn. I mention even ^ these with reluctance, and pass over many others of the same i injudicious cast. It is singly, however, in little affectations I of this kind, that they who are pleased to style themselves ancient orators seem to admire and imitate him. I shall content myself with describing their characters, without mentioning their names: but you are aware there are cer- j tain pretenders to taste who prefer Lucilius ^ to Horace, j cum ilium suum saltatorium versaret orbem, fortunae rotam pertimesce¬ bat,”—Oratio in Pisonem, prima pars, s, 22. Delph. edit. vol. iii. ^ The passage here alluded to, presents us with a double pun. The word Verres is the name of a man, and also signifies a hoar pig, as we read in Horace, “ Verris obliquum meditantis ictum,” (Libi iii. ode 22.) The wordjMs is likewise of twofold meaning, importing law and saihce, ov broth; ‘Hepidumque ligurierit jus.” (Lib. i. sat. 3.) The objection to Cicero is, that playing on both the words, and taking advantage of their ambi^ous meaning, he says it could not be matter of wonder that the Verrianjus was such bad hog-soup. The wit (if it deserves that name) is mean enough; but, in justice to Cicero, it should be remembered, that he himself calls it frigid, and says, that the men who in their anger could be so very facetious as to blame the priest who did not sacrifice such a hog (Verres), were idle and ridiculous. He adds, that he should not descend to repeat such sayings (for they were neither witty, nor worthy of notice in such a cause), had he not thought it material to show, that the iniquity of Verres was, in the mouth of the vulgar, a subject of ridicule, and a prover¬ bial joke. “Hinc illi homines erant, qui etiam ridiculi inveniebantur ex dolore: quorum alii, ut audistis, negabant mirandum esse, jus tam nequam esse Verrinum: alii etiam frigidiores erant; sed quia stomacha¬ bantur, ridiculi videbantur esse, cum sacerdotem execrabantur, qui I errem tam nequam reliquisset, Quaj ego non commemorarem (neque enim perfacete dicta, neque porro hac severitate digna sunt) nisi vos id vellem recordari, istius nequitiam et iniquitatem tum in ore vulgi, atque communibus proverbiis esse versatam.”—In Verrem, lib. i. pars tertia, s. 121. ^ Quintihan acknowledges that the words “esse videatur” occur frequently in Cicero’s Orations. He adds, that he knew several who fancied that they had performed wondei s when they placed that phrase in the close of a sentence, (Quintii, lib. x. 2.) ® The species of composition called satire was altogether of Eoman growth. Lucilius had the honour of being the inventor; and he succeeded so well, that even in Quintilian’s time, his admirers pre¬ ferred him not only to the writers who followed in the same way, but to all poets of every denomination. (Lib. x. 1.) The great critic,- ' . however, pronounces judgment in favour of Horace, who, he says, is more terse and pure; a more acute observer of life, and qualified by nature to touch the ridicule of the manners with the nicest hand. CONCERNING ORATORY. 425 c. 23.] and Lucretius to Virgil; who hold the eloquence of your favourite Bassus or Nonianus^ in the utmost contempt, when compared with that of Sisenna ^ or Yarro;^ in a word, who' despise the productions of our modern rhetoricians, yet are in raptures with those of Calvus. We see these men prosing in the courts of judicature after the manner of the ancients (as they call it), till they are deserted by the whole audience, and are scarce supportable even to their very clients; so dreary and squalid they are; so much is their boasted healthy sobriety an evidence of a sickly habit and valetudinary abstinence. No physician would call that a sound constitution, which requires constant care and anxiety of mind. To be only not indisposed, is but a small acqui¬ sition; it' is spirits, vivacity, and vigour, that I require: he who can just say that he is well, and no more, is not far from being unwell. Be it then (as with great ease it may, and in fact is) the ^ Aufidius Bassus and Servilius Nonianus were writers of history. 2 Sisenna, we are told by Cicero, was a man of learning, well skilled in the Koman language, acquainted with the laws and constitution of his country, and possessed of no small share of wit; but eloquence was not his element, and his practice in the forum was inconsiderable. (See De Claris Oratoribus, s. 228.) In a subsequent part of the same work, Cicero says, that Sisenna was of opinion, that to use un¬ common words was the perfection of style. To prove this he relates a pleasant anecdote. One Caius Rufus carried on a prosecution. Sisenna appeared for the defendant; and, to express his contempt of his adversary, said that many parts of the charge deserved to be spit upon. For this purpose he coined so strange a word, that the prosecutor implored the protection of the judges. “I do not,” said he, “understand Sisenna; I am circumvented; I fear that some snare is laid for me. What does he mean by sputatilica 1 I know that sputa is spittle: but what is tilica V' The court laughed at the oddity of a word so strangely compounded. “ Rufio accusante Chritilium, Sisenna defendens dixit, quaedam ejus sputatilica esse crimina. Tum Caius Rufius, ‘Circum¬ venior,’ inquit, ‘judices, nisi subvenitis. Sisenna quid dicat nescio : metuo insidias. Sputatilica! quid est hoc? Sputa quid sit, scio; tilica nescio.’ Maximi risus.” (De Claris Oratoribus, s. 260.) Whether this was the same Sisenna who is said in the former quotation to have been a correct speaker, does not appear with any degree of certainty. ® Varro was universally allowed to be the most learned of the Romans. He wrote on several subjects with profound erudition. Quintilian says, he was completely master of the Latin language, and thoroughly conversant in the antiquities of Greece and Rome. Hia works will enlarge our sphere of knowledge, but can add nothing to eloquence. (Lib. x. 1.) 426 A DIALOGUE [C. 24. glorious distinction of yon, my illustrious friends, to ennoble our age with the most refined eloquence. It is with infinite satisfaction, Messala, I observe, that you single out the live¬ liest models among the ancients for your imitation. You too. Maternus, and you. Secundus, so happily unite strength of sentiment with beauty of expression; such a pregnancy of imagination, such a symmetry of ordonnance distinguish your speeches; so copious or so concise is your elocution, as diffe¬ rent occasions require; such gracefulness of style and such lucid terseness adorn and dignify your compositions: in a word, so absolutely you command the passions of your audi¬ ence, and so happily temper your own, that, however the envy and malignity, of the present age may withhold that applause which is so justly your due, posterity will surely speak of you as you well deserve. 24. As soon as Aper had concluded. You see, said Mater¬ nus, the zeal and ardour of our friend: in the cause of the moderns, what a torrent of eloquence ! against the ancients, what a fund of varied invective ! With what genius not alone and spirit, but with what erudition and art too he smites them with weapons borrowed from their own armoury! And yet all this vehemence must not deter you, Messala, from the performance of your promise. ' We do not want a formal defence of the ancients; complimented as we have been by Aper, not one of us thinks of comparing with those whom he has run down. He himself is of the same way of thinking, though, in imitation of the ancient manner much practised by your philosophers,^ he has thought proper to take the wrong side of the question. In answer to his ar¬ gument, we do not desire you to expatiate in praise of the ancients: their fame wants no addition. What we request is, an investigation of the causes which have produced so rapid a decline from the flourishing state of genuine eloquence. I call it rapid, since, according to Aper’s own chronology, the period from the death of Cicero does not exceed one hundred and twenty years. 25. I will pursue the plan you have laid down to me, returned Messala. I shall not enter into the question with ^ In the Dialogues of Plato and others of the Academic school, the ablest philosophers occasionally supported a wrong hypothesis, in order to provoke a thorough discussion of some important question. CONCERNING ORATORY. 427 c. 25 .] Aper, (who, I think, is the first that ever made it one,) whether those who flouris'ied above a century before us, can properly be styled ancients. I am not disposed to contend about words: let them be called ancients, or ancestors, or whatever other name he pleases, so it be allowed their oratory was superior to ours. I admit too, what he just now advanced, that there are various kinds of eloquence discernible in the same period; much more in different ages. But as among the Attic orators Demosthenes is placed in the first rank, then iEschines, Hyperides next, and after him Lysias and Lycurgus; and their sera is on all hands agreed to have been the prime season of oratory: so amongst us, Cicero is by universal consent preferred to all his contemporaries; whilst after him, Calvus, Asinius, Csesar, Cselius, and Brutus, are justly acknowledged to have excelled all our preceding or subsequent orators. Nor is it material that they differ in manner, since they agree in kind. Calvus is terse; Asinius more flowing and harmonious; brilliancy of diction is Csesar’s characteristic; caustic bitterness is that of Cselius; Brutus is earnest; copiousness, strength, and vehemence are the predominant qualities in Cicero. Each of them, however, displays an equal soundness of eloquence; so that if you examine their works collectively, you may perceive a certain family likeness in their general tone of thought and method, though variously modified according to their respective pecu¬ liarities of genius. That they detracted from each other’s merit, and that there are some remaining traces of mutual malignity in their letters, is not to be imputed to them as orators, but as men. Calvus, Asinius, and even Cicero him¬ self, were liable, no doubt, to be infected with envy, hatred, and other human frailties and passions. Brutus alone I ex¬ cept fi’om all imputations of malignity: he, I am persuaded, spoke what he thought in all ft-ankness and singleness of heart; for can it be supposed that he should envy Cicero, who does not seem to have envied even Csesar himself? As to Galba,^ Leelius, and some others of the ancients, whom Aper has thought proper to condemn, I need not defend them, ^ Servius Galba has been already mentioned, c. 18, note. Caius Lselius was consul A. u. c. 614, before the Christian era 140. He was the intimate friend of Scipio, and the patron of Lucilius, the first Roman satirist. 428 A DIALOGUE [c. 2G. but am willing to admit that they have some defects, which must be ascribed to a growing and yet immature eloquence. 26. After all, if we must relinquish the nobler kind of oratory, and adopt some lower species, I should certainly prefer the impetuosity of Gracchus, or the ripe energy of Crassus, to the effeminate foppery of Ma3cenas,^ or the childish jingle of Gallio so much rather would I see eloquence clothed in the most rude and negligent garb, than decked out with false colours and meretricious ornament. There is something in our present manner of elocution which is so far from being oratorical, that it is not even manly; and one would imagine our modern pleaders, by their dainty sweet phrases, the inanity of their tuneful periods, and the wanton levity of their whole style, had a view to the stage in all their compositions. Accordingly, some of them are not ^ The false taste of Maecenas has been noted by the poets and critics who flourished after his death. His affected prettinesses are compared to the prim curls in which women and effeminate men tricked out their hair. Seneca, who was himself tainted with affectation, has left a beautiful epistle on the very question that makes the main subject of the present Dialogue. He points out the causes of the corrupt taste that debauched the eloquence of those times, and imputes the mischief to the degeneracy of the manners. Whatever the man was, such was the orator. “ Talis oratio qualis vita.” When ancient disci¬ pline relaxed, luxury succeeded, and language became delicate, brilliant, spangled with conceits. Simplicity was laid aside, and quaint expressions grew into fashion. Does the mind sink into languor, the body mo'ves reluctantly. Is the man softened into effeminacy, you see it in his gait. Is he quick and eager, he walks with alacrity. The powers of the understanding are affected in the same manner. Having laid this down as his principle, Seneca proceeds to describe the soft delicacy of Maecenas, and he flnds the same vice in his phraseology. He cites a numbef of the lady-like terms, which the great patron of letters considered as exquisite beauties. In all this, says he, we see the man who walked the streets of Home in his open and flowing robe. (Epist. cxiv.) What he has said of Maecenas is perfectly just. The fopperies of that celebrated minister are in this Dialogue called cola- mistri; an allusion borrowed from Cicero, who praises the beautiful simplicity of Caesar’s Commentaries, and says there were men of a vicious taste, who wanted to apply the curling-iron, that is, to intro¬ duce the glitter of conceit and antithesis in the place of truth and nature. (De Claris Orat. s. 262.) » 2 Who Gallio was, is not clearly settled by the commentators. Quintilian (lib. iii. 1) makes mention of Gallio, who wrote a treatise of eloquence; and in the Annals (xv. 73) we find Junius Gallio, the brother of Seneca; but whether either of them is the person here intended, remains uncertain. t CONCERNING ORATORY. 429 c. 26.] ashamed to boast (which one can scarce even mention with¬ out a blush) that their speeches are musical enough for the (dancer’s heel or the warbler’s throat.^ It is this depravity of taste which has given rise to the very indecent and prepos- 1 terous, though very frequent expression, that such an orator f speaks delicately, and such a dancer moves eloquently. I am willing to admit, therefore, that Cassius Severus,^ (the single 1 modern whom Aper has thought proper to name,) when com- ] pared to these his degenerate successors, may justly be deemed an orator; though, it is certain, in the greater part of his I compositions there appears far more strength than spirit. He was the first who neglected chastity of style and propriety of method. Inexpert in the use of those very weapons with which he engaged, in his eagerness to attack he generally left himself unguarded; and, to speak plainly, he wrangled, but did not argue. Nevertheless, he is greatly superior, as I observed before, in the variety of his learning, the urbanity ^ Pliny declares, without ceremony, that he was ashamed of the corrupt effeminate style that disgraced the courts of justice, and made him think of withdrawing from the forum. He calls it sing-song, and says that nothing but musical instruments could be added. (Lib. ii. epist. 14.) The chief aim of Persius in his first satire is levelled against the bad poets of his time, and also the spurious orators, who enervated their eloquence by antithesis, far-fetched metaphors, and points of wit, delivered with the softest tone of voice, and ridiculous airs of affectation. Fur es, ait Pedio: Pedius quid? Crimina rasis Librat in antithetis; doctus posuisse figuras Laudatur. Bellum hoc! hoc bellum ! an Romule ceves ? Men’ moveat quippe, et, cantet si naufragus, assem Protulerim ? Cantas, cum fracta te in trabe pictum Ex humero portes?—Persius, Sat. i. 85. “ Theft, says the accuser, to thy charge I lay, 0 Pedius. What does gentle Pedius say? Studious to please the genius of the times, With periods, points, and tropes, he slurs his crimes. He lards with fiourishes his long harangue: ’Tis fine, say’st thou. What! to be praised and hang? Effeminate Roman ! shall such stuff prevail To tickle thee, and make thee wag thy tail? Say, should a shipwreck’d sailor sing his woe, Wouldst thou be moved to pity, and bestow An alms? What’s more prepost’rous than to see A merry beggar ? wit in misery !”—Dryden’s Persius. * For Cassius Severus, see c. 19, note. 430 ‘ A DIALOGUE [c. 27. of liis wit, and the lustiness of his vigour, to those who sue- | ceeded him: not one of whom, however, has Aper ventured to | bring into the field. I did imagine, that after having decried i Asinius, and Cselius, and Calvus, he w^ould have produced I another phalanx of orators; that he would have named several 1 champions, or at least an equal number, to match, man by man, against Cicero, Caesar, and the rest in succession: on ' ' the contrary, he has distinctly and severally censured all the 1 ancients, while he has ventured to commend the moderns in I general only. He thought, perhaps, if he singled out some, \ he should draw upon himself the resentment of all the rest; for among the rhetoricians of the present day, is there one ' to be found who does not, in his own opinion, tower above Cicero, though he has the modesty to yield to Gabinianus 'I ^ 27. What Aper has omitted, I intend to perform. I shall produce his moderns by name, to the end that, by placing the example before our eyes, we may be able, more distinctly, | to trace the steps by which the vigour of ancient eloquence i has fallen to decay.— Maternus interrupted him. To it then, | he said, and fulM your promise. The superiority of the | ancients is not in question. We want no proof of it. Upon i that point my opinion is decided. But the causes of our 1 rapid-decline from ancient excellence remain to be unfolded. You have often turned your thoughts to this subject, as you | told us a little while ago, when you certainly spoke in gentler ;] terms, and with less ire against the eloquence of our day, -'j before Aper offended you by mauling your oratorical fathers. —I am not at all offended, returned Messala, with the seuti- *:] ments which Aper has advanced; neither must you, my ] friends, take umbrage if anything I may say sounds harshly j in your ears, remembering always that it is an established ’' law in debates of this kind, that every man may, with entire security, disclose his unreserved opinion.—Proceed then, re¬ plied Maternus, and when you speak of the ancients, do so * with the ancient freedom: from which I suspect we have more ^ widely degenerated than even from the ancient eloquence. ^ Gabinianus was a teacher of rhetoric in the reign of Vespasian, Eusebius, in his Chronicon, eighth of Vespasian, says that Gabinianus, ‘ 1 a celebrated rhetorician, was a teacher of eloquence in Gaul, flis : admirers deemed him another Cicero, and, after him, all such orators jJ were called “Cicerones Gabiniani.” .a CONCERNING ORATORY. 431 c. 28.] 28. Messala resumed his discourse. The causes of the decay of eloquence are by no means difficult to be traced. They are, I believe, well known to you, Maternus, to Se¬ cundus, and even to Aper, though I am now, at your request, to expound what we all feel. For is it not obvious that eloquence, with the rest of the polite arts, has lost its former lustre, not for want of men, but through the dissipation of our young men, the inattention of parents, the ignorance of those who pretend to give instruction, and the total neglect of ancient discipline ? The mischief began at Rome, it has overrun all Italy, and is now spreading through tlie provinces. You, however, know more than I of the state of your pro¬ vinces in this respect, and therefore I shall confine myself to those peculiar and indigenous vices of the capital which beset our youth from their birth, and gather more and more upon them through every season of life. But before I enter on the subject, let me premise a few words on the strict dis¬ cipline of our ancestors, in educating and training up their children. In the first place the son of every family was the legitimate offspring of a virtuous mother. The infant, as soon as born, was not -consigned to the mean dwelling of a hireling nurse, but was reared and cherished in the bosom of its mother, whose highest praise it was to take care of her household affairs, and attend to her children. It was cus¬ tomary likewise for each family to choose some elderly female relation of approved conduct, to whose charge the children were committed. In her presence not one indecent word was uttered; nothing was done against propriety and good manners. The hours of study and serious employment were settled by her direction; and not only so, but even the diversions of the children were conducted with modest reserve and sanctity of manners. Thus it was that Cornelia,^ the mother of the Gracchi, superintended the education of her illustrious issue. ^ Cornelia, the mother of the two Gracchi, was daughter to the first Scipio Africanus. “ The sons,” Quintilian says, “ owed much of their eloquence to the care and institutions of their mother, whose taste and learning were fully displayed in her letters, which were then in the hands of the public.” (Quint, lib. i. 1.) To the same effect Cicero, De Claris Orat. s. 104. Again, Cicero says, “We have_ read the letters of Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi, from which it appears, that the sons were educated, not so much in the lap of their mother, as her conversation.” (Ibid. s. 211.) Pliny the elder 432 A DIALOGUE [C. 29. It was thus that Aurelia trained up Julius Caesar; and thus Atia formed the mind of Augustus. The consequence of this regular discipline was, that the young mind, whole and sound, and unwarped by irregular passions, received the elements of the liberal arts with hearty avidity. Whatever was the peculiar bias, whether to the military art, the study of the laws, or the profession of eloquence, that engrossed the whole attention, that was imbibed thoroughly and totally. 29. In the present_age what is our practice] The infant is committed to a Greek chambermaid, and a slave or two, chosen for the purpose, generally the worst of the whole household train, and unfit for any office of trust.^ From the idle tales and gross absurdities of these people, the tender and uninstructed mind is suffered to receive its earliest im¬ pressions. Throughout the house not one servant cares what he says or does in the presence of his young master and indeed, how should it be otherwise] since the parents them¬ selves are so far from training their young families to virtue and modesty, that they set them the first examples of luxury and licentiousness. Thus our youth gradually acquire a con- informs us that a statue was erected to her memory, though Cato the Censor declaimed against showing so much honour to women, even in the provinces. But with all his vehemence he could not prevent it in the city of Rome. (Pliny, lib. xxxiv. 14.) ^ Quintilian thinks the first elements of education so highly material, that he has two long chapters on the subject. He requires, in the first place, that the language of the nurses should be pure and correct. Their manners are of great importance, but, he adds, let them speak with propriety. It is to them that the infant first attends; he listens, and endeavours to imitate them. The first colour imbibed by yarn or thread is sure to last. What is bad generally adheres tenaciously. Let the child, therefore, not learn in his infancy what he must after¬ wards take pains to unlearn. 2 Juvenal has one entire satire on the subject of education:— Nil dictu foedum visuque hjec limina tangat, Intra quse puer est. Procul hinc, procul inde puellae Lenonum, et cantus pernoctantis parasiti. Maxima debetur puero reverentia.—Sat. xiv. 44. “ Suffer no lewdness, no indecent speech, The apartment of the tender youth to reach. Far be from thence the glutton parasite. Who sings his drunken catches all the night. Boys from their parents may this reverence claim.” Dryden’s JuvenaL CONCEltNlNG ORATORY. 433 c. 29.] firmed habit of impudence, and a total disregard of that reverence they owe both to themselves and to others. To say truth, it seems as if a fondness for horses, actors, and gladi¬ ators,^ the peculiar and distinguishing folly of this our city, was impressed upon them even in the womb; and when once a passion of this contemptible sort has seized and engaged the mind, what opening is there left for the noble arts 'I Who talks of anything else in our houses ? If we enter the schools, what other subjects of conversation do we hear among the boys ? The preceptors themselves choose no other topic more fre¬ quently to entertain their hearers; for it is not by establishing a strict discipline, or by giving proofs of their genius, that this order of men gain pupils, but by fawning and flattery. ISot to mention how ill-iristructed our youth are in the very ^ The rage of the Romans.for the diversions of the theatre, and public spectacles of every kind, is often mentioned by Horace, Juvenal, and other writers under the emperors. Seneca says, that, at one time, three ways were wanted to as many different theatres: “ tribus eodem tempore theatris viae postulantur.” And again. The most illustrious of the Roman youth are no better than slaves to the pantomimic per¬ forin ers : “ Ostendam nobilissimos juvenes mancipia pantomimorum.” (Epist. 47.) It was for this reason that Petronius lays it down as a rule to be observed by the young student, never to list himself in the parties and factions of the theatre :— Heve plausor in scena Sedeat redemptus, histrioniae addictus. It is well known, that theatrical parties distracted the Roman citizens, and rose almost to frenzy. They were distinguished by the ffreen and hlue. Caligula, as we read in Suetonius, attached himself to the former, and was so fond of the charioteers, who wore green liveries, that he lived for a considerable time in the stables, where their horses were kept. “ Prasinae factioni ita addictus et deditus, ut coenaret in stabulo assidue et maneret.” (Life of Caligula, s. 55.) Montesquieu reckons such party divisions among the causes that wrought the downfall of the empire. “ Constantinople,” he says, “ was split into two factions, the green and the blue, which owed their origin to the inclination of the people to favour one set of charioteers in the circus rather than another. These two parties raged in every city throughout the empire, and their fury rose in proportion to the number of inha¬ bitants. Justinian favoured the blues, who became so elate with pride, that they trampled on the laws. All ties of friendship, all natural affection, and all relative duties were extinguished. Whole families were destroyed; and the empire was a scene of anarchy and wild contention. He who felt himself capable of the most atrocious deeds, declared himself a blue, and the greens were massacred with impimity.”—Montesquieu, Grandeur et Decadence des Romains, ch. xx. TAG.—YOL. IL F p 434 A DIAijOGUE [c. 30. elements of literature, sufficient pains are by no means taken in bringing them acquainted with the best authors, or in i giving them a proper notion of history, together with a know¬ ledge of men and things. The whole that seems to be con¬ sidered in their education is, to find out a person for them called a rhetorician. I will presently give you some account of the introduction of this profession at Rome, and show you with what contempt it was received by our ancestors. ^ _ | 30. At present I must advert to that scheme of discipline J which the ancient orators practised. Their unwearied dili- j gence, their habits of meditation, and their constant exercises I in every branch of study, are amply displayed in their own writings. The treatise of Cicero, called “Brutus,”^ is in all ' our hands. In the latter part of that work, (the former part is employed in commemorating the ancient orators,) he gives a sketch of the several progressive steps by which he formed - his eloquence. He there acquaints us, that he studied the | civil law under Q. Mucius that he was instructed in the several branches of philosophy by Philo ^ the Academic, and | Diodorus the Stoic; that, not satisfied with attending the lec- ! tures of those eminent masters, of whom there were at that . « ^ This is the treatise or history of the most eminent orators (De Claris Oratoribus), which has been so often cited in the course of these : notes. It is also entitled “ Brutus,” a work replete with the soundest ' critjqism, and by its variety and elegance always charming. 2 "Quintus Mucius Scaevola was the great lawyer of his time. Cicero ■ draws a comparison between him and Crassus. They were both : engaged, on opposite sides, in a cause before the centumviri. Crassus ■ proved himself the best lawyer among the orators of that day, and J Scaevola the most eloquent of the lawyers. (De Claris Orat. s. 145.) ^ During the consulship of Sylla, a.u. c. 666, Cicero being then in the ^ nineteenth year of his age, and wishing to acquire a competent know-. 'I ledge of the principles of jurisprudence, attached himself to Mucius J Scaevola, who did not undertake the task of instructing pupils, but, by ■ j conversing freely with all who consulted him, gave a fair opportunity fl to those who thirsted after knowledge. (Ibid. s. 306.) ^ 4 2 Philo was a leading philosopher of the Academic school To avoid m the fury of Mithridates, who waged a long war with the Eomans, he ^ fled from Athens, and, with some of the most eminent of his fellow- J citizens, repaired to Borne. Cicero was struck with his philosophy, ^ and became his pupil. (De Claris Orat. s. 306.) Cicero adds, that he gave board and lodging, at his own house, to Diodotus the Stoic, and, under that master, employed himself in various branches of literature, but particularly in the study of logic, which may be considered as ^ a mode of eloquence, contracted, close, and nervous. (Ibid. s. 309.) n w CONCERNING ORATORY. 435 c. 31.] time great numbers in Rome, he made a voyage into Greece and Asia, in order to enlarge his knowledge, and embrace the whole circle of the sciences. Accordingly he appears by his writings to have been familiar with geometry, music, grammar, and every liberal art. He was versed in the sub¬ tleties of ethics, and the practical lore of moral philosophy. He had studied the operations of nature, and explored the causes of her phenomena. And thus it was, my worthy friends, that from deep learning and the confluence of many arts and universal science, that overflowing and exuberant eloquence derived its strength and fulness. For it is not with the oratorical power and faculty as with others, which are exercised within certain precise and determinate limits: on the contrary, he alone can justly be deemed an .orator, who can speak on every subject gracefully, ornately, and per¬ suasively, in a manner suitable to the dignity of his subject, and with pleasure to his hearers. 31. So thought those renowned orators of old. In order, however, to attain these eminent qualifications, they did not ^ Cicero gives an account of liis travels, which he undertook after having employed two years in the business of the forum, where he gained an early reputation. At Athens he passed six months with Antiochus, the principal philosopher of the Old Academy, and, under the direction of that able master, resumed those abstract speculations which he had cultivated from his earliest youth. Nor did he neglect his rhetorical exercises. In that pursuit he was assisted, by Demetrius the Syrian, who was_ allowed to be a skilful preceptor. He passed from Greece into Asia j and, in the course of his travels through that country, he lived in constant intercourse with Menippus of Stratonica, a man eminent for his learning; who,if to'be neither frivolous nor unin- telligible is the character of Attic eloquence, might faiily be called a dis¬ ciple of that school. He met with many other professors of rhetoric, such as Ihonysius of Magnesia, ^schylus of Cnidos, and Xenocles of Adramyttium; but, not content with their assistance, he went to Rhodes, and renewed his friendship with Molo, whom he had heard at Rome, and knew to be an able pleader in real causes; a fine writer, and a judicious critic, who^ could, with a just discernment of the beauties as wellys the faults of a composition, point out the road to excellence, and improve the taste of his scholars. In his attention to the Roman orator, the point he aimed at (Cicero will not say that he succeeded) was, to lop away superfluous branches, and confine within its proper channel a stream of eloquence, too apt to swell above ail bounds, and overflow its banks. After two years «thus spent in the pursuit of know¬ ledge and improvement in his oratorical profession, Cicero returned to Rome almost a new man. (De Claris Orat. s. 315, 316.) FF 2 436 A DIALOGUE [C. 31. think it necessary to declaim in the schools/ and to exercise their tongues and their voices alone upon fictitious contro¬ versies, remote from all reality; but rather to fill their minds v'ith such studies as concern life and manners, as treat of moral good and evil, of justice and injustice, of the decent and the unbecoming in actions, because these constitute the subject matter of the orator; for in the courts of law we generally descant on equity; in deliberations, on moral recti¬ tude; whilst yet these two branches are not so absolutely distinct, but that they are frequently blended with each other. Now,'it is impossible to speak on such topics with fulness, variety, and elegance, unless the orator is perfectly well acquainted with human nature; unless he understands the power and extent of moral duties, the perversity of vice, and other things besides, which do not partake either of vice or virtue. From the same source, likewise, he must derive his in¬ fluence over the passions. He who knows the nature of indignation, will be able to kindle or allay that passion in the breast of the judge; and the advocate who has considered the effect of compassion, and from what secret springs it ^ Quintilian, as well as Seneca, has left a collection of school-decla¬ mations, but he has given his opinion of all such performances. They are mere imitation, and, by consequence, have not the force and spirit which a real cause inspires. In public harangues the subject is founded in reality; in declamations all is fiction. (Lib. x. 2.) Petronius has given a lively description of the rhetoricians of his time. The consequence, he says, of their turgid style, and the pompous swell of sounding periods, has ever been the same: when their scholars enter the forum, they look as if they were transported into a new world. The teachers of rhetoric have been the bane of all true eloquence. (Petron. in Satyrico, c. 1, 2.) That gay writer, who passed his days in luxury and voluptuous pleasures (see his character. Annals, xvi. 18), was, amidst all his dissipation, a man of learning, and, at intervals, of deep reflection. He knew the value of true philosophy, and, there¬ fore, directs the young orator to the Socratic school, and to that plan of education which we have before us in the present Dialogue. He bids his scholar begin with Homer, and there drink deep of the Pierian spring: after that, he recommends the moral system; and, when his mind is thus enlarged, he allows him to wield the arms of Demos¬ thenes. Det primos versibus annos, Maeoniumque bibat felici pectore fontem : Mox et Socratico plenus grege mutet habenas Liber, et ingentis quatiat Demosthenis arma. • CONCERNING ORATORY. 437 c. 31.] flows, will best know how to soften the mind, and melt it into tenderness. It is by these secrets of his art that the orator gains his influence. Whether he has to do with the preju¬ diced, the angry, the envious, the melancholy, or the timid, he can bridle their various passions, and hold the reins in his own hand. According to the disposition of each, he will apply his skill, and modify his speech, having the needful appliances in readiness for every occasion. Some there are who like best that close mode of oratory, which in a laconic manner states the facts, and forms an immediate conclusion: in that case, it is obvious how necessary it is to be a com¬ plete master of the rules of logic. Others admire a more diffuse and level style, illustrated by images drawn from common observation : towards moving such hearers the Peri¬ patetic^ writers will give him some assistance; and indeed tliey will, in general, supply him with many useful hints in all the different methods of popular address. The Academics ^ ^ Gicero has left a book, entitled “ Topica,” in which he treats at large of the method of finding proper arguments. This, he observes, was executed by Aristotle, whom he pronounces the great master both of invention and judgment. (Ciceronis Topica, s. 6.) The sources from which arguments may be drawn are called loci communes, common places. To supply the orator with ample materials, and to render him copious on every subject, was the design of the Greek preceptor, and for that purpose he gave his topica. (Cicero, De Oratore.) Aristotle was the most eminent of Plato’s scholars : he retired to a gymnasium, or place of exercise, in the neighbourhood of Athens, called the Lyceum, where, from a custom which he and his followers observed, of dis¬ cussing points of philosophy as they walked in the porticos of the place, they obtained the name of Peripatetics, or the walking philoso¬ phers. (See Middleton’s Life of Cicero, vol. ii. p. 537, 4to edit.) ^ The Academic sect derived its origin from Socrates, and its name from a celebrated gymnasium, or ])laee of exercise, in the suburbs of Athens, called the Academy, after Academus, who possessed it in the time of the Tyndaridge. It was afterwards purchased, and dedicated to the public, for the convenience of walks and exercises for the citizens of Athens. It was gradually improved with plantations, groves, and porticos for the particular use of the professors or masters of the Academic school, where several of them are said to have spent their lives, and to have resided so strictly, as scarce ever to have come within the city. (See Middleton’s Life of Cicero, 4to edit. vol. ii. p. 536.) Plato and his followers continued to reside in the porticos of the Academy. They chose “ The green retreats Of Academus, and the thymy vale, Where, oft enchanted with Socratic sounds, Ilissus pure devolved his tuneful stream ^ In gentle murmurs.”—Akenside, Pleas, of Imag. [Por A DIALOGUE 438 [c. 32. will inspire hini with a becoming warmth: Plato will give him loftiness, Xenophon suavity. Even the exclamatory manner of Epicurus,^ or Metrodorus, may be found, in some circumstances, not altogether unserviceable. For take note that I am not laying down rules for building up an imaginary wise man, or a city of the Stoics, but for accomplishing one who ought not to confine his attention to any one sect, but gather freely from all. Accordingly, the ancient orators not only studied the civil laws, but also grammar, poetry, music, and geometry. Indeed, there are few causes (perhaps I might justly say there are none) wherein a skill in the first is not absolutely necessary; and there are many in which, an acquaintance with the last-mentioned sciences is highly requisite. 32. Let no one object to me that “eloquence is the single For dexterity in argument, the orator is referred to this school, for the reason given by Quintilian, who says that the custom of supporting an argument on either side of the question, approaches nearest to the orator’s practice in forensic causes. (Lib. xii. 2.) Quintilian assures us that we are indebted to the Academic philosophy for the ablest orators, and it is to that school that Horace sends his poet for instruction: Rem tibi Socraticae poterunt ostendere chartae, Verbaque provisam rem non invita sequentur.—Ars Poet. 310. “ Good sense, that fountain of the muse’s art. Let the rich page of Socrates impart; And if the mind with clear conception glow, The willing words in just expressions flow.”—Francis’s Horace. ^ Epicurus made frequent use of the rhetorical flgure called excla¬ mation; and in his life, by Diogenes Laertius, we find a variety of instances. It is for that manner of giving animation to a discourse that Epicurus is mentioned in the Dialogue. For the rest, Quintilian tells us what to think of him. Epicurus, he says, dismisses the orator from his school, since he advises his pupil to pay no regard to science or to method. (Lib. xii. 2.) Metrodorus was the favourite disciple of Epicurus. Brotier says that a statue of the master and the scholar, with their heads joined together, was found at Rome in the year 1743. It is worthy of notice, that except the Stoics, who, without aiming at elegance of language, argued closely and with vigour, Quintilian pro¬ scribes the remaining sects of philosophers. Aristippus, he says, placed his swmwtwm honum in bodily pleasure, and therefore could be no friend to the strict regimen of the accomplished orator. Much less could Pyrrho be of use, since he doubted whether there was any such thing in existence as the judges before whom the cause must bo pleaded. To him the party accused, and the senate, were alike non- entities. (Quintii, lib. xii. 2.) / CONCERNING ORATORY. 439 c. 32.] science requisite for the orator; an occasional recourse to the others will be sufl5cient for all his purposes;” I answer, in the first place, there will always be a remarkable difference iji the manner of applying what we take up, as it were, upon loan, and what we properly possess; so that it will ever be manifest, whether the orator is indebted to others for what he produces, or derives it from his own unborrowed fund. And, in the next, the sciences throw an inexpressible grace over our compositions, even where they are not immediately concerned; as their effects are discernible where we least expect to find them. This powerful charm is not only distinguished by the learned and the judicious, but strikes even the most common and popular class of auditors; insomuch that one may fre¬ quently hear them applauding a speaker of this improved kind, as a man of genuine erudition; as enriched with the whole treasures of eloquence; and, in one word, a complete orator. But no man, I affirm, ever did, or ever can, main¬ tain that exalted character, unless, like the soldier marching to battle, armed at all points, he enters the forum equipped with the whole panoply of knowledge. So much, however, is this principle neglected by our modern professors of oratory, that their pleadings are debased by the vilest colloquial bar-' barisms; they are ignorant of the laws, unacquainted with the acts of the senate; the common law of Rome they pro¬ fessedly ridicule, and philosophy they seem to regard as some¬ thing that ought to be shunned and dreaded. Thus eloquence, like a dethroned potentate, is banished her rigfitfuFdominions, and confined to barren points and low conceits: and she who was once mistress of the whole circle of sciences, and charmed every beholder with the goodly appearance of her glorious train, is now shorn and curtailed, stripped of all her honours, all her attendants, (I had almost said of all her genius,) and is taken up as one of the meanest of the mechanic arts. This, therefore, I consider as the first, a nd the pri ncipal reason of our having so gre atly declin ed from the spirit of the'ahciehfsi If I were called upon to support my opinion by autho¬ rities, might I not justly name, among the Grecians, Demos¬ thenes 1 who, we are informed, constantly ' attended the lectures of Plato: so also, among our own countrymen, Cicero himself assures us, (and in these very w’ords, if I rightly 440 A DIALOGUE [c. 33. remember,) that he owed whatever advances he had made ill eloquence, not to the rhetoricians, but to the Academic philosophers. Other and very considerable reasons might be produced for the decay of eloquence. But I leave them, my friends, as it is proper I should, to be mentioned by you; having performed my share in the examination of this question, and with a freedom which will give, I imagine, as usual, much offence. I am sure, at least, if certain of our contemporaries were to be informed of what I have here maintained, I should be told, that in laying it down as a maxim, that a knowledge \ both of law and philosophy are essential qualifications in an f orator, I have been fondly pursuing a phantom of my own { imagination. 33. I am so far from thinking, replied Maternus, that you have completed the part you undertook, that I should rather imagine you had only given us the first general sketch of your design. You have marked out to us, indeed, those sciences wherein the ancient orators were instructed, and have placed in strong contrast their successful industry with our sloth and ignorance. But something further still re¬ mains; and as you have shown us what was the vastness of their knowledge, and the littleness of our own, I would have you acquaint us also with the particular exercises by which the youth of those earlier days were wont to strengthen and improve their genius. For I think you will not deny that oratory is acquired by practice far better than by precept; and our friends here seem, by their countenances, to imply much. Aper and Secundus having signified their assent, Messala, resumed his discourse as follows: Having then, as it should seem, disclosed to your satis¬ faction the seeds and first principles of ancient eloquence, by specifying the several studies in which the ancient orators were trained ; I shall now lay before you the practical exer¬ cises they pursued, in order to gain a facility in the exertion of eloquence. Note, however, that the very act of studying implies practice; for it is impossible to acquire knowledge so various and recondite, without knowledge leading to reflection, reflection to grasp and command of thought, and this to ready power of utterance. Thus it appears that to learn what you CONCERNINQ ORATORY. 441 c. 34.] shall deliver, and to be able to deliver what you have learned, are ^n principle one and the same. But if in this I appear to any one to speculate too abstrusely; if any one insist on separating knowledge from practice, at least he will not deny that a mind filled with manifold instruction will enter with so much the more advantage upon those exercises peculiar to the oratorical circus. 34. The practice of our ancestors was agreeable to this theory. The youth who was intended for public declamation, was introduced by his father, or some near relation, with all the advantages of home discipline and a mind furnished with useful knowledge, to the most eminent orator of the time, whom thenceforth he attended upon all occasions; he listened with attention to his patron’s pleadings in the tribunals of justice, and his public harangues before the people; he heard him in the warmth of argument; he noted his sudden replies; and thus, in the field of battle, if I may so express myself, he learned the first rudiments of rhetorical warfare. The advan¬ tages of this method are obvious: the young candidate gained courage, and improved his judgment; he studied in open day, amidst the heat of the conflict, where nothing weak or idle could be said with impunity; where everything absurd was instantly rebuked by the judge, exposed to ridicule by the adversary, and condemned by the whole body of advocates. In this way they imbibed at once the pure and uncorrupted streams of genuine eloquence. But though they chiefly at¬ tached themselves to one particular orator, they heard like¬ wise all the rest of their contemporary pleaders, in many of their respective debates; and they had an opportunity of acquainting themselves with the various sentiments of the people, and of observing what pleased or disgusted them most in the several orators of the forum. Thus they were supplied with an instructor of the best and most improving kind, ex¬ hibiting, not the feigned semblance of Eloquence, but her real and lively manifestation: not a pretended, but a genuine adver¬ sary, armed in earnest for the combat; an audience, ever full and ever new, composed of foes as well as friends, and where not a single expression could fall uncensured, or unapplauded. For you are aware that a solid and lasting reputation of elo¬ quence must be acquired by the censure of our enemies, as well as by the applause of our friends; or rather, indeed, it ia 442 A DIALOGUE [c. 35. from the former that it derives its surest and most unquestioned strength and firmness. Under such a schooling, the youth of whom we are speaking, a disciple of all the orators; an attentive hearer of all judicial proceedings; instructed by the experience of others; daily conversant with the laws of his country; familiar with the faces of the judges, and the aspect of a full audience; and well acquainted with the popular taste^, —might be called on to conduct a prosecution or a defence, and was equal to cope, single handed, with the difficulties of his task. Crassus, at the age of nineteen,^ Caesar at twenty- one, Pollio at twenty-two, and Calvus when he was but a few years older, pronounced those several speeches against Carbo, Dolabella, Cato, and Vatinius, which we read to this hour with admiration. ^ 35. On the other hand,^ur modern youth ^ are sent to the mountebank schools of certain declaimers called rhetorician^ a set of men who made their first appearance in Kome a little before the time of Cicero. And that they were by no means approved by our ancestors, plainly appears from their being enjoined, under the censorship of Crassus and Domitius,^ to shut up jclio^ls of Amyudence, Cicero expresses it. But I was going to say, our youths are sent to certain aca- ^ There is in this place a trifling mistake, either in Messala, the speaker, or in the copyists. Crassus was born A. u. c. 614. (See c. 18, note.) Papirius Cai'bo, the person accused, was consul, A.U. 0. 634, and the prosecution was in the following year, when Crassus expressly says, that he was then only one-and-twenty. (De Orat. lib. iii. 74.) Pliny the consul was another instance of early pleading. He says himself, that he began his career in the forum at the age of nineteen, and, after long practice, he could only see the functions of an orator as it were in a mist, (Lib. v. epist. 8.) Quintilian relates of Caesar, Calvus, and Pollio, that they all three appeared at the bar, long before they arrived at their qutestorian age, which was seven-and-twenty. 2 Lipsius, in his note on this passage, says, that he once thought the word scena in the text ought to be changed to schola ; but he after¬ wards saw his mistake. The place of fictitious declamation and spurious eloquence, where the teachers played a ridiculous part, was properly called a theatrical scene. ® Lucius Licinius Crassus and Domitius iEnobarbus were censors A.U. C. 662. Aulus Gellius mentions a former expulsion of the rheto¬ ricians, by a decree of the senate, in the consulship of Fannius Strabo and Valerius Messala, A.u.c. 593. He gives the words of the decree, and also of the edict, by which the teachers were banished by Crassus, several years after. See A. Gellius, Noctes Atticae, lib. xv. 2. See also Suetonius, De Claris Khet. s. 1. (i c. 35.] demies, where it is hard to determine whether the place, the CONCERNING ORATORY 443 company, or the method of instruction is most likely to infect the minds of young people, and produce a wrong turn of thought. There can be notliing to inspire respect in a place where all who enter it are of the same low degree of under¬ standing ; nor any advantage to be received from their fellow- students, where a parcel of boys and raw youths of unripe judgments harangue before each other, without the least fear j or danger of criticism. And as for their exercises, they are ridiculous in their very nature. They consist of two kinds, and are either persu asive or controversial. The first, as being easier and requiring less skill, is assigned to the younger lads; the other is the task of more mature years. But, good gods! with what incredible absurdity are they con) posed I And this as a matter of course, for t he style of the declamations must needs accord with the preposterous nature of "the subjects. Thus being taught to harangue^ in a most pompous diction, on the rewards due to tyrannicides, on the election to be ^ ^ Seneca h as left a collection of declamations in the two kinds, viz. the persuasive and controversial. (See his Suasoriae and Controversiae.) In the first class, the questions are, Whether Alexander should attempt the Indian Ocean ? Whether he should enter Babylon when the augurs denounced impending danger ? Whether Cicero, to appease the wrath of Mark Antony, should burn all his works? The subjects in the second class are more complex. A priestess was taken prisoner by a band of pirates and sold to slavery. The purchaser abandoned her to prostitution. Her person being rendered venal, a soldier made his offers of gallantry. She desired the price of her prostituted charms; but the military man resolved to use force and insolence, and she stabbed him in the attempt. For this she was prosecuted, and acquitted. She then desired to be restored to her rank of priestess: that point was decided against her. These instances may serve as a specimen of the trifling declamations, into which such a man as Seneca was betrayed by his own imagination. Petronius has described the literary farce of the schools. “Young men,” he says, “were there i trained up in folly, neither seeing nor hearing anything that could be , of use in the business of life. They were taught to think of nothing • but pirates loaded with fetters on the sea-shore; tyrants by their , edicts commanding sons to murder their fathers; the responses of oracles demanding a sacrifice of three or more virgins, in order to abate an epidemic pestilence. All these discourses, void of common sense, are tricked out in the gaudy colours of exquisite eloquence, soft, sweet, and seasoned to the palate. In this ridiculous boy’s play the scholars trifle away their time; they are laughed at in the forum, and still worse, what they learn in their youth they do not forget at an advanced age. (Petron. in Satyrico, c. 3, 4.) 444 A DIALOGUE [o. 36. made by deflowered virgins,^ on the licentiousness of married women, on the ceremonies to be observed in times of pesti¬ lence, with other topics, which are daily debated in the schools, and scarce ever in the forum; when they come before the real judges * * 36 * * *, The spirit of genuine eloquence is kept alive, like a flame, by^ fresh materials, is excited by agitation, and grows brighter as it burns>) The same causes produced the same effect at Rome, and sped the fire of oratory among our ancestors; for though our modern orators have achieved as much as was possible in a settled, peaceable, and happy state; yet their predecessors had manifestly a wider scope in times of turbulence and licence, when all was promiscuous confusion, uncontrolled by a single moderator, and when he was deemed the ablest orator, who had most influence over a restless and ungoverned multitude. Thence came incessant multiplication of laws, promoted by popular cries; thence those harangues of the magistrates prolonged almost to midnight, those impeach¬ ments of the great, those factions of the nobles, those here¬ ditary enmities in particular families; and, in fine, those in¬ cessant struggles between the senate and the commons; all which, though they convulsed the state, yet certainly contri¬ buted to produce and encourage that rich vein of eloquence which discovered itself in those tempestuous days. The more a man signalized himself by his abilities in this art, so much the more easily he opened his road to preferment, and main¬ tained an ascendant over his colleagues, at the same time that it heightened his interest with the nobles, his authority with the senate, and his reputation with the people in general.' The patronage of these admired orators .was courted even by 1 It was one of the questions usually debated in these rhetoric schools, whether the woman who had been ravished should choose to marry the violator of her chastity, or rather have him put to death. ^ Here unfortunately begins a chasm in the original. The words are, “ Cum ad veros judices ventum est, .... rem cogitare .... nihil humile, nihil abjectum eloqui poterat.” This is unintelligible. What follows from the words, “ magna eloquentia sicut flamma,” pal¬ pably belongs to Maternus, who is the last speaker in the Dialogue. The chasm, however, is probably not so great as many commentators have supposed; for according to Ritter and Doederlein, the common notion that Secundus took an active part in this discussion, is un¬ tenable, as appears from the conclusion of the Dialogue; which see. CONCERNING ORATORY. 445 c. 36.] foreign nations;^ magistrates, setting out for the provinces, took care to show them the highest marks of honour, and as studiously cultivated their friendship at their return. Preetor- ships and consulships were bestowed on them without any solicitation on their own part. Nor were they even in a private station without great power, as their advice and influence swayed both the senate and the people. The truth is, it was an established maxim in those days, that, without eloquence, no man could either acquire or maintain any high position in tlie state. And no wonder, indeed, that such notions should universally prevail; since men so distinguished were forced, whether they would or not, to appear before the people; ^ since it was not sufiicient merely to vote in the senate, without sup¬ porting that vote with good sense and eloquence; since in all public impeachments or civil causes, the accused was obliged to answer to the charge in his own person; since written depositions were not admitted in state trials, but the witnesses were called upon to deliver their evidence in open court. Thus^ur ancestors were eloquent, as much by urgent necessity as by splendid encouragements. To be possessed of the power of speech, was esteemed the highest glory; whilst the man who had no tongue was held in contempt.^ Thus they were incited to the pursuit of oratory, no less by the dread of shame than by views of interest, lest they should be classed rather as clients than as patrons; lest they should lose de¬ pendents whom their ancestors had transmitted to them, and see them mix in the train of others; in fine, lest being looked upon as men of mean abilities, they should either fail to obtain high offices, or hold them by a precarious tenure. ^ The colonies, the provinces, and the nations that submitted to the Roman arms, had their patrons in the capital, whom they courted with assiduity. It was this mark of distinction that raised the ambitious citizen to the first honours in the state. To have a number of clients, as well at home as in the most important colonies, was the unremit¬ ting desire, the study and constant labour of all who aimed at pre¬ eminence ; insomuch that, in the time of the old republic, the men who wished to be distinguished patrons, impoverished, and often ruined their families, by their profusion and magnificence. They paid court to the common people, to the provinces, and states in alliance with Rome; and, in their turn, they received the homage of their clients. See Annals, iii. 55. 2 Forced, that is, by the tribunes of the people. Thus Cicero was produced by Apuleius, in the consulship of Antony, and delivered his sixth Philippic against him. I 446 A DIALOGUE - [c. 37. | 37. I know not whether those ancient historical pieces, 1 which were lately collected and published by Mucianus,^ from |i the old libraries where they have hitherto been preserved, have | yet fallen into your hands. This collection consists of eleven | volumes of the public journals, and three of epistles; by i which it appears that Pompey and Crassus ^ gained as much ^ advantage from their eloquence as their arms; that Lucullus, 1 Metellus, Lentulus, Curio,® and the rest of those distinguished 3 ^ Suetonius relates that Vespasian, having undertaken to restore three thousand brazen plates, which had perished in the conflagration , of the ^lOtpitol (see Hist. hi. 71), ordered a diligent search to be made fo^-copies, and thereby furnished the government with a col¬ lection of curious and ancient records, containing the decrees of the ; senate, acts of the commons, and treaties of alliance, almost from the building of the city. (Suetonius, Life of Vespasian, s. 8.) This, with the addition of speeches and letters composed by men of eminence, | was, most probably, the collection published by Mucianus. We may be sure that it contained a fund of information, and curious materials for history, but the whole is unfortunately lost. ^ The person intended in this place must not be confounded with \ Lucius Crassus, the orator celebrated by Cicero in the dialogue De | Oratore. What is here said relates to Marcus Crassus, who was joined | in the triumvirate with Pompey and Caesar; a man famous for his s; riches, his avarice, and his misfortunes. While Caesar was engaged in \ Gaul, and Pompey in Spain, Crassus invaded Asia, where, in a battle with the Parthians, his whole army was cut to pieces. He himself was in danger of being taken prisoner, but he fell by the sword of the enemy. His head was cut ofij and carried to Orodes, the Parthian j king, who ordered liquid gold to be infused into his mouth, that he jJ who thirsted for gold might be glutted with it after his d^th. (Cicero, ^ De Claris Oratoribus, s. 233.) li Lentulus succeeded more by his action than by real ability. With ; a quick and animated countenance, he was not a man of penetration; i though fluent in speech, he had no command of words. His voice was • sweet and melodious; his action graceful; and with those advantages he was able to conceal all other defects. (Cicero, De Claris Oratoribus, s. 234.) Metellus, Lucullus, and Curio are mentioned by Cicero in the same work. Curio was a senator of great spirit and popularity. He ( exerted himself with zeal and ardour for the legal constitution and the liberties of his country against the ambition of Julius Caesar, but after- wards sold himself to that artful politician, and favoured his designs. "1 The calamities that followed are by the best historians laid to his charge. Lucan says of him,— Audax venali comitatur Curiol ingua; y) Vo:^ quondam populi, hbertatemque tueri I Ausus, et armatos plebi miscere potentes.—Phars. lib. L 269 And again, — Momentumque fuit mutatus Curio rerum, 3 Gallorum captus spoliis, et Csesaris auro.—Lib. iv. 849. 9 f CONCERNING ORATORY. 447 c. 37.] chiefs, devoted themselves with great application to this insi¬ nuating art; in a word, that not a single person in those times rose to any considerable degree of power, without the assist¬ ance of the rhetorical talents. To these considerations may be further added, that the dignity and importance of the debates in which the ancients were engaged, contributed greatly to advance their eloquence. A vast difference, indeed, it makes, whether the orator is to harangue only upon some trifling robbery, or a little paltry form of pleading; or upon such topics as bribery at elections, the oppression of our allies, or the massacre of our fellow^-citizens. Evils these, which, beyond all peradventure, it were better should never happen; and we have reason to rejoice that we live under a government where we are strangers to such terrible calamities: still it must be acknowledged, that wherever they did happen, they were wonderful incentives to eloquence. fFor the orator’s genius rises and expands in proportion to me dignity of the occasion upon which it is exerted; and no magnificent speech was ever yet delivered except upon a subject of adequate im¬ portance. ) Thus the speeches of Demosthenes against his guardians^ scarcely, I imagine, established his character; nor was it the defence of Archias, or of Quinctius, that acquired for Cicero the reputation of a consummate orator. It was Catiline, and Milo, and Verres, and Mark Antony, that in¬ vested him with his unequalled fame. Far am I from insi¬ nuating, that such infamous characters deserve to be tolerated in a state, in order to supply convenient matter of oratory: all I contend for is, that this art flourishes to most advantage in turbulent times. Peace, no doubt, is infinitely preferable to war; but it is the latter only that forms the soldier. It is just the same with Eloquence: the oftener she enters, if I may so say, the field of battle, the more wounds she gives ^ Demostbenes, when not more than seven years old, lost his father, and was left under the care of three guardians, who thought an orphan lawful prey, and did not scruple to embezzle his effects. In the mean¬ time, Demosthenes pursued a plan of education without the aid or advice of his tutors. He became the scholar of Isocrates, and he was the hearer of Plato. Under those masters his progress was such, that at the age of seventeen he was able to conduct a suit against his guardians. The young orator succeeded so well in that prelude to his future fame, that the plunderers of the orphan’s portion were con¬ demned to refund a large sum. It is said that Demosthenes, after¬ wards, released the whole or the greatest part. 448 A DIALOGUE [c. 38. and receives, the more powerful the adversary with whom she contends, so much the more ennobled she appears in the eyes of mankind, whose nature it is to look distastefully on what is tame and placid. 38. I proceed to another advantage of the ancient forum; I mean the form of proceeding and the rules of practice ob¬ served in those days. (Our modern custom is, I grant, more conducive to truth ana justice; but that of former times gave to eloquence a free career, and by consequence, greater weight and splendour, ^he advocate was not, as now, confined to a few hours he might adjourn as often as it suited his conve¬ nience ; he might expatiate, as his genius prompted him: and the number of days, like that of the several patrons, was unli¬ mited. Pompey, in his third consulship,^ was the first who gave a check to eloquence, and, as it were, bridled its spirit, but still he left all causes to be tried according to law in the forum, and before the pr£etors. The importance of the business, which was decided in that court of justice, will be evident, if we compare it with the transactions before the centumvirs,^ who at present have cognisance of all matters ’ The rule for allowing a limited space of time for the hearing of causes, the extent of which could not be known, began, as Pliny the younger informs us, under the emperors, and was fully established for the reasons which he gives. The custom, he says, of allowing two water-glasses {i. e. two hour-glasses), or only one, and sometimes half a one, prevailed, because the advocates grew tired before the business was explained, and the judges were ready to decide before they under¬ stood the question. Pliny, with some indignation, asks, “ Are we wiser than our ancestors ? are the laws more just at present ? Our ancestors allowed many hours, many days, and many adjouimments, in every cause; and for my part, as often as I sit in judgment, I allow as much time as the advocate requires; for would it not be rashness to guess what space of time is necessary in a cause which has not been opened ? But some unnecessary things may be said; and is it not better that what is unnecessary should be spoken, than that what is necessary should be omitted ? And who can tell what is necessary till he has heard ? Patience in a judge ought to be considered as one of the chief branches of his duty, as it certainly is of justice.” See Plin. lib. vi. ep. 2. 2 Pompey’s third consulship was A. u. c. 702, b. c. 52. He was at first sole consul, and in six or seven months Metellus Scipio became his colleague. ^ The centumviri, as mentioned c. 7, note, were a body of men com¬ posed of three out of every tribe, for the decision of such matters as the praetors referred to their judgment. The nature of the several causes that came before that judicature may be seen in the first book De Oratore. COXCERXIXG ORATORY. 449 c. 39.] whatever. We have not so much as one oration of Cicero or Caesar, of Brutus, Caelius, or Calvus, or any other person famous for his eloquence, which was delivered before the last- mentioned jurisdiction, excepting only the speeches of Asinius Pollio 1 for the heirs of Urbinia. But those speeches were delivered about the middle of the reign' of Augustus, when, after a long peace with foreign nations, and a profound tran¬ quillity at home, that wise and politic prince had conquered all opposition, and not only triumphed over party and faction, but subdued eloquence itself. 39. What I am going to say will appear, perhaps, too minute; it may border, on the ridiculous, and excite your mirth: with all my heart; I will hazard it for that very reason. The dress now in use at the bar has an air of mean¬ ness : the speaker is confined in a close robe,^ and loses all the grace of action. The very courts of judicature are another ’ objection; all causes are heard, at present, in little narrow rooms, where spirit and strenuous exertion are unnecessary. ' The orator, like a generous steed, requires liberty and ample j space :^]before a scanty tribunal his spirit droops, and the dulness_of the scene damps the powers of genius. Add to this, we pay no attention to style; and indeed how should we? | No time is allowed for the beauties of composition: the judge calls upon you to begin, and you must obey, liable at the same time to frequent interruptions, while documents are read, and witnesses examined. Two or three stragglers are present, and to them the whole business seems to be trans- ^ The question in this cause before the centumviri was, whether Clusinius Figulus, the son of Urbinia, fled from his post in battle, and, being taken prisoner, remained in captivity during a length of time, till he made his escape into Italy; or, as was contended by Asinius Pollio, whether the defendant did not serve under two masters, who practised physic, and, being discharged by them, voluntarily sell him¬ self as a slave ? See Quintilian, lib. vii. 2. 2 The advocates at that time wore a tight cloak, or mantle, like that which the Romans used on a journey. Cicero, in his oration for Milo, argues that he who wore that inconvenient dress was not likely to have formed a design against the life of any man. A travelling-cloak could give neither grace nor dignity to an orator at the bar. The business was transacted in a kind of chat with the judges; what room for eloquence, and that commanding action which springs from the emotions of the soul, and inflames every breast with kindi-ed passions ? The cold inanimate orator is described by Quintilian, speaking with his hand under his robe; “ manum intra pallium continens.” TAO. —VOL. II. G G 450 A DIALOGUE [C. 40. acted in solitude. But the orator requires a difierent scene. He delights in clamour, tumult, and bursts' of applause. Eloquence must have her theatre, as was the case in ancient times, when the forum was crowded with the first men in Rome; when a numerous train of clients, the people in their several tribes, and ambassadors from the colonies and a great part of Italy, attended to hear the debate; in short, when all Rome was interested in the event. We know that in the cases of Cornelius, Scaurus, Milo, Bestia, and Vatinius, the concourse was so great, that those several causes were tried before the whole body of the people. A scene so vast and magnificent was enough to inflame the most languid orator. The speeches delivered upon those occasions are in everybody’s hands, and, by these above all others, we of this day estimate the genius of the respective authors. 40. If we now consider the frequent assemblies of the people, and the right of prosecuting the most eminent men in tlie state; if we reflect on the glory that sprung from the declared hostility of the most illustrious characters; if we recollect, that even Scipio, Sylla, and Pompey were not shel¬ tered from the storms of eloquence; that the malignity of the human heart, always adverse to superior characters, encou¬ raged the orator to persist; that the very players, by sarcastic allusions to men in power, gratified the public ear,—what a number of causes shall we see conspiring to rouse the spirit of the ancient forum! I am not speaking now of that temperate^ faculty which delights in quiet times, supported by its own integrity, and the virtues of moderation. I speak of that great and notable eloquence, the offspring of that licentious¬ ness, to which fools have given the name of liberty: I speak ^ Maternus is now drawing to a conclusion, and therefore calls to mind the proposition with which he set out, viz. that the flame of oratory is kept alive by fresh materials, and always blazes forth in times of danger and public commotion. The unimpassioned style whicn suited the Areopagus of Athens, or the courts of Eome, where the advocate spoke by an hour-glass, does not deserve the name of genuine eloquence. The orations of Cicero for Marcellus, Ligarius, and king Deiotarus, were spoken before Caesar, when he was master of the Roman world. In those speeches, what have we to admire, except delicacy of sentiment, and elegance of diction? How difierent from the torrent, tempest, and whirlwind of passion that roused, inflamed and commanded the senate and the people against Catihne ar d Mark Antony ! 451 C. 41.] CONCERNING ORATORY. ©f bold and turbulent oratory, that inflamer of the people, and constant companion of sedition j that fierce incendiary, that knows no compliance, and scorns to temporize; busy, rash, and arrogant, but, in quiet and well-regulated govern¬ ments, utterly unknown. Who ever heard of an orator at Crete or Lacedsemon^ In those states a system of rigorous discipline and rigorous laws were established. Macedonian and Persian eloquence are equally unknown. The same may be said of every country, where the plan of government was I fixed and uniform. Rhodes and Athens (places of popular rule, where all things lay open to all men) swarmed with orators innumerable. .Tn the same manner, Rome, while she was under no settled policy; while she was torn with parties, dissensions, and factions; while there was no peace in the forum, no harmony in the senate, no moderation in the judges; while there was neither reverence paid to superiors, nor bounds prescribed to magistrates,—Rome, under these circumstances, produced, beyond all dispute, a stronger and brighter vein of eloquence; as in the wild uncultivated field ceitain plants will flourish with uncommon vigour. But the tongue of the Gracchi did nowise compensate the republic for their seditious laws; nor the superior eloquence of Cicero make him any amends for his sad catastrophe. ^ • r. 41. So too our modern forum (that single relic which now survives of ancient oratory) gives proof that all things in the state are not even yet conducted in that perfectly well-ordered manner one could wish. For, tell me, is it not the guilty or the miserable alone, who fly to us for assistance'? When any community implores our protection, is it not be¬ cause it either is insulted by some neighbouring state, or torn by domestic feuds'? And what province ever seeks our patronage, till she has been plundered or oppressed? But far better it surely is, never to have been injured, than at last to be redressed. If there was a government m the world free from commotions and disturbances, the pro¬ fession of oratory would there be as useless, as that of medicine to the sound: and as the physician would have little practice or profit among the healthy and the strong, so neither would the orator have much business or honour where obedience and good manners universally prevail. To what purpose are studied speeches in a senate, where the better and the G G 2 A DIALOGUE CONCERNING ORATORY. [c. 4t\ maj or part of the assembly are already of one mind ? What the expediency of haranguing the populace, where public afiairs are not determined by the voice of an ignorant and giddy multitude, but by the steady wisdom of a single person? To what end voluntary informations, where crimes are unfrequent and inconsiderable? or of laboured and invidious defences where the clemency of the judge is ever on the side of the accused? Believe me then, my worthy (and, as far as the cir¬ cumstances of the age require, my eloquent) friends, had the gods reversed the date of your existence, and placed you in the times of those ancients we so much admire, and them in yours; you would not have fallen short of that glorious spirit which distinguished their oratory, nor would they have been destitute of a proper temperance and moderation. But since a high reputation for eloquence is not consistent with great repose in the public, let every age enjoy its own peculiar ad¬ vantages, without derogating from those of a former. 42. Matqmu^ having ended, Messala observed, that some of the points which his friend had. Taid down, were not perfectly agreeable to his sentiments; and there were others which he wished to hear explained more at largo: but the time is now, said he, too far advanced.—If I have maintained anything, replied Maternus, which seems to require expla¬ nation, I shall be ready to clear it up in some future confer¬ ence : at the same time, rising from his seat and embracing Aper; Messala and I (continued he smiling) shall arraign you, be well assured, before the poets and admirers of the ancients. And I both of you (returned Aper) before the rhetoricians.^ Thus we parted in mutual good-humour. three speakers are here mentioned, Maternus, Messala, and Aper, whence Ritter mfers with great probability that Secundus took no direct part in the controversy. i I INDEX. Abdageses, the Parthian, his great power, i. 237; supports Tiridates, 237; is vested with the whole power of the party, 240; his unfortunate counsel to Tiridates, 241. Abdus, the eunuch, his authority in Par¬ thia, i. 232; is poisoned by Artabanus, 233. Accusations, their progress under Tibe¬ rius, i. 131; how incessant and pre¬ vailing, 178; the most pestilent cala¬ mity of the time, 216; frequency of accusation, and baseness of many of the accused in the time of Nero, 431, 432. Accusers, what bloody and destructive instruments, i. 172; what powerful protection they find, 178; their fury continued, 198 ; law against them under Otho, ii. 75. See Informers. Accusers, public, their safety in pro¬ portion to the public hate, i. 178. Aceronia, one of Agrippina’s women, mistaken for her lady, and murdered, i. 356. Aceronius, Cneius, consul, i. 242. Achaia, the government of that province changed, i. 53. Achaia and Asia alarmed with a coun¬ terfeit Nero, ii. 74. Acilius, Marcus, consul, i. 309. Aeratus, freedman to Nero, a pestilent instrument and spoiler, i. 424. Acte, Nero’s mistress, i. 319; is intro¬ duced by Seneca, as an antidote against the enticements of Agrippina, 354. Acutia condemned for treason, i. 243. Adgandestrius, prince of the Chattians, offers to the senate to poison Arminius, i. 107 ; the reply, 107. Adiabenians, their sufferings and com¬ plaints, i. 396. Adoption of children for political pur¬ poses, i. 87. Adoptions, fraudulent, their prevalence and iniquity, i. 407; a decree of senate against the abuse, 407. Adorsians. See Eunones. Adultery, punishment of, under Lex Julia, i. 86. .®duans, insurrection of the, i. 133; ad¬ mitted into the senate, 264. iEgium, a Greek city, relieved of tribute, and why, i. 163. iEsculapius, his temple at Pergamus found to be a genuine sanctuary, i. 163. See Coos. .iEstii, their customs, manners, and situation, ii. 338. Afer, Domitius, a zealous accuser, i. 190;' arraigns Claudia Pulchra, 190; he is more eloquent than upright, 190; pursues the profession of accuser, and attacks Quintilius Varus, 190; his vile motions, 199; his death and cha¬ racter, 199. Afranius. See Burrus. Africa, wars there, i. 87, 119; the forces there, 157. Africanus, Julius, accused, i. 216. Africanus, Sextius, i. 325; appointed to assess the Gauls, 382. Agerinus, Agrippina’s freedman, falsely charged with treason against Nero, and put in chains, i. 358. Agrestis, Julius, a centurion, remark¬ able instance of his faith, fortitude, and firmness of spirit, ii. 170. Agricola, Cneius Julius, introduction to the history of his life, ii. 344 ; his birth and descent, 347; manner and place of his education, 348; his pru¬ dent behaviour and conduct while young, 349; marries Domitia Deci- 456 DsDEX. diana, 350; his preferments, 350; his probity in all offices, 350 ; his address and behaviour to Cerealis, 352; is ad¬ vanced by Vespasian to the rank of patrician, 352; and to the government of Aquitania, 352; his glorious cha¬ racter as a magistrate, 353; is called to the consulship, 353; his behaviour in Britain on his arrival there, 363; attacks the Ordovices, and defeats them, 363; conquers Mona, 364; his gallant behaviour thereupon, 364; he erects forts and garrisons throughout all the known parts of Britain, 366, 367: by his mild and gentle treatment of the Britons they are brought to love the Roman customs, 366 ; his skill in erecting forts, 367 ; passes the Frith, and subdues several nations, till then unknown, 368; places forces in that part of Britain fronting Ireland, 368; the diiiposal of his army to fight the Caledonians, 369 ; he fights and routs them, 370; leads his army to the Grampian Hills, 371 ; his animating speech to his army there, 374; he en¬ gages the Britons under command of Calgacus, 376; his behaviour and conduct, 376; entirely vanquishes them, 379 ; after the fight he receives hostages of the Britons, and orders his fleet and army into winter quarters, 379 ; he writes to the emperor a modest relation of these actions, 380; leaves the government of Britain, and arrives at Rome, 381; his reception by the emperor, 381; his behaviour and cha- ■•■acter, 381; by his signal merit he in¬ curs the envy and hate of the emperor and his vicious courtiers, 382; is per¬ suaded to petition the emperor to ex¬ cuse his going as proconsul to Asia, 382; he dies, not without suspicion of being poisoned by Domitian’s order, 384; glorious character of him, 385. Agrippa, king of Judaea, his death, i. 285. Agrippa, Asinius, consul, i. 176; his death and character, 196. Agrippa, Fonteius, oflTers to implead Libo Drusus, i. 72 ; why his daughter not made chief vestal, 106. Agrippa, Haterius, stands for the prae- torsliip, i. 87; bis severe sentence against Priscus, 137; his scandalous flattery, 142; his malice and debauched life, 214. Agrippa, Julius, banished, i. 441. Agrippa, Marcus, his character, dig¬ nities, and death, i. 3 ; all his children but one die a violent death, 119. Agrippa. Posthumus, banished by his grandfather Augustus, at the insti¬ gation of Livia, i. 4; his character, 4; the first sacrifice upon the accession of Tiberius, 6. Agrippa, Vihulenus, a Roman knight, poisons himself in the senate-house, i. 238. Agrippina, wife to Germanicus, her fruit- ' fulness, chastity, love for her husband, and vehement but virtuous spirit, i. 25 ; is hated by Livia, 25 ; her mourn¬ ful departure from her husband during a sedition of the army, 30 ; is pitied by the soldiery, who thence relent, 30; her magnanimity and kind treatment to the soldiers, 48; thence rouses the jealousy of Tiberius, 48; she embarks for Rome with her husband’s ashes, and her children, 100; her virtue and forlorn lot, 100 ; her fleet meet that of Piso, 102; they each fear to engage, 102; she lands in Italy, 108; is re¬ ceived by a great conflux of people, 108; her indiscretion, 162; she is de¬ ceived by the arts of Sejanus, 162 ; her incorruptible chastity, 102; the uni¬ versal sympathy and mourning of the people, 162 ; her vehemence, 190; her just reproaches upon Tiberius, 191; she desires a second husband, to pro¬ tect her from her enemies, 191; is further inflamed by the secret agents of Sejanus, 191 ; her haughty beha¬ viour, 191; guards and spies, placed about her, 200; is arraigned in the senate by bitter letters from Tiberius, 207; an insurrection of the people in her behalf, 208; her tragical death, 227; the shameful rage of Tiberius against her after she was dead. 227; her cha¬ racter, 227. Agrippina the younger, mother of Nero, writes Memoirs, i. 191; she is married to Cneius Domitius, 205; persecuted by Messalina, 255; recommended to Claudius for a wife, by Pallas, 273; caresses her uncle Claudius, and se¬ cures her marriage with him, 274; meditates a match between her son and his daughter, 274; her absolute sway, 277 ; her behaviour and cha¬ racter, 277; recalls Seneca from exile, and her reasons for this, 277; esta¬ blishes a colony, and calls it by her own name, 287; what mighty power she assumes, 293; her management of the emperor, 295 ; removes Cris- pinus and Geta, captains of the guards, and in their room puts Burrus Afra¬ nius, 296; inveighs against Narcissus, 306; covets the gardens of Statilius Taurus, and procures his doom, 307 ; resolves on the death of Claudius, 310 ; procures the condemnation and death of Domitia Lepida, 310; employs Locusta to prepare poison for Claudius, 311; calls in the help of Xenophon, 312; affects great sorrow, caresses Britannicus and Octavia, 312; pro¬ cures Nero to be declared emperor., .jT- INDEX. 457 S12; directs Julius Silanus to be mur¬ dered, 313; had directed the murder of his brother Lucius, 313; intends a torrent of slaughters, 314; her violent lust of dominion, and tempestuous spirit, 314; is created priestess to Claudius, 314; opposes the proceed¬ ings of the senate, 316; attempts to ascend the imperial tribunal, and to give audience to the ambassadors, 316; her fury against Acte, and against Nero, 320; she changes her arts, and even tempts him to incest, 320; waxes violent again, and reproaches him, 320; treats him with menaces, de¬ clares for Britannicus, regrets the murder of Claudius, and reviles Seneca and Burrus, 321 ; her consternation upon the murder of Britannicus, 323 ; caresses Octavia, amasses ihoney, courts the officers and nobility, 324; is deprived of her guards, and for¬ saken by her wonted followers, 325; is charged with a conspiracy against her son, 325; heard in her defence, 326; the boldness of it, 326 ; insists on vengeance upon her accusers, and rewards to her friends, and obtains both, 327; tempts her son to incest, 354; her behaviour from her infancy, 354; is designedly shipwrecked,but escapes. 356; dissembles her apprehensions, 357; sympathy and concern of the populace upon discovering her danger, 358; her house beset with armed men, her domestics fly, the assassins enter, 358; her speech to them, her murder, 359; her humble funeral, 359; her end foretold, 359 ; shrieks said to be heard from her grave, 360; decrees of the senate against her memory, 361. Agrippinian colony, its foundation, i. 287 ; its people slaughter the Gennans dwelling among them, ii. 257; their treacherous destruction of the Chau- cian and Frisian cohorts, 257. Agrippinus, Paconius, accused, i. 460; his innocence, 461; and banishment, 463. Albanians, whence sprung, i. 234. Albinus, Luceius, governor of Mauri¬ tania, murdered, as also his wife, ii. 106. Albucilla charged with devising charms against the life of Tiberius, i. 244; kills herself, 245. Aletus, Marcus, chosen by the senate to survey and relieve the Asiatic cities ruined by an earthquake, i. 85. Alexander, Tiberius, an illustrious Ro¬ man knight, an assistant to Corbulo in the East, i. 412. Alexander, Tiberius, governor of Egypt, ii. 9. Alliaria, wife of Sempronius Gracchus, i. 38. Allies, those of Rome, what forces they furnished, i. 157. Alphabetic characters, invention of, i. 256 ; tlie Roman alphabet added to by Claudius, 256. Alphenus, Varus, abandons the army, i. 176. Alpinus, Montanus, captain of a cohort, confirms to the troops of Vitellius the fate of the battle at Cremona, ii. 218 ; conveys orders to Civilis to forbear war, 219. Alps, Maritime, their inhabitants pre¬ sented with the privileges of Latium, i. 414. Altinus, Julius, banished, i. 455. Amber, where found, and by whom, ii. 339; conjecture about its production, 339 ; its nature and quality, 340. Amisia, the river and town of that name, i. 60. Ampius, Titus Flavianus, governor of Pannonia, ii. 124; is pepuaded by Fuscus to join him, 137; in danger of being murdered by the soldiers, 141; is saved by Antonius, and departs from the army, 142. Ampsivarians, expelled by the Chau- ciaus, seek a new settlement, i. 350; are forced to wander from place to place, and at last perish, 351. Ancharius, Priscus, accuses Caesius Cordus, proconsul of Crete, i. 131. Andecavii, revolt of the, i. 133; sui>- pressed, 133. Angli. See Longobards. Angrivarii, account of their country and customs, ii. 323 ; revolt, and are chas¬ tised, i. 60 ; they submit, and are par¬ doned, 68. Anieetus, Nero’s freedman, commander of the fleet at Misenum, his contri¬ vance for murdering Agrippina, i. 354; it miscarries, 356; undertakes to ac¬ complish the murder, 358; after the murder of Agrippina, he is detested by her son, 393; yet prompted by him to feign an adulterous commerce with Octavia, 393; suifers a sort of banish¬ ment, and dies naturally, 394. Anieetus, freedman to king Polemon, his adventures, i. 166. Anicius, Cerialis, consul elect, moves for a temple to Nero, with the title of deification, i. 443; this motion why judged ominous, 443; his accusation and doom, 453. Annius, Vivianus, son-in-law to Cor¬ bulo, commands the fifth legion, i. 413. Anteius directs the building of a fleet, i. 59. Anteius, Publius, made governor of Syria, but detained from possessing it, i. 327; he is accused, and swallows poison, 451. 458 INDEX, Antioch, city of, cenotaph to Germani¬ cus at, i. 105. Antiochus, king of Cilicia, i. 305. Antiochus, king of Commagena, his death, i. 81. Antistius, Sosianus, tribune of the peo¬ ple, his conduct censured hy the senate, i. 331; when praetor, writes a bitter satire against Nero, 383; hence ar¬ raigned for treason, 383; condemned to exile, and his estate confiscated, 384; afterwards becomes an informer, 451; again banished, ii. 229. Antistius, Caius, consul, i. 154; his se¬ cond consulship, 285. Antonia, the daughter of Claudius, es¬ poused to Cornelius Sylla, i. 327. Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, i. 109. Antonius, Flamma, convicted of extor¬ tion, and banished, i. 230. Antonius, Haterius, poor through pro¬ digality, hut supported by Nero, i. 334. Antonius, Lucius, an exile, his death and funeral honours, i. 185. Antonius, Primus. See Primus. Antony, his power swallowed up in that of Augustus, i. 2. Apamea, the city of, overthrown by an earthquake, eased of tribute for five years, i. 306. Aper, Marcus, an orator, ii. 391. Aphrodisians, their claim to a sanctuary, whence, !. 145; what deity they wor¬ shipped, 145. Apicata, the wife of Sejanus, divorced, i. 156; discovered the murder of Dru¬ sus, 161. Apinius, Tiro, commands the revolters at Misenum, ii. 172. Apion, king, bequeaths his kingdom to the Roman people, i. 365. Apollinaris, Claudius, commander of the fleet at Misenum, when it revolted to Vespasian, ii. 172; escapes from Ter- racina, 188. Apollo, Clarian, his oracles, how deli¬ vered at Colophon, i. 89. Aponianus, Duillius, joins Antonius Pri¬ mus, and brings with him the third legion, ii. 141. Aponius, Saturninus, a general officer, ii. 140; narrowlj^ escapes being mur- dured by the soldiers, 142; retires to Padua, 142. Appius, Appianus, for his vices degraded from the senate, i. 85. Apronius, Caesianus, drives Tacfarinas and his forces back to the desert, i. 120. Apronius, Lucius, a Roman knight, em¬ ployed to carry the demands of the soldiery to Tiberius, i. 22; he is left behind by Germanicus to secure his retreat, 39; is distinguished with the ornaments of a triumph, 50; his flat¬ tery, 74. Apronius, Lucius, governor and procon¬ sul of Africa, his exemplary severity to the soldiers, i. 120; its influence, 120; protects young Gracchus, 163. Apronius, Lucius, governor of Lower Germanv, attacks the Frisians with various success, i. 203, 204. Apuleius, Sextus, consul, i. 7. Aquila, Julius, a Roman knight, com¬ mands some forces in Bosporus, i. 281; rewarded with the ornaments of the praetorship, 284. Aquilia, punished for adultery, i. 183. Aquilius, a principal centurion, ii. 206. Ararius, Vulcatus, a Roman knight, one of the conspirators against Nero, i. 426. Arbela, the great battle there, i. 279. Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, under the displeasure of Tiberius, and why, i. 81; he is inveigled to Rome, ac¬ cused, and dies, 81. ' Argius buries his former master, Galba, ii. 35. Argolicus, a noble Greek, falls by the cruelty of Tiberius, i. 223. Arians. See Lygians. Ariobarzanes, king of Armenia, killed by accident, i. 58. Aristobulus created king of the Lesser Armenia by Nero, i. 317. Armenia, contest about, between Rome and Parthia, i. 57; is evacuated both by the Romans and Parthians, 400. Armenians, how estranged from the Ro¬ mans, i. 57; their fickleness and situa¬ tion, 90; they are faithless and double- minded, 334. Armies, the mutinous, in Germany medi¬ tate an union, i. 27; a device to pacify them, but without effect, 28. Arminius, a German chief, his character, i. 38; how violently enraged with the captivity of his wife, and that of his child yet unborn, 40; inflames the Cheruscans to arms, and inveighs against the Romans and Segestes, 41; retires to the deserts, 44; engages and distresses the Romans in a morass, 44; the latter are supported by Germani¬ cus, 44; his conference with his bro¬ ther Flavius, 61; suborns the Roman soldiers to desert, 63; harangues his men, 64; his bravery and escape, 56; his activity fails him, 67; is a cham¬ pion for liberty, 84; animates his men by a speech, 84; defeats Maroboduus, 84; aims to enslave his country, 107; falls by the fraud of his kindred, 107 ; he was the deliverer of Germany, and a great captain, 107; and never con¬ quered, 107. Army, in Germany, mutiny in the, i. 17, 23; in Judaea and Syria, sworn to Otho, ii. 55; as is that in Africa, 55; the disposition of Otho’s army, 64; it is commanded by Silvanus Titianus, INDEX. 459 85; that led by Valens, its mutiny and insurrection, and how quelled, 87; both armies engage near Bedriacum, that of Vitellius obtains a victory, 95; Otho’s army despatch deputies to treat of a peace, which is gladly embraced by that of Vitellius, 98; the meeting of the armies, 98; that of Vitellius let loose to spoil and ravage, 105; that of Otho, after his death, embarrasses Vitellius, 111; a great part of it dis¬ charged by him. 111; that in the East swears to Vespasian, 121; as does that under the command of Caecina, 144; they expostulate, revolt, and put Cae¬ cina in fetters, 144; they choose for leaders Fabius Fabullus and Cassius Longus, 144; are beaten by Antonins, 147; are strengthened by fresh legions, renew the battle, and are again a/er- come, 154; are totally routed at Cre¬ mona, 155; revolt to Vespasian, 163; a terrible account of the conquering army, 168; Vitellius’s army desert and revolt, 175; that of Vespasian, under the command of Antonius, arrives at Rome, which, after much resistance, they enter, 191; their cruelty and li¬ centiousness, 192; the armies of Vo¬ cula and Civilis engage, 221; that of Civilis beaten, but not pursued, 221; the army of Julius Sabinus beaten by the Sequanians, 246; that of Tutor routed by Sextilius, 250; that of Va¬ lentinus, at Rigodulum, vanquished, and he taken by Cerealis, 251; the meeting of the legions from the Me- diomatricians vrith those of Cerealis, 252; the army under Cerealis entrench themselves, 254; in that of the Ger¬ mans, different opinions prevail, 255; upon debate, the advice of Tutor to attack is approved, 255 ; the order of the German army described, 255; that under Agricola routs the Caledonians, 369; that of the Britons, under Galga- cus, their number and order, 371; that under Agricola, its disposition and order at the Grampian hills, 376; that under Galgacus and that of Agricola engage, 377; the former routed, 378; that of Agricola retires into winter quarters, 379. Arpus, prince of the Cattians, his wife and daughter taken, i. 60. Arretinus, Clemens, appointed com¬ mander of the praetorian guards in the room of Varus, ii. 247 ; his character, 247. Arria, wife of Thrasea Paetus, desirous to die with him, i. 463. Arrius, Varus. See Varus. Arruntius, Lucius, incurs the displea¬ sure of Tiberius, i. 12; is obnoxious for his great qualifications and for¬ tune, 13; was accounted equal to the sovereignty by Augustus, 13; and thence doomed to destruction by Tibe¬ rius, 13: he is employed with Capito to restrain the Tiber within its banks, 54; is accused, 244; his fine and af¬ fecting reasoning, 244; kills himself, 245. Arsamosata, a castle garrisoned by Cae- sennius Paetus, i. 401. Artabanus gains the kingdom of Parthia. i. 57; his embassy to Germanicus, 91; his arrogance and tyranny, 232; he despises Tiberius, and seizes Armenia for his son, 232; his politics, 232; his affairs ruined, and he flees from his kingdom, 235, 236; is accounted, bar¬ barously cruel, 239; is recalled by his subjects, 240; his activity and good conduct, 241; his success, 241. Artavasdes, king of Armenia, deceived by Mark Antony, put in bonds, and slain, i. 57, 58. Artaxata, the city of, burned and demo¬ lished, i. 340; a wonderful phenome¬ non there, 340. Artaxias, king of Armenia, slain by a conspiracy of his kindred, i. 58. Artaxias, or Zeno, made king of Armenia by Germanicus, i. 90. Arulenus, Rusticus, tribune of the peo¬ ple, a daring proposal of his in behalf of Thrasea Paetus, i. 459; suffers death, ii. 346. Aruseius, Lucius, put to death, i. 238. Asclepiodotus, Cassius, his faithful and signal friendship to Soranus to the last, i. 463; hence despoiled of his whole fortune, and banished, 463. Asia, twelve noble cities there over¬ thrown by an earthquake, i. 85 ; they are relieved by Tiberius, 85; they de¬ cree a temple to Tiberius, the senate, and Livia, 164; contend for the honour of erecting the temple decreed to Tibe¬ rius and the senate, 191; their several pleas, 192; Smyrna preferred, 193. Asiaticus, anlinfamous freedman, knight¬ ed by Vitellius, ii. 105 ; his execution demanded by the soldiers, 130; his death, 203. Asiaticus, Valerius, accused and seized, i. 247; his voluntary death, 247. Asiaticus, Valerius, consul elect, ii. 198. Asinius, Caius, consul, i. 54. Asinius, Lucius, consul, i. 383. Asinius, Marcus, consul, i. 309. Asper, Sulpicius, the centurion, zealous in the conspiracy agamst Nero, i. 425 ; his reproach to Nero, fortitude, and death, 438. Asprenas, Calpurnius, governor of Ga¬ latia and Pamphylia, contrives the destruction of the counterfeit Nero, ii. 74. Asprenas, Lucius, proconsul of Africa, i. 38. 4G0 INDEX Astrologers, a decree for driving them from Rome, i. 74; impudent deceivers, excluded by law, but entertained against it, ii. 18; banished out of Italy by Vitellius, 108; Tlirasullus the astro¬ loger, i. 224. Astrology, judicial, its falsehood, i. 194. Atilia, mother to Lucan, accused amongst the conspirators against Nero, i. 431; escapes trial, 441. Atilius erects a large amphitheatre at Fidena, i. 197; is banished for its falling, 197. Atimetus, a freedman, in a plot against Agrippina, i. 326 ; executed, 327. Atticus, Curtius, by Tiberius doomed to die, i. 219. Aufidienus, Rufus, insulted and abused by the mutinous soldiers, i. 17; his character, 17. Augury of divine protection revived, i. 285. . Augusta, Nero’s daughter by Poppaea, her birth, death, and deification, i. 409. Augustani, a body of young Roman knights, i. 363. Augustodunum, the capital of the Aiduans, i. 133; all the noble youth of Gaul are instructed there in the liberal arts, 133. Augustus, how he acquired the sove¬ reign power, i. 2 ; under what title he assumed it, 2; the spirit of flattery prevailing in his reign, a check upon truth and writers, 2 ; by what arts and gradations he engrossed all power, and with what ease, 2 ; his politics to strengthen his usurpation, 3; the latter end of his reign why so peaceable, 4; he secretly visits his grandson Agrippa in exile, and is thence thought ,to be poisoned by Livia, 5 ; his last will pro¬ duced, its tenor, and who his heirs, 8; his several funeral honours, and by whom proppsed, 8; reflections upon his funeral, 9; various reasoning upon his life and empire, 9 ; he adopted Ti¬ berius without liking him, and why, 11; a temple and worship decreed to him, 11 ; the register and summary kept by him of the state and forces of the empire, 11; his counsel against enlarging the empire, and why, 12; plays in honour of him, by whom annually celebrated, 14; college of priests and public games instituted in his honour, 38; his politics in relation to Egypt, 92; is unhappy in his family, 121; turns adultery into treason, and violates his own laws, 122; institutes laws proper for a single rule, 124; is wont to travel accompanied with Livia, 129; his easy elocution, 315. Aulus, Plautius. See Plautius. Aurelius, Cotta, supported by Nero though a prodigal, i. 334. Aurelius, Marcus, consul, i. 109. Aurelius, Pius, the senator, obtains a recompense for the loss of his house i. 52. Aviola, Acilius, commander of a legion, reduces some rebellious Gauls, i. 133. Aviones. See Longobards. Avitus, Dubius, commander in Ger¬ many, i. 349; his answer to Boiocalus, and measures against the Ampsivia^ rians, 351. Baduhenna, slaughter of the Romans at, i. 204. ' Balbillus, Caius, made governor of Egypt, i. 327. Balbus, Domitius, a will forged in his name, i. 379. Balbus, Lelius, charges Acutia with treason, i. 243; his pestilent character and banishment, 245. Bardanes, a competitor for the crown of Parthia, i. 252; his great vigour, 252 ; he gains the monarchy, 252; victories, tyranny, and assassination, 253. Basilides, priest at Mount Carmel, ii. 119. Bassus, Annius, commander of a legion, his character, ii. 167. Bassus, Cesellius, a Carthaginian, upon the credit of a dream, promises im¬ mense treasure to Nero, i. 443; digs for it in vain, and after much labour spent kills himself in despair, 445. Bassus, Lucilius, commander of Vitel- lius’s fleet, his conference with Caecina, ii. 134; he revolts to Vespasian, 143; his management, 143. Bassus, Saleius, a poet, ii. 393. Batavi, account and character of the, ii. 203. Bathyllus, the pantomime performer, i. 38. Battle in Germany, i. 39; others, 44, 65; in Narbon Gaul, between the forces of Otho and Vitellius, ii. 78; near Cremona, 84; of Castorum, 85; near Bedriacum, 97; another at the same place, 149; on the bank of the Rhine, 206; at Bonna, 210; at the camp near Gelduba, 219; between Julius Sabinus and the Sequanians, 246; between Cerealis and the Ger¬ mans, 257; between Civilis and Ce¬ realis, 277 ; between the Caledonians and Agricola, 369; between Galgacus and Agricola, 376. Bedriacum, a village famous for several battles, ii. 84, 97; Vitellius views the heaps of the slain there without the least emotion, 114; battle there between the forces of Vespasian and Vitellius, 149. Benefits, too large to be returned, their reward, ingratitude, i. 166. INDEX. 461 Berenice, Queen, supports Vespasian’s interest, ii. 121. I Bibulus, Caius, his reasonings in the senate against luxury, i. 138. I Blaesus, in dread of Tiberius, dies by his own hands, i. 239. I Blaesus, Junius, uncle to Sejanus, com¬ mands the legions in Pannonia, i. 15 ; his speeches and behaviour during their insurrection, 16, 17; his son de¬ puted to the emperor by the soldiery, 17 ; he punishes some of the ring¬ leaders and puts them in bonds, 17; they are violently released by the rest, 18; he is in danger of being murdered by the soldiery, 18; named by Tiberius to the government of Africa, 130 ; his feats against Tacfarinas, 152; he is saluted Imperator by the legions, 153. I Blaesus, Junius, governor of Lyonese Gaul, furnishes Vitellius with a most magnificent train at his own charge, ii. 107; thus offends Vitellius, 107; his death sought by Vitellius, 160; is murdered by him, 160; his amiable character, 161. I Blaesus, Pedius, expelled the senate for corruption, i. 365. I Boadicea, a British queen, ignominiously used bv the Romans, and her two daughters deflowered, i 372; leads her people to war, ii. 361; commands the British army, i. 376; her speech to them, 376; is defeated, and ends her life by poisop, 377. 1 Boiocalus leads the Ampsivarians in quest of a new settlement, i. 350; his speech to Dubius Avitus, 350; his re¬ fusal of an advantageous offer to him self, and his resolute declaration, 351. I Bolanus, Vettius, commander of a legion sent to succour Tigranes, i. 307; ruler in Britain, ii. 352; his conduct and character there, 362. I Bononia, the residence of Valens, who entertains Vitellius there, ii. 114. I Brigantes, a people of Britain, reduced by Publius Ostorius, i. 290. \ Briganticus, Julius, commander of a squadron of horse, revolts to Vitel¬ lius, ii. 83; he joins Sextilius Felix, 249 ; he is slain at Vada, 281 I Brinno, his character, ii. 206; is chosen leader of the Canninefates, 206. Britain, its situation and description, ii. 354; first discovered to be an island, 354; its people and inhabitants, 355 ; their religion and character, 3 j 6 ; its clime and fertility, 357; its produce, 357; invasion of, by Ceesar, 359; its princes restore the shipwrecked Ro¬ mans, i. 69; commotions there, 288; revolts, ii. 163; a great slaughter of the Romans, 372; short history of affairs there, 163; it is subdued and settled by Claudius, 359; acc(mnt of several governors, 359 ; Agricola’s con quests at his first coming, 363. Britannicus, son of Claudius by Messa¬ lina, i. 254; not so popular as Lucius Domitius, afterwards Nero, 254; his forlorn condition, 286; is bereft of ail his faithful servants and adherents, 296 ; he sings at a festival, and raises pity, 322; is poisoned, 322; his fune¬ ral, 323. Britons, their religious rites, ii. 356; their manner of making war, 356; tbeir government, 356; oppressed by the Romans, fly to arms, i. 372 ; they at¬ tack the colony of Camalodunum, and raze it, 373; observe no law of war, 375; their extreme cruelty, 375; their immense host and fierceness, 375; they are routed with prodigious slaughter, 377; their improvidence, famine, and stubbornness, 378; they wonder that the victorious Romans should be sub¬ servient to slaves, 378; they would not endure ill treatment from their governors, 359; consult how to shake off their bondage, 360; take arms and assail the Romans, 361; but are again reduced by Suetonius Paullinus, 361 ; by the mild government of Agricola are brought to cultivate arts and sci¬ ences, 367; and adopt the Roman cus¬ toms, 367; are in great dismay at the sight of the Roman fleet, 369; the Caledonians engage Agricola, and are routed, 369; are undaunted at that loss, and by embassies and confedera¬ cies draw together in great numbers on the Grampian hills, 37l; Calgacus’s speech to them there, 372; attack Agri¬ cola, and are utterly vanquished, 377; their desperate and furious behaviour after their defeat, 379. Bructeri, a German nation, described, ii. 323; fire their dwellings, are routed by the Romans, and their whole coun¬ try laid waste, i. 42. Brutus, the founder of liberty and the consulship, i. 1. Burians. See Marsigni. Burrus, Afranius, an officer of great renown, made captain of the guards to Claudius, i. 296; he governs, with Seneca, the youth of Nero, 314; diverts Nero from slaying his mother, and pleads for hearing her defence, 326; is falsely accused, and acquitted, 328; what share he had in the death of Agrip¬ pina, 326, 357 ; praises Nero’s acting, but grieves for him, 363; his death, and loss to the public, 385 ; is thought to be poisoned by Nero, and sorely la¬ mented, 385 ; his death weakens the interest of Seneca, 385. Byzantium, the city of, its happy situa tion directed by Apollo, i. 309 • its pre- 462 INDEX, tensions to favour, 309, is exempted from tribute for five years, 309. Cadicia, the wife of Scevinus, doomed to banishment unheard, i. 441. Cadmus, from Phoenicia, instructs the Greeks in letters, i. 256. Caecilianus, the senator, punished for accusing Cotta, i. 216. Caecilianus, Domitius, an intimate friend of Thrasea Paetus, acquaints him with his doom, i. 463. Caecilianus, Magius, treason forged a- gainst him, i. 131. Caecina, Alienus, an abandoned com¬ mander of a legion, ii. 38; joins Vi¬ tellius, 39 ; riots in spoil and blood, 48; seizes on the money of the Helvetians unjustly, and destroys many of them, 48; passes the Alps, 76 ; his behaviour changed for the better, 81; passes the Po, attempts to corrupt Otho’s forces, and besieges Placentia, 82; is repulsed with loss, 83; repasses the Po, where more forces revolt to him, 83; vexed at his repulse, he meditates an ambus¬ cade at Castores, 85; the design betrayed to Otho’s generals, 85; the greatest part of his army routed, 86 ; is joined by Valens, 88; favoured by the sol¬ diers, and why, 89; derides Valens, yet joins with him for the service of the cause; 89 ; feigns a design to pass the Po, 91; his character, 105; enter¬ tains Vitellius at Cremona, 113; rea¬ sons for suspecting his fidelity to Vitellius, 130 ; his behaviour while at the head of Vitellius’s army, 133; his conference with Lucilius Bassus, 134; encamps between Hostilia and the river Tartarus, 140; has it in his power to destroy the forces of Vespa¬ sian, 140; sends letters to them, and agrees to revolt to them, 140; on the news of the revolt of the fleet he assembles the principal officers, who all swear to Vespasian, 143; they again revolt, and he is put in irons by them, 144; is sued to at Cremona, to inter¬ cede for them with Antonius, 155; is despised by the conquerors, 155 ; An¬ tonius sends him to Vespasian, 155 ; judgment passed against him in the senate, 158. Caecina, Aulus, commands under Ger¬ manicus in the I ower Germany, i. 24 ; is forced to yield to the outrage of the soldiers, 24; is sent by Germanicus through the territories of the Bruc¬ teri to the river Amisia, 42; visits the scene of the defeat of Varus, 43; is beset by Arminius and the Germans at the causeway called the Long Bridges, 44; his brave counsel to his army in distress, 47 ; gains a victory over the Germans, 47; and is distinguished with the ornaments of a triumph, 50; directs the building of a fleet, 59; the ships described, 59. Caecina, Severus, his speech against any provincial magistrate carrying his wife along with him into his province, i. 128 ; his motion eluded, 130. Caelius, Caius, consul, i. 80. Caelius, Cursor, a Roman knight, con¬ victed of forging a charge of treason, i. 131. Caelius, Mount, consumed by fire, i. 197; its former name, and antiquity, 198. Caesar, the dictator, a great orator, i. 315. Caia, a nickname, why given to Caligula, i. 215. Caius, Caesar, grandson to Augustus, his untimely death imputed to the fraud of Livia, i. 3. Caius, Caesar, settles Armenia, i. 58. Caius, Volusius, a soldier of the third legion, the first who entered Cremona, ii. 154. Caledonians, the, have recourse to arms,and advance against the Romans, ii. 368; they attack the Roman army, with success at first, but are van¬ quished, 369. Calgacus. See Galgacus. Caligula, son of Germanicus, why so called, i. 30; his nickname of Caia, 215; his history why falsified, 2; his enco¬ mium upon his grandmother Livia at her funeral, 206; his marriage with Claudia, 224; his savage humour and dissimulation, 224; his wild spirit, ambition, and dissimulation, 242 ; he is hated by Tiberius, yet left his suc¬ cessor, 242; history of his reign lost, 247; was a ready speaker, 315. Callipedes, a nickname given to Tiberius, i. 34. Callistus, a freedman, an old and wary courtier, i. 267. Calpurnia, an illustrious lady, praised by Claudius, and thence persecuted and banished by Agrippina, i. 284; recalled from banishment by Nero, 361. Calpurnia, a courtesan, denounces Mes¬ salina, i. 267. Calpurnius, an eagle bearer, protects Minucius Plancus from the fury of the soldiers, i. 29. Calpurnius, Galerianus, his character, ii. 202; is murdered by Mucianus, 203. Calpurnius, Lucius, consul, i. 196. Calusidius, a common soldier, his brutal behaviour and boldness to Germanicus, i. 27. Calvina banished from Italy, i. 276. Calvisius instigated to accuse Agrip¬ pina, i. 325 ; is banished, 327; recalled from exile by Nero, 361. Calvisius, Caius, consul, i. 18fl. Camalodunum, a colony in Bntain, INDEX. m planted by Publius Ostorius, i. 290; insolence and tyranny of the veterans there, 372; insatiable avarice of the priests, 372; terrible apparitions and presages, 373. Camerinus, Scribonianus, one who coun¬ terfeits that illustrious name proves to be a slave named Geta, and is put to death, ii. 115. Camillus, Furius, proconsul of Africa, routs the Numidians and Moors under Tacfarinas, i. 87; and retrieves the ancient renown of his family, 88. Camillus, Scribonianus, consul, i. 212. Camp, Roman, gates of".the, i. 46; the Old Camp, siege of, ii. 211; its capture, 242 ; the Praetorian camp, i. 155. Campania desolated by a tempest, i. 450. Campanus and Juvenalis, Tungrian chiefs, ii. 246. Camurius, a soldier of the fifteenth le¬ gion, supposed to be the murderer of Galba, ii. 30. Cangians, a people in Britain, ravaged by Publius Ostoriiis, i. 289. Canninefates destroy or seize several of the Roman ships, ii. 258; also rout the Nervians, 258. Canopus, by whom built, and whence named, i. 92. Cantius, Publius, collects the tribute in Gaul, i. 59. Capito, Ateius, employed with Lucius Arruntius to restrain the Tiber within its banks, i. 53 ; his great accomplish¬ ments, and infamous flattery, 150; his death and great acquirements, 153; his preferments and obsequiousness to power, 153. Capito, Cossutianus, accused by the Cili- cians and condemned, i. 334; he ac¬ cuses Antistius the praetor, 383. Capito, Fonteius, once proconsul of Asia, accused and acquitted, i. 178. Capito, Insteius, praefectof the camp to Corbulo, his exploits, i. 338. Capito, Lucilius, the emperor’s procu¬ rator in Asia, accused by that province before the senate, i. 164; disavow'ed by Tiberius, and condemned, 164. Capito, Valerius, recalled from exile by Nero, i. 361. Capitol, by whom added to Rome, i. 285 ; burnt, ii. 103; ordered by Vespasian to be rebuilt, 235; direction of the work given to Lucius Vestinus, 235 ; the consecration, 235. Cappadocia reduced to a province, i. 81 ; its taxes lessened, 90. Capreae, retreat of Tiberius to, i. 197; its natural strength, and fine climate, 199; its antiquity, 199. Capua, that colony strengthened, i. 332. Caractacus, a British king of great re¬ nown, at war with the Romans, i. 290; posts himself advantageously, and harangues his men, 290; is routed by Publius Ostorius, 292 ; flees to Queen Cartismandua, is by her delivered to the conquerors, and sent to Rome, 292; his great character, and solemn recep¬ tion there, 292; his undaunted be- ^haviour and speech to Claudius, 292; *is pardoned with his wife and brother, and pompous decrees passed upon taking him, 293. Carinas, Secundus, a creature of Nero’s, learned, but void of virtue, i. 424. Cariovalda, captain of the Batavians, after a brave resistance, is slain by the Germans, i. 62. Carmel, Mount, account of the oracle there, ii. 119. Carrhenes espouses the cause of Meher- dates, i. 279; his bravery and defeat, 280. Carsidius Sacerdos banished, i. 245. Cartismandua, queen of the Brigantes, delivers up King Caractacus to the Ro¬ mans, i. 292 ; is at war with Venusius, once her husband, and supported by the Romans, 295. Casperius, a centurion, his honest spirit and behaviour, i. 29 9; is sent by Cor¬ bulo to Vologeses, and delivers his message sternly, 398. Cassius, Caius, governor of yria, con¬ ducts Meherdates to the Euphrates, i. 278 ; his civil accomplishments and strict military discipline, 278; his good advice to Meherdates, 279; his just observation in the senate, 340; his speech for the execution of all the slaves in a family, where one of them had murdered his lord, 380; without any guilt he is accused by Nero, 447; ridiculous and false charge against him, 447 ; is banished into Sardinia,448. Cassius, Chaerea, a centurion, escapes in a mutiny by his courage, i. 24, afterwards kills Caligula, 24. Cassius, Longus. See Longus. Cassius, Lucius, marries Drusilla, grand¬ daughter to Tiberius, i. 221; his family and character, 221. Cassius, Severus, his petulant writings, their etfect, i. 50; his virulent spirit, 169 ; dies in exile, 169. Castorum, battle at, ii. 85. Cato, Porcius, a tool of Sejanus, i. 200. Catonius, Justus, a principal centurion, employed to carry the demands of the soldiery to Tiberius, i. 22. Catti, their territories, customs, man¬ ner of making war, &c. described, ii. 320; their territories invaded by Ger¬ manicus, they are surprised and slaughtered by him, i. 38; their ra¬ vages in Germany, 287 ; they are rout¬ ed, 287; are at war with the Hermun- durians, their bloody vow and defeat, 351 . IM)EX. AU Catualda, a Gothic chief, drives out Maroboduus, i. 94; is himself expelled, and received under Roman protection, 94. Catulinus, Blitius, banished, i. 441. Catus, Firmius, a senator, base conduct of, i. 71; is expelled the senate, 175. Catus, procurator in Britain, his rapa¬ ciousness, and escape into Gaul, i. .374. Celer, Domitius, prompts the ambition of Cneius Piso, i. 101; attempts to corrupt the legions, 102. Celer, Propertius, liberality of Tiberius to, i. 53. Celer, Publius, a Roman knight, poisons Junius Silanus, i. 313; he is accused by the province of Asia, 334; though guilty, protected by Nero, 334. Celer, Publius, an accuser, his cha¬ racter, ii. 202; convicted and sen¬ tenced, 225. Celsus, Julius, a Roman knight, doomed to death, i. 221; he breaks his neck, 221. Celsus, Marius, commands a legion , under Corbulo in the East, i. 411; narrowly escapes being murdered, ii. 32 ; is appointed by Otho commander of foot and horse, 64; signal exploits by him, 85 ; is preferred to the consul¬ ship under Vitellius, 107. Centurions, murder of, by the Roman soldiery, i. 19, 24; bravery in meeting death of those who conspired against Nero, 438. Cepio Crispinus, an informer, i. 51; his charge against Granius Marcellus, 52. Cerealis, Turullus, revolts to Vitellius, ii. 83. Cerealis, Petilius, routed by the Britons, but escapes, i. 374; in danger from Vitellius, ii. 174; he fails in an at¬ tack against Vitellius’s forces, 189 ; is appointed commander of the army against the revolted Germans by Mu¬ cianus, 247 ; arrives at Magontiacum, 249; is impatient of delay, and in three marches reaches Rigodulum, 251; there takes Valentinus and many other illustrious Belgians, 251; rebukes the soldiers who were for razing that city, »^51 ; his speech to the legions that had revolted, and were returned to their duty, 252; to the Treverians and Lingones, 252; receives letters from Civilis and Classicus, assuring him of the death of Vespasian, and offering him the empire of the Gauls, 254; despatches the bearer of those letters to Domitian, 254; is surprised by the enemy, 256 ; and in danger of being vanquished, when by liis own personal bravery he gains the victory, 256 ; his speech to the deserters, 256; by a' hasty march he arrives at the Agrippiniau colony to protect it, 257; attacks Civilis at the old entrench¬ ment, 277 ; his encouraging speech to the army, 278; his troops defeat the enemy, 280 ; his conduct greatly cen¬ sured for the loss of his ships, 282 ; fits out a lleet, and attacks Civilis, 283 ; ravages the islands of the Bata¬ vians, 283 ; his army in great distress, 283; his address in gaining the Ger¬ mans to submit to the Romans, 283; is appointed governor of Britain, 352; his exploits there, 362. Cestius, Caius, becomes an informer under Tiberius, i. 216. Cethegus, Cornelius, consul, i. 165. Chaerea, Cassius. See Cassius, Chaerea. Chalcedon, the folly of its founders, i. 309. Chaldaeans. See Astrologers. Chamavi, a German nation, their coun¬ try and customs, ii. 323. Charicles, the physician, his art to dis¬ cover the illness of Tiberius, i. 245; informs Macro of the approaching end of Tiberius, 246. Chaucians, the noblest German tribe, ii. 325; taken into the service of the Ro¬ mans, i. 42 ; they commit hostilities against them, 258; their country and manners, ii. 325. Cherusci, the, their country and man¬ ners, ii 326; roused by Arminius to arms, i. 39; endeavour to cut off Cae¬ cina and his legions, 44; their device in a battle, 64; they are attacked and routed, 65; are at war with the Sue vians, 83; seek a king from Rome, 257. Christ, our blessed Saviour, put to death under Pontius Pilate, procurator of Judaea, i. 423. Christians, Tacitus’s account of them, i. 423; are barbarously murdered by Nero, 423. Cibyra, an Asiatic city, being overthrown by an earthquake, released from tri¬ bute for three years, i. 163. Cilicians, their insurrections and depre¬ dations, i. 304; they defeat Curtius Severus, with a body of horse, and are reduced to peace by king Antiochus, 305. Cilo, Julius, the Roman procurator in Pontus, carries Mithridates to Rome, i. 283; rewarded with the consular or¬ naments, 284. Cimbri, account and character of them, ii. 327. Cincian Law, revival of the, i. 250. Cinithians, a people of Africa, i. 87. Cinna, his domination but short, i. 2. Circus, particular places allotted in it to the Roman knights, i. 414. Citizens, Roman, their number under Claudius, i. 265. Civilis, Claudius, his royal descent and INDEX. 465 character, ii. 204; his speech to his army, 205; destroys the Roman forces on the Rhine, and takes twenty-four ships, 207; courts the alliance of the Gauls, 207; his speech to them, 207; engages Lupercus, and vanquishes him, 208; becomes master of a regular army, 211; besieges the Old Camp, 211; letter from Antonius to him by Mon¬ tanus, 218; his speech and direction to Montanus, 219; despatches the bravest of his force to surprise Vocula, 219 ; his artifice to deceive the enemy, 220; cruelty to a Roman soldier, 220; throws off all disguise, and avows hostilities against the Roman people, 236 ; cuts his hair, which he had worn in pursuance of a vow, 242 ; his great cruelty, 242; his ambitious views, 242; his reason for forbearing the plunder of the Agrippinian colony, 244; deter¬ mines to gain the neighbouring cities, 24.5 ; his speech to the Tungrians, 246; he traverses theBelgic deserts in search of Claudius Labeo, 249; he and Clas¬ sicus send letters to Cerealis, asserting the death of Vespasian, and offer him the empire of the Gauls, 254; advises to delay engaging Cerealis, 255 ; his counsel overruled by Tutor and Clas¬ sicus, 255 ; his army is defeated, 257 ; he supplies his army in Germany, and pitches his camp in the old entrench¬ ments, 277; he diverts the course of the Rhine, 277; is attacked by Cerea¬ lis, 278; his order of battle, 278; his speech to the army, 279; is again de¬ feated by Cerealis, 280; rallies again, and skirmishes in several places, 280; his fleet attacks that of Cerealis, and captures many vessels, 282; by the artifices of Cerealis he is obliged to yield himself to the Romans, 285; his speech to Cerealis, 285. Classicianus, Julius, procurator in Bri¬ tain, envies and traduces Suetonius, i. 378. Classicus, commanderofTreverian horse, his character, ii. 237; tenders the oath of sovereignty to the Gauls, 241; the direction of the war shared between him and Julius Tutor, 241; his arts to reduce the Old Camp, 241; elated with success, 243; is immer.sed in sloth and ease, 249; joins with Civilis in sending letters to Cerealis, 254; ad¬ vises to attack Cerealis, 255; is de¬ feated by him, 257; defeats some horse sent by ferealis to Novesium, 258. Claudia daughter of Marcus Silanus, marries Caligula, i. 224; her death, 242. Claudia Ptllchra, a cousin of Agrippina, condemned, i. 190; Agrippina endea¬ vours to save her, 190. Claudius, the emperor, brother of Ger TAG.—VOL. II. manicus, i. 118, 243; his history why falsified, 2; means well, but his un¬ derstanding defective, 243; succeeds to the empire, 247 ; settles the fees of pleaders, 250 ; restores Mithridates to the kingdom of Armenia, 251; is blind to the lewdness of his wife, 255; per¬ forms the office of censor, adds new letters to the Roman alphabet, brings water to Rome, 256; his representa¬ tion concerning the college of sooth¬ sayers, 257; his speech in behalf of the Gauls, 263; his reformation in the senate, as censor, 264; he checks the ilattery of Vipsanius the consul, 265; hears at last the infamy of his wife, 265; his family alarmed upon the empress’s marrying bilius, 266; his terrible affright upon that marriage, 267; he inclines to relent towards her, but is hardened by Narcissus, 269 ; his affection returns, 270; always aban¬ doned to the dominion of his wives, 272; has no discernment nor passions of his own, 274; marries his niece Agrippina, 274; his advice to Meher- dates, 278; and to the Parthians, 278 ; adopts Nero, 286; the adoption con¬ firmed by the senate, 286; his fifth consulship, 295; boasts his mercy without showing any, 302; degrades certain senators, 303; his absurd praises of Pallas, 303; is pushed by Agrippina upon all the measures of cruelty, 306; he raises the power of his freedmen as high as his own, or that of the laws, 307; his compliment and favour to his physician Xenophon, 308; his death portended by several presages, 309; a saying of his, in his drink, fatal to him, 310; is poisoned by the direction of Agrippina, 312; his death some time concealed, 312; his deification, and funeral praises, 313, 314; was capable of elegance of ex¬ pression, when he studied the same, 315. Claudius Labeo, commander of a Bata¬ vian squadron, and competitor with Civilis, sent prisoner to Frisia, ii. 209; escapes, and joins Vocula with a few forces, 238; skirmishes with, and de* feats the Canninefates and Marsacians, 238; at the head of some new-raised forces, opposes Civilis, 246; is defeated, and escapes, 246. Clemens, a slave of Agrippa Posthumus, his bold design and artifices, i. 79; he is seized by a device of Sallustius Crispus, and dispatched privately, 80. Clemens, Julius, a centurion, i. 19; in¬ duces the mutineers in Pannonia to submit, 22. Clemens, Salienus, accuses Junius Gal¬ lio, but is restrained by the senate, i. 442. H H 466 INDEX Cleonicus, a freedman of Seneca, i. 424. Cleof,atra, a courtesan, i. 267. Clitaeans, revolts of the, i. 239, 304. Cluvius Rufus, Marcus, governor of Spain, his character, ii. 6, 110, 229; congratulates Vitellius, 110; is accused by Hilarius, and acquitted, 110. Coeletaeans, a people of Thrace, i, 131. Coeranus, the philosopher, exhorts Plau¬ tus to die, i. 391. Cogidunus, a king of the Britons, and friend to the Romans, ii. 359. Colonies, those of Italy, with what re¬ spect they attended the ashes of Ger¬ manicus, i. 109; their sorrow and zeal, 109; the manner of planting them of old, 371; how much corrupted, 371. Comet seen, observations of the vulgar upon it, i. 367. Cominius, Caius, convicted of a libel against Tiberius, i. 174; is pardoned at the suit of his brother, 174. Comitia, policy of Tiberius regarding the, i. 56. Confarreation, that ceremony when used, i. 165. Considius .®quus, a Roman knight, con¬ victed of forging a charge of treason, i. ISl. Conspiracy against Nero, its suddenness and strength, i. 425; the I'eality of it questioned by the people, but asserted by Tacitus, 442; it is followed by many flattering decrees of senate, 443. Conspirators, those against Nero go¬ verned by secret interest, i. 426 ; their slowness and procrastination, 427; are animated by a woman, 427; propose to dispatch Nero at Baiae, but are opposed by Piso, 428; Piso’s pretended and real motives, 428; agree to slay Nero in the circus, 429; are vastly numerous and faithful, 429 ; at length betray all their dearest friends and relations, 431; many executed, 434. Consuls, their electiom under Tiberius, how uncertain, i. 56; his strange arti- flees in recommending or opposing candidates, 56; his plausible declara¬ tions upon that occasion, 56. Consulship, by whom founded, i. 1. Coos, Isle of, the people of, claim a right of sanctuary to the temple of iEsculapius, i. 163; their pretensions to the friendship of Piome, 163; they are exempted from all impositions by Claudius, 308; the island sacred to .(Esculapius, and friendly to the Ro¬ man people, 308. Corbulo, Domitius, his complaint against Lucius Sylla, i. 126; he has satisfac¬ tion made him, 126 ; and is appointed to inspect the repair of the public roads, 127; his severity in that office, 127; he is appointed governor of Lower Germany, 258; lays there the founda¬ tion of his future fame, and defeats Gannascus the pirate, 259; the great ' severity of his discipline, 259; he ter¬ rifies the barbarians, and settles the rebellious Frisians, 259; he is envied and recalled, 260; yet allowed the de¬ corations of triumph, 260; he cuts a canal between the Rhine and the Meuse, 260; is appointed by Nero to command in the East, 317 ; his great estimation and experience, 318; his variance with Numidius Quadratus, 318; his difficulties in restoring dis¬ cipline to the army, 335 ; his proposal to Tiridates, 337; prosecutes the war with success, 338; his wary march, 338; takes and razes the city Artax¬ ata, 339; his exploits and able con¬ duct, 360; escapes great danger, 369; rescues Armenia from the Parthians, and establishes therein Tigranes the Cappadocian, 370; withdraws to his government of Syria, 371; his coun¬ sels and measures against Vologeses, 397; his embassy and remonstrance to Vologeses, 398; reasonings of the people upon his behaviour, 399; lays a bridge over the Euphrates, and baffies all the designs of the Par¬ thians upon Syria, 400; advances to succour Paetus, 402; laments the dis¬ asters and misconduct of Paetus, 406; his demands on Vologeses, 406; is in¬ vested with unlimited power in the East against the Parthians, 410; as¬ sembles his army at Melitene, 411; appoints certain centurions to confer with the Parthian ambassadors, 412; his ravages in Armenia, and reputation in the East, 412; meets Tiridates, 413; persuades him to resign the royal diadem, 414; feasts him sumptuously, and fills him with admiration of the Romans, 413. Corcyra, Isle of, i. 108. Cordus, Caesius, accused of public ra¬ pine by the Cyrenaeans, and con¬ demned, i. 131, 150. Cordus, Cremutius, the historian, ar¬ raigned for praising Brutus and Cas¬ sius, i. 176; his noble defence, 177; he ends his life by abstinence, 177; his books are condemned to be burnt, 178, yet continue dispersed and read, 178. Cornelia chosen chief vestal, i. 165. Cornelia, of the Cossian famfiy, made a vestal, i. 409. Cornelius accuses Mamercus Scaurus, i. 231; he is convicted of bribery, and banished, 231. Cornelius Laco, minister to Galba, his character, ii. 5 ; shares the sovereignty with Titus Vinius, 5,10; his ignorance and obstinacy, 23; meditates the death of Vinius, 29; is murdered by com¬ mand of Otho, 33, INDEX, 467 Cornutus, Caecilius, accused, but inno¬ cent, i. 172 ; yet dies by his own hands, 172. Corsica, Isle of, kept under obedience to Otho, ii. 79; nigh brought to destruc¬ tion by Decimus Pecarius,the governor, 79; the people kill him in his bath, 80. Corvinus, Messala, once governor of Rome, i. 177. Cossus, Cornelius, consul, i. 176. Cossutianus, the pleader, defends plead¬ ing for hire, i. 250. ssutianus. Capito, his villanous spi¬ rit, and hatred to Thrasea, i. 455 ; his inflammatory speech against him to Nero, 456; begins the charge against Thrasea in the senate, 459; his reward, 463. Cotta, Aurelius, the consul, his nxotion against Cneius Piso, i. 117, 118. Cotys, king of Bosporus, his alliance with Eunones, prince of the Ador- sians, against Mithridates, i. 281. Cotys, one of the kings of Thrace, his peaceable character, i. 95 ; is deceived and murdered by Rhescuporis, 96. Counsel, that of a woman the worst, i, 430. Crassus, his power swallowed up in that of Caesar, i. 2. Crassus, Scribonianus, his character, ii. 224. Cremona, battle at, ii. 84; Caecina enter¬ tains Vitellius there, 113 ; is besieged by Antonius, 153 ; ravaged, burnt, and utterly destroyed, 156. Crescens, Tarquitius, a centurion, bra¬ very of, i. 402. Crete, pretends to a right of sanctuary, i. 146. Cretonius, Caius, his judgment of the mutinous legions, i. 32. Crispinilla, Calvia, who had instigated Clodius Macer to revolt, and laboured to famish the people of Rome, her death demanded, ii. 53; she eludes the prosecution, and escapes her doom, 53. Crispinus, captain of the guards to Clau¬ dius, distinguished with the praetor- ship, and a great reward in money, i. 249 ; his accusation and death, 453. Crispinus, Rufus, why banished, i. 441. Crispinus, Varius, a tribune of the prae¬ torian guards, inadvertently the oc¬ casion of a dreadful tumult, ii. 58; is murdered in it, 58. Crupellarii, what sort of forces,!. 134; are defeated, 136. Cuma, shipwreck of the galleys there, i. 424. Cumanus, Ventidius, governor of Gali¬ lee, his crimes and punishment, i. 304. Curtisius, Titus, heads an insurrection of slaves in Italy, i. I7l; is taken pri¬ soner, 172. Curtius, Atticus, a Roman knight, ac¬ companies Tiberius in his retirement, i. 194. Curtius, Rufus, his rise, character, and adventures, i. 260. Cyprus, people of, claim a right of sanc¬ tuary to three of their temples, i. 145. Cyrenians, their charge against Acilius Strabo, i. 365; its issue, 365. Cyzicus, city of, loses its liberties, i. 178. Dacians in arms, are quelled by Mucia¬ nus, ii. 164. Dalmatia, two legions stationed there, i. 157. Damaratus, the Corinthian, instructs the Etruscans in the use of letters, i. 256. Dandarides. See Mithridates. Danube, what legions guarded it, i. 157. Deaths, voluntary, why so common in Rome, i. 230. Decemvirate. how long it lasted, i. 2; why created, 123. Decimation, instances of the punish¬ ment of, i. 120. Decrius, a Roman officer, his signal bravery and death, i. 119. Deities, Tacitus’s reproach upon them, i. 463. Demetrius, the philosopher, his dis¬ course with Thrasea Paetus, i. 463; attends him at his death, 464. Demetrius, an advocate for Publius Celer, one of the sect of the Cynics, ii. 225. Demianus, Claudius, a convict em¬ ployed to accuse Lucius Vetus, and released by Nero, i. 448. Densus, Sempronius, centurion of a prae¬ torian cohort, bravery of, ii. 31. Deputies from the senate to Germani¬ cus, obnoxious to the soldiers, i. 28. Diana, her temple at Ephesus, its im¬ munities, and whence derived, i. 145. Dictators, when chosen, i. 1. Didius, the Roman commander in Bos¬ porus, i. 280. Didius, Aulus, governor of Britain, his difficulties and proceedings there, i. 294. Didius, Gallus, governor of Britain, ii. 360. Dolabella, Cornelius, his ridiculous flat¬ tery, i. 136, 149. Dolabella, Cornelius, a relative of Galba, his confinement, its cause, ii. 64; slain 'y order of Vitellius, 109. Dolabella, Publius, proconsul in Africa, his successful exploits against Tacfa¬ rinas, i. 171; is ungratefully treated, but his glory increased, I7l; is drawn in to accuse his kinsman Quintilius Varus, 199; his motion concerning the quaestors, 261. H H 2 468 INDEX. Domitia, Decidiana, -wife of Agricola, her birth and character, ii. 350. Domitia, Lepida, aunt to Nero, her greatness, and evil character, i. 310; is accused and condemned to die, 310. Domitian, son of Titus, kept in custody by Vitellius, ii. 174; escapes at the burning of the capitol, 186; is saluted Caesar by the soldiery, and carried to his father’s house, 194; his debauchery, 195; his carriage before the senate mo¬ dest and graceful, 225 ; proposes all honours to be restored to Galba, 225 ; advises an amnesty, 229 ; proceeds against the Gauls, 247 ; persuaded by Mucianus to retire to Lyons, 263 ; he relinquishes all functions of govern¬ ment, and, to hide his designs, feigns a love for learning and poetry, 263 ; grows remarkable only for his de¬ baucheries, 351. Domitian, become Emperor, stung with envy at the news of Agricola’s con¬ quests in Britain, ii. 380; yet causes triumphal honours to be decreed to him, 380; his conduct in regard to Agricola, 383 ; is suspected of poison¬ ing him, 384; his horrid cruelty, 386. Domitius Afer, an orator, i. 190. Domitius, Celer. See Celer, Domitius. Domitius, Cneius, marries the younger Agrippina, i. 205 ; his family and de scent, 205; he is consul, 212; is ac¬ cused, but escapes, 244. Domitius, Lucius, his quality, exploits, and death, i. 185. Domitius, the only remaining male de¬ scendant of Germanicus, i. 254; be¬ trothed to OctHvia, the daughter of Claudius, 277; adopted by him, 286; styled prince of the Roman youth, 295; his marriage, 306. See Nero, the emperor. Doryphorus, the imperial freedman, his death, i. 395; supposed to have been poisoned, 395. Druids prophesy the destruction of the Roman power, ii. 236; their direful curses upon the Roman army, i. 372; tlreir barbarous superstition and hu¬ man sacrifices, 373; their groves cut down, 373. Drusilla, the daughter of Germanicus, i. 109; married to Lucius Cassius, 221. Drusus, father of Germanicus, his high preferment and death, i. 3; his great popularity, and its cause, 25 ; the canal cut by him in Germany, and the altar raised there, 60; his manes invoked by his son, 60; how pompously buried, 110 . Drusus, son of Germanicus, i. 109, 156; imprisoned, 211; starved to death, 226 ; a counterfeit Drusus appears in Greece, 211. Drusus, son of Tiberius, i. 5; sent by his father to pacify the mutinous legions in Pannonia, 19; their stern behaviour, 19 ; reads his father’s let¬ ters to them, 20; his offers do but enrage them, 20; takes advantage of the superstition of the soldiery, 21 ; the reasonings of those employed by him to reclaim them, 22; with what spirit he spoke to them, 22; debates arise in his council, whether to exer¬ cise rigour or mercy, 22; he inclines to the former, 22 ; is consul, 38 ; pre¬ sides over an entertainment of gladia¬ tors, and manifests a delight in blood, 53; lives in friendship with Germa¬ nicus, notwithstanding the division amongst their friends, 83; is sent into Illyricum, and why, 83 ; sows feuds amongst the Germans, 93; ovation de¬ creed to him, 95; meets the ashes of Germanicus, 109 ; goes to the army in Illyricum, 111; his answer to Cneius Piso, 112 ; by whom dictated, 112 ; re¬ turns to Rome, 113; triumphs, 119 ; his second consulship, 126; he mediates a difference between two senators, 127; professes his delight in travelling ac- companiedwith his wife,129; his justice and popular behaviour, 131; is excused for his love of pleasure, 131; his letters to the senate deemed arrogant and haughty, 144; is kind to the children of Germanicus, 156 ; his complaint of the power of Sejanus, 159; all his se¬ crets betrayed by his wife, 159; is poi¬ soned by the direction of Sejanus, 159; his splendid funeral, 160; his death falsely related, 161; reflections upon it, 161; not chargeable upon Tiberius, 161. Drusus, a counterfeit one, in Greece and Asia, i. 211. Drusus, Claudius, the stepson of Augus¬ tus, i. 3. Drusus, Libo, accused of attempts against the state, i. 71; kills himself, 73. Duillius, Caius, the first who signalized the Roman power at sea, i. 86 Duillius, Aponianus. leader of the third legion, joins Antonius Primus, ii. 141. Eagles of Varus’s legions, recovery of, i. 42, 69; temple raised on the occa¬ sion, 80. Earthquake in Asia, i. 85; relie*' ex¬ tended to the sufferers, 85. Earthquakes and famine, in the time of Claudius, i. 297. East, what legions there, i. 157. Eclipse of the moon, daunts the muti¬ nous soldiery, i. 21. Egnatius, Publius, the Stoic, appears as an evidence against Barea Soranus, his p.atron and friend, i. 462; his sane- ijn)ET. 469 timonious outside, and false heart, 4(52. Egypt, its remarkable antiquities, i. 92 ; visit of Gennanicus to, 92; the forces there, 157. Egyptians, their religious solemnities abolished at Rome, i. 106; numbers of them are banished to Sardinia, 106 ; the rest ordered to depart out of Italy, or renounce their profane rites, 106; the inventors of letters, 256. Eleazar, commander of the temple at Jerusalem, ii. 276; is murdered by John, surnamed Bargioras, one of the governors of that city, 276. Elianus, Plautius, the pontifF,_ conse¬ crates the floor of the capitol, ii. 235. Elianus, Pompeius, convicted of a fraud, i. 379. Eloquence, the prize of it adjudged to Nero, ii. 367. Elysii. See Lygians. Emilia, Lepida, charged with imposing upon her husband a supposititious birth, and with adultery and treason, i. 120; her great quality, 120; she is pitied by the people, convicted, and banished, 121. Emilia, Musa, her estate claimed by the exchequer, but by Tiberius surren¬ dered to Emilius Lepidus, i. 85. Emilian family, its character, i. 229. Emilius, with Stertinius, relieves the Batavians, i. 62. Emilius Longinus, a deserter from the first legion, murders Vocula, by com¬ mand of Classicus, ii. 241 ; is himself butchered by a squadron of horse called Picentina, 243. Emperors, Roman, dispense with the laws, i. 249; the pernicious conse¬ quence of this, 249. Ennia, wife of Macro, prostituted by her husband to Caligula, i. 242. Ennius, Lucius, a Roman knight, the strange treason charged upon him, i. 150; protected by Tiberius, 150. Epaphroditus, a freedman of Nero, i. 430. Ephesians, their plea for a sanctuary, i. 144. Epicharis, her part, zeal, and arguments in animating the conspiracy against Nero, i. 427; is accused to Nero by Volusius Proculus, 427; baffles her accuser, yet is kept in bonds, 428; vehemently tortured, yet resolutely denies all, and hangs herself in her girdle, 432; praise of her magna¬ nimity, 432. Epiphanes, king, wounded at Castorum, ii. 86. Epponnia, wife of Julius Sabinus, ii. 246. Erato, queen of Armenia, quickly driven out, i. 58. Eryx, Mount, the temple of Venus there, its antiquity and decay, i. 184; it is repaired by Tiberius, 184. Eudemus, physician to Livia, a wicked instrument of Sejanus, i. 156. Eudoses. See Langobards. Eunones, prince of the Adorsians, sup¬ ports Cotys, king of Bosporus, against Mithridates the late king, i. 281; but intercedes with Claudius for Mithri¬ dates, 283; Claudius’s answer to Eu¬ nones, 283. Eunuchs in great esteem amongst bar¬ barians, i. 232. Euodus, a freedman, commissioned to see Messalina put to death, i. 271; his insolent reproaches to her, 272. Euphrates, the river, i. 157, 236, 370; ii. 273. Evander, the Arcadian, instructs the native Latins in the use of letters, i. 256. Exchequer, the Roman, its various re¬ gulations, i. 81. Fabatus, Rubrius, arraigned for de¬ spairing of the Roman state, i. 221; escapes through oblivion, 221. Fabianus, Valerius, convicted of a fraud, i. 379. Fabius Fabullus, commander of the fifth legion, chosen one of the leaders of Vitellius’s army, ii. 144. Fabius Maximus believed to die by his own hands, through dread of Au¬ gustus, i. 5. Fabius Paulus, consul, i. 229. Fabius Rusticus, the historian, praises Seneca, i. 326. Falanius, a Roman knight, strange sort of treason charged against him, i. 51. Faustus, Annius, tried and put to death under Otho, for being an accuser in the time of Nero. ii. >5. FavUn tinus, Claudius, occasions the re¬ volt of the fleet at Misenum, ii. 172; his character, 172. Favourites of princes, why apt to decline in favour, i. 126. Felix, freedman to Claudius, governor of Judaea, his great power, fortune, and villany, i. 304; his crimes and impunity, 304. Felix, Sextilius, commands a squadron of horse, ii. 138; forces an entrance through Rhaetia, 249. Fenius Rufus. See Rufus, Fenius. Fenni. See Peucini. Festus Martius, a Roman knight, one of the conspirators against Nero, i. 426. Festus, Valerius, commander of the legion in Africa, his character, ii. 232; murders Lucius Piso, proconsul there, 233, 470 INDEX Fidenae, calamity there from the fall of the amphitheatre, i. 197. Finnius Catus, expelled from the senate for forging treasonable crimes against his sister, i. 174; Tiberius saves him from banishment, 175. Firmus Plotius. See Plotius. Fiaccilla, Antonia, accompanies her hus¬ band in exile, i. 441. Flaccus, Cornelius, lieutenant to Cor¬ bulo, his exploits, i. 338. Flaccus, Ilordeonius, commander of the army in Upper Germany, his character, ii. 7; Vitellius commits the defence of the Rhine to him, 106; is well disposed to Vespasian, 204; orders Lupercus to advance against Civilis, 208; escapes being murdered, 213 ; for his own de¬ fence introduces an ill custom, 214 ; tenders the oath to the soldiers in behalf of Vespasian, 218; they hardly repeat it, 218 ; he is murdered by the soldiers, 222. Flaccus, Pomponius, i. 96; captures Rhescuporis by treachery, i. 97. Flattery, an ancient evil in the Roman state, i. 74. Flavianus. See Ampius. Flaviu.^ brother to Arminius, fights for the Romans, i. 61; his conference with his brother, 61; his son Italicus made king of the Cherusci, 257. Flavius Subrius, the tribune, zealous in the conspiracy against Nero, i. 425; his purpose to kill Nero in the theatre o^.in the streets, 427; how defeated, 427; olfers to slay Nero during the examination of the conspirators, but is checked by Fenius Rufus, 433, judges Caius Piso unworthy of the empire, 437; is charged with the con¬ spiracy, and at first defends himself, at last glories in it, and reviles Nero to nis face, 438; his contempt of death, 438. Fleets, the Roman, where kept, i. 157. Florus, Julius, animates the Gauls to rebel, i. 132; his speech to them, 132 , is routed, and dies by his own hands, 133 Fonteius, Caius, aonsul, i. 353; his murder, ii. 6. Foreigners, tyrants chiefly confide in them, i. 432. Fortunatus, freedman to Lucius Vetus, robs his lord, then accuses him, i. 448 ; his recompense, 450. Fortune, Equestrian, her temple, where, i. 150. Fosians, a German nation. See Che¬ rusci. Freedmen, their insolence to their lords, i. 329; reasons alleged for recalling the freedom of such as abused it, 329 ; their rights, as a body, secured, 330. Fregellanus, Pontius, expelled from the senate, i. 245 Friends, falling at variance, become the greatest enemies, i. 39. Frisii, their country described, ii. 324; their sore oppression and revolt, i. 203; their exploits and renown, 204; they are settled, and their state modelled by Corbulo, 259; change their dwell¬ ings, 349; are threatened by Dubius Avitus, commander in Germany, and send their two chiefs to supplicate Nero, 349 ; their petition rejected, 350. Frontinus, Julius, a governor in Britain, his signal fame and actions there, ii. 362. Fronto, Octavius, arraigns in the senate the prevalence of luxury, i. 74. Fronto, Vibius, general of horse, put? Vonones in bonds, i. 97. Fucinus, the lake of, a naval combat ex¬ hibited there by Claudius, its pomp described, i. 305; as also a combat of gladiators, 305. Furnius condemned for adultery, i. 190. Fumius, an ancient orator, ii. 420. Fuscus, Cornelius, joins Vespasian, ii. 124; his character, 124; is second in command of the forces under Anto¬ nius Primus, 137; is appointed pree- tor, 198. Fusius, Geminus, consul, i. 206; a fa¬ vourite of Livia the elder, 207; his cha¬ racter, and why hated by Tiberius, 207; his fate, 218. Gabolus, Licinius, recalled from exile by Nero, i. 361. Galba, Caius, once consul, terrified by a letter from Tiberius, falls by his own hands, i. 239. Galba, Servius, consul, i. 224. See Galba, the emperor. Galba, the emperor, his accession pre¬ dicted by Tiberius, i. 224; his history, ii. 35; succeeds Nero, 4; his severity, 4, 64; his court compared to Nero’s, 6; deliberates concerning the adoption of a successor, 10; adopts Piso, 12; his speech to him on that occasion, 12; declares it to the soldiers and to the senate, 14; orders nine-tenths of Nero’s donations to be restored, 16; discharges several commanders, which alarms the soldiery, 16; is warned of a trea¬ sonable plot against him in the pre¬ sence of Otho, 20; receives the news of Otho being presented to the sol¬ diery while sacrificing, 21; calls a council, 21; sends Piso to the camp, 25; receives false information from the crowd, 25; and from Julius Atti¬ cus, 26; his remarkable answer to him, 26; is in great distress and suspense, 29 ; his death, 30; his head carried on a pole, 31; his body, after many cruel indignities, is by Argius his former slave interred in his own garden, 35. INDEX. 471 ¥• Galeria, wife to Vitellius the emperor, ,4 her ciiaracter, ii. 110. ,’c Galgacus, a leader of the Britons, fa- > mous for his valour and descent, ii. I 372; his speech to his army on the Grampian Hills, 372. Galla, Arria, wife to Caius Piso, her cha¬ racter, i. 434. Galla, Sosia, wife to Caius Silius, ar- raigned with her husband, i. 167; is condemned to exile, 167. Gallio, Junius, brother to Seneca, his motion in favour of the praetorian ' soldiers resented by Tiberius, i. 213; is expelled the senate, and banished, 213; brought back to Rome, and im¬ prisoned there, 214; his fears and perils, 442; is accused by Salienus Clemens, but protected by the senate, 442. Gallus, Annius, appointed commander by Otho, ii. 64; Vestricius Spurinna joined with him, 76; is informed by Spurinna of Caecina’s repulse from Placentia, and marches to Bedriacum, 84; is appointed commander of an army against Civilis, who then headed the revolted nations in Germany, 247. Gallus, Asinius, incurs the displeasure of Tiberius, how,i. 12 ; he had married * Vipsania, formerly wife to Tiberius, 12; his ambition, 12; opposed to the licence of the players, 54; his flattery, 74; defends the prevailing luxury, 74; his dispute in the senate with Cneius Piso, 76 ; his dispute with Ti¬ berius there, 76 ; is starved to death, 226 ; hji)ocrisy of Tiberius, 226. ' Gallus, Caninius, one of the college of fifteen, i. 220; reproved by Tiberius, 220 . Gallus, Clitius, banished for his friend¬ ship to Seneca, i. 441. Gallus, Herennius, commander of the first legion, and governor of Bonna, ii. 210; he attacks the Batavians, 21 u ; is taken into a share of the command with Vocula, and narrowly escapes being murdered by the soldiers, 215. Gallus, Publius, a Roman knight, ba¬ nished for his intimacy with Fenius Rufus and Lucius Vetus, i. 449. Gallus, Rubrius, obtains pardon for the cohorts at Brixellum, ii. 103. Gallus, Togonius, his extravagant flat¬ tery derided by Tiberius, i. 213. Gallus, Vipsanius, praetor, his death, i. 87. Games, quinquennial, instituted by Nero, i. 365; celebrated at Rome, 444; the foolish and pompous pane¬ gyrics made there upon Nero’s reign, 444. Games, secular, celebrated under Clau¬ dius. i. 253 ; as also under Augustus, 254; and under Domitian, 254. Gannascus, a deserter and pirate, heads the rebellious Chaucians, i. 258; is seized and slain, 259. Garamantes, king of the, succours Tac¬ farinas, i. 170; his ambassadors, a singular sight at Rome. 171. Gaul, insurrection in, 1 .132; suppressed, 135. Gauls, a nation rich and unwarlike, i. 262; their nobility claim a share in the public honours of Rome, 262 ; rea¬ sonings against their pretensions, 262; they are admitted into the senate, 264; a general tax imposed upon them, 382. Geminius, a Roman knight, doomed to the pains of treason, i. 221. Geminus, Ducennius, i. 184. Geminus, Verdius, sent by Vespasian, destroys Anicetus and his followers, ii. 166. Germanicus, the son of Drusus, adopted by Tiberius at the desire of Augu.stus, and the aim of Augustus in this, i. 4; commands eight legions upon the Rhine, 4; acquires the proconsular power, 14; the armies in Germany desire him for their emperor, 23; he is unjustly hated by his grandmother Livia, and his uncle Tiberius, 25; and beloved by the Romans, 25; he pro¬ motes the establishment of Tiberius, 25; his behaviour and reasonings to the mutinous legions, 25; he hears their complaints, 26 ; has the empire offered to him, and shows his indig¬ nation, 26; his life threatened, 26, his perplexity, 27; he is forced to satisfy the unruly soldiers from his own cof¬ fers, 27; brings those in Upper Ger¬ many to swear allegiance to Tiberius, 28; expostulates with the mutinous soldiers, 29; is censured for not with¬ drawing from them, 29; dismisses Agrippina, 29 ; his speech to his army, 30; its efiicacy, 32; examines the con¬ duct of the centurions, 32; prepares to fight the soldiers who persist in their sedition, 33; his stratagem to reclaim the mutinous soldiery, 34; it succeeds, and they butcher one an¬ other, 34; what terrible havoc they made, 35; he laments this, 35; and leads them against the Germans, 35; a triumph decreed to him, 38; his conduct against the Germans, 39; he is saluted knperator by the army, by the direction of Tiberius, 41; how universally he is esteemed, 49; hrs tenderness and generosity to the sol¬ diers, 49; a show of gladiators exhi¬ bited in his name, 53; deliberates how to prosecute the war in Germany, 58 ; bis proceedings, 59, 60; passes the Visurgis, 61 ; learns the designs of Arminius, 62 ; traverses the camp in 472 INDEX disguise to know the sentiments of the soldiers, 62; hears his own praises, 62; his propitious dream, 63; his speech to the army, conduct a-nd exhortations, 63; his good intel¬ ligence, 66; his wife’s conduct and bravery, 66; he raises a monument of arms with a proud inscription, 67; embarks with some legions, and suf¬ fers a terrible shipwreck, 82; hence his great grief and melancholy, 82; he invades the Marsians, and recovers one of the eagles lost with Varus, 69 ; ravages the country, and routs the foe, 69; his great bounty to the soldiers, 70; his triumph, 80; the love and fears of the people for him, 80; the provinces beyond the sea decreed to him, 82; lives in friendship with Drusus, notwithstanding the division of their friends, 83; is consul for the second time, 88; visits Greece, 88; as also the coasts of the Propontis, 89; consults the oracle of Apollo at Colo¬ phon, 89; his generosity to Piso, his enemy, 89; proceeds to Armenia, 90 ; creates Zeno king of that country, 90; his humane and forgiving spirit, 91; his difference with Piso heightened by officious friends, 91; his noble and modest behaviour to the ambassadors of the Parthians, 91; the court paid to him by their king, 91; he travels to I^'Sypt, 92; his popular behaviour there, and thence blamed by Tiberius, 92; he visits the Egyptian antiquities, 92; is thwarted and affronted by Piso, 98; he tails ill, and is believed to be be¬ witched, 98; his apprehensions and complaints, 98; he renounces all friendship with Piso, 98; his affecting speech to his friends, 98; his advice to Agrippina, 99; he expires, 99; his amiable Character, 100; he is univer¬ sally lamented, 100; compared to Alexander the Great, and surpassing him in virtue, 100; his body ex¬ posed to public view, 100; whether poisoned, a question, 100; honours decreed to his memory, 105; his ashes attended by the magistrates of Italy, and carried by tribunes and centurions, 109; his remains deposited in the tone.b off Augustus, 110; his funeral thought not sufficiently mag¬ nificent, 110; his death revenged,118. Germans, their original, ii. 287; their registers and histories, what, 288 ; their make, form and complexion de¬ scribed, 291; their character, 291; their riches consist in numbers of cattle, 291 ; they have not the use of silver or gold, 292 ; but exchange one commodity for another, 292; those bordering upon the frontiers of the Homans excepted, 292 ; they are sup¬ posed not to abound in iron, 293; their armour, and manner of making war, 293; their greatest disgrace, what, 295; their manner of choosing kings and generals, 295; none but their priests allowed to inflict punishment, 295; their usual custom of forming their armies, an incitement to valour, 296 ; their women useful and assisting even in battle, 296; their worship, and deities, 297; method of divining by lots, 299; they have divine presages and admonitions from horses, 300; their method of divining in affairs of the highest consequence, 300; their manner of reckoning time, 300 ; their manner of assembling their diets, 300; their manner of proposing and de¬ bating affairs there, 301 ; crimes and punishments, 301; their method of choosing rulers and officers of justice, 303; their notions of honour, and manner of bestowing it, 303; they cannot brook repose, yet have an aver¬ sion to labour, 305; they have no cities, 306; their manner of building, 306; the dress of their men and women, 307; their laws of matrimony, their punishment of adultery, 309; their custom of educating their youth, 310; their manner of making up quarrels of one family with another, 312 ; they are famous for their liberality and hos¬ pitality, 312 ; their usual way of spend¬ ing their time, 312; and manner of consulting, 313; their excess in drink¬ ing, 313; their food and manner of living, 314; their public diversions, 314; they are exceedingly addicted to gaming, 314; their manner of treating slaves, 315; are strangers to usury, 315 ; their tillage and husbandry, 316 ; their funeral solemnities, 316; the ori ¬ ginal of several nations of them, 317; their great power and bravery, in com¬ parison of other nations, 327. Germans, whilst under the effect of a debauch, attacked by Germanicus with infinite slaughter, i. 36; their counsels how to deal with the Romans in dis¬ tress, 47; they attack the Romans with assurance of victory, 47; are de¬ feated and slaughtered, 48; their prin¬ cipal advantages against an invader, 59; their mighty defeat and slaughter, 65 ; they are enraged by a Roman tro¬ phy, 66; though defeated they try another battle, 66; their advantageous post, 66; they are routed and slaugh¬ tered, 67; their courage, 67; they are unfit for a close engagement, 67; they reckon the Romans invincible, 69. Germaiiy, its bounds and situation, ii. 206 ; its lands productive of grain, but not kindly to fruit-trees, 291; all the cattle there small, 291near lost to INDEX. 473 the Romans, 164; but upon the ap¬ proach of the Roman Jirmies that country submits, 249. Germany (so called), a part of Gaul, i. 23; disturbances in, 24; how suppressed, 34; war with Arminius, 41, Geta, a slave and an impostor, doomed to die for being at the head of a con¬ spiracy against Vitellius, ii. 115. Geta, Lucius, captain of the praetorian guards to Claudius, a man of uncertain faith, i. 269. Gotarzes, king of Parthia, his bar¬ barities, i. 251; is forced to abandon his kingdom, 252; recalled, he plays the tyrant again, and is again forsaken by his people, 253 ; his detestable ty¬ ranny, 277 ; routs Meherdates, , and cuts off his ears, 280 ; his death, C80. Gothi, their situation and government, ii. 335. Gothinians. See Marsignians, Government, how many kinds of, i. 175; one equal and mixed, how rare, 175. Governor of Rome, his office, what, and when appointed, i. 219. Gracchi, Sempronius and Caius, styled exciters of the people, i. 123; character of Gracchus as an orator, ii. 416. Gracchus, Sempronius, his character and doom, i. 37; the adulterer of Julia, 37 ; thence banished to Cercina, and assassinated by order of Tiberius, 37; he dies bravely, 38; his son Caius, 163. Grascilis, .®lius, his envious conduct, i. 348. Graecina, Pomponia, accused for em¬ bracing a foreign superstition, and ac¬ quitted, i. 333 ; her great age and af¬ fliction, 333. Graius, Munatius, a Roman knight- one of the conspirators against Nero, i. 426. Granins, Quintus, accuses Calpurnius Piso, i. 168. Graptus, Nero’s freedman, a subtle and wicked courtier, i. 345 ; forges a plot against Cornelius Sylla, 345. Gratianus, Tatius, charged with trea¬ son, and executed, i. 238. Greeks admire chiefly their own exploits, i. 107; their freedom of speech, 177. Griphus, Plotius, a senator, ii. 169; appointed praetor in the room of Ter¬ tius Julianus, 224. H-emus, Mount, winter begins suddenly there, i. 189. Halicarnassus, no earthquake felt there in 1200 years, i. 192. Halotus, the eunuch, administers poison to his master Claudius, i. 311. Haterius Decimus, consul, i. 138. Haterius, Quintus, offends Tiberius, i. 13; obtains protection from Livia, 13; vindicates the players, 54; arraigns the luxury of the Romans, 74; his death and quality, 196; character of his eloquence, 196. Helius, the imperial freedman, a poi¬ soner, i. 313. Hellusii, a fabulous account of them, ii. 342. Helvicones, ii. 335. Helvidius Priscus. See Priscus. Helvius Rufus, saves a Roman citizen, i. 120; his reward, 120. Heralds and priests, question of the rank of, i. 146- Hercules, his pillars reported to be standing, ii. 324; he of Egypt the oldest of all, i. 93; he of Mrunt Sambulos, his hunting horses, their miraculous feats, 279 ; appears to his priests in their sleep, 279. Herennius, commander of a legion, is slain by order of Valentinus and Tutor, ii. 250; their reasons for his murder, 250. Herennius Senecio, put to death, and why, ii. 346. Hermunduri, their character and situa¬ tion, ii. 333; their contest with the Catti about the properry of a river, i. 351; they prove conquerors, 352. Hierocaesarea, its inhabitants claim a right of sanctuary, whence, i. 145. Hilarius, freedman to Vitellius, his charge against Cluvius Rufus, go¬ vernor of Spain, ii. 110; is himself doomed to punishment, 110. Hispo, Romanus, an accuser, i. 51; himself condemned, 395. Historian, duty of the, i. 147. History, that of the free state, how abounding in agreeable matter, i. 175 ; the use of it, 175; the folly and infamy of suppressing it, 178. Hormus, freedman to Vespasian, ad¬ vanced to the equestrian dignity, ii. 224. Hortalus, Marcus, grandson to the orator Hortensius, his great quality and po¬ verty, i. 77; his speech to the senate for support, with his address to Tibe¬ rius, 77; the senate favourable to him, 78; how treated by Tiberius, 78. Hyrcanians, at war with Parthia, i. 370; send ambassadors to Rome, 370. Iberians, whence sprung, i. 234. Icelus, freedman to Galba, vested with the equestrian dignity, and new-named Martianus, ii. 10; his great sway in the ministry, 10; he combines with Laco, 10; is executed by command of Otho, 33. Icenians, a powerful people in Britain, i. 290; their bravei^ and defeat, 290. 474 INDEX, Illyrium, the legions there recruited, i. 450. Imperator, its original meaning, i. 3; who the last general saluted hy that name, 153. Incendiaries, how readily delivered to punishment by their brethren, i. 23 . Incest, laws against, i. 276. Indus, Julius, a Gaul, an enemy to Ju¬ lius Florus, i. 133. Informers, rise of, i. 51; their activity, 112, 131; styled the guardians of the laws by Tiberius, 174. Inguiomerus, a German leader, his ad¬ vice fiercer than that of Arminius, and thence better liked, i. 47; how he escaped upon a defeat, 65; his intre- piditv, 67; he deserts to Maroboduus, 83. insechians, a people friendly to the Ro¬ mans, i. 336. Ireland, its situation, size, soil, and cli¬ mate, ii. 368; a petty king from thence under the protection of Agricola, 368. Italian allies deceived by promises from Rome, i. 124. Italicus, son of Flavius, and nephew to Arminius, sent from Rome to rule over the Cherusci, i. 257; the begin¬ ning of his reign popular, but dis¬ tressed with factions, 257; is intoxi¬ cated with good fortune, and grows tyrannical, 258; is expelled, but re¬ stored, and continues to afllict the Cheruscan state, 258. Italy, how guarded, i. 157; a Servile War there, how checked, 171; from the Po to the Alps, possessed by the troops of Vitellius, ii. 80. I turea annexed to the province of Syria, i. 284. Iturius, instigated to accuse Agrippina, i- 325; banished, 327; recalled from exile by Nero, 361. Izates, king of the Adiabenians, deserts Meherdates, i. 280. Jerusalem, its description and situa- tion,ii. 274; its strong fortifications,275; their alleged cause, 275 ;its sumptuous Temple, 275; the command of the city divided between Simon and John, surnamed Bargioras, 275 ; the defence and command of the Temple in the hands of Eleazar, 276; the city is be¬ sieged by Titus, 276. Jews, their rise and antiquity, ii. 265; their religious ordinances, 267; their peculiar ceremonies and customs, 268; their various lot since the time of the Assyrian empire to the siege of Jeru¬ salem by Titus, 272; their religious solemnities abolished at Rome, i. 106; a great number banished to Sardinia, 106; they are obliged to leave Italy, or renounce their national rite.s, 106; their insurrections in the time of Cali¬ gula and Claudius, 304. John, surnamed Bargioras, one of the governors of Jerusalem, employs as¬ sassins, who murder Eleazar, ii. 276; he takes possession of the Temple there, 276. Jordan, that river described, ii. 270. Juba, king of Mauritania, i. 157. Judaea, that province prays an abate- • ment of taxes, i. 81; annexed to the government of Syria, 284; all except Jerusalem reduced by Vespasian, ii, 70; its boundaries described, 270; its natural history, 270; a summary of its government from the Assyrian empire till the siege of Jerusalem by Titus, 272. Julia, daughter of Augustus and wife of Tiberius, her character and intrigues, i. 37; banished by Augustus, and doomed to perish through want by Tiberius, 37. Julia, daughter of Drusus, married to Nero, i. 125; her imprudence, 196; her second marriage, 228; her death caused by Messalina, 3.33. Julia, daughter of Germanicus, birth of, i. 88; brought to Italy, 108; her mar¬ riage, 221. Julia, grandaughter to Augustus, ba¬ nished, i. 122; dies in exile, 203. Julia Augusta, mother of Tiberius, i. 206; her death and funeral, 207; change in the conduct of Tiberius, 207. Julia Calvina accused of incest, i. 274; banished, 276. Julianus Tertius flees for fear of being murdered, ii. 123 ; appointed by Vitel¬ lius to reclaim the soldiers, and goes over to the side of Vespasian, 172; his character, 187; commands at Terra- cina, is taken by Lucius Vitellius, and murdered by him, 188. Julianus Tertius degraded from the praetorship by the senate, ii. 224; is restored, 225. Julius Auspex, dissuades the people of Rheims from revolt, ii. 248. Julius Florus, an insurgent in Gaul, i. 132 ; kills himself, 133. Julius Frontinus. See Frontinus. Julius Mansuetus killed by his son at the battle of Bedriacum, ii. 151. Julius Martialis, the tribune, suspected of the conspiracy against Galba, il. 21. Julius Sabinus. See Sabinus, Julius. Julius Sacro vir, an insurgent in Gaul, i, 132; his device, 133; his successes, 133; is defeated, 135; kills himself, 136. Julius Tutor. See Tutor. Junia, sister of Marcus Brutus, death of, i. 153 ; her will, 153. Junius, a dealer in charms, i. 72. INDEX. Junius Decimus, consul, i. 306. J upiter, his priest, generally confined to Rome, i. 143; what immunities he en¬ joyed, 165. Justus Fabius, a speaker in the Dialogue on Oratory, ii. 390. Juvenales, sports instituted hy Nero, i. 363; in them men of all ranks debase themselves, 363. Kings were the original magistrates of Rome, i. 1. Knights, Roman, not suffered to asso¬ ciate with actors, i. 54; their oblation upon the recovery of Livia, 150 ac¬ count of their judicial power, 30/. Labeo, Antistius, his accomplishments, i. 153; not a flatterer of power, and thence checked from rising to the first dignities, 152. LabeOj Asconius, once tutor to Nero, distinguished with the consular orna¬ ments, i. 319. Labeo, Claudius. See Claudius. Labeo, Pomponius. See Pomponius Labeo. Labeo, Titidius, accused for not punish¬ ing the adulteries of his wife, i. 106. Lacasdemonians claim a right to the temple of Diana, i. 183; their plea, 183. Laco, a noble Greek, falls by the cruelty of Tiberius, i. 223. Laco. See Cornelius Laco. Ladies, decree against such as married slaves, i. 303; many of illustrious quality enter the public lists as gladi¬ ators, 415. Lamia, .iElius, proconsul of Africa, pro¬ tects young Gracchus, i. 163; his death, employments, and character, 228. Langobardi, a people few in number, but brave, ii. 331; their religion, 332. Laodicea, city of, overthrown by an earthquake, i. 371; it recovers again, 371. Lateranus, Plautius, restored by Nero to the rank of a senator, i. 319; when consul elect, conspires against Nero, 426; his precipitate doom, 434; he dies magnanimously, 434. Latiaris, Latinius, a tool of Sejanus, i. 200; his treachery to Titius Sabinus, 200; is impeached, 214. Law of violated majesty, perversion of, i. 51. Laws, made by faction, i. 123; their number, the sign of a corrupt state, 124. Laws, Roman, their impotence, and why, i. 3; they are vanquished by favour, 87; their history, 123; their sovereignty preferred to that of kings, 123; those 475 of the Twelve Tables, how collected, 123. Lecanius, a soldier suspected of the death of Galba, ii. 30. Lecanius, Caius, consul, i. 415. Lelia, the vestal, her death, i. 409. Lemovians, ii. 335. Lenas, Vipsanius, condemned, i. 332. Len tinus, Terentius, a Roman knight, convicted of a fraud, i. 379. Lentulus, Cneius, narrowly escapes being murdered by the soldiery, i. 21; softens the sentence against Caius Silanus, 149; his death and character, 185. Lefitu us, Getulicus, consul, i. 186; com¬ mander of the legions in Upper Ger¬ many, and accused, 231; his bold letter to Tiberius, and his accuser condemned to exile, 231. Lepida, mother of Messalina, i. 271; pre¬ sent at her death, 271. Lepida, Emilia, crimes and condemna¬ tion of, i. 120; kills herself, 239. Lepidus, the triumvir, his power swal¬ lowed up in that of Augustus, i. 2; his turbulent pursuits, 124. Lepidus, Marcus, guardian to the chil¬ dren of king Ptolemy, i. 97 ; in the judgment of Augustus, is qualified to reign, but not fond of it, 13; pleads for Cneius Piso, 113; defends his sister Emilia, 120; is sent governor to Asia, 127, 246; his character, 127 ; is named by Tiberius to the government oi Africa, 130; declines it, 130; his speech against executing Lutorius Priseus, 137 ; it prevails not, 138; restores the monuments of his family, 151 ; his wis¬ dom and moderation, 167; his death and nobility, 229. Letters, by whom first invented, i. 256. Lewdness and immodesty, their encou¬ ragement under Nero, i. 363. Lex Julia, its provisions, i. 73, 86. Lex Majestatis, perversion of, under the emperors, i. 51; punishment of Luto¬ rius, 137. Lex Papia Poppsea, mitigation of its enactments, i. 122. Libanus, Mount, described, ii. 270. Libels forbidden by the law of the Twelve Tables,!. 50; the penalties increased by Augustus, 50; conduct of Tiberius,51. Liberty, Roman, founded by Lucius Brutus, i. 1. Libo, Drusus, maliciously seduced by Firmius Catus, falls under the charge of treason, i. 71; the deceitful coun¬ tenance of Tiberius towards him, 72; is deserted by his friends, and why, 72; the strange and extravagant arti¬ cles against him, 72; his slaves exa¬ mined by torture, being first sold, 73; finds Tiberius obdurate, 73; is terrified by a guard of soldiers, 73; and falls upon his sword, yet the prosecution 476 INDEX. carried on after his death, and his for¬ tune given to the accusers, 73; decrees of the senate against his memory, 74. Libo, Lucius, consul, i. 56. Licinius, Marcus, consul, i. 196; ii. 415. Licinius Mucianus. See Mucianus. Ligur, Varius, bribes his accusers,!. 231. Liguria, a woman of, her great intre¬ pidity, and resolute answer to the plundering soldiers, ii. 77. Lingones defeated by the Sequanians, ii. 246. Livia, mother of Tiberius, i. 3; wife of Augustus, 3 ; her enmity to her step-sons, 3; her absolute sway over Augustus, 4; suspected of his death, 5; her management upon the death of Augustus to secure the so¬ vereignty to Tiberius, 6; styled Au¬ gusta, 8; flattery of the senate towards her, 13 ; Tiberius is jealous of her cre¬ dit, 14; she appears not at the funeral of Germanicus, and why, 109; is seized with a violent distemper, 146; lives upon ill terms with her son, 146 ; flat¬ tering decrees of senate upon her ill¬ ness, and supplications for her re¬ covery, 146; jealous of her power, 162 ; at variance with her son, 194; her ambition, and reproaches to him, 194; destroys most of the family of Augus¬ tus, and affects to show kindness to the rest, 203; her great age, death, and character, 2o6. Livia, wife of Drusus, i. 83 ; delivered of male twins, 105; joy of Tiberius, 105; debauched by Sejanus, 156 ; plots against her husband, 156; her jealousy of Agrippina, 162; urges Sejanus to marry her, 180; her death, 227; de¬ crees against her statues and memory, 213. Livilla, wife of Drusus. See Livia. Livineius, Regulus, banished, whj’-, i. 365. Livy, the historian, his many enco¬ miums upon Pompey, i. 176; he re¬ viles not the enemies of Caesar and Augustus, but often commends them, 176; friendship of Augustus, 176. Locusta, the poisoner, an instrument of imperial rule, i. 311; she prepares a deadly potion for Claudius, 311; and for Britannicus, 322. Lollia, Paullina, recommended to Clau¬ dius for a wife by Callistus, i. 273 ; crimes being framed against her by Agrippina, she is doomed to banish¬ ment, and compelled to kill herself, 284; her great quality, and immense wealth, 284. London, the city of, a noble mart, i. 374; abandoned by Suetonius, 375. Longinus. See Emilius Longinus. Longus, Cassius, chosen leader of Vitel- lius's army by the soldiers, ii. 144. Lucan, the poet, ill used by Nero, i. 426; hates him, and conspires against him, 426; persists long in denying, at last, upon promises of pardon, owns the conspiracy, 431; informs against his mother, 431; is sentenced to die, and nobly undergoes tho pains of death, 440. Lucilius, a centurion, put to death by the soldiery, i. 19. Lucilius Bassus. See Bassus. Lucilius, Longus, a constant friend to Tiberius, his death affects the em¬ peror, i. 164; his funeral honours, 164. Lucius, Ccesar, grandson to Augustus, his early death imputed to Livia, i. 3. Lucius Piso, .proconsul in Africa, his murder, ii. 231. Lucius Publius, his flattery, i. 74. Lucius Vetus. See Vetus, Lucius. Lupercus, Mummius, advances against Civilis, ii. 208; is obliged with his legions only to escape to the Old Camp, 209; which he fortifies, but neglects to secure provisions, 211; is besieged by Civilis, 211 : is taken and sent to be presented to Veleda, but in the journey thither he is slain, 242. Lupus, Curtius, quaestor, suppresses the Servile War in Italy, i. 171. Lupus, Junius, the senator, accuses Vitellius, but is himself banished, i. 297. Lupus, Numisius, joins Antonius Pri¬ mus, and brings with him the eighth legion, ii. 141. Lutorius, Caius Priscus, put to death, i. 137. Luxury, that of Rome declaimed against, i. 74; defended, 74; its prevalence, 139; censured by Tiberius, 139; how hard to he cured, 140; how at last restrained, 141. Lycurgus compiled good laws for Sparta, i. 123. Lydia, whence so called, i. 192. Lygdus, the eunuch, poisons his master Drusus, i. 159. Lygians, their situation and customs, ii. 335. Lyons, city of, damaged by fire, i. 450; bounty of Nero, 450. , Macedon, the government of that pro¬ vince changed, i. 53, Macer, Clodius, his assassination, for raising commotion in Africa, ii. 6. Macer, Martius, battle fought by him near Cremona, ii. 84; is in danger of being murdered by the soldiers, 92. Macer, Pompeius, the praetor, i. 50. Macrina, Pompeia, the strange crime alleged against her, and her banish¬ ment, i. 223, INDEX. 477 Macro, captam of the guards to Tibe¬ rius, i. 221; his mischievous spirit, 231; his excessive power, 242; he pays court to Caligula, 242 ; his villanous practices against the lives of illus¬ trious men, 244; his notorious enmity to Arruntius, 244; he is worse than Sejanus, 244; he murders his master, Tiberius, 246. Maecenas, first favourite to Augustus, i. 126. Maecenas, Cilnius, once governor of Rome, i. 219. Magicians and astrologers expelled from Italy, i. 74. Magistrates, choice of, transferred from the people to the senate, i. 14. Magistrates, provincial, why prohibited from presenting public shows, i. 333; hlagnesiaruined by an earthquake, i. 85. Magnesians, their claim to a sanctuary, whence, i. 145. Magontiacum, siege of, ii. 223. Majesty, violated, that law revived, i. 50; how different it was of old, 50; is perverted by Augustus, 50; by him libels made treason, 50. Malori, i. 349. Malovendus, general of the Marsians, i. 69. Maluginensis, Servius, though priest of Jupiter, demands the government of Asia, i. 14?; his suit disallowed, 150. Manlius banished Italy for adultery with Varilia Apuleia, i. 86. Manlius, Patruitus, a senator, complains to the senate of insults and indignities from the magistrates of Sienna, who are convicted, and suffer capitally, ii. 229 Marcellus, son-in-law of Augustus, i. 81. Marcellus, Asinius, convicted of a fraud, i 379; his quality and character, 379; accounts poverty the worst of all evils, 379. Marcellus, Claudius, nephew to Augus¬ tus, a mere youth, highly preferred, i. 3. Marcellus, Eprius, created praetor for one day, i. 274; accused by the people of Lycia, 334; but acquitted through faction, 334; his furious speech against Thrasea in the senate, 459 ; his mighty rewards for accusing Thrasea, 460; dispute between him and Helvidius concerning sending ambassadors to Vespasian, ii. 202; his artful speech on that occasion, 202. Marcellus, Granius, praetor of Bithynia, accused of treason, but acquitted, i. 51. Marcomanni, their loravery, ii. 334; ra¬ vaged by Catualda, i. 94. Mariccus, a Boian of mean birth, takes upon him the title of a god, ii. 108 ; at the head of eieht thousand men invades the iEduans, 108; is taken and thrown amongst wild beasts, but not Ixurt by them, 108; is put to death In the presence of Vitellius, 148. Marius, Puhhus, consul, i. 383. Marius, SeA..,iS, condemned and exe¬ cuted for incest, i. 223; his great riches proved his bane, 223 ; these seized by Tiberius, 224. Maroboduus, king of the Suevians, un¬ popular at home, i. 83 ; his speech to his army, 84; he is vanquished by Arminius, 84; and invokes the aid of the Romans, 84; his power broken, 94; what a terrible enemy to the Ro¬ mans, 94; he grows old in exile at Ravenna, 94. Marriage, various forms of contracting, at Rome, i. 165; marriage with slaves, edict against, 303. Marsians, their forces routed by Csecina, i. 39. Marsigni, their situation, speech, and dress, ii. 335. Marsus, Vibius, i. 100 ; accuses Piso of the death of Germanicus, 102. Marsus, Vibius, summons Piso to his trial at Rome, i. 102. Martia, wife of Fabius Maximus, i. 5. Martialis, Cornelius, the tribune, feared by Nero, and dismissed, i. 440. Martianus, Granius, the senator, charged with treason, i. 238; he dies by his own hands, 238. Martina, an infamous woman, i. 100; sent to Italy on suspicion of poisoning Germanicus, 100; her sudden death, 111 . Marullus, Junius, consul elect, his severe sentence against Antistius, i. 383. Massa, Bebius, a procurator in Africa, one of the assassins of Lucius Piso, ii. 233. Maternus, Curiatius, ii. 391; his tragedy cf Cato, 391. Mattiaci, their territories and customs described, ii. 319; a silver mine opened in their country, i. 260. Maturus, Marius, governor of the mari¬ time Alps, attempts to repel the forces of Otho, but on the first shock his people are dissipated, ii 77; the rage of the soldiery, 77; kindly receives Fabius Valens in his distress, 162. Mauricus, Junius, moves Domitian to communiaite the registers of the late emperors, thence to discover the ac¬ cusers, ii. 226. Maximi 11a, Egnatia, accompanies her hus¬ band in exile, i. 441. Maximus, Csesonius, doomed to banish¬ ment unheard, i. 441. Maximus, Fabius, death of, i. 5. Maximus. Trebellius, appointed to assess the Gauls, i. 382; governot of Britain, discarded, and his place supplied by Vettius Bolanus, ii. 110; his con- 478 INDEX. duct and character whilst in Britain, 362. Mazippa, general of the Moors in Africa, i. 87. Meherdates, called to the crown of Par¬ thia, i. 253; is sent by Claudius to take possession of the kingdom, 278; his ill conduct, 279 ; his confederates revolt, 230; is routed, and his ears cut off, 280. Mela, Annaeus, a Roman knight, brother to Seneca, and father to Lucan, ac¬ cused, and dies by his own hands, i. 452; his great consideration and autho¬ rity, with his immense legacy to Ti¬ gellinus and Cossutianus Capito, 453. Memnon, a colossus in Egypt, i. 92. Mennius, praefect of the camp, his boldness in quelling an insurrection of the veterans, i. 20. Merula, Apidius, why struck from the list of senators, i. 183. Merula, Cornelius, death of, i. 143. Messala, Corvinus, gloried in having served under Cassius, yet exalted by Augustus, i. 177. Messala, Valerius, consul, i. 334; his poverty and good character, 334. Messala, Valerius, artful flattery of, i. 8. Messala, Vipstanus, his character, ii. 140; his conduct in the field, 147 ; gains vast applause in the senate by pleading for his brother Aquilius Regulus, 226. Messalina, the empress, her rapacious¬ ness and rancour to Valerius Asiaticus, i. 248 ; she procures the death of Pop¬ paea Sabina, the elder, 248; is bent to destroy Agrippina, 255 ; her desperate passion for Silius, 255 ; her boldness in the pursuit of it, 255 ; her extravagant lewdness, 265; in the absence of her husband she marries Silius, 265 ; her nuptials publicly and formally cele¬ brated, 266; her frantic riot and vo¬ luptuousness, 266; she is threatened with the vengeance of the emperor, 268 ; yet ventures to meet him, 269 ; her importunate entreaties to Claudius, 269; is put to death by a tribune, 272; decree of the senate, 272. Messalinus, Cotta, his flattering motion against the memory of Libo Drusus, i. 74; his odd motion, 168; his for¬ wardness to gratify the cruelty and tyranny of Tiberius, 207; he is ar¬ raigned in the senate, 214; his crimes detested, 215; his character, 215; he appeals to Tiberius, and gains his pro¬ tection, 215; his accuser punished, 216. Messalinus, Valerius, his speech in de¬ fence of magistrates who carried their wives into the provinces, i. 129. Messenians claim a right to the temple of Diana, i. 183; their plea, 183, Miletus, people of, pretend a right to a sanctuary there, i. 146. Milichus, a traitorous freedman, urged by his wife, betrays his lord, and first discovers the conspiracy against Nero, i. 430 ; his rewards, 440. Milvian Bridge, the nightly revellings there, i. 345 ; massacre at the, ii. 5, 37. Minos gives good laws to Crete, i. 123. Minutius, Thermus, accused and con¬ demned, but turns evidence, i. 216. Miracles, some said to be performed by Vespasian, ii. 259. Mithridates, king of Pontus, caused a general massacre of the Romans in Asia and the isles, i. 163. Mithridates, of Bosporus, he gathers forces and seizes the kingdom of the Dandarides, 280 ; his desperate fortune and great distress, 282; he throws himself upon the mercy of Eunones, 282 ; is carried to Rome, 283 ; the bold¬ ness of his behaviour there, 283. Mithridates, the Iberian, favoured by Tiberius, i. 233; gains the kingdom of Arrnenia, 252; his violent adminis¬ tration, 252 ; is dethroned and mur¬ dered by Rhadamistus his nephew, and the husband of his daughter, 300, Mnester, freedman to Agrippina, slays himself at her funeral pile, i. 359. Mnester, the comedian, i. 266; put to death, 271. Moesia, two legions there, i. 157. Moneses, appointed general by Volo- geses, i. 397; hastens into Armenia, but finds Tigranes ready to receive him, 397. Monobazus incites Vologeses to war, i. 396. Montanus, Alpinus. See Alpinus. Montanus, Curtius, accused, i. 460 ; his virtue, innocence, and writings, 460; his sentence, 463. Montanus, Curtius, the senator, pro¬ poses that public honours be paid to the memory of Piso, ii. 225; his speech in the senate against Regulus, one of the accusers, 228. Montanus, Julius, a senator, assaulted by Nero in the dark, repulses him, and thence forced to die, i. 328. Montanus, Traulus, a lovely youth, de¬ bauched by Messalina, i. 270; put to death, 271. Montanus, Votienus, a man of celebrated wit, accused of invectives against Ti¬ berius, i. 183; he is condemned, 183. Moses, his address to secure the sub¬ jection of the Jewish nation to him¬ self, ii. 267. Mucianus, Licinius, his character, ii. 8 ; rules over Syria, 70; his speech to Vespasian, 116; administers to his sol¬ diers the oath of allegiance to Vespa¬ sian, 119; his speech to the people of INDEX. 479 Antioch, 120; holds a council at Bery¬ tus, 121 ; is appointed leader againstVi- tellius,122; his disposition of the fleet, 122; his base arts to raise money, 122; is stung with envy at the sudden vic¬ tories of Antonius, 169; his treachery to him, 189; in his letters boasts to the senate of his services, 197; ar¬ rives in Rome, and hears universal sway, 202 ; murders Calpurnius Gale- rianus, 202; his artful address and management in regard to Antonius, 224; harangues the senate in behalf of the accusers, 229 ; his disposal of the soldiery, 230; sends over Papirius, a centurion, to Africa, to murder Lu¬ cius Piso the proconsul, 232 ; he makes choice of Gallus Annius and Petilius Cerealis for commanders of the army in Germany, 247; makes changes and promotions, 247; orders the son of Vitellius to he slain, 258; cannot en¬ dure that Antonius should attend Do- mitian in the intended expedition, 258; when informed of the success of the Romans against the Treverians, he advises Domitian to retire to Lyons, where they arrive, 262. Mummius. See Lupercus. Musonius the Tuscan, i. 391. Musonius, Rufus, banished for his sig¬ nal reputation by Nero, i. 441; de¬ rided and abused by the soldiery, for recommending the blessings of peace, and enlarging on the calamities of war, ii. 190; accuses Publius Celer of hav¬ ing, by false witnesses, procured the death of Barea Soranus, 202 ; obtains sentence against him, 225. Musulanians, a people of Africa, i. 87. Mutilius, Papius, his flattery, i. 74. Naharvali, their situation and reli¬ gion, ii. 335. Naples, the vast conflux of people there to hear Nero sing on the stage, i. 415 ; the theatre falls without hurting any¬ body, 415 ; Nero’s inference from this, and great joy, 415. Narbon Gaul, privilege allowed to the senators of that province, i. 284. Narcissus, a freedman, i. 267; suborns two courtesans to accuse Messalina to Claudius, 267 ; confirms the charge of her marriage with Silius, and frightens the emperor, 267; of his own accord orders Messalina to be executed, 271; his public reward, and pestilent sway, 272; inveighs boldly against Agrip¬ pina, 306; his griefs and complaints, 310; is doomed by Agrippina to perish in prison, 313; is beloved by Nero for his vices, 314. Narisci, ii. 334. Nasica, Caesius, commands a legion in Britain, i. 295. Naso, Valerius, chosen to supervise the building of a temple to 'I'iberius in Asia, i. 193. Natalis, Antonius, a Roman knight, one of the conspirators against Nero,, i. 436; is the great confidant of Caius Piso, 436; is terrified with the rack, and confesses, 431; is pardoned, 440. Nauportum, plunder of, by mutineers, i. 17. Nen, the river, ii. 289. Nepos, Flavius, the tribune, feared by Nero, and dismissed, i. 441. Nepos, Marius, for his vices degraded from the senate, i. 85. Nero, the emperor, accession of, i. 312, his title reckoned unjust by the popu¬ lace, 313; his humour profuse and rapacious, 314; above the control of slaves, 314; makes a funeral panegy¬ ric upon Claudius, composed by Se¬ neca, 314; the first Roman emperor who needed another man’s eloquence, 315; he wanted not some grounds of science, 315; his first speech to the senate, and scheme of future govern¬ ment, 315 ; makes preparations for the war in Parthia, 317; refuses compli- nients and statues, restrains accusa¬ tions, does acts of mercy, and pro¬ fesses great clemency, 319; falls in love with Acte, 319; is consul, 319; his pleasures why indulged by his minis¬ ters, 319; loathes his wife Octavia, 319; surrenders himself entirely to Seneca, 320; is aware of his mother’s arts, 320; makes her a mighty present, 320; dis¬ misses Pallas, 321; is jealous of Bri¬ tannicus, 322 ; causes him to be poi¬ soned, 322 ; affects to lament his death, 324; gives vast gifts to his friends, 324; his wild nocturnal rambles and revellings in Rome, 328; bereaves his aunt Domitia of Paris her freed¬ man, 331; is consul a second time, 332; erects a wooden amphitheatre m the field of Mars, 332; is consul a third time, 332 ; is proclaimed Impe¬ rator, 340; the many flatteries of the senate to him, 340; falls in lo ve withPop- paea, 344; removes Otho from Rome, 345; his vileness and suspicions, 345 ; dreads Cornelius Sylla, and drives him into banishment, 345; his purpose to abolish all taxes, 347; the reasonings of the senate against this, 347; resolves to kill his mother, 353; is transported with a passion for Poppaea, and insti¬ gated by her arts, 353; avoids his mo¬ ther, 354 ; finds it difficult to dispatch her, and wheedles her out of Rome, 354; his prodigious falsehood, and show of filial tenderness, 355; his fears when his mother escaped, 357; urges 480 INDEX. Anicetus to finish the murder, 357; his horror and agonies afterwards, 359 ; affects great sorrow for her aeath, 300; transmits to the senate many heavy charges against her, 360; receives flattering compliments upon the death of his mother from the officers, 361; and from the senate, 361; his profligate court, 361 ; after the murder of his mother fears to return to Rome, 362; but is there received with flattery by all, and thence abandons himself to all iniquity and vileness, 3( 2; his pro¬ pensity to the harp, and apology for that diversion, 362; diverts himself with chariot-driving, at first privately at last in the face of the people, 362 engages several noble Romans bj money to perform upon the stage 363; mounts the stage as a public singer and player upon the harp, 363, is addicted to poetry, 364; likes to hear the disputes of philosophers, 364; is the fourth time consul, 365; hit» voluptuousness and sickness, 368; in¬ stitutes a wrestling school, 382; is suspected of causing Burrus to be poisoned, 385 ; is attached only to mis¬ chievous and wicked men, 385; his deceitful speech to Seneca, 388; his many caresses to him, and extreme malice, 389; dooms Sylla to die, 390; jests upon seeing his bloody head, 390 ; orders Plautus to die, 390; what h? declared upon seeing his head, 391 ^ complains of both to the senate after their death, 391 ; banishes his wife Octavia from his bed, and espouses Poppaea his mistress, 392; suborns Anicetus to declare himself Octavia’s adulterer, 393; publishes an edict against her, and dooms her to exile, 394; and to death, 395; boasts his management and frugality, 407; his statue is melted by lightning, 409; a daughter is born to him by Poppaea, 409; his transport of joy upon this, occasion, and of grief for her death, 409; his behaviour to Thrasea, 410; his raillery upon Caesennius Paetus, 411; he sings upon the public stage at Na¬ ples, 415 ; purposes to visit Greece, there to gmin the victory in song, 415 ; in the midst of his gaieties he riots in feats of blood, 416 ; but professes cle¬ mency, 416; purposes to visit Egypt and the East, but is dismayed and changes his mind, 416; his popular declarations,416; his riot wet-pleasing to the populace, 417; banquets fre¬ quently in public places, 417 ; his abo¬ minable pollutions, 417 ; personates a woman, and marries Pythagoras, 417; relieves and assists the people after the ourning of Rome, 419; but is supposed to have caused it, and to have chanted the destruction of iroydunngtht fir*, 419; builds an immense palace, 421; attempts works impossible, 421; causes Rome to be rebuilt, and directs the manner of building, 421 ; the new and the late city compared, 422; to acquit himself charges the Christians with having burnt Rome, 423; and treats them with many horrible cruelties, 423; exhausts the empire, spoils Italy, the Roman provinces, the allies of Rome, cities, temples, deities, and all things, 423; attempts to poison Seneca, 424; is wont to expiate omens by illus¬ trious murders, 425 ; universally de¬ tested, and his destruction sought, 425; his tyranny threatens the empire with dissolution, 426; his great dismay upon discovering the extent of the con- spiracyagainst him,432; his rage against Seneca, 435; dooms him to die, 435 ; but prevents the voluntary death of Paullina, Seneca’s wife, 436; his ear¬ nestness to destroy Vestinus the con¬ sul, 439; his intimacy with him, his dread of him, and resentment for his bitter sarcasms, 439; can charge him with no crime, yet dooms him to pe¬ rish, 439; is an insulting tyrant, and sports with the misery and fears of men, 439 ; his mighty donative to the soldiery, after he had suppressed the conspiracy, 441; his friendship for Cocceius Nerva and Tigellinus, and his favour to Petronius Turpilianus and Nymphidius, 441; his discourse to the senate and edict to the people, 442; he publishes the evidence against the conspirators, but is sorely re¬ proached by the public voice, 442; ac¬ cidents seeming to presage his sudden fall, 443 ; becomes the jest of fortune, 443; is infatuated with hopes o^ mighty treasure to be found in Africa, 444; hence his fresh feats of prodii gality and waste, 444; enters the pub¬ lic theatre as a competitor for the prizes there, 445; his great assiduity in acting, and court to the judges, 445; is shamefully applauded by the com¬ monalty of Rome, 445 ; such as do not applaud him beaten by the soldiers, 446; he employs observers to watch the faces of the audience, 446 ; many are punished for neglecting to applaud him, 446 ; his acting continued night and day, 446 ; kills his wife with a kick, 446; pursues the destruction of Gains Cassius and Lucius Silanus. 447; his rancour towards Lucius Vetus and his family, 448; j-- petitioned by Ve- tus’s daughter in his behalf, but is in¬ exorable, 449; his mock mercy to them after they were dead, 449; lives in con¬ tinual dread, 452; his cruelty hi» strongest appetite, 454 ; his vengeance INDEX. 481 to Silia, whence, and her doom, 455 ; gratifies the bloody vengeance of 'J i- gelJinus, 455 ; is bent to extirpate vir¬ tue from the earth, 455; and to destroy Thrasea and Soranus, 455; sends a speech in writing to the senate against Thrasea, without naming him, 459; his death, and what public joy it caused, ii. 4; his wild profuseness, 16; a counterfeit Nero appears, 74. Nero, son of Germanicus, i. 109; favour¬ ed by Tiberius, 125; his marriage, 125 ; his modesty and gracefuliress, 164; his danger from Sejanus, 164; his impru- dprce, 195; formal accusation against him, 207 ; his death, 209. Nerulinus, son to Publius Suilius, ar¬ raigned-and acquitted, i. ,342. Nerva, Cocceius, his dignity and accom¬ plishments, i. 194; accompanies Ti¬ berius in his retirement, 194; in perfect health he chooses a voluntary death, affected with the sadness of the times, 228. Nerya, Cocceius, praetor elect, distin¬ guished with the ornaments of tri¬ umph, i. 441. Nerva, Silius, consul, i. 200; a second time consul, 425. Niger, Brutidius, i. 147; his accomplish¬ ments and wayward ambition, 148. Niger, Veianus, the tribune, his trem¬ bling and consternation in executing Subrius Flavius, i. 438; boasts his own cruelty, 438. Nile, an artificial lake for the reception of its waters, i. 93. Nobility of Rome, bribed into bondage, i. 3. Norbanus, Caius, consul, i. 38. Norbanus, Lucius, consul, i. 92. Novius, C'neius, a Roman knight, his design upon the life of Claudius, i. 261; he is ,vehemently racked, but does not disclose his accomplices, 261. Nuceria, that colony supplied, i. 333; quarrel of this colony with that of Pompeium, 364; its inhabitants are defeated, and numbers of them slaugh¬ tered and maimed, 364. Nuithones, ii. 332. Numantina, accused of exercising charms, and acquitted, i. 169. Numisius Lupus. See Lupus. Numisius Rufus, commander of a le- g'ion at the Old Camp, besieged by Civilis, ii. 211; is slain by command of Valentinus and Tutor, 250. Nymphidius Sabinus, distinguished with the consular ornaments, i. 441; his birth and rise, 442; his designs upon the sovereignty, ii. 4; perishes, 4. Obultronius Sabinus, quaestor of the exchequer, censured by Helvidius Priscus, 4. 331, TAO. -VOL. II. Occia, chief vestal, her death, age and holiness, i. 106. Octavia, the daughter of Claudius by Messalina, i. 268; she is betrothed to Lucius Silanus, 274; but withholden from him, 274; and betrothed to Nero, 277; is forced to dissemble her sorrow and surprise upon the murder of her brother Britannicus, 323; is falsely accused of adultery, her maids racked, and her innocence asserted, 392; the passionate affections of the people to¬ wards her, 393; a further false charge against her, 394; her banishment, and forlorn lot, 394; is doomed to die, ana executed, 395 ; her heaa presented to Poppaea, 395. Octavius Sagitta banished at the motion of Mucianus, ii. 229. Odryseans, a people of Thrace, i. 131. Olennius, a centurion, oppressive con¬ duct of, i. 203. Omens. See Prodigies. Opsius, Marcus, his infamy, i. 200; meets his just doom, 200. Oracles, their style dark and doubtful,' i. 89. Orarors. question of the payment of, i. 250. Oratory, dialogue concerning, ii. 390; its utility, 394; pleasure of its exer¬ cise, 395; fame of the orator, 397; neglect of the poet, 399; reply, 403; are the modern inferior to the ancient orators? 410; Roman orators enu¬ merated, 412; criticisms on Cicero, 416, 422; on Corvinus, 418; reply, 426; criticism on the moderns, 430; discipline of the ancient orators, 434; Demosthenes, 439, 447; course of study, 440 j the Rhetoricians, 442 ab¬ surd questions debated by them, 443; oratory thrives best in troubled times, 444, 447; no limit imposed on the an¬ cient orator, 448; condition of the pleader in the courts, 449; true elo¬ quence the offspring of licentiousness, misnamed liberty, 450; therefore not to be met with in an orderly state, 452. Ordovicians, a people of Britain, under revolt, attacked by Publius Ostorius, i. 290 ; they are defeated, 291. Orfitus, Servius Cornelius, consul, i. 295. Ornospades, the Parthian, his great power and command, i. 236. Orodes, son of Arabanes, commands the Parthian army against Pharas- manes, i. 234; his speech to his men, 234; is routed, 235. Orphitus, Paetius, fights against the or¬ ders of Corbulo, and is defeated, i. 836; he is doomed with his men to notable disgrace, 336. Oscan, the farce so called, what tumults it caused, i. 164. I I 482 INDEX. Osii, a Gennan nation, ii. 335. Ostorius Scapula, Marcus, son of the general in Britain, acquires the civic crown, i. 289; a satire upon Nero said to have been read in his house, i. 383 ; denies to have heard it, 383; is ac¬ cused, 451; dies by his own hands, 451. Ostorius Scapula, Publius, pro-praetor in Britain, ii. 359; routs and slays the revolters there, i. 289 ; disarms all such as he suspects, 289; his successful battle against the Icenians and their confede¬ rates, 289; reduces the Brigantes, settles a colony to bridle the conquered na¬ tions, and marches against the Silures, 290; attacks them with the Ordovicidns and other confederates, 290; the great difiiculties which he found, 290; yet gains a signal victory, 291; sends their general, Caractacus, with his wife and brothers, prisoners to Rome, 292; and is distinguished with the triumphal ornaments, 293; his misfortunes and losses, anxiety, and death, 294. Otho, his intimacy with Nero, i. 319; his passion for Poppaea, 344; marries her, and extols her beauty to Nero, 344; governs Lusitania with great honour, 345; his various character, 345 ; ii. 11; Nero’s confidence in him, ii. 11; his course of life riotous and expensive, 17; his rage against Galba, and envy of Piso, inflame his inor¬ dinate ambition, 17; his fears for his life, 17; believes in an astrologer, 18 ; his artifices with the soldiery, 18 ; commits the direction of his treason to Onomastus, 19; is saluted emperor by twenty-three praetorians only, 21; his behaviour to the soldiery, 26; his in¬ flammatory harangue to them, 27; or¬ ders the common armoury to be thrown open, 28; the ill effects of this, 28; he commands the soldiers to march into Rome, 29; receives news of the death of Piso with the utmost delight, 31; orders the murder of Laco and Icelus, 33; tribunitial authority, and the name of Augustus, are decreed to him, 34; grants leave to bury the heaps of slain, 34; his known vices make him dreaded, 36; he suspends his pleasures, dissembles his luxury, and causes Celsus, whom he had con¬ fined, to be pardoned, 51; dooms Ti¬ gellinus to death, 52; his letters to Vitellius first deceitful, then abusive, 53; attempts to destroy Vitellius, 54; appoints consuls, and makes other promotions, 56; is suspected to have intended public honours to Nero, 57; his joy on the victory in Moesia, 58; is struck with fear from an outrageous tumult, 59 ; speaks to the soldiery, and calms them. 60; his disposal of his army sent against Vitellius, 64; urged by the approach of Caecina, he leaves Rome, 66; commits to his brother, Salvius Titianus, the management of the empire and city, 67; the first mo¬ tions of the war propitious to Otho, and four more legions join him, 75 ; his forces in Narbon Gaul have the advantage over those of Vitellius, 77 ; he is made uneasy by false news, sends for his brother Titianus, and to him commits the direction of the war, 85 ; is bent upon engaging Caecina and Valens, 91; returns to Brixellum, 91; his motions no secret to the army of Vitellius, 91 ; his army defeated near Bedriacum, 95; is determined in his purpose, and waits undismayed for an account of the battle, 99; his speech and calm behaviour before he dies, 99 ; his death and funeral, 101; some of his soldiers, from affection to him, kill themselves, 101; his character, 1«2. Otho, Junius, praetor, a creature of Se¬ janus, i. 147; he is condemned to exile, 243. Otho, Salvius, consul, i. 302 ; father of the emperor, ii. 102. Oxiones, ii. 342. Pacarius, Decimus, governor of Cor¬ sica, his attempt to engage the Corsi¬ cans for Vitellius, ii. 79; kills Claudius Pyrrhicus and Quinctius Certus for opposing him, 79; is himself killed in his bath, 80. Paconianus, Sextus, a tool of Sejanus, i. 214; accused by Tiberius, 214; makes satirical verses against him, and is strangled in prison, 238. Pacorus occupies the realm of Media, i. 397. Paetius, Africanus, charged with having accused the two brothers of the Scri- bonian house, endeavours to evade the punishment of his guilt by show- | ing others as guilty, ii 226. Paetus, one infamous for accusations and informing, condemned to banish- ment, i. 327. I Paetus, Caesennius, sent to comrnand in i Armenia, i. 399; his forces, boasts, and ^ folly, 399; sad presages upon his pass- i ing the Euphrates, 400; his ill conduct ■ and vainglory, 400; he is not furnished | with intelligence, nor with firmness, t 400; his foolhardiness and cowardice, .j with his rashness in dispersing his j forces, 401; his forces defeated, 402; deserts all the duties of a captain, and sends humble entreaties to Corbulo for succours, 402; his consternation and that of his men, 403; their de¬ spair, 403; expostulates by letter with Vologeses, 404; desires a conference INDEX. 483 with him, 404; his interview with Va- saces, 404; his scandalous treaty and concessions, 405; his soldiers insulted and treated like captives, 405; his oath and covenant with the Parthians, 405; his march like a flight, 405; he and his men meet Corbulo and his at the Euphrates, 405; the sorrowful interview of the two armies, 405; he urges Corbulo to proceed to Armenia, 406; withdraws to Cappadocia, 406; returns to Rome, 411; his dread of punishment, but escapes it, 411. Patus, Caesonius, consul, i, 372, Pallas, a freedman, a reigning favourite with Claudius, i. 267; his authority with Claudius, 286; advises him to adopt Domitius (Nero), 286; his in¬ trigue with Agrippina, 286; public honours and extravagant present de¬ vised for him, 303; his immense wealth, 303; is dismissed by Nero, but without passing any account, 321; is charged with a conspiracy, but inno¬ cent, 328; his arrogance, 328; his death, 395; supposed to have been poisoned by order of Nero, on account of his vast wealth, 395. Pammenes, a famous astrologer, in exile, i. 451. Pandus, Latinius, propraetor of Moesia, i. 96. _ Pannonia, the legions there mutiny, i, 15; they are unruly and debauched, 15; the revolt suppressed, 22; how many legions there, 157. Papia Poppaea, the law so called, what, i. 122; its rigour softened by Tiberius, 124. Papinius, Sextus, consul, death of, i. 245. Papirius, a centurion, one of the mur¬ derers of Clodius Macer, ii. 233; sent by Mucianus to destroy Lucius Piso, proconsul in Africa, is executed by command of Piso, 232. Paris, the player, charges Agrippina with a conspiracy against her son, and alarms him, i. 325; is the instrument of the emperor’s debauches, 327; the emperor’s partiality to him, 327. Parthia, commotions in, i. 56; ambas¬ sadors from, 232; intrigues in, 233; war with Armenia, 235 ; civil wars in, 251,278. Parthians, the, seek a king from Rome, i. 56; are dissatisfied with him, and then expel him, 57; send ambassadors to Tiberius to seek Phraates for their king, 232; are not expert in sieges, 398. Passienus, a famous observation of his concerning Caligula, i. 224. Passions, that of reigning the most ve¬ hement of all, i. 429. Patruitus. See Manlius. Patuleius, a rich Roman knight, leaves part of his estate to Tiberius, who resigns it to Servilius, i. 85. Paulinus, Pompeius, commander in Ger many, perfects the dhm for restraining the overflowing of the Rhine, i. 348. Paulinus, Suetonius, appointed com¬ mander by Otho, ii. 64; his character, 64; signal exploits by him, 85; his discourse on the state of the war, and the concurrence of Celsus and Gallus with him, 90; is pardoned by Vitellius, 107; governor of Britain, 360; quells a revolt there, 361. Paulinus, Valerius, a brave officer, and fast friend to Vespasian, diverts Va¬ lens from his designs, ii. 162; sends after him, and takes him prisoner, 163. Paullina, wife to Seneca, resolves to die with her husband, and has her veins cut, but is restrained from dying by Nero, i. 436; ever reverences the me¬ mory of her husband, nor lives long after him, 436. Paullus, Venetus, the centurion, ope of the conspirators against Nevo, i. 426. Paxea, wife of Pomponius Labeo, dies by her own hands, i. 230. Pedo, commander of the cavalry sent by Germanicus along the confines of the Frisians, i. 42. Pelago, the eunuch, superintendent of Nero’s cruelties, i. 391. Pelignus, Julius, the emperor’s buffoon made governor of Cappadocia, his ab¬ surd attempts and vile behaviour, i. 301; he becomes the hireling of the usurper Rhadamistus, 301. Peloponnesus divided amongst the de¬ scendants of Hercules, i. 184. People, those of Rome, their grief amd lamenta-tion at the funeral of Germa¬ nicus, i. 109; their prayers for Agr p- pina and her children, 110; why not sorry for the death of Drusus, 162; their fondness for the house of Ger¬ manicus, 162; their extreme debase¬ ment, 205 ; their licentious behaviour towards Tiberius, 220; they are re¬ proved by a decree of senate, 221; their descantings upon the war with Parthia, in the beginning of Nero’s reign, 316; how sensibly they feel tho many evils of war, ii. 65. People of Vienne, their humble submis¬ sion and application to the army, ii. 47. Percennius, an incendiary amongst the legions in Pannonia, i. 15 ; his charac¬ ter and harangue, 15; he is executed by the command of Drusus, 22. Petilius Cerealis. See Cerealis. Petina, .(Elia, recommended to Claudius for a wife by Narcissus, i. 273; she was once married to the emperor be¬ fore, but divorced, 273. PetriE, two illustrious Roman knights ii2 484 INDEX. of that name, and brothers, put to death under Claudius for a dream, i. 249. Petronius, Caius, his luxury and accom¬ plishments, pleasures and abilities, i, 453; is acceptable to Nero, thence hated by Tigellinus, 454; is accused, seized, and opens his veins, 454; his manner of dying, 454; his remarkable ■will, 454. Petronius. See Turpilianus. Peucini, their situation and customs, ii. 340. Pharasmanes, king of the Iberians, espouses the interest of Tiridates, i. 233; leads an army into Aimenia against the Parthians, 233; gains the city of Artaxata, 234; his speech to his army, 235; he attacks Orodes, and defeats him, 235; his advice to his brother Mithridates, 251; his trea¬ cherous designs and cruelty towards Mithridates and family, 298; he aids the Romans, 336. Philadelphia ruined by an earthquake, i. 85. Philippopolis, the city of, by ■whom founded, i. 132. Philopater, king of Cilicia, his death, i. 59. Phoebus, Nero’s freedman, his insolence and menaces to Vespasian, i. 446. Phoenicians, first brought the use of letters into Greece, i. 256; but had them from Egypt, 256. Phmnix, one seen in Egypt, i. 229; the several accounts of that bird, 229. Phraates, ■what court he paid to Augus¬ tus, and ■why, i. 56; is destined by Tiberius to the Parthian diadem, but dies in Syria, 233. Phrixus, the oracle of, in Colchis, i. 234. Physicians, Roman, dark picture of the, i. 156. Pilate, Pontius, i. 423. Piso, Caius. a conspirator against Nero, his popularity and noble descent, his great accomplishments, and his vices, i. 425 ; is jealous of Lucius Silanus, 428; of Vestinus the consul, 428; the brave advice given him when the con¬ spiracy was first detected, 433; neg¬ lects it, and dies by opening his veins, but in tenderness to his wife flatters Nero in his will, 433. Piso, Cneius, his dispute in the senate ■wfith Asinius Gallus, i. 76; is a man of a violent spirit, and preferred to the government of Syria in despite to Germanicus, 82; his character, 82; he reproaches Germanicus, 89; insults and hates the Athenians, why, 89; his behaviour to Germanicus, 89; hastes to Syria, and corrupts the army there, 90; his insolence and disobedience tc Germanicus, 91; parts from him in open enmity, 91; his intemperate joy and exultation for the death of Ger¬ manicus, 101 ; is flattered by the cen¬ turions, 101 ; is prompted by Domitius Celer, 101; his letter to Tiberius against the conduct of Germanicus, 102; he raises forces, 102; his disdain¬ ful answer to Marsus, 102; seizes a castle and harangues his men, 103; his forces flee, 103; is forced to abandon Syria, 103; is doomed to vengeance by the public voice. 111; his son is civilly received by Tiberius, 112; he arrives ■vt'ith his wife Plancina at Rome, 112 ; their magnificent entrance resented by the populace, 112 ; is arraigned, and by whom, 112 ; his trial,112; the charge against him, 114; his defence impo¬ tent, except in one instance, 115 ; his judges implacable, and why, 115; the fury and indignation of the people to¬ wards him, 115; he finds all things threatening and boding, 116; waves all further defence, 116 ; and is found dead in his chamber with his throat cut, 116; his crimes thought to be sub¬ orned by Tiberius, who in the senate recites a letter from him, and affects to complain of his manner of dying, 116; his son acquitted by the emperor, 117; his sons defend their mother, 117; their favour from the emperor, 117; the sentence awarded against him, 117; it is softened by Tiberius, 118. Piso, Lucinianus, his extraction, charac¬ ter, and adoption by Galba, ii. 11, 34; his modest behaviour, 14; his speech to the cohort upon duty at the palace, on occasion of the insurrection of Otho, 22; is sent to the camp, 25; returns, and is encountered by numbers of mutineers, but by the assistance of Sempronius Densus escapes to the temple of Vesta, 31; by order of Otho, he is murdered in the porch, 31 ; is buried by his wife Verania, and his brother .Scribonianus, 34. Piso, Lucius, consul, i. 332; he, Ducen- nius Geminus and Pompeius Paulinus set over the public revenue, 406. Piso, Lucius, governor of Spain, assassi¬ nated there, i. 185 ; desperate spirit of the assassin, 185. Piso, Lucius, pontiff, his death and cha¬ racter, i. 219; a public funeral decreed to him, 220. Piso, Lucius Calpronius, his boldness in the senate, and prosecution of Urgu- lania, i. 75 ; he pleads for Cneius Piso, 113; is charged with treasonable words, 168 ; kills himself, 168. Piso, Marcus, son of Cneius, i. 101, 102; his reception by Tiberius, 112; screen¬ ed by liim from punishment, 117. INDEX, 485 Pituanus, Lucius, a magician, cast from the Tarpeian rock, i. 74. Placentia, besieged by Csecina, ii. 82; gallant behaviour of the besieged, 82. Plancina, U'ii'e of Cneius Piso, instructed by Livia to persecute Agrippina, i. 82; her unseemly behaviour and in¬ vectives against Agrippina and Ger¬ manicus, 90 ; her arrogant joy for the death of Germanicus, 101; returns to Rome, 112; secures the protection of Livia, 115; her trial, 117; screened from punishment by Tiberius, 118; again accused, kills herself, 228. Plancus, Minutius, a senator of consular dignity, in danger from the soldiers, i. 29. Plautius, Aulus, the first governor of Britain of consular quality, ii. 359; triumphs for his exploits there, i. 333. Plautius Quintus, consul, i. 238. Plautus, doomed to be murdered in Asia by order of Nero, i. 390; is advised to resist, 390 ; but peaceably submits to die, 391 ; his head presented to Nero, 391; is degraded from the rank of senator after his death, 391. Plautus, Rubellius, his great quality, i. 325 ; is mentioned in a pl'^t, 325 ; but not questioned, 327; his nobility and virtues, 368; is destined to succeed Nero by the public voice, and thence obliged to retire to Asia, 368. Players, their factions, i. 38; they are exempt from stripes, according to the judgment of'Augustus, 54; are laid under restrictions, and their wages limited, 54 ; their insolence, 103 ; they promote private debauchery, and dis¬ turb the public, 104; are driven out of Italy, 164. Pleaders, how mercenary, i. 249; are debarred by law from taking fees, 250; are attacked in the senate, 250 ; their apology for themselves, 251; their fees ascertained, 251. Plotius Firmus, a common soldier, chosen as commander of the praeto¬ rians, ii. 32; his devotion to Otho, 99. Poenius, Posthumus, praefect of the camp in Britain, slays himself, and why, i. 377. Pollio, Annius, charged with treason, i. 218; his trial postponed, 218; is ba¬ nished for his friendship to Seneca, ii. 255. Pollio, Asinius, his daughter made chief vestal, i. 106. Pollio, Asinius, the historian, praises Brutus and Cassius, yet in favour with Augustus, i. 177. Pollio, Caelius, a Roman commander in Armenia, his perfidiousness and ve¬ nality, i. 99. Pollio, Julius, tribune of the guards, his part in the murder of Britannicus, i. 322. Pollio, Memmius, consul elect, his mo¬ tion in the senate for the marriage of Nero and Octavia, 277. Pollio, Vinicianus, charged with treason, i. 218. Pollutia, widow of Rubellius Plautus, doomed to destruction by Nero, i. 448 j her sorrowful widowhood, and suppli cations for her father, Lucius Vetus 449; she advises him to die, and dies with him, 449; they are condenmed after death, 449. Polyclitus, a manumitted slave of Nero, sent to inspect the state of Britain, i. 378; his amazing state and retinue, 378; is an object of derision to the Britons, 378. Pompeium, that colony checked by a de¬ cree of senate, i. 365 ; overthrown by an earthquake, 409. See Nuceria. Pompeius, a Roman knight, doomed to the pains of treason, i. 221. Pompeius, the tribune, feared by Nero, and dismissed, i. 440. Pompeius, Macer, praetor, i. 50. Pompeius, Sextus, consul, i. 7. Pompeius, Sextus, his reproaches upon Marcus Lepidus, i. 127. Pompey, his power swallowed up in that of Caesar, i. 2; is chosen to correct the public enormities, 124; his reme¬ dies worse than the disease, 124; his theatre, burnt and restored by Tibe¬ rius, 151; retains its old name, 151; was the first founder of a permanent theatre, 366, Pomponius, Flaccus, his flattering mo¬ tion against the memory of Libo Drusus, i. 74; is preferred to the government of Mcesi^ 96 ; deceives and seizes Rhescuporis, 97; dies pro¬ praetor of Syria, 228. Pomponius Labeo, governor of Moesia, i. 186 ; kills himself, 250. Pomponius, Lucius, consul, i. 80; com¬ mander in Upper Germany, defeats the invading Catti, 287 ; is rewarded with a triumph, 287; he is a celebrated poet, 287. Pomponius, Quintus, the accuser, his notorious impudence, i. 223. Pomponius, Secundus, accused, i. 210; his character, 210; outlives Tiberius, 210 . Pomponius Silvanus, proconsul in Africa, accused of mal-administration, i. 348 ; how acquitted, 348. Ponticus, Valerius, banished for a fraud i. 379. Pontius, Caius, consul, i. 242. Poppma Sabina the Elder, her death procured by Messalina, i. 248. Poppaea Sabina the Younger, her de¬ scent, character, and mischievous charms, i. 344; marries Rnfius Cris- pinus, but is carried away by Otho, 486 INDEX. 344 j she nr.anages andintoxicatesNero, 344 ; inflames him against his mother and his wife, 353; rules him impli¬ citly, 392; is married to him, 392 ; forges a charge of adultery against Octavia, ' 392 ; her statues thrown down by the populace, 392; her artful and inflammatory discourse to Nero, 393; is delivered of a daughter, 409; the servile vows and zeal of the senate upon her pregnancy and delivery, 409; \ assists Nero in his cruelties, 435; her death and panegyric, both by Nero, 446; her pompous and royal funeral, with the popular joy for her death, 447. Poppaeus Sabinus. See Sabinus, Pop¬ paeus. Populace, at Rome, their resentments and complaints towards Tiberius and Livia, about Germanicus, i. 117; their tumult during a famine, 297; their vile behaviour in the contest between Galba and Otho, 24 ; they rejoice at ' the murder of the emperor, 32; many present memorials to Otho for rewards for their crime, 32; just punishment of the authors by Vitellius, 32 ; their dread and anguish, occasioned by two such princes as Otho and Vitellius, 36; they raise a terrible tumult, 58 ; are filled with suspicion and distrust, 63; want bread, and employment to earn it, 63; some of them elated by the public commotions, 65; they re¬ joice when Vitellius is proclaimed, 104. Porcius, Cato, his infamous practice, i. 200 . Praeneste, a tumult of the gladiators there suppressed, i. 424; it causes public terror, 424. Praetorian guards, their institution, i. 7; collected into one camp by Sejanus, 155 ; honours proposed for them, 213; place Otho on the throne, ii. 21; sent on active service by him, 64, 66; their treatment by Mucianus, 230. Praetors, Tiberius reserves to himself the nomination of four, i. 14; they manage the treasury, 52; are employed to punish unruly spectators at the theatre, 54. Prasutagus, a British king, leaves the emperor joint heir with his own daughters, i. 372.; the policy of this, 372. Primus,'Antonius, convicted of a fraud, i. 379; his daring spirit, 379; ex¬ pelled the senate, 370; his revolt to Vespasian, and character, ii. 124 ; his speech for despatch and push¬ ing the war in Italy, 135; is leader of the army into Italy, 137; acquires great fame by ordering the statues of Galba to be ^stored, 139; assaults the enemy, 140; is reinforced by the seventh legion, 140; and by the third and eighth, 141; appeases a tumult, and saves Ampins Flavianus from being murdered, 142; is suspected to occasion the seditions which obliged Flavianus and Saturninus to retire, 142; when informed of the distractions of the enemy, he determines to engage them before Valens could head them, 145; encamps at Bedriacum, and is informed of the enemy’s approach, 145; his disposition of his army, and his gallant behaviour, 146; obtains the victory, 146; is joined by the whole power of Vespasian’s army, who are for attacking Cremona instantly, 147 ; but restrained by his address and elo¬ quence, 148; is informed of the ap¬ proach of the enemy, with six legions, 149; the disposal of his army, 149; his behaviour and management, 150 ; besieges Cremona, 153 ; orders the most sumptuous buildings without the city to be burnt, 154; on sign of submission he orders all violence to be stayed, 155 ; is supposed to have given orders for burning the city, 156; is struck with shame, and orders that none should hold as a captive any citi¬ zen of Cremona, 157 ; oppresses Italy, debauches the army, and commits rapine, 167; finds himself ill-used by Mucianus, and writes to Vespasian, 169; his speech to pacify the soldiers at Carsulae, 175; his behaviour to the revolters, and disposal of them, 177; is suspected of treachery, 188; he ad¬ vances along the great Flaminian road, 189; and approaches Rome, 191; is principal in authority there, 96; ob¬ tains the consular dignity, 198; his power and authority quite sunk by the arrival of Mucianus, 202; is reported to have persuaded Scribonianus Crassus to assume the sovereignty, 224; goes to Vespasian, 258; his reception and treatment, 258; grows daily more de¬ spised and despicable, 258. Princes, in what sense the representa¬ tives of the gods, i. 131; the force of their example, 141; their death ever accompanied with dismal tales, 161; their passions and prejudices unac¬ countable, 168 ; how dangerous to upbraid them, 173; they may easily distinguish true applause from flat¬ tery, 174; their most lasting monu¬ ments, 179; always remember sharp railleries, 207; how they behold the instrument of their cruelties, 393. Priscus, Ancharius, impleads Caesius Cordus, i. 149. Priscus, Caius Lutorius, his celebrated poem upon the death of Germanicus, and its reward, i. 137; is accused by I INDEX. 487 ar» informer for preparing another upon the death of Drusus, when it should happen, 137. Priscus, Fahius, leader of the fourteenth legion from Britain, takes the Ner- vians andTungrians under the Roman protection, ii. 258. Priscus, Helvidius, sent to regulate the disorders in the East, and his prudent management there, i. 301; why sud¬ denly recalled, 301; is accused, 460; his innocence, 460; his banishment, 464; his discourse and sentiments gain him great glory in the senate, ii. 198; his great character, 198; speech of his, 199; as praetor he consecrates the floor of the capitol, 235. Priscus, Helvidius, son of the above- mentioned, executed under Domitian, ii. 387. Priscus, Julius, commander of an army under Vitellius, ii. 171; abandons the camp, 176; on the death of Vitellius, and reduction of Rome to Vespasian, he kills himself, 203, Priscus, Nonius, a friend of Seneca, and for this banished by Nero, i. 441. Priscus, Petronius, banished, i. 441. Priscus, Tarquitius, condemned for pub¬ lic rapine in Bithynia, i. 382. Proculus, Cervarius, a Roman knight, one of the conspirators against Nero, i. 426; his confession and pardon, 440. Proculus, Cestius, accused and acquit- tecL i. 332. Proculus, Considius, suddenly charged with treason, and executed, i. 223; Sancia, his sister, banished, 223. Proculus, Licinius, captain of the prae¬ torian guards to Otho, advises to en¬ gage Caecina and Valens, ii. 91 ; is pardoned by Vitellius, 107. Proculus, Volusius, helped to murder Agrippina, Nero’s mother, i. 427; dis¬ contented with Nero, and threatens vengeance, 427. Prodigies observed at Rome, i. 297; many and various, with their supposed portent, 425. Propertius, Celer, a poor senator, re¬ lieved and supported by Tiberius, i. 53. Prostitutes of old punished only by in¬ famy, i. 106. Provinces, Roman, why not averse to the sovereignty of one, i. 3; a decree for preventing their application to the senate for public thanks to their go¬ vernors, i. 409. Proximus, Statius, the tribune, one'of the conspirators against Nero, i. 426; is pardoned, but oifends again, and dies, 440. Ptolemy, son of Juba, king of Mauritania, i. 170; honours paid to him by the mate, 171. Pulchra, Claudia, accused and condem¬ ned, i. 189. Puteoli, dissensions between the senate and the populace there, i. 346; digni¬ fied by Nero with the title of a colony, 371. Pyramids of Egypt, their immense bulk and situation, i. 93; by whom raised, 93. Quadi, governed by kings, ii. 334. Quadratus, Numidius, governor of Syria, i. 299; he connives at the usurpation and cruelty of Rhadamistus, yet seems to oppose him, 300; composes the trou¬ ble in Judaea, and protects Felix, 304. Quadratus, Seius, accused, i. 216. Quasstorship, origin of the office, and how supplied, i. 261. Quietus, Cluvidienus, banished, i. 441. Quinta, Claudia, the vestal, her statue twice spared by the fire, i. 198. Quintianus, Afranius, the senator, a man of evil fame, but active in the conspiracy against Nero, i. 426; he denies the charge long, 431; is corrup¬ ted by a promise of pardon, and in¬ forms against Glitius Gallus, 431; suffers death with resolution, 440. Quintilianus, tribune of the people, his motion concerning one of the Sibyl’s books, i. 220. Quirinalis, Clodius, his conviction, and voluntary death, i. 332. Q uivinius, Sulpicius, husband to Emilia Lepida, his mean character, i. 136; his public funeral at the request of Tibe¬ rius, 136; his merits towards the em¬ peror, 136; his warlike exploits and unpopularity, 137. Red Sea, the boundary of the Roman empire, i. 93. Regulus, the consul, his quarrel with Trio, i. 211, 214. Regulus, Aquilius, charged as the accu¬ ser and destroyer of the illustrious house of the ancient Crassi, and that of Orphitus, ii. 227; his horrid cruelty set forth in a speech of Curtius Montanus, 227. Regulus, Livineius, plead.s for Cneius Piso, i. 113. Regulus, Memmius, his death and illus¬ trious character, i. 382; Nero’s opinion of him, 382. Remmius, a veteran soldier, slays Vono- nes, i. 97. Reudigni, ii. 332. Revels, popular, censured, i. 366; de¬ fended, 366. Rhadamistus, son of Pharasmanes, king of Iberia, his ambition and guile, i. 298; by force and fraud he seizes Ar- 468 INDEX. mcnia, the kinp:dom of Mithridates, his father-in-law and uncle, 298; and causes him and liis wife (sister to Rhadamistus) to be murdered, as also their children, 300; is driven out of Armenia with his Iberians, 301; recovers it once more, and is more bloody than ever, 301; the people in¬ censed, and he forced again to flee, 302; his love and barbarity to Zenobia, his wife, 302; he renounces all further struggles, 31Gj is put to death by his father, 336. Rhamses, an Egyptian king, h^s wide conquests, i. 93. Rhemetalces, a king of Thrace, i. 95; another, 97; besieged in Philippopolis, and relieved by the Romans, 132; serves with them against his country¬ men, 186. Rhescuporis, a king of Thrace, his trea¬ chery, i. 96; his imprisonment and death, 97. Rhine, its course described, i. 59; how many legions guarded it, 157. Rhodes, the city of, often loses and recovers its liberties, i. 306. Rhoxolanians, a people of Sannatia, invade Mcesia, ii. 57; their character, and overthrow by Marcus Aponius, 57. Riots connected with the theatre, i. 53 ; factions of the players, 38. Rivers, to alter their courses reckoned unholy, according to the opinion of the Latins, i. 55. Roman dominions, extent of the, i. 157 ; fleets and legions, 157. Roman government, various forms of the, i. 1, 175; change in its charac¬ ter, 4. Romans, lost all spirit of liberty under Augustus, i. 4; their ifeasonings and fears about his successor, 4; under the conduct of Germanicus, their great victory over the Germans, 65; their generosity to their foes, 107; they chiefly delight to magnify ancient exploits, 107; are alarmed with the revolt in Gaul, 134; inveigh against Tiberius, 134. See Populace. Rome, city of, its first magistrates were kings, i. 1; excessive servility and flattery there upon the accession of Tiberius, 7; extreme public sorrow for the death of Germanicus, 104; and expostulations of the populace, 104; what forces guarded the city, 157; mutual fears amongst all men there, whence, 201; many bloody executions, 238; great fires, 197, 241; its circum¬ ference enlarged by Claudius, 285; its ancient bounds, 285; false rejoicings there, 406; state of public provisions, 406 ; terrible conflagration, 418 ; ter¬ rors and misery of the people, 4 9; the flames wilfully heightened by incendiaries, who allege authority for their behaviour, 419; Nero suspected for the author of this calamity, 420; many public buildings and monu¬ ments destroyed, 420; public suppli¬ cations and devotions after the fire, 422; public rejoicings and inward mournings, 440; a terrible pestilence, 450; is entered by the forces of Ves¬ pasian, ii. 192; the terrible havoc which ensues, 192; calamitous con¬ dition of the city after the death of Vitellius, 195; uneasinesses and ter¬ rors there, lest Africa should rebel, 223; the city restored to her pacific form, 225. Rome, office of proefect of, i. 219. Romulus, arbitrary in the administra¬ tion of justice, i. 123; his wisdom, 263. Roscius, Regulus, appointed consul for a day only, ii. 159. Rubellius Blandus, marries Julia, the daughter of Drusus, i. 228. Rubellius Geminus, consul, i. 2C6. Rubrius, a E,oman knight, strange sort of treason charged against him, i. 51. Rufilla, Annia, her remarkable insolence, i. 130. Rufinus, Vincius, a Roman knight, con¬ victed of a fraud, i. 379. Rufius, Crispinus, husband to Poppaea, i. 344. Rufus, Aufidienus, praefect of the camp, ill-treatment of, i. 17; driven out, 19. Rufus, Curtius, history of, i. 260. • Rufus, Fenius, made superintendent of public provisions, i. 327; captain of the guards to Nero, and in credit with the public, 386; hence disliked by the emperor, 386; his authority depressed, 389; is one of the conspirators against Nero, 426; his constant danger from Tigellinus, 426; his violent behaviour in examining the other conspirators, to prevent being suspected himself, 432; is accused of the conspiracy, and seized, 437 ; dies meanly, 438. Rufus, Numisius. See Numisius. Rufus, Petilius, a tool of Sejanus, i. 200. Rufus, Trebellienus, appointed to admi¬ nister the government in Thrace, i. 97; accused, and kills himself, 238. Rufus, Verginius, consul, i. 409. Rugii, ii. 336. Ruminalis, the tree so called at Rome decays and revives, i. 352. Rusticus. Arulenus. See Arulenus. Rusticus, Junius, keeps a journal of the proceedings of the senate,!. 208; warns them against prosecuting Agrippina and Nero, 208. Sabinus, Calvisius, charged with trea¬ son, i. 218; commander of a legion INDEX, 489 ) under Cassennius Paetus in the East, i. 400. Sabinus, Flavius, brother to the emperor Vespasian, consul elect, appointed by Otho to command in Macer’s room, ii. 92; with the forces under his com¬ mand, he goes over to Vitellius, 103; draws up all the forces in Rome, who are by him sworn to Vitellius, 104; he is persuaded to leave Vitellius, 175 ; is suspected to envy his brother’s for¬ tune, 177; his character, 178; he at¬ tacks a party of Vitellius’s men, but is forced to retire, and shuts himself in the capitol, 181; sends to Vitellius to expostulate, 181; is besieged in the capitol, 183 ; is taken and mur¬ dered, 186; funeral honours are paid to him as censor, 231. Sabinus, Julius, one of the Lingones, values himself as being descended from Julius Csesar, ii. 237; causes himself to be proclaimed Caesar, 246 ; leads a huge host of his countrymen, the Lingones, to invade the Sequa- nians, 216; he is put to flight by them, and thence the war is stayed, 247. Sabinus, Ostorius, accuses Barea Sora¬ nus, i. 457; as also his daughter, Ser¬ vilia, 461; his charge against her, 461; his great rewards, 463. Sabinus, Poppmus, governor of Moesia, i. 55; his successful exploits against the Q’hracians, 106; his death and cha¬ racter, 238.' Sabinus, Publius, captain of the praeto¬ rian guards to Vitellius, ii. 128; put in chains, 158. Sabinus, Titius, a Roman knight, i. 166; his faithful adherence to the family of Germanicus, 201; by what vile fraud circumvented, 201; he is condemned and executed, 202; his last words, 202. Sacerdos, Carsidius, once praetor, ban¬ ished, i. 245. Sacrovir, Julius, incites the Gauls to revolt, i. 132; speech to them, 132; his deceit, 133; his great forces, 133; he holds as hostages all the noble youths of Gaul, 133; harangues his army, 135; is routed, and slays him¬ self, 136. Sagitta, Octavius, his extravagant pas¬ sion for Pontia, i. 343; he murders her, and is condemned, 343; the generous spirit of his freedman, 343. Sallustius, Crispus, his credit at court, and counsel to Livia, i. 6; aids Tibe¬ rius by his counsel, 79; his death, favour, and character, 126. Salonina, wife to Caecina, ii. 82. Saloninus, Asinius, his death and illus¬ trious descent, i. I53. Salt, singular way of producing, in Ger¬ many, i. 351. Salvianus, Calpurnius, accuses Sextus Marius unseasonably, i. 178 ; and thence banished, 178. Salvius, Titianus. See Titianus. Samos, the people of, claim a right of sanctuary to the temple of Juno, i. 63. Sancia, banishment of, i. 223. Sanctuaries, rights of, examined, i. 144; limited by the senate, 146; other claims, 163. Sanquinius, Maximus, his speech in the senate, i. 214; governor of Lower Ger¬ many, dies, 258. Sardis, the city of, destroyed by an earthquake i. 85 ; it claims a right to a sanctuary, 146. Sariolenus, Vocula, expelled the senate for endeavouring to introduce the practice of accusing under Nero and Vitellius, ii. 226. Sarmatiaus, manners of the, ii. 341 ; their wars with the Romans, 2, 57,151; engage for pay on different sides, i. 234; thei^ conduct in battle, 235. Satrius Secundus, an agent of Sejanus, , i. 176; betrays his conspiracy, 244. Saturnius, a turbulent tribune, i. 123. Saturnius, Aponius, commander in Moesia, attempts to murder Tertius Julianus, ii. 123. Scaevinus, Flavius, the senator,a vicious man, active in the conspiracy against Nero, i. 426; his behaviour and pre¬ parations observed by Milichus, his freedman, 430 ; is by him accused, and thence brought before the tribunal, 430; his bold defence, 431; suffers death with resolution, 4i0. Scapula. See Ostorius. Scaurus, Mamercus, offends Tiberius, who conceals his own rancour, i. 13; his quarrel with Lucius Sylla, 127; prosecutes Caius Silanus, 147; is ac¬ cused of adultery and magic, 231; kills himself, 231. Scaurus, Maximus, a centurion, one of the conspirators against Nero, i. 426. Scipio, husband to Poppaea the Elder, his temper and address, i. 249. Scipio, Cornelius, his monstrous flattery to Pallas, i. 303. Scipio, Publius, his courteous demea¬ nour in Sicily of old, i. 92. Scipio, Publius, consul, i. 328. Scribonianus, Camillus, takes arms in Dalmatia, i. 302. Scribonianus Crassus declines the offer of Antonius, ii. 224. Scribonianus, Furius, doomed to exile, why, i. 302; Junia his mother involved in his crime, 302 ; he soon dies, 302. Scribonii, the two brothers of that name compose the troubles at Puzzoli, i. 346. Sea-fight, mock, exhibited ty Claudius i. 305. i 490 INDEX. Secular games, exhibition of the, i. 253. Secundus, Julius, ii. 391. Secundus, Pedaneus, governor of Rome, murdered by one of his slaves, i. 380; all the rest executed, 382. Segestes, a German chief, in alliance ■with the Romans, i. 38; his advice to Varus, 38; his affinity to Arminius, and variance -with him, 39; he prays relief from Germanicus against his owji countrymen. 39; is rescued by Germanicus, 40 ; his daughter wife to Arminius, her behaviour and great spirit in captivity, 40 ; his speech and apology to Germanicus, 40; his deser¬ tion, how variously it affected the Ger¬ mans, 41. Segimund, son to Segestes, a deputy from his father to Germanicus, i. 40; a priest among the Ubians, 40; had once revolted from the Romans, but is graciously received, 40. Bejanus, commands the praetorian guards, i. 154; his origin and character, 154; appointed governor to Drusus, 19; his great credit with Tiberius, 19; his arts to incense him against Agrip¬ pina and others, 48; marries his daughter to the son of Claudius, 125; this resented by the people, 125; his aspiring views, 125; a statue erected to him by the senate. 151; the par¬ tiality of Tiberius to him, 151; his mighty sway with Tiberius, 154; how ruinous to the state, 154; his designs against Drusus, 155; debauches his ■wife, 159; divorces his own, 156; at first recommends himself by good counsels, 150; studies to destroy the house of Germanicus, 162; his wicked artifices and instruments, 162; he con¬ tinually instigates Tiberius against Agrippina, 162; his excessive power and infatuation, 180; he seeks Livia (the widow of Drusus) in marriage, 180; reply of Tiberius, 181; is alarmed, and urges the emperor to leave Rome, 182; his views in this, 183; he exposes his life for Tiberius, 195; hence the increase of his power, 195 ; sets him¬ self to destroy the offspring of Ger¬ manicus, 195; no access to honoTirs but through his favour, this purchased only by iniquity, 200 ; how he managed the prince’s cruelty, 203; his great power and insolence, 205 ; his conspi¬ racy and death, 209 ; his two children executed, and their bodies exposed, 210 ; his effects how disposed of, 213; all those under accusation of any at¬ tachment to him put to death, 224. Seleucia, the city of, by whom founded, i. 239; its government, and flattery to Tiridates, 239; it baffles the whole power of the Parthian monarchy for seven years together, 253. Semnones, their religious customs, n. 331 ; their authority, 331. Senate, the Roman, discussion in, on the funeral of Augustus, i. 8; humiliating importunity to Tiberius, 12; its con¬ duct in the affair of Libo, 72, 74; in¬ dependence of Piso, 76 ; application of Hortalus, 77; they meet the ashes of - Germanicus, 109 ; their adulation, 142; they retain a shadow of their old jurisdiction, 144; why not sorry for the death of Drusus, 162; their fear and flattery, 205; their suppleness, 209 their sycophancy to Claudius, 275; they legitimate his marriage with his niece, 276 ; infamous flights of flattery upon the murder of Octavia, 395 ; their care to avert Nero’s public shame, 445; but to no purpose, 445 ; more flat¬ tering acts to Nero, 449 ; decree tribu- nitial authority, and the name of Au¬ gustus, to Otho, ii. 34; are insulted by the soldiers, 103; and in suspense and terror at the death of Otho, 103; all turn their thoughts and obedience to Vitellius, 103; are frighted by Coenus, a freedman of Nero, 104; decree all honours at once to Vitellius, 165 ; pro¬ nounce judgment on Csecina, 158; de¬ cree to Ves])asian all titles and prero¬ gatives, 197 ; and the consulship, ■with Titus for his colleague, 197; also the praetorship and consular authority to Domitian, 197; award thanks to the generals, to the armies, and confede¬ rate kings,224; appoint Plotius Griphus praetor in the room of Tertius Julianus, 224; devise an oath, by which they severally appeal to the deities, that they had in no degree sought the damage or life of any person, 226 ; their abhorrence of accusers, 226. Senators not suffered to enter the house of an actor, i. 54; many of them fight upon the stage as gladiators, 415. Senators, poor, some relieved by Tibe¬ rius, i. 77; others expelled, or allowed to retire, 85. Seneca, Annaeus, recalled from banish¬ ment, i. 277 ; his great abilities, 277; is appointed vrith Burrus to go¬ vern the youth of Nero, 314 ; his accomplishments, and fine genius, 314; composes speeches for Nero, 319; is reviled by Suilius, 340; his share in the death of Agrippina, 357; incurs popular censure, 357; is traduced to Nero by wicked counsellors, 385 ; their charge against him, and their flattery to‘Nero, 385; his speech to the em¬ peror, 386; offers to resign all his wealth and power, and begs to retire, 386; avoids the court, 424; his con¬ stant danger and abstemious life, 424; his destruction sought by Nero, 434; his accusation, defence, and firmness INDEX. 491 of mind, 434; his great calmness when doomed to die, 435 ; is anxious for the lot of his wife, 435; his exhortations to her, 436; orders all his veins to he opened, but without effect, and utters excellent discourses, 436; swallows poison, hut in vain, 437; is suffocated in a hot hath; his last words, and plain funeral, 437; a purpose among the conspirators of transferring the empire to him, 437. Senecio, Claudius, his intimacy with Nero, i. 319. Senecio, Tullius, a Eoman knight, one of the conspirators against Nero, i. 426 ; is intimate with him, 426; in¬ forms against Annius Pollio, 431 ; suffers death with resolution, 440. Sentius, Cneius, becomes governor of Syria, on the death of Germanicus, i. 100; defeats the attempts of Pise, 103. Septimius, a centurion, murder of, i. 24. Septimius, Portius, his character, ii. 138. Sequanians, the, ravaged by Caius Silius, i. 134; obtain a victory over the Lin¬ gones, ii. 246. Serapis, god of the Egyptians, sends a man to Vespasian to be cured of blind¬ ness, ii. 259; another to be cured of lameness, 260; history of this deity, according to the archpriests of Egypt, 260. Serenus, Annaeus, cloaks Nero’s passion for Acte, i. 320. Serenus, Caius Vibius, joins in the pro- • secution of Libo, i. 72; offends the emperor by his remonstrances on that occasion, 173 ; condemned and banish¬ ed, 163 ; accused of treason by his son, 172; condemned to death, but his life spared by Tiberius, 173. Serenus, Vibius, the younger, threatened by the populace, flees from the city, but is brought back, i. 173; his flilse accusation against Fonteius Capito, 178. Servaeus, Quintus, governor of Comma¬ gena, i. 91; is accused, and condemn¬ ed, 216; saves himself by accusing others, 216. , Servilia, the daughter of Soranus, ac¬ cused with him, i. 461; risks her own life to save his, 461; her affecting speech and behaviour in the senate, 462; is permitted to choose her own death, 463. Servilius accuses Mamercus Scaurus, i. 231; takes a bribe, and is banished, 231. Servilius, Marcus, consul, i. 232; his death and character, 365. Servitude, with peace, preferred to a perilous struggle for liberty, i. 3. Servius Galba. See Galba. Servius Pullius, commended for his laws, i. 123. Sestius, Caius, his complaint in the senate against turning the statues of the [emperors into sanctuaries, i. 130; is consul, 232. Severn, the river, i. 289. Severus preferred to pontifical honours, i. 119. Severus, Cmcina, his motion in the se¬ nate against the infl-uence of women, i. 128. Severus, TitusAlledius, a Roman knight, his strange court to Agrippina, i. 276. Severus, Verulanus, commander of a legion sent to succour Tigranes, i. 397. Sextia, wife to Mamercus Scaurus, per¬ suades her husband to die, and dies with him, i. 231. Sextia, mother-in-law to Lucius Vetus, accused, 448; kills herself, 449; is condemned after death, 449. Sextilia, mother to Vitellius, ii. 110; her good character, 110; her death, 179, Sextilius. See Felix. Sibylline books not suffered to be con¬ sulted, i. 53; they are suppressed by authority, and called in, 220. Sicily, privilege allowed the senators of that province, i. 284. Sido and Italicus, kings of the Suevians, join Vespasian’s army, ii. 138, 149. Siege of Cremona, by Antonius, ii. 152; of the Old Camp, 211; of Magontia¬ cum, 223 ; of Placentia, by C*cina, 82. Sigimer, brother of Segestes, surrenders himself, with his son, to Stertinius, i. 49. Silana, the wife of Caius Silius, divorced to oblige Messalina, i. 255, 325; her character, 325; forms a plot against Agrippina, 325; is banished, 327; re¬ turns to Italy, and dies at Tarentum, 361. Silanus, Appius, charged with treason, i. 218. Silanus, Caius, proconsul of Asia, ac¬ cused of robbing the public, i. 147; guilty, but hardly used, 148; and doomed to exile, 149. Silanus Creticus, governor of Syria, i. 58; removed by Tiberius, because of his friendship and affinity to Germani¬ cus, 82. SUanus, Decius, banished under Augus¬ tus, i. 121; is restored under Tiberius, 121; but arrives at no preferment, 121 . Silanus, Junius, consul, i. 200; is poi¬ soned, by whom and why, 313; his innocence and great quality, 313. Silanus, Lucius, engaged to Octavia, the daughter of Claudius, i. 274; unjustly accused of incest, and degraded from the rank of a senator, 274; deprived of Octavia, and divested of his praetor- ship, 276; kills himself, 276. Silanus, Lucius, the younger, his emi- 492 INDEX, nent character, i. 447; accused by Nero, 447; is doomed to exile, 448; is murdered by a centurion and hand of soldiers, 448; dies like a brave man, 448. Silanus, Marcus, his flattery of Tiberius, i. 142. Silanus, Torquatus, his accusation, and voluntary death, i. 416. Silia, why doomed to banishment, i. 455. Silius, Caius, commands under Germa¬ nicus in Upper Germany, i. 23 ; is dis¬ tinguished with the ornaments of a triumph, 50; directs the building of a fleet, GO; invades the Cattians, 60; takes their prince, with his wife and daughter, 60; is despatched with an army against the Catti, 60; sends forces against the revolted Gauls, 133 ; the alacrity of his men, 134; his speech to them, 135; routs Sacrovir, 135; is arraigned, 166; the friendship of Germanicus fatal to him, 166; hurts himself by boasting his services, 166 ; kills himself before condemnation, 167; yet his estate confiscated, 167. Silius, Caius, the younger, consul elect, his speech against mercenary pleaders, i. 250; is obliged by Messalina to di¬ vorce Silana, his wife, 255 ; the danger of this amour, 255; his desperate in¬ toxication, 265 ; he marries the em¬ peror’s wife, 266; his *riot with IMCs- salina, 268; is alarmed with the ap¬ proach and menaces of Claudius, 268; is presented before the tribunal, 270; begs a despatch of his doom, 270; his acccomplices executed, 270. Silures, a people of Britain, very fierce and hard to be reclaimed, i. 250; are defeated, 294 ; yet continue implaca¬ ble, 294; are repulsed by Didius, 294. Silvanus, Granius, the tribune, one of the conspirators against Nero, i. 426; is pardoned, but falls by his own hands, 440. Silvanus, Plautius, the praetor, murders his wife, i. 169; and dies by opening his veins, 169. Silvanus, Poppteus, governor of Dal¬ matia, ii. 167. Simon, one of the governors of Jerusa¬ lem, ii. 275. Simplex, Caecilius, appointed consul, ii. 108. Sinnaces, his great credit in Parthia, i. 236; supports Tiridates, 237. Sirpicus, a centurion so called, the cause of a quarrel between two legions, i. 19. Sisenna, a centurion, flees from the coun¬ terfeit Nero, ii. 74. Sitones, their situation and government, ii. 340. Slaves, a regulation concerning them, i. 333; their doom, where one of them killed his lord 382. Smyrna he city of, claims a right to a sanctuary, i. 146; its claim not proved, 146; its antiquity, and early friend¬ ship to Rome, loL Sofonius Tigellinus. See Tigellinus., Sohemus, king of I turea, his death, i. 285. Sohemus created king of Sophene by Nero, i. 317; joins the party of Ves¬ pasian, ii. 121. Soldiers, those newly levied in Rome^ debauch the rest, i. 24; their fury and excesses, 24; their barbarity to the centurions, 24; how stubborn in their sedition, 24; after a sedition they de¬ liver up the authors to execution, 32 ; their behaviour to Galba,ii.42; to Otho, 26; their terrible march into Rome, 29 ; they destroy many citizens, and murder Galba, 30; and Titus Vinius, 30; all things transacted by their will, 32; they insist upon being exempt from paying fees to their centurions, 33 ; advance Flavius Sabinus to the government of Rome, and choose their officers, 33 ; reflections on them, 37 ; some in Germany break in pieces the image of Galba, to whom just before they had sworn, 40; terrible instances of their fury, cruelty, and madness, 42, 45; they insist on de¬ stroying the Helvetians, who axe saved by the eloquence of Claudius Cossus, 58; horiible instance of their rage, frenzy, and cruelty, 58; are calmed by a speech of Otho's, 60; those in Judaea, Syria, and Egypt, are uneasy that they have no share in the disposal of the empire, 72 ; they burn, plunder, and lay waste, without distinction, their own country, 77; their inso¬ lence to Annius Gallus, especially of those who had murdered Galba, 84 ; those of Vitellius let loose to spoil and ravage, 105 ; their outrageous be¬ haviour at Ticinum, 112 ; great num¬ bers of them discharged. 111 ; they magnify their service to Vitellius, 114; their behaviour in regard to Ves¬ pasian, 123; many cruel murders com¬ mitted by them, 125 ; a great morta¬ lity among them, 129; they doom to death Titus Ampius Flavianus, 141; are kept from murdering him by An¬ tonius Primus, 142; they then assail Aponius Saturninus, 142 ; those of Vitellius go over to Vespasian, 176; their insolence and,baseness, 190; a cruel instance of their outrage to Gallus, 215 ; they murder Hordeonius Flaccus, 222 ; and are disappointed of murdering Vocula, by his escape, 222; put themselves again under the com¬ mand of Vocula, 223 ; and again *hey take the oath to Vespasian, 223 ; new sedition, 230; quieted by Mucianus, INDEX. 493 230; their bravery and fortitude in the Old Camp, 241 ; their destruction, 241; agitation at Novesium, 243; as they are led by Claudius Sancttis, a «quadron of horse go off from him, and meeting Longinus they butcher him, 243. Solon, the Athenian lawgiver, i. 123. Soothsaying, edict of the senate respect¬ ing, i. 256. Sophene, region of, bestowed on Sohemus by Nero, i. 317. Soranus, Bareas, consul elect, his flattery to Pallas, i. 303 ; is destined to de¬ struction by Nero, 455 ; his excellent goverinnent iii Asia, and benevolent behaviour there, matter of jealousy and hate to Nero, 457 ; is accused, 461 ; imputations against him, 461; tenderness and generosity of his daughter Servilia, 461; his concern for her, 462; is permitted to choose his own death, 463. Sosianus, Antistius. See Antistius. Sosibius, tutor to Britannicus, his trea¬ cherous counsel to Claudius, i. 247 ; rewarded, 249. Spaniards allowed to build a temple to Augustus, i. 54; they are desirous to build one to Tiberius and his mother, 178; not allowed, 179. Spartacus never admitted to treat with the Romans, i. 151. Speech, freedom of, how insecure under Tiberius, i. 107. Speech of Tiberius, on the trial of Piso, i. 113; refusing divine honours, 179; of Germanicus, to his soldiers, 30; on his death-bed, 98; of Seneca to Nero, 387 ; Nero’s reply, 388; of Galba to Piso, upon his adopting the latter, ii. 12; of Piso to the cohort upon duty, upon the first revolt of the army, 22 ; of Pabius Valens to Vitellius, 39; of Otho to the soldiers, 27, 60; and a remarkable one before his death, 99; of Mucianus to Vespasian, 116; and to the people of Antioch, 120; of Antonius to his army, 148; and to his soldiers at Carsulae, 175; of the leading men of Rome to Sabinus, 177; of the followers of Vitellius to him, 178 ; of Helvidius Priscus in the se¬ nate, 199; of Eprius Marcellus there, 200; of Civilis to the Batavians, 215; a glorious one of Curtius Montanus 'Ji the senate, 227; of Vocula to Clas¬ sicus and Tutor, 238; of Vocula to the soldiers, 239; of the ambassador of the Tencterians to the Agrippinian colony, 244; their answer, 245; of Civilis to the Tungrians, 246; of the soldiers of Cerealis. 251; of Cerealis to his army, 278; of Civilis to Cerealis, when the former submitted to the Romans, 2S5; of Calgacus to his army, 372 ; of Agricola to his army at the same time, 374. Spurinna, Vestricius, appointed com¬ mander by Otho, ii. 76 ; commands in Placentia, 80; he defends the place against Caecina, 82 ; sends word of the siege being raised to Annius Gal¬ lus, 84; leaves Placentia and joins the army, 92. Statius, Domitius, 'the tribune, feared by Nero, and bereft of his command, i. 441. Statues, those of the emperors, become the sanctuaries of profligates, i. 130. Stella, Arruntius, receives the submission of Sigimer, i. 49; appointed to direct public shows, 327 . Stertinius routs the Bructeri, i. 42 ; takes vt-ngeance on the Angrivari, 60; with jEmilius relieves the Batavians, beset with a host of Germans, 61. Strabo, Acilius, complaints of the Cyre- nmans against, i. 365. Strabo, Seius, captain of the proetorian guards, i. 7. Stratoiiiceaiis, their claim to a sanctuary, whence, i. 1-15 ; what deity they wor¬ shipped, 145. Suardones, ii. 332. Suetonius, Caius, consul, i. 451. Suetonius, Paullinus, a general of renown, governor of Britain, i. 372 ; ii. 360 ; gains a great victory in Mona, i. 373 ; bis vigour and strength of men, 374; he embattles his army, 375 . harangues them, 376; gains a mighty victory, 377; his army recruited, 378 ; his devastations throughout Britain, 379; is maligned and misrepresented by Ju¬ lius Classicianus, tlie procurator, 378; ordered to resign his command, 378. Suevia, the riches of that kingdom, i. 288. Suevians. at war with the Cheruscans, their country and customs, i. 83. Suilius, Caesonius, an abandoned ac¬ cuser, i. 271; he takes an immense reward, yet betrays the cause, 249; defends pleading for hire, 250; is arraigned, 341 ; his mischievous spi¬ rit and stubbornness, 341 ; inveighs against Seneca, 341 ; the many charges against him, and his impotent de¬ fence, 342; is convicted and.banished, 342. Suilius, Marcus, consul, i. 285. Suilius, Publius, sells judgment for money, is convicted and banished, i. 174; proves afterwards a mischievous minister under Claudius, 248. Suiones, their situation and power, ii. 337; their ships, and manner of work¬ ing them, 337 ; their government, 337. Sulpitius, Caius, comul, i. 138. Sulpitius, Camerinus, proconsul in 494 INDEX Africa, accu sed of maladministratiou, and acquitted, i. 348. Sumptuary law, discussion on, in the senate, i. 74; remarks on, 139. Superstition, its force upon ignorant minds, i. 23. Sygambrians, the, subjected by Tiberius, i. 70; serve against the Thracians, 187. Sylla, the dictator, his domination not long, i. 2 ; his regulations, 124. Sylla, Cornelius, for his vices degraded from the senate, i. 85; mentioned in a plot, 327; his splendid descent and alliance, 327 ; falsely accused and ba¬ nished to Marseilles, 345; suddenly murdered at Marseilles by order from Nero, 390: his head presented to the emperor, 391; degraded from the dig¬ nity of a senator after his death, 391. Sylla, Faustus, consul, i. 302. Sylla, Lucius, his contests with Domi¬ tius Corbulo, i. 127; he becomes con¬ sul, 221. Syracusans, a decree in their favour, i. 346. Syria, that province prays an abatement of taxes, 81; the legions there how much debauched, 335. Tacfarinas raises war in Africa, i. 87 ; his progress and strength, 87; the re¬ volt suppressed, 88; renews the war 119; his arrogant embassy to Tiberius 151; is distressed, pursued, and forced to retire, 152 ; his strength and strata¬ gems, 169; his forces surprised and defeated, 171; he dies bravely, 171. Tacitus, his design in writing these Annals, what, i. 2 ; declares his impar¬ tiality, 2; laments the subject of his history as melancholy and confined, 175; is one of the quindecemviral priesthood under Domitian, 254; and praetor, 254; laments so many tragical deaths under Nero, and the pas¬ siveness of the Romans, 452; his ad¬ vancement by Vespasian, by Titus, and by Domitian, and his design to write of Nerva and Trajan, ii. 2; his digres¬ sions on the state of affairs, 2, 93; and on the burning of the capitol, 184; during the counsulship of Agricola, he is contracted to his daughter, 353 ; his account of Britian, 353; his reflections on the prudence and moderation of Agricola, 383'; his relation of the death of Agricola, 383. Tanfana, a celebrated temple of the Germans, razed, i. 36. Tarquitius Priscus accuses StatBius Taurus, and is expelled from the senate, i. 307. Taurians, a barbarous people, slay stme of the Romans, i. 282. Taurus, Sisenna Statilius, consul, i. 56. Taurus, Statilius, once governor of Rome, i. 220; his accusation and voluntary death, 306. Tax, that of the hundredth penny con¬ firmed, i. 54. Taxes,regulations about gathering them, i. 347; the true measure of public taxes, 347. Tax-gatherers, complaints against them, i. 347 ; their power restrained, 347. Telesinus, Lucius, consul, i. 451. Temple, that of Venus at Paphos, its tradition and customs, ii. 69; that of Jerusalem described, 272. Tencterians, embassy of the, ii. 244; their territories, manners, customs, described, 322. Tenos, isle of, its 'claim to a right of sanctuary, i. 146. * Terentius, Marcus, a Roman knight, accused for his friendship with Seja¬ nus, i. 217; his bold defence, 217; is acquitted, and his accusers banished, 218. Tertius Julianus. See Julianus Tertius. Teutoburgium, the forest of, contained the bones of Varus and the legions there slain, i. 42; the monuments there described, as also the slaughter, 42; the bones buried by the army, 43. Thames, phantoms seen in its marshes, i. 373. Theatre at Rome, dissensions and blood¬ shed there, i. 53 ; the usual guard re¬ moved from thence, 328; and recalled, 329. Theatres, formerly erected occasionally, 366; Pompey founded the first per¬ manent one, 366. Thebes, in Egypt, its mighty opulence of old, i. 93; obelisks and ancient characters there, 93. Theophanes of Mitylene, i. 223. Thermus, Numicius, once praetor, his innocence and bloody doom, i. 455. Thrace, Roman interference in, i. 95, 97; commotions in, 131. Thracians, uneasy under the Roman government, and revolt, i. 131; are routed, 131; their fresh insurrection, 186 ; their defiance and warlike songs, 187; their misery and distress, 188; their despair and furious onset, 189; their defeat, 189. Thrasea, Paetus, opposes a decree of the senate, i. 346; invectives of his enemies against him, 346; his apology for his conduct, 347; he provokes the vengeance of Nero, 361; his speech about punishing Antistius the praetor, 383; his great influence in the senate, 384; bis firmness and credit, 384; his speech upon the trial of Timarchus of INDEX, 495 Crete, 408; is warned of Nero’s ven¬ geance, 410 ; his undaunted spirit, 410 ; is destined to destruction by Nero, 455 ; forbid even to attend Tiridates’ entry into Rome, 457; offers to vindicate himself, 457 ; his great spirit and free speech hateful to Nero, 458; reasonings of his friends for and against his repairing to the senate, and attempting a defence, 458; his advice to Arulenus Rusticus, 459; the senate beset with armed men upon his trial, 459 ; dismay of the senators, 461; his composed and noble beha¬ viour, when apprised of his doom, 463 ; his conversation with the philo¬ sopher Demetrius, his concern for his friends, and advice to Arria his wife, 463; his veins opened, his magna¬ nimity and noble discourse, 464. Thrasullus, the astrologer, i. 224; a sig¬ nal proof of his skill, 224; he is dear to Tiberius, 225 ; his son foretold the empire to Nero, 226. Throsobor heads the rebellious peasants in Cilicia, i. 304; is put to death, 305. Thumelicus, a son of Arminius, i. 41. Tiberius, the Emperor, his history why falsified, i. ‘,2 ; his favour and great command, 4; his dissimulation upon the murder of young Agrippa, 6; he would seem to decline the sovereignty, yet acts as sovereign, 7; affects to derive all his authority from the com¬ monwealth, 7; his fear of Germanicus, 7; his resolution, and its causes, 8; his speech against assuming the so¬ vereignty, 11; he is naturally obscure and distrustful, 11 ; is blamed at Rome for not going in person to quell the insurrection of the armies in Germany, 33; determines not to leave Rome, 33; yet feigns to go, 34; he repines at the glory of Germanicus, though glad of his success, 37; extols » him in the senate in a style very pompous and insincere, 37; his tem¬ per and politics different from those of Augustus, 38; displeased at the proceedings of Germanicus, 43; affects self-denial, but gains no public esteem, 50; is exasperated by satirical verses, 50; his letter to the senate, 51 ; is assiduous in the tribunals of justice, 52; private justice promoted under him, but public liberty overthrown, 52; what virtue he long retained, 53 ; his austereness, 53; he suppresses all inquiries, human as well as divine, 53; his absence from popular entertain¬ ments, to what ascribed, 53; his policy in prolonging provincial governments, 55; not fond of eminent virtue, yet hated vice, 55 ; why pleased with the commotions in the East, 58; is pro¬ claimed Imperator by the army, 66 ; urges Germanicus to return to Rome, 71; he discourages the restraint ol luxury, 75; his prudence and mode¬ ration, 76 ; he helps some necessitous senators, 77; opposes the application of Hortalus to the senate for relief, 78; is suspected of evil purposes toward Germanicus, 81 ; studies to remove him far from Rome, and finds a pre¬ tence, 81 ; proposes to the senate to send him into the East, 82 ; en¬ courages no wills in his own favour, but often rejects inheritances, 85; finishes and consecrates certain tem¬ ples, 86 ; is consul for the third time, 88 ; his pacific policy, 95; his art and dissimulation, 96 ; he turns all things to his own glory, 105 ; lessens the price of grain, 106; refuses flattering titles, 106; appears not at the funeral of Germanicus, 109; checks the people by an edict, for their excessive grief for Germanicus, 110; his artful speech to the senate about the trial of Cneius Piso, 113; is proof against the tempta¬ tion of money, 118; his strange sub- tilty and variations, 120; his fourth consulship, 126; his dark spirit and distrusts, 131; his firmness against popular reproaches, 134; his reasons to the senate for not repairing to the war, 136; his affected moderation, his policy and rigour, 138; his letter to the senate about the cure of luxury 139: desires the senate to confer upon his son Drusus the tribunitial power, 142; his modest character of Drusus, 142 ; restrains the honours decreed to Drusus, 144; censures extravagant flattery, 144; his exclamation against the servile spirit of the senate, 147; his rigour in the trial of Caius Sila¬ nus, 148 ; yet moderates his punish¬ ment, 149; much affected with the arrogance of Tacfarinas, 151; instructs Blaesus how to seduce his followers, 152 ; grows more tyrannical, 154 ; reckons the death of Germanicus a blessing, 154; blind to the designs of Sejanus, 155 ; his reign moderate till the death of Drusus, 159; shows no concern for the death of his son, 159 ; his speech to the senate, 159; recom¬ mends to them the sons of Germani¬ cus, 160; his admonition to the latter, 160; his hollow proposal to restore the commonwealth, 160; his speech about creating a priest of Jupiter, 165; encourages zeal ftr things divine, 165; cloaks his acts of tyranny under venerable names, 167 ; grows rapa¬ cious, 167; his vengeful and unfor¬ giving spirit, 168; how long he re¬ tained his wrath, 173; he mitigates a severe motion, 173; is a shameless advocate for the accusers, 174; an 495 INDEX. instance of his mercy applauded by the public, 174; his discernment, yet a tyrant, 174; though usually wary and slow of speech, yet in pleading he spoke readily, 174; his wise reasoning against admitting divine honours, 17t) ; variously construed, 180; his artful answer to Sejanus, 181; he praises and disappoints liim, 182; what determined him to shun all assemblies of the Fathers, 183; grows more cruel, because charged with cruelty, 183; makes no answer to the suit of Agrippina, and why, 191; retires from Rome, 193 ; his pretence for this, 193; the true causes of his retirement, 194; his life threatened by an accident, 195; his bounty to such as had suffered by fire, 198; his statue unhurt by the flames, 198; shuts himself up in the isle of Ca¬ preae, 199; in what fear he pretends to live, 202 ; he protects the ministers of his cruelties from otliers, but some¬ times crushes them himself, 202; is solicitous to hide his purposes, 203; his neglect of his mother in her sick¬ ness, 206 ; abridges the honours de¬ creed to her, 207 ; grows a complete tyrant, 207; is animated by Sejanus, 208; his prodigious pollution and lewdness, 212; his agonies, and the horrors that haunted him, 215; the sadness of the times under him, 216 ; avoids returning to Rome, 221; he commands horrid massacre, 224; his extreme tyranny, 224; his presage concerning Galba, 224; is addicted to astrology, 224; avows his cruelty to his grandson, 226; knows how much he is hated, 232; is insatiable of blood, 237; approaches Rome, as it were to behold the many tragical executions there, 238; his bounty, 242; he is sparing in buildings, private and public, 242; various new honours decreed to him, 242; in settling the succession he is regardless of the public weal, 243; he wavers about it, 243; foretels the cruelty and bloody reign of Caligula, 243; is taken ill, but conceals his condition, and con¬ tinues his voluptuousness, 243 ; ridi¬ cules physicians, 243; is near his end, yet feigns perfect health, 243 ; is seized with a deep swoon, but re¬ covers, 246; is smothered by Macro, 246 ; his character, 247. Tigellinus, Sofonius, captain of the guards to Nero, polluted with every abomination, i. 385; his great sway with the emperor, whence, 386; his power grows more mighty, 389; he inflames the emperor’s cruelty, and incites him to the murder of Sylla and Plautus, 3S9: urges Octavia’s maids to accuse their lady of adulter}', 392 ; his prodigious entertainment made for Nero on the lake of Agrippa, 417 ; the monstrous scenes of lewdness seen at it, 417; by forged crimes he labours the destruction of Fenius Rufus, 426 ; is minister of blood to Nero, 435; is distinguished with the ornaments of ^ triumph, 441 ; suborns one of the slaves of Caius Petronius to accuse his master, 454; a summary of his life and wicked character, ii, 52; h'e is doomed to die, and kills himself, 52, Tigranes, king of Armenia, reigns not long, i. 58; is put to death under Tiberius, 239. Tigranes, the Cappadocian, created king of Armenia by Nero, i. 370; his nobi¬ lity, education, and servile spirit, .370 ; he overruns the Adiabenians, 396. Tigranocerta, surrendered to Corbulo, and spared by him, i. 369; its citadel forced to yield, 370 ; possessed by Ti- gran’es,370; its situation and strength, 370; well garrisoned and victualled, 370. Tigris, the river, i. 237, 279. Timarchus, Claudius, of Crete. Ms accu¬ sation and trial, i. 407. Tiridates destined by Tiberius to the crown of Parthia, i. 233 ; his progress and strength, 2.36; he passes the Euphrates, and takes possession of several cities, 239 ; the hopes con¬ ceived of him by the Parthians, 239 ; his ill conduct and miscarriage, 240; he is deserted, and retires into Syria, 241. Tiridates, brother td king Vologeses, gains the kingdom of Armenia, i. 301; speedily loses it, 301; his ef¬ forts to gain Armenia prove abortive, 337; he expostulates with Corbulo, 337; his fraudulent dealings and re- « treat, 337; his perplexity and distress, 339 ; his impotent assaults, 339; marches away,' 339; is bereft of all hopes of ArmenMj 370; his advice to • Vologeses, 396; is crowned by his brother Vologeses, 397; meets Cor¬ bulo, 413; lays his diadem at the feet of the statue of Nero, 41.3; undertakes to sue for the same to the emperor in person, 413; gives his daughter as an hostage, and writes a suppliant letter to Nero, 414; arrives in Pmme to re¬ ceive from Nero the crown of Arme¬ nia, 457. Titianus, Salvius, brother to Otho, ii. 67; has the whole command com¬ mitted to him, 85; advises to engage Caecina and Valens, 91. Titus, son of Vespasian, promoted the au¬ thor, ii. 1; is sent by his father to con¬ gratulate Galba, hears of his murder, and stops in Greece, 68; visits the'tein- INDEX. 497 ple of Venus, at Paphos, 69; consults the oracle there, has an auspicious an¬ swer, and returns to his father, 70; is decreed colleague to his father in the consulship, 197; is left by his father ( to command the army, and to prose¬ cute the war against the Jews, 234; his speech to his father at parting, 234; his winning behaviour to his soldiers, 264; his army described, 264; encamps near Jerusalem, 264; besieges the city, 274. Torquata, a vestal, her sanctity and in¬ terest, i. 149. Trade, duties upon, regulated, i. 347. Treason, how common a charge, i. 131; the bulwark of all accusations, 131; what minute and harmless things pass for it under Nero, such as looks, smiles, and accidents, 432. Trebellienus, Rufus, made administra¬ tor of Thrace during a minority there, i. 97. Trebellius, lieutenant to Vitellius in Syria, overcomes the rebellious Cli- taeans, i. 239. Trebellius Maximus. See Maximus Trebellius. Treveri, insurrection of the, i. 133. Triaria, wife to Lucius Vitellius, her wicked character, ii. 109; an instance of her barbarity, 188. Tribunes, military, with consular autho¬ rity, lasted not long, i. 2. Tribunes of the people, their jurisdic¬ tion restrained, i. 331. Tribunitial power, a title devised by Augustus, and why, i. 142. Trio, Fulcinius, an informer, i. 72; he accuses Libo Drusus, 72; arraigns Cneius Piso, 112; advice of Tiberius, 119; is consul, 211; his quarrel with Regulus, 212; he leaves a will full of , invectives against Tiberius and his ministers, 237. Triumphal arch raised near the temple of Saturn for the victories of Germa¬ nicus, i. 80. Troxobor, a chief of the Clita;ans, i. 304, 305. Tubero, Seius, commands the horse under Germanicus, i. 66. Tugurinus, Julius, a Roman knight, one of the conspirators against Nero, i. 426. Turonii, insurrection of the, i. 133. TurpUianus, Petronius, consul, i. 372; is governor of Britain, 378; his lifeless administration, 378; is distinguished with the ornaments of triumph, 441; put to death, ii. 5. Turranius, Caius, the intendant, i. 7. Tutor, Julius, the Treverian, his cha¬ racter, ii. 237; commands the Treve- rians, and shares the direction of the war with Classicus, 241 ; neglects to TAG.--VOL. II. fortify the bank of the Rhine, 249 ; is routed by Cerealis, 250; advises to attack Cerealis instantly, 255; is de¬ feated, 257. Tj^ants, how miserable and insecure, i. 215 ; how readily forsaken by their servile adherents, 236. Tyrrhenians, whence their name, i. 192. Ubians, calamity to the, i. 352. Urgulania, a friend of the empress Livia, i. 75 ; a suit against her prosecuted by Piso, 75 ; deference shown to her, 76 ; advises suicide to Plautius, her grand¬ son, 169. Usipii, memorable adventure of a cohort of them, ii. 370. See Tencterians. Uspes, city of, besieged, stormed, and its inhabitants put to the sword, i. 281, Usurers attacked by the accusers, i. 223. Usury, the laws against, i. 223 ; its ex¬ cesses and evil consequences, with the expedients to remove them, 223. Valens, Fabius, commander of a le¬ gion, his speech to Vitellius, ii. 39; revolts with the first legion, and sa¬ lutes him emperor, 42; is suspected of taking a great sum for saving Vienne from being sacked, 48; his prodigality and venality, 48; sends letters to the praetorian bands, and city cohorts, 54; sends forces under Julius Classicus to defend the coast of Narbon Gaul against Otho’s fleet, 78 ; a battle ensues, when the victory in¬ clines most to Otho’s side, 79; quells a mutiny and insurrection, 87; joins Caecina, 89; derides him, yet to pro¬ mote the same cause concurs with him, 89; is infamous for pillage and feats of rapine, 105; resides at Bono¬ nia, and there exhibits a combat of gladiators, 115; advances at the head of a huge host against Antonius Pri¬ mus, 161; his scandalous behaviour, • 161; embarks, and is well received by Marius Maturius, 162; is taken pri¬ soner, 163; he is slain in prison, at Urbinum, 176; his character, 176. Valens, Manlius, commander of the Italic legion, ill used by Fabius Valens, ii. 46. Valentinus, Tullius, an ambassador of the Treverians, and promoter of the war, ii. 248; his harangue at Rheims, 248; is opposed by Julius Auspex, 248; his character, 249; joins Tutor, and they put to death Herennius and Numisius, commanders of legions, 250; their reasons for it, 250; is van¬ quished at Rigodulum, and taken by KK 498 INDEX. Cerealis, 251; his wonderful fortitude and intrepidity at his death, 263. Valerius Asiaticus. See Asiaticus. Valerius, Marcus, consul, i. 109. Valerius, Paulinus. See Paulinus. Vangio and Sido, joint kings of Suevia, at first beloved by their subjects, after¬ wards hated, i. 288. Vannius, king, a Quadian, i. 95 ; made king of the Suevians, i. 287 1 popular in the beginning of his reign, 287; he grows insolent with power, and provokes a conspiracy, 288; fights bravely, but is overthrown and flies, 288; is allowed a settlement by Clau¬ dius, 288. Vardanes, the son of Vologeses, seeks to dethrone his father, i. 317. Varilia, Apuleia, charged with opprobri¬ ous words against Augustus, Tiberius, and his mother, and with adultery, i. 86; is banished from Rome, 86. Varini, ii. 332. Varro, Cingonius, his severe motion against freedmen, i. 382 ; consul elect, slain by Galba, as an accomplice in the conspiracy of Nymphidius, iii. 6. Varro, Vibidius, for his vices degraded from the senate, i. 85. Varro,^Visellius, governor of Lower Ger¬ many, i. 133; he sends forces against Sacrovir, is consul, the tool of Seja¬ nus, 167. Varus, Alphenus, routs a body of gla¬ diators, and attacks the forces of Otho in flank, ii. 97 ; is appointed com¬ mander by Vitellius, 171; abandons the army, 176. Varus, Arrius, his character, ii. 138; accompanies Antonius Primus, 138; is appointed at Rome commander of the praetorian guards, 195; and prae¬ tor, 198; is displaced by Mucianus, and set over the public grain, 247. Varus, Quintilius, the emperor’s kins¬ man, accused, i. 198; his trial post¬ poned by the senate, 199. Varus, Quintilius, i. 4; scene of the de¬ feat of, 43; Germanicus buries the dead, 43. Vasaces, general of horse to Vologeses, his conference and stipulations with Caesennius Paetus, i. 404. Vatinius, a favourite of Nero, an upstart buffoon, and wicked instrument, i. 415; presents Nero with a combat of gladiators at Beneventum, 415. Veiento, Fabricius, his invectives against the senate, i. 384 ; is convicted of selling the emperor’s favours, and banished, 384. Veleda, a German virgin and prophetess, ii. 242; is treated as a deity, 245. Velleius, Publius, routs the Thracians. i. 132. Venedi, ii. 340. Venusius, a British general, i. 295. Verania, wife to Lucinianus Piso, buries him, ii. 34. Veranius, Quintus, governor of Cappa¬ docia, lessens the public taxes, i. 90; prepares a charge against Piso and Plancina, i. 100; accuses Piso for the death of Germanicus, 112; is pre« ferred to pontifical honours, 119; go¬ vernor of Britain, ii. 360; his death and great reputation, i. 372; the servile strain of his last will, 372. Verginius, slow in declaring for Galba, ii. 7; is applied to by the soldiery to accept of the sovereignty, 103; refuses it, 103; is with much difificulty saved from the fury of the soldiers by Vitel¬ lius, 112. ^ Verginius, the rhetorician, banished for his great fame by Nero, i. 441. Verona, city of, possessed by Antonius Primus, ii. 139. Verritus and Malorix, heads of the Fri¬ sians, go with a petition to Rome, i. 349; their behaviour in the theatre there, 349; are created Roman citizens, but their petition rejected, 349. Verulamium, the slaughter there, i. 375. Vescularius, Flaccus, a Roman knight, his part in the ruin of Libo Drusus, i. 71; is by Tiberius doomed to die, 218. Vespasian,-his frugality, its effect, i. 141 ; his life in danger for having nodded whilst Nero acted, 446; serves in Bri¬ tain, ii. 359; commands the army against the Jews, 8; his great character as a general, 70; agrees with Mucianus by means of Titus, 73; deliberates on the business of war and arms, 115; is encouraged by the speech of Mucianus, and the propitious answers of oracles, and determines to strive for the empire, 119; is acknowledged emperor, and has allegiance first sworn to him at Alex¬ andria, 119; all the forces in the East, with the provinces, swear allegiance to him, 121; establishes a council, 121; and promotes many deserving men, 121; invites all to join him who were discharged by Vitellius, 122; several legions revolt to him, 123; despatches are sent to Britain, Spain, and Gaul, 125; his forces, led by Antonius Primus, arrive in Italy, 135; they obtain a vic¬ tory at Bedriacum, 145; and at Cre¬ mona, 149; is informed of the battle of Cremona, and hastes to Alexandria, 166; his scheme for distressing the enemy, 166; his sovereignty confirmed by the senate, 197; commences consul a second time, 223; receives news of the victory at Cremona, andfate of Vitellius, 234; ambassadors from Vologeses offer to assist him with forty thousand Par¬ thian horse, 234; hears ill reports of Domitian, and commits to Titus the INDEX. 499 army for subduing the Jews, 234; their discourse at parting, 234; he arrives at Rome, and gives orders for restoring the capitol, 235; said to work nrany miracles, 259. Vestals wont to attend the tribunals, when their evidence was required there, i. 76. Vestilius, Sextus, accused by Tiberius, though lately his friend, i. 218; he dies by his own hand, 218. Vestinus, Atticus,* consul, i. 425; is not concerned in the conspiracy against Nero, 428; not trusted by the conspira¬ tors, 439; intimate with Nero, ,and scorns his vile spirit, 439; a great guard sent against him, with his quick and manly death, 439. Vestinus, Lucius, the restoring of the capitol committed to his care, ii. 235. Vestricius. See Spurinna. Veterans, concessions made to them during their mutiny cancelled, i. 54. Vettius Bolanus. See Bolanus. Vettonianus, Funisulanus, commander of a legion under Caesennius Psetus in the East, i. 400. Vetus, Antistius, a principal nobleman of Macedonia, accused, and condemned to exile, i. 131. Vetus, Lucius, commander in Germany, makes a canal between the rivers Arar and Moselle, i. 348; the prosecution of the work marred by the envy of .®lius Gracilis, lieutenant of Belgic Gaul, 348; his destruction sought by Nero, 448; dies by his own hands, 449; condemned after his death, 459. Vibidia, the chief vestal, intercedes for Messalina, i. 268. Vibilius, captain of the Hermundurians i. 94, 287. Vibius Caius supports the charge agaiitst Libo Drusus, i. 72. Vibius, Secundus, a Roman knight, con¬ demned to exile for public rapine, i. 372. Vibius, Serenus, the younger, accuses his father of treason, i. 172; is threat¬ ened by the populace with the pains of parricide, flees, but is forced to return, 173. Vibulenus, his speech to the mutinous soldiers, i. 18 ; executed by the com¬ mand of Drusus, 22. Vibullius, the praetor, his judgment con¬ firmed by the senate, i. 331. Vinicius, Marcus, marries Julia, grand¬ daughter to Tiberius, i. 221; his cha¬ racter and descent, 221. Vinius, Titus, colleague in the consulship with Galba, ii. 134; is minister to Galba, 5; his character, 5; the more powerful he grows, the more detest¬ able he is, 10; shares the sovereignty with Cornelius Laco, 10; is in the interest of Otho, 10; his advice to Galba, 24; is opposed by Laco, 25; is killed by Julius Carus, 30; his head carried on a pole round the camp, 31; is buried by his daughter Crispina, 34. Vipsania, formerly wife of Tiberius, married to Asinius Gallus, i. 12; her death, 119. Vipsanius, Lenas, condemned, i. 332. Vipsanius, Lucius, consul, i. 242. Vipstanus, Caius, consul, i. 353. Vistilia, a lady of great quality, publishes herself a prostitute, i. 106; banished, 106. Vitellia, her firmness, i. 137. Vitellius, Aulus, consul, i. 262; sent by Galba to command in the Lower Ger many, ii. 7; above a hundred and twenty distinct memorials of the murderers of Galba fall into his hands, all claiming rewards, 32; he causes the authors to be put to the sword, 32; tidings of him put the people of Rome under the greatest consternation, 36; rise and cause of the commotion and revolt begun by him, 37; a short character of him, 38; gratifies the cruel revenge of his soldiers, 42; dooms to destruction four centurions, for adhering to their duty, 43; many forces join him, 43; his stupidity and slothfulness, 45; sends letters to Otho, treats him absurdly, and abuses him, 53; attempts the death of Otho, 54; writes to Otho’s brother with menaces, 54; some of his forces in Narbon Gaul worsted by Otho’s, 78; his forces under Caecina repulsed at Placentia, 82; they are routed, and forced to fly at Castorum, 85; which loss rather reforms than dismays them, 87; is joined by Valens, 89; his army under Caecina and Valens obtain a vic¬ tory near Bedriacum, 96; the senate and people swear allegiance to him, 105; all honours decreed him, 105; his army let themselves loose to spoil and ravage, nor dared their general to restrain them, 105; receivesintelligence Df the victory at Bedriacum, and of the death of Otho, 105; dignifies his freed- man Asiaticus with knighthood, 106; he takes no notice of the murder of several great men, nor makes inquiry into any atfairs, 106; celebrates the praises of Valens and Caecina, 107; orders his son to be brought, and names him Germanicus, 107; he puts to death all the centurions who had been faith¬ ful to Otho, 107; hardly admits Paul¬ linus and Proculus to trial, but pardons them, 107; punishes Hilarius for falsely accusing Cluvius, 110; discharges the praetorian cohorts. 111; with difficulty saves Verginius from the soldiery, 112; views the field of battle near Bedriacum without any sign of remorse, 114; his 500 INDEX, train of followers described, 114; his partiality in the disposal of the consul¬ ship, 114; upon news that the eastern provinces had sworn to him, hehecomes abandoned to all the excesses of cruelty, lust, and rapine, 115; grows daily more stupid and slothful, 125, his followers described, 125; cities consumed to fur¬ nish him provisions, 125; his entry into Rome described, and his public speech, 127; all the functions of sove¬ reignty administered by Cascina and Valens, 128; they both dread and despise Vitellius, 128; he humours the common soldiers, and by that means ruins his army, 130; solemnizes the obsequies of Nero, 130 ; his prodigality, 131; hears of the first revolt, 131; sends for succours, 131; the remissness of his commanders, 131; he orders Caecina and Valens to take the field, 133; resigns himself to voluptuousness, 158; upon receiving news of the revolt of tile fleet and of Caecina, he puts Sabinus in chains, 158; murders Blmsus, 159; feigns that all his pro¬ ceedings prosper, and murders those who contradict it, 170; orders an army to secure the passes of the Apennine, 171; himself, accompanied by a vast number of senators, arrives at the camp, 171; his irresolute behaviour there, l7l; returns to Rome, 172; sends his brother Lucius Vitellius to quell the insurrection in Campania, 173; wants to assume the title of Caesar, is ashamed, terrified, and forsaken, 174; his troops desert and go over to Vespasian, 176; he is deafto all magnanimous counsels, 179; his abject demeanour, 179; he raises pity and compassion in all, and offers to abdicate, 180; but he is not permitted, 181; attempts to escape from Rome, 193; his tragical death, 194; his character, 194. Vitellius, Lucius, father of the em¬ peror, consul, i. 229; is set over the East by Tiberius, 233; his vari¬ able character, a good governor, a slavish flatterer, 233; his management of the Parthians, 235; his advice to Tiridates, 236; he is the tool of Messa¬ lina, 248; his great hypocrisy and false¬ hood, 248; his silence and reserve, 269; engages in the counsels of Agrippina, 274; falsely accuses Lucius Silanus, 274; his servile spirit, 274; he prosti¬ tutes the office of censor, 274; brings the senate to legitimate the marriage of Claudius with his niece to Agrippina, 275; is accused, but protected by Agrip¬ pina, and his accuser banished, 297; his spirit slavish and insolent, 384. Vitellius, Lucius, brother of the em¬ peror, follows undistinguished in the train of Otho, ii. 65 ; presents himself to the senate to be flattered, 104; proposes judgment against Cascina for his revolt, accuses Blassus, is. appointed to take care of the city, 171; storms and takes Terracina, 187; his infamous spirit, 188; delivers himself up to Vespasian’s party, 198; is put to death, 198; his character, 198. Vitellius, Publius, his dangerous march, i. 48; collects the tribute in Gaul, 59 ; a friend of Germanicus, 100; his speech against Piso, 114; receives pontifical honours, 119; his death, 210. Vitellius, Quintus, for his vices degraded from the senate, i. 86. Vitia, an aged woman, executed for be¬ wailing the death of her son, i. 218. Vocula, Dillius, commander of the eighteenth legion, sent to raise the siege of the Old Gamp, ii. 213; a signal instance of his intrepidity and courage, whence he obtains the com¬ mand in chief, 214; is surprised by the enemy in the camp at Gelduba, 219; is blamed, 220; engages CivUis, and routs him, but makes no pursuit, 220; thence suspected of intention to prolong the war, 221; obtains a victory, and nar¬ rowly escapes being murdered by his own soldiers, 222; in distress he is obliged to use dissimulation with the enemy, 238; his speech to Classicus and Tutor, 238; he returns to Nove¬ sium, 239; speech to the soldiers, 239; is restrained by, his own slaves from putting a period to his life, 240; is murdered by Emilius Longinus at the command of Classicus, 241. Volcatius, Moschus, dies in exile at Marseilles, and to that city leaves his estate, i. 184. Vologeses, king of Parthia, i. 280; he seizes Armenia for his brother Tiri¬ dates, 301; loses it again, 301; meditates fresh war against Armenia, 396; is animated by Monobazus, governor of the Adiabenians, and by his own brother Tiridates, 396; his speech to his council, 397; crowns Tiridates, and commands his general Moneses to drive Tigranes from Armenia, 397; intends to head a great army against the Romans, 397 ; is afraid o Ahe Romans, his many dis¬ appointments and misfortunes, 398; his answer to Corbulo, 399; his ambassadors to Nero unsuccessful, 400; advances against Armenia with a great host, 401 ; overthrows the forces of Paetus, 402 ; besieges him in his camp, 403; his answer to Paetus, 404; takes possession of the Roman fortresses and stores, 405; raises a pompous trophy, 405 : his message to Corbulo, and the answer of the latter, 406; sends other ambassadors to I INDEX, Rome, 410; his letters and otfers, 410; the ambassadors dismissed with presents, but without success, 411 ; demands a truce, 412 ; his tenderness for the honour of Tiridates his brother, and request to Corbulo on his behalf, 414. , Volusius, Lucius, his death, preferments and character, i. 126, 332. Volusius, Quintus, consul, i. 328; is appointed to assess the Gauls, 382. Vonones, king of Parthia, his unpopu¬ larity and expulsion, i. 57; he finds a retreat and a crown in Armenia, 58; but is forced to relinquish it, 58; he is held a captive by the Romans, 53 is removed to Pompeiopolis, in Cilicia, 91; his great court and presents to Plan¬ cina, 92; he escapes, is taken and slain, 95. Vonones, governor of Media, created king of,JParthia, i. 281; his short reign, 281. Wahal, a branch of the Rhine, i. 59. Wives, those of provincial magistrates generally sharers in the guilt of then- husbands, i. 128; apt to meddle in affairs, and to be corrupted in the absence of their husbands, 129. 501 Women, British, their frantic behaviour in their armies, i. 372; the German, ii. 308 Women, laws against the licentiousness • of, i. 106; their counsel the worst. 430. Writers, their punishment gains credit to their writings, i. 178. Writings, obnoxious and forbidden, are eagerlyread, i. 384; otherwise neglect¬ ed, 384. Xenophon, physician to Claudius, his credit, i. 308; helps to poison his master, 312. Zeal, popular, too mighty for magistracy and laws, i. 144. Zeno of Pontus, made king of Armenia by Germanicus, i. 90. Zenobia, wife to Rhadamistus, wounded by her husband and thrown into the river Araxes, i, 302; saved by some shepherds, and entertained by Tiri¬ dates, 302. Zorsines, king of the Siracians, i. 281 ; assists Mithridates of Bosporus, 282; deserts him, and submits to the Ro¬ mans, 282. THE END.